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THE f DOCUMENTAEY HISTORY ^ ^ m , or THB STATE OF NEW-YOM: ^ <^ ARRANGED UNDER DIRECTION OF THB Hon. CHRISTOPHER MORGAN, Secretary of State. BY E. B. O'CAILAGHAN, M. D. VOL. I. ( ' (fl!»- Ml »i»»< 4** ■ V>r? ^:g'^ >>4 ALBANY: WEED, PARSONS * Co., PUBUC PRINTERS. 1849. ■ r ■ — li *■ ^ ... f V.I ui ro .\[ ,:■[ -{ir vv ~ s #t»-.',fl-^>. '"' /• .' fJ , 5 / j'O--;'.'. ; .':'V,'-"./ %• The Map facing the Title page of this Volume ii taken from one of Horth America, engraved by Lucinij an Italian artist, originally on four iheets, three of which belong to the Warden Collection of the State Library. [t will be perceived from its Title that it is a Map of New Belgium (now New York,) and part of New England, the former of whleh Provinces was claimed at the time, to extend fh>m Cape Cod to the Capes of Delaware. The absence of any date renders it difficult, however, to ascertain precisely the year it was en« graved and this point can be determined only by other evidence. _ Boston, which was settled in 163U, is found laid down, but there is no mention of Maryland, the Province of Virginia forming the southern Boundary of New Belgium. As Maryland was first granted In 1632, it is evident the date of this Map must be some year between that and the settlemont of Boston. Most probably, it was engraved in 1631. In point of time, it may be considered the third oldest Map of the Province extant, having, as far as yet known, been preceded by only two Dutch Maps, one of 1616 and one 1618, transcripts of which are in the office of the Secretary of State, and of one of which this Italian Map is evidently an improved copy. ■ V \\t M.?- 4 *a^ :■;,.?_ . a, r ,^'^-" < ■*,''. ju^ib ,„• , ,, itif • I '■ >;'.i-ii'. - '.(<> ' . ->.-; ■ 'J •-! • .' ' , - i 17 ft'1 CONTENTS. VAOI. I. PAPBBB RELATING TO THB IROqVOIl AND OTHBR IN> DIAN TRIBBI, 1 II. PAPBRB RELATING TO THB FIRST MBTTLBMBNT AT ONONDAGA, AND THB DIIOOVBRY OP THB BALT SPRINGS AT BALINA, 31 III. PAPERS RELATING TO DB OOUROBLLBS' AND DB TRA- CY'S EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE MOHAWK INDIANS, 1665-6 67 IV. REPORTS ON THE PROVINCE OP NEW-YORK, 1669-1678, 85 y. PAPERS RELATING TO M. DE LA BARRE'S EXPEDITION TO HUNGRY BAY, 1684, 93 VI. GOVERNOR DONGAN'S REPORT ON THE STATE OF THB PROVINCE, 1687. 146 YII. PAPERS RELATING TO DBNONVILLB'B EXPEDITION TO THB GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA, 1687, ■ 191 VIII. NAMES OF THE MALE INHABITANTS OF ULSTER CO., 1689, 279 IX. PAPERS RELATING TO THE INVASION OF NEW-YORK AND THE BURNING OF SCHENECTADY BY THB FRENCH, 1690, 283 X. CIVIL LIST OF THE PROVINCE OF NEW-YORK, 1693, 313 XI. PAPERS RELATING TO FRONTENAC'S EXPEDITION AGAINST THE ONONDAGOES, 1696, .... 321 XII. NEW-YORK ARMY LIST, 1700, 367 XIII. CENSUS OF THE COUNTIES OF ORANGE, DUTCHESS AND ALBANY, 1702, 1714, 1720, ...... 365 XIV. CADWALLADER COLDBN ON THE LANDS OF NEW- YORK, 1732, 376 XV. PAPERS RELATING TO THE SUSQUEHANNAH RIVER, 1683-1767, 39J XVI. PAPERS RELATING TO OGDENBBUROH, 1749. • 421 XVII. PAPERS RELATING TO OSWEGO, 441 XVIII. PAPERS RELATING TO THE ONEIDA COUNTRY AND MOHAWK VALLEY, 1756, 1757, 507 v. Ik. .i;M "-h VI CONTENTS. VAOX. XIX. PAPERS RELATING TO FRENCH SEIGNIORIES ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 985 XX. BOUNDARY LINE BETWEEN THE WHITES AND THE INDIANS, 1765, 587 XXI. PAPERS RELATING TO THE CITY OF NEW-YORK, • 593 XXIL PAPERS RELATING TO LONG ISLAND, . . . 627 XXIII. STATISTICS OF POPULATION, 1647 — 1774, • . • 687 XXIV. STATISTICS OF REVENUE, IMPORTS, EXPORTS, ETC., 1691—1768, . . • 699 XXV. PAPERS RELATING TO TRADE AND MANUFACTURES, 1705—1767, . . . •- 709 XXVI. REPORT OF GOV. TRYON ON THE STATE OF THE PRO- VINCE, 1774, 737 INDEX, 775 DIRECTIONS TO BINDER, 787 S5 37 93 27 87 99 09 37 76 87 DOCUMENTARY HISTOM. % 1. PAPERS HL&niiaxo ,^7 / The I divisions They the four TESHGS61 Thefii It is the made the are earthi The se< yonnij or When th( the affair tribes to c They asse war, and matters of The thii guin. The fou the Bear, they call C The fiftl duhe. THE NINE IROQUOIS TRIBES. 1666. . [Paris Loc., I.] The Iroquois Nation consists of nine tribes, which form two divisions j one of four tribes, and the other of five. They call the first division GuEY-NioxixESHESGuf , which means the four tribes ; and the second division they call it Ouiche-nioti- TESHESGuf, which means the five tribes. The first is that of the Tortoise, which calls itself Miniathin. It is the first, because they pretend, when the Master of Life made the Earth, that he placed it on a tortoise ; and when there are earthquakes, it is the tortoise that stirs. The second tribe is that of the Wolf, and calls itself Enantha- yonnij or Cahenhisenhonorif and brother of the Tortoise tribe. When there is question of war they deliberate together j and if the a£fair is of great moment, they communicate it to the other tribes to deliberate together thereupon ; so of all the other tribes. They assemble in the hut of a war-chief when the question is of war, and in the hut of a council-chief when it is for ordinary matters of state. The third tribe is that of the Bear, which they call Jitinion- guin. The fourth tribe is that of the Beaver, and brother to that of the Bear. These four tribes compose the first division, which they call Guey-niotiteshesgue. SECOND DIVISION. The fifth tribe is that of the Deer, which they name Canen- deshe. 4 TU£ IROQUOIS AND The sixth is that of the Potatoe, which they call Schoneschio- ronon. The seventh is that of the Great Plover, which they call Oti- nanchahe. The eighth is that of the Little Plover, whictf they call Jsco, or J^icohes. The ninth is that of the Kiliou [Eagle], which they call Canon- chahonronon. They call these five tribes Ouiche-motiteshesgue. These nine tribes formerly occupied nine villages, which were finally collected together in order to sustain war more easily. The ninth tribe derives its origin from a cabin that was in the interior {dans les terres)j and composed of several fires or esta- blishments. In the middle of the cabin was a partition which divided the cabin in two. Weary of knowing no one, and consequently unable to marry, they all married among themselves; which is the reason that their name signifies two cabins united together. Each tribe has in the gable end of its cabin, the animal of the; tribe painted ; sotne in black, others in red. When they assemble together for consultation, the first Divi- sion ranges itself on one side of the fire in a cabin; and the other Division places itself on the other side. When the matter on which they have met has been discussed on one side and the other, they accompany the decision with much ceremony. The Division which decides the matter gives two opinions, so that the best may be adopted, and offers all possible opposition in proposing its opinions, in order to shew that it has well consi- dered what it says. They adopt, usually, the first opinion, unless there be some strong motive to the contrary. When they go to war, and wish to inform those of the pa.ty who may pass their path, they make a representation of the ani- mal of their tribe, with a hatchet in his dexter paw ; sometimes a sabre or a club j and if there be a number of tribes together of the same party, each draws the animal of his tribe, and their number, all on a tree from which they remove the bark. The OTHER INDIAN TRIBES. animal of Ibe tribe which heads the expedition is always the fore- most. They generally have a rendezvous when they propose to strike a blow, where in case of pursuit, they leave a part of their clothes and ammunition. When they fight, they are very Molochs, and have merely the waistcloth on, with a pair of mocasins on the feet. When the expedition is numerous they often leave a party a hundred or a hundred and fifty leagues {lieuesj qy. pacesi) from the village which they are about to attack. When they have finished, if they have casse-tetes or clubs, they plant them against the corpse inclining a little towards the village of the slain. On their return, if they have prisoners or scalps, they paint the animal of the tribe to which they belong, rampant, {debout) with a staff on the shoulder along which are strung the scalps they may have, and in the same number. After the animal are the prisoners they have made, with a chichicoisy (or gourd filled with beans which rattle), in the right hand. If they be women, they represent them with a Cadenette or queue and a waistcloth. If there be several tribes in the war party, each paints the ani- mal of his tribe with the scalps and prisoners it has made, as before, but always after that which is head of the party. When they have scalps they give them to one or two men who suspend them behind them to their girdle. These men who carry these scalps follow the others at a dis- tance, that is to say, at a quarter of a league, because they pre- tend that when they retreat and have scalps, if these precede the others they cannot march any further because they are seized with terror at the sight of the dripping blood. But this is only the first day, sometimes the second and third when they are pursued. When they come again together, they proceed to notify the others and then each one takes his station or awaits the enemy. When night falls they make a hole in the earth where they kin- dle a fire with bark to cook their meat, if they have any, and that during three or four days. They tie the prisoners to stakes set in the ground, into which -\ e TBB IROQUOIS AJXD they fix their leg or rather foot, and this stake is closed by ano- ther tied together at a man's height. They place a man at each side who sleeps near them and who is careful to visit the pri- soners from time to time, during the night. "Wheir they have lost any men on the field of battle they paint the men with the legs in the air, and without heads and in the same number as they have lost ; and to denote the tribe to which they belonged, they paint the animal of the tribe of the deceased on its back, the paws in the air, and if it be the chief of the par- ty that is dead, the animal is without the head. If there be only wounded, they paint a broken gun which how- ever is connected with the stock, or even an arrow, and to de- note where they have been wounded, they paint the animal of the tribe to which the wounded belong with an arrow piercing the part in which the wound is located ; and if it be a gunshot they make the mark of the ball on the body of a different color. If they have sick, and are obliged to carry them, they paint litters {boyards) of the same number as the sick, because they carry only one on each litter. When they are thirty or forty leagues* from their village they send notice of their approach, and of what has happened them. Then every one prepares to receive the prisoners, when there are any, and to torment each as they deem proper. Those who are condemned to be burnt are conveyed to the ca- bin which has been given them. All the warriors assemble in a war cabin and afterwards send for them to make them sing, dance, and to torment them until they are carried to the stake. During this time two or three young men are preparing the stake, placing the fuel near and keep their guns loaded. When every thing is ready, he is brought and tied to the stake and finally burnt. When he is burnt up to the stomach they de- tach him, break all his fingers, raise the scalp which was left hanging behind by a small tongue of skin to the head. They put him to death in these agonies, after which each takes his morsel and proceeds to make merry. 1 Three or four miles.— Golden. ) / ■\ ■Tit-? ,^- •^^fcsjp^ . - ' • ■ ^« ;y- fi Er»gravecLS: PrmtcAty 'jaYit&i)\U'hie, Albany. •0- '} ,^' A. Th toner, kil of a stick B. Th. C. CM D. Th« E. Thi the scalp- F. Thi thin. G. Coi the Beave H. A I I. ABi L. Is a of some 01 Bearer. K. Cou M. The N. The O. The side. P. Can< Q. Pad( the canoe, Over these R. The S. This nights on they are bi What is T. Deer V.'This hunting. Y. Fashi J' '• OmUl INDIAK TRIBU. fi H ExnAVATIOM OF THE FIRST DCSIOMS. A. This is a periH)n returning from war who has taken a pri- soner) killed a man and a woman whose scalps hang from the end of a stick that he carries. B. The prisoner. C. CMcMcois (or a gourd), which he holds in the hand. D. These are cords attached to his neck, arras and girdle. E. This is the scalp of a man, what is joined on one side is the scalp-lock. F. This is the scalp of a woman j they paint it with the hair thin. G. Council of war between the tribe of the Bear and that of the Beaver; they are brothers. H. A Bear. I. A Beaver. L. Is a belt which he holds in his paws to avenge the death of some one and he is conferring about it with his brother, the Beaver. K. Council for affairs of state. ' M. The Bear. N. The Council fire. O. The Tortoise; so of the other tribes, each ranges at its own side. P. Canoe going to war. Q. Paddles. They know hereby how many men there are in the canoe, because they place as many paddles as there are men. Over these is painted the animal of the tribe to which they belong. R. The canoe. S. This is a man returning from hunting who has slept two nights on the hunting ground and killed three does; for when they are bucks, they add their antlers. What is on his back, is his bundle. T. Deer's head. This is the way they paint them. V. This is the manner they mark the time they have been hunting. Each mark or rather each bar is a day. Y. Fashion of painting the dead; the two first are men and the f ) 8 THE I&OqvOIS AND third is a woman who is distinguished only by the waistcloth that she has. As regards the dead, they inter them with all they have. When it is a man they paint red calumets, calumets of peace on the Tomb ; some times they plant a stake on which they paint how often he has been in battle ; how many prisoners he has ta- ken; the post ordinarily is only four or five feet high and much embellished. / . 10 TBS IB0QV0I8 JUTD • fR. A. This is the manner they paint the tribe of the Potatoe and not as it is on the other plate. b. Is a stick set in the ground to the extremity of which two or three pieces of wood are attached, to denote the direction in which they went when they are hunting ; and on the nearest tree they paint the animal of the tribe to which they belong, with the numbers of guns they have ; that is to say if they are three men, they paint three guns, if they are more and there are some who have a bow and no gim, they put down a bow. When they return from hunting and are near the village they do the same thing and add the number of beasts they have killed — ^that is to say, they paint the Deer, and the Stag from the head to the neck; if some are male they add antlers ; they paint the other animals entire ; if they are some days at the chase they mark the number as you see on the other plate. c. Club which they use to break the skull when they are at Stake two pos|_ the leg and tie t impossib OBS war. "iU'if.- ■^•■■=t •-, :f • IN A JOUI The M Canajorhs miles fron Cahanis about fou situate up side. Canago former, cc stone's thi Canajoi and quani about two \:i U oTBiE iWDiAH nam. u Stake to tie the prisoners. They place his leg between these two posts in the hollow of the larger — that is the two posts catch the leg above the ankle, and they afterwards join one to the other and tie them at a man's height — some times lugher, so that it ii impossible to withdraw the foot without untying the cords. OBSERVATIONS OP WENTWORTH GREENHAL6H, IN A JOURNEY FROM ALRANT TO T* INDIANS, WESTWARD ; BB6UII MAY 20*, 1677, AND ENDED JULY Y* 14 FOLLOWING, [Loud. Doe. III.] The Maquaes have four townes, vizt. Cahaniaga, Canagora, Canajorha, Tionondogue, besides one small village about 110 miles from Albany. Cahaniaga is double stockadoed round ; has four forts, [ports?] about four foot wide a piece, conteyns about 24 houses, and is situate upon the edge of an hill, about a bowshott from the river^ side. Canagora is only singly stockadoed ; has four ports like the former, conteyns about 16 houses j itt is situated upon a fflatt, a stone's throw from y* water side. / Canajorha is also singly stockadoed, and the like man' of ports and quantity of houses as Canagora ; the like situacon ; only about two miles distant from the water. t''' ,-^3■ y ■I i2 Wi^iiitjaisj^' If' P b Tionondogue is double stockadoed around, has four ports, four foot wide a piece, contains ab* 30 houses ; is scltuated on a hill a bow shott from y* River. The small village is without ^ence, and conteyns about ten houses ; lyes close by the river side, on the north side, as do all the former. The Maquaes pass in all for about 300 fighting men. Their'Coth grows close by the River side. Of the Situacon of the Oneydas and Onondagees and their Strength. The Onyades tetVe but one town, which liys ibout 130 tilil tums) are unknown^ if they have any. Boston and Orange. The Loups (Mohegans) who understand the 8abena- kiH aHA \rhotti the CMiAenbkis understand are dispert^d' flroia Bosfott to Virginia, which is equal to from Lake Chtmplain t6 the head of Lake Erie— 3^ leagues. This nation may be six hundred men, under British rule. No person could give me any information of liilk^ir custonM. lUii okily by way tt remark. MontreilU. Algonquinl. They ate twenty men selitled with th< Iroquois of the Two Mountain^ ; tihid is all that remains of a nation the most war- ' Uke, tatit polished and the mdst attached to the French. They have for arm(yrlal bearings atn Evergreen Oak {chine veri.) Jit the Lake of the Two Mountainti The Nepissingues. A part of this Tribe is incotpo- rated with the Iroquois. The resiainder has its village at the lake of the satee name. There are here fifty men bearing arms^ --'---- The armorial bearings of this Nation are the Heron for the Achague^ or Heron tribe ; the Beaver for the Amekoves; the Birch for the Bark tribe {lafamille de PEcorce); Blood for the Miskouaha or the Bloody people. 6G5 96 60 Rei of the myselfJ details,] vices. amountl '.»< I The Irol These Lake devices. Bear an< NoTK. They At Lake The Tab These who amc try. I shall their nui The Out) 735 oTRBi vDiAv nim. * • Remark, Sir, if jou please, that besides the bearings of the principal stocks to which I exclusively confine myself, leisure not permitting me to obtain thorough details, each tribe distinguishes itself by peculiar de- rices. The Iroquois who are masters of this village, amount to no more than sixty-three— I mean warriors. At Sault St. Louis. The Iroquois, who compose exclusively the village are nearly three hundred and three bearing arms. These two villages proceeding from the Iroquois of Lake Ontario, or Frontenac, have the same armorial devices. Three principal tribes carry the Wolf, the Bear and the Tortoise. * Note. — Argent ^ to the Wolf gules ^ Ac. They usually ornament them merely with charcoal. J%e Great River of the Outawas. At Lake Nepissingue there is one small village of thir- ty men, who bear a SquirreI,^/cAi^amb. River md Lake T%emiseammg. The Tabittibis are one hundred warriors. They have for device an Eagle. At the mouth of the Themiscaming there ,<•;! are twenty warriors. - - - - At the head of the Lake twenty domiciled. These savaget are what are called Tites de Boule, who amount to over six hundred in the Northern coun- try. I shall speak of them hereafter without reference to their numbero. Jtt Missilimakirutk The Outawas of tHs village amount to one hundred and eighty warriors; the two principal branches 17 735 60 300 30 100 20 30 600 ■■/ ,'•• B: I ! : 1866 18 THE IROQUOIS AND I' ' are Kiskakous (1) and Sinago (2); the Bear (1) and Black Squirrel (2). - River Missisagui. The Missisagu^s on the river number thirty men, and twenty men on the Island called Manitoua- tim of Lake Huron. - . - - And have for device, a Crane. Lake Superior — Jit the Mouth. At Sault St. Mary are the Sauteurs, to the number of thirty; they are in two divisions, and have for devices, the Crane and the Vine, {la Barbue.) ------ North of this Lake is Michipicoton. The Papinakois and those of the interior; the first are twenty warriors, and have for device, a Hare. ------ River Ounepigon. The Oskemanettigons are domiciled there to the num- ber of forty warriors. - - - They have for device, the bird called the Fisher. The Monsonies, who are migratory, estimate them- ; selves two hundred men, and have for de- vice, the Moose. - - - - The Abettibis and the Tetes de Boule come there also. Some have informed me that the first have for arms the Partridge with the Eagle. I iM^ have already stated that they are in all one hundred warriors. The Nametftlinis have one hundred and fifty fit to bear arms. They have for device, a Sturgeon. The tribes of the Savannas, one hundred and forty warriors strong, have for armorial device, a Hare. ------ 1866 180 50 30 160 140 2676 The Qua Tecan These sai The Cristi ■ • > .i. ' The Cristi 20 Assenipoel •:,] .A, '■ Kiouanan. 40 i '>1'-^ • The Sautev The Sciouj 200 -..^■r The Sciou3 The Asseni .■'I. -.'<.•■ OTHER INDIikK TRIBBS. ui:n AiL. .•it^i'>y Gamanettigoya. Th« Ouac6 are in number sixty men, and have for de- vice a Vine, {une Barhtie). kK' Tecamamiouen^ or Bainy Lake — {Lac de la Pluie.) These savages are the same as those who come to Ne- pigon. They are about this lake to the ' number of one hundred men. Lake of the Woods — {Lac des Bois.) The Cristinaux are scattered hereabout, to the number of two hundred warriors. They have for device the Bustard, {POutarde.) , .: .,' Lake Ounepigon. iUlwln The Cristinaux are around this lake to the number of sixty men. Assenipoels. SeeScioux. . . i ■. > , .1 :'"''"• South of Lake Superior. Kiouanan. In this quarter there are domiciled forty Sauteurs, who have for device the Crane and the Stag. - - . - - The Sauteurs of Point Chagouamigon are one hundred and fifty warriors, - - - - - The Scioux are at the head of this lake in the woods and along the lakes. Though scattered they are computed at three hundred men, - The Scioux of the Prairies are, in the opinion of voya- '' geurs, over two thousand men. Their iirmorial devices are the Buffalo, the Black Dog, and the Otter. The Assenipoels, or Pouans according to others, can vie with the Scioux, from whom they formerly sprung. They number one hundred and fifty to the south of Lake Ounepigon, and -,,.-. have for device, a Big Stone or a Rock. 2675 60 100 200 60 40 160 300 2000 160 5735 ■ 1 :f 'I *« r 1^ ■ ,(VV\ 20 i»ai>OQ»ois>Ain» V' The Puans have withdrawn, since 1738, to the Scioux, to the aitiftber of eighty ; they luuve for armorial bearings^ the Stag,. 1/he Peiecat (PtcAotto;), the Tiger, - - - - \i-:* The htad of L«,ke Suferiar. The Ayotlois ore settled at the south o& the River de ,„., . Missouris, at the other side of the Missis- sippi. They are no more than eighty. They have for device a Fox. MO»;VI!:' LBJe9> Mickigaa taiih its dependancUs^ The Folles Avoines, north of thia lake^ muabev one hundred and sixty warriors. The most con- siderable tribes barre for derice, the Large ' iSLfle4 Beat, tbe Stag, a KHioii — l^af isa '-^^ • species of Eagle (the. most beavtiftil bird of this country,) — ^perched on a cross. In explanation of a cross forming the armorial bear- ings of the savages, it is stated that formerly a Chief of the Poller Avoines finding himself dangerously sick, consented, after trying the ordinary remedies, to see a Missionary, who,, cross in hand, prayed to God for his recovery, and obtained it from his mercy. In gi^atitude for this benefit, the Chief desired that to his arms should be added a Cross on whkh the Kiliou has ever since been always perched. Pouteoatamis. In 1728 there was a village of this name retired on an island to the number of The Bay. At the head of this Lake is the sojowtn, or rather the country of the Sakis. This na- tion could put under arms one hundred and fifty men. Others da not count but one hundred and twenty. They have for de- ^■i vice, a Crab, a Wolf, and a She-Bear. 6736 80 80 > -ic 160 20 li 150 6226 Fox migrate; hundred The Ki( The Ma LiiP X "I These a the great Lakes Sup ing again i silimakina] FromJM St. Louis, XnaSB. IMDIAM TUBES. Fox River. Fox river difioharges into tbis Lake. T^is nation now migratory, conasts, when not separated, still of one hundred men bearing arms, ..... They bare for device, a Fox. The Kickapous, formerly their allies, may be eighty men. They bear for device the Pheasant and the Otter, . . - - - The Maskoutin has for armorial device the \yoIf and the Stag. This nation is estimated at sixty men, - - "*'''P SI • * 6226 ' 100 80 60 "River St. Joseph f south of Lake Michigan. Ti^ip y 'ie' . Mountain, >>:•.;) Besides the arms of each village, each tribe has its own, and every man has his particular mark to designate him. Thus the Oneida designates his village by a Stone [in] a fork — next he designates his tribe by the bird or animal, and finally he denotes himself by his punctures. See the designs which I had the honor to send you in 1732 by Father Francois, the RecoUet. , The five villages which belong to the same tribe, have for their arms in common, the Plover, to which I belong;* the Bear, the Tortoise, the Eel, the Deer, the Beaver, the Potatoe, the Falcon, the Lark, and the Partridge. I doubt not but the other nations are as well distinguished, but our voyageurs, hav- ing little curiosity in these matters, have not been able to give me any information. The Tuscarorens have a village of two hundred and fifty men near the Onondagoes, who brought them along. I know not their hierogly- phics, The Iroquois have some cabins at the Portage, (Niagara, Lake Ontario.) 23 7115 12( 350 ,>1. ".*, ,M '^.^r 250 7835 1 M. DX JoNCAiBE, the supposed author of this Report, is here thought to be alluded to. He was adopted at an early period by the Senecas, among whom he had much influence. 84 TBB laOQVOIB AMD '{1 Lake ErU and Dtpendancies^ m the Somih Side. The Chaouanoiu towards Carolina, are two hundred men. The FlatheadS) Cherakis, Chicachas, Totiris, are in- cluded under the name of Flatheads by the Iroquois, who estimate them at OTer six tkoustoid men, in more than thirty villages. They have told me they had for device a Vessd, (im Vaisseau.) The Ontationou^, that is those who speak the latigaage . of men; so called by the Iroquois because .' they understand each other — may be fifty men. I am ignorant of them. The Miamis have for device the Hind and the Crane. These are the two principal tribes. There is likewise that of the Bear. They are two hundred men, bearing arms. The Ouyattanont, Peanguichias, Petikokias, are the same Nation, though in different villages. They can place under arms three hundred and fifty men. - - - ? Hie devices of these savages are the Ser- pent, the Deer, and the Small Acorn. The Illinois, Metchigamias at Fort Chartres, number two hundred and fifty men. The Kaskakias, six leagues below, have a village of one hundred warriors. ... The Peorias, at the Rock, are fifty men. TheKaokias, or Tamarois, can furnish two hundred men. All those savages comprehended under the name of Illinois have, for device, the Crane, the Bear, the White Hind, the Fork, the Tortoise. River of the Missouris. The Missouris. The Okams or Kams6, the Sotos, and the Panis. 7835 200 6,000 50 200 Thiso Nations The Hui The Pout The Outa 350 250 100 50 200 15235 At the end I have spo * I do not ] • » OTBBR IHDUX TBIBES. This only as a note, not knowing any thing of these Nations except the name. Lake Erie. — I%e Detroit. The Hurons at present are two hundred men) bearing arms. - - - - •• . - They mark the Tortoise, the Bear and the Plover. The Pouteonatamis have a village there of one liundred : ^- / and eighty men.* They bear for devtce the Golden Carp, the Frog, the Crab, the Tortoise. (See, South of Lake Michtgam^ River St. Joseph.) . . - • The Outawas there have two villages, composed one of the tribe of Sinagos; the other of Kiska- kous, an^ may count two hundred warriors. They have the same devices as those of Missilimakinak; that is to say, the Bear /^ and Blade Squirrel. Lake St. Clair ^ which leads to Lake Huron. At the end of the Little Lake St. Clair, there is a small village of Mississagu^s, which numbers sixty men. - - . . _ They have the same devices as the Missis- sagu^s of Manitouatin and of Lake Ontario; that is to say, a Crane. ' Lake Huron. ' •' ' >i I have spoken before of the Mississagues who are to the North of this Lake. — I do not know, on the South side, but the Gatawas, who have at Saguinan a village of eighty men, and for device the Bear and Squirrel. Less, - . . * HbU HI Orfg. Initead of 180, only 100 men muat be counted. 16236 20^ .-; i 180 200 .(•r v.r 60 80 16955 80 15875 si' X ' ) 26 THS IROQUOIS AND Remark. All the Northern Nations have this in common; that a man who go'es to war denotes himself as much by the device of his wife's tribe as by that of his own, and never marries a woman who carries a similar device to his. If time permitted, you would, Sir, have been better satisfied with my researches. I would have written to the Interpreters of the Posts, who would have furnished me with more certain information than that I could obtain from the Voyageurs whom I questioned. I am engaged at the history of the Scioux, which you have asked from Monsieur de Linerot. Missilimakinak. ». . • PRESENT- STATE OF THE NORTHERN INDIANS IH THE DEPART^ OF SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON BART., COMPREHENDED UNDER THE SIX NATIONS AND OTTAWA CONFEDERACIES, ETC., CON- TAINING THE NAMES, NUMBERS AND SCITUATION OF EACH NATION, WITH REMARKS. NOV. 18, 1763. [Lond. Doc. XXXVI.] SIX NATION CONFEDERACY, COMPREHENDING THAT OF CANADA, Oino, Ac. Nam$8. Mohocks, . . . OneidM, , i^^iurr'fit ^p i pMj nit Number qf men 16U 260 Seituation. Two villages on the Mo- hock river, with a few emigrants at Scohare about 16 miles from Fort Hunter. Two villages, one 25 miles from Fort Stan- wix, the other twelve miles west of Oneida Lake, with emigrants in several places tow- ards the Susquehanna river. Remarf':8. Of the Six Nations the Mohawks or Mohocks, Onondages and Sene- cas are considered as the chief and elder branches. The Onei- das, Cayugas and Tiis- caroras are younger : the last mentioned Nation having many years ago retired from the South, and were admitted into the con- federacy with the then Nam TuBcaro'ras, Onondagai, Cayugas, Senecas, . Oswegachys, Nanticokes, Conoys, Tutecoes, Saponeys, eti Caghnawaga Canassadagai Arundacks, Algonkins, Abenaquis, OTHER INDIAN TKIBES. SIX NATION CONFEDERACY-CONTINUID. Names. Ifwnbtr qf men. TuBcarorai, Onondagu, • • • • • • ■ • Cajrugas, . Senecai) 140 16U 200 p •+ 1050 Oswegachys, Nanticokes, Conoys, Tutecoes, Saponeys, ette. 80 200 Caghnawagaa, CanassadagaS; ArundackS; AlgonkiiU; Abenaquii> . • • • 300 One village 6 miles from the first Oneidas., and several others about the Susquehanna. ScUuation. One large village 6 miles from the lake of their name (which is the plarn of Congress for the confederates) with a smaller at some dis tance. 150 100 One large village near the Laike of their name with several others from thence to the Susquehanna. Have several villages, beginning about 60 m. from Cayuga, and from thence tq Chenussio, the largest about 70 m f^om Niagara, with others thence to the Ohio. Remarks Five Nations, the On- eidas giving them land and they now ea\oy all privileuges with the rest. ■fu;; •. !• •, •. Emigrants from the Six Nations chiefly Onon dages settled at La Oa- lette on the river St. Lawrence. A people removed from the southward, and settled on and about the Susquehanna on lands allotted by the Six Nations. Of the Senecas, two vil- liiges tae still in our interest, vizt. Kanada- •ero and Kanaderagey, the rest have jomed the Western Nations. These are at peace with the English. These people are imme- diately under the di- rection of the Six Na- tions, and at peace with the English. INDIANS OF CANADA IN ALLIANCE WITH THE SIX NATIONS. Emigrants from the Mo hocks, settled at Soult St. Louis near Mont real, with emigrants at Aghquissasne, be- low la Oalette which is the seat of a Mis sion. These three Nations now reside together, at the Lac du deux Mon- tagues at the mouth of the Ottawa river near Montreal. All these Nations are in alliance with the Six Nations, and warmly attached to the British Interest, as are all the other Indians in Cana- da. Gaghnawaga is the seat ofa Mission, as is the village of Lac du deux Montagnes. Their village having been burned at St. I^cis below Mont- These Indians are origi- nally from New-Eng- land: if they were ul ■K 1 1 . 88 THE I&OQVOIS AMD SIX NATION OONFEDERAOT— coRTiiiVBD JVoiiiw. Skaghquanoghronoi, Huronii ShswaoMite, • t • Delaware!, . . . WiMidotB, etto. . . S200 yumb$r 40 40 Reside at Loretto near Qnebee, a very eivi- Used people. 300 eoo Total 3960 Seituation. real during the war, thef have lince lived nattered except a few Reside at Troit Rivierei, they are originally Al- gonlcins. RtnarlcB. collected they would amount to more than U repreiented. They have lilcewiie a Mii- ■ionary who ii a Je- suit. (There are several oth. er Nations to the North- ward, who avoid any connection with the white people: and as they have no fixed resi- dence, their numbers, though considerable, cannot be ascei tained.) INDIANS OF OHIO. Removed to the River Sioto, and other Bran- ches. In several villages on and about the Suique- hanna, Muslcingham, ettc. and thence to Lalce Erie. Some villages in the neighborhood of San- dosky Fort near Lake Erie. These people are great- ly influenced by the benecas, and reside on land allotted them by the permission of the Six Nations. They are now at war with the English. There are also in the Six Nation Confederacy, many Indians, whose numbers cannot be comput- ed as they have no fixed residence. OTTAWA CONFEBERACT COMPREHENDING THE TWIGHTWEES, ETTC. iVaffi««. Wyandots or Hurons, Pow(ewatamis, . . in the neiglibour- hood of Detroit, Nitmtm of men 260 150 SeUuation. Reside opposite Detroit, their village is the seat of a Jesuit Mission, their language hears affinity with that of the Six Nations. Resided about a mile be low the Fort,but aban- doned their village on the commenoement of hoMUlties. Remarki. This Nation has a great influence over the rest, and has been greatly instigated by the neighboring French to commit acts of hosti- lity. In the nai of St Jo Ottawas, residing neighbo Detroit. In the neii of Mich In the neig of Fort Chipeweig sissagais neigbboi Detroit. In the neig] ofMichll Meynomen; Folsavoins Puans . . Sakis . . Foxes Twightwet Kickapous Mascouteni Piankashan Wawiaght< Ottawas, Chipeweig ,■ \ OTBKR IKVIAM TKIBI8. 29 OTTikWA CQNFBJDiBitAOY— ceiimTW. Namta. Numbtr qf m«» In the neighbourhood of St Joseph. OttawH, . . . residing in the neighbourhood ol Detroit. In the neighbourhood of Miohiliinakinae. In the neighbourhood of Fort St. Joseph, Chipeweighs or Mis sissagais : in the^ neighbourhood of Detroit. In the neighbourhood of Blidulimakinac Mevnomenys Foisavoins . Puans . . . Salcis . . . Foxee . . Twightwees, • • • Kiolrapous . . . . Mascoutens . . . . Piankashaws Wawiaghtonos . . Ottawas, Chipeweighs, ettc. . 2UU SCO 26U 160 320 400 110 110 360 3U0 320 230 180 90 100 200 4000 Resided in difforent vil- Ugesybut are now pro- bablf with the fDrmer Miehiiimakinac iathe seat of a Mission. ScUuation. A litUe below the fort. Resided about Detroit, but with the former, form a flying camp. With these and theabore Indians are Joined se- veral othersjwho form a flying camp under PorMae, an Ottawa Chief. The Ottawas in the neighbourhood of Mi- ehiiimakinac are well attached to us for the most part. Resided at a small dis tance after the reduc tion of the Fort pro- bably joined the rest. Resided above the De- troit» now probably in arms with th* rest. Had several different'vil lages in that country, aiul the envifons of the Lake Huron. All these nations reside on the west side of la Baye at Lake Micbi- fan and in the neigh- orfaood of the Fort there. Rtmarkit. These are the most nu- merous of all the Ot- tawa Confederacy and have naay villajies about Lakes Superior, Huron, Erie, ettc. whose numbers cannot at present be ascer- tained with exactness. These nations are at pre- sent in alliance with the Ottawa Confedera- , cy,but appear inclined to our interest, nor did they take the fort at La Baye^ the oflcer abandoning it on the news of the rupture as he could make no de- fence. MIAMIS OR TWIGHTWEE8. Near the Fort on the Miamis river. These nations reside in the neighbourhood of the Fort at Wawiaeh ta, and about the Wa- lache river. Residing thro' all the extent of country from the Lakes to the Great Ottawa River, and abt. Lake Superior, ettc. The Twightwees were originally a very pow- erful people,who,hav- ing been subdued by the Six Nations were permitted to ei\joy their possessions. There are many tribes and villages of them, but these are all who are perfectly known. This is the most exact computation that can be made of these nu- merous people, who are scattered through- 80 THE IROQUOIS AMD OTHER INDIAN TRIBES. OTTAWA CONFEDERACY— coBTiHUK). Ifamu. Numbtr qfmtn. SeUuation. Remarke. Illinois number uncertain. Sioux number uncertain. Total out the Northern Parts and who having few places of flxed resi- dence, subsisting en- tirely by hunting, can- not be ascertained as those of their confede- racy, residing near the outposts. We have hitherto had nothing to do with these people, who are numerous and various- ly computed. The Six Nations claim their country,but their right of conquest thereto does not appear so clear as to the rest, as represented in the let- ter herewith. The Sioux who are the most numerous of the Northern Indians, are little known to us,they in Mnding the original.] not appear well affect- ed to the Western In- dians, and promise to send Deputies to me in the spring. Reside about the Illinois River and hence to the MissiMippi. Reside in the country westward of [One Hne cut tff here Mfssissipi, they are much addicted to wan- dering and live mostly in camps. • 8020 J^wember 18*, 1763. Wm. Johnson •^■- I.- I ■hS ■ -'-—r^-- -.,ji. II. PAPERS ■^i ■ J, .: ,1 'him ^^■ m If . ' 'i aijlt fm\ Settlement at d&ncnbagfl, < AHA THE DISCOVERY OP THE SALT SPRINGS AT SAUNA. lAmo 1654~a H^' !■:(■,( I ■/t TO THE 001 .V:^ :|» m Cr f* :fhl^ , 'if On the s< tation of i\ kings, Fatb Iroquois Oi by Montrea habitant, y ther's Jourr On the 1 this great i to us. On St. La wren I pidsj all str The 19th ble to the v an armyx>i poured do-w cumstances has produce more innocc 20th. N which interi on the nortl high mountE 2lBt. Cc VOYAGE OF FATHER SIMON IE MOINE TO THE COUNTRY OF THE IROQUOIS ONONDAGOES, IN JULY, AUGUST AND SEPTEMBER, 1654. Relation de la N. France ^s annges, 1663 and 1654.] V. IP ■I i ''•', M " \ i On the second day of the month of July, the festival of the Visi- tation of the Most Holy Virgin always friendly to our underta- kings, Father LeMoine departed from Quebec on a voyage to thf Iroquois Onondagoes. He passed Three Rivers, and from thence by Montreal, where a young man of good courage, and an old hahitantf joined him, with much piety. I shall follow the Fa- ther's Journal for greater facility. On the 17th day of July, St. Alexis' day, we left home with this great and holy traveller, and departed for a land unknown to us. On the 18th, following always the course of the River St. Lawrence, we met nothing but breakers and impetuous ra- pids, all strewed with rocks and shoals. The 19th. This river grows wider and forms a lake, agreea ble to the view, from eight to ten leagues in length. At night, an army x>f troublesome musquitoes foreboded the rain which poured down on us the whole of the night. To be in such cir- cumstances without any shelter except the trees, which Nature has produced ever since the creation of the world, is a pastime more innocent and agreeable than could be anticipated. 20th. Nothing but islands, in appearance the most beautiful, which intersect here and there this very quiet river. The land on the north bank appears to us excellent ; there is a range of high mountains towards the east, which we called St. Margaret's. 21st. Continuation of the islsuids. In the evening we break U ' W: ■ ■A a 34 FIRST SETTLEMENT AT ONONDAGA, ;■■■ Is ■' 5 f our bark caroej it rains all night. The naked rocks seive us for bed, mattrass and all. Whoever hath God with him reposes quietly every where. 22d. The precipices of water whifji for a while are no longer navigable oblige us to carry on our shoulders both our baggage and the canoe which carried us. At the other side of the Rapid, I perceived a herd of wild cows which were passing at their ease in great state. Five or six hundred are seen sometimes in these regions in one drove. 23d and 24th of the month. Our pilot being hurt, we must remain a prey to the musquitoes, and have patience, often more difficult in regard to the inconveniences which have no inter- mission neither nightnor day, than to behold death before one's eyes. 25th. The river is so very rapid that we are obliged to throw ourselves in the stream to drag our canoe after us, amid the rocks, as a cavalier, dismounting, leads his horse by the bridle. At night we arrive at the entrance of Lake St. Ignatius, in which eels abound in a prodigious quantity. 26th. A high wind with rain forces us to dtbark, after having made four leagues. A hut is soon built. The neighbouring trees are stript of their bark ; this is thrown on poles set in the ground on either side, bringing them together in the form of an arbor ; and then our house is built. Ambition finds no entrance into this palace. It failed not to be as agreeable to us as if the roof was all covered with gold. 27th. We coasted along the shores of the lake; they are rocks on one side and the other, of an immense height, now frightful, now pleasing to the sight. It is wonderful how large trees can find root among so many rocks. 28th. Thunder, lightning and a deluge of rain oblige us to shelter ourselves under our canoe, which being inverted, serves us for a house. 29th and 30th July. A rain storm continues, which arrests us at the entrance of a great lake, called Ontario. We call it the Lake of the Iroquois, because they have their villages on the south side there. The Hurons are on the other shore, farther on commumc ■„» ■ j. 1/ ''I ■rr'\ I Ain> :)!(»! JVEBT OF THE SALT SPBINGS. as in the interior. This lake is twenty leagues wide ; its length about forty. 31st St. Ignatius' day. The rain and storm force us to seek for lost roads. We cross long islands, carrying our bagage, provisions and canoe on our shoulders. The road seems long to a poor weary man. On the first day of the month of August, some Iroquois fisher- men having perceived us from a distance, get together to receive us. One of them runs towards us, advancing a half a league to communicate the earliest news and the state of the country. It is a Huron prisoner, and a good Christian, whom I formerly in- structed during a winter that I passed among the savages. This poor lad could not believe that it was he whom he never hoped to see again. We disembarked at a little village of fisher- men. They crowd as to who shall carry our bagage. But alas! they are apparently only Huron squaws, and for the most part Christian women, formerly rich and at their ease, whom cap- tivity has reduced to servitude. They requested me to pray to God, and I had the consolation to confess there at my leisure Hostagehtak, our antient host of the Petun Nation. His senti- ments and devotion drew tears from my eyes ; he is the fruit of the labors of Father Charles Gamier, that holy missionary whose death has been so precious before God. The second day of August. We walked about twelve to fif- teen leagues in the woods. We camp where the day closes. The 3d. At noon we find ourselves on the bank of a river, one hundred or one hundred and twenty paces wide, beyond which there was a hamlet of fishermen. An Iroquois whom I at one time had treated kindly at Montreal, put me across in his canoe^ and through respect carried me on his shoulders, being unwilling to suffer me to wet my feet. Every one received me with joy, and these poor people enriched me from their poverty. I was conducted to another village a league distant, where there was a young man of consideration who made a feast for me because I bore his father's name, Ondessonk. The Chiefs came to harangue us, the one after the other. I baptized little skeletons who m TOMT SCTTLEMSNT AT O/mtPDADAy I I '■k I awaited, perhaps, only this drop of the precious blood of Jesus Christ. 4th. They ask me Why we are dressed in black ? and I take occasion to speak to them of our mysteries with great attention. They bring roe a little moribund whom I call Dominick. The time is passed when they used to hide the little innocents from ns. They took me for a great Medicine-man, having no other remedy for the sick but a pinch of sugar. We pursued our route —in the middle of which we found our dinner w^aiting for us. The nephew of the first Chief of the country, who is to lodge me in his cabin, is deputed by his uncle to escort us, bringing us every delicacy that the season could afford, especially new corn bread, and ears (of corn) which we had roasted at the fire. We slept again that day by the beautiful light of the istars. 6th. We had to make four leagues before arriving at the prin- cipal Onondaga village. There is nothing but comers and goers on the road vho come to salute me. One treats me as brother ; another as uncle — never did I have such a number of relations. A quarter of a league from the village I began a harangue, which gained me much credit. I named all the Chiefs, the families and persons of note in a drawling voice and with the tone of a chief. I told them that Peace walked along with me ; that I drove War afar ofl among the distant nations, and that Joy accompanied me. Two Chiefs made their speech to me on ray arrival, but with a gladness and cheerfulness of countenance which I never had seen among sa^'ages. Men, women and children, all were respectful and friendly. At night I called the principal men together to make them two presents. The first to wipe their faces, so that they may regard me with a kindly eye, and that I may never see a trace of sorrow on their foreheads. The second to clear out the liltle gall which they still might have in their hearts. After several other dis- courses they retired to consult together, and finally they respond- ed to my presents by tw^o other presents richer than mine. 6th. I was calle'^ to divers quarters to administer my medi- cine to weakly and hectic little things. I baptized some of them. 'i(,-^,- AND DISCOVERY OF THE SALT SPRINGS. 87 I confessed some of our old Huron Christians, and found God every where, and that He pleased to work himself in hearts where faith reigns. He builds himself a temple there, where he is adored in spirit and truth. Be He blessed for ever. At night our host draws me aside and tells me very affection- ately that he always loved us, that finally his heart was satisfied, seeing all the tribes of his nation demanded nothing but peace : that the Seneca had recently come to exhort them to manage this matter well for peace, and that with that view he had made splendid presents : that the Cayuga had brought three belts for that purpose, and that the Oneida was glad to be rid of such a bad affair through his means, and that he desired nothing but peace : that the Mohawk would, no doubt, follow the others, and thus I might take courage, since I bore with me the happi- ness of the whole land. 7th. A good Christian named Terese, a Huron captive, wish- ing to pour out her soul to me away from noise and in silence, invited me to visit her in a field cabin where she lived. My God ! What sweet consolation to witness so much faith in sa- vage hearts, in captivity, and without other assistance than that of heaven. God raises up Apostles every where. This good Christian woman had with her a young captive of the neutral na- tion {de la Xfation J^eutre)^ whom she loved as her own daugh- ter. She had so well instructed her in the mysteries of the faith, and in sentiments of piety, in the prayers they made in this holy solitude, that I was much surprised. Eh ! sister, I asked, why did you not baptise her, since she has the faith like you, and she is Christian in her morals, and she wishes to die a Christian 1 Alas, brother, this happy captive replied, I did not think it was allowed me to baptise, except in danger of death. Baptise her now, yourself, since you consider her worthy, and give her my name. This was the first adult baptism at Gnon- dago J we are indebted for it to the piety of a Huron. I I •^m^' :'i,r>',^-.' .v,'AV^4i.^4'i' >»v-?';«f)'^rt'».J.' :'«,. i ■■ . FIRST SETTLEMENT AT ONONDAGA, In IBL GENERAL COUNCIL OP PEACE WITH THE FOUR IROQUOIS NATIONS, AND TUE SUBSEQUENT RETURN OF FATHER SIMON LE MOINE FROM HIS VOYAGE. [From the Same.] On the 10th day of August, the deputies of the three neigh- bouring Nations having arrived, after the usual summons of the Chiefs that all should assemble in Ondessonk's cabin, I opened the proceedings (says the Father, continuing his Journal) by public prayer, which I said on my knees and in a loud voice, all in the Huron tongue. I invoked the Great Master of heaven and of earth to inspire us with what should be for his glory and our good ; I cursed all the demons of hell who are spirits of di- vision ; I prayed the tutelar angels of the whole country to touch the hearts of those who heard me, when my words should strike their ear. ' I greatly astonished them when they heard me naming all by nations, by tribes, by families and each particular individual of any note, and all by aid of my manuscript, which was a matter as wonderful as it was new. I told them I was the bearer of nineteen words to them. The first : That it was Onnonthio, M. de Lauzon, Governor of New France, who spoke by my mouth, and then the Hurons and the Algonquins as well as the French, for all these three nations had Onnonthio for their Great Chief. A large belt of wampum, one hundred little tubes or pipes of red glass, the diamonds of the country, and a caribou's hide being passed : these three presents made but one word. My second word was, to cut the bonds of the eight Seneca pri- soners, taken by our allies and brought to Montreal, as already stated. The third was, to break the bonds of the Mohegans also, cap- tured about the same time. AND DISCOVERY OF THE SALT SPRINGS. 39 The fourth ; to thank those of Onontago for having brought our prisoner back. The fifth present was, to thank the Senecas for having saved him from the scaffold. The sixth for the Cayuga Iroquois, for having also contributed. The seventh, for the Oneidas for having broken the bonds which kept him a prisoner. * The 8th, 9th, 10th and 11th presents to be given to the four Iroquois Nations — a hatchet each— for the new war they were waging against the Cat Nation. The twelfth present was to heal the head of the Seneca who had lost some of his people. The thirteenth, to strengthen his palissades ; to wit, that he may be in a state of defence against the enemy. The fourteenth, to ornament his face : for it is the custom of warriors here never to go to battle unless with the face painted, some black, some red, others with various other colors, each ha- ving herein as if particular liveries to which they cling even unto death. The fifteenth to concentrate all their thoughts. I made three presents for this occasion ; one wampum belt, little glass beads and an elk hide. The sixteenth — ^I opened Annonchiasse's door to all the Na- tions ; that is, they would be welcome among us. The seventeenth. I exhorted them to become acquainted with the truths of our faith, and made three presents for this object. The eighteenth. I asked them not to prepare henceforward any ambushes for the Algonquin and Huron Nations, who would come to visit us in our French settlement. I made thre6 presents for this purpose. Finally, by the nineteenth present I wiped away the tears of all the young warriors for the death of their great Chief Annen- craos, a short time prisoner with the Cat Nation. At each present they heaved a powerful ejaculation from the bottom of the chest in testimony of their joy. I was full two hours making my whole speech, talking like a Chief, and walk- ing about like an actor on a stage, as is their custom. \H 40 TIBST SETTLEMENT AT ONONDAGA, ■ ii \\ i p: If IV July, to aid their bre- thren and compatriots. On the 3"* day of the month of August of the same year 1657, the perfidy of the Iroquois began to develop itself by the massa- cre which they made of the poor Hurons whom they brought into their country, after thousands of protestations of kindness and thousands of oaths, in their style, that they should treat them as brothers. And had not a number of Iroquois remained among the French, near Quebec, to endeavor to bring with them the rest of the Hurons, who distrusting these traitors, would not embark with the others, the Fathers and the Frenchmen who ascended with them would have then been destroyed ; and all those who remained on the banks of Lake Ganantaa, near to Onnontagu^, would shortly after have shared the same fate. But the fear that the French would wreak vengeance on their countrymen, staid thcii design, of which oiir fathers had had secret intelligence immediately on their arrival in the country. Even a captain who was acquainted with the secret of the Chiefs, having taken some liking to the preachings of the Gospel, and finding himself very sick, demand- ed Baptism ; having received it with sufficient instruction, he dis- covered the evil designs of his countrymen to those who attended him, and went a short time afterwards to Heaven. • *«**• The 9tl> of the month of September. Our fathers at Onnonta ft^ Y 46 FIRST SETTLEMENT AT ONONDAGA) m In I 5' i M :-. gu^ sent two' canoes to Quebec with intelligence of the massacre of the poor Huron Christians, treacherously put to death by these barbarians, as we remarked above, 3 August of the year 1657. The T*'* of the month of November. Two Mohawks departed from Quebec, and took a third at Three Rivers A number of letters from divers quarters were given to them for Father Le Moine, part of which were to be sent to our Fathers and our French of Onnontagu6 thro' the medium of the Mo- hawks, who often go to that country. It is true that the Mohawks faithfully delivered the letters to Ondessonk, because they feared evil for their people detained by the French. But for the letters addressed to our French at On- nontagu6, the Mohawk who was the bearer thereof, threw them in the river, or gave them, probably, to the chiefs of the country. But these good fellows, who wished to rid themselves of the preach- ers of the gospel and of those who assisted them, threw them into the fire. > * i^ The Onnonta^u^ sent by Monsieur de Maisonneuve did still worse : for he told the chiefs of the nation, that the French were leagued principally with the Algonquins to niake war on them, and that they had killed his comrade. It was an Algon- quin killed him on his way to war as we have remarked on the 3<* November. Nothing more was necessary to excite these furious men, who had already concluded on the death of some and the captivity of others. They were desirous, however, to act in con- cert with the Mohawks, who could, no more than the others, re- concile theiLselves to the detention of their people, believing it very unjust. Our poor French were, meanwhile, much astonished at re- ceiving no c6vtain news either from Quebec, Three Rivers, or Montreal. These barbarians had entirely cut off all communi- cation, so that Mons"". de Dailleboust's orders were not deliv- ered to Mons"". Du Puis, who commanded the soldiers, nor a letter to any of the French whomsoever. i AMD DISOOVERT OF THE SALT SPRINGS. 47 •. :-- •«;■• ■; t /:•*■:' ['.y/r .-' ,'\ ■ ' *'' ', OF THE RETURN OF OUR FATHERS AND OF OUR FRENCH- MEN FROM THE COUNTRY OF THE ONNONTAGUES. [From the same.] Though it be true that the Iroquois are subtle, adroit and great cheats, I nevertheless cannot persuade myself that they possess so much inteMgence, so much tact, and that they are such great poli- ticians as to have had recourse to the ruses and intrigues imputed to them to destroy the French, the Hurons, the Algonquins, and their allies. \ They urged for many years with incredible persistence ; with evidences of especial affection and even with threats of rupture and war, if their friendship were despised and their demand reject- ed ; they insisted, I say, and solicited that a goodly number of French should accompany them into their country, the one to instruct, the others to protect them against their enemies, as a token of peace and alliance with them. The Mohawks desired to thwart this scii< me ; they fought the one against the other even unto polluting the earth with blood and murder. Some believed that all that was mere feint, the better to mask their game ; but it would seem to me not a very pleasant game when the stakes are life and blood. I strongly doult that Iroquoy policy should extend so far as that, and that Barbarians who repose but little confidence in each other, should so long conceal their intrigues. I believe rather that the Onnontagu6 Iro- quois demanded some Frenchmen in sincerity, but with views very different. The Chiefs finding themselves engaged in heavy wars against a number of nations whom they had provoked, asked for Hurons as reinforcements to their warriors ; they wished for the French to obtain firearms from them, and to repair those which might be broken. Further, as the Mohawks treated them some- times very ill when passing through their villages to trade with the Dutch, they were anxious to rise out of this dependence in 48 i '-' FIRST SETTLEM£>7T OF ONONDAGA, opening a trade with the French. This is not all, the fate of arms being fickle, they demanded that our Frenchmtn should erect a vast fort in their country to serve as a retreat for them, or at least for their wives and children in case their enemies pressed too close on them. Here ure the views of the Iroquois politicians. The common people did not penetrate so far ahead j curiosity to see strangers come from such a distance, the hope of deriving some little profit, created a desire to see them ; but the Christian Hurons and captives among the people, and those who approved their lives and conversations which they sometimes held regarding our belief, breathed nothing in the world so much as 'l^e coming of Preachers of the Gospel who had brought them forth unto Jesus Christ. ' But so soon as the Captains and Chiefs became masters of their enemies, having crushed all the Nations who had attacked them ; so soon as they believed that nothing could resist their arms, the recollection of the wrongs they pretended to have formerly experiencfed from the Hurons; the glory of triumphing over Euro- peans as well as Americans, caused them to take the resolution to revenge themselves on the one and destroy the other ; so that at the very moment they saw the dreaded Cat Nation subjugated by their arms and by the power of the Senecas, their allies, they would have massacred all the French at Onnontagu^, were it not that they pretended to make use of them as a decoy to attract some Hurons and to massacre them as they had already done. And if the influence of some of their tribe, then resident at Quebec, had not staid them, the path to Onnontagu^ had become the tomb to Frenchmen as well as to Hurons, as will be seen hereafter. From ihat time forth our people, having discovered their conspiracy, and perceived that their death was concluded on, bethought them on their retreat, which shall be described in the following letter. TO THK RET |1 ^. AMD DIBOOTSBT OF THS SALT BPftWOS. 49 ►. f. :C. I TiimTrrm TkiTTT Tk > AivT'n'&m * «t ;» n..^^ -..Vi ijomifc V3d FATHER PAUL RAGUENEAU -U atiiOet 'lol TO TBE EEYt FATHER JACQUES BENAULT, PBOVINCIAL OF THE SOCIETY r<%ir folks who were in irons. In that Council they even looked on our persons as precious hostages, either for the exchange of some of their tribe who were in prisop, or obtaiii- ment of whatever ple^^sed them when wijthjui view pf pur Frjejich settlements they should ojuake us feel the efiects of their cruielty; doubting not that these horrible spectacles and tl^e lamentations of forty and fiHy innocent Frenchmen would touch with compassion and distress the Governor and inhabitants of what place SiO ever. We were only privaitely acquainted with these disastrous de- signs of the Iroquois, but we openly saw their spirits prepared for war ; and in the month of February divers bapds took tjb^e field for that purpose, 200 Mohawks on the one side, 40 Oneidas on the other ; some Onnontagu^ warriors had already gone for- ward whilst the main body of the army was assembling. We could not e;|cpeot, speakug humanly) to extricate from these dangers, by which we were surrounded on all sides, some fifty Frenchmen who had entrusted to us their lives and for whom we should feel ourselves responsible before God and men. What distressed us the most was, not so much the flames into which a part of our Frenchmen would be cast, as the unfortuna^ captivity to which the most of them were destined by the Iro- quois, in which the salvation of their souls waa more to be dreaded than the loss of their bodies. This is what the greater number most especially apprehended, who already seeing them- selves prisoners, coveted rather the stroke of the hatchet or eveQ the flames, than this captivity. They were determined in order to avoid this last misfortune, even to risk all and to fly eacl), hU way in the woods, to perish there of hunger and wretchedness or to attempt to reach some of the French settlements. In these circumstances so precipitous, our Fathers and I and a gentleman named Monsieur du Puys, who commanded all our AHP OISOOYKBY of the salt 8PEING8. 61 Frenchmen and a garrison of soldiers, nine of whom had already of themselves resolved to abandon us, concluded that it would be better to withdraw in a body, either to encourage one another to die or to sell life more dearly. For that reason it became necessary to depart without breathing a syllable about it ; for the least suspicion that the Iroquois would have bad of our retreat, would hurry down on us the disaster we would avoid. But how hope to be able to depart without being discovered, being in the heart of the country, and always Jbeset by a number of these Bar- barians who left not our house so as to watch our countenances m this conjuncture *? It k true they never imagined that we should have had the courage to undertake this exploit, knowing well that we had neither canoes, nor sailors, and that we were unacquainted with the paths topped by precipices where a dpzen Iroquois could easily defeat us: Besides, the season was insup- portable on account of the cold of the frozen water through which, under all circumstances, the canoes were to be dragged, throwing ourselves into the river ard remaining there entire hours, sometimes up to the neck, and we never hat! undertaken such expeditions without having savages for guides. Notwithstanding these obstacles which appeared insurmounta- ble to them ?.s well as to us, God, who holds in His hands all the moments ci out lives, so happily inspired usj with all that was necessary to be done, that having departed on the 20t'> day of March from our house of Ste. Marie^ near Onnontagu6, at eleven o'clock at night. His divine providence guiding us, as if by a continued miracle, in the mi ^-i of all imaginable dangers, we ar- rived at Quebec on the 23^ of the month of April, having passed Montreal and Three Rivers before any canoe could be launched, the river not having been open for navigation until the very day that we made our appearance. From the same to the same. Your Rev. will be glad to learn tlie particulars of our depart- ure from Ste. Marie of the Iroquois. * * » * » The resolution being taken to quit that country where God took through us, the small number of his disciples, the difficulties ap- , i t 'i 52 FIRST SETTLEMENT AT 0H0NDA6A) U ? - •I? '! If!' i t'- m pvaied insurmountable in their execution for which every thing failed us. . (*•■,- To supply the want of canoes, we had built, in secret, two Batteaux of a novel and excellent structure to pass the rapids ; these batteaux drew but very little water and carried considera- ble freight, fourtoen or fifteen men each, amounting to fifteen to sixteen hundred weight. We had moreover four Algonquin and four Iroquois canoes, which were to compose our little fleet of fifty -three Frenchmen. • ' But Ihe difficulty was to embark unperceived by the Iroquois wit)o constantly beset us. The batteaux, canoes and Al the equi- I »ge could not be conveyed without great noise, and yet without 6(.\ :ery there was nothing to be expected save a general massacre of b'l of US the moment it would be discovered that we enter- tuineu the least thought of withdrawinfj. On that account we invited all th'.- Savages in our neighbour- hood to a solemn feast at which \vu employed all our industry, and spared neither the noise of drums nor instruments of music, to deceive them by harmless device. He who presided at this ceremony played his part with so much address and success, that all were desirous to contribute to the publick joy: Every one vied in uttering the most piercing cries, now of war, anon of re- joicing. The Savages, through complaisance, sung and danced after the French fashion and the French in the Indian style. To encourage theri the more in this fine play, presents were distri- buted amonr>: those who acted best their parts and who made the greatest notse to drown that caused by about forty of our people outside -ivho were engaged in rr n oving all our equipage. The embarcation being completed, the feast was concluded at a fixed time ; the guests retired, and sleep having soon overwhelmed them, we withdrew from our house by a back door and embarked with very little noise, without bidding adieu to the Savages, who were acting cunning parts and were thinking to amuse us to the hour of our massacre with fair appearances and evidences of good will. Our little Lake on which we silenllv sailed in the darkness of the night, froze according as we advanced and caused us to fv'ar i being stoj God, hov and all th falls, we { twenty les wa5 the n part ire th twelve it ^ disorder, t veiling ten to land ai through US have serve have strucl protection load, in wl: after we e the snow ai the ice. Ten days we floated, the ice, ax« terwards a dered. Foi we found o\ quantity of 1 on as many teaux which ter and all o with the roa dreadful wn ourselves, tl selves into tl never been, being engulf which, notw keep. Thre AND DISOOVEBY OF THE SALT SpaiKGS. 88 being stopt by the ice after having evaded the fires of the Iroquois. God, however, delivered uS) and after having advanced all night and all the following day through frightful precipices and water- falls, we arrived finally in the evening at the great Lake Ontario, twenty leagues from the place of our departure. This first day wa><) the most dangerous, for had the Iroquois observed our dc- part ire they would have intercepted us, and had they been ten or twelve it would have been easy for them to have thrown us into disord^^r, the river being very narrow, and terminating after tra- velling ten leagues in a frightful precipice where we were obliged to land and carry our baggage and canoes during four hours, through unknown roads covered with a thick forest which could have served the enemy for a Fort, whence at each step he could have struck and fired on us without being perceived. God's protection visibly accompanied us during the remainder of the road, in which we walked through perils which made us shudder after we escaped them, having at night no other bed except the snow after having passed entire days in the water and amid the ice. Ten days after our departure we found Lake Ontario on which we floated, still frozen at its mouth. We were obliged to break the ice, axe in hand, to make an opening, to enter two days af- terwards a rapid where our little fleet had well nigh foun- dered. For having entered a Great Sault without knowing it, we found ourselves in the midst of breakers which, meeting a quantity of big rocks, threw up mountains of water and cast us on as many precipices as we gave strokes of paddles. Our bat- teaux which drew scarcely half a foot, were soon filled with wa- ter and all our people in such confusion, that their cries mingled with the roar of the torrent presented to us the spectacle of a dreadful wreck. It became imperative, however, to extricate ourselves, the violence of the current dragging us despite our- selves into the large rapiils and through past es in which we had never been. Terror redoubled at the sight of one of our canoes being engulfed in a breaker which barred the entire rapid and which, notwithstan»ling, was the course that all the others must keep. Three Frenchmen were drowned there, a fourth fortu- ™7*- r ^:;|^ '. - ■ ; ' V ■ ' ,■ ( ■' ■ 'l' :. ■' * • ;>. I ■m^-m^ rimST SKTTLEMltNT AT OKOR0AGA, k ■i'. nately edcapedy having held on to the eanoe and being saved at the foot of the Sault when at the point of letting go his hold, his strength being exhausted. • • • • The 3d of April we kmded at Montreal^ in the beginning of the night. •- '• • • •! • • ' You noticed above how our Fathers and our Frencihnien withdrew from their habitation built on the banks of Lake Ganan- taa, near Onnontagu6. That happened ait night, and without noise and with so nnieh address, that the. Iroquois, who cabined at the doors of our house, never perceived the removal of the ca- noes suid batteaux and bagage which were kun>.- J^ :"-> ^t:;, # ^ *:*\ '''^> ^-''^♦k I . 1 v^/'i r III. PAPERS f e CnnttelleB' onh le Sepf, the day fixed on for departure, being that of the exaltation and triumph of the Cross, for whose glory this expedition was determined on. The general rendezvoue Waa fixed for the SS*"* of Sept., at Fort .A^ilMvr ^s^MPl^frxf. A ,'8t. Anne recently oonstructed by Sieur'La Mothe, Captain in, the Carignan Regiment) on an Island in Lake Cbamplain. Some, of the troops not being able to come up in sufficient time, M. ide Tracy would not proceed before tbe 3' of October, with ithe main body of the army. But » 600 YOLTHfTEIBS INTO Y^ TERRITORYES OF BIS ROTALL HIGHNESSE THE DUKE OF YORKE IN AMERICA. ' [Lond. D09. II.] Upon the 29t'» of Xber last, Monsier Coarsell the Govemour of Canada,in Nova ffrancia begun his march with near 600 men, to seeke out their inveterate ennemyes called the Mahauke Indians in their owne country and forts, there to take reuenge upon them for the seuerall murthers and spoyles which the Barbarians had for many yeares exercised in Cannada upon the French, and the Indians of those parts even to the mine of most, but to the insuf- ferable discouragement of all those Inhabbitants, who being taken alive were usually tortured and eaten, or burnt by the Mauhaukes j If not taken, yet liv<' in perpetuall alarums to see their dwelling houses burnt, their Cattell and Come destroyed. All which pow- erfull arguments furnish't y» french with heate enough to march W V' ] ;--l , i 1 ai 1 f« VKBKXl sSPKDITlOlnl tiVer tHe frozen I&ke 6f C'ahada, lying in ike iSOth degree of tabir- tkeme latitude, ftnd taking their tyme that the snow upon the ^ound ^as hard frozen (though in most places 4 foote deep) made Use of Indian snow ^hoesw*"" hath the very form of a Rackett tyed to 6ach footcVwheireby y« body ftnd feet are kept from sink- ing into the snow, and because it was not possible for horseis to |»tes, or subsist in the snow, or for the Soldiers to carry their ne- ilessary provisibns on their backes, and had ledse expettation to itteetew*'' any reliefe in the taste wilderness, theGoverno' caused 'Idight sledges to be made in good Aumber, laying provisions updn them, drew them over the snow with mastive doggs, all thejse dif- ficultyesput together impeded his march, and by the mistake bf his guides hapned to fall shbrt of the castles of the Mauhailkes, 'liind to take up his quarters or rather incamp upon the O^** of Fe- bruary within 2 mylcis of a sihall village called Schonectade, ly- ing w*'' in the woods beyond fort Albany in y« tei'ritoryes of his Royall highness, and 3 dayss march from the first castle of the Mahaukes. The French suposed they were then come to their designed place, and the rather because/y* evening they did rancounter w*"* a party of the Mohaukes who made appearance of retreating from the French, whereupon a party of 60 of their best Fuzileers after them, but that small party drew the French into an ambuscade of neare 200 Mohaukes planted behind trees, (who ta]|^ing their ad- vsmtageasit fell into their hands,) at one volley slew eleauen French men whereof 6ne was a Lieuten*. wounded divers others, tiie french party made an hono'able retreit to their body, vr*>^ was inarching after them close at hand, w°i> gave the Mohaukes tyme 'Uld opportunity to march off w^ii the loss of only 3 slaine upon the plaice and 6 ^bunded, the report whereof was soone brought to Schonecktade by those Indians, with the heads of 4 of the Kirench to the Commissary of the Village who immediately dis- patched the newes to Fort Albany, from whence the next day 3 of the principle inhabitants "Were sent to Monsier Coursell the ^bverno' of Oannada to inc[tiire of his intention to bring suoh a body ofarmed men into the dominions of his Ma*'» of Great Brit- tKtoe,'w*^out accquaihting the Governo' of these parts W*'*MBde- AQAmn THE MOHAWKS. n sigil^s. The Govdrno' reply^ that he come to seeke out and destroy his ennemyes the Mohaukes without intention of visiting their plantations, or else to molest any of his Ma^>»" subjects, and that [he] had not heard of the reducing those parts to his Ma^>*' obedience, but desired that hee and his soldiers might bee supplied ^ith provisions for their money, and that his wounded men might be sucoured, and taken care for in Albany ; To all which the Bmissaryes freely consented and made a small but acceptable pre- isent of wine and provisions to him, further offering the best ac- commodations y« poore village afforded, w'''' was civilly refused, in regard there was not accomodac6n for his soldyers, with whom he had marcht and campt under the blew^ canopy e of the heaveas full six weekes, but hee prudently foresaw a greater inconvenience if hee had brought his weary and halfe starv'd people within the smell of a ctiimaey corner, whom hee now cold keepe from istrag- ling or running away, not knowing whither to runn for feare of y° Indians ; The next day Monsieur Corsell sent hk men to the village where they were carefully drest and sent to Albany, being seaven in number, the Dutch bores carryed to the camp such pro- visions as they had, and were too well payd for it j Especially ■peaz and bread, of w*''' a good quantity was bought j y^ Mohaukes fwere all gone to their Castks, with resolution to fight it Out ai^ainst the french, who being refresht and supply ed w='» the aforesaid provisions made a shew of marching towards the Mo- haukes Castles, but with faces about and great sylence and dilli- gence return'd towards Cantiada. Upon the 12*^ of February, whether a Panick ftare, some mu- tiny, or y8 probability of the thawing of the lake, caus'd this sudden {vr'^^ the Indians call a dishono'^able retreit) I camiot learne, but surely so bould and hardy an attempt (eircumstanoes considered) hath not hapned in any age. All w'^'^ vanisht like false fyer, and hath given new courage to their old enemyes y** Mauhaukes\who by their spyes hearing of y® retreat of y« French pursued them back to ihe Lake, but the French making more spee«l to th»m from Canada, the Mohaukes did noe considersible prejudice to them, on«;ly took 3 one of W^'^ at his own request they slew, not being able to march, the other they kept prisoners, ■^ Vf. mi I' 74 FRENCH EXPEDITIONS they found 5 others dead in the way with hunger and cold, but according to their manner brought the crownes of their heads away, those who observed the words and countenance of Mon- sieur Coursell, saw him disturbed in minde that the king was Master of these parts of the Country, where hee expected to have found the Dutch interest upermost, saying that the king of Eng- land did graspe at all America, but hee did not beleive to see the Dutch the masters ere long; he enquired what garrison or what fort was at Albany, 'twas told him a Captain and 60 English sol- dyers with 9 pcece of ordinance in a small fort of foure Bastions, and that the Cap^ thereof Cap* Baker had sent for 20 men from annother garrison of the Kings at the Sopes, who probably might be arrived at Albany the same hower, thus finding his men tyr'd, the Mohaukes resolute, and something doubtfull, without tryall of the good will of the English Garrison, because y^ reports were strong that the French King and States of Holland were united against His Ma*'« of England, Monsieur Coursell found it reason- able to returne home nothing effected, the 2 prisoners taken by the Mohaukes in the retreate tell them y* this summer another attempt will be made upon their country with a greater force and supplyes of men, the truth or success of which I shall not now discourse upon, having given y« trew relation of what past from ye 29th December to the 12t'» of February. [From Paris Doc. I.] On the seventh of the month of July of the year 1666, the Iroquois of the Oneida Nation, having learned from the Mohawks, their neighbours and allies and by the Dutch of Fort OranG;e that the troops of Louis the fourteenth by the grace of God Most Christian King of France and Navarre, had in the month of February of the said year carried his Majesty's arras, over the snow and ice near unto Fort Orange in New Netherland, under the command of Messire Daniel de Courcelle, Lieutenant General of his armies, pursuant to orders which they received from Mes- sire Alexandre de Prouville knight. Lord de Tracy, member of "n AGAIirST THE MOHAWKS. 76 his Majesty's councils and Lieut. Oenl. of his armies, both in the Inlands and mainlaind of South and North America, as well by sea as by land, to fight and destroy the Mohawks, which probably they would have accomplished, had not the mistake of their guides caused them to take one road for the other, came down to Quebec to solicit peace as well in their own name as in that of the Mohawks by ten of their Ambassadors, by name Soenres, Tsoenserouanne, Gannoukouenioton, Asaregouenioton, Asare- gouaune, Tsendiagou, Achinnhara, Togoukouaras, Oskaraquets, Akouehen, And after having communicated by the mouth of their Orator and Chief Soenres, the object of their Embassy by ten talks expressed by as many presents, and having handed to us the letters from the officers of New Netherland, have unanimously requested, acknowledging the force of his Majesty's arms and their weakness and the condition of the forts advanced towards them, and moreover aware that the three upper Iroquois Nations have always experienced great benefit from the protection which they formerly received from the said Lord the King, that his Majesty would be pleased to extend to hem the same favour by granting them the same protection, and receiving them among the number of his true subjects, demanding that the Treaties for- merly made as well by the said Nations as by theirs, have the same force and validity for that of the Mohawks, who have re- quired of us to solicit this with great importunity, as they should have themselves done by means of their Ambassadors had they not been apprehensive of bad treatment at our hands, ratifying on their part all the said reaties in all their points and articles, which have been read to them in the Iroquois tongue by Joseph Marie Chaumont, priest, member of the Society of Jesus ; adding, moreover, to all the said articles what the protest effecting in good faith what they offered by their said presents, especially to restore all the Frenchmen, Algonquins and Hurons whom they hold prisoners among them of what condition and quality they may be, and as long as any are detained there, even on the part of the Mohawks, to send families from among them to serve, like those of other nations as the most strict hostages for their persons and dispositions to the orders of those who shall in this I- : 4 16 mMsxaa ispEDtTioMi ll:^i 1% ■;■ li!' i Country liave authority from the said Lord the King whom they acknowledge from this time as their Sovereign; demanding reci- procally among all other things the restoration to them in good faith, of all those of their Nation who are prisoners at Quebec^ Montreal and Three Rivers, that French families and some Black gowns, that is Jesuits be sent them, to preach the gospel to them and to make known to them the God of the French whom they promise to love and adore ; also that trade and commerce be open to them with New France, by the Lake du Saint Sacrementf (L. George) with the assurance on their part that they will pro- vide in their country, a sure retreat as well to the said families as to the trading merchants, not only by preparing cabins to lodge them in, but also by assisting to erect forts to shelter them from their common enemies the Andastaeronnons and others. And that the present Treaty, made on their part in ratification of the preceding, may be stable and known unto all, they have signed it with the separate and distinctive marks of their Tribes, after which what they solicited from the said Lord the King was grant- ed to them in his name by Messire Alexandre de Prouville, Knight, Lord de Tracy member of the King's Councils, &c. (as above) in the presence and assisted by M. Daniel de Remy Siegneur de Courcelles, King's Councillor, &c., &c., and of M. Jean Talon also Councillor, &c. who have signed with the said Lord de Tra- cy; and as Witnesses, Francois le Mercier, Priest, Member and Superior of the Society of Jesus at Quebec and Joseph Marie Chaumont likewise Priest and Member of the said Society, Inter- preters of the Iroquois and Huron languages. Done at Quebec the 12 July, 1666. M;,^ 1> ,,u.-=.^. j-^=;.:^.:.l.:i. BY SIEUE Dt AGMSm- THK MOHAWn. IT ACTE OF POSSESSION BY SIEUR Dt'BOIB IN THS NAME OF THE KING (oF IRANCE) OF THR' F0RT6 TAKEN FBCM THE IftOQITOlS. In the year 1666, the \1^^ day of Ootoib., the King^s troops commanded by Messire Alexander de Prouville Knight, Lord de Tracy Lieut. General of His Ma^'«« Naval armies both in the Islands and Continent of South and North America as well by sea as by land, aided by Messire Daniel de Remy Knight, Seig- neur de Courcelles, Governor and Lieut. General for the King in New FraAce, beiiig draWtt up in battle array* Befbre the Fort of Andaraque, Jean Baptiste du Bois Esq" Sieur de Cocreaumont and de St. Morice, Commandant of the Artillery of the army, presented himself at the head of the army by order of Mods, hotii de Tiacy and deputed by M,, Jean Talon, King^s Councillor in his State and Privy Councils, Intendant General of Justice, Po< lice' and Finance in New France,, for the review aad direction of the Supplies of the Troops, who declared and said that at the r«^ quest of Mons'' Talon he took possession of said Fort and of all the lands in the neighbourhood as far and in as great a quantity as they may extend, and of the other four forts which have been conquered from the Iroquois in the name of the King, and in ta*- ken thereof hath planted a Cross before the doors of said forta and near this hath erected a post and to these hath affixed the King's arms, of which and of all the above the said Sieur de Bois has required acte of the undersigned Royal Notaiy commanded in the said army for His Majesty's s<»rvice. Done at the afore- said Fort of Andaraque the day and year above written^ in pre'- sence of Messire Alexander de Chaumont, Knight Seigneur of said place, Aid de Camp of his Majesty's armies, and of Hector d'Andigny, Knight of Grande Fontaine, Captiun of a Company of Infantry in the Carignan Regiment, of the Nobleman Antoine de Contrecour Cap° of a Company of Infantry in said Regiment, of Francois Mass4, Sieur de Wally, Jean du Gal Esq" Sieur du '• :J 78 FRENCH EXPEDITIONS 4 i 111 Fresne Major of Canada, Jean Louis Chevalier du Glas Lieut of a Company of said Regim*, Rene Louis Chartier Esq', Sieur de Lobiniere Lieutenant of a Militia Company from Quebec, Domi- nique le Feure Esq', Sieur de Quesquelin Lieutenant in said Re- giment, Witnesses undersigned with the said Seigneur du Bois and the Notary. Signed, Chaumont, le Chevalier de Grand Fontain, de Contrecour, du Gal, Wally, Chev"" du Glas, du Guesclin, Rene Louis Chartier, Lobiniere, du Bois and du Guet Royal Notary. GOV. NICOILS TO CHEV. TRACY, AT QUEBEC. / [Lond. Doe. II.] Monsieur, I was in some measure surprized in february last with the newes of so considerable a force of forreiners under the co- mind of Monsieur de Courcelle so farre advanct in these His Ma*'«" Dominions without my Knowledge and Consent, or the least notice given of y^^ intentions to any of His Ma^'^^ Colonies then in amity with the French Nation : although y' proceedings heerin were not conformable to the practise in Europe, yet all my officers both Military and Civill soone resolu'd to succour and releive your Campe with such meane provisions as the Country affords [and] from a small village could bee expected and as they have in all former times .been very affectionate with Christian Charity to ransome or by any other meanes to convey divers French prisoners out of the hands of their barbarous Enemies so also their Intentions towards you is manifest in their letter of the SO*** March last wherein their purpose was to give you a speedy notice that the Maquaes were at last wrought upon to treat of peace if you on your parts were so disposed, but it seems (by a sad accident intervening,) you are pleas'd to lay a greater burden upon them than they deserve after their sincere affections to your peace. To both y' Letters directed to the Captain and Commis- W' AGAINST THE MOHAWKI. 79 saries at Albany themselves yriW returne answer but hearing that you had Emploied Le S'. Couture with y' Letters I tooke a sud- daine. Resolution to have discourse with him to w*^'> purpose I came hither but find that he is return'd without the Knowledge of the Capt. or Commissarie. I could have wisht that hee had staid for mee, or that I could wait his coming for I now want the opportunity of enlarging myself to him and by him to y'selfe with how much Integrity I shall constantly attend the European Interest amidst the heathen in America as becomes a good Chris- tian, provided that the bounds and limits of these His Majesties of Englands dominions be not invaded or the Peace and Safety of his subjects interrupted, In all other points I shall be found to entertaine y' Correspondence with Mutuall Civility and respect the rather because the Reputation of y' honour hath spread it- self in all these parts of the world, as well as it is known in Eu- rope, whereof I can beare some Testimony, when I had the honour to attend my master his R. H. the Duke of York and Albany a few yeares in the french army, and now that I serve the same Master in his interest in this part of the World, I should count my selfe very fortunate in an opportunity at least to acknowledge some part of y' great civilities to my Master and all his Servants in their low estate and condition of Exile, The Memory whereof obligeth me (a reasonable time and good occasion concurring) to give you certain proofe with how much truth I am. Sir, Yo' Most afi^e. Servant Richard Nioolls. 20th Aug: St '.Vet: ) In fort Albany 1666. ) A Monsieur, Monsieur Le Chevalier et Seigneur de Tracy Lt. General! D« Roy tres Chrestien dans toute L'Amerique. A Quebec. ^' \ ■n - .t imiMGH KDPEDITIOMR mm M\ M. TALON TO M. COLBERT, 13 Nov. 1666. [PariiDoe. I.] Monsieur de Tracy and Monsieur de Courcelles are returned frooa their Expedition, the Iroq^^ois haAring concluded to retreat and abandon their settlements. The i eiid M. de Tracy could do nothing else than burn their forts an 1 lay waste every thing. These two gentlemen will infojrm you of whatever occurred throughout their march which occupied fifty-three days. What I learn from public opinion is that in what has been perform- ed nothing has been left undone, and that the King's orders had been executed and his expectations entirely realized had those savages stood their ground. It would, in truth, have been desirable that a part had been defeated and some others taken prisoners. The advanced age of M. de Tracy must greatly enhance the merit of the service he has rendered the King, by assuming in a broken down frame such as his, a fatigue of which no correct idea can be formed. I am assured that throughout the whole march of three hundred leagues, including the return, he suffered himself to be carried only during two days, and then he was forced to do so by the gout. M. de Courcelles, though stronger than he, could not help being carried in like manner, having been i^ttacked by a contraction of the nerves. Both in truth have endured all the fatigue that human nature is capable of. , M. de Tracy incurred some expences on his march for the con- veyance of the cannon and other extraordinary services rendered the Troops, which I wished to reimburse, but his modesty would not suffer it. Sir In ansi you that Mt signifying tc the Maquas, my consent 1 so many offic Ma'iot Comp advanced witi Annies. But wrong way, h village which there was any yans that were place. This ti Courcelle, tha was then betw< Jand. The Mo the persons unc tremity, for wa consideracdns \ wee had no inte l^ominion than ces) and underst the Dutch, hee falling into the y were there savet Hee also had i diers from Killin were in the said to vindicate the 1 I J ▲OAIMIT TBI MOBAWEt. #' >^ : .' n ^^i' t. ,^-i 7^ M M. TRACT TO GOV. MGOLLS. •^i , [London Doe. I.] .» k; .-r. Sir In answer to yo' letter of 31. August, [N. S.] I shall tell you that Mons' de Courcelle Ooverno' Generall of this Cbuntreyi signifying to mee that hee had a desire to make some inroad upon the Maquas, to put a stopp to their barbarous Insolencies ; I gave my consent to further the design, that hee might take with him so many officers and souldiers as hee thought fit, either of his Ma^>"* Companyes, or those of y* Countrey. Whereupon hee advanced within fifteene or twenty leagues of the villages of y* Annies. But fortunately for them his guides conducting him a wrong way, hee did not meete with them, till he came neare the village which you name in yo' Letter, neither had he known there was any of them there, untill he had surprized all the Ind- yans that were in two small Hutts at some distance from that place. This truth is sufficiently convincing, to justify Mons' de Courcelle, that hee had no intention to infringe the Peace, that was then between us, for that hee thought himself in the Maques land. The Moderac6n which hee used in the said hutts (although the persons under his command were driven to the uttermost ex- tremity, for want of Provisions) hath sufficiently manifested the considerac6n8 wee have always had for our allyes (for until then wee had no intelligence, that New Holland was under any other Dominion than that of the States of the United Belgick Provin- ces) and understanding that hee was upon the Lands belonging to the Dutch, hee tooke great care to hinder his companyes from falling into the village, by which means alone the Maquaes that were there saved themselves. Hee also had so much care and authority as to hinder the soul- diers from Killing the Poultry, and taking away Provisions that were in the said hutts, to satisfy their hunger. Thus farr, I ought to vindicate the truth upon this subject. 6 r \ . \' ;. I' I ^ 8S fBBMOH nVKDITIOini ill ill I The ffrench nation is too much inclined to acknowledge cour- tesies, not to confess that the Dutch have had very much charity for the ffrench, who have been Prisoners with the Maquaes, and that they have redeemed divers^ who had been burnt w^'^out their succour i They ought also to be assured of our gratitude towards them, and to any others whd shall exercise such Christian Deedes, as they have done. ! 1 Am als6 persuaded that they had a sincere intention for the conclusion of a firme peace between us and the'Maques. They ought in like manner to believe, that wee have alwayes expressly forbid y« Algonquins to make warr upon or kill them. Since the Dutch Oent. did send you y* Lrds which I writt unto them, you have knowne the candour of my thoughts, and the conlfidence which I had in their ffriendship, by that of the 14*^ July 1666 as also by the Request I made to the Reverend Father Bechefer (who is a person of great mcritt) accompanyed Mnth thrfee considerable persons, to transport himself upon the place, to conclude a peace, thereby to ease them of the trouble of cdming to Quebec. Its true the displeasure I received by the death of some Oent- nien, who went a fowling upon confidence, of that article •w'^^ is in the same letter those Gent'men sent mee, the second time, da- ted the 26t'> March 1666, the which I had publisht in our Garri- son [we have acquainted the Maquaes, that they are to forbear all acts of Hostility, during the time that the Messenger shall be absent which they have promised to observe] did give mee a just griefe, and a great deale of (Kscontent, It being evident that those Gent'men had not put themselves upon that hazard, without the assurance : w*''' would ha> e served amongst Europeans as well as the most authentick Passeport that could be had, the which also wee had caus'd the Algonquins to observe. Such an unexpected misfortune obliged mee to chang the de- signe I had of adventuring the person of ♦he reverend Father Be- chefer, and the rest that accompanied him, & I resolv'd to send only the Sieur Cousture (who had been a Prisoner among the Maques) with a letter to the Dutch Gent, of the 22 & that hat) I returne yol you are pleas'^ you give mee wlityand respt particularly kn] opinion o£mee| ^ntages which) I had the hoj considerable col (that was hee aj ■erved in fflandl Strangers; Heel for the great mel ACMUmt nil MOBAWU, Initraotion which hath or might have been seenC) sinod I gav« him leave to shew it. I had never the thought of accunng those Dutch Gent'men ei- ther directly or indirectly) nor any other person, of holding in- telligence with the Maquei in so foule an action as was commit- ted by them ; But writt onely to oblige them, and those other Oent'men who serve under yo' command at Albany, (for we were then in peace,) to councell the Maques, as Neighbours, to deliver up into our power, the actors of that murder, w°i> was a satisfac- tion that with reason I might promise myselfe on that occasion. My L're of the 22<> July to those Gent'men at Albany, might nave informed you what the S^ Cousture was ; ffor it had notbeene prudent alter the death of those Qent'men, to hazard a person of quality. And I am very sorry that you tooke the paines to leave the place of y usual residence, to make a Voyage to Albany, to have discourse with an ordinary Messenger who had nothmg of Trust committed to him. The intention you signify to have of Embracing Allwayes the Interest of Europe, against the barbarous Indyans of America, is very commendable and befitting a person of your Quality and a good Christian : That Passion which you likewise expresse, for the interest of his Ma^y of Great Brittaine, is to be esteemed, and there is no man of reason, who doth not approve y' judgm^ there- in, & that hath not the like for his Prince. I returne you thankes in particular for those obliging termes you are pleasM to use on my behalfe, as also for the assurances you give mee of a desire to hold a mutuall Correspondence of ci- vility and respect with mee to y* end before proposed : If I was particularly knowne to you I might feare you would alter your opinion o£ mee, for that Reputac6n doth very often give us ad- vantages which wee do not deserve. I had the bono' to serve the King in Germany, in the most considerable commands of his Army, at the time when my son (that was bee and not mee) was knowne unto you, in those which served in £9anders, where he commanded His Ma^ie^ Cavalry of Strangers : Hee hal a very particular respect for the person, and for the great meritt of his Royal Highnesse, The Duke of York, 84 nUtNCH EXPEDITIONS M.: who seemed to bee well pleased with his respectful carriage to- wards him : You have no reasons to expect lesse services from meC) that you might have received from my son, upon all occa- sions where those of the King will permit mee to render them. It cannot bee but you must have heard from divers of your Nation that have beene in the Islands of America, how I have done them courtesyes with passion, and with as much civility as may bee ; I have cause enough to complaine that the same hath not beene practised towards me ; fibr that a vessell which went out of Boston, tooke in the Gulfe of St. Laurence, towards the latter end of June, or the beginning of July 1665, (near upon five months before the declarac6n of the warre) a barque of be- tweene 25 and 30 tunnes, vt'^^ belonged to mee, being laden wi(h a good quantity of strong Waters, and other refreshments which come from France : But as I know no other interest than that of the service of his Ma*y who bestowes many benefitts upon mee, I shall easily forgett that losse, 'till the conclusion of Peace , you may also believe that I am vr*^ a great deale of esteeme, S' Your thrice affectionate '' j* Si' I/; % r . • and humble Serv*. r r^i- -^' '.•■•■„ '' ■ r - '■':■ .■■..■-', Teact. Quebec > ,-;,*■ .'i , .-„. /■ ._■ , Apr.30, 1667. S " .1 n ; ,. .'.''1 '^ ».„ 4)'! Jr'.U ^v.. *ii'!:tiO "'>i:::u;7 '' I ..; f .' ■ ."■ ■.'■■> > '■.) .', t ;if/ , 'l ) > ! 1-»f'. : :.-' <■ TV:^. .ft'". IV. REPORTS fmlmt of ^m fn± ■ ., .ii'v'i l\ K- H 1' m A I 1 .1 Vrvl ' . T h .|:, ■ ■ \ , I! 1 ¥ ' , ^.fi. '^'■;M'- .'\ ■ ', jk'.'- . ' f-;-: :3lbout 1669; ie70. u iili: 11 i'-' I- cm. NIC BELATING ilt •fl ' i n ■I lit. TI the Justice liaae the S any Laws i by Justices stable and ] Mayor and and. Thi that the sev( lowed with are able to dertaking, tl ships, The L Planter. 3'««. The gives and grj paying the ( defraying of j ment to his B ed by his R. dred acres, w the Indyans. 4. The G buy lands froi but the seating America, espei „i-\yi ■,'..}< ;:'.!.;■;■: ;Mt;^i ,r.:;s, .: ' ..; ■ :-i ;_i -i^i.r •>:«•,..;'•■■;■.;. iv; .; f ,^- :!•'!. ^•:i ■ ... 1 »'■ •M .■.,^: . 1 ■ . » ,.>' • GOT. NICOLLS' ANSWERS TO THE SEYERALL QUERIES V ,■' V. BELATIN6 TO THS FLAMTER8 IN THK TEBBIT0BIE8 OF filS R. H 8 :, ^ THS DUKE OF YORKB IN AMERICA. [Load. Doe. II.] ' ' -. , Itt. The Qovernour and Councell with, the High Sheriffe tod the Justices of the Peace in the Court of the Generall assizes haue the Supreame Power of making) altering, and abolishing any Laws in this Ooyernment. The Country Sessions are held by Justices upon the Bench, Particular Town Courts by a Con- stable and Eight Overseers, The City Court of N. Yorke tby a Mayor and Aldermen. All causes tried by Juries. 2nd. f he Land is naturally apt to produce Come & Cattle so that the sevei;all proportions or diyidents of Land are alwaies al- lowed with respect to the numbers of the Planters, what they are able to manage, and in w^ time to accomplish their un- dertaking, the feed of Cattell is free in commonage to all Towne- ships. The Lots of Meadow or Come Ground are peculiar to each Planter. Z*^. The Tenure of lands is derived from his R. H." who gives and grants lands to Planters as their freehold forever, they paying the customary rates and duties with others towards the defraying of publique charges. The highes Rent or acknowledg- ment to his R. H." will bee one penny pr acre for Lands purchas- ed by his R. H.", the least two shillings sixe pence for each hun- dred acres, whereof the Planters themselves are purchasers from the Indyans. ,1 4. The Governour gives liberty to Planters to find out and buy lands from the Indyans where it pleaseth best the Planters, but the seating of Towns together is necessary in these parts of Ameiica, especially upon the Maine Land. I' I I. V . n, II'' 88 BEPO&T ON THE PBOTINCE OF NSW- YORK. 6. Liberty of Conscience is graunted and assured with the the same Provisoe exprest in the Queerie. 6. Liberty of ffishing and fowling is free to all by the Patent. 7. All Causes are tried by Juries^ no Lawes contrary to the Lawes of England. Souldyers onely are tryable by a Court Marshall, and none others except in cases of suddain invasion, mutiny or rebellion, as his Ma*'«« Lieutenants in any of his Countries of England may or ought to exercise. 8*i>. As to this point there is no taxe, toledge, Impost or Cus- tome payable upon the Planters upon Come or Cattle : the Country at present hath little other product, the Rate for publicke charges was agreed unto in a generall A;ssembly, and is now ma- naged by the Govemour his Councell and the Justices in the Court of Assizes to that onely behoofe. ' > '^ ', o j 9*i>. The obtaining all thes priviledges is long since recom^nd- ed to his R. H.* as the next necessary encouragement to these his Territories, whereof a good answer is expected. lO^b. Every man who desires to trade for ffurrs at his re- quest hath liberty so to doe. ANSWERS OF GOV. ANDROS TO ENQUIRIES ABOUT NEW YORK; 1678. [Lond. Doc. III.] Answers to the Inquires of Plantac6ns for New Yorke. 1. The GoVerno' is to have a Councill not exceeding tenh, w**" whose advice to act for the safety & good of the country, & in every towne, village or parish a Petty Court, & Courts of Sessions in the Severall precints being three, on Long Island, k Townes of New Yorke, Albany & Esopus, & some smale or poore Islands & out places ; and the Generall court of assizes composed of the Governo' & Councill & all the Justices & magistrates att New York once a yeare, the Petty courts Judge of five pounds, & then m may appes 2. The by the Coi 3. Thei advice of t y" courts is 4. The 1 sembly att Highnesse. 6. The J troopes the each all ind & exercised ing compan) fforts of Ne\ November fo 6« Fortere Yorke towne with stone \ gunnes moun smale long st( sufficient ag* Pemaquid w'^ suflFk stores. 7. There ar 8. Our Nei strong but doe west the Maqn ern Parts of A the ffrench of Connecticut in ▼isionn of whe the Sea. 9- Wee keep to Civil], legall KEFORT ON THE PROVINCE OF MEW- YORK. 89 k then may appeale to Sessions, they to twenty pounds & then may appeale to assizes to y« King, al sd courts as by Law. 2. The court of Admiralty hath been by speciall comission or by the Court of Mayo"" & Aldermen att New Yorke. 3. The cheife Legislative power there is in the Governo' with advice of the Councell the executive power Judgem*" given by ye courts is in the sheriiSs & and other civil officers. 4. The law booke in force was made by the Ooverno' & As- sembly att Hempsted in 166S & since confirmed by his Royall Highnesse. " ■- '.a' w-k^-" ;■■ *: - .■■ '.:.■■. i* ,■ 5. The Militia is about 2000 of w"''' about 140 horse in three troopes the foote formed into companyes, most under 100 men each all indifferently armed with fire-armes of all sizes, ordered & exercised according to Law, and are good fire men, one stand- ing company of Souldiers with gunners & other officers for the fforts of New Yorke & Albany alwayes victualled in October & November for a yeare. 6. Forteresses are James fforte seated upon a point of New Yorke towne between Hudson's River & y^ Sound, its a square with stone walls, foure bastions almost regular, and in it 46 gunnes mounted & stores for service accordingly. Albany is a smale long stockadoed forte with foure bastions in it, 12 gunns, sufficient ag^ Indians, and lately a wooden redout & out worke at Pemaquid w*'' 7 gunns, s'd Garrisons victualled for a yeare, w*** suff'^ stores. 7. There are no privateers about o"" Coasts. 8. Our Neighbours westward are Mary land populous and strong but doe not live in townes, their produce tobacco. North- west the Maques &.^. Indians y« most warr like in all the North- ern Parts of America, their trade beavers & furrs. Northward the ffrench of Canada trade as wee with our Indians ; Eastward Connecticut in a good condicon & populous, Iheir produce pro- visionn of wheate, beefe & porke, some pease, o"^ South bounds the Sea. 9. Wee keepe good Correspondence with all o' neighbours as to Civill, legall or judiciall proceedings, but differ with Connec- •■•j Albany ab* 43 yearly, Pemaquid afords merchant- able ffish & masts. ' 15. Wee haue noe Experience or skill of Salt Peter to be had in Quantityes. 16. C about 20( of Englai & some fe Tcry few s 17. N. according the several plantacdn i been taken few Slaues Tudons and 18. Mir noe acc^ cai 19. Scai Justices, not 20. Noe being genera 21. Am stantiall mer accompted f Jei60,000. 23. Ther from tenn to each,English & a Ketch noi 23. Obsti and mutuall owne produci neighbours uj we obseruein 24. Aduai & Navigacdn the King's su tinction, supp obserueing all persons the be BJffOST OH TBB PBOyiUQB OW VlW-TOMI. 91 16. Our Merch** are not many but with inhabitants k plaatm about 2000, able to beare armes, old inhabitants of the p)aee or of England, Except in & neere New Yorke of Dutch Extraction & some few of all naUoos, but few Sery^*) muoh wanted k bat Tery few slaves. ' 17. Noe persons whateuer are to come from any place bat according to act ofif Pari* vr^^ the magistrates and officers of the severall townes or places are to take care of, accordingly the plantacdn is these late yeares increased, butt noe Gknrall ace* hath been taken soe is not knowne how much nor what persona. Some few Slaues are sometimes brought from Barbadoes, most for Pro* yisions and sould att a<>* 30*i> or 35i<> Country pay. 18. Ministers have been soe scarce & Religions many that noe acc^ cann be giuen of Children's births or christenings. 19. Scarcity of Ministers and Law admitting marriages by Justices, noe ace* cann be giuen of the number marryed. 20. Noe ace* cann be giuen of burialls, formes of burialls not being generally obserued & few ministers till very lately. 21. A merch* worth lOOO'** or 600li> is accompted a good sub- stantiall merchant and a planter worthe halfe that in moveables accompted [rich 7] with all the Estates may be valued att about jei50,000. 23. There may lately haue traded to y* Collony in a yeare from tenn to fifteen shipps or vessells of about togeather 100 tunns eacb,English new England and our owne built of w*''' 5 small shipps &. a Ketch now belonging to New Yorke foure of them built there. 23. Obstrucc6ns to Improuem* of planters, trade, Navigacdn and mutuall assistance are y^ distinction of Collonies for our owne produce, as if different nations and people, though next neighbours upon the same tract of land, & His Ma**^* subjects, we obserueing acts of trade & navigac6n &c. 24. Aduantages, Incouragem* & Improuem* of Planters trade & Navigac6n would be more if next neighbours of o' own Nation the King's subjects on the same tract of land might without dis- tinction, supply each other with our owne produce, punctually obserueing all acts of parliam* for Exportacdn & would dispose all persons the better for mutuall assistance. tt V i 99 &KPORT OM THE PBOTIMOK OF mPIT-yOBX. ' !■■■ ' '.-'1 '.f 11 t ^ 1 S6. Rates or dutyes upon Goods exported are 2* for each hhd of Tobacco & 1* 3^ on a beaver skin & other peltry proportionably, Proyisions and all else paye nothing, Goods imported paye82 per cent except Liquors particularly rated something more, & Indian trade goeing up the river payes 3 per cent, there are some few quitt-rents, as also Excise or license monys for retaileing stronge drinke & a way house or publique Scale : all applyed to y* Gar- rison and publique charge, to which it hath not hitherto sufficed by a greate deale. 26. There are Religions of all sorts, one church of England, Several Presbiterians & Independents, Quakers & Anabaptists of Severall sects, some Jews but presbiterians & Independ** most numerous & Substantiall. 27. The Duke maintaines a chapline w<'i> is all the certaine allowance or Church of England, but peoples free gifts to y' Ministry, and all places oblidged to build Churches & provide for a minister, in vr'^^ most very wanting, but presbiterians & Inde- pend** desierous to have and maintaine them if to be had. There are ab* 20 Chuiches or Meeting places of w^i* aboue halfe vacant their allowance like to be from 40ii> to 70'i> a yeare and a house and garden. Noe Beggars but all poore cared fibr. If good Minis- ters could be had to goe theither might doe well & gaine much upon those people. •^-'' Endorsed ' ' ^ << Answers of inquiries of New-York ■• '-- =' " Rec* from S' Edm. Andros on the le**" - ' of Ap. 1678." NoTK. — Chalmers gives in his Annals what purport to be copies of these Reports, but they will be found to be rather abstracts when compared with the official MSS. which are now published in full, it is believed for the first time. v .. m.T, V. PAPERS J&. k la 38am»a f x^iebHlan HUNGRY BAT, JEFFERSON CO. 168& ii..fe UXTBACT '!■ w o'» <'« lA l«v jlij ' >. ^1) J';;N. i .7/ 'fi j »1 He is equ the French J the latter ha the Colonies severe war aj and to live ii on the lands warlike tribei Majesty has « Onnontagu(Ss and committe that they will portant that t to proceed as favorably situ Frontenac at these Iroquois their duty ani against the Fre with them witi tude to promt have undertak< He must not Iroquois agains the Savages at EXTRACT OF THE INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN BY THE KING TO M. DE LA BARRE. [Pant Doe. Vol. II.] . , I ' '.* YvmillM, 10th Majr, 1882. . 'He is equally informed that the Savages nearest adjoining to the French Settlements are the Algonquins and the Iroquois, that the latter had repeatedly troubled the peace and tranquillity of the Colonies of New France until His Majesty having waged a severe war against them, they were finally constrained to submit and to live in peace and quietness without making any incursions on the lands inhabited by the French. But as these restless and warlike tribes cannot be kept down except by terror, and as His Majesty has even been informed by the last despatches, that the Onnontagu6s and Senecas — Iroquois tribes — have killed a Recollet and committed many other violences and that it is to be feared that they will push their audacity even further ; It is very im- portant that the said Sieur de la Barre put himself in a condition to proceed as early as possible, with 5 or 600 of the militia most favorably situated for this expedition along the shores of Lake Frontenac ai the mouth of Lake Conty, to exhibit himself to these Iroquois Settlements in a condition to restrain them within their duty and even to attack them should they do any thing against the French, wherein he must observe that he is not to break with them without a very pressing necessity and an entire certi- tude to promptly and advantageously finish a war ths^t he will have undertaken against them. He must not only apply himself to prevent the violences of the Iroquois against the French. He must also endeavour to keep the Savages at peace among themselves, and prevent the Iroquois .■;,? 96 DE LA BARRe's E^FBDlTIOir by all means making war on the Illinois and other tribes, neigh- bours to them, being very certain that if these Nations whose iurs, the principal trade of Canada, are destroyed, should see themselves secure against the violence of the Iroquois by the protection they would receive from the French, they might be so much the more excited to wear their merchandizes and will there- by increase trade. ^V-M -Tff^* •■■> jffAr At the meeting held the tenth October 1682, com- posed of M. the Governor, M. the Intendant, M. the Bishop of Quebec, M. Dollier Superior of the Seminary of St. Sulpice at Montreal, the Rev. Fathers Beschefer Superior, D'Ablon and Fremin, Jesuits, M. the Major of the City, Mess", de Va- renne Governor of Three Rivers, de Brussy, Dali- < bout, Duguet, Lemoine, Ladurantais, Bizard, Chail- ly, Vieuxpont, Duluth, de Sorel, Derepentigny, Berthier and Boucher. It is proposed by M. the Governor, that from the records which M. the Count de Frontenac was pleased to deposit in his hands of what had passed at Montreal on the 12 Sept. last,^ be- tween him and the Deputy of the Onontagu6 Iroquois, it is easy to infer that these people are inclined to follow the object of their enterprize, which is to destroy all the Nations in alliance with us, the one after the other, whilst they keep us in uncertainty and with folded arms; so that, after having deprived us of the entire fur trade which they wish alone to carry on with the English and Dutch established at Manate and Orange, they may attack us isolated, and ruin the Colony in obliging it to contract itself and abandon all the separate settlements, and thus arrest the cultiva- tion of the soil which cannot bear grain nor be cultivated as meadow except in quarters where it is of good quality. As he is not informed in the short time since his arrival from France, of the state of these tribes and of the Colony, he requests them to acquaint him with all they know of these things in order TO HUNGRY BAT 91 that he may inform hin Mnjcsty thereof, and represent to him the necessities of this Coloi y, for the purpose as well of averting this war as for terminating and finishing it advantageously should it be necessary to wage it ; Whereupon the Meeting after being in- formed by the Revi Jesuit fathers of what had passed during five years among the Iroquois Nations, whence they had recently ar- rived, and by M. Dollier of what occurred for some years at Montreal, remained unanimously and all of one accord, that the English have omitted nothing for four years to induce the Iro- quois, either by the great number of presents which they made them or by the cheapness with which they gave them provisions and especially gun^, powder and lead, to declare war against us, and which the Iroquois have been two or three times ready to i undertake ; But having reflected that, should they attack us be- fore they had ruined in fact the allied nations, their neighbours, these would rally and, uniting together, would fall on them and destroy their villages whilst occupied against us, they judged it wiser to defer and amuse us whilst they were attacking those Nations, and having commenced, with that view, to attack the Illinois last year, they hail so great an advantage over them that besides three or four hundred killed, they took nine hundred of them prisoners, so that marching this year with a corps of twelve hundred men, well armed and good warriors, there was no doubt but they Would e)cterminate them altogether and attack, on their return, the Miamis and the Kiskakous and by their defeat render themselves masters of Missilimackina and the lakes H^ri^ and Huron, the Bay des Puans and thereby deprive us of all the trade drawn from that country by destroying, at the same time, all the Christian Missions established among those nations ; and there- fore it became necessary to make a last effort to prevent them ruining those Nations as they had formerly the Algonquins, the Andastez, the Loups (Mohegans), the Abcnaquis and others, the remains of whom we have at the settlements of Sillery, Laurette, Lake Champlain and others scattered among us. That to accom- plish that object, the state of the Colony was to be considered, and the means to be most usefully adopted against the enemy j that as to the Colony we could bring together a thousand good 7 98 DE LA BARRELS EXIEDITION men, bearing arms and accustomed to manage canoes like the Iroquois, but when drawn from their settlements, it must be con- sidere(J that the cultivation of the soil would be arrested during the whole period of their absence, and that it is necessary, be- fore making them march, to have supplies of provisions necessary in places distant from the settlements, so as to support them in the enemy's country a time sufficiently long to effectually destroy that Nation, and to act no more by them as had been done seven- teen years ago, making them partially afraid without weakening them. That we have advantages now which we had not then ; the French accustomed to the Woods, acquainted with all the roads through them, and the road to Fort Frontenac open to fall in forty hours on the Senecas, the strongest of the five Iroquois Nations, since they alone can furnish fifteen hundred warnors, well armed ; that there must be provisions at Fort Frontenao, three or four vessels to load them and embark five hundred men on Lake Ontario, whilst five hundred others would go in Canoes and post themselves on the Seneca shore ; but this expedition cannot succeed unless by His Majesty's aid with a small body of two or three hundred soldiers to serve as a garrison for Forts Frontenac and La Galette, to escort provisions and keep the head of the country guarded and furnished whilst the interior would be deprived of its good soldiers ; a hundred or a hundred and fifty hired men, to be distributed among the settlements to help those who will remain at home to cultivate the ground, in order that famine may not get into the land ; and funds neces- sary to collect supplies and build two or three barks, without which and that of Sieur de Lasalle, it is impossible to undertake any thing of utility : That it is a war which is not to be com- menced to be left imperfect, because knowing each other better than seventeen years ago, if it were to be undertaken without finishing it the conservation of the Colony is not be expected, the Iroquois not being apt to return. That the failure of all aid from France had begun to create contempt for us among the said Iroquois, who believed that we were abandoned by the great Onontio, our Master, and if they saw us assisted by him, they would, probably, change their minds and let our allies be in TO HUMOET SAY. 99 peace and consent not to hunt on their grounds, or bring all their peltries to the French, which they trade at present with the English at Orange ; and thus by a small aid from his Majesty we could prevent war and subject these fierce and hot spirits, which would be the greatest advantage that could be procured for the Country. That notwithstanding, it was important to arm the militia and in this year of abundant harvest to oblige them to furnish guns which they could all advantageously use when occa- sion required. *' Done in the house of the Rev^ Jesuit Fathers at Quebec, the day and year above stated. . ^^ ' Compared with the original remaining in my hands. ' Le Fe Bure de Lababbx. FATHER LAMBERVILLE TO M. DE LA BARRE. :v^-V-3," February 10, 1684. • • * • The Governor of New York is to come, they say, next summer to the Mohawk and speak there to the Iroquois. We'll see what he'll say. He has sent a shabby ship's flag to the Mohawk to be planted there. This is the coat of arms of England. This flag is still in the public chest of the Mohawks. I know not when it will see day. ' ' M. DE LABARRE TO GOV. DONGAN. * ' Montreal 15th June 1684. Sir — ^The unexpected attack which the Iroquois, Senecas and Cayugas have made on one of my forts whither I had sent a gen- tleman of my household to withdraw Sieur de la Salle therefrom, whom I sent at their request to France, and the wholesale plunder of seven French canoes laden with merchandize for the Trade, and the detention during ten days of 14 Frenchmen who were conducting them up, and that in a time when I was in a quiet 190 DE LA AAltftrS ^XPIZHTION '] i Mv. .a ;!' ■! and p&'^oeahle negottaition with tbem, oblige me to Eittack tbem •8 ,pieQpA -^rv; •>lf ., M. DE LA BARRE TO GOV. DONGAN. [Paris Doe. n.i Lond. Doe. v.] Camp at Lachine, 24 Jnljr 1684. Sir—- 1 was much astonished by the receipt of your two letters ot the fifth of July, New Stile, seeing one in French written by you, which I knew came from you as from friend to friend, and TO HUNGRY BAY. 103 that written in English which I knew came from your Council and not from people disposed to maintain the union of our two Kings. I sent Sieur Bourbon to you to advise you of the vengeance which I was about to wreak for the insult inflicted on the Chris- tian name by the Senecas and Cayugas, and you answer me about pretensions to the possessions of lands of which neither you nor I are judges, but our two Kings who have sent us, and of which there is no question at present, having no thought of conquering countries but of making the Christian name and the French peo- ple to be respected, in which I will spill the last drop of my blood. 'I have great esteem for your person, and considerable desire to preserve the honour of his Britannick Majesty's good graces as well as those of my Lord the Duke of York, and I even believe that they will greatly appreciate my chastisement of those who insult you and capture you every day, as they have done this winter in Merilande. But if I was so unfortunate as that you de- sired to protect robbers, assassins and traitors, I could not distin- guish their protector from themselves. I pray you, then, to at- tach faith to the credit which I give Sieur de Salvaye to explain every thing to you ; and, if the Senecas and Cayugas wish your services as their intercessor to take security from them, not in the Indian but in the European fashion, without which and the honor of hearing from you, I shall attack them towards the 20*i> of the month of August, New Stile. A ' .. -'I Sir .'T • '•ij.=. I'.' Your very humble Servant ' - >,!; Le Febube de la Babre. . \i^-!y^ < fi-' '0Mi *.«!. t\i^: » lUiii.l ■A rn i^y f K 104 DE LA BARRELS EXPEDITION III [Par. Doc. II. 5 Lowl. Doc. V.] . , ' ■ INSTRUCTIONS which Sieur de la Barre King's Councillor in his CQuneilt, Governor & his Lieutenant Qeneral in all the Countries of New France and Acadie, Gives to Sieur de Salvage his Ambassador to Colonel Dongan, Governor of New. Yorlc, to explain to him the unfaithfulness and violences committed by thpSenect^ and Cayugas against the French. He is, in the first pl^oci tp make known to him the quturter where the pillage of the, s^\,efi canoes was perpetrated, and thi\t it is more than 400 leagues dists^nt from here and an equal distance, at least^ Sputhw:est ffom Albany, ip the 39*'' or 40* degree. T^s^t that place l^s been occupied over 25 years by the French who there established Catholic Missions of the Jesuit Fathers, and, traded tl^^re {(nU fait la traitte) since that time, without the English having, ever known, or spoken of, that country. T^hat the question is. not about the country of the Iroquois, nor the Eastern shQres of Lake Erie. That the Iroquois having lived, previous to the arrival of M. de la Barre, with little consideration for the French, he was desi- rous to speak with them, to see if they were friends or foes, and for that purpose they were all assembled at Montreal last August where, every thing was arranged on a friendly basis ; even the Senecas and Cayugas had demanded the said Sieur de la Barre to withdraw Sieur de la Salle from the government of Fort St. Louis, in Illinois ; which he caused to be done and had the said Sieur de la Salle sent to France in the month of last November. That notwithstanding this, and all the protestations they had made, a band of 200 warriors, Senecas and Cayugas having met in the month of March of this year, seven canoes manned by 14 Frenchmen, with fifteen or sixteen thousand pounds of Merchan- dize, who were going to trade with the Scious, towards the South- west, pillaged them and took them prisoners, without any resist- ance from the said Frenchmen, who considered them as friends, and after having detained them nine days, with thousands of taunts and insults, released them without having given them either arms or canoes for provisions and to cross the rivers. After which the said Iroquois went and attacked Fort St. Louis, where Sieur Che- ralier de Blangy was in the place of said Sieur de la Salle who had been and been Fort the That Si mitted in Ainbassad two course wage war that descrij That, thi Colonel Do to unite wit i That the no part in a s«e if they, t That his t postpone attj That in de master was p be had receii of Colonel D dersto maints Sieur de la Bi be had any in to that commi I^one at the Signed, And lower ii 'Wi- GO !• It is not bave done to tl from Mont Roj ] ' TO HUNGRY BAT. 105 ha That in despatches .dated the 6^ of August last, the King his roaster was pleased to communicate to him the information which he had received from the King of England, of the appointment of Colonel Dongan as Governor of New York, with express or* dersto maintain good understanding and correspondence with said Sieur de la Barre, who, on that account, could have no idea that be had any intention to protect a treachery and injustice similar to that committed by villains on Frenchmen. Done at the Camp of Lachine the 24th July 1684. 'i ■ Signed, rJ^ Ls fkbure de la Babrs. : ; And lower down by M. Regnaut. ' 7 i*f 'h-'t > v. »i-^ GOV. DONGAN TO M. DE lA BARRE. [Lond. Doc. Y.] !rl 1. It is not intended that I will justify the wrong the Indians have done to the French so farr to the southwest as 400 leagues from Mont Royall or in any other place whatsoever, though in all 106 DE LA BARRELS EXPEDITION ^i I :• 1 probability if we were to dispute these countreys so farr to the south west are more likely to be ours then the French haveing English Colonies much nearer them. 2. The pretences you make to that countrey by your 26 years possession, and sending Jesuits amongst them are very slender, and it may bee, you may have the same to other countries as for Jesuites living amongst them, how charitable soever it may bee it gives no right or title, and it is a great wonder that the English who so well know America should neither hear nor see in a long time the treaty you speak of 3. But if the matter in debate bee not concerning the land on the side of the lake of Canida, it is desired to know what it is concerning since the Indians offer to give satisfaction for what injuries can be prooved to bee cdmitted by them as they say they have formerly done in such cases, and if they do not I never pro- mised them any countenance from this government. I wonder that Mons' de la Barr should send for any Indians who ouned themselves under this Government to know whether they were friends or ennemies, since this Government at that time and at this present hath enjoyed for aught I know a full and per- fect peace with the Government of Canida ; as for the case of La Salle I am not concerned in it but wonder you should send him to France upon the bare complaint of the Indians As for the injuries, affronts, insolencyes and robberyes comit- ted by the Indians upon the French, I have earnestly pressed them to make a submission and satisfaction, and that out of a true consideration of the misseryes that may happen by having a warr with such Savages. I could heartily wish that the Sieur de la Barre had sooner given me notice of the act of hostility before he had detained Taganeout there Ambassadour, or made warr against them, that I might have used all just methods to prevent a warr that may be destructive to either party — That the Governor of Canida does very well in believing what truly he ought that I will notj|interest myselfe in any manner to countenance such villanyes and if I did not think there was a middle way to compose that difference myselfe, I would be wil- lini( to ioyne against them I am g bany hav( soe great there had loose the < • That it with the Si if I have n or inclinati BITUCT mm Monsieur De I have seer you have ta moved you t lony of New jects and dive theia to frequ, can frequently being even in prove your ad( offered the fift on Fort St. L riously intende position to sust given orders fo I have caused t the ports of Br Marines contain this reinforceme Rochelle, and w will furnish you utterly those pe TO HUNGRY BAT. 107 I am glad you asured me that the neighbourghing Indians to Al- bany have no share in that warr, but I am sorry the troops are in soe great forwardness, that if my former advice had bin taken, there had been no absolute necessity to attaque the Indians or loose the campaigne. That it is very true, I ought to have a good correspondence with the Sieur de la Barr, and it is not nor ever shall bo my fault if I have not, and I againe must tell you that I have no thought or inclination to protect any villany whatsoever. EXTRACT OF A LETTER ADDRESSED BY LOUIS XIV. TO MONSIEUR DE LA BARRE, THE 21st JULY, 1684. [Pari! Doe. II.1 Monsieur De la barre I have seen by your letters of the 5**> June last, the resolution you have taken to attack the Iroquois, and the reasons which moved you to it, and though it is a grave misfortune for the Co- lony of New France which will interrupt the trade of my sub- jects and divert them from the cultivation of the land and expose them to frequent insults on the part of the Iroquois Savages, who can frequently surpiize them in distant settlements, without your being even in a state to succor them ; I do not hesitate to ap- prove your adoption of that resolution since, by the insult they offered the fifteen Frenchmen whom they pillaged, and the attack on Fort St. Louis, you have had reason to believe that they se- riously intended declaring war, and as I wish to place you in a position to sustain it, and bring it to a speedy termination, I have given orders for equipping the Ship L'Emerillon, on board which I have caused to be embarked three hundred soldiers quartered in the ports of Brest and Rochefort with the number of Officers and Marines contained in the lists which you will find annexed, and this reinforcement with that sent to you by the last vessels from Rochelle, and which you have learned from my preceding letters, will furnish you means to fight advantageously, and to destroy utterly those people, or at least to place them in a state, after 108 DE LA BARRfi*8 fiXPCDlttOir yi haying punished them for their insolence, to receive peace on the conditions vrhich you will impose on them. '-' You must observe as regards this war that even though you prosecute it with advantage, if you do not find means to wage it promptly, it will not the less cause the ruin of the colony, the people of which cannot subsist in the continual disquietude of being attacked by the Savages, and in the impossibility in which they find themselves of applying themselves to trade and the cultivation of their farms. Therefore whatever advantage you may derive for the glory of my arms and the entire destruction of the Savagts by the continuation of this war, you ought to pre- fer peace which restoring quietness to my subjects will place you in a condition to increase the Colony by the means pointed out to you in my preceding letters. I write to my ambassador in England to procure orders from the Duke of York to prevent him who commands at Baston 2m* sisting the Savages with troops, arms or ammunition, and I have reason, to believe that orders will be despatched as> soon as repre- sentations on my part will have been made. I arv very glad, to tell you that from every thing I learn of what has occurred in Canada, the fault which you committed in not punctually executing my orders relative to the number of twenty- five licenses to be granted to my subjects, and the great number you have sent on all sides, in order to favor persons belonging to yourself, appears to me to have been the principal cause of what has happened on the part of the Iroquois. I hope you will re- pair this fault by giving a prompt and glorious termination to this war. •I It; appears to me also that one of the principal causes of the war arises from one Du Lhut having caused two Iroquois to be killed who had assassinated two Frenchmen in Lake Superior, and yousufiKciently see how much this man's voyage, which cannot produce any advantage to the Colony, and which was permitted^ only in the interest of some private persons, has contributed to disturb the repose of the Colony. As it concerns the gpod of my service to diminish as mnch is •: possible stout an I gallJPs, I number by every < * I desire sion of Si( you do no take under , AS TO WHAT Having b the resolutic of the couni having, in c( to Frenchme fourteen, as 1 Louis of the defended him Teganeout, o had come to try before th oblige me no sons, we cons to divide the send persons c Jesuit Fathers act; thesecor to come to my as many as the advise Colone TO HCNG&Y BAY. 109 possible the number of the Iroquois, and as these Savages who ure stout and robust, will, moreover, serve with advantage in my gallJ^s, I wish you to do every thing in your power to make a great number of them prisoners of M'ar, and that you have them shipped by every opportunity which will offer for their removal to France I desire likewise that you leave Fort Frontenac in the posses sion of Sieur de la Salle or those who are there for him, and that you do nothing, in opposition to the interest of that man whom 1 take under my special protection. . ,, {i ''t, , '■' MEMOIR OF M. DE LA fiARRE AS TO WHAT HAD OCCURRED AND HAD BEEN DONE REOARDINO THE WAR I AGAINST THE SENEGAS. . ' ■ , [PariiDoo. II.] ...'■k'l 'V" . ■'> . . '■■■ -■ - ■■ ^ -^ ; Having been obi ged to leave early in June, in conformity to the resolution adopted by the Intendant, the Bishop, the heads of the country and myself, to wage war against the Senecas for having, in cold blood, pillaged seven hundred canoes belonging to Frenchmen ; arrested and detained the latter to the number of fourteen, as prisoners for nine days, and finally attacked Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, where the Chevalier de Bangy gallantly defended himself, and having resolved, at the same time, to seize Teganeout, one of their chiefs and his twelve companions who had come to ratify the peace made last year, who \ei\ their coun- try before they heard of this attack, which circumstance would oblige me not to treat them ill, but merely to secure their per- sons, we considered three things necessary: First, to endeavour to divide the Iroquois among themselves, and for this purpose, to send persons expressly to communicate my sentiments to the Rev<' Jesuit Fathers who are Missionaries there and to request them to act ; the second, to send to the Outaouacs to engage our French to come to my assistance by the South, by Lake Erie and to bring as many as they could of the Savages, our allies ; and thirdly, to advise Colonel Dongan, Governor of New York of what we no DE LA BARRELS EXPEDITIOK were obliged to do, whilst at the same time I would throw a considerable reinforcement of men into Fort Frontenac to secure it. Being arrived at Montreal the tenth of the said monw, we sent for Mr. DoUier, Superior of the Seminary of said town and of the Mission to the Indians of the Mountain, and the Reverend Pero Briare, Superior of the Mission of the Sault Saint Louis, 'who having concurred with us, furnished seven Christian Iroquois, friendly to the French and pretty shrewd, two of whom we sent with some Belts of Wampum to the Mohawks, and two to the Oneidas, to say to them that we were resolved to observe the peace made with them — that we were very willing to live there as with friends, and that we requested them not to interfere in the war which we were about to wage against the Senecas, who had cruelty insulted us in the person of the frenchmen whom they had plundered and seized, and fort St. Louis which they had attacked, since, and in violation of the peace made last year at Montreal ; we sent the three others to Onontagu^ to explain the same things, and finally I despatched Sieurs Quillet and Hcbert to the Outaouacs to advise Sieurs Ladurantaye and Dulhut of my design and of the need I had of their assistance, and sent my orders to the Rev. Father Enjalran, Superior of said Missions, to operate there and send orders to different quarters according to his usual zeal and capacity, whilst I despatched Sieur Bourbon to Orange or Manatte to notify Colonel Dongan of the insult the French had received from the Senecas, which obliged me to march against them, of which I gave him notice, assuring him that if he wished to revenge ihe twenty-six Englishmen of Meri- lande, whom they had killed last winter, I would promise him that I would unite my forces to his, that he may obtain satisfac- tion for it, or avenge them. I next despatched Sieur Dutast, first captain of the King^s troops, on the twentieth of the same rponth with five or six picked soldiers and six mechanics, carpenters and masons, with provisions and ammunition of war to throw themselves into Fort Frontenac and put it, in all haste, beyond insult ; after which, having caused all to embark at la Chine, I proceeded from Mont- real, on St. John's day, to return to Quebec where I had requested the Inteni should 'foli ^'y; larri gence on tl purchased -, of all, we ( for the com structed in i I divided self at the hi I left the mo Captain of J the Island o Sieur Dugud. had been, sini tario and the I raade, and in c'pal villages, i selected, as J deVillebon-Be so that acting i could confide and experience. I left Quebe< militiamen, ace rived at Montrc Orvilliers on th( hundred and fift Thus after havii of provisions, ir tlie scarcity of them in the ports to take the lead V troops, and ordei where I should j, encampment bey Jay, both brigad ( 'C TO HUNOKT BAT. Ill the Intendant to make out the detachments of Militia which should follow me to the war, without inconvenience to the Coun- try ; I arrived there on the tweuty-sixth, having used great dili- gence on the route, and found the people ordered and some canoes purchased ; but as they were not sufficient for the embarcation of all, we caused fifteen flat (bottomed) pine batteaux, suitable for the conveyance, each, of fourteen or fifteen men, to be con- structed in a hurry. » I divided all my small force into three divisions, I placed my- self at the head of the first which I commanded to lead the van. I left the management of the second to Mr. D'Orvilliers, antient Captain of Infantry ; the third being composed of troops from the Island of Montreal and the environs, was commanded by Sieur Dugu^, antient Captain of Carignan. Sieur D'Orvilliers had been, since the fore part of spring, reconnoitering Lake On- tario and the Seneca Country, to see where the descent should be made, and in what direction we should march to their two prin- cipal villages, of which he had made a faithful and exact plan. I selected, as Major of the Brigade which I commanded, Sieur de Villebon-Beccancour, formerly Captain of the King's Dragoons^ so that acting in my place, as I was obliged to have an eye to all, I could confide in him ; he succeeded with all possible diligence and experience. I left Quebec the ninth of July, at the head of Three hundred militiamen, accompanied by the said Sieur de Yillebon, and ar- rived at Montreal the sixteenth, where I was joined by Sieur D' Orvilliers on the twenty-first, who brought me, in addition to two hundred and fifty militia, batteaux to embark the King's troops. Thus after having issued every possible order for the conveyance of provisions, in which I had much difficulty in consequence of the scarcity of canoes and of experienced persons to conduct them in the portages of the Rapids, I detached Sieur de Villebon to take the lead with my brigade, and the two companies of King's troops, and ordered them to pass the first and second portages, where I should join them, so that on the thirtieth I passed their encampment beyond the said second portage, and we marched next day, both brigades together, Sieur D'Orvilliers bringing up the '/ lis DE LA BARRE'S EXPEDITION I -1 rear with the third one day behind us, so that being, on the !•» of August in Lake St. Francis with about two hundred canoes and our fifteen batteaux, I was joined there by the Rev. Father Lamberville, Junior, coming on behalf of his Brother from On- ontagu^, and by the Rev. Father Millet, from the Oneidas. By the annexed letters from OnontagU^, you will learn that these people having been joined by the Oneidas andCayugas,had obliged the Senecas to make them Mediators as to the reparation suitable to be made to me for the insult which had unfortunately been committed against the French in the month of Marchj and prayed me to send Mr. le Moine to them, with whom they could terminate this affair. This obliged me immediately to despatch a canoe to Fort Frontenac in all haste, to send me from there the new bark which I had built in the winter, in order to freight her with the provisions I brought, and to stend the canoes in which they were loaded to fetch others from la Chine. We arrived, on the second, at the Portage of the Long Sault, which I found very difficult, notwithstanding the care I taken to send fifty men ahead thither, to cut the trees on the bank of the river and prevented those passing who Were to drag the canoes and batteaux; because the stream being voluminous and the bank precipitous the people were in the water the moment they abandoned the shore, and w^ere not strong enough to draw said batteaux ; this necessitated my sojourn at that place, where having been joined by the Christian Iroquois of the Sault and of Montreal, they undertook, for a few presents of Brandy and Tobaot^o, to pass the said batteaux and the largest canoes, which they fortunately accomplished in two days without ahy accident. On the morning of the fifth I found the new bark arrived at La Oalette where I had all the provisions discharged from the canoes before eight o'clock in the morning, and these despatched at the same time on their return to la Chine to reload there. The strong winds from the South West, which constantly prevailed all this time, and Tvhich obstinately continued during the remaindei^ of the month, were the cause of the great diligence that the bark had made, and likewise delayed our march so much, that I could not arrive, at the fort, with my canoes alone, until the ninth. I was } 1 TO HUNOBT BAT^ m joined there by Father de Lamberville whom I despatched next day to his brother at Onnontague whom I instructed to assure those of that Nation that I had so much respect for their request and for those of the other two, that I should prefer their media- tion to war, provided they made me a reasonable satisfaction. Three things obliged me to adopt this resolution: the first, because it appeared by letters I had received from Colonel Don- gan, in answer to the message by the man named Bourbon, that he was very far from the good understanding of which His Ma- jesty had assured me ; but much disposed to interfere as our ene- my in this matter. The second, because I had few provisions, and I did not see that any effort was made to forward flour to me, with any diligence, from Montreal ; and the third, because the wind prevailed so strong from the South east, that my bark did not return from La Galette, and I could not despatch another to Lake Ontario, to notify the army of the South, which was to ar- rive forthwith at Niagara, of my arrival at Fort Frontenac with that of the North. I afterwards reviewed all our troops, as annexed, and Sieur le Moine having overtaken me on the same day with the remainder of the Christian Iroquois who had not previously arrived, I des- patched him on the sixteenth to Onnontague and placed in his hands, Tegancourt, the ambassador from the Senecas, whom I had arrested at Quebec. Seeing the wind always contrary I sent on the preceding day, eight of the largest canoes that I had to the bark at La Galette to bring me ten thousand weight of flour, bread beginning to fail which caused me a good deal of uneasi- ness and created considerable murmurs among the troops and the militia. Finally on the 21»* my canoes arrived with what I sent them for. I set to work immediately with all possible diligence to have bread and biscuit baked, and sent off forthwith, the King's troops, D'Orvilliers' and Dugue's two brigades, and two hundred Christian savages to encamp at La Famine [Hungry bay], a post favorable for fishing and hunting and four leagues from Onontagu^, so as to be nearer the enemy and to be able to refresh our troops by fishing and the chase, whilst we were short 8 --, Ml ■ > 114 DE LA BARRELS EXPEOITIOK 1*1 '■m ! h . of provisions, intending to join them, myself, with about three hundred Frenchmen whom I had remaining. On the 25^^ the canoes which I had detached from La Galette to Montreal, arrived, but in far less number than I had looked for, and brought me but eight or nine thousand weight of flour, instead of twenty thousand which I expected, having left them ready for loading when I departed. I caused bread and biscuit to be immediately made of it for the support of our troops who were at the place called La Famine. On the 27*'> at four o'clock in the afternoon, a canoe of M.. Lemoine's men arrived from Onnontagu6 with Tegancourt who reported to me, that the Onnontagu^s had received orders from Col. Dongan which he sent by the person named Arnaud, for- bidding them to enter into any treaty with me without his ex- press permission, considering them the Duke of York's subjects, and that he had caused the Arms of the said Duke to be planted three days before, in their village ; that the Council had been convened at the said place of Onontague and Sieur Lemoine invi- ted iv repair thither, in which the matter having been debated, these savages got into a furious rage, with some danger to the English delegate, saying they were free, and that God, who had created the Earth, had granted them theirs without subjecting them to any person, and they requested the elder Father Lamber- ville to write to Colonel Dongan the annexed letter, and the said Sieur Lemoine having well sustained the French interests, they unanimously resolved to start in two days, to conclude with me at La Famine. On the receipt of this news I immediately called out my canoes in order to depart and was accompanied by a dozen of others having caused six of the largest to be loaded with bread and biscuit for the army. <* ^ ^ a-t After having been beaten by bad weather and high wind, we arrived in two days at La Famine. I found there tertian and double tertian fever whi6h broke out among our people so that more than one hundred and fifty men were attacked by it j I had also left some of them at the fort, which caused me to despatch, on arriving, a Christian savage to Onontague to M Lemoihe, to request him to cause the instant departu. » of those who were to tome to &nd his ( of Septe three froi and whoE until the i ters were liberation, Brias spea Iroquois; daring to c to promise hundred fo( the evening tl»e next daj I was, indet augmented t enough of pc sides the scaj bread which I allowed without extin take possessic it and thereby pretensions. On leaving Niagara to no toward Missili arrived only si ™en, viz; one Word. He has killed some, this spring, in divers ren- counters, but as you bound my arms I allowed myself to be beaten, without defending myself. Answer. That's good ; you need not pursue the Oumeami who struck you ; I shall send him word not to commit any mor« acts of hostility. 13^i> Word. Regarding the Illinois, I am at war with him \ we shall, both of us, die fighting. .-> ■ ' ) • ^ .;: Answer. Take heed, in firing at the Illinois, not to strike the French whom you meet on your path and in the neighbourhood of Fort St. Louis. 14th Word. Restore to us the Missionaries whom you have withdrawn from our villages. Answer. They shall not be taken from you who are our me- diators ; and when the Senecas shall have commenced to give me satisfaction, they shall be restored to them as well as to the other nations. 15^11 and last Word. Prevent the Christians of the Satdt and of the Mountain coming any more among us, to seduce our peo- ple to Montreal ; let them cease to dismember our co'.mtry as they do every year. \'^^u;^. ,■-":-,, av^v' u: ^ ..;" ^ v^;';.'- > , •» tu-^jst^v- , Answer. It is not my children of the Sault nor of the Moun- tun who dismember your country ; it is yourselves who dismember it by your drunkenness and superstitions. Besides, there is full lib- erty to come and reside among us ; no person is retained by force. The General added two presents to the above. By the first he said : You see the consideration which I have I f" i.'i '■': tfi km m DK LA aULAS's G»P£DITION i'.f.,^. a fer the request you have made me. I ask you in return, if the Senecft, Cayvga or any other commit a similar insult against me, that you first give him some sense, and if he will not hear you, tilat you abandon him as one disaffected. By the last belt, he exhorted them to listen not to evil sayings, and told them to conduct Tegannehout back to Seneca and to iBfona these of tiis above conclusions. M. DE MEUILES TO THE MINISTER. [From the same.] My Lord — I thought you would be impatient to learn the suc> 6688 and result of the war the General had undertaken against the Iroquois which rendered it necessary for him to call a part of the people of this country together and make all neces' sary preparation, at his Miajesty's expense, for this expedition. The troops have been as far as a place called La Famine, thirty leagues beyond Fort Frontenac. The army consisted of nine hundred French and three hundred Savages, and from the Nia- gara side there was another army of six hundred men, one third of whom were French and the remainder Ottawas and HuJ'Ons, amounting in all to eighteen hundred men. What Indians there were evinced the best disposition to fight the Iroquois to the death, ^eur de la Durantaye who broi^ht the last six hundred men from Missilimakinak, has informed ui that he learned from a Miami Chief that more than a thousand Illinois were coming to our aid on learning that we were about to fight the Iroquois, to such a degree are they their irreconcileable eaeales. Certainly, never was there remarked a better disposi- tion to fight and conquer them and purge the country of that na- tion which will be eternally our enemy. All the French breathed nothing but war, and though they saw themselves obliged to abandon their families, they consoled themselves with the hope oi liberating them by one victory from a nation so odious a* the Iroquois, at whose hands they constantly dreaded ambushes aBd_ diestrudtion. But the General did not think proper to push ma Le Moyr every on( was mad( ter variou neral con( I take the cretary. This pe the comms have testifi for the Ge evincing it ever so litl his return, have risen i cess. The said says that th swer, being to every ex blame on m 'Tis certa Militia whic perfect goot for a fortnig surprizing tl Famine in p by swamps, in his army havfe saved a did not care, he made no his negociati( said Iroquois Montreal, fo La Famine, ¥0 HVNORT BAT. m push matters any farther, and without any necessity sent Sietir Le Moyne to the said Iroquois to treat of peace at a time when every one was in good health, and when all necessary provision was made of food, &c. to dare every enterprize ; and finally af- ter various comings and goings on one side and the other, the Oe> neral concluded peace such as you will see by the articles which I take the liberty to send you as written by the hand of his Se- cretary. This peace, my Lord, has astonished all the Officers who had the command in that army and all those who composed it, who have testified so deep a displeasure and so sovereign a contempt for the GeneraPs person that they could not prevent themselves evincing it to him. I assure you, my Lord, that had I strayed ever so little from my duty and not exhibited exteriorly, since his return, the respect I owe his character, the whole world would have risen against him and would have been guilty of some ex- cess. ' The said General excuses himself because of the sick and even says that the troops lacked food j to which I feel obliged to an- swer, being certain that he seeks every pretext and has recourse to every expedient to exculpate himself and perhaps to put the blame on me. 'Tis certain that there was a great number of sick among the Militia which he took with him to Fort Frontenac, who were in perfect good health on arriving there, but having encamped them for a fortnight in prairies between the woods and^a pond, it is not surprizing that some fell sick. Again he made them camp at La Famine in places that were never inhabited, entirely surrounded by swamps, which contributed still considerably to the sickness in his army ; and had he remained there longer he would not havfe saved a man. This has caused every one to say that be did not care, that he had not the least desire to make war ; that he made no use of his long sojourns except employing them in his negociations. Had he seriously wished to make war on the said Iroquois he would not have remained ten to twelve days at Montreal, fourteen or fifteen at Fort Frontenac and as many at La Famine, but would have remained merely a day or two, and #<« 1 1 % rf I W- ■;:;■ .5! ■ ■;i •■■; ^i4 I i 'M 182 DE LA BARRELS EXPEDITION would have used the greatest despatch to fight the Iroquois, and not uselessly consumed all his provisions ; he Avould have, indu- bitably surprised the said Iroquois who did not expect this war, especially as the greater number of their young men had been at war in the beginning of the spring. He says he lacked provisions ; though that were true, he would be the cause arid could not but accuse himself of imprudence, having supplied him, generally, with whatever he required of me, of which the whole country is a witness, and with a little pre- caution or rather good faith he would have had every thing in abundance. He had determined not to |eave until the 15*'> of August ; he departed on the 16''' July. That did not prevent me furnishing all that he required of me, such as batteaux, ca- noes, arms, ammunition, and all the provision he desired. This is so true that there yet remained at the end of the island of Mon- treal, at a place called La Chine thirty-five thousand weight of flour and five of biscuit which he found on his return, and which he had requested me to retain for him at Montreal. Had he not halted and had he been disposed to push into the Iroquois Coun- try, the first convoy of provisions which accompanied him had sufficed, the greater number of the militia, unwilling to wait for the King's supplies having laid in tbeir own private stock, the greater part of which they brought back with them, which all the Captains in command will certify. This convoy consisted of eighteen canoes full of biscuit, pork, brandy and apparently other things which I do not precisely know having been loaded at Mont- real whilst I was at Quebec where I issued orders for the provi- sions that the General had demanded of me and for attending to the harvest of those who had gone to the war. If it had been the General's design to make war, he should not have caused the cargoes of the eighteen canoes I have men- tioned to be put into barks thirty leagues from Montreal above the Rapids, instead of letting the voyage be continued by the canoemen who were paid to go to Fort Frontenac and who had already accomplished the roughest half of the road, and who, without a doubt, would have arrived in three days at the Fort, which was represented to him by all the officers who stated to him th keep th to be tri sisted I] Some ha laden wi , circumsti the cano knowledg of these ( king's ex pretending to make u! '^'"ng is ni der. It is he has cans ''^hich I ha the honour had the saic tain time an quois, as h hrave man a openly that the Fort, ar * portion of convoys havi always waste After the s war, he sent trytoCoIone ^r against t a»d,- which h the said Boui Dished that h having insulte ■hould not ha^ an interest in TO HUNGRY BAT. 123 him that the barks required wind which being contrary would keep them more than three weeks from arriving. This turned out to be true. Notwithstanding all these reasons he absolutely in- sisted that all the said provisions should be put in the barks. Some have assured me that the canoes of said convoy were partly laden with merchandize, and not being very desirous to let the circumstance be known, he had caused the said barks to precede the canoes to put the goods secretly into them and keep the knowledge of it from every body. By these means he made use of these canoes to convey these merchandizes to the Fort at the King's expense, which he has always practised for t'vo years, ever pretending certain necessity to transport munitions of war, and to make use, by this means, of the conveyances for which the King is made to pay, under pretext to keep the Fort in good or- der. It is impossible to conceive the quantity of Brandy that he has caused to be conveyed thither during eighteen months, of which I have had most positive information, and of which I had the honour to advise you in my last. Others supposed that he had the said provisions put on board those barks in order to ob- tain time and by this address, to negotiate a peace with the Iro- quois, as he had sent Sieur Le Moyne to them who is a very brave man and who despaired of all these negotiations, stating openly that they ought to be whipt. All the delays at Montreal, the Fort, and at La Famine caused the useless consumption of a portion of the supplies which, however, did not fail ; other convoys having been received from time to time, but these were always wasted without any thing having been done. After the said General had determined in his own mind on this war, he sent the man nnmed Bourbon, an inhabitant of this coun- try to Colonel Dongan to advise him that he was obliged to wage war against the Iroquois, requesting him not to afford them anj aid; which he confided to me eight days after the departure of the said Bourbon. This obligetl me to tell him that I was asto- nished that he should have thus proceeded ; that the Iroquois having insulted us and intending to fight with and destroy them, I should not have deemed it proper to inform neighbours who have an interest in our destruction j and that he afforded thereby an op- M 1S4 DE LA BARRELS EXPEDITION i, n portunity toCol. Dongan,who is an Englishman, and consequent- ly our born enemy, to give underhand information of our designs to the Iroquois, and convey secretly to them all that may be ne- cessary for their defence against us. I asked him if he did not perceive that the English would never desire our advantage, and that they would contribute all in their power to destroy us, though at peace as regards France j that they would always be jealous of the Fur trade prosecuted by us in this Country, which would make them protect the Iroquois always against us. This Bourbon negotiation gave Colonel Dongan occasion to use some rhodomontade as the General has informed me ; and this assuredly it was that obliged him, having this information, to send an Englishman, who is in the habit of trading among the said Indians, to plant the Duke of York's arms among the On- nontagu^s, which is an Iroquois village, wishing by that act to take the first possession of the Country. We have not heard talk of any other movement on the English side, and it is even certain that they will never cause us any dread from that quarter and that they could not prevent us to achieve that conquest this year, had the General been willing to fight. You can hardly believe, my Lord, that the General has, alone, undertaken the war without having consulted any person, neither officers of the army nor gentlemen, nor the people of the country who are the most interested, nor any individual whosoever he might be, except Sier de la Chesnayne, with whom he acts in concert for the entire destruction and ruin of the country. He has again made peace in this manner without any communication with any of the officers or others of those who were near his person. What seems a wonder in the country is that one indi- vidual, subject of his Majesty like others, should, of his own will, make war and peace without having consulted or demanded the opinion of any person. His Majesty never acted thus. He has his Council of War, and when he is about to wage it, he demands advice of those of his council, in communicating to them the reasons which he may have to do so, and even causes the publi- cation of manifests throughout the Kingdom, wishing to commu- nicate to his people the justice of his undertakings. But the General quois, I who wei preters. would a to make enemy. The sa war agair all they ai instead of to come a proposed Jet them ts altogether merely a g, ^ Grandi miserable i manner, wl the honour you. Thej abandons th tablish hims the Iroquois Sieur de la General tool whom the sa whither he s( is still there. When he letter eight d{ its intentions, our allies, anc ny or some p tion. I consii the General q, without taking TO HUNGRY DAY. 130 General has trcaicd of peace, like a sovereign, with the said Iro- quois, having employed none of those \\ho were nigh him and who were acquainted with the Iroquois tongue, except as Inter- prfteis. He dare not consult the officers, being certain that they would all have concluded on warj and but little was necessary to make them select a chief from among themselves to attack the enemy. The said General proceeds at the bead of a small force to makt war against the Iroquois, and far from doing that, he grant them all they ask. His principul design was to attack the Seneo i,but; instead of showing him any civility, they did not even condescend to come and meet lum, and gave an insolent answer to those who proposed it to them. If people had any thing to say to them, let them take the trouble and come and meet them. There camo altogether on this embassy only a certain sycophant who seeks merely a good dinner, and a real buffoon called among the French ' la Grande Gueuie [Big Throat,] accompanied by eight or ten miserable lellows who fooled the General in a most shameful manner, which you will perceive by the articles of peace I hare the honour to send you, and which I doubt not he also will send you. They will assuredly excite your pity. You will see he abandons the Illinois among whom M. de la Salle is about to ct" tablish himself and who are the cause of this war, inasmuch ai the Iroquois attacked them even in Fort St. Louis which the laid Sieur de la Salle had erected among them, and of which the General took possession, having ousted and driven awr y ''iose whom the said Sieur de la Salle had left in command there, and whither he sent Sieur de Bangy his lieutenant of the guards, who is still there. ■■•^■ When he concluded this peace he already h::d His Majesty's letter eight days in his possession, but so far from conforming to its intentions, he consents to the slaught* r of the Illinois who are our allies, and where His Majesty designed to plant a new Colo- ny or some powerful establishment under M. de la Salle's direc- tion. I consider it also my duty to inform your Lordship that the General quit La Famine the moment the peace was concluded without taking the least care of the troops, abandoning them at- I 126 DE JJi BAHRE'S EXPEDITION Mr. I f I' together to their own guidance, forbidding them on pain of death to leave the place until a long time after him, fearing to be sur- prised by the Iroquois, and having (so to say) lost his wits, caring little what became of the army. Certain it is that he went up to the Fort without taking information about any thing and returned in the same manner. The worst of this affair is the loss of the trade which I find in- evitable, because the Outawas and other Savages who came to our aid will hereafter entertain no respect for us, and will regard us as a people without courage and without resolution. I doubt not, my lord, but the General sends you a letter which he received from Father Lsjnberville, Jesuit, who is a missionary in an Iroquois village at Onnontagu^, whence those ambassadors came with whom peace was negotiated. The Father, who had learned the Gene- ral^s intentions from Sieur Le Moyne, has been wise and sufficient- ly discreet, anticipating his design, to write to him in accordance with his views, and to ingeniously solicit that which must flatter and highly please him. But one thing, is certain that all the Je- suits at Quebec, and particularly Father Bechefer have openly stated in Quebec for six weeks, that the country was destroyed if peace were concluded ; which is so true, that having communi- cated to him the two letters I wrote to the General, he highly ap- proved of them aad advised me to send them to the fort. I shall take leave to send you copies of them, requesting you very re- spectfully, to be persuaded that I speak to you without passion, and that I state nothing to you but what is most true and reliable, and because I feel obliged to let you know the truth as regards all things, without which you will never have the least confidence in SM. ■* I should wish, my Lord, to avoid explaining myself in this manner, fearing you might infer that we were, the General and I, greatly disunited, which is quite contrary to the manner in which we live together, since it is certain that we never had, personally, the least difference wishing in that to conform myself to your wishes and His Majesty's orders, aware that it is the most assured means that I can take to be agreeable to you, which is the sole ambition I have in the world, and to prove to you that no per- son can ] than I J n This, n what has parture oi Qii FATHER Sir,--A ^ at which it Senecas tha not to aid ti or some otht confederated 'ing embroile Did affairs thoughts on when he will who have bet this is the rea disposed to an infinitude { not whether peace, I wish draw, if possil that I deceive( and other nati( you who are tl with them. They ackno\ account of theii .' '!l TO HUNGRY BAT. 127 son can be with more profound respect and greater devotedness than I, my Lord, Your very humble and very ob: serv*. This, my Lord, is only incidentally. I defer informing you of what has occurred in this country during this year, until the de- parture of the vessels. . ' r ' Quebec, the lOth Sber 1684. Demeulles. FATHER LAMBERVILLE, MISSIONARY AT ONONDAGA, TO M. DE LA BARRE. \W.'i • • V !,.;;':. [Onondaga,] July 10, 1684. Sir, — A general Assembly of all the Iroquois will be held here at which it is intended to unite against you, and to inform the Senecas that you wish to persuade the four Iroquois Nations not to aid them in case of war. I am surprised that M. Le Moyne or some other persons have not told you that all the villages were confederated, and that one could not be attacked without becom- ing embroiled with the others. Did affairs permit, I should have much wished to tell you my thoughts on many things. My brother will inform you of all when he will have the honor to see you. The On[non]tagu6B who have been spoken to,' would like much to settle matters ; this is the reason my brother goes to you, whilst I still keep them disposed to give you satisfaction, in order to avoid if possible an infinitude of evils which will overtake Canada, and as I know not whether you desire war without listening to proposals for peace, I wish to understand whether it is not fitter that I with- draw, if possible, rather than give occasion to the Iroquois to say that I deceived them, by propositions for peace. The Onontagu^s and other nations say, that it grieves them to take up arms against you who are their neighbour, and who form almost one country with them. They acknowledge that the Senecas are proud and insolent on account of their great number of warriors, but if you are desirous i > ft '*:a ■ .>* |.i4 ,1 i, ly.', ■ ' i-' I- : r* ■■-*' i < 1 189 DE LA barge's expedition to maintain peace by some satisfaction which they will induce the Senecas to make you, it will be very acceptable, so as not to be obliged to come to extremities which will be very disastrous. If war occurs, Sir, all those who have houses apart from fortified places must at once abandon their dwellings, for the grain and the houses will be burned, and many will otherwise be brought away prisoners to be cruelly tormented and insulted. I always think that peace ought to be most precious to you, and that all the advantages that can be held out ought to cause you to shrink from war. A delay in order to arrange every thing more at lei- sure and after having received assistance from France, would ex- tricate you from much embarrassment which will follow from all sides. Pardon me if I give free expression to my thoughts ; you will not at least disapprove of the zeal with w*^'' I am with much respect and submission Your very humble and 1 Very Obedient Servant ' « i, (Signed) DeLamberville. FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME. 11 July 1684. Sir, — A troop of Senecas on their way to buy their supplies tnd munitions of powder, lead, and arms are two days [distance] frcMn here. They are expected in order to talk fully of affairs and to endeavour for the preservation peace to induce them to give you satisfaction. I believe if j ou are really desirous to come to an arrangement in which an effort will be made to satisfy you, and wherein will be prescribed the boundaries of war and trade, you would have leisure to provide with less trouble and embarrass- ment for the security of Canada, either by erecting forts at La Famine or towards the Senecas under the pretext of establishing a blacksmith, or at La Galette according as you think proper. I do not believe that you will derive any advantage this year from war, if you wage it ; for not only will almost the whole of the Iroquois prosecute the war in Canada, but you will not find the Senet shut then pare ambi tion to thi Senecas, t elude to I( Fopositior consent of grain, and and old me The War «ble being Wpod and n French grai French sett]< doned and t wise, tl ey ^. »f you begin i those in Cans Tihe Iroquois ^r, for he V himself up ,„ are uDder the faiown forests captured, hav Merilande and ges, wholly un "» this country then see all ar *h»ng must be - can not believe would, possiblj ^ges make the they say, that tl and eaten J anc is salt on accoui of their other cii TC iIV>> and 17^^ of July. You will see by the memoir I enclose in this letter what you said to the Onnontagu^s and what they reply by three Belts. Since you spoke, or I have made you speak to the Senecas assembled here in a body, Chiefs and Warriors, and their answer, we have spoken to them by three Belts and they have answered you by nine. These are twehe Belts which your ambassadors take to you. I know not if you will accept the trifling pains we have taken to Couse satisfaction to be given you, and to extricate you from the fatigues, the embarrassments and consequences of a disastrous war, and procure at the same time freedom of trade ; for the Se- necas informed me at night, by express, that they would give you more satisfaction than you expected, because they wished through respect for you, not to wage war any more against the Oumiamis, if you so wish it, and even any other nation if you insist on it. In fine, they do not wage war save but to secure a good peace. They return without striking a blow, without shed- ding blood, etc. The Seneca Iroquois offer you more than you would have believed. The Onnontagu^s considered their honour engaged to this meeting, and have put all sorts of machinery in motion to induce the Senecas to condescend to place their affairs in their hands. On the first day of the Council every thing was almost despaired of, and the plenipotentiaries all excited came to see me, saying they gained nothing on the Senecas, and that up to that time they most willingly accepted war ; that they rejected the presents which you and they had made them. They sent me ba'ck a collection of belts, that the chiefs and warriors acted with great zeal in combatting tAe obstinacy of the Senecas so that having gained the Oneidas and Cayugas over to to their side, they came to high words. Deputies, notwithstanding, succeeded one another to sound me on the state of Affairs and to learn the true cause of the withdrawal of our Mis- •1 134 DE LA BARRE 8 EXPEDITION sionaries. Finally I told them that the real cause was, that the displeasure which they perceived you felt, and which they also en- tertained at bemg disparaged by the Senecas, had caused them to withdraw to you, until they should have satisfied you. At length the Onnontagu^s persuaded them to confide in them and to place their affairs in their hands — ^that if you did not accept their media- tion, they should unite according to their policy, with all the other Iroquois against you. La Grande Gueule and his triumvirate have assuredly signalized themselves in this rencounter. My brother, who will inform you of every thing, will relate matters more in de- tail. We, however, await your orders which you will please con- vey to us by M. le Moine whom the Onnontagu^s request you to send instantly to them at Choueguen [Oswego] in all security and without the least fear. .; FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME. ^ Onontagu6, this 17th August, 1684. My Lord — ^Your people have brought my brother back here with the greatest possible diligence, having been wind bound three days, at one island. In order not to cause you any delay, which could only produce a useless consumption of provisions by your army, they arrived here with Sieur le Due at midnight and having passed the rest of the night in conferring together, we had the Chiefs and Warriors assembled at day light after hav- ing obtained information from La Grande Gueule and Gara- kontie. ' We declared our intentions in the presence of several Senecas who departed the same day to return to their country where they will communicate our approach. They carry one of your belts to reassure those who are alarmed by your armament. The On- n^ntagu^^s have despatched some of theirs to notify the Oneida, the Mohawk and the Cayuga to repair to Ochouegen [Oswego] to salute you and to reply to your proposals. They wish so much to see M. le Moine here whom you promised them would come, that it appears that nothing could be done should he not arrive. Also, as you a and Gei prised w cgen. I gave I do not ] vised you of protect villages, a drunken n remains bi attached. ' J gave L to him the l self your be you this hoc, the Iroquois The over good as to t means to gai '>Ie peace wil uncertain as Merchants ms the Iroquois t very prejudici lam Ml ^^y Lord— J masters who hd '•ave promised TO HUKOAT BAT* ui 135 as you advised them not to be troubled at the sight of your barks and Gendarmes, they give you notice, likewise, not to be sur- prised when you will see faces painted red and black at Ochou- egen, '' • I gave a Cayuga letters for you some eight or tPti days ago. I do not know if he will have delivered them. I believe I ad- vised you that Colonel Dongan had the Duke of York's placards of protection {des sauvegardes) affixed to the three upper Iroquois villages, and that he styled himself Lord of the Iroquob. A drunken man here tore these proclamations down and nothing remains but the post to which the Duke of York's arms were attached. "■•. 'i.--w,^. ;.•;,■: : i\^.'7>■^^( I gave La Grande Gueule your belt under hand, and remarked to him the things which you wish him to effect. He calls him- self your best friend and you have done well to have attached to you this hocy who has the strongest head and loudest voice among the Iroquois. The over coats {capots) and shirts which you have been so good as to send to be used on occasions are a most efficacious means to gain over, or to preserve public opinion. An honora- ble peace will be mora advantageous to Canada than a war vry uncertain as to its success. I am of opinion, whatever Mess" the Merchants may say, that you do them a good turn by inducing the Iroquois to give you satisfaction, and that the war would be very prejudicial to them. ...... .... I am with all sort of respect and submission, ' ' '' My Lord, Your very humble and very obedient servant, J. DE Lamberville, Jesuit. '> Sif. i^ h..' w ■ FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME. Oimontagtt£, thii 28th of August 1684. My Lord — ^M. le Moine's arrival has much pleased our burgo- masters who have exhibited towards him many attentions, and have promised to terminate matters with you in the manner you XM DE LA BAaas'S EXPEDITIOM 1^ ii 7, 1.1 * '■:\ ■> i- denre. The Onnontagu^s have called the Deputies of each Na- tion together as I have advised you. The Cayugas came here the first) with two young Tionnoutat tw«enthe Whites and Indians. For his service in this capacity ho had already obtained from the latter, 26<>> Sept'. 1683, a tract of land called Wachkecrhoha, on the nurth bank of the Mohawk above Schenectady, the grant of which is is Alb: Deed Book C, 199.— Tt. willing 1 gu^scoi M. leM gan wis! if he wo to learn ] . ning not t tirely whi ^ tained promises from the chiefs and warriors that they would send two strings of wampum to the Senecas in three days to put them in mind of the word which the leader of those who pillaged the French canoes had himself brought here, from those of his own nation, that they had accepted all you had concluded at La Famines. I told them what you had concluded and had ordered me to acquaint them with. The report about the thousand Illinois is a mere ru- mor vnthout any foundation, and M. duLut told me at Katarakoui) that he did not believe the truth of this news j besides there cannot be any apprehension that they could have dared to undertake any thing, having met neither Frenchmen nor Outaouas. All that they could make a demonstration against have more fuzileers than they. A party of 40 warriors will leave here in six days to attack the niinois whom they may find among the Chaouennons. I have presented the Captain a shirt in your name, to exhort the Senecas through whom he will pass, to keep their word with you. He has assured me that he will not lead his troop towards the quarter you forbad him. I notified him as well as the others that you had de- spatcheil a canoe to inform the Oumiamies and the Maskenses that you had included them in the peace, and that they could remain secure at tlie place where they had been before they were at war with the Iroquois. The Senecas shall be equally notified of this in a TO HUNGRY S^T. 141 few days. You may rest assured, my Lord, that I sh^tll spare no pains to have that satisfaction given you v^hich you expect irom the Iroquois. The frenchmen who came here told me thait whilst y^ were at La Famine a false alarm reached Montrie^l that t|hc Iroq^o^ were coming ; that there was nothing but horror, flight and weep- ing at Montreal. What would so many poor people have done in tlieir settlements if merely six hundred Iroquois had made an ixrupr- tion into the country in the condition in w}|ich it is. You fofi^ j^ better opinion than one hundred manufacturers of rhodomontadtas who were not acquainted with the Lr o(}i;iois, fmd who reflect not that the count;ry, such as it is, is not in a coi;idition to defend itself. Had I the honor to converse with you longer than your little leisure allowed me, I should hqive convinced you that you could not have advaiiQied to Paniaforontogouat [IrondeijuOLt bay] without having been irf.terly defeated ii^ the state your army vras in — whjch was rather an hospi- tal that a camp. To attack people within their entrenchments and fight bt^ditti in the bush will require one thousand ixien more tb^n you ^ave. Then you can accomplish nothing without having a number of disciplined savages. I gavp you already my though^ and believe I told you the truth, and that you deserved the title of *' Liberator of the Country" by making peace at a conjunct^re when you would have beheld the ruin of the country without pre- venting it. The Senecas had double pallisades stroi^ger than the pickets of the fort and the first could not have beeji forced without great loss. T^eir plan was to Jceep oply 300 n^en ipside, and with 1?00 ojthers perpetually harass you. All the Iroquois were to coir IcQt together and fire only at the legs of your people to master them, and burn them at their leisure ; ancj after having cut them off by a hundred ambuscades among the foliage and grass, pursue you in your retreat even to Montreal to spread desolation through- out its vicinity also ; and they had prepared for that purpose a quantity of canoes of eighteen men each which they kept coji- cealed. But let us all speak of this war to thank God that He has preserved our Governor in the midst of so much sickness, and that He had compassion on Canada from which He turned away the scourge of war which would have laid it entirely desolate. The English of Merinlande who had killed three Iroquois, and • ■■;; mfi. ■■i- I ^f:i *^>. flsf. ■ «, 142 DE LA BABJKe's EXPSCIT^ON h'« of whom the English Iroquois had killed five, are about to have di£Scultien with that belligerent nation which has already killed more than twenty-nine of their men, and has been threatened with war should it continue to insult them. We shall see what the English of that quarter will do. Oarakontie returned to day from Orange, where he told by a belt of Wampum how you had given peace to the public ; also how Colonel Dongan had urged the Iroquois to secure it by the satisfaction which he advised them to give you. M. Dongan left Orange when those who brought the Duke of York's Safeguards came to this place ; it is supposed that Arnaud's visit here to pre- vent the Iroquois going to see you and to get them to hold a Council at Orange, was an intrigue of the Orange merchants who feared that their trade would be diminished by a conference held with you with arms in your hands ; for M. Dongan had probably departed from Orange when Arnaud left to come here. W^at the Iroquois know is, after having heard M. Dongan who exhorted them to an arrangement with you, it was in no wise probable that on the eve of a negotiation, he should have forbidden them to visit you without his permission. , , A man named La Croix, in Indian Tegaiatannhara, who an- swered Oarakontie on behalf of the Dutch, said that had you not made peace, knowing that the Safeguards of England were on the Iroquois, 800 Englishmen and 1200 Mohegans, {Loups) who are between Merinland and New York, entirely distinct from the Cannongageh-ronnons whom you have with you, were all ready to march at the first word to aid the Iroquois. This man La Croix passes with the Iroquois for a great liar ; he, possibly may have advanced this of his own accord, as well as many other things he has stated, which M. Dongan perhaps would not approve, were he acquainted with them. I thank you most humbly for having furnished an opportu- nity for the transportation to us of a part of our necessaries. It is a continuance of your kindness towards us and towards me in particular, who am sincerely and with much respect, My Lord, Your very humble & very obedient Servant, De Lamberville. I shall turns hex since. FROA Sir— Th instead of Barre, Goi the late Kii Iroquois tre against the planted in t subject to J French, wit His Majes of England j Governor to and to obser is selected b TO HUNGRY BAY. 143 I shall give La Grande Oueule your jerkin as soon as he re- turns here. I had the honor to write to you by Colin ten days since. FROM THE MINISTER TO M. BARILLON, FRENCH AMBASSADOR AT LONDON ' [Pari! Doc. III.] Versailles, 10 March, 1685. Sir — The King has learned that the Governor of New York, instead of maintaining good correspondence with Sieur de la Barre, Governor of Canada, in conformity with the orders of the late King of England, has done what he could to prevent the Iroquois treating with him ; that he offered them troops to serve against the French, and that he caused standards (flags) to be planted in their villages, though these nations had been always subject to France since their country was discovered by the French, without the English objecting thereto. His Majesty desires you to present his complaints to the King of England and to demand of him precise orders to oblige this Governor to confine himself within the limits of his government, and to observe different conduct towards Sieur Denonville, who is selected by His Majesty to succeed the said Sieur de la Baire. I 'ir H J\ »i ' •. *-s •? Hf' "I.; I. 10 GOV. DONGAN'S IIEPORT ON TBB 10 '■' ■ ' ■* 1 m-:; me?. w I s>ffi '4v * *„ VI. ^raiijnte of y!tm-fm\u TO THE COR My Lore sent to met cou.'d to m wherein I a not but you answer to s( I have yet ; them as I an jor Lo'ps I } In Courts of Th Juatico. 1 Assen 1. The C Council in th may be broug 2. The A peace, Sheriffj naote parts of Court of Assi ment of this ] held once evei such matters a bers of which i of this provin county whereir Terminer has court V /■ GOV. DONGAN'S REPORT TO THE COMMITTEE OF TRADE ON THE PROVINCE OF NEW- YORK, DATED 22d FEBRUARY, 1687. [Lond. Doo. v.] My Lords — I have received the heads of inquiry your Lo'P* sent to mee and indeed I have been r.s industrious as possibly I could to make myself capable of giving you satisfaction. And wherein I am short of answering your Lo'P" expectation I question not but youl pardon it when you consider that to give a distinct answer to several of your queries must require a longer time than I have yet had since their arrival here. However to such of them as I am at present capable to make an answer, I herein give yo' Lo'P« I hope the satisfaction required whirh are as follow In answer to the first of your Lo'^ps Qtierys Courts of The Courts of Justice are most established by Act of """'"• Assembly and they are 1. The Court of Chancery consisting of the Governor and Council in the Supreme court of this province to which appeals may be brought from any other court 2. The Assembly finding the inconvenience of bringing of y« peace, Sheriffs, Constables @ other p'sons concerned from the re- mote parts of this government to New York did instead of the Court of Assizes which was yearly held for the whole Govern- ment of this province erect a Court of Oyer ano Terminer to be held once every year within each County for the determining of such matters as should arise within thera respectively, the mem- bers of which Court were appointed to bee one of the two judges of this province assisted by three justices of the peace of that county wher'iin such court is held. Which Court of Oyer & Terminer has likewise power to hea». appeals from any inferior court 148 GOV. dongan's report on If. if s "m- > 3. There is likewise in New York @ Albany a Court of Mayor @ Aldermen held once in every fortnight from whence their can be noe appeal unless the cause of action bee above the value of Twenty Pounds, who have likewise priviledges to make such by- laws for y« regulation of their own affairs as they think fitt, soe as the same be approved of by y« Gov' @ Council. Their Mayor, Recorders, town-clerks @ Sheriffs are appointed by the Governor 4. There is likewise in every County twice in every year (ex- cept in new York where its four times @ in Albany where its thrice) Courts of Sessions held by the Justices of the Peace for the resp'ive county s as in Engld. 5. In every Town wt" y^ Government there are 3 Commis- sioners appointed to hear and determine all matters of difference not exceeding the value of five pounds which shill happen with- in the respective towns. 6. Besides these, my Lords, I finding that many great incon- vienences daily hapned in the managem' of his Ma'* particular concerns within this province relating to his Lands, Rents, Rights, Profits @ Revenues by reason of the great distance betwixt the Cursory settled Courts @ of the long delay which thereon conse- quently ensued besides the great hazard of venturing the matter on country Jurors who over @ above that they are generally ig- norant enough @ for the most part linked together by affinity are too much swayed by their particular humors @ interests, I thought fit in Feb. last by @ with y« advice @ consent of y" Coun- cil to settle and establish a Court which we call the court of Judi- cature [Exchequer] to bee held before y*' GoV @ Council for the time being or before such @ soe many as the Gov"" should for that purpost^ authorize, comissionat @ appoint on the first Monday in every month at New York, which Court hath full power and authority to hear, try @. determine suits matters @ variances aris- ing betwixi his Ma'y @ y^ Inhabitants of the said Province con- cerning the said lands, rents, rights, profits @ revenues In answer to the Second. LawBin The Laws in force are y" Laws called his Royal High- nesses Laws and the acts of the General Assembly the most of send ovei In this hundred h bee able ] roaster sha At New roerly agair breast-work Harbor on i by the soum tar pieces, tl shells @Gra the face of t\ C'ourlin has b tar @ all the ™y coming h« And the mc yet continue i as the mills ca I am forcec @ have spoke And the brej its likewise nee quarters had fo to maintain @ tl a new roof to be arch of the Gat tbrc't every day to bee making r( The ground th tains in quantity have instead of hsting Thd this Fortif THE PKOVmCE OF NEW-YOKK -d over b, „,. Sprag to who. r^Z'"'::® '" '''' ' ''^^^ In answer to tkTl7''''^''P^''''' In this Govern'" t thp ^"^ [° ^^e TAird hundred ho.e besides ZZ^X '""^'"' '-"" ® "■- t" able to give a m„.e partfcZL "«''°"' <"' "Web I ,ha,, -aster shall „ake his returr """' "'""' "» Muster- At New York the^"°''T '" "" -^''"''* -I, against the Cd^s o;'d*"lt::n°" k"'™' ''"''' ^- breast-work well @ pleasantly I'lZ f '"["" *'"' ^»''»»« => Harbor on a point Jj. ^v HndlnrR ""' ''"'"'« "^ '1" by the sound on the other, I, la tL^""- °''."'' ">»^ ^'-"^ "«'' tar pieces, thirty Barils of P„w,W fiV .^"T" °''""'' '*» Mor- shell8@Gra„ad„s small armsT I ?°"''"'' ''^" »°»eBomb. the face of the North bS„ and 1' """' ™' ^'''»''«'. Collin has been done @ r" ieb" ,t b" ''°""'. "' *"^«°- «* « tar @ all the rest of the Fort I„d 1 ^ ""^ "'* !-'■»« ® Mor- ■»y coming here. '^ ""'' ® '""gb-oasl with lime since And the most of the Guns I h«r.A a- yet continue to bee soe wWch I b^ '''™»''»*«' ® ^"""e of them »» the mills can sawe *°P' '» •■"" '»0"«ted soe soon I am forced to renew all tb- p •. ® have spoke for new plnttrfhT'^ """ "■"'■»* «-k a new roof to bee upon it, as alsoeiinll^^ '/'"'• ^'^''^^'^ '^'^-^ arch of the Gate I have been forrtt^ TV" """ """"S'' «■» forc't every day bv reason JV ''"* * ^""^ »"" it, I am '»^ee --fin/repYr:rsttttrrslr'""^" ^ «»* The ground that the Fort sf„n,l. t? "* " ""J' "W"- tains in quantity about tw, » "/s or'^b ® f ""'""S^'" i'-n- ;:--adofPalisadoesprai:tr^;-S*^^^^ -Tb* .his For.i«catio„ bee inconsiderable, ye. I could Wish the I i ■ ;fe»f 150 GOV. DONGAN*S REPORT OW R ; '^' m King had scverall of them in these parts, the people growing every day more numerous @ they generaly of a turbulent dis- position In this Country tli re is a woman yet alive from whose Loyns there are upwards of three hundred d') sixtj persons now livi'ig The men that are here have generally lusty slrt ng bodies At Albany there is a Fort mude of pine trees fifteen foot high @ foot over with Batterys and conveniences made for men to walk about, where are nine guns, small arms for forty men four Barils of powder with great and small Shott in proportion, The Timber @ Boards being rotten were renewed this year. In my opinion it were better that fort were built up of Stone @ Lime which will not be double the charge of this years repair which yet will not last above 6 or 7 years before it will require the like again whereas on the contrary were it built of Lime St Stone it may bee far more easily maintained. And truly its very necessary to have a Fort there, it being a frontier place both to the Indians @ jBFreach At Pemaquid there is another Fort built after the i'eiTiaquid • t, ■, • i i Fort awl same manner as I am informed a particular des- Coniiecticut. _ ... cription whereof I am not capable of giving having ne- ver been there however its a great charge to this Govermn* without being any thing of advantage to it, having officers there with twenty men always in pay. And which makes it yet more chargeable, I am forced to send from time to time provisions @ stores thither altho' its near four hundred miles from this place If his Ma*y were pleased that I might drinv of the men and arms from that place with the guns being of light carriage @ that I might have leave to put them further into the country I would place them where I will give your Lo^p an ace* hereafter And then if his Maty were further pleased to annex that place to Boston, being very convenient for them in regard to its vici- nity affording great store of Fishery @ Islands fit for that pur- pose lying all along to the eastward of them — And in lieu of that to add to this Government Connecticut @ Rhode Island, Connec- ticut being so conveniently situate in its adjacing to us and soe inconvenient for the peo'^^e of Boston by reason of its being up- wards of necticut { value tha the river i bee not a make any Long Islai the greates place : An & Peltry. ThisGr which his ] King, and these peoph vermt of Be Ires directed £a«i and West Jeney. Sl disembogues wise the advi there out of i great many o annexed to tl Last year t sure that that sey consume ( rest of their without payin bility of preve And as for ; carried thither soe as they car better afford th wards or outw; An other in T^^ # I*'f,p1 ftl, 1 152 GOV. dongan's report om Alsoe very often shipps bound to this place break bulk there @ run their goods into that Colony \rith intent afterwards to import the same privately @ at more leisure into this Province notwith- standing their oath, they salving themselves with this evasion that that place is not in thisGovermS To day an Interloper land- ed five tun @ one half of teeth there, to prevent all which incon- veniences @ for the securing of this place from enemys) I desire to have an order to make up a small Fort with twelve guns "pon Sandy-Hook the channell there being soe near the shore that noe vessel can goe in nor out but shec must come soe neare the Point that from on board one might toss a buiscuit cake on shore If the Proprietors would rightly consider it they would fitad it their own interest that that place should bee annexed to this Go' verment for they are at a greater charge for maintaining tbe pre- sent Goverm* than the whole profits of the Province (which is by quit rents) will amount unto ; for they are at the whole charge the Country allowing nothing towards its support soe that had they not the charge of the Goverm^ they might put that money into their own pockets j'-^w And indeed to make Amboy a port will be no less ineonTenient for the reasons afore mentioned neighboring colonys bleing not come to that P'fection but that one fort may sufficiently serve us all Dajwto Wg j^ tjj^g Government look upon that bay that runs H«S? into t^e Sea at Sandy Hook to be Hudsons River therfore there being a clause in my instructions directing mee that I cause all vessels that come into Hudson's River to enter at New York I desire to know whether his Mat7 intends thereby those vessels that come within Sandy-Hook, the people of Eaist-Jersey pre- tending a right to the river soe farr as their province extends which is eighteen miles up the river to the northward of this place West Jersey remaining as it does will be no less inconvenient to this Goverm* for the same reasons as East Jersey, they both making but one neck of land ® that so near sitiuate to us that its more for their convenience to have commerce here than any where else, @ under those circumstances that if there were a wan THE PROVIKCE OF NEW-YORK. 153 either with Christians or Indians they would not bee able to de- fend themselves without the assistance of this Goverm*. To bee short, there is an absolute necessity those provinces and that of Connecticut be annexed The three lower Countys of Pennsylvania have been a depen- dency on this place @ a great many of the inhabitants person^ that removed thither from this Goverm* and I doc not believe it was his Maty* intention to annex it to Pennsylvania, nor to have it subject to the same laws it being the King's own land, the do- ing whereof by mr Pen there has been of great detriment to thi6 place in hindriiig the Tobacco to come hither as formerly, for' then there came two shipps for one that comes now ; Beaver @> Peltry taking up but small Stowage in shipps ;And indeed it were in my opinion very necessary for the ad- vantage of this place @ increase of his Mat^* revenue^ that it were soe ordered that the Tobacco of these countrys may bee imported hither without paying there the duty of one penhy p' pound and then wee should not bee at such streights for returns^ their trade would much increase, and this place become a maga- zin for the Neighboring provinces, @ care taken that the Tobacco bee duly returned to England whereas now a great part of it goes another way @ soe its very necessary that the Collector of this place should be Collector of that River for the enumerated com- modity s, And wee will have such regard to the advantage of this port that we'el suffer noe fraud to bee committed th^re nor noe Tobacco to be exported but what goes either directly for England or this place. Besides wee find the contrary to bee Very inconvenient in this that whereas formerly the damnified Tobacco which cam)e from thence not fit for England wee made up in rolls aiid sent y* same up the River to the Indians who in Exchange gave in Beaver @ Peltry, for want whereof his Maty* revenue here is much im*" paired inasmuch as the Indians are therefore forct either to Plant the tobacco themselves or to goe where they can be furnished with it ©there carry their beavof® peltry (they being of that' temper that they iiad rather want clothes than TobaCeo)by which Meanes his Maty* revenue sustains a double loss, otte in the ten i } r'» r I 164 GOT. DONGAn's report ON pe' cent such tobacco pays custom up the river @ the other in the custom of such Beaver @ peltry as the same would produce Further if Pennsylvania bee continued as by charter running five degrees to the westward it will take in the most of the five nations that lye to the westward of Albany @ the whole Beaver @ Peltry trade of that place the consequence whereof will be the depopulation of this Qoverm^ for the people must follow the trade. Those Indians and the people of this Ooverm* have been in continued peace @ amity one with another these fifty years And those Indians about forty years agoe did annex their lands to this Governm^ ® have ever since constantly renewed the same with every Governor that has been here both in the time of the Dutch @ the English ® in particular to myself who have given them largely in consideration of their lands And I am certainly informed that they have declared they will go @ live on y^ other side of the lake than be under any other Goverm* on this than ours, Endeavors have been used (tho to noe purpose) to p'suade some of our Traders who speak the language to goe and live upon the Susquehanna river tho I cannot yet find out by whom this has been made. The five Indian nations are the most warlike people in Ameri- ca, @ are a bulwark between us @ the French @ all other In- dians they goe as far as the South Sea the North West passage @ Florida to warr. New England in their last warr with the Indians had been ruined had not S' Edmund Andros sent some of those nations to their assistance, and indeed they are soe conside- rable that all the Indians in these parts of America are tributary to them. I suffer no Christians to converse with them any where but at Albany @ that not without my license Since I came here the people of Boston have sent them presents in acknouledgement of their* favor @ friendship. @ I was forc't to goe with my Lord Effingham to bury his hatchet and theirs which is their way of making a peace I have sent herewith what the nations that conquered ""ownt *^® Susquehannas desired of the King in my Lord Ef- fingham's presence and I believe it to be of dangerous consequence if denyed . WJ THB niOTIirCE OF KEW-YOBX. 166 This Governm* has always been and still is at a great cha^e to keep them peaceable ® annexed to this government which is of that moment that upon any occasion I can have three or four thousand of their men at a call. I cannot believe that ever it was the King's intention to grant away soe considerable a part of this gov/ernment which has been iTuni, a ^ '®"S appropriated to it @ even the people think it for the Beaver gg a part of themselves @ would be much troubled at Trade. * a separation from soe good @ ancient neighbours that at first of their own free wills became soe and have ever since continued with such constancy to desire and maintain a mutual friendship and correspondence If therefore his Ma^r were pleased to have a line run from 41^ and 40 m in Delaware River to the Falls upon the Susquehanna and to let Mr. Pen keep all below that it would be sufficient for him the bounds below it being con- jectured to contain more than all England besides the louer Coun- tys whicH is near upon 100 miles from the Cape up the river ; and in bredth more than 30 miles as is generally beleeved To preserve the Beaver ® Peltry trade for this ® Albany and to be an encouragement to our Beaver hunters I desire I may have order to erect a Campayne Fort upon Delaware River in 41^ 40 m ; another upon the Susquehanna where his Mat7 shall think fit Mr. Penns bounds shall terminate. And another at Oneigra near the great lake in the way where our people goe a Beaver hunting or trading or any where else where I shall think conve- nient it being very necessary for the support of Trade, maintain- ing a correspondence with the further Indians, @ in securing our right in the country the French making a pretence as far as the Bay of Mexico, for which they have no other argument than that they have had possession this twenty years by their fathers living so long among the Indians they have fathers still among the five nations aforementioned viz. the Maquaes, Sinicaes, Cayouges, Oneides, and Onondagues @ have converted many of them to the Christian Faith ® doe their utmost to draw them to Canada, to which place there are already 6 or 700 retired and more like to doe, to the great prejudice of this Goverm* if not prevented. I have done my endeavours @ have gone so far in it that I have ! ! k , i ■' '1 ' i ^ f'' *!" mi 106. GOT. DOKGAN's report OV i • indUnifrom prevailed with the Indians to consent to come back CMkdB. ^^^^^ Canada on condition that I procure for them a piece of land called Serachtague lying upon Hudson's Rirer about 40 miles above Albany @ there furnish them with priests Thereupon and upon a petition of the people of Albany to mee setting forth the reasonableness and conveniency of granting to the Indians there requests I have procured the land for them, altho it has been formerly patented to people at Albany @ have promised the Indians that they shall have priests and that I will build them a church @ have assured the people of Albany that I would address to his Maty as to your Lo'P* that care may bee taken to send over by the first five or six it being a matter of grf^at consequence. . These Indians have about 10 or 12 castles (as they term them) (§1, those at a great distance one from another, soe that there is an absolute necessity of having soe many priests, that there bee three always travelling from castle to castle, @ the rest to live with those that are Christians, Dy that means the French Priests vifill be obliged to retire to Canada, whereby the French will be divested of their pretence to y« Country @ then wee shall enjoy that trade without any fear cf being diverted, I find a very small matter will seruejthe French for a pretence of. right. About 30 years ago 6 or 700 of them taking advantage oC the Indians being abroad soe farr as Cape Florida at warr came down @ burnt a castle of the Maquaes wherein there were noQie but old men women @ children which the rest of the Indians hearing pursued the French to a place called Sconectade about 20 miles above Albany where they had every man been cut off had not one Corlarr (a Dutchman so beloved of the Indians that in mmQry of him they call all Governors by that name) interposed I](owever from that time they have fancied to themselves that they have a right to the country so farr as that place The great difference between us is about the Beaver trade and in truth they have the advantage of us in it @ that by noe other meanes than by their industry in making discoveries in the coun- try before us Before my coming hither noe man of our Governm^ ever went -P, THB PROTINOE OF NEW-YOBX. 167 beyond the Sinicaes country, Last year some of our people went a trading among the farr Indians called the Ottowais inhabiting about three months journey to the West @ W. N. W. of Albany from whence they brought a good many Beavers. They found their people more inclined to trade with them than the French the French not being able to protect them from the arms of our Indians, with whom they have had a continued warr, soe that our Indians brought away this very last year, a great many pri- soners, Last week I sent for some of our Indians to New York where when they came I obtained a promise from them that some of themselves would goe along with such of our people as goe from Albtoy & Esopus to there far nations ® carry with them the cap- tives they haue prisoners in order to the restoring them to their liberty @ bury their hatchetts with those of their enemys by which means a path may be opened for these farr Indians to come with safety to trade at Albany, and our people goe thither without any let or disturbance I hear the French have built a Wooden Fort or two in the Way thither @ that there are two officers with men in them to obstruct our passage, I am sending a Scotch Oent called M<:Gre- ger (that served formerly in France) along with our people, hee has orders not to disturb or meddle with the French and I hope they will not meddle with him, ^ver since my coming hither it has been no small trouble to keep the Sinicaes from making warr upon the French, Monsieur De la Bair was very hot upon it ® brought a great many men to a place called Cadaraque lying on the lake with intent to fall on the Indians, who hearing of it came to me for leave to enter Canade with fire @ sword, which I reftised to permit but immediately I wro* to La Barr @ let him know that those Indians were his Mat7> of Great Britain's sub- jects @ that he must not molest them @ that if the Indians had done the Govemm^ of Canada any injury, upon his making the same appear, I would cause that hee should have satisfaction as also I sent the arms of his Royal Highness now his Majesty to bee put up in each castle as far as Oneigra which was accordingly k-/ k W^'\ V (■ / •.-a.yai: 158 GOV. DONGAn'f REPORT ON ,x^ i k done, @ thereupon De la Barr retired without doing any thing after having been at a vast expense and all to no purpose The new Governor Mods' de Nonville has written xnee that hee desires to have a very good correspondence with this Goverm' @ I hope hee will bee as good as his word, notwithstanding he put a great deal of provisions into @ keeps four or five hundred men in Cadaraque Last spring he sent one De la Croa with fifty soldiers @ one hundred young men of Canada to the North West passage where as I am certainly informed from Canada they have taken three forts. About two years since there came a thousand men from France to Canada with the new Gov' @ three hundred came the year after. But the most part of them as I hear are since dead the country proving too cold for them. Wee need not /ieare them soe long as the Indians continue to bee our friends @ the less if wee can prevail with the Indians that are Christians to come from them to us, they being generally the youngest @ «ustiest men. The nnm- ^^^ 7^^^ there was a list brought into the new Gov' of FMnoh in 17000 French Inhabitants in Canada, men women ® Vm children of which 3000 fit to bear arms It will be very necessary for us to encourage our young men to goe a Beaver Hunting as the French doe I send a Map by Mr Spragg whereby your LoP* may see the several Goverm*' &c how they lye where the Beaver hunting is @ where it will bee necessary to erect our Country Forts for the securing of beaver trade ® keeping the Indians in community with us Alsoe it points out where theres a great river discovered by one L^uKsal a Frenchman from Canada who thereupon went into France ® and as its reported brought two or three vessfJs with people to settle there which (if true) will prove not only very inconve- nient to us but to the Spanish alsoe (the river running all along from our lakes by the back of Virginia @ Carolina into the Bay Mexico) @ its beleeved Ndva Mexico can not bee far from the mountains adjoining to it that place being in 36d North Latitude 'tf your LoP* thought it fit I could send a sloop or two from this place to discover that river Mirhbon ^ CoDiiecJ may have In it the or removec They ha Indies Bost They hai belonging t The coun bors @ two harbor for a As for their The Correi cable @ good offices of Fri endeared the part of this ( to come unde afore mention been a part c not soe easy n united to us What anoMfto Iti is What are p„ the boan. ' Or , dariei ton- t ,„« Stode ft -L refer *o Will see The land of | cept the land into the count! quantities very f What was go 'f^ / ll THE PROriNCE OF NS\V-TOBK. 159 '! of our Mifhbon In anttoer to the Fifth This query is for the most part answered in the prece- dent what is not answered followeth here Connecticut according to the nearest conjecture I can make may have about 3000 men able to bear arms In it there are but few Indians having been generally destroyed or removed into this government in the time of the last warrs They have but a small trade, what they have is to the West- Indies Boston and this place. They have not above a Ketch or two and about 6 or 7 sloops belonging to the place. The country is very good accommodated with several good har- bors @ two considerable rivers New London is ® very good harbor for shipping where they may ride secure from all winds' As for their timber its the same as ours here To the Sisth The Correspondence wee hold with our neighbors is very ami- cable @ good wee on all occasions doing to each other all the offices of Friendship @ Service wee can : which has soe much endeared them to us that they desire nothing more than to be a part of this Goverm* those of Connecticut choosing farr rather to come under this Goverm^ than that of Boston for the reasons afore mentioned and the Jerseys wishing the like as having once been a part of us. And seeing that in this separation they are not soe easy nor safe, as they might expect to bee, were they re- united to us To the Seventh ^!^ *« It is answered in the answer to the Fourth aimes so To the Eighth ^SiMk ^^^ *^® longitude latitude and contents of this Goverm* ritodS**"! '®^®' y®' ^°^' t® *^® afore- mentioned Map wherein you Stimda ^j]j ggg jjj ^jjj^^ narrow bounds we are cooped up The land of this Goverment is generally barren rocky land ex- cept the land wee have right to on the Susquehanna river @ up into the country amongst our Indians where there are great quantities very good , What was good ® did lye convenient and near the sea for y* I'd ' I J:':'; 1 I' •> . \ i leo GOV. donqam's bkfokt ox ,( ^1 ^ Si Xi most part is taken from us by Connecticut East and West Jersey What is left is pretty well settled, as your L^P* will perceive by the list of patents Mr. Sprag has with him When I came to the Goverment, I found very little quit-rent reserved to his Ma^x bowever I have got the people with their pwn consent to the payment of a certainty as yo' Lop* may per- ceive by the afore mentioned list of patents. Such as pay noe quit-rents I bring into the aforementioned court for his Maty* rents @ revenues where in a short time they are easily induced to doe it, @ I hope his Ma^y will have considerable revenue by it To the Mnth What are Tb^ princy)al towns within the Goverm* are New York ^ w^ Albany @ Kingston at Esopus All the rest are country villages the buildings in New- York @ Albany are gene- rally of stone @ brick. In the country the houses are mostly new built, having two or three rooms on a floor The Dutch are great improvers of land New York @ Albany live wholly upon trade with the Indians England and the West Indies. The re- turns for England are generally Beaver Peltry Oile @ Tobacco when we can have it. To the West Indies we send Flower, Bread Pease pork @ sometimes horses ; the return from thence for the most part is rumm which pays the King a considerable esccise ® some molasses which serves the people to make drink @ pays noe custom There are about nine of ten three mast vessels of about 80 or 100 tons burthen two or three ketches @ Barks of about 40 Tun : and about twenty sloops of about twenty or five ® twenty Tunn belonging to the Goverm* All of which trade for England Holland @ the West Indies except six or seven sloops that use the river trade to Albany @ that way The Tenth is answered in the answers to liie four ® twentieth To the Eleventh A thousand ships may ride here safe from winds ® weather, I send herewith to your LodP a Mi^ from the coming in of Sf^y Hook to the northermost end of this Island Ships* Htiwmuy parish e« FNoinU fc« Whstriv^q narbonor rooda *o TUB PBOTIMOB OV BEW-TOBX* 161 wlMre'iB the Soundings are markt by which yovil pt^oeire the coining in ® conveniency of this harbor Quit along the north side of Long-Island are very good hu^ bors @ roads but on the south side nonu at all To the Twelfth What com*. What account I can at present give of this is for the ^' ** most part contained in my answer to the fourth of your LoP* Queries To the Thirtemth ^2Tk«hu Both our neighbors and wee have conveniency sufB- ■Miwi^*o cient either for transporting timber or building And for tryal if your LodP think fit) I will send over boards of what di- mensions you please the three inch planks I have for the Batteries coat me fifteen shillings the humlred foot To the Fourteenth J|[fcj*» srii I can give y« Lo noe account at present but by the next I may. I will make a diligent enquiry about it® when I have got any thing worthy of your LoP* knowledge I will acquaint you with it To the Fifteenth ee^hu'^l Concerning the number of the Inhabitants merchant English ® Forreigners, Servants Slaves @ how many able to bear arms it is not possible to give an exact account but in order to my being certainly informed I have issued forth seve- ral warrants to the Sheriffs within this goverment requiring them to make an inquiry thereof ® to return the sane to mee on which returns I shall not fail to give your LodP' the account required To the Sixteenth aPSn!^^ I believe for these 7 years last past, there has not o^p^VpJlw come over into this province twenty English Scotch or iSTiTwrAo " Irish familys. But on the contrary on Long Island the people encrease soc fast that they complain for want of land ® many remove from thence into the neighboring province. But of French there have since my coming here several familys come both from St. Christophers & England @ a great many more are expected as alsoe from Holland are come several Dutch familys which is another great argument of the necessity of adding to 11 •' •■ i '«■•'! 1 ! M OOr. DOHOAIl'l WLWOKt OR this Ooverm> the neighbouring English Colonys, thnt a moreeqiml ballance m«y bee krpt here between his Maty* natural! bom sub- jects and foreigners 'which latter are the most prevailing part of this Government I send herewith a petition of the new come naturalized French For Antwtr to the Seventeenth If Eighteenth irambw^f** ^ ™***^ ^^^^^ y^"' ^°'' *° ™y "**^ ^y which time I ci»iM«mD(ti doubt not but to be able to give y* desired account 2;^^''^^^ having to that end issued forth the like warrant to the Sheriff as aforesaid To the Mneteenih Wtai< flgniAo «r(MMi»St -^^ concerning y* vessels belonging to this place it is *" already answered in the answer to y' LoP' ninth Querie ® for others they are but few which are either from England New England or the West Indies To the Taentieth lOtMtnM. What obstructions do you find to the improvement of trade &c Jlns. a great obstruction to our trade is the hindring the im- porting Tobacco from the three lower Countys in Delaware as I have already given your LoP' an account in answer to the fifth of your queries It is likewise a great hindrance to our trade here ® an incon- veniency to the ships that come out of England and the fishery that his Maty keeps not an officer at Newfoundland for formerly there went every year Sloops with provisions thither ® gave the provisions in exchange for their fish who again sold them to the Shipps for Bills of Exchange to England which made good re- turns from this place procuring back from England English goods which paid his Maty custom there For the regulation of our trade we have made several rules among ourselves, the chief of which is that noe goods of the product of Europe or West Indies bee imported into this province unless it were directly from England or such part of the We^t Indies where such commoditys were produced^ without paying as a custom to his Matr 10 pr cent WftM «4tm. iMa* or iiif prnvem«nM May b« ffiiinad la your irada To \VhM raiw •lid tluin . , cient I sha The Rev upon his M lembly pay For ever imported inl money of tli For everj Sherry @ al money aforei Upon all pendencys th for every hue hereafter spec Salt, Brid wool Ginger, • bacco bullion Upon all m fela, Strouds, White Ozenbi Cotton, Red K goods the sum hundred poun any vessel sloe Upon every ,. Upon every For every G For every G bee carried up aforesaid And likewise THK raOTIMCK OF MCW-TOmS. 163 wkM •«i»«ii. ^° '** *"** °^^ Twentieth i!^v«m«iiu' "^^i* quertc is sufficiently answered in the foregoing SVo^-'rl*" answer. To the two and Twentieth concerning the Revenue ^^duiyi** ^ *^*^^ K'^* y^^^ ^**'" ^ *x8ct an answer to this *" querie as its possible for me, and wherein I am defi- cient I shall acquaint your LoP* with the true causes of it The Revenue except that of the Quit-Rents has been settled upon his Mutr then his Royal Highness @ his heirs by act of Ai- lembly payable in manner following viz* For every Gallon of Rum Brandy @ distilled liquors to bee imported into the province @ its dependencys fou pence currant money of the province For every pipe of Madera, Fyal St George Canary Malaga Sherry ® all sweet wines the summ of forty shillings currtJit money aforesaid Upon all other merchandizes imported into the province ® de- pendencys the summ of forty shillings currant money aforesaid for every hundred pounds valued at the prime cost except those hereafter specified viz* Salt, Brick, Pan-tyles, Coals, Fixh, Sugar Molasses, Cotton- wool Ginger, Logwood, brasalette, fiustyk west-India hydes, To- bacco bullion ® Plate Upon all merchandize commonly called Indian Goods as Duf- fels, Strouds, Blankelts, plains, half-thicks, Woolen StokinSi White Ozenbriggs, kettles, hatchets, hoes, Red Lead, vermilion, Cotton, Red Kersey, Knives, Indian Haberdashery® other Indian goods the summ of ten pounds currant money aforesaid for every hundred pounds value prime cost carried up Hudsons river in any vessel sloops boats or canoes or any other way Upon every baril of powder twelve shillings Upon every lb. weight of lead six shillings For every Gun or Gun-Baril with a lock six shillings For every Gall', of Rum, Brandy or distilld Liquors that shall bee carried up Hudsons river aforesaid four pence currant money aforesaid And likewise by the said act is settled upon his Matr, his heirs > 'Tl I 164 QOW. DONGAN'S BEPORT OIT Fir. ^ m\- ^'i 1 s 'if. * m 1/ ^v/< K @ successors an excise upon all liquors (beer and cyder excepted) retailed under five gallons the sum of t%relve pence currant money, aforesaid within y" city @ county of New York per gallon as alsoe the excise of twelve pence currant money aforesaid upon each gallon of liquor CHrrled up Hudsons river. And also an excise of twelve pence on liquors retailed throughout the whole province ® Dependencies (beer and cyder only excepted) As alsoe the custom @ duty upon every beaver skin commonly called a whole Beaver, nine pence And that all other furs @ peltry bee valued accordingly that is for two half beavers nine pence for four lappa nine pence three drillings one shilling'sixpence ten ratoons ninepence four foxes ninepence, four fishers ninepence, five catts ninepence, four @ twenty mees-catts ninepence, ten mailers nine pence, twenty-four pounds of Moose @ Deer Skin ninepence- And all other Peltry to be valued equivalent to the whole beaver exported out of this Province (bull @ cowhides excepted) And alsoe that all Indian traders throughout the whole province @ dependencies doe pay for the value of each hundred pounds prime cost they traffick with the Indians for, ten pounds money aforesaid And for all Beer @ Sider retailed throughout the Province ® dependencies six shillings per baril, and for each baril of beer or sidcr that is sold to the Indians six shillings as if retailed Qnit Renu As for the Quit Rents at my arrival they were very inconsiderable most made b^ S' Edmond Andros, the greatest part whereof in Delaware River the most part of the patents granted by my predecessors were without any reservation of any Quit-Rents or acknowledgment to his Ma*y or very inconsidera- ble such as several of S' Edmond Andros's grants to great town- ships reserving the Quit-rent of our Land only @ were but con- firmations of former grants @ Indian purchases. These people have renewed their Patents under a greater Quit-Rent as will ap- pear by the list sent herewith most of these patents granted by mee were confirmations alsoe The methods that I took for the obliging them to this was find- ing several tracts of land in their townships not purchased of the Indians i to submi disposed The pc ment of h are Mr L\ Highness, out of En^ three yean Ban (on ment of ti make any j ness wherel curned hee sheriffs or . And alsoe w business thei Receiver, wi hee sho^ re( «ich moneys Clerk of the a competent At Esopus lecter @ rec< accounted wil forct to send i accts who wl confused acct| with a great 'for his Matxi house so that years ® on h^ Since that Pawling sherij As for the l*0P« will see And for thel m'\ THE PROVINCE OF NEW-TOBK. 165 Indians and soe at his Maty* (Hsposal. They were, willing rather to submit to a greater Quit Rent than have that unpurchased land disposed of to others than themselves The persons that have had the collection receipt @ manage- ment of his Maty'« revenue for these three years past @ upwards are Mr Lucas Santcn by commission from hisMa^y then his Royal Highness, Collecter @ Receiver. John Smith one that he brought out of England was his deputy book-keeper @ surveyor for about three years @ crit John Harlow a servant of his, waiter @ searcher Switon I gave order to Mr Santon that for the good manage- ment of this small revenue to y^ best advantage hee should not make any journey into the country on pretence of the King's busi- ness whereby to put him to charge, but that when any thing oc- curred hee should acquaint mee with it that I might order the sheriffs or Jutices of the Peace of the Place to take care of it. And alsoe went up to Albany myself on purpose to settle his Maty" business there where I made one Robert Livingstone Collecter® Receiver, with order to ace* w*"" @ pay into Mr Santer w* money hee sho^ receive for which he was to have 1" per Pound of all such moneys as should pass through his hands, ® alsoe made him Clerk of the Town that both places together might afford him a competent maintenance At Esopus one Thomas Garton was by Mr Santon made col- lecter <(^ receiver who as I find by Mr Saotons account had not accounted with him for these three years past. Upon wch I was forct to send an order of Council for his coming hither with his accts who when hee came gave in a scrole of paper containing a confused acct of about JE200. pretending that his accts together with a great deal of com @ Peltry by him collected @ received 'for his Maty" customs excise @ Quit-Rents were burnt in his house so that all the council @ I could get from him for three years @ on half past was a bond of JE200. Since that I have set the Excise of that country alone to Mr Pawling sheriff for £1 10. As for the county of Richmond I have noe acct thereof, as your LoP" will see by the audit. And for the county of West Chester one ColKns is Collecter® ! P 'v«I I' r f ', I 1'^ !• V , t. ) ■ 166 GOV. domoam's bepoht on I j $4,- ]'< j ,? ''S ■J ' Receiver there, whoe (as your Lop" may likewise see by the au- dit) has not givtn any account— only this Mr Santen tells me (hat in Scpt"^ last hee took two bonds for money payable in March next which I look upon to bee nothing, @ all the Revenue of that County lost the man having hardly bread to put in his mouth The first year there was £52 offered for the Excise of Long Island, but I thought it unreasonable it being the best peopled place in this Goverm^ @ wherein theres great consumption of Rumm @ and therefore I gave commission to Mr Nicolls @ Mr Vaughton to gather it with whom I made this agreement that out of it they should have forty pounds, ® that they should account with Mr Santon for the' remainder. Since that for these two years past one Henry Fillkin has been Collector @ for his pains has a salary of £30 per ann. What returns he makes I referr to the audit most part of the people of that Island especially towards the East end are of the same stamp with those of New-England, refractory @ very loath to have any commerce with this place to the great detrm^ of his Maty revenue @ ruin of our merchants; To prevent which the aforementioned act of Assembly imposing 10 pr cent upon all such goods as should be imported from any colony where such goods were not produced passed, which was intended chiefly to hinder their carrying their oyle to Boston ® bringing goods from thence into this Goverm* They thought it a hardship to be obliged as formerly to come to this citty to enter ® clear ® on their application were allowed to have a port where I made Mr Arnold Collector @ Receiver, with order to be accomptable to Mr Santen — What returns he has given I likewise referr to the audit I allowed him for 3 years @ half past but JESS with which hee was well satisfied having had some Pquisits by Entrys @ clearing there Notwithstanding the desire of theirs was readily granted they refused to take our merchants money or goods @ carried away their Oyle private to Boston @ brought back goods from thence as formerly. Therefore with the advice of the Council I made an onier that all people before they goe there shall enter @ clear here and also I have bought a Bark that cruscth there with J! ,- TBB numncB or vbw-yobk.' 167 f a master, two seamen a sergeant ® six soldiers from the Garrison for which the soldiers are allowed no more than their pay except a little provision more than their former allowance, the master ® ,, two seamen I have listed in the Company alsoe @ allow then, something more than soldiers pay As for the Dukes county ® county of Cornwall I refer to y* „ audit. What acct Mr Santen gives @ Judge Palmer whom I sent thither last spring @ has made his returns to Mr Santen among which theres an account of the seizure of wines and oyl made in, the county of Cornwall The first year I left every thing to the care of Mr Santon ^ ; what officers hee thought fit to put in, but afterwards finding « things ill managed I spake to Mr Santon several times, advising him as a friend to look better to the trust reposed in him What returns hee has made mee for my kindness I will pass by, ^ <^ say noe more of them than I am obliged to doe for my owq , vindication having nothing of ill will against him After the expiration of the year I desired him to bring in. his . accounts that they might bee audited which hee promised me from | time to time but in t»uch manner as was not fit for him for always , when I spoke to him of moneys ® accompt he flew into a pas- sion Upon which I ordered him that since hee had no better goyer- . ment of himself he should refrain from coming into my company Q^ after I frequently sent to him by the Sec]^ for hiff accompts who likewise met with the same dilatory answers. ^ Upon which I had him brovight before the council 3 or 4 times where he waf often ordered to bring in his accts but all to noe purpose for up-;, wards of a year together as y' Lop* may see by the time of the audit @ by the several orders of council herewith sent , At last when his accts came I shewed them to the council who were mightily surprised that for eighteen @ upwards the Revenue should amount but to £3000 @ odd pounds upon which J had them audited and thereby it was found that a great many frauds had been done to the King as your LoP" may see by the said audit @ the charge brought in ® proved against Mr Santon Then I desired him to put John Smith from the ojQEice of surveypc _;f' mBM^i wm^ JI^B'ibRj' '. ■.-■' ■•'f>' y\ '^if-v I'-t '\f' ", ■ '^ ■ •'■ l^';" I a" r- ! if' ' ■ i ( i 1 im gov. xxmoAii'a bkfobt or •nd out of the custom house having the charity for mr Santon to believe that that man has cheated him as well as the King (I having had while in England this ill character of him from S' Benj" Bathurst that for his misbehavior he had been turned out of a good employment) But bee never wo'^ comply with it not' withstanding several orders of councill to that affect until I put in on Thomas Coker to bee surveyor, upon which Smith being concerned at losing his surveyors place, grew very insolent and put Mr Santon upon worse measures as is believed, for which @ other misdemeanors as y' LoP" may pceave by the Minutes of Council sent over by Mr Sprag he was turned wholly out of the Custom House In Hatlow (Serv* to Mr Santon) that was waiter and searcher he sent into England as I am informed to the commissioners of thee custom house for a commission to be collector for the enu- merated comoditys here, @ would force so much for his going @ coming as y' Lop* may see charged in his acct brought in to the audit ® likewise has brought in a note of his for four and twenty pounds odd money for going to the east end of Long Is- land in which he did not spend fourteen days time The Auditor finding noe cheque upon the collector his book- keeper being Surveyor called upon this Hatlow for his warrants who answered that bee had none or that if ever hee had any bee had left them in England Upon which I put in one Larken in his stead who upon an or- der in Council set up in the Custom House commanding noe goods to goe off without a warrant refusing to lett some goods bee ex- ported on the verbal order of Mr Santon only was by him turned out of that place as your Lop* will see by the aforementioned charge @ the proofs thereto After the audit of his first accts the others were demanded and with the same difficulty as the former obtained as j' LoP' may perceive by the said minutes of Council particularly the order for payment every Saturday which was occasioned thus The Council considering how dilatory Mr Santon was @ with what difficulty he would be brought to account being satisfied that Mr Santon was then behindhand in his paym*" ® that in process of time he , mig] meni hee £ prece mond occasi dience tookn As a have a] ready f for his twomoi iending his accor to leave ; of the Jei compts h( audited a« nntii I sht whom my "^possible Seeing s *o be who •^"ty @ he( '^al orders < have herew in such maj thereof here »wer @ ya ™ade their r ^op" sees bj therein ahh( «e»"v» to his ^or him @ ad] acct (hat by ^tter carriagl "" """"rat or HEw-TOM. ,„ night bee yet more me f„, .k ^ ment of his M,.,. „ven„e they orEf ^ f ^""'"' ™'*^- bee should acet wiih @ payil ! ^ *™ ""' '"'■'^ &'"«!», preceeding „eek which „rameth7, T "' "' ''"' '*"'^«' "■« -ond Aodros with C«p,1^e?t .hf r n "*' """ "^S' *«- «ccas.oa .ho' this had oot the L eff^ " ^'" ""'"' ""= '»« A^ce, for as hee did wi.h JutZfV * ^"'*°» <««''«- took «„e notice of i, °"'" ""'"» '"«' did with (his hee ^ alsoe there wms »-«„i <»- an his accts f™l .r^r^CrJ --."'"ng him .. ready for Mr Sprag t„ carry „^^ ^J^,T\lV' *•" "' ^""^ fc',1." passage i„ a shipVll h" 1 ? *'""""' "S"*' ^o months pas,. But ih alUWst tTd "" ""' """""^ "■«« tending that by a letter fton, my W^ % """ """"P'*''"'^ ^«-- lus accomps were not to be aodfted h T"" '"' ""« »"»««■« '0 leave a duplicate with mel ? """ *"« "«» »"'? <*liBed 0^ tie letter rg,^ te ir^^lJ^f ,"«= Council upon ^ •'•'"P's home but that neveXC t "r "^ '«"' "" - «.d,ted according to former in^c^L'l' "'^'''"^ '° "-e them ""hi I should have ordera to tT T ® '°* '" """"nue to doe whom my Lord Treas„^" n v ^"^"^ '^™'° **' B'^U-wayt " -Po'sible for me totZlXS" "'"" " "'"^ ""'^'^ duty @ hee continuing 1, „ Tf . "^ "' ^™'™ «'«'='•»■«« hi. »■ orders of Councirfotim t:^' .! "T""'"'"' '° ""= ^ " kave herewith was drawn up gl t him . T.*'"'"'' ^' ^f » such manner as your LnT n '''""'" '""' »"sw„ed "-ereof herewith sent Un„?/ • "" 7 '''"-' °' "-e copy -" @ y proofs there"\re::r!i; """=" ^""^^ """ ■"■ made their report (o mee un.lrTh. TT """'' "'"^ '='"""=» . top- sees by ,ho copy there" "hfct" .'' '" """""^ ^' y" "kerein ahho' ,hey pUi": :J' ' f? 'T' ''"'"- '>"™i". •erv to his Mat, in rh^e m„„' IJm ' ?," •■" ''^'" "" ""^-"f-I for h,m ® adyised him to eiyet? . """"""■' >"=' » «nl «ct that by the audi, he Jas f Id k? i";"'' '"'"°""'= <>' "» ^'er carriage for the rutr^VCh J^X »'• ^"''. '"'" "" ^¥unee did I promised to pasa % w i)^ I i t' «I70 GOV. DOKGA^'f RBPORT OV w ■»> l! ■ 4 , ? . by all former faults @ make noe complaint against bim; I not only told him this myself but from time to time sent messages to him to this effect sometimes by such of the council as were his particular friends sometimes by the ministers @ often by the Se- cratary but all to noe purpose hee still continued obstinate And what returns hee made mee to these several instances of my kindness I shall not now trouble your Lop* with Nevertheless I forbare doing any thing further against hiiu till the expiration of the second audit proposing that then when I could know the whole amount of his debt I would at once doe my best to secure the Kings concerns from sustaining any loss by him At last hee brought in a book without being signed and said he could not lieve them neither, they being to bee sent over to Mr Blathwayt Whereupon we were forct to give him 3 weeks longer to get them copied @ then with great adoe he signed them @ brought in with them an acct called a general acct| an acct so ex- travagant that your LoP" have hardly seen thee like '^>^ Then I pressing the auditors to make an end they desired that they might have his papers to compare with those books @ ao* comps he had delivered in, which by order of council hee was required to deliver to them. But hee refusing as appears by the testimony of 3 of the auditors herewith sent, It was ordered that his said papers should bee seized @ he suspended from the 8^ oi- fice of collector @ receiver till his Maty" pleasure should be known thereon @ hee taken into the Sheriffs custody and there remain till hee should give in such security as in the said orders is expressed as relation to the said orders had, may more at laige appear ?" » Upon search of the Pap's relating to his Mat7' revienue I found a charge drawn against myself with letters to his Mat7 Lord T'sear Lord Chancelor @ several other gentlemen stuft with com- plaints against me and other p'sons which are wholly false Indeed its true the poor gentleman since his coming, here haft been troubled with 3 or 4 hypocondriack fitts, hee was in one of Ihf m whtn his Ma^y nomination of the Council came over upon which they all thought it not convenient to have bim sworn it THE P&OVIMCE or NXW-YOBK. 171 least ?' that time as your Lopp* will see by the minutes of coun- cill And my Lords to bee short I must cay this of him hes a man wholly unfit for business especially this wherein hee has noe more skill than a child, Soe that for the executing of it hee must have his whole depend&nce on another. I am sure it' I had not taken more care of the Revenue than .hee did since I found his failure it had been more embezled than it is for though hee received the money I was obliged to continual watching to guard against luf carelessness @ neglects And truly what hee takes very ill what there is neither, prent- dent nor establishment for In his commission hee hasallowedhimJC200p' annum the same adlowance that Dyer had in the time of S' Edmond Andros, xmT which j£100 was for the Surveyor Comptroller @ Wai,ter there- fore I finding no new establishment allow him no more than Pycgr had for him @ his officers Salary it beiag tlie sentiment of the Council that I could not alter the former practicewith which they were well acquainted But he gives himself a far laiger alldw^ ance hee will have it that his salary is sterling; @ to make it so of this country money he charges three @ thirty P' cent advance @ one hundred pound more for his two under officers, Beadcs this Mr Smith being his Deputy-Surveyor @ Book-^keeper^. hee would 'have allowance to him of £bO p^^ ann as his deputy j£40 P* ann as his accomptant J£30 P' ann for his transcribing ;hi^ boolfs JC20 P' annum P^^ his diet besides his salary for Surveyor, For John Harlow hee would have allowed JC30 P' ann as waiter, je48 Pr ann as being employed by. him in the Kings service where or how noe man Knows JS20 p^ aim for his Diet and jCI62. and two voyages made into England with despatches for his MatT all this ® a great deal more such for his officers iipi the country, @ the like your Lop* will see in his last general acc^ a copy whereof is herewith sent, Notwithstanding hee charges the King soe largely for lus offi- cers salaries, to some of them hee has paid nothing tat all, inso- much as they are making very great clamor for their money y (^ not getting it from him expect it from the King i.J >^;- 't 1 1 1 , '■ n ■:1:-' V t '1 if ITS GOT. OOMGAm's BCPOBT Oil i-' i% . i Of his own head hce bought a little rotten tool of a sloop on pretence for his MatJ* service, which as your LoP* may see by their audit, has stood the King in near j£700 ® now cannot be sold for thirty soe must either bee laid up or burnt In his instructions @ by several orders from me @ the council he was expressly forbid to trust out his Mat)" revenue notwith- standing I was forc't to take notes from him to the value of j£800. besides a great many more which hee pretends still to bee stand- ing out as your Loi* will perceive by the audit Hee has likewise been negligent in taking the bonds required by the laws of the Goverment from the masters of ships one ill consequence whereof has been the New York Pink has carried off several Elephants teeth without entry, @ the bond being inquired for there was none taken. How hee has behaved himself touching an Interloper that came in hither I have already given S' Benj. Bathurst an account, and as for the debts for him pretended to too the auditors upon enquiry the most of them are found to bee received by him. and I beleive of thee rest, the twentieth part will never be had, they are soe ill And besides notwithstanding his confused way of accounting % being without a cheque upon him as aforesaid, he is found by his own accounts brought into the audit to bee £1768. 15 shil- lings threepence and \^^* of a penny in debt to the King as your LoP* may see by the said audit which (as is to bee feared) is all gone besides his salary and pquisits, on which h6 might have lived very handsomely Hee (as hee hath all along done) does to all persons he con- verseth with speak scurrilously @ abusively of me @ y^ Council which considering his circumstances we let pass without taking any notice of , Hee is likewise very troublesome to the present management of his Maty customs I desire that as soon as may bee I may know what his Mat7' pleasure is should bee done with him, what ace* I have here given y LoPP" of him is as moderate as may bee farr short of what I might have represented ® yet have spoken nothing but the truth. What I have done has not been out of malice, for I beare non* to him r service ( LoPP« an this affaii Thus I Revenue in a great I shall th what chai to mee @ Itsavei some time garrisons tioned, @ @ this abo to purchasi upon Huds Indians. ] south side t Indians foi Assembly a the Lord B Pen, comm Connecticul this @ East tho' that la appear by i by the very got Mr Sanl In the me mate of the thereof here yearly for tl not at presc LoP« there persons oblij @ the judges TBB rBOTIRCI or VBW-TOBK. 173 to him rather pittyj but purely with an intent to doe his Ma*T lervice ® to secure his interest, as I doubt not will appear to y' LoPP' and if I bee to bee blamed for any thing in the Series of this affair its for too much forbearance Thus my Lords I have given you as good an account of the Revenue received, @ by whom as I can, as alsoe how the same in a great part of it has been mismanaged and by what meanes I shall therefore now proceed to give your Lopp^ an estimate of what charge the maintenance of this Goverm* has been hitherto to mee ® what will bee requisite for its further support Its a very hard thing upon mee that coming over hither in trouble- some times, finding noe revenue established @ yet having three garrisons to look after @ the forts in the condition before men- tioned, @ finding such contest between the Governm^ of Canada ® this about the Beaver Trade the Inland Country @ the IndianSy to purchase, as I was obliged by my instructions, sixty odd miles, upon Hudsons River 17 or 18 into the land in one place from the Indians. In another place up the River 16 miles And on the south side of Long-Island twelve miles to give a great deal to the Indians for Susquehanna River to bee at great expences on the Assembly at their first sitting when they gave the revenue ® on the Lord Howard of Effingham when here with his train Governor Pen, commisioners from Boston @ other colonies, the Gov' of Connecticut East ® West Jersey, the running the line between this @ East Jersey and the like between Connecticut and this, tho' that last not yet finished besides the establishment as will appear by my books when audited ® sent over, which shall be by the very first conveniency, @ had been long ere now, had I got Mr Santens sooner done In the meantime y' LoP* may bee capable of making an esti- mate of the constant charge of the Goverm* by the calculation thereof herewith sent in which you see that there is set down yearly for the Council Judges @ Attorney General which tho' not at present allowed in my opinion with submission to your LoP« there is a necessity there should. The Councilors being persons obliged to a constant attendance from their own business ® the judges Such as devote themselves wholly to that service ® 174 GOV. domgan'^b repoht om f m i ''i '0 I ^ whose present salary is see small to support theui (g) their familys in that station as is set forth in their petition which I have herewitli sent to his Matx for his consideration^ neither can the Attorney-generals small perquisites bee able to maintain him in going thro his Matr* concerns, which takes up his whole time, without the addition of such salary as his Matr shall think fitt to allow Your Loi** taking all this into y' consideration, cannot but think his Mat/ must be in debt, which however would not have been very much had Mr Santen done his duty What revenue there is is with the ease (§) satisfaction of the people ® paid without grumbling, tho' as much as modesty can bee put upon them Soe that if Connecticut bee not added to the Goverm* it can be hardly able to support itself. But if it bee added, thee reve- nue will bee sufficient to keep the King wholly out of debt Mr Santen taxes me with covetousness in not allowing suffi- diently to the officers employed. Niggardly I have not been, but the revenue being soe small (S) having soe great a charge, I en- deavored \o bee as good a husband for the King as T could I'm sure better than I ever was for myself. And truly I have been put soe to it to make things doe that what small pquisits I got, I have disburst, @ not only soe, but have been forc't to engage my credit soe far as t'would goe @ that not sparing to pawn my plate for money to carry on the Kings affairs @ now I have sent some of it home by Mr Sprag to reimburse Sr Ben Bathurst what hee has paid for mee, @ to provide clothes for the soldiers @ some things for my own use Anawer to Now My Lords before I proceed to answer the rest SuS^il.*" of your queries I will take occasion here to give your '*^' "• LoP" satisfaction as to those articles Mr Santer has been pleased to draw up against mee, a copie whereof I herewith send for y LoPP* perusal the scope of which being to charge me with mismanagement of his MatJ* affairs, I thought noe place more proper for my making appear the falsity of his accusation than here, wherein I have been soe long treating of the mismanage- ment of the revenue in which thia man himself had soe large a ibare, i proofs I ^s to t Forn tide is t taken be TotheSi This i{ helles te communii dispositio never cap of the to\ he was a course To the T] Whereir privateers with any b f^or a shari of what w of Law or the Gov" ( token in thi make incun they should myself to t obligation a TotheYi ; .Hee does CQpartnershi been a volui nJng to bee come along man @ out l! I I THX PIOTIKCB or MKW-YOBK. 179 •barcy which answers follow distinctly with relation to such proofs as are herewith sent necessary for my vindication ifis to the FIRST Article — cmicerning a copartnership in a J)rad$ to France ffc For my justification ® making appear the falsehood of this ar- ticle is the testimony of Mr John Sprag ® Mr Gabriel Minvielle taken before Mr Swinton clerk of the Council hereunto annexed To the Second concerning a partnership in trade to Newfoundland This is noe less true than the other as appears by M>tjor Brok- helles testimony &c @ truly had I any such design I had not communicated with the Kings collector especially to a man of his disposition Oil subject to soe many follies @ infirmitys that he was never capable of concealing his own secrets from the very rabble of the town, ® always made the debates of the Council (while he was a member of it) the subject matter of his Tavern dis- course To the Third concerning my going sharer with the Privateers Wherein hee does mee the honcr to join mee in partnership with privateers I dont believe that Frederick Flipson ever went sharer with any body in a shi[f @ I am sure Beekman never had a vessel r.or a share in a vessel In his life Had I harl 2 or 3 men^s shares of what was got upon the wreck I think it had been noe breach of Law or my instructions it being customary in such cases for the Gov" of plantations to have it. But Mr Santen too was mis- taken in this they did not clear for the wreck @ least they should make incursion upon the Spaniards I took security from them that they should not, in short for my justification on this point I refer myself to the testimonies of Frederic Flipson ® Beakman ® the obligation aforesaid herewith sent To the FpuRTH Copartnership with Mr AntUlfor Jamaica. : Hee does me wrong I never was concerned with Mr Antill in cqpartnership , One Vaughton half brother to Mr Sprag that had been a volunteer 2 or three years on board Capt" Temple,® hap- ning to bee in London when £ came away offered his service to come along with mee, whom finding a pretty ingenious young man ® out of ewiployment I promised to help lum with p A'- I ! i ! ■ I jj* ;:«,' !»t'v 1TB OOT. OOHOAV't EBIOBT OB wsn fk:4 m ; n mf I' *!...;■ H ' Ut «^i little mony. when hee stood in need of it for to put him into some way. Whereupon not long after this Antill purposed if he could get money from his brother or any other to purchase the half of t little ship tl jn tu bee sold hee would purchase the other @ that Vaughton should goe master of her upon which hee came to mee into the country where I then was ® ucquainted mee with y* pro- posal @) desired my assistMUce to enable him to comply with it. I demanded what security hee could give mee, hee proposed to make over his share in the vessel for it. Upon which in kind- ness to him I let him have the money @ took the vessel in secu- rity for it ® by him sent as a venture ten Barils of Oyle of a drift Whale that came to my share, (g) thirteen half Barils of Flower, to purchase Sugar Molasses Sweetmeats Oranges and other necessar- ries for use in my family. And this (as Mr. Santen knows as well a» I @ most of the town) was all the concerns I ever had with Antil To the FIFTH concemtng the Dogger This Mr Beekman having a Sloop went from this place to Nevis @ Sr William Stapleton hearing of a Dutch privateer gave him a commission to goe afler him, which hee did @ took a great ugly vessel y^ dutch have for fishing with one deck ® went back with ' her to Nevis. Whereupon S^ Vf"^ in reward of his good service gave him the Kings (§) his own share in her soe hee brought her hither where shee being a Dutch built ® and the man having a mind to sell her, had her condemned at a Court of Admiralty. Upon which I forgave him the Kings share which by apprizement amounted to as doth appear by Mr Beekman's testimony To the PixTH concerning Heathcot^s Sloop. Mr. Santen does me wrong in this for upon the word of a Christian, I know not at this minute who were the apprizers they having been appointed by the Court where the sloop ® goods were condemned, @ they too upon their oaths. Neither had I any a'lvantage by that vessel as Mr Santen knows tho' hee had by making George Hcathcot pay him ninty pound @ charges which was more than the third part of the condemnation came too soe that 1 hope this is not the voyage hee charges the King with soe much for, tho' it is the only remarkable one hee ever made ® yet but ten miles distant from this place To the MyLo (belOpr to say tha to the bei here hee : admitted to bly @ my ( nution of h member wh ral orders li Mr Sante Gentleman i "any others notice thereo of the value one of the of fell a quarrel Vaughton ab( along with h; where when t dell who bein struggling 8ti in prison wh ■^erwards th plication of _ others hee waj cii his goods which being rity to Riddeil] pounds withojL To the NINTH c\ ^r Santen Council, all for all rents, not doe to ms THE PROVINCE OF NCW-YOaK. ir To the SEVENTH concerning my Lord ^eill Campbells goods My Lord Neill Campbell its true desired my bill of store for the 10 F' cent Mrhich I did grant, but Mr Santen does mee wrong to say that I ordered they should bee entered without examination to the best of my remembrance there was noe such thing : but here hee forgets what hee has done himself what goods hee has admitted to entry without examination contrary to Act of Assem- bly @ my order as appears by his own books to the great dimi- nution of his Ma^y* revenue in this Province : neither does he re- member what bills of store hee has granted notwithstanding seve- ral orders to the contrary To the EIGHTH concerning one Riddell Mr Santen does mee wrong in this, One Mr Riddell a poor Gentleman that brought into this city without entry (as a great many others have done without Mr Santen or his officers taking notice thereof) a small parcel of linen afterwards appraised to be of the value of 3 or 6 pounds, And after that this Riddell ® one of the officers of the Custom House drinking drunk together, fell a quarrelling, on which the Officer went out @ meeting with Vaughton about one or two in the morning, compelled him to goe along with him to seize uncostomed goods at Riddell's lodging, where when they came they broke open the door upon this Rid- dell who being still drunk endeavoured to keep them out ® in the struggling stabbed Mr Vaughton. Whereupon he was secured in prison where hee lay a long time till Vaughton recovered. Afterwards the poor man being in a starving condition on the ap- plication of Mr Vaughton @ himself ® Mr Sprag ® several others hee was set at liberty, and on a petition of his to the Coun- cil his goods were ordered to bee released, hee paying all charges which being more than the value of the goods Mr Sprag in cha- rity to Riddell paid the Surgeons their demands which was ten pounds without taking any thing from him To the NINTH concerning Capt Santen^s warrants to the Sheriffs i^c Mr Santen knows himself that from time to time by order of Council, all the Sheriffs have been obliged to account with him for all rents, Quit rents ® arrearages of rent &c yet this would not doe to make himself seem great, hee would needs issue forth 12 firsi 11 **. nir. * 1 / 1 *» 7" 1 4 . 1 ^ ■'!>. 1' ' i A' 'i * *j 'I * if^ ' ! • .1 I i \ I \ if>>) 1; Ni:t 178 GOV. DONG AN S REPORT ON his own warrants, which poor man was done in one of his fitts (4 indeed they met with such reception as they deserved, the she- riis took noe other notice of them than to send them to mee Whereupon I being somewhat surprised at his manner of procee- dure called him before the Council where (being asked how he came to issue forth such warrants) his answer was that to his knouledge the Lord Treasurer did soe in England, But here I would ask Capt Santen why he hath not given a better account of Such Quit rents &c as have passed through his hands To the Tenth concerning my covetousness as he is pleased to term it Here (if Mr Santen speaks true in saying I have been covetous) It was in the management of this small revenue to the best advan- tage,® had Mr Santen been as just as I have been careful, the King had not been in debt, as I had more in my pocket than now I have It may be true when I called for the King's money @ accompts from Mr Santen @ I met with unbecoming returns I might use some passionat expressions And as for my pinching Officers if hee means himself it was because he took it very ill that I would not allow him 7 or 800 pounds extravagant expenses, As for Frau. Barber I never spoke a word to him of salary in my life @ and leave it to the audit' what acct hee gives of the ilevenue of that County for three yean & on half To the Eleventh concerning the excise of Long Island 4rc What Mr. Santen says concerning the offer of JS52 for iiie ex- cise p' a year may bee true I thought it very unreasonable that the excise of three Countys should be farmed for soe little, therefore I fixed upon Mr. Vaughton @ Mr. Nicolls looking upon them to bee honest men @ agreed with them for j£20 P P' @ what thev could make over @ above they should deliver to Mr. Santen That Dan. Whitehead offered mee three pounds for my license it is false, or that I had JCIO, from Nicolls @ Vaughton is likewise false as doth appear by Mr Nicolls testimony @ would by that of Mr Vaughton were hee here Neither had I even any mony for licenses since I came into this Government except from Albany @ this place JC24, but on the contrary gave it all to the colleotors of the respective countys for their encouragement ■^;i THE PROVINCE OF NEW- YORK. 179 ^:';t " To the TWELFE concerning Mr Pretty S,'C Mr. Pretty is Sheriflf of that County ©having a great deal of other concerns upon his hands for the King @ countreys service, that being a frontier County to Canada, soe that hee could not possibly attend the Surveyors place I put in William Shaw who had that place before in the time of S' Edmond Andros @ as Mayor Brockhelles informs us behaved himself faithfully therein. And as to his allegation in his memoranduma that Shaw war put in for satisfaction for two or three years pay due to him, it is wholly untrue as does appear by the testimony of Mayor Baxter, Mr Coker, @ by the receipt under Shaws own hand To the Thirteenth concerning the deprivaticn of the Officers Sfc This John Smith is a man that if hee were as honest as hee is able the King had had more justice done him @ Mr. Santen more moftey in his pocket. What account S' Ben Bathurst gave mee of him I have already acquainted y' Lopp* with, @ for what rea- sons hee was turned out of the Custom House is herein before given to your LoP*. ' i ' - ' •' * To the Fourteenth concerning the Pasture of Albany ffc As for this of the Pasture, he is mistaken, it was never yet in the King's hands, but hee that was the commander took some profits of it, which was a great grievance to the people it h&ving been patented by governor Nicolls to several people @ by them built upon whose buildings have been since carried away by the overflowing of the river. It does not contain above fifteen or six- teen acres. I doubt not but I shall make it appear that I have done nothing in this to his Maty prejudice I conceive I have done the King very good service in Albany. The town of Albany lyes within the Ranslaers Colony, and to say truth the Ranslaers had the right to it for it was they settled the place, @ upon a petition of one of them to our present King about Albany the petitioner wiis referred to his Matr* council at law who upon a perusal of the Ranslaers papers made their return that it was their opinion that it did belong to them Upon which there was an order sent over to S' Edmund Andros that the Ranslaers should be put in possession of Albany, @ that every house should pay some two beavers, some more some less according to their dimensions p' I I \. 1 I i] j. 180 GOV. 00^ CAN'S REPORT ON 1 1 ; . r» I annum, for thirty years, @ afterwards the Ranslaers to put wliat rent upon them they could agree for — What reason S' Edmond Andros has given for not putting these orders in execution I know nol The Ranslaers came @ brought me the same orders which 1 thought not convenient to execute judgeing it not for his Maty* interest that the second town of the Goverment @ which brings his Maty soe great a Revenue should bee in the hands of any parti- cular men The town of itself is upon a barren sandy spot of land, ® the inhabitants live wholly upon trade with the Indians. By the meanes of Mr James Graham Judge Palmer @ Mr Cortlandt that have gr^at influence on that people I got the Ranslears to re- lease their pretence to the town @ sixteen miles into the country for commons to the King with liberty to cut firewood within the Colony for one @ twenty years. After I had obtained this release of the Ranslaers I passed the patent for Albany wherein was in- cluded the afore mentioned pasture, to which the people appre- hended they had so good a right that they expressed themselves discontented at my reserving a small spot of it' for a garden for the use of the Garrison That the people of Albany has given me JC700. is untrue I am but promised JE300, which is not near my P'quisits, viz, ten shil- lings for every house @ the like for every hundred acres patented by me, established by a committee appointed by the Assembly for the establishing of all fees, where Cap* Santen may remembei himself was chairman, Alsoe what they have given to those othei Gentlemen I know nothing of it @ upon my word in Gen^ I have not got the fourth part of my Pquisits, chusing rather to wan' them than take from the poor people that cannot spare it To the Fifteenth concerning a farm at East Jersey belonging tt his Mati fyc Mr Santen might have given a better account of this if his malice had suffered him The Farm at East Jersey paid dSlO, p' annum to his Maty @ at a Rack-rent, the proprietors of East Jersey putting us to more trouble than the value of it, they con- stantly disturbing the Tenants on pretence that his MatT had granted that to them, soe that I conclude it would be more inconve mer ha\ Governc the sumi forgive i title, I g 3 Mr Sai concerns, petitionee meers @ ] before het summoned not bee gr that it was Hempstead Secry« offio the Survey( the Inhabit! turning this was passed hee adjoins the Hempsfc otherwise, f into possess! to commenci pended, Pea ivail him, si being frighte such thing ft nagement of the lands beii its noe pasturi a plain of up stick upon it ( 'think himself give him £2Q( 14 ■. ^"^ X l«f^ THE PROVINCE OF ^EW-YORK. 181 inconvenient to keep it than to part with it. Therefore Judge Pal- mer having an interest in East-Jersey @ an influence with the Governor there, on his giving mee his obligation to pay as a fine the summ of X60. to the King in case hee should not think fit to forgive it @ the rent of twenty shillings p' ann. @ to defend the title, I gave him a lea..e of the Reversion of it To the SixTKEHTH concerning Rockaway JSTeck 8^c ,J Mr Santen poor man neither understands his own nor others concerns, hee was one of the Council himself when Cap* Palmer petitioned for licence to purchase this land, lying without the meers @ bounds of Hempsted @ when the same was granted, @ before hee had his patent granted, the people of Hempstead were summoned to appear to show cause, if they had any why it should not bee granted. Thereupon one person came to mee @ told meci that it was his land @ that it was within the meers @ bounds of Hempstead on which I ordered him to put a Caveat into the Secry* office against the passing of Judge Palmers patent, and then the Surveyor went to survey the lands accompanied by some of the Inhabitants o^ Hempsted, to show him their bounds who re- turning this lands to bee without their meers @ bounds the patent was passed in which Capt" Palmer is expressly bounded where hee adjoins to Hempsted by their line. And, wherein hee sayB the Hempsted people were frighted to let their Suits fall, its quite otherwise, for this Pearsall, upon the granting of this Patent got into possession of this land, inasmuch as Judge Palmer was forcet to commence suits against him Where after it had sometime de- pended, Pearsall finding that to insist on his pretence would not avail him, suffered judgement to goe against him, and as for his being frighted into it by Capt" Palmers being Judge, there's noe such thing for on purpose he withdrew himself @ left the ma- nagement of that Court to his Collegue Judge Nicolib and as for the lands being the only pasture of the town its wholly false for its noe pasture at all, being all woodland, and tliat town having a plain of upwards of 40,000 acres of good pasture without a stick upon it @ as for its value I beleive Judge Palmer would 'think himself obliged to Cap* Santen or any others that would give hira JE200. for it. m; '8 } \ \% ■> 182 GOV. oongan's report on To the Seventeenth concerning Mr Chrahams insinuation Mr Santen is in the right that Mr Graham is Attorney-general @ supervisor of all Patents @ soe made upon Mr Rudyard's going from this place to Tarbadoes @ is a person understanding in the law, it being his whole business Wherefore I thought it not fit to pass any patents without his perusal least I might doe prejudice to the King. Its likewise true that I have called in former patents @ still continue to doe so, that I might see by what Tenure they hold their lands, which I find generally to be by none, they pay- ing noe acknowledgement to the King, Whereupon being con- vinced of that defect by the resolution of y* Judges the people for their own tP*imerft Hee (locs Judgc Palmer® Mr Graham wrong for Mr Ja Graham ^jjgy jy.g psons look't upon by the Council as fittest for those employments they are in, viz. Palmer Judge @ Graham attorney for the King, And if Mr Santen would speak truth he must needs say they both have been very serviceable for the King in the advancement of his Revenue, @ that they still continue with their utmost endeavors soe to bee And though their way of living 18 by the law, yet their management has been such by arbitration @ such other mild courses that were there was ten actions for- merly there is not one now. And the Council had soe good an opinion of Capt" Palmer that hee was thought the fittest to bee the Judge of y« court for the Kings afiairs As for sloops &c going from this to Newfoundland, if it, was against the act of navigation hee did ill to admit soe many to dear @ enter to @ from thenc» without soe much as taking no- tice of it, till hee @ Major Brockhelles falling out, hee took oc- casion to seize his sloop, which the Coundl @ I looking upon to bee only malicious discharged taking security from him till his Maty* further pleasure were known Mr Mayne coming here @ shewing mee his instruction, noe vessel has gone from hence thi- ther since, And had I not relyed soe much upon Cap^ Santen none had gone, @ for his sake Pll not trust to another soe much again Mr Santen was in the right I was angry to find a cart-load of goods going ofif the bridge after shutting up the Custom House without entry @ demanding of the man how long they had been there, hee answered from seven in the morning, without any offi- cers taking notice of them. Upon my speaking to Mr. Santen he fell excusing his officers @ gave mee ill words. What thereupon happened I refer to My Lord Neal @ Mr Mayne's testimonies that were then w:lnes!i<3s of it As for Woolsford's case I have already referred your LoP» to the account given thereof to S' Benjamin Bathurst. The negro-story I refer to the record herewith sent I never did anything since I came into the government without the advice @ consent of the Council The ship Charts was cleared upon trial Mr Santen had nothing to allege against her 1 s m-f.. ri i>' r h 186 GOV. domoan's befobt on •i ' ' m The sloop Lancaster is the same with that of Gov. Heathcot be- fore mentioned The Boat of D'Morez was condemned for going to the Mill with Com without the Govemm^ @ seized by Capt Santen The Sloop Fortune was condemned @ my own share as well as the King« forgiyen, the poor man having done what he did inno- cently The Sloop Lewis came from Pettiquaves, @ brought here some of our people who had been taken by the Spaniards, in going to Jamaica with provisions @ had fled to Pettiquavcs @ the sloop coming hither the master sent up word from Sandy Hook that hee would willingly come @ live here which I willingly giranted him liberty to doe, ® in consideration of his service in bringing home our people I forgave the Kings @ my own part in the sloop after shee was condemned with the proviso that if his Matr did not ap- prove of it hee should pay that share according to appraizement for which Bond was accordingly taken, bs will appear to y Loi** by the attested copie herewith sent In short all that Fll say, bee's fitter for a retired life, than to bee the Kings Collector ^ _ To the three fy Twentieth unmake toneh- The answcr thereof is referred to the next In answer to the tenth if four ® Twentieth querie wkatymu. Every Town ought to have a Minister New York has JS?to"°"' first a Chaplain belonging to the Fort of the Church of England ; Secondly, a Dutch Calvinist, thirdly a French. Calvin- ist| fourthly a Dutch Lutheran — Here bee not many of the Church of England; few Roman Catholicksj abundance of Quakers preachers men ® Women especially ; Singing Quakers, Ranting Quakers ; Sabbatarians ; Antisabbatarians ; Some Anabaptists some Independents ; some Jews ; in short of all sorts of opinions there are some, and the most part of none at all The Gkwoh The Great Church which serves boUi the English % the Dutch is within the Fort which is found to bee very inconve- nient therefore I desire that there may bee an order for their build- ing an other ground already being layd out for that purpose <3) th«y wanting not money in Store wherewithall to build it , The most prevailing opinion is that of the Dutch CaWiniftl profess, bi of their SI Every 1 which mai nor Idle P< But as fc Island @ ot make them \\ '^ MyLoiips Since Secretary's oj dros whereby ^^^ Salisbi Mat^ know h< without the s «w»e soldiers ^eep pos^essio Seabrook but ^ of men then whonv they we Much less it tlwii in the tim( sequently the I the Beaver, be have been a vei hart these from : Weighing thi will bee graciou Centre of all JK have been more upon all occasioi Likewise I ai «ny Instructions, THE PBOVINCE OF MEW-YOBX. 137 To the Jive and twentieth nui eewH, '* " ^^ endeavour of all Psons here to bring up their *• children @ servants in that opinion which themselvei profesS) but this I observe that thty take no care of the conversion of their Slaves. Every Town @ County are obliged to maintain their own poor, which makes them bee see careful that noe Vagabonds, Beggars, nor Idle Persons are suffered to live here But as for the Kings natui-al-born-subjects that live on long- Island ® other parts of the Government I find it a hard task to make them pay their Mii)isters. ', ' * Tho. Dongak. My Loiu>s ' , V Sinoe my writing of this, on Perusal of some Papers in tha Secretary's office, I found some Memorandums of Sir Edmond An- dros whereby I understand that in the year 167| hee sent hom« Gopt? Salisbury for England to let his Royal Highness now his Ma*7 know how impossible it was, for this Government to subsist without the addition of Connecticut. And hee himself went with, some soldiers to surprise them, intending when hee had done it to keep pos^esfflon by a Fort hee designed to make at a place* called Seabrook but was prevented by the opposition of two Company's of men then lodged there ready to goe out ag** the Indians irith whom, they were in Warr < Much less it can subsist now without it, being at more expeiMi tluin in the time of Sir Edmond @ having lost Delaware @ soe otm- sequently the Peltry Trade which is not much inferiour to that of the Beaver, besides much Quit-rents @ the Excise which would ha,vje been a very considerable Revenue And too, what helps, hee had, thes« from East @ West Jersey. Weighing this with the reasons aforementioned, I hope his Ma^7 will bee graciously pleased to add that Colony to this which is the Centre of all His Dominions in America. And the people thereof have been more inclined to his Ma*'* service and have expressed upon all occasions more Loyalty than any other of these Parts Likewise I am to give y' Lo^' an account that since I received my Instructions, I caused a Vessel which came to Amboy to come \\ > '1 )■■■ ' * *:■'■. ■i. ; 188 tsoY. donoan's bepobt on hither (3) enter-i— It being the opinion of the Council, that II wii both agreeable to my Instructions and formtr practise especially in the time of Sir Edm<> iindros Pentiivank I am now informed that the people of Pensilvania have had last year from the Indians, upwards of 200 packs of Beaver down to the Skonshill ® will have more this, as I have reason to believe, which if not prevented, his Ma*^ must not expect this Oovernm^ can mamtain itself, besides that it will wholy depopulate both this Town @ Albany One Rogers the Weighmaster being found indebted to the' King in j£190-17--^ I demanded the . mony from him to which hee re- turned for answer ; that he was Mr. Santen's servant @ would live @ die by him @ would not pay it without his order. On which an Extent was made out against him @ hee taken thereupon ® put into Prison j Where after many endeavors of Mr Saten to the con- trary as will appear by the Minutes of Council hee at last paid JC140 of it which I was willing to take rather than lose the whole I am afraid wee shall not have soe good an account of the rest of the debts Being informed that Mr Smith has never accounted with Mr Santen'@ having the opinion of Capt° Palmer @ Mr Graham that he is accountable to the King at least for soe much of the mony as hee has received to his own use on pretence of Salary without any authority for the same. I have caused him to be arrested in an ac- tion of account at his Ma^ suit, upon which hee lies a prisoner to answer it at the Court appointed for the management of his Ma''* Revenue Mr Santen since his commitm* hath been soe unruly @ abusive to mee and the Council that in our own defence. Wee are force'tto send him home, threatning us vnth Chains at least for what wee have done. counciioM The names of y» Councilors Major Anthony Brockhells Frederick Flipson Stephen V Courtlandt John Spragg Gervis Baxter T -»- »m' ^; THE PROVINCE OF MEW-YORK. 189 The Council thought fit not to give Mr. Santen bis oath as ap- pears by the Minutes of Council John Young had his oath given him but hee lives 160 miles from this, @ has no estate of his own and very old, that it is a thing im- possible for him to serve There being a clause in my Instructions wherein I am limited not to act without five, therefore Mr John Spragg @ Major Jervis Baxter going for England, and there not being a sufficient number to make a quorum, I have by Yertue of a clause in my letters Pa- tents, impowring mee in case of absence out of the Goverment death or Suspension to add of the principal Freeholders) given the oath to Judge P^vlmer and Nicolas Bayard the present Mayor to serve in the Council until his Ma*^ pleasure be known And whereas there is a clause in my Instructions to send over the names of six persons more fitt to supply the vacancy of the Coun- cil six of the fittest I find in this Government are as followeth Mathias Nichols Judge James Graham William Smith Gabriel Minvielle \ Francb Rumbouls Major Nicolas Demyre '■:i 4 > 'H / i N^ .1 . I, If ' iKl ^.'. . • wJ f ^ "'^' il1 ^^ '1^ '- ^ '•Jv I ht< > ^^' r ^ ' 1 1 Hgyl ;Aj4 * • VII. PAPERS mUATMSIW 3fi. be f monmlk'B f x^ieMtion <♦ ' :*•'■- THE OEKESEE COUDTRT AND NUOABA. 1087. I ! H .- EXTRA \ \ His prin Colony by rable he m nois and the by a firm ai they will hs conditions \ He will, I his power tl taouacs, Mi deem it proj dition again! in his regard ing well pers his experienc to a speedy c He ought \ has pretendec mination evei the whole ex though HisM he has made to his Comma notwithstandii ought to do ei the French an( appearance, n :'■ ' " ' ^w^ ■ , . ''l':^- ' , ', ' I'i }■ 'V , I,; ' >" EXTRACT FROM THE KING'S INSTRUCTIONS TO THE MARQUIS DE DENONVILLE, March 10, 1685. [Pari* Doc. III.] . ^ . - His principal object ought to be to establish the reposb of the Colony by a firm and solid peace. But to render this peace du- rable he must lower the pride of the Iroquois, support the Illi- nois and the other allies whom Sr de la Barre has abandoned, and by a firm and vigorous policy to let the said Iroquois know that they will have every thing to fear if they do not submit to the conditions which he intends to impose on them. He will, then, first declare to them that he shall protect with all his power the allies of the French ; inform the Illinois, the Ou- taouacs, Miamis and others of the same thing, and should he deem it proper to back this declaration by troops and an expe- dition against the Senecas, His Majesty leaves it to him to adopt, in his regard, such resolutions as he shall deem most suitable, be- ing well persuaded that he will follow the best course, and that his experience in war will place him in a position to bring that to a speedy conclusion if he be obliged to undertake it. He ought to be informed that the Commandant of New York has pretended to aid the Iroquois and to extend the English do- mination even to the bank of the River St. Lawrence and over the whole extent of Country inhabited by those Savages. And though His Majesty doubts not but the King of England to whom he has made representations by his Ambassador, will give orders to Ids Commandant to put a stop to these unjust pretensions, he, notwithstanding, considers it necessary to explain to him that he ought to do every thing to maintain good understanding between the French and English : Yet should the latter, contrary to every appearance, rouse the Savages and afford them succor, he must 13 -'ti- ^ I ! 194 denonville's expedition to the act towards them as towards enemies, when he finds them in the Indian Country, without, however, attempting any thing in the countries under the King of England's obedience. I' -H I v«» Bf>: :;i i FATHER UMBERVILLE TO GOV. DONGAN. • V' ■ [London Doe. v.] From Onnontagu^, 10 Sept. 1685. My tjord — I had the honour not long since to write to you — it was last month ; since the despatch of my last letter, the Sene- cas who were desirous to make trouble and to persuade the Mo- hawks and other villages to unite with them against Mons' de la Barre, have changed their minds ', since they were assured that the peace concluded last year, as you desired, should not be bro- ken by M. de la Barre, as they were maliciously told, and as a hundred false reports which are never ceased being related would persuade them. To complete successfully what you have so well begun, it only remains to exhort the Senecas to add a few more peltries to the ten beavers and thirty otters which they left in deposit with the Onnontagu4s to satisfy M' de la Barre, as you recommended them to do last year. Let your zeal for the public peace, and especially for the Christians of this America induce you, if you please, to put the finishing hand to this good work and to recommend the Senecas and other villages not to attach credit to the new floating rumors, since it is true that the Gov' of Canada desires with all his heart that all things should be quiet and to second your just intentions. The Onnontagu^s and those who are of their opinions, have operated powerfully on the minds of the said Senecas to induce them to resume thoughts of peace, as well as Mr Arnout, bearer of this letter, who was present at what was done and said ; and who can inform you, and from whom you will be glad to receive his report. Since peace, through your care, vnll aparently last, we shall continue to carry the Christian faith through this Country, and to solicit the' Indians, whom you honor with your friendship, to em- brace it as you yourself embrace it, for this is the sole object that OfiNESEE COUKTRT AND NIAGARA. Ids has caused us to come here, that the blood of Jesus Christ, shed for all men, may be useful to them, and that His glory may be great throughout the earth. If you will please to honour me with a line from your hand, you can have your letter given to one named Garakonti^ who is deputed from the Onnontagues to repair to the Diet which you have convoked at Albany. Do him the charity to exhort him to be a good Christian, as he was whose name he bears, and who was his brother. Recommend him I beseech you not to get drunk any more, as he promised when he was baptized, and to perform the duties of a Christian. One word from you will have a won- derful effect on his mind, and he will publish throughout that it is not true- that the English forbid them to be Christians since you who command them will have exhorted them to persevere therein. I pray God, who has given us the grace to be united in the same Catholic fsdth, to unite us also in Heaven ; and that he may heap his graces on you here on earth, is the wish of him who is perfectly and with all manner of respect, My Lord, Ycmr very humble and ■ ' '-' ' '^ very obedient servant, ; i ',. , ' ^ ' ^' Jean DE Lamrervuxe, -' of tJie order of Jesuits, (called in Indian, Teiorhensert.) * Oblige me, I request you, to have the enclosed sent to its ad- dress. Please, My Lord, pardon me the liberty which I take to pre- sent my humble respects to the Governor of Virginia, who is called among the Indians, Big Sword or Cutlass, who I learn is with you at Albany, to whom, some time t^o, I caused to be re» stored an Englishman named Rolelman, whom these Indians here had plundered and captured and whom I took into my hut to save him from the fury of some refractory people and from those who wovld make him their slave. It is the least service I would de- are to render him. ,.„..,., , , ' I, '*. 1 196 dbnontille's expedition to ths i'.W^ 81 I '•• MEMOIR CONCERNING THE PRESENT STATE OF CANADA AND THE MEASURES THAT MAY BE ADOPTED FOR THE SECURITY OF THE COUNTRY. 12 NOVEMBER 1685. {ExtrCCt.) [Pari! Doc. III.] The most to be feared is the Iroquois who are the most pow- erful in consequence of the facility with which they obtain arms from the English and the number of slaves they make daily among their neighbours by carrying away at an early age their chil- dren, whom they adopt ; this is the only means of their increase, for thro' their debaucheries of Brandy which lead them into fright- ful disorders, the few children their women raise could not of themselves assuredly sustain them, if they did not make prisoners. The great trade in arms and ammunitions at a low rate, among the English has given them hitherto that advantage which they have over other nations who in order to be disarmed have been destroyed by the former who are all of them insolent. Even the English in Virginia have suffered and still suffer from them every day ; but the interest of the trader at Orange and Manatte supersedes the public interest, for if they would not sell them powder, that nation could be more easily conquered than any other. It consists of five principal villages, each of which have other smaller ones dependant on them ; the first is called Anni6 (Mohawk) which can furnish two hundred men fit for service and are ten leagues from Orange (Albany) j the second is Oneyoust (Oneida) which can furnish one hundred and fifty men at from 15 to 20 leagues from Anni4 ; the third is Onontagu^ which could bring out three hundred men, ('tis one hundred leagues from Montreal); the fourth is Goyoguoain (Cayuga) which could put two hundred men a-foot, at twelve leagues from Lake Ontario, and the Sonoutou- ans (Senecas) the fifth, who comprize, as it is reported, twelve hundred men bearing arms, at five leagues South of the Lake. The Senecas being the strongest, are the most insolent. The idea must not be entertained that this Nation can ever be reduced except by being in a position to pounce on them j which cannot be done without approaching them, occupying some posts where GENESEE COUNTKY AND NIAGARA 197 provisions can be placed for the troops vrho will be sent after them. To accomplish this sufficiently apropos without being per- ceived by the enemy, in consequence of the navigation of the river, which is full of Rapids and Cascades, impassable except by portages, indepmdant of the distance — herein consists all the care and difficulty. The post of Catarokuy appears to me the most advantageous, by placing it in a better state of defence than it is. It is at the en- trance of Lake Ontario from the extremity of which the Senecas are distant only five or six leagues, in a beautiful country towards the South. The position of this fort is sufficiently favorable to secure the barks against the storms and the attacks of the Indians at a tri- fling expense which will require to be made on it. The passage to be made through this lake is forty or fifty leagues before dis- embarking near the Senecas. The three barks at Catarokuy will be particularly useful in this enterprize by putting them in repair, for they have been much neglected. It appears to me extremely important that the King render himself absolute master of this Lake, which is more than three hundred leagues in circumference. I am persuaded that the Eng- lish would like particularly to have a post there, which would be immensely prejudicial to the Colony and the King's power on this Continent ; his Majesty could easily make himself master of it, without any opposition, by the permanent establishment of a post, with vessels on this lake, and by another fort and vessels on lake Erie which is only two leagues distant, by the Niagara Ri- ver, from this lake Ontario ; but as this post cannot be established until after the Iroquois are conquered, I shall, before entering into a detail of the means of conquering that Nation, again say, regarding the importance of occupying those posts, that the Eng- lish have so great a facility to establish themselves there that it is the power of the Iroquois alone which has prevented them having posts there, since Lake Ontario can be easily reached on horse- back from Manatte and Orange, there being a distance of pnW one hundred leagues through a fine country. '^r ; •? 1 J m 1- I I 1 \ IT' I^J 198 DKNONVILLE'S EXPEDITION TO THE 1* mn ;,:I.J; li i. The importance of the post to be occupied on lake Crie i^ easily perceived^ since we can easily go in vessels from that lake to Missilimakina which would be a great facility for the trade of the country, to keep the Outaouacs in check and in obedience to the King ; besides, we should have the means of reaching through this lake the Illinois, and surmount by this communication with ships many of the difficulties experienced in the Rivers in conse- quence of the number of portages. Being masters of these two lakes and cruizing there with our vessels, the English would lose the Beaver trade in that quarter, of which they have abundance. A durable peace with the Iroquois Indians would be more ad- vantageous to the Colony than prosecuting a war ; but this Nation has assumed such exeesiuvely insolent and haughty airs towards all the other tribes against whom they wage war and at whose expense they daily increase ; and joined to that, the odds they have had from a (^ladvantageous peace concluded last year with ua, has placed them in a position that, we may foe assured, they will break with us on the first opportunity. It is yet more certain that if they be not checked, they win reassume their former inso- lent air the momient there will be no m de- gree. Every thing I learn confirms me in the opinion which I entertain, that this post would, in three years at farthest, support itself. It is to be feared that fortifying it would draw war on us, if you wish to avoid it j but at the same time I believe that were the Senecas to see us well planted there, they would be more pliant. Should this plan be agreeable to you, my Lord, please send mai con 1 of V to hi pertj deser witht WJ vernoi Bate I of the mittht iugto Sir— this Go{ that the! turbe yJ informe(| ting stor meet thj will not I that thoS with, arj in feasor that our they doe gage you| our own n oenesfj: country and niaga&a. SOS masons and plenty of instrunicnts to break up the ground and convey stone. * t • • You will be surprised, my Lord, to learn that Sieur de Chailly, of whom I had the honour to write you this fall, not being able to have his cong6 from me to retire to Fiance with all his pro- perty which he sent off last year before my arrival, has fled and deserted the Country, to pass over to Orange (Albany) and thence without doubt by way of England to France. • • • * What is disagreeable in it is, that he will have informed Go- vernor Dongan of every thing he knows of our expeditions to the Baie du J^ord (Hudson's Bay) and has learned of the interests of the country and our designs. I beg of you, my Lord, to per- mit the confiscation of whatever property may be found belong- ing to him for the benefit of the two hospitals of the Colony. FROM GOV. DONGAN TO M. DE DENONVILLE. [Lond. Doo. y. s Pur. Doc. III.] Albany, May 22. 1686. Sir — ^I have sent for the five Nations of Indians y* belongs to this Governm^ to meet me at this place, to give them in charge that they should not goe to your side of the Great Lakes nor dis- turbe your Indians and Traders, butt since my coming here I am informed that our Indians are apprehensive of warr by your put- ting stores into Cataract [Cataraquf] and ordering some forces to meet there. I know you are a man of judgment and that you will not attack the King of England's subjects. Being informed that those Indians with whom our Indians are engaged in warr with, are to the West and Southwest of the greate Lakes (if so) in reason you can have no pretence to them. It is my intention that our Indians shall not warr with the farr Indians. Whether they doe or not it does not seem reasonable that you should in- gage yourself in the quarrell of Indians wee pretend too, against our own Indians. Whether these Territories belong to our or the m l»lf;l 11 A ^ t ,1 ! 1 t ■ iri \i( >l . >.. I.i I,: ^ 206 DENONVILLE^S EXPEDITIOiN TO THE French King is not to be decided here, but by our Masters at home ; and your business & mine is to take Mapps of the Coun> try so well as wee can and to send them home for the limits to be adjusted there. r am likewise informed that you are intended to build a fibrt at a place called Ohniagero on this side of the Lake within my Masters territoryes without question (I cannot believe it,) that a person that has your reputation in the world would follow the steps of Monsi* Labarre and be ill advised by some interested per- sons in your Govemm* to make disturbance between our Masters subjects in these parts of the world for a little pillitree ; when all these differences may be ended by an amicable correspondence between uu, If there be any thing amiss, I doe assure you it shall not be my fault though we have suffered much, and doe dayly by your People's trading within the King of England's territoryes. I have had two letters from the two Fathers that lives amongst our Indians, and I find them somewhat disturbed with an appre- hension of war, which is groundlesse, being resolved that it shall not begin here, and I hope your prudent conduct will prevent it there, and referr all differences home as I shall doe. I heare one of the Fathers is gone to you, and the other that staid I have sent for him here lest the Indians should insult over him, tho' its a thousand pittys that those that have made such progresse in the service of God should be disturbed, and that by the fault of lliose that laid the foundation of Christianity amongst these barbarous^ people. Setting apart the station I am in I am as much Mons' Desnon- ville's humble Servant as any friend he has^ and will onutt noe opportunity of manifesting the same S' Your humble Serv* ThO* DoNGANi This Rumor of y^^ coming to Cataracto has prevented my send- ing a gentleman to Quebec to congratulate your arryv^d in y* Oovemm* soe am constrained to make use of y" Father 4>r v* »afiB e- 0XNX8EB OOUNTKY AND STIAOABA. 207 .Wr< M. DE DENONVILLE TO GOV. D0N6AN. [Par. Doc. III.] Yille toMri; June 20. 1686. I received, Sir, the letter which you did me the honour to write me on the 22°^ May last, You will sufficiently learn, in the end, how devoid of all foundation are the advices which you have had of my pretended designs and that all that has heen told you by the deserters from the Colony ought to be much suspected by you. You are. Sir, too well acquainted with the service and the man- ner that things must be conducted, to take any umbrage at the sup- plies which I send to Cataracouy for the subsistence of the sol- diers which I have there. You know the savages sufficiently to be well assured that it would be very imprudent on my part to leave that place without having enough of supplies and munitions there for one year's time. You are not ignorant that it is impossible to get up th^re at all seasons ; if I were to have them conveyed for a large force, I should have used other means. The natural treachery of a people without faith and without reli^on, require us to be so far distrustful of them that you ought not to blame me for using precaution against their restlessness and caprice. I had the honor to inform you by my letter of the 6^ June last that the orders I have from my Master manifest merely the zeal which His Majesty entertsuns for the progress of Religion and for the support and maintenance of the Missionaries. I expect from your piety that you will not be opposed to that, knowing well how much you love Religion. Do you think. Sir, that they will reap much fruit whilst the savages are allowed no peace in the villages in which our Missionaries are established ? When I came here, I thought Peace was assured between the Iroquois and us and our Savage allies. You see. Sir, what has ! I ^<- 'm \i '■ I*" 'I 208 dekonville's expedition to the you been the conduct of the Iroquois in this rencounter. Can say, Sir, that I am wrong in distrusting them ? They are alarmed at the war which they fancy I shall wage against them ; their conscience only could have impressed them with this idea, since I have not done the least thing to make them believe that I want any thing else from them than to see peace well established throughout all the country. What have I done to cause them the least uneasiness ? And what do they want ? In respect to the pretensions which you say you have to the lands of this country, certainly you are not well informed of all the entries into possession {prises de possessions) which have been made in the name of the King my Master, and of the establish ments which we have of long standing on the lands and on the lakes ; and as I have no doubt but our Masters will easily agree among themselves, seeing the unio;i and good understanding that obtain between them, I willingly consent with you that their Majesties regulate the limits among themselves wishing no- thing more than to live with you in good understanding ; but to that end. Sir, it would be very apropos that a gentleman so wor- thy as you should not grant protection to all the rogues, vaga bonds and thieves who desert and seek refuge with you, and who, to acquire some merit with you believe they cannot do better than to tell you many impertinencies of us, which will have no end so long as you will listen to them. The letter which the Rev. Father de Lamberville has been so kind as to be the bearer of from me on the 6*i> June last ought to suffice. Sir, to put you perfectly in possession of my intentions. It would be unnecessary that I should make any other reply to your last of the 22^ of May, were it not that I was very glad hereby to prove to you again that I shall always feel a great pleasure in seizing every opportunity to shew that I am Sir, -k ■ Your very humble & very obedient Servant. ;f--:, ,, OBKUBE OOUNTBY AND NIAGAaA. 209 COL DONGAN TO M. DE DENONVILLE. [Lond. Doc. v.; Par. Doc. III.] New York, 27th July. 1686. Sir — I had the honour to receave two letters from you one da- ted the 6^>> and the other the 20''| of June last and in them I have found very much satisfaction by the hopes of a good correspond- ence with a person of so great merit worth and repute spread abroad in the army in which I served. Believe it it is much joy to have soe good a neighbour of soe excellent qualifications and temper and of a humour altogether differing from Monsieur de la Barre your predecessor who was so furious and hasty very much addicted to great words as if I vi bin to have bin frighted by them. The Indians peradverti l ght justly offend him for they as you well remarke are not people of the greatest credit and reputation, but certainly I did not amiss in offering sincerely to compose the difference and I went expressly to Albany to do it and yet no suitable returns were made by him for it. I doubt not but your Masters inclinations are very strongly bent to propa- gate the Christian Religion and I do assure you that my master had no less a share in so pious intentions ; for my part I shall take all imaginable care that the Fathers who preach the Holy Oospell to those Indians over whom I have power bee not in the least ill treated and upon that very accompt have sent for one of each nation to come to me and then those beastly crimes you re- proove shall be checked severely and all my endeavours used to suppress their filthy drunkennesse disorders, debauches, warring and quarrels and whatsoever doth obstruct the growth and en- largement of the Christian faith amongst those people I have heard that before ever the King your Master pretended to Cannida, the Indians so farr as the South Sea were under the English Dominion and always traded with Albany Maryland and Virginia, but that according to your desire with very good reason is wholly referred to our Masters, and I heartely pray that nei- ther you nor myselfe give occasion of any of the least misunder- 14 ' ; I ^lii 11 I 210 DBMONVIIiL^S EXFEDITION TO TBB ■t '« standing between them but that a prosperous correspondence stricht amity and union may perpettually bee continued bet^yeen those monarchsj The stricktest care shall be taken concerning runawayes from you and those who are here if you please to send for them shall bee all conveyed to you — but if there bee any sol- diers who have deserted, I desire you to give me the assurance that they shall not loose their lives, And now, Sir. I begg your pardon for giveing you the trouble of my particular affairs which is thus : when my Prince called me out of the French service twenty five thousand livres were due to me as was stated and cer- tifyed to Mons' De Lenoy by the Intendant of Nancy — my stay was so short that I had no time to kisse the King's hands and pe- tition for itt — a very great misfortune after so long service, for in the circumstances I was then in I served him faithfully to the uttermost of my power. After I quitted France I went to Tan- gier and haveing left that place sometime after came hither so that I never had time to represent my case to His Majesty which i request you to espouse for me that so by your means I may ob- taine either all or at least some part of that which is due to me — The King I know had bin bountifull to all and I am conf dent hath too much generosity to see me suffer; however it happens I shall as heartily pray for his good health and happy success in all his undertakings as any one breathing and be ever ready to make all juSt acknowledgements to yourselfe for so great an ob- ligation and favour ; wishing heartily for a favorable occasion to demonstrate how profound an esteem I have for your person and merritts and give ttndenyable prdofb that I am sincerely and with all respects Sir Your most humble and affectionate servant Tho* Dovojaf '1 :tti-' * ;.}'■■ ;••> :■,.-;.' •;, .:"-^ .*;L-| rUl 'liW/Uv-^v In sionar letter I repe it will ligence thereur j causes your g, tect. Idoi the trou all the I exhortat trade to long bef( Youh of our M nations ii so notorii Main taint der, or a been sait of your m do you w accord wi the 27ih Well regai »h'p existi country in You hat n< 0BNK8EE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA. 311 M. DE DENONVILLE TO GOV. DONGAN. [PatIs Ooo. III.] 29 Sept. 1686. I received by the Rev. Father de Lamberville, the elder, mi»- sionary among the Iroquois of the village of the Onontagu^s the letter which you took the trouble to write to me on the 27"" July. I repeat, Sir, what I already had the honour to state to you that it will not be my fault that we shall not live in very good intel- ligence. I am willing to believe. Sir, that you will contribute thereunto on your side, and that you will put an end to all those causes that may exist for dissatisfaction at what is doing under your government by your traders and others whom you pro- tect. I do not believe, Sir, that the King your master approves of all the trouble you have taken in arming and soliciting by presents all the Iroquois Nation to wage war on us this year, neither the exhortations you have made them to plunder our Frenchmen who trade to places which up to the present time we have acquired long before New York was what it is. You have proposed. Sir, to submit every thing to the decision of our Masters, yet your emissary to the Onnontagu^s, told all the nations in your name to pillage and to make war on us. This it so notorious a matter that it cannot be doubted, and it will be maintained before your emissary ; whether he acted by your or- der, or at the suggestion of your merchants at Orange, it has been said and done. You are not ignorant of the expedition of your merchants against Michilimaquina. I ask you. Sir, what do you wish that I should think of all this, and if this behaviour accord with the letter which you did me the honour to write on the 27*'' July filled with courtesies and friendly expressions at well regarding Religion as the good understanding and friend- ship existing between our Masters which ought be imitated in this country in token of our respect and obedience to them. You had the civility to tell me that you would give me up all < ,i 812 denonville's expedition to the Mi' \ the deserters, who to escape the chastisement of their knaveries, take refuge with you ; yet you, Sir, cannot be ignorant of those who are there, but as all these are for the major part bankrupts and thieves I trust they will finally give you reason to repent of having given them shelter, and that your merchants who employ them will be punished for having confided in rogues who will not be more faithful to them than they have been to us. You know, Sir, they spare neither the Outaouas, our most an tie'nt allies, nor the other tribes among whom we have Preachers of the Gospel and with whose cruelties to our holy Missionaries, whom they have martyred, you are acquainted. Are all these reasons. Sir, not sufficiently conclusive to induce you to contribute to designs so pious as those of your Master 1 Think you. Sir, that Religion will progress whilst your Merchants supply, as they do, Eau de Vie in abundance which converts the savages, as you ought to know, into Demons and their cabins into counterparts and theatres of Hell. I hope, Sir, you will reflect on all this, and that you will be so good as to contribute to that union which I desire, and you wish for. Finally, Sir, you must be persuaded that I will contribute, wil- lingly and with pleasure, my best to obtain for you the favor you de- sire from the King my master. I should have wished , Sir , that you had explained your case more clearly, and that you had placed in my hands the proofs or vouchers of your debt, so as to explain it to the King, for so many things pass through the hands of Mess", his Majesty's Ministers that I fear M. de Lonnoy will not recollect your affair, which he cannot know except through the Intendant who was at Nancy, whose name you do not mention. I shall not fail. Sir, to endeavour to obtain for you some favor from the King my master for the services which you have rendered his majesty. I should wish, Sir, to have an opportunity, on some other more .fitting occasion to prove that I am, iji ^ , . ^ ,: . Sir, ... Your very humble and very obedient Servant. , ONTl wP Our and 01 it in vi of a w tain it qucstio head ai as to hs untroub understt Protecti piety be I ann last in V against < Saguinai do with blow, doubt it open act they are I knov all the F ange to t I want to Frenchme an incursi 1 The Co iii. 84. «i 6KMKSKE COUNTRY AND NIAGAKA. 213 M. DE DENONVILLE'S MEMOIR ON THE PRESENT STATE OF AFFAIRS IN CANADA AND THE NECESSITT OF MAKING WAR NEXT YEAR ON THE IROQUOIS. [Parii Doc. III.] Quebec the 8th 9ber 1688. Our reputation is absolutely destroyed both among our friends and our enemies. It is no trifling thing, My lord, to reestablish it in view of the expense and labor and the dreadful consequences of a war, absolutely necessary. But, My lord, when we are cer- tain that it is God's business and the King's glory that are in question, and that all those to whom they are committed have head and heart occupied only with zeal to perform their duty so as to have nothing wherewith to reproach themselves, we labour untroubled, confident that Heaven will supply the defects of our understanding and abilities, more especially having you as our Protector near to King with whom all things are possible, his piety being the foundation and motive of all his undertakings. I annex to this Memoir, the duplicate of the letter of June last in which I advised My lord of the expedition of the Iroquois against our allies the Hurons and Ottawas of Missilimakina in the Saguinan.* I have learned since, that the English had more to do with that expedition than even the Iroquois who struck the blow. Their intrigues, My lord, reach a point that without doubt it would be much better that they should have recourse to open acts of hostility by firing our settlements, than to do what they are doing through the Iroquois for our destruction. I know, beyond a moment's doubt that Mr. Dongan has caused all the Five Iroquois Nations to be collected, this spring, at Or- ange to tell them publicly, so as to stimulate them against us, that I want to declare war against them ; that they must plunder our Frenchmen in the Bush which they can easily effect by making an incursion into the country, and for that purpose Mr. Dongan 1 The Country between Lakes Erie and Huron was thus called, iii. 84. Paris Doe. '-.- ■ 1 vl IP' ■ 1 M Bf;;v 1 IJIy^ ', '1 m ( ■.:.",.i^hs^l m 'iflj HH| ■ 1 ■ 1 \\ 914 DUIWinU^E's EXVSDniOK 10 THE U'l ?■?-: -f.-'. **>.i caused presents of arms and ammunition to be given them by the merchants, neither more nor less than if it were himself who was to make war. There is no artifice, therefore My lord, that he did not employ to persuade them of their destruction, un- less they destroyed us. Father de Lamberville, Jesuit Missionary at Onontagu6, one of the five villages, being advised of the wicked designs of the Eng- lish) set all his friends to work to avert the storm, and enjoining tium to report every thing to him, he obtained fro them that th«y would not budge until he had seen me. During his absence 9/[r. Dongan sent an express to the Iroquois ^o notify them to march without delay and fall on the Colony, ordering Father de Jliamberville's brother, who had remained as hostage to be brought to him, thinking to deprive us of all our missionaries among the Iroquois. At the same time, he sent emissaries among oyr sava- ges at Montreal to debauch them and draw them to him, promis- ing them Missionaries to instruct them, assuring them that he would prevent Brandy being conveyed to their villages. All these intrigues have, given me no small exercise all summer to ward 00" this blow. Mr. Dongan wrote me, and I answered him as a man may do who wishes to dissemble, and who cannot yet get angi^y, much less crush his foe. I thought it better to temporise and answer Mr. Dougan by eluding rather than exhibiting one^s chagrin without haying the power to injure his enemy. The letters which I rec^ from him and my answers, copies of which I send, will ad- vise you of my conduct in this conjuncture. Mr. Dongan, notwith- standing works secretly by all the artifices in the world, to de- bauch our Frenchmen and Indians. Col. Dongan's letters will sufficiently explain his pretensions which embrace no less than from the Lakes inclusive to the South Sea. Missilimackinac belongs to them. They have taken its elevation. They have been there treating with our Outawas and Huron Indians, who received them there very well on account of the excellent trade they made there in selling their goods for beaver which they purchase much dearer than we. Unfortunately we had at the time but very few French at Missilimackinac. M. de la Durantaye on arriving there would pursi ti^em did n going until Th, dersjia this al JPar^e ^P Ora jWspro which poles y Neve the firsl f?as ther ^t Coi we can 1 the entri Wes m^^ Doubtles Fatljej Colonel'j «s and t( gain ovei sure the out of h« the Nati< not returj up t|ie Fi here "uo All thi back the Iroquois the Senec fine the and the Qfll^Vt fiQI7IPT»¥ MO nuojmik.. 816 pursue the English to plfind^ tlhem ; the Harons ran tQ ewort tl^em after saying many I^^d things of U9. M- de la Piiraiilay« ^id not overtake the English, who met on their rqad the S^n9fll§ gping to meet them to escort them through lakes Eri^ find PnUvio yntil they were beyond th^ risk pf hieing attacked by us. Thus you see, My lord, that the Senecas a^d th^ Elngli^h uq- dersjiand eac|i pth^^r c|iarm|^gly, and ^rie in perfect harnuony nod tl^is alliance |s made particjularly with the $irmy yr^pn^ ^.ieU. Barfe "Vfent against, for at the tipie pf his march tl^p S^neoas HO |o Ori^^ge to find Colonel Dongan to beg hiqa tp take them nmdor jbis protection, giving tl^efja^lves py^r to him by a .publip Aote which was registered and ^ent to ^nglan4, apd, the^, }kp t^vtcd poles with the arms pf Ei^igli^pd to ^e planted j^x all tl^eir viU^gflf* Nevertheless, previous to that ti^e we l^d ufi^ipnaries ik^ff^t the first before any Englishman hac) ^ idea that thejre were^^ cas there. I annex to thj^ Letter a memoir of o;^r ^ighttp all that Cpimtry of wl^ich our re^|ste|rs on^ht to be full, f)ut pf yt^fih we can find no trace. I am told that M. Tallon ha^ or|gif^fil(^ ^f the entjries of possession {]^i^^s de pps^ssio^f) pf m^ydiscpyjB- r^es m^ie in thi/s country, which our registers ought to pofftaio. Doubtless he has given them tp ^y late Iprd, your father. Father de Lamberville having given me an account pf j^ t^ Colonel's intrigues which tended to taj^e the Hupiis ^^y frppi us and to draw off the Outawas, I entrusted \avp. wi^l^ pr^jents^ gain over the principal and most intriguing of the Iroquois tp ^ sure the friendship of the young men who were disposed to pB out of humor with us. He arrived in very good sea^pn, fpr j^^ the Nations, assured by Mr. Dpngan that the gppd Father yrpu^ not return, had assembled and were marching^ hut his return wpke up the Father's party, who by means of secret, which are ca^ed here "underground" presents, dispelled the stprm. All the summer has been spent in comings and goings to get back the prisoners, the Outawas wishing to demand them of the Iroquois without my participation, according to the promises pf the Senecas to restore them, provided I did not demand them. In fine the Hurons and the Outawas resolved to repair to Calar^qu'i^ and the Onontagu6s alone have given up their prboners. the "1 if- ■ i 1 ■ ! I 216 dbmonville's expedition to the 111 . til ' / Ti*> fc"f' . > *)"' IP'" r;^ 1-^' I w Senecas saying that theirs did not wish to return home. Father de Lamberville returned here in the latter part of September, he gave me an account of all his cares, and of all his troubles and fatigues. Whatever affection he may have for the mission where he has been stationed fifteen or sixteen years every year in danger of being killed by the Iroquois, he admits himself that nothing is to be done for the mission unless that nation be humbled. This, My lord, is so true that the Iroquois have no other design than to destroy all our allies, one after the other, in order afterwards to annihilate us ; and in that consists all the policy of Mr. Dongan and his Traders, who have no other object than to post themselves at Niagara, to block us ; but until now they have not dared to touch that string with the Iroquois, who dread and hate their do- mination more than ^ours, loving them not, in truth, except on account of their cheap bargains. Mr. Dongan caresses considerably those deserters of ours whom he requires to execute his designs for the destruction and ruin of our trade by promoting his own. This wakes up our restless spirits and obliges me to manage them, until I shall be in a position to treat them more severely. You will notice. My lord, by a letter of the Colonel's how desirous he is for something from the King which he says is due to him. He is a very selfish man, who wo'ild assuredly govern himself thereby if you thought pro- per ; bul the fact is he is not the master of those merchants from whom he draws money. Father de Lamberville has returned with orders from me to as- semble all the Iroquois nations next spring at Cataraqui to have a talk about our affairs. I am persuaded that scarcely any will come, but my chief design is to draw [them] thither, (the Jesuit Father remaining alone for he must this year send back his younger bro- ther,) in order that he may have less trouble in withdrawing him- self. This poor Father knows, however, nothing of our designs. He is a man of talent, and who says himself that matters can- not remain in their present state. I am very sorry to see him ex- posed, but if I withdraw him this year the storm without doubt will burst sooner on us, for they would be sure of our plans by his retiring. 6ENE8EE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA. 8n I have advices, notwithstanding, that the Five Nations are mak- ing a large war party, supposed to be against the Ouniiamis and other savages of the Bay des Ptians who were attacked this year, one of their villages having been destroyed by the Iroquois; on receiving notice thereof the hunters of those tribes pursued the Iroquois party whom they overtook and fought with conside- rable vigor, having recovered several prisoners and killed many of the Iroquois, who without doubt pant for revenge. I sent them word, to be on their guard and to have their women and children removed to a distance when they will be required to march to join me. I say nothing to you of what they have done to the Illinois whom they spare not, having since two years committed vast de- struction on them. Nothing more. My lord, is required to convince you that we canntt hesitate, and that the Colony must be put down as lost if war is not waged next year ; they destroy on all sides our allies who are on the point of turning their backs on us if we do not de- clare for them. The Iroquois plunder our canoes whereever they find them, and no longer observe appearances. Nevertheless, My lord, in the deranged state of the Colony, war is the most dan- gerous thing in the world ; nothing ran save us but the troops you will send and the redoubts which it is necessary for us to build. Yet, I dare not begin to work at these, for if I make the least movement for these Redoubts, I will assuredly draw all the Iro- quois down on us, before I am in a condition to attack them. The copy I transmit of the orders I have issued for our next year's expedition will advise you of all the measures I have adop- ted to ensure the success of our plans. The distance is terrible and success is in the hands of God. If you will be pleased, My lord, to take the trouble to read all these orders with the Map which I send, you will perceive all my projects. I have over- rated a little the number of the force I shall have with me, in or- der to give a little more character to our expedition. I cannot draw more than eight hundred militia, one hundred of the best of whom will be required to manage the fifty canoes for con- voys. These will do nothing else than come and go during our expedition to transrjrt provisions for our troops and for those M ,1 ' I ! SIS dbnonyille'b expedition to Tin ■f J ! I'll': whom we shall station during the winter at the Post which we Bust occupy either at Niagara or near the Senecas, to serve as a retreat for those of our Indians who will be desirous to harass them during the winter and the following year. Without this noihing effeotual will have been done to humble this Nation, for to be satisfied in driving them from their villages and then to retire, is not accomplishing any p;reat thing, as they immediately veturn and re-establish themselves in their Villages. As you, My lord, are perfectly acquainted with the ruinous condition of this Colony, you understand very well the deplorable consequences of this war which require that the settlements be contracted, and it is here we must anticipate many difficulties ; for in truth the establishment of the Colony would have to be almost begun over again, and this it is which causes me repeat the demand that I have already maile for regular troops to sup- port our habitansy and to occupy the posts necessary to be guarded, without which I cannot preserve many points very requisite to be protected ; among others Chambly, where I should like to station a strong post, because it is the most important pass to reach the English by lake Champlain. That post will moreover always be a subject of uneasiness to the Indians who would incline to cross the River Richelieu thence to our settlements on the River St. Francis ; in addition to which, communicating as it does with thi^t of la Prairie de la Madelaine, would secure, in some sort, all the country from Sorel unto la Prairie dc la Madelaine. Re- ^QCt again. My lord, if you please, how important is that post of Bout de I'JsljB de Mqnt Real, that of Chateaugu^, that of la Ohes- n^yp and that of I'Jsie Jesu^. ' I say nothing. My lord, of all the other settlements that are isolated and without communication, which we must endeavor to secjure from insult. Those details. My lord, require considerable troops, which could pot fail to greatly advance this country by laboring to draw (resserer) the Colony closer together and make it more compact, by means of forts around which clearances would be made. All this. My lord, is no trifling work to be prepared. For whftt certainty can there be of destroying so powerful an enemy GKKKSEE C»UNTRY AKD NUOARA. 219 ai that Nation >yhiuh has assuredly two thousand men under arms independent of a large number of other tribes their allieSi estimated at twelve hundred ? The vast extent of forest into which they will retreat and where Indians alone can pursue them ; the uncertainty of the strength of the Indians which we shall have with us; the difficulty of rendezvousing so far off— all these con- siderations ought to make us reflect on the means of sustaining ourselves in case we should not OiCet that success we may desirei and which cannot come without a manifest interposition of Hea- ven for the success of projects so scattered. It is very certain that were I in a position to bp ablp to send % strong detachment to the Mohawk Country by the River Riche- lieu whilst J was proceeding a^^inst the Senecas, not only should I create considerable alarm among the English which would keep them at home, but I would obtain a great advantage over the Iroquois by separating and pillaging them and laying waste their corn fields at both ends of the Iroquois towns. It would be very desirable that I could destroy all the corn in the same year, so that the one could no longer support the other ; this would re- duce them to great wretchedness and would put a burthen on the English, if they sought a refuge there for means to live. Had I a sufficiency of troops I should not fail to undertake that enterprize, but having only what I have, I must attack one after the other, and endeavour to raise another army, which it is impossible to effect at first. 'Tis true, were all done at once it would be much better, and promote our expedition and dishearten pur enemies considerably. I am very sorry. My lord, to witness all the expence necessary for the support of Fort Cataracouy, merely with a garri:^on of fifty men. It is very unfortunate that the lands thereabout are not better, so that it might support itself. I am not yet sufficiently well informed of the environs to be able to write you with suffi- cient accuracy all that could be effected there ; notwithstanding it is of great consequence to preserve that Post at the entrance to the Lake, though the Posts in this Country do not command the passages so completely that the Savages cannot avoid them, two or three leagues either above or below. Yet that Post, and I- t Tf ^K^. 220 DEMONVILLE^S EXPEDITION TO THE il one at Niagara would render us entire masters, and keep the Iro- quois in great check and respect, and give us immense advantages in our trade with the Illinois and Outtawas ; that road being shorter, and much less difficult than the one we take, in which there is an infinitude of portages and rapids, much more danger- ous than those on the Cataracouy side. The letters I wrote to Sieurs du Lhu and de la Durantaye, of which I sent you copies, will inform you of my orders to them to fortify the two passes leading to Michilimaquina. Sieur du Lhu is at that of the Detroit of Lake Erie, and Sieur de la Du- rantaye at that of the portage of Taronto. These two Posts will block the passage against the English, if they undertake to go again to Michilimaquina, and will serve as retreats to the Sava- ges our allies, either while hunting or marching against the Iroquois. I send you again. My lord, copy of the orders I have issued for the assembling, marching and repairing of our Savage al- lies to Niagara with Sieurs du Lhu and de la Durantaye. You will, also, see, My lord, the orders I have issued for march- ing the Illinois in the rear of the Iroquois. It looks very well on paper, but the business is yet to be executed. Many difficulties may be encountered as well in regard to the nature of the Sava- ges who are little accustomed to obedience and the prosecution of a design during several months, which are required to reach the rear of the Senecas from their country. Chevalier Tonty, who came to see me at Montreal in the month of July last, has taken charge of all these matters. I gave him twenty good Canadians, with eight canoes loaded with one hundred and fifty muskets, which was all I could collect in the country. He carries powder and lead and other things for the trade. Had the guns you sent me arrived I should have given him a good number. He left at the end of August and calculates to arrive at Fort St. Louis' before the departure of the hunters. He could not assure me of the number of Savages he could bring with him, but I'm cer- tain he will make great exertions to succeed in this affair in which he will participate largely if the Indians will allow themselves to be gc for th( and be Illinoii end of he leai ges hac on the and the with tw to anol Nothing for acco mere no their mi: him to n ^ncourag over Ian( ■sont pas I shov But, My affairs an would se might be to satisfy I receii oftheRi^ Lake des establish abound th is not con from all t great diso banditti, cept from III J Now Peoria, 111. 1 Most pro ofLakeSupe GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA. 221 be governed and led by him. I cannot sufficiently praise his zeal for the success of this enterprize. He is a lad of great enterprize and boldness, who undertakes considerable. He left Fort des Illinois last February to seek after M de la Salle at the lower end of the Mississippi. He has been as far as the sea, where he learned nothing of M. de la Salle except that some Sava- ges had seen him set sail and go towards the South. He returned on the receipt of this intelligence lo Fort St. Louis des Illinois, and thence to Montreal where he arrived in the beginning of July with two Illinois Chiefs, to whom I had made some presents, and to another who had not come. They promised me wonders. Nothing remains but the execution which is in the hands of God, for according to what I'm told of the temper of these Savages, a mere nothing sometimes is only necessary to cause them to change their minds. He will have about twenty good Canadians with him to march at the head of the Indians, which he hopes will encourage them. He will have to walk three hundred leagues over land, for those Savages are not accustomed to canoes (ne ■sont pas gens de Canot.) I should have greatly desired to shorten my letters to you. But, My lord, as it is necessary to inform you of the state of our affairs and to render you an account of my conduct, I thought I would send you all the orders as I had issued them, so that I might be corrected if I fail in any respect, being very anxious to satisfy you. I receive letters from the most distant quarters ; from the head of the River Mississippi, from the head of Lake Superior, from Lake des Lenemyngon • where they propose wonders to me by establishing posts for the Missions and for the Beavers which abound there. But in truth so long as the interior of the Colony is not consolidated and secured, nothing certain can be expected from all those distant posts where hitherto people have lived in great disorder and in a manner to convert our best Canadians into banditti. All these distant posts cannot maintain themselves ex- cept from the interior of the Colony, and by a secure communi- 1 Most probably, Lake Aleminipigon of the old maps ; now L. St. Ann, north of Lake Superior. ^ *?> h % 222 dknonyille's expedition to the cation with them from here. Whilst we have the Iroquois on our hands, can we be certain of any thing 1 Solicited by the Eng- lish, they daily plunder our canoes and openly declare they will continue (to do so) being unwilling that we should carry ammu- nition to the Savages, their enemies and our allies. The principal affair at present is the security of this Colony which is in evident danger of perishing whether the Iroquois be let alone or we make war without having a decided advantage over them, and however decided ours may be, the people se- parated as they are will always be in danger. Yet My lord, if you aid us with troops, war will be the least inconvenience, for if we do not wage it, I do not believe that the next year will pass away without the whole trade being absolutely lost ; the savages, our friends, would revolt against us, and place them- selves at the mercy of the Iroquois, more powerful because better armed, than any of them. The whole of the Hurons are wait- ing only for the moment to do it. Had I not by the care of Fa- ther de Lamberville fortunately avoided the war this year, not a a single canoe would have come down from the forests without having been captured and plundered in the river of the Outtawas. We should have lost a great number of good men. This, My lordj is a long narrative about the state of' the affairs of the country with the Iroquois which absolutely require that we wage war without longer delay. Every person sees its neces- sity so clearly that those concur in it now, who had been hitherto the most opposed to it. I hope that on the sketch I give you of our wants, you will aid us both in men and other necessaries. In regard to troops, My lord, I had the honor to ask you for Regu- lars, for in truth the employment of people picked up any where is very unwise. It requires time to make them fit for service and on their arrival they will have to take arms in their hands and drill. If you propose to send us some it would be well to have them arrive about the end of May which is the season when the North West winds prevail in our River. For that reason, the ships ought to leave Rochelle in the month of March. Sieur Dam- bour, one of our best ship captains that come to Canada, can give psioi fidviee theretipdtt. O musi are f risks accoi By St not d Af amon| Marie boardi watch them j against the Lo with w had evi to the I among Iroquoii will be Orange necas to meeting is the ge the Iroc Outtawa trade, is a Coi their can had prev of the ri them. I have of Lake of war J guarantee 'r m- 0SNS8EE COUNTRY AND MlAO;»!!L saa Our march cannot begin before the fifteenth of May, for wci must let the sowing be finished, and the storms before that time are fuiious on our river and lake Ontario. I say nothing of the risks to be incurred that the harvest will not be saved next year on account of the war, nor of the necessity of making store-houses. By sending us troops, many things will be done of which we dare not dream if you do not send any. A few days since a man named Antoine L'Eptnart, an old resident among the Dutch, at present among the English, came to Yille Marie on the Island of Montreal in search of a child he had boarding with the Jesuits. He reports that the English kept watch three months this summer, our deserters having told them that I would attack them for having armed the Iroquois against us. He also says, that the Iroquois are drawing to them the Loups (Mohegans) and other tribes towurd the Ahdastes, with whom they are forming alliances ; he believed the Iroquois had evil intentions towaids us — that the English who had been to the Outtawas had been well received and invited to return among them with merchandize, and well nigh procured from the Iroquois the restitution of their prisoners, by which means they will be more attached to them than to us j that the Merchants at Orange had urgently entreated Colonel Dongan to request the Se- necas to surrender the prisoners ; that the Colonel had convoked a meeting of the Five Nations who went together to see him j that it is the general belief that the Colonel will obtain satisfaction of the Iroquois and thus the English will attract to them both the Outtawas and the Hurons and that their cheap bargains will ruin our trade. The said Antonie L'Epin^tt aii^res fhorcover, that there is a Company of fifty men formed to go to Missilimakina ; that their canoes were purchased, and that the low state of the waters had prevented them starting ; that they waited only the rising of the rivers by the raih ; and that the Senecas promised to escort them. I have heard that Sietr du Lhu is arrived at the po6t at Detroit of Lake EriOj with fifty good men well Armed, with munitions of war and provisions and all other necessaries sufficient to guarantee them against the severe col^ and to render theln coat- • I ' 1 '■^i' 1 ■ ! i ■ ■ ■ - 1 224 denonville's expedition to the K'Mr m fortable during the whole winter on the spot where they will en- trench themselves. M. de la Durantaye is collecting people to entrench himself at Michilimaquina and to occupy the other pass which the English may take by Taronto, the other entrance to Lake Huron, In this way our Englishmen will find some body to speak to. All this cannot be accomplished without considerable expense, but still we must maintain our honour and our prosperity. The Oumeamies and other savages of the Bay des Puans have expressed much joy to me on learning that Sieur du Lhu was posted at Detroit, but I am very sorry to h ar that Tonty has learned on the road that these same savs^es had quarrelled with the Illinois, which would prevent the Illinois attacking the rear of the Senecas, as we had projected. It would, in truth be an afSicting circumstance to see our allies devouring one another instead of uniting with us to destroy the common enemy. But it is useless to be vexed at it. Nothing remains but to be prepared for every thing that may happen, and rely only on ourselves. If God give us the advantage, the people will rouse to our aid. My lord ought to place no reliance on the changeable disposi- tion of a people without discipline, or any sort of subordination. The King must be the master in this country to effect any sort of good, and success cannot be secured without expense. The M. de Denonville. M. DE DENONVILLE TO THE MINISTER. [From the wc:.-^.] Quebec, 16th Nov. 1686. My Lord, — Since my letters were written a very intelligent man whom I sent to Manat, who has conversed andihad much intercourse with Colonel Dongan, reports to me that the said Colonel has despatched fifty citizens of Orange and Manat among whom are some Frenchmen, to winter with the Senecas whence they will depart, at the close of the winter, under the escort of '< 1 GENESEE COUNTBY AND NUGARA. 225 the Senecas, for Michilimaquina, carrying with them the Huron prisoners to restore them on the part of the English Governor, who is desirous to prevail on the Outaouas, by the service which he renders them, to abandon our alliance in order to attach them- selves to the English. They cany an abundance of merchandise thither to furnish it at a much lower rate than we. This is not all. Colonel Dongan has given orders that one hundred and fifty other English should depart, accompanied by several Mohegan Indians to follow the first fifty Englishmen with goods. But this detachment is not to leave until spring. I believe there is no room to doubt but the design is to seize the post of Niagara. Were the English once established there, they must be driven off or we must bid adieu to the whole trade of the country. . • « • • » # *. The Rame man who came from Manat told me that within a short lime fifty or sixty men. Huguenots, arrived there from the Islands of St. Christophers and Martinique, who are establishing themselves at Manat and its environs. I know that some have arrived at Boston from France. There, again, are people to operate as Banditti. Whilst writing this, My lord, further advice is come from Orange that Colonel Dongan sent to tell the fifty men who are to winter among the Senecas, not to leave until the arrival at the Senecas of the one hundred and fifty men which he is to despatch in the spring to support them. The reason of this order is that he has learned by Indians that the Sieur Du Lhut is posted at the Detroit of Lake Eri6. If those men commanded with the sava- ges attack that post, you perceive, my lord, that I have nothing more to manage with the English. Send me, if you. please, orders on this point, for my disposition is to go straight to Orange, drive them into their fort, and burn the whole. • • * • • • - ' The English governor prompted at present by the cupidity of the merchants and by his avarice to drag money from them, pre- tends that all the country is his, and will trade thither though an Englishman has never been there. He gives passes under pretext of hunting, to his creatures, from whom one was taken at Michi- 16 : I A,] dknomville's expedition to tue I I limaquina, which I would have sent, had he who was bringing it, not upset in the water and been thereby drowned. * « • « • ' * Whilst writing this letter here, My lord, I receive from Father de Laniberville conBrmation of the news which I had the honor to communicate to you respecting Colonel Dongan. I send you what he writes me of the speech made by the said Colonel to the Iroquois assembled by his order at Manat. Be so good as to read it yourself my lord.* ■■r-\; COL. DONGAN TO M. DE DENONVaiE. ; ^ rP , ^, ,^,/ servant — ^T. Domoak. tensi T] It ', ;'- ifM 1^ "W MEMOIR FOR THE MARQUIS OP SEIGNEUY KE6ABDIN6 THE DANGERS THAT THREATEN CANADA, THE MEANS OF REMEDYING TUEM, AND OF FIRMLY ESTABLISHING RELIGION COM- MERCE AND THE king's POWER IN NORTH AMERICA. JANUARY 1687. [Pwris Doe. III.] Canada is encompassed by many powerful English Colonies who labour incessantly to ruin it, by exciting all our savages, and drawing them away with their peltries for which the English give them a great deal more merchandize than the French, because they pay no duty to the King of England. This profit attracts towards the English, also, all our Bush rangers {Coureurs d$ bois) and French libertines who carry their peltries to them, deserting our Colony and establishing themselves in those of the English who take great pains to attract them. They advantageously employ these French deserters to bring the far savages to them who formerly brought their peltries into our Colony which wholly destroys its trade. The English began by the most powerful and best disciplined [Indians] of all America. They have excited them entirely against us by the avowed protection ihey afford them, and the manifest usurpation they claim to the sovereignty of their country, which belongs beyond contradiction to the King for nearly a century ir GKME8CE OOUMTBT AND NIAGARA. 229 ■' I . .1 'without the English having up to this present .time had any pre- tension to it< ' ■ I'- They also employ the Iroquois to incite all our other Indiani^ against us. They set them last year to attack the Hurons and the Outawas, our most antient subjects ; swept by surprise from them more than 75 prisoners among whom were some of their princi- pal Chiefs, killed several others, and finally offered them peace and the restitution of their prisoners, if they would quit the French and acknowledge the English. They sent the same Iroquois to attack the Illinois and the Miamis our allies who are in the neighbourhood of ForttSt. Louis, built by Mons' de la Salle on the Illinois River which empties into the River Colbert or Mississipi ; massacred and burnt a great number of them and carried off many prisoners with threats of entire extermination if they would not unite with them against the French. Colonel Dongan, Governor of New York, has pushed this usurpation to the point of sending Englishmen to take possession, in the King of England's name, of the post of Mislimakmac which is a Sti-ait communicating between lake Huron and lake des Illinois, and has even declared that all those lakes including the river St. Lawrence which serves as an outlet to them and on which our Colony is settled, belong to the English. The Reverend Father Lamberville, a French Jesuit who has been 18 years a Missionary among the Iroquois in company with one of his brothers also a Jesuit, wrote on the first of Norember to Chevalier de Calli^res, Governor of Montreal, who informed the Governor General that Colonel Dongan has assembled the Five Iroquois Nations at Manatte where he resides, and declared to them as follows : 1. That he forbids them to go to Cataracouy or Fort Fronte- nac and to have any more intercourse with the French. 2. That he orders them to restore the prisoners they took from the Hurons and Outawacs, in order to attract them to himself. 3. That he sends thirty English to take possession of Missili- makinak and the lakes, rivers and adjoining lands and orders the Iroquois to escort them and to afford them physical assistance. M 'll:t'*'^ I I 830 DXNOMTlUiE^S EXjPKDITIOIf TO THE 1.4 ;■ l,v. . /' I* * t! 4. That he has sent to recal the Iroquois Christians belonging to the Mohawk tribe, who have settled a long time ago at Saut Saint Lo^is, adjoining the Island of Montreal, where they have been established by us and converted by the care of our Reverend Jesuit Fathers, and that he would give them other land and an English Jesuit, to govern them* 6. That he wishes that they should have Missionaries only from him throughout the whole of the Five Iroquois Nations, and that they cause our French Jesuits to withdraw, who hftve been so long established there. 6. That if Monsieur de Denonville attacks them, he will have to do with him. 7. That he orders them to plunder all the French who will visit them ; to bind them and bring them to him, and what they'll talce from them sba^l be good prize. The Iroquois. — He accompanied his orders with presents to the Five Iroquois Nations, and despatched his thirty Snglish, escorted by Iroquois,, to make an establishment at Missilimaki- The Iroquoia pillage our Frenchmen every where they meet them, and threaten to fire their settlements which are much ex- posed and unfortified. These measures, and the discredit we are in among all the sava-r ges for having abandoned our allies in M. de la Barre's time, for having suffered them to be exterminated by the Itoquois and borne the insults of the latter, render war against them absolutely neoes^ fary to avert from us a General Rebellion of the Savages which would bring ruin on our trade and finally the extirpation of our Colony, q'l It is likewise necessary for the establishment of Religion which will never spread itself there, except by the destruction of the Iroquois : so that on the success of the war which the Gover- nor-general of Canada proposes to commence against the Iroquois on the 15 th of May next, depends either the Ruin of the Country and of Religion if he be not assisted, or the Slstablishment of Religion, Commerce and the Kings' Power over all North America if he be gj-anted the aid he domandsi. OEMKSSE OOUirrkY AMD MIAOAKA. 881 If the merit in the eyes of God, the Glory and utility which tlie King will derive from this succor be considered, it is easy to conclude that expense w.s never better employed since, inde- jiendent of the Salvation of the quantity of Souls in that vast Country to which His Majesty will contribute bji establishing the Faith there, he will secure to himself an Empire of more than a thousand leagues in extent, from the mouth of the River Saint Lawrence to that of the River Mississipi in the Gulf of Mexico ; a country discovered by the French alone, to which other nations have no right, and from which we shall eventually derive great Commercial advantages, and a considerable augmentation of His Majesty's Revenues in those countries. The Marquis de Denonville, whose zeal, industry and capacity admit of no addition, requires a reinforcement of l&OO men to succeed in his enterprize. If less be granted him, success is doubtful and a war is made to drag along, the continuation of which for many years will cost His Majesty more to surtaia than would the immediate expense necessary to guarantee its success and prompt termination. It is necessary to attack the Iroquois in two directions. The first and principal attack, through the Seneca Nation on the bor- ders of Lake Ontario ; the second, by the River Richelieu and Lake Champlain on the side of the Mohawk Natimi. 3000 Frenchmen will be required for that purpose. Of these there are sixteen companies which make 800 men and 800 selected from the habitansy 100 of the best of which the Governor General des- tines to conduct 50 canoes which will go and come incessantly to convey provisions. . Of these 3000 Frenchmen, of which he has only the half though he boasts of more for reputation's sake, because the other hahitam are necessary to protect and cultivate the farms of the Colony, a part must be employed in guarding the posts of Fort Frotenac, Niagara-, Toronto, Missilimakinak so as to secure the aid he expects from the Illinois and other Savages, on whom however he cannot rely unless he will be able alone to defeat the Five Iroquois Nations. The Iroquois force consists of two thousand picked warriors (iTe/ife) brave, active, more akiHul in the use of the g^n than "! r i 1 t,." IB ^ 'I 'I HI 1.^: V rr^::.:' *'M '','■■' '^1 'li 982 nSMONTILLE'l KXPEOITIOM TO THK our Europeans and all well arroed ; besides twelve hundred Mohcgans {Loups)^ another tribe in alliance with them as brave as they, not including the English who will supply them with officers to lead them, and to fortify them in their villages. If they be no( attacked all at once at the two points indicated, it is impossible to destroy them or to drive them from their re* treat, but if encompassed on both sides, all their plantations of Indian corn will be destroyed, their villages burnt, their women, their children and old men captured and other warriors driven into the woods where they will be pursued and annihilated by the other savages. After having defeated and dispersed them the winter must be spent in fortifying the post of Niagara, the most important in America, by means of which all the other nations will be shut out from the lakes whence all the peltries are obtained ; it will be necessary to winter troops at this post and at others, to pre- ▼eni the Iroquois returning and reestablishing themselves there, and to people these beautiful countries with other savages who will have served under us during this war. ' ; •. j «u , > i J>r'^.--«J if. EXTRACT PROM A MEMOIR OF THE KING TO BIKUB8 MABQUI8 DB DENONVILLE AND DE CHAMPI6NT, DATED YEBSAUXES, 30*>> MARCH, 1687. [Paris Doo. III.] His Majesty has no knowledge of the claim of Colonel D'Unguent for 25» ii>* which he pretends to be due lum in France'; therefore He has nothing to say about it. • ••••••••• His Majesty has seen the Memoir that the said Sieur de Denon- ville has sent of the measures he has adopted and the orders he has given for the ensuing campaign. He approves of them and doubti) not of success, and that it will be as favorable as can be expected having to do only with Savages who have no experience as to r to coll he is, Fina destruc ber of make u to retail His Ma send th( these sh ' I ft u- I CO. Rever< from the health an all my er from thoi tinue in ( troubleso Christian they con( that, but goes to w in all pro King of place andl no materl Canada a I no more leave all and the pj will do tl OEMUEK OOUMTRT AMP VfAGAmA. 233 ai to regular war, whilst, on the contrary, those he will be abla to collect, being led by a roan $o capable and so experienced ti he is, will be of great utility. Finally, He expects to learn at the close of this year, the entir* destruction of the greatest part of those Savages. And as a num- ber of prisoners may be made, and His Majesty thinks he can make use of them in his Galleys, He desires him to manage so as to retain them until he have vessels for France j by the return of His Majesty's Ships which will convey the troops he can, even, send those which will have been captured before the departure of these ships. , , , , ,. , , ,. , ,,^ , , \" U} • COLL. DONGAN TO FATHER DE LAMBERVILLE. [Lond. Doe. Y.] ^ , > 20 M af. 1687, Reverend Father — ^I have received yours of the tenth currant from the Onnondages and am heartily glad that you are in good health and as much as lyes in me you may bee assured 1 will do all my endeavors to protect you from the danger you apprehend from those people and all those others of your fraternity that con- tinue in doing good service, I am sorry that our Indians are soe troublesome to the Indians of Cannida but I am informed from Christians that it is the custom of those people, that what country they conquer belongs to them as their own, yet I lay no stress on that, but I am still in doubt whither that land where the Indiana goes to warr belongs to our King or to the King of France, but in all probability if I bee truly informed it must depend on th« King of England territories it lying west and by south of this place and your countryes lye to the northward of us but that is no material reason for the Indians to disturbe the people of Canada and I will use my endeavour that they shall disturbe them no more but leave the decision of that to my master at home as I leave all other things which relates to any difference between us and the people of Canada and I am sure that Mon*' de Novills will do the same — ' ii §m £34 dekontillg'b expedition to the f«,l' m' I have not spoke to the Indians as yet. Your messenger being in hast cannot give an account what they can say for themselves, but to continue a right understanding between the Government of Canada and this if any of the Indians will doe any thing to disturbe the King of France's subjects, let the Governour sent to ne and I will doe all the justice that is possible for me to do and if he will do the same it will be a meane to keep those people in, and to see both Governments in a good correspondence one with another. But I hear they pretend that they are affraid of the French but I hope that Mons' de Nonville will well weigh the business before he invades any of the King of England's subjects — I have no time to write to him at present but assure him of my humble service and that I will write to him before I goe, haveing no other businesse here in sending for the Indians but to check them for offering to disturbe the people of Canada Reverend Father . I am your humble servant (Signed) Tho: Dongak I pray you to pray to God for me M iS ;:: M, DE DENONVILLE TO THE MINISTER. iJ' [Par. Doe. III.] -/ ^ % ,&■■: ■ - ' ..--^ • . - 8 June 1687. I am informed that the English have given notice to the Senecas that I am going to attack them, and have obliged them to run ftfl'jr six hundred men of their tribe who were at war against the l,i\ imis; our allies, to induce them to return to defend their country against us. Other war parties who had gone against tlie people towards Virginia have also returned through the same troubles. The consternation of our enemies thus cr^4s Colonel Dongan very dear. I have learned that a party has come from Virginia who brought a dozen prisoners, Englishmen, whom they will also hum, and this is a matter about which Monsieur Dongan gives himself scarce any trouble. i GEMX8EE COUKTBT AND NUGAKA. $36 *^''? COU. DONGAN TO M. DE DENONVILLE. ku • [Loud* Doe. T.] 11th June 1687. Sir — ^The enclosed' came to my hands last night from England with orders to have it prbclaimed which has accordingly bin done, what is there agreed upon I will observe to the least title and I doubt not but your Excell : will do the same and I hope bee so kinde as not desire or seek any correspondence with our Indians of this side of the Great Lake if they doe amisse to any of your Goverm* and you make it known to me you shall have all justice done and if any of your people disturbe us I will have the same recourse to you for satisfaction as for those further Nations, I suppose that to trade with them is free and common to us all until the meets and bounds bee adjusted though truly the scituation of those partes bespeakes the King of England to have a greater right to theta than the French king, they lying to the southward of us just on the back of other partes of our King's dominions and a very great way from you, I am informed by some of our Indians that your Excell : was pleased to desire them to meet you at Cadaraque ; I could hardly beleive it till I had a letter from Father Lamberville, wherein he informs me that 'tis true, I am also informed of your Fathers' endeavours dayly to carry away our Indians to Canada as you have already done a great many, you must pardon me if I tell you that that is not the right way to keepe fair correspondence — I have also been informed that you are told I have given to Indians orders to rob the French where\ er they could meet them, that is as false as tis true that God is in heaven, what I have done was by your own desire \^l)ich was that I should suffer none of Canada to come to Albany witliQut they had your passe in compiyance wherewith I ordered, both, the Indians and people of Albany that if they found any French or English on this side of the great Lake without either your passe or mine, they should seize them and bring them to l.TwrtrofNwtraJJty. i i , I I ■ 236 dekomville's expedition to the i f, _ M ; <■ i r i>ii (■;! !^ Albany : I am now sorry that I did it since its not agreeable to you and has as I am informed hindered the comeing of a great many Beauers to this place — ^I shall therefore recall the orders. I am daily expecting Religious men from England which I intend to put amongst those five nations. I desire you would order Mons' de Lamberuille that soe long as he stayes airongst those people he would meddle only with the affairs belonging to his function and that those of our Indians that are turned Cathv)lique8 and live in Canada may content themselves with their being alone without endevouring to debauch others after them, if they do and I can catch any of them I shall handle them very severely. S' setting aside the trust my master has reposed in me I should be as ready and willing to serve Mons' de Nonuille as any friend he has, I could wish with all my heart the wildernesse betwixt us were not soe great but that there were conveniences whereby we might see one another often, for I have as much respect for all the people of quality of your nation especially such as have serued in the armies as any man in the world can have : as for neweS| the ships lately come from England say all things are at peace both there and in France and that both our Masters are in very good health and that the Emperour and the King of Poland are very vigorous against the Turques — I am Sir our most humble servant ' '^ ■ (Signed) Tho. Dongan Sr I send you some Oranges hearing they are a rarity in your partes, and would send more, but the bearer wants conueniency of Carriage — .T'-::- FROM A PAPER SUPPOSED TO HAVE BEEN WRITTEN- BY M. DE CALLIERES. DATED QUEBEC, 16 JULY, 1687. (Pari* Doe. III.l I yesterday received a letter from M. de Denonville from Cata- racouy of the 3'"'' of this month, informine; me that he sends me GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGARA. 237 fifty Iroquois taken near that place, to forward them to France in the King's Ships, conformably to his orders. I'll take advantage of the delay of the Fourgon, in which I shall have them embarked, and as the crew is too few to convey so many prisoners, very dif- ficult to be guarded, I reinforce them by some passengers and sailors from a merchantman, the Catharine, which was wrecked last autumn near Tadoussac, and could not be got off. •'. .. ;.';;v. ' ;' ' ' M. DE DENONVILLE TO THE MINISTER. ATTACK ON THE SENECAS ; ERECTION OF FORT NIAGARA. : [Paris Doe. III.] Ville Marie, 25 August, 1687. The first thing with which I occupied myself on my arrival [at Irondequoit Bay] was to select a post easy to be fortified for se- curing our batteaux to the number of 200 and as many canoes. We cut 2000 palisa«les which we finished planting in the forenoon of the 12U»of July. , I had brought with me Sieur d'Orvilliers as the fittest to receive the whole of Canada into his hands ; for the loss of this post would be the assured loss of the whole country which obliged me to leave 440 men there. On the 12'^'» I departed at three o'clock in the evening with all our French and Indian allies and Christians having caused them to take 15 days provisions. We only made three leagues that day across i,he woods which are very open. On the 13''' abort four o'clock in the afternoon, having pass- ed throngh two i.dngerous defiles, we arrived at the third where we were very vigorously attacked by 800 Senecas, 200 of whom fired, wishing to attack our rear whilst the remainuer of their force would attac': our front, but the resistance they met produced such a great consternation that they soon resolved to fly. All our troops were so overpowered by the extreme heat and the long journey we had made that we were obliged to bi- vouac on the field until the morrow. We witnessed the ptunful r ' ' ! w i.l i ■ ■i » ; i 1 ■ '' 1 "'I Ir- if. l\- j » '« 228 DENONVILLE^S EXPEDITION TO THE J! > WT sight of the usual cruelties of the savages who cut the dead into quarters, as in slaughter houses, in order to put them into the pot ; the greater number were opened while still warm that their blood might be drank. Our rascally Otaous distinguished them- selves particularly by these barbarities and by their poltroonery, for they withdrew from the combat ; the Hurons of Michilimaquina did very well, but our Christian l«?dians surpassed all and per- formed deeds of valour, especially our IrOv.^uois of whom we durst not make sure having to fight against theii relatives. The Illinois performed their duty well. We had five or t>.'x men killed on the spot, French and Indians, and about twenty wounded, among,the first of whom was the Rev : Fath : Angleran, superintendent of the Otaous missions, by a very severe gunshot. It is a great mis- fortune to us that this wound will prevent him going back again, for he is a man of capacity, of great influence who has conducted every thing at Miclulimaquina well, and to whom the country owes vast obligations. For had it not been for him the Iroquois had been long since established at Michilimaquina. We learned from some prisoners who had escaped from the Sene- cas that this action cost them 45 men killed on the field, 25 of whom we had seen at the shambles ; the others were seen buried by this deserter, and over 60 very severely wounded. On the next day, ]4^ii July, we marched to one of the large villages Avhere we encamped. We found \i burned and a fort quite nighy abandoned; it was very advantageously situated on a hill. I deemed it our best policy to employ ourselves laying waste the Indian corn which was in vast abundance in the fields, rather than follow a flying enemy to a distance and excite our troops to catch only some straggling fugitives. We learned from deserters that the Senecas had gone; to the English where they will not be allowed to want for any thing necessary to make war on us. Since that time I have had no news of the enemy. We remained at the four Seneca villages until the 2^^^ ; the two larger distant 4 leagues, and the others two. All that time was spent in destroying the corn which was in such great abun- dance that the loss, including old com which was in cache which we bu to the corn. > There many I rheum 'Tis after th them th conceiv( Durin not see j had been them too Returr been abli fatigue ai disband, ( irt their pi rage then ■ I selec river ; it advantage plan of w the troubl expressly "Riis po there unde thern exps serves somi tion. He dent and in This pos faring nc ^ They have hnrass there I I, eENESEC COUNTRY AMD MlAOARA. 239 we burnt and that which w^as standing, was computed according to the estimate afterwards made, at 400 thousand minots of Indian corn. ■ These four villages must exceed 14 to 15 thousand souls. There was a vast quantity of hogs which were killed j a great many both of our Indians and French were attacked with a general rheum which put every one out of humor. 'Tis an imfortunate trade, my lord, to command savages who, after the first broken hiead ask only to return home carrying with them the scalp which they lift off like a leather cap. You cannot conceive the trouble I had to detain them until the corn was cut. During the whole time we were in the Senecas country we did not see a single enemy, which caused me divers alarms lest they had been at our batteaux, but terror and consternation deterred thetu too much IVom effecting their first threats. Returning to our batteaux I should have greatly wished to hav« been able to visit other villages, but the sickness^ the extreme fatigue among all and the uneasiness of the savages w!k> he^m to disband, determined me to proceed to Niagara to erect a fort Inere in their presence, and point out to them a fiure asylum to encou- rage them to come this winter to war in small bodies. I selected the angl« of the Lake on the Seneca side of the river ; it i^ the most beautiful, the most pleasing and the mo^st advantageous site that is on the whole of thisLakfe, the Map and plan of which you will have if fc-i*tur de Ville Mprie will take the trouble, for I tormented him considerably for it ; I sent him expressly to Quebec that he may have nothing else to do. Ubis post being in a state of defence I left a hundred men there under the command of Sieur de Troyes who ro\a. the Nor- thern expedition last year. He is a worthy fellow sviio richly de- serves some share in ihe honour of yotkt good graces and protec- tion. He can be very useful to you in many thiAgs; he k pru- dent and intelligent, very willing, and has well served on land. This post has caused much joy to all our farther Indians, who having nc place of retreat, scarcely dared to approach the enemy. They have made me great promises — especially our Illinois— to harass them this winter by a number of small parties. 1 A mlnot is eqaal to thre« bushels. ! i 240 denonville's expetttion to tbe m^- m ' ,M M. de Tonty had returned with them designing to invite them to come. He could collect only very few savages because an alarm had been spread among them of a large body of Senecas having departed last fall on a war expedition against them, which fell through on the information Mr. Dongan gave the Senecas that I was about to attack them ; yet. as this large force had marched six days, it was the cause that of six @ 700 savages on whom we relied, only 80 came, which was the reason of their having been obliged to come to 'he fort of Detroit to join Sieurs du L'hut and de la Durantaye not being able to take the Senecas in the rear. < On quitting Nl gi^a I xvh M. de Vaudreiiil there for a few daya with the troops 1 > cut f}.s:s wood, after having done what was necessary for lod;ir;^^ 'xh*>, inconvenience of this post is, that timber is at a dist^ace Ircm it. M. de Calli^res and I returnod without delay with our hahitans to issue the orders necessary for the interior of the Colony. * • • • • • • . I have not yet told you, my lord, that the hahitans who left the l(«wer part of the Colony, will on their return to their homes, have made four hundred and sixty leagues from the 24 May to about the 17t'» or IS*'* of August, You will well conceive that, what with the two forts which it was necefisary to build, the des- truction of the enemy's corn and the thirty leagues of road we had, going and coming, to travel by ]und, they will not have been idle. It was impossible for us to dc any more than we accomplished, for provisions would have failed us had we madt. a lonjei' delay. It is full 30 years that ! have had the honour to serve, but I a» sure you, my lord, that I have seen nothing that comes near this in labour and fatigue. You ordered nie to send you the prisoners we took. You have perceived, ray lord, it was impossible for us to make any among the Senecas, and even had we made any, we should have distribu- ted them among the savages our allies and those who made the seizure in the neighbourhood of Fort Cataracouy who are them- selves 1 LakeO Iroquoii their nu for our : more cl< Amon near rela of the O detach tl negotiatii ments of i prisoners. tent mys( are guiltlc good as to in case of believe ths men and cl in the Cole baptised, tc if it be inj The cop the head (a not yet dis sures me th low as gold heated, it is ing this pie( of it. GENESEE COUNTBT AND NIAGARA. •elves native Iroquois, but for the most part from villages north of Lake Ontario Tvhere there had been some fine and large which the Iroquois south of said Lake forced to join them; this began to swell their numbers and depopulate the northern border. It would be for our interest to repeople tl ese villages because they would be more close allies, and under ojr control. ,.,;,, Among th,e prisoners there a'-e some I cannot send you, being near relatives of our Christian Indians. Besides there are some of the Onnontagu^ village whom we must manage with a view to detach them from tlie Scnecas, and to use them for purposes of negotiation if necessary. As I have not yet any news of the move- ments ot the Iroquo'iS, I should much like not to dispose of all these prisoners. Nevertheless, my lord, as you desire them, I shall. con- tent myself by retainingthose only who will be of use to me and are guiltless of all the disorders of others. Yet, my lord, be so good as to keep them in a place from which they can be withdrawn, in case of need and we finally come to a general arrangement ; I believe that would be a very useful thing. Regarding their wo- men and children, I had them distributed through all our missions in the Colony. All the men, women and children had themselves baptised, testifying joy on that occasion. It remains to be seen if it be in good faith. The copper of which I sent a sample to M. Arnou is found at the head (aufond) of Lake Superior. The body of the mine is not yet discovered. I have seen one of our voyageurs who as- sures me that he saw, 15 months ago, a lump 200 weight, as yel- low as gold in a river which falls into Lake Superior. When heated, it is cut with an axe, but the superstitious Indians regard- ing this piece as a good Spirit would never permit him to take any of it. lb .,a?-t-1?^- t • » t I Ml ■■■' •'. Ft;;/ 242 OEXOKVILLE'S KXFEUITION TO TUK ACTE OF THE TAKING POSSESSlOiN OF THE COUNTRY OF THE IROQUOIS, CALLED SENECAS, 19 July 1687. [Pari! Doc. III.] ... On the nineteenth of July, One thousan*! six hundred and eighty seven, the troops commanded by Messire Jacques Rcn6 de Bi'isay Chevalier Seigneur Marquis de Denonville and othet places, Go- verhor and Lieutenant General for the King throughout the whole of Cana % i I OEMXSU COUNTRY AND NIAGA&A. 243 Charles Aubert de la Chenays, J. Rend de Brisay Monsieur de D^nonville, Chevalier de Calli^rc, Fleutelot de Romprey, de Desmeloizes, de Rauiezay, Francois Vaillant of the Society of JeflQS) de Qrandville) de Longueuil, Saint Paul and Dupuy. t/. TAKINO POSSESSION OF NIAGARA BY MONSIEUR DE DENONVILLE. [PariiDoo. lU.l ' * Jacques REirf de Brissat Chevalier Seigneur Marquis de DenoBville and other places, Governor and Lieutenant General lor the King in the whole extent of Canada and Country of New France. This day, the last of July of the year One Thcasand Six hundred and Eighty seven, We declare to all whom it may c(m- eern, in presence of Hector, Chevalier de CalU6res, Governor of Montreal in the said Country and Commandant of the Camp under our orders, and of Philippe Derigaud, Chevalier de Yau- dreuil, Commanding the King's troops, being encamped with all the army at the post of Niagara, returning from our expedition against the Seneca villages, that being come to th? camp of Nia- gara situate south of Lake Ontario west of the Senecas, "twenty- five leagues above them, in the angle of land East of the mouth of the River of the same name which is the outlet of Lake Eiie, coming from Lakes Huron^ Illinois, the Great Lake Superior and several others beyond the said Great Lake, to reiterate anew for, and in the name of the King the taking Possession of the said Post of Niagara, several establishments having been formerly made there many years since by the King's order, and especially by Sieur De la Salle having spent several years two leagues above the Great Fall of Niagara where he had a Bark built which navigated several years Lakes Erie, Huron and Illinois, and of which the stocks {les chantiers) are still to be seen. Morerover the said Sieur De la Salle having erected quarters (logemens) with settlers at the said Niagara in the year one thousand six hundred \ ; V r i. ]■: i V I i 244 dkmonvillk's kxpkditiom to the and Sixty Eight which quarters were burned Twelve years ago by the SenecaS) which is one of the causes of discontent that with many others have obliged us to wage war against them, and as we considered that the houses we have thought fit to rebuild could not remain secure during the war, did we not provide for tbeui, We have Resolved to construct a Fort there in which we have placed one hundred men of the King's troops to garrison the same under the command of Sieur de Troyes, one of the Veteran Cap- tains of His Majesty's Troops with a necessary number of Officers to command said soldiers. This Acte has been executed in Our presence and in that of Monsieur Gaillard, Commissary on behalf of the King attached to the Army and subdelegate of Monsieur de Champigny, Intend- ant 01 Canada : which Acte We have signed with Our hand am sealed with Our Seal at Arms, and caused to be subscribed by Mess''" de Calli^res and Vaudreuil and by Monsieur Gaillard, and countersigned by Our Secretary. And they sign : J. RenIT de Brissay, Marquis de Denoxiyille, Ic Chevalier de Calli^res, Che- valier de Vaudreuil, Gaillard ; and lower dow;:i by Monseigneur Tophlin. ' •i't_- [From Council Min. Y.] 5-. ■■ it ' (fort James Tuesday y« I9th July i6S7. (O. S.) Mr Brockholes Informed y^ Counrill he is now Come from Albany & SchanectaHe with Instructions ffrom the Govern' to bring up with all convenient speed a Certain Number of Men & some Provisions . _ ' , The Instructions Read Ordred that sixty men be raysed out of y» Citty & County of New York & sixty men out of Queens County that Warrants be forthwith made out to Major Willett to Raise the men in y* Queens County and to Coll. Bayard to raise y« men in y* Citty &. County of New York, that an Expresse be Im^iliately sent to Major Willett with y^ s^ Warrant & that he & Coll. Bayard have their Complement of Men Well armed in fTo. ' James on y« 22"» Inst. QKirnEB COUMTBY AHO NIAOA&A. M6 I 1 FROM MR. GRAHAM TO MR. SPRAGG. »-:>.', [London Doo. Y.] New York, 10 July 1687. Sir — I am invited by your favours to give you by this occasion acknowledgements and also to acquainte you that Mr. Swinton departed this life the Z^ currant, after that he had been violently seized with three fitts of an apoplexie. In the interval of his fitts he was very sencible but without apprehensions of death, how- ever was prevailed with to make a will, by which has constituted Mr Delaval his executor, his affairs are in great confusion, and he judged to be mdebted j£300. besides what his engagements may be to you, his Excell: being at Albany. The Councill sealed up the office in which state it now remains and will continue until His Excell* pleasure be knowen. Mr Knights in the mean time does the service of the office. Last night I received a letter from his £xcell: in which aduiseth that the French had assaulted the Senaquaes, and were worsted, report by other hands saying the French had 300 men killed, the certainty wants confirmation, however, its consequence is like to be very injurious to us, we having already very little trade, besides are likely to be ingaged in a bloody warr. whose events is uncertain, we are strangely sur- prised with the french proceedings, not knowing what moves them to invade his Maj*y» dominions, without giving notice, and so soon after the publication of the treaty of Commerce betwixt the two Crowns— P the next which will be Jacob Maurits His Excell: will give you a full account of his resolves, he having sent a messenger to the French which is not yet returned. Five days agoe. My Lord Effingham ....S' Robert Parker arryved here from Virginia, he laments the Govemours absence otherwise wer satisfied with his entertainments ; all your friends are well, my wife kisseth your hands and joins with me in the request that you would give our duty to our Father, our service to Major Baxter, to whom please to excuse not writing, being strained with time, and accept of the assurance that I am Sir Your affectionate friend and most humble servant Ja Graham i r ! 1 ]\ ■ f <^ A / 7 ,i#^? IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 ■^ lU 12.2 1.1 It u lili ^ L& 12.0 mi M Photographic Sdences Corporation • 1 '"^^ ||l.4 ..6 ^ 6" » \ :\ .^v \ c^ 23 WEST MAIN STRICT WEBSTER, NY. MSEO (716) 872-4503 in 4^0 <\ 2ik% vsaxxuma*^ ezvedition to rax WW'-' Em.' INFORMATION GIVEN BY SEVERALL INDIANS TO THE GOVERNR. AT ALBANT, 6. AUG. 1687. [Loud. Doe. t".] the Groyr of Canada last fall, sent word to the SachcmB of ^1 the TiveKations to come and speak with him at Cadarachqui thitt spring, which wee acquainted His Excellency withall, but in pur- suance to his Excell°y* commands wee being the King of Englandi subjects, thought ourselfs aoways obliged to hearken to him, and therefore refused to go, and shortly after wee heard by an Onoor dage Indian that had lived long at Cadaiacbqili) that the Gov of Canidahad a des^ to warr upon us, for bee had seen a great deal of amunicion and iron Dubletts brought to Caduadiqiu, and that a Frenchman at Cadarachqiu told him, that they would vnurr witb all the Five Nations, About ten days after wee gott the news, that the Gov<^ of Ganida with his army was seen eneampt att the side of the Lake with many Canoes about balfe way between Onnondage and Cadarachqiu : upon which they sent a hundred men to the Lake side to spy ^ who see a Serke aeet Irondequat the landing place a Lyeing by and nott att anker they nent four men in a Canoe to haile them, there orders from the Sachems be- ing ocpressly not to doe the French any harme, and whtti ihey hailed them, the French answered in base language : Enustogan^ horrio, squa, which is as much in theire language as the Devil take you, whereupon they paddled for the shore, and told the rest of theire companions, what answer they had, the hundred men went forthwith to the Castles, and told the Sachems, what they had seen, who foithwith sent twenty men to spy what theire de- signe was, and they see another Barke come to the first, and while they were their* as scouts spied a great many of the Twichtwich Indians come by land, and had almost environed them before they were awarr of th«m : toe twenty men sedng tlus, went up^ fbrtli- with to the Castles and had much adoe to gett through, and the Sachems having senfc out tluee Spysy, after the twenty, to see what the French would have, and before the three were come to 4-1 VI, anovKE oowraiT aits mkaoaaa. M7 4ke Lake side (it bang about twenty milea from their CasUes) the French Av|ny out of Barks and Cannoes was landed^ they seemg Uiat. called to them and asked what they were intoided to do, A Maquase answered out of the Army. You Blqckheads, F)l tell you what I am come to doe, to msr upon you, and to morrow I will macck up with my army to your Castlesy and as soone as hee had spoke they fyred upon the three Iiida* butt they runn hom« and brought the news to ^e Sachems about the twighligfat, The Saefaems upon this news concluded to conrey their wives and chil- dren, and old men away, and beeing busy thereabouts all n«tt da^r, most parte retiring to Gajouge, and the rest to a Lake to the Soodiwnrd of there Castles in the meantime the Frent^ were as good as there words, and marched iq> halfe way between the landing place and the Castles and there encamped that night ; As soon as the women and children were fled, their fired their own Catties and all the men being gon to convey thon away ex- cept a.hundred in a small Fort who had sent out Spyes and re- oeived informati♦»■;' ** • 354 DBIIOMVILLB^I EXFEOITIOir TO TSK rr 6 The Goveraour of Canida sent for all the Bosslopers that were at Ottowawa and ordered them to come only with their arms and u.eet him at Cadarachqua which they did, being about 300 men under the command of three French Capt"* and left their Bevers in the Jesuits house at Dionondade, and so marched with the Oovernour of Canida to the Sinoekes, in the mean tisM a fortunate fyer takes the house and bums them all to the number of 30|000 Bevers, when the news came to MooRoyal the Bo8»- k)per8 were like to go distracted — 7 He beard by beat of Drumra proclaimed throu Mon Royall that as soon as the peace wag made with the Sinnekes the Otto- wawa trade should be farm'd out, which displeased the Bosslopers much and said, that if that was done they were all ruined — 8 Many of the Bosslopers were inclined to come here not being minded to fi^t agaiast the Sinnekei, but dare not come for fear of the Indians by the way — 9 Itt was generally beleev'd that the Sinnekes would come to Canida and begg for peace, because there corn was destroyed, and if they were supplyed by them of Albany they would come hither in the winter and plunder this place, having 1600 pare of snow shoes r^y mad«, and if they found that we gave the Sin- aakes any the least assistance} they would not let the Childe in the cradle live — 10 He heard further of a Merchant that if we would supply the Sinnekes they would send our people away all several! ways, some to Spain, some to Portugal! some to the Islands, and it was no more than the English had done to Mons' Pere whom they kept 18 months in close prison at Londcm 11 The French all acknowledge the Sinnekes fought very well, and if there number had been greater it would have gone bard with the French for the new men were not used to the Sin- nekes hoop and hollow, all the officers falling down closse upon the ground, for the CMicers jeard on ani^her about it att Mont This is what Jean Rosie Anth° Lespinard's compagnion doth relate being an inhabitant of this towne, and a verry honest man, although a frenchman, they were kept 5 weeks in arrest aA€f they came i not be advice consid( att wai put do' about 1 extrean Wehav 1 wotnai at the p will hav. strong I they tab 7«ur £xc months m MyLofff latelligeae war with 1 I send tl their Invad ifyourLod true accomi The Sent giving thei necessary OBMMEB OOUMTBT AND MIAOABA. S66 came toCanidaupon pretence that there passe was false, for could not beleive your Excell°T was here butt gone hoice hareing such advice from the French ambaasadour he prays your Ezcell: would consider the pains aiid trouble ^d the loss of time that has been att waiting for an answer from the French Oorcrnour; wc have put down these articles that your Excell: may examine Anth" about them (since he knows nothing of this) because he was extream familliar with the Govern' and all there great men there : We have the news of Keman that the Indians have taken 8 men 1 woman and 8 crownes or scalpes, and kild neer upon 20 more at the place where the Barks are, the particulars your Exodl: will have In R Levingstone's letter — We find that the selling of strong Liquor to the Indians is a great hindrance to all designs they take in hand. lay a drinking continually at Skinechtady, if your Excell: would be pleased to prohibit itt for two or three months would do very well : We remain Your Excellency 'f-^^ ^) . • ' ? T' most humble and most ,ji ■-. ft' obedient servant . P' ScRtrVEJtB. !/|i, Bti '• m,.;* «V^) idtpf-" COL DONGAN TO THE LORD PRESIDENT. [Loud. Doe. V.] .m - , My Lord-— I gave your Lodp an ace* in my last letter that I had latelligeace the Frendi were ■ I I 256 DEITOMVILLB's EXPICDITION TO TUX ft m-' '}. 'II::,- thought would please them being unwilling actually to ingage the French until I knew his Maty'" pleasure •»i I must needs say of y« French without being Partiall that they are very unjust, to enter the Kiijg's Territories in a hostile man- ner after the offers I made them I know their Pretence will bee, that our Indians have wronged them, but it is not soe, for the Beaver Trade is the sole end of their Designs, whatever Colour they give to their Actions which is only hindred by the Five nations of Indians on this side of the Lake who have submitted themselves® their Lands to the King's subjection. Those Five nations are very brave @ the awe @ Dread of all y« Indyans in these Parts of America, and are abetter defence to us, than if they were so many Christians The Claim the French can make, to the farther Indians, or any on this side y« Lake is no other than what they may have to Jap- pan which is that some of their Priests have resided amongst them Peace, or Warr, it will be very necessary to send over men @ to build those Forts, I have mentioned in my Instructions to Judge Palmer, for the French are encroaching as fast as they can, and a little thing can prevent now what will cost a great expence of Blood @ Money hereafter. My Lord there are people enough in Ireland who had pretences to Estates there ® are of no advan- tage to the country ® may live here very happy I do not doubt if his Maty think fitt to employ my Nephew he will bring over as many as the King will find convenient to send who will be no charge to his Mat7 after they are Landed, Provided all Connec- ticut @ East @ West Jersey be added to this Government ® to add any thing of Conecticut to Boston is the most unproportiona- ble thing in the world they having already a hundred times more Land, Riches @ People than this province @ yet the charge of this Governm* more than that .' r;- r j< Jrt v ^.-'i' . UTf ^-h ";-. ^ -ra.fe '^f.'.' ; j\jt J • .'■; ■■if' Jft:^ .f'r-'i '• *■* .y* r « >•»'' ! J^^B 1 -1 f-r^^r'W/ ;,; !yi. t A t f ■ '% ) i OEMtfBC OOVirrRY AMD MUOA&A. S67 1;' of GOVEENOR DONGAN'S INSTRUCTIONS TO CAPT. PALMER. [Load. Doo. V.) 8th 8«pt. 1W7. You are to inform his Matr that in May last I had letters from Albany ® Informacons of Indians that came from Canada, That the Governor of Canada vrcnt from Monte Royall with a great many French and Indyans in Boats and Canno's towards Cada- raque with an Intention to come on this side of the lake ® war against the Sennekes upon Receipt of which I called the Councill ® the letters @ Information were read upon which the Councill thought convenient to give what assistance possibly we could to our Indians, and to that intent I, Major Brockhells yourself ® other gentlelmen went up to Albany where there was from time to tiou such orders and Instructions sent ® given to the Indyans as waff thought fitt for their security The French Pretence for Coming into the King's Territories ® warring with our Indians is that they war with the further nation of Indyans who lye on the back of Maryland, Virginia, ® Carolina, which is only a feigned pretence for that I have sent sev'' Letters to Mons' La Bar who was Governor of Canada to signify that if our Indians had done them any injury they should make them all reasonable satisfaction, but that would not satisfy, for he came to Cayonhage where the Indians would have me build a Fort ® there made a Peace with the Indians so that what the Indians had done before this Govm* came was concluded and agreed thereby tho they had not done any thing to the French but what was in Pursuance of his own orders And as to their Warring with the farther Indyans that is more hurtfull to us than the French they being inclined to trade with us rather than them which by their Warring is hindred ® in my opinion the Christians ought not to meddle with the Indians warring one with another it being the ruin of themselves And as for this present Governor of Canada Mons' de Nonville he has no ground for what he does, for I have from time to time o£fered to do him Justice for any ill the Indians should committ and sent I i: 1 I 258 DENONVILLE S EXPEDITION TO THE a messinger this Spring to him for ti.?.c purpose; to take away all pretence whatsoever @ also sent him word that those five Nations on our side of the Lake had delivered themselves @ their Lands under the subjection of our King @ that I had caused the Kings arms to be sett upon all their Castles But their reason for this Warr is that the Indyans would not submitt @ joyn themselves to the French wuo have used all other meanes to e0ect it @ those failing have caused this attempt so that we find they have a further design which is by the Ruin of those Indians to engross both the ''rade @ Country wholly to them- selves, and to that intent the French King has sent over upwards of 3000 men besides what came this last spring and alsoe has built a Fort at a place called Shamblee and another at Monte Royall and another at Trois Riviers one atCataraque at the other side of the Lake and this spring an other on our side of the La e at a place called Onyegra where I had thought to have built one it being the place where all our Traders 8l Beaver HuntenT must pass. So that they are resolved to Ruin all those Indians @ if they compass their design it will be of very ill consequence to all his Maty* subjects in those parts of America for they are a better Bullwark against the French and the other Indians than so many Christians, @ if the French have all that they pretend to have discovered of these Parts, the King of England will not have 100 miles from the sea any where, for the people of Canada are poor @ live only on the Beaver @ Peltry and the Kings subjects here living plentifully have not regarded making discoveries into the country until of late being encouraged by me one Roseboon had leave in the year 1685 to go with some young men as farr as the Ottawawe & Twiswicks, where they were very well rec* @ invited to come every year, and they desired that the Sinnekas being their enemies would open a path for them that they might come to Albany. But a little after their being there a party of our Indians being out attacked a Castle of theirs, took 6 or 600 prisaners and brought them away to their own country, which when I heard of I ordered the Indians to deliver to Roseboom @ to one Major McGregory a Scots some as ma] Gov ( @3oi taken with tL And Indians the war men out governir we find 1 other yc Beavers \ peltry in The C passed t\ Albany, t nent @ ] do not ad 160>i» P a To seen Country : awe over ( Corlars La French, o: and anothc Schonecta( ^18 can rope, @ in Governmer lower Cour and will be If the mt very convei well di6cov< GBNES^E COUNTRY AND lOAGARA. 259 Scots gent" (who went with 60 of the young men of Albany, and some of Albany Indians a Beaver trading to those further nations) as many of those prisoners as were willing to return home, the Gov' of Canada hearing of their going that way sent 200 French @ 3 or 400 Indians to intercept them, has taken them Prisoners taken their goods from them @ what they further desi^ to do with them is not yet known. And for this Government which is too poor of itself to help our Indians without adding Connecticut @ East @ West Jersey in case the war continues without the assistance of our Neighbors @ some men out of Europe will be wholly impossible, for we are the least government @ the poorest @ yet are at the greatest charges @ we find this year that the Revenue is Very much diminished for in other years we are used to Ship off for England 35 or 40,000 Beavers besides Peltry @ this year only 9000 and some hundreds peltry in all The Council to show their readiness to serve the King have passed two acts for raising 1^ P' lb at New York, Isopus @ Albany, these three places being the only support of the Govern- ment @ l^d on Long Island @ the rest of the Government who do not advance the Kings Revenue neither by Excise nor Customs 150>«» P ann: To secure the Beaver & Peltry Trade @ the Kings right to the Country : It's mine and the Councils opinion (alsoe to have an awe over our Indians @ make them firm to us) to build a Fort at Corlars Lake; to secure us that way from the Incursion of either French, or Indians, another at Cayonhage upon the great Lake, and another at Onyegra @ two or three little other Forts between Schonectade @ the Lake to secure our people going @ coming This cannot possibly be done without 4 or 500 men out of Eu- rope, ® in case Connecticut @ the two Jerseys be added to this Government, with some help from Pensylvtnia, @ the three lower Countys it may be effected Without any charge to the King, and will be a great security to all these parts of America If the metes @ bounds could be adjusted at home it would be very convenient, provided always that the Country were first well discovered by us in which the French at present have much l:i i I 1 ! 1 r i ■''>H\ 260 denonyillb's expedition to tBE the advantage. And it is very unreasonable that the French who lye so much to the Northward of us sh^ extend themselves soe far to the Southward @ Westward on the Backside of his Maty* Plantacons when they have so vast a quantity of land Lying Di- rectly behind y^ dominions they now possess, to the Northward @ Northwest as far as the South sea Whether Peace or War it is necessary that the Forts should be built, @ that religious men live amongst the Indians. I have that influence over our Indians, that I am sure they will not war on any Indians living amongst His Maty" subjects. The monies that are now to be raised is for defraying the charge of Arms, Powder, Lead @ other presents given to the Indians this summer as also to make some preparations against the Spring in Case of Necessity. l Whatsoever is his Maty" pleasure I desire that My Lord Sun- derland, will by the first conveniency either by the way of Mary- land, Virginia or Boston let me know and send me orders, how I shall proceed in this affair, You are so well acquainted with all that has passed in thi« Government, concerning this affair with the French, and my con- stant EndeavoRS to preserve a good correspondence with them, that what I have here omitted I desire you will take care to inform his Maty. Thos Dongan Dated the 8th September 1687 ( I M DE DENONVILLE TO GOV. DONGAN. [ParU Doo. III. } Lond. Doe. V.] Auguit 72, 1687. Sir — The respect I entertain for the King your Master and the orders I have from the King to live in harmony with His Bri- tannic Majesty's Subjects induce me. Sir, to address you this letter on the present state of affairs, so as not to have any thing to reproach myself with. On seeing. Sir, the letter you were at the trouble to write mc on my arrival in this government I persuaded myself by your proj the ousl ■'»:- GENSSEE COUNTBT AND NIAGARA. 261 frank discourses that we should live in the greatest harn^ony and best understanding in the world, but the event has well proved that your intentions did not at all accord with your fine words. You recollect, Sir, that you positively asked me in that same letter to refer the difference about boundaries to the decision of our Masters; letters more recently received from you fully con- vince me that you received that which I wrote you in reply to your first to shew you that I willingly left that decision to our ' Masters. Nevertheless, Sir, whilst you were expressing these civilities to me you were giving orders and sending passes to des- patch canoes to trade at Missilimaquina where an Englishman had never set his foot and where we, the French, are established more than 60 years. I shall say nothing of the tricks and intrigues resorted to by your people and by your orders to induce all the Savage tribes domiciled with the French to revolt against us. I tell you nothing, either, of all your intrigues to engage the Iro- quois to declare war against us. Your Traders at Ciange have made noise enough about it, and your presents of munitions of war made, with this view, last year and this, are convictions sufficiently conclusive not to entertain a doubt of it, even were there not proofs at hand of your wicked designs against the sub- jects of the King whose bread you have eaten long enough and by whom you have been sufficiently well entertained to cause you to have more regard for His Majesty, though you had not all the orders from his Britannic Majesty that you have to live well with all the subjects of the King, his antient friend. What have you not done. Sir, to prevent the Senecas surren- dering to me the Outaouas and Huron prisoners of Missillimaquina whom they treacherously captured last year, and how many goings and comings have there not been to the Senecas on your part and that of your traders who do nothing but by your orders, to prevent the restitution of the said prisoners by the said Senecas who were solicited at the village of the Onontagues to give me satisfaction. I avow to you. Sir, that I should never have expected such proceedings on your part, which without doubt will not please the King your Master, who will never approve your so strenu- ously opposing by threats of chastisement the Iroquois coming to ■I a D&NORVILI.K'* CXPBDITION TO TIIS V J 'S : U II .; y whon I invited them to visit me to arrnnge with thorn the eautirs of discoatcnt that I had on account of their violences. Throe years ago^ Sir^ you made use of them to wage war against the French and their allies, you took great pains to give thcni, for that purpose, more lead, powder and arms than they asked. Yo« did moTC) Sir; for you promised them reinforcements of men to sustain them agninxt the King*s subjects ; quite recently, Sir, you would hure ugsin pushed your ill will farther by sending two Parties, oomiuandud by men carrying your orders, to Mis- silimaquina to etpel us iVora there and put you into possession, contrary to the word you have givon not to undertake any thing before the arrangement of their Majesties, our Masters. You have, Sir, still surpasstd all that ; fOr after the pains you had taken to prevent the Iroqoob assembling at Catarocouy where i T expected to meet thum to settle all our differences and receive > from them the satisfltction they sho\ild have afforded me, as well in regard to the Huron and Outaouas prisoners they would have given ap to me had you not opposed it, as for the pillagings and robberici that they hav« committed on us, and all the insults they daily offer our missionaries^ as well those they may have actually among them as those they have expelled after an infinite amount of \\\ treatment during SO years they lived in their villages ; after yoU) Sir, having, I say, so little regard foi^the interests of the King^s subjects and the good of Religion whose progress you thus prevent, you havfc. Sir, quite recently contravened the last treaty entered into between our masters, a copy of which you have re- ceived with orders to observe it, and of which you have also sent me o^y. Road it well. Sir, if you please, and you will there remark how strongly their Majesties have it at heart to preserve their sub* jeets in good union and understanding, so that their Majesties un- derstand that the enemies of one are the enemies of the other. If the avarice of your merchahts influenced you less than the de- sire to execute the orders of the King your master, doubtless. Sir, I should alreai) June of this year. You send me copy of the Treaty of Neutrality entered into between our masters of which I also tranamitted you a copy as I had rec' it from th« King and it was publiHhed in this country. Nothing more is re quired therein, Sir, than to have it fully and literally executed as well on your part as on mine. To do that you must discontinue protecting the enemies of the Colony and cease to receive them among you, and to furnish them with munitions as you hate done. You must, also, observe the promise you gave me at the time of my arrival, that you would leave the decision of the limits to our masters. You must, likewise, not undertake any expedition against us in any of our establishments, the greatest portions of which were before Orange (Albany) was what it is, or any of Manate were acquainted with the Iroquois and the Ouatouas. When you arrived in your present government, did you not find, Sir, in the whole of the five Iroquois villages, all our Missionaries sent by the King almost the entire of whom the heretic merchants have caused to be expelled even in your time, which is not hono- rable to your government. It is only three years since the greater number have been forced to leave ; the fathers Lambrevillc alone bore up against the insults and ill treatment they received through the solicitations of your traders. Is it not true. Sir, that you panted only to induce them to abandon their mission ? You recollect, Sir, that you took the trouble to send under a guise of duty so late as last year to solicit them by urgent discourses to retire under the pretext that I wished to declare war against the village of the Onnontagu<'!S. What certainty had you of it, Sir, if it were not your charge and prohibitions you had given them, against giving me up the prisoners I demanded of them, and thty surrendered to me? You foresaw the war I would make because you H' 264 DEMONVILL^S EXPEDITION TO THE \n ^ f ' wished me to make it against them and because you obliged me to wage that against the Senecas. In this way, Sir, it is very easy to foresee what occurs. I admire, Sir, the passage of your last letter of the ll^'' June of this year in which you state that the King of England your Master has juster title than the King to the Posts we occupy, and the foundation of your reasoning is that they are situate to th« South of you, just on the border of one portion of your dominion {domination). In refutation of your sorry reasonings. Sir, it is only necessary to tell you that you are very badly acquainted with the Map of the country and know less the points of the compass where those Posts are relative to the situation of Menade, (New York). It is only necessary to ask you again what length of time we occupy those Posts and who discovered them — ^You or we ? Agun, who is in possession of them 1 After that, rei;d the 5^i> article of the treaty of Neutrality and you will see, if you were justified in giving orders to establish your trade by force of arms at Missilimaquina. As I send you a copy of your letter with the answer to each article, I need not repeat here what is embraced in that answer. Suffice it to say this in conclusion, that I retain your officer Mr. Gregory here and all your orders for your pretended expedition, who were taken within the Posts occupied by the King. My first design was to send them back to you but as I know that you entertain and give aid and comfort to the Iroquois Savages contrary to the Treaty of Neutrality of the IG*'* Nov' 1686 agreed to by our Masters, causing them to be supplied with all munitions necessary to wage war against us, I have determined, in spite of myself, to retain all your people until you have complied with the Intentions of the King your Master and executed said Treaty, being obliged to regard you as the King's enemy whilst you entertain his enemies and contra- vene the treaties entered into between the King of England and the King my Master. All that I can tell you for certain, Sir, is, that your conduct will be the rule of mine, and that it will remain with yourself that the said Treaty be thoroughly executed. I must obey my Master and I have much respect and veneration for one of the greatest GENESEE OOUNTBY AND K|AOAAA. 265 Kings in the world, the protector of the Church. You pretend that the Iroquois are under your dominion. To this I in no wise agree, but it is a question on which our Masters will determine. But whether they be or be not, from the moment that they are our enemies you ought to be opposed to them and be their ene< mies, and if you comfort them, directly or indirectly, I must regard you as an enemy of the Colony and I shall be justified in subjecting the prisoners I have belonging to your government to the same treatment that the enemies of the Colony will observe towards us. Hereupon, Sir, I will expect news from you as well as the fitting assurances you will please give me that I may be certain you do not employ the Iroquois to wage war on us by gi>ing them protection. Rely on me Sir. Let us attach ourselves closely to the execution of our Masters' intentions ; let us seek after their example to pro- mote Religion and serve it; let, us live in good understanding according to their desires. I repeat and protest. Sir, it remains only with you. But do not imagine that I am a man to suffer others to play me tricks. I send you back Antoine Lespinard, bearer of your passport and letter. I shall await your final resolution on the restitution of your prisoners whem I wish much to give up to you, on con- dition that you execute the treaty of Neutrality in all its extent and that you furnish me with proper guarantees therefor. Your very humble & very ob* Serv* The M. de Denonville. [From Council Min. y.] ^ Council held atffort James ^ Monday the ffifth day of September 1687 Present His Excelcy the Goven' &c. Proposed that Some Course may be taken about Major McGre- gorie & his Company who are prisoners in Cannada. Resolved that a lett' be sent by a ffitt person to y« Governor of Cannada about that and the oth' injurys he has done his Majties subjects of this Government .'''•" H ■<< ' *■ U ' M 9 1 . i *,'; 1 ' t SI ! til / dkkomville's expeoitiok td thk Councill held atffwt JameSj Wednesday y» Seaventh day of Septefflb 1687. Present His £xcel*^7 the Govern'* &c. It being now plaine that y« firench are Resolved to Bo all the Prejudice they can to the Kings Subjects of this Government It is for y° preventon thereof Ordred that ye people of y Justices of y« Peace of y» s^ County who are to take Care that it Be put in Execution. That ye Mayor of Albany send ord""" to y" North Indyans to Keep thirty or forty Indyans allways towards Corlaers lake. That the s"* Mayor if he be in Albany send a belt of Wampum to Each of the five Nations with ord" that y^ Christian Indyans who Come from Caunada to them be sent Hith' to his ExT y« Govern' and to encourage y^ Indyans to look out Carefully letting them Enow the Govern' will be up early there y« next Spring Ordred that a Proclamacon be Drawn up Prohibiting y« Bring- ing any Indyan Come or Pease Out of y*' Countys of Albany and Vlster until further Ord" Ordred that Peiter Schuyler take examinacSns of y« antientest traders In Albany how many yeares Agon they or any others first traded with y^ Indyans y* had the Straws or Pipes thro* their noses and the ffarther Indyans. GOV. DONGAN TO M. DE DENONVILLE. ^•-' ft-;'. [Par. Doe. III. ; Lond. Doe. V.] 8th Sopl. 1687. Sir — ^Yours of the 21'^ of August last I have receired and am sorry that Mons' de Nonville has so soon forgot the orders he had received from bis master to live well with the King of England's subjects, but I find the air of Canada has strange effects on all 's ill C»BNE8E£ OOVNTRY AMD NIAOAXA. 9m the Oovernoui's boddys, for I no sooner came into this province than Mons' de la Barr desired my assistance to warr against the Sinnekes, upon which I went to Albany and sent for the fine nacdns to come to me, and when they came was rery angry with them for offering to doe any thing to the French that might dis- turb their hunting, or otherwise, on which they answered me that they had not don anything to the French, but what Mons' de la Barr ordered them, which was that if they mett with any French hunting without his passe to take what they had from them, not- withstanding if any of their people which were abroad had don any injury they knew not of, they assured me they would give satisfaction. I send him word of all this, and assured him satis- fiaction, butt notwithstanding, he comes in a hostile manner on this side of the lake to a place called Kayonhaga, and there by the mesms of the Onnondages made a peace with the Sinnekes, so if they have committed any fault before that, it was all concluded there, but I appeal to any rational man whatever whether it was fitt for any Govern'' of Canada to treate or make any peace with his Majesty's subjects without the advice and knowledge of the Governour of the Provinc they lived under, butt I finde the de- sij^ne to mine those five nations (Since you cannot with bribes or other means gain them to be of your party), is of a longer date than three of foure yeares. ^nce Mons' Denonuille follows the same steps his predecessors trod in, tho' he proposed to himselfe so fair a beginning, I am sure he will not make so good an end for no sooner was Mons<^ Denonuille in possession of his govern- ment butt he began to build a great many boates and cannoes, and putt a great deal of provisions and stores in the Cataraque at which our Indians on this side of the lake were much alarmed and came to me, to know the meaneing of itt. upon which I sent to you by the way of Mons^^ Lamberville to know what you intended by all these preparations, your answer was, as Mons' Denonville may remember that the winters being long, and you resolving to have a good number of men at Cataraque, you accor- dingly made provision for them, and if I had not really believed what you writt to be true I might have bin in as much readynesse to haifre gone on the other ade of the lake as Mons' de Nonuilie ■ .t: ;:. I I \ '1. ' y « dkmonville's £xpeditiom to the was to come on this. Now sir, I will not answer your hayty way of expressions in your own stile butt will plainly let you know the matter of fact as it is j if S' you [will] please to peruse those letters I from time to time sent you, you will find that I still couet' ted nothing more than to preserue that friendshipp which is between our masters, and aught to be between their subjects here, and as you well remarke, is according to their commands, and pray. Sir, which is itt of us both that hath taken the way to unty that knott of friendshipp — Mons' de Nonuille invadeing the King of Eng- land's territorys, in a hostill manner, (tho' his reception has not been according to his expectation) is soe plaine a matter of fact that it is undenayable whether you did it designedly, to make a misunderstanding or noe, I cannot tell, if you did I hope itt will take noe effect butt that our masters at home notwithstanding all your trained souldiers and greate officers, come from Europe will suffer us poor planters and farmers, his Majesties subjects in these parts of America, to do ourselves justice on you for the injuryes and spoyle you have committed on them, and I assure you Sir if my master gives leave I will be as soon [with you] at Quebeck as you shall be att Albany, as for Major M<:Gregorie and those others you took prisoners they had no passe from me to go to Missillima- quine butt a pass to go to the Ottowawas, where I thought it might bee as free for us to trade as for you, and as for giving them any commission or instructions to disturb your people I assure you do me wrong, and if you please to read his instructions you will find there I give express orders to the contrary and for your pretences to sixty yeares possession, 'tis impossible for they and the Indians who wear pipes thro' their noses, traded with Albany long before the French settled att Montreal!, butt in case it weare as you alledge, which I have not the least reason to believe, you could only have prohibited their trading in that place and let them goe to some other nation — It is verry true I offered you to leave the decision to our masters at home, in case of any difference, and pray Sir lett me know in what I in the least have acted to the contrary j you tell me I hindered the five nations on this side the lake, who have subjected themselues, their countrys, and conquests under the King of Eng- OCNESEE COUNTRY AMD NIAGARA. 269 land to go to you at Cattaraque : Itts very true I did so and thought itt very unjust in you to desire their comeing to you — for the King of England did not send me here to suffer you, to give laws to his subjects of this Government — ^}'ou also alleage that I have given orders to those Indians to pillage and warr upon your people — sure Sir, you forgot what you desired of me j if you will please to re- flect on one of your owne letters, in which you acquainted me, that many of your people run away into this Government, and desired that I would take and send back any should be found upon this side the lake without your passe, upon which I ordered those of Albany and also the Indians, to seize and secure all persons whatever, as well french as English, they should finde on this side of the lake without your pass or mine — truly Sir, I ought severely to be rebukt for this, itt having been the hindrance of many thousands of beavers comeing to Albany: further you blame me for hindring the Sinakees deliuering up the Ottawawa prisoners to you, this I did with good reason — for what pretence could you have to make your applications to them and not to me, neverthelesse I ordered Major M^Gregory to carry them to the Ottawaways and if your claim be only to Missilimaquina what cause had you to hinder Magregory to go to the Ottawawas — What you alleage concerning my assisting the Sinnakees with arms, and amunition to warr against you, was neuer giuen by mee until the sixt of August last, when understanding of your unjust proceedings in invaeding the King, My Masters territory s, in a hostill manner, I then gave them powder lead and armes ; and united the five nations together to defend that part of our King's dominions from your injurious invasion. And as for offering them men in, that you doe me wrong, our men being all biusy then att their haruest, and I leave itt to your judgement whether there was any occasion when only foure hundred of them engaged with your whole army. — ^You tell me in case I assist the Indyans you will esteme me an ennemy to your colony — Sir, give me leave to lett you know, you are a farr greater ennemy to your Colony than I am, itt haueing always been my endevour to keepe those Indyans from warring with you, who in your protecting, their enemvs that have killed and Robbed them in their hunting ' ■(' •■ , :i! 1 : I (I b>- 1 1 ) ii m DENONYILLK^t EXPBOITIOM TO THT and otherwise, and that not once but several times have given them great provocations, butt you have taken away to spill a gpreat deale of Christian blood without gaining the point you aim att, and for you who have taken the King's subjects prisoners, in a time of peace and taken their goods from them without any just grounds for so doing, how can I expect butt that you will use them as you threaten ; You say also in your letter, that the King of England has no right to the five nations on this side the lake. I would willingly know if so, whose subjects they are in your opinion, You tell me of your haucing had Missionaryes among them, itt is a very charitable act, but I suppose and am very well assured that giues no just right or title to the Government of the Country — Father Bryare writes to a Gent: there that the King of China never goes any where without two Jessuits with him : I wonder why you make not the like pretence to that king* dome : you also say you had many Missionaryes among them att my comeing to this Goverment, in that you have been missin- formed for I never heard of any, butt the two Lamberuills who were at Onnondages, and were protected by me from the Inso- lencys of the Indians, as they desired of me, and as by letters in which they give me thanks appears, but when ihey understood your intentions they thought fit to goe without takeing leave : butt their sending there was as I afterwards found for some other end then propagating the Christian Religion as was apparent by some letters of theirs directed to Canada, which happened to come to my handfr— Now you have mist of your unjust pretentions — you are willing to refer all things to our Masters, I will endevour to protect his Majestys i-ubjects here from your unjust inuasions until I hear from the King my Master who is the greatest and most glorious monarch that ever set on a Throne and would do as much to pro- pagate the Christian faith as any Prince that lines and is as tender of wronging the subjects of any Potentate whatever, as he is of suffering his owne to be injured—- Itt is very true that I have eat a great deale of the bread of France and have in requittall complyed with my obligations in doing what I ought and would preferr the service of the French QEKOrCK COUMTllY AKD JtlAGAEA. 271 king before any, except my owne, and hiiv« a great deal of retipect for all the people of quality, c T your nation vrhich enga- gci me to aduise Mons' Denonuille to send home all the Chris- tians and Indians prisoners the King of England's subjects you unjustly do ^eteine, this I thought fitt to answer to your reflecting and provoking letter, a true coppy. of in kch GOV. DONGAN TO THE LORD PRESIDENT. [Load. Doe. v.] « N«w York, 8«pt. 12, 1687. My Lord — Since writing my other Letter some messages hav« come to my hands from Albany of their apprehensions of the French, which obliges me to carry up thither two hundred men, besides the Garrison @ go and stay there thb Winter, and to get together five or six hundred of the five nations about Albany @ Schonectade which will be a great charge but I see no remedy for it My Lord it is a great misfortune for this Qoverm^ that there are so few of his Matr* natural born subjects, the greater part being Dutch, who if occasion were, X fear would not be very fitt for service I am sending to the further Indians to try if I can make a Peace between them @ the Sennekes and also to the Christian Indians about Canada who have a mind to come, I will do what is possible for me to save the Government against the French til I have further orders from your Lodp Judge Palmer has more papers to show your Lodp that came from Albany, by those he carries with him your Lodp may perceive the grounds I have for my proceedings I am your Lodps most obed* and Humble Serv* TuO DoNGAN •/(..■-f:' ) ! I 1 N *,»>•' -r..; ■ \ 272 DENONVILLE's EXPEmTION TO THE [Council Min. Y.] Councill Held at ffort James ; flfriday the Ninth of September 1687. Present His Excy the Govern' &c. Informacon being given to his ExcJ and some of ^e Members of ye Board that y" ffrench at Cannada are providing ffifteen hundred pair of Snowshews, Ordred that y* Mayor and Magistrates of Albany send ord" to the five Nations to bring Down their Wives Children and old men least y* flfrench come uppon them in the "Winter and none to stay in the Castles but yo yong men. That they who come be setled some at Cats Kill Levingstons land and along y^ River where they can find Conveniency to be neer us to assist them if they should want and that they send Downe with them all y« Indyan Come that can be spared by y® Young Men who are to stay in y« Castles. , , ^^. -.♦ft.; '' ' Councill Held at ffort James ; Sonday the IV^ of Septemb', 1687. Present His Excr the Govern' &c. Letters from Albany giveing account that the people there are in great Consternation thro apprehension that y" ffrench will come down uppon them this Winter Resolved that Every tenth man of all ye Militia troupes & Companys within the Province Except those who were out y« last yeare a whaling be Drawn out to go up thither. M. DE DENONVILLE TO GOV. D0N6AN. ^. r .' [Par. Doc. III.; Lond. Doc. V.] Kebec, 2 0ctob. 16S7. Sir— On arriving in this town I rec^ a letter from the King copy of which I send, so that you may see, Sir, how much His Majesty has at heart that we should live on good terms. This has induced me not to await your reply to the letters I had the honour tO write you by Antoine Lespinard regarding the complaints I made to you of the infraction yourself and your officers at Orange His has our IS I Inge GENESEE COUNTRY AND NIAGXaA. 273 have committed and continue to commit of the Treaty of Peace and Union entered into between the Kings, our Masters. . . Though I have quite recently again cause to complain of you and your officers since you have a short time since, hired a party of sixty Mohawks to come and make a foray in the country of New France, which is a truth so well known that it cannot be doubted, yet. Sir, in conformity with my Master's orders and in response to the intentions of His Majesty whose will I follow, directing me to do all in my power to contribute to the union that our Masters desire should exist between us, I have determined to send you back Mr. Gregory and all those whom you despatched under his orders, being very happy to evince to you thereby the desire I have to live well with you and to avoid every subject of quarrel; which will be very easy if you wish to remain within the rules prescribed by our Masters As it is very necessary to the maintenance of good correspond- ence between us according to our Masters' intentions, that I be informed of your last resolutions ; in order to afford you an oppor- tunity to communicate with me I retain here only those named Captain Loquerman, the son of Arian, Abraham Squelar (Schuyler) and Jean Blaquer whom I shall take care will want for nothing until I have replies from you to justify me in not doubting that we shall live hereafter in union and good understanding. it- ■"""' [Council Min. V.] Councill Held at fort James; '— tuesilay the IStJ" day of March 168J. Present the Members of the Council. Major Baxter now come ffrom Albany Informing that he is Instructed by His Excelcy The Governour to propose to this board that they Consider what y« amount of the Extraordinary Charge of the Expedic6n ag* y« ffrench will be this year and what will be y« best & easy est means for defraying It in persuance whereof Computacfin being made the Charge of the new Raised forces with yo Incidentall Charges thereon Is Computed to bee about Eight thousand Pound and finding y* last tax of one penny halfe 18 :-' 1 i' i ■ 1 t i I I' ^ll p*'fr^ ( Ml 274 DENONVILIiE's EXPEDITION TO THE penny per pound will not amount to above Twelve hundred pound of which many of the Inhabitants are not able to pay their own proportion, It is the opinion of this board that this Goverment alone is no way able to bear so great a burthen, Whereuppon It is Resolved that a lett"" be sent to his Excelcy proposeing this Board's Opinion that It will be Convenient proposalls be sent to the Neigh- bouring Collonyes to send Commisslones thither to treat and make some settlement for defraying the Charges of the said Expedition as will be Esteemed most Easy and Convenient I" ■ Council Held atffort James; Monday the thirtyeth day of April) 1688. Present His Extellcy the Govern' &c. Account of Disbursements made by Robert Levingston at Albany by His Excelcy* Ord" fTor y" Maintenance of his Majties fforces there and for sundry Guefts & p'sents made to y" Indyans and Releife of y* ffrench Prisoners, ffrom y' ll*"* August 1687 to y' first day of June 1688 amounting to Two thousand sixty seaven pound six shillings and four pence read. '"' Council held at ffott James Monday y' third day of May 1688. Present His Excelcy the Govern' &c. Resolved uppon Debate had thereof that the taxes lately made will not Raise mony sufficient to bear y* p'sent necessary Charge of the Govern^ and that a new Levy of ^2556. 4s. be made to be Paid by all the Inhabitants and ffreeholders in y° Province in mony to his Majt'"" Collector at y* Custome house in New York before y* first day of Novemb' next in manner following viz* ^ id The Citty &. County of New Yorke to pay Je434 : 10 : 00 County of Westchester . . . 186 : 16 : 00 Citty and County of Albany . . . 240 County of Richmond .... 185 . County of Ulster 408 Kings County . . . ,, , 308 Queens County . . . . 308 J C C tax Ai Th The ( The I TheC TheQ TheC TheT, TheTr Inth preparai New yJ of the I against CountreJ in New ston) alj Countyel GONDII 00:00 1 16 :00 1 00:00 1 On the 08 : 00 1 Six hund 08 : 00 1 berg^res 1 the Marin GCNESEE CODNTRT AND MIAOARA. S>)r5 County of Suffolk . . . . 434 : 10 : 00 Dukes County . . . . . 040 : 00 : 00 County of Orange .... 010 : 00 : 00 Ordred that y*' Attorney General! Draw upp an Act for y* s** tax accordingly. An Establishment to be Allowed to the Officers and Soldiers who hath been att Albany upon the present Expedicon viz^ The Major ten Shillings Curr" Money of this Province per diem jeo.8.0 0.4.0 0.3.0 . 0.1.6 0.1.0 . 0.1.0 The rest of the private men 0.0.8 per diem The Capt" of horse jeO.lO.O The Liev* d- 0. 7.0 The Cornett . 0. 6.0 The Qurtermaster 0. 5.0 The Corporall . 0. 2.0 The Tfumpiter . 0. 2.0 The Troopers 0. 1.6 The Cap* off ffoott The Liev* The Ensigne . '1 he Sergeant The Corporall The Drumbeater [Lond. Doc. IX.] In the year 1687 when the French at Canada were making preparations to attack the Five Nations of Indians belonging to New York, Coll. Dongan then Gov' there sent some of the forces of the Countrey to Albany, & went himselfe to sustain the Indians against the French, towards the charges of w*''* Expedition a Countrey Rate and other taxes were laid by the Gov' andCouncill in New York amounting to j£3813 .6.4 whereof Pet' (Living- ston) al'ledges J£1129 . 3 . 6 to remain yet unpaid in the severall Countyes. — Statement of Mr. Livingston's Case^ Sfc. Sept. 1695. ■Jt^Vv CONDITION IN WHICH FOhT NIAGARA WAS LEFT IN 168a V- [ParU Doc. IV.] . , , r v' .. On the fifteenth day of September of the Year One thousand, Six bundred and Eighty and Eight, in the forenoon, Sieur Des- berg^res Captain of one of the companies of the Detachment of the Marine, Commandant of Fort Niagara having assembled all i ! i ' 1 , \ Ij •? \4 3^ ", . >'>■,'■■" .i S76 DEMOIfYILLE's EXPEDITION TO THE n 1^ ft tf J the officers,' the Rer: Path' Millet of the Society of Jesus Mis •ionary , and others, to communicate to them the orders he received from the Marquis de Denonville Governor and Lieutenant General for the King in the whole extent of New France and Country of Canaau, dated the 6^^ of July of the present year, wherein he is ordered to demolish the fortification of the said Fort, with the exception of the cabins and quarters, which will be found standing (en nature) ; Wc, Chevalier de La Motthe, Lieutenant of a detached company of the Marine, and Major of said Fort, have made a Proces Verbal, by order of said Commandant, containing a Memorandum of the condition in which we leave said quarters which will remain entire, to maintain the possession His Majesty and the French have for a long time had in this Niagara district. Firstly :— We leave in the centre of the Square & large, framed, wooden Cross, eighteen feet in height, on the arms of which are inscribed in large letters, these words : — which was erected on last Good Friday by all the officers and solemnly blessed by the Rev. Fath' Millet. Jifem, a Cabin in which the Commandant lodged, containing a good chimney, a door and two windows furnished with their ningcs, fastenings and locks, which cabin is covered with forty- four deal boards and about six other boards arranged inside into a sort of bedstead. Itemy in the immediate vicinity of said Cabin is another cabin with two rooms having each its chimney j ceiled {lamhrises) with boards and in each a little window and three bedsteads, the door furnished with its hinges and fastenings ; the said Cabin is covered with fifty deal boards and there are sixty like boards on each side. Jtemy right in front is the Rev. Fath' Millet's Cabin furnished with its chimney, windows and sashes ; with shelves, a bedstead and four boards arranged inside, with a door furnished with its fastenings and hinges, the which is of twenty-four boards. ■ Q£N£8EE COUNTRY AMD MAGARA. 277 Jtenif another Cabin, opposite the Cross, in which there is a chimney, board ceiling and three bedsteads, covered with forty- two boards, with three like boards on one side of said cabin, there is a window with its sash and a door furnished with its hinges and fastenings. Item^ another Cabin with a chimney, a small window with its sash and a door ; covered with thirty deal boards ; there are three bedsteads inside. Item^ a bake house furnished with its oven and chimney, partly covered with boards and the remainder with hurdles and clay ; also an apartment at the end of said Bakery containing two chim- neys : There are in said Bakery a window and door furnished with its hinges and fastenings. Item^ another large and extensive framed building having a double door furnished with nails, hinges and fastenings, with three small windows : the said apartment is without a chimney ;. 'tis floored with twelve plank {madriers) and about twelve boards are arranged inside; without, 'tis clapboarded witli eighty-two plank. ' Item, a large storehouse covered with one hundred and thirty boards, surrounded by pillars, eight feet high, in which there are many pieces of wood serving as small joists, and partly floored with several unequal plank. There is a window and a sliding sash. Item^ above the scarp of the ditch a Well with its cover. All which apartments are in the same condition in which they were last winter, and consequently inhabitable. Which all the Wit- nesses, namely, the Rev. Fath' Millet of the Society of Jesus, Missionary ; Sieur Desberg^res, Captain and Commander ; Sieurs De la Motthe, La Rabellc, Demuratre, de Clerin and Sieurs de Gemerais, Chevalier de Tregay all lieutenants and officers, and Maheut Pilot of the Bark the General, now in the Roadstead, certify to have seen and visited all the said apartments and have therefore signed the Minute and Original of these presents: — Pierre Millet of the Soc> of Jesus, Desbergeres, le Chevalier De La Mothe, De La Rabelle, Mvrat, De Clezin, de la Gemesais, Commander de Tsegimo, and Maheut. 1 This most probably was the Chapel. U 1 -I -THhi- v ' 1 . ^ ' t^v? "^ i ■/{ i'( ti- .S ;,>) ['•'<; -"'Aiii*- ,% 'I -th :nrV v» ';i>ri;iS* it^ "("i V, .yi.. a;j/jf t.'.fi r.i J, VIII. NAMES OF nn Uah Snfiohttonta of Srlalfr Cornrtq, 1689. 1 1 ' ■ •<<.;■ A ROOL OF THE NAMES AND SURNAMES OF THKM THAT HAUE TAKIN THE OlATH OF ALLEGIANCE IN Y® OOUNTT OF VLSt', by ORd' of his EXOiXY : Y" GODERNOR J Y* FFIRST DAY OF SEFTEMB' ANNO Q*: DOMINI 1689 — Cap**: H'dtinery Beekman Capo Matthis Matihison Left: Abraham Haesbrock Lowies Bouier John Hendricks *' ' Albart Johnson V: Steenwicke Marten Hoffeman William Van ffredingborch Lowranc. Van der Bush Wessell Tenbrock John Boorehanc John Willianson Hogetilen Gerritt Arsin ' - :, .. 1 1,: .7,. r'f . Tunis Elison John ifocken William DeMy's: • . ' Johanas Schencke William De Lamontanij John Johnson Van Osterenhoudt Jochijam Hendricks Harrama Hendricks .,,/ji !>)' .1, John Haesbrock Cornel is Sweitts Burgar Mind^'son Hendrick Albertsa Abraham ffranck ford ' William: Danswick ' Moses Depuis *'' * ' William Hoogtilin ' ' '^' Gerritt Wincoop '.' ' Symon Cool Isack Dibois Benj»: PrdYorist Jesely Valleij Andries Laffever Pett': Dovo Abraham Deboijs Moses Laconta Petter Hellibrandts Symon Laffever ' ' Sander Rocslnkranc Cornells Cool -^^'^ ^^•^- <• i-v .: ■V } t''; u-K :!..!' t i 880 INHABITANTS OT UL8TEK OOVNTT. J, i '. 'K i,'' ' i-t Pctt': Johnson Claes Claes Sluitt' Powlas Powlas Thomas Quick Nicolas Anthony Johanas Wincop Jost Jansin Jacob Arsin Matthies Slecht John Middag Hendrick Cornelis Bogard Oisbort Albortsa Gerrit Van ffleitt Cornelis Slecht Jacob Cool Abraham Rutton Abl Westfalin Abraham Lamiater * Pett': Jacobs Isack Van fifredingborch Gerrit Cornelis Jacob Lamiater Arrian Tunis Claes Westfalin , John Cottin . ,^.; Johanas Westfalin Thomas Johnson Hendrick Johnson Van Bush Andries Petters , Gerritt Jansa Decker ,• 1 ■ Lendart Cool Cornelis ffinehoudt Tunis Jacobs Jacob Schutt > Leury Jacobs „^v. John Elting Rollof Swartwout /i.-V. ,T(1 Arrie ffrance John Osternhoudt Juno*: Hendrick Traphager Jacob Decker Rollofif Hendrickes Cornelis VerNoij Hendrick Van Wien Hiuge ffreri Senior Hiuge ffreri Junior Pett': Cornelis • Gerritt Johnson Anthony Criupill Abraham Carrmar Pett*: Winniy John Pett'son John Josten Wallraven DeMont Junio' Johanas Traphager Hendrick in the ffeelt Petter Criupill Gerrit Gisborts Hendrick Hendricks John Gerrittsa of new Church Hendrick Arreyn John Van ffleitt Claes Tunis ' , ■ Andries Dewitt , ; '^ [ Jacob Van Etta •: v^ John Schutt ^ . John Dewitt Hendrick Johnson Thomas Swardtwout John Van Etta Anthony Swartwoudt John Jacosa Stoll Heybert Lambertsa William Jacobs \ IMHABITAMTS OF ULSTER OOUMTY. 281 Dirrick Westbroclc Agbert I^endricks Sami; Berrey Lambert Heybertsin Hendrick Claes Brown Hendricks Harrama Pier John David John Blanchard Cornelis Gerritts John Smedis Bariant Cuinst Hellebrandt Lazer Johanas Bush Pietter Lhommedien August Jay John RuUand William Traphager Juno' Jochyam Van Ama , Aimi canchi Jacob Besteyansa Abraham Larew Matthis Blanzan Junio' John Lazier James Bonamiz Dirrick Hendricks ;' John Gerrittsa James Cordaback Powlas Powlason Junoi" John Williamson y« Duitcher William Schutt Cornelis Tacke John Johnson Poast Petter Demarr Privie go Doon Lowies Deboyes Senior Jacob Deboyes David Deboyes Sallomon Deboyes Evert Wincoope Johanas Westbrock John Peteet Rutt Jores Heibort Sealand Jury Tunies John Broerson Decker Roulof Johnson John Matthies Heymon Roos John Roos Arrie Roos Petter Pettersin Gerritt Agbortsin Claes Roosinffelt Jn<»: Evedin Cornelis Lambertsin Thomas Harramansa Johanas Dehogos Moses Cantine Isack Deboyes Cornelis Mastin John Euertsa Coinradt Elvendorop Cornelis Petterson Barrant Jacobs > Marines Van Acar Claes Lazier Barrant Coll Symon Westfallin Arrent Jacobs Artt marten son Doom Cornelis Bogardos Arrent Van Dick i 882 wnAMnAxns of uLSTsa ooumtt. .!• i iUA These flowing persons were present when y* Oath wat A givin. but Did Reffeues to tiuke it Viz* Antony Tilba Joseph ffocker Thomas Van der Marrick Jacob Home These ffollowing persons John Archer Livie Larrow Maghell DeMott Euert Pelce Symon Pelce Terrick Claes Dewitt Wallraven Demont Senior Dirrick Schepmous Matthis Tennick Claes Tunis Gisbert Crum Arre Gerritt Van ffleitt Dirrick Van ffleitt Jno; Lodlman Jury Lodtman , Did nott appeare Viz* ' Hellebrandt Lodtman Jacob Brown Alis y" Noorman Warnar Hornebeak John Lowrance Symon Larow Cornelis Hogoboom Cornelis y« Duitcher Gombart Powlasin | Jn°: Meueson. AlisJnDepape William Wallaffish Jno Pollin Antony Bussalin Gerritt Aylberts Dirrick Keizer Thouas Chambers '■. I ^ - - t ' ■ .\,h i/iisU IX. PAPERS BU&TWa TO €^t SnnaBton of l^m-fmk €l}t ISurmng of |f[imfrtQbi) THE FRENCH. 1090. / i i"! ■ i '.1 ■ 1; 1 ^ 1 ,; ' ^'1 1 ': ^ 'j 1 1 '■ PROJECT OF THE CHEVALIER DE CALLIERES, OOTKRNOR or MONTREAL AND COMMANDING BY COMMISSION THE TROOPS AND MILITIA OF CANADA, REOARDINO THE PRESENT STATE or ArrAiRS or that country. January, 1689. [Pari! Doo. lY.] To Monseigneur^ the Marquis of Seignelay, At) the recent Revolution in England will change the face of American affairs it becomes necessary to adopt entirely new mea- sures to secure Canada against the great dangers with which it is threatened. Chevalier Andros, now Governor General of New Englcnd and New York, having already declared in his letters to M. de Denonville that he took all the Iroquois under his protection as subjects of the Crown of England and having prevented them returning to M. de Denonville to make peace with us, there is no longer reason to hope for its conclusion through the English nor for the alienation of the Iroquois from the close union which exists with those in consequence of the great advantages they derive from thence, the like to which we cannot offer for divers reasons. Chevalier Andros is a proteslant as well as the whole English Colony so that there is no reason to hope that he will remain faithful to the King of England [James II.] and we must expect that he will not only urge the Iroquois to continue the war against us but that he will even add Englishmen to them to lead them and seize the posts of Niagara, Michilimakinak and others proper to render him master of all the Indians our allies, according to the project they have long since formed, and which they began to execute when we declared war against the Iroquois and when we captured 70 Englishmen who were going to take possession of Michilimakinak, one of the most important posts of Canada ; our 1 ! I i z86 INVASION OF NEW-TORK |) '' :« entrep6t for the Fur Trade and the residence of the Superior of the Rev. Jesuit Fathers, Missionaries among our Savages, and which belongs, incontestably, to us. It is to be expected, then, that they are about to endeavour to invest all Canada and raise all the Savages against us, in order to deprive us wholly of every sort of Trade and draw it all to them- selves by means of the cheap bargains of merchandize they can give them, nearly a half less than our Frenchmen can afford theirs, for reasons which will be, elsewhere, explained, and thus become masters of all the peltries ; a trade which sustains Canada and constitutes one of the chief benefits that France derives from that Colony. No sooner will the English have ruined our Trade with the Savages than uniting with them they will be in a position to fall on us, burn and sack our settlements, scattered along the River St. Lawrence to Quebec, without our being able to prevent them, having no fortress capable of arresting them. Things being thus disposed, the only means to avoid this mis- fortune is to anticipate it by the expedition which will be hereafter explained and which I offer to execute forthwith, if it please His Majesty to confide its direction to me on account of the. particu- lar knowledge I have acquired of the affairs of that country during five years that I bad the honour to serve His Majesty and to command his troops and military there, after twenty years service in the army. The plan is, to go straight to Orange (Albany) the most ad- vanced town of New- York, one hundred leagues from Montreal, which I would undertake to carry, and to proceed thence to seize Manathe, the capital of that Colony situated on the seaside ; on condition of being furnished with supplies necessary for the success of the expedition. i I demand for that only the troops at present maintained by His Majesty in Canada if it be pleasing to him to fill them up by a reinforcement of soldiers which they require in consequence of sickness that has produced the deaths of many among them. These troops number 35 companies which at 60 men each ought to pve 1750. Yet at the review made when I left, there were AMD BDBMING OF SCHKNECTAOY. 287 found only about 1300, so that 450 soldiers are still required to complete them ; thus it would be necessary that His Majesty should please to order the levy of at least 400 men, and to have them enlisted as quick as possible in order that they may be em- barked in the first vessels. The use I propose to make of these 1700 men is to take " the pick" {Petite) of ihem to the number of 1400 and to adjoin to them the elite of the Militia to the number of 600, so as to carry these 2000 men necessary on this expedition ; leaving the 300 re- maining soldiers to guard the principal outposts at the head of our Colony in order to prevent the Iroquois seizing and burning them whilst we should be in the field. I propose embarking these 2000 men, with the supplies neces- sary for their subsistence in a sufficient number of canoes and flat Batteaux which we already employed in the two last Campaigns against the Iroquois. My design is, to lead them by the Ricl.elieu River into Lake Champlain as far as a Carrying Place which is within three leagues of the Albany River that runs to Orange.' I shall conceal this expedition, which must be kept very secret, by saying that the King has commanded me to proceed at the head of His troops and Militia to the Iroquois Country to dictate Peace to them on the conditions it has pleased His Majesty to grant them without the interference of the English, inasmuch as the Iroquois are his true subjects ; without letting any one know our intention of attacking the English until we have arrived at the point whence I shall send to tell the Iroquois, by some of their Nation, that I am not come to wage war against them but only to reduce the English, who have caused our division, and to re-establish the good friendship that formerly existed between us j therefore they had better avoid coming to their aid if they wish not to be treated with the greatest rigor, the said English being unable to protect them from the force I lead against them, and that il shall turn against the said Iroquois, if they dare assist them As the Batteaux cannot proceed further than the Carrying 1 This " Carrying Place" or portage is now traversed by that section of tlie Ghamrlain Canal extending from Fort Anne to Sandy Hill. !' ',. i i 288 INYASION OF KEW-TOBK ■V- *■ V i-^, ';;' ',<• f 1 • ■ A \ ■ 1 1 , 1 ' ■; i ■i 1 1 1 i 1 Place, my intention is to erect there a small log fort {un petit fort de pieux terrass^s) which I shall have built in three days, and to leave 200 men in it to guard the Batteaux ; thence march direct to Orange, embarking our supplies on the River in canoes which we shall bring and which can be convoyed by land, we marching with the troops along the river as an escort. I calculate to seize in passing some English Villages and Set- tlements where I shall find provisions and other conveniences for attacking the town of Orange. That town b about as large as Montreal, surrounded by picquets at one end of which is an Earthen Fort defended by palisades and consisting of four small bastions. There is a garrison of 150 men of three companies in the fort and some pieces of Cannon. Said town of Orange may contain about 150 houses and 300 inhabitants capable of bearing arms, the majority of whom are Dutch and some French Refugees with some English. After having invested the Town and summoned it to surrender with promise not to pillage if it capitulate, I propose in case of resistance to cut or burn the palisades, in orJer to affor«l an opening, and enter there sword in hand and srize the fort. These being only about 14 feet high can be easily escaladed by means of the conveniences we shall find, when Masters of the town, or by blowing in the gate with a few petards or two small field pieces which may be of use to me and I shall find means of conveying there, if his Ma*y will please to have them furnished at La Rochelle to take with me, and some grenades and other munitions, a list of which I shall hand in separately, and which will be deducted from the funds His Majesty destines for Canada so as not to increase the expenditure of preceding years. After I shall have become Master of the town and fort of Orange, which I expect to achieve before the English can afford it any succor, my intention is to leave a garrison of 200 men in the fort with sufficient supplies which I shall find in the City, and to disarm all the Inhabitants, granting at His Majesty's pleasure pardon to the French deserters and inhabitants I shall find there, so as to oblige them to follow me. I shall seize all the barks, batteaux and canoes that are at Ain> BURNING OF SCHENECTADY. 289 Orange, to embark my force on the river which is navigable down to Manathe, and I shall embark with the troops the neces- sary provisions and ammunition, and some pieces of Cannon to be taken from Fort Orange to serve in the attack on Manathe, [New York.] This place consists of a town composed of about 200 houses and can put about 400 inhabitants under arms. They are di- vided into four Companies of Infantry of 50 men each, and three Companies of Cavalry of the same number, the horses being very common in that country. This town is not enclosed, being situated on a Peninsula at the mouth of the river that falls into a Bay forming a fine harbour. It is defended by a Fort faced with stone having four Bastions with several pieces of cannon, commanding the Port on one side and the town on the other. I contemplate first carrying the town by assault, it being all open, and making use of the houses nearest the Fort to approach the latter j forming a battery of the Cannon I shall have brought from Orange and of that I may find in the stores of the town, where the vessels arm and disarm. It is necessary for the success of this Expedition that H. M. give orders to two of the ships of War destined this year to escort the merchantmen who go to Canada and Acadie or the fishermen who go for Cod to the Great Bank, to come after having con- voyed the merchants, towards the end of August, into the Gulf of Manathe and cruize there during the month of September, as well to prevent succor from Europe which may arrive from Eng- land or Boston, as to enter the port when I on my arrival shall give the signal agreed upon, so as to aid us in capturing the Fort which they may cannonade from aboard their ships whilst I at- tack it on land. They can in case of necessity even land some marines (to replace the 400 men I shall have left on the road guarding Orange and the Batteaux); also some pieces of Cannon if we require them. They might reimbark and return to France in the month of October after the capture of the Fort and carry the intelligence thereof. ? .vi After we should have become masters of the town and fort of Manathe I shall cause the Inhabitants to be disarmed and send my 19 ( I* 1 I ! I ' i S80 VfYA^9V OF fra;w-YQK|C i ,! Canadians back by the Albany river to Orange on their way to their batteaux and on their return home. I should winter at Manathe with all the troops I would have brought with me except the 200 soldiers left to guard Orange; and as I shall have nothing to fear from the land side, being master of the rivers, I would work through the winter to strengthen myself against attacks of the English whilst waiting until H. M. should be pleased to send ^hat may be necessary to secure this important conquest. It would render H. JNf . absolute Master of the whole of Iroquois who derive from this Colony all the arms and ammunition witl^ which they make war on us. This will afford the means to dis- arm them whenever considered necessary, and thereby impose on them such laws as H. M. may please; the town of Boston, the capital of New England being too far from them to afford any aid. Having mastered the Iroquois we shall have equal control of all the other Savages who will come without hesitation and bring us all their peltries. 7^^ "^^^^ cause the trade of our Colony to flourish ; will considert^bly augment H. M.'s revenues and evet^t,- ually diminish the expences he is obliged to incur for the preser- vation of Canada* It will firmly establish the Christian Religion as well ?mong the Iroquois as among the other Savages to whom we shall be able to speak as Masters when they are encircled on the side of Canada as well as of New York, ^t will secure and facilitate the Co^ fishery which is carried on along our Coasts of la Cadie and on the Great Bank. It will giv^ H. M. one of the ^nest harbours in America which can be entered during almost all seasons of the year in less than one month of very easy navigation; whilst that from France to Quebec cannot b^ prosecuted except in syinmer oi^ account of the Ice which closes the River St. Lawrence, itself long and perilous. It may be objected to this plan, that the Colony of Orange and M&nathe may remain faithful to the King of England, apd in this case it would not be fipropos to attack it ^d (Iraw^ down an open war with that English Colony to the prejudice of the Treat j of Neutrality concluded between th? two nations. ^t m^y be answered to this, ^hat the colpjiy of |l|Iapathe ^nd I ■ AND WtWl^Q OF SCHIlNECrADT. 291 this an Orange, being the same as that formerly called New Netherland which the English took from the Dutch, and the greater part of which is still of this latter nation and all Protestants, it is nut to be doubted but that they would receive the orders of the Prince of Orange and even force their Governor, did he not consent, to ac- knowledge him, and therefore we must look on as certain a war between that Colony and us, and not give it the time to push its intrigues with the Savages to ruin us by means of them, if we do not anticipate them. And in case that, contrary to all appearances, they remain faithful to the King of England during the general rebellion of the English, we might, if H. M. thought proper, being on terms with that King, confide to him the secret of this expedi- tion, draw from him an order to the Commandant of Orange and of Manathe to surrender these places into H M.'s hands, who would keep them for him and prevent the Rebels becoming masters of them, so as to have an opportunity to treat them as rebels did they not obey that order, being besiiles this, in a position to force them to it, on condition of negotiating eventually with the King for that Colony, which is the only means of securing Canada, firmly establi-shing Religion, Trade and the Kings authority through- out all North America. If the favorable opportunity which presents of becoming master of that Colony be neglected, it may surely be calculated that, through its intrigues with the Iroquois and other Savages, it will destroy Canada in a little time ; whose ruin will entail that of the establishment at Hudson's bay, the beaver and other peltry trade ; that of Acadia, the local fishery, and that of Newfoundland ; and if we be forced to abandon Canada, it will, hereafter, in consequence of the frequent chasing of our fishermen by English vessels, render very difficult and dan- gerous for H. M.'s subjects the Codfishery on the Great Bank, wiiich produces several millions to France, and is one of the most prc^table investments that we have. II. • 11 v: I . ♦ md nn INVASION OF NEW-YOBK ■•ft il f| MEMOIR OF INSTRUCTIONS TO COUNT DE FRONTENAC RESPECTING THE EXPEDITION AGAINST NEW-YORK. 7tH JUNE, 1689. [Paris Doc. IV.] The King, having examined the proposition made him by Sieur Chevalier de CalliSres Bonnevue of Montreal to attack New- York with his Majesty's troops in Canada and "a number of the militia' of that country, has the more willingly assented to it as he knows that the English inhabiting that quarter have resolved since the last year to excite the Iroquois Nation, His Majesty's subjects, and force them to wage war against the French, having furnished them for that purpose with arms and ammunition, and endeavoured in every way, even to the prejudice of the King of England's or- ders and the ftiith of Treaties, to usurp the trade of the French in the country in possession of which they have been from all time. To accomplish this project His Majesty has given orders to Sieur Begon to prepare the munitions necessary for the expedition and has caused two of his ships of war to be equipped in the port of Rochefort under the command of Sieur de la Caffini^re whom he has ordered to follow exactly the directions which said Sieur de Frontenac will give him regarding this expedition. ^ He will set out with all diligence to embark at Rochelle in on of the ships and sail without loss of time for the entrance of the gulf of St. Lawrence and Campseaux bay, where he will embark in the best of the merchantmen that will follow and repair to Quebec. »*###•- Therefore on his arrival at Quebec he will take advantage of the state in which he will find things, to complete the suitable arrangements for departing with batteaux, canoes and all the equi- page necessary for this expedition with the Chevalier de Calli^res who will command the troops under his orders. i-k' will despatch by land or water as he shall deem most cer- tain, orders and instructions to Sieur dS la Caffini^re, to the place he will have designated, as to what he shall have to do, in AND BURNING OF SCHENECTADY. 293 I of }le lui- [res [et- the in order to repair to Manathe, he making use of the cypher \vhich shall have been furnished him. He will order him to sail directly and without undertaking any thing along his course, follow the coast of Acadie (where he will leave in passing what he shall have for the said coast of Acadie) down to Manathe, and order him to anchor as safely as posible and to observe well the quarter where he will make his landing when said Sieur de Frontenac shall have arrived there. He will give orders to the Sieur de la Caffini^re to seize the vessels he will find in the bay of the said Manathe, without ex- posing himself to any accident that may render him unable to cooperate in that enterprise. As it is impossible to fix on a certain rendezvous for the arrival of said vessels at Manathe at the same time that the Sieur de Frontenac will arrive there with the troops, without alarming those of that place, the two vessels of war must go right into the bay, more especially as the attack on the frontier post of New- York will give warning to those of Manathe j and the vessels thus arriving before the land forces, will cause a diversion. » # * • • . • • The said Sieur de Frontenac having informed himself of the route he is to take, of which he will make more particular enquiries on the spot, as regard the convenience, security and expedition of the troops. His Majesty will not enter into further detail on this subject, nor on the attack on Orange and Manatte nor on any thing that relates thereto. He will solely recommend him to act as much as possible, in such a manner that those of Orange may not be advised of his march, so that he may surprise this first post and cut in below Oranfje to secure the number of vessels he may require to descend on Manathe, and to place things in such order as not to be uneasy when he shall depart for and be established at, the said Manathe. For this purpose he ought to leave a confidential officer at Orange with such detachment as he will find necessary to be left there, with orders to be on his guard and to fortify him- self, and obtain all information possible for the success of the expedition against Manathe. He will also cause all the inhabitantsto be disarmed and their effects to be seized, giving them to hope every i t 1 i / f I 1; V ,.).' l\ ,t i 'll »i lirVASION OF NSW-TOAS good treatment with which they can flatter themselves until he entertuns no further apprehensions ; then His Majesty desires that irhat is hereinafter prescribed to him, may be executed. He wishes particular care to be taken to prevent any plunder o) jtrovisions, merchandize, ammunition, property, cattle, utensils and principal household furniture ; and as his object must be to place Forts Orange and Manathe in a $tate of defence, and to support the Frenchmen who will have riemained there, he must not only Victual the forts for the longest time possible but collect there all bt can of provisions, and in default of a Sufficient quantity of magazines in s^id forts, hb will lock them up in the towns, taking care not to touch those which he should deposit in said forts ome to France in the King's Ships, and retain thirty- five to forty men to be sent eventually to Acadia. His Majesty is very glad to observe to him on this head, that he must regulate himself, as regards the number of men he will leave in New York, by the means of subsistence there and the necessity of guarding the country ; and he will also consider that his return to Canada will be more convenient for those he will have to convey back there, when they will not be more numerous. In case, contrary to all appearance, the season be too far advanced to admit his return to Canada during the remain- der of the Fall, he will give advice of his expedition and sojourn there until the Spring, and he will employ himself during winter in securing his conquest and waging war on the enemy. However that be, he ought if he be obliged to remain, either personally or through Chevalier de Calli^res, if that be conven- ient, profit by circumstances to conclude a solid and advantageous peace with the Iroquois, whom he will, doubtless find disposed to AND BURNING OF SCHENECTADY. 297 sue for it, being deprived of aid from and communication with the English. In onler to deprive the English of the facility of undertaking land expeilitions against New York from New England, His Majesty desires that the English Settlements adjoining Manathe iind further off if necessary, be destroyed j and that the more distant be put under contribution. He will send an exact report of all the observations he will be able to make regarding the trade of the new inhabitants of New York, the security of the navigation thence to France, the communication with Canada, so that His Majesty may give him on those points the necessary orders to derive from that conquest all the advantages to be expected from it. But should this ex- pedition contrary to all appearances, and for reasons which His Majesty cannot foresee, not be executed, he will convey his orders to the said Sieur de la f^afHiii^re to make war against the English, and to range along the Coasts of New England and New York to capture there as many prizes as possible, and to remain there until he have no more provisions than are necessary for his return to France. . . . , /'^•. AN ACCOUNT 'sti- OF THE MOST REMARKABLE OCCURRENCES IN CANADA FROM THE DE- PARTURE OF THE VESSELS, FROM THE MONTH OF NOVEMBER 1689 TO THE MONTH OF NOVEMBER 1690, BY MONS. DE MONSEIGNAT, COMPTROLLER GENERAL OF THE MARINE IN CANADA. [Paris Doc. IV.] j< f [Extract.] The orders received by M. le Comte (de Frontenac) to commence hostilities against New England and New York, which had declared for the Prince of Orange, afforded him con- siderable pleasure, and were very necessary for the country. H« allowed no more time to elapse before carrying them into execution tlian was required to send off some despatches to France — imme- diately after which he determined to organize three different detachments, to attack those rebels at all points at the same mo Mi ' ■■'! i I 1 ! !^ INTASION Of KCW-YOKI^ 1:1 i I nient, and to punish them at various places for having afTorded protection to our enemies, the Mohawks. The first party wan to rendezvous at Montreal, and proceed towards Orange j the second at Three Rivers, and to make a descent on New York, at somt place between Boston and Orange;' and the third was to depart frbm Quebec, and gain the seaboard between Boston and Penta- gouet, verging towards Acadia. They all succeeded perfect!^ W6ll, and I shall communicate to you the details. • • • • The detachment which formed at Montreal, may have been composed of about two hundred and ten men, namely: eighty tevag.'s from the Saulf, and from La Moniagne; sixteen Algon- quin* ; and the remainder Frenchmen — all under the command off the Sieur Le ^toyne de Sainte Helene, and Lieutenant Daille- bo'ut de Mantet, both of whom are Canadians. The Sieurs le Mbyne d' Iberville arid Repentigny de Montesson commanded tiAder these. The best qualified Frenchmen were, the Slcurs de Bonrepos and de La Brosse, Calvinist officers, the Sieur la Moyne de Blainville, Le Bert du Ch^ne, and la Marque de Montigny, who all served as volunteers. They took their departure from Montreal at the commencement of February. After having marched for the course of five or six days, they called a council to determine the route they should follow^ and the point they should attack. The Indians demanded of the French what was their intention. Messieurs de Sainte Helene and Mantet replied that they had left in the hope of attacking Orange, if possible, as it is the Capital of New York and a place of considerable importance, though they had no orders to that effect, but generally to act according as they should judge on the spot of their chances of success, without running too much risk. This appeared to the savages iomewhat rash. They represented the difficulties and the weak- ness of the party for so bold an undertaking. There was even dhe among them who, his mind filled with the recollections of the diitosters which he had witnessed last year, enquired of our French- ftien, " since when had they become so desperate 1" In reply to 1 Thii detachment entered New Hampshire where they burned a place called Sdtnon Falls. ing ge« lak. ren Ithe Ich- to kled ' AND DVmNINO OF SCHUrECrADT. their raillery, 'twas answered that it was our intention, now, to regain the honor of which our misfortunes had deprived us, and the sole means to accomplish that was to carry Orange, or to perish in so glorious an enterprise. As the Indians, who had an intimate acquaintance with the localities, and more experience than the French, rould not be brought to agree with the latter, it was determined to postpone coming to a conclusion until the party should arrive at the spot where the two routes separate — the one leading to Orange, and the other to Corlear (Schenectady). In the course of the journey, which occupied eight days, the Frenchmen judged proper to di- verge towards Corlear, according to the advite of the Indians j and this road was taken without calling a new council. Nine days more elapsed before they arrived, having experienced incon- ceivable difficulties, and having been obliged to march up to their kncis in water, and to break the ice with their feet in order to find a solid footing. They arrived within two leagues of Corlear about four o'clock in the evening, and were harangued by the great Mohawk chief of the Iroquois from the Sault. He urged on all to perform their duty, an«l to lose all recollections of their fatigue, in the hope of taking ample revenge for the injuries they had received from the Iroquois at the solicitation of the English, and of washing them out in the blood of the traitors. This savage was without contradiction the most considerable of his tribe — an honest man — as full of spirit, prudence and generosity as it was possible, and capable at the same time of the grandest undertakings. Shortly after four Squaws were discovered in a wigAvam who gave every information necessary for the attack on the town. The fire found in their hut served to warta those who were benumbed, and they continued their route, having previously detached Giguieres, a Canadian, with nine Indians, on the look out. They discovered no one, and returned to join the main body within one league of Corlear.". '' ^ . At eleven of the clock that night, they came within sight of th* town, resolved to defer the assault until two o'clock of the morn- ing. But the excessive cold admitted of no further delay. 1 i 1 I ! ! 1 i ■ i ■ 1 i i i i i i m ''4i y. .i '^H '1 It ■ 1 1- Ir 1 * too INVASION OF NEW- YORK The town of Corlear forms a sort of oblong" with only two gates — one opposite the road we had taken; the other leading to Orange, which is only six leagues distant. Messieurs de Sainte Helene and de Mantet were to enter at the first which the squaws , pointed out, and which in fact was found wide open. Messieurs d'Iberville and de Montesson took the left with another detach- ment, in order to make themselves masters of that leading to Orange. But they could not discover it, and returned to join the remainder of the party. A profound silence was every where ob- served, until the two commanders, who separated, at their entrance into the town for the purpose of encircling it, had met at th« the other extremity. The signal of attack was given Indian fashion, and the entire force rushed on simultaneously. M. de Mantet placed himself at the head of a detachment, and reached a small fort where the gar- rison was under arms. The gate was burst in after a good deal of difficulty, the whole set on fire, and all who defended the place slaughtered. The sack of the town began a moment before the attack on the fort. Few houses made any resistance. M. de Montigny dis- covered some which he attempted to carry sword in hand, having tried the musket in vain. He received two thrusts of a spear — one in the body and the other in the arm. But M. de Sainte He- lene having come to his aid, effected an entrance, and put every one who defended the place to the sword. The Massacre lasted two hours. The remainder of the night was spent in placing sen- tinels, and in taking some repose. The house belonging to the Minister was ordered to be saved, so as to take him alive to obtain information from him j but as it was not known it was not spared any more than the others. He was slain and his papers burnt before he could be recognized. At daybreak some men were sent to the dwelling of Mr. Coudre [Sander], who was Major of the place, and who lived at the other side of the river. He was not willing to surrender, and began to put himself on the defensive with his servants and some Indians ; but as it was resolved not to do him any harm, in consequence of the good treatment that the French had formerly experienced at He AND B'RNING OF SCHENECTADY. 301 his hands, M. d'lberville and the great Mohawk proceeded thither alone, promised him quarter for himself, his people, and his pro- perty, whereupon he laid down his arms, on parole, entertaining them in his fort, and returned with them to see the commandants of the town In order to occupy the savages, who would otherwise have taken to drink and thus rendered themselves unable for defence, the houses had already been set on fire. None were spared in the town but one house belonging to Coudre, and that of a widow who had six children,' whither M. de Montigny had been carried when wounded. All the rest were consumed. The lives of be- tween fifty and sixty persons, old men, women and children, were spared, they having escaped the first fury of the attack. Some twenty Mohawks were also spared, in order to show them that it was the English and not they against whom the grudge was en- tertained. The loss on this occasion in houses, cattle and grain, amounts to more than four hundred thousand livres. There were upwards of eighty well built and well furnished houses in the town. The return march commenced with thirty prisoners. The wounded, who were to be carried, and the plunder, with which all the Indians and some Frenchmen were loaded, caused consi- ' derable inconvenience. Fifty good horses were brought away. Sixteen only of these reached Montreal. The remainder were killed for food on the road. Sixty leagues from Corlear the Indians began to hunt, and the French not being able to wait for them, being short of provisions, continued their route, having detached Messieurs d'lbervile and Du Chesne with two savages before them to Montreal. On the same day, some Frenchmen, who doubtless were very much fatigued, lost their way. Fearful that they should b^ obliged to keep up with the main body, and believing themselves in safety having eighty Indians in their rear, they were found missing from the camp. They were waited for next day until eleven o'clock, but in vain, and no account has since been received of them. Two hours after, forty m^ more left the main body without acquainting the commander, continued their route by themselves, ivP i i' S ! W^iji- h ill: If >', ♦ 808 INVASION OF NEW -YORK ii r I . t and arrived within two leagues of Montreal one day ahead, so that there were not more than fifty or sixty men together. The even- ing on which they should arrive at Montreal, being extremely fa- tigued from fasting and bad roads, the rear fell away from M. de Sainte Helene, who was in front with an Indian guide, and wht could not find a place suitable for camping nearer than three or four leagues of the spot where he expected to halt. He was not rejoined by M. de Mantet and the others until far advanced in the night. Seven have not been found. Next day on parade, about ten o'clock in the forenoon, a soldier arrived who announced that they had been attacked by fourteen or fifteen savages, and that six had been killed. The party proceeded somewhat afflicted at this accident, and arrived at Montreal at 3 o'clock, p. m. Such, Madame, is the account of what passed at the taking of Corlear. The French lost but twenty-one men, namely four In- dians and seventeen Frenchmen. Only one Indian and one French- man were killed at the capture of the town. The others were lost on the road. ff [From M ortfaf* Book B* la Oonnty Clk's Offloe, Albany.] Mt Mbany y^ 9th day of February 16l\ Die Sabbathi. This morning about 5 o'Glock y« alarm was brought here by Symon Schermerhoorn who was«hott threw his Thigh y* y*^ french and Indians had murthered y« People of Skinnechtady ; haveing got into yB Towne about 11 or 12 a Clock there being no Watch Kept (y« Inhabitants being so negligent & Refractory) and yt he had much adoe to Escape they being very numerous. They fyred •everall times at him at last throw his Thigh and wounded his horse and was come over Canatagione* to bring y* news. The allarm being given all People Repared to there Post y* fort fyred severall gunns to give y" alarm to y" farmers but few ,,M'. ... . ./ 1 Now, NiskajruBiu . _: _ • _; v: ..•*:■.»;••■ -^ Pre^entl C. Bull, |Jns. Benr Resolvel Compy to come dour few AND BURNING OF SCHENECTADY. m oeara there being such an Extream Snow above Knee Deep Se- Tfrall yo People haveing Escaped y® Cruelty of ye Trench and there Indians came Running here & told us y Village was a fyre and y* they had mu{j^a,doe,^o Escape for all y^ streets were full Qf french and Indies, & y* many People were murthered and y\ y? ^eroy were inarching hither which news was Continually Con- |)in;iied tiU afternooi;! Letters were sent forthwith to Sopus for y4 aai^istance of a hundred pien an Expresse sent to Skachkook but |)y reason of y^ highwater — deep snow & yse could not Proceed notice was given to all y^ farmers of Kinderhook Claverak &*'* of y« fiad news, Some horse men sent out to Discover y Enemies force and there march but were forced to Return y» snow beiqg |o Deep yet some were sent out again who got thither, Laurence ye Indian with y« Maquase y* were in Town were sent out also to Skinnechtady to Dispatch posts to y« Maquase Castles for all yo Indians to mme doune, but unhappily sa^ Indians comeing to Skinnechtady w c ov. much amazed to see so many People mur- thered and DfciSi ,y i (hat they omitted y* sending up to y« Ma- quase Castles according to there Engagement, While y^ Enemv yf,2^ at N. Scotia a man came to Ensign Joh : Sander Glen anH said he would goe to y^ Maquase Castles and warn y? Maquase to come doune who was ordered to goe in all haste but comeing to y« Upper Plantation? went for fear along with some of y* oyf Inhabitants into y® Woods and never went to y® Maquase Castleet^ this night we gott a letter from Skinnechtady Informing us y* thjP Enemy y* had done y* MischieflFe there were about one hundred |nd fifty or 200 men but that there were 1400 men in all ; One army for Albany j^ anoy' for Sopus which hindred much y* parching of any force out of y* Citty fearing y* y« enemy might watch such an opportunity. . The lOth dciy of February. Present. P' Schpyler May D. Wessels ReC, J. Bleecker, C. Bull, Capt StaetSj Aid. Shaick, Aid Ryckman, Joh. Cuyler, ^ns. Bennett. Resolved y* Capt Jonathan Bull be sent w*'' 5 men out of eac|i Compy to Skinnechtady to bury y« dead there & if y" Indians ^ come doune to joyn with them & Pursue y" Enemy. n !i; '■ a 1 ! h i 304 INVASION OF NEW-YOBK. Instructions for Capt Jonathan Bull. « You are to goe w*"* all Convanient speed with ^ . . . men to Skinnechtady & there Bury ye dead which are Killed by ye Enemy and give such succor and RelieflFe t| y® Poor People left alive at Skinnechtady as y" can, and if there be any considerable number of friendly Indians at Skinnechtady y° are w^^* all speed to Pursue & follow after the french and Indian Enemy & them Spoylc and Destroy what in y" Lyes and use all means Imagi- nable to Rescue ye Prisoners which they have Carried along with them. You are to take Especiall Care to have always Spyes and Skouts out on both sides of y" Path where y" Marcu y Men and to be as Carefull as Possible for ambushes of y** Enemy and to Keep y men in good order and Discipline ,i i,t LIST OF Y= PEOPLE KILD AND DESTROYED BT Y^ FRENCH OF CANIDA AND THERE INDIANS AT SKINNECHTADY TWENTY MILES TO ve WESTWARD OF ALBANY BETWEEN SATUR- DAY AND SUNDAY Y^ Q^h DAY OF FEBRUARY 16|§. Myndcrt Wemp killd Jan van Eps and his Sonne & 2 of his Children kild a negroe of dito Van Eps Serj* Church of Cap* Bulls Compy Barent Jansse Killd and Burnd his Sonne Kild And* Arentse Bratt shott and Burnt & also his child" Mary Viele wife of Dowe Aukes & her 2 children killd and his Negro Woman Francyn Mary Alolff Wife of Cornells Viele Jun' Shott Sweer Tcunise Shott & burnt his wife kild & burnt v all Antje Janz doughter of Jan Spoor kild & burnt / in Item 4 Negroes of y* said Sweer Teunise y^ same /[one death ...... Enos Talmidge Leift of Capt Bull kild & burnt Hend Meese Vrooman & Bartholomeus Vrooman kild & burnt ... house 4 1 ''YBT OF TAKEN 9»'« DA^ Johannes John Wei Symon, A all 6 SOI Jan Baptis Albert & J Isaack Cor a negroe oi Amout ye AND BURNING OF 8CHCNECTADT. Item 2 Negroes of Hend Meese y« same death Gerrit Marcellis and his Wife & childe kild * Rob* Alexander sould' of Capt Bulls Shott , Rob* hesseling shott Sander y^ Sonne of gysbert gerritse kild & burnt Jan Roeloffse de goyer burnt in y« house Ralph grant a souldier in y^ fort shott David Christoffelse & his wife yr*^ 4 Children all burnt in there house Joris Aertse shott and burnt W™ Fieterse kild Job: Potman kild his wife kild & her skalp taken off Dome Petrus Tassemaker y« Minister kild & burnt in his house . . .... Frans harmense kild Engel the wife of Adam Yroman shot & burnt her childe the brdns tlashed out against y« wall Reynier Schaets and his sonne kild Daniel Andries & George 2 souldiers of Capt Bull a french girl Prisoner among y° Mohogs kild A Maquase Indian kild Johannes ye Sonne of Symon Skermerhoorn >» v 3 Negroes of Symon Skermerhoorn > rt: ■■■}■ In all 306 S 3 6 2 2 1 I 2 2 2 1 1 I 3 60 LTST OF y" FERSONES WHICH Y* FRENCH AND THERE INDIANS HAVE TAKEN PRISONERS ATT SKINNECHTADY AND CARIED TO CANIDA Y« 9th Dj^y OF FEBRUARY 16 |l Johannes Teller and his negroe \ . . . . 2 John Wemp sonne of Mynd* Wemp & 2 negroes 3 Symon, Abraham, Phillip, Dirck & Claes Groot all 5 sonnes of Symon Groot 5 Jan Baptist sonne of Jan Van Epps .... 1 Albert & Johannes Yedder sonnes of harme Vedder . 2 Isaack Cornelise Switts & his Eldest sonne ... 2 a negroe of Barent Janse 1 Amout y* sonne of Arnout Corn : Viele y' Interp' . 1 80 tlM^ , i 4. ^tf^iS^ i\ I , 'ii i ! i i >K' I :■ I f5 » f-t 306 I^VASIOi; OV NBW-YOBJC Stephen y« sonne of Gysbcrt Gerritse Lawrence sonne of Claes Lawrence Purmurent Amout Sonne of Paulyn Janse Barent y* sonne of Adam Vroman & y« neger Claes sonne of Frans H^rmense Stephen adopted sonne of Geertje Bouts John Webb a souldier Belonging to Capt Bull David Burt belonging to y« same Comp« Joseph Marks of y" same Comp® . In all 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 t 27 THE WAY HOW T* BLOODY FRENCH AND INDIANS COMMITTED THIS TRAGEDY WAS THUS. After they were gott into y^ Toune without being discovered (no watch or guard being kept, notwithstanding several gent" of Albany no longer then 3 days before were up there to Perswade yn to it) The french & y" Indians besett each house and after they had murthered y^ People they burnt all y^ houses and barns Cattle &ca Except 6 @ 6 : which were saved by Gap* Sander to whom they were kinde as they had Particular orders so to be by reason of y^ many kindnesse shewne by his wife to y' french Prisoners. • Albany y* 22 day qffebruary 16|f . Symon Van Ness and Andries Barents who went out y« first ^th ye Maquaese returning told ; they had Pursued y« Enemy to y« great Lake & would have overtaken them had they not been spyed by some of y^ Enemy Indians that went out to looke for 2 Negroe boys, y* were Runn away from them, & y* y« Indians & Christians were all Tyred when they came to y* Croune Point neer y« Lake j some went further till they came to where y» Ise was Smoth ; where the french had with horses that they carried from Skinnechtady & Skeets and Yse Spurrs, made all the way they could over y" Lake in so much that our People could gain nothing upon them $ whereas at first they went 2 of there days journeys in one ; neverthelesse Laurence y* Maquase and about 140 Mohoggs & River Indians are gone in Pursuite of them, & will follow them quite to Qanida. AM) mmn^a of schenictadf. 307 1 To our great grfefe I „,„,, ^^^^^ ;• '«» to-^s-l .« ,o„ Wiuu... rable massacre which happened at !t.7^ f ' ™'' '»'' ^'P'o- french and their WiansX /a.:*;^""''''^'" ^"'-y by the -I»y & Sunday at eleaven of Z dJC^J ^ '''"'«' S""™- ^on then, & „„,. barbaron */„ ted ."*" '"" ■»» <•"' » children 4 bnmed the place Teft W . ""^ '"" ""» *°»«' «|r„ed away captive 27 the res l,! .* " * '""'«» -"burned about 26 persons much damnmedTv^h T"^."' *"«'' "''"B cbyld npt up, children alive Zwn^.^"'"' """"^ ^th b«.* dashed ag. the doo^VwinT ,■" """■''' «""«*«, ■»?lecl of their not watchL 7 ^ *" "^'oned by the r ■^i of .l..Con,n,is«w"|j2""/ I" """^ "■"" "■« ^" -■y spared withai. which^wrhi:': 'V""""'™''" ■«'"« " '■"bouse & he himselfe torele^thel ^ ^^'^'' "^'"^ »« Nov'ber a certain, nuniber of ^Mi^rT" ''"'""''' '«« •ke-nselve, the convention & ruKnJt .? t' "* ^^^"^ ""»S arEdmond & encouraged & ^oLi ^k'''''''"''^ ^""'^-on of creature, „f Sir EdmTnd, i^T2 ^' '""' "' «« ^'^M g"-.« ammunition &mo„evbeW./^^ "' "''"""'«« of men -e bave sent 62 men 6orn,295Z "'f ''^»"'' "> -"o- «"ynng there ag. their eine.,!.? P"""""' boulits etc wch were,e«thereb?.heTn C.°;;sirr';i'r''"^'™*- * Wmter & commissioned one Capf with S' ^7 ''"' "P "'" confederate Indians to warre JaJf ^ "'""° •'°'"« «'b our b.»dred by the ,- rebells, whlrltTd '* '''"''*'' "'"• "«« P»»»hed for rebell, if thjy mett °bt " "'"'° J""'"^ »^ ''«»g prevented to goe, we wouW et haJe ^ "" ^ "^^ ^»' prevented that disaster ' ''"™"«'' »be enemy & fit'' ( 308 INVASION OF NEW- YORK fort William March 4tli 168!> Honorable Sir Governor of Boston: Yours of the 8'*" instant by M«" Pembroke I received & I re- turne yow many thanks for the care I perceive yow have had for our packet, Since your last wee have received the sad & misera- ble newes from Skenectedy neere Albany whereof wee understand is laid to your woeful account it is such newes as wee feared long since, Alace what could there be expected of a certaine number of rebellious people that remained rulling under that arbitrary Commissions of sir Edmund at Albany within this pro- vince, and encouraged and supported by Connecticoatt by order- ing their forces sent thither to observe the directions of the s*' rebells named a Conventione, being well assured the same is sup- ported more especially by that waylerous John Allan the Secre- tary of that CoUony. „,„ ■■^< • . ,r. THE SAME TO THE BISHOP OF SALISBURY, 31 March 1690. [Lond. Doc. VII.] May it please your Lordship — ^The foregoing being sent via Boston p"^ the agents for New England which we hope are safely arrived ere this date, we take ieave to add, that [to] a certain village named Schanectede 24 miles to the northward of Albany on Saturday the 9'^ of Febr. last about 11 a clock at night, came 200 French and Indians near 100 each and attacqued the same whilst it snowed thick, barbarously destroying the Inhabitants all being dutch ; they murthered 60 persons, and bore away with them 27 prisoners, wounding some others so that there remain but about one sixth part of them having their cattel, goods and provisions destroyed and arrested from them, the remnant shel- tering themselves at Albany, where is provision made for them from New Yorke. Being alarmed by the daily expectations of the French and Indians advancing towards us with a considerable number of 2500 french besides their Indians at Mont-Real, ende- vouring to obtaine upon the allyed Indians with us, viz* The ^ BURNING OF SCHIlNECTilDY. Macquaes, Oneydauns Onnn ^ ^ ^^ Pe«o„s .0 „ee. .ie« at A^bZ iX^r' T '"' W"""" ™y to ,„,e„ep, the Ennemie, larl T. °.r™" ""' >«»« S':"'»='P"ofeoftheirfidemvIT '■ ^'^"'i''-" having -^ayng twenty five of them whX~d T" """"'' """8 '""I "> rayse n,„,e than ,000 „ J^^ Zf ' ' "'"' '"^ P'™"e "t'oi we have „eare raysed VT? " •"'^"' **"■ <«> of our, "■ef abom 60. ihat „po„ Z eLZ ""'' ^''"^™» » "um- [orhfied, .0 the hest of our powe a!^ . ^"""^ ""<"' "« iave 13 canon, 10 Barrel!, of powfe » .T""'"'' *' <•<»* having other habiliments; the tlTn!"!"'!^'^"' '" g«"»on with '«ast worts within, but warHa n'^n '"^ """"' «"" -Wng and Indians before your ipaCfyf *T''r^ "-y ^ French tened their motion at WhiiehaM ^''"' ^««'- -"ight y more » r«br las. a Comp, of 250 F^ era":; ff ■»'"'• "^ r 9-' place when they were all =.1 i "" ^"**»' 'ame upon v. MM and des.ro ed 60 m n w ^ t] 'IZ'^'"'' =* -SHaid and boys prisoners and burntTCwn "''"' '^"J"' ^^men -' -«d by Cap.. Sander, ^hm.he?^':!' "^"—hich «presse command to meddl. iT ^ *'' ""' '""^h. having ;f = sake, Who had Zl^^^^^Zl ."' V""""^ '"' ^^ The people of .ha. Towne w„ t '" ^ ^™'^h prisoners -°"M no. obey any JrZlT^'''"'''' '" ^^^^'^ *at h t '»i» r aouldiers se/t thifhef C c™ f" ^''"' "-^^ »'- »" sen. from Ley„„ wo„IdY.h^: C" "' °" '' """""^ h«. ' ,' f :ii ^.1 i I if m 310 INTASION or NCW-YORK mf- ■J: I' Thus had Leyslcr perpcrted y* poor people by his seditious let- ters now founde all bloody upon Skinnechtady streets, with the notions of a free trade, boalting &c. and thus they are destroyed ; they would not watch, and where Capt. Sander commanded, there they threatened to burn him upon y« fire, if he came upon the garde. We were much alarm'i at Albany ; we sent y« Maquase yt were at hand out, and to y* Maquase Castles ; but y« Mes- senger being so timorous did not proceed ; so y* it was 3 days before we could get y« Maquase downe to pursue them, who being joyned with our men, foUow'd them to the Great Lake, where y" Yse being good and y« French haveing robb*d sundrey horses, put ther plunder upon sleds and so over y« Lake ; however y« Indians pursued and gott 10, and afterwards 5, and killed 3. Who being examined relate, y* y* French design to attacke Albany early in y« Spring, haveing 120 batoes 100 birch canoes and 12 light raorter peeces and severall other engines ready, and are to come with 1500 men Poor Sharpe islame being wounded with a great gunn y* split when ye alarm came [to Albany] of Skinnechtady. ^ 'J JACOB LEISLER TO THE GOVERNOUR OF BARBADOES. [From Vol. endOnMl, Letters in LeUIers tioie &c.] \ Ao 1690 ! 17 May in fort William. Honorable Sir — ^The French of Cannada with their Indianes committed six bloody masacres in this province three, & in New England three, they have destroyed Skanectady a vilage 20 milles fromk Albany, murdered sixty three men women and children, carried captive 27: &. have committed the greatest tyranny ima- ginable, rypt up women with chyld throwed children alive into the flame, dasht others ag* door post till their brains stuck to it, another murder of eleaven people, and one or two committed since last fall, we send fifty men up to guard that place, but a certaioe number of people there maintaining the comissions from Sir Edmond Andross & Coll. Dongan deryving from the authority of the lale King James would not accept them there, but keept the fort by virtue of the sJ r„™-.- • . "' ««lesne, that too „„f„rt„„„""irKT*"y cowai«« ,„j kapened there, the rive"ber. f t '"~»""* ""W^t he, •«■' "P the winter, tbe"^, ?, T" *" "<* '''"«« -^mZ -ko kept g,.rd in'the (^yl^e' .LT' '-"'''"' ""' """''"' •>«' of 200 „ea) had advi« ,h. f ]*' '"""* * '"-"m (i« «■„. » altered ,h, de,ig„e, r.ha?„|l '"""."""'"""'e". there * »"' Indiana pnraued then, hi d Itof r,*"' •*»' "'™"" 'P*-** " "cconnt of several! troor„„, f ^""''"'" »•■» g»Ve „, «00 fr«,eh heaidea thet^^l:" " *'«°' '" "" '^^ -ith [Lond. Doc. vii.j M>y it Please^^your Excellency, » «.„ ,«h^ ^^e your Excel]."., dewrl!^''"//'"' '"•"'"' *"« againe Eastward of Boston, hale ","0 bf 7^'' '""" ""P'' 'o I people and toote 28 U™ ^en^'r^^ Scheneghtade killed 60 Indians and 50 yo„„g „,/„^™ '"^/;y« P^oners : About 160 tooke them upon the lake Mltd^ ""''''' "■' F-'ench over- "Wch the I„di,„, have killed 1 .h""" ""f •°°'^' '« ^''"'^Z ^-e killed eight or ,e„ pe t X::;"- • *« f^nch India"' tie whole country i„ a„ alarm and^r ^^T,"' "'"''' ""a^ "ade t'ons. Most of theAlbany Wood 1 P^'P'"'"™ "-eir planta- Sohuyler went with ei^htr !,"' ""'*''-Yo*e. Aren, ' f^chman X.T "''"" "* *'*-'"^. ^"'ed 2 and fol ' * ; ll'Ond. Doc. VII.] ' Honbie Sir,-We of Albany stoo^ ♦ \. ^'^ ''""«• '«^- m. I ■: if 11 ' J i 'I I 312 Unr A8I0M OF NKW-YORK, ETC. vention of Albany to procure assistance from the neighbouring colonieS) Leisler sends up one Jacob Milborne) formerly a servant to a man in Hartford) but now a fitt tool for his turn with 160 men, who gott the fort surrendered to him, after I had maintained the garrison, and all publick charge to the 12ti> of March, turn'd out all the Souldiers but 12 or 13, which they tooke in again, and so kept there for some weeks- This Jacob Millborne, John de Bruine and Johannes Provoost, under the dominion of New- York , commiss'^ spending their time with drinking and quaffing, while the French Indians comes and cutts off the people at Canastagione and above Synectady,*and never one of them catcht. We have all Leisler's seditious letters secured which was the occasion of the destruction of Synechtady, miraculously found in the streets, all embrued w*'' blood the morning after massacre was committed, so that we want nothing but a Govern' to call him to account. 'I' I ^^yil LIST WTia Pmimt of 3^m-fmk, mi A UST OP AU THE OFFICERS 8«Uarya P-ond. Doc. IX.} Matthew CJarkson Esqr Secry «i]. 'a..' ' J pen and ink pr annL '"'''' '^"^ ^°' ^^P^r / ,, CWdley Brook Esqr Collr ^nd R • ' * • 1 ^° ^ ^0 ann. ^00— *3o «* , Receiver Gen" pr , ^^° Sterl pr cent advance . ^ ^ 2f.O 00 00 Tred. Phillips '^^'^ 1^«<^^ Steph Courtlandt ) S^?; ^"^"''' Nich Bayard / ^*"" ^inhorne Will. Smith (p ^*eter Schuyler Gab: Monveille /^^^qrs. John Lawrence Chid. Brook l John Youngs W»NicolIs I ^aleb Heathcote IMl i 314 CITIL LIST OF NEW'YOBK. iM its »■.!.- ^ Jiii ft-: i I r ■ ; ' i James Grayham, Esq' Attorney Gen'^ David Jamison Clerk of the Council), allowed per annum 50 00 00 Dan. Honan Accomptant-Gen" p' ann: . . 60 00 00 Jarvis Marshall Doorkeeper and Messenger of y« Councill 30 00 00 Justices of the Supream Court of Judicature haveing the power of Kings Bench, Comdn Pleas and Exchequer. William Smith Esq Chiefe Justice per Allowed for V annum 130 00 00 "ir^ft. ° 5 William Pinhorne, Esq. 2^ Justice per ' annum, 100 00 00 Steph Courtlan^^ ^ ^. ... ^ Chid. Brooke Esq'" Justices .. m v John Lawrence The Secretary is Clerk of this Court. Cttstome House Officers. Rob^ Livingston Sub Collector att Albany per annum JS50 00 00 W«n Shaw, Gauger att Albany p' anfi: . . . 8 00 00 Tho" Munsey Surveyor att New- York p' ann . . 40 GO 00 James Evetts Waiter 30 GO 00 Emmanuel Young waiter 30 00 00 The Guager at NewYork paid by y« cask Allowed to Godfredus Dellius for teaching and con- verting the Indians p' ann . . . . 60 00 00 To the Interpretess Helene to interprete for y« Five Nations p' annum 20 00 00 Allowed for their Mat'^* Barge one Coxwain p' ann: and eight oars att 50« each, £20 . . . 30 00 00 Allowed to a printer p^* ann . . . . 40 00 00 Clerk of the Assembly allowed 12« p«" dieia dureing y" Sessions Door Keeper and Messenger 4* p' diem dureing y» ' ,, ./; Sessions Allowed the Hon<>i« N. Blditbwayte 5 pf cent out th«r Revenue as Auditor Generall -' — V £l1d8 OO 00 , ■» ■ CIVIL LIST OF NEW-Yowfc 810 Abraham Depeyster Esq. Mayor & ClJZ' ^ ■ James Graham Esqr Recorder ^' ^''"^** The Aldermen, CoLtor A ^^ ,.^^ , ollecto,., Assessors and Constables are elcc- i^ter Schuyler Esq Mayor ^rcfc WessellsEsq Recorder ' "■* any two of the three nerttr ^'f'"'' » '» "» »«»'erf ■"" Mayo, »„ Aide™";! j! irf?"'' "^ *« P-«. Albany. """" '" ««« Cittys of N. York & ,^"^»»e County Of S'tf^'^'^T ^ Aldermen in the^QuarfefreLl^^^^^ ^'^ ''^''"' ^--'^^ -d Eghbert Theunisse n v . t_ « KHan van Ranslaer ^ J^ichofes Ri,p. Martin Gerritse f^r' ^^"*^«'» Glenn , Dirck Theunisse ) n^^^' Vosbrougb ^ Gerryt Theunisse Caleb H..K ff'^^'^'^'^^^^^'C^n^ ^aJeb Heathcote Esqr Judge of th^ n « Joseph Theale % ^ , Common Pfcas. William Barnes U.r, tr^^** " Daniel Strange ) John Hunt ^ / . WmChadderton Benjan^in Collier Es,r She,^' "^^^^^^'^ C„„ .^P^^'^ C^^rf^ of the County Collectors Assessors and Constabl^elective " &i U't hi' E^ii y :: lii 316 aVlL LIST OF NEW-VOEK. Justices in the County of Richmond Ellis Duxbury Esq' Judge of the Coin6n Pleas Abraham Cannor \ Abraham Lakeman f Dennis Theunisse ^ ^^ John Shadwell ) John Stilwell Esq" SherriflF Justices in the County of Ulster Thomas Garton Esq' Judge of the Comdn Fleas Henry Beeckman Dirck Shepmers Wessell Tenbrook Abraham Haasbrough Nicholas Antonio Esq' Sherrifife Esq 'I ■;■»'■.-.- ■;■: Justices in Suffolk County Isaac Arnold Esq' Judge of y* Comdn Pleas. John Howell Samuell Mulford "^ Richd Smith William Barker >Esq'" Matthew Howell ' ''*• i Ebenetus Piatt Tomas Mapes / • ; Josiah Hobbart Esq' Sherriffe Justices 'n Queens County Thomas Hix Esq' Judge of the Common Pleas Richard Cornwall Ellias Doughty Dan. Whitehead ^Esq' John Smith Tho. Stevensant John Harrison Esq' Sherriffe Andrew Gibb Gierke .^^■i o'.^ 'i •':■ CIVIL LIST OF NEW- YORK. 317 Justices in the Kings County Stephen Courtlandt Judge of y^ Common Pleas Roeloffe Martinse v Dirk Huyle v Nicholas Stillwell \ v n ^^^^ Theunisse / Joseph Hogeman i ^ Peter Cortiliau l ^^ Henry Filkin ) StoflFell Probasco ) Gerryt Strycker Esqr SherrifiF. Dukes County consisting of Nantuckett and Martins Vineyard claimed by S' William Phipps, the case of Martins Vineyard laid before their Ma'ties. Orange County not above twenty families, for the present under the the care of New York Dutchess County haveing very few inhabitants committed to the care of the county of Ulster Surveyors of Highways, Collectors, Assessors and Constables, are elective throughout the whole Province Jin Account of all Establishm** of Jurisdictions within this Province. Single Justice — Every Justice of the Peace hath power to determine any suite or controversy to the value of forty shillings Quarter Sessions — The Justices of the Peace in Quarter Sessions have all such powers and authorities as are granted in a Commission of y« Peace in England r County Court — ^The County Court or Common Pleas hath cogni- zance of civil Acc6ns to any value, excepting what concerns title of land, and noe Accon can be removed from this court if the damage be under twenty pounds. Mayor and Aldermen^The Court of Mayor and Aldermen hath the same power with the County Courts. Supreme Court — The Supreme Court hath the powers of Kings Bench, Common Pleas & Exchequer in England, & noe accon can be removed from this court if under JCIOO. Chancery. — ^The Governour and Councill are a court of Chancery and have the powers of the Chancery in England, from whose sentence or decree nothing can be removed under JE300 , If » ■ -i "i : i ; .' 1 ! ! i W fi. r '-le 318 MILITIA OF MSW-YORK. Prerogative Court. — The Govemour discharges the place of Or- dinary in granting Administrac6ns and proveing Wills &c. The Secretary is Register. The Govern' is about to appoint Delegates in the remoter parts of the Government, -with Supervisors for looking after intestates estates & provideing for orphans Court Marshall — ^The Govern' hath established a Court Martiall att Albany whereof Major IUch 283 The Millitia of the County of Richmond commanded by Capt Andrew Cannon being two Companys of Foot, con- sisting of .-..-.-- 104 In all - 2932 Ben. Fletcher i ;f ■-'.II I » 1 XI. PAPERS Count k /rontmat»0 (gijieMllDii THE ONONDAGOE& 1896. A u I l! ' ; t HK) Ik iv. .. tl ff;fl i i FRONTENAC'S EXPEDITION, 1696. [Council Min. YII.] At a Council held at his Ma'^^ ffort in New Yorke the 9t>> of July 1696. Present His Excellency Benjamin Fletcher &c ffred Philips ^ Gab Monvielle ^ Steph. Cortlandt > Esq" Peter Schuyler V Esq" Nich : Bayard j John Lawrence 3 His Excel! : did Communicate intelligence from Albany with the examination of a ffrench prisoner wherein appears there is great preparacdn in Canida and a resolution of the Govern' of Canida to reduce the five Nations this summer that all the men between fifteen & fifty in Canida are ordered to be in readine^se and that all the ffrench Indians & Ottaw;awaes are together & that they are to joyn the Dawaganhaes • His Excell. offered his opinion to march up 400 men to the Castle of Onondage to encourage and confirme the Indians. The Council do approve thereof, but affirm the impossibility for want of money which is not to be had our neighbours having denyed assistance tthe Revenue lessened much by the decay of trade and great backwardnesse in brmging in the taxes At a Council held at his M^^7^ ffort in New Yorke the 27t»> of July 1696. Present His Excellency Benjamin Fletcher &c. ffred Phillips ) John Lawrence }v» ;■ • Steph: Cortlandt > Esq" Caleb Heathcote J ^ Gab Monvielle j His Excell : did communicate a letter from Mr. AUyn of Con- necticutt giving account of two ffrench men taken prisoners neere i §1'' I 3Si OOUmr FBOMTENAG'B CXPEDITIOM the heads of their rivers and that they report there is 1000 ffrench & 2000 Indians marched against the five Nations. Also a lettt r from Coll. Ingoldesby with a belt from Onondage bringing intelligence of a great body of ffrench &. Indians on this fide Mount Reall on their march towards them 12 dayes aggo. His Excell : desired the advice of the Council what is to be done offering his readynesse to march immediately to the frontiers in person and his opinion it were convenient to march up men for the frontiers that a body may be spared to go to Onondage to cover them and show our zeal for their preservacon which will give *ihem encouragement. It is the opinion of the Council that there being no assistance ^ of men from the neighbouring Colonies and a small summe of money sent from Virginia and Maryland to assist in the many great charges this Pro vi; ice is put to upon the alarms of the enemy it being harvest time and many of the South of the Province already listed to recruit the Companyes it will be very grievous to take the people from their labour and hardly possible there is likewise no money to answer the charge thereof Do therefore advise that a letter be wrote to the Indians to give them encou- ngement and to acquaint them the King of England has sent them some presents & desire them to be watchfull. At a Council held at his Ma^r* ffort in New Yorke the 31** day of July 1696. Present his Excell: Benjamin Fletcher etc -> ' ^ uaAj fired Philips 1 Steph: Cortlandt C Esq" Gab: ^onvielle > Eg-,, Nich Bayard 3 Caleb Heathcote > His Excell: did communicate to the Council intelligence from - the frontiers that the enemy are upon their march that the Indians of the five Nations have sent to call for assistance of Christian force and did expresse his readynesse to go to Albany His Excell: did desire their opinion what is to be done being there's no money in the Coffers It is the opinion of the Council that there may be men found upon the frontiers that upon encouragement will march to the AGAINST THE ONONDAOAS. 3Sb km Ins Ian ig Indian Country if there were a fund to answer the charge thereof Hi8 Excell. did declare his readynesse to go provided they will finde money to answer the necessary charge thereof Coll. Cortlandt profcrred his personall credit for j£2(H) towardf the expedicon CoU Bayard offers the same ffred Philips offers the same L* Coll. Monvielle the same Coll Heathcote the same His Excell: did recommend to them to procure the creditt each for je200 forthwith. FRONTENAC'S EXPEDITIOxV AGAINST THE ONONDAGA INDIANS. 1696. .■p,i i [Paris Doc. V.] The Count is already advised, by despatches at the departure of last year's ships, of the preparations for a considerable expe- dition against the Iroquois and principally ngainst the Onnonta- gues which is the chief nation, where the councils of the other five are held, the most devoted to the English, and the most strenu- ously opposed to the negociations for peace of preceding years. It became of importance to crush them, and it appeared to many more advantageous to do so during winter inasmuch as it was cer- tain, said they, to find in the Village at least all the women and children who being destroyed or captured would draw down ruin on the warriors or oblige them to surrender to us. The necessary preparations for this expedition were begun last autumn, but the large amount of snow produced a change of de- sign, the rather as it was impossible to transport the Militia {ha- hitans) from the south shore and the Island of Orleans to the government of Quebec, the river having been absolutely impassa- ble from the sailing of the vessels to the commencement of this year. This it was that caused the adoption of the resolution to proceed by the Mohawk country with whatever troops could be collected capable of travelling on the snow with the militia of Three Rivers and Montreal and Indians, which had always been the plan of ^: i m \ll' 8S6 CODHT rftOMTENAO^S QCPEDItlOir .l>i' '^. ^™,t Monsieur the Count de Fronlenac who fore.aw the difficulty of executing; the other project during winter. Bui ihis iltsigu als.' aborted, because we were informed that a Mohawk prisontr wlio escaped from us, had communicated our intention, and (hat this Nation, united witli the English of Orange, awaited us with reso- lute determination, which, however, would not have prevente*! us going in quest of them had the continuance of the season perm ii ted a large body to make so long a march and to cany munitions and the supplies necessary for subsisting there. The intelligence which we stated that M. le Comte de Fronle- nac received from the Ottawas obliged us to interrupt what we had commenced of the preparations for the OnnontaguS voyage. Every thing was put in order during his short stay at Montreal , He departed for la Chine where the army arrived on the 4''> July ; ten Ottawa savages arrived there the same day, and coming from the vicmity of the Onnontagues they roved a long time around the village without having been able to make any prisoners, and find- ing themselves pursued . by a considerable party, took refuge in fort Frontenac. They thanked Moniieur le Comte for not having deceived them, and fur having saved their lives by furnishing them at that fort with something to eat and, particularly, to smoke. On the information given them by Sieur Dejordis, a Calvinist Captain, who commanded that fort, of the march of M. le Comte, they said they were going to meet him, and that they expected to accompany him. Provisions having been furnished to the Indians, the whole army proceeded to encamp on the 6''' at Isle Pcrrot. Next day it was ranged in the order of battle, which it was intended should be observed during the entire march. The savages, to the number of 500, were so divided that the greater portion were always in the van which was composed of \wo battalions of troops consisting each of two hundred men. T»\ey were followed by several detached batteaux of militia, bear- ing supplies and the bagage of M. le Comte, Messrs de Calli6r6s, deVkXudreuil, and de Ramezay. ^t^ AGAimT TBS OHOinUOAl. 3fl I (lay >uU the Id of len. jtar- i^res, Monsieur de CalUires commanded the vanguard, haring two large batteaux on board which were two brass pieces roountedj also mortars for grenades, fire works and other necessary ammu- nition, with the Commissary of Artillery. Monsieur le Comte de Frontenac followed the vanguard 8ur> rounded by the canois of his Staff, Sieur Levasseur, Engineer, and several volunteers. The four battalions of militia, stronger than those of the soldiers, composed the main body. Monsieur de Kamezay, Governor of Three Rivers, commanded the entire militia. The rearguard, commanded by Monsieur de Vaudreuil| consisted only of two battalions of troops and the remainder of the savages who brought up the rear. Sieurs de la Duiantaye, de May, de Grays et Dumesnil veteran captains commanded the four battalions of troops; sieur de Suber- caze acted as Major General and there was an adjutant {^ide Major) to each battalion of troops and militia ; sieur de Saint Martin, a Calvinist captain, commanded the Quebec battalion ; sieur de Grandville, Lieutenant, that of Beaupr^; sieur le Grandpr^, Major of Three Rivers, was at the head of the militia of that government, and sieur Deschambaux, King's attorney at Montreal, commanded the battalion of that place. No officers remained in the country except those whom infirmity prevented undertaking such a voyage ; and with difficulty were any found for the requi- site garrisons. Sieur de Maricourt, Captain, led the savages of the Sault and the Abenakis who formed one corps ; sieur Gardeur de Beauvaire, Lieutenant of those of the Mountain and of the Lorette HuronSj and sieur de Beaucourt also Lieutenant, commanded the Algon- quins, Socoquois, Nipissirmens, and the few there were of OttawaS} who constituted another corps. < ^ The order of battle was not deranged during the march, and the troops which formed the van on one day, retired on the mor- row to the rear. As there were neaily thirty leagues of Rapids to be pas>e(l, the mai ch was very tedious ; it is, therefore, incon- cci\able wh-ji difficulty was encountered in making the portages, being obliged often several times in one day to discharge from the batteaux the greater part of the freight. i .1 m' 1 i , i i • i im 1.0 ': COUNT vaawmmAOfB expkdixiiom I ( Those ivho hww no knowledge of the country, cannot under- stand what we call Cascades and Saults. Falls from seven to eight feet high are often met, and there fifty men find difficulty enough in dragging a batteau, and in places less troublesome they are under the necessity of getting into the water up to, and some- times beyond the waist, it being impossible to stem the current even with th^i lightest canoes by aid of poles and paddles. A pact of the army encamped, on the day of departure, above the chute called Le Buisson ; the rest followed in file next day and the rain obliged them to bivouac there. On the 9ti> the Cedars rapid was passed ; on the W^ the army divided in two to ascend that of Coteau du lac, a part to the north and a part to the south. The same thing was repeated next morning, and a junction was re-formed at the entrance of Lake St. Francis, which is over seven leagues long, and which was passed under sail and in full battle array. Our Indian scouts reported at night that they had seen some ascending and descending trails. A detachment of savages and a few Frenchmen was fo-med to march some leagues ahead of the main body and to prevent ambuscades. - , On the 12^'' before decamping, nine Abenakis joined Monsiew le Comte de Frontenac. Messieurs I'Intendant and the King's lieutenant at Quebec remarked in their letters that these savages said that they had learned that the English intended coming to Quebec. These false reports, which are but too prevalent in these parts, did not interrupt the continuance of the march, and the camp w^t formed at the foot of the Long Sault. However long and difficult, it was all passed on the ISti". On the li*** they came to the foot of the Rapide Plat. Sieur de Mantesh, Lieutenant, was detached with fifty Frenchmen and savages to make the necessary discoveries. j • * ' ■ On the W^ they arrived at the rapid des Galets; the IC**" after having repaired several batteaux, they could not make any more than three leagues beyond the place called la Galette where the bad navigation terminated. At those places where portages were required to be made, seve- ral detachments marched on land to cover those who drew (the batteaux.) On the IV^ the rain prevented a long march. :he ▲GAINST THE ONOimAGAS. 329 On the 18ti> they preceded to within 4 leagues of the fort [Frontenac]. They made more than twelve leagues that day, and arrived there the next day, noon j so that of 70 leagues, the dis- tance from Montreal to this fort, they were only four days passing through the smooth water, crossing Lake St. Francis included, uid thirty ascending the Rapids which do not comprise half the distance. • • » t • . « • On the 26*'> they took their departure, and encamped at Deer island, {lie aux ckevreuilsy) the scouts marching continually ahead of the army. Sieur du Luth, captain, was left in the fort as com- mandant with a garrison of 40 men and masons and carpenters necessary for the buildings which he was recommended to hasten. There remained only 26 sic in the fort, most of whom were wounded in the legs ascending the rapids. On the 27*'' they got to within three leagues of RivUre de la Famine [Black River I, and on the 28*^ at the mouth of that of Onnontagu^, our scouts reported having seen the trails of nine men. ■ ^^' ' -■'•/.->«- :v-i--->'---/"h ,-;,., ^,.. .. . .- :.. .<., xw, ,„-..> 29*^. As this river is extremely narrow, 60 f.couts were de- tached on each side, and the army proceedf^d only according to their reports. Some had seen the trails of tnirty to forty men, and the others a canoe which had been only recently abandoned. But two leagues could be made this day, and three the next. M. le Comte and M. de Vaudreuil with the troops and a battalion of militia occupied the northern, and Messrs. de Caih^res and de Ramezay with the remainder passed on the southern side. It would be useless to attempt describing the rapids of this river j the difficulties could not be understood, since by marching from mornirg until night five leagues only could be made in two days. 30th. The portage of all the batteaux, canoes and baggage commenced, it being impossible to pass the F. lis otherwise. M. le Comte de Frontenac, who expected to pass on foot like the others, was borne in his canoe by fifty savages singing and uttering yells of joy. The battalions who could not make this Carrying place passed it the day following;. Four leagues were travelled, the road beins better. U: f Si i ■ 1 330 COUNT FRONTENAC^S KXPEDTTION H On the first of August, half the army was detached beyonrl the river which goes to Oneida {Onngoust)^ and made more than five leagues in roads up to the knee. M. de Vaudieuil Hnd the majority of the officers were at their head. This precaution was the more nectssary as at a place cnlle^d Le RigolSf the river is not more than half a pistol shot wide, to the mouth of Lake Ganenta. • Nothing was met during this day's march except the description of our army drawn on bark, after the manner of the Savages, and two bundles of cut rushes which signified that 1434 men accom- panied us. We passed the Lake in the order of battle Monsieur de Calli^res who commanded that day on the left, that being the side of the enemy, made a large circuit under pretence of debark- ing on that side, whilst M. de Vaudreuil with the right wing hugged the shore to clear what he could encounter all around of the enemy. The vigorous manner this landing was made, 'sword in hand, convinced us that had the enemy been met they would not have long stood their ground. M. de VaudreuiPs detachment made a circuit of half a league and anchored at the place where M. de Calli6res waited. The entire body landed. ♦ v* , • The scouts did not cease marching ; they reported having seen trails proceeding from the village of the Onnontagu^s to Cayuga {Oyogouis) and Oneida (One/otw^), which induced them to believe that the women and children withdrew thither, and that the War- riors of these two villages came to aid their brethren. A strong light was seen the same night in the direction of the village, which caused the supposition that they had burned it; it was even supposed that they fired cannon. The Fort was completed next morning, the 3'*. An Ottawa Savage, named the Cat, returned from scouting. He h id gone some days previously with a Seneca taken last winter, whose life had been spared. They at first discovered two women whom thry had neglected to capture, and they suhsequently seizeil a man who was bathing with his wife. The Ottawa wisheii to bind him, but the Seneca opposed it, and released him under the pretext that he would bring in others, which began to make theOutaouac distrust 1 La Ri^olle ii that part of tha Oiwego River betwocn Lake Onondaga and the Mouth ol ibo Seneca River. was ex offii eis whom > to advis Inconce and the two pre I being ob ojcupiof We a they are. nearQi- The 4 being dii The fi, enemy's the two bt iig in greater p the right of the m. cover in I The .se placed hii number o M. le the AGAINST THE OUONDA6A8. 831 him, but he had still more reason to do so when the Seneca quit him, siying thai he wished to eat some new corn, and having wandered iisitic for that purpose, he uttered the ordinary warning cry to direct some young Oiinontagu:5s who pursued the Ou^aouacs, the swiftness of whose legs savt d him. Half a league was made that day. Sieur Marquis de Crissaffy, captain, was left in the foit with Sieui Desbergtires, also captain, and some other officers and 140 militia men nnd soldiers to guard the batteaux, canoes, provisions and other heavy bagage, which could not be transported ; their loss would have absolutely caused that of the whole army, and though every one wisheii to share the glory which M. le Comle was expected to reap, he thought he could not leave too good offitcis at this post. The other Seneca, the comrade of him to whom wc have just alluded, deserted the night of tho same day to advise his nation of the danger which menaced the Iroquois. Inconceivable difficulty was experienced in moving the cannon and the remainder of the artillery equipments over marshes and two pretty considerable rivers which it was necessary to traverse, beitjg obliged to carry them on their carriages and parapets, which oxupicd a very great number of the militia. We camped at the place called The Salt Springs, which in truth they are. They protluce enoughof salt to make us wish that they were near Qvibec; the cod-fishery would be very easy then in Canada. The 4">. The order of battle was formed at sunrise ; the army being divided in two lines. The first was comniiindtd by M. de CaHi6res who kept on the enemy's left ; his centre consisted of two battalions of militia and the two battalions of troops composed the wings, the artillery bt i)g in the middle pieceded by the two centre battalions. The greater portion of the Indians of the first line had been thrown on the right wing, as they desired. From tune .o time forlorn hopes of the most active savages and Frenchmen were deployed to dis- cover md receive the first fire. The second line was commanded by M. de Vaudreui' » placed himself on the right wing. It was composed of an equal number of battalions of militia and soldiers. M. le Comte preceded by the cannon was borne, on a chair, k ^^jii i 332 ayUMT FRONTENAC'S EXPEDITION |i ::f-r (^auteuily) between the two lines, in a position to place himself when he thought proper at the head, through the interval of the two battalions of militia of the first line. Each battalion was only two deep, and showed a very great front. M. le Comte had around him his gdard, his staff, and the canoe and batteaux men. ■—■ They united during the march in some places at which it was very difficult ♦o pass the cannon through defiles, and over streams of some magnitude where the order of battle was broken, so that we were from suntlse till night in getting to the location of the village after a numbci of wheelings {quarts de conversion) and other evolutions sufficiently difficult to execute in the woods. But the activity of Sieur Subercaze, major, supplied every requisite. Ten other men would not have accomplished all that he perform- ed alone, and though he was assisted by good adjutants {aides major) he considered it nevertheless his duty to be every where. This campaign furnished him with an opportunity to signalize his activity and his zeal on several occasions, but as this is the princi- pal, mention of it cannot be avoided. Never did ?, man execute with more promptitude the prudent orders he received from his general. If we did not fear being considered rather a panegyrist than a historian, we should speak as we ought of the conduct of Mess''" de Callis^res, de Vaudreuil, Ramezay and other principal officers; but the confidence which the King reposes in them is a sufficient guarantee that he deems them worthy the posts they fill in this country, and it is unnecessary to enlarge in their praise to demonstrate that they are truly so. His choice alone justifies it. The mbins of the Indians and the triple palisade which encir- cled their fort were found entirely burnt. It has since been learned that it was in a sufficiently strong state of defence. It was an oblong flanked by four regular bastions. The two rows of pickets which touched each other, were of the thickness of an ordinary mast; and at six feet distance outside stood another palisade of much smaller dimensions, but from 40 to 50 feet high. Tf the flight of the savages saved the army the trouble of forc- l^- .s '• «*ImiT THE OMOJiniQU. ">« their fortifications by trench. ^^ a« .i.e necessar, tool Ji 7o,t^ 7^^'' '">'"' """"^ « '"-ii^i ---a .bis expedition eft^S rS^bTIt;,?: f On the 5th arrived twn '^''""'^'*^ ^7 o^ people. MontreaWbo brberairre?-"''"- »'''"'^o--in nea^ ««yl.ad escaped five da,s a7w".roT- '"'"'""'^ "= ""^ wio were removed „„ tt; ruLl „> 't """^ *"' ''"l*" woman was captured in the wood^ a ,d h ''"""*• ^o""" »'" »W.ers broke her skull. In the at'" 2""'""° ''»"'•"'•« •»o„g«.e Oneidas, arrived wt^r" "^^^^'^'''.'PrisonJ fn-m that Nation whereby theTsoiicrr' ^'"^ ''™"S'" » beh Je Frontenac. . He immedi«I,;t^?i'''"^ ^™- «• Le Comh, P»ee on condition that tl^evTho^ d ,' u *!'*' """ P"""'*'! "■e.r families among „s, aZ,rt 1 "'''''' themselves with -ve land and wherfwl.T ^^ . f- '"»' '"'J "-<" - •nd children were not readv 1 \ , "' ""'"''^ '^ ""eir wir>. -"-ential Chiefs as hiT^ ' anV tt" '.."""^ ''^ °^ ">-"^ ,°»ed by the army to obli'rC ^vl T '''™" "^ '»» '<"- 'ion» imposed „„ o.,„ ^ ^ *'"*"' execute the cmdi- On the next day, (he Tfl . P'"o„er among the 0„„ '^i^rL T"'?"' ^^'^ ^-- • ^«ped with those who had^cote"? ,.'" "" "^P- He had '«»'y leagues froo u,,i, f^^;y^^';«'«d w^^^ tern ,„ order to fly farther off f „ ' '"""' "'*"y« "-"md P'ohable a great number would ^ Tl' «' "'■'=<' ""« it i. k-T to fly tbat they to k7: y P"'*,''-"=' been in such a '•"ch they hastily „j^,e, J^t Tt^ '"^ '""' ««'>™ "t 71 "' *ese caches w^re discte 'f £" '" '"' ^'■''"- '^'- , , "" ''O'rty consisting of no,, ^^ S'^'" and U.e rest Wis, and -mepeltrieaM'l:r"?r"' ''"^' *™P>- *'»g«». Tie fetruotion f Itl ' °"' "--"-en'and ' I-Aan com was commenced .jfr. 'if 334 OOUVT ITRONTCNAC^S EXPCDITION the snm . day, and was continued the two following days. The grain was so foiward that tlie stalks were very rasily cut by the sword and sabre without the least fear that any could sprout a the desire they fek to burn him. He had, no doubt, prepared himself during hia icng life to die with firmness, however cruel the tortures he should have to endure. Not the slightest complaint escaped his lips. On the contrary he exhorted those v;no tormented him to remem- ber his death, so as to display the same courage when those of his nation would take vengeance on them ; and when a savage, weary of his harangues, gave him some cuts of a knife, " I thank thee," he cried, "but thou oughtest to complete my death by fire. Learn, French dogs! and ye, savages! their allies — that ye are the dogs of dogs. Remember what ye ought to do; when you will be in the same position that I am." Similar sentiments will be fout;d perhaps to flow rather from ferociousness, than true valour; but there are heroes among barbarians as well among the most polished nations, and what would be brutality in us may pass for valour with an Iroquois. Th(; 9th M. de Vaudrenil returned from Oneida at eight o'clock in the morning. He departed on the morning of the 6th, with a detachment of six to seven hundred of tlie most active men of the whole army, soldiers, militia and Indians He had, under liim, Sieurs de Louvigny and de Linvillieres, Captain ; Dcsjordis and Dauberville, Calvinist Captains; Soulange and de Sabrevois, lieutenants of foot, and several other subaltern officers. Sieur de Villedenay, also lieutenant, acted as his Aide de Camp. ' As it was necessary to use great expedition, they did not march in as exact order as the army had done ; M. de Vaudreuil con- « 1 1 >:|i AGAIMST THK OM0MDA6A8. 336 rhe the ,ain. I and lete. ! was ' fate, as to I vrbo thiit it e ibey ing his should is lips, remem- !e of his J, weary c thee," by fire, t ye are len you itiments lan true |ong the lay pass o'clock with a men of under jesjordis abrevois, Sieur )t march •uil con- tented himself thro wine; the scouts some quarter of a league in advance j and on the wings, between the scouts and the main body he ])Iaced a detached corps of 50, a forlorn hope commanded in turn by a lieutenant. They arrived on the same day before sun- down within a league of the village ; they would have pushed even farther if the convenience of encamping on the bank of a beautiful river had not invited them to halt. They were at the firs: dawn in sight of the village and as they were about to enter the fii'lds of Indian corn, they met the Deputies of all that Nation. They requested M. de Vaudreuil to halt, fearing that our sava- ges would spoil their crops, assuring him that they would execute in good faith the orders which M. le Comte had given to their first delegate. M. de Vaudreuil determined also on his side to obey punctually those which he had received, told them it was useless for them to think of preserving their grain, as, according to the word of their Father they should not want for any when retired among us ; that, therefore, he should cut all down j that their fort and cabins would not, either, be spared, having every thing ready for their reception. He found in the village but 25 @ 40 persons, almost all having fled at the sight of the detachment, but the most influential chiefs had remained. M. de Vaudreuil consented that two or three men should follow these fugitives to try to bring them back. On entering this village a young French woman was found a prisoner, just arrived from the Mohawk. She reported that that Nation and the Enu;lish to the number of 300, were preparing to attack us. A Mohawk who had deserted from the Sault last year, the same who had given information of the proposed attack against his Nation, was captured roving around the village. He said he came there intending to surrender himself to us, which it was pretended to believe. An eye was kepi on him, notwith- standing. He confirmed the report of the young French woman. Another savage, also of the same Nation, but who had been captured with a party of our people of the Sault, where he resided, assured M. de Vaudreuil that the English and Moliawks had % ! . A I aae COUNT FBOMTBHiuC'S ISPKUTIOH indeed set out to come ; that many of the former had moved out from Orange, but that they had contented themselves with remaining outside some hours in line, and had returned ; that the consternation was pretty general among the one and the other. This last intelligence caused M. de Yaudreuil's detachment «• much regret as the first had given them joy. It was received with a thousand yells of satisfaction, particularly by the Abenaki's who said they had need neither of knives nor hatchets to beat the English ; that it was idle to waste powder on such a set. M. de Yaudreuil resolved to await them in the wood withodt shutting himself up in the fort. He left on the 9^^ between nine and ten o'clock in the morning after having seen it burned and the corn entirely cut. He camped the same night two leagues from Onnontagu6. The celerity of his movements cannot be too much praised, since he occupied only three days in going, coming and executing all he had to do, although from one village to the other was fourteen good leagues in the woods with continual mountains and a multitude of rivers and large streams to be crossed. He was therefore not expected so soon, and M. le Comte was agreea- bly surprized to see him return in so short a time with 35 Oneidas, among whom were as we have said, the principal Chiefs of the nation, and four of our French, prisoners. But we are accustomed in Canada to see him perform so many gallant actions, and he has the King's service so mud: at heart that those acquainted with him will not be surprized at this, how- ever extraordinary it be. The Mohawk deserter was burnt before the departure of the army who camped that same day midway from the foit where the batteaux were left ; some savages having remained behind in the hope of finding more plunder received the fire of a small party ; three of them w^ere killed without the enemy daring to advance near enough to take their scalps. The fort was reached on the 10'^ and destroyed. The army cncam|>€(l on the 11"' below the Portage, and on the I2"i at 10 o'clock in the morning at the mouth of the river, on Lake Fron- tenac. It was time to quit that river, and if the waters had been as low as they ordinarily are in the month of August a portion of AGAINST THE ONONDAGAS. 337 leart lOW- tbe the the irty ; ^ance irroy lit 10 ^ron- Ibeen >n of the batteaux should have been, of necessity, aban ^oned. A very violent gale from the West retained the army until the 14'*> and though it was not altogether calm, ten leagues were made that day under sail, though we did not leave until nocni. The navigation is pretty dangerous for canoes and batteaux ; the waves extraordinarily high, and the landlig very difficult, there belig numerous shoals in some places and in others head- lands against which the sea breaks at a stupendous height. We camped in a river where the wind was less violent, and arrived next day, the 15*, at Fort Frontenac. On the 16*'', the mihlia and soldiers were occupied conveying fire-wood to the fort and in cutting and transporting what was necessary for the requisite planks and boards. The masons who had been left there had erected during the Count's absence a buildr ing of 120 feet, along one of the curtains, not so high on that side as the parapet. The wood work is attached, and there is a range of loop holes along the upper loft as in the remainder of the fort. This long building contains a chapel, the officers' quar- ters, a bakery and the stores which are at present filled with pro- visions for the subsistence of the troops for more than eight months, exclusive of refreshments and what will be required for the Indiana who may pass there. The two pieces of cannon, one of which was employed in the campaign and a quantity of grenades were left there. The army sojourned there the 17*'' j encamped on the 18* at La Galette and on the 19* on Lake St. Francis. On the same day, the enemy attacked some canoes of our peo- ple, who had found means to precede us. One of our party was drowned, one wounded ; the enemy lost three men and could not be captured by a detachment which was sent in pursuit. On the 20* we arrived at Montreal. Some batteaux upset in the rapids and three militiamen were drowned. We were obliged to make good to the others the arms and bagage that the boat lost by upsetting. ^ •. We might extend the narrative of this campaign to a greater length, but as we should be obliged to use terms little known to those unacquainted with Canada, we considered this slight sketch would suffice. 22 It", l!' ' Vi^ m COUNT FBONTENAC'S EXPEDITION It might have been more advantageous to His Majesty's arms, and more glorious to Count de Frontenac, had the Onnontp}.Mi<5s followed their first plan j it would have, no doubt, cost the li'-ps of some brave men, as the Iroquois do not fight with impunity. There might hav< been, perhaps, six to seven hundred men in iheir fort including those who had come to their aid, and scarcely any would have escaped ; but their loss cannoi fail to be considerable. After M. Denonville's [departure from] the Seneca country, we know the difficulty that Nation had to subsist for several years. The Iroquois were powerful, and are diminished sipce ; assistance from the English, especially in provisions, comes in less abun- dantly J wheat is worth twenty francs the minot [three bushels] at Orange; the pound of powder, a pistole; lead and other mer- chandize are, in truth, cheaper than with us. The Mohiwks have very little Indian corn ; the Oneidas are mined, and it is not known whether the Senecas will not remem- ber the high price the Onnontagu^s set on provisions at the time of their discomfiture, when they were obliged to give most valuablp belts for supplies. There remain then only the Cayugas who can succor their neighbours, and we cannot say if they alone are suffi- cient for that purpose. Their hunting and fishing will, without doubt be inteTupted by the different small parlies now in the field. In fine, it is certain, by continuing the war as at its com- mencement, and as Count de Froptenac determined, the Iroquoisi ■will be reduced to; the necessity of dying of hunger, or accepting peace on the conditions we may think proper to impose on them; and if the almost invincible obstinacy they seem to have to wage it with us continue, we will not despair to bring them to it, if this blow, struck without the participation of our allies from above^ and which they did not believe could be undertaken without them, could force them to make as great efforts on their side as we hav? made on ours ; it will be easy to urge them to it as long as ihe French remain at Missilimakinac and at other posts, but when the fatal moment of their return arrives, their absence will put an absolute termination to the little good will the former may feel towards us, when they shall see themselves abandoned. Possibly they will be greatly cooled down this autumn, seeing neither pow- ir AGAIH8T THE ONONDAGAS. 339 der tior bsU, nor goods coming to them. How can they be per- isuaded to wage war without furnishing them with the means j how can the destruction of the Iroquois be completed without their aid, if they withdraw from us and retire into the woods 7 Count de Frontenac learned on his arrival, that an Onontagu^ who had been captured at the fort above the island of Montreal [killed] himself in prison. On the 22*' August, thirteen Algonquins brought in two Mo- hawk scalps, and one woman and two girls, pri' ors. Seven savages from the Sault and the Mountain who hii een detached to Oneida with Mons' de Vaudreuil, brought in a prisoner of the same Nation, who was burned at Montreal. Some small parties of the enemy appeared along the south shore, but they made no attack, and the harvest has been saved very quietly. dOLL. feETCHER tO THE LORDS OF THE LATE COM- : MITTEE DATED THE 22» AUG. 1696. May it please your Lordships. ^ On the 2"^ instant I had intelligence the Governor of Canida was in our Indian Co\intry with 1000 French and 2000 Indians, and that the people of Albany were in some consternation lest the Indians of the Five Nations should joyne with them and fall down upon Schenectady and Albany. He surprized one Castle at Oneyde which he burnt, and destroyed the Indian come. The Onondages sent away their old men, women and children to the southward, the young men tarryed 'till they perceived the French were too numerous for them, then burnt their Fort and retreate Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 873-4503 340 COUNT FBONTENAC'S EZPEDITIOIT for men to meet me at Albany, but all my endeavours could no^. obtain one man from them It is resolved in Council here for His Maj^r' service that the Oneydes and Onondages be supply'd with come the ensuing yeare which will add to the charges of this Province. I have herewith transmitted to your LordP^ a copy of my pro- ceedings at Albany on this occasion, I have delayed the giving them the present from His Maj^y untill such time I can get them all together, and having received advice from the R* Hon^'« the Lords of His Maj'7' Privy Council of a designe the French have upon some part of America, I hastened to Yorke, for in a month or six weeks time the winds are esteemed a defence to this Coast. - "f AN ACCOUNT OF THE UTE EXPEDITION TO ALBANY IN THE MONTH OF AUGUST 1696. [London Doe. X.] July 31. His Excelly Benjamin Fletcher had certain intelli- gence that the French were on their march against the Indians of the Five Nations. Sunday Aug*^ the 2^. Intelligence came the French were in the Indian Countrey and that the inhabitants of Albany' were ap- prehensive of their marching against that garrison. At the same time came a letter from the R* Honi>ie the Lords of his Ma''* Privy Council advising of preparac6ns made by the French against some part of America, His Excell. the same day did recommend to tlie Council to cause the guns and batterys to be put in order and about noone took his departure for Albany. On the 1^ of Aug** his Excell arrived at Albany and calkd a Council of such gentl. and officers as were upon the frontiers. 'I^'%. . AGAINST THE 0M0NDAGA8. [Council Min. Vol. VII.] sii At a Council held at Albany the 1^ day of August 1696. Present. His Excellency Benjamin Fletcher &c. Coll. ^ich. Bayard of the Coll. Rich lKtO.! '9^ covvt i:bontenac'8 exfeditiok Nations of the Maquaes Oneydcs Onondages and Sinnekes whohay« lutherto been faithful to my Master, his Majesty of Great Britta^n, France & Ireland, &<'. and to hold a correspondence vrith them pursuant to such instruccdns as you shall from time to time re- ceive from me, so as by y endeavours they may be confirmed in their fidelity and allegiance. And from time to time you are here> by required to give a constant and minute account jof all yo' pro- ceedings to me & his Ma*7«* Council for the province of New Yorke, and I doe hereby supersede vacate make null any former warr* or commission granted in this behalfe. Given under my hand and seal att Albany the tenth day of August in the 8^^ year of his Ma^yes reigne Anno Dmi 1696. Ben. Fletcheb. (Copy.) T%e Instructions. Instrucc6ns for Major Peter Schuyler one of his M^tycs Council for the Province of New- Yorke, Mr. Godfrey Dellius Maj' Dirck Wessells and the May' of Albany for the time being, commission- ated by me in my absence to conferr with the Five Indian Nations for his Ma^yo' service pursuant to the s*> Commission. To send out trusty and faithfull Indians with one or two Chris- tians that understand the Indian Language to the Castles of the Sinnekes Cayouges and Onnondages who are fled, to acquaint them that upon the first news I had of the French Invasion I came up to their reliefe and assistance. That att my arrivall at Albany I had intelligence the French were retreated out of their country. That I am desirous to have a meeting with the Five Nations at Albany to consult with them what may be proper for their com- mon good and safety, and present them with such thmgs as are sent from my Great Master the King. And that I desire to meet them the Eleventh day of October next, but if it should so happen there be reason of their seperac6n and flight the brethren cannot meet in a body at that time, the Onnondages, Sennekcs, and Cayouges being the uppermost Na- tions do consult and appoint a time and give me notice thereof, to the end the brethren of the Maquaesiand Oneydes be acquainted therewith that the meeting may not faile. f : 1 ' AGAINST niE ON0NDA0A8. 80 That if any of the Sachims come down in my absence you hear and answer their propositions as you shall finde most to conduce to his Ma*>'^* service and the safety of the Province. That by all opportunityes yon give a minute account of these affairs to me and his Ma*^*^* Council for this Province and from time to time follow such further directions and instruccdns as you jhall receive from us. And it is hereby further directed by & with the advice of those of his Ma'}^* Council here present that the sume of One Hundred pounds be lodged in the hands of M' Dellius towards the defray- ing the necessary charges of these persons thus employed for his Ma*^* service of which he is hereby obliged to give a particular account to me and for his Ma^^* Coimcil at New Yorke or to the Govemour & Council for the time being. Given under my hand and seale at Albany the tenth day of August in the eighth year of his Ma*y*" reigne Anno Domini 1690. Ben Fletcheb (Signed) David Jamison CI. Concilij. [Conneil Minutes VII.] Att a Council held at his Matyes ffort in New Yorke the 18** of Augt 1696 Present His Excell: Benjamin Fletcher &c. Steph Cortlandt ) John Lawrence ^ p «■ Nich: Bayard > Esq" Caleb Heathcote ) ^ Gabr Monvielle ) Resolved the Indians of the two Nations of Onnondage and Oneyde whose Corn is destroyed by the enemy be supply ed the ensuing winter at the charge of this Government. Ordered no Indian Corne be brought down the river from Albany^ Vlster and Dutchesse County es untill the Indiaijs be snp- plycd this ensueing winter and that the Comniisioners appointed to treate with the Indians in his Excell: absence do purchase soe much corne as is necessary for them. 'V- i» < ^ :1( ; *»! I: r, ' f t ! i. - if' ll I i .V: •t h*: ..81' tr{ fe ^^^ -■> . • rS. ' itt OOVtft raOHTSNAC'B EZPfeDXinOM LETTER FROM COU. FLETCHER TO Mr. BLAITHWATTE, DATED THE ISth SEPT* 169«. [Load. Doc. X.] Sir — ^I am not willing to take up much of your time by my icunry acribblbgs ; having said all that occurs to my thoughts in this hasty call from the Five Lidian Nations, who have been driven hy^ the French from their wooden castles and are returned j they diesire to see tae at Albany in a short warning and I am now ready to step on board. The French Count of Canada has made but a very silly businesse of it after three years preparation afrighting a few naked Indians only ; by this, he shews them his strength and* his mercy, being this summer recruited from France, he told all he took prisoners, his business was to bring them under the protection of his Master but not to destroy them. Our Ch'.efe Sachims would not be persuaded to stay and treate, but seeing his force, they fleJ, and are return'd. I hope to revitt them in their allegiance, by the presents sent from His Maj^7 and an addition sent from this Province ; but yet I want the most congent ar- gument ; a good body of men. A JOURNALL OV.W»AT PASSBD IN THE E3CPEDITI0N OF HIS EXCELL. COLL. BENJAMIN FLETCHER CAFTAINE GENERALL AND GOVERNOR IN CHIEFE OF THE PROVINCE OF NEW YORKE &C. TO ALBANY TO RENEW THE COVENAW(T CrtAIN WITH THE FIVE CANTON NATIONS OF INDIANS, THE MO- HA<),UES, ONEYDES, ONONDA6ES, CAYOUGES AND SENNEKES. Sept. 17, 1696. On Thursday after sunsett his Excell: im- barqued at Greenwich: on Tuesday morning arrived at Albany. 22. This day his Excell. viewed the fortifications of the city and gave orders to yo May' and Aldermen for such reparac6ns as were found needfull in the blockhouses platformes and stocka- does. AOAimrr thb onomdaoui. 817 27*i> Sunday aflernoone the Sachims of Qneyde and Onnon- dage arrived at Albany, in the evening they supped with his Exh cell, giving great expressions of y* joy and 8atisfacc6n they had in meeting his Ezcell. 28ti> His Excell sent Capt James Weems to new the garrison at Schenectady and bring report to His Excell what necessary rjepairs are wanting which was performed accordbgly.. TlJoxs day the Sachims of the other three Nations arrived and desired time to rest themselves till tomorrow. 29^^ His Excell. called the Sachims together and spake. At a Meeting of the Sachims of the Five Nations at Albanj the 29th of September 1696 Present His Excell Coll Benjamin Fletcher &c Coll. Nicholas Bayard \ William Pinhome Esq > of the Council Maj' Peter Schuyler ) Matthew Clarkson Esq Secretary. The May', Recorder &, Aldermen of Albany Jtc His Excell said : — Brethren, It is an inexpressible satisfaction to me that I see you here. I do heartily condole the losse our brethren the Onondagcs and Oneydcs have susteined by the late eruption t of the French army from Canida. Upon the first certaine intelligence I had, I came up in person with [what] I could hastily gather for your assistance. And I am now here and present you the Onondages and Oineydes these two belts of Wampum as a confirmacon of my sincerity and these kettles to repair your losse in that kinde. Brethren Two months agoe I received at New Yorke the first intelligence that the French had made an insult upon your country. I forth- with came up as I said before to yo' reliefe and assistance. I had an account before I did reach Albany from some of your people that the French army were retreated and marched back towards Cidnida. I then sent expresses desiring you all to meet me at this p^^(^e. , Some time after I received yo' answer that you wou)d '■'i:,>| l! ■I. 1 ' iih % ■■ F J';'-r^' ' i' I i 1; 1 ! jii:^ ii 1, 1 i. 1 , 'Jl,-, '- ' '"^ l'i\ 'J 3i8 OODNT nOMTKNAc'a EXPEUlTIOlT \ meet me about this time in Albany ; and I am now come up a second time this summer in order to renew the Covenant Chain and to consult with the brethren what is most propper and may be most conducing to the common good and safety of the whole House. I do acquaint you from my most illustrious Master the King of Great Brittaine, France and Ireland, that he will always extend his gracious protecdn to you and as a seal of it His Majesty has commanded me to deliver you these presents to keep bright the Covenant Chain from all rust and to strengthen it in behalfe of all his Majesty's Subjects, not only of this Province, but those also of New-England, Connecticutt, the Jerseys, Pensilvania, Mary- land and Virginia. ^ list of the PresAUs sent from the Kings Most Excellent Majesty and given to the Indians (vtV) 24 blew coats 24 laced halts 24 p' shoes with buckles 24 shirts 522 dozen hose 30 gunn barrills and locks 30 brasse kettles 1 barrell powder 400 weight of lead 1000 flints 1 grose of tobacco pipes, wood and tinn 2 grose of knives 6 pound of Vermillion Prime cost in England of the above goods JS200 sterling. ^ list of presents added hy the government of^ew Yorke. 1 piece of duffils 2 cask of Swan shott 7 barrills powder 14 large kettles 7 pieces of white hamills for shirts All which cost in New York money, . For provision to the Indians and repairing their arms Cash for Messengers, Indian Scouts for intelligence of the Enemyes motion p^ by Mr. Dellius, Mr. Barker, Maj' Schuyler & Major Wessells From England JE200 stg in New York money is . 100 hatchetts 64 j^ lbs tobacco in roll 2 grose pipes Wampum £3. 9. ^ 28gallonsrumm .£169 6 Al 130 19 7 100 00 260 00 inaiijeeao 4 iii AGAINST THE ONONOAGAI. 849 ^ At a Meeting of the Sachems of the Fiv« Nutions at ^ Albany the first of October 1696. * * Present ( His Excell. Coll. Benjamin Fletcher, &c. Coll. Nicholas Bayard » William Pinhorne Esq' ' Major Peter Schuyler Matth: Clarkson, Esq'. SecT. ' The May' Aldermen of Albany &c. Sanonguirese a Sachim of the Mohaques was Speaker Brother Cayenquiragoe We returne you thanks for what you have said the day be-' fore yesterday in condoling of our losse, and for the kettles which you gave us to boyle our victuals in the room of thbse that are lost by the enemy as also for the two Belts of Wampum given us as a token of your sincerity, by which our hearts are mightily rejoiced and lifted up in this our poor condition. Brother Cayenquiragoe ' We are exceedingly rejoiced that the great King over the Seas has sent to us in this our low condition, by which our hearts are lifted up, we were ready to sink in a miserable perishing Condi- tion and this makes us revive again. He laid down six Beaver Skins. Brother Cayenquiragoe We come to desire you to acquaint the Great King that the- enemy has brought us to a very low Condition and have distroyed five of our Castles; one is now left, and if that be destroyed we know not what to do; we know not what shall become of US next ; pray let the Great King know this. Brother Cayenquiragoe We desire that since the Great King of England &c has Cannoes of Seaventy gunns a piece and many forces, you may acquaint him that it is a great pity we should be so plagued with soe small an enemy as the French and Indians of Canida. We are not able of ourselves to destroy them. We are become a small people and much lessened by the warr. If the people of Virginia, Maryland, Pensilvania, the Jerseys, vl ■ ^1 il ! I H oouinr fimrrBif AcPs bjcpkditioh Connecticutt and New-England who have all put their hand to the Covenant Chain will joyne with the inhabitants of this place we are ready to go and root out the French and all our enemyea out of Canida. He then laid down a bundle &f six Bever skim, and on the outside thereof a draft of the river of Canida with the g^i^ chiefe places thereof marked to show the smallnesse |^^rM& of the enemy and how seated upon Canida river ; which they desire may be sent over and shown to the Great King. Brother Cayenquiragoe. We again thank you for the Message you have brought nt from the Great King. And we pray you to send again to him for us with all vigour tnd speed) and to lay before the King what we have here said, faile not in writing, faile not to let the King know it. We give these five Beavers to the man that writes, to pay for paper, penn •nd ink. Brother Cayenquiragoe We desire you to acquaint the Great King as before, that we are a small people and he has a great people and many can- Boes with great gunns, we desire you to write to him to know whether he will send them to distroy Canida or not against the next time the trees grow green ; and if he will not send forces to distroy Canada (hen to send us word thereof that we may make peace for ourselves, for ever, or for some time. And we earnestly pray you will desire the Great King to send us an answer by the next time the trees grow green. He laid down a bundle of six bevers. At a meeting of the Sachims of the Five Kationi at Albany Octob. 2d 1696. Preaent Hk Excell. Coll. Benjamin Fletcher, &c Coll. Nich. Bayard \ William Pinhome Esq. > of the Council Major Peter Schuyler, ) Matth; Clarkson Esq. Sec7. The May' Recorder & Aldermen of Albany &c Dackashata a Sachem of the Sinnekes was Speaker ACUIBtT TBS OUOMIUOJUI. m 3rpther Cayenquiragoe Wc come to condole the losse you daily receive having daily alarms of sculking partyes of the enemy doing mischiefe. Then ll^d dowB a Belt of *Wampum. Brother Cuyenquiragoe I am come with the whole House to consider what tends to i\^p comdn good of th« whole House i^rpther Cayenquiragoe We come here to quicken the fire^ and renew the Covenaat chain, brother Cayenquiragoe We come to renew the Covenant chain with all the brethren of New England, Connecticutt, New Yorke, the Jerseys, Fca-^ ^ijvania, Maryland and Virginia that they may partake of the \|^f^mth of the fir^. Brother Cayenquiragoe We recommend to all that are in the Covenant Chain to be vigorous and keep it up. Pf Qther Cayenquiragoe. W^eQ all is said I drincke to all yo' healths & then I deliver yQ^ th^ cupp. brother Cayenquiragoe. There has been a cloud and we come to remove it, as Uif ^qn in the ^loirning removes the darknesse of the night. Brpt^fir Cayenquiragoe. T^e tree of safety and welfare planted here we confirme it. Brother Cayenquiragoe. As th^ tpee is p)?tnted here and confirmed, so we make liast all the roots a^^ branches of it, all the brethren of the Five Nations and the brethr^i^ of Virginia, Maryland, Pensilvaaia, the Jerseys, "^^yf Yprke, Clonnecticutt & ffew England. Brother C^yenquirftgoe. We wis^^ w« may rest in quictnesse under that tree. We fill it with new leaves, and wish all that are in the Covenant chain may have the benefite to s;tt down quiett under its shaddow. Brother Caye)^q^iragQe I do hereby fen^w tl^ covenant chain with all that liave put ji 11 '■^'-ifv. i i ; i s^V .i h '-\ I 362 COUNT FRONTENAC'S EXPEDITION their hands in it Virginia, Maryland, Pensilvania the Jerseys, New Yorke, Connecticutt & New England Brother Cayenquiragoe. We renew the covenant chain in behalfe of the whole House, the Mohaques, Oneydes, Onondages Cayouges & Sinnekes Brother Cayenquiragoe. We have lately had the losse of two Castles by the enemy, we have concluded to do our best to assist them and we desire Cayenquiragoe will doe the same. Brother Cayenquiragoe We wish the Cannoes may go to and again in safety that the Great King may know what we have here said and that we may have an answer. We now have made our word good : here is the cup. Then laid down some small bundles of bever saying — ^it is but small, but [it] is as it were saved out of the fire. His Excell : stoo'd up and said — Brethren I have heard what you have said, and have here renewed the Covenant Chain with all the Five Naticns, the Mohaques, Oney- das, Onnondages, Cayouges & Sinnekes in behalf of the Brethren of this Province, Virginia, Maryland, Pensilvania, the Jerseys, Connecticutt & New England and I assure the Five Nations of His Ma^'B* protecc6n. I have provided for you some victuals and drink to drink the King's health, and in confirmac6n thereof that it may last as long as the Sun & Moon endures I give this Belt Wampum. The principle Sachim of the Mohaques called — Ohee. The whole Assembly answered Heeeeee Hogh. The principle of Onevde called — Ohee. The whole Assembly answered Heeeeee Hogh. The principle Sachim of Onnondage called Ohee. The whole Assembly answered Heeeeee Hogh. The principle Sachim of Cayouge called Ohee. The whole Assembly answered Heeeeee Hogh The principle Sachim of Sinneke called — Ohee The whole Assembly answered Heeeeee Hogh AGAINST THE 0N0NDAGA8. 353 In the evening His Excellency did appoint the principle Sachims to meet him at a private conference next morning. At a pi;ivate Meeting of the Sachims of the Five Nations at Albany the 3^ Oct: 1696. Present His Excell. Coll. Benjamin Fletcher &c Coll. Nich. Bayard ^ William Finhome Esq. > of the Council Major Peter Schuyler j Matthew Clarkson Esq: Sect. His Excellency said : — Brethren It was proposed by the Speaker of the Five Nations the first day that I should write to my Great Master the King of England &c concerning the warr that is between the Five Nations and the French & Indians of Canida and that I should gett an answer from the Great King to you the brethren next spring. Brethren I must assure you its utterly impossible in so short a time to send over to my Great Master and to receive an answer for rea- sons which I shall now give you. The way over the great sea is long, the danger and hazards are many, and in the winter season many storms and contrary winds. Brethren, I do promise you to use all the speedyest means with the first opportunity to write to the Great King and to gett you an answer which I am sure will be to yo' content and satisfaction and so soon as it comes I shall communicate it to you Brethren. In the mean time I have appointed Maj' Schuyler M' Dellius Major Wessells and the Mayor of the Citty of Albany, to receive yo' propositions upon any occasions that may happen in my ab- sence. Brethren I do heartily wish you home well to yo' own castles and that you may look out and be rarefull not to be surprized ; you can never be too watchfull. I now take my leave of you and give each of you a kegg of rumm for a dram to comfort you in 23 '< !! ■ i i 1 ' 1 2> '' ;F If nil ^; ^t- liv .^ i ' I' 95i COUNT FftONTENAc's JDCPBDITIOM tl^e wpy home, 9nd a coat to keep you warm in the wint^. I shall see you agaiv {God willing) next summer or sooaer if yo' affaires call, if jt please God to continue my health. The Sachims offer to make some propositions. Sanongurese Sachim of t^e Mohagues Speaker. Brother Cfiy«nquii]agoe We have been a long time in the Gorenant Chain with the brethren of New 7orke, in which afterwards at sundry times the brethren of Virginia Maryland Pensilvania, the Jerseys, Connec- ticutt and New England came and linked themselyes. They likie'd the chain of peace, but where are they now ; they do not lij^e to take part with us in the war. They are all asleep ; diey c|ime not to our assistance against the enemy ; their hands hung down straight, and their arms are lame; we see none mmde the warr but the brethren of New Yorke. We are now down upon one knee, but we are not quite down upon the ground ; lett the Great King of England send the great Cannpes with seaventy gunns each, and let the brethren of Vir- ginia, Maryland, Pensilvania, the Jerseys, Connecticutt & New England awake, and we will stand up straight againe upon our feet ; our heart is yet stout and good ; we doubt not but tp de- stroy the enemy. Then laid down a Belt of Wampum Brother Cayenquiragoe. We again desire you to write to the Great King and to gett us an answer against the next time the trees ^ecome green and that there be no delay. * Let it not be said to us the cannoes are lost under water, or that the wind has carried them into another country, or the like excuse, but let us have the answer against the trees grow green, without faile, for we are in great need of it. Then laid down a Bever Skin. To which His Excell: matle answer. Brethren. I shall be faithfull and exact to my promise to you T shall send to the Great King my Master by the first opportunity and be careful in sending you the Great Kings answer, as I told you before ; but I cannot be positive to a time when the voyage \ h i ■ AGAINST THB ONOMDAGAS. 856 depends upon winde and weather which are soe uncertaine. ] wish you well to yo' castles. The principle Sachim of the Mohaques called— Ohee The whole number of Sachims answered Heeeeee Hogh &c. EXTRACT OP GOV. FLETCHER'S SPEECH AT THE OPKNINO OF 4*'' SESS. 6*l> PROV: ASSEMBLY 16 OCTOB: 1696. [Oonneil Mia. YII.] M' Speaker I am to acquaint you I have been necessitated twice ibis summer by advice and consent of the Gouncill to viate Albany the firench Governor of Canida marched with so con- siderable a force into the Indian Countrey of Onnondage and Oneyde that I could not suppose his design would end there but expected that he would with that strength attempt Albany where I was ready to adjust my duty in defence of the place he con- tented himselfe with a poor insult over our naked Indians and retired Yet he destroyed the Castles and come of those two Nations who must perish this winter if not relieved by us. You all know they have been true to His Matyes interest in joyning with this Province against our common Enemy the firench and unlesse encouraged may be compelled by poverty to make their peace with them. Mi; Kl :(•> i^ '..'4 1 oi oi sa xn. J&m-fntk 3ktm\ lirf, 1700- LIST OP THE OFFICERS OP THE lOLITIA OP THE PBOVINCE OP NEW YORKE, 1700. [Lond. Doe. zm.] A Table of the Number of the seTerall Regiments in y« Province of New York. County of Suffolk . . . . . 614 Queen's County King's County Richmond County 2 Comp*" City &. County of New York County of West Chester Ulster and Dutchess County City & County of Albany Totall 601 280 162 681 166 326 371 3182 men Province ofJfew York List of y* present officers of y« Militia in his Ma*7> Province of New York in America commissionated by his Excel. Rich^ Earle of Bellomonti Capt Generall & Gov' in Chief in & over his Ma^r" said Province &c. viz* Of y* Regiment of Militia of y* County of Suffolk on y« Island Nassaw Isaac Arnold ... Colonel Henry Pierson . . Lieu* Col > Field Officers Matthew Howel . . Maj' m ■ m ■il i I i If ■J: .h :'M I I .! , .1 .1 1; I Si il 11 «■■■ ■ Com<»> Officers Joseph Tut^ef . . . Epsigiye j G^theFoo^Comp* in y*Town of Sout>oM Tho.Voung .... Oipt Sam. Qlover. . . V' Lieut. Rich. Brown .... Ensi Of anothef, Fop( Comp^ in y* said Town Jonathan Harlon Cap* Griffin Lieu* Of anplt^ejrFjOqt Oomp» ii^ y«>:8^d Tpwn TJii^.liJfiSa^ Cagt Joshua barlow, Ifi^*^ , Jp^. Bpoth Ensigpe. Of another Foot Cornp^ in y« town of. East If am^o9t -r— C(apt,;, — -Li^utj -rr-r Bwgi^e,; Of another Foot Gouap* in y« said Town John Wheeler Capt, Enoch Fitchen Liei^). Coin. Conchling Ensigne This Regiment consists of six hundred and fourteen men WfXUttUXWU V ) iieu* V C. O. aeu* 3 ^wUthampton 'a^* i -i«u* > Gi O: Inagne^j J Town 7apt. ^ i.iettt. V Oi O. Sosigne. J IdTbwa :apt. y iieut. y C: iiisigne. y of Sout>ok Sapt. y .ieot. > Shsigne. )• ;■ :* " PBOTIKCE OF NSW-TOBK. 369 Of the Regim* of Militia in Queens CdUnty on y* ttiid Island Colonel ^ John Jackson . . Lieut Col > Field Offidera Majr ) Of the Foot cotnp^ in tfae towii of Jamaica Hope Carpenter . . Capt, ) Benjn Thurston . Leiut. > Conion Officers Richd Oldfield . . . Ensigne )^ Of another Foot Comp^ in y« said Town Sam. Carpefnter . . . . Capt. Joseph Smith Dan. Smith Of thefFoot Cornp* in y«» Content Titus Sam. Kecham . . Sam. Morrell Of another Foot Comp RobtCoe Jo" Berian . . Jonathan Coc Of the Foot Comp* in y« Jerem. Sinitfa' Rich C. 0. Ensigne. ) town of New Town Capt. \ Lieut. > C. 0. Ensigne jl in ye said Town Capt. Y Leiut. > CO. EJnsigne' / Town of HaffliiSt«&d C^lit; Leiut. Ensignd^ in y« said Town' Capt. Leiut Ensigne. in yp said Town Capt, Leiut, Ensigne, Town of Flushing Capt, Leiut,, Ensigne' ;»;.r )■ ",-i| /s m w it m si m Ji !■' "■ I ^ 'rr t i 360 ARMY U8T or THE Of the Foot Comp'^ in y« town of Oysterbay Rob* Coles .... Capt, Josia Lattcn Nath: Coles Jun' * Of the Troope of Horse John Lawrence Leiut Ensigne in y* said Regim* Capt. Leiut Cornet Quartermaster Jonath: Smith' Daniel Law/ence . . Jo" Finne . The Regiment consists of six hundred & one men, Of the Regiment of Militia in King's County on y^ said Island^ Stephen Cortlandt . . Colonel ^ Gerrardus Beekman . . Leiu^ Col- > Feild Officer» Corn : Van Brunt . Maj' j Of the Foot Comp» in the town of Amersfort^ Jo° Terhermon . . . Capt, Peter Mansford Corn Van Voorhayen Of the Foot Comp* in y* Town of Oravesend. Johd Lake Chr: Bemoyn Albert Coerten Of the Foot Comp* in the Joris Hansen Daniel Repalie Teunis Repalie Capt, Leiuty Ensigne, own of Brookland, Capt, Leiut, Ensigne. Of the Foot Comp* in y« town of New Uytregt. John Van Dyke Joost Van Brunt Matys Smake Of the Foot Compa in y« Arie Van de Bilt Symon Hansen Isaac Hegeman Of the Foot Comp» in y« Peter Pra Michill Parmyter Jochem Vouchnewen Leiut, Ensigne. Capt. Leiut. Ensigne. town of Midwout Capt, Leiut, Ensigne. town of Boswick Capt, Leiut, Ensigne. PROTurcB or irzw-TbaK. aei Leiut" Of the Troop of Horse in y* said Regiment Dan. Polhemius . . Capt. Roeloft Verkirk . . . Leiut, Jerominus Remse . . . Cornet Gysbert Bayard . Quarter Master This Regiment consists of two hundred & eighty men. Of the Militia in the County of Richmond. Of the Foot Comp^ in the said County Tho. Stilwell . . .- Capt, Tho. Morgane > ... Leiuts- Nice Teunisse ) Of another Cornp^ in ye said County Andrew Carmon . . . Capt John Stilwell ) Jaque Poilton S * * * The said two Comp*' in the said County consists of one hundred & fifty two men. Of the Regim^ of Militia in y« City & County of New York Abra : De Peyster . . Colonel ^ W« Mervet . . . Leiut Col. > Field Officers Jo" Henry De Bruyn . Maj' ) Of a Foot Comp* in y« said City Robt. Walters . . . Capt, S Andrew Teller . . Leiut > Como" Officers Jo" Hardinbrooke . . Ensigne, ) Of another Foot Comp* in y" said City David Provost . . Capt, ^ W^Churcher . . . Leiut, > C. O. Absa : Brasier . . . ^ Ensigne, } Of one other Foot Comp» in y* said City. Leonard Lewis 1. .. . Capt, Jacob Vander Speigle . . Leiut, Isaac Governeur . . Ensigne Of one other Troop Comp* in y* said City. Isaac De Keimer . . . Capt Steph Richards . . . Leiut Nicho. Blank, . . . Ensigne t, > C. O. gne,y ;ir; f , ' ! I ti "t ; r- i ' ■> II II 'n tfw . . ABUT Livr or tllB Of one other Foot Comp* in y* said Citty Oornelius De Peyiter . . Capt, Roger Baker . . Leiut Corn : Lodge • Enrigne Of one other Foot Comp* in y* said Citty John Theobalds . Capt Peter de Melt . . . Leiat Isaac Brasier ... EAsigne Of another Foot Comp'^ in y« said Citty Erert Byvanck . . Capt, John Yander Speigel . ,. Leiut, Jo'Tiebout .... Enngtte. Of one other Foot Comp^ in y* said City Martin Clock . Capt,. Tho Fornuier . . . Leiu^ Hend: Breevort Ensigne^. Of the Troop of Horse in y" said Regim* John De Peyster Capt, Jon Outman Comet Jo" Hoghland Leiut, Evert Van deWater Quarter iikaiter "niia Regiment consists of six hundred & eighty five tten^ Of the Regiment of Militia in y« County; of Wefet Chester. Colonel 1 Lieut. Col. V Field Ofibers Aug* Graham . Maj' j Of a Foot Comp* in the town of East Chester. John Drake ... Capt^ V Joseph Drake Leiut, v C. 0*' Henry Tower . . . Ensigne y Of a Foot Cornp^ in y" town of New Ro(^ellJ Oliver Besley . . Capt^ Isaac Merier ... . Leiut, Pierre V^leau . Ebsigne Of aFoot Gomp» in y° town of Mamarioneck' James Mott .... Captain Robert Lauting . . . Leiut^ Tho: Ives .. . . . Ensigne This Regiment consists of one hundred fifty fi Field OiBctra Maj' ) Of a Foot Comp^ in y said Countys. Matthias Mattyson Captain i Evei^ Bogardus Leiut. > Com"* Ofljken Tennis Tapper . Ensigne, i Of an other Foot Comp> in y* a«* Countyi* Abso : Hasbrooke Captain Moses Quantain . Leiut, Lewis Bavea . Ensigne* Of an oth^ Foot Cornp* in y* sfdd Countyi* George Midda^ . Capt| Oysbert Kroom . Leiut, Alex. Rosebrans ... Ensigne* Of another Foot' Comp* in y* said Countyi} Aria Rose .... Captain John Rose .... Leiut. Aria Gerrutse .... Ensigne Of another Foot Comp^ in y* said Countys. Jocham Schoonmaker . Captain John Van Camp , Leiut Jacob Decker .... Ensigne Of another Foot Comp* in y« said Countys Coenrod Elmendprp Captain Matty se Sleight ... Lmt Garret Wyncoop . . Enngne Of another Foot Comp^ in y« said Countyt BaltusVan Cleet . . . Captain HendrickEipp . . Leiut John Ter Bus .... Ensigne Of the Troop of Horse in y« said Regiment Bjgbert Schoonmaker Captain Abra: Gasbert Cornet Com: Decker Leiut. Mattyse Jansen Quartermaster This Raiment connsts of Three hundred five k twenty men. p\ \h ' m r S64 ABUT LIIT, RC. Of the Regiment of Militia in y* City ft County of Albany. Peter Schuyler . . Colonel ^ ... Leiut. Col > Field Officer! Dyrck Wciselli . . Maj' ) Of a Foot Company in the city of Albany Johannes Sleeker . . Captain \ Johannes Roseboome . . Leiut > Com" Officers Abra: Cuyler Ensigne ) Of another Foote Comp* in y« sud city Albert Rykman . . . Captain Weasel ten Broek . . . Leiut. Johannes Thomasse . . Ensigne. Of another Foot Comp* in the said County Martin Comelisse . • . Captain Andris Douw . . . Leiut. Andris Koyman Ensigne. Of another Foot Comp* in the said County Oerrit Teunisse . . . Captain ^ Jonas Douw I ^ej^^. Jochem Lamerse > Volckart V. Hoesem ? ^^ Abra: Hanse ) Of a Foot Comp* in y* town of Schenectady Johannes Sanderse Olen . . Captain Adam Woman [VroomanlJ . Leiut. Harman Y. Slyke . . . Ensigne. Of the Troope of Horse in y' said Regiment Kilian van Renslaer . . . Captain Johannes Schuyler . . . Leiut. » Bennone V. Corlaer . ' . Comet Anthony Bries . . Qnartermaster This Regiment consists of Three hundred seaventy one men. (Indorsed) <iiw '1 '".;■ h?? ^! i H ij I ■if 366 CENSUS OF ORANGE COUNTY B■• >N IP4 IM r^ « « « « « vjsMa vaa bihil4hiVibibihhSh»< bokobotfitobekobotatetoto ■g -gg • • • -a • -a • • ^ • ^ ^ ^ • ^ ^ ^ • ^^ • a :s:s:s aaa aa 11 fO t^lNHI »Ht-tg« tM^ ,gWa.5B3««-s.a.a ,a5«B.S,wS3tlS"** opQ>jaHoaaBoo Is is 'Mir - boS ? S'5»E S S^O fl Mfl ►1 K O O W i-j w< n ill • «« • 'a V u raa iM CENSUS OF OKANG£ COUNTY. 367 .1 I je a ■ a • ■ t« h (• h h oooo *o «) a 73 (f* tM !p3 r3 »m uuooo u • • • « • iiiia^^ -I |t||l •# 1^ C5t5 a 9i B HO J a a a a IS vi^iS .a .a £1 •2 13 ts « •5* i« ' « « t..?|;ll:l^sa.=a a 5S h b h O « « • • • « fl q sS •c.2-S • s • 18 m 11 g . i^ ' :i ^ 1 i' ' \ - 1 .' j' ■ /-■■ ■ I 1 f 368 CENSUS OF DUTCHES COUMTT. A LIST OF THE INHABITANTS AND SLAVES IN THE COUNTY OF DUTCHES. 1714. , f The Savendl pUcei or DIstrioU in the County where Inhabit bug. Jacob Kip , Jacob Plowrh Matieii Siejrt Evert Tan Wagenen Whilliam Oetrander Lowrans Ottrout Peter Palmater Maghell Pallmatir WiTliam Teteort HenUriek Pells... Peter Vely John Kip Elena Van De Bogart John De Grave Lenard Lewis fiartolumus Hoorenboom.. Baltus Van Kleek Frans Le Roy Barent Van Kleck John Ostrom Harmen Binders Meindert Van Den Bogart Johanes Van Kleck LenarLeRoy Swart Van Wagenen Henry Van Der Burgh . . . . Elias Van Bunehoten Thomas Sanders Catrine Lasink Wedo : . . . . Peter Lasink «y Scouten . Mellen Springsteen. Johnes Terbots « . . John Beuys Abram Beuys OarattVanVleit... William Outen Andreis Daivedes... Frans De Langen . Aret Masten James Husey Roger Brett h o o5 3 1 2 2 2 1 fi 1 2 3 1 1 3 3 2 3 3 2 2 3 4 2 1 2 2 2 3 2 1 1 2 1 1 2 |l eS Pt :m Jo .Mei Pe Ad Cel Haj Joh Jac( Din Wil Jaoc Turn hen(i Aoel Joha Abn Abra Will, Loun hend( Aend Oysb, Johan CBMSVS OF DUTCHES COVMTY. 369 The leverall pUcoa or District! in the Oounty where Inhabit- intf. Peter De Boyei iMclc Hendricks John Breines Jeurey Spriniten Peck De Wit Adaam Van alated Cellitiekool Harmen kniokerbaeker.... Johanis Dyckman Sieqjer.. Jacob Hoghtelingh Dirck Wesselie WillemSchot Jacob Voiburgh Tunis Pieterse henderick bretsiert Roelif Duiitier Johannii Spoor Ju^joor. . . . Abraham votburgh Abraham Van Diuen Willem Wgt Louwereni knickerbaeker . henderck fiiuum Aenderia Oerdener Oytbert ooatei^hout Johannit Dyckman Jui^or IS 9 « 21. Is 1 «* 1*0 i 1 11 891 120 2.. 3 5 3 2 iS "8 c9 H I L as 97 96 121 6 || ii IB [ToUl No. of souls, 445.] '^, 1 « J ;:,ij*--' 8 2 !;>;i!«, -' ':^t 1 ; i 1 i' - I' **,'! I : M 94 370 LIST or THK FRECHOLDERS OF THB II I iiljli fu':''f r r ■'frrWl A LIST OF THE FFREEHOLDERS OF THE CITY AND COUNTY OF ALBANY. 1720. ; ■ ( first vard £vert Wendell Jno Dunbar Harmanis Wendell Peter Van Brush Johannis Schuyler Antoney Van Schaick Mindert Schuyler Antoney Vansehaick Snor Robert Livingston Junr Tho: Williama Coonrodt Tennyck Joseph Yates Junr Jacob Roseboom Jacob Staats John Rosie Wm: Hogan Johannis van Alen Jacob Lansen Daltis Van Bentheusen Harmanis Ryckman Fred. Mindertsen Daniell Kelly Johannis Vandenbergh Joseph Yansante Joseph Ye^ts Snor Winant Yanderpoel John Kidney Mindert Lansen Obediah Cooper Johannis Yansante Matthews Flantsburgh Tobias Ryckman Peter Ryckman Wm. Hilton Johannis De Ghirmoe Olaes Yan Woort Henry Holland John Collins Hend : Halenbeek Peter Gramoe Johannis Ratclif Luykas Hooghkirck Hendrick Oothout Nicolas Wineeaert Cornelis Yandyke Johannis Lansen Luykas Winegaert Ryert Oerritse Gose Yan Schaick Barent Egbertsen Bastian Ylsser Antoney Bregardes Thomas Wendell Johannis Tenbroeck Antoney Coster Danl Flantsburgh Johannis Beekman Johannis Wendell Junr 'h- Antoney Yan Schaick Junr Phillip Livingston Jacob Beekman Revr'nd Thomas Barclay David Grewsbeck Stephan|s Grewsbeck 2d Ward Johannis Cuyler Nicps: Bleeker Abram: Cuyler Warner Yan Ivera Reyner Mindertsen Barent Sanders Wm: Grewsbeck Guisbert Marselis Herpert Jacobsen Arent Pruyn Johannis Mingaell Johannis Hansen Seibolet Brigardes David Yan Dyke Johannis Yinhagen Abram Kip Cornelis Schermerhom Hendrick Tennyck Johannis Beekman Snor Cterrit Lansen Issack Kip * Nanning Yisser Hendrick Roseboom Mindert Roseboom Andries Nach Jan: Janse Bleeker Johannis Bleeker Christofell Yeats Phillip Wendell Jan Lansen f Gerrit Roseboom Cornelis Yan Scherline Johans: Evertse Wendall Abram: Lansen Johannis Roseboom John Hogan Johannis Yisser V Benj. Egbertsen Johannis Grewsbeck Claes Funda Wm: Jacobsen 3d Ward Isaac Funda Samuell Babington Gerrit Yan Ness Albert Ryckman Cornelis Borghaert Jacob Borghaert Johannis Hun Phillip Yan Yechten Lenoitl Ganiiv(V>rt CITT AITO COUNTY OF ALBANY. 371 kdoll Jan: Evertien Evert Janse Jacob Evertse Jno: Solomonse Hendrick Hansen Abram: Schuyler Derrick Brat Johannis Van Ostrande Johannis Evertsen Tunis Egbertsen Derrick Tenbroeck David Schuyler . Winant Vandenborgh Takel Derrickse Johannis Backer Thomas Long John Gerritse Elbert Gerritse Issac Borghaert Cornelis Maasse Jan Maasse Barnt Brat Jacob Borghaert Junr Jacob Visser Jacobus Luykasse Winegaert Johannis Pruyn Wossell Tenbroeck Peter Winne Jacob MuUer Johannis Muller Samll: Pruyn Reuben Yen Vechten Comlis Switzs Guisbert Vandenbergh Teirck Harminse Visser Tunis Brat Peter Walderom ,- Rutger Bleeker Harpert Vandeusen CouwTT or Albany Vw. Sehonutady. Jonathan Stevens William Coppernoll Claes Franse Teirck Franse Yellous Fonda Adam Vroman Phillip Schuyler David Lewis Mindert Guisling Peter Quacumbus Abram Meebe Be^j. Van Vlack Marte Powlisse Harma Van Slyck Sanders Gelon isi ' Evert Van Eps f i-V • Arent Van Petten :.i*i John Weemp Simon Switzs Jacob Switzs Mindert Weemp Arent Brat Hendrick Vrooman Junr Harmanis Vedder Dow Aukus Johannis Mindertsen Adam: Smith Abram Trueax Rob: Yeata Abram: Lythall Assweris Marselia Abram: Groot Hendrick Vroman Snor Wopter Vroman Jno. Baptist Van Epps Derrick Brat Jan Barentse Wemp Barent Vroman Jan Vroman Gerrit Van Brackell Arent Danilse Simon Vroman Lawrence Chase Comlis Vander Volgeo Abram De Grave Daniell Danielse Cornells Pootman Sam: Hagadorfng Guisbert Tan Brakell Volkert Simonse Jacob Sehermerhom Jacobus Vandyke Helmes Vedder Arnout De Grave Johannis Teller Albert Vedder Derrick Groot Gerrit Simonse Yealous Van Vost Victore Pootman Jan Delemont Caleb Beck Nicolas Schuyler Johannis Gelen Jacob Gelen Jesse De Grave Carle Hanse Toll Daniell Toll William Marrina* Arent Sehermerhom Esays Swaert Johannis Vroman Andries De Grave Joseph Clament John Bumstead Harma Phillipse Jereme Thickstone Jacob Van Olinda Arent Vedder Peter Vroman Daniell Janse Peter Danielse Jan Danielse Jan Meebe Johannis Peek Jacobus Peek Claes Van Petten Coraelis Van Slyck Marte Van Slyck Cornelis Feele Arnout Brat Juni Johannis Vedder Tunis Vander Volgen Claes Van Petten Andries Van Petten Jan Sehermerhom Wouter Swaert Arent Pootman .1 :'^ i ' ' I i • 1^; I m2 LIST or THE FREEHOLDEaS OF THE |E»>?:" .'■*:.* m f^' . .;■,•; w ■■■/).■ p f- ■; ■ ;;■ fc; f-i'' i'i 'if ': 1" ■■/■; ( :*:■■■ i...^.» ii i.r-->' V iiM^ '{ Knut$rh Pursuant to an Order of Court of Judicature held for the Province of New York on the Eleventh Day of June 1720, Directed to Oerrit Vanschaiek high Sherrif of the City and County of Albany; A Retume of the free holders of the said City and County. OaRssr Vakschauck Sheriff ¥'-n :.X m !. !i \i. IK 4 ' *f| n^fi ^^ U/t II in t » 's >5> XIV. CADWAILADEB COIDEN % lanba of S^Nn-^Dtlt. 1732. ■:.t*^ {.ill;., ■■:-.(£- I ■ ■ i .' i- , . - ■» [: t ■' ;,i m 1 ■ i i i * i ■^i!i- •;.» t' i 4"V1 MIA 'p 1 1 /.- ,^!! il'-tv .1 'jP ?*»J!L'l '43 ••-^TBJS" - *- 4^^ f « '^- V ' >, S. K - :.* t£jR/^I THE STATE OF THE LANDS IN THE PROVINCE OF NEW YORK, IN 1732. BY CADWALLADER COLDEN, SURTEYOK OKNKRAL. [Golden Manuicripts, N. Y. Hiatorleal BooUty.] In obedience to your Excellency's Commands^ I now lay bef(Mre you the State of the Lands in this Province, in the best manner I am capable of, by a plain Narrative of such iaots as have come to my knowledge. It may be necessary in the first place to observei that the Kings Commissioners, who were sent in the year 1664 to reduce this Country to the Kings obedience (it being then in the possession of the Dutch) issued a Proclamation wherein they Pr, ■: hi were willing to oettle and improve them and these first grants were made without any previous survey, or without reciting any certain Boundaries, but only to contain for example 100, 200 or 300 Acres adjoining to such another mans Land, or to a certain Hill or River, or Rivulet The Reddendum in these first Grants varied from time to time. At first it was Paying the usual Rents of J^ew Plantations^ what that was is now a dispute, but perhaps it may still be ascertained by living Evidences and sometimes their is added as a condition of the Grant, that the Grantee shall do and perform such acts and things as shall he appointed By his Royal Highness or hit Deputy. In about a years time the form«of the Reddendum was changed as follows Paying such duties as shall be constituted and ordained by his Royal Highness and his heirs or such Gov* or Gov" as shall from time to time be appointed or set over them. It is probable people were not willing to axcept of Grants upon such precarious terms and therefore we find this form soon after changed into the following!) Paying such duties and acknowledgements as now are or hereafter shall be constituted and established by the Laws of this Government. What Laws were then in being or afterwards enacted I know not tho<* perhaps they are still among the Records ; but it is to be observed, that the Legislative authority was then assumed by the Gov and Council without the assent or concurrence of the Repre- sentatives of the People and the Laws then made are now in disuse. And for this Reason, none of these Lands pay now any Quitrent, tho' their number be large, being, as I compute, not less than a Thousand : but I take into this computation all those grants in recording whereof the Clerks have omitted all that part of the grant which is commonly called the Habendum and Red- dendum. The reason of which neglect, I suppose to be that they were all in the same words with a few that are Recorded at length in the begining, for so much is recorded as wherein they can dif- fer, when the Habendum and Reddendum is the same viz The Motives to the Grant, the bounds to the thing granted, and the Grantees name and designation. - ! ^itui':'!'! k>>v / / m THX PROTINOB Of NKW-TORK. 979 Before I proceed further, it will be likewise necessary to observe that the greatest part of Long Island, Viz all that part which I 8 opposite to Connecticut, was settled from Connecticut, and claimed by the Inhabitants under the Connecticut Title, to which in pursuance of the Proclamation above mentioned some regard is had. For the first, or at least the principle Grants of Lands upon this Island, are made in Townships according to the custom of Connecticut, & to the Freeholders and Inhabitants which supposess a previous Title some I know, think that these Grants of Townships are not Grants of the Soil, but only for the Good Government of these parts of the Country, as I remember it is expressly mentioned in the Patents for the Townships of Southampton and Southold and perhaps it is so in others likewise, and the Governours who granted these Town Patents continued to grant the Soil, within tl)e limits of these Townships, as some of the succeeding Governours did likewise, However most of all the Lands within these Townships are held by Grants from Trus- tees, or Common Council of these Towns upon the General Town rights only. If these Town Patents should not be valid, as to the whole Soil contained within their limits yet they may operate as a confirmation of tho particular rights and possessions of those who are called freeholders in the said Grants. These Town Patents are generally upon small yearly acknowledgements — Notwithstanding that the Gov'^ under the Duke of York, took these extraordinary methods to secure their Masters Authority, and interest, they made some Grants of Large Tracts of Land, upon trifling Quitrents but as these are very few, in Comparison of what happened afterwards what observation^ I have to make on this head will come in more properly in another place Sir Edmond Andross the third English Gov' of New York, as he seems to have had the interest of his Master and of the People he Governed as much at heart as any Gov' that has at any time been set over this Province so he was very carefuU in Granting of Lands : All Lands to be Granted were Surveyed before the Grant and bounded in the Grant according to the Survey. The Quitrents were likewise fixed by the Grant, generally at the rate of one Bushel each hundred acres the' some times at a higher rate I ' w m: ■ : 'M 1 "^ 1} ^ iH ooldek'b rei>ort ok the LAfftm and aometimes the rent was less, probably as the value of theittnd was represented. And as these grants are the most profitable to the Lords of the soil, so are they to the Tenant, they being free of all those disputes about their Boundaries which have in a great measure rendered some others useless to the grantees. S>^ Edward has left but a few exceptions to be made to this general account given of his care of his Masters Interest. Coll Dungan who suc- ceeded him, followed his steps in the Granting of Lands, but the exceptions to the General Good Rule are both more numerous and more considerable than in Sr Edmchds administration. While Coll Dungan was Gov' the Duke of York became King by which the property of the Soil and the Quitrents became aneixed to the crown, and have continued so ever since, but astite Revolution happened soon afterwards, there is nothing material to be observed 'till after that time. After the Revolution the Grants of Lands to all ran in the Kings name, whereas before that they were made in the Gov" name that granted the Land, and this method of Granting in the Gov*^* name -wzs continued after the Duke of York became King, as it was before. Coll Slaughter the first Governor after the Revolution, fbund the Country in such conf\ision and lived so short a while that I think only one Patent passed in his time for Lands. But Coll Fletcher, who succeeded him, made amends by the liberal hand with which he gave away Lands. The most extraordinary favors of fontaer GoV« Vrere but petty Gi-ants in comparison of his He was a generous man, and gave the Kings Lands by parcels of upwards of One hundred thousand Acres to a man, and to some particular favourites four or five times that quantity, but the King was not pleased with him, as I am told, and he was recalled in dittfri^e. Tlus lavishing away of lands probably was ohe reason The Earl of Bellamont, who succeeded, having orders to tise all legal mtans for breaking extravagant grants of I^and, joined witlh the assembly in vacating several of the extravagant Grants made by Coll Fletdier but as this act was carried thro' with Spirit of party in the assembly, it passed with 'mmch 1^ itfrpartiality IN THB PROVIMCE OF NKW-YOEK. m than might have been expected from the Justice of the Legisla- ture. For some of the most extravagant Grants were passed over, while some others were declared extravagant and vacated, that no way deserved that Character. However this act has considerably encreased his Majestys Quitrents for of these tracts which were then vacated, and which by their pattents were to pay altogether five beaver skins, one otter skin one fat Buck and twenty shil- lings the lands since that time rcgranted within the bounds of the said patents pay near four hundred pounds yearly at the rate of 2" 6^ per hundred acres, notwithstanding that a great part of thete lands still remain ungranted. The Earl of BelIanr.ont's adminis- tration was short he being removed by Death before he could compleat the designs he had in view After his death the administration fell into Cap' Nafans hands, then Lieu' Gov'. It appears that the Grants made in his time pass'd in a hurry, without any previous Survey, but upon very uncertain informations of the natural Boundaries, which the Gran- tees took in their Grants, so that some of them are become a sort of ambulatory Grants. The Patentees claiming, by virtue of the sanie Grant, sometimes in One part of the Country, and some- times in another, as they are driven from one place to another by others claiming the same lands with more certainty. In other grants we find the same persons joined in several Grants with others, which Grants were intended for different Tracts and in appearance seem to be so, and yet by their present claims they take in the same Lands within the bounds of their several grants. The Earl of Bellamont was succeeded, after Queen Anns acces- sion to the throne by her Cousin the Lord Cornbury. The Grants of large tracts upon trifling quitrents, that were made during his Lordships administration at least equalled those of all his prede- cessors put together. Indeed his Lordship's inclinations were so evident to every body at that time that two Gentlemen (as I am well assured) had agreed with his Lordship for a Grant of all the lands in the Province, at a Lump, which were not at that time granted, and that the only thing which prevented the passing of that grant was, that those Gent" apprehended that the Grant would of itself appear so extravagant and would create so many 1 i ! 1 ■ ■! i • i .1 S ■ ■ ;l * * V ■ ■ ■ ■ « I '.• $ it ^1 ''^ 382 COLDEN^ REPORT ON THE LANDS VSWW''^ im^^ :" Bf'* t i H4 ■ 1 i ; 1' ' i ij enemies, that they would not be able to hold it. During the Lord Coinbur) 's administration an act was likewise passed, repeal- ing the act above mentioned for vacating the extravagant Grants of Land by Coll Fletcher. The vacating Act passed not long before King Williams Death, and lay in the offices in England without any notice taken of it, till after the Lord Cornbury was removed from his Government ; then the vacating Act was con- firmed and the Act repealing it was repeal'd by the Queen and at the same time new instructions were given to the Gov"", by which the Quitrent was directed not to be less than 2" 6*^ each hundred acres, and previous Surveys were ordered to be made before the Grant should pass, which have effectually prevented the above mentioned abuses. I shall now proceed to some more particular account of the great Grants of Lands, I mean of such as contain fifty thousand Acres and upwards to a Million of acres, for if I be not very much misinformed, there is more than one that contain that quantity. , No quantity of Land or number of Acres, for the most part, are mentioned in any of these Grants, nor is it possible to discover the Quantity, by inspection of the Patents, as it may be done in those Grants which are founded on a previous Survey and where any quantity is expressed, it seems to be done more with design to hide the real quantity (if their present claims be truly conformable to their original bounds) than to set forth the truth, for I have hear'd of one instance at least, where the patent Grants 300 acres, and the patentee now claims upwards of sixty thousand acres within the bounds of his Grant. Others suspecting that such dis- proportion, between the real quantity and the quantity expressed in the Grant, might invalidate the Grant, got the quantity of Land to be expressed in the following manner. Containing for example, One thousand acres of profitable Land, besides wood Land, and waste and yet, when these Ltinds were Granted, per- haps there was not ten acres that was not wood Land, or One Acre that at the time of the Grant yielded any profit or one acre that by improvement might not be made profitable. Others guard against this exception to their Grant, by adding to the quantity of Land expressed in the Grant these words Be it more or less^ si c p< m R for rood per- One acre juard mtity IN THE PROVINCE OF N^V-YORK. 333 or some such words, and by virtue of these they not only claim a small quantity more than is expressed in the patent, but claim twice as much, and often ten times as much, and sometimes above one hundred times the quantity of Land that is expressed in the Grant, but as I said before, generally no quantity of Land is expressed in the Large Grants There being no previous Survey to the Grants, their Bounda- ries are generally expressed with much uncertainty. By the Indian names of Brooks, Rivulets, Hills, Ponds, Falls of water &c which were nnd still are known to very few Christians, and which adds to this uncertainty is, that such names as are in these Grants taken to be the proper name of a Brook, Hill, or Fall of water &,c in the Indian Language signifies only a Large Brook or broad Brook, or small Br^, or high Hill, or only a Hill or fall of water in general, so that the Indians shew many places by the same name Brooks and Rivers have different names withe the Indians, at dif- ferent places and often change their names, they taking their names often from the abode of some Indian near the place where it is so called. This has given room to some to explain and en- large their Grants according to their own inclinations by putting the names mentioned in their grants to what place or part of the Country they please, of wlii f It - i B-: { ,■ hi I i i i "1 i ^ 1 ■ I ■ ■ ■ 9> ■ \ J5 ; t ^^' ' .fc' 384 colden's report on the lakds River. This has created great confusion with the adjoining patents, and frequently Contradictions in the boundaries, as they are expressed in the same patent. Sometimes the Grant is of the Land that belonged to such an Indian by name or is bounded by such an Indians land, but to prove that any particular spot belonged to any particular Indian, or to show the bounds of any particular Indian, I believe is beyond human skill, so as to make it evident to any indifferent man I shall next recite what have been the consequences of these largp Grants, It is evident that thereby the King has been depri- ved of almost all his Quitrents, which it appears by the powers given to the Gov'« to grant Lands, the King design'd to reserve. But the consequence I think, has been much worse as' to the improvement of the country for tho this Country was settled many years before Pennsylvania, and some of the Neighboring Collonies, and has many advantages over them, as to the situation and con^ veniencies of Trade, it is not near so well cultivated, nor are there near such a number of Inhabitants, as in the others, in proportion to the quantity of Land ; and it is chiefly if not only where these large Grants are made where the Country remains uncultivated — tho they contain some of the best of the Lands, and the most con^ veniently situated. And every year the Young people go from this Province, and Purchase Land in the Neighbouring Colonies, while much better and every way more convenient Lands lie useless to the King and Country The reason of this is that the Grantees themselves are not, nor never were in a Capacity to improve such large Tracts and other People will not become their Vassals or Tenants for one great reason as peoples (the better sort especially) leaving their native Country, was to avoid the dependence on landlords, and to enjoy lands in fee to descend to their posterity that their children may reap the benefit of their labour and Industry There is the more reason for this because the first purchase of unimproved Land is but a trifle to the charge of improving them It may perhaps deserve the consideration of those who are more capable of Political foresight than I am, whether, if these large Grants take place, as they are designed and become great Lord- IN THE PROTINCC OV NEW-TOUC. 386 ause arge ships with large dependancies and revenues, whether this wiH secure or indanger the Dependancy of the Colonies on their Mother Country. I think few instances can be given where great changes were brought to effect, in any state but when they were headed by Rich and powerful men ; any other commotions gene- rally produced only some short lived disorders and Confusions Now that I have done with what is more peculiarly my business the Historical part of this representation, yet, as your Excellency did me the Honour likewise to ask my opinion of what Remedy may be most proper, and effectual, I flatter myself that the giving my opinion at large in wriUng will be most agreeable to your Excellency's commands. What at first Sight occurs in the vacating or breaking these Grants by due course of Law, and indeed there seems in common justice to be room enough for it but (to the purely Legal part, as it is an art or science I pretend to no skill in it) It is evident that in many of these the Governor who granted them was deceived as to the quantity ; but that the King was deceived in all of them. The Gov' who granted these large tracts, if they knew their extent, were guilty of a notorious breach of trust, and as it can- not be supposed, that they did this merely in the gayety of their heart, they must have had some temptation, and this must be supposed to proceed from those that received the Benefit of it. That therefore the Grantees are equally guilty with the Gov' in deceiving the King, and likewise of defrauding all the adventurers or settlers in the Colony of their equal chance of obtaining the most improvable and convenient lands, and of preventing the improvement and settling of the Colony for which purpose only the Lands are supposed to be Granted. These things supposed, T can make no doubt of a remedy in the common course of the Law, but notwithstanding of this I apprehend, that it will be accompa- nied with so many difficulties, that it will be better to think of some other. For all attempts, of those in the administration upon the properties of the subjects, are looked upon with an evil eye and as dangerous, and will be more so in this Country, where perhaps few Grants in America are made with such skill and care that some flaw may not be found in them by a strict and legal 26 m ?! m :;'\ I ,l I l\ colsenVi scroRTS oir thx lasus I MMTcfa, 80 that every man -will be apt to look upon any attempt of tiw kind, as in some measure his own case, and those that are Mally concerned will use all their Art to stir up the people to nake it a Country Quarrel To prevent this it may be proposed, to give an absolute confirmation of all the Grants excepting such as vre truly extravagant But it will he difficult how to define or determine the Grants that are truely such without making the txo^ions to general or too particular, by iiammg the particular Grants to bo excepted The following praposal seems to me to be more practicable^ Viz to abolish all the present rents, by an act of the Legislatwe, and in lieu of them to establish the Quitrents of all passed grants at 2" 6^ p' hundred acres, with an absolute Confirmation of al Grants upon their paying the said Quitrents. This would effect- nally restore the Quitrents, and would as effiectually destroy all iSu Gr*" wluch are truly extravagant. I mean such as the Pro- pridiers cannot improve in any reasonable time for as this rent woukl be very heavy where the Tracts exceed twenty or thirty thoasand acres, the Patentees would gladly surrender their Grants, to free themselves from this Burden, but at the same tiiuc it would be just to presence to ihem their improved Lands under proper restrictions of not readeriag useless any part of what is not deli- yered up. The Quitrents would in this case be sufficient to support the Goveniment, and if they wore applied to that purpose, I believe would give a general satisfaction, because it would be as equal a Taication as could well be contrived, and the taxes would not, as they do now, fall only upon the improvements and the industry of the people. It wou'^ likewise absolutely remove the complaints of the Merchants, so that it would generally please all sorts, except- ing the owners of the lai^ Tracts-^And I humbly conceive it for the Kings interest and of all those in the Administration to consent to this, because the Quitrents are of no use besides pay- iog the Salary of the Receiver and Auditor, and that Gentlemans Estate would be thought to be ill managed, when it only paid his Steward and his Clerks wages. Besides when the revenue shall be fixed in this manner it will be much easier to obtain extraor-. bl ths the lut^ coi tho IV TUB mowwat mr vevf-vmst. ^ST binary supplies when they shall be wanted, and it wiU likeMrise be much easier for the People to pay them The chief objection, which I can conceive, that will be made to this is th^ if a perpetual revenue be Granted, then the Oov** will be free'd from that dlqiendance on the People, and check on their behaviour that is necessary in all well ballanced Govern- ments and which is the ioiily clieck which the poor people liare in America and that without such check the people of the Planta- tioos may become a prey to Rapacious Tyrannical Gov't* or other officers, tko the people do not doubt of their obtaining relief from the King, and his Ministers yet that relief is at such a distance, and must be attended with so much charge, that few private persons can have any beA«^t hy it, and may often prove ineffectual by being too late even when many join in the com- plaint. Therefore unless some effectual solid check be given to tike people, in lieu of what they have at present, by granting the Revenue for a i^rt time, it cannot be expected tliat ever they will consMit to a perpetual Revenue of any kind, or thut they will be easy under it. '' '• • Now I have laid before your Excellency in the best manner I can within the bounds I think it necessary to confine myself, the most material things concerning the Grants of Lands, as far as relates to the King, the people of the Province, and the Grantees. If the remedy for the abuses set forth be thought practicable, no doubt your Excellency will ei^ily obtain an Instruction, su f'8 ■•#+<►* .«#K- t "«• f 'Xtf# I . l\ •^1 [From the Dutch Reoordt entitled << Proeeedingt of the Juitleei of the Pi born 1680 to l(i8S," in the Countjr Clerk's Office, Albuy.] Extraordinary Meeting holden in Jilhany m the 7 Septtmlr 1683. Present — Marte Oerritse, Cornelis Van Dyclc, Dirck Wesselsi Joh: Provoost, J. Janse Bleker. Two Oayugas, Aekontjaekon and Kalejaegoeke by name, and a Susquehanne being questioned in the Ccurt house relative to the situation of the Susquehanne River which M'. W"> Haig and M'. James Graham, Gov: W" Penn's Agents, propose to purchase, Report as follows: — That it is one day's journey from the Mohawk Castles to the Lake whence the Susquehanne River rises, and then 10 day's jour- ney from the River to the Susquehanne Castles — in all 11 days: One day and a half's journey by land from Onoida to the kill which falls into the Susquehanne River, and one day from the kill unto the Susquehanne River, and then 7 days unto the Sus- quehanne Castle — in all 9^ days' journey: Haifa days journey by land and one by Water from Onnondage before we arrive at the River, and then 6 days from the River: From Cayuga one day and a half by Land and by water before arriving at the River and then 5 days from the River: From Sinnekes' four Castles 3 days by Land and 2 days by water ere arriving at the River and then 5 days from the River — in all 10 days which is very easy, they conveying their packs in Canoes from the River: — The Indians demand wherefore such particular information relative to the Susquehanne River is sought after from them, and whether people are about to come there 1 The Indians are asked if it would be agreeable to them if folks should settle there ? The Indians answer, that they would be very glad if people came to settle there, as it is nigher than this place and more convenient p iA it I i I -'I ■ i. ' I , ! s ■ pi '- >» m 394 PAPERS RELATING TO to transport themselves and packs by water inasmuch as they must bring every thing hither on their backs ; say further, that people must go from here and dwell theie. Those there should be pleased on that account — they will come to trade there. N. B. The ascending the Susquehannah Rivr is one week kuiger than tke descending. A Map>^ of the Susqehannah River is sent to the Oovernour with this letter : — Mbany 8'* of Sep^ 1683. Bigljil HQa'>>« — Wee have accordbg to your hon" CWmvnds taken Informac<^| both off Christians and Indians concerning y« situation, of Susquehannes River, and how near it Lj^a to y« severall Nation^^ off Indians We^wards, that Live in his B: highnesse T«trritories and from whence y^ trade i^ brought to these Parts, and after that we caused Twoo Cajouges Indians and a Susquehanne Indian demonstrate to us all y^ Riv&fs and Creeks Relateing thereunto, doe finde, that they that setle upon said River, will be much nearer to y« Indians then this Place, and conse^ quentlyryB Indians more Inclinable to goe there, where y« accomt uodation of a River is to be bad, then come by Land here, as the said Indians did expresse,. soe y^ by that meanss your hon> may easily conjeecture, how advantageous it will be to his Royall highr nesse Intrest, and since your hon' was desyrcoua to know our opinion» of y" bussinesse, wee cannot juge, but that it will be Prejudiciall to his Royall highnesse Government but y» Expedir ent tlKit is to be found for Preventing y^ same, is Left to your hon<^ Considerac^n Wee have ordered our Secretary to draw ^ draught of y« River, and how ye fores^ five Nations of Indians Lie, asi near as y^ forest Indiana could demonstrate, which we are apt to beleeve is not much amisse, and have sent it here Inclosed, we shall p' y« first conveniency expect your hon" Comands h ui ip. Sf fit :o» ^;i THtf ^vV^'istAlnfAti MtlrER. 39C -isanf *▼ I THE MAGISTMTES OP ALBAM TO GOV. D0N6AN. Right honbio Last night Arnout y* Interpreter arrived here from y* Indians Westward' and brings us news y^ y« four Nations viz* Cajouges, Onnondages, Oheydes & IVfaquase are upon there way hither and may be expected her tomorrow, Wee are credibly Informed of there willingnesse to dispose of y« Susquehanne River, being verry glad to hear off Christians intending to come and Live there, it being much nearer them then this Place and much easier to get thither with there bever, The River being navigable w* Canoes till hard by there Castles, soe y* if W™ Penn buys said River, it will tend to y« utter Ruine off y* Bev' Trade, as y* Indians tbem- selfs doe acknowlege and Consequently to y* great Prejudice off his Royall highnesse Revenue's and his whole Territory es in gene- ral, all which we doe humbly offer to your hon'" serious Consi- deracdn, Wee presume that there hath not any thing Ever been mooved or agitated from y^ first settleing of these Part^, more Prejudiciall to his Royal highnesse Intrest, and y^ Inhabitants of this his govern* then this businesse of y^ Susquehanne River, The french its true have endevoured to take away our trade, by Peace mealls but this will cutt it all off at once j The day after your hon' departed, wee sent a draught of y" River and how neai* there Castles lie to it, drawne by our Seer' as near as y« Indians could deskribe, a copy Whereof we have kept here, anfl Arnout y* Interpreter says that he is also informed by diverse Indians, that y* Castles are situate as near y« Susquehanne River as y* draught demonstrates, if not nearer ; and in his Private discourse with them, did Perceive there joy of People comeing to live there ; Wee did Expect an answ' of our Letter w* y" Last Sloops with absolute orders Concerning this bussinesse. In the meantime' shall Putt a Stopp to all Proceedings till wee have Rec' your ^1 t } i^. '/ i ■ i hi m^h m'-:ii -m \ ii Mil r hi Ri-''. 396 PAPERS HBLATING TO hon'* Commands -w^^ we hope will be to deny y* treaty in this point. This goes by an Expresse sent by M' Haig Wee suppose to Mr Graham to come up and Prosecute bussinesse ; In y" mean- time shall use our uttmost Endeavours in our Stations both for Our Masters hon' and y" Interest and y« Wellfare off his Territories, whilst wee subscribe ourselfs Your hon'* most humble & Devoted Servants Y' Albany 24 Sept' 1683. Commissaries of Albany &c* Mr Haig did not send yo Canoo yesterday, expecting Possibly to hear first off y* Indians arrivall who are now all att Skinnecttady . PROPOSALS OFTBRBD BY THE CAYUGA AND ONNONDA6E SACHEMS TO THE W. OCHi- MISSAKIES OF ALBANY, OOLONIB KENSELAERSWYK &C. IH THE COUBT HOUSE OF ALBANY THE 26^'> SEPTEMBER, 1683. IWtom Dutch Record 0. No. 3, in County's Clerk's Ofllee, Albanjr.] Present — ^Marte Gerritse, Corn: Van Dyck, Dirck Wessells, J. ProYoost, P.Winne, Hend: Van Ness, J. Janse Bleker,R. Pretty, Sheriffe, P. Livingston, Sec. Brothers. We are rejoiced to see the Brethern here who Re- present Corlaer, We were yesterday together and heard the Great Penn, (meaning the agent of Govern' Penn) speak about the Land lying on the Susquehanne River, but saw none of the Commissa- ries, nor Corlaer's order. I haYe slept but little through the night though I coi^stantly tried, and think that the Land cannot be sold without Corker's order, for we transferred it to this Government four years ago. There- fore we shall do nothing in the Sale without Corlaer (meaning the GoY. Gen*) or his order or those who Represent him. The aforesaid Land belongs to us, Cayugas and Onnondages, alone ; the other three Nations v\z* the Sinnekes, Oneydes and Maquaas haYe nothing to do vith it. and IdageSt and THE SUSQUEHANNAH RITER. 397 We have not only conveyed, but given it, four years ago, to Corlaer, that is the Gov. Gen', to rule over it, and we now Con- vey and Transport it again and give it to the Gov. Gen^ or those who now Represent him ; and in confirmation hereof we have signed and sealed these Presents, Dated as above. This is the mark of [l. 8.] [l. 8.] Thaowe ^ ratt Sachem of Cayuga This is NAAJ^ the mark This is the Ochquari Me present Ro: Livingston SeC. r.cisent as before. of Corrachjundie of Cayuga + mark of okichke of Cayuga [l. 8.] Jtlhany the 26 Sept'. 1683. ANSWER TO THE PROPOSALS OF THE CAYTJ6AS AND 0NN0NDA6ES. We have heard your Proposals and thankfully accept for Cor- laer the conveyance of the Susquehanne River, with the Land situate thereupon and have seen that you have adhered to your word of over four years since, and in confirmation of your gift and conveyance of the Land aforesaid have signed and sealed it. We, therefore, give you a half piece of Duffels, Two Blankets, Two guns. Three kettles. Four Coats, Fifty lbs. of Lead and Five and twenty lbs. of powder. Meanwhile we shall communicate this to His Excel): the Gov: Gen', of whose good disposition towards you, you need not doubt, who will compensate you therefor when occasion permits. Whereupon the Sakamakers have signed and sealed their gift and conveyance as is to be seen on the other side, and have ac- cepted in full satisfaction, the aforesaid presents. Albany in the Court house as above. CoRNELis Van Dyck DiRCK Wessells Jan Janz Bleecker < , . PlETER WiNNE. ;.4f E,^f> il ^J If ■ ! i ■ \1 :S^!i i ':5 ^4 -t',,,«J 3911 PAPSSS ^BfAtnUf TO [Conneil Min. V.] At a Council held at ffort James in New-York, Octobr. [1683.] Paent The GoTerno' Capt. A. Brockholls M'. flfr. Ffl} psen J. Spragge M'. S. V. Cortland The Indians being asked if they were only for the Maquas, they answered, yes ; and came from the three castles of the Maquas • • • • ^ • • Speech of the Sachem Odianah. That ossoone as they received the Message, they came hither and are very gladd to be so well received and that his Mat'y hath so great a kindness for them ; os for the Indians that are gone to Canada, they are very gladd his bono' speaks of it and they will endeavour to get them back againe and they desire the Governor's assistance in it that they may goe hanil in hand to promote it, and they doubt not to get them back againe. That when they were sent for hither they did not know what might be proposed to them ; and for Corlear's proposition to make peace with the Indians they war against, they say that ossoone as they com home they shall have a Generall meeting of all the Castles and will tell them what is here proposed and doubt not but it shall be effected ; for the former Governor said the same and they obeyed and made peace and why should it not be allso at this time performed, for they have been allways obedient to this goverm^ that his Hono'' having told them to have an eye to the fifrenchmen, they give his Hono' their thanks, & will all- ways have an open eye to those people, and they desire if any thing happen to be informed for they are and have been allways belonging to this Governm^ and we evpect no favo from the firench, but will put themselves under his Hono". protection. That the Governor haveing wondred why they bring so little Beaver and formerly did bring so much, that it may be the Govern' thinks they carry it to some other Governm* they answer no they do not They never had so firm a friendshipp with any, os with this Government but the true reason is they haveing a warre with P'i set Mr. the Indil of New! •1 itber hath «e to f will rnor's it, and y 'what jon to ty that iiing of I iloubt aid \hB not be Lbedient an eye rillaU- |e if any allvfays •rom the lotection. so Vittle Govern' 1^0 they [ 08 witb larre witb THB itVt^V&Uilitim MtER. 99i •ther In^aRg, those Indians would not dne to come en their kinting places ; hut now they are all in peace ; the Indians catch airay the Beaver so ^st that ther be but very few left ; his Hono' hat>eit>g told thera they should harbour no firench but the Jesuits and each of them a man, they answer they will never suffer any straggling firenchmen amongst them, but those Jesuits who are very good men and very quiett ; and yet if lus Hono' shall please, they will -send them away allso ; and that none hath any land from thett and they are resolved never to sell or give them any or any tfthen except the people of this Governm* that they were sent for by the Govern!^ of Canada who told them that they should make a peace with all the Indians ahd that the Govern' took their axe and ^rew it into the water, but did not bury it because if it bad bin buried it might have been taken up again ; and that nothing shall com to their ears but they will acquaint this Governm* with it, and expect the same from this Government. They allso say the Govern' of Canada promised them to have free passage upon all the Rivers and Creeks and said they should suSet all other Indians to have the same & the Govern' took them 08 his children and told them they should be all of the firench Religion. That all this land is under the Governm^ of his R'l High"" that there has been som Strangers at Albany to buy the Susquehannah River, but they have considered and will not sell it to them except by the pairticular leave of his Hono% The Govern' desired them to make up the differences amongst ^mselves about Susqu^anna River in a civil and peaceable way, that being don to send word to the Governo', and that then he will give them fuller orders about it. At a Council held Aprill 29*'', 1684. P»8ent The Ooverno' M' Lucas Santen J. Spragg. Coll Lewis Morris. Mr. Will" Welch said Govern' Penn had a desire to treat w** the Indians of Susquehannah River by the consent of the Governo' of New-York. . / I i ■■ J : 'l i ^ 'J 1 . - I 400 PAPERS RELATING TO I I,. ' " f , ' ' ,4 ff K'f;-^^ tS m ii Mr. Lloyd said that Govern' Fenn complained of y» unkind usages and sinister dealings of the people of Albany who caused him to be put to a vast expence in bringing down the Indians and the desire of Govern Penn was that hath already bin expended may be valued and som consideration had to the loss of time and monies. Governo' Dongan replyed that as for the charges M' Fenn had bin at he had nothing to say to it, that they of Albany have sus- pition it is only to get away their trade and that M'. Fenn hath land allready more than he can people these many yeares that the Indians have long since given over their land to this Goverm* and advised them to write over to the Duke about it. Mr Lloy & M'. Welch desire'> was not granted. \ FATHER LAMBERVILLE TO M. DE LA BARRE. [Paris Doc. II.] February 10, 1684. The man named OreouaktS of Cayuga told me also that he would go to Montreal to see you. 'Tis he who caused Father de Carheil to withdraw and who treacherously brought the six Tionnontates to Cayuga. He is extremely proud. Sorennoa and he are the two most considerable Captains of Cayuga. It was of this Oreou- ak6 that the English of Albany (formerly Orange) made use to prevent Sieur Fenn purchasing the Country of the Andastognds who have been conquered by the Iroquois and the English of Merilande. ABSTRACT OF THE PROFOSALLS OF THE ONOUNDAGES AND CAYOUGES SACHEMS AT NEW YORK, 2. August 1684. [Lond. Doc. IV.] That the Enp;lish will protect them from the French otherwise they shall loose all the Beaver and hunting. That they have put themselves and their lands under the Fro- tection of the King and have given Susquehannah River to the ) . ■ ' t THE SVSQVEBAlfNAH KITCB. 401 ind iBed and [»dfcd tand tthad i 8UB- ihatb lattbe ca^and jrno' to 10, 1684. he would Le Carheil inontates |e are the lis Oreou- |de use to idastogn^s IngVish of UNDXGES [gust 1684. otherwise let the Pro- Liver to the Qovernment of New York of which they desire it may be a Branch, and under which they will shelter themselves from the French. That Penu's peuple may not settle under the Susquehannah River. They have putt themselves under the King and give two Deer Skins fur the King to write upon them, and put a great read Seale to them, that they put all their lands under His Mz^r an(1 nder no other Government then New Yorke. They desire these proposalls may be sent to the King with a Belt of Wampum peeg and another small Belt for the Duke of York. And they give Col. Dungan a Beaver to send over this Pro- posall. And my Lord Effingham is desired to take notice that Penn's agents would have bought the Susquehanna River of them, but they would not, but fastened it to the government of New York. That being a free people uniting themselves to .the English, it may be in their power to give their land to what Sachim they please. PROPOSITION OR ORATION OF THE 0N()^DA60ES AND CAYOUGES SACHIMS MADE IN THE TOWN HALL ALBANY BEFORE THE RIGHT HOV^^'' THE LORD HOWARD OF EFFINGHAM, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA AND COL. THOMAS DUNCAN GOV"^ OF NEW YORK UPON THE 2"* DAY OF AUGUST 1684. [Lond. Doe. V.] Brother Corlaer Your Sachim is a great Sachim and we are but a small peo- ple. When the English came to Manhattans that is N. York, Aragiske which is now called Virginia, and to Jaquokranogare now called Maryland, they were but a small people and wc a great people, and finding they were good people we gave them land and treated them civilly, and now since you are a great peo- i -i; 1 ii ('It' ' u 1 n 4ar PAPERS RELATING TO te •;•'/,' 1-^ pie and we but a small, you will protect us from the French^ which if you do not, we shall loose all our hunting and BeverS) The French will have all the Bevers, and are angry with us for bringing any to you. , Brethren. Wee hav^ putt all our land and our selfs under the Protection of the great Duke of York, the brother of your great Sachim; We have given the Susquehanne River which we wonn with the sword to this Government and desire that it may be a branch of that great tree that grows here, Whose topp reaches to the Sunn, under u hose branches we shall shelter our selves from the French or any other people, and our fire burn in your houses and your fire burns with us, and we desire that it always may be so, and will not that any of your Penns people shall settle upon the Susquehanne River ; for all our folks or soldiers are like Wolfs in the Woods, as you Sachim of Virginia know. We having no other land to leave to our wives & Children. > Wee have put ourselves under the Great Sachim Charles that lives over the Great Lake, and we do give you Two White Drest Dear Skins to be sent to the Great Sachim Charles That he may write upon them, and putt a great Redd Seale to them, Thatt we do putt the Susquehanne River above the Washinta or falls and all the rest of our land under the Great Duke of York and to nobody else. Our brethren his Servants were as fathers to our Wives and Children, and did give u« Bread when we were in need of it, and we will neither joy n our selves nor our Land to any other Governm* then to this, and this Proposition we desire that Corlaer the Govrn' may send over to your Great Sachim Charles that dwells over the G.eat Lake with this Belt of Wampum Peeg, and another Smaller Belt for the Duke of York his brother, and we give a Bevcr to the Corlaer to send over this Proposition. And you great Man of Virginia, nieaning the Lo "d Effingham Govern' of Virginia, we let you know that Great Penn did speak to us here in Corlaer's house by his agents, and desired to buy the Susquehanne River, but we would not hearken to him nor come under His Government, and therefore desire you to be wit- ness of what we now do and that we have already done and lett your friend that lives over the Great lake know that we are a ffree t--;;' 'a; b speak to buy aim nor , be wit- Jand lett Ire a ffree THt ISUSQVl»AIf NAR RIYEH. 4d^ people uniting our selves to what Sachem we please^ and do give you one beavor skinn. This is a true Copy Translated, compared and Revised P mc Rob* Livingston. SIR JOHN WERDEN TO COL. DONGAN. [From same. Vol. IV.] St. James's, S7th August, 1684. [Extract.] Touching Susquehannah River or lands abo* it or trade in it, vi°^ the Indians convey to you or invite you to, we think you will doe well to preserve yo' interest there as much as possible that soe nothing more may goe away to M' Penn or ether New Jerseys. For it is apparent they are apt enough to stretch their privileges as well as the people of New England have beene, who never probably will be reduced to reason by prosecution of the Quo Warranto w*''' is brought ag«* y"" [Council Minutes V.] At a Council August the 30* 1686. P'sent the Govern^ M'. S. V. Cortlandt M N. Bayard, Maj. Ger. Baxter J. Spragge Arnold Interpreter. The Govern" gave presents to the Indians for w''' they thanked him after tl eir manner, and he said to them Brethren » * # # « I allso desire that neither ffrench nor English go & liue it the Susquehannah River; nor hunt nor trade amongst the Brethren without my passe and scale, the impression of which I will giue them but if they doe that the Brethren bring them to Albany and deliver them at the Town house when care shall be taken for punishing them (except the priests and one man w"* each or either rf them) allthough any of them should be married to an Indian squaj they being only spies upon the Brethren. 1 'l 1 i .'I 1 : I' ii iff \h '■ I' ! I i:.i::' *r >■ '.'> ^^ PAPERS &ELATIMO TO At a Council Septemb' 1** 16S6. P'sent the Gov. M- Steph. v. Cortlandt M' N. Bayard, Maior G. Baxter J Spragge The Indians of the (iue Nations returned the following answer The Cayouges & Oneydes answered first k said Brother Corlear We are come hither at New York by y^ order although the appointed place is at Albany. We have understood your propositions that we are no more Brothers but looked upon as Children of w*** we are gladd And what concerns the sending the prisoners back againe which the Cayouges and Oneydus have no hand in taking them j that concerns the Sinequas What your Bono' hath said about the Indians that are at Canada we will do our utmost endeauo' to bring them from thence &. do denre that y Hono* would write a letter to them, w*^ will have more influence upon them then our bare words Concerning the Indians going to Cadaracqua that doth not otmcern us but the Onondagos What yo' Hono'^ hath said of the Christian hunters & the traders that may come upon the Susquehanah River to hunt or trade w^^'out your passe ; that we should take their goods from them & bring their persons to Albany, we dare not meddle therewith; for a man whose goods is taken from him will defend himself mv'** may create trouble or warre, & therefor we deliver the seales to y Hono' againe. #«»#»* The Maquas stood up and said ^ -^^^mini We desire that y' Hono' will order thatlande & a priest maybe at Saraghtoge ; for they will be most Maquas that return from Canada j & for the reasons given your Hono- by the Cayouges & Oneydes we allso deliver your Hono' the Seals againe — upon that they gaue a present The Onondages stood up and said in Answer Brother Corlear # • • • We are affraid the seals given us put us in a new trouble ; therefore we deliver them to your Honour againe, that we may liue wholly in peace. The Sinnequas said We came first to Albany Although we liuc the furthest off , OP tJ AfostI Majt ( : '--^ THB SUSQUKHANNAH BIYCR. 406 r .. ch ay be from that sffraul leliver [peace. 1st off , and do find Corlear to be a good brother to us, therefore did n«t delay. I shall speak first of the Sealcs ; We know the ffrcnch by their Coats and the other Christians by their habitts &. if Me should take their goods from them, it would create trouble or warre k therefor deliver the same againe. EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM GOV* DONGAN TO M. DE DENONVIUE, DATED 31 OCTOB* 1687. [Load. Doo. VI.] ■1* Sir, I doe not take the King ray Master's right to the five nations on this side of the lake from Mons' de la Barr, but from our records which demonstrates that these five nations has been in a free and brotherly correspondence froip the first Settlement of this towne, and further they have sub nitted themselves, there country and conquests to the Dutch in their time and to the Kinge of England since this Colonie came under His Majes*''* obedience, so that the King haveing given a Pattent to M' W* Penn of a tract of land in which there conquest land uppon the Susquehana River was included in the grant, Since all this they came to me in the presents of the Lord Effingham now Gov' of Virginia presentinge two dorst [dressed?] Deerskins desiringe roe to send them to the Kinge that a red broade scale might bee affixed to them, that, that part of Susquehanna river might be annexed to thisCollony haveinge some of their friends livinge there. -«» s *\^''0,- 9 i' ; THE HUMBLE ADDRESS OF THE GOVERNOUa AND COUKCILL OF YOUR MAJESTY'S PROUINCfi OF NEW YORKE AND DEPENDENCYS. [6 AUG. 1691.] \ [LonU. Doc. VIII.] ^ Most Gracious Sovereigne , ^, ,^ ,^^ May it please Yo' Most Excell Maj^^ There being nothing so dear unto us as the prosperity of your Majesty the increase of your empire and the safety of your 406 VAPXES RELATING TO It^ I people planted in these remote parts of Amei iua, We therefore in all humble manner find it is our duty to represent unto your most sacred Majesty the State and Condiu(3n of this your Majtsty^s Province, that by a view thereof Tour Majesty may be truely informed of the advantages accruing to your Majesty and also of the great detriment and prejudice that threatens your Majesty's interest by the pretences of our Neighbours and the strength of the French your Majesty's declared enemys. Therefore Most Excel Sovereigne This your Maj'y* Province was first settled and planted in the year of our Lord 1619. by the States Generall of the United Provinces, whu did extend the line of their dominion from this your Majesty's Citty of New Yorke to the Eastward so farr as Connecticut River and to the Westward along the Coast beyond the Delaware River, and to the Northward up Hudson's River so farr as Schenetady and from thence to the Lakes of Canada, and from thence to the Westward so farr as the Sinnekes land or the Indian hunting reacheth. Since which time in the year of out Lord 1664. King Charles the Second did subdue and reduce to the allegiance of Your Majesty's Crowne all the Inhabitants and Territorys within the limitts aforesaid ; all which was granted by King Charles the Second unto His Royall Highness James Duke of Yorke in the same year together with the governm' of all that tract of land to the Westward of Delaware River unto Maryland. His Royall Highness was pleased out of the premises to grant a certain tract of land unto the Right Honorable John Lord Bar- clay and Sir George Carterett limited and bounded by Hudson and Delaware Rivers, as per the Deed of Conveyance relation being thereunto had may more fully appeare ; the remaining part continued in His Royall Highnesses possession untill the yeare of our Lord 1682, William Penn procured a Pattent from King Charles the Second for land to the Westward of Delaware River, now called Pensilvania, as per said pattent doth more largely appeare. His Royall Highness was also pleased to grant unto the said William Penn, New Castle upon Delaware River and twelve tL 7t. THE lUIQUElfANNAII RIVER. 407 to grant )rd Bar- I Hudson relation ^ing part it yeare )m King re River, le largely the said twelve miles round about and afterwards lie made another grant unto him of all the land to the Southward of New CHSlle. Now, may it please your Majesty, all that been reserved out of the Territorys and dominion afoesaidis only Long Island and lome other small Islands adjacent, New York, Zopus, Albany and the limitts thereof j for the preserving of which the Crowne hath been at great charge, and for the support of your Majt'"* governm' there is now in Generall Assembly a revenue established upon the trade thereof which is managed i ; manner follow' iig. New Yorke is the Metropolis, is scituatf upon a barr.'n island bounded by Hudson's River and the East River th^t runs into the Sound, and hath nothing to support it but trade, w' ich chief? v flows from flower and bread they make of the Come the W . t end of Long Island and Zopus produccth ; which is sent t.^ t'le West Indies, and there is brought in returne from thf i; « amongst other things a liquor called Rumm,the duty whereoi con iderably encreaseth your Majesties revenue. Zopus is a place upon Hudson's River, 80 miles distant from New Yorke ; consists of five small towns whose inhabitant's manage husbandry and have not above 3000 acres of manurcable land ; all the rt'st bting hills and mountains, not possible to be culti- vated. Albany lyes upon the same River distant from New Yorke 144 miles, only settled for Indian trade ; its commerce extends itself as far as the Lakes of Canada and theSi^riekes Country in which is the Susquehannah River ; their chiefe t : .ndance is upon their traflick with the 5 Nations called Sinnekes Cayeugoes OnCydes Onondages and Maquase ; which Indians in the time of the Dutch did surrender themselves and their Unds to the obedience & pro- tec6n of Albany, and upon that place's reduccon to your Majes- ties Crowne of England they continued confirming the same successively to all the Governours of this Province, and h<.th now ratifyed and confirmed the same unto your IVHyesty ; so that all that tract of land from the Westermost extent of the Sinnekes Country unto Albany hath been appropriated and did absolutely belong unto the Inhabitants of Albany, upwards of fourty yearcs; The Indian inhabitants have always reckoned themselves subjects i| 408 PAPERS RELATING TO ' B to your Majesties Crowne, and are not willing to submitt or have any trade or Commerce with any of your Majesty's subjects but those att Albany, your Majesty's forts of New Yorke and Albany had always an absolute dominion over all the Indian Nations adjacent to this Province but especially of all those to the Westward ; and they were accustomed annually to bring tribute to your Majesty's forts, acknowledging the same, but of late years the neighbouring Collonys have obstructed them which we conceive highly injurious to your Majesty's interest and that this royalty is not conveyed by any of the afore recited grants. Long Island is pleasantly scituated and well planted but brings little gain unto your Majesty, the East end being chiefly settled by New England people who have erected five towns. Their improvements are most in pasturage and whaleing. What is produced from their industry is frequently carried to Boston and notwithstand ng of the many strict rules and laws made to confine them to this place they interlope that the revenue there is not able to defray the expence of looking after it. The middle of the Island [is] altogether barren ; the West end chiefly employed in tillage, which in a great measure supplys the trafliq of New Yorke All the rest of the Province, West Chester, Staten Island and Martin's Vineyard excepted, consist of barren mountains hills not improveable by humane industry. Now May it please Your Majty : The revenue that is established in this Province is in such a nature that if the encroachm** and pretences of our neighbours be removed, it will not only be sufficie'it to defray the charge of your Maj*'«* Governm* but also bring in profitt into your Maj*'«» Coffers. ";^ . i ' East Jersey is scituate on Hudsons River over ac;ainst Long Island Staten Island and New York, and they pretend by the aforementioned grant to be a free place and to have free ports to trade as they please, which if admitted must certainly destroy yo' Maj*'«" interest and revenue here ; for what merchant will come to New York and trade and pay to yo' Maj'y 2 and 10 p cent with the excise and yo Maj''«' duties settled here, if they can at hai Rich*' : Inooldsbt Fred: Phillips Stev: Cortlandt Nich: Bayakd Gab : Monvieix A true Copy . . Chid: Brook M. Clabksom Secy. Will: Nicolls. <•*»- REMARKS OrON THE OBSERVATIONS OF THE PROPRIETORS OF PENSILVANIA ON A PARAGRAPH OF SIR WILLIAM JOHNSon's LETTER TO THK RIGHT HONOURABLE THE LORDS OF TRADE AND PLANTATIONS BKARING DATE THE IOtH OF SEPTEMBER 1757. [Load. Doc. XXIV.] 1767 ttSept. The whole paragraph of the above letter which gav« birth to the Observations is as follows : — " I think I have before now hinted to your Lordships my opinion that the Hostilities which Pensilvania in particular has suffered from some of the Indians living on the Susquehanna did in some measure arise from the large purchase made by that Ciovcrntnent two years ago at Albany. I have more reason eve y ilay from talking with the Indians to be confirmed in this Suspicion. T in inclined to believe that this purchase was public ly ( onsi ntc I lo at Albany, some of the Six Nations are disgusted at i^, and olhrrs repent their consenting to it, and that part of them do umlorhiind (Nl are to THE SU8QUEHANNAH BIVER. 413 :»puiion Uftercd It) some ly tVoin T . »i \v\ K) a1 connive at the Disturbance between the Susquehannah Indians & the Province of Pensilvania whose raising forces and building Forts on the Susquehana, tho' it hath very plausible pretences is at the bottom bad polii'.y and really intended to secure Lands which it would be more for the true interest of the community to give up at least for the present. I conceive the most effectual method of producing tranquillity to that province would be a vo- luntary and open surrender of that Deed of Sale, fix with the In- dians in the best manner they can the Bounds for their Settlements and make them Guarantees to it. ** The Proprietors are pleased to introduce their observations with a challenge to Sir William Johnson and all the World to shew any one Instance of their Conduct that has given dissatisfaction to the Six Nftions and which they say those Nations will readily acknowledge in any free Conference." Tho' the real Intent of the above paragraph from Sir William Johnson's letter was, and its obvious meaning is, to assign a cause to which he suspected the Indians' Hostilities in Pensilvania were in a great measure owing. Yet upon Sir William Johnson saying he was inclined to believe &"■ The Proprietors are pleased to sound this unprovoked challenge, which tho to answer as well as to have given is departing from the main argument, Yet Sir Wil- liam Johnson begs leave to say something in answer to it. Firsty He will now presume to assert that from many Private conversatious he hrth hadd with severall of the Chiefs of the Six Nations, they are not satisfied with the conduct of the Government of Pensilvania ia General, nor with the aforesaid purchase in par- ticular. Secondly^ He will adduce some facts public and upon Record ' in support of the above assertion. At the Treaty of Lancaster in the year 1744 the Six Nations ' complained to Governour Thomas that the Connoge Indians had • not been satisfied for their Lands. The Governour promised re- dress. In the yeare 1749 the Six Nations renewed the aforesaid Complaint to Governor Hamilton. (NB. It doth not appear upon Record that the Connoge Indians - are to this day satisfied.) :' o„ hill 414 PAPEBS RELATING TO n lit In the year 1750 Connageriwa a Sachim of the Six Nations living on the Ohio came at the head of a Deputation from thence to Mr. Croghan's house, and told Mr. Peters he was sent down from Ohio to enquire about the purchase they had heard the Governour had made on the East side of the Susquehannah the year before, from the Onondaga Council and said they were enti- tled to part of the goods paid for those Lands as well as the Onon- daga Council!, but they had received no part. That they were come down to desire the Governour to purchase no more Lands without giving them notice and desired the Gover- nour might send that Belt of Wampum to the Onondaga Council and let them know what the Ohio Indians had said on this head. Gave a large Belt. /. The Indians of the Six Nations who were settled on the Ohio were so dissatisfied with the Albany purchase made by the Pro- prietary Agents and saw such bad consequences arising from it that they left the O^.iio and returned to their own Country. In a Speech of the Six Nations at a publick meeting with Sir William Johnson on the 3d July 1755 They said Brother, You desire us to unite and live together and draw all our allies near us, but we shall have no land left either for ourselves or them, for your people when they buy a small piece of land of us, by stealing they make it large We desire such things may not be done and that your people may not be suffered to buy any more of our lands. Sometimes its bought of two men, who are not the proper owners of it. The land which reaches down from Oswego to Schahandowana (Wyoming) we beg may not be settled by Christians. The Governour of Pensilvania bought a whole tr.*ck and only paid for half, and desire you will let him know that we will not part with the other half but keep it. These things makes us constantly uneasic in our minds, .and we desire you will take care that we may keep our land for our- selves. At a Meeting between Governour Denny George Croghan Esq' Sir William Johnson's Deputy, and sundrey Six Nations and other Indians held at Lancaster in May 1757, a coppy of the proceed- ings of which lays before the Board of Trade. There is a speech they I (C gave] time Susqij settle! lirjs (( > InterJ asked] ind other I proceec\- a speech THE 8V8QUEHAKNAH RIVER. 416 of the Six Nations bearing date Thursday 19"> May from the whole letter and speech of which it appears that the Six Nations have been, and are very far from that satisfaction of mind, with the conduct of the Province of Pensilvania which the Proprietors boast of and found their challenge upon. The Proprietors are further pleased to add to their challenge this assertion, that the Six Nations will readily acknowledge the truth of it in any free conference. As the truth of this assertion can depend only upon a Contin- gent event, Sir William Johnson begs leave to be of a very different opinion, and from a variety of circumstances is well perswaded the Six Nations never will be reconciled to the conduct of the Proprietors, their Deputies and Agents unless the deed of the Albany purchase be surrendered and the claims founded there- upon in a great measure given up. The Proprietors say they cannot conceive that the last purchase made of land to the Westward of Susquehanna could possibly be the Cause of the hostilities committed by the Indians living on that River &c*. Sir William Johnson gave it as his opinion that the hostilities which Pensilvania had suffered from some of the Indians living on the Susquehanna did in some measure arise from the large pur- chase made by the Governour two years ago. This is the point to be proved and more then this it is appre- hended will be proved by the following Quotations from authen- tick Records & Papers. " Before the year 1742 the Delaware Indians complained that they were defrauded out of some lands or not paid for them. " It is well known that the purchase made at Albany in 1754 gave a great uneasiness to the Susquehana Indians and from the time the County Surveyor began to survey Juniatta, and up the Susquehana : The Delewars, Shawanese and Nanticokes then settled on the River began to remove farther back, some to Tirjahoga some to Ohio. " The Ohio Indians at a Meeting with M' Wiser (the Pensilvania Interpreter) at Aughwick, after the defeat of Col" Washington asked M"f Wiser how those Lands came to be sold. He said in ! m :'^ fit ■ (,. ll It m 416 PAPBM EKLATINO TO answer that the Six Nations hat] only made over their right of sale, and taken an earnest piece, and that when the lands cnme to be settled, that they should receive a consideration for them. At thi same time John Schecelany, a Deleware Indian, burned some houses that were built on Penns creek (below Shamokin on the West side) and said there should be no plantations made on their hunting grounds, and all the Indians at Shamokin seemed very uneasie, and indeed obliged the Surveyor to come away, and quit surveying." In the Spring of 1756. Governour Morris sent several messages with Belts and strings of Wampum by an Onondaga Indian to the Five Nations, amongst which is the following just and remarkable Confession. ^' That he found by woful experience that making purchases of Lands was the cause of much blood having been shed, he was determined therefore to buy no more." As a Confirmation of Sir William Johnsons said opinion he refers himself to the following extract from Margaret Williams deposition who was a prisoner amongst the Delaware Indians, sworn before him the 8"» day of September 1756. *' The said Margaret says she often heard the Indians say f>nd declare most solemnly they never would leave off killing the English as long as there was an Englishman living on their lands that they were determined to drive them all off their lands, naming Minisinck almost to the North River East, (in the provinces of New York & Jersey) also Bethlehem and the lands in parallel to it West which the English cheated them out of." In further support to hiit opinion Sir William Johnson refers himself to the Treaty Governour Denny held with Tedinscung the Delaware Chief at Easton last autumn, and which is before the Board of Trade Sir William Johnson also refers himself to the Extract from a Speech of the Six Nations to Gov' Denny and M' Croghan (before mentioned in these Remarks) in answer to their earnest call upon the Six Nations to assign if they knew the Cause of the hostilities and Discontents of the Susquehana Indians. Alba wgnt Mr U *?e»| THC SUSQUEBAMKAH BIVCB. 417 be ht tne the leir ery quit BgCS otbe table ses of e was ion he iU'iams ndians, oy ?nd ing t*»c it lands Inaming inces of ralWl to in refers ;ung the Ifore the from a (^before call upon lOStUilies The Indian proceedings this Summer which past at Easton between Governo' Denny, Mr Croghan & the sundry Indians therein mentioned, & which Sir William Johnson transmits here- with to the Right Honourable the Lords of Trade puts beyond dispute and demonstrates the Truth of v Sir William Johnson gave as his opinion in his aforesaid letter to the Lords of Trade and he apprehends it doth very fully evidence the conclusions of belief he then drew from that opinion. Lastly Sir William Johnson refers himself to the following Extract from the examination of John Morris of Lancaster County, who was taken by, and made his escape from, the Delaware Indians sworn before him 27^'* August 11611. The Examiiiant says he often heard the Delawares say that the reason of their quarrelling with and killing the English in that part of the country was on account of their lands which the people of Pensilvania Government cheated them out of, and drove them from their settlement at Shamokin by crowding upon them, and by that means spoiled their hunting and that the people of Mini- sinck used to make the Indians always drunk whenever they traded with them and then cheated them out of their furs and skins, also wronged them with regard to their lands. This he has heard from many of the chief and oldest men amonf^st them both in the English and the Delaware Language which he sufficiently understands. The Proprietors say, that as the Six Nations are not well satisfied with the sale of those lands on the Ohio, they are willing to waive that part of the Treaty provided &c». As Sir William Johnson has never seen the deed of sale for the Albany purchase, he cannot to his knowledge tell how far the purchase extends, but he hath in his possession a Report of several Indian Transactions, relative to the Government of Pensilvania signed by George Croghan Esq<^ who was for several years em- ployed as an Indian Agent by that Government, in which Report M' Croghan says as follows : — " I never understood from any of the Six Nations that they <*«ei»ed the Lands west of the Susquehana as a purchase, but 27 ■1/ ■ ■. I' ' 1 i ■ i ■ ■ '- if ' ■ ■ 1 ■ ; ' 5 i Ci 1 ' i ^ ' !! ' 1 419 fA9EM IWM.TIV4 fO r^iiker as a tieed of Trust and rec'^ 1000 DoUajv u an Earnest Price and looked on it that when the lands came to be settled th«> should veceive the Consideration and the Commissioners who w^re sent from Pensilvania to make that purchase at Albany in 1754, viz' M Norria 6o M Peters, with the Inteipreter M' Wiser h»ve repeatedly acknowledged to me, that the Land West of Mllegany Mountaint croee to Lake Erie wu included in the deed of 1754, that it was neither jpmrcha»e4 nor paid /or, and vtMfh toUl t^ftear ky a primtt Conference in Mr. Peters^s handa at the time of signing?^ Certainly the proprieters are not apprized of the ftict here asserted or they would not have made an offer to relinquish Land they have never purchased, nor allowed it to have been put in a deed of sale. In answer to Sir William Johnson's opinion about the Govern- ment of Pensilvania raising Forces and building Forts on the Sus^uehana River ^ « The Proprietors say this Insinuation is without any sort of Foundation, as it never would have been attempted had not the Chiefs of the Indis^s living on the Susquehannah and Delaware R|ver op their own Motion entirely desired they should be built at ShaiQokin and qear Wyoming^ fbr their own security. " In this the Proprietors must certainly be misinformed for none Qf the Indians on Susquehanna or Delaware ever requested any Forts to be built there. Indeed after the defeat of General Braddock, Scarayade, Cayseuntenego, and two or three more Ohio Indians who had left their country on the first approach of thp French in the year 1763 did desire the Government of Pensilv* to build a Fort at Shamokin, in order to protect their iiitere^t with the Susquehanna Indians, but the request of those four or five dispossessed Indians can never be fairly construed as an authprity of application from the Six Nations, or any other Bodies of Indians. However this request for a Fort was not complied with at that time." In a Message which Sir William Johnsoii received the 23' May 1756 from the Onondaga Indians they say ^ follows: — Mi ■ : f *^,i .;■ If ^mUUHfJVUIIVJM ftiHII. 419 ■M 23* May . " Tell our BvetbcF fuitker t^t sinew we took \h» ImWhct out of tht hiuiids of the Dclawavu and Sliawiin98« tKey have told im there is an army of the English coming against tUvMy {Huty lotiin the Provincial Troops of Pensilvania under Colonel Clnpham) and that they think it unreasonable and unnatural for us to hold them in our arms, and preventing them defcndini^ themaelvei when People are just on their backs to destroy them. " We are informed the English are building a Fort at Shamokin. We can't comprehend the method of making War which Is made use of by our Bretheren the English. When we go to war our manner is to destroy a Nation and there's an End of it. But the English chiefly regard building Forts which looks as if their only scheme was to take Possession of the Lands." Here is an evident Proof of the jealousy which the Pensil- yania levies and Fort building occasioned and a strong hint of the Ends intended by them, as it stood in the minds of the Indians. Sir William Johnson well knowing how extreamly tender the Indians in general are, with regard to Forts, near to their country or hunting grounds and naturally judging a Body of Armed Men, to support as it were the building of those, at a time, and in places where he had many reasons to believe the neighbouring Indians (as it hath since fully appeared) were dissatisfied with the Government on the score of Lands, and Encroaching by their purchases on their hunting grounds, and crowding too near upou them by their extended settlements he judged this conduct in the Government of Pensilvania was impolitick, and he must beg leave to be still of the same opinion, and as he looked upon those proceedings to be contrary to the true interest of the Community) he did suspect they were pushed forward upon other motives. And to conclude, unless the Province of Pensilvania is both able and willing to maintain their land pretentions by force of Arms against the Indians, Sir William Johnson hath not altered his opinion but doth with yet stronger degree of conviction than formerly, humbly offer his conception of the matter in the same words as before. Namely, ^' that the most effectual method of producing tranquility to that Province would be a Voluntary and t f fi^ ..,, . ■. J 4S0 PAVKM BKLATUia TO TBB lUIQUIHJUnri^ EI v^. ^Hf H H| ' ^B^illP; wf if ! ; ■ ^rB^^^^h^bhI' 1 . 1^ ' ' M^^wi r ■, ft''''.!' ■ . '■ 1 ' f' •'•■■ ' ' '. r : i'f' '■';', open Surrender of that Deed of Salej to fix with the I&diani u the best mtnner they can^ the boundi for their lettlementa, and make them Ouarantiea to it." NoTB.— See further on this lubject, J%* Sut^hannah TUh Stated and Examined in a Seriu qf Jfimhertfirtt jmblieked in Me Wutem Star and note Re-publitKed, 4rc CataldU; by Bfackay Crofwell. 1796. *^,*' IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) L // O ^ Z ,5.^ />, I/.. % 1.0 t^ 125 ^^s 1^ 1^ IIIII2.2 1.1 f.-^ia • — IIJ& 1.25 III 1.4 ||.6 Ul — ► < • w K /^ '•^ 7 PhotDgraphic Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14580 (716)872-4503 >^^ > I'- /:^si J.^^ ■J , WLJMt 'J. /. OfTHK T^- X ffea/I f^ (iters ()fthr Rirrrs ^ tn0)- ^r«-^ ./""^ ■=■«• :i^^ ,M" •!•< riKoh'itti Ynitn^ Cb" rl" <«> ,\« W K' A»" vP *'■.«> v-^ ">>?' *s ^^^'^i.^' ,» '': 1 I ^X^»' if / / v.* «* -r ^'^ .rK' «'•' §ts •o *>. ^«5S 'T' I?.. ^ s ' " ■*c^ ^ S ^^'^ / (if or ft Crotfh an m« f('| J./- Irt*" "''' .hnath'w *""'■' (• in© >''>o^ "''^. 4^ iS -4 '^d /{{,/,'//.<*">'<'" / /"'-^ '«< ">»* "».(> ,.1'" ^ '/,*' ^ /^r^ "«» ino .,,./.' l.'!V»* ir'si /h. 'rufl V *»J 177" f? ,<'^ nil* II ^ VV"' ,!"• •feN^"-*"/?, *f .f»' ,\«'" <^*' '"i^.. A.V^'^*. g.>fl' «'> • \ «neK«' :tN 'e cK \^ of lUo mMJiWMM \ , Survet/or (iatcraf rtV- V I i ,/<^' «3 J*' *» V ^>^ <.••" \N^ / / r" v.'. amf * ■«e t» A / ■/v « l..■"- ^V''<^» ITti'.t y / =5F, V, t-i ^^ 'I- I HSU ''• ni* -'"^ar. 5 5 , r 1 \'~\ .(A,,//// ^V'v»<»'»' y„»/l<'V"' 17 tM ■ flit nivi sti-' 5- \ ■i-:T--±- - --^ 5- \ I. ■ \ \ N \„-.' Sf •'^4. ""^^''^ tf; ■ ¥ '■' .1 'fii.fi^ H ftiif lilh .litany. ''■Wk<~ iM .™-:,-,^ ,„,,..,,i!i(Uwi»iifi(i^Mii«i^ ) W{ XVI. PAPERS aiL&vuwTOTn (Snrlq $MmtrA nt (DgbrashDrgjj, NEW-TORK. 1740. ■ if i 'n-' ''^'' ■} \. i ■ ^i| ■ ,■■■■. '1 life? «tfc^i-li*ii'i itA Si vol Pic 174 in the I s^tt L? ; . MrmisitimY of a mmm in tM k^iohbourhood OF K)ftT FRONTENAC. APRIL, 1750. [Paris Doo. X,] A large ttUtoW dJT Imquoig Sat&geti Wlhg declared their ti^illitighiesk to embrace Ohrii^ianity) it has been proposed to esttiblish ti Missiob in the neighbourhood of Fort Frontenat. Abb6 I'iequ^t, a tedious Missionary in "whom the nations have tf^inced taudh confidence has takcsn chstgB of it, and of testing) as much as possible what reliance is to be placed on the dispoti- Abtts of the Infliuis.'* Kev^thel^ss, tfs lilt de la Gallisonni^re had temarked in the uibHth of Octdber, one thousand seven hundred and forty eight, that too much dependence ought not to be placed dn them, fft. da la Jonquilgffe was written to, on the fburth df May one thou- Siind s^ven hundred and forty nine, that he should neglect nothing fbr the formation of this establishment, because if it at sQl succeeded it Wduld ndt be difficult to give the Indians to under- stand thtlt'the only means they had to relieve themselves of the pretensions of the English to their lands is the destruction of Chdueguen which they founded solely with a view to bridle these iTatibns ; but it Was necessary to be prudent and circumspedt to induce the Savages to undertake it. 31it gber 1749. Mr. de la JonquiSre sends a plan drawn by ^ieur Ae Lery Of the ground selected by the AbbS Ticqucft fdr his Mission and a letter from that Ahh6 cbntainirig a Relation of his voydge and the situation of the ptece. 1 Th« following ExtrMt frdm Paris Doe. X., rumiihei the UattWthe 'AMx Picquet'8 departare to establi^ his colony on the Oswegatehie River ^—" 30 Stft. 1748. The Abb6 Picquet departs from Quebec for Fort Frontenac; heis to look in the neighbourhood of that Fort, for a locatiota beM adapted for a ViUige for the Iroquois of the Five Nations who propose to embrace Christianity." ^ i\ \i 424 kAUY •XTTLEMBMT AT OGDKNBBUBflB. ■I He says he left the fourth of May of last year with twenty-five Frenchmen and four Iroquois Indians; he arrived the thirtieth at the River de la Prutntationy called Soegatzy. The land there b the finest in Canada. There is Oak timber in abundance^ and trees of a prodigious size and height, but it will be necessary) for the defence of the settlement, to fell them without permission. Picquet reserved sufficient on the land he had cleared to build a bark. He then set about building a store house to secure his effects ; he, next, had erected a small fort of pickets and he will have a small house constructed which will serve as a bastion. Sieur Picquet had a special interview with the Indians ; they were satisfied with all he had done ; and assured him they were willing to follow his advice and to immediately establish their village. To accomplish this, they are gone to regulate their \ affairs and have promised to return with their provisions. The situation of this post is very advantageous ; it is on the borders of the River de la Presentation^ at the head of all the rapids, on the west side of a beautiful basin formed by that river, capable of easily holding forty or fifty barks. In all parts of it there has been found at least two fathoms and a half of water and often four fathoms. This basin is so located that no wind scarcely can prevent its being entered. The bank is very low in a level country the point of which runs far out. The passage across is hardly a quarter of a league, and all the canoes going up or down, cannot pass elsewhere. A fort on this point would be impregnable ; it would be impossible to approach, and nothing commands, it. The east side is more elevated, and runs by a gradual inclination into an Amphitheatre. A beautiful town could hereafter be built there. This post is, moreover, so much the more advantageous as the English and Iroquois can easily descend to Montreal by the River de la Presentation which has its source in a lake bordering on the Mohawks and Corlar. If they take possession of this River they will block the passage to Fort Frontenac and more easily assist Choueguen. Whereas by means of a Fort at the Point, it would be easy to have a force there in case of need to despatch to i ■:"■>'■ * ■ .; lM BABLT IBTTLKMXMT AT OODUfiaDAOB. 415 Choueguen and to intercept the Engliih and Indians who may want to penetrate into the Colony, and the voyage to MiMilimak- inac could be made in safety. • Moreover^ this establishment is only thirty-five leaguei from Montreal ; twenty-five from Fort Frontenac and thirty-three from Choueguen ;' a distance sufficient to remove the Indians from the disorders which the proximity of Forts and Towns ordinarily engenders among them. It is convenient for the reception of the Lake Ontario, and more distant, Indians. Abb6 Picquet's views are to accustom these Indians to raise Cows, Hogs and Poultry ; there are beautiful prairieS) acorni and wild oats. On the other hand it can be so regulated that the batteaux carrying goods to the posts, may stop at La Presentation. The cost of freight would become smaller ; men could be found to convey those batteaux @ fifteen to twenty livres instead of forty- five and fifty livres which are given for the whole voyage. Other batteaux of La Presentation would convey them farther on, and the first would take in return plank, boards and other timber, abundant there. This timber would not come to more than twelve ® fifteen livres, whilst they are purchased at sixty-eight livres at Montreal and sometimes more. Eventually this post will be able to supply Fort Frontenac with provisions which will save the King considerable expense. ^ The Abb6 Picquet adds in his letter, that he examined in his voyage the nature of the rapids of the Fort Frontenac river, very important to secure to us the possession of Lake Ontario on which the English have an eye. The most dangerous of those rapids, in number fourteen, are the Trou (the Hole) and the Buisson (the Thicket). AbbS Picquet points out a mode of rendering tlus River navigable ; and to meet the expense he proposes a tax of ten livres on each canoe sent up and an ecu (fifty cents) on each of the crew, which according to him will produce three thousand livres, a sum sufficient for the workmen. 1 Ogdensburg^ is 105 miles from Montreal; 60 from Kingttoa, Can., and abont 90 from Oswego. The distances laid down in the Text are rery aeourate, ooui- derinf the time and the circnmstaneea. : Mi^ ' ■'I! ! ii ji.l, V ,.,' ■I ■'^'■ r ..• Ill i/.m m I*' ■ 'toi «t6 WMMJt nrrTLmirr at ooDonrMoMH. Mefci" d« la JdnquiMre fend Bi((Ot remai^ thM tkcy find (hif ^■ttblifhment neccmiy ba w«ll aa the erection of a aaw-mill^M it will diminiih the expense in the purchftM of timber ; biit as regaffdr the lUpids'they will tferify them hi order to ascertain if in fact the riTer can beirenderednatigable and they will send ah ciliiBiiAe •f the works. They hate ciusted fif« oahnfon of two pound calibre to be sdnt to the Abb6 Pic<{tt«t for his little foirt so as to i^ve oonfidenca to his Indians and to penuade than that they will be in iecvrity ttWre. M. da la JonqaiiSrb in particular says, he Hi^illiee if tht pir6- prietora of batteaux would contribute to the expense necessity to be iHcUrred for the Rapids j but he aiks th&t convicts froiathe j^alleya oir |>«ople out^of nt'ork {gen^ inutile$) be aebt every yaar to him to iiultivate thie grouhd. He ia in Want of meh, and the fti^'ba has Mndthif^ Mimgcs. Ut 8ber, 1740. Mr. Bigot also eenda a special metaloir of the expense incurred by Abb6 Pic()uet for im|)rbvem#nts(d> December, 1708 ... As early as the seventeenth year of his age, he successfully commenced the functions of a missionary in his country and at twenty years the Bishop of Sinope, Suffragan of the Diocese of Lyon, gave him, by a flattering exception, permission to preach in all the parishes of Bresse and Franche-Comt6 which depended on his diocese. The enthusiasm of his new state rendered him desirous to go to Rome, but the Archibishop of Lyons advised him to study theology at Paris. He followed this advice and entered the Congregation of Saint Sulpice. The direction of the new converts was soon proposed to him ; but the activity of his zeal induced him to seek a wider field, and led him beyond the seas in 1733, to the Missions of North America where he remained thirty years, and where his constitu- tion debilitated by labor, acquired a force and vigor which secured for him a robust health to the end of his life. ^ M. Picquet was among the first to foresee the war which sprung up about 1742 between the English and the French. He pre- pared himself for it a long time beforehand. He began by draw- ing to his Mission (at the Lake of the Two Mountains) all the French scattered in the vicinity, to strengthen themselves and afford more liberty to the savages. These furnished all the necessary detachments ; they were continually on the frontiers to spy the enemy's movements. M. Picquet learned, by one of these detachments that the English were making warlike preparations .at Sarasto [Saratoga 1] and were pushing their settlements up to f. XAKLY SETTLEMENT AT OGDENSBDaOH. 429 I sprung iHe pre- ly draw- I all the Ives and all the Intiers to 1 of these [)aralion8 fits up to Lake St. Sacrement. * He informed the General of the circum- stance and proposed to him to send a hody of troops there at least to intimidate the enemy, if we could do no more. The ex- pedition was formed. M. Picquet accompanied M. Marin who commanded this detachment. They burnt the fort, the Lydius establishments,' several saw mills, the planks, boards and other building timber, the stock of supplies, provisions, the herds of cattle along nearly fifteen leagues of settlement and made one hundred and forty-five prisoners without having lost a single Frenchman or without having any even wounded. ^ This expedition alone prevented the English undertaking any thing at that side during the war. Peace having been re-established in 1748, our Missionary occu- pied himself with the means of remedying, for the future, the in- conveniences which he had witnessed. The road he saw taken by the Savages and other parties of the enemy sent by the English against us, caused him to select a post which could, hereafter, intercept the passage of the English. He proposed to M. de la Galissonidre to make a settlement of the Mission of La Presentation^ near Lake Ontario, an establishment which succeded beyond his hopes, and has been the most useful of all those of Canada.." .\\i:c>h.r- '■■'/,'■- h.-- .■'■'■■ '' '-/■■■■■>--' Mr. Rouill6, Minister of the Marine wrote on the 4t'» May 1749; *'A large number of Iroquois having declared that they were desirous of embracing Christianity, it has been proposed to establish a Mis- sion towards Fort Frontenac in order to attract the greatest number possible thither. It is Abb4 Picquet, a zealous Missionary and in whom these Nations seem to huve confidence, who has been en- 1 *< I am building a Fort at thia Lake which the French call Lake St. Sacrement, bat I have given it the name of Lake George, not only in honour to his Majesty bat to aacertain his undoubted dominion here." Sir William Muuon to the Board qf Trade, Sept. 3d, 1755. Land. Doe. xxxii., ITS. 2 Now Fort F4ward, Washington County. 3 "I received an account on the 19th inst., by express from Albany, that a party of French and their Indians had cut off a settlement in this Province called Saraghtoge, about fifty miles from Albany, and that about twenty houses with a Fort (which the publick would not repair) were burned to ashes, thirty persons killed and scalped and about sixty taken prisoners. Ckm. ClUtton to tht Board, 30 Mw. 1745. Lo»d.Doe.xxriU,l«J,236. < ,„ I »i :^i »*A. l^ 1 430 MABhY ■mxBaaunr at ocnBmBinMiB. troBted with thii negotiation. He was lo bate g«ne lost yeUy to select a suitable site for the establishment of the Mission, and verify as precisely as was possible what can be depended upott relative to the (Sispositions of these same nations. In a letter of the 5^^ October last, M. de la Gallisonni^re stated that though an entire confidence cannot be placed in those th 'y have manifestcd| it is notwithstanding of so much importance to succeed in dividiBg theoi) that nothing must be neglected that can contribute to it. It is for this reason that His Majesty desires you shall prodttcttte the design of the proposed settlement. If it coald attsdn ai certain success, it would not be difficult then to make the savages under- stand that the only means of extricating themselves hojgk the pretensions of the English to them and their luidS) is to destfoy Choueguen,' so te to deprive them thereby of a Post whitk flisy established chiefly with a view to control their tribes, l^is des- truction is of such great importance, both as regards our possessions and the attachment of the savages and their Trade, that it is ptoptt to ure every means to engage the Iroquois to vmdertake it. This is actually the only means that can be employed, but you must feel that it requires much prudence and circumspection.'' Mr. Picquet eminently possessed the qualities requisite to effMl the removal of the English from our neighbourhood. Thersfws the General, the Intendant, and the Bishop deferred absolutely to him in the selection of the settlement for this new Mission, attd despite the efforts of those who had opponte interests, he was entrusted with the undertaking. The Fort of La Presentation is situated at 303 deg. 40 mtn. T ongitude, and at 44 deg. 50 min. Latitude on the Presentation River, which the Indians name Soegasti; thirty leagues above Mont-Real ; fifteen leagues from Lake Ontario or Lake Frontenao, which with Lake Champlain gives rise to the River St. Laurence; ]5 leagues west of the source of the River Hudson which falls into the sea at New York. Fort Frontenac had been built near there in 1671, to arrest the incursions of the English and the Iroquois ; the bay served as a port for the Mercantile and Military Marine which had been formed there on that sort of sea where the 1 Oswegd* \ and cpo* jliaii stud) idittg jdCttte «rtttitt QBdeT' m tli« leittoy M dea- segcdoM t. Thii toeifec* )Bolutely jion, a«»d U was 40 m^* isentatioii ics above rontenaoy .autence; Ibich falls milt near and the |d Military where the A"-'. m. 431 the ocean. But aportant, because rarely, 'he barks ads, the lands are I advantageously, ition to recondle ,0 inhabit between jBeauharnois and il of New France, p^ci^lly at a ti^ne ^ years, sought to 1 .' '. )ony, bjBQau^e ih^^ \d not pass e^fe- Q^ \irhen coming i and the Micis- wSi it eventually fi diEit^nee oJT onfi (traders, notyrith- imerical. f^nvy iieen for th^ firm- i Admioistsation. Imfort the Posts H Canoes for the itructed there at ler is in greater M. Picquet had anufacturing the itant settlement I for Europeans very convenient inada. iqnKff f"? ' mechanics and ireat security as (vailed him ever lort of palisades, iven. He had ]i \ if ill .1 ') I w ^ .r > c -^^fK IfmiiiK 430 trusted with thit i select a suitable verify as precise! relative to the cB: the 6ti> October 1 ODitire confidence it is notwithstanc tliemy that nothi It is for this reas the design of the success, it would! stand that the o pretenmons of th^ Ghouegucn,' so i establidied cbiefl] tructionisofsucli and the attachme) to ufe every me is actually the feel that it requi Mr. Picquet ei the removal of tt the General, thei to him in the sell despite the e£forl entrusted with tl| The Fort of I ongitude, and • River, which t! Mont-Real ; fift which with Lak 15 leagues west into the sea at I there in 1671, Iroquois j the ba Marine which hi :\> ^ ^i, '^ ^* ^^ #{ ■■. I and toil Ml somt possi since a ho TUILJf fST^^^UVr J^T QCfD^^UBOK. 481 tempests are a^ frequent find ^ dangerous as on the ocean. But thf Post of Ja Pre^en,tation appeared still more important, because the h^rboiMT i|i very gpod,, th^ river freezes there rarely, the barks dUi le^^ve with northern^ easterifi s^nd southern winds, the lands are excellent, s^d that quarter c^q be fortified ^^ost advantageously. Besides, thai Mis^i,on was adapted by its situation to reconcile to, us the Iroquois sa,y^9S of the Five Nations who inhabit between yirgioia 9,Ti4 l^aV^ Oi^t^io. The; |ilarqtus of Beauharnois and afterwards M: de 1^ Jonqw^re, Qavernor Qen^ral of ^ew France, w«re very desirous that we should Qocupy it, e^p^ci^lly at a tiine when iJnglish jealousy irritated by a wax of npany year«, sought to alienate fron) us the IVihfs of Canada; Tbi^ e«li9UUshiaent w{« as if the key of \hfi Colony, because th« English} French and Upper Oan?tda wvages could 9Qt pass 9\^er where than under the cannon of' Fort Presentation when coming down from the South ; the Iroquois to the Somth and the Mieis- sagu^ to the North were within its reach. Thusi it eventut^Uy succeeded in collecting them together from over a distance o| on^ hundred leagues. The officers, interpreters aqd traders, notwith- stjanding, then regarded that establishment as chimerical. £nvy and opposition had effected its failure hfid it not been for the firm- ness of the Abb6 Picquet supported by that of the Admioistsation. This establishment served to protect, aid, and comfort the Posts already erected on Lake Ontario. The Barks and Canoes for the Transportation of the King's effects could be constructed there at a third less expense than elsewhere because timber is in greater quantity and more accessible, especially when M. Picquet h&d had a saw mill erected there for preparing and manufacturing the timber. In fine he could establish a very impoitant settlement for the French Colonists and a point of reunion for Europeans and savages, where they would find themselves very convenient to the hunting and fishing in the upper part of Canada. M. Picquet left with a detachment of soldiers, mechanics and some savages. He placed himself at first in as great security as possible against the insults of the enemy, which availed him ever since. On the 20ti> October 1749, he had built a Fort of palisades, a house, a bam, a stable, a redoubt and an oven. He had ,iv 4S2 ' EABLY SCTTLBMEMT AT OGDEirBBUEGB. i til .1 'i landls cleared for the savages. His improvements were estimated as thirty to forty thousand livresy hut he introduced as much judgment as economy. He animated the -workmen and they laboured from three o'clock in the morning until nine at night. As for himself his disinterestedness was extreme. He received at that time neither allowance nor presents ; he supported himself by his industry and credit. From the King he had but one ration of two pounds of bread and one half pound of pork, which made the savages say, when they brought him a Buck and some Partridges, '< We doubt not. Father, but that there have been disagreeable expostulations in your stomach, because you have had nothing but pork to eat. Here's something to put your affairs in order." The hunters furnished him wherewithal to support the Frenchmen, and to treat the Generals occasionally. The savages brought him trout ^ weighing as many as eighty pounds. v- When the Court had granted him a pension He employed it only *) for the benefit for bis establishment. At first, he had six heads of families in 1749, eighty-seven the year following, and three hundred and ninety-six in 1751. All these were of the most J antient and most influential families, so that this Mission was,' from that time sufficiently powerful to attach the Five Nations to us, amounting to twenty-five thousand inhabitants, and he reck-<( oned as many as three thousand in his Colony. By attaching the Iroquois Cantons to France and establishing them fully in our interest, we were certain of having nothing to fear from the other savage tribes and thus a limit could be put to the ambition of the English. Mr. Picquet took considerable advantage of the peace to increase that settlement, and he carried it in less than four years to the most desirable perfection, despite of the contradictions that he had to combat against ; the obstacles he had to surmount ; the jibes and unbecoming jokes which he was obliged to bear ; but his happiness and glory suffered nothing therefrom. People saw with astonishment several villages start up almost at once ; a convenient, habitable and pleasantly situated fort ; vast clearances covered almost at the same time with the finest maize. More than five hundred families, still all infidels, who congregated thei<;, toon rendered this settlement the most beautiful, the most chariu 1 West Was J: I KABLY SETTLEMENT AT 0GDEM8BURGU. 433 d :b it. at by I of tbe ges, able ;but Tbe , and trout tonly beads tbree [ most a was, ions to B reck- ing tbe in our ,e otber of tbe peace Ian four jdictions rinount ; jar ; but )ple sa-w lonce ; a [earances ;ore than ;d ther«;, 5t cbar» ing and the most abundant of the Colony. Depending on it were La Presentation, La Oalette, Suegatzi, L'isle au Oalop, and L'isle Picquet in the River St. Lawrence. There were in the Fort, seven small stone guns and eleven four to six pounders. The most distinguished of the Iroquois families were distributed at La Presentation in three villages : that which adjoined the French fort contained, in 1754, forty- nine bark cabins some of which were from sixty to eighty feet long and accommodated three to four families. The place pleased them on account of the abun- dance of hunting and fishing. This Mission could no doubt be increased, but cleared land sufficient to allow all the families to plant and to aid them to subsist would be necessary and each Tribe should have a separate location The Bishop of Quebec wishing to witness and assure himself personally of the wonders related to him of the establishment at La Presen- tation went thithei in 1749, accompanied by some Officers, royal interpreters. Priests from other Missions and several other cler- gymen, and spent ten days examining and causing the Catechu- mens to be examined. He himself baptized one hundred and thirty-two, and did not cease during his sojourn, blessing Heaven for the progress of Religion among these Infidels. Scarcely were they baptized when M. Picket determined to give them a form of Government, He established a Council of Twelve Ancients ; chose the most influential among the Five Nations ; brought them to Mont-Real where at the hands of the Marquis Du Quesne they took the Oath of Allegiance to the King to the great astonishment of the whole Colony where no person dared to hope for such an event. In the month of June 1751, M. Picquet made a voyage around Lake Ontario with a King's Canoe and one of Bark in which he had five trusty Savages, with the design of attracting some Indian families to the new settlement of La Presentation. There is a memoir, among his papers on the subject, from which it is pro- posed to give an extract. He visited Fort Frontenac or Cataracoui, situate twelve leagues west of La Presentation. He found no Indians there though it was formerly the rendezvous of the Five Nations. The bread and 28 " tl V !*i 484 EARLY •CTTLEMBNT AT OGDENIBURGH. '|l F t1' III ft milk) there, were bad ; they had not even brandy there to staunch a wound. Arrived at a point of Ltike Ontario called Kaoi, he found a runaway there from Virginia At the Bny of Quints he visited the site of the antieiit Mission which M. DoUiercs de Klcus and Abb6 D'Urf6, priests of the Saint Sulpice Seminary had establislied there. The quarter is beautiful but the land is not good. He visited Fort Toronto, seventy leagues fiom Fort Frontenac, at the West end of Lake Ontario. He found good Bread and good Wine there, and every thing requisite for the trade, whilst they were in want of these at all the other posts. He found Mississagues there who flocked around him ; they spoke first of the happiness their young people, (he women and child- ren would feel if the King would be as good to them as to the Iroquois for whom he procured Mls^i^jonaries. They complained tliat instead of building a church, they had constructed only a canteen for them. M. Picquet did not allow them to finish and answered them that they had been treated according to their fancy; that they had never evinced the least zeal for religion; that their conduct was much opposed to it ; that the Iroquois on the con- trary had manifested tii nr love for Christianity, but as he had no order to attract them to his Mission, he avoided a more lengthy explanation. He passed thence to Niagara. He examined the situation of that fort, not having any savages to whom he could spenk. It is well located for defence not being commanded from any point. The view extends to a gieat distance; they have the advantage of the landing of all the canoes and barks which Ir.nd an July 1781. In his life time he was complimented with the title of " Apostle of the Iroquois." 1 I Id Note. — Fort la Presentation, with the River, under the names of Wegalchij Swegaichiy Oswegatckiy will be found laid down in the following Maps and Charts, viz' I f 440 EARLY SETTLEMENT AT 06DENSBUR0H. fi) I ''i A Map of that part of America which was the principal seat of War in 1756, published in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1767, Vol. xxvii. ; An Exact Chart of the River St. Lawrence from Fort Fron- tenac to the Island of Anticosti by Tho* JefTereys, London 1775 ; with the River St. Lawrence from Quebec to Lake Ontario copied from D'Anvill's Map of 1755 j , Sauthiers Map of the Inhabited parts of Canada and Frontiers of New York, &c. London 1777 j Sauthiers Map of the Province of New York, Lond. 1779 and in Carte Generate des (14) Etats Unis de I'Amerique Septentrionale renfermant quelques Provinces Angloises adjacentes, being No. 30 in Atlas of Maps on America in State Lib. Reference to this settlement will be also found in Gent. Mag. xxiv, 593. It is sometimes, though corruptly, called Fort Patterson. K Li'« fi.,' !.( ■*>>^tH' <.'// T/i':^-: 't 1 r, >t^ 0t / ■!■:. 3; J J' \ ^uO'KI. ^>^ v«. A* // hh arj frc die am hai J'etl tht ver^ fror be( be; sal I- rl *.; \ FIRST SETTLEMENT OF THE ENGLISH IN WESTERN NEW-YORK. [Lond. Ooo. XXII.] GoVi Burnet to the Board of Tradt. New York, Oct. 16, 1721. That I might improye their (the Indians') present good humor to the best advantage I have employed the five hundred pounds granted this year by the Assembly chiefly to the erecting and encouraging a settlement a Tirandaquet a Creek on the Lake Ontario about sixty miles on this side Niagara' whither there are now actually gone a company of ten persons with the approbation of our Indians and with the assurance of a sufficient number of themselves to live with them and be a guard to them against any surprize, and because the late President of the Council Peter Schuyler's son " first offered his service to go at the head of this expedition I readily accepted him and have made him several presents to Equip him and given him a handsome allowance for his own salary and a Commission of Captain over the rest that are or may be there with him and Agent to treat with the Indians from me for purchasing Land and other things which I the rather did that I might shew that I had no personal dislike to the family. This Company have undertaken to remain on this Settlement and that never above two shall be absent at once, and tho' these have the sole encouragement at present out of the public money yet there is nothing that hinders as many more to go and settle there or any where else on their own account as please. This place is indisputedly in the Indians possession and lies very convenient for all the far Indians to come on account of Trade from which the Frenih at Niagara will not easily hinder them because first it must be soon known and is against the Treaty and besides they may easily slip by them in canoes and get to this 1. Ironilcquoit bay, Monroe Co. 2. M^jor Abraham Schuyler. 1 1= '1.1 < r\ ii U' * l\ 444 PAPERS RELATING TO OSWEGO. i ' !■ place before the French can catch them in the pursuit if they should attempt to hinder them. This, my Lords is the beginning of a great Trade that may be maintained with all the Indians upon the Lakes and the cheapness of all our goods except Powder above the French will by degrees draw all that Trade to us which can not better appear than by the French having found it worth while to buy our Goods at Albany to sell again to the Indians. Wherefore to break that Practice more effectually I have placed a sufficient Guard of Soldiers on the Carrying Place to Canada and built a small Blockhouse there ^ with the remainder of the five hundred pounds before mentioned. As to Niagara I did write to the Governor of Canada to com- plain of all the unwarrantable steps he has taken and among others of his erecting a Blockhouse at Niagara before the Treaty of Limits had settled who it belong to ■ ' ' • I received his answer at Albany in which he flatly denies most of the Facts I complain of. ; .: ;( ^ • r- But as to Niagara he pretends possession for above fifty years first taken by M^ de la Sale. , >. lti\i'yy !>■•■ EXTRACTS FROM FRENCH LETTERS. [Pari* Doc. VII.] Letter^ dated 22 May 1725. M. the Marquis of Yaudreuil writes that he received advice the 9^^ December that the English and the Dutch had projected an establishment at the mouth of the River Chouaguen on the borders of Lake Ontario and very near the post we have at Niagara. . »; The news of this establishment on soil always considered as belonging to France appeared to him the more important as he felt the difficulty of preserving the post of Niagara where there is no fort, should the English once fortify Chouaguen; and that in losing Niagara the Colony is lost and at the same time all the trade with the upper Country Indians, who go the more willingly to the English since they obtain goods there much cheaper and get as 1. Now Fort Edward, originally Fort Lydius, Washington Co. A 1 PAPEB8 RELATING TO OSWEGO. 445 they lay be apness legrees by the Mbany 'ractice liers on e there' ntioned. to com- ng others of Limits jnies most fifty years reuil writes llish and the the River par the post Lnsidered as lortant as he Iwhere there Land that in ] all the trade llinglytothe Ir and get as on Co. , much brandy as they like, which we cannot absolutely dispense furnishing the upper country Indians, though with prudence, if it be desirable to prevent them carrying their furs and surrendering themselves to the English. M. de Longueuil wrote in the month of February that the Iro- quois of the Sault had appointed four of their chiefs and one of the Lake of the Two Mountains to go to Orange to represent to the Dutch that they would not suffer their settling at Chouaguen and that they would declare war against them if they established themselves there. He repaired on the ice to Montreal on the 12 March where he received the confirmation of the news of the English, and learned that they and the Dutch had started with a great many canoes for Lake Ontario to make a settlement at the mouth of the River Choueguen in concert with the Iroquois ; that he was afraid he could not prevent it if they be supported by those Indians, to a war with whom, he knows, the King does not intend to expose himself. -'' ,^^::"'^ *■ , .'■ ■ "-v- •■•-* ■ /^r^'v , .;■-»"■■ The Indians of the Sault returned from Orange dissatisfied with their reception. He immediately despatched M, de Longueuil to the Iroquois and thence to Choueguen. He commanded him to induce the savages not to suffer this Establishment, and in case he could not prevail on them to oppose it openly, to persuade them to remain neuter and to suggest to them at the same time, that it is their interest to maintain us at Niagara or to consent to our building a more solid and secure house than the one that is there. In regard to the English he ordered M. de Longueuil, should he find them settled at Choueguen, to summon them to withdraw from their lands until the boundaries were regulated, failing which he should adopt proper measures to constrain them. Letter dated 10 June 1725. M. de Longueuil writes to him (M. Begon) from Fort Frontenac the ninth of May that there was no Trading Post as yet at Choueguen. Letter dated, 31 October, 1725. Mess" de Longueuil & Begon send particulars of said Sieur de Longueuil's voyage. He found ' 00 English at the portage of the River, four leagues from Lake Ontario, with more than 60 canoes; that they made him exhibit his x : ','i, ; /P^ i ■ i:^M 446 PAPERS RELATINO TO OBWEGO. passport and shewed him an order from the Governor of New York not to allow any Frenchman to go by without a passport. M. de Longueuil took occasion to reproach the Iroquois Chiefs who were present that they were no longer masttrs of thi ir lands. This succeeded; they blew out against the English; told them they would bear with them no longer, having permitted them to 6ome to trade. They even promised him they should remain neuter in case of war against the English. He next repaired to Onontague, an Iroquois Village and there found the Deputies of the other four Iroquois Villages who were waiting for him there. He made them consent to the construc- tion of 2 barks and the erection of a stone house at Niagara, of which he took the plan which they send with an estimate amounting to 29,295 livres (= $6,592.) U NoTAi The two barks were built ir 1726. . nftut) The House (Niagara) was commenced the same year and fin- ished in 1726. . <, ' V/ NoTA. Sieur Chaussegross, engineer, writes that he erected tlus House on the same spot where an antient Fort had been built by order of M. d'Eiionville former Governor and Lieutenant General of New France in 1686. 25 July J 1726. (M. de Longueuil writes that) he has given orders to Chevalier de Longueuil his son who commanded there (at Niagara) not to return until the English and Dutch retire from Choueguen where they have been all summer to the number of 300 men, and should he meet their canoes on the lake, to plunder them. ? 1. 5 18 Sept 1726. M. the Marquis of Beauharnols sends an extract of a letter from Chevalier de Longueuil dated Niagara, the 5th of 7be. 1726, in which he stntes that there are no more English at Choueguen, along the Lake nor in the River and if he meet any of them in the Lake he'll plunder them. ne ::;"''Sf PAPEKB RELATING TO OSWEGO. 447 lew t. .icfs nils. hem m to iBain there •were istruo- ira, of itlmate ind fin- \ :tcd this built by General 18 given h1 there tire fiom Imber of plunder In extract le 5th of i«rlish at leel any GOV. BURNET TO THE BOARD OF TRADE. [Lond. Doc. XXIII.] New York May 9lh 1727. I have this Spring sent up workmen to build a slone house of strength at a place called Oswego^ at the mouth of the Onnon- dage River where our principal Trade with the far Nations is carried on. I have obtained the consent of the Six Nations to build it, and having Intelligence that a party of French of ninety men were going up towards Niagara I suspected that they might have orders to interupt this work, and therefore I have sent up a detachment of sixty Souldiers with a Captain and two Lieutenants, to protect the building from any disturbance that any French or Indians may offer to it. There are besides about two hundred traders now at the same place, who are all armed as Militia, and ready to join in defence of the Building and their Trade, in case they arc attacked : The French can have no just pretence for doing it, but their lately building a Fort at Niagara, contrary to the last Treaty makes me think it necessary for us to be on our guard against any attempts they may make. When the house is finished it will be sufficiently strong against an attack wilh small arras, which is all that can be brought thither, and I intend to keep an Officer and twenty men always in Garrison there, which will be of the greatest use to keep our Indians true to us, it being near the centre of all the Six Nations, & lying most conveniently to receive all the far Indians who come to trade with us. My Lord Bellomont formerly intended to build a Fort by King William's order near this place, and it went so far that even plate and furniture for a chappie there, were sent over from England, but the Design was laid by upon his Death, and has never been resumed since 'till now^.' 1 Smilh, Hist. N. Y. Etl. 1828, i. 253, represents the erection of the above Fort as having been begun in 1722; an error which has been copied by McAuIey, Dunlap and others who have followed him without inquiry. Gov. Burnet's des- patch and the preceding Docs., correct the mistake and furnish the precise date. Sm '''r, P' H\ 448 PAPERS RELATING TO OSWEGO. The Assembly provided three hundred pounds last fall for this service, of which I then acquainted Your Lordships, but I have been obliged to lay out more than double that value upon my own credit, to furnish necessaries and provisions, and hire work- men, & make Battoes to carry up the men, for it is all Water carriage from our outmost Town called Schenectady to this place, which is about two hundred miles, except five miles, where they must draw their Battoes over Land, which is easily enough done, & this makes the communication much more convenient than by Land. I hope the Assembly will supply this Deficiency when they meet, but I was so convinced of the benefit of the undertaking that I was resolved not to let it fail for want of a present supply of money. I am with great Respect, My Lords, Your Lordships most dutifull and most obliged humble servant W. Burnet. GOV. BURNET TO THE BOARD OF TRADE. [Load. Doo. XXIII.] New York 29th June 1727. Extract. — The Province is much obliged to your Lordships for representing the French building a Fort at Niagara, and in order to obtain Redress the same Fort which I have been building at the mouth of the Onnondage's River called Oswego this Spring, goes on successfully hitherto, and without any interruption from the French or their Indians, and with the full consent and appro- bation of our own Indians. The Detachment of Souldiers which I sent to up arrived safely there the beginning of this month, so that it is not likely that any attempt will now be made to hinder it, and I depend upon its being of the best use of any thing that has ever been under- taken on that side either to preserve our own Indians in our Interest, or to promote and fix a constant Trade with the remote Indians. i'L I fall for this , but I have ue upon my d hire work- is all Water to this place, », where they enough done, lient than by By when they e undertaking tresent supply 1 servant , V. Burnet. lADE. 29th June 1727. r Lordships for a, and in order en building at go this Spring, ;erruption from lent and appro- arrived safely not likely that depend upon rer been under- Indians in our vith the remote . /.'■ •v' * !l i' ti(fU r' ty XWfcvcncel . I /*/ftft tft /(f /•/ t/f'iffc a . t/tf/\ A.y. //f///fffx /•/// //f// //'/t.s/l tft lit /{fifi ir f7itK*nfmii tt\ f/r nnifrttx rf ftft'rx //fiii li liirntfKn t/r f,f thfr /ftffA f I'lhtfi ftttirtnts t/t ///'/.»• (ni\ fJ Unit f'ancfs (f Krttcr K 7ff f\rf*tnn\ ttn.r. Itarrhtti r/ /•'hniunttf.s- /'' 'IVufi .V fff\'/}yn/nw />ti rtiiin ft Si'tfuttfH'n fff /ti ft t/f>)ifr\ If ^/'/f Pnu.r *ft f '4 tttr fh /; if Urn rrt'it r/rr tfr.sfinrs 1 . MfltifftUff ftrs 'Jiffff/fff.V •HI ft o t'rn/trr If fH'Hriunrtf \utf . . V prft/ Oy\V„/,/tf/.v m \M^mj9m£mik ,^'^ M "7" _4 \ t / f / .; fi 7 "> " 'i \ s ^^' ' ■ ' *•♦ "^v >■ ' '!/ (KsH'tffO J 7 a 7. Pitnt n< r Villi r i f F;n i.i !^: • .1 # ^<'■'■ -.jJifi._.. i/' Mufjilisli BAPER8 RELATING TO OSWXOO. 4«ft GOVERNOR OF CANADA TO THE GOV. OF NEW-TORK. [Par. Doe. VII.; Lond. Doc. XXIII.] July 20th, 1727. Sir — ^I am very well persuaded that you have been informed that the King my master has done me the honor to name me Governour and his Lieutenant General in all New France, and that you have likewise been so of my arrival to this country. I find myself, Sir, in a juncture when the close union that sub- asts between our Sovereigns ought to flatter me with the hopes of the like between you and me. But I cannot avoid observing to you my surprise at the permission which you have given to the English Merchants to carry on a trade at the River of Oswego, and that you have ordered a Redoubt with Galleries {MachicotUies) snd full of Loop holes and other works belonging to fortification, to be built at the Mouth of that River, in which you have placed a Garrison of Regular Troops. I have been. Sir, the more astonished at it, since you should have considered your Undertaking as a thing capable of disturbing the Union of the two Crowns ; You cannot be ignorant of the possession during a very considerable time, which the King my Master has of all the Lands of Canada, of which those of the lake Ontario and the adjacent Lands make a part, and in which he has built Forts and made other Settlements in different places as are those of Denonville at the Entrance of the River of Niagara, that of Frontenac, another called La Famine, that which is called the Fort des Sables, another at the Bay of the Cayougas at Oswego, &c. without any opposition, they having been one and all of them possessed by the French, who alone' have had a right, and have had the possession of carrying on the Trade there. I look. Sir, upon the Settlements that you are beginning and pretending to make at the Entrance of the Lake Ontario into the River of Oswego, the fortifications that you have made there, and the Garrison that you have posted there, as a,, manifest infraction of the Treaty of Utrecht, it being expressly settled by that Treaty, • i\ ,1 ' . > 450 PAPERS RELliTING TO OSWEGO. h^i. w that the subjects of each Crown shall not molest nor encroach upon one another, 'till the Limits have been fixed by Commissaries, to be named for that purpose. This it is, Sir, which determines me at present to send away M. De la Chassaigne Governour of the Town of trois Rivieres, with an Officer, to deliver this letter to you, and to inform you of my Intentions. I send away at the same time a Major to summon the Officer^ who commands at Oswego, to retire with his Garrison and other persons who are there, to demolish the fortifications and other works, and to evacuate entirely that post and to retire home. The Court of France which I have the honour to inform of it this moment, will have Room to look upon this undertaking as an act of hostility on your part, and I dont doubt but you will give attention to the justice of my Demand. I desire you to honour me with a positive answer which 1 '^i without delay by the return of these Gentlemen, I am per. .. i :d that on your side you will do nothing that may trouble the harmony that prevails among our two Crowns, and that you will not act against their true Interests. I should be extremely pleased. Sir, if you would give me some occasion to show you particularly the sentiments of Respect with which I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most humble and most obed"*' servant At Montreal Beauhai^ois. this 20tJ» July 1727. P. S. M. De la Chassaigne who did not at first intend to carry with him any but the Officer of whom I had the honor to inform you in my Letter, has since desired me to let him have the four Gentlemen named in the Passport which I have ordered to be made out for him. I dont doubt, Sir, but you will have the same Regard for them as for the King's Officer who goes along with them. nl 'iUi^ai. V {■' h'>^i >* 'j-fa- :■< i 4H< peo and you or tl mou faili] meai will roach saries, away vieres, you of Officer d other 1 other me. m of it ig as an rill give jr,-.' r.^L larmony not act me some lect with nt il^OIS. d to carry to inform 8 the four ;red to be B the same ivilhthem. PAPEBS RELATING TO OSWEGO. 461 COPY OF THE SUMMONS TO THE OOBIMANDANT OF THE FORT BUILT BY THE ENGLISH ON THE SHORE OF LAKE ONTARIO A^ THE MOUTH OF THE RIVER CHOUB- 6UEN TO WITHDRAW WITH THE GARRISON OF SAID FORT, SERVED BY M' BEGON MAJOR OF THE TOWN AND CASTLE OF QUEBEC ON BEHALF OF THE MARQUIS OF BEi^UHARNOIS, GOVERNOR GENERAL IN CANADA. [Paris Doe. VII.] His Lordship the Marquis of Beauharnois appointed by His Most Christian Majesty Governour General in and over Canada and the whole Dependencies of New France, being informed of your Governour's enterprise at the Mouth of Choueguen River, where he ordered a Stone Redoubt to be built on the shore of Lake Ontario where the French only have traded, and of which they have been possessors for a very great while, and considering t^at Enterpqise as a plain Contravention to the Treaty of Utrecht, which mentions that the subjects of the two Crowns shall not intrench upon one anothers Land, 'till the Decision of the Limits by the Judges delegated to that End, has sent me with orders to sum- mon you to draw out at furthest within a fortnight the Garrison of this place with arms, munitions and other effects belonging to the people of Albany or other places, to cast down the block house and all peices of work you raised up contrary to all law, leaving you if you think fit to establish yourselves at Lake Thechiroguen, or the Oneida River where you formerly traded and to leave the mouth of this river free, as it has always been, to the«French| failing which his Lordship the Marquis of Beauharnois will take measures against you and against your unjust usurpation as he will think fit. (Signed) Begon« Montreal the Uth of July 1727. / k j ■J.:.; ti';-; ..U . j,., 452 PAPSaS RELATING TO OBWtOO. ^^ 11 11 .■ s COPY OP THE PROCES VERBAL OF THE SERVICE OP SAID SUMMONS. [Paris Doe. YII.] This day the fii-st of August 1727, we the undersigned) Knight of the Military Order of St. Louis, Major of the Town, Castle and Government of Quebec, having in execution of the orders to us given by the Marquis of Beauharnois Governor and Lieutenant General for the King in all New France, arrived before the Fort built by the English on the borders of Lake (Ontario, at tbemouih of the kiver Choueguen, sent to advise Mr. Sancker Command- ing the Garrison of our arrival and had him informed, at the saine time, that we came on the part of the Governor General Cipm- inanding in Chief over all New France, to summon him to with- draw at latest within fifteen days the garrison of said fort, "mm the arms, ammunition and other effects belonging to individuals h Orange and other places, and to demolish said fort and ot^er work he had there constructed. He sent to invite us on shore and came to meet us on the bank oi said river Choueguen, accompanied by two odicers of the garrison, be conducted us into the fort with much courtesy and after service on the said Commandant in the usual manner of the said summons which we lefl him in writing in French and in English, he answered us that he was on his land and in his house ; that he had been sent thifher by his General Government to build the said fort tnere with the consent of the Six Nations and even under valid contracts with them ; that if we wished, he would cause the Chiefs of the Onondaga Indians then on the spot, to coine who would Inform us of it ; whom we refused to hear }fe\ng unwilling to have any discussion with them. Afler which he added, that he was but a subordinate officer like ourselves, and consequently equally obliged to follow the orders of his General; that we had an order in writing from the Marquis of Beauharnois ; it would h PAVS^ RELATING TO OByfWtiO. m IF ieand to us itenant e fort ninand' he saime il Corn- to -witb- irt, "witlE lividuals nd otW jTbankol rarrison, er service suiumons answered had been said fort ider valid cause the joine "wKo un-wilVmg ed, that he nsequently aat we bad . it would be necessary for him to have one also from Mr. Burnet) lus G|en|B- ral, so as to be able to furnish his reply ; whereupon we aslc^ to have his refusal in writing, but having communicated to us thie^ta little time would be necessary to consider of it, and if we wisbffd he would leave us at liberty to walk wherever we pleased ; iy|d having kept us waiting about three quarters of an hour and coii- suited with his officers, he persisted in his original sentiments and said that he had ^s much right to summon the Commandtuat of Niagara ; finally he should send the summons to his Qovc^rnior General, promising to give an answer so soon as he should receK^e orders. Done at Choueguen the !■* August 1727. (Signed) Bsgoit.* . -r — — ■ ■ GOV. BTJKNET TO THE GOVERNOR OP CAIi[ADA. [Load. Doc XXIII.] New York, Sth Augut, 17X1^. Sir — ^I have received the letter which you have doiie me the honour to write to me, and which was delivered to me by Mr. De la Chassaigne. You have done me a singular pleasure in taking this occasion to make me acquainted with a person of 80 distinguished merit, and in sending along with them Gentlemen who do honour to their country. I could have wished that these marks of your good will had not been attended with a proceeding so little suitable to them. '^ You perceive, Sir, that I would complain of the sudden and peremptory summons that you have sent to my Officer posted Iftt Oswego ; and which was brought to me by an express, before t^e arrival of M' De la Chassaigne. f'f '^^ I should think. Sir, that you might have waited for my reasons in answer to what you were pleased to write to me, before you took so Extraordinary a step, and that in giving so short a time, that my Officer could not possibly receive my orders before it expired. I agree with you, sir, that the close union that prevails betweoi 1. In Loml. Doc. XXIII. are papers pnrporting to be Translationi of th« two preceding Doc*s but they are essentially imperfect and inoorftlst. ' P '^^ . »l 1 r 'i Hn I iM PAnnS RELATING TO 08WECM>. our Sovereigns ought naturally to produce the like between yoa and me, and it shall never be through my fault if it does not sub- sist in all its extent. It -was, Sir, with the same Intention that I' made my complaint in the modestest manner I could to Mr. De Longueuil, then Commander in Chief in Canada, of a Fort that \aA been built at Niagara and tho' I received no answer from him by the bearer of my letter and at last received one that was not at all satisfactory, I contented myself with writing to our Court about it, whence I am informed that our Ambassadors at the Court of France, has orders to represent this undertaking as contrary to the treaty of Utrecht. This, Sir, was all that I did upon that occasion. I did not send any summons to Niagai-a, I did not make any warlike preparations to interrupt the work, and I did not stir up the Five Nations to make use of force to demolish it, which I might have done easily enough, since at the very time I received Mr de Longueuil's letter, they were all come to complain to me of this undertaking^ as the justest cause of uneasiness that could have been given them. I won't tire you with repeating all that I writ to Mr. de Lon- grueuil upon that subject which he has no doubt shown to you. I come now. Sir, to the subject of your Letter, there are two things which you complain of, first of the trade at Oswego, secondly of the Redoubt as you call it, and of the Garrison that is in it; as for the Trade I cannot understand how you could be surprised at it, since we have carried on a trade there regularly for more than five years running without opposition, and I have reason to wonder how you can call that an Infraction of the Treaty of Utrecht, since it is expressly stipulated in that very \b^^ Article which you cite, That on both sides the subjects of each Crown shall enjoy full liberty of going and coming on account of Trade. Going and coming must imply (as appears clearly by what goes before) among all the American subjects or allies or friends of Great Britain and of France. It is upon this, Sir, that we pre- tend to have an equal right with you of trading thro' all the Lakes and all the Continent, and that incontestably, by virtue of the Terms of the Treaty I < I we pre- Ihe Lakes le of the . PAPKB8 BKLATINO TO OVWBOO. It follows therein that also the Natives of those Countries shall with the same liberty resort as they please to the British and French Colonies, for promoting a Trade on one side or the other} without any Molestation or hindrance either on the part of th« British subjects or the French. I cited to you before the Right which we have to carry on a Trade every where among the Indians. In these last words is contained the Right which all the Ind' ns have to come and trade with us, and I leave it to you to reflect sincerely upon the conduct of the People of Canada, and to consider whether they have not done all they could and do not continue still to hinder the Indians from coming to trade with us. But as for our Right to carry a Trade every where among the Indians, one cannot find expressions more contrary to the terms of the Treaty than those in your letterj where you name several places occupied by the French, who alone, say you, have had the Right and been in possession of trading there. You will oblige extremely if you will shew me how to recohdle that with a full liberty on both sides of going and coming on account of trade which the subjects of both crowns shall enjoy. But if you say that formerly it was as you pretend, that will signify nothing, since at present the Treaty alone ought to regulate the matters. I hope. Sir, I have said enough upon the first subject of Com- plaint which relates to the Trade, for to shew you the right we have to it, and to make you sensible that the future Regulation of Limits, can never make any alteration in the general liberty which there is of Trade. I come now to the second subject of Complaint which relates to the Redoubt and Garrison at Oswego. It is true. Sir, that I have ordered a Stone house to be built there, with some contrivances to hinder its being Surprized, and that I have posted some Souldiers in it, but that which gave rue the first thought of it, was the fortified and much larger house which the French have built at Niagara, upon the lands of the Five Nations, as it appears even by the Confession of M. de Longueuil, in his letter to me of the leth of August 1726, for he pretends that the Five Nations had M56 VAPntS BELATIN6 TO OSWHOO. ^^ed to it by an unanimous consent. If that Post was not upon l^ir Land, but upon Land that belongs incontestably to the French, I believe, Sir, that you would be very far from asking their con- sent to do what you had a mind to do there. It has been always the same case with all the posts you mention rand which besides had been abandoned many years before the Treaty of Utrecht, except Fort Frontenac only, which is on the <6ther side of the Lake. It is certain that the French never built 'anjr of them but by the permission of the Five Nations, and (always on pretence that they were only to be houses for the con- Teniency of Trade With them and without ever pretending to 'Claim the Property of those places : And you seem. Sir, to allow 'idmost as much yourself for you say, That His Most Christian .lifojesty had ordered Forts and other Establishments to be built in different places, '&c. without any opposition. What has been 'built without opposition can never be looked on as a conquest, as Mr. De la Chassaigne would maintain, and I should be very glad 'to l*earB by lihat Treaty or Agreement the five Nations ever (yielded to you any of tlieir lands. On the contrary those Nations have always maintained that the Lands on both sides of the Lake 'Ontario are theirs and will always maintain it. I can't comprehend what use the Article of the Treaty to which you allude, can be to you, and I can't find the words in the Treaty as you have cited them, nor even the sense entirely agreeable to them. You call the post which we have settled at 1 0swego a manifest infraction of the Treaty of Uttccht, it being mentioned expressly in the Treaty that the Subjects of one and the other Crown shall not molest nor incroach upon one another, 'till the Limits shall be regulated by Commissaries to be named tyy them for that purpose. I dont know. Sir, what copy of the Treaty you make use of, but for my part, I have compared the ' Frenbh translation which I have quoted, with the Original Latin, ''Which is < printed at London by Royal Authority and have found it entirely agreeable to h. The words we are now upon are these as follows, The Subjects flf France irihfiibHing Canada and others, shall hereafter give no hindrance or 'Molestation to the five Nations or Cantons of Indians, upon enoh, con- mtion re the )n the r built B, aiid le con- ing to > allow iiristian built in IS been ^ uest, as ;ry glad tns ever Nations be Lake to Which s in the entirely ettled at it being one and another, }e named )y of the tared the lal Latin, ave found Subjects give no )f Indians, PAPEaa RELATIMO TO OSWEGO. 467 subject to the Dominion of Great Britain, nor to the other NattTes of America who are friends to the same, in like manner the sub- jects of Great Fritain shall behave themselves peaceably towar48 the Americans, who are subjects or friends to France. This is the first part at full length of what you refer to ; the the second part is at the end of the Article in these words, But it [is] to be exactly and distinctly settled by Commissaries, who are and who ought to be accounted the Subjects and friends of Britain or of France. Upon reading all this together it is impossible to imagine ihat the last clause of this Article can relate to the Five Nations, as if Commissaries were yet to determine whether they are ovix subjects or yours, as Mr. de Longueuil writ to me that they weie earer to id me on 8 pasung ind lower ould per- d s^d to r Onontio those of the fort lould not mplice to rotten the municated jiness with the Corn- to me. I to passi r remained wanted a Ihe ground to them, knontio and iHeflrer of his iiit>8SHge to them, Wished a cl^&r rn;i<) artd that nil the branches bvcrhdngihg the t ivt^^, hb cut il\ray so that ihy t''lag might pass without being obliged to remove it from whbre their Father Onuntio had pidced it ; and that I should not fire a salute until others had saluted me. IVillingly or unwillingly they approved and we pk-Ocefeded. Wheh I arrived opposite the house of Chougucn We found, at the Mouth of the river a caiioewith peojple of the Sault who werC rieturtiing from War. This obliged us to land to give our folks ah oppbrttiriity to learn tht neWs And to cat* e the Prisoners to dancej Hi is the ( ustom among :he tribes. During this intei'val the Com mandant of Choueguen sent fcr six of the printipsl Chii'fs inclil- ding riJi. My Chiefs incited Af tb folllnW th* n. t ansW^ted ihttt I hsld no business at that house ; they , '^'re tnaiterS to go sitati^ thby "^'ished it ; I should keep ihy id i A-ith the young merii Tligarioguch wished to reibaih /'i'h ihej I pe ^iftded hiih tO accompany the o.hcts, so that I nay '?arh frotn him what transpii^ ^. He iSj morieover, a man on Whbm I hare great rtii-^iafU* They, therefor^i set out for the fort. In th«i interval of thtt# visit thr6e cannbn were fired the meaning of which I did not utt^ deftetand. On their return I learn^^d that it Was to honor the ToaiitSi They begin by— T^he King of England j The Commandant of Al4 J'olrt, and The General of the French of Canada. These are ^e tertils they made use of. Here is what was said to theih by th* C'omihandant of the Fbrt. BUbtHEKS, I nevp- failed to assist the people of your l^atiofi and you in particular • ntn you pass by my house and Cbihe to see me. I will always act so towards you. I invite you to peace and tranquillity between you and us. He gave thr i! three pots of i[lum, a large piece of Pork and a bushel of peas which they brought to the Camp. I found them in a stPte bf great Drunkenness, except Tegarioguen. He assured th&t the Choueguen Sachem had been charmed to see them ahd that he gave them milk to drink to their Brother's health. But the excitement they were in led them, notwithstanding all the ifcntreatics I could make, to finish what liquor they brought. This delayed me three days before the Fort, they being drunk so thit 462 PAPERS BELATINO TO OSWEGO. ■ .1 I I was unable to do any thing. I was not free from uneasiness having only Tegarioguen for support, if I were insulted. When the Chiefs of the Lake of the Two Mountains and of Sault St. Louis returned to my tent, the Nontagu^ Chiefs came to summon me, on the part of the Commandant of the Fort, to strike my flag which I had hoisted over my Tent, inas- much as I was under the guns of the Fort. I always answered Lidian fashion ; I knew no flag but that of their Father Onontio which I carried, and it should not be lowered until I was tied. Contrary to the custom of lowering it at sundown, it remained flying night and day the whole of the time I was constrained to remain at that post. -^ ^ On the day of our departure it was again the same tune. I must absolutely fire first and strike my flag. This I would not do ; therefore no salute on the one side nor the other, and we set out to proceed. A Nontagu^ Chief carrying a British flag in his hand, called out to me to embark. I forbid my people to do so, telling them I would not march under an English flag, and they heard me. I told them we should start when the English flag was no longer to be seen, which we did. I reproached the Non- tagu^s with their weakness and the little respect they paid their Father and his Flag ^ince they dared not pass Choueguen without a British flag. They answered — ^You're right. Father j but you know we have every thing to manage here. I replied — ^Under their Father's flag, there was nothing to be feared. And forth- with they furled the British flag which has not made its appear- ance since. .. .■S^ >■•*'!: ■ ffi'i >''4'»!A;SR8^SLATiirG TO qoynfffo. fippi, or li^^essasippi Canada, with force? or merchandize in time qf fieed : Before the French begun to bui|d the Fort Qt Niagra, ivhich is »bout 20 years agp, they cajoled some few of the young felloes of tl^e ^ive Nsitions, to giye them permission to build a tcadiog House there, but so soon as it reached the e^rs of the 3{i- chims or Rulers of tbosfe Nations, they resented it, acquainted the Oovernpr of this Province, that the French had begun to build, & offered to join any force he should send to demolish the vorJcS) and to drive the French from thence, but this was unhappily ne- glected : inco^raged by their success there, they did, about twelve years ago, eirect another ,Fort, and much stronger (on the l^ands likewise of the Five Nations) at a place called the Crown Point, about ]i60 miles from Albany between that ^ Canada. In ih^X part gf the Country, ^here the Senecas chiefly dwell, & ythetfi I propose our Yes^ells should be built, & the llegiment q\|a^tered, Xhfi Climate is temperate, & the lands exceeding Fertile, ^o that in ,three years time from tl^eir going thither, prpyisions qf aill Icinds (pw^cient for the Regiment & Vessells) may be raised, Except omly jBeef, which will require a year or two more, in the mean it^^e cattle may be drove thither from the Covmty of Albany, with as much ease as they are now to the Garrison at Oswego, & no f opner will the Regiment march towards it, th^ Farmers will go thither ^nde^ their cover to settle in that Country, being sure both 4>f protection, &. of a market for what they raise, The Fiye Na- ,^ons being acknowledged by the Treaty pf Utrecht to be subject to the Dominion of Great Britain, & the Lake lying in their Country, it being ^surrounded by their Lands, I humbly submit it, whether we have not a Right, even before a Rupture to assume the Dominion thereof, & to destroy the Forts the French have bujlt in the Country of those Cantons, especially if we have th/eir concurrence, of which & of their assistance too, I make no dov^t, Yjfh^n they see the Regiment among them. When we have thus vindicated our Right &. established our Dominion on the Lake, the Regiment may then he employed in ^e reduction of the Fort at the Crown Point, wherein, if there be need, we may I believe have assistance from the Provinces of Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire, who have settlements n PAVOB RXXATIN6 T6 OSWCGO. 4^9 in tine Hiagrn, e young I bvkild a ,f the Sa- inted the to bvttW, ippily ne- mttvelyre ,:wn Point, . Jn iW ; & -viherye I q\^o^tered, lie, so tliat Qf?vlll«nds led, Ejccept a tbe mean v,ego, & no ners vUl go nggureb^th le Five Na- be ?^bject .ng in tbeir [nbly subsait ire to assume 'rencb ba^e re have the« |kc no doujjt, Bblisbed our I employed in tein, if there >rovincps of settlements not far from thence, and who claim the lands adjoining to it, k one of them even that wheireon the Fort is built. If this or something else (of which I own I can think of nothing 80 effectual) be not soon done to put a stop to the French En- croachments farewell to the English Colonies and to that most valuable Trade of the Nation, If ever it be thought adviseable to attempt again to take CanadJEi, the dispossessing the French of their mastery on the Lake & of the Fort at the Crown point, will greatly facilitate the Enterprize, but before we begin that work, I presume to think we ought to' take Cape Breton, a Place well fortifyed, & from whence the French can annoy our Fishery at Newfoundland, &, guard their own navigation to & from Canada. That place is such a Thorn in the sides of the New England people, that its very probable a large body of men may be raised there to assist in any such de- sign, and if proper officers are sent from England in the summer to exercise them, they may by the ensuing spring be well disci- ' plined, as all their youth are expert in the use of fire arms, from ' the unrestrained liberty of Fowling, which obtains in all the Provinces, & I conceive the Spring is the most proper season to attack the place, before the Men of War & Fishing Vessellt come from France, for in the Winter they have few men except the Garrisons, & Boston being a proper Fort for our Fleet to harbour in the Winter, we may block up the Harbour of Breton ' before the Ships from France can come upon the coast. NewYork 1743. ^^ '^ GOV. CLINTON TO THE N. Y. ASSEMBLY. , V , ^ ,, [Joumalt of Gcifi. Anembly.] Die LnnsB, Aug. 20, 1744. Gentlemenj From the Examination herewith laid before You, it must be inferred, that the Province has suffered Considerable Damage this summer, by the precipitate Retreat of our Indian Traders from Oswego, upon Notice of Ihe French War; most of them you will find, left the Place immediately upon the Alarm, S'i-: ■! 1 PS V. 'r 470 PAPKM BXLATIVO TO 08WSG0. sold what they could of their Goods, to those few of their Brethren, that had Sense, Courage and Resolution, to stay behind, and brought the Remainder back with them. You will judge what a Baulk and Discouragement, this Instance of Pusilanimity has occasioned to those Number of Indians^ of the far Nations, who have rarely come to Trade with us; but perhaps finding the French, had no Goods to supply them at Ifiagara, resolved to proceed to Oswego, where some of them found the placoi was basely deserted by most of the People, and no Goods to exchange for their Furs; upon Information whereof, many other Indian Canoes were turned back before they reached that Place. How mean an Opinion, roust the Savages entertain of us, when they find our People so easily frightened, as it were with a Shadow, and that the great Gains, which are constantly reaped by this Advantageous Traffick, are not sufficient to excite a Reso- lution in our Traders, to stand to the Defence of this Fortress, the Loss of which, would determine that Trade, and it is to be feared the Indians too, in favour of our natural Enemies the French; how fatal such an Event would prove to this Colony in particular, and the British Interest upon the Continent in general, may be easily foreseen. The pernicious Consequences which must inevitably flow from this sort of Demeanour, I persuade myself, you will think deserv- ing of your serious Attention, and that you will put this most profitable Branch of our Trade, into such a Method for the Future, as may encourage and invite the most distant Nations to come yearly to trade at that Mart ; when by the Wisdom and Justice of the Legislature, Matters are so regulated for the future, that the Indians may be assured, that not only their Occasions, will always be plentifully supplied there with Goods, the best of their kind, but also at the most reasonable Rates ; touching which last Article the Six Nations have made frequent complaints ; by these Measures, we shall establish such a Credit amongst our own, and the remotest Indians, that it will not be in the power of the Fratch to rival us in that Point. PAPERS RELATXiro TO 08W100. 471 r their behind, i judge animity !7ation8} iing the >lved to ice ■was xchange • Indian I I* 118, when . 'with a y reaped B a Reso- Fortress, t is to be emies the Colony in general, [PftrliDoe. X.] Jtpril 4, 1748. Nanangousy, Chief of the Iroquois at <^he Sault has returned from Choueguen where he has been to spy. He reports that outside Fort Choueguen there is but one Trader's house ; that there was a great number of Dutch and Palatine traders at the place called Theyaoguin who were preparing to come and make a considerable trade at Choueguen, and that there was nothing at that fort to betoken any expedition on the part of the English among the 5 Nations. [Cooneil MlnutM XZT.] Fort George, New York, 23. AprU I7BB. The Governor acquainted the Board that among the other measures concerted at Alexandria, the Fort at Oswego, as a Post of great Importance, is to be strengthened bj a detachment of all the effective Men belonging to the two independent Companies at Albany, and two Companies from S' William Pepperel's Regim* who are to throw up Intrenchments and make Such additional Works as may be thought wanting for its Security. That he signified to the General [Praddock] that the Province would not he apprehended, supply Provisions for so many Men, unless the Expense might be taken out of the Fund of JC5000 granted for Transportation and Refreshment of the Kings Troops, and for other extraordinary Services Necessary for the Use and Security of the Colony, in the present Juncture ; and that if he was willing it SIkould be taken out of that Fund, he would advise with the Council upon it, on his Return. To which General Braddock had agreed. And thereupon the Governor desired the opinion of the Board. The Board were of Opinion His Honour might draw out of that Fund for Six Months Provisions for those Troops and for One hundred Battoes and a sufficient Number of Steersmen, to be employed in transporting them and their Provisions & Stores. And also for Pickaxes, Spades, Shovells and other necessaries for making Intrenchments, if such proper Implements could not be supplied out of the King's Stores here. I r^ ^ ATS^ PAPBMI AlXATDro TO OtW£GO. Ml DE VAUDREUIL TO THE MINISTER. [Pari* Doc. XT] Qmbee, 10 Jul^, ITM: Mf lord, — I had the honour tn inform you by my letter of the 2d iiift. that the English were deploying a large force towards Cbouagncn ; that they had built some 10 gun brigs there and two deacnptiona of galleys;* that a body of 3000 men were alsd asRembling at Fort Necessity about 40 leagues from Fort Daquesne and that its vanguard of 700 men had already arrived there. We had confirmation of this news from reliable Indians of different villages and they gave us assurances sufficiently con- vincing not to allow us to doubt it. They even added, as a matter of certainty that 4000 men were going to Choueguen ; that the five nations were spread on the wings of this army ; that tbs English would seize Niagara and Fort Frontenac, and moreover that they had constructed 600 batteauxat Orange ; that they were still busy at a great many others ; that there were, likewisey 5000 men encamped outside Orange covering two leagues of Country; that this army was to march against Fort St. Frederic [C^own Point] and finally advance on our settlements on this Continent; 1 am, My lord, about to send some reinforcements to this last fort, but this diversion will not cause me to change my design on Lake Ontario wluch I had the honour to communicate to you. Ths preservation of Niagara is what interests us the most; if our enemies became masters of it and keep Chouaguen, thee Upper Countries would be lost to us, and besides, we should have' no- more communication with the river Oyo. THE SAME TO THE SAME. ^ ■■'■■ H^- Montreal 24 Jvij 1799 However great the evil [the backward state of Canada and the low state of its finances] I must remedy it and in carrying out my views and my zeal in this regard, I must not lose sight of my 1 The firit English vessel on Lake Ontario was a little schooner 40 feet keel with 14 sweeps or oars and 12 swiYels. She w«» launched oa 28th June, UK., \ PAPSBft EUaTIMO TO OSWXOO. 473 ot the ;owardi ire also oquesne re. dians of itly con- a matter that the that ttM moreover they -were riseySOOO Country-, [C^o^m lontinent: \ last fortv onlAke ou. Th« if o«r i€ ( U|>per haTcn© Jnly ITBBT la and tke Ig out my lit of my |(0 r«et keel p, 17tf n . design against Chouaguen, since on the success of this dependn the tranquillity of the Colony. The expedition against Chouaguen which had at all times been easy, is to-day unfortunately very difficult and that, I cannot help repeating, because the English experienced no opposition in tneir undertaking and preparations. The quiet state of the Colony had, even, rendered them so haughty that having arrived at the' degree of perfection they aspired to, they boldly raised the mask, and vrere daring enough, in the beginning of June, to send threti balls through the King's Flag %ing from a battean of an Officer' who was conducting a detachment to the Belle Riviire. They have actually two and perhaps three flat bottomed gun brigs ' with sweeps, which cruise from day to day, on Lake Ontario. Tliey are about to launch others for similar purposes. I ha in GtnUtman?* JUagodM, xxri. 6. i \\ ^ la. ■l;-.,< f n 1} 174 FAHM ULAIt'* 0«Wii;(}0. themselves to accomplish my wishes. ThL army will be furnished with portable cannon and munition^kof war and implements gene- rally requisite for a siege. Since the 12^^ instant the troops file off by brigades for Fort Frontenac. I expect the remainder of the army will have left Montreal by the 10 of next month; and that all my forces will be collected at Fort Frontenac by the 526*^ of the same month, unless the weather be unfavorable. I should have been highly gratified, My Lord, to march at the head of the army, persuaded of the effect my zeal for the Kings service and my country would have produced on the Canadian soldiers and more particularly the Savages. But Fort St. Frederie [Crown Point] being equally menaced, my presence is necessary at Montreal. Baron Dieskaw will command this army. I confer daily with him and see with pleasure that he ardently desires to accomplish my views. As for the five Nations I reckon not on their aid, but I do not despair of their neutrality. From the hour of its foundation, Chouaguen is the rendezvous .of the different Indian tribes. It u from Chouaguen proceed all the Beltsand messages that the English scatter among the Far Nations. It was alway at Chouaguen that the English held Councils with the Indians and by means of presents, principally of intoxicating liquors, persuaded them to assassinate the French. In fine, Chouaguen is, consequently, the direct cause of all the troubles that have supervened in the Colony, and of the infinitude of expences these have entailed on the King. From the destruction of Chouaguen will follow: — On the one hand the complete attachment of all the upper country Indians; on the other, a considerable diminution in the expenditure incurred at present by the King for the Colony. Should the Five Nations take sides with the English, they would abandon them the moment Chouaguen was no more. The Indian tribes having no longer a resource with the English to obtain intoxicating liquors, I shall insensibly destroy the trade in Brandy at certain posts, so destructive to the prosperity of the service and of commerce. These same tribes acknowledging and from that moment unable to have any other communication except with the i '^m. MMLArino It, O.WWO. ' request jou, Mv LorJ . I France. ""™'"'""'"T Obedient &,™„ THE SAME TO THE SAME. (Pw. Doc. XII.] ^.-dertek. be.ieg,„g it «nt« «th all"''"'''''' "i""-"' •W^hh.. cannon endbX^re " '"'*' *'«' ««<=" ^ »l>o »re conrtantly on the alert V.^"""" <=»■■"'«» of 600 men Chouguen through the reporta'.f '"' '^^ "' "" ""»«""" 'k'ough.reconnois^ne.n edtfr'^ ""' ■"«««". «■» 'wo «n.„ parti., i .,„. .^i^"" "■ "^ """ "^ " «"» win'te, b, H. could no. burn the bark" Ceatl' ^ '"""'"' ""^^ing. of the Fort and well guarded He „ 7 "'" "»^" *« ««»<» *" '•'"" "■"--■' «o ^ soitt^r :itr i^" "" •» P^acouacu Minute. XXV.] •'•''"''-<^'-'B~d..reet:';hS^::.'?^ I' lli II H ■ i 4im PJiraBIS BiaJkTlMO Tt> OSWSGiO. aimT«d two Indlaita of the Onondaga's to give Notiee that OsW6gb was surrounded four days since by a considerable Number of French and Indians from Cadaraqui and Niagara. That they had beard the Cannon of Oswego for half a day after they left their Cattle, and that the General Rendezvous of the Enemy was about twelve Miles from Oswego. That upon the receipt of Col. Bradstreet's Letter he had deter- mined to set off with whiait Militia he could get together imme- diately, and to order the rest to follow him to the German Flats, and in his way to take the two Mohawk Castles with him. That he hath been informed of the Weak state of the Forts Edward and William Henry and that the Garrisons apprehended an attack, and had therefore ordered the Militia to March to the Relief of these Forts on Notice of the approach of an Enemy. His Excellency informed the Council that he had upon former Intelligence which he had received of the danger the Garrisoh of Oswego was exposed to, wrote to the Commanding Officetsofthe King's Troops at Albany and Schenectady, representing the gileal' importance of that Post, and the bad consequences the loss of if must' be attended with, and therefore that he hop'd they would!' march the Troops or such part of them as they should find neces^* aary for the relief of that place. - • ^ ^ »,f The Council declared His Excellency had taken al) the measo^es m his power on this Occasion. .j-^- ,^; , „ [N. T. Meretuy May 31. 1756.] Oswego Bftiy 17. 1756.' I arrived here three days ago, after a Tedious Time occasioned' by the large Train I was with, consisting of 200 Whale Boats, and 200 Battoes, excepting two Whale Boats, and two Battoes that were lost at the Falls, twelve Miles from hence, & four Men drowned in them. On my arrival I heard, that a few days before, a Party of Indians came on some ship Carpenters cutting Timber not 300 yards from the Town j & before a Party could be turned out. Killed and carried off Twelve : They were purijued by th6 Party) ibut they could not get sight of them : Our Peoplr fouhd ^ PAPXB8 SCLATIVO TO CNSWS60. 4Tr one Killed, which they Scalped, & threw his Body in the River, besides several Blankets shot thro'. Knives, Muskets &c. by which 'tis thought some more of the Enemy have been Killed. About eight o'clock this Day we heard a firing up the River which we took to be an attack on one Lieut Blair, who went up this Morn- ing to the Reefs, with 24 Men, two miles off, for a Guard to the Battoes at that Place ; upon which Numbers of People, with a few Mohawks run from the Town that Way. The Firing still con- tinued ; and soon after a man came in with an Indian Scalp, and brought Word, that Blair's Party was attacked by a Party of French & Indians, himself and one Soldier Killed : Upon which upwards of 500 Battoe Men v ere sent different Ways into the Woods. We soon further heard, that a brave Mohawk, who went out on the Alarm, with some Battoe Men, was Killed by a French Indian, after he (the French Indian) had received a Wound in the Thigh, the Mohawk attempting to take him alive, and by that Means he lost his Life ; but a Battoe man that stood next to him soon despatched the French Indian, and Scalped him ; another they found dead, which they Scalped also ; two more they are certain arc Killed, as they saw them drawn off. Lieut Blair, though a Young Gentleman not more than 18 or 19, behaved like a iMrave Soldier ; for being wounded the first Fire, he begged his Men to Tb£e all, and fight on, for he was a dead Man, and that they might soon expect assistance ; Soon after he received ano- ther Ball in his Throat, when he immediately fell. The Sergeant, with the Men, bravely maintained their Ground, till they were relieved by Numbers, on whose Approach, the Enemy soon made (^, and the Woods being now green, our People stood no chance in following them. Another Soldier is mortally wounded, one slightly, and a Ship Carpenter, who went out without any Fire Arms some Time after the Attack, was shot in the Leg, the Bone not hurt. Our People have brought in scTcral Blankets, Knives, 3mall Arms &c. by which we hope they have had a warm Recep- tion. They had not Time to Scalp our Dead. Lieut Blair, the Mohawk Sl Soldier were interred this afternoon, with all tha' )Sdiately fired a Volley from the Boats, when the Smoak was put out, & about ten Minutes after, upwards of 1000 French and Indians appeared upon the Beech, and drew up in a Line three deep, reaching almost a Mile, and gave the Boats a Volley, some of their Shot droping within 5 yards of them : That they fired about five V PAPEB8 BELATIN6 TO OSWEGO. 479 new ve a ,(12 efend hich, have lled& anton, York ; ■ John le two tilled; elphia, anagan MinuteSjwhen the Boat gave them another Fire, three Huzza's & row'd off, and returned to Oswego about 5 o'Clock : That the three Vessels were returned from a Cruize of about two weeks, but have made no Discoveries : And that another, and more for- midable Attack was hourly Expected. Albany Jane 27. 1786. Friday last Harkamers Son came down from Oswego, with Letters from Col. Merser, for General Shirley : He says, there had been a smart Skirmish at Fort Ontario ; that a Body of about a thousand French and Indians had attacked the Fort, but were beat off by Colonel Schuyler, and those that were in Garrison there, after an Engagement of two Hours ; that Col. Schuylei lost 26. Men and the Regulars, 6. ,; ;-,,^l/ EARLY NAVAL OPERATIONS ON LAKE ONTARIO. [From the same.] Hii Majesty's Sloop Oswero; ) , Oswego, July 2d, 1766. { I bave been out with Commodore Bradley on two cruises. On the first we were out twelve days, endeavoring to get to Niagva, but the wind blowing constantly from the westward, were forced to return, having made no discovery but what related to a further knowledge of the Lake. Last Wednesday, seven nights, we sailed on a second cruise, and the Sunday following, at day dawn, as we were steering a course for Oswego, (having promised Col. Mercer to return off the harbor in four days,) we saw four sail of French vessels, from whom we were glad to make all the sail we could. As I make no doubt this affair will be varicusly repre- sented at New York, I shall give an impartial account of the same, which is as follows : At half past two, A. M., we saw two sail standmg towards us from the N. W., on which we imme- diately made the signal for the Ontario to chase, and got all reany for action, wore ship, and stood for them. At three quarters past three, we saw two more sail from the same quarter. At this time, one of the two vessels, which proved to be the Commodore, fired two guns to leeward and hoisted a French flag at his foretop mast 'Ml \ .,,*— Hi ^m i 460 PAFEB8 KELATINO TO OSWEGO. head, tvhicb weiook for a signal for the two sternmost vessels to make sail and join, as he and the next to him directly hauled on ^he wind, and clewed up their main top sails. At 5 o'clock, being then about one and a half miles from them, we found they were all four schooners, and the two whose distance I have just men- tioned, very large vessels with several guns of a side. The other two appeared as large, but of what force we could not see, they being farther off. On which) Capt. Lafory came on board and a council being called, it was thought most prudent to avoid an engagement, the enemy being far superior to us, and the utmost consequence our welfare was to Oswego. Our force consisted : first, the Oswego, Com. Bradley, with only 4 pounders, 1 three pounder, and 45 seamen and soldiers ; the Ontario, Capt. Lafory, with 4 four pounders, 1 three pounder, and 45 seamen and sol- diers ; a small schooner not bigger than a four cord boat, under the command of Mr. Farmer, with 6 swivels, and 13 seamen and soldiers. At half past five, wore and made the best of our way to Oswego. On which the enemy gave chase, and had the French Commodore beh&ved at the time as he ought, he must have brought us to action very soon and taken us : but he was unwilling to attack without his little fleet close together, and in chasing ^red single shot at us ; to do which, he was obliged to luff up in the wind, having no bow chase, by which means he lost evcTT time, twice his length. At 7 o'clock, he being little better thin half a mile o€f, first lufied up in the wind, then clapt his helm hard a- weather, wore round, and fired his broadside at Capt. Lafory, astern of us, and left off chase — none of which, or those before, did any execution. At our first making off, we found Mr. Farmer to drop astern very fast, on which the Commodore hailed the Ontario to tell him to bear up more large. The two sternmost schooneij gave chase to him, and soon after saw him haul up to the northward, for what reason we know not, and the two vessels in chase of him firing at him, which guns by the report they made were heavy. We soon after lost sight of him and the chase and at 11 o'clock heard firing again. At three P. M. we got into Oswego, llie new brigantine and sloop are to be launched to morrow ; A PAPERS RELATING TO OSWEGO. .481 sels to led on , being y -were t men- iC other e, they d and a ,^oid an i utmost insisted : , 1 three . Lafory, and 8ol-\ at, under linen and our way lc French e brought villing to sing fired up in the very time, th in hair helm hard )t. Lafory, )se before, Jr. Farmer hailed the sternmost laul up to :wo vessels they made chase and e got into to morrow ; t the Snow in ten or twelve days. But we are greatly disappointed in guns for them, for Col. Bradstreet arrived here yesterday with 600 battoes, and with him came only sixteen carriage guns and sixteen sv/ivels, whereas the Brigantine only should mount six- teen carriage guns. However, we shall get some small guns from the Fort the sloop, and directly go and look for JUioTmeur, who I am afraid will not give us the opportimity of speaking with him, as they have been to Niagara and I suppose have carried provi- sions sufficient for the garrison. ' ' We are yet much troubled by scalping parties — ^largc bodies lying within six or seven miles of v, and as our garrison is not sufficient to dislodge them,- they do us much damage. We are obliged to have large parties to cover the carpenters; others to clear the woods around the garrison— that it would be impru- dent to attempt it till we are stronger. For these ten days past we have quitted the Fort on the hill, on the Oswego side, it not being tt.nable ; but as some troops (about 200) are come up with Cc ' . Bradstreet, we expect it to be immediately put in a posture of defencco Provisions we abound in, but now the cry is Men ! So believe we shall rest on the defensive this summer and winter. What is the occasion, time may discover j and may the enemies of our country meet their just deserts is my sincere wish. M. DE VAUPREUIL TO THE MIIilSTKR. [Paris Doc. Xll.] Montreal) 5 July, 176C My lord, — English vess^^ls have appeared several times on Lake Ontario ; our's occupied with the freight to Niagara, could not chase them. Nevertheless, our two barks returning from Niagara on the 26th of June perceived across the Bay of Quint^e some coming towards them. We gave them chase, all our sails set, but the enemy immediately sheered off. He was pursued so close that hfc was obliged to abandon his sloop, which was his third vese 1. We left this to our two barks ; uur two Corsairs continued in pursuit of the enemy who seeing himself gained on cut his 31 1 w IJJJ-W""-" PI rest 1 Inc of whic Couis, I mm ^ — — — ~— - — ~ ' ^ '■ ■■ ' ^ <. ^ S % 1. c * . \ •S ■^ ^■fc V .- ' .s J 1 S' ■w St ^ ^w' -J '^ ^ > a £ is ^ 4 ^ ^ ^ $ 1 S V < > s < 5 5 < > •^ '^ it V "^ ^ "t S ^^ .^ 1 1 1 f ■ 3 5: V 5 5: > < p 1 •■■i \ I 3i 1 *■ ^ =! 1 , "^ N 1 5 1 ' 1 • V 1; ,$. 5 ■«» 1 1 1 J 1 •, > S N. 1 •k ;' 4 ^ ^ « ^ 1 v.. > > y. < ■ • ^ UJ X & ^ ^ X \. "■ ^ ^ V X ^ 5 ^ V r ^ < > i 5 1 ^ K X S •^ t5 ^ < s a <<• t y. ^ 0' s. r .^. , ^ ^^^^ cxxc ^ucmjr iroui loramg the Kiver, till the rest of his Men could land on the South side of it: He had no oll^lTVnT 'T ^'^'■'' ""' """"^^ ^*J^' J«^«"«»»» Co., at the entrance CouTs lr7h H ^*^7J•"^^'^«• ""- '"^^ °PPO-"e or north side a;e the Islands of Couis, near the bay of Ke«-J. They are to be seen in Sauthier's Map 1777, 177a. 1) ■■ ' )■ i^ i p I i;/^.;::l it 482 boat loose ai vain we fired up altogether fallen he gaini he carried. ] overhaul the This prize is { 6 sailors and On the 25t; the Islands of Bay of Niag^ Chouagucn. point quite cl the River, we Corsair. This,My loi Navy of Lake I am with : ACTION 1 Jltl^wiilUJUlLiliU -V On Monda^ On the 3d, aba side that Placa Battoes, he wl about 700 of t Canadians and near the Front Island near thi there, to keep oacic me j*inemy irom loraing tne tviver, tin tne rest of his Men could land on the South side of it; He had no 1 Incorrectly written for Neaonrf, or Hungry Bay, Jefferson Co., at the entrance of which are the Galop Islands. On the opposite or north side are the Islands of Couis, near the bay of Kenti. They are to be seen in Sauthier's Map 1777, 1779. till tne " had no lie entrance Islands of iin, 1779. y^ PAPERS BBLATING TO OSWEGO. 483 sooner landed with the Six Men, but he was attacked by Twenty of the Enemy, whom his Party beat back, kept Possession of the Island and were joined by six more Battoemen. They were then attacked by about 40 of the Enemy, who stood their Ground Tery well, and wounded eight out of the Twelve ; yet as our People never fired, without each killing his Man, the Enemy gave Way. The Party on the Island were then increased to about Twenty, besides the Wountled, and were again attacked by 70 of the Enemy, whom our Folks also beat back a third time. This Affair on the Island lasted near an Hour, and had given the Rest of our Battoemen Time to land on the South side of the River and those on the Island perceiving the Enemy were coming to surround them with their whole strength, retired to the South side of the River, and were followed by the Enemy. Our People made a feint Flight until the Chief of the Enemy had forded the River, then faced about, and push'd the Enemy back into the River, where they killed great numbers of them ; the Rest took to their Heels j and were so closely pursued, that they left all their Packs, Blankets & Provisions behind, and many of them their Guns. About forty of our People are killed & missing & 24 slightly wounded. The number of the Enemy killed is not Exactly known, as most of them fell in the River, but it must be at least triple the Number of Ours Col. Bradstreet has brought two Prisoners with him. [From the same, July 26, 1756.] Since our last, many letters are come to Town from Albany, all confirming the Account we had of the Defeat of the French and Indians by the Battoemen under the Command of Col. Bradstreet and all doing Honour to the active, brave and circumspect Behaviour of that Gentleman, during the whole affair. They also all agree in this. That after the Repulse of the Enemy in their three several Attacks on the Island, it was discovered that the Enemy in great Numbers were passing from the North to the South side of the River, at a Ford about a mile above, on which Col. Bradstreet immediately marched with 250 men, to meet them. He found that the Enemy to the number of about 400 had possessed them- selves of a thick Pine Swamp, on which he attacked them in their ^ '*: H I ii f. I m PAI>^/^S H^ATIIfG TO OSWI^GO. 9wn way, behind Trees, but finding that to little purpose, while the Eneix^y remaiDed covered, he prevailed on his Men to rush ii^ upon then'', which had so good an effect that the Enemy were soon dispossessed of the swamp, but still made a running Fight ixQU\ 'li'r^e to Tret. In this manner they w^re pushed backwards for i^^^r t\yo Allies, when having the River in their Re^r, they wer^ obliged to cross, which they did in a Manner most terrible to them- qqlves. It was either to drown or be shot: Destruction stared thtsn ii\ the Face on all sides, and it soon laid hold of them, for the Battpemen having now a fair View of them, took them down fast; wi here it wa^ that tb^ Enemy sustained their greatest L0S9. One <^ th^ Prisoners taken in this pursuit, informed Colonel Bradstreet, X\^ one of our Indians had, during the Engagement, deserted to the Enemy, and inforn^ed them of our Disposition, on which a Party of ^be Eu(piny was ordered to cross the River, a little higher up, apd to come down upon our Flanks or Rear* Col. Bradstreet marched up to the Place described by the Prisoner, and fell \n with a few of them straggling before the Rest; but the whole party soon took to their Heels, and with the utmost Precipitation and CQnfusion, repassed the River, some leaving behind them their Arms, others their Blankets, and many Indian Iniplements of War. The first attack of the Enemy was made about 3 O'Clock, the Action ended about 6 in the Evening. A Scouting Party was then sent out on the North side of the River, to sge if any of the Enemy were remaining, but found that they were gone off, and that in the utmost Haste and Confusion, for they had left behind them their Packs, Blankets, and Provisions. About half an hour after the Action ended, Capt. Patten, with one Hundred Grenadiers of the 50*'' Reg* joined the Battoemen. The former being on their March from Onondago to Oswego, about 4 Miles from the place of Action, heard the Fire, and made all the Haste they could to come up, but they came a little too late. However with this Reinforcemeut it was determined to pursue the Enemy to their Camp about 12 Miles off, if they could, by the next Morning, Jiave 200 Men more from the Garrison of Oswego, and accordingly an Ex J was dispatched to Col. Mercer for that Purpose, who 8en| the 200 Men requested; but unluckily a Storm of Rain came \^W': PAPERS RELATING TO OSWXOO. 4d6 f wbUe rusli ii^ re soon it frpH^ irds for to tlxem- fcfl tht«n , for tb« own fast J 089. One radslreet, eserted to 1 which » ttle^^g^P"^ Bvadstr^pt ind fell '\n the -whole :edpUalion \ them their its of War. Clock, the P^rty was " any of the me off, and left behind lalf an hour Grenadiers er being on iles ^rom the Haste they owever witb jemy to their ^xt Morning, accordingly 'urpose, A^lio [of Rain came on 80 hard as to render it impossible to keep the Men's Ammuni- tion dry. It continued raining till next day, and then it was judged too late to attempt the Pursuit. A further Account of the Action ^ 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14580 (716) 872-4503 m PAPERS RELATING TO OSWEGO. .1 A large Body of about 400, being thien observed to advance Uipon the North Side of the River, about a Mile higher, Capt. Bradstreet imagined, that they intended to ford the River, and surround him. On this he quitted the Island, and with 250 Men, Marched up the South side of the River, to prevent it, but the Enemy had not only forded it, but taken Possession of a Fine Swamp on that Side, before he came up. Doctor Eirkland, who was returning from Oswego, in Company with Capt. Bradstreets command, had now gathered together 200 Battoemen, with Design to reinforce him; but Capt. Bradstreet sent him Orders to keep his Post, to cover the Dattoes which were behind; and directed that Capt. Butler should Command the farthest Division of Battoes down the River, and post them in the most proper Place upon the ^me Duty. /When Capt. Bradstreet came id the Swamp, an Engagement began in the Indian Manner, which lasted above an Hour; Capt. Bradstreet then animating his Men, entered the swamp, and forced the. Enemy out of it into the River, where many of them were slsdn. . . . Another Party was at that Time, attempting to ford the River when Capt. Bradstreet came up with them, and after he fell in with them, the whole Body was routed. Not long after this last Action, a Company of Grenadiers belonging to General Shirley's Regiment, which was upon the March from Onondaga to Oswego, joined our Battoemen ; and the next Morning 200 Men came to them from the Garrison. Capt. Bradstreet now proposed, to have gone in quest of the main Body of the French, but was prevented by excessive Rains. We lost in these Actions about 20 Men, and 24 were wounded. What the loss of the Enemy was is uncertain. — All conjecture that above 100 were killed. — This we know, that above 80 Fire- locks were brought to Schenectady: Seventy-four Men more were- found by a Party, that afterwards went out from Oswego to patrole the Woods ; and many doubtless were lost in the River. The Enemy fled in the utmost Disorder ; for some Traders were passing by the Place of Action a few Days after, were hailed from the Shore by 20 Frenchmen, who being without Provisions and unable to find their Camp, were stroling about the Woods, «• '^' ii^fti J>Ll'' ■ I ■^' W-. 497 1 begged to be ing in Niimber >re than one of of the French, land secure our pt. Bradstreet's The former, in twamp ; and thie I of the Battoe- e Enemy from ) any Help from him, was only r Interest "with Pt immediately bers & Dispo- I whole Dispute pe, and spread a ,his Battoemen gn, fully avenge ahela. I. ^r in the middle f 30 toises [180 atre, are flanked t is constructed sides, very well Vom the ground. )y 8 deep. The the counterscarp ^d way]. Loop r E' WP»|""" < o o < <•) Z (0 « "^ O 3 .. ^ ° '■* ,<^^ 1^^ H ^ . 1*! i^ !• ■ 4' ♦! % ■i; U^ p. '■^-s^ ^\^^ -¥^ S .H fl Jl 4^ V v^ ^ ^'"l'" •FT of, JOl exc wit ^i ■A. large Bot ttppn the Nori Bradstreet ima surround him. Marched up thi Enemy had nc Swamp on that was returning commandj had to reinforce hti his Post, to cov that Capt. Buth down the River same Duty. When Capt. began In the Im Bradstreet then j the.Enemy out i slab. . . . j ford the River -ti after he fell in \i Not long afj belonging to G< March from One the next Mornii Capt. Bradstreet Body of the Fn We lost in t: What the loss o that above 100 locks were broug found by a Pari patrole the Wooc The Enemy fled passing by the I from the Shore b; and unable to fii^ 't' 93 ft CO o < e u z ■; J >■ c '^ a cc ^ =• o' PAPBB8 RELATING TO OSWEGO. 1197 npon the Banks of the River in great Distress^ and begged to be tdcen up and carried to Oswego. — ^The Traders being in Number but about Half a Doien, were fearful of taking more than one of them in) and him they delivered to the Garrison. This Repulse will doubtless check the Incursions of this French, shake their Indian Interest, strengthen our own, and secure our Aiture Convoys in their Passage to Oswego.— Capt. Bradstreet's Gallantry and Conduct are justly Commended.— The former, in his Defence of the Island, and the attack at the Swamp ; and thie latter in his prudent Disposition of the Remainder of the Battoe- men, for securing his Rear, and preventing the Enemy from Surrounding his whole Party. — Nor did he receive any Help from our Indians. — ^The whole Number he had with him, was only Twelve. — ^Nine of these (such is the State of our Interest with them!) could not be brought to engage. — One went immediately over to the French, and informed them of our Numbers & Dispo- sition. An Oneida Indian fought bravely thro' the whole Dispute but another Indian escaped to the Onondaga Castle, and spread a Report that Capt. Bradstreet was killed, & all his Battoemen defeated. — I hope we shall in the ensuing Campaign, fully avenge the Loss we sustained on the Banks of Monaungahela. DESCRIPTION OF OSWEGO— 1756. [Puis Doe. XII.] Fort Ontario is situate at the right' of the River in the middle of a very high plateau. It consists of a square of 30 toises [180 feet] a side, the faces of which, broken in the centre, are flanked by a redan placed at the point of the break. It is constructed of pickets 18 inches in diameter, smooth on both sides, very well joined the one to the other and rising 8 @ 9 feet from the ground. The ditch that encircles the fort, is 18 feet wide by 8 deep. The excavated earth had been thrown up en glacis on the counterscarp with a very steep slope over the berm [covered way]. Loop . 1 That U, the EMt Bank K ■•■f 'ih: i 488 PAFEBB nELATINO TO OSWBGO. holes and embrasures are formed in the pickets on a level Mrlth the earth thrown up on the berm and a scaiTblding of carpenter's work extends all around so as to fire from above. It has eight guns and 4 mortars with double grenades. The old Fort Chounguen, situate on the left [or west] bank of the River^ contests of a house with galleries (machecaulis) with loop- holes on the ground floor and principal story, tht; walls ot which are three feet thick and encompassed at a distance of three toises [18 feet,] by another wall 4 feet thick and 10 high, loopholed and flanked by two large square towers. It has likewise a trench encircling, on the land side, the Fort where the enemy had placed 18 pieces of cannon and 16 mortars and howitzers. Fort George is situate 3CX) toises beyond that of Choauguen on a hill that commanded it. It is of pickets and badly enough entrenched with earth on two sides. -jfj JOURNAL OF THE SIEGE OF CHOUAGUEN, COMMENCXa) tHE ll*"" AUGUST 1756, AND CONCLUDED THE 14*'" AT NIGHT ; BY THE MARQUIS OF MONTCALM. [Paris Doo. XII.) On the arrival of the French Troops in Canada in the month of May, every disposition having been made for the Campaign, the Marquis of Vandreuil Governor General of New France detached a body of Colonial Troops and Militia towards the St. John River to harass the English and receive the remains of the Acadians driven from their Settlements, of w^hom those who had not been transplanted to the more distant English Colonies were wandering in the woods. Another detachment of observation of about 500 men was in the direction of Fort Lydius. The Queen's batallion and that of Languedoc were encamped in front of Fort Carillon. Beam was destined for Niagara ; Guyenne for Frontcnac, and Sieur de Villiers, Captain of a Colonial Troop, hung on the enemy and watched his movements towards the river Chouagucn, with 5vel with irpenUr's baa eigW ank o( the with looi<- j oi whkh hree toise* .pholedand se a trencti had placed loauguen on atdly enough [EN, THE W^ At VAPKB8 BCLATIICO TO OflWtGO. 489 a corps of 700 men, Canadians and Indians. The defence of Fort du Quesne and the Belle Riviere (Ohio) was confidet) to a some- what considerable party of Canadians and Savages, and Sieur Dumas, Commandant in that Quarter, had orders to retain with him all the Indians of the Upper Country whose rendejivous was at Presque isle, in case his posts were threatened ; if not to send a patt of them to Montreal. Reinforcements having arrived from France, Royal Rousillon was sent to Lake St Sacrement and La Sarre to Frontcnac with the two French Engineers, also arrived this year, to thfe order of Sieur Colonel Bourlamaque, to erect new fortifications at that place, or rather an entrenched Camp which would have placted them beyond insult. Chevalier de Levis, Brigadier^ ^as destined to command on Lake St Sacrement, and the Marquis de Montcalm, Field Marshal, to proceed to the quarter which may apparently be most threatened by the enemy. Thus every thing seemed arranged for defence in different parts; on Lake Ontario, Lake St Sacrement, and the Belle Riviere. Some parties only of Canadians and Indians succeeded each other without intermission on the English frontiers exposed to their ravages, and they laid waste more especially Pensilvania, Virginia and Maryland. Toward mid-June it clearly appeared from the report of the Indians sent out as scouts ; from the depositions of several pri- soners; from the vast preparations made at Albany and Fort Lydiua, that the English had offensive intentions in the direction of the Point of Lake St Sacrement. Upon this intelligence, the Marquis de Montcalm proposed a diversion towards Lake Ontario for the purpose of attracting a portion of the enemy's forces thither, and consequently relieving La Pointe. This diversion was to be made, however, in such a way that the defensive could be changed into ofiFensive, according to circumstances. The Marquis de Vaudreuil had never lost sight of the siege of Chouaguen a post important by its situation at the Mouth of the River of that name on Lake Ontario, the key of the Upper Coun- try by its communication with the Five Nations, Albany and the river Hudson ; defended by three forts — Fort Ontario on the right \ ^ : •; ■I I m 490 PAPERS &SLATINO TO OIWEOO. bank of the River, Forts George and Chouaguen on the left bank, as well as a species of Crown work, in earth, serving as an intrenched Camp, having also a good port and a well sheltered harbour. But this siege so important to the Colony did not seem feasible this Campaign, the season being already far advanced, the preparation which this expedition required being very great, the distance considerable and transportation not being accomplished except with difficulties and endless delays across a country having no other roads but rivers, filled with falls and rapids, and lakes rendered frequently impassable to batteaux in consequence of the violence of the waves. Sieur Bigot, Intendant of Canada, arrived at this conjuncture at Montreal; took upon himself the collection of munitions of war of all sorts, and of provisions — the despatch of convoys and their uninterrupted supply. The diversion townnls Chouaguen was then determined on with the design to besiege it, if the condition of that place, or the carelessness of the enemy permitted. Sieur de Rigaud de Vaudreuil, Governor of Three L ivers was, accordingly sent with a fresh body of Colonial troops and Indittns to assume command of Sieur de Villiers' Camp, established at NiaourS bay about 15 leagues from Chouaguen ; Sieur de Bourla- maque received orders to commence at Fort Frontenac whatever preparations he may deem necessary ; Sieur Decombles, Engineer, to proceed with a detachment of Canadians and Savages to recon- noitre Chouaguen; and to conceal the project from the enemy, the Marquis de Montcalm departed 27»'> June with Chevalier de Levis for Fort Carillon. The defensive positions to be adopted in this quarter ; the fortifications erecting at Carillon; the movements of the enemy at Fort Lydius and Albany ; all these reasons justified the Marquis of Montcalm's presence at Lake St Sacrement. Tliis General remained there only long enough to make the necessary arrangements and put the English on the wrong scent. He placed the defence of that frontier in the hands of Chevalier de Levis with a corps of 3000 men ; returned on 15*'' July to Montreal where he arrived on the 19*''; received there his last Instructions and set out again oh the 21"* and arrived at Frontenac on the .iit|j^:^d^|i:s' 4i!f M'iimm^ Mf mSi*«^m^ "APEBs BELATINO TO o.WEGO •-^■mnd «.ere ,w, day. b:;^,f '«'" Con.n.a„d„ of Artil^.^ «« 0-y^ne', ba.Z: '; ";' ™"'^""'^ °^»« '» S>rriT«d the.econd division composeTIf R , l"" '^^""P"' «>«' where "-mberof.roop.jes.inedTrCeZr""'''''™*'^''- ^ -»ow..,de 'aS.„e's,GuyeL;.!!?;t'''™r^»™rfy3000n..„ "g only 1300 „e^ ,J'""" »»^ Beam's batallions .«,o„m? Mmtia„,e„ and r„di,„,.'"'' '"^""'»' «>l» *he 30r "* 'J^^^^^ Artillery... '"* *° *^'°''*«''«' ^r G„yem.e',a;d W, ^ •''*' "'''«" '» 3 Now, Sandy Creek Bay « We ' ^^'*" ' ^^^^-ent and the * ' ii ;'» 4M PAPSEB RELATING TO 08WIG0. to cover the debarcation of the artillery and troops. The first division reached the same Cove nt midnight. A battery from Lake Ontario was forthwith erected there and the troops bivou- acked during the night at the head of the batteaux. On the IV^j at break of day the Canadians and Indians advan- ced to within a quarter of a league of) and invested Fort Ontario, situated, as we have stated, on the right bank of the River Choua- guen. Sieur Decombles, sent at 3 o'clock in the morning to make arrangements for this siege and the attack, was killed, returning from his reconnoissance, by one of our Savages [a Nipis- sing] who escorted him and who took him in the dark, for an Englishman — a mishap which was rendered of the greatest conse- quence to us from the circumstance of carrying on a siego in America with one Engineer only that remained. Sieur Desandro- nius the surviving Engineer, ran a road through the woods, partly through swamps explored the evening before, for the purpose of conducting the artillery across. This road, commenced at 11 o'clock in the morning was finished at night and thoroughly com- pleted next morning. The camp was established at the same time, the right resting on Lake Ontario covered by the same battery that protected our batteaux from attack ; the left, on an impassa- ble swamp. The precaution of marching only at night and of entering rivers When halting by which we were concealed, had till then hid our advance from the enemy. It was announced to them only that same day by the Indians who went even to the foot of the fort to fire. Three armed barks which sailed at noon from the River Cbouaguen came cruising in front of the Camp, discharged some pieces of artillery, but the fire from our battery forced them to she'tsr off. Since then, they cruised only at a considerable distance. On the 12'i' at day break Beam's Regiment arrived with the batteaux of artillery and provisions. These batteaux were forth- with unloaded in presence of the English barks which cruised in front of the Camp. The battery on the beach was increased— the park of artillery and the depot of provisions established, and Sieur Pouchot, Captain in Beam's Regiment, who had successfully begun a fortification at Niagara, received orders to act as Engineer PAPiaS REI^TING TO OSWEGO. 403 The first ttery from ,op8 bivou- ians advan- ort Ontario, Liver Choua- morning to vras killed, ges [a Nipis- dark, for an :eatest conse- m a siege in 'ur Desandro- woods, partly be purpose of menced at 11 orougbly com- tbe same time, same battery )n an impassa- during the siege. Arrangements were made to open the trenches that very night; Sieur de Bourlamnque superintended them. Six pickcls of workmen, fifty men each, were under orders for that night ; two companies of grenadiers and three pickets to support them. Notwithstanding the greatest possible diligence, the work at this trench could not be begun until midnight. It was rather a parallel of about 100 toises' , the front opened at 90 toises from the ditch of the fort through ground embarrassed by obstructions and stumps of trees. This parallel finished at five o'clock in the morning was completed by the day labourers who cut the lines of communication and commenced erecting batteries. The enemy's fire which had been very brisk since the break of day ceased about eleven o'clock at night, and it was perceived that the garrison evacuated Fort Ontario and passed over to that of Chouaguen at the opposite side of the river. They abandoned in retiring 8 pieces of cannon and four mortars. The fort having been immediately occupied by the grenadiers of the trench, the workmen were commanded to continue the communication of the parallel to the river side where at nightfall was commenced a large battery placed so as to baiter Fort Chouaguen, the road from that fort to Fort George, and take the entrenched camp in the rear. Twenty pieces of cannon were conveyed during the night in men's arms, a labour which occupied the whole army, with the exception of the picquets and the camp guard. On the 14*'», at day light, the Marquis of Montcalm orderd Sieur de Rigaud to ford the river to the other side with the Cana- dians and Indians, to occupy the woods and harrass the commu- nication with Fort George where the enemy appeared making considerable preparations.' At six o'Clock we had nine pieces ready to bear, and though the fire of the besieged, up to that time 1. A toiM ia a French meaiure of six feet. 2. " Sieur Rigaud executed this order forthwith. Though there was considerable water in that River and the current was very rapid, he throw himself in and croned over with the Canadians and Indians; some swimming, others in the water up to the waist or to the neck and arrived at their destination without the fire of the enemy having been able to stop a single Canadian or Savage."— iln(tfA«r ^w f .,^" 1. 1, 1* 1; 494 PAPERS EELATINO TO OSWEGO. was more brisk than our's, they hoisted the White Flag at ten o'clock and sent two officers to demand a Capitulation. The celerity of our operations in a soil which they considered imprac- ticable, the erection of our batteries completed with so much rapidity, the idea these works gate them of the number of the French troops, the movement of the corps detached from the other side of the river, the dread of the savages, the death of Colonel Mercer, commandant of Chouaguen who was killed at eight o'clock in the Morning,' doubtless determined the besciged to a step which we had not dared to expect so soon. The Marquis de Montcalm sent Sieur de Bougainville, one of his aids de camp as a hostage and to propose articles of Capitu- lation which were to the effect that the garrison should render themselves prisoners of war and that the French troops should forthwith take possession of the Forts. The articles having been accepted by the Commandant Sieur Littlealles, commanding Shir- ley's Regiment" and sent to the Marquis of Montcalm, Sieur de la Paur, Aidemajor to Guienne's Regiment (acting Major General) was sent to revise them; and Sieur de Bourlamaque named Com- mander of Forts* George and Chouaguen took possession of these with two companies of Grenadiers and the Pickets from the trenches. He wias entrusted with the destruction of said Forts and the removal of the artillery, Munitions of war and the provi- sions found there. There were, on our side only about thirty men killed or wounded; on that of the English about 150, including several soldiers who wishing to escape across the woods fell into the hands of the Indians. The number of prisoners was nearly 1700 men; to wit Shirley's and Pepperel's regiments, arrived from old England and who were at the battle of Fontenoy, a detachment of Schuylers regiment, Militia of the Country, about 80 officers, among whom were two artillery, two engineers and 12 navy officers. We cap- tured also 7 vessels of war; one of 18 guns, one of 14, one of 10, 1. This officer was gazetted, 7th Oct. 1754, Lieut. Col. of Sir Wm. Pepperellii or the 2nd American, Regt. He had been previously on half pay. 2, John Littlehales was appointed Major of Shirley's (or the Isl American) Regt also on 7th Oct. 1754. He had been previously on half pay. Flag at ten [ation. The ered imprac- ith so much imber of the ed from the the death of jras killed at I the besciged ttville, one of les of Capitu- should render troops should ;s having been imanding Shir- calm, Sieur de ilajor General) e named Com- ession of these :ets from the of said Forts and the provi- jd or wounded; [l soldiers who hands of the 1)0 men J to wit Id En[;land and It of Schuylers I, among whom kers. Wecap- 14, one of 10, Iwm. Pepperelli, ■ay. Li American) Regt >. -- '■• « r*.\/». •" f V - ' ' "I*; il A\V,.' ^^ .'VSV'N . The S ouTH View of Oswi General ShJrley /"// Z/./.^T f/^/'/'/u/Mf//// iCfn//trfjirf/,/Ai^f Fort Fortlr//JA/ N'/H^f ht rn//^/ t/tf EaItl'ort,A> /'ui/t v/' Ihtf^f mid v:apie»Ifi»tXr Qto ^oad l/^'7 BW of Oswego on Lake Ontari^^^^^^^^. ; ort ou an*/ ^..^^ i>.^ ^^ Onondaga It ^^^^ ^^^ . -fW^ W ^/ ■ ThsRiver Onondaga, ja.ThtlaJkeCnlitfic. ■^r. ira-.^ St Vnr. IM b; ■ . iv. ; V >ii U"'-' P. / ''j,-35s i ff' 15' *■■ ,t f^if 'h l^'^i' PAPXB8 KfiLATINO TO OSWfiGO. i% %vie of 8, three mounted with patereros, 200 barges or batteauz, 7 .pieces of bronze, 48 of iron, 14 mortars, 6 howitzers, 47 pate- reros, a quantity of bullets, bombs, balls, powder and a considerable pile of provisions. On the 21** all having been demolished, the pri*ioners, artillery and supplies being removed, the army re-imbarked and repaired in^three divisions to the Bay of Niaour^ whence the several corps proceeded to their respective destinations. The savages having, y^ the Marquis of Montcalm's permission, departed successively after t)ie siege. This general had previous to the expedition bound the Nations the one to the other by a Wampum belt which he had presented them in His Majesty's name according to ihe custom of the Country. So much munition of war and provisions found at Chouaguen — the fleet which secured the command on Lake Ontario to the English — ^the additional reinforcements they expected from day to day — all announced designs on their part against our posts, Fron- tenac and Niagara, the execution of which was calculated on this Autumn, and the danger of which the Colony, very fortunately, had not to incur. * [For another French account of the taking of Oswego, see Gentieman's Magazine, Vol. xxvi. 508. ABTICLES OF CAPITULATION ti&AHTXa) TO THE ENGLISH TBOOPS COMMANDED BT JOHN LITTLEHALE8, COMMANDING SAID TROOPS AND THE FORTS CHOUAGUEN, BT M. LE MARQUIS DE MONTOALM, FIELD MAKSHAL OF THE KINGS ARMIES, GENERAL OF HIS TROOPS IN «EW FRANCE. \ " ■ ■■ ■ Article the first. It has been agreed that the English troops shall surrender themselves prisoners of War; that the Officers and soldiers shall be allowed to preserve their effects. 1- '* Th« Abb6 Pieqaet .... came to Choaagnen to plant a Cron there, on whleh was affixed, In hoe tigno vinwiif; and along aide, a pole with the Kings armt and this Inscription— KanibM datt lUia plenis,"— Additional aceotrnt. n ;■ to I :.:i m / VAfESiS HEL.ATINO TO O8WBG0. f :■ f \ . T That the said Forts shall be given up at two o'Clock in the afternoon with generally all the efifects, miinitions of war, provi- sion9, Barks, Rigging and other property in general whatsoever, without any injury being done thereto by their troops. Article the second. That all their arms shall be deposited in a store at the moment one half the troops are embarked to cross the river; that a number of French troops are passed over by the return to take possession qf the Fort and that the remainder of the troops shall retire at the same time. The Flags and Drums shall likewise be deposited in said Stores with the Officers' arms. A new Inventory shallJbe made of the property m the stores and of the artillery, powder, bullets, provisions, barks and rigging conformably to the returns made to me. The Officers shall in passing, each take away their effects with them. The J4*'' at 11 o'Clock in the morning. . (Signed)' John Littlehales Lt Colonel and Commandant. The said articles are granted in His most Christian Majesty's name according to the power which I have from M. the Marquis de Vaudreuil, bis Governour and Lieutenant General in New France. '^ Signed} Montcalm. Return of f^0c(sji»(,nii in thp Fort ^ sent to JPron^imac, the j^la,ge not include4' 7 ipast paBnofi of the calibre of 19. 14> ^18 48 of iron of 9. 6. 5. & 3, 1 cast mortar, 9 inches 4 lines. 13 others of Iron of 6 inches & of 3 inches. 44 patereioa. 93 thousand of powder. 8 thousand of Lead in balls and shot. 295Q bi|ll^ts of divers ca]jbres 150 Bombs of 9 inches and 300 of six. 1476 grenadoes. : in the ', provi- itsocver, I moment a number jossession i retire at »id Stores the stores ind rigging effects with nxandant. n Majesty's the Marquis tral in New loNTCAIiM* rAPBRS RKLATIKO TO OSWXOO. 497 730 grenadier's muskets. 840 Grape shot t^ainnf.) 12 pairs of Iron wheels for naval carriages. Vtss^t Captured on Lake Ontario. 1 Snow of 18 guns j 1 brigantine of sixteen ; 1 sloop of ten j one battoe of 10; one of eight & two stone guns; 1 skiff mounted with 8 patereros & one skiff in the stocks, burnt ; 200 barges & batteaux. Provisions found in this Fort. 704 barrels filled with biscuit. 7 barrels of Salt 1386 barrels of pork & beef 712 barrels of flour. SOO sacks of ditto. 11 barrels of Rice 1 garret full of Vegetables 1 other piled with flour 32 live oxen 15 hogs 3 boxes of silver & the military chest containing 18,000''' A quantity of liquors and wines ADDITIONAL PARTICULARS. Our artillery thundered on their camp and at the moment we were thinking only of our destruction we were about to witness the glorious termination of our labours. I had seven men of my picquet killed or wounded within an hour and a half and I had still the whole day before me when we heard the Rappel and saw the White Flag hoisted on the turret of their embattled house. Cries of Vive U Roi informed the French of the fact. The loss of their commander ; that of the officer of artillery ; the tears of their wives ; the terror of those who saw their husbands exposed to the same danger ; induced them to surrender. We made 1640 prisoners, 120 of whom were Women, five Standards,' 120 fire eaters (cannon) and mx large Barks. Their Stores were provided with every thing to maintain our army during the next Campaign. 1 Th« Harquii de VattdMull oauied to be deposited in tlie Churches of Montreal, Quebeo and Three RiTen« with the vaaul ceremonies, the four Standards of Shir- laym and PepperePa regular troopi and that of Schuyler's Regiment of Militia.— Antthtr Aeeonnt. 32 I i^ PAPERS BfiLATING TO 08WX9O. The loss of the king of England is estimated at 20,000^000. The least superstitious attribute our success to frovidence. They could, in truth Sirj hold out much longer. We have lost, pot- withstanding, 80 men, and our little army had been swamped if that valour so justly attributed to the troops of Old England had extended to their Colonies. Our's is now more flourishing than ever ; trade entirely re-established ; lake Ontario our's without any opposition. We can hardly recover from our a&tonishment. The bulwark (/e boulevard) of New England was originally but the house of an individual whom the Iroq,uoi8 had permitted to build ; of this the King took possession some years afterwards for purposes of Trade. He increased it with all the works which we demolished. Their loss. Sir, is incredible. The Canadians and Indians have had a very considerable slice of the cake ; the latter perpetrated there a multitude of horrors and assassinated more than 100 persons included in the capitulation, without our being able to prevent them or having the ri^ht to remonstrate with them. This species of animal I look upon as mad dogs ; when they are intoxicated they are uncontrolled. ,!# hi' Irr ^^ . r. £;;. . THE EXAMINATION OF MONS« BEIESTRE A FREKCB ENSIGN TAKEN BEJTORE THE HON*^* EDMUND ATKYN ESQ HIS MAJESTYS AGENT FOR, AND SUPERINTENDANT OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, IN THE SOUTHERN DEPARTMENT; IN PRESENCE OF OOL- WA8inNG<^ TON AND GEORGE OROGHAN ESQ* DEP'^ TO SIR W*" JOHNSON. [Load. Doo. XXXIV.I He says he is a native of Canada and served Mons*' Vaudreuil^ that he came last from Fort Duquesne with a party of 40 Indians and 12 White men, 3 of whom were officers. .... That only 100 of the Garrison at Fort Duquesne are quartered within tiie Fort the rest lodging in barracks without. That the train of Artillery taken from General Braddock was sent down after his defeat to Niagara, and that it was the same train the French had used at the taking of Oswego. ' ' 1 nie lame day the French inTetted the plaee with about OOOOmen and 32 pleeea of Cannon, from 12 to 18 pounders besides several large brass mortars and hoyets (iunong which turtillery was part of Oenl. Braddook's.)— Jbumol qf tU Hkgt (f Otmgo i Oditfntaii'* Mag, xzvii. 76. PAPERS RELATING TO OSWEOO. OQ^QOO. . They i8t, not- mped if land had ing than ■without lishment. nally bui milled to iterwards rks which Canadians cake J the ssassinated rithout our istrate with ogs J when IE ATKYN ESQ Ian AFfAlRS, Vr ASHING^ tSOM. Vnudreuilj 40 Indians . . That Itered within 1 the train of ^n after hia I French had jiandOTptew* fur* and hoyet* [OounoU MIn. XXV.] At a Council held at Fort George in the City of NeW York 6n Fryday the 27'h day of April 1766. HiB Excellency communicated to the Council the Intelligence lie had received from the R^ Honi>>« the Earl of lioudon, by jBxpress, ^f the Enemy's having laid siege to Oswego, of their hftving taken the Fort oh the East side of the River, and that it was apprehended they Were orwovild soon be Masters of th6 other works there, with all the stores and Naval Armament. Also a Letter from his Lordship of the 21** inst in which his Ldrdship desires that his Excellency seeing the situation of Things, and knowing so well the Consequences of such a situation would Mnd him such aid as he may see necessary and may be in his t>o^r to do EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM ALBANY, DATED AUG. 30. , , [N. Y. Mercury.] Last night a Letter came to Town from Onide Carrying Place, where win come an Indian from Osw^o, who informed, that the French had carried every Thing from thence and demolished the Place } that they had carried away three of four Officers, the Car- penters and Sailors to Frontenac, the Remainder they killed, cut off their Heads, and posted them on Stakes along the Lake Side. It is said Col. L- e scandalously surrendered the Fort, no more than 1 Meii killed in the whole, among Whom was Col. Mercien *Oommodore B y also behaved soandaldusly, not firing one 6«n from his Yesisels on the Enemy. I cannot conceive (if true) vi^y this Barbarity was Committed, unless our Men repented their Shameful Surrender, or there must have been a Quarrel between the IVench and Indians. The accounts received from Albany since our last, concerning Oswego, are more favourable, than those that have been inserted ^ its. ^oke in i1» UkrMry.-'tf an Kteemy ihould stand on the brink otjht hill M (un pointed could reach him from the Veiiela. ,> ' ' Vi' m. If'- 'A'- :' m ir}: ■r^~i ^ i .\ Ik: I re ', 600 PAPERS RELATIVO TO 08WSOO. heretofore ; for we are assured from good Authority, that some white People are returned to Albany, who were despatched to Oswego, in order to reconnoitre the Woods, and, if possible, to get a View of the Place, who report that they lay two Nights there, where every thing that could be of service to the French was carried away, and the Forts and Houses entirely demolished, that no signs of Murder or Massacre was to be seen, and that they found only three Graves, which were very handsomely made up, and one in particular, which they imagined was Col. Mercer's. Tis also said, That a Negro Fellow, who made his Escape, after the Garrison of Oswego was taken, is lying sick at Onida Castle, and says, that immediately after Col. Mercer was killed, the Place was given up to the French, by Order of Lieutenant Colonel Littlehill; that the Number of the Besiegers were but little superior to those of the Besieged ; and that the Enemy had no other Cannon, than those they got at Fort Ontario. A Letter from Oneida Carrying Place dated August 18 says— That John Gall who belonged to one of the Vessels on the Lake, and made his Escape reports. That on the IV^ instant the Row Ghilley went out on a Cruise, and returned in 10 Minutes, first giving a Signal that he had discovered the Enemy : Upon which the two other Sloops with Part of the Regiments on board imme- diately went out, and in about a Mile from the Fort discovered the Enemy's Camp. The 12*'> the Enemy engaged Ontario Fort, with Small Arms only, the Fort returning the Fire very smartly with their Cannon and Small Arms, all that Day and Night fol- lowing. The 13^^ a Council of War was held at the old Stone Fort, and two Shells and one Ball thrown, which was a Signal for the Troops to quit Ontario Fort and join those at the old Fort, the opposite side of the River, where Col. Mercer was, which they immediately did : That at Night the Enemy hove up a Fachine Battery and Entrenchment on the Edge of the Bank, opposite the old Fort. The 14*'* in the Morning the Enemy began their Fire on the old Fort, which was warmly returned till Col. Mercer was killed by a Cannon Ball as he was in the Camp encou- raging the Men about 11 o'Clock : That the Fire continued very hot about an Hour after, when Lieutenant Cook with a Flag of . nt5^-jnr;*7 r 'rxr-^ttii^fU -r-i \i \^.ti-iJi 'Ti^ir ^VT;,i^..,-t^ PAPERS RELATING 1*0 OSWEGO. 601 tat some tchcd to isible, to Nigbts e French moVished, 1 that they made up, lercer's. icape^ aftw ,ida Castle, I, the Place at Colonel 5 but little emy had no St 18 says- on the Lake, ant the Kov yiinutes, first "Upon "Which board imme- rt discovered Ontario Fort, very smartly id Nigbt fol- ic old Stone vas a Signal the old Fort, [r -was, vrhich ty hove up a Lf the Bank, lEnemy began Irned till Col. LCampencou- [ontinued very Ltb a Flag of Truce was sent to the Enemy j and upon their return all the Indians came in with him. That Orders were immediately given for every Man on board the Vessells to lay down their Arms take 1 Blanket and 2 Shirts and march Prisoners into the old Forty That Shirley's & PepperelPs Regiments were ordered to march to Fort Ontario, to be sent Prisoners to Frontenac (600 Indiani being to Guard them) in the Vessels which they took from us in our Harbour, being 2 Sloops 6 Guns each, besides Swivels, and 2 Holes ; 2 Schooners, one of them with Swivels ; and a Brig lately built, with 14 Carriage Guns, and the same number of Swivels: That Col. Schuyler and his Regiment were earned away Prisoners also. That by the best accounts he could collect there were but five Men Killed besides Col. Mercer. SIR CHARLES HARDT TO THE BOARD. • [Lond. Doo. XZXni.] Fort George N. York Sep 6th I7S0. My Lords — I enclose for your Lordshipps information the Declaration sent me from Albany of the Soldiers who were origi- nally Deserters from the French, & had taken on in Generals Shirley & Peperells Regiments this paper did not come to me from anypublick authority, as Lord Loudoun could not then have time to copy papers. One of the Sailors that belonged to the Ontario Capf* Lafory, I have seen he gives this information that to the best of his memory on the morning of the 10ti> of August a small Schooner was sent from Oswego to make discovery, that she returned off of the Harbour again in about two hours, inform- . ing them that they had discovered a large incampment of the enemy about three miles to the Eastward of Oswego, upon this information Capt"' Lafory & Deane sailed in two sloops to attempt cannonading the Camp, before they could reach the shore where the enemy lay they were fired upon with Cannon very briskly, that four shot struck the Ontario, three of them stuck in her side, which they cut out found them to be Balls of twelve pound weight with the Kings broad arrow on them, that they did not think it 608 PAPm ftCLATlMO TO OIWEQO. I u ( ftdviseable to make any further attempt, but returned to Oswego, Jb sail'd again the next morning as [andT] observed the encainp- Bent as before. By this time the enemy had marched Bodys of iktit Forces & attacked Fort Ontario with Musquetry which they continued for two days, when the English Garrison abandoned it, first spiking their small Cannon, threw their Powder into a well, 9t retired mto the old Fort, soon after the enemy dre a up their C^umon to Fort Ontario in number 8 or 9 and cannonaded the old IV>rt, which continued for 34 hours when Lieut Col Littlehales, who succeeded to the command upon Lieut Coll Mercers being killed sent out an Officer & Drum with a white Flag;, soon after the surrender took place, & the French possession of the Fort, that the Garrison were made prisoners of War ^ well used, that the vessels which were all in Port, was soon after taken possession of by the French, during the siege was killed Lieut Coll. Mercer Capt" Hind of the Train of Artillery and ei^ht or nine private men, & one Engineer wounded, he further says that the Enemy's force was reported to be three thousand Regulars & a great num- ber of Indians, These two accounts tho' not materially different are greatly so from an account sent me from Gen; Willi's Camp. Aji Onandaga Sachem came to them the 25^^ in the evening with •tfings of Wampum and declared. That two of their young men tiiat h^d been sent to Oswego returned to their Castle & reported liiat Oswiego was not taken till six, days before, that the enemy ha^ put the whole ta the sword, eiiEcept 150, sailors carpenters 9^ artificers include^) That they had demolished the Works & CTiicuated the place carrying away the shipping Guns ammunition &C), i%at they had laid the Dead in Bai^ki^ with their heads in the Water, & scattered a gre^t quantity of Provisions about the Place. 'tbfi^t they told the Indians upon their leaving the plac«) You see we , do not want to seize yoiir Lsnds,| only to drive the English ftyray whom we are n^uch obliged to for supplying us with Artil- lery & Tools which we were in wapt of to tajb:e their Forts, the Sac]biem added that those, that gave us the, former accounts weis d^fl^rters,who» went away before the a^^ w^s decided, These are all the particulars I can, furnish your Lord^P* witb» wjjth respect IQ the loss of Oswego* hy' I wm. tttiTiKc TO o.,rwo. dos^ '*• following ,cc„„,,^.,/'j7*-« «..«., 17M. i^a.rt^ fc"b.«r Of 0,w.g„ * ^LtZ'.l'"; ""i"' *"■' ""' ^'^ from For. ft.u,i., ,fce «« 7« ,1 r""""""" "««' « "ita « the Bullets one of them «» • T ^P * ^^fougbt in !»» ■»».».oretl,.„ «„ckrf.j with .*T ,'*^'"*°"«'"».»Wch op««l Trench™ within Pi J^ot " ZT^ ^^ "" '"'"J- la'* betw«n one & two i» .i,. « '^"'•' * <»> Wday tlu oc«si,iina of arm ""* ""«™oon,tlK wk„l. ' '^."" n.^ J . ^'''' "«■ of PeDnen.ll. . OamsoB B»tfo"l of that Heginent haveine^I! oomB,.„,,«, ^ papt. •»t.u* of twoSix\„nderr/.frf„T''B'' "'.'"<'»»»» '^ a»" Fort ft «„fc.,k,j aboarf mJ B ''"'''"-«'»"*»e'l oM I^ 0"«go, without tffeZtr ""' «<* '«• «» ^tkey remained in Port Z^^i^uT ""' ''■•*>ir «1» «« 'W neither waaid a2n,^r 1 "'^in.^t, wou«lerf, ""Ted in the old Pojt Wo I • ! o""* '^ "™ »«* they »*• with his n«n wen. n^.!j 7 ^' " '*"'*»« Coll SchurW "•^•K^, this PoetWheenCrt^fo! "^^ «* •" Po^ a»« tftwoon incutting dowL 1 n''^''°''"'™'^«'»P%«I' »«ta.gftsein«, That onaTnJat^." '""J'"" *'»'' »»d F«»ch opened a IVacineCjl^Tr* "'^ "« "" «»' «»«.t.,f Port OhTa^T^/d J"'™" f Omnon b.f„„ «™, & played upon the old Port Onregoi ' 7 ■ i 1 r i \m P.^N , I'l 504 PAPERS RELATING TO OSWSOO. across the mouth of the Harbor, that the Garrison on their side continued to fire above 4 hours with 12 Guns and 4 Mortarsi whereof one of the latter burst, that between 8 & 9 o clock that morning Coll. Mercer was killed at the Battery upon which the command devolving upon Lieut Coll. Littlehales, he sent for Coll S jhuyler & the detachment from the Redoubt who on their march- ing to the old Oswego Fort had two men killed upon Coll Schuy- ler's arrival a council of War consisting of the Field OflBcers & Cajitains was called and presently thereafter orders was given to cease firing upon which Lieut^ Montcreif of Shirleys and an officer of Pepperels with a Sergeant & Drum went out of the Works with a White Flagg in order to cross over at the mouth of the Harbour, upon which this Declarant said to Coll Littlehales that if you are to give up the Fort you must suffer me who am a deserter from the French to make the Best of my way, because they will have no mercy upon me, the Colonel replyed that he expected to march out with the Honors of Warr, & consequently he the Declarant would be safe, not trusting to this, he with seven more who had formerly deserted from the French had leave to make their escape, but before they got quite clear they saw the French from the opposite side of the Harbour getting into Boats, and amongst them some cloathed in Red faced with Green which he immagines belongs to the Irish Brigade, that about 20 of the Garrison of old Fort Oswego were killed and wounded, and that no officer was killed except Lieut. Coll. Mercer, nor any wounded but Lieut de la Cour of the Artillery. That the Enemys battery was raised so high that their shott plunged in amongst them and the only cover they had towards the side of the Lake upon which the Enemys Battery chifly pointed, were from Barrels of Pork placed by way of parapet, with embrasures through. That one Saturday morning the 14*'» a Party of the French forded the River about Cannon shot from the old Fort who remained in the Woods without coming near the works. That there was no sortie made from any of the Forts and that all the vessels were in the Port when the Place was given up. That from the report of the Se»- men who saw the French Camp they judged them to be about 4000 regulars, besides Canadians & Indians. That the Garrison French declare thai Lr, ^lTTLi° '" '" '*''"''" ^om tU «emy appeared, they Cli ""''^ ^ of July last, in a Cartel, and arrived at Plymouth, in 28 days afters He informs nn that the brave Colonel Peter Schuyler was in good Health, and the great Support of many English Prisoners, without whose assistance several of them would have been reduced to the greatest extremities.. Captain [Jasper] Farmer [of the Artillery] Son of M*^ Jasper Farmer, of this City, Merchant, was likewise at Que- beek, when our Informant came away, with several others whose names he could not recollect ; and as Provisions were very scarce when he left that, 'twas said the remainder of the Prisoners were tt be sent to Old France in the Fall. .KoTB.— Further particulars of the operations before Oswego may be found in the London Magasrine for the years 1756—1759. 'm ,>ci?';. ■v»^s ">tl ; '•i^ U e\\ :.^:-.ii^»' -* .?• J. 1, i es Cave- Wright, Godard, 3n,Ricb- January, Matthew y, Robert p, Severn XVIII. d Edward r vnth M' ; Philadel- ith Ensign ; 299 more, and arrived informs u* lealth, and lOut whose the greatest ;ry] Son of rise at Que- thers whose very scarce loners were ^re Oswego ?56— 1759. PAPERS wmjoanroTam (Dnriba Cojtnttq anb Mt^atak ^ollq. 1756, 1757. ^r.'S' f KY. I . , jmorning, the ^nant of th« j weakened by [ice they left i provisions.* [rying place, who Wert de Lery IS knocked Ired to con- f should use illhonaguin, laiukd by quantity of Constructed iside to a [that it had •||el Johnson ^m by the ifs Fort was ^vening for l^ng with 9 the head of I'lo explore the itid Southwick, I xru about two I (Ogdenlburgh) hs known only Id Bull. M»m. • Qnebee, 1838* I i I ! 'i w>.- •a ^v FrrWim \ J7ie^Mr^hawkRiver&^^ Wot Skewim/ The IielaUv€ Tositw Mm Mull Jf^rt Mi and The G^rifian I'Ya Hantfrlhidii* JUl*iinr \t m^w- River^' Wood Creeh "iv€ Tos'itwris of and 12»4gG 780 lUMUeo J___l I I I l_ I I I l_ m W' I*'!:;' M-i ( 'ill IL^ II '. i if;intfrDiuIu« AltnLir 77/ '//■ J^cr ifv-*." A 77/, JV .<,.-*-■ CAPTURE OF FORT BULL/ BY W. DE LERY. [ParU Doe. XII.] On the 27 March 1756 at four o'clock in the morning, the detachments commanded by M. de Lery, Lieutenant of th« Colonial troops, commenced their march, very much weakened by the fatigue they experienced during fifteen days since they left Montreal, for they were two days entirely out of provisions." At half past five they arrived at the road to the Carrying place, and the scouts in advance brought in two Englishmen who were coming from the fort nearest to Chouaguin, whom M. de Lery caused to be informed that he should have their brains knocked out by the Indians if he perceived that they endeavored to con- ceal the truth, and if they communicated it to him, he should use all his efforts to extricate them from their hands. These prisoners stated that the Fort, this side of Chouaguin, was called Bull, having a garrison of 60 soldiers, commanded by a lieutenant, that there was in this fort a considerable quantity of munitions of war and provisions ; that the fort was constructed of heavy pickets, 15 to 18 feet above ground, doubled inside to a man's height, and was nearly of the shape of a star ; that it had no cannon, but a number of grenadoes which Colonel Johnson had sent on intelligence being communicated to him by the Indians of our march ; that the Commandant of this Fort was called Bull j that 15 batteaux were to leave in the evening for Chouaguin; that at the moment sleighs were arriving with 9 batteaux loads j that the fort on the Corlear side, at the head of 1 Thii Fort is referred to in a Report of a Committee appointed to explore tlM Western Waters in the State of New-Yorlt. Albany, Barber and Southwick, 1792. It is laid down in Sauthier's Map, as fort Bute. Its situation was about two miles west of Rome. See Outline Map annexed. 2 He left on the 17th March on the ice, passed by La PresentaUon (Ogdensburgh) and proceeded across the country and along the mountains, by paths known only to the savages to within a short distance of one of those Forts called Bull. Mem. murUioff.Ou Canada dtp. 1749 jusq. 1760. published by Hist. Soc. Quebec, 1838. 'S t m Li .'', 1 • V 1 * -f \ f '( %■ •^ I ¥ ill I ft .i .: iV 610 PAPERS RELATING TO THE ONEIDA the Carrying Place was of much larger pickets and well planked, having four pieces of Cannon and a garrison of 150 men, com- manded by Captain Williams, whose name the fort bore ; that they did not know if there were any provisions in the fort not having been in it. ^ At 10 o'clock the savages captured 10 men who were conduct- ing the sleighs loaded with provisions. These confirmed what the prisoners had stated and added that 100 men arrived at 8 o'clock on the preceding evening, who were said to be followed by a large force. Monsieur de Lery whilst occupying himself in distributing among his detachment the provisions found in the sleigh^, was in- formed that a Negro who accompanied the loads had escr.ped taking the road to Fort Williams; whereupon not doubting but they would have intimation of him at that fort, he acquainted M. de Montigny, his second, of his determination to attack Fort Bull, the prisoners having assured him that the greater part of the pro- visions and stores were there. Each officer received immediate orders to form his brigade and M de Ler) toH the savages that he was about to attack the Bull, but they represented to him that now they had provisions to carry the detachment to La Presenta- tion — English meat that the Master of Life had bestowed on them, without costing a man — ^to risk another affair would he be to go contrary to His will ; if he desired absolutely to perish he was master of his frenchmen, llie Commander replied that he did not wish to expose them and asked them only for two In- dians to guide his expedition which they with difficulty granted. Some twenty determined afterwards to follow him being encour- aged by some drams of brandy. The Algonquins, Nepissings and those Iroquois who were unwilling to follow him, accepted 1 The neeeisity of fortifying tliii Pan wu pointed out> for the first time, in Oct. yidOf by a Dumber -of Indian Traders who petitioned the Assembly to erect a fort at " the Ganryinff Place at the upper end of the Mohawk River.'* Wbea Fort Williams was erected has not been ascertained. There was a Fort WUUam in the Mohawk Country as early as 1745-4. but whether it be identical with Fort W U ttmm is nndetemdned. Hie latter stood until 1756, when it was destroyed by Oen'I Webb on his fiuboas flight from Wood creek immediately after the fidl of Oswego. It was succeeded in 17fi8 by Fort Stanwix and finally by the present «tty of Bone, Oaelda Co. ^ COUNTRY AMD MOHAWK VALLEY. 611 the proposition made by M de Lery to guard the road and the 12 prisoners. They assured the Commander that he may make the attack ; they would take possession of the road and watch the movements of the English at Fort Williams. The detachment having commenced their march along the high road, the soldiers having their bayonets fixed, M de Lery gave orders, when within 15 acres of the fort, to move strait forward without firing a shot, and seize the guard on entering the fort. He was still 6 acres off when he heard the whoop of the savages^ notwithstanding the prohibition he had issued. He instantly ordered an advance double quick in order to carry the gate of the Fort, but the enemy had time to close it. Six Indians only followed the French : the others pursued six Englishmen who unable to reach the fort threw themselves into the bush. M. de Lery set some men to cut down the gate, and caused the Commandant to be summoned to surrender, promising quarter to :bim and all his garrison ; to which he only answered by a fire of musketry and by throwing a quantity of grenades. Our soldiers fluid Canadians who ran full speed the moment the Indians whooped, got possession of the portholes ; through these they fired on such of the English as they could get a sight of. Great efforts were made to batter down the gate which was finally cut in pieces i^ about an hour. Then the whole detachment with a cry of Vivt ie Roi rushed into the Fort and put every one to the sword they could lay hands on. One woman and a few soldien only were fortunate enough to escape the fury of our troops. Some pretend that only one prisoner was made during this action.' 'I The Commandant and Officers repaired to the stores and caused their men to use diligence in throwing the barrels of powder into the river, but one of the Magazines having caught fire and M. de Lery considering that he could not extinguish it without incur- ring the risk of having the people blown up who should be 1 << Except five p«nona th«y put eveiy soul they found to the sword." A faith- ful Narrative offht dangert, t^fering» and deUvtraneei of tUHmt EatOturnt and Mft captivity among the Indianu in North Amtriea. Annual Reg. Vol. I. Anno, 17fi8i> This East burn was taken prisoner by the French oo tbk occasion and removed t9 a town called " Oswegotchy." .> .'•.■.■} i;'j 1'^^ jr ^, ' "1 612 PAPERS RCLATINO TO THE ONEIDA employed there, gave orders to retire as quick as possible. There vras hardly time to do this when the fire communicated to the powder which blew up at three points. The explosion was so violent that a soldier of Guyenne and an Iroquois of the Saiilt were wounded by the debris of the fort though they were already at a distance. The Indian especially is in danger of losing his life by the wound.' A detachment was, however, sent to look after the bagage that remained on the road and shortly after an Indian came to notify M de Lery that the English were making a sortie. This caused him to rally his forces and placing himself on the bank of the creek he had the bombs, grenades, bullets and all the ammunition that could be found, thrown notwithstanding into the water. He had the 15 batteaux staved in, and then set out to meet the sortie of which he had been informed. But he learned on the road that the Indians had repulsed it after having killed 17 men. This sortie was from Fort Williams on the intelligence carried thither by the Negro. The Indians who, unwilling to attack Fort Bull, took charge of the road, acquitted themselves so well that this detachment quickly retreated with a loss of 17 men. The Indians coming some hours after to congratulate M de Lery on his fortu- nate success failed not to make the most of their advantage. A Chief asked him if he proposed attacking the other fort ; which was nothing more than a boast on his part. M de Lery replied he would proceed forthwith if the Indians would follow him. This reply drove this Chief off and all those of his party prepared to follow. Our troops did the same and encamped in the wood three quarters of a league from the fort. The fort Bull prisoners were examined and we learned that Colonel Johnson having been informed of our march had sent notice to all the posts, regarding it, however, as impossible in consequence of the rigor of the season. Fort Bull is situate near a small creek that falls into that of Chouaguin about four miles from the fort. Fort 1 He was scarcely four arpent offwhen the fire communicating to the rest of the powder blew up the fort. The buildings were carried away and whatever remain- ed was in an instant in a blaze. The shock was so violent and the commotion to great, that his troop, seized with terror^ fell on their knees. JIfsm. Sur tu c^. dtt Canada. \ COUNTRY AND MOHAWK VALLEY. 613 rhere the ras 80 SaiiU Iready ng his ge that notify caused of the lunition •water, teet the the road a. This 1 thither ort Bull, that this Indians ds fortu- ne, ler fort; de Lery Id follow his party amped in ! fort Bull I Johnson to all the ince of the creek that fort. Fort he restof tba ;eTerremain- iommotion ■> ». Sur lu v9' WillianQS is near the River Mohawk which falls into that of Cor- lar. Tlic Carrying place from one Fort to the other is about four miles long over a pretty level country though swampy in somt places. M de Lory's detachment was 15 officers, 2 Cadets, 10 soldiers of the Queen's Regiment, 17 of Guyenne's, 22 of Beam's, 27 of the Colony ; in all 93 soldiers : 166 Canadians, 33 Iroquois from the Lake of Two Mountains, 33 from La Presentation, 18 from Sault St. Louis, 3 from St. Bigin, 3 Abenakis of Missiskoui, 2 Algonquins, and 11 Nipissings. Total 362 men, 265 of whom attacked the fort. A soldier of the Colony and an Indian from La Presentation were killed. A soldier of the Queen's, 2 Cana- dians and 2 Iroquois were wounded. It is estimated that more than 40 thousand weight of powder was burned or thrown into the creek with a number of Bombs, grenades, and balls of different calibre. A great deal of salted provisions, bread, butter, chocolate, sugar and other p'^ovisions were likewise thrown into the water. The stores were filled with clothes and other effects which were pillaged ; the remainder burnt. This day cost the English 90 men of whom 30 are prison- ers. Our detachment killed or captured 30 horses. ' 1 After this exploit they retired to the woods and formed their main body nrliieh consisted of 4(X) French and 3U0 Indians commanded by one of the principal gentlemen of Quebec ; as soon as they got together, they threw themselves on their knees and returned thanks to God for their Victory ; an example says ICast- burn well worthy of imitation. Ttiey continued their march through the woods about four miles, and then it being darlt, and several Indians being drunk, they encamped. . . . They encamped and rested much in the same manner the night following; tui4 the next morning, Sunday the 28th, they rose very early and retreated hastily towards Canada, for fear of General Johnson who as they were informed was on his march against them. . . . After a march of seven days they arrived at Lake Ontario where they were met by some French batteaus with a large supply of provisions, of which they had been so much in want that they had subsisted during some part of their march upon horse flesh, and had even devoured a porcupine without any other dressing than sufficed just to scorch off the hair and quills. Easiburn, after a tedious voyage with part of this company, arrived at Oswegotcyy an Indian town.— £o»tbMrfl'« Narrative. Those who may not have access to the Vol. of the Annual Reg. containing this Nar. will find it reprinted in Loudon's Coll. of Ind. Narratives, Carlisle, Pa., 1811, Vol ii| Incidents of Border Life, Chambersburgh, Pa., 1839; also in Drake's Tragedies of the Wilderness, Boston, 1841. !t ! 88 514 PAPERS RELATING TO THE ONEIDA [N. Y. Mercury, April 5, 1756.] By an Express that arrived here on Friday last, from Albany, we are told that a Number of French & Indians had attacked Lieutenant Bull, and 30 men, that were posted at the upper End of the Great Carrying Place ; that he, & some of his People were killed, and a small store and Provisions in it burnt ; & that they were in Pain for some of their Battoes, which they feared were cut off by the enemy. ,.. ^ , > .•:.>( [From the same, April 12.] - • ' i What we have been able to collect from some Letters and Verbal Information is as follows, viz*. ' ;• •? . That about the 18* March [O. S.] a large Body of French & Indians attacked, and cut off 16 of our Battoes, near the Carrying Place, & either killed or captivated the greatest Part of the People; that as soon as the Officer that commanded about 35 men that were posted there, heard the firing, he detached a party to their Assistance, and as they did not return agreeable to his Expectation, he sent another Detachment, which so weakened the Garrison, that a Number of the Enemy that lay in Ambush, rushed in, put them all to the sword, blew up the Powder, & destroyed the Garrison, whilst the rest of the Enemy were engaged with our people, whom they killed or carried off, as only one was arrived at Fort Williams, the 20th of March, as will appear by the following Letter. . i Extract of a Letter from Fort Williams^ dated the 20* March 1756. These may serve to inform you, that we arrived here safe Yesterday about Eleven o'Clock. The People that were trans- porting Lansing's Provisions, were attacked between this and the Marsh, by a Body of French and Indians, and are all, but one that got in here, either killed or taken Prisoners ; their names you have underneath. The Fort at Wood Creek is burnt down, and none of Lansing's Men, or the Red Coats are as yet come in. Just now the Commissary arrived from Oswego, and informs us, that the 20 Battoes sent there by Capt W^illiams, ^ere safe arrived COUNTKY AND MOHAWK VALLEY. 516 vli'lV I Albany, attackeil )per End ople were that they ared were .i etters an French & e Carrying he People; 5 men that rty to their xpectation, ! Garrison, hed in, put itroyed the I with our vas arrived ear by the tarch 1756. 1 here safe were trans- this and the ill, but one ;heir names urnt down, et come in. informs us, safe arrived to their great Joy ; and that the People in Garrison were pretty hearty. All Lansing's Provisions are destroyed, as well as the Powder that was in the Garrison, the People laid in Heaps and burnt. John Davids, Henry Dawson, James Tock, George Rober- son, John Tuyle, John Griefey, John Pain, and Closs Marseillis, went down Wood Creek last Wednesday, whether they are taken or not, we cannot tell. We believe John Davis got safe to Oswego, as the Commissary met him on the other Side of the Lake. Philip Lansing and John Van Alle, are safe here yet, with the rest of of their Men. Just now 70 of our Indians are came in, and acquaints us, that by the Tracts of the Enemy, they imagined there was at least 500 of them. The Names of the Persons, Residents in and about Albany, and supposed to be killed, are as follow, viz\ John, Jacob, and Andries Kidnee, John Vanderhey- at 7 o'Clock in the morning, 50 English- men accompanied by some Mohawks left the said Fort, but as soon as they were perceived our Frenchmen and Indians went to meet them double quick, and forced them to swim across the river after receiving several discharges of Musketry. The number that perished cannot be estimated. At noon the same day, M de Belletre gave orders to his detachment to commence their return march. On the 15^^ he sent an Oneida, who is much attached to the General, with some Chiefs from the Sault and St. Francis to bear a message to the Oneidas by which he communicated to them the \ success he experienced ; invited them to persevere in their good Sentiments and not to fear the English. Our Oneida delegate rejoined M Belletre at the River Au Sable [Sandy Creek, Jeffer. Co.] and told him that the Five Nations had sent three Belts to the Oneida Villages of which they wished him to take charge as a present to the General. By these they demand assistance to resist the English being about to experience their resentment inasmuch as they refused to allow four of their Chiefs to enter Fort Kouari having fired several shots at them This had obliged the Oneidas to withdraw their women and children from the Lake side, hoping their Father will protect them. J..>,' rif '\aCt W. m LANCY TO THE BOARD OF TRADE. .iff .-",1!; V *«i ,f [Lond. Doo. ZXXIY.] > •« !•., y^'!'' -'■; ' n-.- ;; ■! -ff ;/;: i, .'m -r-u' New Tork 6. January, 16S8. It may be proper to acquaint your Lordships that we had the misfortune on the 12*^ November to loose a valuable settlement on the North side of the Mohawks river opposite to Fort Hareniger, called the German Flatts, the loss is estimated at twenty thousand pounds this money, it is as fertile a piece of ground as any perhaps in the world the settlers were generally rich, and had good build- ings on their lands, some of the inhabitants were slain, about one I I COUNTRY AND MOHAWK VALLEY. 519 he idA^ battle. Inglish- as soon to meet rer after jer that ', M de ir return d to the s to bear them the leir good delegate k, Jeffer. J Belts to large as a stance to esentment to enter ad obliged 1 the Lake ii,'--' • mary, 1668. re had the settlement Hareniger, ;y thousand iny perhaps ■ood build- about one hundred carried into captivity, their houses and barns with the crops destroyed by Fire. This was done by a party of about three hundred Canadians & Indians; the people there thought themselves in great security and though advertised of the approach of the enemy, they neglected the advices they received and so fell an easy prey. •^V ' MR. DAINE TO THE MINISTER. >^^'^ I,, . [Paris Doc. XIV.] Quebec, 19 May 1758. Annexed are two little Relations or Summaries of what has occurred of most interest since the departure of the fjhips last year. The damage inflicted on the English in horned cattle, sheep and horses has been greatly exaggerated in the Relation of M. de Bellestre's expedition of the 28th November 1757. It must be diminished at least a good half. It is still more exaggerated in regard to furniture, wearing apparel, merchandize and liquors which are carried up to fifteen hundred thousand livres, as well as the loss of the Palatine's village in Indian corn. M. DE VAUDREUIL TO THE MINISTER. " [Paris Doc. XY.] Montreal, 28 June 1758. M. de Bellestre's success last autumn in destroying the village of the Palatines and carrying the forts that covered it would have been actually, My lord, a great aid to the Colony, had it been possible to remove the considerable portion of provisions of all sorts found in that village. I had pajrticularly provided for this by the orders I gave that officer. But circumstances were not sufficiently favorable to execute them. ' ' ■"- ■• tl >^" ) •' ha", I't. M. de Bellestre being much exposed to be pursued and perhaps cut ofif by a force infinitely superior to his own was under the absolute necessity of using the greatest activity in his opera- tions, success depending essentially thereon. He was consequently im, f hi'- hr. ■ 'V 'm ^Pi 6^0 PAPERS HELATIKG TO THE ONEIDA unable to restrain the attack of his detachment. This was made by one party with all possible vigor whilst others were busy firing the houses, barns etca. . 2. The 500 houses, lost by the enemy in this affair, were not exactly captured. The greater part were killed or wounded, and M. de Belletre brought with him but a very small number which was a great resource to him to support his detachment on his return. 3^. Had he ttU those horses and all the provisions at his disposal he could not absolutely have profited by them, either because it was prudent for him to hasten his retreat, or because the transportation of the provisions had been utterly impossible, both on account of the difficulty of the roads and rivers to be passed and the impossibility of feeding the horses. \ nv- 5 , ;/ A SUMMARY NARRATIVE OF THE CONDUdt OF "itHfe ONElDA INDIAITS (lItVING AT THE UP^til town) previous to THE ATTACK OF THE FRENCH AND THEIR INDIANS UPON THE NORTH SIDE OF THE GERMAN FLATS, IN THE PROVINCE OF NEW- YORK, IN Kt)VEMB£R, 1757. ' A few days aft6r this Massacre and desolation had been perpe- trated. Sir William Johnson despatched Geo. Croghan, Esq ; Deputy-agent, with M' Montour, the Indian interpreter, to the German Flats, where he understood several of the Oneida and Tuscarora Indians were assembled, in order to call upon those Indians to Explain themselves why they had not given more timely notice to the Germans of the designs and approach of the Enemy; it having been reported, that no intelligence had been ^ven by the Indians, until the same morning the attack was made; and as these Indians might naturally be supposed, from their situa- tion and other circumstances, to have had earlier knowledge of thfe Enemy's design and march. " 1 Lyman C. Draper, Esq., of Phila.> has had the politeness to communicate this •« Narrative." COt'NTllY AND MOHAWK VALLEY. 521 s made ;y filing "■ere not led, and zx -which t on his IS at his B, either ' because ipossible, ers to be \ HE UPtfiR I^KD THEIR IS, IN THE )een perpe- ;han, Esq ; iter, to the Oneida and upon those ffiven moriB ach of the ce had been £ was made; their situa- owledge of 1 tmmunicate this Before M' Croglmn could get up to the German-Flats, the afore- said Indians were on their road homewards, but he was informed the Chief Sachem of the Upper Oneida Town, with a Tuscarora Sachem and another Oneida Indian, were still about four miles from Fort Ilarkeman : upon which he sent a messenger to ac quaint them, that he was at the said fort. The aforesaid Indians returned, and on the 30*'' of November at Fort Ilarkeman, Conaghquiesorij the Chief Oneida Sachem, made the following speech to M"" Croghan, having first calle INSTANT, BEING A RELATION OF THE MURDER COM- MITTED AT THE GERMAN FLATTS, NEAR FORT HERCHAMER, BY 80 INDIANS, AND 4 FRENCHMEN. [N. Y. Mercury, May 22, 1758.] " «*'-"» -=""^" About 12 o'clock, on Monday the 30th of April last an Oneida Indian acquainted Captain Herchamer that a Party of 80 Indians and four Frenchmen, were nigh his Fort, and would certainly come down and attack the settlements that Day, and advised Capt Harchamer to go into the Fort and take as many of the Inhabit- ants with him, as he could collect. About 3 o'Clock, most Part of the Inhabitants, having Notice from Capt Herchamer, left their Houses, and assembled at the Fort; four Families, that fled from * The Indians who brought this belt of Wampum finding the Germans still ^' tncredulous, the next morning, just before the attacic began, laid hold on the German Minister, and in a manner forced him over to the other side of the river; by which means he and some who followed him escaped the flate of their brethren. COUMTRY AND MOHAWK VALLEY. 523 ig they nd sent ) to find id staid ice, and re ; and 1 not to gn. As with the int a belt ts, which ; but the , or they hose Get- [ and that ROGHAN. DEliEE COM- MEE, BY 80 t an Oneida 80 Indians Id certainly dvised Capt the Inhabit- k, most Part ler, left their lat fled from ,e Germans still lid hold on the ,ide of the river; )ftheirbrethren. Henderson's Purchase, in the spring for fear of the Enemy, could not get in, and had in their Houses two Indian Traders, of the name of Clock, and six Waggoners that were carrying Capt. Gage's Baggage to the Fort. At 4 o'Clock, all of a sudden, the Houses were attai ked; and the Waggoners being surprized, run up stairs, the better to defend themselves. The Indians immedi- ately rushed into the House, and killed and scalped all that were below; some of the Indians attempted the stairs, but they were knocked down by the Waggoners j they then fired up thro' the Loft, and soon were joined by more Indians, who fired many shot quite thro' the House, and proposed to set it on fire, which inti- midated John Ehel, a Waggoner, to such a Degree, that he leap'd out at a window, thinking to make his Escape, but was soon killed ; the other five defended themselves with great Intrepedity, having killed one Indian, until they were relieved by a Party of Rangers, who came to their assistance, and after exchanging a few Shot, the Indians fled, seeing our People have the advantage of a Log Fence. . . . Capt. Herchamer says he saw four or five of the Indians drop, but were carried off. — ^In the above affair, 33 of the Inhabitants were killed, & Lieut. Hair, of the Rangers, received a slight Wound in the Breast. . . . Next day some Oneidas came down to Trade, and met the Enemy going off, who told them they had 6 of their Company killed, and 9 Wounded. — Next Morning a Woman came into the Fort that had been scalped, besides having her Nose almost cut off, with a Wound in her Breast, and another in her side. She is likely to recover, related all that happened till she was scalped, and says there was Onon- dado Indians amongst them. I •' ' irt it/: . 1' • . ■ . - ; I ! \i Mm 1' tti i ii 1 ■h • ' 624 PAPERS RELATING TO TllE ONEIDA DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY BETWEEN OSWEGO AND ALBANY— 1757. 'f . [Paris Doo. XIII.l irrNERARY from the Mouth of the river Chouegen (Oswcfo) in Lake Ontario to Lake Oneida, then up V ilcrick (Wood creek) to the Summit level which is the source of the river of the Mohawks, or dea AgiUct, by which we can descend toCorlar or ChenectcUi whence Albany or Orange can be reached. The entrance of the River Chouegen is easy ; the harbour is formed of a cove. The English had a fort on each side of this River by which this entrance was defended. From Chouegen to the Great fall is an ascent of four leagues. In this space the navigation is intricate) the river rapid and en- cumbered by large rocks. Good pilots^ familiar with the shoals, are requisite to be able to pass through it. Batteaus must be un- loadetl at the Great fall where a portage occurs of about 40 to 50 paces. The batteaus are dragged along the ground.* It is esti- mated to be about four leagues from the Fall to the mouth of the River of the Five Nations, [river Seneca] which mouth is called the Three Rivers;' its navigation is good. About a quarter of a league before coming to the Three Rivers there is, however, a current where precaution is requisite. From the Three Rivers to Lake Oneida is computed at 8 leagues ; the navigation is good ; the river is about 60 paces wide j it is at all times passable with loaded vessels. This river is the outlet of Lake Oneida. There is neither fall nor rapid at its entrance. * Nofe in the Oiiginal.— From Chouegen to Fort Bull is estimated to be about 36 leagues. The ordinary batteau load is only 14 to 150() weight. It takes five days to ascend the River from Chouegen to Fort Bull and three and half from Fort Bull to Chouegen. The river of the Five Nations [Seneca Riv.] rises in little lakes near which, about six leagues fi'om its entrance into the River Chouegen, the Indians of the Five Nations reside. That river divides into two branches. That from the Right rises in the Lake of the Senecas and Cayuga* ; that from the left beyond the Lake of the OnonontagucS. 1 Tlic Junction of the rivers Oneida and Seneca with the Oswego is still known as the Three Rivers, and the Point of land, as the Three River's Point. It is sometimes confounded with the Three Rivers in Canada, as appears by a note in Stone's Life of Brant, i, 216. COUNTRY ANO MCHAwK VALLEY. C25 AND ,ke Ontario evel which ilch we can be reached. larbour is dc of this ir leagues. id and en- the shoals, lUst be un- ut 40 to 50 i Itisesti- outh of the ith is called uarter of a however, a 8 leagues ; de; it is at he outlet of ntrance. to bo about 36 takc3 Ave days half from Fort .] rises in little ivcr Chouegen, , two branches, i; that from the ro is still known •r's Point. It is jars by a note in Lake OneiJii is twelve Itagias long by ubout cne league wiile. Its navigation is beautiful and piacticable at all times, unless theie be a strong contrary wind. It is best on the right of the lake -which is the north side. From Lake Oneida we enter the River Vilcrick,* which empties into that Lake, & ascend nine leagues to Fort Bull. This river is full of sinuosities, narrow and sometimes embarrassed with trees fallen from both banks. lis navigation is difficult when the water is low. It is, however, passable at all times with an ordinary batteau load of 14 to 1500 weight. "When the waters of this stream are low, an ordinary baiteau load cannot go by the river further than within a league of Fort Bull. It becomes necessary then to unload z 'd make a Carrying place of the remainder by a road constructed to the Fort, or to send back the batteaux for the other half load. i Fort Bull which was burnt in 1756 by a detachment under the orders of M. de Lery, was situated on the right bank of this River ne>.r its source on the height of land. From Fort Bull to Fort Williams is estimated to be one league and a quarter J This is the Carrying place across the height of land. The English had constructed a road there over which all the carriages passed. They were obliged to bridge a portion of it, extending from Fort Bull to a small stream near which a fort had been begun though not finished ; it was to be intermediate be- tween the two Forts, having been located precisely on the Summit level. , Fort Williams was situated on the right bank of the River Mohawk or des ^gniesj near the rise of that river on the height of land. It was abandoned and destroyed by the English after the capture of Chouegen. Leaving Chouegen there is a road over which the English used to drive cattle & horses. This road follows the border of the left bank of the River Chouegen. The Five Nations river is * Ai>te in the Original.— The River of the Killed Fish [now Fish Creek] flows also into this Lake ; the English used it formerly ; they abandoned it because there was a Portage, and have preferred Vilcrick which they have cleared. 1 B'or locations of these Forts, see ante pp. 509, 510 ; also Outline iSdap. Mi . • \H u 626 PAPERS RELATING TO TIIK ONEIDA passed at a full near its entrance into the River Chouogen, after which the road proceeds along the edge of the right bank of the Five Nations' river to the Village of the Onnontagues whence it proceeds across the country to the village (^f the Caskaroriiis [Tuscaroras?] and the Oneidus* whence we can go to Foits Bull and Williams ; also to fort Kouary without being obliged to pass the said two forts. The path or road taken by M de Belhctre in his expedition against the village of the Palatines may be also used. He went from the mouth of the Famine River [now Sackelts Harbor J ten leagues below Chouegenj a cended this river for the distance of four leagues, and leaving it on the left followed the path leading to Oneida Lake on his right, and came to the Summit level at Fort Williams. The Country through which he passed is fine j there being but few mountains. The soil is soft only in the latter part of the season. He forded three rivers the waters of which were very high during the four days that he was going from the River Famine to Fort Williams, a distance estimated at 24 to 30 leagues. From Fort Williams the Mohawk river is navigable. Battcaux carry the same load as in the river Vilcrick to the portage at the Little Falls, which is about two leagues below the village of the Palatines and Fort Kouari. From Fort Williams to Fort Kouari j ' situated on the right bank of the Mohawk river, is estimated to be 12 leagues. The road follows the right bank of the river which is the south side. Leaving Fort Williams there is a road that unites with that by which horses and cattle pass from Fort Kouari and Chouagen. This road is bad for about four leagues after leaving Fort Williams. The Country is marshy. Carriages {les trains) travel it in winter and during the summer, and it can be easily passed on horseback * JVofe in the Original. — The road goes to the great Oneida Village, about two leagues from the Lake. A picket Fort with four bastions, had been constructed in this Village by the English. It was destroyed by the Oneidas in observance of their promise given at a council held between them & the Marquis de Vaudrcuil. Each of its sides might have been one hundred paces. There is a second Oneida Village, called the little village, situated on the bank of the Lake. There is no fort in the latter. 1 For location of Fort Kouari see ante p. 516. - : : COUNTRY AND MOHAWK VALLEY. 527 L'n, hfter ht bank ontagues e of the can go to )ut being taken by re of the Lth of the :houegen; id leaving ke on his ams. J being but )art of the were very ver Famine giies. Batteaux portage at e vilbge of ^e right bank The road side. ith that by Chouagen. rt Williams. it in winter )n horseback lage, about two een constructed 8 in observance lis de Vaudreuil. a second Oneida :e. There is no W at all times, though in some places there is a great ileal of miul. After these fuur leagues, eaitscan easily go as far as Fort Kouari. Having truvele(' three leagues on this road wiach is five leagues from Fort Kouari, we come to the forks of two roads one of which, to the left, leads to the Palatines' village by fording the Mohawk river. Continuing along the high road, which is un the right bank of the River Mohawk, to go to Fort Kouari, a creek is met that must be forded. Here was a grist-mill that has been burnt. One league before reaching Fort Kouari another small stream is encountered over which there is a bridge. This stream is forda- ble almost at all seasons. There was, also, a saw -mill on this creek which has been burnt. Fort Kouari is situate on the right side of the Mohawk river, on a small hill on the edge of that river's bank. It is a large three story stone house with port holes {cn'Tielee) at each story, and likewise in the basement for the purpose of cross firing. There are some small pieces above. The house is covered with plank and shingles. It was built as a store and depot for Chou- eguen. It is surrounded by a ditch at a distance of about 30 feet. This ditch is six feet deep and seven wide. The crown of the ditch inside is planted with palisades in an oblique form j they are well jointed the one to the other. Behind these there is a parapet of earth so as to be able to fire over the palisades. The four angles of this parapet which is at the back of the ditch, form as it were four little bastions that reciprocally flank each other. On the West side, there is a house apart from the large one. It backs against the parapet of the palisades and serves as a barrack and guard house. There are two doors to the large building j the one at the North is a small swing door. It is used only in going to the river for water. At this side of the house there is no ditch ; only palisades fixed in boards set against the brow of the right bank of the river to support the earth. The large door of the house is on the South side j it is folding but not ironed. To go outside the palisades and ditch through this large door, you must leave the house to the left and turn to the Eastward where there is a passage. The ditch has not been excavated. The I/: I f 528 PAPERS RELAX I>G TO THE ONEIDA earth serves as a bridge and road. There are palisades to the right and left, on both sides of the way the whole width of the ditch. Outside the ditch there is a folding gale. There is no other barrier nor chevaux-de-frise in front. The nearest house outside the fort is about 150 paces. Opposite this fort in the river is a small cultivated island which can be reached at low water by fording. ■ '' ' ^:,^ ' ■ , • ; i ^ -^r From Fort Kouari to that of Cannatchocary is four leagues. Some twenty houses are located at a distance one from another, within the space of one league of this road, which is through a flat country. After making this league we go up a mountain that occupies two hours to ascend and descend. The country through- out the whole of this space is covered with wood. After descend- ing, two houses somewhat distant one from the other are in the league which is still to be travelled to get to Cannatchocari. The Inhabitants of this Country are Palatines or Germans. They form a Company with some who dwell above the Fall' on the other side of the River which is the left bank. This company consists of about 80 men. The road from the one to the other of these two Forts is good for all sorts of carriages. Fort Cannatchocari is situated at the side of the Mohawk river on the right bank. It is a square of four bastions of upright pickets joined together with lintels. They are fifteen feet high, about one foot square with port holes inserted from distance to distance with a stage all round to fire from. This Fort is one hundred paces on each side. It is not sur- rounded by a ditch. There are some small pieces of cannon at each of its bastions, and a house at each curtain to serve as a store and barrack. Five or six families of Mohawk Indians reside outside the fort. ' '* ' ■'■'-' From Fort Cannatchocari to Fort Hunter is about 12 leagues ; the road is pretty good j carriages pass over it ; it continues along the banks of the Mohawk river. About a hundred houses, at a greater or less distance from one another are found within this length of road. There are some situated also about half a league 1 Little FallB. COXTNTET AND MOBAWK TALLET. 6S9 iS to tlie ith of the ere is no est house fort in the ed at low ir leagues, m another, 5 through a ountain that try through- fter descend- r are in the ihocari. or Germans, the Fall* on Chis company the other of [ohawk river IS of upright ^en feet high, distance to lit is not sur- of cannon at to serve as a Indians reside it 12 leagues ; Continues along Id houses, at a lind within this it half a league in the interior. The inhabitants of this section are Germans who compose a company of about 100 men each. Fort Hunter is situated on the borders of the Mohawk river, and is of the same form as that of Cannatchocari, with the excep- tion that it is twice as large. There is likewise a house at each curtain. The cannon at each bastion are from 7 to 9 pounders. The pickets of this Fort are higher than those of Cannatchocari. There is a church or temple in the middle of the Fort ; in the interior of the fort are also some thirty cabins of Mohawk Indians, which is the most considerable village. This fort, like that of Cannatchocari, has no ditch ; there's only a large swing door at the entrance. Leaving Fort Hunter a creek* is passed at the mouth of which that fort is located. It can be forded, and crossed in batteaux in summer and on the ice in winter. There are some houses outside under the protection of the Fort in which the coun- try people seek shelter when they fear or learn that an Indian or French war party is in the field. From Fort Hunter to Chenectedi or Corlar is seven leagues. The public carriage way continues along the right bank of the Mohawk river. About 20 to 30 houses are found within this distance separated the one from the other from about a quarter to half a league. The Inhabitants of this section are Dutch. They form a company with some other inhabitants of the left bank of the Mohawk river, about 100 men strong. Chenectedi or Corlar, situ;:ted on the bank of the Mohawk river, is a village of about 300 houses. It is surrounded by upright pickets, flanked from distance to distance. Entering this village by the gate on the Fort Hunter side, there is a fort to the right which forms a species of citadel in the interior of the village itself. It is a square, flanked with four bastions or demi-bastions, and is constructed half of masonry and half of timbers piled one over the other above the masonry. It is capable of holding 2 or 300 men. There are some pieces of cannon as a battery on the rampart. It is not encircled by a ditch. The entrance is through a large swing gate raised like a drawbridge. By penetrating the , I Schoharie Creek. 34 530 PAPERS RELATING TO THE ONEIDA village in attacking it at another point, the fire from the fort can be avoided. w > . j ;. ■ The greatest portion of the Inhabitants of Chenectedi are Dutch. From Chenectedi to Albany or Orange is estimated to he 6 or 7 leagues.* The road is excellent for all sorts of carriages ; the soil sandy and the country covered with open timber. There are only a few hills. A league and half from Chenectedi, there is a house on the road which is a tavern. A league and half farther on, that is to say half way, another house is met which is also a tavern. ■ ' ^ - 1 • ■-' 1 ■ ■*.!■■ Orange is situate on the right bank of the river Orange, other-, wise called Hudson. It is not fortified on the forest side except by an enclosure of walls, or pickets, without a ditch, which is flanked at certain distances ; the river defends the entrance on the other side. It is calculated to be smaller than the enclosure of the town of Montreal. In the interior of Orange there is a fort, a sort of citadel, capable of containing 300 men \ here are some cannon. This is all that relates to the Right bank of the Mohawk river. Let us pass to the left bank, which is the North side of that river, departing likewise from near its source at Fort Williams, [Rome.] Leaving Fort Williams by the left bank of the river Mohawk, the village of the Palatines is estimated to be 12 leagues. The Mohawk river is fordable near Fort Williams whence a path leads to the interior, half a league from the shore, parallel with the river whose borders are so marshy that nothing but hay can be had there. This path leads over hills and small mountains and can be traveled only afoot or on horseback. Eight leagues must be traversed by this path before reaching the forks of the high road that comes from the other side, or right bank of the river. After 1 aving traveled this high road a quarter of an hour, a small creek is found, called Rassedot. ^ It can be forded. There were two • Note in th$ Orlg.— The total distance from Chouegen to Orange is 78 a 79 leagues. 1 This Creek is on the Eass farm in the Town of Schuyler, Herkimer Co. It was called by the Indians, Razetoth Creek. OOUNTBT Am) MOHAWK VALLEY. 531 'ort can ;edi are » 5c 6 or Tes; the Ihere are here is a f farther is also a re, other- ^ ie except ■which is trance on enclosure re is a fort, ; are some awk river. hat river, , [Rome.] Mohawk, |rues. The nee a path rallel with ut hay can md can be js must be high road ^er. After Ismail creek •were two |ige is 78 a 79 timer Co. It houses on the left bank of this creek which were burnt, and noth- ing remains of them but the ruins. Having passed this creek, the high road is followed for a distance of four leagues to the village of the Palatines. All sorts of vehicles travel this road. The Palatine Village* was situated on the left bank of the Mohawk river, not directly opposite Fort Eouari but about half a quarter of a league above it. You go from this village to the fort by batteau ; the river can even be forded in several places. . The Palatine Village which consisted of thirty houses has been entirely destroyed and burnt by a detachment under M. de Belhetre's orders. The inhabitants of this village formed a com- pany of 100 men bearing arms. They reckoned there 300 persons, men, women and children, 102 of whom were made prisoners and he remainder fled to Fort Kouari, except a few who were killed whilst fording the river. '" From the Palatine Village to the Little Falls, still continuing along the left bank of the river, is estimated about three leagues. In this distance there had been eight houses which have been abandoned. The inhabiteuats of these houses compose a company with those of Fort Eouari at the opposite side of the river. The portage at the Little Falls is a quarter of a league, and is passed with carts. There is a road on both sides of the river, but that on the left bank is preferable, being better. From the portage at the Little Falls, continuing along the left bank of the river, there is only a foot path which is traveled with difficulty on horseback. Three leagues must be made over this this path to arrive at the Canada creek where we meet the high road that passes from the termination of the Little Falls por- tage, along the right bank of the Mohawk river, where there is a ford above Fort Cannatchocari, opposite the mouth of the Canada Creek. There is also a ferry boat at this place to put carts across when the river is high. After fording Canada Creek, we continue along the left bank of the Mohawk river and high road which is passable for carts for 12 * Note in Orig.— It requires a day to descend tlie river with batteaux from Fort Bull to the Palatine Village and three to return; and to go down from the Pala- tine village to Corlar requires [a day?] and a day and a half to return. 532 PAVERS KBLATTSQ TO TBE ONKTOA leagues to Col. JoI»fison's mansion. In the -whole of this distance the soil is very good. About 600 houses are erected, at a distance one from the other. The greatest number of those on the bank of the river are built of stone. Those at a greater distance from the river in the interior are about half a league off; they are new Settlements, built of wood. There is not a fort in the -whole of this distance of 12 leagues; There is but one farmer's house built of stone that is soiLewhat fortified and surrounded with pickets. It is situate on the bank of the river three leagues from -where the Canada Creek empties into the Mohawk river. The inhabitants of this Country are Germans. They form four companies of 100 men each. Col. Johnson's mansicm is situate on the border of the left bank of the River Mohavirk ; it is three stories high; built of stone, with port holes {creneie^s) and a parapet and flanked with four bastions on which are some small guns. In the same yard, on both sides of the Mansion, there are two small houses; that on the right of the entrance in a Store, and that on the left is designed for work- men, negroes and other domestics. The yard gate is a heavy swing gate well ironed ; it is on the Mohawk river side ; from this gate to the river there is about 200 paces of level ground. The high road passes there. A small rivulet coming from the north empties itself into the Mohawk river, about 200 paces below the enclo- sure of the yard. ' On this stream there is a Mill about 50 paces distance from the house ; below the Mill is the miller's house where grain and flour are stored, and on the other side of the creek 100 paces from the mill, is a barn in which cattle and fodder are kept. One hundred and fifty paces from Colonel Johnson's Mansion at the North side, on the left bank of the little creek, is a little hill on which is a small house with port holes where is ordinarily kept a guard of honour of some twenty men, which serves also as an advanced post. From Colonel Johnson's house to Chcnectedi is counted seven 1. Thig Creek (I am informed by Fisher Pntman, Esq. P. M. of Tribes Hill,) goes now by the name of Old Fort Creek. Its original Indian name, he adds, was Kayadarosseros. COUNT&T AKD MOHAWK VALLEY. 533 distante , distance 1 bank of from the are new 2 leagues; sonuewhat I the bank ck empties y form four he left bank f stone, with four bastions m both sides the right of ed for work- heavy swing rom this gate i. The high north empties ,w the enclo- ,out 50 paces s house where |the creek 100 idder are kept. .'s Mansion at is a little hill )rdinarilykept eves also as an counted seven le, he adds, wW leagues; the road is good; all sorts of vehicles pass over it. About twenty houses are found from point to point on this road. The Mohawk river can be forded during summer, a league and a quarter west of Chenectedi. Opposite Chenectedi the traverse is usually in a ferry boat and batteaux. The inhabitants of this Country are Dutchmen. They form a Company of about 100 men with those on the opposite side of the river below Fort Hunter. Going from Chenectedi to the mouth of the Mohawk river where it discharges into that of Orange, there is a Great Fall (Cohoes) which prevents the passage of batteaus, so that every thing on the river going from Chenectedi to Orange, passes over the high road that leads there direct. From Orange to New York is counted 50 to 60 leagues. Barks from New York ascend to Orange. There is also a high road from one to the other of these towns, on the left bank of the river. The country is thickly inhabited on both sides of the river. The inhabit- ants of Orange are, also, mostly Dutch like those of Chenectedi. From Orange to Boston is considered about 60 leagues. The road thither is across the country. From Boston to New York is reckoned the same distance following the road along the seaside. New York, situate on the left bank of the Orange River, near its mouth at the sea, is located on a tongue of land forming a penin- sula. It is fortified only on the land side. Opposite New York is a large Island (Long Island) very well inhabited and very wealthy. All sorts of vessels of war and Merchantmen anchor between the town and that Island. NoTA. In the whole Country of the River Corlar there are nine Companies of Militia under the Command of Colonel John- son ; eight only remain, that of the Village of the Palatines being no longer in existence, the greater portion having been defeated by M. de Belhetre's detachment. Colonel Johnson assembles these companies when he has news of any expedition which may concern the Mohawk river. In the latter part of April 1757, on receiving intelligence by the savages that there was a strong detachment ascending the river St. Lawrence and entering Lake Ontario, he assembled these Com- ,1. ! 5U PAPERS RELATING TO THE ONEIDA, ETC. panics and went to the Village of the Palatines where he was joined by another body of 11 @ 1200 men sent him by the com- mandant of Orange; this formed in all a force of 2000 men. He entrenched himself at the head of the Palatine Village where he remained in Camp fifteen days, and did not retire until he received intelligence that the French detachment seen on the River St Law- rence had passed by and taken the route to the Belle Rividre (Ohio.) This was the detachment of 500 men that had been sent last year to reinforce Belle Riviere, and had left Montreal in the latter days of the month of April. )''■■ ■.-■ .:':•■'■''> '. -.-, i '■''■ •iHi, 'f . 1 1 ■•' •v> ;: /7.4 v;l 1 , •j/.M: X _■..!. - .•■■",. i; i •: J ■ :• • ir 'V,''!? .1 '•'• _ / ' -' . i ' '..'■"'' -,•' ■ , •;: :!•,• v .■'i-/ ■ 'h • ■■' Si C' ' • •''' t. .>4; „.t' (■'■ ' : ■ 'J' J^,.' Ill * \ le was le com- sn. He here he eceived St Law- Riviere sent last he latter llJ.^Vi '» ■:' \ \( I XIX. PAPERS BKULTIira TO tai fmt)} $ti^mm LAKE CHAMFLAm. 1: ! { 1 . ; 1 V p: i J ' ■/■ i i ■ i I'i- \' THE BOARD OP TRADE AND PLANTATIONS TO LT. GOV. GOLDEN. 13 JULY 1764. [Lond. Doc. XXXVII.] Monsieur Michel Chartier de Lotbini^re, heretofore an officer in the French King's Service in Canada has presented to us a Memorial desiring the confirmation of two Concessions in America, the one called D'Alainville, four leagues and upwards in front, part upon Lake Qeorge & part upon Crown Point River, and extending in depth five leagues to the West, granted by the Mar- quis de Vaudreuil in 1758 ; the other situated opposite to Crown Point, having the same extent in Front & extending in depth five leagues to the East, purchased of Mons^^ Hocquart in 1762, to whom it is alleged to have been granted in 1743 and 1745. As this Gentleman's case appears to us to require particular consideration, we have wrote to the Governor of Quebec for authentick copies of these grants from the Records, in order that we maybe enabled to make a representation to His Majesty there- upon, and in the meanwhile we think proper to direct that no grants whatever be made under the authority of the Government of New York of any part of the lands comprehended within the limits of these Concessions. So we bid you heartily farewell, and a» Sir Your very loving friends HlLLSBOKOUGH Geo. Rice Whitehall, July 13. Bamber Gascotnz 1764 J. Dyson. ?:| M te "a M' ■ ; 638 FRENCH 8EIONI0BIE8 EXPLANATIONS ON MY TWO SEIGNIORIES OF ALLAINVILLE AND HOCQUART AT THE HEAD OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN, AND DETAIL OF MY PROCEEDINGS AS WELL IN LONDON AS IN THIS COUNTRY ON THE SUBJECT, BY M. DE LOTBINIERE. MONTREAL 20 SEPT. 1771. ,. [From MSS. in Sec. of State's Off. Alby.] The situation of Aininville is designated so clearly in my affida- vit annexed in perfect conformity to the Deed granted to me, that it appears useless to add any thing thereto. Though that of Hocquart is indicated in the two Deeds of Con- cession of which I annex copies, yet to obviate doubts which may arise on the subject, I shall give the details which have been fupr- nished me of that Seigniory. Its front commences on the south side about fifteen or eighteen arpem above a tract bordering on the Lake, in front {en face) of Fort Crown-point, from two to three hundred arpens square in superficies reserved by the original proprietor to himself as an Inalienable Domain, which is sepa- rated from the lands conceded to divers Censitaries (Tenants) by a marsh formed by a stream that empties there. This front extends thence four leagues* on a direct line drawn towards the North at each extremity of which ought to be run two perpendic- ulars of a. length sufficient to give the totality of the Seigniory five leagues in depth. Moreover it must be observed that in my quality of first Grantee in that quarter, I must be satisfied accord- ing to my titles before any other presenting his claims can clahn the smallest trifle. : . , As to the validity of my titles at the time of the Reduction of the country, let but a single glance be directed to these two Seigniories ; the frequent clearances to be seen there which cannot have yet disappeared ; the various settlements the wrecks of which at least cannot have been s^ept away by the misfortunes insepa- rable from a period of War j these will prove incontestably that • Note in Orig.oThe league of Canada is 84 arfni t the arfntt 30 toiiei i the Mn 9 feet royal of Paris. ON LAKG CHAM1»LAIV. 63^ j^X THE ;NG8 A8 ay affida* I me, that Is of Con- ybicbmay J been fW" j tbe south •rdering on •om t\vo to tbe original icb is sepa- ^Tenants) Tbis front towards tbe perpendic- leignioryfive tbat in roy isfied accord- ma can claim Reduction of to tbese two v^bicb cannot 'lecks of which Irtunes i^sepa- |,ntestab\y that nothing can oppose their entire effect. Nothing, then, remains but to detail my proceedings in regard to Ihem. Shortly after my arrival in London in June 1763, after having presented myself to the Secretary of State for the department, to the Lords and others to whom I vras recommended, I was told that the Provinces were making great exertions to deprive us, if they could, of our properties on Lake Champlain and neighbour- hood, and that the Ministry much importuned by them appeared to be undecided. I explained j they endeavored to reassure me but not with that positive answer 1 should desire. Not wishing to expose myself to any difficulty with any one, I decided to wait patiently. Meanwhile, the Earl of Shelburne, the President of the Board of Trade and Plantations, offered to present me to the King. I observed to him that in my quality as immediate Va.ssal of the King for all the Fiefs which 1 held, depending from His Majesty, it appeared to me that I ought to begin by rendering him my Fealty & Homage and I prayed him to have me received at once. He replied, that could not be as yet, some previous arrangement being necessary. I since offered myself j I was always put off under the same pretext. At the moment so to speak, when his Lordship was promising me entire satisfaction regarding the object of my sojourn, he sud- denly resigned and was succeeded by My lord Hills-borough. I renewed all my original proceedings with the new President who appeared to listen to me with complaisance and feel perfectly the Equity of my case but would decide nothing, doubtless until he saw every thing established elsewhere in a perfect equilibrium. Being advised not to content myself with talking but to hand in a Memorial which could fix the attention of the Office on the subject of my demand, I presented, in March 1764 the one below, (Letter A.) Every day I visited all the Lords of this office who individually gave me to hope a prompt conclusion but who when assembled decided nothing. Finally, seeing each of them prepared to retire to the country, I represented with all the force I was mas- ter of to Milord the Earl of Hills-borough the injustice I had already sustained by so long a sojourn, and if he left London without my being informed of my lot, I was irremediably ruined^ I 640 FBfiNCU 8KIQNI0BII8 ■If- ,1 not only by the heavy loans I was obliged to contract, but by perceiving myself arrested in all my affairs which it was moreover of the last importance to me to prosecute. He then told me, for the first time, that he had over three months ago addressed several questions to the King's Attorney General, without the decision of which nothing could be determined for me. I req\iested that he would allow me to use his name to urge an answer, and he per- mitted me. I forthwith prepared the Memorial to be seen below, (under Letter B.) which I presented next morning to the said Attorney Gener»l, and in the evening I addressed him the note copy of which is under Letter C. I was informed ten or twelve days after, that his answer had reached the Bureau. On the first day of July I was sent for to the office when Milord the Earl of Hills-borough informed me, in presence of all the Lords assem- bled and on their part : " That I might return home as soon as I pleased without entertaining the least uneasiness regarding my two Seigniories beyond the limits of the Government of Quebec. By means of the orders they should transmit to the Governour of New York to which Province His Majesty had been pleased quite recently to annex those parts not settled by His Proclama- tion of the 7^b October last, they should instruct him not to concede any land either in my Seigniories or their vicinity, until their situation was perfectly understood ; that I may be assured that in whatever part of the King's obedience any of my property may be situate, I should possess and enjoy them equally as those included within the limits of the Government of Quebec" — and terminated with the most gracious compliments for Mde. de Lotbiniere and the rest of my family. These orders have been addressed and arrived at the time in the Province : The letter which Lieutenant Governour Cadwallader Golden did me the honour to write me on the IV^ of September 1766, proves it beyond dispute. Since my arrival in this Country I have done every thing in my power, as well with the said Sieur Golden as with Sir Henry Moore, to whom I presented on Lake Champlain my original titles. I constantly endeavored to interest in my behalf all those with whom I was acquainted, residents of the said Province, who OIT LAKE CTIAMPLAIN. Ml ut by reover ae, for several Bion of that he he per- i below, the said the note ,r twelve i the first J Earl of ds assem' soon as * irding my f Quebec. Jovernour en pleased Proclama- \ta not to nity, until be assured ly property ly as those ebec"— and or Mde. de have been The letter did me the i5, proves it thing in my . Sir Henry my original half all those Province, who have been so good as to act, from time to time, near the said Government. I experienred the same attention here and in London, since my departure, so that it is impossible to conceive in me any, even the smallest, neglect as ri-gards these two Seign- iories, which at present are the sole certain portion of my exist- ence, abridged in all the rest by a forced prosecution of ray proceedings in their regard, and unable to enjoy them since the peace. Montreal, the 20th September, One thousand seven hun- dred and seventy one. MEMOIR OF TWO SEIGNIORIES AT THE HEAD OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. To the Right Hon''' the Lords Commissioners of Tracy and Plantations^ the following Memorial of Michel Ch'i t er de Lotbiniere ^c. Sheweth, That he is proprietor of two Fief' an( Seigniories which are held from the King; the one under the name of Alain- ville four leagues and over in front, partly on Lake St Sacrament (now lake George) and partly on the River St Frederic (Crown point River) with a depth of five leagues towards the West which was granted to him the 15"> November 1758 by the Marquis of Vaudreuil the then Governor General in Canada, (copy of said Concession annexed) on which he had made divers establishments that have been successively ruined by the English armies. The other of a nearly equal front r^^posite St Frederic (Crown point) extending Northwardly along f!.e River and Lake by a depth five leagues East, which he acquired 7 April last from Sieur Hocquart Councillor of Slate and Intendant of the Naval forces at Brest to whom the aforesai ' was granted by two Patents of Concession the 20 April 1743, and 1 April 1745, of which the major part of the settlements have been, in like mannerj destroyed in the last war. ' I. The first of these Seigrniories atos in the present Conniy of Essex, N. Y.; the other, on the opposite side of Lake Champlain, embraced the present towns of Panton, Addison and Bridport, in Addison Co., Vt., and ivill be found laid down in the English Map of Lake Champlain annexed. ► ■e The Memorialist being assured that the said two Fiefs are not included within the new Government of Quebec formed from a part of Canada, and not being unable to discover from the Kings Proclamation of the 1^^ October last, which establishes the boun- daries of said New Government, nor elsewhere, to what other part the two Seigniories in question, at present belong, he prays Your Lordships to instruct the government to which they are at present annexed, to have him acknowledged there as Proprietor of said Estates j to cause him to enjoy the same, without delay, in the same manner that he or his predecessors have or ought to enjoy them, in order that he may be in a position to replace the inhabi- tants there who were already located there ; that he may as soon as possible make there the settlements he proposes and improve said Seigniories in the most useful manner, and according as he may judge most proper. \ London, 6 May, 1764. ' To Sir Fletcher Korton^ King's Attorney General. The affair in question at present which alone detains me here over a year in consequence of difficulties which I perceived to arise on my arrival in this country that I could not even suspect before ; by which the Attorney General is at this moment inter- rupted, is already decided in a very clear manner both by the general Capitulation granted to Canada on the S*'' September 1760, and by the Treaty of Peace which followed it. The first formally states that all those who have property in that Country shall be maintained as heretofore in the possession of such property as well as of their rights, privileges and prero- gatives. The Treaty of Peace since concluded confirms in regard to the King's New Subjects in that quarter what had been granted by the Capitulation, and permits all others, within the space of eighteen months from the day of the Ratification of the Treaty, freely to sell what they possess in the said Country. The ques- tion then resolves itself, as far as I am concerned, to enquiring. If I am to be considered a subject of the King and if in that capa- ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 643 ire not from ?• s Kings e boun- hev part lys Your t present f of said y, in the , to enjoy he inbabi- ay as soon id improve ding as Vie Ains me here [perceived to even suspect loment inter- botb by the Ltember 1^60, le property in Itbe possession res and prero- Ifirms in regard been granted [n tbe space of ]of tbe Treaty, Iv The qnes- V' • • « Tf Jo enquiring? " lif in that capa- city, I am to possess what already belonged to me and what I have since acquired. Without requiring to enumerate the proofs I have given of a special attachment to my new Country, the sole fact of having acquired new possessions in that Country ceded to the Crown of Great Britain, instead of endeavoring to sell those I already had - there, manifests the dispositions I entertained to attach myself and mine for ever to it, and consequently I cannot but be com- prehended under the denomination of King's Subjects granted to those of Canada by the Treaty. After having spent eleven consecutive months in fruitless expen- ses and proceedings I finally succeeded in appearing four weeks ago before a meeting of the Lords Commissioners of Plantations, when Milord Hillsborough, President of that department, put divers questions and objections to me. That on which he appeared to me most to dwell was that the two Seigniories in question being situated on Lake Champlain, to which His Britannic Majesty had formed pretensions, he did not consider that the Title I derived from His Most Christian Majesty ought to insure me their property. My answer was, that without seeking to discover whether these pretensions were founded or not (a question which it did not become me to agitate,) I presumed to assure him, at least, that they were recent, much more so than the titles which insured me the property of these estates ; that, moreover, I did not imagine that His Most Christian Majesty, who iias had uninterrupted possession of the Country up to the moment of the conquest in 1759, ought at any time allow himself to be stopped by a single pretension, in the desire he had to grant a part of it, as long as it was in his power, to those of his subjects whom he desired to reward. In fine, supposing everything in the posi- tion predicated, 'twas certain that I was possessor of these Estate? in good faith ; that they cost me much money and trouble j that no individual could come forward of right, to question my pro- perty in them ; that the King alone opposes to me pretensions which can tend only to establish his right of Sovereignty over that portion before the entire cession of the Country, and not to despoil .1 i| 1 1 1 1 1 ! p is }: y , , 1 I' 1 j 544 FRENCH SEIGNIORIES ■ ; 1 "''I ■ . '1! 1 «:l '" 1 1 ' 1 -1 ': till' ■ mil 1 one of His subjects in whose favour every thing speaks at this moment, and to whom justice cannot be refused. If this chapter of pretensions is examined in its entire breadth where will it not lead to 1 And if the argument that is derived from it be considered invincible, who can assure himself of an inch of land in any country what loever as soon as it is conquered ? And if treaties which assure the subject the property of his Estates, cannot serve as a barrier, on what is he to stand, and what here- after is to be done to preserve them 1 The Attorney General, who perceives all the consequences of such a principle ; who feels how essential and just it is to pre- serve to every one his right, is requested to give the Lords Com- missioners of Plantations to understand that however laudable may be their zeal for the maintainance of the rights of the Crown, it is carried too far when it unnecessarily tends to the ruin of a private Individual. However, if they consider for reasons they doubtless foresee, that His Majesty cannot depart from the ori- ginal pretensions He has formed to the country, and that my Titles received may affect them, I am too much attached to His Majesty's Interests to object to any new Titles He shall please to grant me Gratis for the whole of the same objects, and which reintegrate me in all my rights. I would supplicate him merely to observe my present situation which does not admit of my remain- ing any longer in London, and to order that I be despatched with the greatest possible promptness. This IS*'' June 1764. GRANT IN FAVOUR OF M. HOCQUART OF A TRACT OF LAND ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 1743. Tms DAY, twentieth of April One thousand seven hundred and forty three, the King being at Versailles, desirous to treat Sieur Hocquart Intendant of New France graciously and to bestow on him a mark of the satisfaction he entertains of his services, His Majesty has granted to him by tenure of Fief and Seigniory, a tract about one league in front by five leagues in depth, situat« in the said Colony on Lake Champlain opposite Fore St. Frederic, ON LAKE CHAMPtAIK. 646 :s at this e breadth is derived of an inch onquered 1 lis Estates, what here- iquences of t is to pre- Lords Com- rer laudable t the Crown, le ruin of a reasons they rom the ori- and that my iched to His hall please to ts, and which him merely ofmyremain- ;spatched with |l764. TRACT OF 143. ^n hundred and to treat SieuT Id to bestow on \s services, His (id Seigniory, a Idftpth, situate ill \xi St. Frederic, bounded on the West by said Lake, east by unconceded lands. North by a line drawn East and West, and South by a line parallel to this, wnich two lines form the division of lands to be conceded at a quit rent {en censives) in His Majesty's name & for His pro- fit, for the perpetual enjoyment by the said Sieur Hocquart his heirs & assigns of said Tract by tenure of fief & Siegniory, with High, Middle and Low Justice, and Right of Hunting, Fishing and Trading with Indians throughout the extent of said Seigniory without being obliged by reason of this, to pay to His Majesty nor to his Successors, Kings, any duty money as an indemnity whereof, whatever sum it may amount to. His Majesty hath made him a grant and release ; On condition to render Fealty and Hom- mage at the Castle of St. Louis Quebec from which the said Fief will be holden and the other customary services, according to the Custom of Paris observed in the said country, and that the appeals from the Court which will be established there shall be to the Royal Cov.rt {Justice Royale) of Montreal j on condition also of preserving and causing to be preserved by the Tenants the Tim- ber of all descriptions adapted for the construction of His Majesty's ships ; of informing His Majesty of all Mines or Minerals, if any be found in said Concession ; to improve it and to hold & cause to be held fire & light there by the Tenants, in default whereof it shall be re-united to His Majesty's Domain ; of allowing roads necessary for public convenience and allowing also the beaches free to all Fishermen^ except those they may require for their fishing ; and in case His Majesty may have use, hereafter, of any portions of said Tract, to erect thereupon Forts, Batteries, Arse- nals, Magazines & other public Works, He can take them as well as the trees necessary for said public Works, and the fire wood necessary for the Garrisons of said Forts, without being holden to any compensation : His Majesty willing that the said Concession be subject to the conditions above enumerated without any excep- tion ; and In testimony of His Will, He has ordered me to issue the present Brevet which shall be enregistered at the Office of the Superior Council of Quebec, to have such application there as shall appertain, and which He has willed to sign with his hand to be countersigned by me His councillor Secretary of State and 35 546 FRENCH SEIGNIORIES *f of His Commands and Finances. Signed, Louis, and lower dowft, Phelippeaux. Below, the present Brevet has been enregistered in the Registers of the Superior Council of New France, By tiie King's Attorney General according to the ^rret of the day, by us, Councillor Secretary of the King, Chief Greffier of said Council, undersigned. At Quebec the 7th October 1743- Signed, Daine. [Here follows another Deed, dated l** April 1745, to the same person of an additional Tract in Seigniory, three leagues in front on Lake Champlain, by five in depth, extending from the North bounds of the former grant, subject to the same burthens and conditions; and a Deed of Sale of the entire "Seigniory Hocquart" to M. Michel Chartier, Seigneur of Lotbiniere &c for the sum of Nine Thousand livres — ^bearing date Paris, 7*'* April. 1763.] t I I I ( • SITUATION OF THE SEIGNIORY OF ALAINVILLE; .'.r ACCORDING TO M. DE LOTBINIERe's AFFIDAVIT. I, undersigned, affirm and declare on oath that the Seigniory of Alainville, four leagues and more in front by five leagues in depth to the West, commences at La Pointe des hahitans (one league and a half or thereabouts, above the Fort at Pointe a la Chevelure, and on the same side of the River) and that it termi- nates at Pointe du Bivac [Bivouac point] of M. de Contrecour's Camp, the lower point above I'Isle au Mouton near the entrance of the Lake St. Sacrement ; that the said Seigniory belongs to me in virtue of the Grant which the Marquis de Vaudreuil made to me dated 15"> November of the year One thousand seven hundred & fifty Eight ; that this deed of Concession was left, in the origi- nal by me in July 1764 with M' Pownall Secretary of the Board of Trade and the Colonies to be registered in said Office ; that S' Henry Guinaud, my agent in London informed me by letter that the Title deeds deposited by the Hon**!® Mr. Cholmondely on my behalf & by me at the said office had been returned to him all regiiStered. ^ . », ■ <,;■ ' ON LAKE CHAHPLAIN, 647 • dowit, ristered By the ^jbyus, [JouncU, J Daise. the same ; in front he North hens and [ocquart" le sum of 1163.] V,, • ■ 1. ILLE; leigniory of leagues in ntans (one ointe a la lat it termi- lontrecour's the entrance jlongs to me nil made to |ven hundred in the origi- |of the Board jce ; that S' ,y letter that ,ndely on my to bim all /'.■iffa'. GOV. MOORE TO THE BOARD OF PLANTATIONS. " [Lond. Doc. XXXIX.I , , New York, 7 Nov. 1766. My Lords — I had the honour of informing your LordPP" in a former letter that I proposed to settle the Boundary line between this Province and Quebec as soon as I could conveniently leave this City, and it was not long before I had an opportunity of doing it, for upon the arrival of Brigadier Carleton from England, I set out in company with him for Lake Champlain, and after encoun- tering with many difficulties occasioned by the badness of the weather, we fixed the limits on the River Sorell about two miles & a half below vtdndmill Point, which is further to the Northward than we imagined to find it from the observations which were said to be made there by the French some few years agoe ; upon our arrival at Windmill Point, several French Gentlemen came to us, there from Quebec, as well to pay their compliments to Brig' Carleton, as to request of me the confirmation of their Rights to.> those Seigneiories, which on our observations should be found in the Southward of the 45ti> degree, and which were granted to them before the conquest of Canada. To this demand I could make no other answer than, that His Majesty had by his instruc- tions to me laid down such rules for the granting of lands in this Prov*"-* that I could not deviate from them without incurring his displeasure, and that the power of confirming what they now requested of me, was not at present lodged in my hands, as I was particularly restrained from granting to any one person more than one thousand acres, whereas they demand confirmation of Grants, some of which consisted of Tracts containing 100,000 acres and others of 150,000 aci«es ; I further informed them that no land was granted in this Prov^e to any of His Maj'y* subjects without their paying a quit-rent of two shillings & sixpence sterling to the Crown for each hundred acres, & desired to know if they expected to have their grants confirmed, without paying any such quit-rent; to which they answered in the affirmative, and requested that I % I i i f^4S VHtffCH SHONIORI£S would not grant any lands on the Lake till I had laid their claims before His Majestys Ministers. On the other hand the reduced Officers) and disbanded soldiers, many of whom are now in actual Possession of large Tracts of those Lands, are greatly alarmed at these Claims, and desire to be protected in the Grants made to them by Lieu* Gov' Colden, as they have vested their whole for- tunes in the settlements already begun on them, and must be reduced to beggary, on being dispossessed. I had the honor of informing Mr. Secretary Conway, soon after my arrival at New York from England that Lieut Gov' Colden had declined showing me his correspondence with the Secretary of State's Office, & the Board of Trade, which I was desirous of seeing, so that if any orders relative to the French claims have been transmitted they have not yet come to my hands. Your LordPP* will see at one view how great a prejudice to the settlement of the Prov^e the present uncertain tenure must occasion, for several other persons who have obtained His Maj*y» sign manual for large Tracts are desirous of taking them up on the sides of Lake Champlain, and have already gone so far, as to make actual surveys of the Lands, but are now discouraged from proceeding farther, lest after a great expense incurred they might be turned out of possession. I was in hopes that I should have been able to have sent over to your LordPP" by this opportunity an actual survey of the Lake taken by a skillful hand, in which all the French claims were to be dis- tinguished, with the number of acres which each of them contained, and likewise the grants made to the Officers and Soldiers, under the great s«»al of this Prov^^ in consequence of His Maj*y» Proc- lamation which would have showed at one view how far they interfere with each other. The Deputy Surveyor of Canada, who attended me the whole time I was employed in fixing the line of division between the Provinces, promised to furnish me with an exact draught of all the Seigneuries on the Lake, time enough to transmit to your LordPP^ by the Packet, but I have not heard from him since my return hither. As this is a matter of very great importance to a considerable number of persons in this Pro- vince, whose whole fortunes are vested in these Lands, they have requested me to take the earliest opportunity of laying the state OR IJkXe eSAMPLAlif. 649 ir claims reduced in actual alarmed s made to vhole for- 1 must be honor of al at New ;d showing fice, & the hat if any nitted they see at one Prov°« the her persons Tracts are mplain, and f the Lands, after a great sion. I was 3ver to your Lake taken »re to be dis- im contained, Idiers, under Maj^y Proc- low far tbey Canada, who ig the line of me with an me enough to ve not heard latter of very ns in this Pro- ds, they have lying the state of their case before your LordPP* and to set forth the distressed situation in which they are at present, that His Majestys pleasure might be known on this head. During my absence from hencej two Packets arrived but as I was at too great a distance, they had sailed again before I heard of their arrival, which I hope will appologizc for my not having acknowledged sooner the honor of your LordPP« letter of the 11*»> July, and the receipt of the queries sent by the same opportunity, which shall be answered with all expedition and in the fullest manner from the best Intelligence I am capable of procuring. I have the honor to be, ettc. H. MooBE. LORD HILLSBOROUGH TO SIR E MOORE. [Lond. Doe. XLI.] WhitehaU Feb 2Sth 1768. Your letter to Lord Shelburne No. 5. which relates to the Claims of His Mdtys Canadian Subjects, to lands on that part of Lake Cham- plain which is now a part of the Colony of New York, has been referred to the Lords of Trade, & their Lordships having made a Report to His Mdty thereupon. It is His Mdtys Resolution upon the fullest consideration not to allow any claims made upon the grounds of ancient grants from the Government of Canada, to Lands which were never acknowledged to belong of right to the Crown of France. His Mdty has the most tender Regard to the Rights of His new subjects, & is desirous of giving every proper Testimony of His Attention to their Interests and Welfare, & therefore it is his Mdtys Pleasure, that they should not be disturbed in the peaceable possession of any Tracts so circumstanced, which they may have actually settled & improved, provided they consent to establish their Title by Grants under the seal of the Pro\'ince of New York, upon the usual Conditions of Quit Rent & Improve- ment. Hi ♦ w '!>J m IP Hi W'\ fim^ '<» I ■ it,, a 560 ' FRENCH SEIGNIORIES LORD HILLSBOROUGH TO SIR H. MOORE. LN. T. Council Minutes XXTI; Lond. Doc. XLI.] Whitehall 13th August 1768. I have only in Command from His Majesty to send you the inclosed order of His Majesty in Council confirming the Boundary Line between New York & Quebec, as agreed upon and fixed by yourself and Governor Carleton, for the due execution of which Order under the several Limitations and Restrictions contained in it, His Majesty h£Ls the fullest Reliance on your Zeal for and Attention to His Service. [N. T. Council Minutes XXVl.] At the Court at St. James the 12th day of August 1768. Present The Kings Most Excellent Majesty. Duke of Grafton , Duke of Rutland Duke of Queensbury Marquis of Granby Earl of Litchfield Earl of Hillsborough Earl of Shelburne Viscount Falmouth Viscount Barrington . , Viscount Villiers Lord North James Stuart Mackenzie Esq I'homas Harley Esq' Sir Edward Hawke . Viscount Weymouth - . ' Whereas there was this Day read at the Board a Report from the Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of Council for Plantation Affairs dated the 9<^^ of this Instant, upon considering a Report made by the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Planta- tions, upon an Extract of a Letter from Sir Henry Moore Governor of New York to the Earl of Shelburne dated the 16tJ» of January last, relative to the setling the Bound&ry Line between that Province and Quebec : By which Report it appears that it having been mutually agreed upon between Sir Henry Moore and the Commander in Chief of the Province of Quebec, at a Meeting for that purpose appointed; that the Line of Division between OM LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 661 It 1768. you the )undary ixed by f which )nt8dned for and 1768. izie Esq iport from louncil for considering nd Planta- B Governor of January tween that at it having re and the ; a Meeting on between these Provinces should be fixed at the forty-fifth Degree of North Latitude, conformable to the Limits laid down in his Majesty's Proclamation of October 1763, and it having been ascertained and determined by proper Observations where the said line would pass ; it is therefore proposed that these Proceedings above stated should be confirmed by His Majesty — His Majesty taking the said Report into Consideration was pleased with the Advice of His privy Council, to approve thereof, and doth hereby confirm the said Proceedings above stated, and order that the said Line of Division be run out and continued as far as each Province respectively extends, Provided that nothing hereinbefore contained, shall extend to affect the Properties of his Majesty's new Subjects, having Possessions under proper Titles, on those parts of the Lands on the South side of this Line, the Dominion of which was not disputed on the part of the Crown of Great Britain ; And Provided also, that this Determination shall not operate wholly to deprive his Majesty's New subjects of such Concessions on the South side of the said Line, on which they may have made actual Settlement and Improvement, although the Lands may have been disputed by the Crown of Great Britain ; but that such Possessors shall be entitled to so much of the said Conces- sions, as shall be proportioned to their Improvements, at the rate of fifty Acres for every three Acres of Improvement, provided they take out Grants for the same under the Seal of the Province of New York, subject to the usual Quit rents, and Provided also that the Grant to no one person shall exceed twenty thousand Acres, and the Governors or Commanders in Chief of his Majes- ty's said Provinces of New Yoik and Quebec for the Time being, and all others whom it may concern, are to take Notice of his Majesty's Pleasure hereby signifyed and govern themselves accord- ingly. ■ V ' Steph: Cottrell. ^ I 'if-,. -ij.--*' ''■ v''-m i \ i' ( 568 nENCu sEiomoBixa ■ a ,'■ I SIR H. MOORE TO LORD HILLBOROUGH. .1, • - ■ ' I \ '■• [Lond. Doo. XLI.] ' . ' Tort George Oct 24th 1768. Since my writing the foregoing Letter, I have had an opportunity of laying the order before His Majesty's Council, who are under some difficulties in regard to the construction of the first proviso therein mentioned viz. *' Provided that nothing herein contained shall extend to a£fect the Properties of His Majestys new subjects having possessions under proper titles on those parts of the Lands, on the south side of this Line the Dominion of which was not disputed on the part of the Crown of Great Britain." No line of jurisdiction having ever been settled between this Province & Quebec 'till that which was fixed by General Carleton & myself and approved of by His Majesty, each of the Provinces have endeavored to extend their claims as far as they possibly could. The English to the River St. Lawrence, and the French to the Southward of Lake George : The consequence of which has been that the lands on both sides of Lake Champlain have been granted to the English & French by their respective Governors, as will appear by the Map which I had the honour of transmitting to England & mentioned in my letter No, 6, to the Earl of Shelbnrne dated 22"* of February 1767, &. in my letter to the Lords of Trade dated 4* April 1767. Your Lordship will see by these different claims what the difficulties are which we labour under at present, for [there is] nq particular Boundary Line fairly drawn between the Provinces, the English claim supported by that which was made before them by the Dutch extended as far as the forty fifth Degree of Latitude. This Line was supposed by the French to be more to the Southward than we found it on observation, & several of their grants in those parts are covered by those since made by M'. Colden to the reduced officers and Soldiers under His Majestys Proclamation. This will of course open such a scene of litigation, as I am afraid will defeat the expectations of forwarding the se tlements in that part of the Country, to prevent which it is our humble request that His Majestys pleasure might be known how ON LAKE CWMPLAtn. 653 Ih 17«8. ortunily re under ; proviso iontained subjects le Lands, was not No line rovince & & myself inces have l>Vy could, nch to the h has been sen granted )rs, as will smitting to f Shelburne ds of Trade ;se different • at present, between the ;h wan made fifth Degree 1 to be more fe several of made by M'. His Majestys > of litigation, rvfarding the ^hich it is our e known how far to the southward of the 45"" Degree any French grants are to be allowed, for they have no settlements to claim under (which I am informed was an absolute condition of their Grant, as they have paid no Quit-Rent) & the qtiantity of Land in most of their Grants far exceeds that which His Majesty lias been pleased to allow to those mentioned in the 2'' proviso which was not to exceed 20,000 Acres to each Person where an actual settle- ment had been. , ADDITIONAL INSTRUCTION N, TO OUR TRUSTY AND WELL BELOVED SIR HENRY MOORE BARONET, . OUR CAPTAIN GENERAL AND GOVERNOR IN CHIEi' OF OUR PROVINCE OF NEW YORK & THE TERRITORIES DEPENDING THERFON IN AMSRICA. GIVEN &C. DATED 5 JULY 1769. [N. Y. Council Minutes XXVI; Lond. Doc. XLII.] Whereas sundry persons, proprietors under titles derived from the Crown of France when that Crown was in possession of Canada, of lands on that part of Lake Camplain now lying within our Province of New York have humbly represented unto Us that several parts of the said lan 1 i 'I li • i [N. T. Counoil Minutes XXVI.] At R Council held at Fort George in the City of New York on Wednesday the fourteenth day of August, 1771. Present His Excellency William Tryon Esq' Capt. Genl. &c. M' Watts Mf ATorris M' Cruger M"- White M' De Lancey M' Smith M' Wallace M' Axtell It is Ordered by his Excellency with the advice of the Council that a Proclamation issue Notifying to all Persons holding or laying Claim under Titles derived from the Government of Franre, while in Possession of Canada, to any Lands upon Lake Cham- plain Northward of Crown Point, and to the Southward of the forty fifth Degree of Northern Latitude, to transmit unto the Secretary's Office of this Province within three months from the Date thereof, Authentic Exemplifications of the Original Grants, together with satisfactory Evidence of the situation of the Lands therein mentioned, and of the Solidity of the Titles of the Claimants thereof at the time of the Surrender of Canada to the Crown of Great Britain ; to the End that the Government of this Province, by being duly apprized thereof, may be enabled to give the Claims under such French Grants, the attention Ihev shall appear to Merit. [N. Y. Council Min. XXVI.] In Council; Wednesday, 18 Dec^ 1771. Present His Excellency William Tryon Esq. Capt. GenM &c. M' Horsmanden M' DeLanccy M' Smith M' White M' Watts Mf Apthorp M' Cruger M' Axtell His Excellency communicated to the Board a Letter of the 30''> of October from Lieutenant Governor Cramahe of the Province of Quebec enclosing several papers relative to the French Claims to Lands on Lake Champlain and acquainting his Excellency that he shall by the next Post furnish him with all the Information he has collected relative to the French Grants on that Lake. His Excellency also communicated to the Board another Letter from Lieutenant Governor Cramahe, dated Quebec Nov' ll*"* acquainting his Excellency that in consequence of his Letter of ON LAKE CIIAMPLAIK. 655 w York 771. nl. &f- i/Vhite \xtell .Council (Iding or f France, Ice Cham- m\ of the unto the s from the lal Grants, the Lands les of the nada to the nent of this jled to give n tliev shall )ec' n'Tl- * Gen'l &c. M' White M' Axtell oftheSO^i' the Province rench Claims xcellency that nformation he jake. another Letter ec Nov' !!**• bis Letter of the 17"' August,' he ordered the public Register deposited with the Secretary of the Province to be very exactly searched, and Transmitted him by M"" Marr two Abstracts containing the Gran- tees Names, those of the new Proprietors that have come to their knowledge, the Dates of the Grants as well as of the Ratifications, and their extent as entered upon those Registers, as well of the Land* granted en Seigneurie as of those granted by the King en Roture — Also Copies under the Great Seal of the Province of all the Kings Edicts and Declarations relative to Grants of Lands which had Force of Law there, that his Excellency might be ena- bled to Judge of the Justice of such Claims — That by these it appears that the Governor and Intendant, or in Case of their Death or Absence those who executed their respective offices, had the power of granting Lands to be ratified by the King within Twelve Months, and that they likewise were the sole Judges in case of a reunion to the Demesne, where the Grantees had not complyed with the Conditions of their Grants, which however never took place till after a Solemn Hearing upon a legal Process before those Officers at the instance of the King's Attorney Gen- eral — That among the Papers transmitted under the Great Seal of the Province is a Sentence of Reunion of Several Grants upon Lake Champlain dated lO'h May 1741 by the then Governor Beauharnois and Intendant Hocquart, since which time there does not appear upon the Registers, altho' very complete, a single reunion of any Grant in those Parts ; & therefore that all Grants precedent thereto, and not comprehended therein, are thereby con- firmed — and after several observations respecting two Grants to Monsieur Foucault pjirchased by General Murray ; On the Title of Mademoiselle de Ramzay — On the Grant of Monsieur De Beaujeu Villemonde — And the two Grants to Monsieur Hocquart, purchased by Monsieur de Lotbiniere, further acquainting his Excellency that the Canadian Grantees, Trust his Excellency will be pleased to consider the Possession of their Estates with all the Immunities thereunto annexed, was secured to them by the capitu- lation of Montreal, and the Treaty of Paris— That the King's 1 Forwarding Proclamation mentioned in the preceding entry, dated, 14 Augt. 1771. f 'I f*f» »,H * 1 t< , y 566 PBEiTCa S£I6N10&I£8 Old Subjects who under the Faith thereof became considerable purchasers of their Estates, Hope and doubt not his Excellency will pay a due attention to their just Rights, and that all expect so serious a matter of so much Consequence to themselves and Families, will be carefully weighed and sufficient Time given them to adduce such proofs «s in Honour and Justice may be required of them. In Council ; Thursday 31«t day of Decemb' 1771. Present His Excellency Gov' Tryon and the other Members o^ Council as last mentioned^ except M' Apthorp absent, and M' Wallace who is present. His E)ccellency laid before the Board the following Writings and Papers which had been transmitted from the Province of Quebec in pursuance of the late Proclamation relating to the French Claims to Lands within this Government, on the banks of Lake Champlain. l^t. An Exemplification under the Seal of Quebec of the Order of the French King authorizing the Grant of Lands in Canada dated 20th May 1676. 2*'y. An Exemplification of his Arret in Council directing that the Lands Granted be cultivated by the Inhabitants, dated e*"* July, 1711. 3^^y. An Exemplification of the French King's Declaration concerning the Grants in Canada, dated Yl^^ July 1743, & an Explanatory Order dated W^ June 1748. 4ti>^y. An Exemplification of an Arret in Council of the IS*** March 1732. Stilly. Of an Ordinance of the Governor and Intendant of 10tJ» May 1741. for a Reunion of divers Seigniories to the Demesnes of the French Crown. gthly. Certificate from the French List of the Lands Granted en Seigneurie on Lake Champlain North of Crown Point dated at Quebec 28*^ October 1771, and signed Geo. Alsop Clerk of the Enrolments. \,. ''~l?im^ isideraWe xcellency ill expect elves and iven tbem i required b' 1T71. !embers of ibsent, and ng Writings Province of iting to tbe ^ tbe banks of tbe Order 5 in Canada directing tbat Is, dated 6*" Declaration 1 1743, & an of tbe Ib^^ Iflant of 10*^ le Demesnes Inds Granted loint dated at 3lerk of tbe N "^;-;^ "^ ^«? ,\^X.Nrv\ ') ->. < N i '"^W.^.. Y^ -. •'•?,"•;■>' %%1.^. """ iJUtonniii!..,'; Carte du Lac .^V\\VSA » ■■. s >. ••|,\W-S.M\ •-Y'^'v\\<:i .. 1" il ■ ^\\.. r<; vs\V5^• '■■'■'■,•■■- ■ .,• ^ ■■v« V \;' > . . \V' ■ IN v>\\i&iSV\\A /I'll ■I ^ J. 'red^u Ol \\M\U |i 1 ll 33 fXf/f a /ei &i 33 Mt/^di* 9eA 3i M^. (UtCC < t 36 WJ^am^ •V M''iLf>oi/vi/j Map of Lake Cham plain Jrom /^fjbr/ ('hm/'/// /{'/or/.i'/re A ?/?'' (on/fY rofjir , 7unt/rr C /ff'' /j'e iMeaui'oid. .A^ytifir D M"^' c^'tt^ianan F ///'■ riiiiur^ H //rVr//^yau. \ /^''Jaa/MiU J, W.^('t'Mf/Yrrmr 1 /vrt CSam^if a J^orl 6* frrdertc : , ^Ai*'ifre a /a . ^Sar/uf /, .yy auj .Jou/reii g ,ii .S''Y//rrayr/ lit M. 'du ,S'ud 13 r^ 9e< iSrocjieAfy /4 //t/t)u..WMtxrr. '■P' •■( < i// ' ) / X arrrc Iff -A a / i//tf( ri, t/ifi •m ,€/^ A ^'//'v/K/■c 'J6' <-^ii/e -'li/J //'■'.I •JS rXf^f /& 'Wj/f 31 !• 'iir/' (J 36 ///', /r'fu/f/t '/(f r/'rifi/t fH4l- I ^i ^j/nui'/ifiJoa^. .43 //?///, h/a/^ C^rerfti^ /j^ /A a/u) yirf^iu ftrn a^ainji ; — t ■ — '?^4>lU^ 2*' e^*f? auo! Ttaix 37 Jj^ cua: ^eiteJ 33 f/j^ie a /uverte 37 J/fr^'ouviM 3» (ntidifut,.^ 4j Sn'ryrAlub-aruy J/larais. 42 ^^ran^ JSeuf. 49 ,^MJif//f 44 '^oufr^f is [n So Ju4ztrena^'tMU 6^n^iinii S, .M 53 yrivtrm) (■ntnffe/rar/a^iie/t^ e/rpeui Mrendre e/i fin 9e Ui rtnere^ut. edf /in l^a/iulf efyii/t ^e//i. 54 ^c^y ,}acre/ne/it fi) V)a^mf (2) j£iA:A^^e,7ra^. ju^ 'pnuLc^u <)r A fly fff ,1 >/■/!/, ll/H U/T JU ■■/■(-.If III! fr ./ .5.5 f<,> ,fj/f , ,,i ■'/ f'ff//ti Si ,y c'//( ant/ f^/irv^iuv^^r /Ar fn^O/iii firri a^ain^/ (a find a H'^tcJ^ /'//(fn if/if^uf /'iSufu/ iW. /"// ///,• , /^affA'j I '/ //v / / very /jf-etii/ I r \> /■ Peat* />i.'A ^iia-tif |: III "t- t M ii' _i 'ii|itt.' i 1 iii ^ i ' i | i l|ni li| jl ) p i.ii,i»i, yn ^|i| , ,|| „ . | ,,| , |,, , , 1 J. •*'"^'Rl!, \l ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 567 7'"b'. A like Certificate of the Lands granted en Roture or in Soccage to the Southward of the 45th degree of North Latitude. 8">iy. Copies of the Concession and Ratification to Daniel Lienard de Beaujeu Jun"" of the 6th March 1752 and !»» June 1763 mentioned in the said List of Seigniories & Certified under the hand of said Geo. Alsop. 9'hJy. Copies Certified in like manner of the Concession and Ratification to Antoine Bedout mentioned in Suid List of Seig- neuries. lO'hiy. Copies Under a like Certificate of the Concession and Ratification in the said List to Nicholas^rr6 Le Vasseur. 11th. Copies Certified in like Manner of the Concession and Ratification in the said List to Francis Daine. 12t'». Copies of a Concession by the King to Monsieur Giles Hoquart IntenJant, dated 20th April 1743, and of a like Conces- sion to the same on I't April 1745, and of a Contract and Sale thereof certified by Pierrt Meziere and Pierre Panet, Notaries, who are Certified to be Notaries at Quebec by John Collins a Justice of the Peace Sl^t September, 1771. I3th. Copy of » Memorial to the Lieutenant Governor of Que- bec by Lewis Lienard de Be-^ujeu de Villemonde dated 15th Octo- ber 1771. representing that he had a Grant of a Seigneurie dated 20*h July 1755 but that Uie Ratification was lost in 1756 and' praying his Intercession with the Governor of New York for further Time to produce it than is prescribed by the New York Procl .a idon of August last. 14th. A Copy of a Notarial Certificate of the Sale of the Seig- neurie mentioned in the said List to be Granted to Pierre Raim- bault made by his Heirs to Benjamin Price and others Certified by the said George Alsop 15 August 1771. 15th. A Map of the French Grants on Lake Champlain from Fort Chambly to Crown Point Surveyed by M' Ange- dated IQth October 1748 a; d signed de Lery. 16th. Mr. Cramahe's Letter to his Excellency dated 11th Dec' 1771. Upon which his Excellency desired the opinion of the Coimcil on the Measures proper to be pursued as well with Respect to the i 1 558 FRENCH SEIGNIORIES Lands granted upon Lake Champlain, as to new applications for Patents in that part of the Country, and it was thereupon Ordered that the said Writings be referred to the Gentlemen of the Coun- cil, or any five of them. ORDINANCE OF THE COVEKNOB AND INTENDANT OF NEW FRANCE REUNITING TO HIS »IAJESTl's DOMAIN ALL SEIGNIORIES NOT IMPROVED 10 MAY 1741. [MSS. relating to French Claims, &c., in See's. Off.} Charles Marquis de Beauhamois fyc. Gilles Hocquart ^c. At the Superior €oiiiiciI of Quebec, Between tlie Kings Attorney General. Pliil in his suit of the 2U Feby last on the one side ; And Sieurs . . . Pean, Major of the Town and Castle of Quebec ... St Vincent Ensign of Foot, De Beauvais Junr., De Contrecour Capt. of In- fantry; De Contrecour Junr. Ensign, and La Perriere Capt. of sd. Troops . . . Lafontaine, Councillor in sd. Superior Council . . . Roebert Kings Store Keeper at Montreal . . . All the above named Grantees of Lands on .... . Lake Champlain Deits and cited the sixth and eleventh of March last and the ninth of the present month : and Sieurs Douville . . . and De la Gauchetiere Defts and defaulters through lack of appearance either personally or by attorney on the summons which was served on them the eleventh of said Month of March by the Huissier Decoste, on the other side.' Having seen the suit of the King's Attorney General demand- ing fcr reaoons therein contained, that We would be pleased to permit him lo caus^ to be summoned the said Sieurs above men- tioned to be and appear before us at the Castle St Louis of Quebec within the delays of the ordonnance to direct and order, that they having failed to have cultivated & improved the lands granted to them in Seigniory and to have placed and settled inhabitants thereon according to the terms of the Arrets of the King's CouncH of State of the sixth July 1711. and fifteenth March 1732 and within the time specified therein, they shall be and remain reunited to His Majesty's Domain in this country ; The answers of the said Defend'^, present by which . . . Sieur Pean states that he 1 So Hiuch of this Record only is given as applies to Grants on Lake Champlain and south of Line 45. ' ' -#iy ' r" ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 559 ;ations for n Ordered the Coun- JNITING TO 3, 10 MAY Qeneral. Piii^ icc . . • ^ ur Capt. of In- ;. of ad. Troops . . Roebert amed Grantees lited the sixth nth : and Sieurs rs through lack lons which was the Huissier iral demand- pleased to above men- is of Quebec er, that they . granted to tants thereon Counc'l of ! and within reunited to of the said lates that he lake Champlain could not find any farmer, up to this time, to place on his Seigniory, that if he should find any he is ready to furnish them with axes and picks, for clearing, with one year's provisions ; that he will continue to look for them j that he will do his best to find some and that he intends to form a demesne there. . . Another answer of Sieur Estcbe appearing as above, by which he says that Sieur St Vincent is actually detached as Commander of the post of Ouyatanous, that he already made several grants on his Seigniory, namely to a habitant of the Cote de Beaupre j that the said Sieur St Vincent told him before his departure that he intended im- mediately establishing a demesne there, the said Sieur Estebe moreover requesting in his name, that a sufficient delay be granted him, in consequence of said Sieur St Vincent's absence on the King's Service A writing without date intituled a Summary Remonstrance furnished to Us by the Sieurs de Contrecour, Father & Son, & La Perriere covenanting by the said Sieur Pean, in which they set forth among other things that they have done every thing to settle their grants j that it was impossible to find individuals willing to accept lands though they offered them some on very advantageous terms and were willing to give even Three hundred livres to engage the said individuals; that the said Contrecoeur, Sen', has rendered Fealty & Hommage for said Seigniory and that he, as well as said Sieurs La Perriere & Contrecoeur, Junior has been subjected to various expenses ; that they intend, moreover, to do all in their power to find farmers to settle said Seigniories and they hope to succeed therein ; requesting Us that we would please to grant them a delay on the offers which they make to conform themselves herein to His Majesty's inten- tions. . . . Another writing of Sieur La Fontaine not dated, and signed by him . . . whereby he offers with our permis- sion to go this summer on the Grant with three men to build there, and begin clearances and to give to those whom he will find willing to settle there, Grain and even money, asking from them no rent, '.n order to obtain from them by the allurement of this gift what he cannot obtain from them by force ; a writing of Sieur Roebert . , . also not dated in which he says that at the time his Grant was made him, he set M. Janvrin Dufresne, sworn Surveyor, 560 FRENCH SEIGNIORIES ,U I ¥ 141 with six men to measure, survey and define the said Grant who occupied forty days in their voyage & that this expense amounted to Seven hundred livres, ten sout according to the certificate of said Dufresne which he presents, and that be has neglected nothing to induce some young farmers to go and settle there by procuring for them great advantages and many facilities, concluding for these reasons We may grant him delay to allow him to satisfy His Majesty's intentions; Seeing likewise His Mjjesty ordinances dated 6, July 1711 and 15t>> March 1732 and His orders addressed to Us last year wherein He orders Us very expressly to proceed with the reunion to His Domain of the Lands formerly and recently Granted in default of the Proprietors thireof having fulfilled the conditions set forth in their Deeds : We grounding ourselves on the requisition of the King's Attorney General Have reunited AND Do reunite to His Majesty's Domain the Lands following, to wit : ' That granted on the 10* of April of the year 1733 to Sieur Pean two leagues or two leagues & a half in front by three in depth along the River Chambly and Lake Champlain together with the River Chazy included therein and Isle k la Motte ; . . . that granted to Sieur St. Vincent on 12* April 1733 two leagues in front by three leagues in depth on Lake Champlain;' Another to Sieur de Beauvais on 20* July 1734 two leagues in front by three leagues in depth on Lake Champlain together with the peninsula which is found to be in front of said land ; Another conceded on 7* July of the same year 1734 to Sieur Contrecoeur JUsj on the borders of Lake Champlain beginning at the mouth of the Riviere aux Loutres [Otter River] one league and a half above and one league and a half below, making two leagues in front by three in depth together with so much of said Riviire attx Loutres as is found included therein with three Islands or Islets which are in front of said Concession and depend thereon ; another granted to Sieur de la Perriere on the border of Lake Champlain beginning at the Mouth of the River Ouynouski one league above and one league below making two leagues front by three leagues in depth with the extent of said River which will 1 Now the town of Champlain, Clinton Co. OM LAKE CHAMFLAIN. 9wt Irani who amounted tificate of ed nothing f procuring eluding for satisfy His ordinances rs addressed to proceed and recently fulfiUed the ourselves on VE REUNITED is following, 733 to Sieur t by three in (lain together Motte; . • • two leagues lin;' Another |es in front by ther with the land; Another ^r Contrecoeur the mouth of [d a half above pagues in front RivUre aux [lands or Islets >end thereon ; [order of Lake Juynouski one »agues front by [ver which will be found comprehended therein together with the Islands and Battures adjacent ; . . . . that granted the S*** April 1733 to Sieur Lafontaine being five quarters of a league in front on the River Ghambly by the depth that may be fotmd to the Bay of Missis- kouy j' that conceded on the 13* June 1737 to Sieur Roebert, three leagues front by two leagues in depth on the West side of Lake Champlain, taking, in going down, one league below the River Boquet and in going up two leagues and a half above said River.* Wherefore We have declared all the Grantees above named deprived of all rights and property over these Lands, and yet having in no wise regard to the representations made by any of the sud Defend*' We reserve to Ourselves, under His Majesty's good pleasure, to grant new Patents of the same lands to those of the Defendants who shall prove within a year to Us, that they have seriously and by real outlays and labour improved a notable portion of said Lands, or placed Settlers thereupon during the course of this year, such time having elapsed, by virtue and Execution of these presents and without others being necessary the said Lands shall be conceded to whom and as it shall apper- tain : We grant default against Sieur Douville and for benefit. We have declared the present Judgment Common, for the lands equally conceded to them, to wit, to Sieur Douville, that granted to him the eight October 1736 two leagues front by three leagues deep on the East side of Lake Champlain and finally that granted to Sieur La Gaucheti^re the 20* of April of the year 1733 of two leagues front by three leagues deep on said Lake Champlain. = We order &c. Done at the Castle St. Louis of Quebec the tenth May 1741. Signed Beauharnois & Hocquart ; Countersigned and Sealed. For Copy. Hocquakt. 1 Qu.t Town of Albur;, Vt. 2 Now the town of Essex and greater part of the town of Wellsborough, Essex county, N. Y. 3 Now the town of Ohazy, Clinton County, N. T. 36 w ';«-, :^ii ■'.<•' f 563 FRENCH SEIONIORIEf GKANT OP TKE SEIGNIORY BEDOU, ON THE RIVER CRAZY. 1 NOV. 1752. v> I.-': 't/(.i f ?.'! ' 4 [From the Same.] The Marquis Duquesne fyc. ,' ..... Francis Bigot ^c. .» < On the Petition to us presented by Sieur Bedou, Councellor in the Superior Council of Quebec to the effect that We would be pleased to grant him a Tract two leagues or two leagues and a half front by three leagues in depth along the River Chambly and Lake Champlain with the River Chazy included therein, the front of said Tract to extend from the bounds of the Seigniory recently conceded to Sieur de Beaujeu to a league from the mouth of the River Chazy on the South side, with the part of the River Chazy which will be found within the extent of said land ; which will be bounded by a line North and South passing by the mouth of said River Chazy, by three leagues in depth, nnd, besides, all the said land which will be found beyond the said line on the River Cham- bly and Lake Champlain and Isle k la Mothe that is opposite in the said Lake, which Tract was heretofore granted to the late M. Pean in his life time Major of Quebec and reunited to the Kings Domain by an Ordinance of Mess" de Beauharnois & Hocquart dated 10. May 1741. All by tenure of Fief and Seigniory with Right of High, Middle & low Justice, rights of Himting, Fisliing and the Indian trade as well in front of, as within said Tract. We in virtue of the power granted to Us by His Majesty have given granted and conceded to said Sieur Bedou the said Tract of land as and in the manner it is above described, which shall be bounded on the North & South by two lines drawn East & West in front by the River Chambly and Lake Champlain, and in depth three leagues joining the nonconceded lands by a line drawn North & South parallel to that which shall pass the mouth of the River Chazy and, besides, the Island called a la Mothe which is ^nposite the said Tract in Lake Champlain, to possess it by him- S' < f his heirs and assigns in perpetuity and for ever by the tenure ON LAKE CBAMPLAIN. 663 IIVER •*• nit ancellor in i would be rues and a liambly and a, tbe front )ry recently outh of the [liver Chazy rhich will be Louth of said , all the said River Cham- opposite in the late M. ^o the Kings & Hocquart -igniory with ting, Fislang said Tract, [ajesty have Isaid Tract of lich shall be last & West and in depth line drawn outh of the )the which is ;ss it by him- ,y the tenure of Fief & Seigniory with High Middle and Low Justice) with pri- vileges of Fishing, Hunting and the Indian Trade throughout the whole extent of said Tract, on condition of rendering Fealty & Hommage &t the Castle of St Louis of Quebec from which he will hold with the usual duties and charges according to the custom of Paris followed in this Country, of preserving & causing to be preserved by his Tenants the Oak timber fit for building King's Ships, of giving His Mp all Mines Minerals &,c. &c. &c. [The remainder of thib atent is in terms similar to that already inserted p. 544. The grant was ratified by the King of France 18^1) June 1753. The Seigniory was afterward made over by the pro- prietor on 2^^ May 1754 to Daniel Lienard Sieur de Beaujea, who had a Seigniory adjoining immediately North.] ,!.. TO HIS EXCELLENCY HECTOR THEOPHILE CRAMAHE Esqr. LIEUTENANT OOVERNOUft AND COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF THE PROVINCES OF QUEBEC &C &C. Respectfully Sheweth — Louis Lienard de Beaujeu de Ville- monde Chevalier de St. Louis, covenanting for him & in his name Francois Joseph Cugnet Seigneur de St. Etienne, who has the honour most respectfully to Represent to your Excellency that there was granted to him on the 20 July 1755 by Mess" de Vau- dreuil and Bigot Governor General and Intendant, in compensa- tion of his Military Services, the Concession of a Seigniory, situ- ated on Lake Champlain part of which is found by the new Line to be within the Province of New York, extending from the bounds of the Seigniory granted and conceded in 1744 to Guillaume Estebe proceeding Eastward to the River Smerindac the said River included, forming about four leagues front by as many in depth, together with the Isles & Islets which might happen to be in front of the said tract. And as it is the Peti- tioner's interest to preserve the said Seigniory which is the only property •remainmg to him after the losses he has experienced by the misfortunes of the War, he has recourse to your Excel- lency's Clemency and asks of him the favor to be so good as to u »■ . , 1 1'. ,.'^... IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) L // {/ V- A* '^'^i^ v\4^< i <" K. 1.0 IfKSBS r _ u£ yi moo 1.1 r-^ K£ — liil 1 ''^^ i '°'^ 1''^ « -^ 6" — *■ Ph. 0% Ta /. ^J^? ^J^ %\^ % Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. US SO (716)87r4S03 ^ 4^ ■''^'. ^ 6^ H>1 H fi64 FRENGH aslGKlOBIBS in>ter«8t himself in his behalf with His Excellency the Governour of New York who has been so good as to admit the Canadians to represent to him their Titles to the saier Country which has ish his saiil iling to the apply to the J Grant the n able since ory, it being the month title of his e his arrival xpense that iiinself that to offer his NAUDIERE BER 1T66 the City of Jean Marie horn he duely OH LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 66r viuthorized, and Demoiselle L*« Raimbault his daughter of age, living at the Cote de la Montagne near this City of Montreal acting as well for themselves as for Sieur Claude Raimbault their brother absent from this Province for whom they render them- selves guaranty & security j Who have by these Presents volun- tarily sold, ceded and transported from now and forever, promised & promising jointly as well in their names as in' those of their Executors, Administrators, Heirs and Assigns to guarantee from all Troubles, Grants, Doweries, Debts, Mortgages and other Burthens in general whatsoever, except solely the Troubles and Hindrances which may be caused on the part of Governments, unto Benjamin Price Esq. Daniel Robertson Esq. and John Livingston Esq' the said Sieurs Robertson & Livingston purchasers, present at and accepting as well for themselves as for said Sieur Price, their Executors Administrators & Assigns, a Seigniory called La Manaudiere situated on Lake Champlain on the East Side, con- taining four leagues front by five leagues deep, the said four Leagues commencing in descending the Lake, from the Bounds of the Seigniory granted to Sieur La Perriere on the sixth of July One thousand seven hundred and thirty four, in which is included the River called Ji la Mouellcj with the Isles, Islets, and Battures adjacent, with the Privilege of High, Low and Middle Justice, Rights of Hunting, Fishing and Indian Trade and the Rights and Prerogauves annexed to said Seigniory without any Exception whatsoever, nothing being reserved nor retarded by the said Sellers to whom the said Seigniory belongs as sole heirs of the late M. Pierre Raimbault their Father in his life time Lieut: General for His Most Christian Majesty of the Jurisdiction of this City, to which said Sieur Raimbault the said Seigniory belonged by Grant to him made by His said Most Christian Majesty according to the Patent of Ratification of the thirtieth of April One thousand seven hundred & thirty seven duly enregistered at the Superior Council of Quebec, formal conveyance whereof the said Sellers promise to immediately give the said Purchasers : The Present Sale made on condition that the said Purchasers pay from tllis day and render to the Domain of His Majesty, our Most Sovereign Lord the King of Great Britain all the Rights and Duties for 1 I #. 566 F&^CH SElONIORIfiS I I ' '* a- which the said Seigniory is bound to Him ; and besides give the price and sum of Ninety Thousand livres current Money of this Province half of which in gold and silver Specie and the other half in Merchandize at the prices current in this City, which the said Sellers acknowledge and Confess to have cow received from the said Purchasers; The said Sieurs Robertson & Livingston Declaring that three-fourths of the said Seigniory will belong to them and the other fourth will belong to said Sieur Benjamin Price — in consequence whereof the said Sellers consent that said Purchasers enjoy, do with, and dispose of, the said Seigniory and its Depcndancies, as to them will seem good and enter therein in good Seizin and infeoffment. For thus d&c. Promising &c. Obli- ging &c. Renouncing &c. Done and Executed in the said Mon- treal in the Year One Thousand seven hundred & sixty six, the twenty seventh of September after noon; and the Sellers have Signed and Sealed these Presents with the said Sieurs Robertson & Livingston, acting for the said Sieur Price, af^er reading being done. Raimbault (ls) Louise MontignyRaimbault (ls.) Signed Signed, Sealed & delivered in presence of C Pre Panet ) Signed J p^ SiMONNET S Louise Raimbault John Livingston Dan'l Robertson Not* ... .,„;'.,.. .' ■.; (ls.) (ls.) (ls.) ^ i. ' I ■. Quebec, 27. Jidjr 1767. Received from Benjamin Price, Daniel Robertson and John Livingstone Esquire the sum of Twelve Pounds, Lawful Money of this Province for the Droit de Quint or Mutation fine for the Seigniory called La Manaudiere situate on the East side of Lake Champlain, joining on a Seigniory granted to M La Perriere by the French King 6 July 1764, purchased by them of Jean Marie Raimbault, Louise Montigny his Wife & Louise Raimbault of Montreal as specified in the Contract of Sale, signed by the parties th^7* of September last, having remitted to the said Purchasers one Third, pursuant to the Ancient Custom of this Colony, and by which I have put the same Benjamin Price, Daniel Robertson and OM LAKE CH4MPLAIN. ive the of this e other lich the ed from ringston 'long to lenjamin hat said ry and its lerein in ic, Obli- aid Mon- ysix, the Hers have Robertson ling being (LS) lAULT (LS.) (L8.) (LS.) (L8.) L July 1767. J and John Iful Money Sne for the Je of Lake Perriere by Jean Marie Limbault of r the parties Purchasers lony, and by Lbertson and John Livingston Esquires in good Possession and Seizing of the said Seigniory, they having for that effect paid the fine due to His Majesty. Signed Thomas Mills, R' GemI. The above and foregoing are true Copies of a Deed of Sale of the Seigniory called La Manaudi^re- and of the Receipt for the Droit de Quint, as taken from the French Register Letter E. pages 313 k 358. in my office. Qiven under my hand at Quebec this y -..1^ : 16th August 1771. ' i H ^i« . Geo. Allsopp Dr Reg' ' ' ■ : » - & Clk of Enrolments. ^•^ . .t' w ' ' ' [N. Y. Council Minutes, XXVI.] At a Council held at Fort George in the city of New York, on Monday the sixth day of January 1772., Present His Excellency William Tryon Esq. Captm General &ca. ,, « -,,,;., M' Watts M' Morris M' Cruger M' White M' Apthorp Mr Smith M' Wallace M' Axtell Mr. Smith from the Committee to whom by Order of the 31st ultimo was referred the Papers 'relative to the French claims to Lands on Lake Champlain presented to His Excellency the Com* mittee's Report thereupon, which being Read was on the Question being put agreed to and approved of, and Ordered to be entered in the Minutes and is as follows: — REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE SUBJECT OP THE FRENCH CLAIMS TO LANDS ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. May it please your Excellency: The Committee to whom were referred the several Writings lately transmitted (in pursuance of your Proclamation) from the Province of Quebec relative to the French Claims to Lands within this Government humbly Report That soon after his Majesty was pleased by his Royal Procla- 1. The present Town of Burlington, Tt., is sitnated on part of t)ie above teignlorjr. ff,'' '( *li . I, 668 FE£NCH SEIGMIOfilES mation of the T^ October 1763 to declare the 45ti> Degree of Northern Latitude to be the Boundary between this and the Pro- vince of Quebec, divers Tracts of Land were granted under the Great seal of tlus Province to the Northward of Crown Point on both sides of Lake Champlain, and diiefly to the reduced Officers and Soldiers claiming hit Majesty's Bounty Graciously promised by that PioclainatioB. That Sir Henry Moore and M' Carlton the (Governors of the two Provinces fixed the place of the Latitude of 46, by actual observation near the Noith end of the Lake in the Month of Sep- tember 1767, and that on the 12ti> August 1768 his Majesty was pleased to declare his Approbation in Privy Council, and to direct in favour of his New Canadian Subjects that nothing in the Order of that Date contained should affect the property of such as had possessions under proper Titles in Lands on the South side of the Line, the Dominion of which was not disputed on the part of the Crown of Great Britam ; And that the said Determinatioc should not operate wholly to deprive them of such Concessions on the South side of said Line, whereon they had made actual settlements and Improvements, altho' the said Line might have been disputed by the Crown of Great Britain, but proportioned to their Improve- ments at the Rate of 50 acres for every three that were improved, with the Provisoe that Grants should be sued out under the seal of New York, Subject to the usual Quit Rents, and that a Grant to one Person should not exceed 20,000 acres. The Committee have examined the Council Books and cannot discover that the Government of Quebec ever gave the least Inti- mation to this Province of any French Grants upon Lake Cham- plain, neither before nor after the said Order of August 1768 until excited thereunto by your Excellency's late proclamation, nor is there an Entry to be found of any Notification of such Claim by Private persons, nor even of an application for any grant or Con- firmation under this Government for Lands Granted in Canada before the surrender of that Country. The Committee therefore conceive that it was a natural and reasonable presumption either that there were no such French Grants or that the Grantees and their Assigns considered them as OK LAKE GHAUnUAIH. 669 )egree of I the Pro- under the I Point on sd Ofl&cers ;orB of the by actual ttth of Sep- lajesty was nd to direct n the Order such as had i side of the s part of the atioc should sions on the il settlements leen disputed leir Improve- re improved, ider the seal that a Grant s and cannot he least Inti- Lake Cham- ust 1768 until oation, nor is uch Claim by ^rant or Con- id in Canada natural and such French lered them as invalid and perhaps forfeited to the French Crown before the Con- quest or that they declined the acceptance of British Confirmations subject to Quit Rents and new Patent Charges^ intending to set themselves up as sufficient under the Capitulation Articles in the Courts of Law, upon the supposition that they were within the Ancient Dominions of the Crown of France, and agreeable thereto this Government began again to Grant Lands in that Quarter, and continued the practice until Your Excellency was pleased to com- municate to the Council his Majestys 60^>> Instruction prohibiting Pjatents for Lands to the Northward of Crown Point, claimed under French Titles, and if the late Grants of thb Province are detrimental to those Claimants, the Committee are of Opinion that the Blam« falls upon themselves, as it is owing to their neglecting to give the Information naturally to be expected, if they intended to submit to and take advantage of the Royal order of the 12^^ August 1768. The Committee observe that among the Papers now transmitted from Quebec, there are no French Concessions and Ratifications for any of the Lands mentioned in the List of those said to be Granted en Roture, nor for several of those in the List of the Seigneuries, besides those specified in M^ Cramahe's Letter to your Excellency, nor is there a single petition sent or preferred by either of those Claimants for a Confirmation under this Province of any of their Grants, which is the more extraordinary as Your Excel- lency's Proclamation required a full exhibition of their Titles, and the Crown is greatly interested in the Question concerning the Validity of the French Claims in the Articles both of Quit Rents and Escheats, their pretentions extending not only to a vast Quan- tity of Land, but to Lands the more valuable for their Contiguity to the Forts and Passes, and the Navigable Waters of the Lake : and from the whole we conjecture that this Conduct is owing to their adopting an Opinion which deserves a serious attention to wit: That the Lands they Claim are situated to the Northward of the Antient British Claim, and that consequently they can maintain a Title under the Surrender without the aid of the Crown, and free from the usual Reservations, Restrictions, f^ Conditions, and Quit Rents. i (. ^.* W;t\ I \ g', 670 FRXNCB SEIomo&IIS With respect therefore to the Lands Southward of Crown Point, and to those to the Northward of that Fort, npt within the Limits of the French Grants, we are of Opinion that your Excellency may issue Patents for them as Lands to which the 60t>> Article of the Royal Instructions has clearly no Relation. Nor do we think that Article ought to be considered to prohibit the Grant of those Tracts to which no French Concessions or Ratifications appear to be transmitted from Quebec, nor any Excuse assigned for not laying them before this Government pursuant to the late Proclamation, it being very plain from the Instruction that it was intended to restrain only new Patents for Lands before claimed by Titles derived from the French King, and prior to the Surrender of Canada and as clear that it was the indispensable Duty of all such Claimants in Justice to the Crown to give due Notice of their Claims. But in due deference to his Majesty's authority, we advise as to the Lands to the Northward of Crown Point, and included by the Concessions & Ratifications lately notified to this Government, that all Petitions for them or any part of them be sent Home, together with Copies of the French Grants for His Majesty's Royal consideration. T' -• i ,.' ^ - .; u-j ■^':,:^-y. : Several points of Enquiry will arise upon those Grants, con- cerning which the Committee chuse not to decide, on account of their ^gular Importance and Delicacy. c !•*. Whether a Title, if good under the French Government will by the Surrender be valid by our Laws, without the , Royal Confirmation ; or in other Words whether the Capitu- lation gives more to the French Grantee, than an Equitable Right to be preferred before others in the Application for a new Grant? 2"**T. Whether those Lands were not forfeited to the Crown of France by the Conditions in the Grants before the Surrender, and so became thereby transferred to his Majesty ? And . 3'*'y. Whether they were not within the Antient British Claim and consequently never Grantable by the Crown of France 1 And upon this last Question the Committee beg Leave to remark that the British Claim of Dominion before the last War, extended OM LAKS CRAMPLAIir. 671 wn Point, the Limits Ixcellency Article of to prohibit cessions or B, nor any Jovernment in from the Patents for tench King, it it -was ^b® ^o the Crown e advise as to icludedbythe Government, sent Home, is Majesty's Grants, con- l)n account of Government -, without the [er the Capitu- j an Equitable plication for a ,» the Crown of [the Surrender, Jsty 1 And ; British Claim ,^n of France 1 leave to remark [war, extended to the Southerly Bank of the River St. Lawrence, and by Treaty to all the Country of the Six Nations in particular, of which the controverted Grants are a part, and we find that so early as the 3'd of September 1696, a patent did pass to Godfrey Dellius, under the Seal of this Province, for L^ds including some of those now claimed under the Canadiah Grants, greatly to the Northward of Crown Point, of which the French were not possessed till nearly forty years afterwards, to wit about the year 1731, and whether it is imputable to the Consciousness in the French of thm want of Title or to any other Cause, the Conunittee cant help observing to your Excellency that m Fact ^ cry few Settlements or Improvements were found upon any of those Canadian Grants, except about the French Forts at or since the Conclusion of the last Peace ; the Country near Lake Champlain, but for the late Settlements under this Colony, being in general in a wild and uncultivated State. And as it may be of essential Moment to the reduced Officers and soldiers and others who have seated themselves in that District that his Majesty be fully informed of the numerous Patents that have passed the Seal of this Colony since the acquisition of Canada, we recommend it to your Excellency to order the Surveyor Gene- ral to frame a Map exhibiting the ^rench Grants and English Patents ! * the Northward of Crown Point, to be laid before his Majesty rr'th all convenient speed, with a List of the Patentees and an account of the Quantity of Land contained in their Patents and the Quitrents they are chargeable with. And for the security and satisfaction of the French Grantees, we also advise that in the Interim the several papers referred to us, be filed in the Secre- tarys Office, and a Copy of this Report and the Order to be made thereon transmitted to the Commander in Chief of Quebec. All which is nevertheless most humbly submitted by your Ebccellency's Most obed^ humble servants, Council Chamber at By order of the Committee, Fort George, in New York W" Smith, Chairman. January 6t»> 1772. And thereupon It is ordered by his Excellency the Governor with the advice of the Council, that the Surveyor General of this vnt imncB f uoMioEin Proviace do firame a Map exhibiting the French Grants, and the Patents which have passed the seal of this Colony to the North- ward of Crown Point, in order to be laid before his Majesty, with a Lost of the Patentees,, and an account of the Quantity of Land contained in their Patents, aid the Quit rents they are chargeable with. That the several papers referred to in the Report of the Gominittee be filed in the Secretary's office, and that a Copy of the said Report and of this Order be prepared in order to be trans- mittcd to the Commander in Chief of Quebec. GOV*. TRTON TO LORD HILLSBOROUGE [Load. Doe. JU.ni.] i Kew York 1. 8«ptr. 177S. My Lord — I have had the honor to receive your Lordship's dispatches No*. 11, 12 & 13. It is matter of real concern to me to learn the consideration of the Canada Claims has not undei^ne a final decision. Upon a more strict examination of the claims of the French grantees to lands within this Qover°* I cannot be persuaded that the last Treaty of peace, or the articles of the Capitulation at the surrender of Canada gives any valid title to such claims. The territory southwards of St. Lawrence River has been always acknowledged the property of the Five Nations, subjects or allies of Great Brittain, & as the French settlements, as well as grants within that district were made, not under the sanction of Cession, pur- chase or conquest, but by intrusion, the justice of the Title of those claimants seems to rest on His Maj^y generosity which will operate no doubt as powerfully in the behalf of those Officers, & Soldiers, who now hold a great part of those disputed lands under grants from this prov<^^ in consequence of His Majesty's proclama- tion in 1763. :-wF "t^H'M' : ' .i' ". • - '■ • ' : ' . fiiii* * .t .... .;Jf#^ ■ants, and the to the North- Majesty, with intity of Land are chargeable Report of the tiat a Copy of ler to be trans- GE If 1. Atptr. 1771. our Lordship's onslderation of ision. Upon a ich grantees to id that the last it the surrenda The territory } acknowledged allies of Great ( grants within )f Cession, pur- of the Title of osity which will ;hose Officers, & ated lands under esty's proclama- * .' px,fi tue t, "«*»«.*. ^^ Mo-., *WO.w, '.■it.- I PriiliihnruilK [.'MTon Bom(\r*y 4 Co, .1.v..' / / /" m ^'Uip/,,,- ^\\\\^■' mk>y :jdM M tm mmf'W' )i ' jf^ Sitrv*yett /iw i ^ Nattian Stimf ■* :--*;f4 m-nlin.iiiiiU'Miil^lliiW^ i^ ps'^^ m p m m^m .-Ad fii/>; 1 V I'pirt'irlil •> >. ». •^ "i.^ 1^ «-l ^J \ •« U'e//s Q^ (o. «» k ^**>^ ^ c i -^ c &'' •*5 •'••'"-... ^>..> Wttlit 'liuitui 'LL,' Mfihlei ' J 1 !•' ■'■I'll I » •dships that he F the Province f Lands within or and Council of any grants Canada — within Jurke's motion, 1 he was desired, aaint the Secre- je fixed for the jotbiniere who seigneuries on [sion, with Mr. lat he will also of his preten- Greville. tTRACT. Ik 5 January 1773 Irespecling the acts, which if I ^roof. I ^ope considering the importance of the subject, to be excused in sub- mitting them to your LordE p* consideration. The Dutch, who first settled this Colony, claimed the whole of Connecticut River and Lake Champlain, and all the Country to Uie Southward of the River St. Lawrence down to Delaware River; this appears from many ancient Maps, and particularly from Blair's and Ogilby's, which I have had an opportunity of seeing. In 1664, King Charles the Second granted this country to the Duke of York, expressly comprehending all the Lands from the west side of Connecticut River. On a late actual survey, by Commiss<^" from this & Quebec Govern^ the head of that River is found to lie several miles to the Northward of the Latitude of forty five degrees, lately established by his Majesty as the boundary between this Colony and Quebec. A west line therefore from the head of Connecticut River (which will comprehend Lake Champlain) has been always deemed the ancient boundary of New York, according to the Royal Grant ; nor has it been abridged but in two instances. His Majty* proclamation limiting the extent of Quebec, and an agreement confirmed by the Crown with Connecticut. Every Act and Commission subsequent to King Charles's grant, describes the Province in General words — " The Province of New York and the territories depending thereupon" and supposes its limits to be notorious, & properly established by that grant. On this principle the Judicatories, here have grounded their determinations, in suits between the New York Patentees, and the N. Hampshire claimants. The original Colony of New Hampshire as it was granted by the Council of Plymouth, & confirmed by the Crown about the year 1635, lay altogether on the East side of Connecticut River, which it did not reach by 20 miles. As it was new modelled & enlarged by the Commission to Gov' Benning Wentworth in 1742, no distance from the sea, or station is given : but it is, bounded to the west by the King's other Govern** and could not cotnprehend the Lands on the west side of the Connecticut River which were already a part of New York, as established by the Grant of the Crown abovementioned. Hence on the footing of original Right, our Courts determined, that the New Hampshire Grants were 4 f I ^ Si ■■',* ■ 676 TBS3KIH 8EIONIORIE8 void for want of a legal authority in that Govern'. They consi- dered His Maj'y^ order in Privy Council in 1764, as a confirmation of a prior Right, & not as having altered or enlarged the ancient Jurisdiction. • ■ > •';'•.. I am now cautious to give an opinion on the propriety of this decision, but barely mention the principles as they have been represented to me for your Lordp's information. Whether the Dominions of the French in Canada interfered with the bo ^uds of this Colony as anciently established by King Charles the Second, remains to be considered. All the Coimtry to the Southvirard of the River St. Lawrance originally belonged to the five Nations or Iroquois, and as such, it is described in the above mentioned and other ancient Maps, & particularly L^dce Champlain is there called '^ Mere des Iroqums^^ Sorel River which leads from Uie Lake into the River St. Lawrence '^ Rivwr des Iroquois f^^ and the Tract on the East side of the Lake, Irocoisia. So early as the year 1683, the Five Nations by Treaty with the Gov of New York, submitted to the Sovereignty & protection of Great Brittain, and have ever since been considered as subjects, & their Country as part of the dominions of the Crown. By the Treaty of Utrecht, the French King expressly rec(^- nized the Sovereignty of Great Brittain over those Nations. Godfrey Dellius's purchase from the Mohocks, & grant under the Seal of New York in the year 1696, is esteemed a memorable proof of the Right of this Province, under the Crown, to the Lands en Lake Champlain. It comprehends a large Tract extending from Soraghtoga along Hudson's River, the Wood Creek, & Lake Champlain, on the East side upwards of twenty miles, to the northward of Crown Point ; & it is thought a circumstance of no small importance, that this Grant was repealed by the Legislature in the year 1699, as an extravagant favour to one subject ; which act would have been a nullity if that terri- tory had not been within the jurisdiction of this Province. Altho' the Canadians by their Savage depredations had long obstructed the settlement of this Frontier part of the Colony, it was not till the year 1731, that, in profound peace, they took possession of Lake Champlain & ordered Fort St. Frederick at ley consi- afirmation lie ancient >ty of tbis have been interfered d by King le Conntry y belonged ribed in the ularly Lake River xrbich ' Rivier des :e, Irocoisia. laty with the irotection of as subjects, )wn. ressly recog- ations. grant under a memorable •own, to the large Tract , the Wood Is of twenty [S thought a 'was repealed ant favour to if that terri- ovince. jns had long le Colony, it |;e, they took Frederick at CM LAKE CHAMPLAIN. ffJEX Crown [point] j & afterwards another Fort at Ticonderoga. This was regarded as an act of hostility, and as such complained of & resented; and the Colonies before the late war, to disappoint so dangerous a project, raised money and Troops to erect Fortifica- tions on His Majesty's lands, at, or near Crown Point. The operations became more general, and the success of his Maj'^ arms, rendered it unnecessary. The French had endeavored to fortify their encroachments by Negociations ; in 1756 their Ambassador insisted as a condition of the Convention then proposed that Great Brittain should relinquish her claim to the south side of the River St. Lawrence, and the lakes which discharge themselves into that River ; a demand which was peremptorily rejected, & put an end to the conference. I depend. My Lord on Entiv's history of the late war for the truth of this Fact. If it is well founded, it seems to show in a strong point of light the sense of the Crown at that crisis, respecting the territory under consideration. If it was necessary, My Lord, to add prior instances of the encroachments of the Canadians, I would beg leave to refer your Lord? to Governor Burnet's Speeches to the General Assembly of this Province in 1725, 1726 &*1727, and the resolutions of that house, stated in their Journals, deposited in the Plantation Office, on the subject of those encroachments. That Gov in his speech of the 30* Sept' 1727, has these remarkable words : " I have the satisfaction to inform you,that your Agent has been very active in solliciting the affairs of this Frov*^, & particularly that he has succeeded in obtaining, that pressing instances might b« made at the Court of France, against the Stone House built at Niagara," ettc. This shows that the Govern' at home so early as that period viewed this measure of the French as an encroachr ment on the limits of this Colony. I assure your Lord? that I had no idea that the decision of thift controversy could affect the ancient possessions of any of h^s Maty" new subjects. Unacquainted with their settlements on, and near the south side of the River St. Lawrence, I carried my views no further than the Province over which I preside : an4 which, as it is now limited does not include the whole of Lake 37 ^'r''A, *;; It !'' 1. a ^<;-! M 4 i , I S J' 57$ rREKCB SElGinORIlS Champlain. I have freauently been informed, by those on whom I thought I could depend, that when the French, on the approach of Sir Jeffry Amherst in 1759, abandoned Crown Point, there were found no ancient possessions, nor any improvements, worthy of consideration on either side of the Lake. The Chief were in the environs of the Fort, and seemed intended meerly for the accommodation of the Garrisons, and I have reason to believe, that even at this day, there are very few, if any, to the Southward of the latitude forty five, except what have been made since the peace, by British subjects under the grants of this Colony. I had the honor of transmitting to the Earl of Hillsborough a paper on this subject drawn up by Council here, at the request of the reduced officers, to whom & the disbanded Soldiers a very con- siderable part of the Country on the East side of Lake Champlain, hath been granted in obedience to his Maj^y* Royal proclamation. The proof of several material facts, which influenced my opinion, are there stated, and to which I beg leave to refer your LordP. a.-w t l ,0 r:-o; ttoiWwi LORD DARTMOUTH TO GOV^. TRYON. vi <^yi WhitehaU 3 March 1773. With regard to the grants heretofore made by the Governors of Canada adjacent to Lake Champlain, & by the Gov^ of New Hampshire to the west of Connecticut River, I do not conceive that the titles of the present claimants or posessors ought to have been discussed or determined upon any argument or reason drawn from a consideration of what were or were not the ancient Limits of the Colony of New York. Had the soil and jurisdiction within the Ttov « of Lew York been vested in proprietaries as in Maryland, Pennsylvania, Massachusets Bay, or other Charter GovernM,it would have been a different question : but when both, the soil and jurisdiction are in the Crown, it is I conceive, entirely in the breast of the Crown, to limit that jurisdiction and to dispose of the property in the soil in such manner as shall be thought most fit : and after what had passed, and the restrictions which I I OM LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 679 )n whom approach nt, there 9, worthy were in y for the ) believe, outhward since the olony. I rh a paper lest of the very con- 3hamplain, >clamation. oy opinion, tr LordP. I March 1773. Governors )v' of New ^ot conceive ight to have leason drawn ]cient Limits iction within Itaries as in Iher Charter [t when both, •ive, entirely [nd to dispose be thought ctions which had been given respectmg the claims, as well on Lake Champlain, as in the district to the westward of the Connecticut River, by which the King had reserved to himself the consideration of those claims, I must still have the misfortune to think that no steps ought to have been taken to the prejudice of the claimants under the original Titles. At the same time confident of your integrity and impressed with the most favorable sentiments of your conduct so far as rests upon the Intention, I will not fail to do the fullest justice to the explanation of it, contained in your leU«rs upon this subject, and there is no one of your friends, that will be more forward than myself to bear testimony of the sense of your zeal for the King's service, or more ready to concur in any proposition, that may induce the conferring on you such marks of the King's Favour, as shall be judged adequate to your great merit ■ , I am Sir your most obed* humble serv* « 1 Da&tmovth. EDMUND BURKE ESQ* TO THS SECRETAKT — 15 JUNE 1773. Sir — ^I am honoured with your letted of the 14*'' wishing to be informed, on whose behalf, and on what question, I desire to have Counsel heard against the Canadian Grants on Lake Champlain. You will be so good as to acquaint their LordPP* that I would have Counsel heard on behalf of the grantees under New York Govern* who are composed in a great measure of half-pay Officers, that have received grants, agreeably to his Majesty's proclamation. And I am instructed to take care of the interests of these Grantees, not only so far as they are concerned, but also so far as the terri- torial rights of the Province may be affected by the French claims. I beg leave to be heard by Counsel (if their LordPP* should not expressly confine the Counsel) to all such matter, as they, or the parties shall advise as proper and effectual towards invalidating the said French Grants, and establishing the rights of the New York Grantees. I am with great regard Sir -'..]'. Your most obed* & humble serv* »)| Edm: Burks. h ^ . * ■ w\ i' V- ' ■ 1 1 ' iV :■•■ '^ i i. ?i • !l ■■\f. ■i 680 ■( •!, ,,,.,: -'t FRENCH 8EIGNI0RIIS . EXTRACT FROM A REPORT or A COMMITTEE OF COUNCIL OF THE PROVINCE OF QUEBKC RELATIVE TO COMPLETING THE BOUNDARY LINE BETWEEN THAT PROVI^'CE & NSW YORK, DATED QUEBEC, AUO^ 4. 1773. 'if .1 [Couaeil MiMites XXVI.] > .. > >. Vfe think . . . Your Honour may safely give the neces- sary Directions for going on with the service immediately under the following Reservations, which we consider as the only expe- dient for Resolving the many Difficulties which have occurred, and without which we muot find ourselves under the necessity of deferring the Proceedings till another year. That every thing shall remain between the two Provinces exactly in the same situation as well with regard to Jurisdiction as Pro- perty after the Line is run, as it does now until his Majesty's Pleasure upon that subject shall be known. That his Excellency the Governor of New York will engage not to pass any new Grant or Grants of Land to the southward of tjbe Line, the property of which is now or has at any Time been claimed under any Title from the Crown of France. That we do not by our Consent to the running of the Line give up or in any manner recede or depart from any Right or Claim to Lands to the Southward of the Line which have at any time been or now are disputed between the two Provinces, but that the whole shall be submitted to his Majesty's Pleasure without Prejudice or advantage of any kind to be taken of this Instance, which we are willing to show, tho' at some Hazard, of our Desire of a good Correspondence at all times with the Province of New York. GOV. TRYON TO LT. GOV. CRAMAHE. , Qnebee 4th August 1779. Sir, I am honoured with your Letter of this Day with the Report of the Council of your Government on the subject Matter of my Letters to you of the 5t>» and 25th July. ON LAKE CHAMPLAIK. 581 > ■ •-•■ rELATIV* lOVlljCE & the neces- itely under only expe- curredjand ecessity of nces exactly lion as Pro- as Majesty's will engage thward of Time been sou the Une give it or Claim to ,ny time been hattbe-wbole prejudice or vrhicbweare sire of a good [e\f YorVc. Ith Augu«t 1T78. [Day vritb the subject Matter It is with singular pleasure I can inform you I accept of and assent to the Terms contained in the Reservations of the said Report; at the same time I assure you it never has been nor is my Wish or Design to take any Advantage either over the Jurisdic* tion of the Government of Quebec, or of French claims lying within the Government of New York; but am determined to wait the declaration of the Royal Mind concerning the Premises; I own I do not apprehend Hazard in paying Obedience to the King's Proclamation of 1763, and carrying into execution the reciprocal obligations of both governments. THE BOARD OF TRADE TO THE COMMITTEE OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL. 25 MAY, 1775. [Lond. Doo. XLV.] My Lordsj Pursuant to your Lordships order dated the 17** day of June 1772, we have taken into our consideration the Peti- tion of Michel Chartier de Lotbiniere, Chevalier and styling himself Seigneur de Alainville and d'Hocquart, setting forth amongst other things that he has beeit deprived and disposessed of his two Lordships of d' Alainville and d'Hocquart situated at the head of Lake Champlain in a most advantageous position and consisting of the best and richest land in the Province of New York to which they were annexed eighteen months after the Treaty of Peace and humbly praying for the reasons therein contained that they [he?] may be reinstated in the full enjoyment of his said two Lordships in the same manner as when under the Govern- ment of France and that he may be reimbursed the expense he has been at in endeavoring to obtain redress therein and to be indemnified for having been kept out of his Estate and property for so long a time as well as for the damage his said Estates may have sustained. Whereupon we beg leave to Report to your Lordships : — That the Petition of Mons' de Lotbiniere refers to two Tracts of Land under very different circumstances. ' * = i*. With regard to that Tract which is claimed by the Petitioner 1^ '% 682 IHENCH SEIGNIORIES L M under a Title derived from a purchase made by him of Mons' d'Hocquart in April 1763 after the conclusion of the Peace 'with France, it consists of two Seigneuries which amongst several other Seigneuries were granted by the Most Christian King, or under his authority by the Governor of Canada upon Lake Champlain ailer France had in violation of the Rights of the Crown of Great Britain usurped the possession of the lake and the circumjacent Country and forcibly maintained that possession by erecting in the year 1731 a Fortress at Crown Point. It appears by the most authentic evidence upon the Books of our office that Lake Champlain and the circumjacent Country were at all times chimed by the Five Nations of Indians as part of their Possessions and that by agreement with them the Land on both sides the Lake to a very great extent was granted by the Gov't" ^f New York to British Subjects long before any possession appears to have been taken by the Crown of France which having by thq express Stipulation of the fifteenth Article of the Treaty of Utrecht acknowledged the Sovereignty of the Crown of Great Britain over '.!ie Five Nations had upon every principle of Justice and Equity precluded itself from any claim to the possession of any part of their Territory. Upon these Grounds it was that erecting a Fort at Crown Point in 1731 was then, and ever after complained of as an Incroach- ment on the British Territories and a Violation of Our Rights and so carefull were the Ministers of this Country to preserve those Rights that when in consequence of the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle Commissaries were in the Year 1750 appointed to settle with Commissaries on the part of France the limits of each others possessions in North America, they were instructed to insist that France had no right to any possession on the South side of the River St. Lawrence. Under these circumstances therefore and for as much as we are clearly of opinion that the Stipulations of the Treaty of Paris, by which Canadian property is reserved doth both in the letter and spirit of them refer only to the property and possession of the Canadians in Canada of which we insist that the Country upon Lake Champlain was no part, we cannot recommend to Your ON VAh CHAMPA- -uK. 683 )f Mons' ;ace with eral other or under Jhamplain X of Great cumjacent ting in the Books of (untry were part of their nd on both le Gov" of iion appears iving by the y of Utrecht Britain over ! and Equity any part of Crown Point in Incroach- ir Rights and •eserve those of Aix la nted to settle )f each others to insist that side of the |uch as we arc of Paris, by [le letter and Lession of the Icountry upon aend to Your Lordships to advise his Majc ly to Contply with what is requested by the Petitioner or to do any Act virhich may in any respect admit a right in the CroMr n of France to have made those Grants under which the possessions upon Lake Champlain a^e now claimed either by Canadiiin Subjects or others deriving that Claim under purchases from them : We do not, however, mean by any opinion of Ours to prejudice their Claims in any suit they may bring for establishing those claims by due course of Law and we submit under any circumstances of the Case the question in dis- pute between these Claimants and the possessors under New York Grants cannot be properly decided by his Majesty in Council, unless upon any appeal from such Courts as have constitutionally the cognizance of such matters. On the other hand when -we consider that many of his Majesty's subjects trusting to the validity of the Canadian Titles have become proprietors of those Seigneuries under purchases for valua- ble considerations We cannot but be of opinion that the making Grants under the Seal of New York of any part of those Seignio- ries was an unjust and unwarrantable proceeding. That the claim- ants therefore ought to be quieted in the possession of at least those parts which remain yet ungranted by such order as his Majesty's Law Servants shall think more effectual for that purpose that the Governor of New York should receive the most positive orders not to make any further Grants whatever of any part of the Lands within the limits of any of those Seigneuries and that a suitable compensation should be made to the Claimants for what has already been taken away by giving them gratuitous Grants, equivalent in quantity, in other parts of his Majesty's Provinces of Quebec or New York. With regard to the other Tract claimed by the petitioner under the description of the. concession of d' Alainville, when we consider its situation to the South of Crown Point, that it is stated to have been Granted to him at a time when his Majesty's armies had penetrated into, and occasionally possessed themselves of the Country and that independent of these objections there is no evidence of the Grants having been ratified by the Crown of France, or registered within the Colony, we cannot recommend to Your ■■■i * 581 rRZKCn SXIGNIORIKS r -y, Lordships to advise His Majesty to give any countenance thereto; But the Petitioner, if he thinks he has a good title, shouhl be left to establish that Title by due course of law in Mtch mode as he shaH be advised to pursue for that purpose. Having said thus much upon the merits of the Petition itself, in so far as it regards the validity of the Petitioners title to the Lands he claims we think it necessary in Justice to the Noble Lord, that presided at this Board in the year 1764 to take some notice of what is alledged therein, in respect to the declaration said to have been made by his Lordship to the effect of what is stated by the petitioner ; and to observe that admitting that his Lordship had, in conversation with the petitioner made use of the expressions he states, they could only refer to possessions and property in general any where, to which he could shew a legal Title ; and as an evidence of this meaning we beg leave to lay before your Lordships the annexed Extract of a Letter to the Lieutenant Governor of New York written in consequence of the petitioners application and subscribed by the Earl of Hillsborough which is so far from admitting a Title in the petitioner to those Lands which he claims in particular that it expressly reserves any discussion upon that question until the evidence of the legality of the Title should be more authentically adduced and in the mean- time with equal Justice & humanity forbids any further Grants being made within the limits of the Seigneuries claimed by the Petitioner. We are my Lords Your Lordships Most Obedient and Most humble Servants Dartmouth SoAME Jenyns Bamber Gascoyne Whitehall Whitshed Keene May 25. 177$. Greville / ( » ON LAKE CHAMPLAIIf. •"> >■ 685 ;e theTcto; should be ^ tnodc ai ilion itseU, iitle to the the Noble J take some declaration t of what is ling that his ,ae use of the ssessions and shew a legal leave to lay Letter to the ;quence of the ,f Hillsborough ioner to those ily reserves any the legality of d in the mean- further Grants claimed by the •,'♦"».■ THE BOARD OF TRADE TO THE COMMITTEE OF THE PRITY COUNCIL FEB. 13™ 1776. ' [LonU. Doc. XLVl.] My Lords — Pursuant to your Lordships Order of the 21«». Dec. last We have taken into our consideration the Matters therein contained respecting the case of Michel Chartier dc Lotbiniere itiling himself Seigneur d'AUainville and de Hocquart and the reasonableness of making some adequate compensation to him for his pretensions to the said Lordships of Alainville and Hocquart by recommending him to His Majesty for a Grant of Land in some one of his Majestys American Provinces in consideration of his said pretensions as well as of the losses and expenses in which he has been involved by the proceedings of His Majestys Governors of New York in Granting away Lanrls within the aforementioned Lordships in express disobedience to orders received from hence whereupon we beg leave to Report to your Lordships. That before we state Our opinion of what may be a reasonable Compensation to M. Lotbiniere in the matter referred We must observe that although his claims extend tb both the Lordships of Alainville and Hocquart yet upon a review of our proceeding in his Case we cannot for the reasons set forth in Our report to your Lorships of the 25t>> of May last see any such foundation in his pretensions to Alainville as can warrant the advising any com- pensation whatever to be made to him for his interest in that Lordship so that whatever we have to recommend will be grounded solely on his claim to the Lordship of Hocquart and the con- sideration of the losses and expenses in which [he] has been involved by the proceedings of the Governor of New York. The Lordship of Hocquart is described as lying on the East side of Lake Champlain extending four leagues in front and five leagues in Depth and may be computed to contain about 115,000 acres of Land. By the proceedings of the Council of New York on the 2^^ day of Sept'. 1771 it appears that almost the whole of this Lordship : .'|. * *• !;;!■: # 686 :l^.. FRENCH SEIGNIORIES ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. was granted away under the Seal of New York principally to officers and soldiers according to His Majesty's proclamation of the Tth Oct. 1773 [1763 ?j As the greatest part therefore and probably the best in quality of those lands has been thus granted away we think that the most equitable way of making compensation to M. Lotbiniere will [be] for his Majesty to direct the Governor of Quebec to make a new Grant to M. Lotbiniere of other Lands within that Colony equivalent as nearly as may be in point of extent and in the advantages of Soil and Situation to that of Hocquart to be held upon the like terms and considerations as Lands are now held by His Majesty's other Canadian Subjects ; provided that upon his being put in possession of this Grant he shall cause a full and ample surrender to be made of all his right and title to the afore- said Lordship of Hocquart so that the present occupants who chiefly consist of Officers and Soldiers disbanded at the conclusion of the last war may be quieted & secured in their possessions. At the same time that we state this as what we think will be a liberal compensation to M Lotbiniere, we should have been glad to have informed your Lordships that he had acquiesced in the same sentiments but as he has declined giving his attendance at Our Board though invited thereto we submit the whole to your Lordships with this observation that if M. Lotbiniere shall not think proper to accept the proposed compensation it will then remain for him to pursue his claim or Claims by due Course of Law in such manner as he shall be advised. We are my Lords your Lordships ^,». Most obedient and humble servants SoAME Jenyns ,';.■■ W. Jalliffe V Whitshed Eeene C. F. Greville. , Whitehall Feb. 13, 1776 '■'••, if ^ff'ti-'' ^rSW- .•] -L^v .■\ •»♦ * cipally to nation of in quality t the most •e will [be] lake a new at Colony and in the to be held )w held by it upon his a full and the afore- upants who e conclusion ^sessions, [ik will be a re been glad esced in the ttendance at Lie to your ire shall not it will then e Course of its Jenyns XIFFE Jrbvillb- ,.„_..-i-(i .i^ aag^ *; S i 'V« Bamitffat V I R G I Nl A of me if'MOJrTIliUl^ (?fthe Ih'twi'it f/tt'ttf iniff t/u /tffh'ans fff fhr Treaty hrff/ tv Sffi/fJf>/tNS(>tt at F^Stfnnvi.r in. Mn'. < 'f'rrcrtrd art rtvf ftynn Kvtnts . ^[np aijiT XX. Uounbarq tint Mmm \^t W)}\\tB Qtib %nWm, .••';,• 1765. ».: '1; DEED EXECUTED AT FORT STANWIX NOV. 6. 1768. CBTABLISHINO A BOUNDA&Y LINE BETWEEN THE WHITES AND INDIANS^ OF THE NORTHERN COLONIES. [Lond. Doe. XLI.] ;.'V To all to whom, These presents shall come or may concern. We the Sachems & Chiefs of the Six Confederate Nations, & of the Shawaneese, Delawares, Mingoes of Ohio & other Dependant ^ Tribes on behalf of ourselves & of the rest of our Several Nations the Chiefs & Warriors of whom are now here convened, by Sir William Johnson Baronet His Majesty's Superintendent of our affairs send Greeting. Whereas His Majesty was graciously pleased to propose to us in the year one thousand seven hundred & sixty five that a Boundary Line should be fixed between the English & Us to ascertain & establish our Limitts and prevent those intrusions & encroachments of which we had so long & loudly complained & to put a stop to the many fraudulent advantages which had been so often taken of us in Land affairs, which Boun- dary appearing to us a wise and good measure we did then agree to a part of a Line & promised to settle the whole finally when so ever Sir William Johnson should be fully empowered to treat with us for that purpose And Whereas his said Majesty has at length given Sir William Johnson orders to compleat the said Boundary ■■% ! 588 BOUNDARY LINE BfiTWCEN r I Line between the Provinces & Indians in conformity to which orders Sir William Johnson has convened the Chiefs & Warriors of our respective Nations who are the true & absolute Proprietors of the Lands in question and who are here now to a very considerable Number. And Whereas many uneasynesses & doubts have arisen amongst us which have given rise to an apprehension that the Line may not be strictly observed on the part of the English in which case matters may be worse than before which apprehension together with the dependant state of some of our Tribes & other circumstances i^hich retarded the Settlement & became the subject of some Debate Sir William Johnson has at length so far satisfied us upon, as to induce us to come to an agreement concerning the Line which is now brought to a conclu- sion the whole being fully explained to us in a large Assembly of our People before Sir William Johnson and in the presence of His Excellency the Governor of New Jersey the Commissioners from the Provinces of Virginia and Pensilvania & sundry other Gentlemen by which Lipe so agreed upon, a considerable Tract of Country along several Provinces is by us ceded to His said Majesty which we are induced to & do hereby ratify & confirm to His said Majesty from the expectation & confidence we place in His royal Goodness that he will graciously comply with our humble requests as the same are expressed in the speech of the several Nations addressed to His Majesty through Sir William Johnson on Tuesday the first of the Present Month of November wherein we have declared our expectation of the continuance of His Majesty's favour & our desire that our ancient Engagements be observed & our affairs attended to by the officer who has the management thereof enabling him to discharge all these matters properly for our Interest. That the Lands occupied by the Mohocks around their villages as well as by any other Nation affected by this our cessiod may effectually remain to them & to their Posterity & that any engagements regarding property which they may now be under may be prosecuted & our present Grants deemed Valid on our parts with the several other humble requests contained in our said speech And Whereas at the settling' of the said Line it appeared that the Line described by His THE WHITES AND INDIANS. 689 to wWch Warriors :oprietors a very 1 & doubts irehension art of the ore which me of our tlement & son has at ome to an ;o a conclu- Lssembly of sence of His iioners from mdry other ble Tract of ;o His said k, confirm to we place in y with our leech of the Sir William November atinuance of Ingagements who has the hese matters pied by the ,ther Nation to them & ing property our present >ther humble it the settling' ibed by His Majesty's order was not extended to tlie Northward of Oswegy or to the Southward of Great Kanhawa river We liave agreed to & continued the Line to the Northward on a supposition that it was omitted by reason of our not having come to any determination concerning its course at the Congress held in one thousand seven hundred & sixty five and in as much as the Line to the Northward became the most necessary of any for preventing encroachments at our very Towns & Residences We have given the line more favorably to Pensylvania for the reasons & considerations men- tioned in the Treaty, we have likewise continued it South to Cherokee River because the same is & we do declare it to be our true Bounds with the Southern Indians & that we have an undoubted right to the Country as far South as that River which makes the cession to His Majesty much more advantageous than that proposed. Now therefore Know Ye that we the Sachems & Chiefs aforementioned Native Indians or Proprietors of the Lands herein after described for & in behalf of ourselves Sc the whole of our Confederacy for the considerations hereinbefore mentioned and also for and in consideration of a valuable Present of the several Articles in use amongst Indians which together with a large sum of money amount in the whole to the sum of Ten thousand four Hundred and sixty pounds seven shillings & three pence sterling to Us now delivered & paid by Sir William Johnson Baronet His Majesty's sole agent and superintendent of Indians affairs for the Northern department of America in the name and on behalf of our Sovereign Lord George the third by the Grace of God of Great Britain France & Ireland King Defender of the Faith the receipt whereof we do hereby acknowledge. We the said Indians Have for us and our Heirs & Successors granted bargained sold released & confirmed & by these presents do grant bargain sell release and confirm unto our said Sovereign Lord King George the Third all that Tract of Land situate in North America at the Back of the British Settlements bounded by a Line which we have now agreed upon & do hereby establish as the Boundary between us & the British Colonies in America beginning at the Mouth of Cherokee or Hogohege River where it emptys into the River Ohio & running from thence upwards along the South side ' e. t It-i-^ ^ ^ri^ 690 BOUNDARY LIKE BETWEEN of said River 'to Kittanning which is above Fort Pitt from thence by a direct Line to the nearest Fork of the west branch of Sus- quehanna thence through the Allegany Mountains along the south side of the said West Branch until it comes opposite to the mouth of a creek called Tiadaghton thence across the West Branch along the South Side of that Creek & along the North Side of Burnetts Hills to a Creek called Awandae thence down the same to the East Branch of Sasquehanna & across the same and up the East side of that River to Oswegy from thence East to Delawar River and up that River to opposite where Tianaderha falls into Sasque- hanna thence to Tianaderha & up the West side of the West Branch to the head thereof & thence by a direct Line to Canada Creek where it emptys into the Wood Creek at the West of the Carrying Place beyond Fort Stanwix & extending Eastward from every part of the said Line as far as the Lands formerly purchased so as to comprehend the whole of the Lands between the said Line & the purchased Lands or settlements, except what is within the Province of Pennsylvania, together with all the Hereditaments and appurtenances to the same belonging or appertaining in the fullest and most ample manner and all the Estate Right Title Interest Property Possession Benefit claim and Demand either in Law or Equity of each and every of us of in or to the same or any part thereof To have and to hold the whole Lands and Pre- mises hereby granted bargained sold released and confirmed as aforesaid with the Hereditaments and appurtenances thereunto belonging under the Reservations made in the Treaty unto our said Sovereign Lord King George the third his Heirs & Successors to and for his and their own proper use & behoof for ever. In Witness whereof We the Chiefs of the Confederacy have here- unto set our marks and Seals at Fort Stanwix the fifth day of November one thousand seven hundred and sixty eight in the ninth year of His Majesty's Reign. . for the Mohawks. (/ •.'■(■ k ■ I Tyorhansere als Abraham W^^^U for the Oncidas. [-•] 05"* - .-.Ofi Canaghaguieson m- \ [-'] n thence I of Sus- ihe soulli he mouth ach along [ Burnetts ne to the p the East war River to Sasque- the West to Canada Vest of the jtward from y purchased sen the said hat is within ereditaments ining in the 5 Right Title and either in the same or nds and Pre- confirmed as ;es thereunto unto our said I Successors to ;or ever. Im 5Y havehere- fifth day of eight in the TUK WHITES AND INDUNS. 691 for the Tuscaroras. tiawks. [U 8] Seguareesera Otsinoghiyata als Bunt Tegaaia Ouastrax 4- [1-8] for the Onondagas. for the Cayugas. for the Senecas. Sealed and delivered and the consideration paid in the presence of W" Franklin Governor of New Jersey Fr£. Smtth Chief Justice of New Jersey Thomas Walker Commissioner for Virginia Richard Peters > of the Council James Tilghman 3 of Pensylvania The above Deed was executed in my presence at Fort Stanwix the day and year above Written W. Johnson. T fS"' -. I . 1 ' ri '1; j| ' i 1 ■11 ■; ;. * > XXI. .'•r- V PAPERS ULATOWTOm itij of Mnn-^nrfe ..N 38 fi IXX .ii.'i^iy;i ,«ti»' i\ '/i I •■^* U} Lit M a& ,ll M-f t « . » • •i^'.'^ 1 ' FIRST APPLICATION FOR A MUNICIPAL FORM OF GOVERNMENT. ■ ' (Holland Doc. Vol. IV.] To the JVo6/e, High and Mighty Lords the Lords States General of the i ited J^etherlands^ + ' our Most Illustrious Sovereigns. Gracious Lords, — This Province of New Nelherland having been reduced, in the course of time to a vc^ry sad and utterly ruinous condition, in consequence, as we presume, of firstly. An unsuitable government ; secondly, Scantiness of privileges and exemptions ; thirdly. Heavy burthens of imposts, exactions and such like ; fourthly. Long continued war ; fifthly. The wreck of the Princess j sixthly, The multitude of Trailers and fewness of Boors and farm servants ; seventhly. Great scarcity in general ; eightly and lastly. The insufferable arrogance of the Natives and Indians arising from the paucity of our numbers etc. and having long waited in vain, though we have petitioned and sought for aid redress and assistance from the Lords Directors, in the highest ' degree necessary for them and for us j We, therefore, unable to delay any longer, being reduced to the lowest ebb, have deter- mined to fly for refuge to their High Mightinesses, our gracious Sovereigns and the Fathers of this Province, most humbly praying and beseeching them to look with merciful eyes on this their Province and that their High Mightinesses would be pleased to order and correct matters so that dangers may be removed, troubles terminated, and population and prosperity promoted, as their High Mightinesses in their renowned wisdom shall be determined, We^ with humble reverence only deeming it good and necessary to petition their High Mightinesses for the following Points as of advantage for this Province : — Firstly, We supplicate and beseech their High Mightinesses I' '' \- f, 't Pj '' i''rJ *i 596 PAPERS EELATIMO TO to people New Netherland so that it may support sustain and defend itself against Indians and others who might trouble and invade it ; for if this should fail, that country will not only fall into the uttermost ruin, but also become easily appropriated by our Neighbors ; and those who already dwell there will be forced to use all possible means to return and save themselves from misery, or to submit to foreign Nations. All which, according to our humble understanding, is to be remedied !■*. When their High Mightinesses shall be pleased to take this Province under their own gracious safeguard, and to allow their Fatherly afifection for this Land to be promulgated and made manifest, throughout the United Netherlands, by their own accorded privileges. Many would, then, be at- tracted towards this country, whilst, on the contrary every one is discouraged by the Company's harsh proceedings and want of means. ^ . 2»d. Were their High Mightinesses pleased to equip some ships for a few years, for the free conveyance and transportation of people principally Boors and farm servants with their poverty hither, together with some necessary maintenance until the poor people had obtained something in esscy their High Mightinesses would not only relieve many incumbered men, but also expect from God, through their intercession, luck, blessing and prosperity. 3^^^ If their High Mightinesses would please to order all vessels proceeding and trading toward these northern parts of America, to call first at the Manhattans in New Netherland, and bring with them as many persons as they can seasonably procure and conveniently carry, at suitably fixed rates, many proprietors would, no doubt, emigrate within a short time to New Netherland. : > Steondly, We humbly solicit permanent privileges and ex- emptions which promote population and prosperity & which in oiur opinion consist in !•*. Suitable Bubgher Government, such as their High Mighti- nesses shall consider adapted to this Province and resembling . v" iKMnewhat the Laudable government of our Fatherland. THE CITY OF NEW TOBK. 697 In and lie and ily fall ited by B forced es from ccording ^ to take I, and to mulgated lands, by jn, be at- ■ary every tdings and ♦ some sbips nsportation -with their aintenancc esse, their incumbered itercession, order all Irthem parts iNetherland, seasonably rates, many iorttimcto res and cx- f& which in [ighMighti- resembling lerland. Sod. Freedom from duties, tenths and imposts which at the first beginning are useless and oppressive, until the country is peopled and somewhat firmh established. 3'd. That the Returns in Tobacco shipped hence, be free from all duties, which would not only afford great eiicouragement to the planters who convert the forest into farms but be better -, also for their servants who cpuld thus be accommodated wiU) all sorts of necessaries. 4*'». Also, permission to export, sell, & barter grain, timbef work, and all other wares and merchandize the produce of the country every way and every where their High Mighti- nesses have allies and have granted to the Netherlanders the ' privilege of resort and trade. S**". That their High Mightinesses would be pleased to accord privileges and freedoms for the encouragement of the In- habitants in favor of the fisheries, which many suppose were good and profitable heretofore, and would hereafter be of great consequence. Thirdly.) We humbly beseech their High Mightinesses to be pleased to determine and so to establish and order the Boundaries of this Province, that all causes of difference, disunion and trouble may be cut off and prevented ; that their High Mightinesses subjects may live and dwell in peace and quietness, and enjoy their liberty as well in trade and commerce as in intercourse and settled limits. 2^. That their High Mightinesses would be pleased to preserve us in peace with the neighbouring Republicks, Colonies and others their High Mightinesses allies, so that we may pursue without let or hindrance, under proper regulations from their High Mightinesses, the trade of our country m well along the coast from Terra Nova to C^pe Florida as to the West Indies and to Europe whenever our Lord God shall be pleased to permit ; and 3«J. to make manifest to the incredulous their High Mighti- nesses earnest support of this Province, we respectfully request that their H. M. would be pleased to quarter here a company or two of soldiers, for the defence of those residing at a distance and the estallishmcnt of New Plantations and Colonics, until by ji ■.'"» i* i 698 PAPERS RELATING TO our progress, we shall dread neither Indians or other enemies, but even shall be able to prevent their mischievous designs. All this have we concluded with humble reverence to propose according to our limited knowledge and understanding, earnestly supplicating their High Mightinesses, for the love of New Nether- land which now lies at its extremity, as is to be seen at length in our annexed Remonstrance, to be pleased to direct their attention thereto according to their wise and provident council, and to interpret most favorably this our presumption. We pray and hope that the name of New Netherland and the conversion of the Heathen which ought to be hastened, shall move their H. M. hereunto. Expecting, therefore, a happy deliverance we commend their H. M's persors " -1 deliberations to the pro- tection of the Almighty, and rerr?. t v H. M.'a humble and obedient servants. Written in the nu^^c and on the behalf of the Commonalty of New Netherland, the Six and Twentieth of July, in the Year of Our Lord Jesus Christ, One thousand. Six hundred. Nine & Forty, in New Amsterdam on the Island Manhattans in New Netherland. " (Signed,) ' ' Adriaen Van der Donck, AuGusTiN Herman, Arnoldus Van Hardenberch, Jacob Van Couwenhoven, GOYERT LoCCKERMANS, Oloff Stevens, MicHiEL Jansen, Thomas Hall, Elbert Elbertzen, Jan Evertsen Bout, Hendrick Hendricksen Kip. 'S PROVISIONAL ORDER H ' FOB THE GOVERNMENT, PRESERVATION AND PEOPLING OF NEW NETHERLAND. ANNO 1650.— [ExtraCtJ^. [Holland Doc. v.] Art. X. The request for freedoms and exemptions shall be more fully examined, together with the considerations moved thereupon. XVII. And within the city of New Amsterdam shall be erected i THE. CITY OF NEW-YOBK. 599 enemies, 5ns. , propose earnestly J Nether- at length rect their mncil, and id and the shall move Jeliverance to the pf 0" lumble and ehalf of the leth of July, Six hundred, anhattans in ;ns, |SEN, iRTZEN, iN Bout, Ling of »kw 1 shall he more kd thereupon, lall he erected a Burgher Government, consisting of a Sheriff, two Burgomas- ters, and five Schepens. XVni. In the meanwhile shall the Nine men continue for three years longer, and have Jurisdiction over Small Causes arising between Man and Man, to decide definitively such as do not exceed the sum of Fifty Guilders, and on higher, with the privilege of appeal. ' • , / >). THE DIRECTORS OF THE WEST INDIA COMPANY , .. TO THE DIRECTOR AND COUNCIL OF NEW NETHERLAND ; DATED AMSTERDAM, THE 4^'* APRIL 1652. [Dutch Records, Letter Q. 1648— 1664.] ,* > /! " We have already connived as much as possible at the many Impertinences of some Restless spirits in the hope that they might be shamed by our discreetness and benevolence, but perceiving that all Kindnesses do not avail, we must, therefore, have recourse to God, to Nature and the Law. We accordingly hereby charge and command your Honors, whenever you shall certainly discover any Clandestine Meetings, Conventicles or machinations against our States' government or that of our Country, that you proceed against such malignants in proportion to their crimes, with this precaution however, that we in no wise require that any one should have it in his power to complain, with reason or cause, tliat he was injured through private malice, which is far from our intention. " We remark in many Representations, though of Malversants that some hide tlumselves under this cloak, though we must believe and even see, that they.have not, in reality, so suffered ; yet to stop the mouth of all the world, we have resolved, on your Honors' pioposition, to permit you hereby, to erect there a Court of Justice (een banckvan Justitie) formed, as much as possible, after 1 The above " onler" will be foiiml entire in O'Callaghan's Hist, of N. Ve herland. Vol. 2. p. 132, but so mucii of it only is given here as applies to tb« first establishment of a Municipal form of government, in the present city of New York. i H ^1- t'f fl 1 I < 1 1 I ^•^1 1 1 1 ■i<\ ■J! 1 1 \ ' ' :- i PAncBfl BEiiAnriNO to the custom of this City : to which end printed copies relative to all the Law courts and their whole government are sent herewith. And we presume that it will be sufficient at first to choose one Sheriff,' two Burgomasters and five Schepens, from all of whose judgments an appeal shall lie to the Supreme Council, where definitive judgment shall be decreed. " In the Election of the aforesaid persons every attention must be paid to honest and respectable individuals who we hope can be found among the Burghers ; and especially do we wish that those promoted thereto be, as much as possible, persons of this Nation, who we suppose will give the most satisfaction to the Burghers and Inhabitants." I INSTRUCTION FOE THE SHERIFF OF NEW AMSTERDAM. [Datch Records ; Letter Y. 1652—1663.] 1. In the first place, the Sheriff shall, as the Director General and Council's guardian of the law in the district of the city of New Amsterdam, preserve, protect and maintain, to the best of his knowledge and ability, the preeminences and immunities of the privileged West India Company, in as far as these have been delegated by previous Instruction to the Board of Burgomasters and Schepens; without any dissimulation, or regard for any private favor or displeasure. 2. In the quality aforesaid, he shall convoke the meetings of Burgomasters and Schepens and preside thereat, also propose all matters which shall be brought there for deliberation, collect the Votes, and resolve according to the plurality thereof. 3. He shall, ex officio, prosecute all contraveners, defrauders and transgressors, of any Placards, Laws, Statutes and Ordinances which are already made and published or shall hereafter be enacted and made public, as far as those are amenable before the Court of Burgomasters and Schepens, and with this understanding that, having entered his suit against the aforesaid Contraveners, 1 In « duplieate of th 3 above Despatch, the words '* een Sehont" (a Sheriff,) are etossed over with ink, tho' not of the same color as that in which the orii^inol was written. New Amsterdam did not have a City Sherifl* until lfi60. THE OITT OF KEWYOEK. •0> ive to :evritb« ise oDtt ; vrbose , wbew iif . on must lecanbe aat those i Nation, BuTgbets W lEUDAM. or General the city of the best of lunities of have been irgomasters |rd for any fteetings of llso propose [ion, collect Ireof. 1, defrauders i Ordinances [lereafter be |e before the [idersianding ^ontraveners, [» (a Sheriff,) tM Ich the original ll6(50. be shall immediately rise, and await the judgment of Burgomaa- ters and Schepens who being prepared shall alsoj on his ibotio% pronounce the same. 4. And in order that he may well and regularly institute 1^ complaint, the Sheriff, before entering his action or arresting, any? person, shall pertinently inform himself of the crime of which htt' shall accuse him, without his being empowered to arrest any oney on the aforesaid information,^ unless the offence be committed in lus presence. 5. He shall take all his informations in the presence of ftiro members of the Board of Bui'gomasters and Sohepens if the case «hall permit it, or otherwise in the presence of two discreet persons who, with the Secretary or his deputy shall agn thif aforesaid informations. 6. Which aforesaid Secretary with the Court Messenger are expressly commanded to assist and be serving unto the Sheriff in whatever relates to their respective offices. 7. He shall take care in collecting and preparing informatirar to act impartially, and to bring the truth as clrar and naked aft possible to light, noting to that end,, all circumstances which in any way deserve consideration, and appertain to the case. 8. Item. The aforesaid Sheriff, on learning or being informed that any persons have injured each other or quarrelled, shall have power to command the said individuals, either personally or by the court messenger, or his deputy to observe the peace, and tt^ forbid them committing any assault, on pain of arbitrary correc- tion at the discretion of the Burgomasters and Schepens« 9. He shall not have power to compound with any pearson for their committed offences except with the knowledge of the Buf gomasters and Schepens. 10. He shall take care that all Judgments pronounced by the- Burgomasters and Schepens, and which are not appealed from, shall be executed conformably to the above mentioned Instruction given to the same, according to the stile and custom of Fatherland smd especially the city of Amsterdam. 11. In like manner, that authentic copies of all the Judgments' Orders, Actes and Resolutions to be adopted by the aforesaid Bur- 609 PAPERS RELATING TO ■!'-i*. r^^if gomasters and Schepens shall be communicated once every year, to the Director General and Council of New Netherland. 12. And in case he receive any information or statement of any offences which from their nature, or on account of the offending person are not subject to his complaint, he shall be bound forth- with to communicate the same to the Fiscal (Attorney Genl.) without taking any information himself, much less arresting the offender, unless in actual aggression to preVent greater mischief, or hinder flight in consequence of the enormity of the crime. /' 13. Which being done, he shall, as before, surrender without any delay the apprehended person with the information taken to the Fiscal, to be proceeded against by him in due form as circum- stances demand. 14. In order that the aforesaid Sheriff shall be the more encour- aged hereunto, he shall enjoy etc. This must be fixed in the country yonder, with advice. 15. Should the sheriff violate any of these Articles he shall be prosecuted on the complaint of the Fiscal before the Director and Council, to be punished according to the nature of the case. f.-, NICOILS' CHARTER. 1665. [Book of General Entries I.] The Governo'* Revocation of y« fforrae of Government of New Yorke und' y® style of Burgomast' & Schepens. By virtue of his Ma**«» Letters Pattents bearing date the la*'' day of March in the IQ^^ year of his Ma**"^" Reigne, Granted to His Royall Highnesse, James Duke of Yorke wherein full & abso- lute power is given and granted to his Royall Highnesse or his Deputyes to Constitute, appoint, revoke & discharge all Officers both Civill & military, as also to alter & change all Names & styles fformes or Ceremonyes of Governm^: To the End that His Mat"«« Royall Pleasure may be observed & for the more Orderly establishment of his Ma^'es Royall authority, as near as may bee Agreeable to the Lawes and Customes of his Ma*'e» Realme of England; upon Mature deliberacion & advice, I have thought it 1 I . I THE CITY OF NEW-TORK. 603 y year? ; of any [fending a forth- Genl.) iting the mischiefj rime. . -without taken to is circum- ••■■ V. re encour- e. he shall be ircctor and s case. ent of New necessary to Revoke & discharge, and by these P'sents in his Ma**«» Name, do revoke and discharge the fforme and Ceremony of Government of this his Mat'e* Towne of New Yorke, under the name or names, style or styles of Scout, Burgomasters & Schepens ; As also, that for the future Administrncon of Justice by the Lawes established in these the Territoryes of his Royall Highnesse wL lein the welfares of all the Inhabitants and the Preseryacon of all their due Rights and Priviledges, Gmunted by the Articles of this Towne upon Surrender under his Ma*l«" Obe- dience are concluded j I do further declare. That by a particular Commission, such persons shall be authorized to putt the Lawes in Execucon, in wljiose abilityds prudence & good affection to his ]VIa*»e8 Service and y« Peace and happinessc of this Qovernm* I have especiall reason to put Confidence, which persons so consti- tuted and appointed, shall bee knowne and calPd by the Name & Style of Mayor Aldermen & Sherriffe, according to the Custome of England in other his Ma^'os Corporacons: Given under my hand & Scale at ffort James in New Yorke, this 12*'> day of June 1665. Richard Nioolls. M The Mayor 4r Mdermen's Commission, Whereas upon mature deleberacon and advice, I have found it necessary to discharge the fforme of Governm* late in practice y/^^n this his Ma*'^' Towne of New Yorke, under the name and style of Scout, Burgomasters and Schepens, which are not knowne or customary in any of his Mat'^s Dominions ; To the end that the course of Justice for the future may be legally, equally and impartially administered to all his Ma^i^" Subjects as well Inhabi- tants as Strangers ; Know all Men by these Presents, That I Richard NicoUs, Deputy Govern' to his Royall Highnesse, the Duke of York, by virtue of his Mat*»«» Letters Pattents, bearing date the 12ti» jay of March in ye 16th yeare of his Ma*>«« Reigne, Do ordaine, constitute and declare, that the Inhabitants of New Yorke, New Harlem, w*'* all other his Ma*»«» Subjects Inhabitants upon this Island, commonly called & knowne by the Name of the Manhattans Island, are and shall bee for ever accounted, nominated I '■ 1 : \ I m PAPSaa RELATING TO : Ai m i^^'m and Established, as one Body Politique and Corporate under the Governm^ of a Mayor, Aldermen and Sheriffe, and I do by these Psents constitute and appoint for one whole year, commencing fipom the date hereof, and ending the 12'^ day of June vr<^'> shall be in the yeare of our Lord 1666 ; M' Thomas Willett to bee Mayor, M' Thom?^ Delavall, M' Oloffe Stuyvesant, M' John Brugges, M' Cornelius Van Ruyven & M' John Lawrence to bee Aldermen, & M^ Allard Anthony to be Sheriffe ; Giving & Grant- ing to them the said Mayor and Aldermen, or any four of thorn, whereof the said Mayor or his Deputy, shall bee alwayes one, and upon Equall division of voyces, to have always the casting and decisive voyce, full power and authoritye to Rule &> Governe as well all the Lihabitants of this Corporacon, as any Strangers, according to the Generall Lawes of this Governm* and such pecu- lifir Lawes as are, or shall be thought convenient & necessary for the good and Welfare of this his Ma^'e" Corporacon ; as also to appoint such under officers, as they shall judge necessary, for the orderly execution of Justice; and I do hereby strictly charge and command all persons to obey & execute, from Time to Time, all such warrants, orders & Constitutions as shall be made by the said Mayor and Aldermen as they will answer the Contrary at their utmost Perills ; And for the due administracon of Justice, accord- ing, to the fforme and manner prescribed in this Commission, by the Mayor, Aldermen & Sheriffe, These Presents shall bee to them, & every of them, a sufficient Warrant and discharge in that behalfe; Given under my hand and seale at ffort James in New Yorke this 12th day of June 1665. Rich Nicolls. ^''i> m BENCKES AND EVERTSEN'S CHARTER. 1673. •~: . [New Orange. Rec] The Commanders and Honble Council of War in the service of Their High Mightinesses the Lords States General of the United Netherlands and his Serene Highness the Lord Prince of Orange, e|;c, HflALTH ! Whebeas We have deemed it necessary, for the advantage and pro5£»erity of Our City New Orange, recently restored to the •;■ I THE CITT OF NEW-TORK. l5(te ler the y these fencing ch shall , to bee ^r John •e to bee fc Grant- of thorn, one, and sting and overne as Strangers, such pecu- jcssary for as also to iry, for the charge and p Time, all by the said ity at their Ace, accord- mission, by jee tothem, Lhatbehalfej Yorkethis l!?icoia.S., 1 1673. Ihe service of If the United pe of Orange^ Idvantage and Istored to the Obedience of the said High and Mighty Lord States General of Ote United Netheriands and his Serene Highness the Lord Prince of Orange, to Reduce the form of Government of this City to its previous character of Schout, Burgomasters and Schepens as is practised in all the Cities of our Fatherland, to the end that iastice may be maintained and administered to all good Inhabit- 'ttitt without Respect or Regard to persons ; Therefore We, by tirtue of our Commission, in the names and on behalf of the ^igli tad Mighty Lords States General of the United Netherlands and his Serene Highness the Lord Prince of Orange, have elected from the Nomination exhibited by those in office as Regents of August A* 1673 (Was Signed) Jacob BencAxs Cornelis Evertsen, the Younger VvxojMk BoiBS A. Colvi:. A F. Yj^ Zetll. If-. \ < 606 PAPERS BEXATINO TO I « ' INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE UNDER SHERIFF AND SCHEPENS OF THE SUBURBS (bUYTEN LUYDEn) BETWEEN HAERLEM AND THE FRESH WATER j DATED THE 14^'> OF NOVEMBER, 1673. [New Orange Record.] Firstly. The Under Sheriff shall preside at all the meetings but when he officiates for himself as a party, or on behalf of justice, he shall on such occasions rise up and absent himself from the Bench, and in this case have neither an advisory much less a cast- ing vote, but the oldest Schepen shall preside in his place. 2'x'. The Under Sheriff and Schepens are authorised to pro- nounce definitive judgment, without appeal, in suits for debt between man and man &c. arising within their District to the amount of fi. 100 Seawan currency ; also in minor criminal cases such ns fighting, striking, scolding & such like, but in all cases exceeding said sum of il. 100, the aggrieved person may appeal to the Honble Court here. 3^'y. Whenever any cases come before the court in which any of the Schepens are interested as parties, in such cases they shall rise up and absent themselves from the Bench as is hereinbefore directed in the first article of the Under sheriff. 4"''y. All Inhabitants within the aforesaid District shall be citable before the said Under Sheriff and Schepens who shall hold their court as often as necessary. > 5thiy Tjjg gj^jj Under Sheriff and Schepens shall be obliged strictly to observe and punctually to execute all such placards and orders as shall from time to time be directed to them from the Worshipful Court here. gthiy Whereas We are informed of the great ravages the Wolf commits on the small cattle, therofore to animate and encourage the proprietors who will go out and shoot the same. We have resolved to authorize the Under Sheriff and Schepens to give public notice that whoever shall exhibit a Wolf to them which hath been shot on this Island on this side Haarlem shall be promptly paid therefor by them; For a Wolf fl. 20. and for a She wolf fl. 30 Seawan or the value thereof, which said Under Sheriff and Sche- pens shall by their messenger levy from those who keep any cattle, THE CITY OF MEW-VORK. 607 HEPENS AND THE 73. .. ietings but of justice, [f from the less a cast- lace. sed to pro- ts for debt strict to the iminal cases in all cases 1 may appeal in which any ises they shall i hereinbefore itrict shall be yho shall hold ^U be obliged h placards and ibem from the [ages the Wolf land encourage >me, We have hepens to give |to them "wl^ch All be promptly lShevrolffi-30 Lriff and Sche- [keep any cattle, large or small, within their district, on said Island, each of whom shall, according to the number of cattle, be bound to contribute & pay thereto whatever he shall be taxed thereupon by the Under Sheriff &. Schepens. 7thiy^ Whoever shall fail to pay his fine on the first, second and third notice in the name of the Under Sheriff and Schepens, shall be proceeded against with prompt execution by the Under Sheriff. gthiy. Whoever shall allow execution to issue, must pay in addition five stivers on each guilder which he owes for the behoof of the Under Sheriff for the trouble of the Execution, v ^ , ; .-i gthiy. Whereas 'tis necessary that the Pound shall be properly kept, the Under Sheriff & Schepens are therefore authorized and ordered to attend that the same be maintained conjointly by those who have lands there ; and further make such orders regarding the cattle enclosures (fences ?) as they shall find for the advantage of Agriculture, which orders each and every are ordered promptly to observe as if they were made by Ourselves. 10t>>l7. Said Under Sheriff and Schepens shall take good heed in the suits brought before them strict justice to administer according to the best of their knowledge, without distinction or respect of persons, or any partiality ; and further, the Under Sheriff shall as much as possible prevent and check all disputes and quarrels that may arise within his District. llthijr, Xhe Under Sheriff and Schepens shall, as often as they deem necessary, give publick Notice that any person who causes or allows trees to fall in a common wagon road shall again remove the same, branches and all, from the road, before the going down of the Sun subsequent to the falling of the tree, and make the road passable — or in default thereof and in case a fine be imposed therefor by the Under Sheriff or his order, he shall pay for each tree found across the highway, a fine of fl.20. to be applied, one half for the Under Sheriff & the other half for the informer ; and the person fined shall, notwithstanding, this be bound to remove the tree instantly from the road. 12*'»^y. If any one exhibit any indisposition towards the ordei of the Under Sheriff and Schepens, and come before the Court here, and the matter be discovered well founded, he shall pay double the imposed fine. ; i 406 PAPSRB RKLAT1V6 TO EN 1 m'>[Li i^ ' '■i^ 13'7. The choice of all Inferior officers (the Secretary alone •excepted) shall be henceforward made by the said Under Sheriff md SchepenS) & they shall be confirmed in their respective Qualities after being approved by the Worship^ Court here. 14>>>ly. If any thing further be necessary for Agriculture, or fhould there be any obscurity or omission or want of clearness in these Instructions, the Under Sheriff and Schepens shall on occasion, communicate the fact to the Bench. ' And finally, said Under Sheriff & Schepens shall, 14 daya before the Expiration of their Year, apply to the Hon**'" Court here to receive its order regarding the new Nomination of the Under Sheriff & Schepens. Thus done in the City Hall of thi« Oity, at the Court of the Schout, Burgomasters & Schepeni. COLVES CHARTEK. 1674.. [New Onnge R«oO ' Provisional Insfyntction for the Schoutf Burgomasters and '' ,' : Schepens of the City of J^eu> Orange. ' '' ' 1'*. The Schout and Magistrates, each in his qaality shall tsike eave that the Reformed Christian Reiigion confonnable to the Synod of Dordrecht shall be maintained, without sufifering any other Sects attempting any thing contrary thereto. 2. The Schout shall be present at all Meetings and preside there, unless the Honble. Heer Governour or some person appointed by him be present who then shall preside, when the Sehout shati rank next below the youngest acting Burgomaster. But whenso- ever the Schout acts as Prosecutor on behalf of Justice or otherwise^ having made liis complaint, he shall then rise up and absent himself from the Bench during the deciding of the case. 3. All matters appertaining to the Police, Security, and PeaiOfi of the Inhabitants, also to Justice between man and man, ishail be determined by final Judgment by the Schout, Burgomasters and Schepens aforesaid to the amount of Fifty Beavers and under, but in all cases exceeding that sum, each one shall be at liberty to appeal to the Heer Governour General &. Council here. I. All Criminal offences which shall be committed wit^n tiiis -J- THE CITY OF NEW-YOHK. 609 y alone r Sheriff spectivo re. Uure, OT arness in occasion, 14 (lay« ibie Court on of iVie all of thii jpeni. ii asters a» next shall follow him ; but during this current Year the change shall take place every 4 months, since three Burgomasters arc appointed for this year. _ <> 8. The Schout, Burgomasters and Schepens shall hold their Session and Court Meeting as often as the same shall be necessary, on condition of previously appointing regular days therefor. 9. The ScLout, Burgomasters and Schepens shall have power to enact, and with the approbation of the H"" Governour to publish and affix some Statutes, Ordinances and Placards for the Peace, Quiet and Advantage of this City and the inhabitants thereof within their district, provided that the same do not in any wise .;onflict,but agree, as much as possible, with the Laws and Statutes of our Fatherland 39 1 I I 610 PAPERS RELATING TO THE CITY OF NEW-YORK. iln f J "'..U :. day of the Month of August, with continuation of some of the old Magistrates, in case his Honor shall deem the same necessary. Done, Ffort Willem Hendrick the IS^h January 1674. By Order of the Honble Heer (, Govern' General of Ne"«' Nftherland, (Was Signed) > ^av»hd, SecretT [% CENSUS OF NEW-YORK CTTY. eii je bound :ar(ls and any thing itraveners y execute hem from also bound es General I the Lord intain their ants in the shall, with mfirmed by urgomasters idvice of the his authority ibling houses ring his time, elve hundred ; shall enjoy t he presume tny criminals, foresaid shall Lh of August, :rates, and m It purpose by lumber of the only such as well affected tens aforesaid, .Ided & sealed, tiion the Elec- of the Month Wistrates, in lone, Ffort l»»D, SecretT CENSUS OF THE CITY OF NEW-YORK. [ABOUT THE YEAR 1703.] EAST WARD. MASTERS OF FAMILY8 3- rt 1-1 IS a V a a .2 a 1 1 8.2 ^6 1 OQ » CI a II r 3 1 5 Ebenezr Wilson 3 4 1 2 1 1 1 4 2 1 • • • • 3 2 "i' 1 1 .... 1 1 Mr Leuis •..,. Mr Everson .... Mrs Yantyle Mr Haris 2 1 .... 2 3 1 Thorns Dver Mrs Smith 3 2 2 1 1 3 1 2 1 1 4 '2 Oarot Haier 2 Frances Coderos 1 3 1 John Laslv 1 1 1 2 2 • • f Thorns Evens 1 Hendrick **•• Peter Vantilbrv 1 .... 2 .... 5 2 1 5 1 Frances Wessells Mrs Basset Cant No^ered 1 John Morthouse 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 fievcrlv Latham ......>••• 1 2 1 3 1 1 5 2 3 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 3 1 Mrs Rabi 2 Cant Morris 3 2 i 2 2 1 • • • « 1 U Hendrick Mavr . John Stenhens 3 4 3 1 1 1 Cant Tudor 1 Stuen Valo Fanv ve Dnrtr ■ ..*... Mr Sinkeler 1 2 1 1 1 Cant Forkell 1 2 1 1 3 1 Pptpr Thoupt • • • • A Mapfrrptt Driff'^a. ....■ ..... TJiiptr Tii»fanv .. ...Ba*..^. .......*. 1 1 .... 2, Mr Sell wanii Wuiil Itrnivn 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 MrCholwpll 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 i' 2 1 1 i 2 3 AnilrAur Oravpnrnil ....•■>....■>...... 1 William Anell 1 3* 3 1 1 1 jAhn TliipPJEi .... ■>■•........... "2 1 2 1 Mrs TllnplfiTPrtvp ...•••>••■■•.■■•■■ .... 2 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 Dnptp Ppfflra ................ ...... • • ■ • 2 3 .... 1 1 3 2 1 "2 1 1 Jftlin Tlmplrtnnn ...■>•...>...■>• ...■>> John Dyer 1 • • • • • t • • • f • t 1# l\. I 6ia CZNSUS or NEW- YORK CITT. (flit I ! MASTEIkS OF FAMILVS Capt Borditt Capt Baker James Emmett . > Samson fioutons James Bouloro Evert Pelts Mir Carter Jofteph Isacks. . < John Theobalds Mr Rinderaon.f ••>•... Widd Smith Leend Hewsen B»aj Druelef Mr Waters Mr Lytoner Mr Mardinburg Paul Myler Gapt Vancrouger Mrs Clobery John Marteris Oeorg Stanton Daniel Janden Abraham Vanhorn . . . . Abraham Abranson . ■ Andries Abrahamse . • • Deriok Adolph John Manbruitls Oarott Van Caver Holland . . . • Mr Read Mr Monsett Thorns Carol! Widd Petersebants. . . . Aaron Bloom Mr Toy Qaoitc Maynurd Abraham Wandel) . • • • John Tomson Beiy Barns. Capt Cragror Wm Nasroses WmShickle Nicholas Dauly Caston Lusen Johnas Lonf^^strauis . . . Abraham Molts Capt Trevett Oeorg Elesworth Colonl Depyster Oeorg Dunken Widd Decay Meyer Merett Capt Shelly Peter Morrayn Thorns Adams WiddKidd WiddVanbroug Widd Proost Jacobus Vanderspegle . Dort Stcts £IyesNow.< 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 i { I ! I 2 o I 2 I T I 2 1 ! I 1 1 1 i[ I 1 1 2 I ^ 1 ! I 1 a « u o S 1 1 1 4 1 1 1 1| 2 e w « « • ■ • ■ fl • • 614 CENSUS OF NEW- YORK CITY. ■•'' I ! MASTERS OF FaMILYS Widd Vontylborough.. WmPell Thorns Huck Widd Peterow Robert Pudenton \Vm Shackerly Mr Huddleston Nichol Debower Johanes D'payster Wm White Widd Nanclaft Abraham Moll LevenuB Deuind RiohdSackett Elener Eleworth ■ ■ ■ . . Stoffell See worth Isaac Dinell Isaac Ferbergin Johanes Jooston Widd Lees Mrs Mussett Wm Naseros Loud Leuis Thoms Roberts Roger Britt Thoms Hams Robt Walls Oiddeon Vergeren . . . . . Evert Dicken John Nanfan Claud Bouden Hendrick Vandespegle Mr Gleencross Dan Th waictes Widd Petrer Bond Charl Bakeman Johanes Banker Harma Louricar Jos Carlsee Simeon Shumoine 8 = SOUTH WARD Danill Roberts Mr Ling John & Elias Petram. Hendrick Kellison ... Archibald Morris . . . . Jurian Bush Victor Bicker Elizabeth Eliot ijarah Scouton Saml Sokane Jacobus Cornelius . . . Peter Wescls Jacobus Morrisgrcen. William Syms John Wat tson William Haywood . . . John Ganoon Thomas Elison WiddowBush 4> a « I 09 bo e •a 0) I iz; 1 Is Ho wis s o •3 4 •A 1 2 1 2 1 1 .. . 3 1 1 . .. -. .... • < • > 1 1 1 3 1 2 1 1 4 3 2 1 1 3 1 2 1 3 1 1 1 1 .... 1 1 1 1 T .... 1 .... • t • • • • • * I / CENSUS OF NEW-YORK CITY. ii5 ' I U). s 01 2 i' 1 \\\ "i" i ... .* 2 "i)' "i" « 1 "'■■'""i 1 11 1 1 MASTERS OF FAMILY8 1 1 i bo « H bo « iz; 1 li i William Kaee 1 • 2 4 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 3 1 3 2 1 3 1 1 1 1 Widilow Wessells .... .... William Jackson 1 1 1 Johannes Van Geser Willelmus Neuenliousen 1 William Taylor 3 2 1 i Michael Hardin 1 Thomas Hardin 1 1 1 1 1 Anna Smith Mr Sliaenass 1 Cant Debrouta Madam Duboise • 1 3 2 f 1 1 3 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 3 1 1 1 3 1 1 01 2 2 1 1 1 2 6' 3 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 .... .... • ••• Cornelius Denevstpr 1 3 2 3 3 .... 3 3 3 1 1 Widdow firouRA Thomas Roberts 1 2 1 3 1 1 2 John Elison. ..••.•........ > Isaac Denevster 3 4 1 Widilow HowArd. Nicholas Tinoven 1 2 .... 1 Mr Davennort ••■•••.....• Gil^s Ga.u■••••.... Tjftwrrpnpp TTpndinp" .... .... 1 2 1 "2 1 .... Widdow Phillins "'3' 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 John ASTnriQnrf - 1 2 1 1 1 1 .... .... 2 1 1 5 3 2 ....!.... i .... Justus Jay 1 • • • • ....,..•• .,*: li ff 1 ' I 1^ *r4»--"' mi p.; ,1; W^'''- Sff \';if\' 616 CENSUS OF NEW-YORK CITY. MASTERS OF FAMILYS Widdow Brown Peter Myir Widdow Doweher .... John Kinfffltone Nicholas Lorteen Capt Matthews , Johannes Johnson ..... John Petraaslot James Many Samll Surges Mr Cooper Johannes Vanrost . . . . . Mr Vangoson Mr y angoson Cap! Tinbven Christophr Hogland . . . Widdow van plank Johannes Yanderhield. . Widdow Kcisted Andreas Breestad Widdow Deshamp .... MrAntill Wilellmus Navensusen Francis Vincent Peter Kip Ore Robertson '. . Jacob Maurice Garrett Vesey Widdow Bush Johannes Craft Samll Beckman Mr Honan • • . Widdow Cortland Widdow Keisteed Hendrick Mester Abraham Webrana Edward Blagg Capt flinch |8 NORTH Isaac Stoutenbrough Lydiah Rose Johannes Veckden . . Gerrard Grans Jeemz Lie Freerick Bloom Wm Ockton Garret De Boogh. . . . Mangel 1 Ransen Danl DomsVon Jacob Van Direse... Eleazor Ro?;er!. Joriz Breger Jasbuz Boz Johannes Bogert.... Wm Waderson Johannes Proovoost. Joseph Waderson . . . Henry Coleman Philip Bcllenz Joseph Bresser a ,VARD. 1 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 « IS 4i 73 a beg 73o ^^ 73 !3 So S « 2 ] 2 2 2 2 • • • • 2 1 .... . "2' • • • • • • • • • • • • 3 1 1 .... .... CENSUS OF NE\V-VO»K CITY. 617 I I 1 1 ii"i • • ••) 2 2 I \.. 1 ■ 1 • •!«•• • •! • • • ..1 1 1 MASTERS OF FAMILYS Ratie Vanderbeeck . . Johannes Bant Jacob Balck Saml Marten Jo Dicktcr John Terree Kuijbert Vandenberg^. John Bentell Joseph Paling Mr Evert Jacob Swart fiartholemew Vonol . Edwd Lock Marre Quick Isaac Juter Mr Floran Danl Travore Mr Ritvire Henderick Driniiez .. Derick Ritenbogert . . Abraham Vanaren . . . Jan Karelse Janetie degrau's llartnen degrau's Andrew Douwe Aijs Van Velsen Yochem Lolyer Mr Hooper Hendrick Uostrom . . . Yan Heslook Jan Bcadre Christian Lowrier . . . Annetie Lowrier Wm Visser Robt Milre Stoffel Pelz Aijme Vandyck Peter Van Waggele. . Susanna Tocter Evert Bressen Johannes PCavice... Hanz Kicrstede Wyburgh Vanbos . . . . Direck Slick EnochKill Danl Bartcloo Key ere Martese Abraham Vandurse . . Danl Walderon Morott, Tarn Pell Alexander Lam Wm Attell Mrs Amekcr Peter Burger Wm Mandriese Onerre Obee CaUirrine Fip Wm Vaneckt Ts^ack Kip Orscltie Vandyck •••■•••• «s o I ^ 55 Ji I -a 1 1 r:'.fc: 618 CENSUS OF NEW- YORK ClTY. MASTERS OF FAMILY8 II on 1 0m t) 1 female Children Male Negros 1. Bo .a 8 « 1 01 Jacob Boele 1 4 1 i II I 2 1 Engletre Mol . ■ 1 2 Wm Rooseboom Abraham Vangehlcre 1 -^ Yooat Leyrebse 3 2 Antre Vanoorstrant ••o'i •;■ Johannes Kenne .... ..:..:. Nicholas Delanlvne Jacob Carrebill .* ...J Wier Boercreran 1 1 .... Abraham Ket<>1taz 1 Antiene Yellerton I 1 Bcnl ProoToost 2 1 Den 8 Sweetman 1 Henilrick Boz 3 2 3 1 ? Garret Lansen Annetie Henne Mr Vandrick 1 1 Abraham Kip 1 1 ffVans Vandyck Robert Podventon Aaron Vanvlarden 4 1 .... John Van striio Hathman Wessels "2' 1 1 Peter Yaaoksa Mattvz Boeckout Peter Sarvo 1 ' Yan Sivvere Yan Hille 2 3, 3 ....!.... Yan Yonz ....1 Stiintie Yoris • » ■ • 1 • Anenez Tiebout "3' 2 3 2 2 2 7 1 ::::i:::: Wm Yorster - . . . i . . . Wm Proovoost ..X Mr Kinninir .. 1 Catharina Selecoat .... 1 Fillet Sweer ■ 1 Wm Pell 'x' • • .. . • • • Cornelia Vandervoers . Yan Meet 4 I 2 1 1 1 , 2 1 Barent Vantilbursr . . . • • Wm Stenton .'. . . Loo Witten .1 Nleste Viene 1 . . . . I . . - Yan Devenne 1 ...c. Cornelia Maniz ■■2'| 3 i Mrs Lindslee Swerez Hendricks 1 1 3 2 David HoesAprt ■... 2 3 • • • • 4 2 1 • •• • Ante RuriTArfi - Ysack Brat Yohanni? Van(1pvira.f ^r. 4 1 * 3 3 2 3 2 3 1 Vanflpnf Tipln Hester Montaine • ■ • 1 • >• • CENSUS OF NEW-YORK CITY. G19 1 » M 1 1 ..•••••••••■ MASTERS OF FAMILYS s a 1 'a -0 1 1 1 Male Negro Childrrn k Is 8 1 5 David Christeaense 2 * 1 5 1 2 1 1 Yan Keoeck 1 Sarebz Loeter Mrs Stevez 1 2 Anileriez Marsclialock b 3 1 1 1 1 .... Yacob Bennett Wm Boiraert Yan Vaiuiorn • t • • Aennez Ynick 2 1 2 1 2 .... 2 1 4 1 2 1 2 1 Garret Wouterse Hatie Provoost • • ' ... t Mai'tie Vanilehevden. >..<•. Rarent Lool Yannez Laearerau Garret Onckclback Yan Vantilburirh Saml Lockeriest ..■ 3 9 .... 1 1 fiamariluz Sniit Yan Pieterae Boz 2 Caterina Bootz 1 Barnardus Hardebroer 1 • • • t \ 1 1 2 "2' 2 4 "2* Corneliz Loris . ... Peter Boz Mrs Monvel 2 .... Garret Bureer YanHerrlck Gar-ftt Wynanse La\ ie Vandmirsc 2 2 '2' 3 .... . . • • .... . . . • Siimon BreestA ■•■ ..•..••>•.«. .... Yannetre Wande VVatee Am ReiU 1 2 1 2 1 1 Yacob (lennrtee ..«■•• ••••••... Yan Narbree •.. «. Mrs Boieit Wessell Everse • • t • a 2 1 2 Bettie Rammesen • . • • • . . . ■.*!' WEST WARD. Peter Bayard Garret Vantright . . . . > Cornelius Loclge Wm Smith Aldermn Ball : Bayard Matt: DeHart Jacob Vansnne Catherine Rolegome . Charles Denisoe BobtDarkins Denis Vandinbroiigh . Bar : Laroox John Barbarie James Colett JohnDublett Peter Munvill Isaac De Boogh Peter Pieret MrsRumboU Evert Van Howk Robt White ■ • . • .... J . . .. 1 ' 2 4 1 4 3 2 1 1 1 "i* ■* 1 2 1 1 3 1 1 3 3 4 2 1 .... 1 3 1 2 • ■ . . 2 2 11 • • • t 1 1 1 1 2 "6' « • • • . • * • .... • • • t ,■ 'I ,. hJ: i ■ , li; '1 .''f . 620 CEKSUB OF NEW-YOtlK CITY. MASTERS OF FAMILY8 Margrett Huilson Catherine White WmWalch Johan : Van Gchler Isaac Anderson John Hiitchins Susannah Wells Deborah Synicoin Cornelius Clopper And : Faucout. Augustus (irassett Jacobus BerCey Coll:P«artree Urian Blunk Mary niank Robt Edwards Relekuh Adams George VViliiamB....>< .•. Win Sloks Francis Hocketts Tobias Stoutenbrough .... Agnes Davis Daniel Ebbetts Eliz; Plumley Samp: Shilton Braughton. Han : Tenijck Robt Anderson Peter Johnson Abra : Masiear John Anen Wm Arison David Mackdugell Isaac Garners. Will:Shullwood Laynard D Graw Jores Riersie John Cure Archibald Reed Hanna Tinbrook . • . . . Andrew Lamarue Michael Harring Edwd Burley Lieft : Buckley Rinear Risoe Waller D Boise Garret Cosyn Pietr ParniytLT Albcrfs Laynderts Paul Tnk Pe(prAfnrks Armanus Van Geldr . • • Phill: Doley Jno D. Le ifountaine ... .Tacob Kuwning Joseph Wright Petor Willtrans Roon c Wm Moss Nicholas Blachford Will: Robinson Mary Collum Garret Blank 1^ ■as *5 be « CENSUS OF NEW-YORK CITY. 621 £ la We » •SI r« 1 .• MASTERS OF FAMILY8 Males from it a c 1 ia u « ■a ^5 I s V 1 •a Male Ne^ro Children female Neg^ Children 3 > • 5 frfArimret Van D * fiphuvnr ..> Peter Do 4 2 3 ....!.... John French ....|. Marv Harks . • • *'*'l"' Edmund Thomas ...•••.... 1 KraiiPis Gowenhnaf. •• John Hwet-a • • ■•■• 2 1 Eliz: Collier Cor ; OarrettB 1 1 1 2 • * • • 2 1 1 4 John Harris ..a.......... • 1 1 Alford Suerts \fin- Haters Walter Hairers 1 2 Oarrnt Kptteltass James Beard .... CjornpHus Ouick 4 1 2 1 2 1 1 2 2 • • • • 2 1 1 .... Jupol) Nanma ■.••■■■>>....>..>■••..■■■■ .... John Windefort 1 2 Rprnard Bush Jnhn Vanderbeclf ■ 1 1 3 2 1 fjonradufl Tirt :■■.•■•■■. .••■■.*■*• William Pearrn ... Unht Crannnll • • • ■ 1 .... Marc-t • ffhrdiz Jnhn ^VilliaTnn RnmicrA ...•■•.•■•■..■ 1 1 1 4 1 • • • • 1 lAA TlnlniA .....■.■...■.■.■•■..••■■.. JapnVi TTnnika ......^....a ....•■•■.•..■■ 3 1 Alida Wright 3 • • • « 2 Oriffin .TnnAS ....■......■.....•.■.>■■.. PnurAln Tiirlr a .Tiinr .....■...•■■ ...... .... 2 3 Eliz • Wackham Thnmaft Clnhiirn ....••.....■■•■••.•■■• ' Rinhanl rrFPAn ...........■..■•■•>..■■• • • • • 1 1 • • • • RAraroant' fimif'h ...... .....■.....■....■• "2' 1 2 Peter Fauconnier 1 1 .... DOCK Phillip fiVench Mrs Mogon Zacharie Angeum . . Anthony Davis Elias Budinot Johan : Hardenbrok John Parmiter Samuel Bayard Nicholas Jamin . . . . JnoCasall Johannes Hoglandt. WARD 1 1 1 2 • • • • 2 2 3 1 1 2 1 2 3 • • • • • • • • ■ • • • • • • • 2 1 t • • * 1 - • • • • ••• 1 1 1 • • • • 1 .... • • • « 622 CENSUS OF NEW-YORK CITY. MASTERS OF FAMILYS 0) 41 1 73 1^ ^6 -a s i 1 5" 1. 3 Wlildow Alkfleid 1 1 1 1 2 3 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 • • • • 1 1 3 "i' 1 2 1 1 .2 1 2 2 2 1 3 1 1 1 - Garret Dyking .... • • • • • • • ■ 1 . ... 1 Catharin Potter Dttv 1)1 JanieMun MoBes Levey 1 1 Uobert Lurting Samuel Veach 2 2 Widilow Tavlor 1 • • • • David Villat Mrs Allie 1 David Losrall 1 1 2 2 1 1 .... 1 1 1 2 "3' XhoB Burrouflrh * Ctint Sillies. ..•*•*.« 1 Robt Skulton Charles Woolev ', .... Chirret Vanhorne ' 1 1 3 1 1 3 1 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 • • • • 3 1 4 4 3 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 3 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 4 2 f 1 • ■ Paul Drulett Lewis (Tarree 1 1 Stenhen D'lancev 1 1 Jno James Vanvfialfl ■..■ .:..... Widdow fiaKett .... Hendrick Vand : Hall 1 1 John ShackmaDle Peter Hemoims "2" 1 2 1 .... 1 1 2 1 Ul 2 1 "i' 1 John Van home 3 2 4 1 Ul 1 1 1 Jacobus vancourt* nilt Jacobus Decay • Mrs Cuvlnr Jacob Ten Evck 1 Abraham Governere Enrliah Smith Cornelius Jacobs • • • • 5 3 "2' . ... 1 David Provost Junr - Widdow Sanders 3 Affev Tuder 1 3 1 Widdow D Roblus .... 1 6 • • • • Widdow Lillies & Nathaniel t Masston in Ditto ) Widdow Vanhorne 1 ... . Abfiiham Sanford. .•••... 3 1 1 3 1 1 3 1 • • 1 • 2 "2 .... 2 .... William Walton 1 .... Christoiiher Gillin Wi Ilium Chumbpra. • ■ 1 1 1 Johanni>8 outnin.n Isaac D Markeys Peter Lakerma'n ...*• 1 1 . John Gurnpv Coll. Nich: Bavard 1 .... 2 • • • • 2 1 2 1 2 2 William Barklev Nipholim fflptiinn Darlhnlrtinpiir TTart 2 Overin • •■ 1 ^hOTnaa ^Vpnham ...•■■....^ . 1 1 1 1 .... 1 2 2 1 Tlibon • •• • "Vfinilpriinnr. .................. .- IV rinnlf 0rfl .................. ... 1 1 • • • • Widdow D. Pyater "2 1 CENSUS OF NEW-YORK CITY. 023 11^* * u - MASTERS UF FAMILY8 John Lorrinf Nicholas Oarretts Abraham V : L): waters... Ilarmanes Hurf^er Marlines Criger Andris Tenbruok Kug^crt Waliiron John Davis Wiildow TImUlinot Richard Willit • visOomas John Harpcnling Avert Elbcrseye Roger Jones Johannes Thiebout Martin Cloock Albert Clooclc Lawrence Vanhoock Cornelius Veilin Abrahm Mettelares John Lansing Evert Van D. watr William Echeles Edward Marshall .1 ohn Wanshares John Vansent William Bradford Conrad Ten Eyke • rd Provost Senr . . . John Everts Gee^je ten Eges Hugh Grow Anthony Rutgers John Whitt Mr Legrand ^ficholas Materbe Samll Leveridg William White Junr Mary Wakham Henry Money John Stephens Richd Green • n Varickbookhouse.. • rence Vessells • aham Lawkerman. Everdas Borgadas William Bickley Jannetie Van briekelen. . . Abraham Splinter Gabrll Thiebod Widdow Colie Mrs Mashett Johannes Burger Is I it a I" * S 15 l\ 2 1 2 1 1 I • • . . * These names cannot be made out on account of the MS. being torn ^24 CENSUS OF NEW- YORK CITY. OUT WARD. & 1 I* MASTERS OF FAMILYS • Ritman • Kip • elus Bak .... • idsWidd Peter Bokho John Barr ■■ Solojnon .... • hn Peter • nl Carpenter Abraham Brimer... — — Gunoson .... JohnDikman Tunsedes. . . . John Devor Cornelius Drk Cornelius Aker Tuns Cornelius Oranout Waber Wolford Waber Solomon Will Da Hendrick Bordis • Moor • Griggs • Thomas • Gracklin Sam'l Mountaine > . Capt Sidmen .Tohn Bronod Kebeceah Van Scyock . Wases Peterson Thorns Akerson Solomon Widdow Anianuel Franson Jacob Cornelius Thoms Sekis John Clapp Abraham Bolt Capt Lock Hendrick Van Scoyock. Philip Minthorne ou eabor way noute Thomas Walter Lamaa David Minvel • lin Pierson Agar Harman Jacob Conant h "—so V S 11 o £ fco S5 o « iz: I 1*4 beg 2 We SB, •a e u o 2 1 2 1 ifpni^xeAft m trs^ ovrqa ; vfiV9»¥m cpuaepEt- ^ NAMES OF THE MINISTERS OF THE DUTCH REFOMPSD ^ CHURCHES IN NEW-YORK AND NEW JERSEY. [Naamregisterder Predikanten; Te Leidanflce.] 1.768. .1 ' 1 Jfew York Jbhe^nes Ritzema Lambertus de Ronde ^ Reinhard Erichson Freehold - - - - - Fridcricus Muzelius Tuppan Emeritus ... Gerard Haagboort Second River .... Qeorgius Wilhelmus Maircius^ Kings Totone Jbbannes Schuiler Hakkingsachj ifc ... Jbhannes Casparus Fryenmoet, Menissinkj Mhchakomickj Walpek and Smitsfield ----.. Benjaniin Meinema) Pakeepsie & Fishkil . . - Theodorus Frielinghausen, Theod. Jac. Gl.fMevoMbany > Ulpifanus Van Sinderin, Ulp. fil. Long Island Johannes Henricus GoetBchius, Hakkmgsak and SchraUn^ Iktrg -.-.--.-- Johannes Lyecht, Brunsmch ..... Benjamin Van der Linden, Paranes - - - - Samuel Verbryk, Tappan - - - . . B^ftyid Marinus, Jhhquechnouch .... B&rent Vromans, Schonegtade .... Thomas Romein, Queens Counij^, Oyster hay Johan. Caspar Rubel, Job. Casp. fil., Rhynbeck - Johannes Schenema, Kats-KU fy Cogsackie William Jackson, Bergen fy Staten Island New Paltz ^ ^ Kinderhook Schoggarie > Vacant < Klaverack Manor of Livingston } ( Kings County 40 1744 1761 1786 1726 1736 1732 1769 1744 1746 174a 1746 1748 1748 1748 1748! 17625 1756 1763 1756 1753 1757 ! ! i , i 1. 686 Wl^^'^' IM-f i K# B'^' 1 ' H^gw *# m^^ t m i ;. m 1* < 1 m f ) s 1 MINISTEBS OF THE DUTCH REFORMED CHUROIES. 1796. Johannes Ritzema J^ew York Emeritus, 1784 - - 1744 Ulpianus Van Sinderen, Ulp. fil. Kings Co. Long Island^ Emer. 1784 1746 Johannes Lyecht, Brunswick ----- 1748 Benjamin Van der Linden, Paremes - - - - 1748 Samuel Verbryck, Tappan ----- 1750 Lambertus de Ronde, JVeto York Emeritus 1784 - 1750 Barent Vrooman, 1752 Schonectade - - - - 1756 Thomas Romein, 1753 Mmissinck - - - - 1761 Joh. Schenema, Kats-Kil Sf Cogsackie - - - 1763 William Jackson, A. L. M. Bergen fy Staten Island - 1757 Jacob Rutsen Hardenberg Old Raritans - - - 1758 Eilardus Westerloo, Is. fil. JVcto Mhany - - - 1760 Johannes Martinus Van Harlingen, Millston fy JVeto Schonnick -------- 1761 Gerardus Daniel Cock, Camp Sr Rhineheck - - 1762 Hermanus Meyer, 1763 Pomian fy Totoa - - - 1775 Isaacus Rysdyk, JVeio Hakkingsack fy Hopwel - - 1765 Warmoldus Kuypers, 1769 Hakkingsak Sf Schralenhurg 1771 Johannes Levingston, Th. Doct. Jfew Yorkj Eng Lang. 1770 Johan Daniel Gross, Kings-Town - - - - 1773 Christianus Fredericus F bring, 1770 J^Tew-Yorkf German Lang. 1773 Joh. Gabriel Gebhard, 1772 JVcmj- For A:, German Lang. Martinus Schoemaker, JVew Haarlem 8f Gravesend [Dirckj Romein, Thom. fr. Marbletown Sf Momhack. [Will™.] Linn, JVew York, Eng. Lang. - - - 1784 . . , Kuypers , Warm. fil. JVeio York - - 1784 .' - Some Places, Vacant. }. and, Xl%% - 1746 - 1748 f!.:^ - 1748 « ,, - 1750 - 1750 - 1756 • - 1761 ; , : : - 1753 <«'. '■ " 1757 i - ^ 1768 I -t <■ 1760 JVew .-, ■.'> , 1761 - 1762 ,-" , 1775 - 1765 nhurg 1771 Lang. 1770 - 1773 erman - 1773 ing. I ich. a ■ . 1784 m . 1784 XXII. PAPERS SBATW • T» 3Cnng Sslonh. 1 ; ■;^, -t ,* DIRECTOR KEEFTS PATENT TO THE TIDWN OF GRAVESEND. ANNO 1645. J-. • ■ ^ [Onresetid Betordi.] Whereas it hath pleased the High & Mighty Lords the Estates €tenl of the United Belgick Prov=«» — His Highness Fredrick Hendrick by y« grace of God Prince of Orange, &c. and 'the Rt Honourable y^ Lords Bewint Hebbers of the W.L Com- 'pany by theyr several Commissions under theyr hands and 'seales to give and grant unto me W" Kieft sufficient power ^afld authorities for the general rule & gouvemment of this Ptouince called the New Netherlands, & likewise for yo Set- tling of townes, collonies, plantations, disposing of y® land with- in this prouince, as by ye said Commissions more att large doth and maye appeare, Now Know yee whomsoever these Presents may any ways concerne that I, William Kieft, Gouvernor General! of this Prouince by vertue of y^ authoritie abovesaid & with y« ndtiice & consent of yo Councell of State heere established have giVfen and graun^ed & by virtue of these presents doe give grant & cdiffrrme unto yo Honoured Lady Deborah Moody, S' Hennry 'Moody Barronett, Ensign George Baxter & Sergeant James Hub- bSa^d theyr associates, heyres, executors, administrators, successofirs, asbighes, or any they shall join in associati ^ ith them, a certaine, 4jantitie or p'cel of Land, together with all y« hauens, harbotrs, Wtfers, creeks, woodland, marshes, and all other appurtenances thw^unto belonging, lyeihg & being uppon & about y« Westerhmfest parte of Longe Island & beginning at the mouth of a Creeke adja- bfeht to Coneyne Island & being bounded one y® westwards parte thtfeof with ye land appertaining to Anthony Johnson & Rob* PfeiiOyer & soe to rvn as farre as the westerftmost part of a cerbin pond in an ould Lidian field on the North side of y* plantation ^»j' f^- 630 PAPEBS RfXATING TO I I t of y^ said Robbert Pennoyer & from thence to runne direct East as farre as a valley begginning alt yo head of a flye or Marshe sometimes belonging to y* land of Hughe Garrettson & being bounded one the said side with the Maine Ocean, for them the s' pattenteeS) theyr associates hey res, executors, adminis'*, successourS) assigns, actuallie reallie & perpetuallie to injoye & pocesse as theyr owne free land of inheritance and it to improve &» manure according to their owne discretic ns, with libertie likewise for them the s*^ pattentees, theyr associates, heyres, and successours and assignes to put what cattle they shall think fitting to feed or graze upon the afores^ Conyne Island, forther giving granting & by rertue of these presents Wee doe give & graunt unto the s^ Paten- tees theeir associates beyrs & successours full power & authoritie uppon tho said land to build a towne or townes the advice of them to apprise the lands, goods catties & chatties wt'^in the above s^ jurisdict" & belongs to the partie condemned as afores"^ to y« full valleu & then to sell ihem to any that will paye, that sattisfactlon & paiement may be made according to the sentence of y^ appointed men ; Likewise giuing & graunting & by virtue hereof wee doe- give & graunt unto y° said Pattentees, Iheyre associates heyres, successours &c full power & authoritie to Elect & nominate a certaine officer amongst themselves to execute the place of a Scoute & him likewise to present annuallie to the Gouernor General! of this Province to bee established and confirmed to w"** s"^ officer soe chosene confirmed, Wee doe hereby give & graunt as large & ample power as is usuallie given to y« Scoutes of any Village in Holland for the suppression or preven- tion of any disorders that maye theyr arise, or to arrest andnpp'hend the body of any Criminall, Malefactouer or of anye that shall by worde or act disturbe the publick tranquilletie of this Province or civill peace of the inhabitants wt''in the above s'l jurisdict" &him, them & her so arrested or apprehended to bring or case to be brought before the Gouernor Gen'i of this Province & theyre by way of Processe declare against the P'tie soe offending ; farther Wee doe give & graunt unto the P'tentees theyr nssociates heyres &c free libertie of hawking, hunting, fishing, fowling within the above s'' limitts; & to use or exercise all manner of trade & com- merce according as *he Inhabitants of this Province may or can by Virtue of any Priviledge or graunt made unto them, inducing all and singular y« s^ patf^* theyr associates, heyres &c with all & singular the immunities & priueledges allready graunted to y" Inhabitants of this Prov<=« or hereafter to be graunted, as if they were natives of the United Belgick Provinces, allways prouided the s'^ patten*'^* y"" associates heyres &c shall faithfully acknowledge & reverently respect the above named High Mightie Lords &c. for they' Supe- 1 n I I h VAttta liEIlATtNG TO M'4 riottr Lords & patrons & in all loialtie & fidellitie demeane them- ii^ykrtie soe doing shall att the end of the ten yeares afforesaid paye at cause to be paid to an officer deputed as afores^ such reasohable flattbfact° in butter and cheese as other Inhabbat" of other townes shall doe in the like cases : LikeAvise injoyning the said patten- tentees theyre associates heyres &c in the dating of all public instruments to use the New Style vf^^ the w*» & measure of this place. Given under my hand & Scale of this Prouince this 19*'» of December in the fort Amsterdam in New Netherland. 1645. Signed Wilhem Kieft. Endorsed) — ^Ter oidonnantie van de H' Direct' Generael & Raden van Nieuw Nederlandt. CoENELis Van TiENHouEN, Secret!. iJMfa IBLAKD. 0S» tlaem- [nhabi- m [be] dtoan sfortbe B by the andedto I gardens id, and in lall only then the said paye easohable ler towncB Ad patten- all public ire of tlus le this 19^'' id. 1645. A KlEFT. ienerael & SecretT. In the name of the LORD — Amen. Dkbcription of the Founding or Beginning of New Utrecht| for the information of us and our successors. Together with their Grants and Privileges likewise the names of their officers and magistrates thereunto added and that from the year Sixteen hundred seven and fifty, also the names of the first Patentees and farmers, for the encouragement and information of their posterity. AD. 1657 1668 1659 1660 T%e beginning and progress of Jfew Vtreckt. This land was originally granted to the Heer Cornelis Van Werckhoven, who was born in Utrecht in the Netherlands, and who here personally undertook to plant a colonic. After some years he returned to his Fatherland, where he died. On his return to the Netherlands he left in his place as his agent one Jaques Cortelliau. After the death of his late Lord, Cortelliau having no means in his hands to procure settlers to plant and found Uie colonic, was advised not to allow the beautiful land to lie unfruitful and without inhabitants, and as he was assured that such a course was in direct opposition to the orders and placards of the Noble anh Right Honorable LorJs Directors of the West India Company at Amsterdam, our Patrons, as also of the Noble Lord Director General Petrus Stuy vesant and the Counsellors Nicasius DeSille, and Johan Montagne Senor., he concluded to present to the Director General and Counsellors the following Petition : — To the Noble and Right Honorable Lord Director General and Council of New Netherland : Whereas no lands here can be laid out and settled except with your Honors' approbation and consent, therefore the petitioner addresses himself to your Honoiv^ for consent to fonnd a Town on Long-Island on the Bay of the North River. was lugned Ja. Cobt£lliav. Agent for the heirs of the deceased Cornelis Van Werckhoven. 634 PAPERa RELATIMO TO If '?l i In the margin stood, " let the petition be ■granted provided that they di;liver by the first opportunity, a map thereof, to the director Genera! .nd Council. Dated fortress Amterdara in New Nether- land, this 16th January A. D. 1657. Underneath which was written, By Order of the Right Honora- ble Director General and Council of New Netherland. Subscribed by C. V Ruyven, Secretary. Liberty being thus given to commence the settlement, Jaques Cortelliau laid out and surveyed the place, and divided it into 20 lots containing 25 morgen (50 acres) each, which lots were granted to the following patentees who were desirous of making a settlement j — Jaques Cortelliau The Lord Councillor &, Fiscal Nicasius de Sille Fieter Buys Jacob Hellickers alias Swart Joncker Jacobus Corlear Johan Tomasse Rutgert Joosten Pieter Roelofise Cornelis Beeckman, Johan Zeelen Albert Albertsen William Willemsen Huybert Hoock Pieter Jansen Jan Jacobson Jacobus Backer Jacob Pietersen, Claes Claessen, Teanis Joosten. The above named individuals having received their lots, came together so as speedily to advance the place by sowing, planting and building on their lots. Whereof the first was Jacob Hellekeers Swart, he having a small square house made of clap- boards standing in Gravesend which he tore down and removed to the town. On this because they could not begin altogether and alike and for the purpose of setting a good example to the common people and for their encouragement, the Lord Councillor and Fiscal (Attorney General) Nicasius De Sille, Peter Buys and Rutgert Joosten on the 8* of November 1657 sent for the above named Jacob Swart, who was a master builder, for the purpose of having each a house built, and warranted completed in May 1658. This could not be accomplished, because the hoifte of the Heer de Sille was designed to be 36 feet in length, but afterwards on the 31*^ of May 1658, he directed 6 feet to be added, making LONG ISLAND. f.S5 Udtbat DirectoT Nethe^ ■ I ' ' ' Honora- retary. it, Jaques it into 20 lots were of making iir lots, came ing, planting '^ was Jacob uade of clap- and removed iltogether and to the common !ouncillor and iter Buys and for the above pr tbe purpose [pleted in May le boxfte of tbe but afterwards idded, making it 42 feet, and thi^* was tbe first house in the town which was covered with red tiles. It was, including the garden, enclosed with high palisades set close together. After the above 3 houses, Johnckeer Jacob Corlaer also erected a house, and then Cornelis ^iBecckman with his companion Willem Willemse erected one which shortly after was burnt. Some of the above named 20 settlers abandoned their lots, and others came in their places by whom the cultivating ibd building were undertaken. In 1659 it was evident that the village did not prosper in its buildings and agriculture ; this induced the wellwishers of the same to employ Jacques Cortelliau, the surveyor, to carry to the Director General and his council!, in the name of all of them, the following petition : Petition. To the Noble and Right Honorable Lord and Director General and Council of New Netherland : 1. The town of New Utrecht, with your consent, at the great cost and expense of some, having been begun and founded, wo therefore humbly desire that those who as yet have only gone to the expense of fencing their lots, may be warned also to build on the same, on pain of forfeiture of said lots. 2. That those who have sold their lots for considerable money, without having been subject to any cost except the simple fencing, may be ordered to restore the money received over and above the cost of same. 3. That every lot should be bound to have a man who shall keep the front of the lot in repair and remove whatever falls, so that men should not be bound to look after absentees, which cannot be done without incurring expense. 4. That Antony Jansen Van Sale may be warned to drive in the woods his horses, hogs, and cattle, the same as is practised by others, so as to prevent their spoiling and eating the pasture from the meadows, by which the whole Town is injured, and •wh ask for power to place them in the pound when found in said meadows. 5. That Antony Jansen, maintaining the meadows to be his which IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ^ /. (./ ^ ,^^ <^ 1.0 I.I ilM 121 ■50 1^ 1^ 12.2 2.0 ■*' I'D 1.8 11-25 11.4 11.6 7] /w f Hi '/ /A Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 ^ m» PMMk'iktJMxa TO iill lib k' ii^ ^Hi '^ b^ >ii4d boN^t of die Iiiditos %hi6h coold not be ddne witlidlit ' ^^e >apJ)y6btitioti ^of jt%if enough 'to ^^k^^ the cattle; 'We ^ ttei^fbre |>etiti6n ytJu, noble' lind right Ubnorable Lords, for '>i(iiol3ier' *pieliie to be giveh us tit Citiari^y mA itataedliitely tised. 7. That the inhabitants of the Town may have the benefit of the same exemptions and freeddm thiat other new towns have. ^ ^i^thig liereupbn for a i^vorable ieinsWer from y6u, hoble and right Honorable L'brds,' liremain ybtir liumble servant Jaques '^itrtifrnaiu ; &hd this ihe boniniiinity isedk. €b' Vhi^ t^etition to ^he Noble and ri^ht Honorable Lord Director 'HWftelral Petals Stuj^^ht MA Cbundl, NlcasittS de Sille 'first ^^tttttHbillbr,' aiid PetrUs Toiineniaii and Johan de Decker on the 12th of May 1659 gate 'the follbWing'ali6Wer : ^ii^tion 6f Six days after jproof of the dsHnquency of any htf 'tb»Wet> tb the Sd ii< inteyttSXed in the^bote ; but further. :i '.. »le Lords, 'peaceable nsent, and iiibabitaiits vrelt maiiy llasbtikers, )f the costs ten di"vided ^ cattle }*^e c L6ifdS|for diately i<**d. leftefit of the as have, n you, hoblc ervant Jaques LotdDitector deSitle first er on the 12th the follovriiig iliAed in the ordaitfid that Day be should 1, or cause the period of six the Fiscal is Id Council, ^t juency of any lal as maybe , pay' the first |6vemeW8'*n*y • Ijttt further, I4>Nai«bA|li>r ^fiSm^ mifm% jnH^r/Bv th^i^ th^^tr^e t»1ii« of (hit,ieMsipe^ ud ^^,h^,^8^eypeft4^4lin.hi8Cultilyatioi»i oC his'lotibcludiijgi the ^SfO^hWiiOy^^^^^Wir'J All re pplnjt ; It is ordered that e,very man, as well in the WJ^. ^W^ "^OW, 0^ Utrep^ a? ip, olhpr. Vi^ Jvm^: cpp^fltjpg ^jt ^ffft ^W^eyiflg |0r a h^Jet, who, .obtains, a lot .or . bu^VUpg pip|» pjjj^, tftij^ti all ap4;cypry.,oneffomnQwfprth;Whp,hj»Si so^^tiPR: obj^med,Ian.d8}musVspek and obtain thef^foi;,pfoperiPffteiit«, aq^ ^i|^ obtawed lapds they must speedily, und^rt^k^ to plpn^, a^^^-^ cultivate, and at the least from th,p proce^g^ o;r;tb^,pf|jt^,b(]iff residing and kept thereon onp. able,, bodied man. Q^ the.4thi aj^ Sth^points ; the, FispaVw^s ordpred.tp np^y Jbl^opy Va^ ^s^lee to k^cp h?s cattle ap.d.hpg8 o^^,of % ^f^^ Mjfiy 1^9. A^ipft^ t|ip aboyp stands? By order of thp Nol^^fi, ]^d i^ght Honorable Lord, anil PijCpctp^ General apd , Coppf^l. of, the New-Netherland : Witno^^ C. y %vvw^ Secret^. The order of the 3Pth of January 1659 referred to in the aps?»er, t^^the.li^t^isas^fpllpws: < <<- . f ^ ,. > M . » Prodatnafumr All persons agre hereby notified and informed, that those, v^ijo h^v^pbjtaippd Ip^ 0/ plap^tioni?^ ip, ik% p^ew^y.spttlp^ To^p ol :H I 11 I 638 PAPKM BXLATINO TO Utrecht, are hereby directed within six weeks from the date hereof, to prepare to plant and fence the same, also to seek and obtam of the Secretary of the Director General and Council proper Deeds, on penalty of forfeiture of the lots, which will be given to others who may desire them. Of this all are hereby warned. Done by order of the Right Honorable Director General and Oouncil of New-Netherland, at Fort Amsterdam in New-Nether^ land this 30th January 1669. Witness C. V Rttyven, Secretary. After the preceding there was another Proclamation applying to the Town of Utrecht, first published by the Director General and Council on the 9th of October 1655, republished and renewed on the 80th December 1658 at Fort Amsterdam, and again on the 7th of January 1659 proclaimed from the Stadt-house at Fort Amsterdam for the benefit of the farmers. Proclamation. The Director General and Council of New Netherland daily hear great complaints that the posts, rails, clapboards, and other fencing, made with great cost and trouble of the inhabitants, (for the preservation of the crops) around their sowed lands and gardens, are stolen during both night and day, the efiect of which is that the cattle come in and destroy the crops, which discourages future planting and sowing, and we also fear that it will happen that in consequence of all the lands and gardens being bare of fencing during the coming winter, the sowed grain will not flourish, and that next season the crops will not be worth mowing : Therefore the Lord Director General and Council notify the Burgomasters and Schepens of their Towns not to allow and expressly to forMd injuries of this kind, and they also hereby notify all of what state or condition they may be, that they are hereby warned and expressly forbid from this time forth, not to make bare or strip any gardens, sowed, or planted places, of posts, rails, clapboards, or other fencing, on pain when found doing the same in part or in whole, for the first offence of being whipped and branded, and for the second offence of being hung with a cord till death follows, without favour to any person : and whoever after the date hereof shall give information of any person guilty of robbing the land of m< I LOHOItLAMD. ^ 639 date bereofi : and obUdn mcil proper (rill be given reby warned. General and New-Nether- , Secretary, ition applying rector General 1 and renewed d again on the house at Fort ►therland daily ards, and other nhabitants, (for [ds and gardens, which is that icourages future nil happen that ibare of fencing ot flourish, and jing: Therefore Burgomasters >ressly to forbid [ll of what state ty warned and ■ebare or strip lils, clapboards, ime in part or id branded, and [1 death follows, the date hereof (ingthelandof posts, rails, or clapboards, shall be rewarded therefor and his name concealed : every one is hereby warned. All done in the Assembly at Fort Amsterdam in New Nether- lands on the 9ti> of October 1655. The inhabitants of the Town being diligent in the obserrance of the foregoing order or command, the Fiscal thereupon drew out of the Company's book the following copy concerning the meadow land, not knowing in whom it was lodged : Petrus Stutvesant Representative of the Noble High and liTighty the Lords States General of the United Netherlands, and the Lord Administrator of the Priviledged West India Company, Director General of New Netherland, Cura^oa, Bonayre, Aruba, and the appendages thereunto belonging, hath with the consent of the Council, on the petition and supplication made to us on the date underneath written, showing the need of the inhabitants of the new begun Town of Utrecht and of those who might hereaAer dwell there, allowed untc them as to others a parcel of meadow land lying on Long Island by the easterly Hook of the Bay of the North River, over against Conyen Island, including the kills, creeks, ponds, reeds, drowned and sand lands within its bounds. Containing 130 morgen (260 acres) Bounded on the westerly side by land of Antony Jansen Van Sale, north- easterly by the kill on which Gravesend mill is situated. East south-easterly by the same kill, and south-westerly by the Bay of the North River. Hereunto witness my hand and seal (in red wax) in Amsterdam in New Netherland this 27 August 1667. Thereupon having assembled together in the Town of Utrecht in May A. D. 1659, for the purpose of drawing for the meadows, it being understood that the Director General and Council directed that the plantation of the Lord Werckhoven should draw two lots, and also Antony Jansen Van Sale two, and having divided the same into 24 lots, they were drawn as follows : 1. Jonker Jacob Curler, 13. Nicasius De Sille, Fiscal, 2. Albert Albertse, 3. Jan Zelen, ' 4. Jacob Backker, ' ' 6. Willem Willemse, 14. Pieter Roeloffe, 15. Jaques Cortilliau, 16 Teunis Joosten, 17. RuthJoosten< PAPHM HM. 16g9» Kereupon did the Fiscal N. DeSillesend a Halbeid. Shortly thereailer the inhabitants of, the Town coinp]»iqed>,thf|l{ they- were badly provided with powder and lead',: an4 als thi^f some of them had no guns, they demred that the Fieical; wonldi pnovide them at their own cost with the same,; thwy haYiftg.recotirsi». to him inasmuch as theyhad heard the Director Qeneml and, Cqiwi^ Qil |iad appointed him Scout (Sheriff) over the; To,woi of Utreeh^A The Lord General on the 6^i> of October 1659, withmany soldicgrsi who were volunteers, a company of Citizens, -with this Qrp.i^g^ banner,, and a company of English wellwishers,; went to £s(9pns to fight the Indians. Thereupon having charge of the Townron; beiialf of the company, I sent out of my own armoury ai4. follows : ^,^^^ 10 light muskets, 25 lb balls, ^,,__ 'J' 25 lb powdery 10 cartridge boa(f% •r^hca, 2 bunches gun matches. The Town therefore is charged at the following; rate :t^1 lb powder, one gwlder in bevers, or 30 stuy vers in wampumi) or 25 stuyvers in wheat; 1 lb lead, 6 stuyvers; 1 musket andv cartridge box, 8 guilders in wampum and a match in proportion ; also with one hour glass and a writing book. ^.j^aitW ItW ,e fiv m' UKaioua,. LOQ ; Also with Thereaftfr it happened that »!,. • i. v *' Albert Albert.^, Ha™«. C«„t^5 *|"»'^«»'* «^-'"* He«el.e, Mrf Jacob Van Curiae, "i^^ ?*'"<»«. Kete, umW in a p.,iUon to the Kt^I ^ *•,"" ^ O«ob.r 1669 wWohthey handed to «,eRC'°'»«"i "«!««»«« f«r relief, t. «,d it in cn.e,«enc .f ^.^,^1^5 ^r?' ""* "^8 abl The Fidtal then gave ordertnT-v"^ *• '""^ which .l,n. had a «,e Jo'X f.^"^, """»'' «» ho.^. M J Van C„,he,, .g.^, „n "t 26^^?"' ^"'"" ^"'"'»" «« Fboal oomplaini^fof . J'^ wrdlTb'^' "»*• "■ con«q„enc. rf the inefficiency o^hp f "^ *' ■"«»' » l»d a mind to b, nedectful i??„.v """^ " "»« «''«y al«, ^The above and «Liri!,^:,t"f„rd''rt''' """ *« -" Fiacal much mnning ,bo„t ™d „?• i ''"*"''»''««' «"«ed the aot know what i»nfediate,v to do .t^" ^T' «'*•«'» W .cc.pt the .flic, of Sheriff of th.'-?^"'"?!? '^«"' «' »<« to -"Oh as be conld do to Bake l!° l"*^""' ■» <1« a. U«» were nn^be^ed on the 6.. Ketl^t.^:;!.,^:;^''-"'^ H«t(r«Joort«,, i"*'^^„ Jacob Swart, ^q»« Cortillian « b«» ' j.»b Pi.,.,.e, ' :i/.,. Teuni,Yd.„e Aelbert jUlbert*. «.»■.«. KlaesSmit, 41 ■ - ■■•"■ ■ ft 3 643 PAPERS RELATIKG TO • t .,' I - plot farm and meadows, which ia as follows : A lot on the plain lying South East of the shore or strand way, and North-West of the land of Ruth Joosten, in width 12 rods, and in length 26 rods: tie lantl known as lot No. 9 being in width 26 rods, and lying Northeast against the land of Jacobus Backer, South-west by the \illage of NeW|-Utrecht, stretching Scuth-east and contain- i ig 25 Mnrgens (50 acres); also a piece in the meadows numbered 13, containing 3 morgens. ^'ow I shall insert in full the Fiscal's Patent, so that all persons mcy understand when they become liable to pay the tenth of the produce of their lands to the governiuent, to which provision all are liable from the date of the first patent whether they take them up or not. 1^ .';; Pethus Stuytesavt on the behalf of the Noble High and Mighty Lords the States General of the*^United Netherlands, and Noble Lord and Director of the Priviledged West India Company of the Chamber at Amsterdam, Director General of New Netherland, Cura^oa, Bonayre, Aruba, with their appendages, with the consent of the Noble Lords of the Council witness and declare", that We on the date hereunto underwritten, have given & granted to Nicasius de Sille, a parcel of land lying on Long Island in the Town of New Utrecht, known as number nine, in width 26 rods, bounded on the north-east by land of Jacob Backer, on the South-west by the village, and stretching South- east to the woods, containing 25 morgens (50 acres); also a piece of meadow land known as number 13 containing 3 morgens ; also a building plot on the plain South-east of the shore or strand way, lying North-west of Ruth Joosten, in breadth 12 rods, and in len^ 25 rods ; on the express condition and terms that the said Nicasius de Sille, or those who hereafter may obtain the same, acknowledge for his Lord and Patron, the Noble Lord Director above mentioned under the Sovereignty of the Noble, High and Mighty Lords of the States General, and in all things as a good inhabitant obey the Director General and Council, subject at the expiration of ten years after date, when required by the Lord Patrons, to the payment of the tenth, also to the other charges V LOIIO ttLAKD. 648 I the plain h-West of length 26 } ro(l8, and South-west tnd contain- rs numbered tt all persons tenth of the provision all ley take them )\c High and Netherlands, ,d West India ieneralofNew [r appendages, -U witness and 'n, have given lying on Long number nine, land of Jacob retching South- })j also a piece morgens j also or strand way, [2 rods, and in iS that the said [tain the same, Lord Director ,ble. High and ings as a good subject at the .d by the Lord other charges •ad flenricet to which all the inhabitants of the land are liable when occasions arise to require the same ; constituting over the same the beforenamed Nicasius De Sille in our place the actual possessor of the aforesaid parcel of land, giving him with the same, complete right, authority, and special charge of the afores^d parcel of land for cultivadon, dwelling, and use, the same as he might have with his other patrimonial lands and effects vrithout our having any further claim thereon : But in behoof aforesaid desistmg from all such from henceforth and forever, promising to keep firm, valid, and inviolable this conveyance, and to perform all its engagements justly, and to stand to the same without craft or subtlety, is this by Us subscribed, sealed in red wax, and confirmed; At Amsterdam in New Netherland this 22' day of January 1660. Signed PBiaus Stuyvebant. , (Here follows another Patent to De Sille for No. 8.) On the 16ti> of February 1660, Jacob Van Curler, and Jan Tomassen who had the overught and charge of the Town, sent to the Fiscal N. de Sille a letter of complaint and also one of enquiry, in the first of which they complained about the bad management in the Town of Utrecht to the injury of the well meaning ; they also complained of certain ring leaders who they would not name, hoping they would repent and do better in future ; they looked for and expected to have sent to them the p^tiv^^d Negroes of the Company to set palisades around the village as thought and spoken of by the Director Oeneral and Council : if they are not ^nt they derired to resign their situations and to have others appointed in their places. Herewith they send to the Fiscal, draughts of rules which they desire to have put in operation in the Town and which in short wre as follows : 1. An order relating to cattle and hogs jumping over and breaking the fences. 2. An order relating to the saving of powder and lead. 3. An order relating to the building plots of the inhabitants. 4. An order relating to those who own lands but neglect to culti- vate and build on the same, and who remain outside the place. When the Fiscal had read the above he drew the following 6A4 PAVIU ULATUIO TO Pttition and joined to the aame an Ordinance according to kis- Qwn judgioent) and on ikt 23 day of February 1660 delivered tlie aame. T» the NoUe and Right honorable Lord and Dueetor QeyMral and Council of New Nethcrland. It is repreaented to your Honor by the orderly iBhabitantn of the Town of New Utred^i that they have among them some abacnteea and evil doera, who refuse to listen to reason and aet in an orderly ^tanner, but always are contrary ami troublesome, yea, will not obey the Serjeant Jan Tomas^e, of which some tiiBO ago notice was given to you the Noble and Right Honorable Lord ; several times the Fiscal haa been written to in relation to the great trouble and injury caused by horses, cattle and hogs and consequent damages, also that they refuse to listen to and obey the orders of Jacob Curlear and Jan Tomasse in relatiOB to cutting palisades ; we therefore humbly seek in the first place that you Noble and lUght Honorable Lord, will be pleased to send the promised Negroes for 8 days, and also to approve of the aoeompwying ordinances dr^iwn for the Town, and to favour ua with such others as you Noble and Right Honorable Lord, may ttiiRk necessary: This do, kc. Was subscribed, i) To the Noble and Right Honorable Lord in the name of the orderly Uihabitanta of New Utrecht by your humble servant »' "' NlCASIUB D£ StLLM, ' Amsterdam in N. Netherland this 23d Feb. 1060. On the above written date the Fiscal personally delivered the fbllowing to the Council which was ordered to be enforced. 1. Those who have obtained lots and plantations in the Town of * New Utrecht are notified properly to fence the same. 2. They shall acknowledge and obey as Serjeant the person Jan Tomasse. 3. Also to acknowledge the same Jan Tcnnasse and Jacob Van Curlear as overseers over all, and to obey the orders they receive of the Noble and Right Honorable Lord IXrector General and ^ Council, and to proceed in the first place with all hands txumuLAxn. iig to ki» delivered or Qe)M»^ abiiantn of them 89ine ion Md aet Liottblitome, whioh tome Hi HoBowWe ,o iu relfation Ule and bogs Vieten t* and 5 in »eVat*ott to 1 be pleased to approve of the a to favour ua b)e liiwdj may «bacnbad> he name of the le servant ly deBvered the k enforced ► i» the Town of [same, the person Jan land Jacob Van Iderstbey receive Ijtor General and 1 vitb all hands ^th posts and rails properly to fence in the village, alto the plantations. 4. Also that Village or Building lots be properly fenced, to pM- vent one and another receiving damage from horses, cattle or hogs. <5. So therefore to promote the prosperity of the Town and for the benefit of the in-dwellers and of those who may hereafter come, the Director General and Council directs, that they from now henceforth obey the person Nicanus de Sille asthmr oiRcer and Jacob Corker and Jan Tomassf as his assistants for the purpose of allaying all differences that may happen. 6. Another, that all the inhabitants assist in inclosing the village (with palisades,) and that the work be divided among them, so that everj one may know the portion he is to keep in order. 7. And, that every person who neglects to keep his part in order or tight, 80 that others in consequence receive damage, shall be liable not only to make good the damage, but also be fintd It .guilders for the first neglect and double that amount for the second. B. Also, every person shall properly iuclose his village plot, to prevent the neighbours receiving damage from cows, horses or hogs, on pain of the above mentioned penalty, but if the cattle, break through, one or two of them may be caught and shut up in the public pound until the damage is made good and the penalty paid. 9. Also, the inhabitants shall build in the middle of the Village a good Blockhouse, in which they shall make provision for a grain mill for the convenience of the people, on the penalty of 12 guilders for every one that neglects to assist. 10. In like manner they shall build a public pound for the cattle which commit damage, on the penalty of 2 guilders for each person who refuses. 11. Also, they shall cut down all the trees standing within gnn shot of the village, so that they may see afar off, on penalty of 6 guilders a-day. 12. Also those to whom powder and lead are given for the ptiblio are forbid to use it for shooting venison or game, nor tAiall • . A 646 PAPCml AlLATlltO TO 9 they laTishly squander it, on penalty of restoring four timet as much as given to them by the officer or his assistants. 13. And) for the purpose of purchasing and obtaining good ammunitioni the Director General and Council order for the Town of New-Utrecht, that they who slaughter oxen, "' ". ) calves, hogs, or goats, for consumption in the town, shall be 1 taxed for each guilder (40 cents) of their value, one stnyver , (2 cents); and those who do not produce their animals for • valuation previous to slaughtering shall forfeit the same for the f benefit of the officer, tl\e Town, and the informer. 14. And, those who absent themselves are notified to perform the ' part of the work which is allotted to them, for neglect of which c their lots will be taken from them, and furthermore those who ' neglect to build around their village plots, will have the same ' *: given or allowed for building purposes to those who live outside ' the village. 15. And, that no man may pretend ignorance hereof, we direct ' that these our ordinances be immediately made public and that the Scout Fiscal and Assistants be notified to proceed to execute the same. And that without conniving, they proceed against ' those who transgress said ordinances, they being promulgated ' for the benefit of the Town of New Utrecht. q : Thus done &c. 23d Feb. 1660. ' On the 25*1> of February accompanied by my deputy Resolveertt Waldron, I came to the village of New-Utrecht with the above ordinances, and made the same public, and also posted a copy of the same, signed with my hand and dated as above, on my house. NicAsius DB Sills. The original of the preceding is in the hand writing of the Secretary Jacob Curlaer and dated as above written. N.B.ThUwM forgotten) The Director General and Council of New to bo ontdf od lu lit nropof \ p>Mc. ) Netherland, hereby authorize and qualify the Noble Lord Nicasius de Sille, member of the Council and Fiscal to appoint a substitute to perform his duties as Scout (sheriff) in the Town of New Utrecht, until the Director General and Goun dl see fit to commit the same to some other suitable person. "•OWO WLAJIB, The Lord General P which he was assisted bv the ill' . ""IP'"* <»uld afford, '"I and hi. attendants regained b„fasr. .^' ^''«"" Oe.- began with much strength to c t S,.*''" "I "« 26" inst! forP.l«ades. There came howerr. "m''1"""' »P«' 'l-'m wo consequently couldnotrem! „;:'•■'" '» ''"=" «■« *-«caI, with the Bui^omaster, Paul„s r '7^ „ "' "« ^mmissioned Backer Schepen, to ^o.:^ n Z 'r;!!" « ''"'' ""' *«»^ W (Delaware). When he reto™t ! ,*'"•"' ""« South ..dosed with pa,«adea to his l;^!^^ found the Vil^ At this time Jacob Backer m,j i •ccept of his improved lot I , . """ '^' •« "o-W "ot • Scout and officer ^Nical t Sn't:; "" f °™««-i "^ of the consequences, on „h,ch he ai ! T""""^ ™'™«' Wm .othing to do with tie Cd muZlT •"'' "' *"'"<' bav. "". Lord General gave it toWl X '?"• ''» «"" uuicer de tulle and on the 27tii #1. I M8 PAPEES RSLATIN6 TO ]'" -m ;l* of May issued an order to the surveyor, to survey the same as follows : One lot known as No 8, in width 26 rods, lying oh the Southwest side of the land of the said Fiscal and on the Kortheast side of the land of Arien Willemse, stretching South East towards the woods containing 26 morgens (50 acres); and also a lot in the meadows known as No 4, containing 3 morgens. Besides the above, the Village plot attached to the aforesaid lands is also to be includdd in the patent. At this time we discovered that we had an insufficient quantity of meadow to supply the wants of our increased quantity of cattle. We were advised to apply to the Lord General and Council for another piece of meadow for the use of the Town situated in the Canarse meadows. We therefore several times spoke to the Lord General in relation to said meadows. On the 12th of June 1660, the General with the Fiscal and Van Ruy ven came over and taking Curlaer and Jan Tomasse, went to the Canarse, where the meadows were shown to the Lords. Upon this the Lord General and Council made provision for the Town, and gave them a piece of meadow extending from Varcketis (Hogs) hook to the Vischers (fisher's) hook, where the fisherman Hoom had placed his house. The Secretary Cornells Van Ruy ven was notified of this and directed to deliver to the Town a writing securing to them the aforesaid meadows. ' ; In February 1660, as well as previously, several proclamations and ordinances had been published, in which those who lived separately and outside the villages, were charged in the name of the Director General and Council of the New-Nethevland, to abandon their separate dwellings and destroy them, or at least to unroof them, and to transport themselves and their gOods into the adjoining villages, on the penalty, in the first place of the confiscation of all their goods upon all who from the aforesaid time are found residing in separate dwellings or farm houses. Those who do not remove by the 18 of May will also be liable to a penalty of 50 guilders, to be paid immediately and also to have their houses unroofed at their expense. After this it happened that several persons who resided outside the village paid no attention to the above order, among whom was sk LdKG iixuitd. m B same as , lying on ind on the aing Scfuth aicres); an^ 3 inoTgexis. resaid lands lent quantity quantity of General and of tbe Town several times iWS. he Fiscal and Toma88e,went to tbe Lord*, ovision for the fTomVarclcens B the fisherman V,sVanRnyv8«» Town a writing il proclamations hose who live^ 1 in the name of j-Nethevland, to [m, or at least to [their gdodsinto iirst place of the am the aforesaid [or farm houses. Ill also be liable [ately and also to io resided outside imong'w^o*"'^* a Mr. Stilwel, who hid purchased the hnd of Antony Jwisfen Van Sake, Turck, but he made satisftition to the Dir6ctorGenettil 4ttd Council for the same. Also another was Albert Albertse whb hired a part of the plantation of C. Van WerckhoTeA on the Najack j he excused himself on the ground of being on hii'fed land, and regarded not the Lords order, in consequence of which the Fiscal ex officio brought him on the 19th of August 1660, before the high Council in Fort Amsterdam, and complained of his refusal to obey the ordinance. He was condemned and sentenced as follows, afler which he came and resided in the vil* lage of Utrecht which lay near his lands : By the Director General and Council of Ihe New Nttherlaftd on a hearing of the parties ; We condemn Albert Alberts^ n\h)i Lintweyer,to amends by paying the penalty of 60 guilders ad ^^ir proclamation, and to stand imprisoned until the fine be paid. On this sentence, after being imprisoned, he paid the fin^ aAd then removed within the village of New Utrecht. , In this year it happened that one Picter Roeloffe sold his htivlik and building plot in the villdge of Utrecht to oiiie Jan Zeeldr, and was about selling his farm and meadows, on which he UkA performed very little labour, to another man ; on this Jan Zeelen applied to the Director General and Council to have the said lands given to him, knowing that under the circunistances such lands fell to the Director General and Council. They granted his request and allowed and permitted to the said Jan Zeelen the lot in question known as No. 18, no man being allowed to sell lands for which he had no patent, without liberty first obtained from the public authorities, neither was it lawful to alienate the same. This took place on the 16th of Jan. 1660. In the month of October of this year it came to the eaf^ 6f the Fiscal, that an individual had done amiss in the village, frotn which evil consequences were likely to flow. To punish etil doers, frighten the vicious, and produce tranquillity for the go6d, the Fiscal sent to the Village half a dozen shackels with an iroh rod and a good lock. Oderunt peccare Mali formidine poense. Oderunt peccare Boni Virtutis amore. 'A. (^ PAPERS RELATIMG TO In this year, 1660, the Fiscal, Jan Van Cleef and his friend, bought of Jacob Wolfertse Van Couwenhoven, for the use of the inhabitants of the town of Utrecht, a Horse Mill with the appur- tenances which had been used for grinding in Amsterdam on the Manhattans. The mill stones and the mill work were brought and set up in the Village of Utrecht. The friend of Jan Van Cleef, without the knowledge of the Fiscal, sold out his third part to said Jan Van Cleef, the Fiscal being security for both of them, and having paid out already more than 400 guilders (|160) on account of the mill. The Fiscal seeing that Jan Van Cleef did not prosper, and that the last day of pay- ment was near at hand, threatened to prosecute and compel him to act justly. On this Jan Van Cleef sought a buyer to sell the mill to, at the same time the people desired the Fiscal to buy the mill, but he reAised, neither would he sell his third part, having in view the benefit of the Town and the eonvenience of the , inhabitants. In consequence of this Jan Van Cleef was under the necessity of selling his two thirds to Albert Albertse, and the mill remained in the town of Utrecht, the Fiscal remaining unwilling to sell his third part. . > u ■'^'•^^^ Proclamation on Slaughtering. The Director General and Council of New Netherland : To all who see this Edict or hear the same read Health. Be it known that daily complaints are made to us confirmed by proofs, of the taking from the plains, cows, hogs, and other cattle, belonging to the various nations of Indians, and slaughtering and selling of the same by Christians, or by men who go by the name of Christians; to prevent such acts this Edict is promulgated. The Director General and Council, to prevent the above mentioned evil prac- tices, from this time forth hereby expressly interdict and forbid the slaughtering any cattle, calves, hogs, sheep, or goats, by any person or by the owners of the same, in the Towns, plains, villa- ges, and Hamlets of this Province, unless the owner of such animals on the same day on which he intends to slaughter them informs either the magistrate of the town under whose jurisdiction he readesi or such person as may be authorized by the magistrate LONG ISLAND. kn 6&1 A friend, tse of the le appuT- erdam on ork vrere he friend i8cal, sold }cal being more than seal seeing day of pay- compel him to sell the il to buy the part, having lence of the yas under the rtse, and the lal remaining to act in his place, of his intention and obtains a permit for slaughtering said animal, on the penalty of the confiscation of the slaughtered animal, and also of paying double its value. For every permit the owner shall pay to the magistrate or to the receiver appointed for that purpose for the benefit of the commu- nity, one stuyver (2 cts.) on every guilder the slaughtered animal is justly valued at. In all places the money obtained for such permits shall be reserved for times of need or diflBculty, and then be used to pay those who may be employed by the villages, to levy soldiers, and to purchase such ammunition as the occasion may require. The penalty for killing animals without a permit shall be divided as follows : one third to the informer, one third to the officer, and one third to the Town. Done in Fort Amsterdam in Ne\' Netherlands, this IS'h January 1660. The above is the ordinance of the Noble Lord IMrector General of New Netherland. Witness Cornelius Van RuTviaf, Secretary. On the e^h of Dec. 1660, I sent a petition to the Director General and Council, in which in consequence of my being con- fined to my house with a sore leg, I requested them to commit the supervision of the town of New Utrecht to the Heer Tonneman, Scout of New Amsterdam, and to authorize him, in my stead, to settle all controversies, misdeeds, and difficulties, also to stimulate the people to build dwelling houses, a block house and public pound, and to dig wells for the benefit of the community. My petition was sent to the General by my son Laurens de Sille, on which he sent me word that in 4 or 5 days he would personally go to New Utrecht for the purpose in the fiist place of putting every thing in good order. The Lord General in the mean time became sick and matters remained as they had been : I waited for his recovery and intend to wait and see what will follow. I now close this Introduction or Commencement of the Records the Town, all the preceding having been written by myself and my son Laurens as gathered from various sources and memory. I now deliver this book over to Jacob Van Curlaer, Secretary of the town of Utrecht, and to his assistant Jan Tomasse, who I if «59 tAWBM ll£LATINO tO dfeure for our benefit and that of our successors to continue the •ame in the manner in which it is begun. Cloaed this I5th Deer A. D. 1660 in Amsterdam by me NiGASIUS DE SiLLK. (In the back part of the book from which the above was trans^ lated is the following :) Short abstracts of proclamations or edicts relating to misde- toetmonk Sahhath ^iays not to be broken. lit. All persons are forbid selling Beer^ Winci or strong drink during divine service on the Sabbath, neither riiall they allow it to be drank in their houses, as per edict of the last of May, 1647, the 26ti> Sept. 1656, and 12t)' July 1657. ServatUs nfttr 9 o'clock. ■ ■- ' £'. AH persona are (Ot\M rfellmg it to servmts after 9 o'ddck. Ultimo May 1647. To the Indians. ^-^^ 3'. All persons are forbid selling strong drink to the Indians, according to the edict of the 26ti> Sept. 1656, and W^ July 1666. '^' Fences not to be i^jured. 4*^. All persons are forbid entering into the gardens, farms, or orchards of others ; they are forbid injuring the fruits growing in the same, also to break off the clapboards or other fencing with which the premises are enclosed. They are all directed to keep their fences in good order so that others receive no injury in consequence of their neglect, according to the edict of July 1"', 1647. ...iy.., .,h'i-)ii-- Fighting and itriking. 5*11. All fighting is forbid, drawing of knives, striking with the fist and wounding. Offenders to be punished as ordained in the edict of 16th DeCi '-> ' ' ' '^ Itinkeep&s. ' -: <-;xS^na>l ^u- :-' : All tavern keepers to be held liable for willingly permitting fighting or wounding in their houses, and when such breaches of iONG IBLAKD. 653 atinae tike me j-wagtrans^ g to misdc- strong drink il they ailow last of May, the tniiahs, and 12*^ J^i^y ,0 ■ "ill hu «■'*'• lens, farmsj or fruits growing r other fencing U all directed ^crs receive no to the edict of Hiring ^A the Is ordained in the .. • ■ 'V , -f .■ ■'■' fingly permitting suchhreachesof the peace take place, they shall inform the officer of the same, on penalty of having their trade stopped, and making the amends customary in Amsterdam, according to the edict of the 15^^ Dec'. 1657. g Barheri. The same law to operate in case fighting &c. should happen is the houses of Barhers according to the order of Amsterdam. Servants. Item. No person to criate difficulties between Master and Servants, nor induce Servants to come and live with him, neither shall he take in his service or harbour them in his house more than 24 hours without acquainting the Officer or Fiscal of the same, for servants shall be obliged to fulfil their contracts and to follow the order of the 6^>> of Qct. 1648, and the custom of Holland. Highways. Item. No person may encumber or obstruct the highways by falling trees in them, or stones, but they shall be kept passable according to the etUct of the 23<> May 1660. '^ ■' Waggon racing. No person shall race with carts and wagons, in the streets within the villages, but the driver while passing through villages must walk by the side of his horses or vehicle, according to the ^4i<4 of the 12t'> of July 1667. v . :^ _ ■ J , .. - :> , J)tad animals. '^ Item. No person shall have his dead beast on the highways or streets but must bury the same, on the penalty of 3 guilders for the first offence, 6 guilders for the second, and imprisonment for the 3^ offence if he remain obstinate. ' ' Privies. No person shall place privies on the highways or streets so as to allow the hogs to root up the filth in the same, on the penalty of 6 guilders for the first offence, 6 guilders for the second, and imprisonment for the third offence. ■f»l - % 654 PAFSSS BELATIN6 TO i'«i:. }■ H 1 i 'ti 1 s ■*»' ^ ^^i^*€K^ '■* 1 1 ^t ' |_ ii t ■ » Weights and Measures. ^ Yard stick, measures and weights must be sealed and made alike, according to the custom of Amsterdam in Holland, on the penalty of 10 guilders for the first offence, 20 guilders for the second, and 40 guilders for the third offence, and also in addition to have their trade stopped. , fT Wages or hire of Indians, « Those who hire Indians for money, must pay them promptly and fulfil the engagement ; for failure they shall be condemned to pay the hire and be punished according to the edict of the 28th of September 1648. Concubinage. • All persons to be kept to the thiee publications of the bans before marriage and to wait one month thereafter so as to give opportunity for the making of legal objections if any exist ; if after the expiration of that time either party refuse to marry without giving lawful reasons, they shall be liable to a penalty of 10 guilders for the first week and 20 guilders for every succeeding week until lawful reasons for refusal are given. Further no man or woman may live together as husband and wife without being married, on the penalty of 100 guilders, or of as much more or less as the quality or ability of the offenders will warrant ; if continuing to offend to be liable every month to pay the same penalty to the officer, according to the edict of the 16th of Jany 1658. Cmvmticles. ^'«'^ la -^ ^r yifcr u No person may surreptitiously hold a meeting for public wor- ship, or sing, read, or preach in the same, on the penalty of 100 pounds Flemish ; and the hearers to be each liable to a penalty of 25 pounds Flemish, without regard to the religion or sect they may be of, as per the edict of the Ist of Feby. 1657. iid »t, y;i; Brewers not to he retailers of liquors. These two occupations may not be followed by the same in- dividual, neither shall they sell by the can, on the penalty of all the beer which may be found in their houses, and in addition of having their trade stopped for 6 months, according to the edict of the 12th of Jany 1648. LOnO ISLAND. ^'^ 666 I and made land, on the Iders for the in addition em promptly condemned to of the 28th of 18 of the bans ,r 80 as to give f any exist ; if refuse to marry to a penalty of very succeeding as husband and .00 guilders, or of the offenders every month to the edict of the for public wor- > penalty of 100 e to a penalty of ;ion or sect they 1667. Di; )fS by the same in- the penalty of all [nd in addition of Ing to the edict of Ooatt. The Goats which run at large without keepers, in consequence of their injuring fruit and other trees, may be seised by the officer and taken possession of according to the edict of the 16th of March, 1648. **^ Public instruments or papers. No man may draft public documents or papers, unless au- thorized by the Director General and Council ; offenders shall be brought to trial before the high court of judicature according to the edict of May 1649. Receiving articles in pawn for liquor forbidden. No man may take anything in pawn for liquors, op penalty of restoring the goods, and paying in addition 26 guilders for the first offence, 60 guilders for the second and double (100 guilders) for the third offence, and also to have his license taken away and trade stopped, according to the edict of the 3rd of Dec. 1667. ' :('■'■ ^ GOV. COLVES CHARTER TO THE SEVERAL TOWNS ON ^- LONG ISLAND. ANNO. 1673 PBOYISIONAL INSTRUCTION FOR THE SHERIFF AND MAGISTRATES OF THE VILLAGES OF MIDWOUT, (fLATBUSh) AMERSFOORT (fLAT- LANDS) BREUKELEN, NEW UTRECHT, GRAYESEND AND BOSWYCK, SITUATE ON LONG ISLAND. [Flatbush Bee. ; also Alb. Ree.] Art. 1. The Sheriff and Magistrates shall, each in his quality, take care that the Reformed Christian Religion be maintained in conformity to the Synod of Dordrecht without permitting any other sects attempting any thing contrary thereto. 2. The Sheriff shall be present, as often as possible, at all the meetings and preside over the same ; but should he act for him- self as party, or in behalf of the rights of the Lords Fatroons or of Justice, he shall, in such case, rise from his seat and leave the Bench & in that event he shall not have any advisory much less a 1 For the Tranalation of the above paper, the public la indebted to Teunii O. Bergen, Esq., of Kings Co. ^: n unm iLS£-LL ' Mi t f «&e PAPKWI ESLATIHO TO concluding vote, but the oldest Schepen shall, then, preside in his place. 3. All cAses relating to the Police, Security and Peace of the inhabitants; also to Justice between man and man, shall be finally determined by the magistrates of each of the aforesaid Villages, to the amount of sixty florins, Beaver, and thereunder without appeal : In case the sura be larger the aggrieved party may appeal to the meeting of the Sheriff and Councillors delegated from the Villages subject to Us jurisdiction, for which purpose one person shall be annually appointed from each Village who shall assemble in the most convenient place to be selected by them, and who shall have power to pronounce final judgment to the amount of fl. 240 Beavers and thereunder. But in all cases exceeding that sum each one shall be entitled to an appeal to the Governour General fgpid Council here. 4. In case of inec^uality of votes, the minority shall submit to the majority ; but those who are of a contrary opinion may have it recorded in the minutes but not divulge it without tho, meeting on pain of arbitrary correction. 5. Whenever any cases occur in the meeting in which any of the Magistrates are Interested, such Ma^strate shall, in that instance, rise and absent himself, as is hereinbefore stated, in the S^d article, of the sheriff. 6. All Inhabitants of the abovenamed Villages shall be citable before said Sheriff and Schepens or thdr delegated Councillors who shall hold their meetings and courts as often as they shall consider requisite. '^7. All criminal offences shall be referred to the Governour General and Council, on condition that the Sheriff be obliged to apprehend the offenders, to seize and detain them & to convey them as prisoners under proper safeguard to Chief Magistrate with good and correct informations for or against the offenders. 8. Smaller offepces, such as quarrels, abusive words, threats, fisticuffs and such like, are left to the jurisdiction of the Magis- trates of each particular Village. 9. The Sheriff and Schepens shall have power to conclude on some ordinances for the welfare and peace of the Inhabitants of » I v! LOKQ ItLAMD. 667 eside in Ws eacc of th« ill be finally id ViWftgW) der without y may appeal ted from the le one person ,ball assemble and who shall unt of fl. 240 ling thalt sum .tnouT General shall submit to inion may have put thcmeeting which a»y 0^ . shall, in that re stated, in the , shall be citable ated Counallo'* [en as they shall the Governour [iiff be obliged to lem & to convey If Magistrate with 1 offenders. c words, threats, lion of the Magis- ker to conclude on L Inhabitants of their district such as laying highways, setting off lands and gar- dens and in like manner what appertains to agriculture, observance of the Sabbath, erecting churches, school houses or similar public works. Itemj against fighting & wrestling and such petty offen- ces — provided such ordinances are not contrary but as far as is possible, conformable to the Laws of our Fatherland and the Statutes of this Ptovince; and tht^refore, all orders of any impor- tance shall, before publication, I it.^ presented to the Chief Magis- trate and his approval thereof requested. 10. The said Sheriff and Schepens sh 11 be bound strictly to observe and cause to be observed the Placards and Ordinances which shall be enacted and publisihod by the supreme authority, and not suffer any thmg to b done against them, but cause the Transgressors therein to be proceeded against according to the tenor thereof; and further, promptly execute such orders as the Governour General shall send them from time to time. 11. The Sheriff and Schepens shall be also obliged to acknowl- edge as their Sovereign Rulers their High Mightinesses the Lords States General of the United Netherlands and his Serene High- ness the Lord Prince of Orange and to maintain their sovereign jurisdiction, right and domain over this country. 12. The selection of all inferior officers and servants in the employ of said Sheriff and Schepens, the Secretary alone excepted, shall be made and confirmed by themselves. 13. The Sheriff shall, by himself or deputies execute all the Magistrates' judgments nor discharge any one except by advice of the Court ; he shall also take good care that the places under his charge shall be cleansed of all mobs, gamblers, whorehouses and such like impurities. 14. The Sheriff shall receive the half of all civil fines accruing during his term of office together with one third part of what belongs to the respective Villages from criminal cases j but he shall neither directly nor indirectly receive any presents forbidden by law. 15. Towards the time of election, the Sheriff and Schepemi shall nominate as Schepens a double number of the best qualified, honest, intelligent and wealthiest inhabitants, exclusively of the 48 t 668 PAPERS HELATIVO TO Reformed Christian Religion or at least well affected thereunto, to be presented to the Oovernour, who shall then make his election therefrom with continuation of some of the old ones in case his Honour may deem it necessary. Done in Fort Willem Hendrick l"' October 1673. NoTK. Similar Initruetlon wtt sent to Fluthing, Hemtted, MiddlebnrKh, Januiea, Oyitarbay, Eouthanptoii, Southold, SMUleot, HuntingtoD and Batt Hampton, on L. I., to Swanenburfr Hurlejr tt Marbletown in the Eaopiui to Elizabethtown, Woodbridg«, Shrewibury, Newarke, Bergen, Plicattawajr and Middletown, behind Aohter Cul; and to Staten Island tt Wettotaetter. NAMES OF INHABITANTS OF THE TOWN OF HEMPSTEAD 1673. y»,.^ ■ii.„; -i: [Vanderkenip'a Tranil. of Duteli Reo. XXII.] John ^— — John Smitii Blew Richard Oeldersly, Sen Trolphert Jacobs Jan Carman John Symons jun Robert Jackson Symon Tory John Smith Peter Janse Schol Richard Oildersly Robbert Beedill Oeorge Hallet \ S&muel Allen Richard Valeniyn Kaleb Carman John Williams Thomas Richmore John Kllesson Edward Spry William Osborne Edward Remsen John Fossaker John Sorram James Payne William Fixton Samuel Denton Robberd Hobbs Thomas Sodderd John Smith jun Joseph Williams Ralph Haal Daniel Beedell John Jackson Johnathan Smith John Champion John Hobbs John Langd Jonathan Semmps John Bordes Robbard Marisseu Mos Hemmery John Beets carpenter Samuel Embry Matthew Beedel Comes Thomas Ellison Philip Davis ■ Hopkins Adam View Edward Titus Richard Ellison John Seavin Thomas Teasay Thomas Ireland Thomas Ellison Joseph Oem Thomas Champion Joseph Pettet Richard Fotter John Beddell Thomas Southward John Beates Calvet Ooullet Christofifbl Yeomanx John Woully Edward Banbury Thomas Oowes John Mavein Wm Thorne Joshua Watske Benjamin Symenson Jan Roelossen Elbert Hubssen Lewis Niot John Ellison jun Thomas Seabrook Samuel Jackson John Pine Peter Jansen William Ware Solomon Semmar Tennis Smith Richard Valentin jon. Joseph Wood Herman Flouwer William Dose Symon Foster Henry Mott Wm Fourmer Joseph Small Walter pine V > Josia Carman John Peacock John Quakerson Thomas Daniels John Napper Richard Osbora Oeorge Robbert Charles Abram Thomas Appelbe Samuel Smith Persell Adam Mott Junr. Samuel Jackson 3 ,■. Joseph Truax Joseph Hoyt h Nine others whose name* are lost f ■ Mm lAMC III.A1I0. 669 thereunto, his election I in case his m Hendrick Mlddlebnrgh, (ton md B««t the SMpiUi to 'licatUway and Iter. HEMPSTEAD ■tu.' f yum . , ibBMB lot isonjun Seabrook aekson e lien War* Seminar . mith , . Valentin Jun. Vood Flouwer Dow orter ' • ott n&er -; . imaU ine xman laeoek lakerson Paniela - '^ ' ,pper Oabom Robbert Abram Appelbe Smith eraell ott Jonr. Jackson Truax I Hoyt fc .^-, Itheri whoie nama» «t "i THE ROLL OFF THOSE WHO HAUE TaKEN THE OATH OFF ALLXOIANCK IM THI KINGS County i\ the Province off New Yorke the 26 : 27 : 28 : 29 AND 30'h day off September In the Third years off BIS MAYt'i" Raigne annoq»»« Domine 1687. [MSS. in Sec'i. Offloe.] ?''t • iiiu» CobiaNxcn nati«e Pieter C'orsen native IhAUiiii JunneCouvcrtiSti Jearo Aert Kinioniison native Adam Imniu'cr Juniur native Alexander Bchaeri native Wlllem Pot native )an gerriie dorland 30 Jeare •lohannia Caapeme 35 Jeare Claes bareutie blom native Pioter brouwpr native Abram brouwer native Jan bennitt native Parent Sleg^ht native Jacobus Vande Water 29 Jeare benjamin VandeWater native Pieter Weijnanti native Jooi^t ffranisen 33 Jeare nendriolc aaten native Jan Janie Staatt native Claes Simona native AntiioniJ Souao fi Jeare Joost Caipene 3fi Jeare thijs Lubberae 60 Jeare Paulua dirckae 36 Jeare Adam bruuwer 45 Jeare Josiaa Dretha 20 Jeare Pieter Van Nesten 40 Jeare Jan thcunisen native DIrck Janae Woertman 40 Jeare Daniel d'Rapale native rijsbert boomgaert native Volkert Vandcrbrata native Jan buija 39 Joare gerrit DorUnt native Adriaen bennit native Thomaa Verdon native Pieter Janae Staata native (# New Dijtruht Tielman VandermiJ 13 Jeare karel Janae Vandijck 30 Jeare Jan Janae Vandijck 35 Jeare thomas tierckse 35 Jacr Wouter Van Pelt 24 Jeare Jacob Chriatiaense native Lambert Janae 22 Jeare Jan Van Deventcr 25 Jeare Cornelia Janae Vandoventer native Brt thyaen Laenen 24 Jeare u tf-^M- theunia Janae Van Pelt Laenen 24 Jeare Anthony Van Pelt 24 Jeare Jan Clement 22 Jeare Cornelia wijnhart 30 Jeare kreijn Janae Van M eeteren 24 Jeare Jooat Rutaen Van brent native Aert theuniasen Van Pelt native AnthoniJ du Chaine 24 Jeare Jan thijasen Laenen native Jacob thijasen Laenen native Laurens Janse native Jan Van Clecif 34 Jeare Wellem klinckenberg native Nicolasc Vandergrifft native Jan Van kerck junior native Jan Van kerck senior 24 Jeare narent Jooaten Ridder 35 Jeare hendrick Mathysaft flmaek 33 Jeare Cornelia Van kleeflf native Dirck Junvn Van Sutphen 3G Jeare Jan kiorRcn 38 Jeare Ucrrit Courtcn Van Voorhuya native Ruth Jooston Van brunt 34 Jeare Pieter ffransitco native Jacquea Cortejou 36 Jeare Jacques Corteljou Junior native Cornelia Corteljou native Pieter Corteljou native Willcm Cortoljouw native rerrit Cornelia Van Duyn 38 Jeare Cornells gerria Vunduyn native Denijs gorrise Vunduyn native Laurens Janse de Camp 23 Jaer Pioter thysson native Swaen Jansscn 33 Jeare ferrit StoflTclse 36 Jeare an hansscn bruynenburg 48 Jeare StofTel gerritso native Joost debaono 4 Joare hendrick Janse kamminga 9 Jaer Cornells Rutsen Van brunt native barent Verkerck native off Botuiiell Volkert Dirckse native Pieter Janae deVVitt 35 Jeare Pieter Daniel 10 Jeare ' Adriaen La flbrge 16 Jeare Joost kockuyt 27 Jeare Isaack La ITebrc 4 Jeare Pieter Schamp 15 Jeare Wouter gysbert Verachier 38 Jaer Pieter Loyse native Jacquea fibntaine native Pelgrom klock 31 Jeare Volkert Witt native Daniel Waldron 35 Jeare Simon haecks 16 Jeare Cornelia Loyse 36 Jeare Jean Le quie 30 Jeare ' Alexander Cockevaer 30 Jeare Albert hcndrickae 25 Jeare Jean Miseroll Junior 20 Jeare Claes Cornel iasen Kat25 Jeare Michiel Palmentier 23 Jeare Vincent bale 4 Jeare Pieter Para 28 Joare Johannis ffontaine native Jean de Consilie 25 Jeare Josst durie 12 Jeare Jan Janse 36 Jeare .' Jacob Janse native Pieter Simonse native Jacob dirckse Rosekrans natlre Jochem VerSchuer native hendrick Verschuer native Laurens koeck 26 yeare qfffflaeklattd Elbert Elbertse 50 Jeare Rod off Martcnse Schenck 37 Jeare Jan RoelufTs Schenck native Jan Martensc Schenck 37 Jearea Jan thcunis Van dyckhuys 34 Jeare Court Stevcnsc Van Voorhuya 27 Jearf Pieter Neviua native LOMO IfLAMO. fi61 )3 Je»r« G J ear* uyt natlv* I Jear* native t 38 J*"* native natlv* i3 Jaar 248Jear« sa 9 Jaer iTnt natlT* i iJeare \^ tare re Sler38J»« ve ire lare e ire itlve leare fans nalW« latlve [native bare tkland few® M «..» fchenck37 3eM* Ik native lek 37 Jeare« fvoorhuy«27Je»i« Abrtm Willemten 26 J«ar# Marten Roeloffo .Schonck native ham JanM««n 47 J care Albert Gourten Van Voorhuijt na(iv«t Pieter Claaien wijckoff ^| iaere dimon Jante Van Aerti Daa ''>n 34 Jeure Oornelii Simonien Van Aerts Ua^len na- tive ferrit Pieterie wijckoff native an brouwer 'M Jeare verrlt hanuen native Kvnrt Janiien Van VVickelen 23 Jeare Claei Pieterse wijckoff native DIrnk brouwer native (errit hendriokie breue native Pieter brouwer native Dirck Januen Ammerman 37 Jeare adrlaen kume 27 Jeare ferret KIberts Stoottioff native aoob Strijcker 36 Jeare Dirck StofTnlio 3U Jeare Stoflbl DirckRo native flkniinandus Van Sichg^elen 35 Jeare hendrick Pieterie wiJckolT native Willpm forritie Van Couwenliooven native ferrit Willemien Van Oouwenhooven jiative Jan Pieterie wijckoff native Anthony Waniliaer native LuyoaiStevenie 27 Jeare Pletrr Cornell! Luyiter 31 Jeer* Jan >■ evenie 27 Jeare Ruth i.niynsen 34 Jeare NViUem Willrmie bnrcklo native Pieter Pieterie Tuii 30 Jaer hemlrick brouwer native Pieter Moiiffoort native (heunli Janie Van amanh 14 J*ar* Tiiyi Pieterie luyiter 3l Jeare Jan albertio terhuen native Wiltcnt Davlei 34 Jeare Johannii Willemse 'iti Jeare off gravent End Renter Van Hiegelen native StiilTol Janie Romeyn 34 Jeare Johannii Machielie native John boiibiilund 2 Jeare hail Lottcri olT IJeniiatle baront Jurlacnio 29 Jeare Jan barcnio Van Zutphen 30 Jeare Marten Pieterie native Jochem p^ulick 34 Jeare Curnelii buys native Jan Willemien Van boroklo natlv* Rem gerritie native Adam Machielie Meucher 40 Jetre Willem Willemie 30 Jeare Jan Caritense native Johannii brouwer native AN EXACT LIST OF ALL Y« INHABITANTS NAMES w'l'IN Y« TOWNE OF ffluSHiNO AND P'CINCTS OF OLD AND YOUNG fTREEMEN &. SERUAMTS WHITE & BLACKE &C. 1698. 1 . Ooll I Tho Willett and Mtri I Alena hii wire I Elbert ^ John J E!l"abethi^-««Wer. John Clement : Servt Nevros ffrancis ") JefiVey Harv Jack w and Dick Mary ) Justice Tho : Hukcs & . Mri Mary his wife Isaac : Benjamin — Charles > q_„-, Wm Stephen Charely J "'"'" Mary; daui;t Negros: WillCuffeo /g Sherry ffreegeft & Jane s Majr. Wm Lawrense It Deborah his wife William Richard Obadiah Darnell Samuell John < Adam Debo : Sarah II Negroi James Tom { a Leyv Besi2child \° Richard Cornell & Sarah his wife Sone Richard (Sarah ) 64 Elizabeth VDang (&Mary ) NegrosTom ) Lewi Toby [6 Sarah & Dina ) ^ John Esmond & kK Elizab: his wife \ John & Mary C Wm Jewell serut Samll : Thome ft Susana his wife ) Benjamin ") Samuell & VSone Nathan ) Jane Kcsia ) -fvi . feDeborahJ^' Ncgros Cone ") Dinah Kate V6 Charles Tony) 662 PAPERS RELATING TO fPt'': hi ^M JamM Clement & Sarah bis wife Thomas Jacob Joseph & t wo V Sones 12 Samll & Nathan Mary -^ . Hannah' Margarett Briilgett * Negros Toby ■Daug DufcA Inhabitantii. Cornelius Barnion k, Anna his wife Johannis sone AIke Anna ") 7 Elizabeth ft V-Da: Arante ) Negros Antony') Jaclc Gorose >6 Mary Isabella j Martin Wiltsee tt 6 Maria his wife Gonwlius Hendriek Johannis ft Margrett. Elbert Arinson & g Cataline his wife Rem & Elbert sones , Anncke— negro Dick'r Oarratt Hanson & Janneke his wife ,,, Hance Rem Jan l ~ '" Peter Danll Jores J '* Janake Cattaline Dau Negro Jeffrey 1 Lorus Haff Canuerto his wife Jewrin Peter ?«„„„ 11 Johannis & Jacob \ '^^^ Stinchee Maria ) Tuntee Margaretta VDan Sauta ) Edec ; Van Sksragg & Ebell his wife 7 Cornelius ffrancis & Arian Elizabeth Rebecsa Poulas Amarman 3 and Abiena his wife Abena : Daughter Bam Bloome & 4 fl&mmily his wife Oarratt, Johannis. Eliz Bloodgood ' . & Wm & Elizabeth one negro Will Dirick Poules & Sarah his wife ,. 8 Peter Thynis i ■ Rich'd: Wm Jon Charles Sarah one negro Tom 2 John Bloodgood k, Mary his wife 2 Powell Hoffb Rachejl his wife ''' 2 John Jores k, Maria his wife Derick Brewer It 3 his wife Hannah 1 child Prtnch Inhabit* Jolin : Genung 3 & Margreta his wifet John: sone negros 2 ffrancis Burto k Mary his wife 5 John ffrancis Abigal : Dang Sarah Doughty 4 Benjamin ) c„„.. William r°"" Sarah Seruant Negros : Okee 8l Mary 2 Mary Perkins Abigale Daug Bess : Robin Maria ) » Hanes \* 2 Ann Noble Abigale serut Negros : Jack Jan 2 3 Mar;^ Bowne Annis Ruth ; Daug Negros : James & ? .. Nell l"^ ■ Arther powell & 4 Margrett his wife Richard Arther sonea John Hinchman & Sarah his wife 7 John James Mercy Mary & Sarah Negroo Hetchtor 1 Richard Chew k ffrances his wife 7 Rich'd Henry Tho Hannah Charely Mary Elizabeth Thomas Runley k 4 Mai/ his wife Thomas sone Hannah ffrancis Doughty & Mary his wife 8 Elias palmer \\ ffrancis Obadi ah Sarah Charely Mary Negros Vester Rose 2 John Talman &, Mary his wife 7 John James peter Mary Elizabeth Charles Tom Sarah 2 ch 5 John Thome Senr fit 5 Mary his wife Hannah & Sarah Wm Negros Alex wo : 3 William ffowler Carp and Mary his wife 8 William John Joseph Benj 1; I LONG ISLAND. 663 2 ines i |8e2 3arp , Mary Rebeea Negro Jack 1 John Thorne Jnn'r 6 JCatherin hia wife John Mary Eliz: Deborah Henry Taylor & 6 Mary Sarah his wife Suah phebe Negro Tonny 1 Edward Greffln ju 4 Deborah his wife Edward Mary 2 William Owen & Mary his wife 1 Hugh Cowperthawt Mary Southicic Negro Anthony — 1 2 Henry ffranklin & Sarah his wife 1 negro 3 Patience Cornelias Elias: Mary — Tho: ffkrrin^n ft Abigale his wife Thomas Robert Benjamin — 8 Elizab : Bridgett Abigale Negros— Mingo ) q Winnee \* Harman Kinge 6 & Mary his wife John Joseph Ben], ffrancis Tobyl William frowler wva 3 & Judeth his wife William sone Thomas Willett 3 & Sarah hio wife Sarah — Daughter Negro Lay — 1 Thomas Hinchman 4 & Meriam his wife Thomas & Sarah— 2 George Langley & Rebeca his wife Mary & Sampson— 2 Matt ffarrington 5 ft Hannah his wife Matthew Sarah & Edward John Mariton ffrancis John 5 Cornelius Deborah Ebell— Thomas Yeates & Mary his wife 6 Mary ye mother Wm Benj Jane. Elias Doughty Elizabeth nis wife 5 Elias Eliz: Thomas Negro: Jack — 1 Charles Doughty fc Elizabeth hin Wite 6 John Charles— S&rah Elisabth I negro black boy 1 John Harrington & Elzbth his wife John Edward Matthew 13 Thomas Sam'U Robert Mercy Margrett Dorythy Anna- Elizabeth Sam'U Bowne & Mary his wife ff Sam'U Thomaa Ellmer Hannah Negros Simon Nany mingo 3 Joseph palmer 6 & Sarah his wife Dani'U Esther Ric'h pricilla Tho: Hedgerfc Elizabeth his wife Eliakim Thomas 11 Mary Hannah — Jane Sarah Deborah Elizabeth Joseph Theme It Mary his wife — Joseph Willian 11 Thomas John- Benjamin Abraham Hannah Mary Suauu 1 Negro Tom: — 1 Sam'U Haight fc Sarah his wife— 10 Nicholas Jonathan Dauid John Sarah Marf Hannah phebe — and one negro 1 Thomas ffoid aad 3 Sarah his wife — Thomas Child 2 Esther fford William Negro Anthony— 1 John Embree and 6 Sarah his wife Robert John Samll Sarah Hatham'll Roe and 3 Elizab'th his wife Dauid Charles Morgan & Elizabeth his wife 7 Charles James Thomas Sarah Ephraim Sophy Negros : peter Jamea John Cornelius i& Mary his wife — 10 John Dani'll Sam'U Joseph Deborah Mary phebe Sarah , Negro: Zambo: 1 Jona Wright Senr and Sarah his wife 9 Sam'll Richard Charles Job : Mary Hannah John Henry Wright and 4 Mary his wife Hannah Sarah !* ,i,'...iA % ; ■ Hs im >> 4 ^1 ^M im I H O "^j^ . J H of )t 1 i kL :i-'i "^ ! BS ^Wj ', i V 11 H K^ yfjm n E^ s'.lt . 1 If T ■ fl H 1 1 jH V^ ' ra [j! " n ^i • 'f^^jf Jot^ ^^ i Sn^B ^f ^HHe ' ra BR v! ; ' ■ 664 Jona : Wrifht Ja i & Wine his wife Jonathan Elizabeth Dauid Wright and 4 Hannah his wife Daaid phebe Joseph I^awrense 4 & Mary his wife Richard Thomas 1 negro Jaclc — 1 2 John Hopper Peintr fii Christopher 2 John Hopper Jun & Margarett his wife John Harrison & Elizabeth his wife 7 William Edward Henry Eliz Ann Negros Hetchtor ) n Kate S Margery Smith 3 Judeth Hannah Samuel Tatem ft Iil!:=:ibeth his wife 6 Sam'U Eliza patience Mary — negro 1 Benj Heauileind h 6 Abigaile his wife Adam Benj John Abigale Bethia William Benger ft 5 his wife Elizabeth John Jacob Elii John Heauiland & 3 Sarah his wife- John Thomas Wildee & Elizabeth his wife 8 Edward Rich'd Tho Obadiah Isaaih Eliz'bth Edward Grefiein Se 3 and Mary his wife Deborah Negro: Jask: — 1 John Rodman & Mary his wife y John Samuell — Joseph William Thomas An Eliz : Negros — 11 John Lawrence & his wife Elizab'th 7 William Richard Eliz : Mary Deborah Negros James Rose Bess Robin Moll— 6 Benj fiPeild and Hannah his wife 6 Benj John Antho Sam'U Negros Jo: Betty— 2 John Greffln & Elizabeth his wife PAPERS ttiXATING TO I r,(' 5 John Benj Isaac Joseph Elizab'th Rich'd Greffln and 5 Susan his wife Sam'll Sarah Rich'd Dauid Roe Mary 3 his wife Mary : Negro Sam 1 Rebeca Clery 4 Athelana Rebeca phebe Negro: 1 Philip Odall & his wife Mary 7 Philip Mary John Elizab'th Deborah Joseph Hed^er & Hannah his 7 wife — Joseph Margrett— Uriah Sarah Hannah Antnody Badglcy 5 Elizabeth his wife Anthony Georg — phebe : 1 Negro 1 Dan'll Patrick & 4 Dinah his wife Sarah James ffeke Une Negro 1 John Ryder & his wife, John Robert 6 Hartie Wintle one negro 1 2 Dennis Holdrone SariUi his wife Josiah Genning 3 & Martha his wife one child Edce Wilday 3 Rebecca & Mary ffreemen-men Tho: Lawrense James Clement Ju'r John Clement John Hulier Jacob Cornell Thomas fifeild Joseph ffeild Derick Areson John Areson John Yeates John Man James ffeke „ . Robert Snelhen Tho:Steuens . , •; John Dewildoe Abraham Rich Robert Hinchmcn Inhabitants 530 Negros 113 According to ye best of onr Knowledges JONATHAN WRIGHT JAMES CLEMENT 1 . V 'I (i4llfcj(t»,f OM^.jit -LONG ISLAKS. 665 [Endorted.] a trew Lest as it is retamed to us by the above Constable and ClerJce this Last of augost 1698 THO: HICKS DAN'LL WHITE JOHN SMITH EDWARD WHITE SAMUEL MOWETT JOHN TREDWELL WILLIAM HALLETT A LIST OF Y^ INHABITANTS OF y" TOWNE or SOUTHAMPTON OLD AND YONG CHRISTIANS AND HETHEN FFREEMEN AND SERVANTS WHITE AND BLACK A"*"" 1698 ^ .,.-.< (.men iu'r IAN WRIGHT I'cLEMSaJT William Jennings Samuell Jennings Benjn Haines Benjn Haines Jur John Haines James Haines Jur Thomas Shaw David frances Frances Shaw John Shaw Samuell Clark Samuell Clark Jor Elish Clark Eliphelett Clark Clark Clark Jerbamiah Scott John Scott George Haris George Haris Jur Joseph Smith Will Smith Thomas Smith Abiell Davis Balhariah Davis John Davis Jur Eldad Davis John Davis Thomas Lupton Joseph Lupton Richard minthom Jeremiah Jager Jeremiah Ja^ <* Jur John Jager Jui John Erie David Erie Samuell Cooper James white Ichabod Cooper Peeter White James Cooper James Cooper Jur John Cooper Nathan Cooper Abraham Cooper John Reeves John Reeves Jur Thomas Reeves Gershum Culver Jerimiah Culver David Culver Jonathan Culver Moses: Culver Nahum Culver John Bishope Jur Joseph Poast Will Mason John Poastt Richard Poast Thomas Sayre Will ffoster Charles Topping ffrancis Sayre Ichabod Sayre Caleb Sayre Caleb Gilbord Daniell Sayre Ephraim Sayre Nathan Sayre John Bishop Samuell Bishope Josiah Bishope John Bishope Joshew Barns Samuell Barns Robert Wooly JohnWooly Wooly Joseph Isaac Bower Jonah Bower David Bower Daniell Bower John foster John foster Jur David ffoster Jonathan foster John ffoster Terts Jermiah foster Joseph Hildrith Joseph Hildrith Jur nathan Hildrith Isaak Hildrith Ephraim Hildrith Daniell Hildrith Jonathan Hildrith John Woodrufe Samll Woodrufe Joseph woodrufe Benjn woodrufe nathanl woodrufe Jonathan woodrufe Isaac woodrufe John Burnat Samuel Butler Gidian Butler I nathaniell Butler Obedia Roggera ' obadiah Jonnson ' Ensn Joseph Peirson Henry Peirson Joseph Peirson '; Ephraim Peirson Samll Peirson ' Thomas Parvino Thomas Pcrvine Jur Lift Thomas Stcephens j Isaack Willman James Willman Daniell Davis and Will Hcricke ^ Will Hericke Jur John Herick ' i Herick Thomas Hericke ■ Robertt Patin '< Ephraim Topping Thomas Toping t Thomas Toping ' Mr. William Barker Esq Mr. John Wick Job Wick Arthcr Davis John Carwith Joseph Howell Zebulon Howell Joseph Howell Jur • ' James Howell -^^^ John ware Jacob ware John Ware Jur ■ < '• JohnJcssup • ' Isaac Jessup: _ '■'■ Jcr: Jessup ' ;< »> Henry Jessup li ■ ■ wi ;. rvft ^>*j ^ii ' : ! •'■■ 666 ThomM Jflnran Mr. Edward How«U Samuoll Howell Jonah Howell Edward Howell Jur Benjn Howell Thoi Howell Joseph fofter Ohriatopher flbiter Joseph foster Daniell fibster nathan fibster John Howell Manassa Kompton Riohard Howell Rlehard Howell Jur Heieokia Howell Edward Ho well obadia Howell Ohris: Howell Joseph Goodale Jonathan Goodale Joseph Goodale Will goodale Be^Jn marshal 1 Jonathan Rayner Jonathan Rayner Jur Riohard Wood Isaac Halseyt Ephraim Halsey NathanioU Howell nehemiah Howell Henry Howell Ensn Joseph flbrdham Joseph flbrdham Jur miatia flbrdham John WlUman Mr. Jonali fordham Jonah fordham Jur Mr. Joseph Whltln SamneU Whitin Joseph whitin Jur Benin whitin Win Blyeth Be^Jn Hildrith Job Sayre BeqJnSayre John Maltby Ephrm whit Stephen white Oharles white Isaac Halsey Isaac Halsely Jur Isaac Halsey Ters Joshua Halsey Thomas Halsey Samuflll Halsey Samell Johnes Bamuell Johnes Jur nathan Howell Israeli Howell Bsekiel Howell John Jager John Jager Jur Samuell Jager Jonathan Jagor Benjn Jagger Joslah Howell Daniell HowtU PAPBUI RXLATIVO TO Timoth t Hileyrd Thomas Hongson John Mowbry Anning Mowbry Samuell Clark Jermiah Clark Charles Clark Will Clark Richard Kounesfield Richard Rounesfield David Howell John Rayne Ephraim Howell Ephraim Howell Samuoll Howell Isaac Rayner Daniell Halsey Richard Halsey Daniell Hallsey Jur Lift abraham Howell Abraham Howell Charles Howell Philip Howell Ebenezer Howell John Sayre John Sayre Thomas Sayre Lott Burnot Joseph Burnott David Burnott nathan Burnott Jonathan Buiiiot Samiel Burnot Isaac Burnott Thomas fibster Benin fibster .. »;, David fibster Jonathan fibster Isaac fibster nathanel Hasey Jonnathan Howell Jonathan Howell Jur Isaa Howell David Howell • Josiah Hals0y •Tosiah Halsey Jur Jonathan Halsey Benjn fiiister Jur Henry Ludlom Will Ludlom Henry ludlom Jur Jeremiah ludlom Aibiell Cook Abiell Cook Jur Josiah Cooke Thomas Rose Israeli Rose . Humphrey Huse John Parker abncr Huse William Rose Uriah Huse John mason Jedadia Huse James fibster John Huse David Halsey abraham Halsey David Rose James Rose. David Rose Jnr Anthony hidlom James Herick Aron Burnot Aaron Burnot Jur moses Burnat Jonah Rogers Jonah Rogers Rogers James Haines Samuell Haines Ellis Cook Charles fordham John Cook John Cook Jur EUias Cook obadia Cook Ellijah Cook Ensn John lupton Christopher Luptoa Benj lupton Samuell Loom* mathew Loome Samuell Loome i Isaac Mills \ Isaac mills Jur Thomas Cooper Thomas Cooper Jur Jonathan milea Richard Cooper Joseph more Joseph more Bei^n more Elisha Howell Lemuell How^ martine Rose Jacob Wood < - Lenard Hasy William Tarbill Will Tarbill Jur John michill < John michill Jnr Jermiah Halsey Jere : Halsey Jur Benony nutton Benjn nuton Isaac nuton Jonathan nuton John nuton James Hildrith James Hildrith Jur Joshua Hildrith Ezekill Sanford Ezekill Sanford Jur Thomas Sanford Samuell Barbur Jonathan Striokling nathaniell Resco Jur Josiah hand natha: Resco Amij Resco Peregrin Stanbrongh James Stanbrougb Doet nath. Waoe Simon wade Alexander Wilmot '■ Joseph Wiokham Joseph wiaUiam Jur LONG ISLAND. 667 ir >m iJur I B n B SB ineB Jur i ik ok et Luptoo m joom* [lOOlB* LtOOiaB lis 118 Jur Cooper Cooper Jt* n mile* [ Cooper more more Howell 11 Howell e Rose hVood Im TarbiU ''arbiU J«t nichiU , W Thomaa Diamond Capt. ]£lnathan Topping Stephen Topping Sillvanus Topping Edward Petty Ellnathan Petty Edward Pety Jur Joaiah Topping Josiah Topping Jur Hezekia Topping Robert Noria Robert noris Jur olirer noris Mr. Ebenezer white Ann Peirkins Hannah Hainea Lidia Hainea mary Haines mary Shaw SusanahShaw Jeane Shaw Sarah Clark mary Clark Ester Clark Sarah Olark mary Scott Sarah Haris Eunice Haris mary Davis mary Itevis Mary lupton mary lupton Hanah luptons abi^aill luptons Abigail) Riose Hanah kose Abigaile Rose Jur Sarah Rose: Hanah Rose martha Rose debro Rose Hanah Jager Sarah Jager Hanah Jager. Elizabeth Davis mahitable daviB Jager mary Erie Mary Cooper Sarah Cooper mary Cooper Jur Elisabeth Cooper Elisabeth Cooper Jur Jerash Cooper Phebe Cooper Elisabeth Co(H>er Jur Johana Cooper mahitable Cooper mary Culver mary Culver Jur Racnell Reeves Lidia Rishop abigaile Rishop marey Bishop Eunis Bishop Sarah Poast mary PoHt Elnath white Lift Coll Henry Peirson John Peirson David Peirson Theophilus Person Abraliam Peirson Josiah Peirson Bennony flint John fflint John morehouse John morehouse Jur Peter noris Lift Theophilus Howell Theoph : Howell Jur FFEAMALES. mary Post Jur Patience Sayere mary Davis Sarah Say re mary Sayre mary Sayre An Halsey Abigaile Reeves EUisabeth gilbord Cethia Gilbord mary gilbord Hanah Sayre mary Bishop Susanah Bishope Susanah Bishop Jur Sarah Bishop maij Bishop Patience Barns Sarah Barns ann Woolly Ann Woolly Elisabeth woolly Hanah woolly Phebe wooly mary woolly Hanah Travely Susanah Bcswik Ruth bower mahitabell Bower Sarah Erie Sarah ffoster Phebe foster Hanah foster Hanah foster Hanah foster Hana ffoster Hanah Hildrith Hanah woodrufe Sarah woodrufe Hanah Woodrufe abigaile woodrufe Elisabelh woodrufe EUisabeth Butler martha Buler Sarah Butler Amy Butler mary butler mary Rogers mary Rogers Jur mary Rogers ter Sary Roegers debro Rogers Patience Rogers Cniey Howell Theoder Peirson Theoder Peirson John Stanbrough John Stanbrough Jur Daniell Sayre Jur Daniell Sayre terts Dan Burnot Ichabod Burnot Dan Burnot Jur The numbr of male ) Christians \ mary Peirson Rebeika Parvin Elisabeth Steevena Phebe Stecphens Susanah Stevena Susana willman hanah willmans Elisbeth wlUmans mahitable hericke Ireniah Hericke Phebe Hericke mahitable Herick Martha Herick Debro Toping Hanah Reeves Temprance wick Temprance Wick Lidia Howell Bothia Howell ffreelove Howell EUisabeth ware Elisabeth Jesup mary Jessup Hanah Jessup martha Davis Sarah Jussup mary Howell mary Howell Ireniah Roggera mindwell Erie Mrs. mary Howell Sibell HoweU Elisabeth Simpkint Johanah Howell Abigaile ffoster Sarah ffoster mahitabell foster Damary ffoster Penellopie ffoster EUisabeth Howell Dorkis HoweU Sary Howell Sarah Howell abigaile Howell Elisabeth goodale mary goodale Hanah goodale Sarah Rayner debrah Rayner Hanah Rayner Sarah ffeild mary Halsey mahitable Halsey i; ■ I if , m t\ \ m «68 V r PAPERS BELATING TO mary Halsey Sarah minthorn Mrs. Susanah Howell Prudence Howell Hanah Howell mahite Howell martha Howell mary fordham mary fordham Jut mary fordham 3d Phebe fordham Allath fordham Deborah Whiting Rebecca Whiting Hanah whiting Ellisabcth whiting Susannah Maltbey Susanah Sayre Ester fordham Keziah fordham Hanah fordham Ruth White Sarah white mary Halsey Elisabeth Halsey Pheby Halsey Hanah Erie mary Poast Sarah Poast Dorithee Post martha Poast Deborah Poast Ester Johnes Phebe Johnes Airs, mary Howell Eunis Howell Jerusha Howell Hanah Jager I Sarui Wickham mary Topping mary Baylee Hannah Topping Hanah Toping Temprance Toping Toping martha huse Hanah noris Hanah noria mary noris £arah noris hanah leeming mrs mahitable white Elisabeth langton mrs Susanah Peirson Abigaile toping Hanah Peirson Sarah Peirson mary flint mary flint ' Hanah flintt Sarah noris [ Hanah noris Elisabeth noris Jack Dick Jethro Jack Debro Howell Phebee Howell hanah noris fil-ances Peirson Am Peirson martha StanVroi'gh martha C'.inbrc.igh. Sarah Sayre Hanah Sayre Sarah Sayre Abigaile burnot feamale Christians 34 Titus minffO Jefery Dick , " Lewis Tittos ' ^^ LONO ISLAND. 669 •u Ith Ltb o iriett md de ough rougb rough tanbrougn i^ lOtt ham ing )e pping ting . B-lToptag : oping ["able wblte langton lah Peirton toping (ir>on Irson [itt bris norw lowell loweU kris >eir8on Irson . inbrctgn lyre ^ayre lyrc Vie Christian* *» mingo Tilttt* Tom Will Jaok Ann betT IsabeU bety Elisabeth Perle Abee ffranck Ceser Samson Sarah Hanah 'Joane Sarah bety Joane Hager Jehue Nero George Sambo ned: Tobee Peter Cisto brigitt 40 ■:»Tfl [7 names destroyed.] NEGRO FEMALES. bety Hanah Rachel Judith Judith Jinny Simony Rueth Rueth Dorekis Smony Pegee Philis hiUbell Bess mariah Simony females negro persons & The number of Christian Males is ... The number of Christian ffeemalca is . The number of negro Slaves men is . . . The nuber of women negro Slaves is . Indian males that are upwards of fifteen years — The whom have any nam Sarah Sarah Rose margery hanah moUv Dinah [6 names destroyed.] . . 389 . 040 . . 043 Squas and c' .• ;«i Chice Johnson Indian Indian Arther Indian Anthony Indian Thamanty Indian Johnaquan Indian Jueegano Indian lenard Indian Pisacomary Indian Jefery Indian Rhichoam Indian Redhedwill Indian Pomquaneo Indian Simon Indian Canady Indian Tohemon Indian Coyemow Indian ffranck Indian Toby Indian macrobow Indian nabamacow Indian Philip Indian Sam Indian Tom lenard Indian Dick Indian Plato Indian Tom-hodge Indian Denitt obedia Cuttwas Abraham Isaac Sam Indian Indian Indian Indian Indian Indian Steephen nodian Judas Weegon Cough Sam William na Chitty Hary Joseph Tom waynantuck wancno Titus Indian Indian Indian Indian Indian Indian Indian Indian Indian Indian Indian Indian Indian Indian Indian ■ I i;- The nuber of Indians upwards of 15 years The Indians Informes there is about The same number of woomen i and as many Children 100 The hethcn are So Scattered To and frow that they can neither be Sumonsed in [Manuscript torn.] The above listt of the Inhabitants of ye Town of Southampton, Taken p me this 15th day of September 1698 - MATHEW HOWELL. i* ;■!-.! :: f A LIST OF THE NAMES OF OLD AND YOUNG, CHRISTIANS, AND HEATHENS, FFREMEN, AND SERVANTS ; WHITE ; AND BLACK ; &C. INHABITTEINGE WITHIN THE TOWN-SHIP? OF SOUTHOLD VIZ Isaac Arnold Sarah Arnold Rachel Arnold Sarah Arnold Junjr Susannah Arnold Susannah Washboui-n John Wushboum Thomas Mapes Mary Mapes Abigail Mapes Margarett Edwards Joshua Hobart Peter Ilnbart John Hobart Ebenezer Way Irene Way Eliezer Way J ^nathan Horton Bath i a Horton Jonathan Horton Junjr William Horton 670 PAPERS RBXATINO TO , ♦ 1 I Jamei Horton Mehitobel Horton Mary Horton AbigaU Horton Patlenee Horton Stephen Bouyer Jonas Holdsworth Joahna Horton Mary Horton ^ibraia Horton Mary Horton Junjr Bathia Horton Elizabeth Horton Zerviah Horton Jasper Orifllng Hannah Grifflng Robert Orifflnf Susanna OriAng Edward Orifflng Robert Gkifflnir J^njr Samuel Orifflng^ John OriiBinf John Youngs Wm Walter Theoder Ballens Marr Oriflng Pruaence Smith John Booth Hannah Booth Mohitophel Booth John Booth Junjr Obadiah Booth Daniel Booth Hannah Booth Junjr Patience Booth Thomas Emmons Mary Emmons, Obatliah Emmons Ellzth. Emmons TItomas Paine John Tatthill Sarah TutMiill Daniel Tutthill Nathaniel Tutthill Ephraim Youngs Mai'y Youngs Ruth Terry Thomas Youngs Mary Youngs Christopher Itradly John Edwards William Barnes Mary Mayhew Benjameu Lhummedieu Patience Lhommedieu Benjamen Lhommedieu Junjr Hosea Lhommedieu Eliza Sylvester William Booth Hannah Booth Wm Booth Junjr famuel Booth George Booth Hannah Booth Junjr Thomas Terry Eliza Terry Thomas Terry Junjr. Daniel Terry Joseph Terrjr Abigail Terry Hannah Martin John Rogers John Conckline Sarah Conoklin Sarah Conckline Junr. John Conckline Junjr. Henry Ooaokline Rachel Ooncklin Thomas Coneklin Mary Coneklin Joseph Coneklin Abigail Coneklin Joseph Coneklin Junjr John Coneklin Phillip Gooding Sarah Gooding Amos Gooding Phillip Gooding Junjr. fiTreelouo Gooding Christopher Youngs Mercy Youngs Abraham Youngs Nathaniel Youngs John Youngs Charity Nashbourne Thomas Terrell John Terrell Richard Terrell Abigail Terrell Nicholas Terrell Catharine Terrell Peter Hallock Eliza Hallock Bathia Hallock Abigail Hallock Peter Hallock Junjr William Hallock Noah Hallock Richard Benjamen Eliza Benjamen Anna Benjamen John Beqjamen Richard Benjamen Junjr. Jonathan Benjamen David Benjamen Joshua Benjamen Joseph Benjamen Daniel Terry Sarah Terry Daniel Terry Junjr. Samuel Terry Eliza Terry ' James Terry Isaac Ouenton John Ouenton Thomas Ouenton Thomas Goldsmith Bathia Goldsmith Joshua Goldsmith Richard Terry Prudence Terry Abigail Coleman Caleb Horton John Reeue hannah Reeue Walter Reeue John Rceuc Junjr ElishaRMa* ^>' "" Abigail Reeae ' < ' Bathia Reeue Margarett Giles Peter Dickerson Naomy Dickerson Philemon Dickerson John Dickerson Mary Dickerson Juqir Naomy Diekferson Thomas Dickersoa Mary Dickerson Mary Monjoy Jonathan Reeue Martha Reeue Margarett Reeue Mary Reene Martha Reeue Jaqjr Mathew Reeue Jonathan Mapes Hester Mapes Beqjamen Voungt Mary Youngs Grover Youngs John Bailey Lott Johnson [ Gideon Yonngt \ Sarah Youngs Joseph Youngs Jonathan Youngs David Youngs Gidion Youngs Sarah Youngs Hannah Youngs Margarett Youngs Mary Youngs, Hannah Wlgp^in widdotr James Wiggin Annis Wiggin Eliza Wiggin Patience Ryder Thomas Hallock Hope Hallock Thomas Hallock Kingsland Hallock Ichabod Hallock Zerobabel Hallock Anna Hallock Patience Hallock Richard Hallock Richard Howell David Howell Jonathan Howell Richard Howell Juqjr. jHsiac Howell Jacob Howell Eliza Howell Dorathy Howell MaryYoungsJunjr widdow Christopher Youngs Juiyr Anna Youngs Phebe Youngs Eliza Youngs John Gattin Sarah Gattin Anna Gattin Jonathan Brown Eliza Brown Jonathan Brown Junjr 1 1 LOVO ULAMD. 671 I D ion [erBon n m JuniJr :»on 5r«o« an ue leue le Jni4' lue ipei !• OUDg* 5« ogs r an \ ling* \ J«» ung« IToungs ingn lung* ing« oung* Young* "Ipin widdow gg»" gg*" gin "jyder allock lock allock Hallock -illock :1 Hallock lllock Hallock Hallock Howell owcll , Howell Howell Junir. well owell well V her Youngs Junjr ungs ounga oungs lattin attin attin n Brown ^rown . in Brown Jun)r Dlsa Brown JiH4r Hannah Brown Rachel Brown Mary Oilea Edward Oattin Marv Youngt widdow Daniel Youngt William Youngt Joshua Younga Samuel Tnrner If ary Wiggana Nathaa Langdon Hannah Langdoa Eliza Langdon Nathan Langdon Jui\]r Jamea Langdoa Samuel Younga Joseph Sweaty Uary Sweaty Johanna Sweaty Joaeph Sweaty JuB|}r Marv Swazy Sarah Swazy Samuel Swaiy Richard Swazy Stephen Swazy Bathia Swaay Thomas Moor Juqir Jean Moor Mary Moor Rachel Moor Isaac Osmond Chaterine Osmond Martha Osmond Prudence Osmond Isaac Osmond William Downs Abigail Downs Ab^ah Downs Junjr. Samuel King Jui\jr. Hannah King Samuel King Zacharias King John Swazy Mary Swazy Jno. Swazy Junjr Susana. Swazy Mary Swazy Junjr Joshua & Phebe Swazy Jacob Conckline Mary Conckline Jacob Conckline Jui^r Samuel Conckline John Concklioe Gideon Conckline Mary Conckline Juqjr Joseph Conckline Joseph Conckline Juqjr Mary Baily Tlieophilus Corwin John Harwood William Brown Catharine Brown Wm Brown juiyr John Brown Walter Brown Silvanus Brown David Brown Mary Brown Sarah Martin John Corwin Matthias Oorwia Samuel Oorwia Anna Corwin Abigail Oorwia John Corwin Ju^Jr Sarah Oorwia Sarah Corwin Jui\)r Eliza Corwin Heater Corwin Jacob Otmond Sarah Otmond Mary Otmond Sarah Otmond JuAJr Eliza Otmond Heater Otmond Pinnina Otmond Hannah Otmond Martha Otmond widdw Sarah Otmond Dinah Blyth Jno. Howel Thomaa Clark Mary Clark Thomas Clark Junir Elitabeth Clark Mary Otmond widdow Deborah Otmond Phebe Otmond Johanna Otmond Mercy Otmond i^amuol Otmond William King Abigail King Wm Kinff Jui^Jr Hannah King David King Sarah Younga Daniel King Robert Labo Caleb Curtjea Eliza Curtfes Joshua Curios Mary Curves Samuol Curtjoa Sarah Curtjea Hannah Curtjoa Richard CurQea Stephen Baity Mary Baily Hannah Bailey Israel Baily Temperance Baily Jonathan Baily Christian Baily David Gardiner Martha Gardiner Mary Gardiner Mehitober Corwin Samuel King Abigail Kinff Theophilus Case hannah Case William Case Icabod Case John Case Eliza Robertson Jasper Grifflng Jui^r Ruth Griflinf >- i Jasper Griflmg Ruth Grifflng Abraham Corey Mkrgarett Corey Mary Corey Abraham Corey Jui^i Jno Corey Dorathy Oorer Patience Maynew Isaac Corey Sarah Corey Isaac Corey Ju^Jr David Corey Jonathan Corey Sarah Corey Ju^jr Phebe Corey Deborah Corey Peter Aldridge Annia Roeue widdow Walter Browa Joaeph Brown Daniel Brown Oeraliam Aldridgo Jamea Pattay Experience Pattay Jamea Pattay Junjr Mary Pattay nymon Pattay Experience Pattay Thomaa Ryder Joseph Ryder Providence Ryder Jeremiah Ryder Hefcter Ryder Mehitobel Ryder John Budd Hester Budd John Budd Junjr Joaeph Budd Susannah Budd Mary Budd Martha Moor widdow John Trusteen Jonathan Moor William Moor ' Mary Trusteen John Pain Junjr Sarah Pain Nathaniel Pain John Pain Samuel Crook Joseph Crook Sussannah Crook John fiVancklin Phillai fiVancklin Jno firancklin Juqjr Mary fiVancklin Samuel ffVancklin Martha flVanoklin fiVancis Noise Perrsha Noice Catharine Noise Eliza Lewis Mary Reeue widdow Wm Reeue Abigail Reeue Margaret Reeue Saran Reeue -^f 3 ^i t ,i^' . 1.' I ■ J'lif ! it]r»,' 672 PAPERS RKLATINO TO 1:' Thomas Reeue Henry Tutthill Batthia Tutthill Henry Tutthill Junjr Jonathan Tutthill Nathaniel Tutthill Darnabaa Tutthill Abigail Martin Hester Hoaman widdow Hester Hoaman Jui\]r John Joanes Thomas Hunter Kliza huner Eliza hunter JunJr Kervia Hunter Hannah Hunter SArah Horton Wlddw Pcanollope Horton John Pattay Mary Pattay Edward Pattay David Pattay Mary Pattay Joshua Wells Hannah Wells William Wells Jno. Wells Joshua Wells Dcliuerance Wells Abigail Wells Ann Wells Mary Martin John Owen Thomas Booth Mary Booth John Booth Thomas Booth JunJr James Booth Giles Booth Mary Booth Junjr Abraham Ozmond Rebecca Ozmond Joseph Ozmond John Hzmond Damarass Terrell John AUowbin hannah AUowbin Junjr Mary AUowbin Tabitha AUowbin John Goldsmith Eliza Goldsmith John Goldsmith Junjr Thomas Goldsmith Richard Goldsmith Nathaniel GoldsmitI; Mary Goldsmith Henry WeUs Mary Wells Martha Carr •' Samuel Glouer Sarah Glouer 8amuel Glouer junjr Martha Glouer hanna. Glouer Hester Glouer William Glouer Charles Glouer Martha Glouer Euan Davis Mary Davis Mordceai hoaman William Coleman Mary Coleman Sarah Coleman William Coleman Jui\]r Mary Coleman Junjr Sarah Coleman JuAjr Charles Booth Abigail Booth Mary Horton widdow Jean Mappon Charles Booth Junjr Abigail Booth Juntr David Booth Jacob Aldridge Caleb Horton Jonathan Horton David Horton Barnabas Horton Phebe Horton Samuel Windes ' Mary Windes * WmCoe Charley Edwards ' Lott Johnson Joseph Pattay Mary Pattay Daniel Pattay James Reeue Deborah Reeue Mary Reeue Isaac Reeue Thomas Reeue Mary Reeue Richard Brown Dorithy Brown Richard Brown Ju^jr Samuel Brown Dorathy Brown Abigail Brown Mehitobel Brown Henry Brown Samuel Hutcheson Elizabeth Hutcheson Samuel Hutcheson Juivir Gersham Terry Deborah Terry Gersham Terry Juidr Deborah Terry Junjr Abigail Terry Richard Terry Rarsheba Terry Mehitobel Terry Eliza Cleaues Jerediah Cleaues John Cleaues Eliza Cleaues Jur\jr Mary Cleaues Hannah Cleaues John Cleaues Junjr Abigail Cleaues Thomas Tusten Priscilla Tuston, Widdow Kliza Tusten Mcroiam Tusten Grace Tusten Carteret! Gillam Mary Gillam Anna Gilliam ' < Arnold Gillam James Gillam John Wiggam James Pershall Margaret Pershall Mary Pershall ; Israel Pershall David Pershall Beqjamen Pershall Margarett Pershall Juntr Thofdas Terrell Junjr Sarah Terrell Thomas Terrell Sarah Terrell Jui^r Joshua Horton Ju^jr ■''■■■ Eliza Horton Eliza Horton Jui\]r Patience Horton '^ Deborah Horton Martha Horton Henry Case Tabitha Case • Henry Case Junjr Samuel Case Benjamn Case Tabitha Case J uiu** \ Mary Case ^ John Bond Sarah Rodman John Barnes I Joseph Reeue Abigail Reeue Joseph Reeue Junjr Benjamen Reeue Djvid Reeue t''! :ikias Reeue Solomon Reeue Abigail Reeue Mary Reeue Margarett Hallnck widdow Dorathy Ozmon Barnabas Windeu Mary Windes '' Barnabas Windes Jimjr Samuel Windes Bathia Windes Peanellopc Windes Sussanna Willman Bathia Horton Susanna Windes Martha Hutcheson widdow Thomas Hutcheson Mathias Hutcheson Martha Hutcheson Junjr Hanna. Case John Terry Hannah Terry John Terry Junjr Nathaniel Moor Jacob Cory Ann Cory Jacob Corey Junjr Ann Corey Jui^r Abigail Cory Jehoada Corey John Corey Benjamn Corey Christopher Merrick UWQ ULAVD. 673 \ '•'"■ n kU rshaU U 111 Ul BrthaU erihall Jui^r xell Juoir 11 rroU 11 JunJr ton Juiur m , jn JunJr [orton :orton irton le uo . le JunjT ise Case e 111 dman , < Ties , I Lecue Reeue leeue JtuU' n Reeue eeue Reeue I Reeue Reeue auockwiddow r 0«no" IB Windea hnilcB , IS WindeB Junjr Wimles Windea iope Windci laWUlman Horton a Windes , . .„_ fHutchcsonwiddo^ ■ts Hutcheson I'S^erJunir Case Terry Yi Terry Terry JunJr nielMoor Cory lory _ . Corey Junjr lorey Junjt lU Cory ula Corey Corey imn Corey itopher Merrick RuBfth Merrlok Jcrtmiah Vnl* Anne Veale Thomaa Veal* Jeremiah Veala Jui^ Mary Veala Harjr Moor JoakoaSylTMtiir • JoMph Moor Martha Moor JoMpb Moor Jtti^r Sarah Solmon wia«low William Bolmoa Sarah Sploma Jui^ Marjr Solmon Amjr Solno*^ Thomas Moor John Moor Nathaniel Afoot Martha Moor Eliia Moor Srmoa Orouar Eliia Orouer Martha Vaal* Benjamin Bams BpiriiabasHortoa Samuel Bodmaa Bentomen Moor Abigail Moor Jpha Hutson Mary Hutson John Pain Elisabeth Youngs widdow Jemima Pain John Youngs Bei\Jamen i oungs Junr Bllik, Youngs Jm^ Clwistian Youngs Jno. Colemai^ Mary Harwood William Allobon Andrew Miller Margarett MiUer DaivM Miller Eliza Miller Marg«r*tt MMler Jni\}r Hannah Miller Oarshatn Tinelier Samufl Youngs lilavy YouiufS Margaritt, Youngs Katmtn Youngs ZetQbfibel Youngs Baihia Oorwin Joso]^ Youngs Siu Youngs Mary Youngs Thomas Youngs Abigail Pain widdow Abigail Pain Jui^r Mwjr Pain SanhPain JohnOaines Sarah Moor.,wld4o^ Abigail Moor Pid^n^e Mopr Debonh Moor Mary Pain JIartha Pain emima Pain Eliaa Pain John Pain Jnqjr John Corwin Bei^amen Bedweli Thomas Longworth Deborah Longworth Joshiah Youngs Mary Youngs Manr Yonnga Juqjr Daniel Corwin William Halloel^e Mary Halloclc William Hallock Junjr Ruth Howell Prudence Hallock Zcbulon Hidlock Mary Hallock Jui^r Mary. Corwin Jabes Mapes Eliza Mapes Sarah Mapes Eliui Mapes Juqfr Hannah Mapes Ealsa Mapes John Carter Ann Carter Oesia Carter Hester (»rter EILi^ Rackett John Rackett Ann Carter Jtuji Mary Carter Joseph Mapea Ruth Mapes Joseph Mapes Jnnir WiuTam Mapes Hannah Mapes fikTid Youngs ary Youngs John Loring Richard Loiing Samuel Lpring Jno Loring Junlr WmLorii^ Thomas Loring John Vta)fl Oraea Veala J«ibn Veala Jnnir . . Daniel Veale Bimuel Veale Obadiah Veala Mary Veale Abigail Veala IrenWeale Tabitha Veale Joyce Veale Mercy Pattay wi44Qir Ralt>li Pattay Lu«a^Patta|r Moses PatUr Margery Pattay AnnPattav ^mon Runtsey Mary Ruifisey Mary Rumsey Jni^r Peter Syn^)ns Symons Symops Symons Jolip Tutthill Junjr Mehitohell Tutthill Waita fiei\iamen widdow William Bei^amen Waite Benjamen Jui^r Anna Bei^jamen hinbah Bei^jamen John Beniamen William Rosebaah Ann Rofebaih I i ..n Thu N^wm April 1651. On a blank leaf of one of the old Books of Records are seen these words '* Robert Bond deliv- ered unto the Gov' for the purchase of our Lands, for the towns use the sum of JSl. 3. 10. Robert Bond for his expenses, going to the Mayne land in the Town's service the sum is J£l. 3s. 6d." It appears that the purchase was made by these two Governors in trust & in behalf of the Original Settlers of the Town. ^ ^ * The English & Natives appear to have lived on good terms. The lands on the East end of Long Island as well as the neigh- bouring Islands— Shelter Island, Gardiners Island, Plum Island & Fishers Island — were purchased of the Natives. Some French writers, I think Raynal, speaks in praise of the Great William Penn for having sett an uncommon Example in purchasing the Soil of Pennsylvania of the Native Indians, and which if it had been followed by the Settlers of New England and Virginia woi»1d have prevented some wars that took place. This Frenchman, like many European writers who have never been in the coTritry, did not understand himself sufficiently on this subject. T e fact was that the Settlers of Virginia k New England purchased their lands of the Natives before Geo: Fox the Founder of thi-'Quaker's Sect published their principles in England in Oliver (-romwell's time, and a long time before the celebrated William Penn settled in Pennsylvania. There is no doubt but the regular purchase & the warrantie deed from the four aboveraentioned Sachems, in n 'v ,, ,'• 1 m'-^ I 678 PAPE&8 RELATING TO * 'ipr, 1648) prevented difficulties between the Natives & English. Some Indian writings on record in East Hampton speak of the friendship & amity of their neighbours the English about 1660. Gov Winthrop in his Journal, page and Gov. Hutchinsonr ^ in his History of Massachusetts p. 88, mentions that in 1640, a number of families r'^moved from Lynn to the West end of Long Island, and bought land there of James Farrett Agent to the Earl of Sterling : but getting into some quarrel with the Dutch, they removed to the East end, aild settled at Southampton & chose one Peirson for their Minister. Probably Southampton was settled before East Hampton. Tradition informs us that, before East Hampton people built their first grist mill (which went with cat- tle), they went to Southampton to mill, and carried their graiii on the back of a Bull that belonged to the Town for the use of their cows. If this is true, no doubt Southampton was settled first. .< -,! '-• '■ Gov Hutchinson says that in 1644 Southampton by an act of the Commissioners of the United Colonies was annext to the Jurisdiction of Connecticut. One might suppose that E. Hampton was settled from Southampton, but the method of pronunciation is quite different, although the Towns join. An East Hampton man may be known from a Southampton man as well as a native of Kent in England may be distinguished from a Yorkshire man. The original settlers of these Towns probably came from different parts of England. Besides the names that prevail in one town are not to be met with in the other. The names of Pierson, Halsey, Howell, Toppin, Sanford, Cooper, Whitg , Post &c are common in Southampton & confined there, as are the names of Mulford, Osbom, Conkling, Baker, Parsons, Miller, Gardiner, Dayton, &c. to East Hampton. The names of Hedges & Hand, are met in the Eastern part of Southampton but originally [they were] from E. Hampton. Very little intercourse took place between the two towns before the Revolutionary war. Since that, visits and intermarriages are more frequent. What time East Hampton was first settled is not certainly known. Probably soon after Southampton. Neither of the Towns was settled as early as Gardiners Island which was settled LONG ISLAND. 679 H Some mdsbip 4 cbinson ^ L640, a )f Long the Earl ch, they ■hose one 18 settled fore East -with cat- beir graiii he use of jzs settled J an act of lext to tbe 1. Hampton onunciation it Hampton as a native [ksbire man. fom different in one town of Pierson, |post &c are le names of ■r, Gardiner, Iges & Hand, ginally [they took place Since that, Lot certainly Isitber of the th was settled by Lion Gardiner m March 1639. David, son of Lion Gardiner, m a petition presented to Gov. Dongah about 1683, mentions his father as the first Englishman that had settled in the Colony of New York. Southampton put itself under the Jurisdiction of Connecticut in 1644, as Southold did under New Haven in 1648. According to President Stiles History of the three Judges of Charles I., East Hampton was a Plantation or Commonwealth as it is styled, in the Record — that was, Independent of any other Government from the first settlement till about 1657. The magis- trates frequently asked advice in difficult cases '^ of the neighbour Towns of Southampton & Southold" and sometimes of "the Gentlemen at Hartford." The three Towns on the East are styled the " Three Planta- tions." The government of the Town of E. Hampton was purely Republican. Their laws were enacted by all the citizens assembled in town meeting; this was stiled " the General Court" and a fine bflicted on such as did not attend. In Deer 1653 by a vote of the General Court, « the Capital laws, and the laws and Orders that are notic'd in the bodie of laws that came from Connecticut shall stand in force among us." Their public officers were few; three magistrates who were called Townsmen, were chosen annually. Their oath of office points out their duty } it was as follows : — " You being chosen by the Court for the careful and comfortable carrying on of the affairs of this Town, do here swear by the name of the Great & Everliving God, that you will faithfully, and with- out respect of persons, execute all such laws and orders as are or shall be made & established by this Court, according to God, according to the trust committed to you during this year for which you are chosen & until new ones be chosen, if you remain among us, so help you God." A Recorder & Constable were the only other public officers chosen; their oath points out their duty, and \smutatis mutandis^ amilar to the above. The Constable was always a reputable citizen and of great authority. He, by law, moderated the General Court. The Recorder, or Secretary not only recorded all orders, of the General Court, but the decisions of the Magistrates, and by 680 PAn&i lELATIKO TO i (=¥ •ttote pAssed in 1656, the depositions of witness^, in trials at IaW| for which he Iras allowed a stated price, as were also the magistrates and constable. Their trials were soQietimes, with a Jury, but mostly without. From 1650 to 1664, about the time Ihey came und^r 06t. Nieoll, thlisre are about M) Or 60 easts at kw on record. Thty w«re mostly for small debts & for defama tion. By laW) no one cbold recover more than £5 for defamation. In 166 — Geo? Lee attorney to— -—prosecuted ** laeut Lion Gar- diner of the Isle of Wight b behalf of himself and the States of Bngltind for five hundred pounds Stg" before the Magistrates in E. Hampton. It ftppeanr from the very lengthy depositions *< that a Southampton man had hired a Dutchman to bring a freight (cargo) to that place frdm Mtihh&does^ k that the vessel was taken from the Dutchman & brought to the Isle of Wight tothe Lieftenant Ifho retook her fbr the Dutch owner" and was jn-bsecuted by the original Captors. ''"*'' ■^'" '^ --^-i^---r ,.v ^^^^.;t^,^ - ^^ .- This affair was referred to th^ General Court at Hartfdrd by the lEaist Hampton Magistrates & both parties were bound to appear there. Lee obliged himself, if he did not prosecute the cai^e there, it should be dropped. This was likely the result. This is the most important case on record where property was concerned. '' The three men were to meet the first second day of every month for the tryall of any cause according to an Order and to consider of those things that may concern the publick good of the place & whosoever of those Three men do not attend the day at 8 o'clock in the morning shall be liable to pay 5s." "John Mulford, Robert Bone & Tho* Baker chosen by this Court for the execution of those Orders, complied with their trust for this year. Ralph Dayton, Constable and Benj" Price, Recor- der." Done at a General Court holden October 7, 1651. The first General Court was in March 1650. It was decreed October 1652 that " if any man be aggrieved with any thing that is done by the men that are in authoritie, that he shall have liberty to make his appeal to the next General Court, or when the freemen are assembled together for their publique occasions." Their town Meetings were frequent and became burdensome on WMWLMKD, mi I trials ftt e also t^e ie«, v^Uli» at {he ttoe 50 casw »^ for drfatua defamation, it Lion Gat- the Stated of ^isttttteflinE. fciolis " that a rei^M (cargo) as taken from ihe Lleftettaht aecutcdbytbe ■:^'%'\ .At . ■ ' --■ ■ -» * - > aattfordbythe ound to appear L the case there, [t. This is the 8 concerned, ^d day of every an Order and to lick good ofthe end the day at 8 chosen by tWs dTvith their trust nj" Price, Recor- 7,1651. Dan be aggrieved %authoritie,that >xt General Court, for their pnbUque Ime burdensome on the peepit, iMt being Aeir own law makers they made a nmltipli- dty of laws for regulating the fenctj to fieWs pastured in com- mon; for division of lands; making highways; btrilding a mill or meeting house & this took up mnch of their time. The business of killing whales was regulated by law, and every one [was] obttged to take his turn to look out for them on the Shore." Their houses were thatched and liable to take fire. Every man was obliged by law to provide himself with a ladder that should reach to the top of his house, and a man was appointed to see that the diimneys were well plaistered and swept. Serere laws ^ere mftde against selling any Indiaais, guns, swords, powder, lead,^ints, in any more than two drams of strong water at one time.'' Many of the laws appear curious, but in general they are mild, and the penalties not very severe. There are only three or four cases of corporal punishment and none of capital. In the year 1653 the Indians were somewhat trottblesome. Powder & shot were sent for to the mouth of the Connecticut Biver, and a watch by night of two, and a ward by day of one man was ordered to be kept by the Inhabitants in town. *^ April 26,1653, It is ordered that no Lidians shall come to the town unless it be upon special occasion, & none come armed, because that the Dutch hath hired Indians against the English, & we not knowing Indians by face cannot distinguish friends from enemies: &, because the Indians hath cast off their Sachem &c orders were given to shoot any Indian on third call or if they ran aviray." *^ Every man was obliged to e;o armed to the meeting house every Lords day, under penaltie of 12 pence," and four assistants were added to the three Townsmen It does not appear by the Records that any battle was fought. Probably the Indians who were then numerous had not learned the use of Fire Arms. This was at the time Oliver Cromwell was at war with the Dutch Nation and an opinion prevailed through this country that the Dutch at Manha- does supplied the Indians with arms, and urged them to destroy the English settlements. From the histories of those times, it is evident something was designed against the English by the Dutch & Indians. Oliver Cromwell about this time called on all the Colonies to assbt in an expedition against the Dutch at Manhadoesj 5> ■ '; r- ■ 4 I 682 PAPKB8 &BLATIMO TO particularly New Haren and Connecticut, who were nighest the Dutch. Major Sedgewick of Massachusetts was to have the command of the men that were to be sent from each Colony in a certain proportion. The following extract from the E. Hampton records probably refers to this : — " June 29 1654. Having considered the letters that come from Connecticut wherein men are required to assist the power of England against the Dutch, we do think ourselves called to assist the said power." The expedition did not take place, probably on account of Peace having been made soon after between the two Nations. Very little more is said about the Indians till the Great Indian war which threatened all this country in 1675, when the people were again on their guard. But it does not appear that any lives were lost. This was the most formidable combination of Indians that ever happened. Gov: Andross sent an armed Sloop to Gardiner^s Island to protect it against the Indians. The English & the Indians were probably both on their guard against a surprise, but by 1675 the East end of Long Island had so many English settled that there was no great danger. The Five Nations joined this confederacy. " Oct. 3. 1654. It is ordered that there shall be a copie of the Connecticut combination drawn forth as [soon as] is convenient for us and all men shall sett to their hands.'' : > This combmatiou was signed Oct 24, 1654, by about 40 and is now on Record by each on the Book. All excepting 3 or 4 write a plain legible hand for those days. These sign by making their mark. ^< This Combination is to maintain & preserve the libertie and puritie of the Gospell of our Lord Jesus which we now profess as alsoe the Discipline of the Church which according to the said Gospell is now practised among US. As alsoe in our civill affaires to be guided & governed according to such laws and orders as shall be made according to God and which by vote of the Major Part shall be of force among Us &c &c" . ' ; > l This Combination is similar to the one' entered into in 163 — by LONG ISLAND. 683 ;lie8t the lony in a Hampton ;ome ftom power of ed to as account of ,0 Nations, teat Indian the people hat any lives ans that ever o Gardiner's Inglish & the t surprise, but Inglish settled 18 joined this a copie of the is convenient about 40 and epting 3 or 4 ign by making Jie libertie and [now profess as Lording to the foe in our civiU llavfS and orders ],te of the Major Lo in 163-bT the 3 Towns of Hartford, Windsor & Wetbersfield, and is a copy preamble of that as recorded in Hazards Coll : of State papers, p. — ^" << March 19. 1657. It is ordered and by a Major vote of the Inhabitants of this Towne agreed upon, that Thomas Baker & John Hand is to go into Keniticut for to bring us under their government according to the terms as Southampton is, and alsoe to carry Goodwife Garlick that she may be delivered up unto the authorities there for the triall of the cause of Witchcraft which she is suspected for." It was afterwards agreed upon by the town " that M' Gardiner shall be intrusted with the same power with Th* Baker and John Hand for coming under Government." In the Record the word is '^ interested." It doubtless should be intrusted. •, ,; ••*' .,-:;v....i -; , l' ;/.' , ^ "■/■;" ■ ;- f VF " It is evident from the Record that soon after this they were under the jurisdiction of that Colony, or rather composed a part of it, altho' nothing is said of their men's returning. Probably the General Court at Hartford did not pay any attention to the latter part of the business on which Baker & Hand were sent. This poor woman had a trial in E. Hampton for Witchcraft, but Dothing was done. It was referred to the Gen^ Court at Hartford. At this day it appears surprising that not only those who settled in the American Wilderness should be so infatuated about Witches and Witchcraft but that King James I., Lord Justice Holt and some of the first characters in the English Nation should be so carried away with notions of this kind. If the affair of witches has made more noise in this country than it has in some Countries of Europe, it is not owing to their having been more executed for that supposed crime here: for I have no doubt there has been, during the same time, as many executed in England only, as there have been in all New England & Virginia, for it was not confined to New England but prevailed also in other parts. In Europe, the execution of a few individuals would be effaced from the page of History by more important events that were continually taking place during the last century. But in this country it was a singular affair, & has been handed down by our own writers, and dwelt upon, with wonder, by European writers who have endeavoured to account for it from the enthusiastic ideas of the 1 ^; -.! i r »'.! e84 PAPEM VELATIVO TO i7;-t Inbabitants here, not considering that they acquired these ideas in Europe from books published by men of character & information. It is to be hoped this infatuation is done away among the Citizens of both sides of the Atlantic but it is not justice for one side to suppose that this infatuation prevailed only on the other. If King James, Lord Holt and others of information, who believed in witchcraft, are excusable, certainly those persecuted exiles who fled to a savage wilderness are equally clear of blame. Perhaps the law of Moses by which in many cases the first settlers were governed, was a Mean of urging them on in the belief of Witch- craft and its evils. ' ' • '■ ' " '^ • ■ ^' «« November 29. 1662. It is jointly & fully agreed that Mr. T. Baker, M' The* James, & M' Lion Gardiner, M' Robert Bond, Mr John Miilford, Tho" Tomson and Tho* Chatfield shall go to Southampton the next second day to compoimd a difference bfetween Us & Capt. John Scott Esq' and Mr John Ogden about Meantaquit, and do hereby engage to ratifie and confirm what our committee shall conclude upon : & also we do empower this our Committee to joyne with Southampton and Southold about a Fatten grant." To whom they proposed to apply for a Patent I dont know. New York was then in the hands of the Dutch. It was either to King Charles 2"<' or to the Government of Connecticut. ' ' ^' Novemb: 23 1663. A committee was appointed to Join Southampton 8c Southold Committees and if they see cause, to establish laws for settling government among us. And what our Committee or a Major part of them shall doe herein we engage ourselves to stand unto." It was, doubtless in contemplation to have the three towns join in one government as other towns on this continent have Vone. " February 23. 1663. [o. s.] It was agreed that Muntauk shall pay Fifty pounds of the 150 that is to purchase the pattent right." March 25. At a Town Meeting, after long debate, it was agreed to that the Purchase of Pattent right should be borne by all the Inhabitants according to the land every Man Possesses. " April 26. 1664. At a Town Meeting the Town doth desire thosemen, that doe goe to Hartford, to dd}ate together with the i .vii; LONG ISLAND. 68( Neighbouring Plantations for the things of Mutual OoTernment between Hartford & Us for our future Settlement, but to conclude of nothing, as understanding that the Governour will come over, or a Committee from the General Court." << Dec 21 , 1664. The inhabitants of this Town— understanding that we are off from Connecticut, and the magistrates not willing to act further on that account, that we may not be without laws 8l Government, it is agreed the former laws shall stand in force till we have further order from York. It is agreed that the Con~ stable of the Town shall be secured by the Town for not gathering the Rates." l^e " rates" referred to in this Resolve probably refers to the adjudication that was made at New York Dec. 1, 1664 by Gov. Nicoll & others on one part, and Gov. Winthrop and others, on the other, that Long Island should not be under the Government of Connecticut, but under His Highness the Duke of York &c. There appears from this time to have been some alteration in their Government. In April 1664 the Constable & Town Overseers were chosen ; no mention is made of Townsmen. Copy of James Farretfs Orant to Lion Gardiner. Enow all whom this present Writing may concern, that I, James Farrett of Long Island, Gent. Deputy to the Right Hon'ble the Earll of Starling Secretary for the Kingdom of Scotland, doe by these presents, in the name and behalf of the said Earll of Star- ling and in my own name also, as his Deputy, as it doth or may concern myself. Give & Grant free leave and liberty to Lion Gardiner his heirs, executors and assigns to enjoy that Island which he hath now in possession called by the Indians Manchonack, by the English the Isle of Wight; I sey to enjoy both now & for ever, which Island hath been purchased, before my commg, from the ancient Inhabitants, the Indians; Nevertheless though the said Lion Gardiner had his possession first from the Indians before my coming, yet is he now contented to hold the tenor & title of the possession of the aforesaid Island from the Earll of Starling or his successors whomsoever, who hath a Grant from the King of England, under the Great Seal of the aforesaid Kingdom. Bee I 686 PAPEBS RELATING TO LONG ISLAND. k known, therefore, that I, the said James Farrett doe give & hath given free liberty & power to the said Lion Gardiner, his Heirs, Exe'rs and Assigns and their Successors for ever to enjoy the pos- / session of the aforesaid Island, to build 8l plant thereon as best liketh them, and to dispose thereof as they think fitt, and also to make, execute & put in practice such laws for Church and Civil Government as are according to God, the Kings and the practise of the Country, without giving any account thereof to any whom- soever and the aforesaid Right & title, both of land and Govern- ment to remayne with, and to them and their successors for ever, without any trouble or molestation from the said Earll or any of his successors, for now & forever. And as much as it hath pleased Our Royal King to give the Patten of Long Island to the afore- said Earle of Starling in consideration whereof it is agreed upon that the trade with the Indians shall remayne with the said Earle and his successors, to dispose upon from time to time and at all times as best liketh him. Notwithstanding [allowing] the said Lion Gardiner to trade with the Indyans for Come or any Kinde of victuals for the use of the Plantation and no farther: and if the said Lion Gardiner shall trade in Wampum from the Indyans hee shall pay for every fa^ome twenty shillings and also the said Lion Gardiner and his successors shall pay to the said Earle or his deputyes a yearly acknowledgment being the sum of Five Pounds, (being lawfully demanded) of lawfuU money of England, or such commoditys as ot that time shall pass for money in the country ; and the first payment to begin on the last of Oct. 1643, the three former yeares being advanced for the use of the said James Farrett. In witness whereof the party has put his hands and seal the tenth day of March 1639. [o. s.] (Signed) James Farrett (seal.) ^ Sealed and delivered in the presence of ' ffulk Davis Benj" Price. liS-Vl ' ■c\ V-'i"! '>:'\J..[: M' \>i^^U' ir- ■A- ■.) f V" "•»■)' ;ive & hath his Heirs, oy the pos- !on as best and also to \i and Civil ;he practise any whom- ind Oovern- Drs for ever, 11 or any of hath pleased ;o the afore- agteed upon le said Earle ae and at all ng] the said jr any Kinde ther: and if 1 the Indyans also the said d Earle or his Five Pounds, land, or such the country; J43, the three amesFarrett. Iseal the tenth (seal.) XXIII. STATISTICS POPULATION I ^mimt of ^m-fzxk 1057-1775. I] ;k 1-1 p m ?:jM>iir ..I. I .^ 1 i/-..l i *f :r.r-\iivx ■y ■■!' I M i\ V '■ , 086 POPUUTION— 1647. GOV. BTVYVE8ANT TO TllE STATES GENERAL. f [Hol. Doe. XL] I need not intrude on your Illustrious High Mightinesses yriXh t long narrative as to the low condition in which I found New Netherland on my arrival — the Flattland so stripped of inhabitants that) with the exception of the three English Villages of Hemstede, New Flushing & Gravescnd, 60 Bouweries and Plantations could not be enumerated ; and there could not be made out in the whole Province, 250, or at farthest 300 men capable of bearing arms. 1673. [Vanderkemp Transl. of Dutch Rae. Vol. XXn.] " They and as many of the Dutch Nation as are yet residing under this Government is calculated to amount, Women and children included, to about Six thousand." (6.000). Address of tk» Burgomasters 4*c to Bencks and Evertsen. AN ACCOUNT of the Number of Inhabitants in ye SeTerall Counties of ye Pro* ▼ince of New Yorke taken by the High Sherifies and Juiticea of the Peace in each respective County ; as p order of His Excell. the Earl of Bellomont Oovernr &c. anno 1G08 [Lond. Doe. XI.] Men. Women Children Negroa In ve Goiintv & Cittv of Albanv 38U 248 29 1019 328 316 973 3(18 1465 270 111 31 1057 208 294 1024 332 1350 803 869 140 2161 118 307 124 1081 551 23 la ye County of Ulster & Dutchesso County 166 19 In the Citv & Countv of New York 700 In Richmond County als Sta'en Island In VA Countv of Wpst Ch(>st<>r 73 146 In Sufiblk County within Nassau Island In Kings County within Nassau Island In Queens County within Nassau Island 808 296 199 5U66 4677 6154 2170. A true Copy (•i|cned) DELLOMONT. Total. 44 4677 6154 . 2170 18067 Population 690 STATISTICS OF THE POPULATION if) •'5 ri'-'-U LI: h't , ' i- m / POPUUTION OF AlBANY COUNTY & INDIANS 16S9— 169& t^ond. Doe. Xl.j In pursuance of the Order from his Excell. Col. Benj Fletcher, Capt. Gen" & Govern' in Chief dated the 3'-«> day of May 1697, to wake a perfect reckoning of the Inhabitants of the City & Coimty of Albany and how many families & particukr persons in the said Citty and County are departed liom the beginning of y* Warr, how many persons killed & carried away, & of what mamber y« Fiv« Nations and River Indians there wete^ St how mucAi they since are lessened, so that wee find that the Inhal^it&^ts of the Citty h County of Albany did consist : , . ; in the year 1689 and now men weomen children men weomen children 662. nm 340. 1014. 382. 272. The Five JSTations and River Indians^ viz*' 805 The Moboggs 270 nxn j'rji k now HO The Ortneydes 180 & now ,« .u,i 70 The Onnondages 600 & now .^iWi], 250 The Cajouges 320 & now r-00 The Sinnickes 1300 & now 600 The River Indians 250 ^"^ ''■'^' &I10W *^''^'' 90 & now 1320 Ih the beginning of y« War 2800 Indians The Christians departed from the Citty ^ County of Albany gjp,. since the beginning of y*^ Warr Departed Taken prisoners Killed by y» enemy Dyed !tft Mit ■^ ,A tnie Copy Afen. Women. Children. 142 68 209 16 )* h 84 }) »l 38 » » 280 68 209 (signed) Bel I.OMONT no!>*f"it»-'{ ^Av k-i69e Fletcher, :ay 1697, le City & persons in ling of y* t df wba*. ►tej & hoNt Inhal^itft*^ ehlldren 805 110 J 70 r> 250 i r.00 600 90 1320 of Alhany ,1 Children. 209 »> »» M 209 WO Vii-'l ''i^'< -*tlV <>> !-J/i »V., I'Airf OF THE PBOVINCE OF NEW-YOBX. 691 COMPARATIVE TABLE OF POPULATION IN THE PROVINCE tii^teWYOilk. 170^1712. .i ■= ■"* [Lond. Doe. XIX.1 tfUtOO •<^'Jre^tdHc ^•liichm^CfeWtir West Chester 1 I <. 1946 1713 ^840 1^26 1279 4^ Inertaata im ■■ --"-5'' - ■-'-,- ■ .. >■ 9069 12286 3217 Queens C^^iy Suffolk 4392 8846 Albany City & County 2273 rilster & Dutches 1669 11680 Of these Countys I have as yet no lists, nor from the Jerseys but hope to be able to send it your LordsP" by the next from Connecticut. I have so imperfect an account, that I am ashamed to send it but will endeavour to get a more perfect one. ;■! Jn tfie five Countys whereof I have procured lists, the numbers were composed as followetbi *-* ' > In the year 1703 ;,-■{ ;,,. 1713 Inertated. Christians . 7767 10511 2744 . 4 l36l 1775 474 Slaves mi K'%. izii [ndte.— In 1700 Populathon of Ulster Co. was 2005 of which 324 were Slaves. In 1714 « » 2120 of wMch 433 were Slaves. The Population of Dutchess Co. in 1714, was 440 Souls, of whom 29 were Slaves.] ■■X't^- ..;;): >•! i Q^^ otr 5^1 / . j^lil 6M STATISTICS OF THS POFULATIOK GOV. HUNTER TO THE BOARD OP TRADE, APRIL; 1716. [Lonil. Doe. XX.] The number of the Militia of this Province by my last account is 6060. I cannot say that the inhabitants increase in that pro- portion (at leasl) as they do in the neighbouring provinces vrhere the purchases of land are easier bad, than vrith us, great numbers of the younger sort leave Long Island yearly to plant in the Jerseys & Pensylvania, SAME TO THE SAME. AUGUST. 1720. ^^ [Lond. Doe. XXI.] Query, what is the number of the Militia ? Answer, About Six thousand. I Kl ,ti '■•!'-' AN ACCOUNT OF THE FAMILIES OF GEBMAKS SETTLED ON HUDSON'S EIVER IN TBB PROVINCE OF NEW YORK. 1718. [Lend. Doc. XXL] ^ *^ f'' * i On the East side of Hudson^s River. fftiniliet Penoni In Hunterstown . . . . 25 109 * Kingsberry Annberry ^ , . ^ Hay sherry Rheinbeck In Seven Townships 33 104 17 71 16 •76 35 140 In Schohare 170 680 OF TIIC raOVINCE OF KEW-TORK. 693 J 1716. account hat pro- es -wbere nunibets at in the .^ vM''^ jXVEBilV TB» 109 104 76 140 680 i- On the West Side New Town . . . . 14 66 George Town • . . , 13 62 Elizb: Town . . , , 9 36 Kingstown . . . , 16 60 Wessels pretended land . 7 28 Kingstown Sopes . . 10 40 A.t New York & places adjacent 30 160 394 1601 rhe widows & orphans are not included in this list. This to the best of our knowledge is the Acc°^ of those people Mtded, amounting to 394 families, containing about 1601 persons. Joshua Kochertbal \Sndorsed] John Fred. Hageb " New York, List of the Palatines settled in New York Province Rec* w*** Brig. Hunters L' r of7 Aug 1718" AN ACCOUNT OF THE NUMBER OF PEOPLE '-' '■ IN THE PROVINCE OF NEW YORK A. D. 1723 ' [Lond. Doe. XXII.] ■Ifii rod NAME orTHK COUNTY New York.... Richmond .... Rings Queens Suffolk West Chester . Orange Dutchess i Ulster Albany White 1460 335 4»U 15(>A 1441 1)50 309 276 642 1512 S I fl 1^26 320 476 1599 1348 951 245 237 453 1408 .OtJS 1352 306 414 1530 1321 1018 304 259 563 1404 1348 291 394 1371 1156 912 2<9 268 699 1369 Total! U()83 876318500 8047 34393li2186ll8I0 1178 9^7 6171 40664 Negroes and other Slavei 1251 1774 6068 5266 3961 1097 1040 2357 5693 S 408 101 171 393 aw 155 45 22 227 307 ^1 476 63 123 294 367 118 29 14 126 200 220 49 83 228 197 92 42 2 119 146 Is h -I 5 258 42 67 208 54 83 31 5 94 155 1362 255 444 1123 975 448 147 43 566 808 P* t & 7248 1606 2218 7191 6241 4409 1244 1083 2923 6501 '' m i=1 ^1 i iff I STATISTICS QF THE POPUIiATIOl^ .' "V ABSTRACT OF THE ACCOUNTS 0^,:|!|IB NUMBBR OF INHABITANTS OF THE SEVERAL CITI|S A10 COUN- TIES fM THE PROVINCE OF NEW YORK, 2 NQV. 1^731. [MS inSec'Boff.] ' Oiljn uid OeunllM OiTyvtd County tit NaW ytA; i.. City MaOount y of Albany Quaw County. Suflblk C • t • ■ • • 1 County. Wont Chatter County. yifter County lih^qonHy Oniiga Couiity ■Mmoiiiid^Mmr Dalohaaa Oaunty SherUb Henry Beekmnn.. Ooien Van Schick Thoe Kicks OavidCorey 716 Iitdiqn* OilherfWIllet. ;.'..... John Wvncoop Domini van Der Veer. William PuUeii OhlrlesOarrittou Wifliam Squire Ifliaml t; ^'-K 1^ I 11 2028 2't8l 22.-10 2144 im oou taa 027 423 670 146)3 lt62M 10243 2230 12S5 2175 17,^ 014 6td 534 571 481 11520 3& e 5 1 1143 23S2 1178 2S45 KIM 677 243 825 2(13 203 10243 4?503mitey 1024 1213 1130 (:53 707 5^9 208 299 258 20^ 6073 I- 500 66s 470 2.'J» 260 3-^1 205 85 ill 69 w I is 607 185 303 83 96 lOP 140 47 08 32 S ES ISO 340 220 100 176 184 65 19 51 13 1853 1402 185 174 I 862S 8673 190 7905 83 ISI 91 76 33 44 8 7676 6033 3728 S150 181? 1727 KM4 50889 1402 1853 2932 7231 bUwki It U Remarkable that in New York thero are above (en sre^rs 147 males & 99S females more than in Albany [ami in Albany] 1029 males & 188 females [under ten] more than in New York which is Accounted for by this parts being: a trading Klaoe ti manv of the males go abroad of course many females Lye fallur & per apt in the County they are oetter breeders & I believe many younger. :;M'iu:iH ' — " ^ i — - ':?i^ Wfi A US'?? .OF Tpi; NUPER OF INKAEITANTS BOTH WHITES AND BLACKS OF EACH SPECIES WITHIN THE PhOVINCK OF NEW YORK ABOVE AND UNDER THE AGE OF TEN YEARS TAKEN ' IN THE YtAfL 1737. '*" ^' ^' [Lond. Doc. XXVI.] Oi^aB^OQun^i IS 4 3203 3209 2110 $6P 1178 » 654 22901395 23531175 3. » a 1036 1384 944 4.% 601 2( 264 1666 1008 674 714 304 126 378 101 132 210 4i 303 tr on tM go Si ■3^ So 8 IT^ 175113(8:147 823(1 3551 27H 1397 1279 60437 50239 Sir c« a 153 38 12-1 3: 52 84 2.54 203 207 197 140 35 110 22 53 101 227 187 o « 10661 10681 6745 2840 4870 .^418 m\f 2348 9059 7923 «|j a 645 A ** £ £s 11717 City&Co.ofN.Y. 2117 2097 2013 2897 419 76 TdR im Kingston county . 35U 436 71 366 464 140 167 32 154 152 2331 •Albany county.. • • ■ • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • .... • • • • • • • • • • • • ■ • » • • • • « Queens county . . . 1946 1826 233 2077 1914 365 466 61 391 361 9640 Dutchess county.. 2200 2056 200 2100 1750 106 160 26 •108 lUO 8806 Suffolk county.... 1887 1835 226 1891 2016 329 393 52 315 310 9254 Richmond county 445 376 35 421 414 92 88 13 »5 M 2073 Orange county . . . 536 763 67 871 721 8;^ 99 34 51 3268 Westchester co'ty 2435 2090 303 2095 1640 187 180 27 138 9235 Ulster county .... 1022 1044 116 972 lOOU 244 331 43 364 229 264 5265 12938 12522 1400 12196 12816 1964 2529 2216 2034l6I589| r Total white 51,872. •Not possible to be numbered on account of the enemy. i ^-s; ,..-i AN ACCOUNT OF THE NUMBER OF INHABPTANT^ [S PKOVINC* SAUS TAKBN IN THE PROVINCE OF NEW YORK, TAKEN lO^h MAY 1749, BY ORDER OF HIS EXCELLENCY THE HONOURABLE GOVERNOUR CLINTpN. I. . • . .. [Lond. Doc. XXIX.] ^ V u o City & Co. of N. Y. 2346 King's county 288 Albany county 2249 Queens county ..... 1630 Dutchess county. . . . 1970 Suffolk county 2058 Richmond county. . . 431 Orange county 1061 Westchester county 2611 Ulster county 913 2 « ►•5 2 i? Is 4> S 2765 437 2359 1508 1820 1863 420 8o6 2312 992 « 183 62 322 151 160 248 36 66 2364 322 2137 1550 1790 1960 424 992 2282263 110 810 « en I® 3268 391 2087 1778 1751 1969 434 899 2233 979 o 10926 1500 ^164 6617 7491 8U98 1745 3874 9547 3804 Total number of whites 62756 Total number of blacks 10692 S2 ci 9 460 232 309 300 103 305 88 62 303 217 •9 ■a* CO S Si 610 244 424 386 155 355 110 95 270 301 41 21 48 43 21 41 20 16 66 50 5® IS 09 Bi r p 334 2il5 63 292 93 84 238 196 701 149 3^ 349 79 293 98 103 279 240 3 o H 2368 783 1480 1423 421 1286 409 360 1166 1006 Total number of Inhabitants, white and black, 73,448. '-! -r '■}■' ■ .. • ;: 9. CLINTON. 4! 11 ' ■• R,'l ' 696 STATISTICS OF THE POPULATIOK .n {N»if5 00Ttooo>i^coo 91 BAOqB ■aivinaj 50 «> CO r-l Ti«9>(NC00>C0OO0)0) i < •a[iiaiaj yii y3*eO 1-t eO'*t-»-t>ooo pu« 09 "'I'M '^iOOOJ 09 »pnn n 91 aAoqv laivjiv Wf-id^Wf-f^WiOCN ooooooi-ieowoi'-jooip 91 Japan sapiig OOOiOOJtOOSOIt^iOC' l:'00«OOI'^O»COCO(N«3 •TOOX OTli<0C0Tlt^i-<000>i-i t-H 1-1 r-» 1-1 to-^i-toooit-eo^OpSt- »oo«ot^oieoior3cor»» 9X aAoqv ■aivmaj CO CO 1-t O* <»0'«* iQC000C000rJ<»OO5tOe0 •eow-^iQOTiteowwco ©♦eo«-ieo<-i(N — iOO<3t'C000«p2JO pn» 09 sai«w OOiOC-COQQOOC-C^i^i-i 00500t:;OOOOT»'Tf*iF-i COt^^OOOOOlTi*!-*!-!'^ ^ i^>» • • • *J 1 and Count and Count r County, Less Coun ge County Chester C< s County, ns County Ik County, (nond Cou] I CO n n fS CO CO 00 M OF THE PROVINCE OF NEW YORK. 697 \ ' t^ /.: l-H S i I 8 3 > 2 P^ 0? B3 o GO w t-H o 03 <» •J as rajiqiii JO iBjox •X)nnoa qsva Of 8I|3B[q JO IB)0X 91 OAoqv saivnsj 91 Japan saivuiaj 'spjisMdn puB 09 Bai«w 09 japun pun '91 3Aoq« 8ai«i^ •gj lapun saiBj^i •it)unoo qara ui gajiqM JO lB»ox lilSi^iiS" F^ CO ^^ C^ ^^ ^ 9t aAoqc saiBuiaj 91 japun saiBuiaj; •spJBAidn puB 09 8aiBK[ '()■;) japun ij 91 aAoqB saiBi\i •gt Japan 8aiT?iv[ n9i9iin s— c^ o -2 wm « S ^ XXIV. STATISTICS %tmmt, Inifortfl, (Biporfe, kt. 1691-1760 « W/i t I 1 ■'*■ »..■•> » r. I I i . J » W''^ f ^ \W I- * «tt TA .:* IM*|!IH^, J ■■- wrl^J**---* 3dt|:rjfiai M y;-fi\ THE PRODUCE OF TIIE REVENUE ^^ FROM \HE 30t>> OF JANUARY 1690 TO THE 25'>> OF DFXEMBR. 1691. [Lond. Doc. X.] , To cuRloms, in, out, & up HuJsoni River £2521 . 2. Ilf £ », d. To Inland Excise on retailed Liquors 203.12. To the produce of the Weigli house I 16U. To fines and forfeitures 306.10. To Qnit-rents received 21.12.6 ^ '3202.17.fl| The produce of one year ended the 25tli of Deer. I(i92 The Customes, as above £2463.3.111 To Excise of Liquors 834.15.8 ^ To produce of the Weigh house ^ * "!| To Fines and forfeitures 60. 8. 3358. 7. 7| The year ended 25th Deer '93 ToCustoms £1916.8. J ' \ ToExcise 665.16. 6 .J To Quit-rents 38.11. . • To Weigh house .... 90. To Fines and seizures 229.17. 5| 2940.13. The year ended 25th Deer. '94. . i Tocustomes £3055.11. 3 ; ^ Toexcise 862. 4.10 ^ To Quit-rents 149. \ ^ To Weigh house 218. 3. 2 ^5 ^ To fines and forfeitures IS. 7 :!? 4299.19.11 . llie year ended 25th Deer >95 4 To Customes £2313.17.10^ ; ToExcise 919.18. 2^ ;| ToQuit.rents i 36.17.6 j gf To produce of the Weigh-house 66.U0.11| , ., To fjrnes and forfeitures 264.17. 4^ '-''' 3601.11.11 « TotaU of receipts £17403. 9.1U rA ). i; i i i' ■i t 702 STATISTICS OF REVENUE) m /'» 6»- >• .V I •n 1^ I , M ^ A . ' '• m I' ;« i! Mi MM **i '— V^ jt mrOBTS, EXPORTS, BTC. 1721—1725. *703 kU ABSTRACT of the whole Amount of tho Dutlesof (lie Several CommodltUi baraunder mentioned, from 6th June 1721, until the 6th Day of June lt» InoluBiv*. [From Journal! of the General Asienibly.] T«erf. o/ Wini. 0/ Rum. of MolasuM. of Sail. Ittt JtHW.lO.ti X1165.H.9 i:C4«».12. 4 jr270.9.0 173a 1493. 2.0 1324. 1.9 711.18. 8 176.7.0 17»4 613. 0.0 1782. ll.« 4.',6.10.10 91. 6. « IWft 9G1. 4.0 911. 8.9 728.15. 8 2J3.«.0 0/ Ccttn. of Drt 0«Mf«. i.192.19.6 £62. 2. 6 130.13.9 79. 1«. « 163. 3.0 116. ^.11 (Kid. 19.0 96.1?. 9 Xm6.\6.6 i;6183.1C.9 i;2546.17. 6 1:750.7..; i:il6.'.15.3 i;38«.i^. 6 1738. 1tD0« ••'••• Jt'2913. 6. 8 2328. 4. 1 2197. 7- If 2402. 8.10 2704.16.11 1788. 8. 2 2566. 2. 2447.19. 9| Total Average 1726. 1.52.16. 8 780. 7. 6 ;^.'J16.17. 6 bl83.16. 9 3436.16. - i;i3423. 7. 1 k X-3356.lv.il "? Alf ABSTRACT of the Several Branches of His M^{e8ty's Revenue for support of Government in the Province of New York. [From the lamk.] ** From the 20th April nntil the Ist October 1726, (6j months; .... /:3n25.e,l<4 i'f. GENERAL ACCOUNT of the Receipt of moneys, granted for the support oftkA Government of lUevr York from Ist Sept. 1740, until 1st March 1741. [From the same.] \ Receipts, i;5392.9.3i 1st Sept. 1742 to 1 Sept. 1743 6025.4.l| A GENERAL STATE OF THE PUBLIC FUNDS ,: m THE PROVINCE OF NEW YORK, A>' u THE USES TO WHICH THET ARE APPLIED. 1767. 4.B ^V ..V. [T.ond. Doc. XL.] Divers Siims have beeh raised by different Acts of Assembly. We have an Act to lay a Duty of Tonnage on Ships, but the money is applied to sihk certain Bills of Credit. Another foir licencing Hawkers and Pedlars but it will expire soon and not he revived; and a third, cbtiiriaohly called the Duty Act. Thiil last t i Ik i '5 * K \ .._».4- 704 STATISTICS OF REVENUE, raises the money and for support of Government ; it was passed the 12t>< Dec. 1753, and was Jimited to a year, but is annually continued. Tis entitled, " An Act for granting to His Majesty the several Duties & impositions on Goods, wares and Merchan- dizes imported into this Colony, therein mentioned." The Dutia- ble Articles are Slaves, Wine, Cocoa, Rum, Brandy, Shrub, and other distilled Liquors, and European and East India dry goods, from the British Islands. The annual produce of the Duty Act for ten years past stands, as digested from the Journals of the Assembly to whom the Province Treasury accounts yearly. In the year 1755 jE;2447. 19. 9| 17S6 3171. 9. 2 1757.. i 3880.17.10? 1758 5aU7. 6.. 21 1769 8207. 2. 81 17fl0 10346. 9.11 In the year 1761 £10318.16.111 1762 7106.12.5 1763 8574. 0.10 1764 7596.12.5 1765 4S(!tO. 6. 4 1766 4811. 8.111 Invalae Sterling je41180.12.9| 74125. 3. 1 The last years amount beinr 4811.8.11] is in Sterlinsr at the usoal Exchange of X'lSOpercent £2673. 0.6^ Ovt of this money ice pay TotheOovemor 2000 For Fuel and Candles for Fort George 400 To the Chief Justice of Salary & Riding the Circuit. . 300 To 3 puisne Judges each £200 600 To the Secretary for enrolling the Laws 30 To the Clerk of the Council 30 To the Doorkr -per of the Council.... 20 TO the Public Printer. «. 60 ^' To the Ouager of Dutiable Liquors 30 To the Land and Tide Waiters 60 To the Treasurers Standing Salary «.... 200 . To the Same for Extraordmary Services 100 To the Agent in England 600 To the Attorney General 150 Tojhe Clerk of the Assembly, each day of a session { 50 16 20 100 20s suppose 5(> days To the Door Keeper of the Assembly each Day 6s sappose 60 davs To the Gunner s Store keeper of the Colony 'sStores.'. Allowed for Contingents in the Service of the Colony. 4645 value Stg. £2680.11.1 J £92. 9.5j The Light house was erected in the year 1764. • A Duty of 3d. P. Ton was laid on the Tonnage of Ships for maintaining it which produced the first year JC487.6.9. & the expenses were X431.8.6, . The second year 415.16.1. Do 407.14.6. , .,. - ( , " I ras passed s annually is Majesty Merchan- TheDulia- Shrub, and dry goods, past stands, ■whom the .i;i03W.l6.11J . 7106.12.6' . 8574. O.K . 7596.12. I .. 4811. 8'»l 74125. 3. 1 aal Exchange of £2673. 0.64 IMPORTS, EXPORTS, ETC. 705 From this State of the Civil List of the Province it appears that there is even this year a surplus beyond the whole Expence of supporting the Government, and it was heretofore very con- siderable. This Ballance has always been either borrowed in exigencies or applied by particular Laws to special uses. , :; >- ri The Annual account of Quit rents agreable to the list of Patents in the Receiver General's office is in Sterling JC1806. 7. 9 The arrears of Quit rents agreable to the list in the said office amounts to - - - 18,888.16.10 The above sums are as near as can be computed, the price of Wheat, Skins, Lambs, and Pease differing every year. The following sums are paid out of the Quit Rents on the Kings warrants directed to the Receiver General. To the Honourable Robert Cholmondely the auditor General of the Flanta- tiou £100 To George Clarke Esq. Secretary of New York on two warrants for his ) «, salary and Incidents > To the Secretary for Indian Affairs « • . 100 To the Receiver General's Salary 200 To the Honourable Robert Cholmondeley a Commission of £6 p. cent for ) all monies received on auditing the accoimts > The Incidental charges of the Receiver Geuls Office The owners of Lands in this Province have ever been so back- ward in the Payment of their Quit Rents that the sum collected * annually has never been sufficient to pay off the above mentioned salaries, and some other orders wluch were formerly granted to different people by the Lords of the Treasury. I'! r. Ut >8ts. £2880.11.11 X92. 9.H (■\'iH»' |a Duty of 3d. laintaining it [expenses "were I . I .' -•..■:. I ■ .!! 45 \ V 706 STATISTICS OF RETINUE, AMOUNT OF THE VALUE OP THE IMPORTS AND EXPORTS FROM AND TO NEW YORK, FOR THREE YEARS FROM 1717, TO 1720. [Lond Doc. XXIII.] IMVOBT9. « £ s. P. From 1717 to 1718, 27.331. 12.i From 1718 to 1719, 19.696. 6.5 From 1719 to 172U, 16.836.12.7 ; Touaimportt ' 63.764.11.1 Medium 21.254.17.0^ XZFOBTS. £ a. d. From 1717 to 171% 62.966.16.3 From 1718 to 1719, 66.355. 3.9 From 1719 to 1720, 37.397.19.5 Totflil exporfi, 156.719.19.5 Medium G2.239.19.9j The like account from 1720 to 1723. £ a. A. £ t. d. From 172l> to 1121, 15.681.4.5 From 1720 to 1721, 60.788.10.6 From 1721 to 1722, 19.564. 15.4 From 1721 to 1722, 57.889. 15. 10 rrom 1723 to 1123,... •.... 28.618.12.6 From 1722 to 1723, 64.838.9.8 Total Imports, 63.764.12.3 Medium, 21.254.17.5 Total Exports, 163.516. 16. Medium, 64.505.12. £ B. d Total Export of the three last years, Total Export of the three preceding years, Exceeded m the Total Exports of the three last years, Whieh at a Medium has been an An'ual Increase m ye Exports. 163.&16.16.0 156.719.19.6 6.796.16.7 2.285.12.2J Jin account of the Value of Furrs imported from JVeto York for six yearsyfrom 1717 to 1723. £ 8. d. £ s. d. From m? to 1718, 10.704.3.11 From 1720 to 1721, 6.659.4.11 From 1718 to 1719, 7.138.2.6 From 1721 to 1722, 7.045.3.1U From 1719 to 1720, 7.487.16.6 From 1722 to 1723, 8.833.5.4 2B.S30. 2. 9 Total of the three last years 22. 537 . 14*. 1 Excess oftheS first years.. 2.792. 8. 8 Medium,. 22.637.14.1 930.16.21 AN ACCOUNT %i 4 OF THi> ANNUAL AMOUNT OF THE IMPORTS AND EXPORTS FROM AND TO NEW YORK, FROM CHRISTMAS 1723 TO CHRISTMAS 1728. [Lond. Doc. XXIY.] The several years. 3 /'1723 a B \ 1724 2 .2 < 1725 fi fe y 1726 6 ( 1727 S C 1724 o a \ 1726 H 2 < 1726 !a / "27 5 V, 1728 Imports. £ s. d. 21191. 2. 3 25316.18. 9 38307.17.10 31617. 8. 1 21005.12.11 Exports. £ s. d. 63020. 0.9 70650. 8.0 84850.18.0 67373. 6.3 78561. 6.4 JOHN OXENFORDH A. I Oen'l. Custom House Inspector Oen'Ia Office 17 Nov'r 1729. , IMPORTS, EXPORTS, ETC. 707 n20. £ t. d. 2.966.W.3 6.356. 3.9 7.3 W.19-t' «.71».19.B. g.239.19.9i £ •• d- H).788.10. 6 M.889.16.10 64.838. 9. 8 163.Bie.M- W.506.12. £ ■• *• 6.796.16.7, 3.26B.W.2i 'eto Y^ 1706.... 1710 ... 1711.... 1712.... 1714.... 1716.... 1716.... 36 165 16 8 63 17 19 314 I. o I • • • • • • • • 24 63 65 77 38 43 290 YEAR. 1717. 1718 1719 1720 1721 1722 1723 1724 1726 1726 Totall 2395. i II 447 104 81 76 106 82 61 64 180 1269 314 1673 8(2)2 Should be (0) I 266 70 •117 • • ■ e • • • e • • ■ • 69 612 290 N. B. That all the Negroes in the foregoing account have been Imported by Private Traders and that none have been imported dureing that time by the African Company. , ARCH'D KENNEDY CoU'r. New York 16 Deoembr 1626. • Entered from the Coast of Africa but found afterwards to have been f^om Madagascar. »TS FROM AND 1728. Exports. £ ■• ^• 63020.0.9 70650. 8.0 84860.18.0 67373. 6.3 7856^_6:1 IhTa. I Gen'l. JUfJ '1*/? I i^A\ri^\i t '1 : Hi *JS,.. |IV If-i Av^-IA IfJ i»KoO Siftf iUO'. -..; „,M ir-^,- .V*-* • .:/!.» t '»*. XXV. PAPERS uun«a TO TBI TSADE AND MANUFACTURES ! or *m ^wAmt nf J&m-^mk 1705-1757. I"! ? hi :^ ^r .ni' A ' II M I 7)f::/ B^cl^A^ 1B« -,•; 4,«TA,3I6 .% 'it aSS:iTVA'l,UViAM mh HuiilT jriih^-^^-iiBll h tmm'M^ •i«»« xB^i--m\i m m eatm^ikv^^M'Q'm, :s''i'iax' -J^SV (i.i. in ■ ' The Trade of New York is chiefly to Britain k the British Plantations in the West Indies ; besides which we have our wines from Madeira & a considerable Trade with Curacoa ; some with Surinam & some little private Trade with the French Islands — The Trade to the West Indies is wholly to the advantage of this Province the Balance being every where in our favor so that we have money remitted from every place we trade with, but chiefly from Curacoa and Jamaica, these places taking off great quantitys of Flower for the Spanish Trade The Trade to Barbadoes is more considerable than to any one of the rest Provisions being carried thither not only for the supply of that Island but likewise for Transportation to the Spanish coast while the Assiento Factors were settled there, & to the French Islands, so that tho' we c6nsume more of the produce of that Island in Rum Sugar & Molasses than of all the others put together we have money frequently remitted from thence on Bills of Exchange for England The Trade to Madeira is to our Loss this Province consuming more wine from thence, than can be purchased with our commodities which obliges the Merchant either to send money or to pay the Ballance of Bills of Exchange for London But whatever advan- tages we have by the West India Trade we are so hard put to it to make even with England, that the money imported for the West Indies seldom continues six months in the Province, befrtre it is remitted for England The Current Cash being wholly in the Paper Bills of this Province and a few Lyon Dollars In the time of the last war when the great scarcity of p *ovisions happened in France, we had a very profitable Trade with Lisbon for wheat, by which several have made estates but that Trade TBI nowvxtm or nbwtobx. 716 was of no long duration, for the Distance made the carriage ao chargeable being the Ships were obliged to return empty, that th«t Trade could not be carried on any Longer without Loss, after wheat fell to its usual price, tho the Wheat of America, be of greater value there than the Eurbpean, &. we cannot hope for a return of this Trade unless such a general scarcity of Provisioiu happens over Europe as did then The Staple Commodity of the Province is Flower d& Bntad which is sent to all Parts of the West Indies we are alluwed to trade with, Besides Wheat, Pipe staves and a little Bees Wax to Madeira, We send likewise a considerable quantity of Pork, Bacon, Hogshead Staves, some Beef Butter & a few Candles to the West Indies. The great Bulk of our commoditys in proportion to their value, is the reason we cannot Trade directly to the Spanish Coast as they do from the West Indies it being necessary to employ armed vessels to prevent Injuiies from the Spaniards ft Pirates, but we sometimes send vessels into the Bays of Campe- chie & Honduras, to purchase Logwood & we have it imported from thence frequently by Strangers. This commodity is entirely exported again for England From Barbadoes we import Rum, Molasses & Sugar which are all consumed in the Province, from Antigua & the adjacent Islicnds, Molassus & some Rum for the country consumption, & sometimes sugar & Cotton for exportation to England, From Jamaica some Rum, Molasses & the best Muscovada Sugar for the consumption of the Country & sometimes Logwood, but the principal returns from thence are in Spanish money, From Curacoa the returns are in Spanish money & Cocoa which is exported again for England Surinam returns nothing besides Molasses & a little Rum whidi are consumed in the Province, in the time of War when the English could not trade with the French there was some conside- rable Trade to the Island St Thomas The Danes from thence supplying the French with our Provisions. We have Cotton from thence & now from the French Islands we sometimes have Cocoa Sugar & Indigo, the far greatest part of which are exported again from England Several of our Neighbours upon the Continent cannot well I- i; ir 716 T&ADK AMD MANVrACTUllCS 6? i.'? m V- tl>^ ■■??, £ f- - subsist without our assistance as to Provisions for we yearly send W4ieat and Flower to Boston & Road Island as well as to South Carolina tho not in any great quantity Pensylvania only rivals us in our Trade to the West Indies, but they have not that Credit in their Manufactures that this Province has Besides our Trade by Sea this Province has a very considerable inland Trade with the Indians for Beaver other Furrs &. Peltry 6s, with the French of Canada for Beaver, all which are purchased with English Commodity except a small quantity of Rum. As this Trade is very profitable to England, so this Province has a more considerable share in it than any other in His Matys Dominions & is the only Province that can Rival & I beleive out do the French, being the most advantagiously situated for this Trade of any part of America This Government (since the arrival of the present Governor) considering that the French of Canada buy yearly of the people of this Province great quantitys of English Goods in English Cloaths fit for the Indians use, & being convinced that the French cannot without great difficulty and expence import these goods directly from Europe & that without them they cannot carry on their trade with the Indians exclusive of the English : did by a severe Law prohibit the selling of any Indian Goods to the French At the same time considerable encouragement was given to a number of young men to go into the Indian Country as far as the Pass between the great Lakes at the Falls of lagaraj to learn the language of these Indians, and to renew the Trade with the far Indians which our Traders have disused ever since the beginning of the Wars with France This they could not be persuaded to undertake of themselves having of late fallen into the more safe and less toilsome Trade with the French tho less profitable in ♦ ♦ • > ^ The Government has pursued this with a good deal of diligence notwithstanding many difficultys put in the way by the merchants who trade with the French & these measures are likely to have a very happy effect, to strengthen the British Interest on this con- tinent. For if the Indians shall be once convinced that the French cannot supply them with the Goods they want or that TBK PROVINCE OF MXW-TOaK. 717 isiderable Peltry k purchased Rum. As nee has a lis Matys I beleWe ted for this Governor) the people in English i the French |these goods ,ot carry on ish: did by [oods to the kt vras given intry as far |f lagara, to Trade with 'er since the lould not be Ite fallen into lenoh tho less n of diligence Ihe merchants lely to have a It on this con- Iced that the 1 vrant or that they are furnished much cheaper by the English it will take off the dependance of the remote Indians on the French, which has been increasing of late to the Great Dangtr of this province, in case of a War, as well as to the loss of its^ trade in time of Peace, What id already done has had so good effect, that but a few days ago 80 Indian Men, besides Women & Children arrived at Albany from the furthest nation who live about the place called by the French Missilimakenak 1200 miles distant from Albany, they could not be stopt in their design by all the art of the French who in several places endeavored to divert them When they came to Albany they entered into a League of Friendship with this Government & desired to be added to the Six Nations under this Government, and that they may be esteemed the seventh Nation under the English Protection — ^The Language of those Indians is not understood by any Christian among us, & is the first time we have had any League with them — ^It is the opinion of many here that by the arts of Peace, with the assistance of a less sum than a tenth of what the expedition to Canada cost the Nation the settlement of Canada would be rendered useless to the French, and that they would be obliged to abandon it It is evident that the whole Industry, Frugality & Trade of this Province is employed to ballance the Trade with England & to pay for the goods they yearly import from thence, & therefore it is undoubtedly y» Interest of Britain to encourage the Trade of this Province as much as possible : For if the people here could remit by any method more money or Goods to England they would proportionably consume more of the English Manu- factures. We have no reason to doubt that it is truly the desire of our mother country to make her colonys flourish — The only thing in question, is by what methods the produce and Trade of the Plantations can be best encouraged with the greatest advan tage to England. It may be that many in England are not so well informed what their Colonys are able to produce & by what means the people in the colonys will most effectually be put upon such Manufacture or Trade as shall be most beneficial to the Kingdom for the Colonys differ very much in the soil & inclina- tions & humour of the Inhabitants . «.. ,« \ ' k M 1/ ,» *( M * 718 rBJLDB AND MANUFACTUKIS OW It geems to be the desire of the Government of Great Britain thalt y» Kingdom be supplyed -with naval Stores from their Plan- tations, that thej may iK>t rely so much on the Pleasure of foreign Princes for what is so necessary to y« Strength & Wealth of y* Kii^dom. Towards this end none of His Matys Provinces can be more useful than this &. perhaps no country in the World ia naturally better fitted for such produce or manufactures. There is not any where a richer Soil for producing Hemp than in many places in thii Provifiice'^ueh Land as has every year borne grain for above 90 years together without dunging in which I believe this exceUsall the other Provinces in North America. Our barren Sandy Lands bew great quantitys of Pitch pme for Tar, The Northern parts of the Province large white Pines* for Masts : & for iron we have gr^at plenty of that Oar in many places close by tfae Bank of the River, where Ships of 3 or 400 Tuns may lay their sides the ground every where covered with wood for the rurnCDce and no want of Water Streams iny where for the Forge The reasons which have hindred the Inhabitants from going upon any of these manufactures are the difficulty with which peo- ple can be persuaded to leave the common me$ns by which they have supported their familys to adventure upon any new methods which are always expensive in the beginning & uncertain in the profits they yield This reasoning has the more force because few of the Planters have any stock of money by them but depend yearly on the Produce of their Farms for the support of their FainiliM. North America containing a vast Tract of L&nd every one is able to procure a piece of land at an inconsiderable rate and therefore is fond to set up for himself rather than work for hire This makes labor continue very dear a common laborer tisually eitrning 3 Rhillings by the day & consequently any under- taking which requires many hands must be undertaken at a far greater expense than in Europe & too rften tlus charge only over- ballances all the advantages which the country naturally affords & * Neither the Pitch Pine nor White Pine are properly Pinet according to the Botanists but are put by them under the class of ye Larix the White Pine being called by Tournefourt — iMrix orientalit fructu rotundiori obtuso & by J Bonhim. Cedrus magna, Siv$ Libant, Conifera. I have not seen the true Pine to the North- ward of Maryland. M THE PROVINCE OF NEW-YOBK. 719 u M is the hardest to overcome to make any commodity or Manufacture profitable which can be raised in Europe The Merchant will not readily adventure his Stock in raising Hemp or making Tar being unacquainted with husbandry and will more difficultly be induced, because he knows the Farmer docs not gain yearly half the common Interest of the value of his land & stock after he has deducted the charge of labor One of the methods already thought of for making this Province more useful as to Naval Stores, is a severe prohibition of cutting any white Pines fit for Masts, No doubt the destroying of so necessary a commodity ought to be prevented & it would be diffi- cult to frame a Law for that end with many exceptions or Limi- tations which could be of much use on the other hand when the literal Breach of the Law becomes generally unavoidable it must loose its force, The Lands of this Province are granted upon condition that the Grantee within three years after the Grant effectually cultivate three acres for every fifty granted & it will not be supposed that it is the intent of the Law to put a stop to cultivating the Land which however cannot be done without destroying the Timber that grows upon it One at first is ready to fear that the poor Planter is under a sad Dilemma. If he does not cultivate he cannot maintain his family & he must loose his Land j if he does cultivate, he cuts Jown Trees, for which he is in danger of being undone by prosecution & fines — ^The inhabitants cannot build Houses without pine for boards & covering, nor send Vessels to sea without masts. It cannot surely be the intent of the Legislature to put the inhabitants under such extreem hard- ships by denying us necessary timber while we live in the midst of such Forests as cannot in many ages be destroyed — And the more that the King for whose use these Trees are reserved, does not nor has not made use of one Tree for many years in this Province Nor need we mind the apprehensions of some who tell us of what ill consequence it may be if the People of the Plantations should apprehend that the people of England design to cut them off from the common body of English subjects by denying them the fundi^mental English Privilege of being tryed by their country 720 TRAI>2: AND MANUFACTURES OF iiK*.'li: I M K, Our mother country the nursery of Liberty will never give up her children to the ravenous appetites of any one man nor will they loose the surest tye she has upon the aflfections of the people in the Plantations especially in a Frontier Province in the neighbour- hood of so pot'iut & cunning a nation as the Frencjii are where the native English are less in number than Foreigners French & Dutch who at present think themselves happy under the English liberty, for .the maxim that free subjects are more useful to their Prince than Slaves will be found as true in America as in Europe. But suppose the People could be restrained from cutting any White Pines it will not answer the end for which it was designed, For if the King were to send People to cut down Masts in the place where they grow and to transport them to such places where they can be carried by water the charge will amount to treble the sum they might be bought for at New York, if the carrying of them were left to the Inhabitants themselves The King in this case must have a great many hands & overseers in constant pay He must buy horses. Oxen & Carriages & maintain them or hire them after the most chargeable manner — whereas the country people carry these Trees in the Winter upon the Snow & Ice when they cannot labor in the ground & are glad to make a little profit at any rate i To balance any hard ship which the Colonys may apprehend themselves to be under The British Parliament has given such rewards & encouragements to their Plantations as no other nation has done the like for the manufacture of Hemp & Tar. The benefit of this however does not so immediately reach the i'lanters as the before mentioned penalties affect him, There is a considera- ble difference between encourageing the exportation & sale of a commodity which is already the manufacture of the country & engageing people to go upon a new commodity or manufacture in the first it is sufficient to give the merchant encouragement to buy & export in the other the encouragement would be more effectual if it were immediately applied to the persons who were to begin the Manufacture & run the whole risque of its turning to advantage or not Now I shall mention the means which I think most probable to THE PROVINCE OF NEW YORK. 721 make this Province useful in producing Naval Stores & which may with the least difficulty be put in practice — In the first place, to prevent the decay o^ Timber, fit for masts every one that im- proves Lands on which white Pines grow ought to be obliged to plant white Pines at proper distances all round his fields & enclosures when any of these shall dye cr be cut down to put another in its place and some officer be obliged to see this punctually observed and for the encouragement of such as shall raise Hemp that the Receiver General be directed to receive Hemp when offered in lieu of money for the Kings Quit Rents at an encouraging price which Price the Receiver General ought to publish, pursuant to the directions he shall receive from England — ^The Commissioners of the Navy to appoint a Factor at New York whose credit must be punctually kept up to purchase Masts & Tar, made according to the direction of the Act of Parliament, who shall yearly pub- lish the prices he will give for any of these commoditys & the Government to save themselves the Benefit of the Bounty. For some years the price to be allowed be above the intrinsic value of the commoditys, the loss of which to be defrayed by some publick fund, which I believe without great difficulty may be found & if these proposals be thought practicable & useful shall be the sub- ject of another paper. The Parliament appears desirous to encourage the importation of materials for dyeing which hitherto have been only brought from Foreign Parts I have seen fine Reds and Yellows & good black (the Country people say they have seen all colors) died by the Indians with some roots & weeds, which grow plentifully in the country. As the Indians know very little of the art of dying from what I have seen of their Reds I am apt to beleive the root they dye that color wUh, maybe very valuable & we may find some commoditys which at present are not in the Least thought of — ^When I go next to the Indians country I intend to procure some quantity of them sufficient to make a few experiments U \ i( 46 71S TRADE AND MANUFACTURE Or ■iX fi !Pi .r.ia*^ %VLi fli Hi/f ' I w '. ^•u 'iM'\ GOV* COSBY TO THE BOARD OP TRADE. , , w [Lond. Doe. XXIV.] New York 18th D«er I73S. My Lords — I ackno^'ledge the receipt of your Lordpp* to me of the 16"> of June last, and in pursuance of His Matx" directions to your LordPP" Board have made the strictest inquiry in respect tt manufactures sett up, & Trade carryed on in this Province of New York & can discover none that may in any way affect or prejudice the Trade, Navigation & Manufactures of the Kingdom of Great Britain. As to the Laws made here, I beg leave to refer your LordPP* to the acts which I shall transmitt to your LordPP* 80 soon asthey are engrossed which I fear I cannot have time to have done to send by this opportunity. The inhabitants here are more lazy & inactive than the world generally supposes, & their manufacture extends no farther than what is consumed in their own famillys, a few coarse Lindsey Woolseys for clothing, and linen for their own wear : the hatt makeing trade here seemed to promise to make the greatest advances to the prejudice of Great Britain, but that the Parliament having already taken into their consideration, needs no more mention, whatever new springs up that may in the least affect or prejudice the Trade or Navigation of Great Britlain, shall be narrowly inspected & annual returns of your Lordt'P* querries constantly sent In the mean time I have the honor to be with the greatest respect imaginable My Lords , . „ , , .,( ., Your Lordpp* most obedient i r . . ,,: & most humble servant ./' ,, ' ■ , , . (signed) W. Cosby. Ill ' vht'uever a maricett in Spain Portugal or other parts of Europe has enc6ur- * aged the sending it thither in Grain, the adventurers have often suffered by the undertaking, for at this remote distance, the in- telligence of a demand reaches us so late, that the marketts are fup|ilyed before our vessells come there, and evt-n if it were other- trise our merchants lye under vast and certain disadvantages besides for freight of wheat from hence in time of warr was at least two riiillings and six pence, and in time of peace is eighteen pence sterling per bushell, and by the length of the passage it often gt()W8 musty, at least cannot come so fresh to markett as from Great Britain ; whence freights (as it's said) are not above one ({Wirter part of what they are here. The main bont of our farmers is to raise wheat, and they are liki^ to remain in that way until the price of it becomes so low, that necessily puis upon some other way of Cultivation ; which ih process of time is like to happen, because the Sugar Islands dannot increase in the proportion which the Northern Collony* do, and whether some other encouragement may bring them over Mttikiet I cannot affirm. * ^ " • - •' • « ^ tn this Collony are a great many lands extream fit for hemp, and there is not one farm in it but has land proper to raise flax ; but llttl6 more of either is raised than what is for private use, the roWtifer they apprehend to require more hands than they have to spare, and labour is still so dear that they cannot aflbrd to hxtt people for that purpose. Nor do they (as I believe) well under- stand how to rost [rot ?] and dress it. Tarr Pitch ?r u Turpentine may be got here, but more plentifully in some of tiie other Northern Collonys, in greater quautitys than can be made use of by the Navy or Nation of Great Britain, if the price at l\ome will encourage it, which I am informed it has not done for several years past, notwithstanding the bounty allowed on the importation. I am told your Lordships formerly sent hither the method used in Russia for making of J'ar and that upon tryal thereof >> veas found not to answer hen, which is attributed more to the difference of the nature of their pitch pine and that of this Country, than to the unskillfulness of our people. : ! ^ V n i ' i t ^^ TBADE AND MAMUFACTTJAES Or In the Jerseys is an extraordinary rich mine and some others are discovered there which afibrd a good prospect but in this Pro- * vince none have as yet been discovered , th6' a good deal of money has been expended in search of them. T^ti?' ' Some lead mines have been found in several parts of this Collony but they hitherto not by farr quitted the cost expended on them, and if they happen to prove good, I believe the proprietor will rather send it home in Oar than be at the charge to erect smelt houses here. We have a great many Iron mines both of the bogg, and cf the Mountain Oar but as yet no Iron Work is set up in this prr^vince if any encouragement was given upon the importing of it iu Piggs and Bars, at least that it might be free of dutys, It is very pro- bable that in a few years the Nation might be amply supplyed from her own Plantations and it is evident that the whole amount thereof wo'ti be paid in the manufactures of Great Britain, who now pays ready money (as I am informed) for greatest part of the Iron It has from Sweden I am informed that when the Dutch were in possession of this Collony they sett up a Pottash work at vast expence but found it wo'd not answer, about twenty five years agoe it was attempted here again at the expense of a Gentleman in London but dropt for the same reason, and a like essay is lately set on foot in Jersey; which it is feared will be attended with the same fate. ■.'i: \ 1- ut.iiJ .-: kA- U li >•■;■ i" i ^. i '.^ . THE PROVINCE OF NEW-YORK. 725 le otlneis this Pro-* of money isCoUony . on thenii rietor "will >rect smelt and cf the is province itiuPiggs 18 vory pro- y supplyed \xo\e amount Britain, wlio itest part of , r , ,, ^ ;ssion of this but found it as attempted m but dropt )0t in Jersey; H^ at ■S— tJo S— ' ** t) "T i c— ■« < r fi rt oj o < r fi rt oj o ^ft< O B S i-'t! rt 2 2 >>^ o O S£ "3 a^ « *J -S !' «« « E ,s • — I- •- 2 o o »" op « « P£ « - mi '. J-' m I'M;, ■ It '■?* w rajkDZ AKJ) MAiruFACTVRGs or ! i-ii '•• 1 rl ■^t ?i>.' i i*i' TBB P&OVINCB or NEW-TOBX. im .} f^-v.l NEW YORK IN AMERICA. ) •SO 11 a3 1 « I " i 1 1 '> ^ 52 S i»* « ^.2 ^ ^« -2 1 s ej o i 5 ^ a i •3 9 S<~ a 3 V Z 3 «! 1 Id TBS mEFGMlCO QUEKIES FROM THE LORDS OF TRADE AND PLANTA- TIONS ; AND THE REQUIRED ANSWER FROM THE BOOKS OF REPORTS , AND ENTRIES IN THE CUSTOM HOUSE AT ITS PORT BY DIRECTIO* OF THE GOV^ OF THIS HIS MAJESTV's PROVINCE. 1749. [Load. Doe. %XIX.} Qre. What is the Trade of the ProTince, the Number of Piping, their Tonage and the number of Seafaring Men with the respective Increase or Diminution within the years past *? What Quantity and Sorts of British Manufactures do the InhaUtants ABBualiy take from hence 1 What trade has the Province with asy Foreign Plantations or any part of Europe besides Great Britain 1 How is that Trade caryed on ? What Commodities do the People send to and receive from Foreign Plantations ? What methods are there used to prevent Illegal Trade and are the same eSectual 1 jSnsr. The Inward Trading in General is from Great Britain, European Goods, & those India with Silk Manufactures chiefly. From Ireland liinncn and Canvas Manufacturies certified duly. From British Colonies, enumerated Commodities, Piemento, Sulphur, Strawplating, Lime juice. Coffee growth thereof. Hides, Deec Skins, Conch Shells, Mahogonie, Plank, Ebonie, & Negros. From Europe and Africa, besides from English Foreign Settle- ments in America, Salt. From the African Coast within the proper limits Directed, Negrus : now less than formerly. From the Northern & Southern parts of this Continent ; Fish, Ot), Bluber, Whale fins, Turpentine oil, Seal Skins, Hops, Cyder, Flax, Bricks, Cole, Lamp Black, certain wrought Iron, Tin & Briiziery, Joinery, various Carriages and Chairs. From Plantar tions not under his May* Dominions, Molasses, Sugar, & Rum in no great Quantitys, since the Act imposing the new Dutys thereon, Lign. Vitae, Drugs, Logwood and other Dying Wood, Indico, Cocoa Ntitts, Cotton Wool, SnufF&c*. And the Outward is to London and its Outpoits, the latter more seldom, Nav^l Stores, Copper Ore, Furs and other the enumerated species, with the TRADE AND MANUFACTiy^ OF Ell- ■ f* ". ft :i<. if ; " ■^v., t" !■ legal Import of divers Mercantile Wares, Plantation Iron, Oil, Spermaceti, Whale Fins, Lime Juice, Shruflr', [snuff?] Myrtle Candles, Mahogany &. Wulnut planks, Keeds & Drugs. To I.eland Flax Seed, Rum, Sugar, being Prise effects, and Staves. To sev^ Parts in Europe, Grain, Hides, Deer & Elk Skins, Ox Horns, Sarsaperila, Indico, Logwood, Cocoa Nutts &ca. And* Foreign Pioduce & Lumber, Moreover Argent Yivum, Coffee, Anatts, Elephant's Teeth; Beewax, Leather, Sarsafrax, Casia- fistula, Wines & other goods as Prise effects hitherto brought and in the Vice admiralty Courts here and els where adjudicated upon proper certifying. To Madeira & the Azorts, Grain and other Provisions, Bee Wax & Staves. To English Districts North & South of this Continent & West Indies, Provisions, Chocolate, Lumber European & India Goods with those enumerated in the Plantation Trade Acts, and such other Imported here for Convey* ance home regularly To neutral Ports an Curacoa, Suranhaim, &, Saint Thomas; Provisions, Lumber, Horses, Sheep, and other live Stock with their Provender. All which are particularized as to the Quantilys and Qualitys in tlic Quarterly Lists of Yessells : the du<.' transmitting whereof to their honours the Commissioners of the Customs from the offices hereat ; thereby may appear within the 4' in m '»:■■ ■ 1 180 TBADX AND KANDVACTVRES OF •ny of the said Coloiues" passed in the twenty third year of Hii Bbjtsty'lB Reign His said Excellency doth hereby certify, that therct is erected within the said Province, in the County of Orange, at A place called Wawaganda, about twenty six miles from Hud- SODA River, one plateing Forge to work with a Hit Hammer, which bielongs to Lawrance Scrauley of the said County a Blacksmith ; has been built about four or fire years, and is not at present made me. And further that there are not erected in his said Excellen- cy^t Government, any other or more plateing Forges, to work with a Tilt Hammer or any Mill or Mills, or other Engine for SUttiag or Rolling of Iron, 6. any Furnace or Furnaces for mak- iijlg Steel. In Testimony, whereof his said Excellency halh sub* scnbed these Presents, and caused the Great Seal of the Provincs of Ifew York to be hereunto affixed. At Fort George in the ciif of New York the fourteenth day of December in the year of Our Lord one thousand seven Hundred and Fifty, and in the seventy fourth year of His Majestys Reign. G. CLnrrov. ' I.. ' .V<''- AN ACCOUNT OF IRON MADE AT ANCRAM, m THfc MANOUR OF LIVINGSTON, BY ROB* LIVINGSTON JUN' »»' [Load. Doe. XXXIV.] MADE INTO BARS. | Tear. T c qri. lbs. T c Cutingft. 1750.... 43 3 3 13 195 15 5 2 3 7 1751.... 606 6 3 17 164 12 6 1 2 • • 1752.... 354 7 3 183 14 3 2 1 14 1753.... 22 9 2 215 6 2 3 21 1764.... • • • • • • ■ • • • 211 5 4 t 2 2 • • 1755.... 722 2 3 149 16 36 2 3 7 1756.... 267 14 14 182 10 2016 4 3 16 1302 8 66 15 21 1302 8 Pr DiRcK Jansen, Total 3318 12 3 16 Store keeper. THE PROYINCC OF NEW-YOBX. m earofHU ■ttify, ti»* of Orange* from Httd- imeTj'wbicb Jlacksmiik ; iresent made id Excellen- res, to "work . Engine ffef nbflr 1787. ''My Lords — ^I had the honour of your Lordships letter of the 9*^ of June directing me forthwith .upon the receipt thereof to take the most effectual method for obtaining an account of the qil^ntity of Iron made in this Province from the year 1749 to the &*k of January 1756. I accordingly wrote to Mr. Eobert Livmg' stone who has the only Iron work in this Province which is carried on & I send your Lordships enclosed the account I received from him as soon as it came to my hands. This Country abaundf ijgi Irpn ore especially in the Highlands) & several works have been begun but were dropt through the mismanagement o;r inability of t]be undertakers; of these there were two Furnaces in the Manner of Cortland & several Bloomeries; but they have not been worked for several years past ; it is probable after the war upon the SJn* couragcment the Parliament of Great Britain are giving the Colo- nies in this Article these & several others will be carried ^ in this Province. I have the honor to be, Your Lordship^s most obed* & most humble servt James De Lanct. Right Honorable Lords Commissioners of Trade. .Ti{':tt«:?'^ .M<.IJi'AM.i»' [Council Min. XXIII.] ; At a Council held at Fort George in the city of New York, Wednesday, ZV^ May 1761. The Petition of William Hawkshurst praying a Grant for the sole miiking of Anchors and AnviDs within this Province for the T^m of Thirty years, or such other Term, and under such Regu- lations as shall be thought meet, was presented to the Board, and being read was rejected. Hi i 1 'n 1 1 .1 '. .lifiW 732 0„i, Jl.; 'TfT? ;r TRADE AND MANUFACTURES Of CIRCULAR. THS BOARD OF TRADE TO ALL THE GOVERNORS ON THE CONTINENT i' ' OF AMERICA. ^^ [Lond. Doe. XXXIX.] . Whitehall August 1. 1766. In pursuance of an Address of the House of Commons to His Majesty on the 27^^ March last, and of His Majesty's Commands thereupon, signified to us by his Grace the Duke of Richmond, in a'letterto us dated the ll^i> ultimo, you are forthwith to pre- pare, and as' soon as possible transmit to us, in order to be laid before the House of Commons in the next Session, a particular and exact Account of the several manufactures which have been set up and carried on within the Colony under your Government since the year 1734 and of the Public Encouragement which have been given thereto. You are also from time to time Annually to transmit the like Account of any Manufactures which shall be hereafter set up, and of the Public Encouragement which have been given thereto. We are &c. .Y^^'U lit -luyJ., *^.:;r Dartmouth. Ed. Elliot. John Roberts. Wm. Fitzherbert. Palmerston. ^■s^'l i'^%. ^u; ( ( P^onneil Min. XXVI.] At a Council held at Fort George in the City of New York on Friday the 7»h day Nov' 1766. Present — His Excellency Sir Henry Moore Baronet, Capt. Genl &c ,- M' Horsmanden M' Read M' Apthorpe M' Smith M' Morris. His Excellency communicated to the Council a Letter to him of the l»t of August from the Right Honble the Lords Commis- sioners for Trade & Plantations requiring his Excellency, in pur- suance of the Address of the House of Commons to his Majesty THE PROVINCK OF NEW YORK. 733 »»TlNKHt lUBt 1.1786. ions to His Commands Richmond, fith to pre- er to be laid a particular 5h have been Government ement which smit the like ;er set up, and en thereto. Lts. ofNevfYork Nov' 1766. ,Capt.Genl&c Apthorpe Letter to him .ords Commis- pUency, in puT- to bis Majesty on the 27 March last, and of his Majesty^s Commands thereupon, forthwith to prepare and tiansmit to their Lordships, in order to be laid before the House of Commons, at their next Sessions, a particular and exact Account of the Several Manufactures &c. [Jis in the preceding Letter.^ !►;(//' iji; The Council declared, that no manufactures had been set up within this Colony since that Period, or received any public en- couragement ; nor did they know of any Manufacture of Wool or Woolen Cloth, but what was principally confined to private Families, for their own particular Consumption. 'V3''1» GOV. MOORE TO THE LORDS OF TRADE. .*f [Lond. Doc. XL.] fiLj Jt)U ■vrt Fort George, New York, 19. Jany 1767* My Lords — Having reC^ your Lordships' commands in a letter dated the first of August last, in which I was directed to prepare and transmit as soor as possible an account of the Several Manu- factures Set up and carried on within this Colony singe the year 1734, 1 took the liberty of giving Mf Peter Hasenclaver a Letter of Introduction to your Lordships as he was then ready to sail for England, imagining that from his Character and Knowledge of the Country a more perfect Account might be obtained from him of what was required in the beforementioned Letter, than I could possibly give by that opportunity. I have since made all the Inquiries I could, and the whole of the Information given to me may be reduced to the following Heads. : a :y>ifi There is a Small Manufactory of Linen in this City under the Conduct of one Wells, and supported chiefly by the Subscriptions of a set of men who call themselves the Society of Arts and Agriculture. No more than fourteen Looms are employed in it, and it was established in order to give Bread to several poor fam- ilies which vter'e a considerable charge to the city and are now comfortably supported by their own daily Labour in Spinning of Flax. It does not appear that there is any e^tublished Fabric of Broad Cloth here ; and some poor Weavers from Yorkshire, who I: m TRADE AND liAMUFACTURl!! OV li tlf. I't came over lately in expectation of being engaged to make Bro&d Cloths could find no Employment. But there is a general Man- ufactory , of Woolen carried on here and consists of two Rorts, the first a coarse cloth entirely woollen | of a yard wide ; and another a stuff which they call Linsey Woolsey. The Warp of this is Linen, and the Woof Woollen, and a very small quantity of it is ever sent to market. Last year when the Riots and Dis- orders here were at their height on the occasion of the Stamp Act, these manufactures were greatly boasted of, and the Quantity then made greatly magnified by those, who were desirous of dis- tinguishing themselves as American Patriots, and would wear nothing else ; They were sometimes sold for three times their value ; but the manufacterers themselves shewed that they had more good sense than the persons who employed them ; for they never cloathed themselves with the work of their own hands, but readily brought it to market, and selling it an extravagant price there, bought English Cloth for themselves and their families. The Custom of making these Coarse Cloths in private families pre- vails throughout the whole province, and almost in every House a sufficient quantity is manufactured for the use of the Family, without the least design of sending any of it to market. This I had an opportunity of Seeing in the late Tour t made, and had the same Accounts given me by all those persons of whom I made any inquiry, for every hoube swarms with children, who are set to work as soon as they are able to Spin and Card, and as every filmily is furnished with a Loom, the Itinerant Weavers who travel about the Country, put the finishing hand to the Work. There is a Manufactory of Hats in this City, which is very eonsiderable ; for the Hats are not so good as those made in England, and are in^nitely dearer. Under such Disadvantages as tiiese it is easy to imagine with what difficulty it is supported, k how short the duration of it is like to be ; the Price of Labour is 80 great in' this part of the World, that it will always prove the greatest obstacle to any Manufactures attempted to be set up here, and the genius of the People in a Country where every one can have Land to work upon leads them so naturally into Agriculture, thilt it prevails over every other occupation. There can be no ••longer rmtancs of this il.. • .v - arop. of different T, J '.'^:'" "■:,«""■"» '•"Por.ed f..„ I«d.n.ures i. Expired, theiH r? ' """ '"'"''«'''' » «l»ir Porertjj but all (his i, oaiiJl. k ' '" "" ""»' «««• "■ooth, every difScuI.y & LT f u'°" '"r'""« ^''"'"«"'''«- '■Ttogto thai comfort.be «rr " '^"'"' «''« ">™erof t'l ttemselve, .»d be f^^tT "'T' ""^ ""'" P~«"~ wMch tbey were brought „p ""^ *"'''"8 «' "■« Trade, in The Master of a Glats-house • »!,• u y«ar. .go now a Bankrunt .T ' , "" '<" "P l-'re . f-- •o "o otber cause thlXte^MTn l!;"' "'' '"'» ^ -^ '«"», *hick be bad Importfd ral^ , " "°""" ^ "" & > others bad suffered and CI? f'"' «P™« i and tbat man, of misfortune. "'' '«'''«'' »» ^ «»», by tbe same I^J «».^ar;„Srj,::t-e:.': -- «"» -"^^ormak.:^ --J as ye. very inconsiderlwe " "" ° ''^ P"™" P«"on.! As to the Foundaries which Mr n J.irerent parts of this C^^^ "^ HasenC.ver has set up in tb. •>o able to give y„„ uZt \ ml '°""™ """"' ^ "« ««' progress be has already made' ll T ''™ '"^ "' *« P'ovmce is "ndervery great o'biL, °" V'^ "^' ^ '""k 'hi. of money be has laidT here fn " . " '" "' '"8e sum. ^»P, and introducingtbevaaril^^t"':^.™-' I have the honor to be &c. H ana Pot MboRE. GOl^- MOOSE TO WW) HIusBOROUGE [I-ond. Doc. XLI.J My L„rd-I have the honour to '.^r^:.'!'* ''"'" ' "•^- "»»• ™py of a letter I wrote in th, ^ • • °"' '°^''"'' ^""'^hip the Wd, Commissioners ri^^.TZt:-''-' '°^' ^-' '» «» * Plantations, m answer to a 736 TIUSS AND MAMVriCruBldl OF, ETC. letter I received from their 'Lordships in consequence of the Address of the House of Commons to His Majesty concerning the Manufactures of this Country, dated March 21^^ 1766. Another copy of this Address has been inclosed to me in your Lordships Letter marked N^ 3, to which I must make the same answer, as the Progress of Manufactures in this part of the world by no means corresponds with the pompous accounts given of them in the public papers No mention is made in the former Letter of the great quantities of Leather being tanned in this Country, as this branch of business has been carried on for many years ; the leather is greatly inferior in quality to that made in Europe ; and they are not yet arrived to the perfection of making Sole-leather. Your Lordship maybe assured that I shall, from time to time, give every due information required in this Address, and be particularly attentive to any new Establishments of which we have no instances since my last letter, except in the paper-Mill begun to be erected within these few days, at a small distance from the Town. I am &c. H. MooBE. -w, ;>a^:hh.n^nur.' • fi •r'c M 'J> 04 (^5 :Teiii"ii>4( ^iJ^^-'MI Jil :\m>*i\' jm '.T '','"■/ \f l::-.^Ui'.:'.'iJ :*■ ■ -J^iw!.;," 'K^i^^J f l*-- 'iTO'I ■'i' %t ifsi O' %. 3 ence of the )Dcerning tbc i6. Another )ur LordsWps ae answer, as world by no ■n of them in XXVI. rreat quantities nch of business greatly inferiot not yet arrived .ordship may be due information fttivctoanyncvr cc my last letter, vithin these few REPORT GOVERNOR WILLIAM TRYON, ...t* H. MOORB. .,vl ON THE STATE OF THB ^xnmtt of l^m-fntk V 7W 1774. 47 ■rQ- ■: I, u miftf MAMwii^ it^>;4)i;4v^Ki MT '^'j.Mj'ATw: :*»"•■■ ^^^ Mf"^n!i fe ■{'Kniitit?! .1^ SH"' REPORT OF HIS EXCELLENCY WILLIAM TRYON, ESQUIRE, CAFTAIN GENERAL AND GOVERNOR IN CHIEF IN AND OVER THE PEO- YINCE OF NEW YORK AND THE TERRITORIES DEPENDING THEREON IN AMERICA, CHANCELI^OR AND VICE ADMIRAL OF TH& BAtOr—OK CERTAIN HEADS OF ENQUIRY RELATIVE TO THE PRESENT STATE & CONDITION OF HIS MAJESTY's SAID PROVINCE [Lond. Doe. XLTY.] Question J^o. 1. What is the situation of the Province under your Government, the nature of the Country soil and Climate : the Latitudes and Longitudes of the most considerable places in it : have those Latitudes and Longitudes been settled by good Observations, or only by common Computations, and from whence are the Longi- tudes computed ? Answer. fKoiince. The Province of New York is situated on the Atlantic Ocean which washeii its Southern shores : The Colonies of Con- necticut, Massachusetts Bay, and New Hampshire lying to the East, Quebec to the North, and New Jersey, Pensylvania and the Indian Country to the West. Nature of the The Facc of the Country is every where uneven, •ru. With all thevariety of Soil to be found any where. In the Northern Parts are low lands enriched by the overflowing of Rivers, but little of this sort lies within seventy miles of the city of New York the Metropolis — ^The soil in general is much thinner and lighter in the Southern, than in the Northern Parts and having been longer under Culture and subject to bad Husbandry, is much more exhausted. ciinute. The Province extending nearly Four Degrees and a half of Latitude the difference of Climate between the Southern and Northern Parts is remarkable. In Summer the Heat is sometimes ' excessive, and in general much greater than in England — ^Melons J \l^ I* .: 740 GOVERNOR TRYON^S REPORT ON THE and many other things arc raised here by the natural warmth of the Climate which in England require the aid of Hot Beds and Glasses — The Winter in all parts of the Province is more severe than in England, tho' the Latitude of London is about ten Degrees more North than the City of New York — Even in the Southern P&rt the Mercury in Farrenhight's Thermometer sinks some Degrees below and rises to 90° but these extremes are always of short Duration. — At Albany and to the Northward of that City the Harvest is about a MoDth later than at New York, Rnd the Winter is much earlier. Hudson's River is generally frozen over many miles below Albany before the middle of December but no Quantity of Ice is found in the River within thirty Hiiles of the City of New York, earlier than the Month of January — In March the Navigation is dgain open up to Albany ; And it is observed the Selfeons both as to Heat and Cold grow more temperate. uHiodei. The Latitudes of the following places have been deter- mined by good observations. the -Light House at Sandy Hook - - - 40° 27' 40" Foit George City of New York - - - 40 4150 Mouth of Mackhacaraac Branch of Delaware, where the Line settled between New York & New Jersey tetminates 41 21 37 City of Albany 42 36 OC Th« South End of Lake George - - - 43 16 12 Crown Point 43 50 07 Windmill Point 44 57 18 Point au Pine - - - - - - - 44 68 48 Moores Point 45 00 00 LMigtmde. The Longitude of the City of New York has been found by good Observations of the Satellites of Jupiter to be 74° 36 West from London. fJ -; : ->■->:. . • a : >' • ir ni / ?: :: ,jua it ,r. I'd »•«.";?.! i Question JTo. 2. i/'t;/* r-fw-;; •:•.■;. ,.•; it-: What are the reputed Boundaries, and are any parts disputed and by whom • ' ■'^- .. Answer, SHwi".!!' The Boundaries of the Province of New York ap6 dfe- rivfed from Two Sources.— First, the Grants fVom Kihg Charles thie raoviNCK or NSW vonx. m irmiU of Beds and e severe 1 Degrees Soutberu rtks some ire always fthatCtty k, fend the irozen over iber but no iiles of the —In March )b8erved the tte. ■• '• I been detev- 40°2r40" 40 41 60 41 21 37 42 36 00 43 16 12 43 60 07 44 57 18 44 58 48 45 00 00 M been found b be 74° 38 tarts disputed Yovkar^dfe- |hg Chafl€9 the Second to his Brother James Duke of York dat«d the 12^^ Marok 16G3|4 and the 29 June 1674, which were intended to convey t« the Duke all the Lands claimed by theDutch, the first occupant!, of this Colony. — Secondly, from the Submission and Subjection ^ the Five Nations of Indians to the Crown of England. A* HraMNM ^he Descriptive part of both the Duke's Orant« if ff«f chiSUI in the same Words and exclusive of the Territory jl'i^ovko Eastward of Connecticut River, since granted to tb« Massachusetts Bay by their Charter of 1691, compre- hends '^ AH that Island or Islands commonly called Muttawatke or Long Island, together with Hudson's River, and all the Lan4 from the West side of Connecticut River to the East side of Delaware Bay." Connecticut River extends beyond, and Hudson's River takes its rise a little to the Southward of the Forty fifth Degree of Northern Latitude; And as a Line from the Head of the River Connecticut to Delaware Bay, would exclude the greatest part of Hudson's River, which is expressly granted to the Duke of York, the Bound»ry most consistent with the Qranti to the Duke, and the claim of New York founded thereon, is a Line from thu Head of the Connecticut Uivtr to the Source of Hudson's River, thence to the Head of the Mohawk Branch of th« Hudsons River and thence to the East ;>ide of the Delaware Bay^. That this has been the reputed Boundary under the Duke's Title has been confirmed by the Grants o" this ( ''overnment extending^ Westward nearly to the Head of the Mohawk Branch of the Hud- son's River, and Southward of that Branch to within a few mile* of the North Boundary of Pensylvania. No other Construction will justify ihe Terms of the Grants to, the Duke, nor any Lines less comprehensive include the Lands patented by this Province or ceded to the Crown by the Indianf^ at the Treaty at Fort Stanwix in 1768. • i^ .;:t AtWn»rron.i. "jhe Secoud source of the Title of this Government oed 00 the Mv^Nn *« is grounded on the Claim of the Five Nations who are in, of indi...,. jijg Treaty of Utrecht acknowledged by France tp be a^hject to Gre^t Britain. Soon after the English conquered this Country from the Dulch). pursuing their System of Policy, they entered into a strict Alliano«> 742 GOT. TRTON's report OM THE I ' W) M'^ I ■with the Natives who by Treaties with this Colony, subjected themselves to the Crown of England, and their Lands to its protection, and from this Period were always treated as Subjects, ayd their Country considered by this Government as part of the Province of New York, which probably gave rise to the extended Jurisdiction of the Colony beyond the Duke's Grants, signified by the Words " The Territories depending thereon" which are found in all the Commissions of the Crown to its Governors. Nor has the Crown except by the Confirmation of the Agreement fixing the Boundary of Connecticut at about Twenty miles East of Hudson's River at any Time contracted the jurisdiction of the Colony Westward of Connecticut River & Southward of the Latitude 45 the Proclamation of His present Majesty of the 1*^ of October 1763, leaving the jurisdiction Southward of that Latitude as it stood before, tho' it prohibits for the present the further Extention of the Grants and Settlements into the Country thereby reserved to the Indians, to avoid giving Umbrage to that People who complained they were too much strait ned in their hunting grounds. It is uncertain to this Day to what Extent the Five Nations carried their claim to the Westward & Northward but there is no doubt it went to the North beyond the 46 Degree of Latitude and Westward to Lake Huron, their Beaver Hunting Country being bounded to the West by that Lake, which Country the Five Nations by Treaty with the Governor of this Province at Albany in 1701, surrendered to the Crown to be protected and defended for them — Mitchel in his Map extends their claim much further Westward and he is supported in this opinion by Maps and other Authorities very Ancient and Respectable. The above Treaty of 1701 is to be found among the Records of Indian Transactions but it is recited and the Surrender made thereby confirmed in a Deed dated the li^^ September 1726 by which the Seneca, Cayouga and Onondaga Nations also surrender'd their Habitations to King George the first, a Copy whereof is in- serted in the article of the Appendix, Number 1. Oswego on the South side of Lake Ontario was first established by this Colony about 1724, a Garrison of the King's Troops supported there at the Expence of this Government, and the Juris- PROYINCE CF NEW-YORK. 743 , 8ub]ecte r. On the West j The Banks of Hudson's River from Sandy Hook, on the Ocean, to the 41 Degree of Latitude, thence the Lme established between New York and New Jersey to Delaware River — Thence the River Delaware to the North East Corner of Pensylvania or the Be- ginning of the Latitude 43, which in Mitchel's Map is by mistake carried thro' the whole of that degree — Thence the North Boundary Line of Pensylvania to the Northwest Corner of that Province, and continuing the same Line to a point in Lake Erie which bears due South from the East Bank of the Streights of D'Etroit and of Lake Huron to the Forty Fifth Degree of Northern Latitude. On the Korth A Line from a point on the East bank of Lake Huron in the Lati- tude of Forty Five East to the River St La\vrence, or the South Boundary Line of Quebec j Thence along the South Boundary 744 OOY. TBYON^S REPORT ON THE '» * / pp ijH"; V,i m.' V '' ' pi' 1 ^1 s Q % h ,* , I « li f Ltine of that Province across the River St Lawrence to the Mon- ument on the East Bank of Lake Champlain fixed there in the 45 Degree of Northern Latitude ; Thence East along the Line already run and marked to the Monument or Station fixed on the West Bank of the River Connecticut in the same Latitude. On the East The Western Banks of the River Connecticut from the last mentioned Station to the South-west corner of the Province of New Hampshire, in the North boundary Line of the Massachu- setts bay; and from thence along that Line, (if continued) and the Western limits of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, and the Colony of Connecticut. In the Appendix N^ 4, is a M.u- of tlie Province of New York according to the preceding Discription of its Boundaries. DiqmtMUiat The Boundary of the Province of New York (in res- widi Mmu- pect to the other G overnibtntb) being established in every iBiMpeetio' part except where ii borders to the East on the Massa- thelimiu of _; thitProTince. chusetts Bay, it was conceived the late agreement with that Province when ratified by the Crown, would extinguish every Controversy respecting the Limits of New York, the North Boun- dary Line of the Massachusetts having in the year 1740 been ascer- tained by a Royal Decree of the King in Privy Council in the Contest between that Province & New Hampshire. But the Massachusets Commissaries at the late Meeting at Hartford in 1773 declared that they had no authority to settle their North Boundary which they considered as undetermined with respect to New York, and one of those Gentlemen intimated that they still left open their Western Claim to the South Sea. Hence two very important Disputes may still arise of great Consequence to the Interests of the Crown, as well as the property of His Majesty's subjects of this Colony. The Massachusetts Northern Claim beyond the Line M the MaiH- settled between that Province and New Hampshire, ehuMtU Nor- them Claim, gxteuds uorth from that Liiie about Fifty miles, and from thence Westward to within Twenty Miles East of Hudson's River, and after passing this Province, is commensurate with their Western Claim to the South Sea— The immediate object of their ,»'' PROVINCE OF NCW-YORK. 746 Northern Claim is a Country between Connoctlcut & Hudson^s Rivers about Fifty Miles in length and about Forty in breadth and includes not only the greater part of the County of Cumberland, but a large District of- the Counties of Albany and Charlotte. — ^The Lands there in question are wholly appropriated under Grants of this Province [and?] of New Hampshire, and the Families settled thereon are not less than Two Thousand, the' they probably exceed thatnumber. ; ,, , ;., k, . The Massachusetts Bay long acquiesced in the Royal Decree of 1740, the Line established by that Decision hath actually been run and marked from the south West Corner of New Hampshire Westward, to within about Twenty miles East of Hudson's River, and the Inhabitants of New York and the Massachusets Bay hav« deemed ihat Line to be the utmost Extent of the Massachnsetti North Boundary, whatever might have been determined as to their Western Limits. And that this was the sense of the General Court of that Province soon after the Treaty of 1767, for settling the Boundary of the Two Provinces, appears clearly by their Resolution of the 23* January 1768 in these Words " Resolved that this Court will concede to and confirm the last proposal mad« by their Commissioners on the part of Ne'w York at their late Conference in the Words of the Report of the Lords of Trade and Plantations in May 1757, That a Streight Line be drawn Northerly from a point on the Southern Line of the Massachusetts Bay Twenty Miles due East fiom Hudson's River, to another point Twenty Miles due East from the said River, on the Line which divides the Province of the Massachusetts Bay from JVew Hamfr shnCj be the Eastern Boundary of New York." Nor can any Line more favorable to the Massachusetts Colony be hereafter established, without subverting the Principles, and calling in question the Justice of the Royal Decree pronounced in 1740 after full hearing of the merits of the Massachusetts claim on the appeal of both parties to the King in Privy Council ; and which could it now be eflfected, must not only prove highly InjiB^ nous to the Crown in respect to the right of Soil, its Quit Renti & Escheats, but be productive of the greatest disorder & confusioii in that Country. f'l ;.:ir.vf' M'' 4 '^■^ I I) 746 GOV. tbyon's report on the m IT* ■- / ' I I I 11 ,3>' I tl . i I Remark! on The Province of Massachusetts Bay ground their the oUdm of . . w,. i i o i « •' o MaiMchasetucIaim Westward to the South Sea on the Deed dated 19th Bay Weat- . _ wart to the March 1627 18 from the Council of Plimouth to Sir Bonui sea, fec*nn"Sieil?*^^°'^y Roswell &c. and their Associates. — As also on K«u"n\5;d"^^e Charter or Letters Patent of Charles the First dated ?fflS«X.the 4 March 1628|9— The Lands granted are the same Soi^.houid in both, being in breadth about Sixty Miles, and thefr''iuim'*to extending as described in these Instruments " From the dary beyond ' Atlantic and Western Sea and Ocean on the East part Line Estab- to the South Sea on the West part." luhed bo- -n % r* i • .. i tween that fiut the Crown being divested of these Lands bv the ProTineeand « i 2^^ Hamp-^ Grant to the Council of Plimouth in 1620, could not SiStoVe pass them by its Charter of 162819, which had no South Sea, ^^j^g,. operation than to form the Massachusetts Bay into a Province, and to invest the same with Powers as a Body Corporate. •^ It became necessary therefore for the Massachusets Bay after they were incorporated, to obtain a Conveyance to the Corpora- tion of the Lands granted to Roswell &c. and Associates. — That they obtained such Conveyance has not been pretended. — If they had, the Crown either became reseized of the Lands of the Corporation by the Judgment in 1684 which Vacated the Letters Patent of 1628|9 or the Property reverted to the Grantees of the Council of Plymouth. Had the Crown been reseized it might have passed the same Lands to the Massachusetts Province by the present Charter of 1691. But instead of so extensive and unreasonable a Grant of Three Thousand Miles in length they obtained, it is true, by that Charter a great addition of Territory Eastward but were confined in their Western limits which extend " towards the South Sct as far as the Colonies of Rhode Island, Connecticut and the Narra- gansett Country." This Description in strict Construction (f Law will carry the Massachusetts Bay West no further than the Eastern Bpunds of Connecticut, and by the most liberal interpre- tation do not extend their Boundary beyond the West Line of Connecticut, then and for some years before determined by if* lv?5 "T PROVINCE OP NEW-YORK. 747 und their dated 19t»» ith to Sir Ls also on First dateil e the same ^iles, and « Froin the le East part >ts Bay after the Corpora- nates. — That led.— If they ,ands of the d the Letters •antees of the ped the same it Charter of Je a Grant of . true, by that fere confined I South Se A as ^d the Narra- istruction (f Ither than the leral interpre- RVest L'.ne of etermined by Agreement between that Colony and New York to be upwards of Twenty Miles East of Hudson's River. On the other hand admitting the Massachusetts Bay after their charter of 1628|9, and before it was vacated in 1684, did not obtain a Conveyance of the Lands granted to Roswell &c. and Associates, the Judgment which vacated that charter did not affect the Lands but left the Title in Roswell &c. and Associates, and the Crown could not by the Charter of 1691, grant them to the Massachusetts Colony ; So that the Title, if any einstSy must at this day be vested in the heirs or assigns of Roswell &c. and Associates in their private Right, and not in the Government of the Massachusetts Bay, unless transferred to or vested in the latter by some ^ct of their Provincial Legislature, if such an Act could possibly have any Efficacy. • ': ' ' It is however presumed no Law of that Tendency has been passed, and if any should hereafter be presented for His Majesty's approbation, that it will be objected to (so far as it may counten- ance the extension of their Northern or Western claims beyond the Limits of their present Charter) as a measure calculated to divest the Crown of the right of Soil in that very large and exten- sive Territory, which lies Westward of the Colony of New York to the South Sea. This claim had it been considered as well grounded would long since have been prosecuted and brought to a decision. — The Mas- sachusetts General Court or Assembly assert it in a Resolve they passed on the 23d of January 1768, but whether with an intention to maintain it. Time must discover. — A claim so long dormant, can hardly be expected under any circumstances to be now revived with a prospect of success, & whatever Judgment the Assembly of the Massachusetts Bay may have formed certainly their present Governor had no opinion of its solidity, when at a late Meeting of the Commissaries of both Provinces at Hartford in 1773 he declared " That it was a mere Ideal, Visionary project, in which he believed Nobody to be sincere," and discovered an anxietv least it should interrupt the progress of the Treaty. ' *' ' Question JVo. 3. ^ ,. What is the size and extent of the Province, the number of 748 GOT, TBYON'S report OK TlIE f. 5*4 ■It ' :r Acred supposed to be contained therein ; What part thereof is cultivated and improved; and under what Title do the Inhabitants hold their possessions'? . , Answer. ,'y( {Mm Miiu;- The Extent of the Province from North to South is about lemofthe m ■kr r^vinee. 300 Statute miles. Nassau Island (commonly called Long Island) is situated to the South, its length from East tc West, ipi^l^out 150 ipiles, and its breadth on a medium fifteen miles; The Ureadth of the Province Northward of this Island is various. From th?> city of New York Nort'a about 20 miles up the Country, the breadth does not exceed 14 miles, and lies wholly on the East side of Hudson^s River, New Jersey being bounded by the opposite shore — From the 41 ■ Degree of Latitude the Province extends on both sides of that River; soon widens to about 60 miles; and increases \» breadth up to the 42"^ Degree, where it is about 80 miles wide; sn^poping the Western Boundary to extend to the line mentioned in the Answer to the preceding Question No. 2, the extent from tbje 42* Degree to the North Line of Massachusets Bay (a distance of 49 miles) is about 456 miles, and from thence to the 45t'> Degree, it extends East i%, West on a Medium about 500 miles, a(Ki pn the like supposition the number of square miles contained within this Province exclusive of the Lakes is 82,1 12 or 52,55 1 ,680 acres, >yhich is one foufth less than the number contained in the Province of Quebec. Parts ouitirved. Nassau Or Long Island which contains Kings, Queens and Suffolk Counties.— Staten Island which forms Richmond County and the Counties of Ntw York, Westchester, Dutchess, Orange and TJlstcr, are all well inhabited, and not many large Tracts of improveable land are left uncultivated. — The County of Albany tho' the Inhabitants are numerous, and the Lands in general under Cultivation in the South, contains extensive and valuable Tract!) unwproved in the North Part.' — Try on County tho' thinly settled, as its extent is great, has many Inhabitants. = The culti- 1 Anwny County at this date inclu'led the present Counties of Greene, Colum« bia, Albany, Rensselaer, Schenectady and Saratoga. 2 This County was taken from Albany County in 1772, and named in honour of Wm. Tryon then the Governor of the Province. In 1784 it was changed to that ofMootfonevy. When formed it embraced all that part of the SjUte lying West PEOVISCE OF NEW-YOHK. 7« Ihertof 19 nhabitants ith is about )nly called istto West, miles; The ovis. From ounlry, the East side of isite shore — lids on both nd increases I miles wide; le mentioned extent from y (a distance to the 45^'» 500 miles, ics contained r 52,55 1,680 ained in the lings, Queens lond County ., Orange and le Tracts of ly of Albany Icneral under [uable Tracts tho' thinly The culti- 3reenei Colum* led in honour of lehanged to that ate lying W«»t vated parts of Charlotte County are inconsiderable, compared with 'what remains to be settled and the same may be remarked with respect to the Counties of Cumberland and Gloucester." — In the Appendix is a list of the Inhabitants White and Black in the respective Counties, according to the returns of their numbers in 1771, since which they are greatly augmented, but it is to b« observed that the new counties of Charlotte and Tryon were then part of Albany.* The proportion of the cultivated to the uncultivated parts of the Province (the Limits as stated in No. 2) is as one to four; or one fifth only improved. TiUes uiid^r With rcspcct to the Titles under which the Inhabitants which land* , , , , . . -n r i t* . •re held. hold their possessions; Before the Province was granted on 12 March 1663(4 by King Charles the Second to his brother James Duke o( York, the Dutch W est India Company had seized it, made settlements and Issued many Grants of Land. In August 1664 the Country was surrendered by the Dutch to the English, and by the 3<^ Article of the Terms of Capitulation it was stipulated ^' That all People shall continue free Denizens and shall enjoy their Lands, Houses, and goods, wheresoever they are within this Country and dispose of them as they please." Some lands of the Province are held under the old Dutch Grants without any confir- mation of their Titled under the crown of England, but the ancient Records are replete with confirmatory Grants, which the Dutch Inhabitants were probably the more solicitous to obtain from an Apprehension that the Dutch conquest of the Province in 1673, alight render their Titles under the former articles of Capitulation precarious; tho' the Country was finally restored to the English by the Treaty signed at Westminster the 9"> Feby 1674. of a line runninjf North & South nearly through the centre of the present Couni:^ of Schoharie.— CampbeU** Antialt of Tryon County, New York 1831. p. 27. 1 Charlotte County embraced what now are Franlclin, CI|nton, Essex, Warren Ik Washington Counties in this State,and the West half of the State of Vermont ; CU*i> b^rland fc Gloucester lay on the West bank of the Connecticut river and extended from Canada to the Massachusetts boundary ; the South line of the towns of Tuhbridge, Strafford and Thetford being the division between the two. West- Wiuril they ran to the East bounds of Charlotte. Cumberland was erected In 17M{ Gloucester in 177U, and Charlotte was taken from Albany in 1772, at the time as Tryon. 2 For the Census table see ante p. 697. ri 1^ in ' * » ^ t 760 GOV. tryon's report on the i From that period it has remained in the possession of the En)^- lish, and the Duke of York on the 29'^ of June 1674, obtained a new Grant from the King, of all the Territories included within the former Letters Patent in 1663 14. During the life of King Charles the Second, the Duke of York as proprietor of the Soil, passed many Grants (by his Governor) in Fee, and since his accession to the Throne, Grants have con- tinued to issue under the Great Seal of the Province, in conse- quence of the Powers given the several Governors by their Com- missions and Instructions from the Crown — Two instances only occur of Grants or Letters Patent for Lands under the Great Seal of Great Britain. — One to Sir Joseph Eyles and others on the l&'ii May in the 4*'' year of His late Majesty King George the Second for a Tract of 62,000 acres, called the Equivalent Land from its having been ceded to New York by the Colony of Connecticut (on the settlement of the boundary between the two Provinces) in lieu of a like quantity yielded up to Connecticut by the Pro- vince of New York — The other lately, to Sir William Johnson Baronet — The Lands granted to Sir Joseph Eyles and his asso- ciates are not possessed by them oi their assigns, Letters Patent under the Great Seal of the Province of New York having passed to others for the same Lands, before it was known here that the Royal Grant was obtained ; and the Lands are now in possession of the New York Patentees or their assigns. ' These are all the different modes by which the Inhabitants have derived any legal Titles to their Lands within the Limits of this Province, whence it appears that all their lawful titles to Lands m Fee, except in cases of old Dutch Grants unconfirmed, originated from the Crown either mediately thro' the Duke of York before his Accession to the Throne, or immediately by Grants under the Great Seal of Great Britain or of this Province. 1 This tract, otherwise called « The Oblong," lies along the eastern line of Putnam and Dutchess counties, extending from the north line of Cortland Manor to about the south bounds of Living^ston Manor in Columbia co., as laid down in Le Rouge's Map of the Prov. of N. Y.; also in Sauthier's Map of New Yorlc, 1776, 1779. Further particulars regarding the controversy may be learned by reference to Book of Patents xi., 1.; Deed Books xiv. 133 ^ xvii., 457, 471. (in Sec.'s Office.) Also Smith's History, ed. 1829-3U. i.> 285-288 ; ii., 13, 29. PROVINCE or NEW-YORK. 761 Purchases from the Indian Natives, as of their aboriginal right have never been held to be a legal Title in this Province, the Maxim obtaining here, as in England, that the King is the Foun- tain of all real property, and that from this source all real Titles are to be derived. ; /, v ,,. , Question Ko. 4* What Rivers are there and of what Extent & Convenience in point of Commerce ? .. Jinswer. Riren. Hudsons River is the only Navigable River in the Province, and affords a safe and easy Passage for Vessels of Eighty Tons Burthen to the city of Albany, which is about 180 miles from the sea — It has already been mentioned that it extends nearly to the Latitude of 45 — but the Navigation, except for small Vessels terminates at or near that City. — To the Northward of Albany about Ten Miles this River divides. The Western Branch which (above the Great Cahoo Falls) is called the Mohawk River, or the Mohawk Branch of Hudson's River leads to Fort Stanwix, and a short cut across the carrying Place there might be made into Wood Creek which runs into the Oneida Lake, and thence thro' the Onondaga River into Lake Ontario. The other Branch being the continuation of the main River tends to Fort Edward, to the North of which it seems practicable to open a passage by Locks &c. to the Waters of Lake Champlain which communicate with tne River St. Lawrence, passing over the Falls at St. Johns. * • v ■'■'*' • :i»«r. Both Branches are interrupted by Falls and Rifts, to surmount these obstructions an Expense would be required too heavy for the Province at present to support, but when effected would open a most effective inland navigation, equal perhaps to any as yet known. Between Nassau or Long Island and the Continent the greatest Distance scarcely exceeds Twenty Miles. Near the City of New York it is less than one Mile, and is there called the East River, and from thence bears the appellation of the Sound. The River and Sound afford Navigation for Vessels of any Burthen towards the Collonies of Connecticut, Rhode Island and the Massachusetts :"fl ?' J il 752 Gor. tryon's report on Tins ^ ! . 1) f ,■■. I, I Bay, in some degree hazardous however at the noted place (lis- itnguishcd by the nume of Hell Gate about six Miles East of the City of New York. Connecticut River where it divides this Province from New Hampshire is included within the Limits of the latter. Question JVb. 6. What are the Principal Harbours, how situated and of what extent ; and what is the Depth of Water & nature of Anchorage in each 1 Mf „;i,.r,/ Answer. ,/')..„.... ,n Harbonra. There IS but one principal Harbour which is the Port of New York being that part of the East River fronting the City and lying between that and Long Island. — ^The Harbour is in length from the North East to the Southwest about two miles, and its Breadth across to Long Island about one mile. The Depth of water from Four to Eight Fathom, tho' at some places no more at low Water than Ten Feet. In Nip Tides the Water rises about Four Feet and an half, at the Full and Change of the Moon, Six, and if at those Seasons a strong Easterly Wind prevails the rise of the Tides increase to Eight Feet. The Anchorage is good in a bottom of mud ; there is only one remarkable Reef of Rocks about mid-channel, half a mile within the Entrance ; And the Harbour being shelter'd in front by Long Island ; to the East by a sudden bend in the River ; and to the West by Nutten Island ; Vessels during the hardest Gales ride in great safety, and are only incommoded a few days in the Winter by the floating Ice. The Map in the Appendix marked N^ 3, presents a full view of the Harbour, the situation of Sandy Hook, and shews the Depth of Water from thence up to the Port. ' Question ^o. 6. What is the Constitution of the Goverrunent ? .•T/<.-- '..',., T.,. Answer. .• .„•,.. .:> OMMftaiion By the Grants of this Province and other Territo* GwrJ^ent. rfes to the Duke of York in 1663|4 and 1674, the powers of Government were vested in him, and were accordingly 1 None of these Maps are in the London Documents. A copy of Sauthier'i large Map, reduced one-half, engraved especially for this Vol. will be found at the end of this Report. i^MirfMaiM* PROyiffCE OF MEW- YORK. 768 place tVis- ast of the from New id of what Anchorage i is the Port ing the City arbour is in JO miles, and 'he Depth of Lces no more er rises about le Moon, Six, ails the rise e is good in lef of Rocks ice ; And the the East by [utten Island ; and are only ig Ice. [s a full view id shews the l>ther Territo. rid 1674, the [e accordmgly Ly of Sauthlefi bl. will be found exercised by his Governors until he ascended the Throne when his Rights as Proprietor merged in his Crown, and the Province ceased to be a charter Governm^ From that time it has been a Royal Government, and in [\m Constitution nearly resembles that of Great Britain and the other Royal Governments iti America. The Governor is appointed by the King during his Royal Will and pleasure by Letters Pattent under the Great Seal of Great Britain with very ample Powers. He has a Council in Imitation of His Majesty's Privy Council. — This Board when full consists of Twelve Members who are also appointed by the Crown during Will & Pleasure ; any three of whom make a Quorum. — The Province enjoys a 'Legislative Body, which consists of the Governor as the King's Representa* live ; the Council in the place of the House of Lords, and the Representatives of the People, who are chosen as in England : Of these the City of New York sends four. — All the other Coun- ties (except the New Counties of Charlotte & Gloucester as yet not represented) send Two. — The Borough of Westchester, the Township of Schenectady and the three Manors of Rensselaer- wyck, Livingston and Cortlandt each send one ; in the whole forming a Body of Thirty one Representatives. The Governor by his Commission is authorized to convene them with the advice of the Council, and adjourn, prorogue or dissolve the General Assembly as he shall judge necessary. This Body has not power to make any Laws repugnant to the Laws and Statutes of Great Britain. All Laws proposed to be made by this Provincial Legislature, pass thro' each of the Houses of Council and Assembly, as Bills do thro' the House of Commons and House of Lords in England, and the Governor has a Negative voice in the making and passing of all such Laws. Every Law so passed is to be transmitted to His Majesty under the Great Seal of the Province, within Three months or sooner after the making thereof and a Duplicate by the next conveyance, in order to be approved or disallowed by His Majesty ; And if His Majesty shall disallow any such Law and the same is signiBed to the Governor under the Royal Sign Manual or by Order of his Majesty's Privy Council, from thenceforth such law becomes 48 .;•-!; ih ,1; i l??| ! i-: ia ,. •! f i 764 GOT. TRYOm'b report ON THE utterly void. — A law of the Province has limited the duration of the Assembly to seven years. The Common Law of England is considered as the Funda- mental law of the Province and it is the received Doctrine that all the Statutes (not Local in their Nature, and which can be fitly applied to'the circumstances of the Colony) enacted before the Province had a Legislature, are binding upon the Colony, but that Statutes passed since do not affect the Colony, unless by being, specially named, such appears to be the Intentions of the British Legislature. The Province has a Court of Chancery in which the Governor or Commander in chief sits as Chancellor and the Practice of the Court of Chancery in England is pursued as closely as possible. The officers of this Court consist of a Master of the Rolls newly created — Two Masters. — Two Clerks in Court. — A Register. — An Examiner, and a Serjeant at Arms. Of the Courts of Common Law the Chief is called the Supreme Court. — ^The Judges of which have all the powers of the King's Bench, Common Pleas and Exchequer in England. This Court sits once every three months at the City of New York, and the practice therein is modelled upon that of the King's Bench at Westminster. — Tho' the judges have the powers of the Court of Exchequer they never proceed upon the Equity side. — The court has no Officers but one Clerk, and is not organized nor supplied with any officers in that Department of the Exchequer, which in England has the care of the revenue. — The judges of the Supreme Court hold their offices during the King's Will and Pleasure and are Judges of Nisi prius of Course by act of Assembly, & An- nually perform a Circuit through the Counties. — The Decision? of this Court in General are final unless where the Value exceeds j£300. Sterling, in which case the subject may be relieved from ita errors only by an application to the Governor & Council, und where the Value exceeds jE500 sterling an appeal lies from the Judgment of the latter to His Majesty in Privy Council. By an Act of the Legislature of the Province suits are pro- hibited to be brought in the Supreme Court where the Value de- manded does not exceed £20. Currency. PUOVfNCE or !fFW-> OKK. 7M e Funda- itrine that Ml be fitly before the olony, but ts by being the British e Governor ctice of the as possible, aolls newly Register. — the Supreme >f the King's This Court 'ork, and the r's Bench at the Court of . — ^The court nor supplied uer, which in the Supreme Pleasure and mbly, & An- 'he Decision! alue exceed* jieved from ita Council, and lies from the incil. suits are pro- the Value de- The Clerk's Office of the SuprruiP Court has always been held as an Appendage to that oi the Secretary of the Province. There is also in each County an Inferior Court of Common Pleas, which has the Cognizance of all actions real, personal 8c mixed, where the matter in demand is abovt £6. \n value. — ^The practice of these Courts is a mixture between the Kings Bench and Common Pleas at Westminster.— Their Errors are corrected in the first Instance by Writ of Error brought into the Supreme Court ; and the Judges hold their offices during pleasure. — The Clerks of these Courts also hold their offices during pleasure and are appointed by the Governor, except the Clerk of Albany who is appointed under the King's Mandate. 'Besides these Courts the Justices of peace are by Act of Assem- bly empowered to try all causes to the amount of JC5. Currency, (except where the Crown is concerned or where the Title of Landsi shall come into Question ; — and Actions of Slander) but the parties may either of them demand a jury of Six Men. — If wrong is done to either party, the person injured may have a Certiorari from the Supreme Court, tho' the remedy is very inadequate. The Courts of Criminal Jurisdiction are Correspondent to those in England. — The Supreme Court exercises it in the City of New York, as the King's Bench docs at Westminster. — ^Tbe Judges when they go the Circuit have a Commission of Oyer and Terminer and General Goal Delivery ; and there are Courts of Sessions held by the Justices of the peace ; the powers of which and their proceedings correspond with the like Courts in England. — ^The Office of Clerk of the Sessions, is invariably connected with that of the Clerk of the Inferior Court of Common Pleas in the re- spective Counties. By acts of the Provincial Legislature the Justices of the Peace have an extraordinary Jurisdiction with respect to some offences by which any three Justices, (one being of the Quorum) where the offender does not find Bail in 48 Hours after being in the Custody of the Constable, may try the party without any ' or a jury, for any offence under the Degree of Grand Larceny ; and inflict any punishment for these small offences at their Discretion, 1 Blank in the Orig. ^1 ^1 , 4. •■'-'I ''4' ^k « w 766 GOV. TRYCN S REPORT ON THE SO that it exceeds [qy"? extends] not to Life or Limb. — And any three Justices of the Peace (one being of the Quorum) and Five Freeholders have power without a Grand or Petty Jury to proceed against and try in a Summary Way, Slaves offending in certain cases, and punish tliem even with death. The Duty of His Majesty's Attorney General of the Province is similar to the Duty of that Officer in England, and the Master of the Crown Office: He is appointed by the Crown during Plea- sure, and His Majesty has no Sollicitor General nor Council in the Province, to assist the Attorney General upon any Occasion. There are two other Courts in the Province. The Court of Admiralty which proceeds after the Course of the Civil Law in matters within its Jurisdiction, which has been so enlarged by divers Statutes as to include almost every breach of the Acts o) Trade. — From this Court an appeal lies to a Superior Court of Admiralty, lately Established in North America by Statute; before this Establishment an appeal only lay to the High Court of Admi- ralty of England. The Prerogative Court concerns itself only in the Probate of wills and i;i matters relating to the Administration of the Estates of Intestates and in granting Licences of Marriage. The Gover- nor is properly the Judge of this Court but it has been usual for him to act in general by a Delegate. The Provice is at present divided into fourteen CountieS) yix*- The City and County of New York— The County of Albany- Richmond (which comprehends the whole of Staten Island) Kings, Queens & Suffolk (which include the whole of Nassau or Long Island) Westchester, Dutches, Ulster, Orange, Cumberland, Glou- cester, Charlotte and Tryon. — For each of these Counties a Sheriff and one or more Coroners are appointed by the Governor who hold their offices during pleasure. As to the Military power of the Province, the Governor for the time being is the Captain General and Commander in Chief and appoints all the Provincial Military officers during pleasure. Question JVo. 7. W^hat is the Trade of the Province, the Number of shipping belonging thereto, their Tonnage, and the number of seafaring PROVINCB OF NEW-TORK. 767 Men with respect to the Increase and Diminution within ten years past? Jinstoer. : :• > m Pt^incl ^^ '^^^ Province carries on a considerable Trade with the British Settlements on the Continent of North America, sup- plying some of them with the produce of the Colony, others with British Manufactures and West India goods. The Trade to the British West Indies is extensive they having a constant demab'd for provisions and Lumber of all kinds, which articles are th« natural produce of this Province. The returns from the American Ports and West India Islands, are made in such produce and manufactures of the Provinces and Islands, as best suit the Trade and consumption of this Colony — There are also fitted out from the Port of New York several Whaling and Fishing Vessels. ...,■ v" Number of The abovc together with the Trade of Great Britain, QMSftfty of Ireland, Afifrica and the foreign ports in Europe and the NumbM of West Indias as stated in the Answers to Questions Nd. Seafaring i »« i 1.1 ti « Men- 8 and No. 9, include the whole Trade of the Province which employed In the year TesBels Tons Burthen Men , ; > 1762 - - . - 477 19,514 3,552 -» In 1772 - - - - 709 29,132 3,374 232 9,618 178 So that the increase of shipping in that perio^l of Ten years is 232 Vessels and of the Tonnage or Burthen 9,618 Tons.— And the Decrease of men 178. A less number of Hands being em- ployed on board of Vessels in peace, than they sail with in time of War. Question J^o, 8. What Quantity or sorts of British Manufactures do the Inhabi- tants annually take from hence, What Goods and Commodities are exported from thence to Great Britain, and what is the annual Amount at an Average? * Answer. Imports from ^ore than Eleven Twelfths of the Inhabitants of this ureal liritain. Province both in the necessary and ornamental parts of their Dress k\ ■r 'I , 768 GOV. TRYON S REPORT ON THE U "■'■': l\ if;' 1.' pff ,, ' B' pi ■ i l-M- a I ; ! f '? 1' ': ■Vl : ■ : • t -■i% ' -• J h \ ;V ~i ,1 *■ 1 are cloathed in British Manufactures, except Linen from Ireland and Hats and Shoes manufactured here. The same proportion of Houses are in like manner furnished ^vith British Manufactu- reS} except Cabinet & Joiner's Work, vrhich is Generally made here. When the number of Inhabitants are considered a better idea may be formed of the Quantity and variety of sorts of British Manufactures used in this Province, than can be done by enumer- ating the names under which they are imported. Besides the Articles necessary for cloathing and Furniture, there are imported from Great Britain, large Quantities of all kinds of East India Goods. — Grocery of all sorts (except Sugars, Coffee, and Ginger) Ironmongery, Arms, Gunpowder, Lead, Tin, Sheet Copper, Drugs, Brimstone, Grindstones, Coals, Chalk, Sail Cloth, Cordage, Paints, Malt Liquors & Cheese. — There are indeed few articles the British Market affords, but what are in some propor- tion imported here, except such as are among our Staple Commo- dities, particularly mentioned in the Answer to No. 11. If the Brokers in Great Britain employed as shippers of goods were for one year obliged to give in the value of the Goods when they apply for Cockets, the exact amount of what the Inhabitants of each Province in America take from thence would be easily ascertained. In this Country it is not possible to make such a calculation with any Degree of Precision, for as the Amount of Goods never appears in the Cockets, no Judgment can be formed of their Value from the Quantity or Number of pieces. — Silks for Instance come out from 25s to 2 shillings per yard, and in general the other Articles differ in the same proportion from the first cost of the highest to that of the lowest in quality. ciSlTnlported When no particular stop is put upon Trade with Great ftitein.""* Britain, it is generally estimated here that the Annual Imports from thence into this Colony, amount on an average to Five Hundred Thousand Pounds Sterling. OwrtBritain. '^^^ Goods exported from hence to Great Britain that are the produce of this Colony, are chiefly pot and pearl ashes, Pig and Bar Iron, Peltries, Beeswax, Masts and Spars, wiih Tim- ber and Lumber of all kinds: — And of the produce of the West PROVINCE OF NEW- YORK. 759 . Ireland oportion inufactu- ly made ;tler idea )f British f enumer- ture, there I kinds of rs, Coffee, Tin, Sheet Sail Cloth, indeed few me propor- ,le Commo- 1. ■rs of goods >oods when Inhabitants d be easily lake such a Amount of be formed eces. — •Silks ard, and in on from the ty- with Great the Annual average to Britain that J pearl ashes, Is, wiih Tim- lof the West n Indies and Honduras Bay, Log Wood and other Dye woods and .Stuffs, Sarsaparilla, Mahogany, Cotton, Ginger &. Pimento with some Raw Hides — And Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, the produce of North Carolina. Value thereof. The Annual Amount of the Exports to Great Britain on an Average, is One Hundred & Thirty Thousand pounds Sterling exclusive of the Cost of Ships built here for the Merchants in England to the Amount of Thirty Thousand pounds Sterling annually. . ., Question JVb. 9 What Trade has the Province under your Government with aiiy Foreign Plantations, or any part ef Europe besides Great Britain ; how is that Trade carried on, what Commodities do the People under your Government send to or receive from Foreign Planta- tions, and what is the annual Amount thereof at an Average 1 Answer pirefgn 'plan- "^ Considerable Trade is carried on from this Province tatioM &ca ^q ^^ Foreign West India Islands, Surrinam and Hondu- ras Bay. Provisions and Lumber are the principal Articles with which they are supplied from hence. — ^The returns are generally in Sugar, Molasses, Dye Woods, Mahogany, Hides, Silver, and Bills of Exchange. With Africa There are a few vessels employed annually in the Affrican Trade, their Outward Cargoes are chiefly Rum and some British Manufactures. — The high price and ready sale they meet with for their Slaves in the West Indies induce them always to dispose of their cargoes among the Islands. To Madeira & Teneriflfe the Trade from hence is considerable. The outward Cargoes are composed of Wheat, Tndiari Corn, Flour, Provisions in General, Lumber and Beeswax. — ^The returns are made in Wines, the greatest part of which are carried directly from Madeira to the British and Foreign West India Islands, there sold and West India Cargoe purchased with which the Vessel returns. wKm' Fo*eiffn When Grain is Scarce in Europe there is also a very rop^slmiu- considerable Trade from hence to Ihe Spanish ports in FWtte?''* the Bay of Biscay and to other Foreign porls in Europe Madeira k TeneriSe m 760 GOV. tryon's report on the m ■ ■■ ! If: 1 S^/'T-'l ."'? fl: ' i IF- • ^"'yi , lying to the Southward of Cape Finnistre. — To these places are exported, Wheat, Rye, Flour, Indian Corn & Beeswax ; and the returns are in Specie, Bills of Exchange and large Cargoes of Salt. Sometimes the Vessels employed in this Trade take in a Load of Wines and Fruit, and call at solne of the Outports in England for Clearances agreeable to Law.— The Trade is Carried on in Ships belonging to British Subjects and navigated conformable to the Acts of Trade. Value of For. The Annual Amount of the Commodities exported eign Exporu fj^^ hence to Foreign Countries is on an average, One Hundred and Fifty Thousand Pounds Sterling ; and the foreign Imports on an Average One Huildred Thousan 182,251' Total Number of Inhabitants in 1774 Q,utstivn, JVb. 14. Are the Inhabitants increased or decreased within the last Ten years ; how much and for what Reasons ? Jinsvotr. haWmJus*'^'"' The number of Inhabitants in, 1771 as appears in No. 13 was 168,007 By the returns in 1756 from which year to 1771 no. Census was taken, the numbers appear to have been Whites .... 83,233 Blacks ... - 13,542 1756 Which shews the Increase from 1756 to 1771 to be - Admitting the Increase for the succeeding three years to be no more than the average proportion of this number which is much less than the Proportion at which it ought to be rated, there must be added for the Increase from 1771 to 1774 - . - 96,775 71,232 14,244 Increase of Inhabitants from 1756 to 1774 a Period of 18 years - 85,476 Hence by taking the proportion of the last mentioned number it is found that the Inhabitants of this Colony are increased dur- ing the last Ten years according to the lowest Calculation 47,480. Causes of the The reasons coiumonly assigned for tlic rapid nopula- Inhabitants, tion 01 the Coionies, are doubtless the principal causes of the Great Increase in this Province. The high price of Labour, and the plenty and cheapness of new land fit for Cultivation, as they increase the means of subsistence are strong additional Incitements to Marriage, and the people 1 Incorrect : ought to be 14,240. 2 Ought to be 182,247. 764 GOV. tryon's report on the "'5 m- : '1: entering into that state more generally and at an earlier period of life than in Europe, the Proportion of Marriages and Births so far exceeds that of populous Countries, that it has been computed the Colonies double their Inhabitants by natural Increase only in Twenty years. The increase in this Colony has been nearly in same proportion, but it cannot be denied that the accession to our own numbers by Emigrations from the neighbouring Colonies and from Europe, has been considerable, tho' comparatively small to the number thus acquired by some of the Southern Colonies. Question J^To. 15 What is the Number of Militia and under what Regulations is it constituted ? Answer ' • ' thHiiiiti'a "^^ White Inhabitants amounting to 161 ,102, the Militia may be supposed to consist of about Thirty two Thousand. Repuintion A law is passed annually or every two years for regu- under which it . na-i- .mi • /. i- nn is constituted, latiug the Miutia; 1 he act now m force directs 1 hat every Man from Sixteen to Fifty years of age (a few excepted) shall inlist himself with the Commanding Officer of the Troop of Horse, or Company of Foot in the place where he resides. — That the Militia armed and equipped (as the Law prescribes) shall appear and be exercised twice a year — And imposes fines on both Officers and Soldiers for every neglect of Duty, with other less material provisions relative to the service. The Officers are all appointed by the Governor, and the whole Militia is under his Command and subject to his Orders, agreeable to the power vested in him as Captain General of the Province by the Royal Letters Patent or Commission. As no Act relative to the Militia was passed during the last Session of the General Assembly, the above regulations will cease on the first day of May 1774, when the present Militia Law expires by its own Limitation. Question J\ro. 16. What Forts and places of Strength are there within your Government, and in what Condition ? PROVINCE or NEW-VOBK. 766 JlnswcT. Porta mid pv '^'''■' ^^^X "^ New York the Metropolis, is protected cc*»f8ircn8th. ^^, ^ p^^,., ^^^^^ ,^ j^.^j^^.^ ^j. j^,., juries at the Entrance of the East River or Harbour, in good order and capable of mounting about One Hundred pieces of Ordnance. — Albany and Schenectady are defended by Forts, and both places incircled by large Pickets or Stockades, with Blockhouses at proper Distances from each other, but which since the peace have been suffered to go to Decay and are now totally out of Repair. The Western Posts are Fort Stanwix, and the Forts at OswegD and Niagara ; the two former are Dismantled ; a few men only are kept at Oswego. — Niagara is occupied by a Garrison of the King's Troops. The Northern Posts are, Fort Edward which is abandoned. — A few men only are kept at the Works at the South End of Lake George to facilitate the Transportation to the next Posts, which are Ticonderoga and Crown Point j these are both Garrisoned by His Majesty's Troops, but since the fire which happened at Crown Point, only a small guard is kept there, the principal part of the Garrison being withdrawn and posted at Ticonderoga. Question J^o. 17. What number of Indians have you and how are they inclined % Answer Number of The Indians who formerly possessed Nassau & Long how'^'rethey Island, and that part of this Province which lies below Albany, are now reduced to a small number, and are in general so scattered and dispersed, and so addicted to wandering that no certain account can be obtained of them. — ^They are rem- nants of the Tribes — Montocks and others of Long Island — Wapj)ingers of Dutchess County — Esopus, Papagonck &c in Ulster County — and a few Skachticokes. These Tribes have generally been denominated River Indians and consist of about Three hundred Fighting Men — They speak a language radically the same, and are understood by the Dela- wares being originally of the same Race. Most of these People at present profess Christianity, and as far as in their power adopt I \ 766 GOV. tryon's report on the 'i ." ■'''■> ■ ■ m: til i V' our Customs — The greater part of them attended the Army during the late War but not with the same reputation as those who are ■till deemed Hunters. The Mohawks the first in Rank of the Six Nation Confederacy tho' now much reduced in Number, originally occupied the Coun- try Westward from Albany to the German Flatts, a space of about 90 miles, and had many Towns ; but having at diiferent times been prevailed on to dispose of their Lands they have little pro- perly left, except to the Northward, and are reduced \,o Two Villages on the Mohawk River and a few Families at Schoharie. The lower Mohawks are in Number about One Hundred and Eighty Five, and the Upper or those of Canajoharie Two Hundred and Twenty one making together Four Hundred and Six ; this nation hath always been Warm in their attachment to the English, and on this account suffered great loss during the late War. The Nation beyond and to the Westward of the Mohawks is the Oneidaes ; the Villages where they reside including Onoaughquaga are just beyond the Indian Line or Bound? ry established at Fort Stanwix in 1768,' and their property within that Line except to the Northward has been sold — ^This Nation consists of at least Fifteen Hundred and are firmly attached to the English. The other Nations of that Confederacy and who live further beyond the Indian Line are the Onondagaes, Cayouges, Senccas and Tuscaroras and are Well inclined to the British Interest — The whole Six Nations consist of about Two Thousand Fighting Men, and their number of Souls according to their latest Returns are at least Ten Thousand ; the Seneca Nation amounting alone to one half that number. Question ^o. 18. What is the Strength of the Neighbouring Indians ? Jlnsvoer Strength of The Indians North of this Province near Montreal, *urlng*' with those living on the River St. Lawrence near the ""■ 45*'» Degree of Northern Latitude form a Body of about Three Thousand five Hundred. They are in Alliance with and held in great Esteem by the rest, are good Warriors, and have 1 See Ante p. 687 for thii Paper & Map. il »0: PROVINCE OF MEW YORK. 767 I behaved Well since they became allies to the English previous to the Reduction of Canada. The Tribes of Indians within ihe Province of Massachusetts Bay and the Colonics of Connecticut & Rhode Island &c. are under similar circumstances with those denominated River Indians and the Stockbridge Indians living on the Eastern Borders of New York may be considered as within it, as they formerly claimed the Lands near Albany, and still hold up some claim in that Vicinity, They served as a Corps during the late War and are in number about thtee Hundred. Of the Susquehana Tribes many are retired further Westward, among which are some not well affected to the British Govern- ment — They are all dependants and allies of the Six Nations. Total number Within the Department of Sir William Johnson His Nof'JhJjJJj'jje. Majesty's Superintendant of Indian Affairs there are partnient. rp^^^^y p^^g Thousand Four Hundred and Twenty Fighting Men, and may be about One Hundred and Thirty Thou- sand Indians in the Whole, extending Westward to the Missisippa. Question JVb. 19. What is the Revenue arising within your Government, and ho\v is it appropriated and applied 7 Answer. Revenue The Rcvenue of the Province arises as follows — First from the Duties on articles imported viz. Slaves — Wines, DistilPd Liquors, Cocoa, and all European and East India Goods from the Biitish Islands in the West Indies — Also a Duty of Two per Cent, on certain species of Goods sold at Public Auction or Outcry, and from Lycences granted to Hawkers and Pedlars. The annual amount of the several Duties on an average of the last Five Years is £ 5000 Currency. Secondly from the Interest of £120,000 in Bills of Credit emitted by a Law of the Colony passed the 16"^ of February 1771 and put out on Loan at 5 per cent, by which a clear Revenue until 1776 is to be paid into the Treasury of - - - 6602 768 GOV. TRYOM^a REPORT ON THE ■'V7,T 1?- From the year 177C One Tenth part of the Principal Sum is 10 be paid yearly into the Treasury until the whole sum of jC120,000 is paid, So that this Branch of Revenue decreasing annually in that proportion, .wilt totally cease in 1786. uiS'iitvenue"'^ The Revenue arising from the Articles under the first Head as it is grounded on Laws annually passed, (except the Duty on Goods sold at Auction granted for three years) is appropriated by annual Laws towards payment of the salaries of the Officers of Government, and other necessary Expences for the Public Service enumerated in such Laws. * And the Interest Money arising from the Loan above mentioned, which is the Second Branch of Revenue, is annually applied in furnishing necessaries for His Majesty's Troops quartered in this Colony, for which there is usually granted JC2000 Currency, and the Residue is occasionally applied to the payment of Debts con- tracted by the Province, such as repairs to the Fort & Batteries, t^e Governor's House, the making of gun carriages &c. A Third Branch of the Revenue is the Excise on spirituous Liquors. ^^iAti^n^ot' ^y ^ ^^"^ passed the St^ of March 1773 This Fund Sttong yquws ^^ appropriated for Twenty Years as follows — The sum of JE800 (part of jEIOOO to be raised by the Excise in the City and County of New York) is to be paid Annually for Twenty years to the Governors of the Hospital now erecting in the city of New York for the support of that Institution, and the remain- ing sum of j£200 is for the First Five years to be paid to the Corporation of the Chamber of Commerce, for encouraging a Fishery on the Sea Coast for the better supplying the Publir Markets of the City, and during the remaining Fifteen Years this sum is appropriated for repairing the Public Roads. By the same Law the sums which shall be raised by the Excise in the other Counties subject to this Duty, are directed to be appropriated for the same period of Twenty years towards repair- ing the Highways and defraying the necessary Charges of the respective Counties. The whole produce of the Excise Fund before the passing of this Law usually amounted to about j£1450 per annum. :'CV' I PROVINCE OF NEW-VORK. 769 spirituous This Fund — ^The sum nthe City or Twenty in the city he remain- iMd to the (uraging a the Publif Years this the Excise jcted to be lards repair- Irges of the passing of Question JVo, 20. What are the ordinary and extraordinary Expcnces of Govern- ment? Answer. ordinury K«- The Ordinary Expenccs are the Sallaries allowed by peine of Go- i t» • i f\rf r t~t « • i veriimuit. the rrovince to the Omcers of Government, which exclusive of the Salary of the Governor now paid by the Crown, amounted in 1773 to the sum of - - - £3120. 2. — and will continue nearly the same while the sala- ries remain on the present footing. — K"*""''''' '^^^ Extraordinary Expenses of Govern- ment are the allowance for the necessaries with which the Troops quartered in the Colony are furnished usually amounting to - - - 2000. — . — And the Expences arising from the settlement of the Boundary Lines of the Colony, Repairs to the Fortifications & the Governors House, — Car- riages and Utensils for Guns, Barracks &c. which in the year 1773 amounted to ... I807.ll.4t For payment of Expresses and other small contin- gent articles of Expence there is annually al- lowed 100.—.— Question JVo. 21. What are the Establishments Civil & Military within your Government and by what Authority do the Officers hold their Places, What is the annual value of each office Civil & Military, how are they respectively appointed and who are the present Possessors 1 Answer. Shmem's*''' ^^^ ^ivil Establishments in this Province consist either of the Officers whose salaries ar'^ paid by the Crownj or of such Officers as receive their Salaries by virtue of a law annually passed by the Provincial Legislature. 49 i./.'' 770 GOV. tryon's report on the t ■• » ■ J , I t f \i M o 05 2 «3 - « £ e g I 2 sis S 2? 7 i PROVINCE OF NEW-YORK. 771 SS-o^ H nz GOV. TRY ON S REPORT, ETC. tttw ■ : i V' There is no other Provincial Civil Establishment in the Colony. Most of the abovemenlioned Officers have Fees appertaining to their offices, the amount of which (if within the object of the present Enquiry) can only be ascertained by the Respective officers. The Province has a Court of Chancery, the Governor is Chan- cellor, and the Officers of the Court are a Master of the Rolls newly created: — Two Masters: — Two Clerks: — a Register : — An Examiner, and a Serjeant at Arms. — There is also a Preroga- tive Court of which the Governor is Judge : Its officers are a Register ami one or more Surrogates in eyery County. — ^In each of the Cities of New York and Albany there is a Mayor, Sheriff, Clerk and Corroner, and in each of the other Counties of the Province there are three or more Judges, and a number of Justices of the Peace : One Sheriff, one Clerk and one or more Coroners. — None of these Officers have any Salary, but have Fees annexed to their offices, and they are all appointed by the Governor. Military Es- Military Establishments have only taken place in Time tabikhmems. ^f yf^^ ^j^^ Pro\ince during the late War, raised, cloathed, and paid a large Body of Forces, which was disbanded at the Peace, and there is at present no Provincial Military Estab- lishment unless the Militia may be regarded as such j The Officers of this Corps are as already observed appointed by the Governor, and having no pay their offices must be rather expensive than lucrative. The Militia are not Subject to Garrison Duty, and all the posts ■where any Garrisons are Kept are occupied by the Kings Troops. Wm. Tryon. London 11*'' June 1774. APPENDIX NO. I. DEED To KING GEORGE THE FIRST RECITING THE SURRENDER BY THE FIVE NATIONS OF THEIR BEAVER HUNTING COUNTRY, AND CONTAIN- ING AN ACTUAL SURRENDER OF THE CASTLES OR HABITATIONS OF THE SENNECAS, CAY0U6AS AND ONONDAGAS. . >^ To all People to whom this present Instrument of Writing shall come. Whereas the Sachems of the Five Nations did on the 19^^ day of July One Thousand Seven Hundred and One in a Conference held at Albany, Between John Nanfan Esq' late Lieutenant Gov- ernor of the Province of New York give and render up All their Land where the Beaver Hunting is, which they won with the Sword then Eighty years ago to Coorachkoo Our Great King praying that he might be their Protector and Defender there for which they desired that their Secretary might then draw an instru- ment for them to sign and seal that it might be carried to the King as by the Minutes thereof now in the Custody of the Secretary for Indian Affairs at Albany may more fully and at large appear- We Kanakazighton and Shapintzarouwee Sinneke Sachims, Ott- soghkoree, DeKanisoree and Aenjeweeratt Cayouge Sachims, Rachjakadorodon and Sadegeenaghtie, Confirm, Submit and Grant And by these presents do (for Ourselves, our Heirs and Successors and in behalf of the Whole Nations of Sinnekes, Cayouges and Onnonilages,) ratify. Confirm and ^jibhiit and Grant unto our most Sovereign Lord George by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain France & Ireland, Defender of the -Faith &c. His Heirs and Successors for ever AH the said Lantl & Beaver Hunting to be protected & Defended by his said Majesty, His Heirs and Suc- cessors to and for the Use of Us, our Heirs and Successors, And the said three Nations; And we do also of our own accord frieq.;^ !<( ■ 1 ir 774 APPENDIX. voluntary Will give, render, submit and grant, and by these pre- sents do for Ourselves our Heirs and Successors give, render, submit and Grant unto our said Sovereign Lord King George, his Heirs & Successors for ever. All that Land lying & being sixty Miles Distance taken Directly from the Water into the Country, Beginning from a Creek called Canahogue on tte Lake Oswego, all along the said Lake and all along the Narrow passage from the said Lake to the Falls of Oniagara called Canaguaraghe and all along the River of Oniagara and all along the Lake Catarackqui to the Creek called Sodoms belonging to the Senekes & from Sodoms to the Hill called Tegerhunkserode belonging to the Cayouges and from Tegerhunckserode to the Creek called Cay- nunghage belonging to the Onnondages All the said Land being of the Breadth of sixty English miles as aforesaid. All the way from the aforesaid Lakes or Rivers directly into the Country and thereby including all the Castles of the aforesaid Three Nations with all the Rivers, Creeks & Lakes within the said Limits to be protected and defended by his said Majesty his Heirs and Succes- sors for ever to and for Our Use our Heirs and Successors & the said Three Nations. In Testimony Whereof We have hereunto set our Marks and affixed our Seals in the City of Albany this Fourteenth Day of September in the Thirteenth year of His Majesty's Reign Anno Domini 1726. '> ? > ■ , , * fO. ir. •4 lese pre- , render, George, iing sixty Country, Oswego, sage from aghe and tarackqui 3 & from ig to the illed Cay- 1 being of the way untry and e Nations mits to be id Succes- sors & the [arks and tenth Day [y's Reign £> «v». m ■:% ■V.f ■ < ^ "■ '$ ' ""^^m :«1 h^ '■:'/■-: wm^;u'\ rh Ktnirtx iiHtfi OUrr.r 4 >»i itfj l 4 << gfiSJCftllfiSffiffiS^ ^«o^^ o""^ thttmr^ hy tkt Ptonifv f»f Xfw fininfjvhifr . Sii Tht Mtlnt\fk- Htyrr timi fUm,l\ of Tiyott tire i.niiff/mto airttifiiitij to HH .ifftmi \'iir\r\ a it tf other II w 1 A ('liorouraphical MAI* (» r TiiK IN •I ^' J'liK t J r It 1) I* »r % tls.» r A Choro^raphiral MAP OF TIIK . I* iivrE OF NewYomi i North America, J ^divhM into Counties Manors fatnitfi am/ Rwnv/iips, Kxliibitiii^ likowi^o all the privnfc (tftyi\7\s of L :txu iiiMiic ami Inrulfil ill llial I'rovlnct'. tamttift^f/i^nii Arrr.iL SiHVA'rs ifr/jostted t iho Patknt Okkii'k at Nkw York . Hy Order of His Kjia'lleuvY Major (ipiioral WiLLIAMThYON by VlaVDE yu.yKI'H S.UTHIKK i-^'l/r I. o N II CI N UpgrHvml and Pnblilbrd ( A' llffrfirar fii r/fr /ilfr •T/w' ffjji ('■ARINO ClONft . \mmxs^ If JO CI N ^ br William Ihbkn, li-fft (imf toTllif lu.^ I ~Ma|or flpiu'ra (y/'^rr/wrif./^ VfV'A¥X ^y z and ihplNlanii(n^r«^tobd( ' YCiKK ml 'Ihu/nships; valt' """^^,., ^■'u. """"I'luMimtiiii,,.,, 10' . ^r' *: ii|l' ^ ^.. I.>'i INDEX. a; AceottBtant General, salary of the, in 1693, 314. Admiralty, the Court of, in 16»8, 89; in 1693, 318. Albaoel, Rev. Father, accompanies the French expedition against the Mo- hawks, 71. Albany, • delegation from the town of, meets the French at Schenectady, 72; description of the Garrison at, 74; fort at, 89 ; intelligence from the Indian country received at, 142; de- scription of the fort at, in 1686, 150; town of, declared by the law officers of the Crown to be a part of Rans- laer's Colonic, 179; Ranslaer surren-* ders his claim to, 180; incorporated ib. ; the pasture granted to the city of, lb. ; people of, in great consterna- tion In consequence of a threatened visit from the French, 272; M. de Calliere's plan for the capture of, 285 ; number of houses and adults in, in 1689, 288; proceedings of the autho- rities of, on receiving intelligence of the burning of Schenectady, 302; city and< county officers of, in ]i)93, 315; strengthof the militia of, in I69S,318; names of the militia officers for tiie city and county of, in 1700, 364; of the freeholders of the city and county of, in 1720, 370; Albany in 1691, 407; in 1756, 530; population of the city and county of, in 1698, 689; in 1689, 690; in 1703, 691; in .1723, 693; in 1731, '37, 694; in 1749, 696; in 1750, 696; in 1771, 697. Algonquins the, the most warlike and polished of the Indian nations, 16. Allainville, Seigniory of, 637 et tea. 681, 686. Amboy. inconvenience of making a port of entry of, 152. Amersfort, (see Flaflands.) Anabaptists, 92, 186. ' Andaraquc, proceedings of the French at the Mohawk fort «f, 77. Andros, Gov. report of, on the stattt of the Province, 88; affords efnwtoat' relief to Ne^ England, 154; ordered to put the Ranslaers in possession of Albany, 179; defeated in his attempt to reduce Connecticut. 187 ; notifiM M. de Denonville that he nan taken the Five Nations under his protec- tion, 286. Angleran, Aev. Father, Superior of the Outaouac Missions, 110; Misisionary at Michilimakinac, 200; wounded in the engagement with the Senecas, 238. Army List of the Province of New York in 1700, 387.'' Assembly, salaries of the officers of the New York, in 1693, 314. Assizes, Court of General, Legislative powers vested in the, 87; how often it sits, 88; succeeded by a Court of Oyer and Terminer, 147. Amiiior General, allowance to the, in 1693, 314. B. Baptism, scruples of a Squaw to admin-* ister, 37; first adult at Onondaga, ib. Bar.]MaQe8, Jacob Leisler to the Gover- nor of, 310. Rarre, M. de la, instructions of the king of France to, 95, 107; notilies Gov. Donp^an of his intention to at- tack the Five Nations, 99; declared by the king to be the cause of the trouble with the Imlians, 108 ; Ordered to send some of the Iroquois to France to be employed in the galleys, 109; memoir of, ib. ; starts an his expedi^ tion against the Senecas, 111; motives of, for making peace, 113; quits Hun- gry Bay, 115; arrives at Montreal, 116; treaty between the Iroquois ancr, 118; strength of his army, 120; M. de Meulles' report against, ib.; general dissatisfaction with, 121 ; bad manager ment of, 122, K5; charged with hav- ing converted to his private' specula- tions the vessels intended for the con- veyance of supplies to the army, 123 ; 776 INDEX. •nd with havinr declared war on hia own responRibilitv, 124; evil effeciB of the policy of, 126: letlcrt from, to M. de Lamberville, 127 cf teq.; M. de Denonvillc uicceeds, 143; Gov. Don- ran'! allusion to the expedition of, 167; addicted to big words, 2Utf. Bayard, Nicholas, called to the Coun. oil, 189. Beauharnois, M. de, protests against the erection of Fort Uswego, 449; despatches an officer tu summon Oswe- go, 46U; Gk>v. Burnet's reply to, 453. Beai^eu, M. de, applies for an extension of time to produce his titles to a Seigniory on the river Saranac, 663. Bear, Indian name for the tribe of the, U Beavers, number of, sent from N. Yorlc to England in 1687, 269. Bellomont, Lord, his design regarding Uswego, 447. Blair, Lt. Icilled on the Oswego River, 477. Board for the management of Indian affairs established, 343. Aois, Revd. M., 71. Boundaries of the ProT : of N. Y. in 1678, 90: between the Indians and whites, 087. Braddocli, Oeneral,artillery taken from, used against Oswego, 498. Bradstrcet, Col., advises Sir Wm. John- son that Oswego is surrounded by French Indians, 476; battle between the French and a party under com- mand of, 478. Brebouf, Father de, bible of, recovered, 41. Dreuc){lyn, names of the inhabitants of, in 1687, 669. Briarc, (orilrias) Rev. Father, 110, 116, 136; on the custom observed by the King of China towards the Jesuits, 270. Brocliholles, Mayor of New-York, 179; member of council, 188. Brool, 174, 187,256, 269; population of, in 1686, 159. Conscience, liberty of, in New-York in 1688, 88. Copper, sample of, from Lake Superior, 'Ml. Corlar, through respect for a Dutchman the Indians call the Governors of New York, 156. Cornbury, Lord, on the trade and manu- factures of the Province of Nnw-York, 711. Corn forbid to be exported from certain places, 266. Coiby, Gov., his characterof the people of New-York, 722. Council, names of the members of H. M's., in 1637, 188; extracts from the minutes of, 244, 252, 265, et neq; mem- ben of, in 1693, 31H; officers of the, 314; minute of the Quebec, C)SO. Council of New-York, nuines of the members of the, under Uongan, 188; extracts from (he minutes uf, 244, 252, 26'), et leq; members of, under Fletch- er, Sl't; officers ol the, 31 1; proceed- ings of the, on r coiving intelligence of the invasion of the Onondaga Coun- try, 323, tt seq; resolva to supply' the Oneidiis with grain, 345; concur m the propriety of strengthening Oswego, 471; names of the members of the. under Gov. Tryon, 554 : order of, notifying; claimants to land on Lake Champlain, under the I reich, to pro- duce their titles, ib.; report of the, on French seigniories on Lake Cham- plain, 567 ; minute of the Quebec, 5H0. County courts, powers of, in 1693, 317. Courcelles, M. de, expedition of, against the Mohawks, 5(), 65, 69, 71 ; a dele- gation from Albanv meet, 72. Courts of Justice in 1687, 147. Croghan, Geo., his report on the con- duct of the Oneidas, 520. Cross, the, why selected as an Indian Totum, 20; planted in the Mohawk country, 77; at Niagara, 276; at Os- wego, 495. Cumberland, population of the countr of, in 1771, 697. Customs, officers of the, in 1693, 314; produce of the, 701. B. Dablon, Father Claude, embarks for Onondaga, 44. Dartmouth, the Earl of, discountenances the pretensions of New York to all Lands south of the St. Lawrence, 673, 578. Delancey, Mr. informing the Board of Trade of the burning of the German Flatts, 518. Delaware, the three lower counties on the, recommended to be annexed to New- York, 153; a fort recommended to be built on the, 155. Denonville, M. de, succeeds M. de la Barre as Gov. of Canada, 143; letters of, to Gov. Dongan, 158, 207, 211, 226, 260; instructions ^f the king to, 193; endeavors to gain over the West- ern tribes, 200; proposed means for a war asjainst the Sonecas, 201 ; recom- mends that New-York be jiurchased from the En/rlish, 202 ; attempts to deceive Gov. Dongan, 207, 214; com- plains of French refugees being re- ceiveit at New-York, 208; charges Gov, Dongan with having caused the Indians to plunder the French, 211; and with entertaining bankrupts and thieves, 212; memoir of, on tlic state of Canada, 213; designs to build a fort at Niagara, 218 ; difficulties in the wajr of, 219; calls for regular troops, 222} informs the minister that Gov. Don- gan has sent agents to winter among the Senecas, 224; with intention to proceed to Michilimakina, 225; fur- ther instructions from the French king to, 232; informs the French min- ister that Gov. Dongan has advised the Senecas of the meditated attack on them, 234; his account of his expedi- tion to tlie Genesee country, 237 ; erects a fort at Niagara, 244; accuses Gov. Dongan of duplicity, 260; re- leases Major McGregory and the other English prisoners, 272. Desbergires, Sieur, commandant at Ni- agara, 275. Detroit, garrison at, 220; M. du Lhut arrives at, 223. Dieskau, Baron, appointed commander of the expedition against Oswego, 474. Discovery of the Onondaga Salt SpringSi 42. Dogs draw the sleds of the French in their expeilition against the Mo- hawks, 72. DoUier, Rev. M., 110. 1 K 778 INDEX. OoNOAN, Oov.i latteri of, to M. do U Barr«, lUU, 105 1 forbids the Iroquoia tTMtlng with the French without hit EarmiMion, 114, 403 ( promiiet the idiani a reinforcement, 11&; HPniti an emiiaary to the Five Nationi 136 ( oomplained of by the French Court, 143 ( Report of, on the itate of the Province, 147; recommenda Catholfc Mlaaionariea to be sent from England to the Five Nationa, 106; aends Maps of the Province to England, 138, 160; aocusationa of, against Collector San- ten, 167 1 answer of, to charges against him, IH, tt itq.; grants a Charter to tha City of Albany, 18U; fees received for Patents by, 182; sends Collector Santen to England, 188 ; proposes the namea of new Councillors, 189; let- ters of: to M. de Denonville, 200, 209, 226, 23fi, 266 ; remonstrates against garrisoning Fort Frontenac, 20b; and building a fort at Niagara, 206; claims 2S,000 liv. from the French Oovern- ment, 210; charged with exciting the Indians against the French, 211, 213; Sroposes an English post at Niagara, 16LTindicatesnis conduct regarding tha Indian trade, 227; propositions of, to the Iroquois, 229; the French king rejecta the claim of, 232; letters of; to Father de Lamberville, 233; re- monstrates against that Jesuit med- dling with the Five Nations, 236; de- nies having ordered the Indians to rob the French, ib. ; sends a present of Oranges to M. de Denonville, 236; letters of, to the Lord President, 'M, 271 ; recommends his ncphnw to be employed in bringing settlers from Ireland to N. York, 'lUO; proceedings of, on learning the French movemeou against the 8enecas, 267; proposes erecting forts on Lake Champlain, Hungry Bay, the Mohawk river and Niagara, 269 ; demands a surrender of English taken |>ri!toncrs by theFrench, 271 ( obtains a conveyance of the Up- per Su8(|uehannata river, 401. Duke's county, places composing, 317. Duperon, Father Frs., proceeds to On- ondaga. 45. Dupuia, M., commander of a French Cfolony at Onondaga, 4ti, 50. Dutch, the, supply the French army at Schenectady with provisions, 73; sup posed to be friendly to William III., 291. Dutchess county forms part of Ulster, 317 ; names of the militia officers of, in 1700, 363 ; names and number of the inhabitants of, in 1714, 368, 691 1 pop- ulation of, in 1723, 693; in 1731 and '37, 694; in 1746 and '49, 695 { in 1756, 696; in 1771,697. Duties on imports and exports in )678, 92; tariff of, in 1(>^, 163. II E. ItMt Hampton, officers of militia in the town of, in 1700,368; Lion Gardiner's Observations on, 674.' Effingham, Lord, Gov. of Virginia, bu- ries the hatchet with the Iroquois, 154; the Indian name of, 195; arrives at New TorlC) ^40. Elephant's teeth imported into New Jeraey, 152. England, the Church of, 92, 186. English, the, date when they first went beyond the Seneca country, 156; De- nonville orders the seizure of the, on Ladce Erie, 202; accused of inciting thai Indians against the French, 228; design of, to monopolize the fur trade, 286. Enumeration of the Indian tribes con- , nected with Canada, 15; of the Nor- thern Indians, 26; of the Five Na- tions, 690. Esopus in 1691, 407; number of Ger- mans settled at, in 1718, 693. Estates, value of the, in 1678, 91. Exchequer, court of, jurisdiction of the, 148. Expense incurred by N. York, through the French invasion of the Seneca country, 273, et seq. Exports, m 1678, 90; in 1686, 160; tables of Imports, &c., 699. F. k>V^: 'i Fanzine. La, (see Hungry Bay.) FetJuriditJr, remarkable instance of, 150. First English settlement in Western New York, 443; launch of the Eng- lish vessel on Lake Ontario, 472. Five Nations, the, (see Iroquois.) Flag, the .English, planted in the Iro- qtidts country, 99; the English, cap- tured at Oswego deposited in the ohiuehea in Ganad«|i| 497. Flaibosh, militia officers of the town of, in 1700, 360. Flatlands, militia officers of the town of, 360. Fletchek, Gov, Bei^amin, brings the subject of Count de Frontenac's expe- dition before the Council of N. York, 323; his report thereon to the Com- mittee of Trade, 339; fails in obtain- ing assistance from the neighbouring INDEX. 779 ^ |>wnof, I town Colonic*, 310( report of hh proceed- inKi regarding the Iniliaii* at Albany, 341 ) eitabliihrs a Doanl at Albany fur (ht management of Imllan attain, 343) hi* initructions to Uieume, 344; hia lettei tu Mr. RIathwayte on the French invaaion of the <)nnonilaga Country, 346) a Journal of hit expe- dition to Albany to renew the treaiy with the Five Nationi, ib.; extract of hii speech to tlio Aaiembly of N. Yorlr, 3ft5. Flushing, officers of the militia in the ttfwn of, in 17U0, 3S9; names of the inhabitants of, In 16ii8, 6t>l. Forces levied in the Province of New York, 244. Foreigners, the mi^or part of the Pro- vince of New York in lti86, inhabited by, 162. Forts, description of the first on the rroquois river, OU; of the Mohawlc, 7U; in the Province of New York in l(i78, 8i>i in l(i87, 14»; built by tk* French, 268; between Oswego and Albany, in 1766, 624. Freight, price of, between Montreal and Fori Fruntenac in 168tt, 2(M. French, names given by the, to the se- veral Indian tribes, 14, 16; the, in* vited to settle atUnonduga,41; retire from Onondaga, 62: the, take nossea- sion of the Mohawk countrv. 77 { ea- noes of the, plundered, 104, 109 f number of the forces brought bjr the, from the West, to aid M. ile la Barre. 120; the, olalm as far as the Oulf of Mexico, 166; defeat of the, on the Oswego river, 483 ; capture Oswego» 488; Seigniories on Lake Champlain, 636. Frontenac, M. de, instructions to, 292; account of his expedition against the 8eneoas, 323, tt iiq. G. Oanantaa, Lake, where situate, 45. Gardiner, Lion, observations of, on the town of East Hampton, 674. Oarton, Thomas, collector at Esopus, 16S. OeneSfle Country, papers relating to the, 191 ; Indian name of the river, 436. German Flatts, account of the burning of tlie, 670; another attack on, 622. Gloucester, population of the county of, in 1771, 897.. .•%%«. kv- ....^. . Government, constitution of the pro- vincial, in 1678, 88. Grant by the Five Nations of their hunt- ing ground to the King of England, a' Greenhalgh, Wentworth, obscrvationt of, among the Iroquois, 11. Gravesend, militia officers of the town of, in 1700, 360; first patent for the town of, 629. H. Heathcote, Col., on the trade and manu- faeturesof the Province of New- York, 712. Hempstead, laws passed at, 89: extent of plain of, 181 ; amount paid Gov. Dongan for the patent for, 182; names of the militia officers of, 359; of the inhabitants of, 658. Herkimer fort, descriptions of, 616, 526. Hillvborough, Lord, to Gov. Moore, diVeeting that the French should not be distuned in the possession of land settled by them on Lake Champlain, 549; approving of the boundary line between the province of New-York and Quebec, 560. History of the first settlement of New Utrecht, 633; of Easthampton, 674. Illinois, the, attacked by the Iroquois, 97; M. de la Barre abandons the, 125; distance of the, from Niagara, 2U1. Imports, value of, in 1678, 90. Indians, papers relating to the several tribes of, 3y etseq; numerical strength of the> 12, 22, 61, 98, 1964 690: totums Hocquart, Sei^iory of, 541, 544, 586. Houses, description of the, in the Pro vince of New-York in 1686, 160. Huguenots, arrival of, from the West Indies, 'J2&\ proposed disposition of the, in case N. York were conquered by the French, 295. Hungry bay, account of De la fiarre's expedition to, 109; the French en- camp St, 113: sickness among the' troops at, 114; treaty between the French and Indians at, 117; Indian' name of, 138, 259, 267. Hunter, fort, description of, 629; Gov., on the tradeand manufactures of New- York, 713. Huntington, militia ofllcers of the town of, in 1700, 358. of the, 15 ; why the flesh of the French was considered salty, by the, 129; their lands annexed to New-York,154; traders sent by Gov. Dongan to tha Far, 157 ; the, as far as the South Sea claimed by the English, 209, 214; cruelties after the attack«n theSen*- i 780 INDEX. eas, exercised by, 238 ; Indian account of the French attack on the Seneca, 246, iM8; notices of the, with pipes throue;h their noses, 26()-8; a board established for the management of the affairs of the, 343; proceedings at the conference between Gov. Fletcher and the, 349; conveyance of lands on the Susquehanna, by the, 369; com- Slaints of the, against Pennsylvania, 13, et seq; deed establishing a Jine of division between the whites and the, 587. Ireland, Gov. Dongan recommends peo- ple to be sent over from, to colonize New- York, 256. Irish Brigade, some of the, serve at the siege of Oswego, 491, 504. Irondequot bay, 132, 141, 2.37; an Eng- lish colony sent to settle at, 443. Iroquois, papers relating to the, 2: names of the several tribes of, 3^ cus- toms of the, 4; explanations of lUus- > trations relating to the, 7, et seq.; WentworthG>reenha\jrh*iobi«rvRtioni among the, 11 ; first forts on th« river of the, 59: location, olimute and pro- ducts of the country of th«s tiO; th« river of the, 63; the Illinois attacked by the, 97; general council convoked at Onondaga by the, 129| the boat sea- son to wa^e war aguinit, ib. ; roaun of the missionaries returning from among the, 134 ; plan of the, if attack- ed, 141: Gov. Donean's character of the, 154; number oT the oastI(<8 of the, 1063 means adopted by the, to Increase their numbers, 196; numorloal force of the, 196, 231, bdOi Fort St. LouU 111. attacked by the, 229: plan of the French attack on the, 231 ; a number of the, sent to the French galleys, 237; the, taken under the proteotiou of Gov. Andros, 285; rii;jrl of the council for the securing the friendship of the, 342; conference with the, at Albany, 349. i* 'h It r Jamaica, names of the militia officers of the town of, in 1700, 359. Jerseys, the, evils arising from their being separated from New- York, 151 ; their annexation to the latter Govern- mei i earnestly recommended by Gov. Dongan, 152-3, 256, 259. Jesuit missions to Onondaga, 33, 44. Jews, 92, 186. Johnson, Sir Wm., report of, on the numerical force of the Indians in 1736, 26; remarks of, on the proceedings ofPennsylvania regarding the Susque- hanna river, 412; sends a party of savages against the French settlement at Oswegatchie, 427 ; gives the name of " George " to Lake St. Saerament, 429; news from Oswego, communl- cated by, 475; Indian name of, &21i description of the mansion of, 5^. Joncaire, M. do, adopted Into the tribe of the Plover, 23. Journal of Gov. Fletcher's expedition to Albany in 1691, 346; of the tlege and capture of Oswego, 488. Juries take cognizance of all oaiet in 1668, 88. Justices of tlie peace allowed to marry, 91 ; names of the, in the Province of New- York in 1693, 315; power* of the, 317. «. Kaniatarontaquat, (see Irondeqiaot.) King's county, names of the sheriff and justices of, in 1693, 317; strength of the militia of, 318: names of the militia officers of, in 1700, 360; list of the inhabitants of, in 1687, 659; populationof, in 1698.6^91 )n17ll9>12, 691 ; in 1723, 693; in 1731, '37, CWi tn 1746, '49, 695; in 1756, 6%; In 1771, 697. King's farm, allowed to fiov. Dongan during his administration, 13<'). L. Lambcrville, Rev. J. de, 112; confers with De la Barre, 116; letters of, from Onondaga, 127, it seq.; advises De la Barrc against hostilities, 128; reasons of, lor such views, 129 ; sugge tts mild- ness towards the Seneeas, 130; urges the Onomlagas to give satisfaction to De la Barre, 131; recommends Sieur Ic Moine to be cmployeil as negoiia'or with tlic Indians, 132; reports pro- ceedings of a' council ai Onondaga, 133; further reports from, 134; dis- tributes presents among the Tndiani, 135; counteracts (Jovernor Dnngan's schemes, 1^6; endoavoi's tt) gain over the Seneca? 137, UO; styled liberator of the country, 141 ; letter of, to Gov, Dongan, 194; Indian name of, I9fi; at Onoiid.\ga, 2(K); hearer of a letter from Gov. Dongan to M. do l)enon> ville, 20S; pxers htmspir loprciterve peace between the Indiiins and the French, 214; persuades the Indlansby underground presents, 215; length of INDEX. 781 I time he has been a missionary at Onondaga, 216; oends M. de Denon- vjlle copy of Gov. Dongan's speech to the Indians, 226, 229. Lands, tenure and price of, in 1668, 87 ; Cadwaliader Colden's report on the public 375. Latitude of New- York and Albany, 90. Laws in force in 1687, 148. Legislative power in New-York, in whom vested in 1668, 87; in 1687, 89. Leisler, Jacob, letters of, on the burn- ing of Schenectady, 307, et seq ; Le Moyne, Fatlier Simon, voyage of, to Onondaga, 33 ; speeches of, to the Indians, 36, 38; recovers Father Bre- bouf s bible, 41; discovers the salt springs, 42; returns to Quebec, 44; notice of the death of, 65; Sieur, Bent to Onondaga, 113; result of his nei^otiatlons, 114, et seq. Lespmart, Antoine, communicates Gov. Dongan'i' movements to M. de Denon- ville, 223, gives intelligence from Canada to Gov. Dongan, 253. Lighthouse, when erected, 704; how supported, ib. Littlchales, Major John, appointed to the 1st. American Regiment, 494; capitulates at Oswego, ib.; reflections on the conduct of, 499. Livingston, Robt., collector and town clerk of Albany, 165; letters of, on the burning of Schenectady, 3(>9, 311. Long Island, excise of, farmed, 166, 178; character of the peo])le on the East end of, 166; in 1691, 407; papers re> lating to, 627. Longueuil, M. de, obliged by the Eng- lish at Oswego, to exhibi'. his pass- port, 445; endeavors to turn the In- dians agamst the English, 446; directs his son to plunder any English canoes he may meet with on liake Ontario, ib. Lotbiniere, M. de, his representations regarding his Seigniories on Lake Champlain, 558; report of the Board of Trade on, 581. Louis XIV., instructions of, to M. De la Barre, regarding the Indians, 9f>, 107; to his Minister at London, to prevail on the Duke of York to order his Gov. at N. Y. not to supply the In- dians with arms, 108; directs the Iro- quois prisoners tohe sent to thegalleys, 109; all things said to be possible to, 213 ; approves of the proposed attack on the Senecas, 232 ; repeats his orders for the transmission of the Iroquois to the French galleys, 2^; instruc- tions to Count Frontenac relative to the conquest of New York, 292. 11 M. CWi In in 1771, Tndiani, Dnngan'B fiiinovcr lib»rator to Gov. of, 190; " a letter Denon- proHervo and the iidian&by length of Mamaroneck, names of the militia offi- cers of, in 1700, 362. Manaudiere, La, deed of sale of the Seigniory of, 564; location of, 565, 567. Map, an Italian, of New Netherland, (faces Title;) of the Province and harbor of New York, sent to Eng- land, 158, 160; early, of the Susque- hannah river mentioned, 394 ; of the south side of the Mohawk river, 420; showing situation of Forts Bull and Williams, 509; of French grants on Lake Champlain, 557 ; of English grants on Lakr» Champlain, 572; of the Province of New-York, in 1779, 774. Maryland, Iroquois name for, 401. Mayor of New-York, by whom ap- pointed in 1687, 148; powers of the courts of, in 1693, 315, 317. McGregory, Major, sent by Gov. Don- gan to the Far Indians, 157; taken prisoner by the French, 259: de- tained at Montreal, 264; the Coun- cil propose measures for the release of, 265 ; liberated by orders from France, 273. Mercer, Col., appointed to the 2d Ame- rican Regiment, 494; killed at Oswe- go, ib. Meulles, M. de, report against M. de la Barre, 120, Miamis, numerical strength of the, 29; attack the Iroquois, 217. Michilimakinak, the English visit, 214; Gov. Dongan despatches an expedi- tion to, 224 ; Indians arrive at Albany from, 717. Militia, number of the Provincial, in 1678, 89; in 1<^T/, 149; in 1693, 318; in 1700. 357; in 1716 and 1720, 692. Millet, Rev. Father, missionary among the Oneidas, 112; retires from that mission, 131; at Catarakoui, 200; at Fort Niagara, 276. Ministers, the several sorts of, in the city of New York, in 1687, 186; the King's natural born subjects disin- clined to pay their, 187; of the Dutch Church, list of the, 625. Missionaries, reason why the French, withdrew from the Iroquois, 134. Mississippi, discovery of the, 158. Mohawks, names and description of the towns belonging to the, 11, 70; nu- merical strength of the, 12, 22, 60, 196; French expeditions against the, 56, 65, et seq,; some French officers murdered by the, 68; verification of the Frc-nch conquest of the country of the, 77; the English flag i.lanted in the villages of the, 99; map of the land on the south side of the river, 420; topographical description of the valley of the, 524. 782 INDEX. Moore, Got., on the French grants on Lake Champlain, 547, 552; instruc- tions to, not to make any grants of Land vithln the French Seigniories, north of Crown Point, 553. K Names of the Iroquois tribes, 3; and towns, 1\, et seq.; of the members of Gov. Dongan's Counci?, 188 ; of the in- habitants of Ulster county in 1689, 279; of those killed and taken prison- ers at Schenectady in 1691, 304; of the Indian Board, 3^3; of inhabitants of Orange county in 1704,317; of Dutchess in 1714, 368; of Albany in 1720, 370; of all the civil and militia officers of the Province of New-York in 1693, 313; of the killed and missing in an action near Oswego, 478 ; of the me- chanics and sailors taken prisoners at Oswego, 505; of the inhabitants of the city of New- York in 1703, 611; of the minfsters of the Dutch church- es, 625; of the first patentees of New Utrecht, 634; of the inhabitants of the present county of Kings in 1687, 659. Negroes imported into New-York, from 1701 to 1726, 707. New Amsterdam, first application fur a municipal form of Government for, 595; instructions for the Sheriffof, 600. New England saved by the Government of New- York, 154. New Orange, charters of the city of, 604, 608, 655. New Rochelle, names of the militia officers of the town of, in 1700, 362. Newtown, militia officers of, in 1700, 359. New Utrecht, officers of the militia in the town of, 360; history of the first settlement of, 633. New-York, Courts of the city of, 87, 89, 148; Governor's Reports on the prov. of, 85, 89, 147 ; boundaries, latitude and places of trade of the Province of, 90; population of, 91 ; description of buildings in the city of, in 1678, ib. ; description of the fort at, in 1686, 149; Dongan's cliar. of the people of, 150; Maps of the harbor and prov. of, sent to England, 158, 160; M. de Denon- ville rccommeniis the French govern- ment to purchase, 202; (axes levied in 1688, for the support of the govern- ment of, 274; M. de Callieres' projict for the conquest of the province of. 285; number of the houses and adults in, in 1689, 289; proposed disposition of the people of, and their property when conquered by the French, 293 et seq.; officers of the corporation of, in 1693, 315; militia of the prov. of, in 1693, 318; names of the militia offi- cers of the prov. of, 357 ; address of the Gov. and Council en the state of the prov. of, in 1691, 4)5; city of, in 1691, 407; first settlement of the English in Western, 443 ; palters relating to the city of, 593; Nichols charter for the city of, 602 ; Benck's and Evcrtsen's charter, 604; Colve's charier, 608; census of the city of, in 1703, 611; Dutch Ministers of, 1758, 625; tables of population of the prov. of, 687; population of, in 1647, 1673 and 1712, 691; in 1723,693; in 1731 and 1737, 694; in 1746 and 1749, 695; in 1756, 696; in 1771 and 1774, 697; revenue, &c., of the prov. of, 699; trade and manufactures of, 709 ; Gov. Tryon's report on the state of the province of, 737; civil establishment of the prov. of, paid by the Crown, 770; do., paid by the province, 771. Niagara, Gov. Dongan recommends the construction of a fort at, 155 ; the Duke of York's arms put up as far as, 157; distance from Illinois and Lake Supe- rior to, 201 ; M. de Denonville recom- mends the erection of a fort at, 203; advantages of a post at, 204; situation and soil of, ib.; Gov. Dongan remon- strates against the erection by the French of a fort at, 206; the French propose establishing a post at, 232; erection of a Frenc.;; hical sketch of the, 428; leads an expedition against Sarat')^a, 428; burns fort Edward, 429, builds a fort, &c., at Oswegatchie, 431 ; establishes a form of government among the Indians, 433 ; visits the bay ofQuInte, Toronto, 434; measures the height of the Falls of Niagara, 435 ; explores the Genesee river, 436; des- cribes )brt Oswego, 437; distinguishes himself in the war of 1755, 4^8 and 439; T/ithdraws from Canada and re- turns to France, 439; his death, ib.; plants a Cross at Oswego, on the reduction of that place by the French, 495. Plan of La Presentation, 430; of Oswe- go, 449, 482, 487. Poor, provision, for the maintenance of the, 92, 187. Population of the province of N. York, in 1678, 91 ; in 1687, 149; statistics of, from 1647 to 1774, 689 et seq. Powder, price of, in 1696, 338. Prerogative court, in 1693, officers and functions of the, 318. Presbyterians, 92, 186. Presentation la, the Abbe Picquet es- tablishes the mission of, on the Oswe- gatchie river, 424, 431; distance of, from Montreal, Kingston and Oswe- go, 425; post of, fortified, 426, 431; attacked and burnt, ib.; latitude and longitude of, 430; advantages of a post at, 431; number of Indians at, 432; the Bishop of Quebec visits, 433; names of maps in which mention is made of, 44U. Pretty, Mr., Sheriff of Albany, 179. Printer, allowance, in 1693, to the pub- lic, 314. Q. Quakers, 92, 186. Quarter Sessions in 1693, powers of the, 317. Queens county, names of the sheriff, clerk and justices of, in 1693, 316; strength of the militia of, 318; names of the militia officers of, in 17w, 3')9; population of, in 1698, 689; in 1703, 691 ; in 1723, 693; in 1731, '37, 694; in 1746, '49, 695; in 1756, 696; in 1771, 697. Quitrents, mode adopted by Gov. Don- gan to collect, 163; amount of, in 1767, 705; how expended, ib. R. RaflFbix, Rev. Father, accompanies the French expedition against the Mo- hawks, 65, 71. Raguene-iii, Father Paul, describes the expulsion of the French from Onon- daga, 49. Ranslaer's Colonic, Albany declared to be within, 179. Relation of the Governor of Canada's march into the territories of the Duke of York, 71. Revenue officers in 1686, 165; papers relating to the provincial, 699, et seq. Rhode Island, annexation of, to New- York recommended, 150. Richelieu, fort, by whom built, 59; river, dl ; why so called, 63. Richmond county, names of the officers of, in 1693, 316; strength of the mi- litia of, 319; militia officers of. in 1700, 361; population of, in 1693,689; in 1703 and 1712, 691; in 1723, 693; in 1731, '37, 694; in 1746, '49, 695; in 1756, 696; in 1771, 697. Ridings, number of, in 1G78, 90. RigoUe, situation of la, 330. Religions, variety o*", in New-York, in 1678, 91 ; in 1687, 186. Rome, early foris at, 510. Rum considered by Christians better for Indians than Brandy, 227. A Saguinam, location of the country called, 213. Salle, M, rfe la, sent back to France by M. de la Barre, 9f>; the Cayugas and Senecus deniand that he withdraw from the Illinois country, 104; Louis XIV. directs that he be left In pos- gession of Fort Frontenac, 107; dis- covery of a Great River by, 158; al- lusion to his having built a fort above the Falls of Niagara, 243; his fort burnt by the Senecas, 244. Salt Petre, none found in the Province of New-York, 90. Salt Springs, pr.pers relating to the discovery of the, 31 ; encampment of M. de Frontenac's army at the, .331. Santen, Lucas, collector of customs at INDEX. 786 of Oswe- intenance N. York, itistics of, fflcers and icquet es- the Oswe- stance of, ind Oswe- 426, 431; titude and !s of a post s at, 432; isits, 433; nention is y, 179. o the pub- >; in 1703, '37, 694; iu 16; in 1771, Gov. Don- )unt of, in ib. built, 59; 63. the officers of the mi- ers of, in 1693,689; 1723, 693; 49,695; in 90. v-York, in abetter for fort above 3; his fort e Province ng to the jnpment of the, 331. customs at N. York, 165; charges against, 167; suspended from office and imprisoned, . 170; Gov. Dongan's character of, 171; a defaulter, 172; sent back to Eng- land, 188. Saratoga, some of the Five Nations es- tablished at, 156; settlement at de- stroyed, 429. Schenectady, M. de Courcelles arrives with his army at, 72; accounts of the burning of, 297, et seg.; description of, in 1756, 629. Schuyler, Peter, 253; Abram, 443. Scious, French canoes plundered on their way to trade with the, 1(4. Seabrook, Sir E. Andros resisted by the garrison of, 187. Seigniories, French, on Lake Cham- plain, instructions to the government of New-York not to make any grants within the, 537, 549, 553 ; order of the king in council relative to the, 550; council of New- York call on the owners of the, to produce their titles, 654; Lt. Gov. Cramalie communicates list of the, 555; list of papers relat- ing to the, 556; French ordinance re- uniting several of the, to the public domain, 558; report of tho N.York council on the, 567 ; report of the Board of Trade on M. u'e Lotbinicre's, 581, 585. Senecas, numerical strengtli of the, 13, 23, 61, 98, 193; sue for psace irora the French, 67 ; unite with the Cayu- gas in plundering French canoes, iiyi, 109; account of M. de la Barre's ope- rations against the, 125; hide theii grain and prepare for war, 131 ; the Duke of York's arms erected in the country of the, and torn down, 135; description of the forts of the, 14) • surrender their country to theEnglish, ri5; an account of M, de Denonville's attr'/^'c on the, 237; number of the, killed and wounded, 238; quantity of grain possessed by the, 239; verifica- tion of the French possession of the country of the, 242; M. de la Salle's fort burnt by the, 244 ; account of the French attack on the ),4n et seq. Sessions, County, in 16.'^ Ji ; in 1678, 88; in 1687, 148. Shaw, Wm., Surveyor of C^istoms in Albany, 179. Sheriff, by whom appointed, 148; in 1693, of New-York, Albany, West- chester, 315; of Richmond, Ulster, Suffolk, Queens, 316; of Kings, 317; names of each in 1731, 694, Ships, number of, trading to the Pro- vince in 1678, 91 ; in 1686, IfiO. Slaves, in 1678, prices of, 91 ; number of, imported into New- York, fr&-a 1701 to 1726, 707. Snow shoes, the French march from the St. Lawrence to the Mohawk on, 65, 72. Southampton, names of the officers of militia of, iu 1700, 358; of the inha- bitants of, in 1698, 665. Southold, names of the militia officers of, in 17U0, 358; of the inhabitants of, 669. Stanwix, fort, boundary between the Whites and Indians agreed on at, 587. St. Francis' Lake, 62. St. Lawrence river, 61 ; difficulties of the navigation of the, 62; Abbe "ic- quet proposes to improve the rapids of the 425 ; Gov. Tryon claims for N. Y., all the lands south of the, 572. St. Louis, fort, on the river Richelieu, by whom built, 59, 64; in Illinois at- tacked by the Iroquois, 104, 107, 109. St. Marie of the Iroquois, where, 51. St. Therese, fort, when built, 59. Suffolk county, names of the civil of- ficers of, in 1693, 316; strength of the militia of, 318; names of the militia officers of, 357; population of, in 1698, 689; in 1703, 691; in 1723, 693; in 1731, '37, 694; in 1746, '49, 695; in 1756,696; in 1771, 697. Superior, Lake, distance from Niagara to, 201 1 sample of the copper at, 241. Supreme court, justices of the, in 1693, 31^; powers of the, 317. Susquehanna River, Efforts made to en- gage New -York traders to move to the, 154 ; fall of the, recommended as jine of division between New- York and Penn3ylvania,155; papers relating to the, '?91 ; distance of the, from the different tribes of the Five Nations, 39;'; map of the, sent to New-York, 394; Wm Penn wants to purchase the, 395 ; belongs alone to the Cayugas and Onondagas, 396; price paid the lands on the, by the English, 397; the Onon- dagas and Csyugas confirm their con- veyance of their lands on the, to New-York, 400, 40? 403; address of the Governor and council of New- York in 1691, on the subject of the, 405; letter of Sir W. Johnson on the evils resulting from the purchase of lands on the, 412; evils produced by the Pennsylvania purchases on the, 413. 786 IKDSX. Tariff of 1687, 163. Toronto, French commander at, 220. Tobacco, the condemned, manufactured for the Indian trade, 153. Tonty, Chev. de. commander at Fort St. Louis, 2UU; despatched to the Illinois country, 2Sa) ; proceeds in search of M. de la Salle, i£21; his success among the Tllinois, 240. Tortoise tribe, Indian name of the, 1 j why chief among the Iroquois, 3. Totums, enumeration of the several In- dian, 15. Towns, number of the, in the Province in 1678, 90; in 1686, 160. Tracy, Marq. de, expedition of the, against the Mohawks, 56, 68; destroys their forts, 70; suffers from the gout on the march, 80; correspondence be- tween Gov. Nicolls and, 81; his testi- mony in favor of the Dutch of New- York, 82; served in Germany, 83; vessel belonging to,seized by the Eng- lish, 84; Gov. Dongan alludes to lite expedition of, 156. Trade, obstructions to, in 1686, 162; papers relating io, 70\). Tribes, Indian names of the several Iroquois, 1, et sea. ; illustration of the, 7,9. Thvon, Gov., to Lord Hillsborough, claims for New-York all the lands north to the river St. Lawrence, 572 ; Lord Dartmouth to, reproving such a pretension, 573; letter of, to Lord Dartmouth, in support of his views, 574; Lord Dartmouth in reply to, 578 ; to Lt. Gov. Cramahc subscribing to certain conditions proposed by the counr^il at Quebec, 580; report of, on the state of the Province, 737. u. Ulster county, list of the inhabitants of, in 1689, 279; names of t!ie civil officers of, in 1693, 316; Dutchess an- nexed to, 317; strength of i.ie mili- tia of, 319; names of the ofiSicers of militia of, in 1700,368; population of, in 1700, 1703, 1712 and 1714, 691; in in 1723,693; in 1731, '37, 694; in 1746, >49, 695; in 1756, 696; in 1771, 697. ¥» Vaillant, Rev. Father. 253. Van Cortlant, Mr. on the burning of Schenectady, 311 M Vaudreuil, M. de, expedition of, against the Oneidas, 334; informs the minis- ter of the English movements at Os- wego, 472; describes a naval fight on Lake Orturio, 481. Vessels >.:aplured at Oswego, return of the, 4^7. Viele, Arnaud Cornelis, sent by Col. Dongan to plant the Duke of York's arms in the several Iroquois villages, 114; meets with opposition at Onon- daga, 136, 137; supposed to be an emissary from the Albany merchants, 142. Virginia, the Iroquois name for, 401. w. V/'ashington, Col., 415. Westchester county, officers of, in 1693, 315; strength of the militia of, 319; names of the m I'ttia ofjccrs of, in 1700, 362; popuktion of, in i698, 689; in 1703 Pnd '12, 691? in 1723, 693; i.-x 1731 and '37, 694; in 1746 and '49, 695: in 1756, 696; in 1771, 69V. Western New-York, first English set- tlement in, 443. Wheat, price of, in 1696, 338. Williams fort, location of, 509 ; aban- doned, 525. Wolf, Indian name of the tribe of the, 1. Wyoming, Indian name for, 414. V. York, Duke of, applied to by the French ambassador to prevent liis governor supplying the ImUans with arms, 108; account of the arms of the erected in the Iroquois villages, 114; torn down by a drunken Indian, 135. Ma] Ind JWgr Plai Os i Eng Frei Vie) Outl Frer Engl Boui Sautl aban> the,l. rectcd torn DIRECTIONS TO BINDER. m. Map of Nuova Belgia, To face Title. Indian Totuias, To iace pa^e 7 That marked Ind ian Portrait, do 9 ' Map of tho head waters of the Susquehanna, do 420 Plan of La Presentation, do 430 Oswego in 1727, do 449 English Piati of Oswego in 1756, do 482 French Plan of Oswego in 1756, do 487 View of Oswego, do 495 Outline Map, showing sites of Forts Dull and Williams> do 5Ud French Map of Lake Champlain, do 657 English Map of Lake Champlain, do 572 Boundary Line between the Whites and Indians, 1768,* do 687 Sauthier's Map of the Province of New York in 1779,. . do 774