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Tous les autres exemplaires originaux sont film6s en commenpant par la premidre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la dernidre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbole — »► signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbole V signifie "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre filmds d des taux de rdduction diff^rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul cliche, il est filmd A partir de I'angle supdrieur gauche, de gauche & droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m6thode. 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 I « ; i 6 ii THE REAL / • .^-^1 , :• S T A T K OF THINGS "in CA IV ADA: • RJ^l'LAINED I>/ A Fi:W ROUGH SKETCHES ; I ON tSM. $ F«\ \%( ?AL A.\D OTHER VITAL mJtTBJIS IN BOTH THE CANADAS. WHOSK r.vIMARY OBJECT WAS SIMPLY TO THROW LIGHT ON THE QUESTION OF SPECIK SUSPI3N:>10N. " - ,. vt; > 1 t i T'T VHU'H \Rf rREt'IXEf) TWO ARTICLES FORMRRT.V WRITTEN ih HIM ON THIi ! ! Clergy Jleservos, Tis plt>a'.'im, suie, to see oiip"s self in i,iini ;— A Book ';■ n Rook, .ilthou^jh theio'r, i; .tliiiii; iii't i. '^' TORONTO: PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR. 1837. / ''(Ty trr xy// (-u> y?} yo . \ X / f/O/ :i- *\ rs 1' A 1' E O i' T If I \ij S IN CANADA: ~ ■» 1,X PLAINED IN' A I i:W HOUGH SKETCHES ON I liSANClAL AMi OTHER VITAL MATTERS IN BOTH THK CANAUAS. BY WHOSE PRIMARY OBJECT WAS SIMPLY TO THROW LIGHT ON THE aUESTION OF SPECIE SUSPENSION. ru WHICH AHK PREFIXED TWO ARTICLES FORMERLY WRITTEiV DY lUM uN THt Cler^ Reserves. 'TU pleasant, «urc, to see one's sell in iiii'ut ;— A Book 's a Book, although there's nothing iii't TORONTO : PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR. 1837. c f '' 1 I) F. r) I C A V « o > W His E.(c.illctntj Sir F. B. Head, Lieuirnnnt Guientni of (he Province of Upper Ca ladiiy (^-c. <^c, t{c. MaV it I'l.EASE YOUR EXCELLENCY: I deilicate tliesc rough skctclics vvilhoul pcrinission to you, tlu' Ropiesenlntive of His Majesty in this Province ; because I can lind no person of less exallecl rank whose views and mine are .so much at anti- l>(ules on ihe subject which eUcited them, as are those of your Excel- Icrii-y, if 1 may jud(f(> from your correspondence with the Banks and vour Speccli from the Tlnone delivered on the 20th ult. But the short exciting session of the Parliament has passed away, carrying with it, as far as I am concerned, all acrimonious feelings j and I am now liappy and willing to allow that 1 could not dedicate it to any of His Majesty's subjects in the Province, whom the public even yet believes will more honestly follow his own convictions of what is for the true interests of the country. And I do not think I could point out any one who can receive a broad side of public opinion with more firm- ness, or whom the remembrance that even if we are the opposers of the acts or views of the administrator, we are supporters of the principles of the Government, will lead to take a more enlarged view of our motives thazi your Excellency will, or any one who will be more sorry on reflection at having insinuated for a moment that the mercantile conmiunity are not as keenly alive as monarchy can be to a sense of honour in their transactions, or any one who would be more sorry to think that, feeling it, the merchants of both Provinces should not be prepared to resent any reflection on their characters. I dedicate this to you also, because I would still fain nail my colours to your Excellency's mast, around which the people have get such a habit of cheering, and to which, on the day of prorogation (yesterday,) the unexpected dampness of the afterHoon alone gave a damper ; but new cheers were not required, for the echoes of the Province still ring with the huzzas of the trium- ])hant General Elections. The Merchants of Quebec too had, within the short space of a year, mercantile honour enough to give a great public dinner in honour of Sir F. B. Head and monarchical Upper Tan-ula: nay, to rrow/i all, I myself, in propria persona the halo of your Excellency ^Micircling my unworthy brows, had the honour of responding to the suggested lo him, availeil liniiM'ir of what every gentleman con^^itiers so irreat a privilege, the making all the .itonemeMt he can to reelings which he has injured, not to say duir/icm/^ anil had lie, on the lloor < " the house in which the insult and abuse were ojlen-d, made an ample a|)(»logy for his conduct he would have been spared these remarks, and your Excellency would have been less er Canada. I may require to explain it to ydur Excellency, but 1 am too well known in these Provina's to reijuire to explain to the Public that mv heart beats as true to the British Government as any man's in En«dand. and that any reference of a ho«tile nature that I make is made onlv against your administration, or any oUier administration which will stoop to pam[)er the enemies of our dearest liberties. And I may ease your P^xcellency's mind, but I will distress that of our beloved Sovereign bv stating my o[)inion fearlessly and openly to the world that, than the Attorney (ieneral, whom your Excellency has aj.^)ointed in Upper ('aiiada, there is no man more dangerous, in either Province, to the liber- ties of the people generally, lie is the mouth-piece of the bile of a party containing two men so gifted and admirably suited for the diflicult cir- cumstances of a state of things like ours that, but for their being violent partizans, they would be as much lov^d and respected by the public for the usefulness of their characters, as they are even now admired for their attainments, literary and professional. That party is powerful, at least, in the elements of its ultimate success, for these are the two most prominent characteristics of a new country, when it is not democratic, viz., the private interests of a selfish Oligarchy, and the necessitiea of a population in the untried and helpless circumstances of a new country. Let your Excellency remember, for a moment, that his Majesty has sent you here as the Guardian of the whole of the Emigrants who are, at best, but children of necessity. Neccssitae tyqua lege Compellit insigDes ct iraos. Englishmen, Irishmen, and Scotchmen, in emigrating, leave the home of their feelings to seek a home for their families. And many a sad enough heart has beat high with the anticipation that in this delightful Province they were about to realise more than their day dream, and find in it even a home for their affections. But all these fond hopes are extinguished, never to be rekindled till the apple-cart of such men as your Excellency's Attorney General is upset forever. When I at Quebec told the Merchants, met to do you honour, that you were ^' a fmrhns conservative and a real reformer'''' could I have ■A. j' a ■ 4 ''^ . X'^ i/.,<'^f ,«_>■ ,i ,. _.j.-i^ ,». / - t' VI < !! t uiliri|>aU'il iliiil y«>m l'iX« t'lk'iny luopo.a'd, oi wouM rwr roiiwiilio .inv inouns or iiicasuivs toiulinu !<» icai up a slionn (M>viMimuMi» f'^pfsra^inl pariv to ivv<>luli()iii/o tlir I^•(win('l', liy i^iviiin a small, if not insifynifuanl iiiinoiHy more intrrrst in sitpporUm:: l/n (Invcrnmoii than fhv irnni mnss of the people / TluM» aiiaiii at the i)ivst'rit crisis, though it was the privih^;.^' of your olVu'c not to ivijuiiv to, ami tho on|)i\'ss *losirt' ami iiitcn'sl of the British (iovcimmMit tliat you should nof, intrrfne in I/h. inUrnal rei!;ulationf> of ihi corner of the Empire which nfjecl in no wat/ our foreign rdnfions^ Your Kxci'llcru'y liati actod most uiiwitTly ; U't uiattcrs turn out as tlioy inav. Mul vet so that it turns out that tlir rountrv's ahinu on the for uuM' vital point is prtMiiatuiv, and if your Extt'lloncy vsiii attach yourself to the interests of the country 'generally inst(>ad of only those of lliat family party, your justly reprobatluL^ which at tlu^ commencement of your carreer gained your i>opuJarity, and your popvloriiij with which now hodes evil to the coimtry to the extent which that country can be imposed upon ; — and if your Excellency turns out to he a diirerent man from your predecessor, Sir John Colhorne, who, instead of heinjr cheered, should have been hooted out of the Province, and of this I for one will never change my opinion mitil it has been satisfactorily cleared up to me liow he reconciled it to his honour ti» receive cheers that found an echo in every nevvsppp?r in England, from those who, if he liad had the moral bravery to let be known the last act of his adminis- tration, would have hailed him as the cut-throat of religious liberty, the whipper-in of the Bishop of Exeter, his Aidccam[)'s brother. Captain Philpotts ; — and if yom- views on the latter, or the fmancial matters of the Province prove correct, so much the better for the Mer- chants ; for you cannot ruin thcni if you do not ruin the whole country, and they will be, I can assure you, but too happy to acknowledge their being in error, by giving a still firmer support than ever to your adminis- tration ; and, I am sure, there are very few who would wish to see removed any councillor or officer now about your Excellency, if by their future conduct they will only not insult the Public, and only try t(» maki it apparent that if they cannot do all the people expect of them, they, at least, do all they mn for the general good of the country. Unless there was the finest conservative feeling among the enlightened intelligence of Upper Canada, how can any one account for its support to former administrations, whose character was of a very negative kind all will allow. Will any one dare to say that this support was given because people thought the principles of the Government have been well administered by the Government party in power ? Your Excellency may trust my word that it ^vas for no such reason that the independent intelligence ol the I ii 1 'Ml lo ,||,y ffii iirtiii ' ol yoiii ic IJiilisli >u/aliont, foreifrn IttMs Mini HUT vil.'il *ir to Ihr If niinily of your ir/t 7WV' rail ho •liircroiil of hoiiiir Ills I for cloiiivd ers dial ), if \\v (Iniinis- liberfy, brother, nanrial e Mcr- oiintry. their minis- y their make they, itened pport '■ kind leopje vd by word ( the Ml riHihUy i!ii\t ihe m»i|>|h»iI du y did U, vmii |)irili't'es i)r:'. Il \\a^ \u.\ ln'raiisc ihi's ih(Mi;iht the (•o\i'iiinn'iil liad hci'ii vrell fundiu-ted, hiii Ijecnnse they thoiiulit it would not he ;!o \v«'ll roiiducted hy the opposition. It ufiH hecnii.^e intelli^'vnce lieinji always reasouabltr saw c^.n be any truly enlightened Government. Tiie supporters of abstract principles of Covornrnent. after having by tueir measures laid prostrate the enlightened intelligence of the country, and after making the mercantile comrr.imity their enemies, may commence to the remainder of the Province, to an ignorant community, infested with political intriguers, such an argument as the rollowing, even their own wordg militating against their conduct towards the public. " " The Banks have, in their stoppage of specie payments, failed in no object for which they were instituted. They linvc failed in no payment v.luch our principles of Banking anticipated they should make. The country never would have demanded a Banking system if it had ov/ned specie enough to fill the Banks' vaults — enough to meet or represent their entire issues. The country said it would have confidence in itself, and therefore Banking, or more properly a system of cojfidence wns given to it. The very oViject in chartering Banks was to enlarge the Trade of the country beyond what its real capital C(juld have carried on, and (he law in establishing Banks did all it could to give our Banking system as solid a foundation as could be given to any system partly based on confidence in the country's resources. The Legislature of Upper Canada founded our Colonial Banking on all the realized means in the Provmce formed into a certain amount of paid-in Bank capital. It gave the public all the security it could for the safety of these first fruits of the Province's mdustry, by fencing round the chartered Instiiutions V uults would rrom which ever would ? allow the i "' country's decline its 1 the great n sacrifice lat all gov. 'ing in tliis >y the fact cr system. rdeal of a ■es of the lies«e have 1, and out umstonces, ? Where nor do I er having ce of the enemies, ignorant ?nt as the conduct fs, f^iiled I led in no Y should ) ? system ''■-. lOU'rh (o '\ It would £ Properly . f arte ring ihat its Z Batiks afion as in the '?; founded d n.vmce 1 ave the 1^ ruits of 1 i'utions «# with wholesome restrictions, and besides all this, the principles of our Banking honorably administered by the issues of the Banks in notes or exchan^ie, being only made on the security of property or labor easily converted, expected to find^ in the interest and intelligence of the country, a still mure solid ground. work — a source of never. failing confidence or Banking, for these principles anticiptited that tlic holders of the circulation of the Banks should be the debtors of the Banks — the individuals generally accommodated by the systen , or whose produce, property, or labour was by it enhanced in value, and who, therefore, in running the Banks tcould indeed he running themselves.''^ " But if public confidence in any Banking system could be restored by such arguments, after the present Banks had undeniably stopped payment — when it could be held up to the friends of Banking that what has been may be again — when the distant creditor of the Banks could say with justice and indignation, — Did not a share of the hard money in your vaults belong to me ? Have I thus been rewarded for my unfailing confidence in the governiuent doctrine that Banks were for the V(pf.al bcjiejit of all ? I have not to complain that I did not get specie, but that otliers have been preferred nnd have been allowed to draw unusually large parcels to my detriment — I say, if, in such circumstances, such arguments could even suit the purpose of restoring the public's confidence in Banks which had been driven from want of the protection of the Government to deceive the majority of the people and to ruin a fiir greater proportion of the community, they never could avail fully to restore confidence in our Executive Government, or to restore in England the Bankrupt character of the present race of Merchants. If such arguments could by possibility prove remedial, then when the country's every legitimate interest is in a state of dissolution, when the money market — the true pulse, the very spirit of all coun- tries under British Monarchy— has ceased its functions, and v hen the frame-work of our commercial society has become motionless, except for the convulsive throbbings which show how keenly its members had clung to an honorable, to more than a negative exis. tence, how much greater chance would such reasoning have •<> keep alive public confidence in our Banking Itistitutions, and reronciln the people to the advantage to them and the justice to the foreign credit- ors of the Merchants of a tempomry stoppD2;e by the Banks of specie payments to the whole community, w'nle our vaults are yet full, or can be filled to a reasonable extent, while the public mind is comparatively calm, being greatly affected as yet by no evil having its origin among ourselves, by no embarrassment which may not yet be made short-lived by the removal of our colonial interests beyond the direct influence of American Legislation. ( ! ' On the contrary, however, if the operation of external causes is allowed to deprive us of our Banking system, the foreign credit of the country will be lost forever, for who can be expected to have confidence in people who have not confidence in themselves ? and the principles both of our Government and of our Banking system will require to be proved good by the Executive of the Province, and the Bank directions being proved to have been very bad. It has been suggested to me that some practical remarks are necessary to enable persons who neither know the principles nor the objects of Banking to understand my assertion *' that the money market ox the independent intelligence of a country with free institutions is and must ever be the pulse, the very indication of the spirit which animates a monarchy such as ouis," and " that a death-blow to our money-market in this Province is a death-blow to our British principles of Government.^* I beg therefore first to have it understood what I mean by the money market of Upper Canada, I mean her Banking System, for this is not a country with realised means, but with merely internal resources ; and Banking being " the confidence of a country in its own resources systematised," Banking is therefore all the money, market which a country poor in realised means can have as an ex* pression of its confidence in its Government, being a suitable one for such a country, viz. one which besides being the rallying point of Rational liberty will ot once preserve unsullied its commercial integ' rity, to induce commerce to come into the Province, which will pro- tect property, advance enlightenment, and develope its internal resources in the degree approved of by the independent intelligence of Upper Canada. But let me proceed to the proof of my general assertion, that if this country is truly governed by the principles of British monarchy, the money market must be supported. Shall I best substantiate my position by appealing to the long and honourable experience of mon. archical England, where independent intelligence is the direct result of the greatest practical freedom men can enjoy ? Is not the money market in England the pulse of that great country ? — great in a more extended sense than mere dominion, — great, because free ; not be- cause theoretically free, — for till the Reform Bill passed it could not be said to be theoretically under free institutions, but because really and practically free, — because though abuse might be found in the details, none could be found in the practical principles, of the British Government : for so peculiarly free is the political air of England and her dependancies, that they form the only spot in the world where men can safely express their honest opinions, without reserve and openly, as to the degree of confidence their own Government, 4 I I iff f I )al causes is gn credit of ted to have elves? and system will ice, and the ©marks are >les nor the the money institutions ^ the spirit death-blow our British an by the System, for y internal mtry in its le money. • as an exn le one for ? point of 3ial integ. will pro. internal elhgence 1, that if lonarchy, tiate my of mon. ct result 3 money I a more not be. ould not J really I in the British ngland world eserve timent, I 5 as well as all other Governments, are entitled to, and the public expression of which is, "Me money market.'' But while I write, the Province, from one extremity to the other, and every individual who knows and sympathises with its great inte. rests, are made breathless, merely by the anticipation of the empty vaults from so high a quarter. How much more would they be af- fected then by so horrid a reality ? The country has got, in the public document which has given rise to this article, but too good reason for the wide. spread alarm ; for fools alone can help not seeing the result of the Executive being un- willing to authorise the temporary suspension of the payment of spe. cie — of specie which we have not, and cannot get to pay, and which is not required to pay the just debts of the Province : for the Legisla- ture of Upper Canada has long ago, by the very act of chartering Banking institutions, declared to an enlightened world, honourably and openly, that Upper Canada had no specie with which to pay for goods which other countries might sell to her merchants, but that she must pay them in her productive resources, but which produce she would turn into remittances as fast as she could, through means of a Banking system. But let me remark to your Honourable Com- mittee, that all this misconception on the part of the Executive of Upper Canada and the rest of the world, might have been easily guarded against by the Legislature of Upper Canada having worded their Bills more fully, by not havmg left to be understood the most important fact that no part of Canada raises so southerly a production as silver or gold. The result of, and the only remedy for such Ignorance would be that every person would find it his duty and his interest to run the Banks, and which is just running the Government, as I have explained. But can the Executive of the Province be really so much left to themselves 7 Can they force Upper Canada to depart from her Banking System — the only expression a colony poor in realized means can give of her confidence in herself and in her government ? In such event we would at once retrograde from the character, and must as a consequence soon go from the name, of Englishmen ; for no country is under British principles of government, properly administered, in which intelligence has not triumphed over popular irresponsibility on the one hand and tyranny and oligarchical degra- dation on the other. But probably I may more effectually convince you of this by showing that the Government and money market cannot be regarded as at one in their interests under any other form of government, I ask you, can property or intelligence raise their voice so as to be heard amid the perpetual troubles of a pure Democracy, such as exists in the United States ? and have I not reason when I argue that < i i: ! i' «f the money market can ceanp t, ■ , driven (o upset an TZ ' . ^^^ ''""''J eni.Vrato to f^ j "'^'" ''^ men, or enlightened men" -r. T^°"'y °^ '^o peoiTe^n " "? ■s far worse! for L r .'''« K.vecuiive of the Iv ! , "'""'^^ majority of the ^n. ?"" "^ ''^'"S the re, .! , ■" '''''"'P"'"' ^ If I have m'^de cTet^^^,fe";r'V''.'^™'' '" «^ K-o"lcT ' '*" .'nt ite::-rr--:t^ontreh^n7o:s ^- i^« sy.e„ ,:,-3;,. l^''^^^ ^i-ortoce 0/ (fc «fc^M^P« "ave at least p^ed 2 "^ ''" '^• ha- so far /arUe^rdty c"£,r, l^t""' «"«-'-" if 7 Brevis esse laboro. *Joscurus fio. I I I ! anada must be 'd inteiJigence "sed them by inada, will be ''j ^vith them, nt is but the y one tell mo * are monied *• cJescription ^e ow/y of a ; neither tJie nee, ^'fif^rs from n Ohgarchy onial Bank, by, or must vies of our feo for the 'oiig an ex. Paramount -even if I ords. 'iad r, an ■xpression mind, cut t of truth circum. I (■ 1 ■' l|:1 M' i f A N S W K R S To the Quesliotif! put by the Honourable the Committee of the House of Assembly, on the Monetary System of the Province, BY ISAAC BUCHANAN. -.■5 Toronto, U. C, June 21, 1837. QUESTION No. I. To what circumstance do you attribute the present embarrass, ments of the commercial body of Upper Canada, or what can you assign for them ? ANSWER. To the circumstance of the Americans having early last month virtually departed from a metallic currency, which had the effect of placing specie at a premium not only over the paper currency of the United States, but also as compared with Upper Canada Bank notes, for which specie at a much lower standard can still be had : thus making the exportation of specie from Upper Canada a profitable traffic, and making it the duty and interest of our Banks to decline issuing more of their notes, and to call in those in circulation.—thua distressing the Province and depriving its commerce of the foundation on which the Legislature had wisely based it, viz., a Banking system. Ques. No. 2. If the example of the Banks of the United States in suspending specie payments should be followed by the Banks of Upper Canada, what, in your opinion, would be the immediate results? And to extend the question— What would be the ultimate effect on the commercial prosperity of the Province ? Ans. The immediate and ultimate results of a suspension by the Banks of Upper Canada of specie would be most beneficial to its commerce. The exportation of specie at a low standard to a country out of whose stock of the precious metals the Banks must 10 replenisli their vDullfii «t a nmcli higher slnndard value, will be prevented by this measure giving specie tfinpornrily a rniirketahlt instead a fixed legal value; thus removing all unnecessary and unsalutary interruptions to our usual course of trade, without prrrna- nently affecting the currency er in any way affecting the int«5rest of the public creditor ; viz., the holders of debentures, obligations, or claims against the Province, which, with all interest due or to becomo due on them, would fall to be paid in specie nt its legal standard as formerly before Government kept an account with the Bank. Ques. No. 3. Do you consider that the suspension of payment in specie, under the circumstances, compromises the character and credit of the Province, or will it injure, to any serious extent, the character and standing of the Banks or the Province ? Ans. My decided opinion is, that such a measure will have the most directly opposite effect. It would sustain the credit of the country and raise its character for practical honour, because it puts the remote creditors of the Banks and merchants on the same footing with their creditors here on the spot, who would otherwise have the peculiar advantage of making a speculation of the Bank's specie until the vaults are drained ; and because this measure, by putting the Banks in a position to extend their usual accommodation to the public, does justice to the foreign creditors of the merchant, who trusted him with their property solely on the faith of the existence of a Banking system in the Province to render that property easily convertible. Ques. No. 4. However deeply may be deplored the necessity for the suspension of specie payments by the Banking Institutions of any country, yet, as far greater evils may be produced by a sudden suspension of the accommodation from Banks to the trade of a country, your opinion is desired whether that necessity exists in regard to this Province ? Ans. No reasonable man would advocate a departure from specie payment except as a matter of the most urgent necessity, and to prevent greater evils. Such necessity is proclaimed to exist by the almost unanimous voice of the inhabitants in order to preserve the credit of the Province and its trade. Ques. No. 5. Do you consider that the financial difficulties which now exist in this Province are attributable to overtrading, and a spirit of speculation ; or, do you consider that they are owing to the proximity of the United Stutes, where an excessive speculation 4 11 "0, will l)c mnrketnhlc !<^ssary and lout ycrma- ifitorest of igalions, or r to become standard as nk. 3f payment irucler and extent, tho will have edit of the use it puts me footin;* G liave the k's specie by putting ion to the lant, who existence rty easily necessity utions of a sudden ide of a exists in n specie and to t by the 3rve the Acuities n^, and iving to iulation has prevailed, producing un unprecedented condition of conimerciu! umhnrrassment ? Alls. As I explainod in Answer No. 1, our financial difiiculties arise I'rom this Province being under the injiuence of American legis. ialion. Overtrading in Upper Canada cun scarcely have existed, because liio (.'irculation of the Banks is not so much as their paid-in capital. I attribute tlie unpiirallcied condition of the commercial community in the United States to tho unwarrantable anxiety of the ng small Is; for if it might repute in n at long •therwise, lore than e trading ■ to keep In any lature to limited ? sure of the Pro. improve- can see arrange at onco a credit to tiio amount of One Hundred Tiiousand Pounds divided among the three Chartered JUinks, for which these Instilii. tions will issue their notes, half at two and hull" at three years' dati", with interest al <> per cent after 1st January next, in favour of the Heccivcr-General ; — these endorsed by the I'rovince would form the most unexceptionable tcmporanj circulation we can have, for even debentures cannot be constituted u legal tender. The consideration however of any such Hchemo to promote public improvement should not ft)r u moment be allowed to deprive of its simple nature the object of calling the present Parliament — viz. '• Immediate and direct iin prove nicnt to the commerce of the Country through relief to the indimdual merchants.''^ I would therefore strongly recommend to the Legislature to make no arrangement re- <[uiring a present issue of bank-notes payable on demand for (Jovern. ment Debentures either at '2 or 20 years, for I am sure that the present direct accommodation to the trade would just be diminished to a similar amount, h is absurd as a matter of safety to the public to renuirc the chartered IJanks to hold Debentures, because this is sup- posing that the best security in the Province requires to be secured, that the paid-in capitals of these Institutions and their being under (rovernment restriction and supervision are not security enough to the people who are nearly every man of them debtors to the Banks or of those who are debtors to the Banks. Qucs, No. 15. In wliat cases and under what circumstances do you consider thai it would be right to authorise the .suspension of Specie paymenis by the Banks; and what kind of paper or securities do you consider it most advisable for the mutual interest of the Banks and the Country generally, to constitute a legal tender? Ques. No. 2<). Ought there not to be some provision made for the protection of persons against whom the i)rocess of Law may be the issued, lor the recovery of debts due Banks that may have suspended Specie Payments / Ans. As paper cannot be constituted in this Province p. legal tender, all that can be done is to pass a law saving the Banks and individuals (not the Government) from costs of suits commenced against them after they have offered their creditor the notes of the chartered Banks payable on demand, which, though not at the mo- ment available, will command specie at its present standard immedi. ately on our being relieved from the influence of foreign legislation ; and for which being the case, the good faith of the Legislature is pledged : such Bank-Notcs being thus far belter than Government Debentures at extended dates. 14 I i Qiies, No, 9.1. Is it your opinion that an additional value could be placed upon the Metallic Currency of the country, with perfect safety to trade and commerce ? Ans. The raising the value of all the coins which in the Province are a legal tender, or of any one of them of which the Banks have, or could easily get a sufficient stock, would answer as a check to the exportation of specie inordinary times, though even then to know what value to put on them or it is no easy matter, if it is an object to come near the mark ; but in the present desperate state of the Commercial community in the United States, such a measure, even if fraught with no direct evils, would be insufficient for that purpose, for the Banks could not be expected to issue freely while individual speculators from that country, willing to take specie at any price, could drain their vaults, and fear of which must hang over them until specie payments are resumed in the United States. Ques. No. 28. Should the suspension of Specie Payments be legalized, do you think it necessary to limit the issue of the Banks, and require them at all times to retain a certain proportion of Specie in their vaults ? Ajis. On the suspension by our Banks of specie payments, the affairs of these Instiiutions should from that moment be at all times liable to the inspection ot the Bank Commissioners, and who, as a duty, should be compelled to make a scrutiny of their matters, at least once a month. All restrictions should be imposed on the Banks which would tend to keep alive the public confidence in them. The two following restrictions will be the principal ones required ; 1st. The Banks should not be allowed to issue their notes to a greater amount than their Capital Stock paid in, until the Legislature allows them to extend their circulation at its next sitting. 2nd. The honour and the safety of the country demand at the present moment that the Banks, as well as individuals, should be above the consideralion of any paltry saving of exchange. I would, therefore, recommend that the Banks be compelled to hold ai all limes a stuck of specie equal to one- third of their Ctipital Stock paid in; this amount should on no account be reguhu..d by their issues, as thus a premium for small issues would be held out to the Banks. By this we would show to the country, and to the world, that we are in a healthy state, and are ready to resume specie payments as soon as causes, beyond our own controul, cease to demand imperatively their suspension. f 15 lvalue could 'ith perfect e Province anks hfivc, I check to m to know n object to ate of the sure, even it purpose, individual any price, over them yments be the Banks, of Specie payments, be at all and who, matters, on the in them. uired ; ed lotes to a until the ion at its id at the ilividuals, laving of lanks be 11 to one. hould on )remium this we lare in a lents as Idemand Qucs, ISo. 29. in the ovent of the Banks not being authorized to suspend Specie Payments, do you consider that it would be practicable lor titem to continue Sj)ecie Payments, and can Specie, under present circumstances, be obtained, and to what extent ? Ans. Specie could not be got immediately to meet the whole of the circulation of aU the Banks if a guneral run on them was made, and which I think would be the ineviiablft consequence of the Banki not being authorised to suspend specie piiyments at once. Ques. No. 36. It is by some persons suggested, that the suspen- sion of Specie Payments shouhl only extend to one of the Chartered Banks; the Bills of this Bank would ihtn, if made a Legal Tender to any useful extent, be as useful to the other Banks as Specie, and could, it is said, be obtained by them on fair terms, in cases of emergency. It is slated, that these Banks which are not interfered with in any way, could then continue their business with more advantage to themselves and the commercial community ; and also, be relieved from the difTiculties attending a return to Specie Payment, which the one Bank might experience. What is your opinion of this plan ? Ans. As paper cannut be made a legal lender, I refer to this ques- tion merely as the groundwork of a few general remarks with refer- ence to the elements composing our heterogeneous colonial banking, viz. the Chartered, the Joint iStucn., and the Private Banks. If it were proposed and possible to make Bank notes a legal tender, I could as things stand only recommend the Chartered Banks to be thus privileged. And even if the privilege now intended to be con- ferred on the Banks is simply a temporary protection to their circula- tion against the desolating effects on the community of public causes, having a general operation on all, and the blame of originating which can be laid to the door of none in the Province, — still I cannot se« that common fairness, or the safety and interest of the community, of which they are the guardians, can dictate to the Legislature so culpably liberal and insecure a course as to extend such rrotection to any of the present .loint Stock and Private Banks, exrept m h of ihem as are prepared to receive all the restrictions of Charze.s, besides to come under the same temporary restrictions which the (jF^ishture will impose on the Banks already chartered* r I, in SOr.K3fN APPEAL To His Excellency, Sia Francis Bond Head, Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, Knight Commander of the Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order, and of the Prussian Military Order of Merit, ^r. ^c. f Commerce countable in U were I in v^ich did not crests of the n question, I llency— and Jews on tho 5 could have that in any ^nsequences "Others, I am I if not with urConstitu. ch I am not chance of this proud ischarge of lie, though nsideration istances of democratic England's once and cellency's ^'e on the - Tar more officials, '" loyalty tlu' real t^'ividuuls »pc3c an § 19 Oligarchical Government on a free people as was the Benlham ntivmpt to prepare a South American population for freedom by imposing on it a free government — a representative government! ! not representative oi what the people are, but what they ought to be ! ! ! lor a popular Government can be but as free, and it will not he less free, than the people — [what SHOrLU HAVE BKKN THi: KEI'ORT OF THE KOYAL COMMIS- SIGNERS ON LOWER CANADA,] — as absurd as Mr. Pittas vain and abortive attempt to prepare the Frenchmen of Lower Canada for English liberty without giv- ing them English laws and English hearts ; for what a reflection on the world's wisdom is to be found in the fine minds who framed the Lower Canadian Constitution of 1791, having produced that most precious expression the world contains of political humbug and misdirected liberality. But why is it a hwnhvg ? and why is our own revered Upper Canadian Constitution not a humbug ? It is so because it supposes Frenchmen to be Engliihtnen — because it supposes English liberty consistent with French exclusive laws and feudal rights — because it supposes the same gross absurdity as has entered the imagitiations of your officials, viz : that the population can be brought by the Government into the views of the Government, whereas a pop- ular Government can only represent the real state a people is in. Yon will pardon my mind being for a moment diverted from the serious state of our own Province to set up a lamentation for the occasional mismanagement at head quarters even of the best Govern* ment on earth, of which one of the most palpable instances that ever disgraced, and still continues to disgrace, the Statute Book of Eng- land is the Lower Canadian Constitution of 1791, building English freedom on a ground-work of French prejudices, pampered by French laws, French language, and French exclusive privileges. The Lower Canadians are perhaps the most amiable population on earth, and can I, or any other Englishman, wish to injure so inof- fensive a people ? I don't think that there are a hundred intelligent men in Lower Canada who would suppose such a thing, or who are at heart enemies to British dominion there. On the contrary, how- ever, I don't think there is an impartial man, who is acquainted with the ramifications of Lower Canadian society, who does not see that the French have been grievously injured by theoretically free institutions being imposed on that ignorant, though amiable population, by the Brit- ish Government having bestowed a boon on Lower Canada which, how- ever intrinsii ally great, she did not want and could not appreciate, — and of course is not thankful for, and of which by the way the kind intention is alone truly deserving of the thanks of a population in such formerly happy circumstances, if the use of free institution.s is to effect the greatest happiness to the greatest number. The light of I^ 20 the sun, in all its glory and splendour, will present itself to the eye of a blind man as effectually, and in as much mockery, as free institu- tions to a people in such happy ignorance as the Lower Canadians. But I wish I could see removed horn ihemiW\s theoretical English abuse, viz. free English institutions with no good practical operation, because clogged and restricted by French prejudices, privileges, and ignor- ance, quite inconsistent with English freedom — (their authors not seein"" that Self-government must commence within the man before it can in the Government.) It is not the case that Frenchmen in Lower Canada wish to become Englishmen ftxrther than to have the mild influence and protection of the British Government, to se- cure them their rights, language, laws, and religion, as Frenchmen^ — farther than not to be humbugged by the responsibility of this being thrown off the British Government and upon a provincial, irresponsible Oligarchy, with Canadian Family Interests, by means of the plausible but no less great political delusion of giving them free Institutions. I appeal to your Excellency's knowledge of Lower Canadian history if my argument is not borne out by too many and too melancholy facts, viz : — that an English Constitution ought never to have been given to that happy, ichen not constitutional country, and ought now to be taken way instead of what is called a charter of freedom, being infringed upon and tinkered by the present Ministry in England, in a way which makes reason blush and freedom weep. — And I refer to the existence in Lower Canada of the respectable radicals of 1828, to prove my second assertion, {and which, by the by, does not apply so ill even to Upper Canada, except that Englishmen will not stand executive or official mismanagement as Frenchmen will ; and are prepared, through free institutions, to jmt down an Oligarchy which has usurped an existence here) that the giving theoretically free institutions to Lower Canada, where they cannot be practically operative, removes the responsibility from the disinterested and impartial hands of the Home Government, and lands it in no responsible quarter whatever, but just leaves the now unfortunate Province of Lower Canada in that state that any authority in the country is used, or is liable to be used, to the disadvantage of the people by a Scotch Provincial Snobocracy having no interests or sympathies in common either with the French or the British part of the population, and, from the tender mercies of which, Lower Ca- nadians, not having, in their own moral force, an internal check, should appeal to be relieved by getting quit of a constitution which is a practical curse to their country, by shutting the door against their real grievances being carried direct to the fool of the throne nnd promptly redressed, because they have at present in a Repre- senlativo Government the name without the reality of redress within iiT 1 21 to the eye 'fee institu. Canadians. glish abuse, % because and ignor. iithors not lan before nchmen in ^ to have snt, to se- rened ;wcw, ty of this )rovinciaI, hy means ving them Canadian ' and too never to ntry, and harler of inistry in weep. — . 'pectable ^i> hy the glishmen en will; ligarchy »Iiy free iciically ed and in no rtunate y^ the of the iterests sh part er Ca. check, which gainst throne *epre. mlhin ^1 TiiEMSKLVEs. Why, then, do not the Lower Canadians petition for the removal of their only real grievance a constitution which is but a system of vested wrongs? — thus changing the Government from an unfeeling English Provincial Oligarchy to its old mild form, a kind, paternal Monarchy. I», is because u few Canadian radicals in Lower Canada, as well as Canadian tories, or rather Exclusives in Upper Canada, wish to usurp the reins of Government in these Provinces respectively, for the good manngctnent of which, by them, there is as Utile security in the intelligence of the people of Lower Canada, as there is in the disinterestedness, impartiality, and prac- tical honour of our would-be Canadian Oligarchy in this beautiful, but if left to them, ill-fated Colony. Upper Canada again. P>ut I now approach your Excellency to appeal to your impartiality regarding the theatre of your own Government, the sunny Province of Upper Canada, part of which, strangers might infer, from your Excellency's Bubble views and Bank Circular, raises the south- eriy productions of Silver and Gold ! ! Let me tell you> that, though I have in Canada realised no such golden dreams, that my experience of this country and its yeomanry tells me, that its circumstances and its situation have this strong claim on the best feelings of every respectable English emigrant, that it realises for him and his family more than he could reasonably have anticipated. If it is not only by emigration of English subjects, but by xMonarchial principles, whose true and only true, basis is to be found in the prosperity of the population already settled in U(»i)cr Canada, that this Province, temporarily and eventually, can remain a British Province, — I must be pardoned for firmly protesting against your Executive sacrificing, at the shrine of Oligarchial ignorance, or abstract theories of Government, the true interest of the Agriculturist, the fond hopes of the emigrant. — Your Excellency's Executive has its hand in the pocket of everv individiial merchant in the Province, hut they have all the satisfaction to know, that when they fall they fall in company with your i^xccllency, only till they reach that point where a man's capital is the esteem of a world which sees his failure has been his misfortune, not his fault. IF THE WHOLE COUNTRY WERE YOUR COUNSEL. LORS, THE WHOLE COUNTRY, SIR, WOULD NOT BE COMPLAINING OF YOUR ACTS. I, Sir, am not one of those individuals who want to rise to popularity on the shoulders of your Excellency's reputation. All I demand, and what the country will not surely be defrauded of is. to be allowed OA peaceably to rise to respectabi'ity on the true ground-work ol Commerce, the prosperity of the Farmer and Operatives, the productive resources and industry of the country. It is your sacrifice of the Farmers' every interest that I chiefly complain of; for 1 have already given to the winds the consideration of that fashionable part of the community, emigrants from England or Canadians horn, holders, or expectants of office in the Colony, or lounging idlers about the Towns, who, looking for curiosilies amid the realities of a new country, find themselves the solitary TAons, performing with the heels of spurred Wellingtons, Quixotic capers on the ice or on muddy streets lined with the Buffalo population, so graphically described by my friend, Mr. William Laidlaw, iSt. Louis, Missouri, (which heels are more made of by the admiring Assembly, and alas, like that of Troy's hero, more invulnerable and dangerous to their constituents, than the interests of Ilium's devoted Merchants) — and to whose •' Characteristics of Men" who flourished in little York during the times of Lord Selkirk, I would refer your Excellency, if it is an object with you to know the origin of public character in Upper Canada, its consistency and its mysterious end. But a short consideration, may not be uninteresting, of the persons who philosophise with their eyes shut, except to the objects which characterise the environs of Monarchical Toronto, the capital of Upper Canada, the centre of the known world, but not, just now, the centre of gravity. Let me ask such people, if in their most vivid conceptions of so great an object of enlightened curiosity, these conceptions which led them to cross the great Atlantic, at the imminent risk of their lives, to disregard the danger of American Steam-boats, on the blow-up principle, and taking shipping at Rochester to hurry across Lake Ontario and the peninsula, and leaving the comparatively small natural wonder of Niagara, fifty miles on the left, eagerly to push on to see a SPOT, of which it could be said that its commercial greatness, as well as its nominal littleness^ had departed Ilium fuit — Ilium WAS a town. and to roam amid the grandeur of our Canadian Rome — if, I say, even then their imaginations did not fall as far short of this limit of ima- gination, this jumping -off place of civilization, now dignified by the name of ** City," with the fine Indian qualifcation of Toronto, as did the unenlightened mind of Virgil's swain before he visited that " Rome" which was the then centre of the then known world, when he exclaimed, •'Fool that 1 was to think Imperial Rome Was like this Utile City of our own, — Whence we Shepherds drive our tender young." 23 Hut to bo serious. I am as great an adnurer uf l\w British Got- emmeiit, ami as true a iVicnd to it. as ever, when its practical bleaa- ings, (not as in Lower Canada and liere, only theoretical principles,) were in danjjer of being lost to ri people too stupid to recognize its unobtrusive injluencc on their condition found a privilege iit the duly of rearing himself to its support, or as e^er found a duty in the British privilege of preventing the executive from obtruding itself \t\\.o \\\e vitals of our chartered liberties. But your Excellency has paid too much attention to the operation of all the diflerent systems of Government in the world, to deny my assertion, that I am not under a legitimate form of British monarchy, if I find the Executive with its hand in my pocket more than is rea- sonable, and that I am not a true British subject, if I were not more ready than the Government could be at any time to sacrifice my person or property in support of what I honestly believe to be its disinterested principles, the only earthly partiality that can arise to affect its subjects being the clingings of weak humanity to what is not its interest which will be found in tho Administration of British and all other systems while men work them. The safety valve of our Constitution is in its own operation. It makes so free not only our bodies, but our spirits, that in such critical moments as we now have, when the views of the Executive and the views of the population differ, we have a right to say either that this is not the British Gov- ernment, or the British Government ought not he here ; either this is a bad Administration, or these are b'^d subjects ! ! What a political safety valve have we in the well-proved truth that the British Gov- ernment is too free and practical a system to admit of any theoretical absurdities to mingle even its details ; for we have it from Downing Street, that enlightenment has gone too far not to promulgate to the Colonies that no Colonist should think that the British Government which does not speak home to the interest of far more than a majo- rity of the population, and how much less then am I justified in sup. posing the Governor of Upper Canada can be fairly acting on British principles, if I find him proposing, as is the case with your Excel- lency, to lay prostrate every interest in the Colony ? (See cont'.rMation.) N. B.— The bnlancc of the appnal ia so lar unnecessary, bcrdusc the falsenp«3 of His Etrel- lenuyti prerzr.t msiaon i" pretty clearly bronpl't out by my ctIip'" rrn-uctions ; and as (o its more genoral contents, viz. tlit r'^"-""' "fTairs of ih^ Provinie, and the mismanagement of a party Government since the da^s of Wiliis and Goirlay, and the dantrerou J tendency cf the ultra- Eadic! Hiajoriiv jr. *:.<.>^ '"■'t House of ARsemllv, the public object is nr>t so immcliate, and it will be aiiamcd it /lis Excellency, ii^ I «Hi ptio.;nr., end no oue will charge lue with having any private object '<.o utiaiu by appearing before the public. I. E 1 T K n ON THE UPPER HOUSE OP l.EGLSLArURi: ANT) THi: KXECUTIVE COUNCIL OF TKE PROVINCE. Toronto, V. (' , July lOtli, lHy7. To DAVID THORBURN, Esquire, M. P. P. House of Assuinbly. Dear Sir: 1 am as anxious aiiil as interested as any person can be to see things got into a settled rondiiion in this Province l)y means of rational reform^ — 1 mean hy im[)rovement as far as it can be carried in a young country which must, as you well know, long endure tlie practical scourge of having proper elements neither for Government nor Bank directions, and whose ignorance must long he a salutaiy check on its inexperience. But I cannot help regretting that the opposition in our Commons* House of Assembly give it as their opinion, and that Mr. Speaker Bidwell formerly gave it as his opinion, that to etVect the object which all honest men have in view, a change in the Constitution, so serious an alteration in our principles of Government as the making elective our Upper House is called for. I allow that the Upper House, constituted as it has been, is an evil ; but I think the doing away with it is impos- sible, and were it possible, that such a course would entail on us far greater evils ; for then all the elements of our Provincial Government would be purely democratic ,* for then we would have thrown away all the advantages which our principles of Government possess over those of the United States, except that we would still have, in the strong arm of the British Government, that check to mobularity which nearly all the intelligent Americans arc anxious to attain at present, by a far more objectionable means, viz : by raising up a National Bank, powerful enough to controul and qualify, not only the administration of their Government, but also their Legislation. But I think the Upper House will gradually improve: and I can assure you, that to persons coming into this country and viewing matters with an impartial and disinterested evp, IT is by far the best feature in our Goveininent. Su'.h people see E '^(^ ai'(»itii(l litem ;< jutptilalion whicli wnulil mdI .'iiltiiiil t(» o|i|iir.v-ioii /n>iil oi ilU';:!iI ; lliey a.sriMtairi what our laws rra/fi/ l llnd in .'in «^vor-f.hanj.'ing minister of state, or in an cver-ehangin^ elective l»ody, tlioy find in the Upper House, and, say hcie^ we liave a ])le(l;2(' that, things at least will not jiel worse— thai if the eounlry is nlanln/^ it will at least not he ruinrd. Would paying' the konourabh gentlemen hy the day make them attend to their duties, do you think \ I aijjain allow to you, that, in extraordinary times like the present, the Uj)per House's negative (|ualities mv i/ifjini/l lo pul itp vif/t^ loi then people's minds are less a hie to hear a littk |)r(^sent ineoiivenienee to attain, or rather nof to losc^ a ^real advanta«;e in the future; hut the eyes of the Memhers of the Le^ririlativr (Council will surely hy degrees heeomc accustomrd lo t/ir /ia/it ; and I believe, and the eourdry he- lieves, in the meantime, that, as a hody, they are honest men, and W'cW-wishers lo their country.— which are fine principles to heyin upon, you will admit. Let me then suggest to you to look for a permanent remedy in an- other quarter, viz.: — m operation, assimilating our Executive lo that which lias hcen found to work tjo well in Englaml. I HUggest to you — Your moving in the House of Assembly an Ad- dress to His Majesty, praying for an Executive Council., as follows : — The Governor to appoint a FVuy Council, to whom there would be no salaries. The persons thus appointed to be sivuni lo secrcrij. The Governor to be obliged not only to consult his Council on all matters of importance, but to register every net of his in a Journal in Council, and in which Journal would also be regis- tered every and all the Instructions from home ,• and which will act mightily in improving these Inslrvctions, you v'ill ob- serve, as putting the Minister in Downing Street much n ' on his guard, thus saving us much petit maitrc interference. The heads of departments or oiher paid Officers of Government nof to be permitted in the Council, because their situations may possibly be a restraint on their independence, and of course on the people's confidence in the Government. No one would pretend to say, that a Minister so responsible as the Governor of a Colony should not be at full liberty lo get advice from whom he pleases. He would therefore naturally consult the lieads of departments in most transactions of the Government ; but I ask you if any head of a department is a proper person to ask what the public think of the management of that depart- ment ? Il need not be argued that the Colony is yet too young and no'i far enough ad^ancpd lo pare tho officers of the Crown ?7 ...i ultlie CuuiK il , lot f ill) II. >i ui.li 111 ilcpru'i* His Kx« (.'lii'iu'.y ociunvil here. My ohjoct is not to Corvc !iny jcii'ticiikir <'oiiii(iH()rs on any administrator of the Govvrn- incnt, hut only to seciiiv him in a legitimate and unqi/fsfionablc means of retainiiiif the confidence of the ('olonists in his acta,— Ml fad, to do away with all un/ieassary grounds of suspicion. Willioiit some such plan. I helievc, mo'-'t sincerely, that there can he no permanent calm in Upper (^'anada, rich thongli it naturally is in the i^reat elements of peace and* happiness, viz. PROSPKRITV. The firsf space in the offiriti/ (iazcflc always to ho allotted to re- tirements of aj)pointments of the Privy Council of His Excel- lency, — any meud)er thereof heing allowed l<» sign out in this way; thus withdrawing the influence of his character from the support of the Provincial P^xccutive when he considers that a uilal hlow is given hy any act t^) the principles of the Govern- ment or their proper administration. This would be a silent act and accompanied by no explanation, and seems to be a warning required by the Governor as well as by the country when danger is at hand, and it would originate much honesty. Such an arranscmcnt as the above would operate thus: Supposing the Executive popular — all is well. Supposing the Executive impopular from mismanagement on the part of the Governor, by the above plan the responsibility is thrown altogether on him by the Councillors retiring. Supposing a good Governor and bad Councillors, lie would publicly rid himself of them without his administration sufTering, if he can gazette better men than those he has dismissed. Supposing that they were at the root of the evil when they asked for responsible Councillors^ was very blind in the Radicals. This country must have a responsible Colonial Minister in the Governor, liable to be turned off as the Ministers are in Eng- land by public opinion. The mode of effecting this within a definite time has only to be made well understood for the satis- faction of the Colonists. The test whether a Governor should be recalled, ought to be the vote of the Lower House. If three-fourths of the House of Assembly vote the Governor ^^ dangerous to the Colony y"* he should have it in his power once to send them back to their constituents; and in case the new House repeated the same hostile demonstration, he ought to go home as soon as a nevv Governor is appointed and has come out. \r\ 2 b I am of opihiou n\i,o, iliat a bettt'i st/sttm Of Fuuitcc \;^ ivquiit'il ii» Upper Canada. I think the money muUei'h of tlie Province onglit lo bt- put under a Board of men vvlio understand money matter;-, with their acts subject to the approval of the Governor; for I argue tliat the Receiver Generars security i;^ not for the correctness of his views but for his honesty. I hope that it will be plain to you that my ^.uggestions are all of a practical nature, and that no private interests or theoretical views have ied me to discuss subjects so important, or to meddle with so much venerable dust. I would be sorry, very sorry, for a moment to be suspected of being the advocate of innovation ; but [ leave it to others to insult the British Government by for a moment supposing that free enquiry hito its princi- ples and operation, will lessen the people's admiration of them. I will leave it to others to show their loyalty to the British Governmet by shielding, at any time, corruption or ignorance in our Colonial admin- istration. But 1 will not confine my regards to venerable dust, for in conclusion let me tell you, that the cause which has been most operative in disturb- ing this Colony for the last two years, and in at present rendering it u>j possible without legislative interference to avoid the present interruption cm' monetary system is the squabbles among the Banks, and tlieir f,!Utua\ly scheming to injure each other all the time, and to get hold of each o.hers paper, thus making the circulating medium contracted and unherJthy, and making the Banks irregular in their discounts to the trade. 1 go \ipon the principle of always following up my objections to any state of aflairs by stating what, in my own opinion at least, would prove remedial. 1 therefore now recommend my friend Mr. Thome's (of Thornehill) plan to be adopted for the putting a stop to the dirty u'-ork of picking up, by any Bank, othev Bank's notes. Mr. Thome's proposal is the most practical one, I think, that I have heard suggested, viz : that the law be altered so as to compel the Banks to have weekly or monthly lixchanges, and for the balances to take Government debentures at twenty years, bearing 6 per cent interest ; the Officers of all Institutions and all individuals allowed to Bank, being under oath, to exchange in no other way, and not directly or indirectly to draw specie from any other Bank. Debentures passed from one Bank to another might be returned, and, no doubt, often would pass from Bank to Bank as exchanges, besides being current ih the Provinces and elsewhere like all other debentures ; but as it is an object for the Government to sell Debentures just now, I would recemmend Bank exchanges to be based on a particular i«=;ue of iltbentures to be made, and that the Banks could at all times get such ficm Government, by paying down in Specie one-fourth the amount, and 29 giving ample peisoiial seciiniy foi u >iiinilar payment being nuuio t'vor> iliree months lliereaftor with interest. Let me farther remark, that sometimes we waat to quit ourselves of Governors and of corruptionists, but we never want to depart from the principles of the British Government ; and if such a time should arrive, which I hope from the bottom of my heart never may arrive, when three-fourths of the people are asses enough to wish to lose to them- selves so disinterested a system of Government as British principles under a pure administration^ \ should be sorry to see the Kintr coveting such subjects. He has no interest in keeping them ; and he, as well as the House of Commons in England, would, I ran assure you, let them go in peace. I an), Dear Sir, Yours most truly, ISAAC BUCHANAN ri.KRGV RF.SERVES & SCHOOL LAI\DS IN UPPER CANADA. Mk. Buchanam's Lktter to WiLLiA3i H. Drapkk, Ksq. Represent, nlh'c in the Proiunclal Parliament of the Cihj of Toronto. Sir,- Toronto, U. C. 12Lh November, 183G i aadrcss you thus publicly, because I wish to speak to you in your capacity of Representative in Parliament of this City. Your Constituents see in you one who (if your sentiments prove themselves to be those of the people) is possessed of ability sufficient, with their assistance, to bring about, as the head of a great middle party, more contentment and happiness in tiiis Province tha i could have been eft'ected by any other man since party. spirit first charac terised the Colony and since the Home Government was brought to that sense of its colonial position which will allow its colonists the advf'.tago of the great English prin'.,ij)lo of fair play — since abilitv and sound views could stand on their own legs in this Province. With it as my object to get at public opinion, 1 vvrote a paper about two months ago on that rankling subject, the Clergy Reserves : 1 overcame my own personal abhorrence of notoriety in the wish to induce the expression of public opinion fur the benefit of you and others who owed your elections to pro.misi^s (since I must not use the word " pledges") to get this question set at rfst, in one way or other, at the very commencement of the present Session of Parliament, upon a principle of no monopoly. No person who believes the slate of political feeling in this Province to be what 1 hold it to be, could honestly support any measure he believed to be against the wishes of the majority of the people : If he did so, he must disbelieve in the people's loyalty ; for is not the support of Bri'ish Supremacy test f/iow^/i in Upper Canada? Suspicion, let me remark, would form but a (luestionablc beginning to acts of reconciliation. I say no less for the Crown of England than 1 do for the Up-icr Canadian people, when 1 say that greater loyally in any people exists only in appearance — only in name. The day has gone by when monarchy rc-stcd on the weak and always insecure basis of prejudice or ignorancr, or corruption; and who will regret that the func has come when the Kmg of a mighty people in an enlightened 3ge must be the Snvcrcis'i "t their hends 32 ds well as of iheii hearts? Arc ilieij the people's friends, are they friends to the Throne, are they friends of truth who would make the people think otherwise? Natural aHeclion and national prido will, and ought to do much to attach Englishmen, Irishmen, and Scotch- men, and their descendants, to the British Government ; but should the due exercise of these safeguards of the Crown prevent us from seeing that our loyalty (not to be unmeaning or hypocritical) must have a higher origin, a firmer foundation, than is to be found in our pride or in our amiable and easily. affected /ee/i/i^s ? We should be loyal to the Government, not because it is the British Government — the government which our fathers supported — but because we are firmly convinced that it is in its principles, and should be in its details the lest Government which the circumstances of this country or perhaps any other wiirpermit of. At times when the people of Upper Canada have appeared to oppose Government, I verily believe that it was the bad colonial administration, and not the principles of the Government which they meant to attack. But suppose, for argument's sake, that the people had gone farther than they really did, and l^ave on some occasions confounded prmciples with results, not of those principles but the administration of them, should we remember this against them without having our judgment or decision on their conduct, softened by the remembrance that they are not without examples of this negative line of argument in those to whom, in the opinion of themselves at least, the population should look up. In the case of the Government transaction with the Canada Company, do not these same libellers of the general loyalty of the Province try to hide the bad policy of the measure by appealing to the comparative good resulting from this grant to speculators ? Not doing the Canada Company the justice to tell the people that their good management has gone far to remedy the mistake of the measure, and has prevented the incalculable evil which an ill managed company would have inflicted on the country. In the case of the Church of England in Ireland too, has not a party tried {though the attempt has been too ridiculous) to bring forward the partial good resulting from, or in spite of its narrow, bigotted and antiquated principles, as an argument for their soundness, forgetting at once what good might have been done in Ireland, and the heart burnings and animosities o" wh.ch their system has been the land- marks, and the evils it ha.s originated and fostered ? Good may come out of such evils, and it is a cheering reflexion , but by the same show of argument why may not those persons in Upper Canada (including myself) who hold the opinion (and will decline the baseness of disguising this or any other of their opinions) that the arts of the late House of Assembly tended to separation from 33 ind id. nn the mother couDtry, wuliout believing that any individuals of the party anticipated such a result.' Why, 1 say, may we not rejoice m the existence, the yet unstiHed existence of that party (assuming it as the destructive principle) because we bcheve that the acts of its Representatives (its results) have brout ihe lionlnncs or flip necRssity oinwiNc thf-.m faim)si:i). T'iO House of Assembly would at llic eomiucncement of the sys- tern appoint the places where Seliools are to be, nuri at each suc- cecclinf]f session of Purlianient would be open to applications and representations on the subject from the particular 'J'ownships. A general salary would be fixed on by the Assembly, and no school master should receive more, and none less. I would recommend tbe salary besides a free house, to be not less than one hundred pounds per annum. No man should bo ineligible for the oflice on account of his religious tenets, if hn only j)rofesses the Christian Religion and is iiNiMrKACHAnLK in his «;i:Nr,i{AL ^Rl^^rpL^,s and moral cha- RACTKK. To the prori-F- in each township should be secured every shadow of patronage under the system. They should have the choice of the mdividual schoolmaster who is to go among them, but for my part 1 never would consent that the qualifications of those entitled to be candidates bo left to a town meeling, or that a schoolmaster when PLACED should be liable to re tossed in the blanket of the peo- ple's PREJUDICES. I should therefore propose to have a general provincial board for licensing persons fit to be candidates for the situ- ation of schoolmasters, and a district Board with full powers to decide all matters of dilTerence between him and the people, and dismiss him if they sec fit. No one on this plan would be eligible till he has passed aboard at the capital of the Province, half to be appointed by the House of Assembly and half by the Governor. The people would then at their common Town Meeting, choose for themselves from among the licensed number, the majority in the township would be satisfied of, and form a check on his character, his morals, and his religion. His literary and other necessary attainments, would be seen to by the general provincial Board. If the Majority were Catholics, they would naturally choose, and in common fairness should have, a Catholic schoolmaster ; and vice versa, in the case of the bulk of the population being Protestant. If, from the difference of religious faith, schools in a few cases have to be multiplied more than would otherwise be needfiil, the evil is a small one compared with that which would cling to any SYSTEM ON A LESS BROAD BASIS, if such wcre practicable in this Province. I should propose that the District Board of Education have it as a part of their duty to examine the schools within the District every three months. •1 1 cLKR(;v Ki:si:i{Vi: ^rKsrioN The objiM'ts ol" my presfnl pLin uro llicso — \o rtilaiti all scots oi' Christians as iho rontcnfcd sulijrrls of the Hritish (iovorninoni, anti to get a Protestant Government (jiiit. of the incoxsistkncy, the weak and unprincipled policy, of diioctiy supporlin'i; religious tenets in which it docs not believe. But equal justice and lavonr trujst be done to all our colonists, if they are to hear any moui: than tup, namk of the King's subjects. Government, if it expects every hiitish subject to sustain that char- acter when called un " to do his duty," must do away with that spirit. depressing system of tavouritism whicli has hitherto been the bane of the British Kmpire, and (pialidcd much of the good which she has lavished on her colonies. I protest against the ausurdity of any class of Christians being saddled with the dutiks of subjects, and deprived of their i'juvilkges. In the case of the Clergy Re- serves, I PROTEST AGAINST ANY CHRISTIAN SKCT GETTING ANY FAVOUR WHICH ANY OTHER CHRISTIAN SECT IS DENIED, if that SCCt can bring forward a given number of adherents to vouch for its doc- trines being consistent with the safety of a Protestant government. Why should Government icish patronage in religious matters unless it intends partiality ? Our Government, as patron, not to be partial, must (and I am ashamed to say has done so already,) violate and compromise the first principles of its existence, and stoop to a pre- tended friendship, with obnoxious religious tenets, while it ouglit, as a Protestant government, to have taken the 5r ihr iicaplc to take than for the gov. erument to givc.^' The other piirty who dijiagrco with my views on the suhject of the Clergy Reserves, are tlujse whoso holiel'in the possibility of any thing being attained by moderate or just claims has long since yielded under tiie ali-etifrrossing, and what many of thorn honestly believe to have been the blasting, influence of a govkrnmknt am) iii(;ii chukch PARTY. One of the great practical evils that party has inflicted on this country, is their undkmahly ori(;inatino tiik j»arty i now speak OF, and being always a plausible and often too good a cause for its EXCESSES. This class or [>arly, therefore, in the absence of any substantial pledge of governtnent's sincerity in a course of constitu- tional and needful reform, doggedly stand up for having no church at all because one has been attempted to he forced on the Province, which could not proselyte the Province though it had a clergyman in every house, and though all these were really zealous. Let the reader decide whether this arises from the unsuitableness of the forms, the way they are thrust down tho people's throats, or the re- markable obtuseness of the people themselves. No influence was formerly allowed to the opinions of this party and apt disciples of the other party ; they are now prepared to deprive the high church party of all injluence because it grasped at all. Whatever respect we may have for a party, we should surely have some respect for our country and ourselves ; and do we show our respect for either by admitting as a principle the justice of any class of our fellow subjects being deprived of the just influence due to their numbers and their respectability, though we may guard ourselves against being injured by their prejudices ? The party of which I speak are so unsparing in their injustice, that they look as if they too have party purposes to serve, for alter making use of the class of persons whose opinions my plan represents to prevent the Clergy Reserves being reverted to the Crown and to get them made as they should be, sub. ject to application by the Provincial Legislature, they propose to frighten them by noisy and popular demonstrations out of their own opinion, and to deny them the weight to w lich their opinion is fairly entitled who thijiJc that an arrangement of the Clergy Reserve ques- tion WHICH WOULD MEET THE VIEWS OF ALL PARTIES COUld be COmO to but for the fact that many people suppose it a subject on which they ought not to think or which they cannot understand, which by no possibility can be satisfactorily arranged, and should therefore be Burked and the lands alienated from ecclesiastical to macadamizing 40 purposes, or by common eflucatioii, to improve ihuir childrnrj's tnindii of which thf» roui;hiitiws of their roads is bill loo til an emblem. Ill opposition to the (ormer ot" tlu.'se parties, I arjrue lial sucli hub become the stale of pubbc opinion on tlie subject of the Clergy Kesurve (piesiion, thul it is tlie duty, the interest of every relificn io luuh sect, :is (lie inosi iiiiparlial mannor oj" iii(licalin" a sum KurAL to WHAT tin: adheuents of pakticulau (iiurciies have paii> thr I'Rr.vioirs VEAR as school assessment, or to a sum proportionate to Mic proceeds actually realized from sales or leases of the Clergy Reserves ; suchsuns to be paid over to the executives of tlio dilVcrent churches, to be by them applied according to their own rules, to iho salaries of ministers, or the building of churches. To entitle a church to bo supported. Government on my plan would require no more of it than that its doctrines {to me a mprcan* tile idea) be endorsed by a certain number of the people, (the num- ber to be fixed by the statute,) and that tiic clergymen of it bo form- ed into an ecclesiastical order, or at least have a common name, and an executive organ or committee, to transact all its business, so as to prevent individuals being at all looked to in the system. By any other plan that I can imagine, government would with patronage undertake the responsibility of judging of matters which SHOULD nE LEFT TO THE CONSCIEN'CES OF THE SUBJECT, AND EACH OF THEM INDIVIDUALLY, and incuT the odium of undertaking that in which it must inevitably fail, of giving satisfaction. I hope it is the plan of few, very few, (for they must be very Ignorant of the state of the country,) still to try to bolster the Church of England as an established exclusive Church ; were this to be attempted even in the name of the crown, would the Upper Ca- nadians not persevere for ever in every constitutional means to get this stigma upon their liberties removed? If the Church of England is wished to be established in name only, why to effect so insignificant an object, as far as the true interests of that venerable establishment is concerned, (however important it may appear to the vanity of a few of its members,) will you wound the prejudices of the great mass of the people, and thwart their long held and often expressed wishes ? At all events the descendants in this Province of those who endured the bloody persecution in Scotland, when the government attempted^ but without success, happily for its own sake, and for the freedom of the world, to force on the land of their fathers, a church, however good in itsf ;', alien and southern to their habits and their hearts, could never ^orget, even if they could forgive this second undeserved 4*2 vliirht on tliKii cuiintry, tins iiuusiirf tu ihftns.-lvt's, t'veu i( ail (.lliCf.'.' could in titnu bu prosoo|tlf (it it cnu be done wuhoiit iiirriiiport of which denomination his contribution is to be applied. THE PRINCIPLE LAID DOWN IS COMPULSORY PAYMENT AND VOLUNTARY APPLICATION. The Church fund will provide for half the salaries of Ministers ; but to determine this half, the peojyle's half has first to be got. at ! ! This assessment, or security against the unworthy being provided for, is demanded for the follow - mg reasons : — " First — Because Government decline allowing a provision for any Clergyman which will make bin) independent of his people altogether, while it, (the Government) considers that the proper independence of an educated Clergy, and the inability of the people themselves, both point out the necessity of some support. " Second — Government considers that the good which any body of christians are not only willing but able to do, is the best proof of the extent to which they ought to be supported. " Third — Government considers that an assessment, laid on by a permaneiU act of Parliament ; an act of Parliament subject only to be altered in the same way as the Constitutional act, and no person being allowed to pay more than the regulation, is ihe most correct way to find out the extent of the field for immediate usefulness, which is really open to each sect. " Fourth — Government wishes to secure to every denomination the undivided support of its own adherents, and in cases where theoe are large enough to be supported, to give them a part of the allowance, exactly in proportion to their number ; and Government, moreover, views this as a legitimate opportunity to secure protection for that most deserving and zealous part of the community, on whom has hitherto fallen, and would hereafter fall the burden of the support of Religion on the voluntary system, by binding all to give a small 4y utppoil (wliiili Jo«?s ii.ji m(«rrliMC- with then gi^mg moit- to then ni(hvi(hial miiu«0 to 1 00. Freehcddcs ow ng more than 100 acres would pay 7s. (id., and a farlhintr per acre for every additional acre ; — the payer of the tax stating, at the tim-j he pays it, to the support of which denomination his money rroes. As increasing the inlluence of their particular Churches, the wealthier classes of society would of course have nc objection to their assessments being fixed higher in proportion to those of the poorer classes than has been proposed above ; but Government, and the people generally, would both prefer that by the system no greater freponderance he given to property, and that those who can afTord to give more should communicate directly with their own Churches on the voluntary system. The inhabitant would be handed an account of all the diHerent taxes payable by him, (the church assessment being merely one item.) He would require to pay the whole or none, so that he ne^pj would be distrained for church assessments alone. This tax would not come into the hands of the Government; and, as merely binding the people to what they themselves say they are anxious to do, it might be called by a gentler name. It should be collected by some of the present Town or District Oflicers, (pro- bably the Treasurer,) under sufficient securities to the public, so that the expense of collection would be trijling. The money received from assessments would fall to be by him paid into the hands of a central agent at Toronto, {this is the only officer accumulatid by th system) appointed by the House of Assembly, and subject to the Governor's approval, and under heavy securities, to be by him, under the regulation of the Statute, paid over to the executives of the different Churches, viz. : — hi Vn \\\v Bishop oftlu^ (litircli ul I'iiif^'larwl. To ilic Sj'tiod ol the CIiukIi ot Scotland, To ilic ('otiter»Mico otilio IMetliodisls, To the Kornuii Catholic Bishop, 'I'o the IJaptists and any otiicr corisiderahic hodios, To Small Sects clnbhed as " yothinmiriam'" or " Some- fliiniiuri.tns,'^ *.Vc. Ate. cVc, no 1)0 by thotn ap[)licd, according to their own rules, for the salaiH^n of Ministers and the building of Ciuirchcs. Any restnctioa with the people's own contributions might perhaps be improper; but some very general restrictions ought to be adopted willi the payment of the churrh fund. Tlic central agent for the system should be authorised by the act to draw each year from \\\e fund for Religion on behalf of the execu- tives for the difiercnt large sects provided for^ a sum of money equal to the amount which has passed through his hands as assessments paid hy the adherents of said churches^ or equal to a fair proportion of the proceeds of the land actually realized, in case any one year the state of the fund will not permit of the full regulation. In such cases churches would have no future claim for any balance. — This provi- sioti from the church fund would also be paid to the executives of the different churches, to be nnplied to the salaries of members, and the building of churches, under some very general restrictions, such as that no one clergyman should be allowed niore than £100, Halifax Currency, per annum ; (this might vary in different years, but of the variation of the part of his provision levied by assessments the chance would be very trifling) and that only the balance remaining after paying ministers' salaries, be applied to the building of churches. If thought advisable, to promote the spread of ministers over the coun- try, the extent of their support in any one year from the church fund and assessments together, might be restricted to £200, any additional salary being furnished them on the voluntary system by their own congregations, or out of the seat rents, which, at all events m towns, «t would be well to avail of to assist these other means of religious support, as many who arc able and willing to lend their assistance; are neither leaseholders nor freeholders. It might be well that tlx' collector's receipt for payment of the general church assessment be received as part, payment of scat rents from freeholders and lease- holders assessed. If it IS obiectcd that the church fund would prove insunicicnt, 1 ati^^wer — That u-rrr the .system a good one, Ihr liritish (iarernmrnt would be hut too fiappy fo provide it with means. If any church were discovered i)aying uj) the asscssmc:.;. of defaulters, merely to swell the amount to be received froin (lovcrn- ment, and afterwards taking the '^aid amount or an\ ntlicr sums rmt (d •h^ fund- ntidrtsfnod lo he appro|iriaicd b\ them for religion, such church should undergo vei\ h.iavy pcnuliicH, or rorleil ull future dann to support, out of cither the church or school funds, and itt the latter case would be vicvcd as one of tiie insi^^mlicant scots fhrre- after. I5ut this might be ohjectcd lo as mlnisiinf^ the privileges ol the future as well as the present generation to uuJividual tcinporarv managers. As to the School Lands the Provuicial Legislature nught <-.onsidcr whether or not it would be well to adopt the following mode of appli- chooImaster should be made so far independent of the people, and liable to be turned out only by some constituted discriminating and educated authority, within the District, ar'l not by the people generally, bi.t that as an inducement to exertion, on his part, the balance he should collect from his scholars by means of a small fee restricted by the statute. The act regulating religion, as has been said, would be ? perma- nent one, but in the case of education the Provincial Legislature ought to be allowed, at each session, to appropriate for colleges and other educational purpo.ies, a sum of money out of the School Fund not exceeding the sum dfawu duriog the previous year, for those common schools superintended by the churches. The parliament being only allowed to do this in case a part of the realised fund remained on hand after supporting the Common Schools, equal to three times the sum used by them the previous year, so that camvion education may have no interruption. In bringing to a close the foregoing humble attempt, the wntei begs to repeat, that ho undertook it from no persuasion of his being able to propose a perfect system. Could he mean by such a suppo flilion to insult the Legislators of Upper Canada, or pretend to con vicl them of huving winked at the state of these momentous ques- lions instead of having been hitherto baffled with their adjustment ' No , He was attracted lo these i.ubjrcis by (/bycrving the fecliny wide spread in thr Province , that on thrir being immediately set nt i . 53 rest in one way or other (lopniids the coiiiilry's peace jukI prospeiifv. The expression of that feehng is yet only muttered like the comint» «torm, but unless decisive steps are taken, it will before long burs: forth in popular thunder. If the explanation have only the etiect of uiiikinf; others see the usdessness^ even if they cannot believe in the itnuiediafe danger of hlhihinir the suhjcct of the Clergy Reserves, )ic will feel that this little trouole has been amply recompensed, lie is neither wedded to the system he now proposes? nor to any ctiier, and will only stick to his present views till a more equitable and prarti. cable system is pointed o>it. May he not then expect an unprejudiced consideration of his plan. It is no party [iroducfion. The writer's mdcpendence is, perhaps, as unlramolled by party influence, feelinf;s, or interests, as that of any man in either Province. lie cannot be held to write from irritated feelings arising from his belonging to a neglected or insulted sect ; for he is a lay adherent of the Church of Scotland, a church which may have good reasons for feeling against individuals in this country, who have tried to deprive her of her just rights under the constitutional act ; but cannot be supposed to have anv undue longing fur a state of etjual Religious privileges, which it IS the writer's object to bring about vnti! she lamely sits down content, that her laiiful rights be trani[)led on and in desp..:r of redress from the British (Government, to which even strangers do not call in vain for justice ; but the suppo.siiion of all this, is not only unnatural but ridiculous, while the law of the land remains as it is, and while Scotland's sons retfin one half of that freedom of opinion for which they contended more than a hundred years ago. The writer has avoided personalities where he could do so, without injuring his position. — If in one of these last sentences the allusion to individuals is calculated to give offence, he would express a sorro' in which he will be joined by the whole province that some indi- viduals are mingled up with all our public questions. — He may moreover explain, that however hard the feeling entertained in certain quarters is, there has been nothing, in his opinion, attempted by members of the church of England which by an exertion of charity may not be laid to the door of frail human nature ; or which he cannot easily conceive might have been attempted by the indi- vidual ministers of his own church in similar circumstances. He would be the last to cast any indignity or injurious reflections on the pieiv, the private charities, or the ministerial usefulness, ot the Clergymen of the Church of Kngland in this Province, and were anv individual attempting such a thing, he hopes, and indeed believes, that they stand too high in the public opinion, and in the affections of their particular flockti, to be afi'ected by hirn ; but may he not hope tort, that the day has gone by when private or religious virtues rnuld alone for poltfiral errors. 54 It may l)o duo (o a rlergynifin t<» allow thai \\r lias dcjne a grcal deal of posifirr frond to Ins cimrcli, and that \\\s cliiirilios and j^odd (itliccs hnvR nrtl hceri oonfincid by h(i narrow a cirtMc ; hut il'wji helinvo, that, as far as the ^anrral rommiinify is rotu-ernrft, ho Ims done much positive, harm in an(»tlirr way, why shnidd \\v. ruit bn as ready to express the latter as to allow the t'ormor ? 'I'hc answer forms one of the sfronpf roasotis why Clerfjymen should not be public politieal ehararters ; for, however wrong in principle, can we think hard of any individual, because, yielding to htiman sympathies, l»is mind llnds a rrlirf in dwelling rather on the private \'irfues of his fellow. Christian than on his public errors, and finding it a diflicidt thing to question tfie motive, he is loath openly to disapprove the art, or to suppose {what his individual case is a proof of,) tiiat virtue's influence can bo directly instrumental in obstructing public justice. 'I'he writer makes these remarks in the sincere belief, that, if the system that now exists in Upper Canada were, from feebleness in our (lovernment, (a thing not to be feared,) or infatuation on the part of our Legislative Council, continued for a few yearo, it could not then, as at present, be cured by a genile remedy, and tnat the iMrcumstance of this country having every thin<^ to lose by a change would alone save it from devolution. No error perhaps has been fraught with such practical evil as the ungenerous iecling of the \\\^\\ Church party, generally, that all (Episcopalians scarcely excluded) who hold opinions opposed to the grasping views of some misguided individuals of the Church of Kng- land, and who have honesty enough to avow ihcm, {for they know that these are entertained nearly by the vhole Province if they icould Jipeale out) arc enemies to that venerable establishment ; and if an individual finds if his duty, and combines independence with hardi hood enough, to persevere in exposing, since unasmsted he cannot check the usurpations in a Constitutional manner — he is branded as an infidel, at open war ^vith Religion itself. Can any true friend to his country help regretting that such uncharitable, not to mention antiquated opinions, should be held bv a portion of the community which has so great an inlliicnce on its destinies, and which is composed of those, who, as individuals, are so respectable and inftuential. The writer, however, cannot let this opportunity pass without stal ing that he does not know his own or the public's fcelin)i;s towards the Church of England, if Ihey are otherwise than the most friendly. Sure he is, that the other churches in this colony wish to mrddlc in nothing that does not directly afiect their dearest interests, and that the individuals of them are as little prepared lo interfere with or 3crutini/,r matters with which flic Church f>\' Rngland has alnnr to do, \ no Hill Ciiiiiiot (lio iii;issul (iit> |>(M)j)U; olTpiMM' (/iuiudii lit; |>aiiiuiied lor llii> ()|)iiii()(i tliiil llioy liiivc sucked id willi llicir iiiollici 's iiidk, tliut lliL' crown ol Kii^laiid sils loo securely on llie head (d' llieir heloved Sovereign lo reiiuire a Cliurcli to su|)|tort it ; or to bo endanr»ered i«;K reiirnrd Uy tlie influence of a ('liurcli then, hut not noWy ujorc powerful than his people. Cannot a people believe that flieir liberties are best secured by ihoir upboldinjj; inviolate the prero«rjiiivesorthe (Jrown, without at the same time holdin<;, that religious forms and views very necessary to assist the dawn of true liberty and order, are e