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M.i-.. 1-1.1; '.,1 v. 3tla5Urttcb NEW V.HIK I! .V n Pi; R ^i n n o ni e i; :-. n; a n k i. i s < o y \ i: V. ■ \ 5 ■■■»:- MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS A HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS OF THE FAR WEST By J. P. DUNN, Jk., M.S., LL.B. JUnetratcb NEW YORK HARPER & BROTHERS, FRAXKLIN SQUARE 1886 Copyright, 1886, by Harper & Brothers. All rights reserved. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. PAOR Introductory CHAPTER II. The Acquisition of the Mountains - — 2'. CHAPTER III. The One Offence of the Pueblos 49 CHAPTER IV. The Murder of the Missionaries 80 CHAPTER V. The Curse of Gold ^^^ CHAPTER VI. Oatman Flat ^^^ CHAPTER VII. The Rogue River Yakima, and Klickitat Wars 189 CHAPTER VIII. Ash Hollow and the Cheyenne Expedition 219 ' CHAPTER IX. 244 Los Nabajos *" CHAPTER X. Mountain Meadows 273 CHAPTER XI. The War with the Spokaneb. Cceur D' Alines, and Pelouses. 324 Pacific N. ' ■■ , ,.,pAi-'V VI CONTENTS. CHAPTER XII. rAor. Death to tue Apache ! ; ^5(5 CIIAPTEIl XIII. Sand Cheek ggg CHAPTER XIV. CaSon de Cuelly and BosqvE Redondo 447 CHAPTER XV. Fort Phil Keakney 477 CHAPTER XVI. Punishing the Piegans 509 CHAPTER XVII. The Tragedy of the Lava Beds 543 CHAPTER XVIII, TaE Little Big Horn 594 CHAPTER XIX. Joseph's Nez Perces fl39 CHAPTER XX. White Rhtir Agency 675 CHAPTER XXI. Cruelty, Pity, and Justice 71g LIST OF AUTHORITIES 757 INDEX 765 ILLUSTRATIONS. An Indian Village Frontispiece Map of tlio Indian Roservations within the United States — faces page 1 The Nortlnvest in 1841 " " 84 Santa Anna 28 Traders Approaching Santa Fe. 30 Colonel Zebulou Pike 31 A Trail in the Sierra San Juan. 39 John C. Fremont 48 Kcarnj''s Soldiers Crossing the Mountains 50 Restoration of Pueblo Ilungo Pavie 53 Casas Grandas — Ruins in Ari- zona 55 Ruins of Pueblo Pintado 57 Council in the Estufa at Zuili . . 59 Pueblo of Taos— South Pueblo. 63 Sterling Price 70 Pueblo of Taos— North Pueblo 71 Plan of Storming Pueblo de Taos 75 Chinook Woman and Child 82 Irflian Sweat-house 84 Chemakane I.Iission 91 Old Fort Walla -Walla 97 Medicine -man Destroying Girl by Necromancy 103 Fort Vancouver in 1850 HI John A. Sutter 120 Valley of the American River at Time of Discovery of Gold. . 123 Piute Squaw and Papoose 126 The Yosemite 130 Yosemite from the Marijiosa Trail 134 Beach Fishing at Capo Mendo- cino 136 IIow the Diggers Fought 139 A Group of Diggers 141 The Ruins of San Carlos de Monterey 146 View nejir the Gila 153 Pima Girls 156 Pima Village 160 Antonio Azul 161 Scene of Oatman Massacre. ... 169 Irataba, Mohave Chief 175 Pasqual, Yuma Chief 179 A Mohave Dwelling 183 Old Fort Yuma 185 Charles D. Poston 187 General Joe Lane 189 Philip Kearny 193 Mount Shasta from Valley of Sacramento 197 TlK) Dalles 205 Seattle 209 Spearing Salmon at the Cascades 213 The Cascades 215 VIH ILLUSTKATIONS. PAIIK Cheyenne Village 220 Indian Village on the Move... 222 Hquaws Curing Robes 228 Sioux Hunting Buffalo 280 On the Oregon Trail 233 Before the Days of Stage Sta- tions 237 Bound for Pike's Peak 241 C-anons in the Navajo Country. 247 Navaho Squaws Weaving a Blanket 231 Chapitono 257 Fort Defiance 259 Mesa of Chusca Mountains. . . . 204 Navajo in War Costume 206 Group of Navahos 203 Washakie 270 Ute Squaws of Utah 278 Snake Indians of Utah 280 President John Taylor 284 Brigham Young 288 Cactus in Desert 292 John D. Lee 290 S(!ene of ^lassacrc 303 Kanosh 307 George Q. Cannon 315 Execution of John D. Lee 321 The Jesuit Missionary 320 Pend d'Oreille Mission 329 General Isaac I. Stevens 332 View of the Columbia above the Dalles 337 Charge of Cavalry at Four Lakes 339 Falls of the Spokane 345 Cocur d'AlOne Mission 349 An Apaclie Warrior 300 Black Knife 303 Silver Mines of Santa Rita 375 A Record of Mangas Colorado. 382 Papago Chief 384 PAsa Apache Crucified by Papagos.. 387 Apaches Watching a Train. . . . 390 Tubac 393 Apache Boot, Ilead-dres.s, etc.. 395 Texan Rangers 399 Old Fort Union 405 Standing off the Cheyennes. . . . 409 Which Tribe Did It? 413 Little Raven 418 Friday — a Good Arapahoe 421 George Bent 125 On the Little Blue 428 Indians Attacking Stage 433 Indian Scouts Celebrating 435 The Charge on Black Kettle's Camp 441 Giant's Ann-chair 449 Caiion de Chelly 454 Cliff llousif in Cafion de Chelly. 459 Colonel Kit Carson 403 Near the Head - waters of the Navaho 469 Moqui Pueblo 473 Prospectors in the Mountains . . 478 Spotted Tail faces 482 On the Bozeman Trail 485 Torture by F irie Indians 489 Fort Phil Kearney and Vicinity. 493 The Last Stand 497 Red Cloud 501 Sioux Village in Winter 505 Blackfeet and Trappers 512 Trader's Camp 515 " No Horses to Sparc " 519 Edmonton House 525 Fort Benton 529 Lieut.-general P. II. Sheridan . . 533 Summer Camp on Marias River 539 Map of the Modoc Country . . . 544 Modoc Squaws 547 ILLUSTRATIONS. IX PAOF Majorgcncrnl E. R. S. Canby. . 551 A View of the Ciivos 555 View of Ciimp and Luke 557 The Kev. Dr. Thomas 560 General Alvin Gillem 500 Donald McKay, Leader of the Scouts 572 General Jefferson C. Davis 575 Captain Jack and Companions. 579 The Bad Lands 586 Sitting Bull's First Adventure. . 592 Sitting Bull Storms a Crow En- campment and Takes Thirty Scalps 593 Sitting Bull ?■ ; "i • a Teamster. 594 Sitting Bull Steals a Drove ( f Ho..es 595 Old Fort Reno— Crook's Supply Camp 599 Rosebud River 605 Plan of Custer's Fight on the Little Big Horn 613 Massacre Monument 619 Major-general George A. Custer. 622 Sitting Bull 625 Young Joseph 630 Ollacut 635 PAOI General O. O. Howard 638 Lapwai 643 Plain of the Geysers 653 The Stinking Water 656 General S. D. Sturgis 657 Joseph's Last Battle 661 General N. A. Miles 669 The Snowy Range 677 Ouray 683 Henry M. Teller 1,^6 Captain Billy HW Southern Utes 6'J3 Jack 69<; Colorow 700 Antelope 70>1 Plan of ^V'hite River Agency 707 Douglas riO Major T. T. Thornburgh 71 :5 Haunts of the Apaches 718 Effect of Extermination Policy on Arizona Settler 720 General George Crook 728 General Pope 741 San Xavier del Bac 745 Crook's Battle-field in the Sierra Madre 751 Alcatraz Island 753 I 1U3 il^ Oc, n J I y ,U7> ::r:A"^: — ■ 5„ °'~'f,-'( N 'o Ay ^•".f^ Ui,.,,.., -I ^t'l Kleu H If A / r- rV" \ '■'•Ml ri f'l'v,,,,,, u; ■■-/i^r''""^' _,..VKI_.»tn,„ j |,^'.- K .\ N H .\ f T ■ '^^m. ^ sjacui 'l■.^ I :il..in^-iliiilr V'.'fltii.'ifr'.iii r,r>t},^^|. 1,'jl .s "ItT 1 o s I i,,:^ Tlhtli Mri ,1, T»1Tr""T"' i» y.-iW^^'^.'^-- "''^V."^'*^ Clmiibtnin iVmiMi j OMAHA ' jAi o :^.^. llK>»;>il>IMtS ■»Ac A r^>< i*t DllMtTjiilTJ, * '->;. •'ulj'-liurnli ij'-l.urnli T^^^fe^ ^7 ' ' '...,,1-, / - i;,.vci^ Ouu 1 J A I l.ff.P."!! <'1U^™^ .,'ll ^- k^-i^'cJ "^.Vo"/ "- "y^. / ,-; /! >i / ; MAP ()!•' THE >=i>5>#-~^^ ^^ y' \ ', INDIAN RESERVATIONS I _^ / / "" / / V- / -'/• \ y * WITUl.MIIB ,rj£ "■ » — /, — Irf i i^^^^^'Ku I ■ N I 'r I^ 1> «T AT ES JA> ,l(»ii!< "" I ! I / *■ . 18M. ^^■>*»^*"'''"'-' l..iiirii'i !■ ^i 1 I' li"iii VV;i-lini„-f..M II \ Rrnli- of Milt'H I ■ I — — 1 .'Ml UU IM !'10 -I -._ - n H.l I r »,^,', ,v r 'est 9.1 from GiTi'ii« idiOl from AVaslilngton 11 it a^'U MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. CHAPTER I. :Xi^^ ""'•« INTRODUCTORY. " Two hundred years ago it required millions to express in numbers the Indian population, while at the present time less than half the number of thousands will sufHce for the purpose." This quotation from General Custer is a concise expression of the most common and, perhaps, most remark- able delusion concerning the American Indians. There are at present in the United States, exclusive of Alaska, about 270,000 Indians. Doiibling this number and increasing it to millions would give a population of 540,000,000 for two hundred years ago. It may possibly occur to the reader tiiat an estimate for that period of from nine to ten times our present total population is somewhat exaggerated. It is ex- aggerated. There were never 500,000,000 Indians within the present bounds of the United States, nor 50,000,000, nor 5,000,000 ; at the time of the discovery of America by Co- lumbus there were possibly 1,000,000, but more probably there were only about one -half of that number. Some modern authorities of the highest rank maintain that there >s been no decrease at all since the close of the fifteenth cen- cury. What the number may have been at that time is a matter of conjecture, but there are certain rules of popula- tion, and some more or less reliable statistical data, that give a solution of the problem within limits. The most important of these is the estimate by the amount of land necessary to support one man in the pure hunter state, i.e., when subsist- ing wholly by the chase. This is an indeterminate quantity, estimates having ranged all the way from (JOOO to 60,000 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. acres, but the most plausible estimate is that of Mr. School- craft, whose extensive acquaintance with Indian life and his- tory, coupled with a discerning and logical mind, made him an authority of great weight on such a question. He says, "Estimates were made by me, while residing in the West, that it required 8000 acres of land, to be kept in a wilderness state, in order to support a single Indian by the chase. Con- sequently a family of five persons would need 40,000 acres." Applying this estimate to our territory of 3,010,000 square miles, or 1,920,000,000 acres (still excluding Alaska), we should have a population of 240,000 ; but there are two rea- sons why an estimate of this kind cannot be considered accurate. Primarily, the Indians can hardly be said to have been in the pure hunter state. Almost every tribe cultivated maize, and some cultivated other edible plants. Notably agricult- ural were the Pueblo and Pima Indians, of New Mexico and Arizona, and, in the opinion of the writer, the Navahos devoted far less attention to agriculture fifty years ago than they did three centuries before, for they had not, at the earlier date, the flocks which subsequently furnislied their chief support. Inasmuch as the rudest agriculture will materially decrease the number of acres required for support, the number of inhabitants must reasonably be supposed to have been in excess of the result attained by the method mentioned. As a second consideration, by the number of jvcres required for support in the pure hunter state is meant the number of acres that will afford a continuing suppor ; in other words, the hunter must be supported by the natural increase of the game, so that his preserves will not become less capable of supporting him. There is evidence tending to show that a state of evenly balanced supply and demand did not exist in America, but that the game was slowly de- creasing under the slowly increasing demands of the aborigi- nal inhabitants. This is certainly true of the buffalo, the best food animal of the country, for it formerly existed as far east as the At- lantic; and it disappeared east of the Mississippi River before the whites had fairly come in contact with it. Purchas relates INTRODUCTORY. that the early Virginia colonists, prior to 1613, had discov- ered, " a slow kinde of cattell, as bigge as kine, which were good meate;" and Ilakluyt published, in 1589, of some ani- mals then existing in Newfoundland, " I did see thein farre off, not able to discerne them perfectly, but their steps showed that their feete were cloven, and bigger than the feete of camels. I suppose them to be a kind of buflfes, which I read to be in the countreys adjacent, and very many in the firme land." The supposition has been advanced that these were musk-oxen, which may possibly be correct. A more certain testimony is found in the " New English Canaan," by Thomas Morton, one of the first settlers of New England, published in 1637. He says, " The Indians have also made description of great hoards of well-growhe beasts that live about the parts of this lake (Erocoise,) now Lake Champlain, such as the Christian world (until this discovery) hath not bin made ac- quainted with. These beasts are of the bigness of a cowe, their flesh being very good foode, their hides good leather; their fleeces very useful, being a kind of woole, as fine al- most as the woole of the beaver; and the salvages do make garments thereof. It is tenne yeares since first the relation of these things came to the eares of the English." Colonel Croghan in his journal (1765) mentions buffalo as being very numerous at different points in Ohio and Indiana, and says that at the Big Lick on the Great Miami they " came into a large road which the Buffaloes have beaten, spacious enough for two waggons to go abreast, and leading straight into the Lick." Still these animals were so nearly extinct east of the Mississippi, when the white emigration began moving over the Alleghanies, that even tneir former existence there is not a matter of universal cognizance. In the histories of forty and fifty years ago mention is sometimes made of old hunters who remember to have killed buffalo in Ohio, In- diana, or Kentucky, but seldom is anything recorded to in- dicate that there were ever large numbers of them in these sections. It is an historical truth that tlie white man had little to do with the extinction of the buffalo east of the Mis- sissippi, though he may claim a large share in the more recent work of extermination on the plains and in the Rocky 4t MASSACKES OF THE MOUNTAINS. Mountains.* This excess of demand for food above the sup- ply indicates an excess of population over that which has been estimated from the basis of the pure hunter state. On the other hand, as one of the largest estimates by any person whose opinions are entitled to serious consideration, may be taken the statement of Mr. Jeflferson of the number of the Virginia tribes. On the authority of Captain Smith and other early colonists he estimates the Powhatan con- federacy, which occupied about 8000 sqilare miles, to have consisted of 8000 souls — one to a square mile. If this were correct, and similar conditions existed elsewhere, it would in- dicate a population of 3,000,000 for the United States; but in addition to the consideration that the opinions of the early settlers were probably exaggerated, there are others which show this estimate to be neither correct nor a proper basis for a general estimate. In 1669 the census taken by order of the Assembly of Virginia showed the Powhatan confed- eracy to number only about one-third of the earlier estimate. If the natives of Virginia had decreased at the rate of sixty- six per cent, in sixty years, the Indians would have been ex- tinct long ago; for the natives of the entire country else- where have suffered from more wars, more disease, and more whiske}', proportionately, since then, than they did in Virginia in those years. The more reasonable inference is that the original estimate was two or three times too large. The country occupied by the Powhatan confederacy was one of the most fertile and salubrious regions within our boundaries. The Indians there subsisted largely on cultivated plants and vegetable food of natural growth, besides having the fish and oysters of their numerous streains and inlets, which, if we may credit the early chroniclers, existed in aston- ishing abundance, and were taken by the natives in many in- genious ways. Fully one-third of the United States afforded no such adventitious supplies to the hunter, and in many * The bison, formerly found in nearly all parts of the Rocky Mountains, is considered by some a distinct variety, as it has shorter legs, finer fur, and quicker laotion than the bison of tlie plains. I have found their skulls at an elevation of 10,000 feet above the sea. There are probably a few still to be found, but, like those of the plains, they are practically extinct. INTRODUCTORY. localities no game was found upon which man could rely for subsistence. The country of tlie " Root-Diggers," for exam- ple, is known to have been very sparsely inhabited for these reasons. Furthermore, there were extensive tracts of habit- able country which are known to have been entirely unin- habited, the best authenticated instance being that of the present State oi' Kentucky. The Indian town of Lulgebrud, in Clarke County, the oldest Indian settlement in the State, was established by some Shawnee refugees about the year 1730. A native population of 1,000,000, or one to every three square miles, may be reasonably assumed as a maximum limit, and 240,000 would appear to be a just minimum. Between these bounds conjecture becomes more vague, but there are still facts tending towards a convergence between these ex- tremes. It is almost beyond doubt that the Indians have de- creased somewhat. In the pure hunter state the relation of births to deaths is such that a slight increase of population is to be expected ui\der ordinary circumstances, but when to the ordinary ills of that state are added those of an encroaching civilization, a decrease becomes almost a matter of certainty. The known ravages of war, disease, and whiskey, the white man's most potent allies, justify the common belief that the American race has been fading away ; but, on the other hand, those agencies have not been nearly so destructive as is ordi- narily supposed. The methods of Indian warfare prevent any great loss to them in fighting — a fact which has often been expressed of late years in the statement that it costs the government a million dollars to kill an Indian. The bitter campaign of 18G4, against tlie Arizona Apaches, when the regular, citizen, and friendly Indian forces of the United States and Mexico joined in a war of extermination against the hostiles, resulted only in the death of two hundred and six- teen Apaches. Even when surprised, and apparently helpless, the Indians have usually lost but small numbers. The four most damaging attacks on the Indians of modern times — Sand Creek, Camp Grant, Custer's fight on the Washita, and Baker's surprise of the Piegans on the Marias — averaged only about one hundred and seventy-five victims each. Small- 6 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. pox, measles, syphilis, tnalivria, consumption, and whiskey liavo been far more destriictivo than our arms, hut even these have not caused the loss of life that has generally been at- tributed to th^m. Counteracting these destroying agencies have been the superior sanitary measures of civilization. Tribes that have adopted wholly or in part protective cloth- ing, residence in houses, and the use of medicines, have shown a great decrease in infant mortality, and often an increase in numbers. Even among what are still called the wild tribes, small - pox has been robbed of its terrors by the in- troduction of vaccination. Ti.e tendency of late statistics is to show a slight increase at present in the Indian tribes. The returns for 1881 (not including the civilized or taxed In- dians) show an excess of 300 births over deaths ; in 1883 the excess was 250 ; in 1882 the excess was 520, but the report was incomplete. The natural presumption is that the rela- tion of births to deaths among the civilized Indians would add to these numbers. It is not probable that more than one-half of the total decrease in the tribes occurred prior to 1S29. At that time there had beet) no material contact between the whites and the Indians in at least one-half of our present territory, and large numbers of the tribes with whom we had been in con- tact still existed. The white population of the country was then 12,866,000. Or.r great increase in numbers in the fifty- five years since that time, and the enormous extension of our settlements, have produced a contact that is fully equal to all that of the three hundred and thirty -five years preceding. Our population during the greater part of that time was in- considerable ; in 1790 it had reached only 3,929,000, of which ninety-seven ])er cent, was east of the Alleghanies. In 1829 Generals Cass and Clarke made an elaborate estimate of the Indians within our borders, placing the number at 313,130. The additional territory acquired by the annexation of Texas and the cession from Mexico was estimated to contain 145,000, by subsequent statisticians of merit, making a total for our present territory of -158,000. If these figures were correct we should have a decrease of 188,000 in fifty-five years, which would, on our hypotliesis, indicate an original population of INTRODUCTORY. 640,000; but the estimates of Cass and Clarke, as well as the later ones, are almost certainly above the reality. Their fig- ures on the tribes in proximity to the settlements may be ac- cepted as trustworthy, but they accounted 80,000 west of the Rockies, between parallels 44 and 49, which was more than twice their probable number; and having allowed 20,000 for those within the Rockies, between those parallels, they esti- mated 94,300 to be between the Rockies and the Mississippi, exclusive of Louisiana, Arkansas, and Missouri, which was also too large a figure. There is scarcely a doubt that the Indians at that time did not number over 400,000, which, on the hypothesis mentioned, would denote an original popula- tion of 530,000. There are other considerations, which cannot be elaborated here, tending to show that this estimate is ap- proximately correct, . Beginning with these bases of an existing increase, and a past decrease of only fifty per cent, through nearly four cent- uries of war, disease, and debauchery, we may eliminate the possibility of extermination from the discussion of the Indian question at the outset. The people who are lamenting " the vanishing spectre on the horizon," and those who rejoice over the prospect of extermination, in the belief that " the only good Indians are dead ones," have very little cause for their emotions. The probability is that there will be more of the race a century hence than there are now; there will be, cer- tainl}', if they receive such treatment as they are usually sup- posed to receive under " the humane policy." The only problems that are worth considering are how these people are to 1)0 brought to a fit condition for citizenship, and how we are to live peaceably with them until that end is accom- plished. In this connection the reader is asked to remember that it has not been the object of the following pages to solve or even to discuss these problems. The writer has had no theory to support. lie has conscientiously endeavored to search out the true causes, the actual occurrences, and the exact results of the leading Indian troubles of modern years, leaving the credit or the blame to fall to whatever individ- ual or whatever policy it may belong. From the facts col- lected certain principles are deducible, and in this introduc- MASSACKES OF THE MOUNTAINS. tory, which might with ecjuiil propriety be made a conclusion, these will be briefly summed up. In all consideration of the Indian question it nuist be remembered that the Indian stands in a relation to our gov- ernment different from that of any other human being, and that whatever the results of this distinction may liave been, its object was one of benefit and kindness to the red man. All the nations thi!t colonized in America recognized in the Indians the right of possession of the soil, but claimed for themselves the fee-simple, or actual ownership. The United States followed the same theory witii all its consecpiences, the most important of which is that no valid transfer of land can be made by the Indian, except to our government, without the government's consent. The settlers in each of the thir- teen cjlonies paid the Indians something for their possessory right, though all ol them claimed the fee-simple under their charters. The tradition that William Penn alone bought land of the Indians is wholly erroneous ; each colony has records of similar pnrchi'ses. The United States has always done the same, except in the case of the cessions from Mexico (in which the Indian title was considered to have been extin- guished by the Mexican Government), and under its system the Indian title never rises any higher than a possessory right, unless there is an express treaty confirmation of ownership in fee or an issue of patents. By the customary provisions of organic acts, the Indian reservations are excluded from State and territorial boundaries. They cannot be taxed ; they are not subject to the jurisdiction of courts, ccept as specially provided ; legal process of courts of the adjoining territory cannot be served within tl nr\. Still the provisions of trea- ties, that the lands are res« 'ed to particular tribes and their descendants forever, mean . 'rely that the possession of them is so guaranteed ; the owne hip still remains in the United States, in contemplation of J tv. From respect for their de- sire for self-government, we lave treated the tribes as inde- pendent powers, but we have never conceded the actual title to any portion of land to be in any tribe, for such land thus ceded to an independent power would then cease to be a part of the United States. INTUODUCTOKY. The theory of their rchitiun to us, which has always beeti adlicred to by our courts, was thus stated by Marshall, C. J., in the ease of the Cherokee Nation vn. Georgia, 5 Peters, I : "The condition of the Indians in relation to the United States is, perhaps, unlike that of any other two people in ex- istence. In general, nations not owing a common allegiance are foreign to each other . . . yet it mcTy well be doubted whether these tribes which reside within the acknowledged boundaries of the United States can, with strict accuracy, bo denominated foreign nations. They may, more correctly, perhaps, be denominated domestic dependent nations. They occupy a territory to which wo assert u title independent of their will, which must take effect in point of possession, when their right of possession ceases. Meanwhile they are in a stivte of pupilage; their relation to the United States resem- bles that of a ward to his guardian. They look to our gov- ernment for protection, rely upon its kindness and its power, appeal to it for relief to their wants, and address the Pi-esi- dent as their great father." The reader will observe that here is outlined by our highest court the only policy that our government can justly follow. By our own laws we, who have assumed control over these tribes, are bound to protect them, to be kind to them, to relieve their wants. The rela- tion of guardian to ward under our laws is not consistent with the neglect, oppression, mistreatment, or robbery of the weaker party. Whenever our treatment of a tribe is such as our own courts would not allow in a guardian, we are self- condemned. We must be honest, we must not oppress the Indians, we must not take their property without just com- pensation, or we are law-breakers. In accordance with this theory, and in accordance with the wishes of the tribes, it has been customary to allow them to make and enforce their own laws for the punishment of Indians for injuries to the person or property of other In- dians. We have had laws to punish white men for wronging Indians, and laws to punish Indians for wronging white men, but the natives have been left at liberty to prey upon one another as their customs might allow. Some of the tribes have reasonably good laws for their own government, but 10 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. others have such inadequate ones tliat the feelings of humane men have often been shocked by crimes for which there was no earthly punishment. Says Bishop Hare, "Women are brutally beaten and outraged, men are m-irdered in cold blood, the Indians who are friendly to schools and churches are intimidated and preyed upon by the evil-disposed, chil- dren are molested on their way to school, and schools are dispersed by bands of vagabonds, but there is no redress. This accursed condition of things is an outrage upon the One Law-giver. It is a disgrace to onr land. It should make every man who sits in the national halls of legislation blush." One of the most aggravating of these offences of recent times was the murder of Spotted Tail, the Sioux chief, who had stood by us in matiy troubled times, by Crow Dog. The murderer was trie], convicted, and sentenced to be hanged, but was released by the Supreme Court {Ex parte Crow Dog, 109 U. S., p. 55G) for the reason that our courts had no juris- dictior. of the offence. He returned to Rosebud Agency in 1884, a^d his release has been the cause of the death of sev- eral mtn since then, especially of White Thunder and Thun- der Hawk, un May 29th of that year. The ovil of this system is evident. It has undoubtedly been the greatest stumbling-block in the way of the Indian's advancement to civilization and citizenship. The worst ele- ment necessarily controls so long as there is no power to re- strain the work of intimidation. The system was adopted at a time M'hen our government was physically unable to en- force laws in the Indian country, except for the protection of its own subjects, but there is no reason for a longer con- tinuance of it. The only obstacle is the fact that a change will be an infraction of treaty rights; but i,he treaties have been broken for bad purposes so often, that breaking them for a good purpose would almost be an apology for our for- mer bad faith. This is one of the few evils that may be reme- died without creating a new evil. At present a large part of the law administered on agencies is simply the will of the agent in charge, if he has power to enforce it. Some agents prohibit polygamy and other Indian customs; others permit them. The "laws" are liable to be changed whenever there INTRODUCTORY. 11 is a change of agents. A quite recent instance of the ab- surdities which this results in was an attempt of the agent of the Navahos to force tliat tribe to observe the Sabbath, He had ahnost got them into a s'.ite of war, when General Pope interfered and removed the over-zealous law- maker. The evil has been remedied partially by the establishment of "courts of Indian offences" on some of the reservations by the Indian Bureau, but they are probably beyond the au- thority of tlie department, and would hardly be sustained by our judiciary. The only remedy at all adequate is for Congress to adopt a code for the government of the tribes, but in so doing it ought not to interfere with the tribes that have adopted and enforced adequate laws of their own. A treaty with an Indian tribe has the same rank and effect in law as a treaty with a foreign nation. " They are treaties within the meaning of the Constitution, and, as such, are the supreme laws of the land" (5 McLean, C. C, p. 344). The effect of all treaties has been necessarily to nationalize the tril)e treated with, and put its members farther away from citizenship and allegiance to our government. From this consideration Congress, on March ',i, 1871, passed a law pro- hibiting future treaties with Indian tribes, though recognizing those already made. There i-^ among many intelligent men, whose friendship for the Indians cannot be questioned, a de- sire for still further movement tov^ards the disintegration of the tribes, and a faster advance towards the citizenship which must sooner or later be reached. This is a step which to the white man appears advantageous, but it may at least be said that no action of that kind should be forced on the Indians. Aside fro.n their rolnclance to abandon the ties that make them a people and endear to them a related ancestry, there are matters of a more practical nature which may well cause us to coiibider the proposed change maturely. The case of the Pueblos will serve as an illustration of the fact that im- portant benefits do not always result from citizenship. In the recent case of the United States vs. Joseph, 94 IT. S., p. 614, an action for the statutory penalty for settling on the lands of the Pueblo of Taos, the Supreme Court held that the Pneblo Indians of New Mexico were not "Indian tribes" 12 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. under our laws; that they have a perfect title in fee to their lands through Spanish grants and United States patents ; and a broad intimation is given that whenever the question shall be presented they will be held to be citizens of the United States. They have the right to vote, which is of no especial use to them, as they have always elected their village officers and have no great interest in others; they have the right to be taxed ; they have the right to be sued in the local courts, which will probably give them justice so long as their inter- ests do not conflict too seriously with those of their white neighbors. A hi umber of the Pueblo land grants have been intersected by railways within the past few years, and on one of them the Denver and llio Grande Company has estab- lished a station named Wallace. The Indians refused to sell land for a station or a town site at this point, but, in spite of their protests, white men went there and settled, and the only chance for relief is by tedious litigation. The government cannot interpose as it could if the intruders were upon the lands of "Indian tribes." Its hands are tied by the citizen- ship of the Pueblos. They have gained a questionable ben- efit and lost a powerful ])rotector. The policy of the government heretofore has been to lead the tribes into the adoption of civilized pursuits as far as pos- sible, and then make treaty arrangements by which the mem- bers may become citizens on showing a good character and a stated ability to support themselves. Under this system some forty thousand Indians have come into citizenship. The number of taxed Indians, who are in fact citizens, was found by the census of 1880 t"> be 00,1:07, but this includes the Pueblos and the Mission Inaians of California, who have their right by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, with Mexico. A majority of the taxed Indians are not qualified for citizen- ship, in the sense that they are able to cope with the white man in the pursuits of civilized life. The Indian Bureau has had agents at work for over a year past investigating the property rights of these Indians, and it has been found in very matiy instances that they have been defrauded of their lands either by tax-sales, when their land was not taxable, or by other devices. On the other hand, there is much plausibil- INTliODUCTOKY. 13 ity in the theory that the ballot is the best weapon that can be given to a man for the defence of his rights, and the ex- perience of the country with the negro certainly shows that the consciousness of manhood and equality is a strong incen- tive to self- improvement. An enactment of June 18, 1881, that will probably have a decided influence in bringing the Indian to citizenship, provides that any adult Indian who abandons tribal relations may take up land under the home- stead law, and still be entitled to his distributive share in all tribal annuities, funds, lands, and other property. The loss of tribal property rights by one who left the tribe, formerly acted as a premium for remaining in tribal relations. On the whole, as to citizenship, it is safe to say that a general natural- ization law should be passed by which any Indian who de- sires to abandon tribal relations may become a citizen on manifesting a certain degree of fitness. The requirement of fitness is no reflection on the Indian; it will operate for his benefit. The alien in this country is simply a visitor, and has only the rights of a visitor until he takes steps towards naturalization. The Indian, theoretically, receives as much protection as the citizen, and is supposed to have his tempo- ral wants, at least, provided for. If the government be true to its guardianship, the Indian has nothing to gain by the transition but the simple freedom of citizenship. As the law stands at present, an Indian who leaves his tribe, except under treaty provisions, becomes a man without a country. It was declared in the celebrated Ponca case — U. S. ex rel. Standing Bear vs. George Crook (5 Dillon, C. C, p. -154:) — that an Indian had a clear right of expatriation, or abandonment of his tribe ; but in Elk vs. Wilkins (112 U. S., p. O'l) the Supreme Court held that, while a person might abandon one country, ho could not force himself upon an- other as a citizen without its consent, and that the laws of the United States had not made it possible for an Indian to become a citizen by simply leaving his tribe. This being the law, and there being no general provision for the naturaliza- tion of Indians, an Indian who leaves his tribe remains in the condition of an alien who has taken no steps towards natural- ization, unless he comes within some treaty provision, lie 14 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. may hold and transfer property, sue and be sned, and be in- dicted for crime. If illegally deprived of his liberty, he may be released on writ of habeas corpus. This right was granted on the application of Standing Bear, above referred to, but the intimation in that case that a similar rule had not ob- tained in England is incorrect. In 1810 a negro woman, named Saartje Baartman, known as the Hottentot Venus, who was beinjr exhibited in England on account of her beau- ty and physical perfection, was brought before the Court of King's Bench on a rule for her custodians to show cause why the writ should not issue for her release. The afKdavit on which the court granted the rule alleged that she had been clandestinely inveigled away from the Cape of Good Hope without the knowledge of the British governor, " who extends his peculiar protection in nature of a guardian over the Hot- tentot nation under his government, by reason of their gen- eral imbecile state." In other words, she was in the same state of pupilage as the American Indians. The rule was discharged on it being shown that she was with the showmen of her free-will. The right of Indians in tribal relations to appear in State, territorial, or United States courts for any purpose, except as provided by the national statutes, rests on a very uncertain foundation, for neither the common-law nor any statutes for the enforcement of ordinary rit'lits extend over the reserva- tions. Still, Indians have been allowed in several cases to sue on contracts made on reservations, for assaults committed on reservations, and for trespasses on reservation lands. Va- rious tribes or nations, as independent governments, have ex- ercised the privilege of appearing as parties in the courts for the enforcement of treaty rights. While theoretically our provisions for the control and ad- vancejiient of the Indians show good intentions, they have not received the practical application that would have made them useful ; and the laws themselves are fatally defective in that there is no adequate provision for their enforcement. It is mucii as though we had passed a law against murder or larceny and prescribed no penalty for the crime. We agree that white men shall not go on reservations, and pass a law INTRODUCTORY. U giving a penalty of $1000 against each intruder. A white man enters the reservation ; the military removes him ; the government sues him, and has judgment for $1000 ; he owns no property, and goes scot-free. We agree to educate a tribe ; money is appropriated for schools, and expended for no one knows what ; at tlie end of ten or twenty years it is discovered that the Indians have learned nothing. How did it happen ? Because the law did not provide for any one to see that tne money was applied to the purpose for wliich it was designed. We agree to give the Indians a certain amount of food, clothing, and other property, and appropri- ate money for the purpose, without taking the precautions for its proper application that any business man would use in his ordinary affairs. That the Indians get but little of it, as a rule, i so notorious that it is a standing joke i:i this coun- try. Do Indian agents steal? The reports of dozens of in- vestigating committees say they do. Did you ever hear of one being punished ? Some of them come out of office with- out materially increasing their wealth, but not many. The general result is as Medicine Cow said of Dr. Burleigh, "When he came here he had only a trunk, but now he is high up — ricli." Dr. Burleigh's services were dispensed with, and the good people of Dakota, in recognition of his distin- guished ability, sent him to Congress. There have been tried various checks for this malfeasance, but none adequate to the evil. Every investigation reveals the continuing wrong. If there is a single report of a Congressional or department committee on Indian frauds that does not find a shameful state of robbery and corruption in existence, I have never discovered it. The most sensible remedy ever adopted was the appoint ment of the Board of Indian Commissioners, as quasi super- visors of the Indian Bureau, but it has barely checked the progress of wrong. Let us notice a few revelations made since the organization of that body. In 1873 a House committee made a report, in a volume of eight hundred pages, headed in largo type, "By this investigation and report the committee hope to do something to rid the Indians and the Indian serv- ice of those heartless scoundrels who infest it, and who do so 16 MASSACRES OF Tf. i MOUNTAINS. I much datuago to the Indian, the settler, and the government." It is liardly necessary to say that tlie hopes of the commit- tee were not realized. In 1874 Prof. O. C. Marsh, of Yale College, happened at Eed Cloud Agency on a geological ex- pedition, and was detained there for several days by Indian hostilities. He took some observations of the management of the agency, and obtained samples of tlie provisions given to the Indians. On his return he printed charges in the newspapers and in pamphlet form, besides writing to and interviewing the authorities. There was an attempt to ignore the charges, the agent stating that he considered it "one of the usual effervescences of the moment," but Professor Marsh pushed the matter, and a commission was sent to investigate. It reported eight hundred and forty pages of damaging testi- mony, recommended the removal of the agent and inspector, and urged the exclusion of all the contractors from future contracts. Reference will be made hereafter to other frauds, but it is worthy of note here that in the month of July, 1885, there was developed incontrovertible evidence of still existing rascality. In the count of the Cheyeimo ajid Arapahoe In- dians, it was found that there were 1300 Arapahoes instead of 2366 reported last fall, and 2077 Cheyennos instead of 3905 reported last fall. A mistake of 3000 Indians out of a reported total of 6271 is impossible. It is simply another illustration of a game tliat has been played by the Indian rings for years : the more Indians reported, the greater al- lowance made for their support; and the fewer Indians to issue to, the more goods left for the agent. No casual visit of an inspector will disclose a fraud of that kind. The agent perpetrates it with impunity. The money loss is the least objectionable part of this thieving. If we may believe either of the great political parties, a few millions stolen, more or less, will make but lit- tle difference in the aggregate. The greatest evil is that tlie Indians are poorly clothed and badly fed or starved, and unless they are so degraded as to have lost all spirit they make trouble. It if amusing to hear some people talk of " fed savages " and " Uncle Sam's pets," in connection with the reservation system. I doubt if there is a reservation in INTRODUCTORY. 17 the country on which the average wliite laboring man would be content to live and subsist on Indian rations, though the food is generally better now than it used to be. Take this description of the fare at Crow Creek Agency in 1863-64: "Some time about the middle of the winter a large vat was constructed of cotton-wood lumber, about six feet square and six feet deep, in connection with the steam saw-miil, with a pipe leading from the boiler into the vat. Into this vat was thrown beef, beef heads, entrails of beeves, some beans, flour, and pork. I think there was put into the vat two barrels of flour each time, which was not oftener than once in twenty- four hours. This mass was then cooked by the steam from the boiler passing through the vat. AVhen that was done, all the Indians were ordered to come there witii their pails and get it. It was dipped out to the Indians with a long-handled dipper made for the purpose. I cannot say the quantity given to each. It was of about the consistency of very thin gruel. The Indians would pour off the thinner portion and eat that which settled to the bottom. . . . The Santees and Winnebagos were fed from this vat; some of the Indians refused to eat it, saying the}"^ could not eat it, it made them sick . . . they told the agent that it was only fit for hogs, and they were not hogs, they said. . . . The Indians reported sev- eral deaths from starvation ; they were constantly begging for something to eat, and I visited the lodges frequently while they were sick, and found them destitute of food. . . . From what I saw and know, I am satisfied that the represen- tations of Indians as to some of the Indians dying of starva- tion were true." This was the testimony of S. C. Ilaynes, assistant-surgeon of the Sixth Iowa Cavalry. It was fully sustained by the testimony of other white men, and even worse was proven, for it was shown that beeves were used that had died natural deaths, and that meat was issued which stank and was full of maggots. But, it may be said, that sort of thing is all over with now. Is it, indeed? Just last year the Piegans lived for two months on the bark of trees, and about two hundred of them starved to death. It is a glorious privilege to be a "fed savage!" No one need be surprised at these things. Since the 2 18 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. world has existed, nieii put in absolute power over other men have often been cruel and wicked, and the race has not out- grown the quality. You need not go to foreign countries nor back to the Dark Ages for instances. Tewkesbury alms- house, the Georgia penitentiary, the contract labor convicts of Louisiana, or the Soldiers' Orphans' Home of Indiana will do well enough. Guard as well as you can institutions where men rule men absolutely, and you cannot escape some wrong. But what safeguards have wc given the Indians? An agent is put over them who is at once their master and representa- tive, besides representing the government. Isolated from civilized mankind, he does much as he pleases, and his own reports are the chief information of his doings that reach the Indian Bureau and the world at large. Once a year or of- tener an inspector visits the agency and is entertained by the agent; sometimes there are other visitors; sometimes there is a missionary. If the agent and inspector should ac- cidentally happen to bo in a " ring," where do the govern- ment and the Indian appear? We put better safeguards than these around our cou.ity jails. There is a very simple way in which all this might be much improved. For years a strong party has advocated turning the Indians over to the War Department, on the plea, which all reasonable men will concede, that the officers who would have charge of the In- dians are more honest than the class of men who are accus- tomed to receive appointments; they have been educated by the government as gentlemen, and taught that no gentleman can be dishonest; and they are under constant liability to court-martial for conduct unbecoming officers and gentlemen. This has been met by the ])lea that a transfer to the War Department would involve stationing soldiers on the reser- vations who would demoralize the Indians, and that while under charge of the War Departujeiit, which they were until 1849, the Indian affiiirs were no better managed than since then by the Interior Department. Admitting a large amount of truth in both propositions, why not combine the good features of both departments? To insure morality, let the Indian Bureau continue in control ; but to insure honesty — to be certain that the morality of the agent is not hypocrisy INTKODUCTOUY. If - detail an officer once a inontli from the nearest post, to audit the agent's accounts, inspect the management of the agency, and report. He need not interfere with the duties of the agent at all. It would add practically nothing to gov- ernment expenses. There are only sixty-two agencies. The officers are close to most of them, and have plenty of leisure time. But the two departments would be hostile! So much the better. That would insure a knowledge of the truth, beyond question. It is a wrong both to the government and the Indians not to put some impartial supervising power back of the agents. Admitting the full disturbing force of broken treaties, dishonest agents, inadequate supplies, lawless white men, and intractable Indians, the following pages will show that the large majority of our modern Indian wars have been occa- sioned by a wholly different cause. That cause has been made a part of the "peace policy," and is commonly known as the concentration or consolidation policy. The peace policy, as defined by Secretary Delano in an open letter to L. L. Crounse, on April 15, 1873, has five leading features: (1) " To place the Indians upon reservations as rapidly as possible, where they can be provided for in such manner as the dictates of humanity and Christian civilization require;" (2) when Indians refuse to go upon reservations, and con- tinue their nomadic habits, "accompanied with depredations and outrages upon our frontier settlements," to punish them until they are willing to go on reservations and remain in peace ; (3) to see that all goods and supplies shall be fur- nished at fair and reasonable prices to the Indians; (4) by every means, to secure "competent, upright, moral, and re- ligious agents;" (5) to establish schools. Sabbath-schools, etc., that the Indians may " be prepared ultimately to become citizens of this great nation."* To the first and second feat- * The principal means by which these ends were hoped to be compassed was permitting tiie various churches to nominate the Indian agents for the tribes assigned to tliem. Nearly all the agents were thus nominated for about fifteen years, but this feature of the policy was discontinued by Secretary Teller during Mr. Arthur's administration, and the churchcii have now no voice in the appointments. 20 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. ures has since been added, practically, the policy of bringing the smaller bands upon the larger reservations, and sometimes of changing the location of the larger tribes. This concentrsi- tion was not a leading feature of the original peace policy, as may be inferred from its omissioii by Mr. Delano. In 1874 Commissioner E. P. Smith said, " Experience, however, shows that no effort is more unsuccessful with an Indian than that which proposes to remove liim from the place of his birtli and the graves of his fathers. Though a barren plain, without wood or water, he will not voluntarily ex- change it for any prairie or woodland, however inviting." The views of Commissioner J. Q. Smith, who next held the office, wore totally different, and in 1876 he announced as the principal feature of his policy, " Concentration of all Indians on a few reservations." His successor, E. A. Ilayt, was of the same opinion, his doctrine being, " A steady con- centration of the smaller bands of Indians upon the larger reservations." This policy was followed by him through his long term of office, and has been adopted, though to a some- what less extent, by his successors. By act of March 1, 1883, the President was empowered, in his discretion, to consolidate either agencies or tribes, "with the consent of the tribes to be affected thereby, expressed in the usual manner." There is nothing objectionable in the appearance of this act; it reads like a rather benevolent design ; but the words do not express what it really means in its practical application. To express it properly, the act should read, " The President is author- ized and empowered to drive the Indians from their native homes, and place them on uncongenial and unhealthy reserva- tions, whenever sufficient political influence has been brought to bear upon the Commissioner of Indian Affairs or the Sec- retary of the Interior, by men who desire the lands of any tribe, to induce a recommendation for their removal; Pro- vided^ that before any tribe shall be removed, the members shall be bullied, cajoled, or defrauded into consenting to the removal." It may be said that this is an exaggeration. Let us see. The Modoc war was caused by attempting to keep them on a reservation with the Klamaths, who maltreated them so INTRODUCTOllY. 21 nuich that tliey could not live peacefully or raise food for tiieiiiselves ; they asked a small reservation of their own, but the Indian Bureau would not give it to them. The great Sioux war of 1S7(> was simply the enforcement of an order for that nation to abandon the Powder Kiver country, which we had guaranteed them as a hunting-ground, and to keep within the bounds of their established reservation, where there was little or no game. Tlio Nez Perce war of 1877 was caused by an attempt to force the Lower Nez Perccs, whose nomadic habits were not "accompanied with depredations and outrages upon our frt)iitier settlements," to go upon the Lap- wai reservation instead of giving them their old home in the Wallowa Valley, which had never been bought from them, and with which they would have been satisfied. All the troubles with the Chiricahua Apaches, since 1870, resulted from an attempt to remove them from their native mount- ains to San Carlos Agency, an unhealthy and intolenibie place for mountain Indians, and occupied by bands that were unfriendly to the Chiricahuas. The wars with Victorio's Mimbrefios Apaches resulted from the discontinuance of his reservation at Ojo Caliente, in his native country, where he had expressed willingness to live in peace, and an order for the removal of his band to San Carlos. The war with the Northern Cheyennes resulted from an attempt to make them stay in Indian Territory, which had proved a very unhealthy place for them, instead of leaving them with their old allies the Sioux, where they wished to remain. The disgraceful affair of the Ponca removal — so repugnant to all sense of fairness and justice that Judge Dundy, who released the fugi- tive Poncas on writ of habeas corpus, condemned it from the bench, and expressed his pleasure tliat General Crook had " no sort of sympathy in the business in which he is forced by his position to bear a part so conspicuous" — was only a concentration and remov.l to Indian Territory. The Ilua- lapais were removed in 1874 from their old country to La Paz reservation, on the Colorado River, a place so terribly unhealthy that they were saved from extermination only by fleeing in a body. The White Mountain Coyoteros, always our friends, were removed from their farms to the hot, un- 22 MASSACKES OF THE MOUNTAINS. healtliy valloy of the Gila, to save the expense of an agency, and throw the tribal trade from New Mexico to Arizona, " where it properly belonged." The tribe became demoral- ized ; their advance in agricnltnre was stopped ; a part of them became wanderers. All these facts and others will appear more fully hereaf- ter, and they show that the translation made above is not ex- afffferated. An examination of the arguments of those who favor concentration will show that the advantages claimed for it are purely theoretical. There is not a single instance of benefit resulting from an enforced removal — not one in which the fair presumption is not that the Indians would have done as well or better in their native homes. In a ma- jority of cases the results have been very bad, and in many of them the discontent resulting from removal has been so lasting that the Indian Bureau has been obliged to give up its project, and return them to the place whence they were removed. If there were ever a penny-wise and pound-foolish idea, it is «^liat concentration cheapens the Indian service. The wars alone that have resulted from it, leaving out of con- sideration life and pi'operty destroyed, have cost more money than all that the tribes affected by removals have cost the government otherwise. In addition to that, several tribes that were previously self-supporting were made utterly des- titute and helpless by removal, and some became hopelessly demoralized. There is, in reason, no cause why Indians may not be taught and civilized in one state or territory as well as in another, and if the presence of Ia i).it them near others. The concentration policy has not a single foundation, either in fact or in logical argument, to support it. It is almost be- yond comprehension how it could have been adopted by rea- soning men. The objections to it from principle are quite as great as those derived from its expensiveness and inexpediency. Is it a light thing to drive a people from their native land? There was never an exile of any other race to whom the American lieart did not warm. There was never even a INTRODUCTORY. 23 foreign nation struggling for the peaceful possession of its fatherland with which we did not sympathize. Tiie patriots of Ireland, Poland, Switzerland, and Greece have always had our veneration and love. Our school-children are instructed in their histories, and taught to repeat their inspiring words. We have proclaimed to the world by our Monroe doctrine that no foreign government shall interfere with Atnerican liberty on American soil. We profess to place highest in the category of human virtues the love of native land. How comes it, then, that Americans can favor forcing our " wards" to leave the "rocks and rills," the "woods and templed hills" that they love? Can we not respect Joseph when he says, " A man who would not love his father's grave is worse than a wild animal " ? Can we !iot even understand poor, worth- less, old Homily when he says, "The gravel stones and sand of Wallula make mo happy — my tilicums [adult companions] are there"? The xYmerican Indians do love their country. They have taught us that in a hundred bloody wars. If any American will but cast aside the prejudice of race, he must feel the truth of Wendell Phillips's words, " From Massachu- setts Bay back to their own hunting-grounds, every few miles is written down in imperishable record as a spot where the scanty, scattered tribes made a stand for justice and their own rights. Neitlier Greece, nor Germany, nor the French, nor the Scotch, can sliow a prouder record. And instead of searing it over with infamy and illustrated epithets, the fut- ure will recognize it as a glorious record of a race that never melted out and never died away, but stood up manfully, man by man, foot by foot, and fought it out for the land God gave him against the world, which seemed to be poured out over him. I love the Indian because there is something in the soil and climate that made him that is fated, in the thousand years that are coming, to mould us." I would not carry the feeling of admiration for aboriginal virtues too far, lest the recollection of the vices of barbarism cause an undue recoil from the point we should reach. That many Indians are l-jzy, drunken, and vicious is undeniable; that some of their habits are revolting to us is true. But there is much to extenuate all this. Why should we be hor- 24 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. rified at their eating snakes, lizards, grasshoppers, dogs, and the intestines of larger animals, when we swallow snails, oys- ters, frogs' legs, sardines, aiid tripe? Your epicure has his woodcock cooked without cleaning, and smacks his lips over calves' brains. This is but custom. An Apache or Navaho would not touch bear meat or taste of pork. The white man looks on the Indian of to-day and laughs at the idea of a "noble red man," but the Indian of (Jooper is not wholly mvthical. One miiiht as well seek a Konian Senator in ati Italian pea-nut vender, or a Kiiiglit of the Round Table in an English swell. Take the proudest crusader that ever bore a lance, strip off his armor, clothe him in rags, and feed him on slop; where would be the glamour of his chivalry? There are plenty of well-authenticated instances of Indian chivalry. The romance of war and the chase has always been theirs. If you want the romance of love, a thotisand elopements in the face of deaJly peril will supply you with Lochinvars. If you want the romance of friendship, you may find, in the "com- panion warriors" of the prairie tribes, rivals for Damon and Pythias. If you want the romance of grief take that magnifi- cent Manilan, Mah-to-to-pa (Four Bears), who starved himself to death because of tlie ravages of small-pox in his tribe, or Ila-won-je-tah (One Horn), the Minneconjou chief, who was so maddened l)v the death of his son that he swore to kill the first living tl'.ing that crossed his path ; armed only with a knife ho attacked a buffalo bull, and perished on the horns of the furions animal. If you seek pure knight-errantry, I commend you to the young Pawnee Loup brave, Petale- skarro, who at the risk of his life freed a Comanche girl from the stake and returned her unharmed to her people — who afterwards saved a Spanish boy from a similar fate by offer- ing a ransom for him, and interposing his own life to force the release. If you desire the grander chivalry of strength of mind and nobility of soul, I will pit Ciiiof Joseph against any barbarian that ever lived. Just here let me caution the reader that if he wishes to understand Indian history, he must not be deluded by that false truth, so popular in America, that "an Indian is an Indian." There are tribes now existing that have never INTRODUCTORY. 25 raised a hostile hand against us, though they have been sore- ly tried. Tiiere are Indians that, so far as race characteristics and race prejudices are concerned, have no identity with the typical Indian, except in the fact that they have been mal- treated by the whites. Mr. McCorniick, of Arizona, well said in the House of Ilepresentatives, "We have Indians there [in Arizona] of every style and character. We have Indians that differ as much from each other as Americans do from Japanese or Chinese. We have a class of Indians whose tendency is to civilization. We have a large class whose tendency is to barbarism, who are as wild a& the birds of the air or the beasts of the mountains. We have thece- fore to pm'sue a varying course towards the Indians in that territory and in all our frontier country." This is simple truth. There is as much difference between a Pueblo and an Apache, or a Nez I'ereo and an Arapahoe, as there is between a Broadway merchant and a Howery rough. AVhen the Nez Perce captives were brought down the Missouri River, the people along the streaiii, wlio had been used to Indians all their lives, were constantly remarking, " What line -looking men!" " How clean they are!" " How dignified they appear!" These are extremes, and there are all gradations between them. But wc have wandered from the subject of concentration. The worst result of a forced removal is its hiiiderance to civ- ilization. If the Indian is to be civilized, he must first be brought into a complacent state of mind. You may force a man to do rigiit, buc yon cannot f ( '-ce him to think right. You cannot compel him to lie contented. Apparently, then, it is absuvd to begin t!ie work of improving and making gentle a mind, by an act of harshness that will be felt longer and more keenly than anything else imaginable. The Indian problem is not solved. It will require years of patient effort to bring these people to a self-relijint, honorable, civilized manhood. It is extremely impolitic to do anything need- less'- lat will increase the difficulties in the way. If not impeded, humanity and charity will tolvc the problem, but the " peace policy " ot the past eigliteen years will not do it. It is no humanity to offer a man a theoretically better home, 26 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. and kill lum because he will not accept it. It is no charity to give a man a nickel with one hand, and rob him of five dollars' worth of property with the other. It is nb Chris- tianity to starve a man, and offer him a Sunday-school by way of extreme unction. Let us be honest and fair with the In- dian, and temper our justice with religion and education. Tlie missionary and teacher are working nobly, though the fields are white with the harvest and the harvesters are but few. Religion is within the reach of most of the tribes. The schools at Carlisle, Hampton, Forest Grove, Chilocco, Genoa, and Albuquerque are doing much towards the education of the rising generation. If the government and the people will supplement these efforts by the observance of common honesty and good faith, if an intelligent effort is made to prevent wrong and remove disturbing causes, by the close of the century the Indian will be almost lost in the American. CHAPTER II. THE ACQUISITION OF THE MOUNTAINS. About half a century has ekpst.I since the idea of pos- sessing and settling the Kacky Mountain region began to (i-n'elop in the minds of the American people. Before that line it existed only as a speculative belief of far-sighted men, or a daring hope of adventurous ones. Wo then owned but little of our present western territory. On the south and west our boundary was the presei'.t eastern border of Texas, with the line of the "Panhandle" carried north to the Ar- kansas River, thence up the Arkansas and the continental divide to parallel forty-two of north latitude, and west on it to the Pacific. We have since acquired on that side all of Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, California, Nevada, and Utah, the greater portion of Colorado, and parts of Wyoming, Kan- sas, and Indian Territory. On the north our line was wholly u!isettl':d west of the summit of the Rockies — we claiming as far norrli ;i.^ the Russian possessioTis, and England claiming as f;u soiiHi as California, but both offering to take less. M'jaiuinio Uie disputed territory was under a joint occupancy by the 'rji'ors of both countries. 'I^he au8;isi net at once. The latent information he had was that Lord As)ibur- A TKAIL IN TlIK SIKllHA SAN JfAN. 1" t V I t (I j' 1. I a ji f( 1' ti a I 01 li tl a I A 01 tr ill tr bi ci \v In A er III \vi O THE ACQUISITION OF THE MOUNTAINS. 41 ton, on tlie part of the Eiiglisli, and Daniel Webster, on tlio part of the Aniericans, were negotiating a treaty for the set- tlement of the disputed boundary. Any delay might pre- vent his reaching Washington before a treaty was signed. In two hours he was at Wailatpu, twenty-five miles away ; in twenty-four hoars he was started for Washington ; in eleven (lays ho was at Fort Hall, six hundred and forty miles on his journey. Here he made a mistake. Deterred from the usual South Pass route by anticipations of severe weather, he and his companion, Mv. Lovejoy, undertook a long detour to Bent's Fort by way of Fort Uintah, Fort Uncompahgre, Taos, and Santa Fu. Instead of being a better route, it took them into the desert of Eastern Utal» and Western Colorado, and forced them to cross the lofty San Juan Mountains, where FremoJit's fourth expedition narrowly escaped destruction af- terwards. They succeeded in reaching Bent's Fort on Janu- ary 3, 1843, after appalling perils and exposure, and, pressing on alone, Dr. Whitman reached St. Louis, clad in furs, with lingers, ears, nose, and feet frost-bitten, after four months in the saddle. From there lie took the stage to Washington, and reached his destination on March 3d. He found that the Ashburton treaty had been signed before he left Oregon, but O'- gon had been left out. The lino had been determined only to the Rocky Mountains. He was too late for that treaty, but in good time for the next one. He furnished the government with ex])lieit and reliable information concern- ing the country, and in the summer led back an enn'grant train of two hundred wagons. As soon as Whitman reached the settlements he had spread broadcast his report of the country, by word and in printed circulars, and notified the people that an emigrant company would leave Westport, Missouri, in the June following. Eight hundred and seventy-five emigrants met him there and accom- jianied him, while others followed in their trail. In 1846 the American population of Oregon was fully 10,000, and of oth- er nationalities not to exceed one tenth of that number, living under a local government which was established in 1843. It was this emigration that decided public sentiment on the Oregon (question. It settled the mooted questions of the agri: 42 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. cultural value of Oregon and the feasibility of overland emi- gration, besides binding the Mississippi Valley to the Colum- bia by ties of blood and friendship. The government had understood well enough that emigration would settle the Oregon question, beforehand, but how to get the emigration was another matter. Congress had l)een discussing the bill "for the occupation and settlement of Oregon" while Whit- man was makinghis long ride, and the plan of inducing " fifty thousand riHes"' to settle on the Columbia, by giving each set- tler 640 acres of land and 100 additional for his wife and each child, had met with favor, until Mr. Choate pointed out its infringement on the joint-occupation agreement, and told the Senate that America could not afford to sully her honor, however much she advanced her interests. Congress had no other inducement to offer. Dr. Whitman got the emigration. It is true that Linn, Benton, and others had shown Oregon to be much more desirable than it had been believed to be, a few years back, but other congressmen had controverted their propositions, and the matter was left in doubt. Whitman solved the doubt, lie accomplished what the statesmen, with- out him, had been unable even to plan for. That is the meas- ure of his work and the just measure of his praise. Meantime, the Democratic party had asserted the right of tlie United States to the whole of Oregon, in their ])latform of 1844, and the campaign in which " Fifty-four, Forty, or Fight" was a rallying-cry had resulted in the election of Mr, Polk by a majority of sixty-five of the two hundred and seventy-five electoral votes. Mr. Polk, in his message, advised giving the agreed one j-ear's notice of the termination of joint occupation, and an armed occupation of the country. The question received a long consideration in Congress, during which it was made manifest that the only land really in controversy was that between parallel 49 and the Columbia River, for the United States had repeatedly offered to com- promise on 49, and England had as often offered to compro- mise on 49 to the Columbia and by it to the ocean. A bill ordering notice finally passed in April, 1846, bearing, by amendment, a pacificatory ]>reamble and a provision leaving the time of serviri"; the notice at the discretion of the Presi- THE ACQUISITION OF THE MOUNTAINS. 43 dent. It was served at ojice, and England came to terms fortliwith. Mr. Piikenham offered to compromise on 49. Jlere was a dilemma. England offered all America had asked, but could Mr. Polk, after the declarations of the late" campaign and subsequent debate, consistently accept it? He did so secretly, and threw the responsibility of a public accept- ance on the Senate. The Senate accepted it by a full vote of the Whigs and the compromise faction of the Democrats. Tlie treaty establishing the present line was signed on June 15, and proclaimed as a law of the land on August 5, 1846. The meaning of the treaty as to what was " the channel sepa- rating Vancouver's Island from the mainland " was not final- ly settled until 1872, and thet; under arbitration, by Emperor William of (iermany. It should be borne in mind that although the Democratic platform of 1844 declared in favor of "the reoccupation of Oregon and the reannexatior. of Texas at the earliest practica- ble period," the great political parties were not thoroughly united either for or against these propositions. The Whig platform did not mention either subject, and many Whigs in- sisted that they were not in issue between the parties. The fact is that there was serious question in the minds of many thoughtful men as to the policy of extending our territory to so great an extent. To some it appeared that the occupation of these vast regions would create a detrimental diffusion of our population, for they could not foresee the wonderful in- crease our population was destined to have. Others feared the extension of slavery, for they could not foresee that slav- ciy was to be blotted out forever. Others feared the union of distant sections with no means of ready communication, for they could not foresee the rails and wires of to-day. Others thought the country impracticable of settlement and worthless, fur they could not foresee the discovery of the enormous min- eral wealth which now makes the mountains to resound with the hum of labor. The two objections last mentioned were the moreserious. When we rememl)er tliat thefirst railroad reached the Mississippi in 1854, we are nut so much surprised that ten years earlier a railroad to the Pacific was viewed by many as chimerical. At that time it took months to get letters across 44 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. the continent by the swiftest couriers, and the transportation of supplies was proportionately slower. The difficulty of trans- porting armies, with their subsistence, to the frontier of such domains, niii^ht well appal a statesman. The feasibility of even a wagon-road to the Pacific was not yet settled. Who then could foresee that in forty years three lines of railroad should cross the Kocky Mountains, and half a dozen span the great plains? It is true that at that time a transcontinental railroad was widely discussed, but it was from a wholly specu- lative standpoint. AVith the information then had, I doubt if a more sensible statement of the situation was made than the following in the New York Evrning Post, in 1S4C : " I apprehend it would require the whole white population west of Independence, Missouri, to act as mere servants of the line, allowing it was now built and in operation ; and to pre- vent the Indians and storms from destroying the road would require an army of 10,000 soldiers, laborers besides. It will be time enough for the (xovernment of the United States to make railroads beyond St. Louis when the people shall have completed roads from New York to St. Louis or the Missis- sippi Iliver. . . . Such a railroad will be, but not within forty years." There was just one thing that prevented the accom- plishment of this prediction, and of it no one dreamed then. It was the mineral wealth of the Ilocky Monntains. Without it there had not been a rail laid in the mountains to-day. Nevertheless, John I'lumbe liad begun his survey of a road from Lake Michigan to the Pacific in 1830, fifteen years be- fore a road reached Chicago, had received aid from Congress in 1838, and was still appealing to the people to buy stock long: after the above extract was written. As to the value of the territory to be acquired or held, the popular notion of the country east of the mountains has been mentioned. In regard to Texas, it was contended by those who opposed the annexation that the country was not worth enough to compensate us for her del)t of ^10,000,000, which we were to assume. The country west of the mountains waa generally estimated a desert. In the year 1839 Robert Green- how, translator and librarian to the Department of State, pre- pared an exhaustive memoir on this question, for the use of THE ACQUISITION OF THE MOUNTAINS. 45 Congress. lie Iiad all the information in the country at his disposal, and he favored onr claim to Oregon. His statements may therefore be taken as at least not underestimating the country as it was then known. He says of the California coast : " The soil and climate appear to be favorable to the growth of every vegetable substance necessary for the subsist- ence and enjoyment of man ; bnt Jio large portion of the terri- tory will probably be found fruitful without artificial irriga- tion. Of the interior of California little is known." Oregon he divides into three parts; the first reaching from the coast to the Cascade Mountains ; the second, from the Cascade range to the Bine Mountains; the third, the remaining country, to the Ilockies. Of the first he says: "The climate of this re- gion is more favorable to agriculture than those of the other parts of Oregon, although it is certainly adverse to great pro- ductiveness." Of the second ho (piotes Wyeth, that " the agriculture of this territory must always be limited to the wants of a i)astoral people." Of the third he says that the climate is "sufficient to render any attempts at cultivation in this region entirely fruitless." He continues : " The country oast of the Rocky Mountains, for more than two hundred miles, is almost as dry and barren as that immediately on the western side." The whole matter is summed up as follows: "In what other pursuits besides the fur trade British capi- talists may advantageously employ their funds in Northwest America, is, therefore, an interesting question at present. From what has been hitherto learned of those countries, they do not offer prospects of a speedy return for the investment of capital in any other way. They contain lands in detached portions which will immediately yield to the industrious cul- tivator the means of subsistence, and enable him, perhaj^o, to purchase some foreign articles of luxury or necessity. But this is all ; they produce no precious metals or commodities, no gold, nor silver, nor coffee, nor cotton, nor opium, nor are they, like India, iidiabited by a numerous population, who may be easily forced to labor for the benefit of a few." With such information before them, and lacking the gift of proph- ecy, our statesmen certainly had little reason to desire the territory on account of its intrinsic value. 46 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. Bnt back of all these questions was a more serious question with many patriots. Was our form of government adequate for the wants of so great domains, with their conflicting inter- ests, and might not the undue extension disrupt the whole union ? Washington thought there was danger of losing our territory west of the Alleghanies when we extended only to the Mississippi. Jefferson always favored more than one govern- ment within our present boundaries. In a letter to Mr. Astor, expressing his regret at the failure of the Astoria venture, ho tells how it had been his hope to see the Pacific coast covered with "free and independent Americans, unconnected with us but by the ties of blood and interest, and enjoying, like us, the right of self-government." Jackson early advised the limitation of our boundaries until our territory was more densely populated. Benton wrote the first newspaper article calling attention to the importance of occupying Oregon, but at the first he wanted it occu|)ied as Jefferson had. In fact, he says he took his idea from Jefferson. In this vein he said, on March 1, 1823 : " The ridge of tiie Rocky Mountains may be named without offence as presenting a convenient, natural, and everlasting boundary. Along the back of this ridge the western litnits of the republic should be drawn, and the statue of the fabled god Terminus should be raised upon its highest peak, never to be thrown down. In planting the seed of a new power on the coast of the Pacific Ocean, it should be well understood that, when strong eiiough to take care of itself, the new government should separate from the mother empire as the child separates from the parent at the age of manhood." Mr. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, referred to this sentiment with approval, in 184:4, wlien Penton had changed his mind, and when he saw in the Pacific Ocean a more satisfactory boundary. Of Oregon, McDuffie, of Georgia, said in the Senate, in 1843 : '' If there was a;r> embankment of five feet to be removed, I would not consent to expend five dollars to re- move that embankment to enable our population to go there. I thank God for h s mercy in placing the liocky Mountains there." Mr. Webster said, in 184:5, when opposing the ad- mission of Texas: "The government is very likely to be en- dangered, in my opinion, by a further enlargement of the tor- THE ACQUISITION OF THE MOUNTAINS. 47 ritorial surface, already so vast, over which it is extended." In 184:7, in a speecli at Springfield, after disclaiming any sym- pathy with Mexico, he said : "Mexico had no ground of com- plaint in the annexation of Texas; we are the party to com- plain — we did not want Texas." This feeling \vas not caused by any want of sympathy on the part of the citizens of the United States for those of other parts of America. The an- nouncement of the Monroe doctrine, in 1823, and the popular favor which it received, preclude such a supposition. It was a doubt of the elasticity of the Union, which was well for- mulated by the venerable Genevan, Albert Gallatin, thus: " Viewed as an abstract proposition, Mr. Jefferson's opinion appears correct, that it will be best for both the Atlantic and the Pacific American nations, while entertaining the most friendly relations, to remain independent, rather than to be united under the same government." The statesmen were not yet ready for the bold position of Stephen A. Douglas — "I would n)ake this an ocean bound republic, and have no more disputes about boundaries, or 'red lines' upon the maps." The people were less timorous, perhaps because less thoughtful. AVhen the question was subniitted to them they M-arndy supported the extensions. The defeat of Mr. Van liuren, as a candidate for nomination, and of Mr. Clay, as a candidate for election, by Mr. Polk, who was then a compara- tively unknown man, showc'^ ' ow strongly the people were attached to the principle. ^Ir. Polk liad therefore no occa- sion for hesitancy in his policy after the Mexican war was begun, and ho acted promptly and wisely. One of the first steps of the war was to despatch an army under General Kearny to occupy New Mexico and California, in order that if the war should close with a treaty on a nti j>os- mldis basis we should hold those states. New Mexico was taken without opposition. California had been partially con- quered by Commodore Stockton and Lieutenant Fremont when Kearny reached it. Insurrection broke out afterwards, but their united forces soon disposed of it; and when the Mexican war ended, with the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, in consideration of $15,000,000, we were left 48 MASSACRES OF THE MOl'NTAINS. JOHN C. FREMONT. in jiossession of all of our present western territory except tlic strip south of the (Jila Kiver in Arizona known as " the Gads- den Purchase." This we bonglit of Mexico in 1853, for $10,000,000. There was an insur- rection in New Mexico after General Kearny left it, but it was, in its nature, rather an Indian massacre than a war nioveinent by a military force. An account of it forms the chapter following. CHAPTER III. THE ONE OFFENX'E OF THE PUEBLOS. On the 30th of June, 1846; the advance of the "Army of the West," under Colonel Stephen W Kearny, inarched from Fort Leavenworth for Xew Mexico. Two troops of dragoons followed in July, and overtook the first division at Uent's Fort. Tlio remainder of the army, consisting of a regiment of mounted volunteers from Missouri, under Colonel Price, and the Mormon battalion of 500 men, did not march until early autumn, None of the trooj)s followed the regular Santa Fe trail, which led in an almost direct line from Independence to the Mexican settlements, but left it at the Arkiinsas, and followed up the river to Bent's Fort. Tiie first division, as it invaded New Mexico, numbered 1G58 men, including six com- panies of dragoons, two batteries of light artillery with sixteen pieces, two companies of infantry, and a regiment of cavalry. The dragoons were regulars and the rest raw recruits. They straggled across the plains very much at will, and took posses- sion of New Mexico without a struggle. The Mexican gen- eral, also goveiiior and despot, Armijo, had collected some- thing over 5000 men, and partly completed fortificatioiis at Apache Canon, the natural approach to Santa Fe. His posi- tion there was almost impregnable — a breastwork, thrown across the road where it hangs in mid-air, with a solid rock wall on one side and a precipice on the other, that could be taken only by a direct assault, under a Haidviiig lire from both sides of the canon — but he and his army retired as the Ameri- cans advanced. This has been usually mentioned as an in- stance of Mexican cowardice, but there is a bit of secret history back of it. There accompanied the expedition a ]\Ir. James Magoffin, an old Santa Fe trader, well acquainted all through the Mexicos, who went, with Lieutenant-colonel Cooke, in ad- 50 MASSACRlvS OF TIIK MOUNTAINS. t#---J«^i::.?^- KKAUNY's SOLDIKliS CKOSSINO TIIK MOIINTAINS. vance of the unny, from l»ent'8 Fort, on a little mission to Santa Fe. lie "operated upon (iovernor Armijo," anu se- cured from him a promise to make no stand at the canon. Armijo's second in command, Colonel Diego Archuleta, was determined to fight, but ^lagortin got rid of him by informing him that Kearny's mission was only to occupy th.o country east of the liio del Xorte, and that the country west of the river might easily be seized by him, Archuleta, and held under an independent government. The original intention had been as ^lagoflin stated, and as he still believed it to be, I)Ht Kear- ny had subsequendy received different orders. Kearny was notified that the coast was clear; he made a hurried march, and passed the point of danger in safety. Magoffin, for his services, received $8(),0()0 from the government, which, he said, barely covered his "expenses" in this and a similar move attempted in behalf of Colonel Donii^han in Chihuahua. The conquest of New Mexico might othervise have been stopped at Apache Canon, a place which was destined to be the scene of a decisive battle, but not yet — not until 18G2, THE ONE OFFENCE OF THE PUEBLOS. 61 when tlic Southern Confederacy was strctcliing ont a brawny ;irm to seize tlie mountains. Armijo's army was riisbanded at Santa Fe, and lie fled to flie soutii, leaving the invaders to enter the New Mexican fa]>ital, the oldest city in the United States, in peaceful tri- umph, on August 18. Five weekn later, (i(MU'ral Kciirny (ho had received his commission eti routi') marched with 300 dra- goons to conquer California. On October 12 the Morinon i)attalio'; reached Santa Fu. They were undisciplined, poorly equipped, and much worn. They had received permission to bring their families with them, u.id were badly encumbered with women and children. About one hundred of the more in- efficient met!, with all of the women except five of the ifficers' wives, were sent to the pueblo on the Arkansas (pi'oscnt Pueblo, Colorado), where they remained all winter. The re- mainder, under Lieutenant-colonel Cooke, marched for Cali- fornia or: ()i tober 19, taking a route south of the Gila River. Cooke wns "iistructed to report on the practicability of this route for a railroad. I J is report was favorable, so far as natural obstacles were concerned, and was largely the cause of the Gadsden purchase. Southern interests prevailed in the administration of 1853, and a Southern Pacific railroad would, (•f course, have been a desirable institution, when slavery siiould be carried across the continent under the Southern theory of the Missouri Compromise. On December 1-t and 16 Colonel Doniphan's command, of 856 men, started on the conquest of Chihuahua. The advance, 500 strong, met and routed a force of 1220 Mexicans at Bracito, and tliis was Mic only battle fought on New Mexican soil during the con- .ju. -t. The remainder of the army left in Now ^lexico, after these detachments had marched, was under command of C< nel Sterling Price, subsequently a noted leader of the Cuufederacy. From a military standpoint, the expedition into NewMcxico was in many respects remarkable. An " army " of less than 1700 men was cut to reduce, reorganize, and occupy a terri- tory large enough for an empire — a long-settled territory, protected by regular troops. It marched across a waste coun- try, peopled only by hostile sa^'ages, hundreds of miles beyond 52 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. its base of supplies, leaving no force to protect its conununica- tion. It was so pocrly supplied that its rations from Bent's Fort to Santa F<5 were calculated barely to hold out by rapid and uninterrupted marches. ]Iavin<» reached its destination, the entire territory was "annexed," and its people declared citizej.s of the conN UK rLKUI.U lll.NUO I'AVIK They are not a nation or tribe, as is the too common im- pression, but include a number of tribes, speaking six distinct languages. They are, as the name signifies, Indians n !n> live ill permanent towns. Most of them were Chri.itianized, afte" ;i lashion, at an early date, and they are sometimes, accordingly, spoken of as the Christian or (Catholic Indians. The term is misleading, for a ('atholic New Mexican Indian is not neces- sarily a I'neblo, nor is a Pueblo necessarily a convert. At tiie time of our concpjest they iidiabited the twenty-six villages wliieh they still occupy. Of these the seven villages of the MofpiiH are separated from the rest, being situated in that northeastern portion of Arizona which is cut oil by the Little 54 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. Colorado Itivcr. The original name of the Moquis was Ilapeka. They received the name Moqui, which means "death," many years ago, at a time wiieu stiiallpox was ravaging tiiei, villages. Znni is also within the bounds of Aiizona, just on the edge of the Pacific slope. It is a well-built town, covering some ten acres of land, and having a population of about 3000. The other villages are situated in the valley of the Ilio Grande, extending over two hundred miles, interspersed with Mexican towns, from Tiios, on the north, to Ysleta, on the south. Of the origin of these Indians nothing certain is known. They were there, and living in their pueblos, when Alvar Xufiez and his three companions, the sorry remnatit of the Floridan ex- pedition of ramtilio Narvaez, |)assed through the land, from the Gulf of ^lexico. seeking their way to the Spanish settle- ments. This was j)rior to loliS, and was the first time that white men had reached their country. They were then, as now, an agricultural people, raising grain and vegetables. They also manufactured pottery and cotton fabrics, but this latter art they now appear to have lost. There is no tnice of even the rudest forms of poetry or music among them. Some have thought the Pueblos to be of the same stock as the Incas of I'eru, it theory whose only support is that they are sun- worshippers, and communicate to some extent by kiu>tted cords. The opinion tiiat they arc the remains of a former Aztec settlement of the country has received much support. They have tiaditions of an early government by the ]\Ionte- zunias, and are said still to preserve the sacred flies instituted by them. On the other hand, these ])eople were utterly un- known in ^Mexico at the time of the Spanish conquest, and many of the best aulhorities doubt that the Aztecs came from the korth at all. There is a general tendency to believe that they are a dis- tinct people, having no connection with any of the other civilized aborigines of Ame.ica. The best evidence of tiiis is found in the hwmlvcds of ruins, lying principally to the soulhwest of the present villages, similar to them in struct- ure, and which catinot be identified >vith any other archi- tecture. These ruins extend over a territory more than four hundred miles i;\ length, from northeast to southwest, and vs sc in sa til I'd It III: l>ii CO ii/'i of UK 1)01 A I of of in .|UI ■ l-.i CIll ficii TIIK OXK OFFENCE OF THE I'UEULOS, 67 ^-i*V rt ' '^jMfSH- -Tl^v lUIN.S OK IMKIII.O riNTAlM). varying in wiilth from iifty to one Imiulrcd miles, besides some scattered ones outside these limits. They are usually collected in groups, s(tme of the cities having evidently cojitained thou- sands of inhahitants. The largest building yet discovered is three liundred ati< (irrigating canals — sometimes written sri/uia), some of which can yet be traced through letigths of fifty miles or more. Their grade is so perfect that modern engineers have licen unable to gain an inch of fall to the mile over theirs. .\nother fact showing a knowleilgc of engineering is that many of their towns and works are laid out with regard to the points of the compass. The ledges of rock in this country abound in hicroglyplis. Pottery and stone impleirumts are found in i|iiantities. but no implenuMits of iron and no bones of large 'lomostic animals have been discovered in these ruins. The people who built thes(> towns must have had all this laiul under ('!dtivation,and jnust have been more advanced in the arts and sciences than the I'ucblos. This, however, dfjes ijot show that )8 MASSACRES OK Till': MOrSTAIXS. the Piichlos are not tlioir descendants, for they may have rotro- ijraded. As 1 liave ah'cady niciitioiied, tl)ey have lost the art of nianiifactiirinij cotton fal)ries since the whites knew them, and this is an art wiiich tlie prehistoric race had, for cotton ch>th has been found in the cliff dwellings, six feet below the present surface of the tloors. It is also (juitc probable that they have had and lost the art of writing. In the Pueblo of Zuni is said to be preserved a book of dressed skins, the pages of which are covered with figures and characters of all shapes, in red, blue, and green. They say it is a history of their tribe, which has moved fourteen times, this being their fif- teenth settlement. The last mm who could read it died many years ago, atid it is now kept as a .sacred relic. A more enticing field for some American Champollion could hardly be imagined. The common characteristic of the ancient and modern laccs is the jMieblo itself, whicdi is a large building, of many rooms, capalde of accommodating numerous families. Some of them are l)uiit of stone, some of adobes, and some are caves cut in the cliffs, with artificial structure added where neces- sary. They range from two to eigiit stories in height; the walls of each succeeding story set back from those of the one below, making a succession of terraces to the top of the build- ing. There are no entrances through the lower walls. The interior is reached by mounting from terrace to terrace on ladders, and then dcscemling through trap-doors. At night the ladders are pulled up. and the inmates rest out of reach of their enemies. Each Si )rv is divided into tiers of rooms, the outer ones lighted by narrow windows; the inner ones, which are used ehietly as store-rooms, being dark. In each pueblo is a large room called the entnfa, which serves as a conneil-chaml)er. a place of worshi]), and a jiublic hall. Some of these pueblos have furnished a habitation for hundnids of l)eople for centuries. In general, the religion of this people is an odd mixture of r'atholicMsm and paganism, but the dif- ferent villaires vary widely in their tenets. In government and laws the villages are entirely independent. They hold vearlv elections of their officers, who are u irovertujr or ca- cique, a judge or alcalde, a constable, ami a war captain, the last (;oui the , r witl; (ist, si a VI year then tliei (|iiei the} afte wer and had mar wur mer (itlu Wh iiisii blo wer loi des| wer and Me; eeir to ( 1)0 1 seiz iiat tael (.f I THE ONE OFFENCE OF THE PUEIJLOS. 01 last having no aiitliority in time of peace. They have also a ciiiiiicil of wise men in each village, who act as advisers to the governor. The Pneblos are ignorant and supei-stitious, as compared with modern civilized peoples, but they are indnstrioiis, hon- est, sober, frugal, brave, and peaceable. When first conquered I)y the Spanish they were reduced to a grievous state of slavery, which they endured restlessly till 1680. In that year, roused by persistent attempts to force Catholicism on them, they rebelled and drove the Spanish out. They held their country for thirteen years before they could be recon- ([ucred. Though then forced to accept the Spanish faith, they were treated more liberally, but several revolts occurred afterwards. At the time of the American conquest they were practically in harmony with the Mexican population, and accepted the new government with ecpial resignation. Notwithstanding the good grace with which the people had submitted, maiiy of them were sore over the cowardly iiianiier in which the country had been surrendered, and were ready for the machinations of designing men. Such Mion were there, and, as the various bodies of troops left for • •ther points, they began to plot. Th'S was only natural. When a Mexican has nothing else to busy him he gets up an insurrection. Indeed, some of them would neglect a protita- l)le business for this purpose. The leaders in this project were the disappointed Colonel Diego Archuleta and his fricn(^ Tomas Ortiz, men of talent and enterprise, made doubly desperate by intemperance and unlucky gambling. They were supported by a number of prominent ricos and priests, and had enlisted the aid of the Taosan Indians, as well as the Mexicans. The rising was to have been on the lOtli of De- cember, but, owing to defective organization, it was postponed to Christmas Eve. At dead of night the church bells were to he rung, and, at that signal, the conspirators were to sally forth, seize the artillery, and murder every American and friendly native in the province. Three days before the time of at- tack the plot was revealed to the Aniericans. An ex-ofticei' of the Mexican army was arrested, and a list of the disbanded soldiers of Armijo was found on him. Several others sup- 02 MASSACRES OF THE MOINTAIN.S. posed to l)e iiiipliciitcd were arrested, but Ortiz and Archu- lotiv escaped to the south and reached Mexico. Early in .fauuary Governor i>ent issued a prochiination calculated to quiet the people. The insurrection was believed to have been suppressed by these measures, but the leaderless organi- zation remained like a giant ijlast in the m* 1st of the social fabric, ready to explode at the touch of any spark. The ex- plosion came on January 11), 1847. Early in the morning of that day a large number of Pue- blos assembled at Don Fernandez and insisted on the release of three of their tribe, notorious thieves, who were coniined in the calahozo. The sheriff, Stephen Lee, seeing no means of resistance at hand, was about to comply with their demand, when the Mexican prefect, Cornelio Vigil, appeared and for- bas. He withdrew into his room and the Indians be- gan tearing up the roof. With all the calmness of a noble soul he stood awaiting his doom. His wife brought him his pistols and told him to tight, to avenge himself, even if he must die. The Indians were exj)osed to his aim, but he re- ])lie(l : "No; I will not kill any one of them ; for the sake of you, my wife, and you, my children. At present, my tll( va al)^ ^'■" an iiii 'I'd ail' oil ill (■V( !"•' hit tin dr; u-li she aw tlu till hy olil tilt 801 in nil! he 15c to j"^ i>li 1,13. viii \va fri( Til ore IIIK f)NE Ol'FKNCK OF TIIK ri'KllLOW. 65 (It'iitli is all these people \vi.sli." As tlio savages poured into tlie njoiu ho appealed to their iiiaiiliood and honor, i)nt in vain. 1'lioy laughed at his i)lea. They told liini they were :il)()ut to kill every American in New Mexico and M-ould be- gin with hiui. An arrow followed the word — another, ancl another — but the mode was not swift enough. One, more impatient, sent a bullet tlirough liis heart. As lie fell, 'l\imas, a ehief, stepped forward, snatched one of his pistols, and shot him in the face. They took his scalp, stretched it on a boartl with brass nails, and carried it through the streets in triumph. James W. Leal, a private in the I.,a Clede Rangers, fared even worse. lie was on furlough, and had been appointed prosecuting attorney for the .iv..l!"'rn district. They seized him at his house, stripped him naked, and marched him about the streets, pushing arrows into his flesh, inch by inch, as they dragged him along. They conducted him again to his house, where they made a target of him, and amused thcmsjclves l)y shuoting at his eyes, his nose, and his mouth. They tore away his bleeding scalp, and left him writhing in agony vhile they went in search ot" other victims. Several hours av^er they began their fietidish work they returned and iinished it by shooting him to death with arrows. His l)ody was thrown out, and the hogs had citen ])art of it, M-hen ]\Irs. l>eaubien, the Spanish wife of .Tudgo Ijcaubien, learned of it, and had some men bury the remains. ^leanwhile the ISeaubiens were in deep atHiction. There had been at their house another member of the J.a (Hede Hangers, Robert Cary by name, but he had gone to Santa Fo on the day previous with Judge iSeaub'en. The Indians, supposing him to bo there still, went to the house, where they were met by Narcissus IJeaubion, the judge's son, a ])romisiiig youth of twenty, who had just fin- ished his education in the States. They murdered him, )>roba- bly mistaking him for Cary. They also murdered Pablo Ilar- vimeah, a friendly Mcxieaii. (teneral Elliott Lee, of St. Louis, was in Fernandez at the time. lie fled to the house of a friendly priest, who cuncealed him ujider some sacks of wheat. The Indians searched for liim some time before they discov- ered his hiding-place. They were then about to drag him 5 66 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. forth and kill I?im, but tlie priest interceded and persuaded them to go away. They returned several times, with renewed determination to have l-is life, but the padre succeeded in sav- ing him. The only other American who escaped from the place was Charles Towne. Ills father-in-law, a Mexican, mounted him uii a swift mule, and he broiij^iit the news of the massacre to Santa Fc'. The insurrection was now under full headway. Messengers were sent in every direction to urge the people to rise against the Americans. The Jiio Abajo (the luw ur river country, as di.^tinguiBlied from the Itio Arriba, or upper river country) was especially called on foi aid. On the evening of the same day eight Americans were captured, robbed, and shot, by the insurgents, on the road near Mora, a town of some 2(X>0 in- habitants, situated about seventy-five miles liast of Santa Fe, near the road to the States. They were Ivomuliis (!'ulver, L. L. Waldo. ])enjamin Fraett, Louis Cabano, Mr. Xoyes, and thret! others in company. On the same day also two Americans were killed on the Colorado, and shortly afterwards several grazing camps were attacked, the giuirds killed, and the cattle run olT. These outragcf .verc by Mexicans, and are not prop- erly within our province. I will mention, however, that Cap- tain Ilendley, who was stationed near Mora, attacked the .Mexicans there oii Jiinuary 24. He was killed and his force repulsed. On iVbraary 1, CaptP"'; .Morin, with 2(»0 men, at tacked and destroyed the town, with everything in it; but Cortez, the Me.xican leader there, escaped. Let us now n turn to our Indians. Twelve miles ahuve Don Fernandez the roa'l through the V(tlli (It Titos crosses the Arroyo Hondo (Deep Crcadv. Arroyo nu'ans a small river, itut is conunoidy u.sed in the West to indicate any land sulijcct to overflow, from a di'y gnlch to a ri\er bottom). At this place Simeon Tinlcy, an .\Mierican, had estal)lished a mill and adistillerv. Tliese bnildinirs, with the stables and out; auses, were enclosed in a s(|iiare corral. On oiu! side, at a distance of about twenty yards, ran the stream ; on the otiior the ground was l)roken, and rose abrupt- ly, at a short distance, forming the baidv of the ravine. At the rear was a little garden, to which a snnill gate opened from THE ONK OFKP^N'Ct; OF THE ITEBLOS. 0( tlic corral. Turley was not ajiprelieiisivo of daiii,'er, and, indeed, had persotially little cause to be. He had married a Mexican woman. lie was well known and {.generally liked. He was celebrated for his generosity and humanity ; no needy man was turned unaided from his door. He had even been warned of the intended revolt, hut had paid no attention to the warning. On the morning of the 19th one of hW "mployes, named Otterbces, who had ijeeii to Santa IV' on ;i(i errand, rode up to the mill at full epeed. He reined his panting hoioe only lon<; enough to tell them that the Indians had risen and massatrred (Jovernor licnt ami others, and then gal- loped on. Even then Turley did not anticipate ajiy moles- tation, but there were eight white men, mostly American trappers, at the mill, and on their solicitarion the gates of the corral were closed and preparations ma ie for defence. In a few hours a large crowd of Pueblos and Mexicans, armed with guns, bows, and lances, made their appearance, ai d, ad vanciii;; Milder a white Hag, demanded the surrender of the place aiul tiic men. They told Turley that they would spare his life, but that the other Americans must die; that tlu^y had killed the governor and all the Americans at I''erii!'.ndez, and not one was to be left alive in New Mexico. It was a hard choice for Turley. On one side was his life, his family, and his property. < >ii the other were the lives of eiirht of his cnuntrymen. He (lid not hesitate for an inst-'ui*- ills answer was: " I will never surrender my houhc or my men. If you want them you must take them." The en 'my drew off, con ilted for a few niin- iitts, scattered, and began their attack. I'nder cover of the rcH'ks and ced.ir bushes, which were abundant on all sides, tlicy surrounded the corral and kept up an incessant but in- ilTi'otual lire ori the mill. The defemlers did better. They hail l'|ncki'ullets, cutting piitches. am m])li'ting the defenses of the place. It was the last night o!i earth for all but two of them. OS MASSACRKS OF TlIK MOUNTAINS. TliL' uttiU'kini; i>a«'ty orit<'d to dras, three ritles rang out. and three more Itodies were added to the ghastly ))ile. Then a groat shout of rage went up from tin besiegers. ananion shot down and heard Ids cricR f»jr mere}', inin- g- a ■. -ith shrieks of pain, as the assassins pierced him with ti.. i • ' idves and lances. He lay motionless under the fence nntil it was (piito dark, and then escaped to the mountains. .\fter travelling day and night, with scarcely an hour's rest, he liiially succeeiled in reaching a trader's fort, half dead with lningr!r and fatigue. Tnrley also succeediil in reaching the mountains unseen. There he tnet a Mexican with whom he liad been on intimat(! terms f..r years. He was mounted. TurU'y offered him his watch for the use of the horse, the aninnil itself m»t !ieiiig worth one third as much, but was re- fused. Still the inhuman liy]iocrite atfeeied compassion for him and prondsed to britig him assistance if he would remain lit a certain rendezvous. lie then proceeded to the null and informed t\\e Indians of 'i'urley's whereabouts. A large party of them hurrie(l to the plaiH! and shot him to ileath. One other man made his escape and reached Santa Vc. in safety. The others, Albert Turi)ush, William Hatfield, Louis Tohpie. I'eter lioberts. Joseph Marshall, aTuI William .\ustin. perished it the mill. Kverytliing alMUit the place that the victorious party desired they carrieil «(tf, and tin; rest was burned. ( >n the morning of the '2Iwt all that remained of Turley's mill was a smouhlering ruin the .-moking ashes of a bloody funeral pyre. The news of the murders at Don Kermindez was l)rought to ("oloiud I'riee on the 2!>tli. and on the sann.' '>'.\ infantry, four lli-pound howitzers, and St. Vrain's company. On the next day tlu^y met the insurgents near La Canada, about loOO strong, seemingly anxious for a tight, but a brief cannonade and a gallant charge |)Ut them to flight. A detachment of them imdertook to destroy the wagon-train, but ('aptain St. Vrain's force beat them oiT. Our loss was two killed and seven wounded; the insurgents left thirty-six dead on the field. On tlu; 28th the conimainl reacihed Lut ros, and was there joined by Captain I'urgwiM with two companies, one mounted, and Lieutenant Wilson of the Ist dragoons, with a (i-pounder, increasing the command, rank and file, to 47S> men. The succeeding day it was hiariied that the enemy, <>5() strong, were posted ii\ the canon leading to the town of Em- budo. As the road through the canon was impassable for ar tillery and wagons, a detachment of 180 men, under Captain Hiir ami sere iiiiii: tirin Kiiil iiiei! at T ami \V(»I1 »lii|> valit twu tlio ricil phii: tlMI. tu 1 tHK" I.ioi l"('ri mioi \VL'r( by a a rci in t llOll! SCVd eacli opoi ItuiL also toti west wall over buili Tin; uxi: <»i FFACi: of tiif I'I'eijlo.s. 7:5 I5iiri,'\vin, including St. N'raiii'-s voluntdorp, was sent to dis- ludgi' them. Tlii.s defaciiniont roacdiod the o!u;iiiy'rt position and fiiuiid tiieiii posted on Ijoth sides of the narrow .i^or, the road l)eing uj) Taos nu>untain and down into the valley heyoud. The troops had to wade through deep siiow, two and three feet of it at the summit, ami hreak a roatl for the wagons. Thoy had no tents, and tludr i)lankets were car- ried on their hacky. They horo their trials with the uiu!oin- plaiiiintr ]>atiei ce of veterans, althougli many were frost hit- ten, and ail were jaded. The exposure of this inarch proved to he as fatal as the arms of the enemy, for numhers con- tracted fevers which residtcd in death ; among these were Lieutenants Lackland and ^^anslield. The commaml marclu'd up the valley, passing through Don I'crnandez de Taos without any opi)osition, until, on the after- noon of February t3, they reached the puchlo where the enemy were strongly fortified. The village was entirely surrounded l>y adobe walls and strong picdvcts, the enclosure being almost a rci'tangle in shajjc, about 'J.'tO yards long and 20n yards wide, ill the northeast ami southeast comers were the two large houses, or ])ueblos ]iroi>er, rising like pyramids to heights of seven and eight stori's, and capable of sheltering S men each. In the northwesiern corner w.js the large adobe church, opening to the south in a corral. JJetween each of these buildings and the walls was i.n open passage-way. There were also a number of small luiihLngs within the eiwdosure, nu)stly to the north of the small stre-tni which entiTs near the south- we,-x Z k o .5> cv 78 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. foya, Pablo Chaves, Pablo Montoya, and Cortez, the leader at Mora. Chaves was killed at Eiiibudo, and Tafoya at the pueblo. Montoya, a man of considerable influence, who styled himself the Santa Anna of the North, was tried by court- martial and hanged in the presence of the army, at Fernandez, on February 7. Tomas was shot by a sentinel while trying to escape from the guard-house at the same place. Fourteen of the insurrectionists were indicted for the murder of Governor Bent, and tried at Taos. They were all convicted and ex- ecuted. V ntonio Trujillo and several others were sentenced to be hanged on convictions of treason, but were pardoned by the President on the ground that Mexican citizens could not com- mit treason against the United States while actual war existed between the two countries. The army returned to Santa Fe, and there, on the 13th, the bodies of Governor Bent and Prose- cuting-attorney Leal were buried with civic, masonic, and military honors. After a third interment, the remains of Governor Bent now lie in the Masonic Cemetery at the New Mexican capital, beneath a handsome monument and honorable epitaph. On no other occasion have the Pueblos proven hostile to the Americans, :.L)d in this instance the Taosans only were guilty. Even in the insurrectionary troubles of the succeed- ing summer the Pueblos took no part. For what they did they wei'e not really very blameworthy, except for their savage cruelty. "What feelings of patriotism they had attached them to the Mexicans, and their Mexican leaders had persuaded them that they could easily drive out the Americans, capture Santa Fe, and repossess the country. Insurrection was an every-day affair with the entire community, and assassination was the popular method of warfare. Fiendish as their crime was, it was little worse than was ])erpetrated on soldiers of our army by Mexicans in the course of the war ; and the recol- lection of it, even as an historical fact, has been almost blotted out by their faithful and trustworthy conduct in the years that followed. At the time of our con(piest the number of the Pueblos was between ten and eleven thousand, but they have now declined to about nine thousand, besides having de- generated somewhat physically. The cause of their decadence THE ONE OFFENCE OF TFIE PUEBLOS. 79 is probably their continuous intermarriage in the same pueblo, the young men very rarely seeking wives from other villi-ges. They have been judicially recognized as citizens of the United States, but they have not exercised the right of suflErage, un- der the laws of New Mexico." The old Spanish grants were confirmed to them in 18.58 by Congress, and on these they pur- sue in peace their quiet agricultural life. The only troubles tliat have ruffled their quietude in late years were some slight religious dissensions, for which they were not much to be blamed. In 1808 a new policy was inaugurated for the con- trol of the Indians, and under it the various tribes were as- signed to the different churches for missionary work. This was done with the best of intentions, but the military impar- tiality with which the allotment was made seemed to indicate a desire to give each denomination a fair show at the heathen, rather than to gratify any sectarian preferences of the In- dians themselves. In the distribution the Pueblos fell to the Campbellites, and afterwards, on their failure to act, to the Presbyterians. Calvinism would not hinge with even the crude Catholicism of the Pueblos, and a period of "rum, Ro- manism, and rebellion" ensued. In 1872 the caciques of fifteen pueblos protested against their established church, and in 1874 appealed to the government. The matter was satis- factorily adjusted and peace has since reigned supreme. * An attempt has recently been made to tax them, and a delegation of their leadiug men visited Washington a short time since to protest against this privilege of citizenship. CHAPTER lY. THE MURDER OF THE MISSIONARIES. We will Jiovv leave New Mexico for a time and see what is being done in Oregon. As we make this change of position let ns examine the conntry and its inhabitants, in a general way. Snpposc we can rise in the air to a convenient height and take a bird's-eye view of the entire region. We are now over the southeastern corner of the mountain country. Directly nortli from na runs the i^reat continental divide, until it reaches about the 41st parallel of latitude, just west of the site of the future city of Cheyenne ; there it turns to the left and trends northwest to our boundary. The foothills, which occupy oidy a narrow strip of cuuntr^' between the main range and the plains as far nortli as parallel 41, bear gradually to the east above that point, thus leaving a great triangular bod}' of com- paratively low mouutait^ land, east of the continental divide, for the northeastern corner of our region. It will eventually form Western Dakota and nearly all of Wyoming and Mon- tana. AVcst of the divide the country is separated into four great natural division.^. The farthest from ns is the imme- diate slope of the Pnclfic, cut off from the great central basins by the Sierra Kevada and Cascade mountain ranges, which follow the genei il contour of the coast-line. This division will hereafter make California and the western parts of Ore- gon and Washington Territory. At about parallel 42 of north latitude we see an immense, transverse water-shed crossing the central mountain region from the Rockies to the Sierra Nevada. To the north of it the country is drained by the tributaries of the Columbia,a noble stream, which breaks its way through the Cascade Mountains and flows to the Pacific. Idaho, with the eastern parts of Oregon and AVashington Tcri'itory, will be carved from this section. On the south side of the transverse THE MURDER OF THE MISSIONARIES. 81 \v!iter-slied lie the great Utah basin and the valleys of the head-waters of the Kio Colorado, separated by the Wahsatch ]\Iountain8 at about longitude 111° west of Greenwich (the western line of Wyoming) as far south as 37J° of north lati- tude, where this water-shed turns to the west at a right angle and continues to the Sierra Nevada. The Utah basin includes tlie future state of Nevada and western Utah. The land drained by the Colorado system will be known after some years as Eastern Utah, Western Colorado, and Arizona. The artificial divisions of the mountain country, as we look at it, art very simple. All the country east of the divide is embraced in ]\Iissouri Territory and New Mexico, which are separated by the Arkansas River. West of the divide likewise there are two sections, Oregon and Upper California, separated by par- allel 42 of north latitude. There are few whites in the country as yet. There is a little settlement at Pueblo, on the Arkansas, a considerable colony of Mormons southeast of the Great Salt Lake, and a few ranches in California. Aside from the scattered forts and trading-posts, we see no more establishments of white men ex- cept in Oregon, where they are almost wholly west of the Cas- cade range. The natives find their tribal boundaries to a large extent in the natural ones mentioned above. On the neighboring plains to the east of us are the Kiowas and Coinanches. North of them, on the plains near the moun- tains, are the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, ranging from the Arkansas to the Platte. To the north again, along the border of the foothills, is the numerous Sioux or Dakota family, ex- tending to our northern boundary and far to the east. Parts of the great northeastern triangle are inhabited by the Crows and the Assinaboines,who are of the Dakota family; the lilack- feet, who, like the Cheyennes, are a branch of the great Algon- (piiii family of the p]ast; and the confederated Minnetarees or Ilidatsa, Ricarees (Arikaras, Rees) or Black Pawnees, and Mandans, the latter a sti-ange tribe, b( lieved by many to be descendants of Madoc's Welsh colony of the twelfth century. The southeastern part of the triangle is a common battle- ground for the surrounding tribes, who, though nearly all related, are hostile — a veritable dark and bloody ground, G S2 MASSACKES OF THE MOUNTAINS. over wliich tlie besom of destruction swept again and again both before and after the wliites entered it. On the Pacific coast the principal families are the Ciiinooks and Nascpial- las, of Oregon, and tiie California Indians. From the llio Colorado to onr point of observatii)n, the Pima nation dwells, and the tribes of Apaches and ^"avahos, whose lan- CIIINOOK WOMAN AND CHILD. guage identifies them with the extensive Athabascan family of British Amer'^a. In the la])se of years they, as well as the Umpquas of western Oregon, have been separated from their northern brethren, and are also much changed in char- acter, onr Kew Mexican neighbors being very demons in their daring and fierceness, while tlie Tiiine, or northern Athabas- THE MURDER OF THE MISSIONARIES. 83 cans, are inild and timid. Nearly all the remainder of the mountains is held oy the great Slioshonec stock, which in- cludes many tribes. Of these the Shoshonees proper, or Snakes, live on the Snake River, south of the Salmon Moun- tains; the Jjannocks (Honacks, Panocks) south of the Snakes, on the same stream ; and the ■ arious tribes of the Utahs (Voutas, Ewtaws, or Utes) hold the Utah basin and the head- waters of the Colorado. The Modocs of Southwestern Ore- portunitie9 for investigation, reported thus to the government in 1853: " A universal belief prevails among all the tribes (of Oregon) tliat the medicine-man possesses wonderful faculties of con- juration, and a god-like power of killing those against whom lie shall hurl his direful charms or glances. His mere look, if inimical to the victim, can kill. They will hide or avert their heads in his presence to escape his glances. Such is the fixed faith of these ])oor Indians, and I have had occasion to wit- ness frefpient instances among the Waskows, in my immediate vicinity. If once possessed with the idea that they are sub- jected to the dire frown of their medicine-tnan, they droop 106 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. and pine away, often refuse to eat, and die of starvation and melancholy, if not of necromancy — thus confirming and veri- fying, with their neighbors, a belief that this portentous power is actually possessed. Tin natural consequences of such deep- rooted faitli in these powers is that when a death occurs it is often attributed to the doctor, who is murdered by the rela- tions of the deceased to avenge the fate of the victim. All the murders which I ca.i hear of among them occur in this manner, and three doctors have been killed, in the last four months, in ditfereat tribes, within the distance of forty miles of this post (the Dalles). . . . The doctors are often killed for the mere failure to cure a patient, though it is always attended with a belief, on the part of the bloody avengers, in his having exercised a malign or necromantic power. In a recent case, a doctor of the Wishrams, when the smallpox was raging, M'as foolish enough to threaten openly what havoc he would spread among them, making use of the pestilence to magnify his office; and, to surround his person with greater elements of power, boasting that he held the fearful quiver in hip jwn hands, ready to hurl the arrows of death in any direc- tion. The people rose in a body and hung him in the most barbarous mode. Tying his hands and feet, they put a ropo around his neck, threw it over the pommel of a saddle, and, starting the horse, his life was taken in this shocking manner. ... It will be asked if these murders of the doctors are sanc- tioned among the Indians. The answer must be that the punishments inflicted are very inadequate and inefficient. A council of the head men is called by the chief, and he decides that a certain number of horses and blankets will be turned over by the murderers to the family or the relations of the deceased. It is remarkable that the murderer never attemj)t8 to run away, and, indeed, generally comes forward and con- fesses his crime. . . . Strenuous exertions have been made by the missionaries, and the commanding officer of this post (Alvord himself), to induce the chief to cause punishment for murder to be made by hanging. As yet no such punishment has been inflicted. On the contrary, the effect of our advice has, it would seem, fallen thus far upon one of the doctors, instead of being used for their protection. ... I am informed THE MURDER OF THE MISSIONARIES. 107 tliat but two murders in twelve years have occurred among the Nez Perces, but they were doctors." In 1857, Special Agent Browne reported of tlie Indians on the Grande lionde reservation (between the Willamette and the coast) as follows : " They are unable to account for it, why they should die off more rapidly here than at their old homes, and whenever death occurs they attribute it to ' bad medicine,' or an evil influence put upon them by the government or its ai^ents. Their own medicine-men are called upon to counter- act this bad influence, and if the patient dies it is considered that the operator is in league with other bad spirits, and they kill him. Sometimes they put to death the medicine-men of other tribes. This gives rise to frequent and bloody quarrels, in which many are wounded or killed. It is almost impossi- ble for the agent to preserve order among them. They tell him he has nothing to do with their customs, and insist upon it that he shall take no part in their quarrels." In 1881, Mr. Nash, an English settler in Oregon, relates the following as occurring on the Siletz reservation (on the Ore- gon coast) and coming to his notice : " Some mistiness on the moral law yet remains. For instance, a murder was com- mitted by three of them a month or two ago. It took place on the northern and remote part of the reserve, far away from the agency itself. Here lived one who, being a quack doctor, chiimed the character of a mighty medicine-man, having power to prescribe for both the bodies and souls of his patients. To him resorted many of his neighbors, whose faith in his charms and spells was boundless. He undertook the cure of the wife of one Charlie, and the poor thing endured his remedies pa- tiently. But the woman grew worse and worse. Charlie and his friends dei)ated the case, and at last concluded that if the incdicine-man could not cure the woman, according to his con- tract, and that she died, it would prove to them that the doc- tor was a humbug, and deserved to die the death. The catas- tro|>he arrived, for the woman died. A council was held and d for a while the idea died away. The Mormons wiiiiiiK o keep their discoveries a secret from people not Mi 'ns •!. , worked out the gold and said nothing more. On the l^i. nr April, 1848, the first mail from San Francisco Lo Salt Jni ^ "• j started, and a number of tho Cal- ifornia /Star was printoa i)urpo8oly for that mail containing a special article, written by Dr. Fourgend and myself, concern- ing the minerals and metals of California, and among other mentioned nictals was gold — but as the printer and publish- ers were [not] Alormons, the full facts were not stated. It Mas not until the 12th of May, 1848, that the existence of irnld in qua; v in California was publicly made known in !Sun Francit A? », Samuel Hrannan, High Jiishop of the Mor- niuns, and of Vi^,.ianco Committee notoriety. 13eardsley and 120 MASSACKES OF THE MOUNTAINS. JOHN A. SCTTER. Henderson Cox were killed at the foot of the Sierra Nevada in SoptenilKM', lyib. Marshall died either four days before lie arrived home in the Eastern States with a barrel of gold, or four days from the coast." It would hardly be anticipated that any person could be found so silly as to believe this story of earniiiif a thousand dollars a day at Mormon Island on February !Sth, and, on February 9th, being in the mill-race at Sutter's saw-mill, twcnty-tive miles away, working for wages, except he had first educated his faith by swallowing the reve- THE CURSE OF GOLD. 121 lations of the angel Moroni and other Mormon supernaturals. Yet some have believed it, and a cloud has been thrown on the just claims of Mr. Marshall, the discoverer. The story of Marshall's discovery in the race at Sutter's saw-inill has been told too often to need repetition. Sutter and Marshall agreed to keep the matter quiet until the grist- mill near Sutter's Fort was finished, but soon after the dis- covery Sutter sent down to Colonel Mason, military governor of California, at Monterey, and desired to preempt the land on whicii the saw-mill and the race were situated, near the fut- ure town of Coloma. He was informed that the country was held by conquest, and that there were no laws for pre-emp- tion, but that there was no probability that he would be dis- turbed in possession. The messengers who brought his letter also brought some of the newly-discovered metal with them, to ask if it was gold. Lieutenant Sherman, now familiarly known as "Old Tecumseh," who was acting as adjutant-gen- eral for Mason, bit the metal, and gave his opinion that it was. They went back, and it was soon known among the Mormon hands that there was gold in the river. Tliey want- ed to dig for it at the saw-mill, but Marshall threatened to shoot them if they attenqited it, so they prospected down the river and discovered the rich placer known as Mormon Island. They informed their fellow Mormons at Sutter's grist-mill, nineteen miles below, and they struck for higher wages. Sutter conceded their price, and they struck again, and so on till they wanted ten dollars a day. Then ho stopped, and the mills were left to decay, while the Mormons went to work at tiie island, where they made from forty to one hundred dol- lars per day. Their accumulations soon began tc circulate as far as San Francisco. Brannan & Co., the principal merchants at Sutter's Fort, reported to Governor Mason that they had taken twenty -six thousand dollars' worth of gold, between ^lay 1st and July 10th, in exchange for goods. At that time "High Bishop Brannan" had nothing to say about Mormon • liscoveries previous to January 28th. On June 1st, Mr. T. ( K Larkin, of San I'rancisco, wrote the Secretary of State : " It is now two or three weeks since the men employed in these washings have appeared in this town with gold, to exchange 122 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. for inercliandise and provisions. I prepiiine near twenty thousand dollars ($20,000) of this gold has, as yet, been so exchanged." The excitement grew intense. Half of the houses in San Francisco were locked up. Merchants and pro- fessional men went with the mechanics and laborers. Sol- diers deserted their posts, and sailors their ships. One ship- captain, seeing his men were bound to go, went with them, furnished the tools, and took a percentage. Travellers arrived on the coast, jocosely wrote home that the Californians had gone stark mad, and tlie next day M'ere hurrying to the mines themselves. The news reached the East, and tlie adventurous and far-seeing began to come. The reports, startling at the lirst, grew constantly in magnitude, and were soon fully con- firmed by a long despatch from Governor Mason, which was made a special n)essage to Congress by the President. The messenger brought with him two hundred and thirty ounces of the gold. Doubt was removed, and the emigration over- land and by sea became a great flood. The event was looked at in strangely different ways. Some thought it a good thing; others very bad. The ques- tion of the effect of the extraordinary increase of gold in cir- culation was gravely canvassed by thoughtful men. Some thought it would alter the relativv. worth of gold and silver and unsettle all values; others said there were channels al- ready opened into which it would naturally flow, without affecting the existing circulation. Even the local effect was variously speculated upon. Benton, the gifted and erudite, the friend and champion of the West, said in the Senate: " I am a friend to a gold currency, but not to gold mining. That is a pursuit which the experience of nations shows to be both impoverishing and demoralizing to a nation. I re- gret that we have these mines in California; but they are there, and I am for getting rid of them as soon as possible. Make the working as free as possible. ... If you w-ant reve- nue, raise it from the permits — a small sum for each — and upon the coinage. In that way it would be practicable to raise as much as ought to be raised. But revenue is no object com- pared to the great object of clearing the ground of this at- traction, which puts an end to all regular industry, and com- ]iure cure fcve that iiate (.'riri( cans tram "Ai I forii Wlif frail I ill tl itsell .\o , tioii. men its s I'nit adop vatic inovi mine up ii veluj natio nook lias 1 tijrht the s a ",u' uhite Imlii Stai,'(: (lirc'C fercd I THE CURSE OF GOLD. 125 ]>iired to tlie object of putting the gold into circulation. I ciire not who digs it up. I want it dng up. I want the fever to be over. I want the mining finished. Let all work that will. Let them ravage the earth — extirpate and extermi- nate the mines. Then the sober industry will begin which (.nriches and ennobles a nation." Mr. Benton said this be- cause he had just demonstrated to the Senate that placers were transient things. He neglected to include this speech in his "Abridgment of the Debates," or to refer to it in his "Thir- ty Years' View." But this is not a history of the gold discoveries of Cali- fornia, and we must leave the subject, enticing though it be. What effect did this discovery have on the Indians? It was fraught with greater evil for them than any other one event ill the history of America, except the discovery of America itself. Gold is a magnet that draws with irresistible force. !Xo power has yet been found able to counteract its attrac- tion. Cold, hunger, and every imaginable peril will not keep men from seeking it. No government has been able to hold its subjects from the spot where it could be foutid. The United States h.as repeatedly found itself helpless : d early iuhipted the policy, when gold was founu on Indian reser- vations, of treating for the lands as quickly as possible, and moving tlie Indians away. As General Carleton put it, " The miners lolll go to their country, and the question which comes up is, sliall the miners be protected and the country be de- veloped, or shall the Indians be suffered to kill them and the nation be deprived of its immense wealth?" Through every nook and corner of the mountains the intrepid prospector lias pursued his search, hiding from the Indians if he could, tiifliting if he must ; dying, perhaps, but never giving up tlie search till he did die. When his search was successful, a "e\v mining excitement broke out, a new district was pop- ulated, new roads were opened, and the Indians fell back. Iiiilians soldom trouble a mining camp. They attack the staij;e, the emigrant-wagon, and the supply-train, and thus in- directly harass the miners; but the camp itself is not inter- fen-il with. Miners are usually "bad medicine" for Indians. la "make-up" the early California population, as to its 126 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. effect on the Indians, may be divided into three classes, and it is a fair type of all new mining regions of the West. First, there was a large number of mountain men, i.e., trap- pers and restless spirits who had adopted wild life from choice. Many of them had lived with Indians, imbibed In- dian superstitions, and adopted Indian customs. With them the killing of a hostile Indian, or one who from his tribal connection ought to be hostile, was an honor. They would PIUTK SQUAW AM) PAPOOSE. steal the horses of unfriendly Indians, carry off their women, and scalp their dead without the least qualms of conscience. And why not? Their adopted brethren, the Indians, did the same things themselves. Second, there was a still larger per- centage of desperadoes — villainous M'retchcs whose solo re- deeming feature was their bravery, and some lacking even that — to whom robbery was a business and murder a virtue. Does the reader think the statement a strong one? lie may read the proof of it in the proceedings of a thousand viir- THE CURSE OF GOLD. 127 ihinc'O committees, and if justice had been done lie might liavc read it in ten thousand more. These men have made life a liell for the timid in every frontier settlement in tlie West. White men they oppressed as far as they dared, and Indians they treated as they found convenient. The very l)est of tliem committed crimes which were legally punish- uhli! with death, perpetrated indignities on persons they dis- lila'd, terrorized whole communities, and obtained a halo of romantic glory simply because people dared not talk about thorn. The third class, and it included the majority of the. lK.'()[)le, were men of decent character and sentiment, but they had little sympathy for the Indians in general. It was luit a short time since the great removal of the tribes to the Jiuliaii territory, and the sentiment against the red man was still strong in the Mississippi Valley. Many had seen instances of the frightful cruelty of the Indians, and many had been attacked on their overland journey when they had given no t'iiiise for it. J'esides, they had absolutely no time to consid- er abstract questions of right and wrong. If white men be- came too troublesome they favored lynching, and if Indians were troublesome they favored the speediest and most effect- ual way of stopping them. To know who was to blame was of minor importance ; the point was that the communi- ty could not and would not be kept from the pursuit of wealth by anybody. It was on the same princi])le that a great railroad magnate once set fire to a wrecked freiglit tniin. He destroyed much valuable property, but he cleared the track. He had to take one of two evils, and so did they. Men of the first and second classes wronged the Indians; the Indians retaliated, usually on the innocent, because they were more convenient and less dangerous; the entire community was involved, and frequently innocent Indians suffered. Such is the oft -repeated history of the mining regions of the West. There was less of this in California than in other mining idealities. The reason was that a part of the Indians submit- teil to the indignities put upon them, and the rest got out of the way. A few resisted and were killed. The reader of California story sometimes wonders that he docs not find any 128 MA88ACRKS OF THE MOUNTAINS. record of the events of Indian wars. The reason is tliat there were none in the goUl fluids. There was one exception. In extreme northern California, above and on both sides of Yrcka, there were Indians who would and did fight, but the troubles with them are jirojierly a i)art of the Oregon wars, and will be considered in a 8ubseq>ient chapter. South of these, througliout the State, was the great body of California Indians. In these there was no fight, and the so-called wars with them were pure farces. They were degraded and brutal sensualists. There were probably never a dozen warriors among them who would not rather have eaten a substantial meal than killed an enemy. They had no arms but bows and arrows, which were not dangerous at over fifty yards. They were divided into numerous email tribes, of dissimilar languages, and with no faculty for union. They were most arrant cowards. Even in their battles among themselves they displayed no bravery. They usually began war by challenge; heralds then met and arranged the time and ])lace of the conflict; the armies advanced against each other, junijjing about, with shouts and gestures, to distract the aim of the foe. Frequently, by agreement, armistices occurred, during which children from the opposing armies ran to the ranks of the other side and picked up arrows for use again. The bat- tle generally terminated with the first blood drawn. They seldom scalped the dead, but occasionally ate pieces of their flesh, or cut off the head, hands, or feet for trophies. Their prisoners were exchanged or killed, they being almost the only Western Indians who did not practise slavery. With all his childish timidity, the California warrior could meet death with stoical fortitude, if it were inevitable, and he had one habit which was always aggravating, and often as dangerous to the white man as open war. He would steal — steal any- thing, at any time, and under almost any circumstances. It has often been a subject for jest that the people of the frontier punished horse-stealing more severely than mur- der, but the people of settled countries do not realize that horse-stealing may mean death, and a cruel, lingering death at that. The emigrant who lost his stock on the plains was hopelessly stranded. If no one came along to help him, hu THE CURSE OF GOLD. 129 and liis family were almost certainly doomed to die. If other c'lnii^raiits did find him, he still, usually, lost his wagon and floods, for those prairie ships could add but little to their cMPjrues. Other losses might bo etpiuliy serious. Provisions ran short on that long overland trip, and on the latter part of it, through what is now Nevada, money, often, would not buy food from other emigrants. There are men yet living who rnaiiagod to get through that last stretch, only because they were Masons or Odd Fellows, and were given aid as Brethren after money had been refused. Even in the mines, stotiling provisions was a grievous injury. At times any kind of meat cost one dollar per pound, and flour, sugar, coffee, and other i-iipplies the same. Occasionally they got as low as twenty- live cents the pound, but not often. Theft might almost be e(juivalent to murder there. Indeed, Indian theft was fre- (jiiently accompanied by murder, when the latter could be accomplished by stealth, oi- w.is thought necessary. It is not at all sr -irising that California ujiners had no love for In- dians, vas a very natural thing. Tl; trouble with Indians in California began on Mor- mon Island. A miner took some liberties with tiie squaw of ail Indian chief; the chief objected, and was promptly killed. There were a few hostilities. A few whites were killed and some Indians. It was represented that troops were necessary, and a militia regiment was organized under " Col. William lingers." lie took what supplies he wanted from Hinggold merchants and others, and began his campaign. His com- mand had no engagements with the Indians, but succeeded in "protecting the settlers," and piling up an immense bill of expenses which the State paid. By the winter of 1850-51 a roiuarkable misunderstanding of the situation had been brought about by men who were charged with scheming to bring on a war, and many citizens of California believed there was serious danger on the frontier. A local author stated that "thousands of miners were hemmed within nar- row and unproductive limits during the whole of last winter (1S5U-51), because of the peril of explorations beyond popu- lous settlements." On March 1, 1851, Governor McDougal wrote the President: "The valley of Los Angeles, of the 130 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. San Joaquin, of the tributaries of tlie Sacramento, and tlio country around the main sources of that river, and the north- ern coast, contain an Indian force estimated at not less tlian one hundred tiiousand warriors, all animated by a spirit of bitter hostility, and whom a pacific and forbearing policy en- courages into renewed acts of outrage. Ilendered bold by impunity and encouraged by success, they are now every- wliere rising in arms, and every day brings the report of THE YOSEMITK. [UY HILL.] some new outbreak." Unfortunately for the success of lii* appeal for authority to call out the militia, for service as United States troops, the governor neglected to tell what the outbreaks referred to were. His estimate of "one hundred tliou'jand warriors" is tlic most preposterous statement made in connection with Cali- fornia Itulian wars that has come to my notice. Superin- tendent Beale comes next with his anticipations of troultlc. THE CURSE OF GOLD. 131 in 1853, in changing the liereditary mode of life of "one hundred thousand persons." In 185G Superintendent lien- ley succeeded in getting the number of California Indians down to GljGOO. lie professed to give a statement by reser- vations and counties, and in proof of his accuracy it is note- worthy that he dealt only in round numbers. Every number lie gives, even of the residents at the reservations, ends in at least two ciphers. In reality the number of Indians, men, women, and children, in California, at any time after the dis- covery of gold, did not exceed 20,000. Don Antonio de Al- cedo, the best Spanish authority, based his estimate on the returns of the Spanish missionaries in 1802, and stated the mission Indians at ll.OSl, the mustees and nmlattoes at 1300, and the wild Indians at 16,000, making a total of 32,231. !Mr. Schoolcraft adopted these figures in his census of 1850, but he neglected to take into consideration the ravages of bmall-pox in the year 1839, and tlieir general rapid decline during the past decade. Forbes, in his ''History of Upper and Lower California" (London, 1839), estimated the convert- ed Iiulians at 18,(583, and others 4342. Duflot de JMofras, an attache of th-. French legation in Mexico, estimated the mission Indians lU 1834 at 3(>,G20, but he made his estimate in 1S42, when he visited California. This was after the mis- sions had been taken away from the priests, and the mission Indians reduced to 4450, and Mofras's sympathies were jn'oba- lily excited by exaggerated stories. He is not a very reliable statistician in other matters. He estimated the population of the Antilles at 3,500,000, for instance. As a fair offset to Miifias, we have Captain Wilkes, U. S. N., who travelled tinough California in 1841. He says, "The number of In- dians is variously stated at from twelve to fifteen thousand; but, it is l)elieved by some of the best informed, that their number, since the small-pox made its ravages among them, is not much more than one-half of this number, or ",igbt or nine thousand. The principal part of these are the tribes on the 8aeramento." lie estimated the entire population of Aha Calif;. inia, whites, Indians, and mixed, to be about 15,000. The war department, in its estimate of 1848, put the number of wild Indians at 3000, and made the total for California, 9 132 MASSACRES OF THE MOTJNTAINS. 16,930, but in this estimate the mission of La Purissima Concepcion is omitted, apparently by mistake. Under the priests, it was said to liave 1000 Indians. With this correc- tioti the war department's aggregate liarmonizes reasonably with Alcedo's estimate, for it is agreed by all testimony that the nuiiibor of Indians decreased very rapidly during the latter part of the Mexican occupation (1822-47), especially in the country about San Francisco, which was almost wholly depopulated. Said a decrepit Indian of Dolores to agent Johnston, in 1819, "I am very old; my people were once around me as the sands of the shore — majiy — many. Tiiey have all passed away — they have died like the grass — they have gone to the mountains. I do not complain — the ante- lope falls by the arrow. I had a son — I loved im — when the pale-faces came he went away — I know not where he is. I am a Christian Indian — I am all that is left of my people — I am alone." By the census of 1800, in which, by mistake, the officials returned all the Indians in the State, instead of those subject to taxation, the number of California Indians was 17,798. In 1870 the census return was 7241, and tlie latest returns of the Indiaji Bureau at that date fixed the re- maining Indians at 12,414 ; but it id quite probable that those two sums would give an over-estimate of the whole number, as some Indians were probably counted in both. By the cen- sus of 1880, the taxed Indians of California were returned at 1(5,277, but by the statistics of the Indian Bureau, for the same yeai, the total of the Indians for that State was only 10,600, of whom 4048 were o!i reservations and 6018 not under agents. In 1884 the Indian Bureau returned 11,317 Indians in California, of whom 0759 were not under agents, and 4738 were on reservations. The character of the Indians was as tnuch misrepresented by Governor McDougal as their number. The valley tribes, it is true, always represented tiie mountain tribes to be extremely tierce and warlike. Tiicv were so only in comparivson with the valley tribes. Thiy made some forays, ran oil some cattle, and now and the. killed a settler, but their most violent Crimea were really crimes of stealth. Their murders were the murders of the Thug, not of the bravo. There were then in California, at THE CUKSE OF (,OLD. 133 tlic time Governor McDougal wrote, 3000 to 4000 " warriors," mission and wild, poorly armed, disunited, and of little or no spirit. The national government did not furnish any more troops for California, but did send its quota of arms for 100,000 iiiilitia. Militia regiments had been raised and were about to take the field, when the general government altered its plans. Three commissioners were appointed to treat with the California tribes, and the militia were ordered to be held sub- ject to their orders. The treaties they made were simply agreements for the Indians to go on reservations. The In- dian titles were never extinguished in California as they were ill the other States. Most of the tribes made the agreement gladly, but some of the mountain tribes feared to come in, on account of anticipated punishment, or because they preferred tlicir mountain lairs, and these were treated as hostiles. Catching these Indians and bringing them in constituted the " WAV of '51 and '52." The Mariposa battalion did this work ill the country bordering the San Joaquin Valley. Captain Kuykendall's company brought in the Chowchillas, a tribe of the Kaweah family, who had been among the most active hos- tiles. Their chief, Jose Key, had openly declared for war, and the tribe had committed several outrages. Before the organization oi the militia a party of volunteers had marched :i<,'ainst them, surprised their camp, killed twenty -three of them alid mortally woundetl Jose Rey, after which the Chowchillas had wisely kept out of the way of the whites. Captain Ivuy- koiidall succeeded in surprising their camp again, and killing a number of them, his loss being one man wounded by an ar- row. After that the Chowchillas kept hid until they were nearly starved, and then camo in and accepted the terms of the commissioners. Captain Ijoling's company brought in the Yosomites (Yo- soiiiitys, Oosainites). the dreaded " (Jrizzly Bears," the terrible tiilje that made their home in the wonderful canon valley that perpetuates their name, the warriors whom the lowland tiliics warned the whites especially to shun. Dr. Ihinnell, a inciiiber of the company, has given a minutely detailed ac- euuiit of their work, and the sole hostility offered by these 134 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. YOSKMITK FROM TIIK MAIUI'OWA TllAIL. daiifijerous Iiulians, (luriiii^ sovernl weeks tliiit tlie coini)aiiy passed in searching tiie valley ami iieighburiiig country in parties of two ami tliree, consisted in rolling down some rocks at two soldiers, by which one of them was knocked down a declivity and hadly brinscd. At no time did tln'V oiler to use a weapon, but kept their village concealed ncn THE CURSE OF GOLD. 135 the border of Lake Teiiieya until they were Hiiallj discovered iiiid captured. At tlieir capture there was not an offer of resistance, the miserable wretches throwing up their hands and crying "pace! pace!" (peace! peace!). The war in and around the Sacramento Valley was of substantially the same cliaraeter. Said Commissioner McKee, whose opportunities tor knowing were unsurpassed, '* The late war in that section was. T am told, a greater piece of tomfoolery and humbug than even the former on the Fresno and the San Joaquin. The State has been involved for some eighty or one hundred thousand dollars more without the slightest necessity, or accomplishing the least good." The stores of the Indians I caches of acorns) were destroyed whenever found, and the Imlians were obliged to come in or 6tar\e. The militia were liisgusted. Says Dr. Bunnell, " We had discussed the matter ill camp, and contrasted the lack of spirit exhibited by these people vvitii what we knew of the warlike ciiaracter of the Indians of Texas and of the North-we&tern plains. In these cuinparisons, respect for our captives was lost in contempt. "The tioble red man' was not here represented. Tiie only iiiios of the Pacific slope, excepting the Xavahos, Pimas, and Maricopahs, that bear any comparison with the Eastern tril)es tor intelligc-ice and bravery, are the Youmahs of the Colo- rado Kiver, the ]\Iodocs, and some of the Eogue and Colum- l»ia river tribes, but none of these really equal tiie Sioux and Mtiue other Eastern tribes." Wiien these fierce savages were all subdued, an improved riscrvation system was put in force by the government, in \^y,\. There were live reservations. Klamath reservation. oil the river of that name, was occupied l)y the extreme iiiiitiiern tribes, not tlio ones of whom we have been treating; It cost about sixteen tiiousaiid dollars a year, was fairly well inauaged, and quite successful. The largest of the reserva- tiiiiis of our Californians was Nome Lackee, west of the Sac- laiiionto, in the foot-hills of Tehama County. It had no pimo, no acorns, no fishery, and no rain, and hence, being use- tiil for nothing else, was eminently fitted for a reservation. Ailjiinct to Nome Lackee was Nome Cult, a pretty valley of il'uiit 20,000 acres, about sixty miles south-west of the for- 136 MASSACKE8 OF THE MOUNTAINS. mer, and across the Coast Tlaiigo. The Indians did very well at this place, till the agent and employes got their relatives, friends, and partners to come in and settle there. Before long that place became too good for Indians, as we shall see presently. JMeiidociiio reservation, below the cape of that name, on the Xoyo River, was an excellent place. There were ^ J^^*^^' IIKACH Kl.SliINO AT CAI'K MKNDOLI.NO. tisli and innssels enongli there for all the Indians located there, if it had iKjt been that some white friends of the agen- cy started a saw-mill and tilled the river with logs, so that ii lish could not get through. Tejon reservation, near the l):i>o of the Sierra Nevada, where it joins the Coast Kange. in Southern California, was a nice, dry ])lace, where the In- dians were never bothered by rain or crops. There were also THE CUIiSE OF GOLD. 13^ farms at Tiile River and Mattole Valley, and finally, as public land was very scarce in California, the United States rented the farms of Mr. Vinsonhaller and Mr. Campbell, which were called respectively Fresno reservation and King's River farm. Fanning was supposed to be begun on a broad and liberal scale at these places, which were fitted up, on paper, regard- less of cost. Tejoii absorbed about $30,000 per year ; Fresno tlie same; Nome Lackee nearly $50,000; Nome Cult about slu,000; and Mendocino 818,000. About §50,000 more went annually for the other reserves and general purposes, ;iinl by November, 1858, the sum of 01,173,000 had been in- vested in the California reservations. The management of these reservations was under one of till' ablest Indian rings ever known in America. Not a reli- alile report went in to the Commissioner of Indian AlBfairs for live years, but their work was so well done that they received (•(iiiipliments for their able accounts of their labofs. The total number of Indians was scandalously exaggerated, as we have seen, and the number at the reservations in like manner. ISu far as can be learned, not more than 2000 Indians were sulif-isted at the reservations at any time, and they drew prin- cipally on the oak-trees, the manzanita bushes, and the clover fields for their rations. The great majority of the Indians were quietly earning their living as vaqueros and farm- hands, or picking it up in the mountains, as they had before the government began civilizing them. Fabulous numbers of acres were reported to be under cultivation, and magnifi- cent crops were always just about to be harvested when blight or mildew or smut or drought intervened and ruined tliem. A small army of employes was on hand to instruct the Indians and defend the agency in case of outbreak, and the agent or employe who failed to get a claim of his own, and have it fenced and improved by Indian labor, was a man lit' no enterprise. In 1858, in consequence of repeated charges and protesta- tiuns l)y army officers and citizens, special agent IJailey was sent out to investigate affairs in California. He did Jiot seem til !,M'asp the whole truth, but he was not in the ring, and he tuiil the truth as he saw it. He showed that the salaries 138 MASSACUES OF THE MOUNTAINS. alone of the employds amounted to $, ■•Tiiey think themselves the jtroperty of the owners of the II .-[)iH'tive ranches wiiere they reside, as much as does the iit'gro of the South to the owner of his cotton ])lantation. Indeed, the owner of a rancho looks upon them as his ])rop- iity, and in estimating the value of his lands, he always cuunts upon the services of his fifty or one hundred Indians, as the case may be, to eidiance its value." Mr. Johnston 146 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. called the attention of the government to the fact that the Mexican authorities held the Mission lands in trust for the Indians, and suefgested that our government slioidd do the wime, but the suggestion was not adopted. They could have been provided I'ur at that time easily and with little cost, but the government neglected to do it. It always moves slowly to the relief of friendly Indians, and the Indians understaml Tin: III IN.s OK SA.N C.VKl.OS liK MONTKIIKV. it well. It is no woiui(>r that Isidian agents have had cnn^o to complain again and again of ho.-Lile tribes advising peace- able ones to go to war if they wished to get ])resents fruin us. Onr '• warils'" liave had lo light very fre. Kven the dead protested against tin- reservation of tliu.-e lauds; at least the names of people wi'.:,> had been bur- * Mrs. Helen Hunt Jaekson, liv whose dentli, on .Vuirust Vi. I'^x't, tlie In (linns nf America lost one ol' tlie most aetixc ami iiitelliircut fiieiuls iliey cvi r liud. M 148 MASSACKES OF THE MOUNTAINS. k'cl for years were sigiictl to the remonstrance. The obnox- ious order was revoked ; the whites preempted the lands that Mexico liad given to these Indians; and our "wards" were made wanderers. Congress refused to do anything for the Mission Indiirns because they were citizens, and the people of California woidd let theuj have nothing because they were not citizens. The agent at the land office in Los Angeles in- formed them that they could not preeinj)t land because they were not citizens. In lbT3 three of them applied for regis- tration as voters, but the Clerk of Los Angeles County re- fused them, on the ground that they were not citizens. They appealed to the United States Commissioner at that j)oint, and he transmitted their affidavits to the iJistrict Attorney at San Francisco, in whose office they probably still repose. Yet the Supreme Court of California lield, in 1805 (People vs. Antonio, 27 Cal. 404), that the statute of that State for the punishment and jn'otcction of Indians did not apply to In- dians who had '* been living for years among white men," or, in other words, to the Mission Indians. They were subject to punishment under the same laws as white men, and yet by the statutes of California they could testify neither for nor against a white man. They had all the disadvantages of both the state of ])upilage and the state of citizenship, aiid none of the advantages of either. Theoretically this was an impossibility; jiractically it was true. It is doubtful if even under the fourteenth and iifteenth amendments they have any enforcible rights. That many of them were citizens of ^lexico at the time of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo is uii- (piestionuble, and under that treaty they became citizens of the I'nited States; but prior to the amendments each Slate could i)rescribe the qualitications of its electors, and tiie Sii- ])reme Court has held that the amendments do not apply to Indian triljes, so that the benefit of the amendments to In- dians debarred of citizenship by State laws is very uncertain. Moreover, the Executive Department has virtually declarid them in a state of pupiiiige again, by various orders establish- ing reservations for thein, from 1S75 to 1SS3. The attention of the gdvernmcnt was called to those peo- ple many times. In ivtJo .1. Q. A. Stanley, of Los Angeles, THE CURSE OF GOLD. 14'J utrered to act as distributing agent to them, withont eonipen- sutiun, and tiie govern nieiit graciously accepted his offer. He reported, several times, the constant and shameful encroach- ments of white men, and begged the authorities to do some- thing for the protection of the Indians; especially to secure them lands for homes. Mr. Whiting, Superintendent of Cal- ifornia in 1809, urged not only the provision for the future l)ut also a remedy for the recent past, lie said, " It seems ti) me that while the government assumes to act as guard- ian for the Indians, and the latter are treated as minors, the settlers should never be allowed to ac(piire title (from the j,'iiardian) to lands conceded to have been donated to the neophytes by a former government. If these Indians are reeognizcd as minors in law, and incapable of transacting business of a C()n)i)licatcd nature, no laches of theirs can de- j)rive them of their legal righls. ... It is quite certain that since my last annual report, and since it was known that I c'dutcmplatod estal)lishing a reservation for the Mission In- dians, all of the best lands claimed by the Indians at Tala uiul San Pasqual, and especially the watering- places, have hecM taken up and occupied by settlers. The immigration lias crowded off the Indians, and left thousands without a home. I'y sharp practice, and under variou.« jiretences, they have also been deprived of their horses, their working-oxen, their cows and stock cattle. Illicit traffic in ardent spirits uiuiuestionably aided in tiie accomplishment of these wicked idhheries." And yet such people as these settlers profane Winds, iti some sense sacred, by talking of ctitering Indian laiKh> "in good faitii," and establisliing ''IiMi)py homes." Tlie Pala and San Parwuial rescM'vations wore thrown open by fr.iiiii. The wliite roljhers dwell in I*;ila, San l*as(jual, and Ti iiucii(;hi to-day, some of them in houses that the Indians built. The Indians have no title to bar entrance even to their present lairs in the mountains, except the thin covering of ail Hxecutive order, revokai>le at will. It is hardly possible, if we are to retain any faitii what- ever in a common humanity, tiiat these wrongs can be pushed iiiiv farther. The reports of IJ. ('. Whiting, in lSTl,of,lohn ''.Ames, in l^T-'!, and of Helen Hunt .laeksoii, in 1SS;{, with 150 MASSACUKS OF THE MOUNTAINS. various unofficial jnihlications, have brought these things home keenly to people who are capable of shame over a national disgrace. The national authorities have shown a disposition to do something. Under Mrs. Jacksot>'s rof^oni- mendation, attorneys have been employed to defend their remaining interests, and possibly a long-deferred justice niav still rescue souiething from the chaos of their rights. One thing is certain. Our laws should not be left so that any one man, or dozen men, can take away from these, or any other Indians, their homes, and permit white men to accpiiro vested rights therein. There is a Winnebago reservation case on the nation's hands to-day, and a possibility of others. It is not the probability of wrong that makes the laws bad: it is the possibility. If the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus were susj)ended for a week, or a day, it would cause intense indignation throughout the land, not because exten- sive wrong would probably be done, but because possibly it might. Under the Constitution no white man's ])roperty can be taken from him without due process of law. In parity of justice, before any rights could possibly be taken from our " wavds," the legislative, executive, and judicial departments should all pass on the expediency and fairness of the act. It has ever been, and now is, too easy to do a wrong to these people, and too difficult to right one. If the former had always been as difficult as the latter, we sliould not, as a na- tion, have liad to apologize for half of the injustice that iiiis been done. CHAPTER VI. OATMAN FLAT. If an American who was not acquainted with the country mip;ht be seized l>y sumo supernal power and suddenly ])laced in Southwestern Arizona, ho would never 8usj)ect that he was witliin the Ijoundaries of the United States. Its soil, its veg- ( tiition, its sierra outlines, its dry, phantasmagoric atmosphere, its animal life, and its inhabitants, are all strange. Towards ihoCrulf of California the country for many miles is dry, bar- nii. ami desert, with no plant life but the cactuses, ami even these seem depressed and hopeless, except when an angel's visit of rain brightens them. A little farther back come ranges of irrauite mountains, still nu)re desert than the i)lains, for on thiir sides no vegetation appears, nor any soil to support vog- otution. White and glistening, they rear their crests like the >keleton8 of mountains whose flesh had dropped away. Still farther back more vegetation shows, but it is strange to the average American. There is a broken carpet of grass iu many placL's, brown and dead in appearance. Here and there is a iii'V.iiuite, a palo verde, or a patch of sage. The Spanish li.yniiot thrusts out its sharp leaves. The century ])Iant rears it> lance-like stem aiul floats its graceful llowcrs. The prickly |>i'ai spreads its Hat, jointed limbs in the heated air. Most .■^tiikJMg of all, the saguarra, or pitahaya (petahyah), the giant cercus of the naturalists, sometimes solitary aiul sometimes in small forests, raises its fluted column from thirty to sixty feet, and lifts its stove-pipe arms above the other plants. Its color i> icreen ; the surface is smooth, and armed with clusters of tliiuiis, as ill the other cactuses. This plant is of great value to tlie natives. Its Mowers form a bright-colored circle around its (op, and give place to a ring of fruit, each as large as a hen's »::.:; and much resembling a tig. From the juice of this they 162 MASSACUES OF THE MOUNTAINS. iDtike a pyrup of wliicli they are very foix] ; the pulp is pressed in cakes fur winter use. Within the dead trunks are found rod like threads of wood fil)re, which, hound together, serve to reach the fruit. Water is scarce in tiiis hmd. Tiiere can liardly he said to he any streams except the Colorado and tlie (Jila, and the latter is dry at times in some parts. Their val- leys, with fringes of willow, cottonwood, and uu -:(^uitc, form a pleasant contrast to the tahle-lands. I'he chief reliance of the natives for water is on the natural tanks, which occur at well-known places in the rocks, or in heds of clay. There arc also a few springs, which form pools ordinarily, hut in very dry seasons these fail, and the Indians are forced to dig to the nnderlying rock, and gather the water drop l)y drop. Since the whites have made a thoroughfare of the country they have sunk wells at many points. This region was inhabited by two classes of natives. South of the Ciila were the I'imas, ^[aricopas, and Papagos. Tiiey are all of good disposition and have long been friendly (o their ^NFexican neighbors, whose settlements join them oJi the S(Mitheast. The I'imas and Maricopas live in the Gila valley. occu]»ying a strip of country about twenty miles long and four miles wide. These two tribes are on terms of tiie closest friendship and intercourse, but 8])eak different languages aiul maintain entire independence in government and religion. They live in villages and support themselves by agriculture. Their fields, which are watered by irrigating ditches from tlie (iila, produce good crops of wheat, corn, melons, ])umpkiiis. and cotton. The cotton they weave into excelh nt blankets, an art which they had when the Spaniards '/ivaded their country. While of a (juiet nature, these people are bravo warriors, and have beaten the Apaches so often that those scourges of the desert retain a salutary dread of them, in the tribes of both nations there arc legends of their wars, in which the Pimas and their allies obtained all the victories and celebrated them right royally. ( )n one occasion, it is said, the I'imas s]iread flour on the ground for three miles, as a c:ir- pet foi- their victorious chief. The Papagos live to the suutli of these, and are, in fact, merely converted Pimas, their name being an ada])tion of fjaj)co)u'(i, the Pinni word for bapti/. wcrt'tlic OATMAN FLAT. 15; ( liLMii-o-liue-ves (Cliiiu-inc-Wiili-walis, Kcin-ah-wi-vis) a braiidi nt'tlit! l'i-lJtc8, wlioaic iouiul ill lar^u miinbei's west of the C'ol- ( rado ill California. Above tiie Clieni-e-hiio-vos, and north of i!ill Wiiliaiiis Fork, were the Mo-ha-ve:*. Tiieir name is from two Vuiiia \v«)rds: hniii(H)h\ three, and Imh'i, nioniitains, refei- riiii; to the third inoiiiitain raiii^e, at which tlieir territory licgins. Tiie naiiu! is written Uamockhiives, Yamockhaves, Vamiijahs, Tainatahs, Jamajahs, Anioehaves, and Mojaves. They are a hirge tribe, closely related to the Viiiiias, and very friendly with them. These two tribes intermarry, and both are related, by numerous marriai^es, with the Coahiiillas of the Colorado desert, and tho I)ie<;enos (Indians of San I)iei;o) of Southern ('alifornia, with whom they are on terms of intimate friendship. The habits of tho Mohaves are irenerally similar til those of tho lower tribes, but they make iiiuch better lioiises, and a|)i)ear rather more intelligent, ^vltovc the Mo- haves, occu|iyini^ the country in the <;reat l)end of the Colorado to the south, were tho Vampais. The Tonto Ajiaches lived east of these, in the nei^'hborhood of IJill Williams ^fountain. The Vampais and Tontos have been called the same by some ;uithorities, and botli are generally considered mongrels — con- iiictiiiir links betw een the Ai paclu'S and the river tril)cs. The Tniitos were not of the bold, roaming disposition that charac- terized the other Ai>aches. They are small, not well-formed, iiiul in their manner of life degraded. All of the tribes meii- tiuiied were foot soldiers when they came under our rule. They liad some horses anu mules, but not many, and they were prone to use them for fo(nl in times of scarcity. The lance was a weapon little used by them. Their arms were !>i'\vs, arrows, and clnljs. TIk; last named is a weapon seldom iiM'd by other Indians, but those of the Colorado Kivcr were never without it. It is simply a stick cut from a kind of livc- 0:1k that grows in the mountains — one of the few Pi)ecies of Aiiiericau woods that will sink in water after it has been sea- tanned. It is to this section of Arizona that wo must next trans- IVr ourselves, but in 1850-51 there was no Arizona. Tho I iitry south of the Gila belonged to ^le.xico until the (Jads- (len purchase of December oO, 1S53, and that north of the Ub MASSACRES OF THE MOrNTAINS. Gila was a part of tlio Territory of New Mexico. The land south of the (iila, after its purchase, was sometimes called the Gadsden Purchase and sometimes Arizuiia. The Terri- tory of Arizona was set off from New Mexico in 18(53, and the northwest corner of the tract, tlien included in ! , bounds, was afterwards ceded to Nevada. In 1S50-51 the region wa^ still in tlie condition in which it had l)ecn for the past century. The tribes north of the Gila were in what appears to have i)cen their aboriginal cotulition. Tliey had not ;ic(juired guns, nor had they contracted the vices and diseases of civilization. They liad not even become expert horsemen and learned the use of the lance, as had their relatives a little farther east, from ctintaet with the cavaliers of .Spain. They still revelled in tiie independence and tilth of absolute savagery. The country was almost wholly unknown. Kearny and Gooke had gniic across it on their marches to California, and nniil-carriers had made their way through by the same routes or by the north- ern road, which circled two hundred miles above its starting- j)oint, through Southern Ttali. At this lime Captain Sit- greaves was on his exploring expedition dowri the ('olorado, •Aud IJartlett, with the AFexican IJoundary Commission, was lo(;atitig the eastern portion of the line. The few emigrants who puohed through to California by the southern road had to rely childly on thy Alexicans and friendly Indians for in- forinatioii, assistance, and protection. There was a small force stationed on the Coloraiio, at tlie mouth of the Gila, called Camp Vuma. Fort Yuma was afterwards established in the same locality. In the year 1S40 a project was originated it> the western part uf Illinois fnr a setth'iuent in the neighbnrhood of the mouth of the (iila liiver. Among those who determined to join this purty was Koyso ()atman,a mati forty years of age, who had lived in the West since childhood. For a long tiiin! he was a succes.sful merc'iant at La Ilarpe, Illinois, but, like many others, was brought to ruin by holding a largi; amount of wiid-cat-baidv paper when the collapse of 1S42 came. After his failure ho went to Petinsylvania, expecting to settlt; ainoii;,' relatives who lived in the Cumberlaml \'alley, l)Ut the K;ist had lost its charms for him, and he returned to Illinois. Here OATMAN FLAT. 151) lie I)C\ wife and seven children. The col(»ny, numhering some eigiity souls, rendezvonsed at Indepemlence, .Mi.>*souri, and on Au- gust 10, 1S50, started on their long overland journey. One week's travel revealed the fact that tlie members were uncon- geinal,owing to dilTerenres of religious opinions. A jiart threat- ened to turn back, but tiie dillerences were smoo^lied over by the commendable diplomacy of some of the b"tter-balanced Is. I'v the time the colonv reached the iuiu^tion of the lica( J' north and south roads, at Santa I'e pass, the (piari'cls had be- come so acrimoidons that the comp.-'ny divided. The larger pai'ty took the northern road. The smaller, consisting of twenty ))erson8, with eight wagons, moved on to tlic Rio anish towns of Santa Cruz auvi '"'u'oac, and, as the year clused, jiled into Tucson, the city that <.'-putos with Santa Fe the honor of being the lirst jx -rmunent wiiite set lenient with- in tiu3 bonlers of the I'nited S';iite8. There thoy halted for a month. The Mi'xicans received them kindly anil begged them \i> remain, as had also the inhabitants of the lower towns. The repute of American arms was so great, and tin? cordlict re reachinjr Camp Viima. Tln'V remained at the I'ima and Maricopa villa<,'es until March 11, and then the Oatmans starti'd on alone. The mo fives that actuated the party to tliis division have never lieoii '•^*. -■"-..'^, ^-y-"^:^^ I'lMA S ILLAUK. OAT.MAN FLAT. 161 sitisfactoril}' exphiiiied. It is statod by Lorenzo Oatman that Wilder ami Kelly determined to remain, and risk obtaining support by tradi' with the Ind lan." wlulo Ins father believed that starvation, or ileath at the hands of tin; In- iliaiis, wunld resnlt fioiii t.irrviniT. ( )n the dther li.'iDd It lias l)een sai( that there was ik, i^iod ri'asoii fui the ( )atnians i:i)iiig on aioiif, and it is certain that Wilder •ted after U'li days e in a iitate ami Iv.-ll lliem al)(, later. Whil "f indeeision as to their iiuse, l>r. Le ( mte, tl R- heieiitist. accumpa- 1 bv a M llltM c'Xiean AMIlMil AZrl,, i^imlc, arrived at the villuijes. IK' reportefl timt he had pnHwd tlimuirh the country l)etween there and Camp Vuma twiee, wiiliiii thf past few months, and that he had soon no sijjfi "f Indians anvwhere. This information ileeided Oatman to IS ''11 oil. Th le road (MintinneB down the river to the Alarieopa Wi'Us. and then leaves it. The river bends to the north, mill after a loiij^ iletour of one hundred and twenty miles, aroini the country i)i'tween these two points, which is known as iIk! J)i;.sert of the (iila I'eiid. Kor seven days the Oat- mans plodded aloii^ across this and down the (iilu beyond. Tlu'ir cattle, which were imw reduced to one yoke of oxen and two yokes of cows, were almost ivxhausted. The roads lm one of the numerous hiiU un the luud, they were oblij^ed 1(52 iMASSACHKS Ol' TllK MOINTAINS. to unload the two wngoiis and carry tlio <;ood?, piece ])y j)I>cc. to the top. The cattle were l're(niently unable to pull up even the empty wagons without assistance. On the seventh day, l^r. Le (..'oiite overtook and j)asficd them, lie was touched bj' their sad condition, and l)r()mi^3otl to bend a.ssistance to them as soon as he leached Camp Yuma, then about one hundred and thirty miles distant, lie pu.shed on rapidly, and that nijifht camped thirty niiies ahead of tliem. At dayiireak, while ])repariiij^ for the day's ride, Le {'ontt; was surpi'ised to see twelve Indians stalk into his camp. lie and the iruide seized their weapons and stood on their j^uard. The Indians professed friendship, and tried to divert their atten- tion in order to train an advanta;i:e. After some time their visitors went on their ift wav, and soon after the two men dis covered that their animals, which had been left in the valley below, had been driven oil, probably durini^ the visit of the Indians. The doctor ordered his guide to go on to Camp Vnma for horses, while he remained and guanled the pac-k.s but the guide had not gone long before the doctor remem- bered the Oatnians and his promise, lie placed a card con- spicuously on a tree near the road, informing them of his mis- fortune at the hands of the Apaches, ;ind promising to pro- ceed at once to the fort for help. The < >atniaiis never reached this point. On the evening of tin; ISfh they came to the Uila.at the head of what is now ciIUmI Oatman's Flat, one hundred and eighteen miles east of Fort ^'iima. They attempted to cn^^s, but the stream was 8W(»llen and nipid. After a hard struggle thev siic(!eeded in reachin<;a little sand island tiiat still raised Darl kiK.'ss 1 1 a* 1 fall en Ti le aiu- its crest above the waters mals were mired. They determined to camp for the night on the island. The Rurroundings were depressing. The nigiit was cold, and the wind blew in litful blasts, at times drivinir the waters (»f the rivei almost over the island. The hour w.i- late before a lire was sinrted and the little allowance of fond to which they were reduced was dolecl (»ut. Nou'^ of tlieni could sleep. The parents sat apart and conversed in l^w tones. The children groU]teil around the little fire and ci'ii- sidered the situation in their childish wav. The rush of the OATMAN I'l.AT. 168 river and thu moan of tlio wind, as it wliirled through tlio iTullit's and swept ovor tlio distant hills, tnniud tlioir tliouglits In tliu dangers that iniijht ho lurkiiii; in tho wilds ahoiit thoin. Thoy talked of tho Indians, althouifh thoy had soon nono and III! indications of any since thoy started. Each had his cnido idea of tho course ho would pursue, and Olive, the second girl, ;i child of twelve voars, said that she. at least, would not ho taken hv those nn>' rahlo iirutos. I will tiirlit as I(iii;r :is I can. am 1 if I see that I am aljout to ho taken 1 will kill myself," she saitl, doliaiitly. Tho dreary ni^ht passed away. With e iirst rays of tho morninj; they made ready to leave their lie ilismal ciimp. Tluty jjained the o])posite hank and made prep- arations to ascend tin; hill of the mesa. wliielo\v to stand as seiitini'ls alouj^ its hordor. rp this hill tho nutmans wore obliged to carry all their ;;omls, tho teams being unable to pull the emjity wagons witl:- ipiit assistance. Til e day vas spent thus and m resting, with tlic intention of iiioviii}' on at ni;j:ht. The full moon atVorded ample light, and thoy lioped to make the journey easier for tliii;' cattle by resting in tho heat of the day. ()nerchensi()ns. For an b.-ur on tho procediiii; night lu' had Wept bitterly, and during the ;itren\.><)n he had sunk down by the wagon aiiil groaned out: " Mother, mother, in the iiamu 11 164 MASSACKKS OF THK MOINTAINS. of (tod, 1 know tliat soinetliin<; (h'cadful is iihout to liappcii I' His »n;\nlic'0(l appeared to lutve fuikid liiiii completel)'. As tlicy packed tlie waj^oiis, lio luovyd about listlofisly, l)uriod in his gloomy tlioiii^iits. Lorenzo, who was assisting his fatlier, ghui'.ed d('W?i tiie road through the Ihit, and, to his horror, baw a number of Indians leisnn.'ly approaehing them. He spoke to his father, who turned hastily. As his eyes fell on the Indians the climax of his terror wa.s reached. Mis face <1 nsiKM 1 d< <'p!y. an 1 tlien paled lo a ghastly line His f orni stilTeiu.'tl,and the muscles of iits inoutii twitclunl (;onvu'sively. Several minutes passed before he regained any command of him.»elf. Kven then hi.i every mos'ement betrayed his fears. Doubtles^s it was tlic result of his presentiment, f(jr he had been known liefore as a man of co( Iiiess and courage. He had :;lso often met and dealt with Indians, and was deeply impre!5.^ed with the belief that if treated kindly and tirndy they would seldom do any injury. Vlthongh this theory has often been successfully tested, it must be reniendsered that the lirmness is more important than the kindness. An In- dian despises a man who fears !!im,ai!d will often mistreat such a one, when be would not annoy a man that put oti a bold front. The Indians, nineteen in nnini)er, came up to them. Tlicy were nuketl, except their small breech-clouts. Re])nlsive HI featu res. tiltl ly ot person, and witli dislievelled hair, tlicy formed a wild and barliarous group. Each carried a bow and arrows and a club. ( )arman motioned them to sit down, ami spoke to them in Spanish. Some of them understood that langnage. and replied to liitri witli vehement protestations of frirtidship. They askeii for toiiaireo and a pipe, to smoke in tt/K- •> of amity. < )arman prepared one. took a wliilT. and passed it to tlietii. They tlien asked for something to cat. Oatniaii toid thmi that he lia«J scarcely anything; that if lie gave them food he would i»e robbing his ehildren. I'y this time they had gatiLred the party with whom they were deal and knew that tliev would meet no serious resistance. I nig, 'hrV ignored lii* ♦'xcuses, and increased t\w vehemence of their de- mand* utrtil their ciimors became furious. Oatman ' "ik d f *»ime iireail tioni tl»«! wayon am tl* d itave it tj doiii^ so. Tlii'V tlevoiiiTil it and iltMiiaiKluil more, but lie refused. Tliey tiieu ii^atliercd on one side and consulted in their own toni^ue, w Iiile the family hurried on witii their packiu";. Mr. ( )atiiian ;iiul Lorenzo \V(!re handing in the j^oods at tlie hack of the uMj^on. Mrs. Oatman was ijisich; arranj^inj; tiiem. ()live and hiicy, her older sister, were on the side nearest the Indians, iirran<;ing sotne of the pr(i|)erty. Mary Ann, ii child of seven, -at on a stone in front, holdinjij the halter of the f()rein(jst yoke. riii; remainder of the ehildren were on the oinmsite side of the wajfon. They were almost ready to start. A few min- utes more, and they would h.-ave their disajfreeahle visitors t'urevcr, they hoped. 'J'he Indians came closer to them. They scanned the horizon and hx^ked carefully up and down the road, as though ill expectation of some (/tie. Then, with wild yells, they leaped U|)on the hapless group Iii^fore them. < H' all weapons known to man, the cliil> is must fitting to the hrutal nature. It was the first wt-.ipon to which man laid his hand in the primordial dawn. It is the wc;ipon of some of the higiier apes tu-day. The ragged Inde left hy the rifle-ball, the gap- ing cut iif the stil(!tto, and tlio broad gash of the lance or the s;il)i'e are shocking to the sight, hut tin'y have nothing of the horror and repulsivencss of the crush of the war-club, that (li.-torts the features till they los»^ the semblance of humanity. This was the weapon of the Tonttis, for Mich these Indians Were, and they ])lied it with the ferocity (;i' devils and the excitement of mailmen. Oatman was beaten to the ground Mii'l his skull crushed by re|)cated blows, as he writhed and groaned in his torment. Lorenzo received a blow on the liMck of his head that brought him to his knees, and another that tumbled him over, dazed and helpless. Mrs. ( )atnian leaped from the wagon and clasped to her liosoin her young- ('>t child, a boy of two vears. The savage> dashv'il upon her witli tiger bounds, ])ouiidiiig out the life of luotlier and child lit once, while her screams for help -'^artled the desert echoes mill wi'i'e mockiuirlv thro.vn back frcn the bleak hills. L ucy luid been seized by the hair at the fir^L and Iniateii until she \vii< not onlv dead, but almost unrecognizable. The smallest ir.o MA88AfULS OF TIIK MOUNTAINS. ^irl, less than four years old. was dcspatclied at one blow. Koyse. luT next tilder hrotlitr. was tlie last ty fall of tlioso that died. He had stood farthest away, lie saw the others killed and stood nerveless, overcome with horror. As the savaiijcs came ii|)oii him he m the sotith side. Lorenzo avoided crossing liv makin^r his wav over the blulT. He walked all thri)U«j:h tlie night and the following morning. Near mid-day ho rt'iiciied a j)ool of warm, muddy water, of which he drank 'ktply, and fell asleej) in the glowing sunshine. After a .-liort sleep he awoke, |>artially delirious, and continued his jdurney. In the middle of the afternoon, as he was crossing H liigh. Iiarreu table-land, his strength sudilenly vanished and 111' fell in a faint. When he recovered, near evening, his ears were filled with a strange noise that seemed to be approaching him. Ilcfore he could rise to his feet he was surrounded by a pack ut coyotes, growling, snarling, and licking their lank jaws in ticipation of the feast before them. Here was a new dan- r, for the coyote, thous. Lorenzo started to his feet with a yell, the lirst utter- iiii .e lie had made since the massacre, striking one of them as lu' rose. Ai this they fell back a little and he started on his 1C8 MASSACUKS OF TIIK MOINTAINS. [urli a:;!iiri. Tlioy followed liim. Twilii^lit came, ami in dai'kii TIk-v pressed iipoii liiiii, siirrduiidiii;^ liiiii on all hides with a circle id' j;listeiiin^ faiij^s and i^larini^ eye-halls, but fear hrdnuhl him a new strenirtli. He gathered stones and threw at them till they fell I)a(;l< aj;nin. He hurried (Hi. tormented hv the liorrihle tlioni;lit that he miyht faint and he devoured. I'di' hours Jiev do^i,fed his footsteps, lint at length they abandoned tnu pnrsiiir, and by midnight ho hail the satisfaction of hearinij their howls die away in the dis- tant hills. Towards morniii:^ he had aiiothc'r season of tronhled sleep, after which he started uii onci,' more. Almtit noun. as he was passing throiij^h a dark eafion, ho t.anie in sij^ht of two I'ima Indians. They hastily drew their Li)Ws at sii;lit of this .strani^e beiiiir, but when he rai.-cd his hand ami ppoke to them, they rode np to him. One of them was an Indian with whom the ( hitmans had been acipiaintcd in the villajre. (ini(dily as they saw who was before them they di.>- monnted and embraced him, with expressions of pity and sympathy. They spread their blankets under u tree, fur a couch, and brought him a i^onrd of water and a piece; of their ash-baked broad — all that they had. They rode on to the scene of the nnissacre, telling him to remain until they re- turned and they would convey him to their villaixes. He slept till eveniiiiT- On awakeiiiiii^ he became fearful that the two Indiana miijlit })rove treacherous. The awful tragedy of a few hours back made him distrust a dark face. Ill' left the carmn and continued his march throULjh the nii;lit anil to the middle uf the inorniiii;. On the crest of a hill, overlookini,' a lonj;, windini; valley, he crept under ii bu;-li and slept for two or three hours. When ho awoke he felt completely exhausted from hiinirer and pain. He had a desire to sleep Ioniser, but fouijht it olT. As he lay there, thinkini; over his hopeless situation, lie looked down across the valli'V. and .saw objects movin;; on the mad. He ire thev were Indians. For an hour, in the tortures of su- was 81 pense le watchei 1 tl specks inoviiiij towards him, straini iiir ids achinu I'yes to their utmost, and at length, as tlu'v crosMil a little hill, he saw that they were waijons. A ^.^; % <;^ ' , '^^^ fA ^ r( ii [( \v St St tl w T Y L f( ci P ts hi li w fe tl F d ir ai tl tl tl w 01 T (11 tl tl: OATMAN FLAT. 171 recovered the wagons of the Wilders and Kellys were stand iiig near hiui, and Robert Kelly was approaching him. In a I'ew minutes he was surrounded by friends, and breaking his weary fast on a bowl of bread and milk. On hearing his story the two families turned back to the Pima villages, to stay nntil the}' should be reinforced by others travelling in the same direction. The two men, with a number of Pimas, went on to the scene of the murder, and covered the remains (if the victims with stones to protect them from the wolves. Two weeks later six white men who were going to Camp Yuma arrived, and the two families journej'ed on with them. I.urenzo, who had already recovered somewhat from his suf- feiiiigs, was cared for at Yuma by Dr. Hewitt, the post-sur- geon, until his health was I'estored. While Lorenzo was making his weary way along the road, his sisters, Olive and Mary, were being driven across the des- ert north of the Gila by the Indians. As soon as the work of plunder was completed the savages moved away a short dis- tance, made a fire, and prepared a supper of bean soup and ash- haked bread. The girls could not eat. After the meal the Indians diverted themselves by terrifying little Mary. They would threaten and scowl at her until, in an agony of nervous fear, she would run to her sister's arms, sobbing wildly. Then they would brandish their clubs and frighten her into silence. Fur an hour they remained at this place, from which the chil- dren could see the bows of the wagon, in the moonlight, mark- ing the spot of the massacre. They were oppressed with grief and suspense. The events of the past hour were so horrible that older persons might well have been overwhelmed by them. All their kindred — father, mother, sisters, and brothers —they had seen fall beneath the clubs of their captors. For thtJinselves was absolute uncertainty as to their future fate, with all the apprehensions of torture that their childish knowl- edge of Ilidian customs could bring them. Another element of torture was soon to be added — it was bodily suffering. 'I'he Indians took from them their hats and shoes, and started o!i their march. An Indian led; the two captives followed; the other Indians formed the rear-guard. Across the desert tin V hurried, the tender feet of the captives being bruised at 172 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. every step. Sharp stones gashed them, and cactus thorns pierced them cruelly. After several hours Mary sank down and refused to go farther. Blows and threats had no effect npon her. She said she had rather die than live. At length one of the Indians threw her across his back, and the march was resumed. Olive became so faint and weary that she felt she could not go on, but the fear of being separated from her sister gave her superhunum energy. At noon of the follow- ing day they halted until the cattle were brought up, killed, and cut in pieces. In the afternoon they again started, and journeyed until ten o'clock at night. During this time the sufferings of the girls were lessened by having pieces of skin tied upon their feet. At daybreak they continued their march. Near noon, as they were passing through a dark canon, a band of eleven Indians appeared, and approached them in great excitement. One of them drew his bow and let fly an arrow at Olive, which pierced her dress but did not harm her. As he fitted another to liis bow the captors sprang forward and placed themselves before the girls, while one of them seized the would-be assassin. It appeared that this man iiad lost a brother in a recent attack upon some whites, and had sworn to avenge himself upon the first white that he met. The captors, however, had other uses for their captives, and iinally succeeded in getting rid of the avengers, though not until there had almost i)oen a general battle. They travelled until midnight. In tiie morning they hurried on till tliey came to a village of low, thatched huts. The captives, suf- fering and exhausted by two hundred miles of cruel march- ing, were placed on a pile of brush, around whicii all the in- habitants of the village, about three hundred in nunil)er, whirled in a dance of exultation and savage joy. Throughout it they took every means of humiliating the captives, by strilc- ing them, throwing dirt upon them, and spitting in their faces. Their insults had but little effect on the wretched girls, who had now reached the stage of indifference and desperation. The only apprehension that troubled them was the fear of torture. This was dispelled on the succeeding day. The jubilee and feast were over. A night's rest had somewhat OATMAN FLAT. 178 refreshed the captives and eased their pains. They were set to work at the employments which must henceforth engage thcin. Their fate was now clear. They were slaves. It would he difficult to imagine a more oppressive slavery tlian that in which they existed. The Tontos were a people of the most degraded character, with customs which added weight to the natural brutality of savagery. They had broken oif from the tribes to the southeast during the flowery days of the Spanish power, and taken refuge in the wilderness, while their brethren remained to light the invaders. From the Coyoteros, so they tassed to the abode of spirits peacefully and quietly, as if sinking to sleep. Instead of burning her body, as is their custom, they gave Olive the privilege of burying her remains ill the little garden-spot that had been set off for their use. Oppressed by a terrible feeling of loneliness, Olive lived on through the famine. The next year was one of plenty, but it brought her a new torture. When the growtli of the year had advanced sufticiently to furnish the Mohaves with food, ami they had recovered strength and spirit, they decided to make an expedition against the Cocopahs. This was the first Miio that they had undertaken since the purchase of the cap- tives, and Olive was informed that in case any of the warriors Were killed she would be sacrificed, in accordance with their custom, which requires a warrior who falls in battle to be fur- iiislied with a slave in Ilippoweka — the spirit-land. For five months the war-party was absent. For five months Olive was tortured by the constant contemplation of the thread on which licr life depended. There seemed hardly a possibility that all tin; war-party would return, for the Cocoi)ahs were reported to liave been joined by new and powerful allies since the Mohaves last attacked them. At length, one day, as she was gathering roots, she saw a messenger coming to the village. 178 MASSACltKS OF THE MOUNTAINS. lie brought news, but of wliat? Slie knew not what to do. J''or a moment she thought of flight, but abandoned that chance as liopeless. In desperation she went to tlie village to learn her fate. She sat in silence through the convening and opening of a council, that Indian decorum made necessary before the news was told. At length the messenger spoke. The J\Iohaves were returning in triumph with Ave prisoners. None of them had been killed. Tears of joy and relief rolled down the poor girl's cheeks, and she bowed her head in thaidc- f ulness for her deliverance. Soon after this, Olive was forced to behold a shocking spectacle. The captive Cocopahs were all young girls but one, who was a woman about twenty-live years of age and unusual- ly beautiful. She appeared almost frantic with grief. Olive succeeded in communicating with her, and learned that her distress was caused by her separation from her husband and infant child. Their village had been attacked in the night, and the Cocopahs had fled. As she ran along, her husband took the child from her arms and ran ahead. She followed, but was overtaken. After remaining in the Mohave village for a week, she made her escape in the night. She swam down the river for several miles and concealed herself in a willow thicket during the day. In this way she swam about uue hundred and thirty miles down the Colorado, in less than a week, .ravelling only at night. She had passed almost through the country of the Yumas, when one day a Yuma warrior dis- covered her lying under a shelving rock near the river. lie secured her, and, as obliged by the intertribal relations, brought her back to the Mohaves. The Mohaves crucified her. That is one thing that the Arizona Indians have learned from missionaries, at any rate, and they seem to think it an improvement on their own barbarities. She was raised to the cross-beam, about eight feet above the ground, and her hands fastened by driving coarse wooden pegs through them. Sim- ilar pegs were driven through her feet. Her head was tied to the upright by strings of bark stuck full of thorns. The other captives and Olive were then brought before her and told to behold the fate that awaited them if they attempted to escape. For two hours the unfortunate lived, the Mohaves OATMAN FLAT. 179 iiieainvliilo dancing about her, shooting her with arrows, and mangling her body with burning brands. After death they took her -.lown and burned iier i)ody on a funeral pyre. After tliis Olivo gave up all thought of escape. She lived on in the usual way, though with one imi)rovetnent ; the Mo- haves had been awakened to the necessity of greater care in tlicir planting, by the faniiTie of 1853, and there was no more suffering from want of food. In February, 185G, she was startled to hear that a Yuma Indian had arrived in the village with a message from the fort, demanding her release. This PASliUAL, YCMA CIIIKF. assistance had come from an unexpected source. When Lo- reii/.o Oatman reached Camp Yuma, his story attracted the sympathy of a number of jflficers and men, who desired to at- teinpt the rescue of his sisters, but the garrison was soon to move and there was no time for any protracted search. Colo- nil Ileintzelman, the commander, sent out a small force un- do' Captain Davis and Lieutenant Mowry, but they failed to tiiMl the captives. In June the garrison removed to San I)iogo, except about a dozen men, who were left to guard the ttiiv. In a short time these men were driven away by the Y II mas, who retained control of the ferry for several months. 12 180 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. A clii'cf nained Antonio Garra, a man of resources and ability, undertook to unite the Yiinias and Coahnillas, of Southern California, in an alliance to sweep the Aincrica?is from the country. This failed through the treachery of Juan Antoin'o, a Coahuilla chieftain, in whom (Jarra trusted. Colonel Ileint- zelnian was sunt hack to chastise them, a work that re(juired over a year. By October, 1852, Garra was killed and the Yumas subdued. Lorenzo had gone to San Francisco with Dr. Hewitt. lie remained there and in the mines fur three years, trying to devise some plan to rescue his sisters; but though he received much sympathy, he could get no materiiil assistance. In October, 1854, he went to Los Angeles, still intent on this object. He joined several parties of jirospec- tors organized to search for gold beyond the Colorado, nnd one of them penetrated the country bordering on Bill Will- iams Fork in 1855, but without getting any trace of the cap- tive girls. In December of the same year he searched in Southern California for them, but with no success. lie then tried the newspapers, by which he succeeded in anMising pub- lic sympathy somewhat, and in learning that his sister was reported to be a captive among the Mohaves. Thereupon he prepared a petition to Governor Johnson, of California, fur men and means to recover her, which was signed by many of the people of Los Angeles county. The governor rejilicd that he had no authority to grant the request, and referred him to the Indian Department. He prepared a mer trial to the Indian Department and forwarded it about tho first of February, 185G. During this time an unknown friend was at work. In 1853 there came to Fort Yuma, as carpenter, a Mr. Grinnell, who was known to the Indians as " Carpintero" on account of hif^ occupation. He was a nephew of Henry Grinnell, whose princely philanthropy fitted out the Adva7ice and Rescue for De Haven's search after Sir John Franklin's exploring party. A similar spirit of humanity actuated the humble carpenter, and led him to take a lively interest in the fate of the Oat- man girls. He continually questioned emigrants and Indians for tidings of them. One night in January, 1856, a friciully Indian, named Francisco, came to his tent and asked hini: OATMAN FLAT. 181 "Carpi 11 tero, wlmt is this yon say so imicli about two Anieri- eaiios ainoiij; tlio Indians?" (irinnell informed liini tluit tiio whitos well knew of tiic existence of tiic j^irls and wonld cer- tainly make war upon tlic Indians unless tlioy were surrcn- (icred. J'roducing a copy of tlie Los Angeles Stat; in which Lorenzo had made his first jniblished appeal for assistance, (irinne'il translated the article to Francisco, and, still appear- inif to read, told him that a larjje army was being prepared which would annihilate the Mohaves and all tribes who as- .sistcd them in concealing tiie captives. Francisco was visibl}' iin])ressed. Grinnell kept him in his tent all that night, and ill the morning took him to Oolonel Burke, who commanded the fort. Francisco said :" Vou give me four blankets and Home beads, and I will bring her in jpst twenty days, when the sun is tiiere," indicating about lOiu o'clock in the afternoon, litirke thought it was 'tne trickery on the part of the Indian, but (irinnell said to give him the goods and charge thi'iii to him. The goods were furnished and Francisco de- parted. The arrival of Francisco caused no little tumult in the Mohave village. A council was called and Olive was shut up in a distant part of the valley. Francisco urged lier re- kaso eloquently, but the Mohaves were not yet accpiainted with the power of American arms, besides feeling strong in their remote location. Late at night the council broke up with a refusal to surrender her, and an order to Francisco to cross the river and return no more on penalty of torture, lie crossed the river but did not abandon his purpose. All iiii^ht he argued with the chiefs on that side and in the morn- ing they asked liim to return with them, saying they would tlo all they could to procure her surrender. They went back, iiiul. after some consultation, another council was called, which Olive was ])ermitted to attend. The j\Iohaves had devised a iiew project. They stained her skin and ordered her, on pain of death, not to speak to Francisco in American, Mohave, or any other language that he could understand. To him they represented that she was an Indian of a distant tribe. She i=iiinmoned all her courage and told him who she was and wli;it they had ordered her to do. Francisco sprang from his 182 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. T'r-.'T.''- A HOIIATK DWKLLINO. seat in fury. Ho launched upon tlie Mohaves a most ve- hement and eloquent address. He reproaclied them for their attempted deception ; told them the whites knew that tlio ^irl was there ; that they would destroy the Mohaves aiitl the Ynnias if slu? were not given up; that the Yuinas luid fought the Ainerieatis for many months and knew that thcv were more powerful than all the Indian trihes ; that he luul come to them out of mercy for his own trihe; and that they had endangered their own lives and those of their friendLi tlio Yumas by this treachery. To Olive lie gave the followiiii; note, which she deciphered with much difficulty: OATxMAN FLAT, 183 "Francisco, Yuma Indian, bearer of this, goes to the Mohave nation to obtain a white woman there, named Olivia. It is desirable she should come to this post, or send her reasons why slie does not wish to come. "Mautin Blkke, Lieut. -Col. Commanding. " IlEADQUAiiTEus, FoBT Ydma, Cal., 27lh January, 1S6C," The Mohaves wanted to know wliat was in tliis letter. Olive told them, and also informed them that the Americans would certainly send an army to destroy them if they did not let her go with Francisco. The Mohaves began to be cowed. They proposed that they should kill Olive and that I'rancisco should report her as dead, but this Francisco refused to do. The night dragged on in that fierce debate, where a feather's weight niiglit give the captive liberty or doom her to death. After sunrise Francisco and Olive were told to retire, and when called back they were informed that the ^lohavcs had decided to surrender her. Unable to repress hvv emotion, Olive burst into tears. She was not allowed to take any mementoes with her. They took away even the Leads and cloth that had been given to her and Mary for singing. She had only the privilege of a last visit to her sis- ter's grave. There were few preparations to make. They irot breakfast, secured a little food, and started. They were accompanied by Francisco's brother and two cousins, who had come with him, and by the chief's daughter, who went to the fort to obtain a horse that Francisco had promised to her father. The twentieth day arrived and found Grinnell waiting patiently. lie had been the subject of tnany jests by his comrades, who thought that Francisco had cleverly worked ou his sympathies to the extent of the goods furnished him. At noon three Yumas appeared and announced that Francisco was coming. " Is the girl with him V asked Grinnell, eagerly. " I'rancisco will come here when the sun is thei'e," answered the Indians, indicating the point Fi incisco had designated, ami no more satisfaction could be had from them. The sun crept down tlie west never so slowly. As the hour neared, (tiiiineirs strained eyes caught sight of three Indian men aiid two women approaching the ferry, on the opposite side ul tlie river. lie sprang forward with the glad shout: 184 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. " Thoy have come ; the captive girl is here !" Olive, who did not wish to come to the fort in her scanty bark dress, w'as quickly furnished with ciothing by an officer's wife, and was soon presented to the commander amid wild enthusiasm. Men cheered, cannons boomed, and the assembled Ynmas, carried away by the general joy, gave vent to shrill whoops. There remaitied a yet more atiecting meeting. Two days af- ter sending his memorial to the Indian Department, a friend handed Lorenzo a copy of the Los Angeles /Star containing a brief statement of Olive's recovery. He mounted a horse and hastened to the editor. The report was reliable. It was based on a letter from Colonel Burke. A kind friend fur- nished him with transportation and accompanied him to Foit Yuma. Ten days of riding, along the western slope and across the Colorado desert, and the brother and sister were clasped in a fond embrace. What a meeting ! Five years be- fore they separated amid the groans of their dying kindred, in the moonlight, on the desert. Now they meet, the Sdle survivors, after weary days and nights of hardship and de- spair, in safety, and surrounded by friends. Tears came un- bidden to tlie eyes of strong men who stood about them, but they were not ashamed to weep. There I'cmains but little more to tell. Lorenzo and Olive returned to Los Angeles, and thence went to Southern Ore- gon, to live with a cousin who heard of their trials and in- vited them to make hio iiome their own. They afterwards attended school in the Santa Clara Valley, in California, ami in 1858 removed to New York. Francisco received ])r;ii.so and reward from the whites, and this led the Yumas to make him a chief, lie was commonly known as El Sol Francisco, possibly from his indicating the time of his return by the sun. lie was very arrogant in his new station, but remaiiu'd friendly to the whites while he lived. In 1857 the Yunias and Mohavcs determined on a grand expedition against the Maricopas. They raised a largo band, including a nuinlicr of Yampais and Diegenos, and attacked the Maricopa villaiixs about the first of September. They burned some houses, and killed some women and children, but a swift vengeance over- took them. The Pimas and Maricopas hastily congrcgattd, wards na, ami praise o make t'l » m. S 4 $" OATMAN FLAT. 187 and were reinforced by Papagos until their nuinbers were about equal to those of the invaders. At Maricopa WelJs they fought a great battle, in which the river Indians were defeate ' with a loss of over two hundred warriors. Out of seventy-uve Yuma warriors who went to battle only three returned alive. Francisco fell on this field, killed, it is said, by his own men, who thought he had brouglit disaster on tluMU by befriending the whites. Tlie Yumas and about half of the Mohaves still remain along the Colorado. They are not under charge of any agent, and are subdued to a state of altject servility. The remainder of tlie Moha%'es and most of the Cliemehueves are on the Colorado liiver reservation and are commoidy known as the Colorado liiver Indians. The Tuntos remained at largo for many years, but at length, re- (liicod by war and disease to less than seven hundred, they were placed on the White Mountain reservation in Arizona. Tliey never acquired any weapons, except a few knives and lances, and were never formidable. The Pimas and Marico- pas have had a reservation set off for them, including their cultivated lands on the Gila, and still remain there. The I'apagos have a reser- vation of GOOO acres, including San Xavier del Bac. These three tril)es have always re- mained friendly, and liave been at times the only bulwarks of the whites against the hos- tile Ai)ache8. They of- fered to raise a regiment for the Union during the civil war, but the i;(tvornment contented itself with furnishing- tlieiii arms to Hglit the Apaches. as .-eouts and guides. After the remains of the Oatmans were covered up by Wilder and Kelly, they were dug out by coyotes, and lay CIIAULKS I). I'OSTON. They have often served 188 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. scattered until the arrival of Dr. Webb's party of the Mexican Boundary Commission, a few montlis later. They were then reintcrred. A second time they were du<;^ up by the desert scavengers and scattered over the mesa. In 1851 they wore again gathered by Mr. Poston, an early settler of Arizona, and buried in the flat below the scene of the massacre. A small enclosure marks the spot, and a board with a rudely carved inscription tells the traveller that there are buried the remains of the unfortunate family whose terrible calamity gave a name to Oatmau llat. CHAPTER VII. THE ROGUE RIVER, YAKIMA, AND KLICKITAT WARS. Orixsox was organized as a territory in 184S by Congress, and its territorial government went into operation in the fol- lowing spring, on the arrival of the governor, General Joe Lane, an Indianian who had won distinction in the IMexican war. Tiider the organic act, it embraced the country west of OENKRAL jnE LANE. the Tlocky Mountains north of parallel 42. The part of this north of parallel 40 to its intersection with the Columbia, and north of the Columbia thence westward to the ocean, was oi;;anized as Washington Territory in 1853. At the time of 190 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. the organization of Oregon, tiie part afterwards erected into Washington Territory was still virtually in the hands of the Hudson's Bay Company, except that a few families had set- tled in 1844 at Tuniwater, now a suburb of Olympia, and one or two more at tlie latter place. Its first governor, Isaac I. Stevens (the Brigadier-general Stevens of the Union army who fell at Bull Eun), arrived, overland, in the fall of 1853. with a surveying-party, examining the country which they traversed with regard to its availability as a railroad route. To these territories we must now return, for, while a restless peace has been maintained in Washington and Northern Ore- gon for several yeai'S, trouble has arisen in the South. Along the southern boundary, exterding into both Cali- fornia and Oregon, were several warlike tribes, who, though not very friendly among themselves, were in general sympathy in their hostility towards the whites. On the Rogue Kiver were several bands of the Shasta family, sometimes known by the names of their chiefs, but almost always called " the Rogue River Indians." There were two principal clans of them, the Upper and Lower Rogue Rivers; the former were led by " Joe," whom they called Apso-kah-hah (the Horse Rider) ; the latter were under " Sam " (Ko-ko-kah-wah — the Wealthy), a wily and avaricious old man, who generally restrained them from hostility to the whites, and managed to reap a heavy harvest of presents and profits for himself. South of these, on the Klamath River, were the Lutuami or Klamaths (Klamct. Klamac, Clammat, TIamath), the several tribes included under the name having no close relationship. Those nearest the ocean, called the Lower Klamaths (Eurocs, Youruks or Poli- liks), were a dark people, inferior to their relatives above, a distinction which is always marked between the tribes who subsist on fish and roots and those who eat flesh. Above them, on the river, were the Upper Klamaths (Cahrocs, Kali- ruks or Pehtsik), a finely formed, energetic, and cleanly race. The Modocs (Moiidocks, Moahtockna), formerly included in the Klamaths, but really a branch of the Shoshonee stock, lived about the lakes in which the Klamath heads, and others near them, extending to the bounds of the Bannocks and Pah-Utes. In their own lang.tage they are called Okkov.-ish, their com- THE ROGUE RIVER, YAKIMA, AND KLICKITAT WARS. 191 iiion name (pronounced 3Io' -ah-dock') being a Shasta word wliich means strangers or enemies, a coincident signification tliat has doubtless caused them to be blamed for n)any wrongs wliich they did not commit. South of the Klaniaths were the remainder of the Shastas (Tshastl, Chastu, Slinsty, Sastu, Shas- teeca), of whom a part were f riendl}', especially a band of the Seott's River Indians (Ottetiewas), u;ider their chief, Tolo, who was called by the whites "Old Man" or "Charley." The Sliastas, Rogue Rivers, and Scott's Rivers have all one lan- triiagc, and had formerly one head chief, who was accidentally killed a short time before the discovery of gold in California. After his death a contest arose as to the chief command be- tween John, the old chief's son, Sam and Joe of the Rogue Rivers, and Scarface of Shasta, Tolo remaining neutral. When tlie whites began to come in they separated, each aspirant retaining supreme control of his own faction. These Ijands were further subdivided under various sub-chiefs, and with them had confederated the Umpquas, who lived north of the Rogue Rivers. These Indians had never been friendly to the Americans. Away back in 183-1 the Urnpquas attacked a trading party of luiirteen men under Captain Smith, of Smith, Sublette, & Jackson, and killed eleven of them. In 1835 a party of eight was assailed in the Rogue River Valley ; Daniel Miller, Edward Rarnes, Mr. Sanders, and an Irishman called Tom were killed ; the other four escaped, badly wounded. In 1838 they attacked the first party sent out by the Wallamet Cattle Company to Ijiiiig in stock from California, but were beaten oil after wounding Mr. Gay, one of the survivors of the party of \^o'). In 1845 the Klamaths attacked Fremont's third ex- ])luiing expedition, in camp, at Klamath Lake, and killed three men before Kit Carson's trained ear caught the sound, and the party was awakened to win safety in a hand-to-hand Conflict. In the spring of 1851 the Rogue Rivers killed two men on Grave Creek, and two or three on Rogue River, in consequence of which Major Phil. Kearny, the same gallant cavalier who fell at Chantilly, was sent against them with a detachment of regulars. He defeated them in two actions; the men fled to the mountains and about thirty women and 192 MASSACRES OF THE JIOUNTAINS. PllII.II' KEAllNY. children were captured. He was taking these jirisoiiers into California when he was met by Ciencral Joe Lane, who persuaded him to ])erniit tiiem to return with him to the Iloi'ue Iliver. Lane arrived at liogue Iliver shortly after the connnis- sioners who were treat- ing with the various tribes arrived at the same place. The Lidiuiid had refused to make any terms witii Major Kearny; but when they saw their women and children returning, under charge of a " tyee " in whom they had great confidence, they came in, and a treaty was made. Just about this time, unfortunately, the commission received in- structions to discontinue its labors, and the treaty was never ratified. Kevertheless, the 11 'j;uo llivers committed no fur- ther serious dej)redations for about two years. The other tribes were not so quiet. Li June, 1852, the Pitt River Indians killed four men who were locating a wagon road, and in August the Modocs massacred an emigrant party of thirty-three persons, of whom several were Californians who had gone out to assist the emigration. Volunteer companies were at once organized at Yreka and Jacksonville and de- spatched to the scene of the affair, near Tule or Rhett Lake. The California company, under Captain Ben Wright, reached Bloody Point, on the lake, just in time to relieve an emigrant train of sixteen wagons M'hich had been surrounded by tiic Indians for several hours. At the approach of the volunteers the Indians took to their caiioes and continued the fight from the lake, which is shallow, full of islands, and bordered with a heavy growth of tule reeds. They soon discovered that they were playing an unequal game, and after losing a dozen or more warriors they retired out of range. The next day the volunteers found and buried the bodies of eighteen murdered THE ROGUE RIVER, YAKIMA, AND KLICKITAT WARS. 193 eini^n-ants and settlers. They remained in the locality for tliree niontlis, toi^ether with the Oregon company, under Captain Ross, which had arrived after the battle and consoli- dated with the Yreka Company, with Captain Wright com- manding. They employed tiieir time in escorting emigrant trains through the more dangerous places, and concluded an otherwise meritorious campaign by a most disgraceful massa- cre. It was on the morning that they left for home that they liad, as one of their number reported it, "a smart engagement, in which we killed about forty of them, impressing upon the minds of the balance, no doubt, the opinion that we lifid avenged tlie wrongs their tril)e had committed towards the whites, at least during that season." In reality Wright sent out a cai)tured squaw by whose representations forty-eight of the Modocs were induced to come to the camp to have a feast and make a treaty. The original plan was to poison the food given to the Indians, and so be rid of them, but it did not suc- ceed. Some say that the scpiaw got an inkling of what was guing on and notified the warriors, who thereupon refused to eat. Others say that they ate, but the poison diu not operate ; that Wright used to swear afterwards over the way he had Ijeen imposed on by the druggist. At any rate, the feast part of the programme passed and they sat down to talk. While the talk was going on Wright opened fire with his revolver, killing two of the principal Indians. At this prearranged .signal his men fired, their rifles having l)een charged afresh for the occasion, and thirty-six more of the Modocs fell. The remaining ten managed to escape before the volunteers could reload. Wright broke canip and returned to Yreka in triumph, liis men carrying the scalps of the Indians on their rifles. lie reported that he had denumdcd the return of stolen property of the Modocs, and, on tlieir failure to surrender it, had pun- i>hed them. A general welcome was extended by the citizens of Yreka, and the legislature of California' paid the volunteers for tlieir services, but Wright met his punishment four years afterwards, when the liogue Rivers killed hini, at his agency, with twenty-three others. The Modocs never forgot this out- rage, and the bad faith shown bore fruit long afterwards, as we shall see hereafter. 194 MASSACRES Ol' THE MOUNTAINS. From tlieso conflicts no very peaceable disposition had been produced in either whites or Indians, but, aside from this, there was a continning caiise which was the cluef occa- sion of botli the wars tliat followed. In 1852 President Fill- more said, in his message to Congress : " The Senate not hav- ing thought proper to ratify the treaties which liad been ne- gotiated with the tribes of Indians in California and Oregon, our relations with them have been left in a very unsatisfac- tory condition. In other parts of our territory, particular dis- tricts of country have been set apart for the exclusive occupa- tion of the Indians, and their right to the lands within those limits has been acknowledged and respected. But in Cali- fornia and (Oregon there has been no recognition by the gov- ernment of the exclusive right of the Indians to any part of the country. They are, therefore, mere tenants at suflEerance, and liable to be driven from place to place at the pleasure of the whites." AVhat the President thought "liable" to occur was at that time occurring. IJuring the controversy with Eng- land, as to the ownership of the country, and afterwards, strong representations of future benefits had been held out to emigrants, by statesmen who favored an occupation of Oregon, and these had been made good by Congress, by allowing eacli actual settler before 1850 to pre-empt three hundred and twenty acres of land, with an equal amount for his wife, if married, while settlers from December 1,1850, to December 1,1853, took lialf that amount. As there was no restriction in regard to what lands were to be taken, the settlers naturally took the best they could find, and, as gold was discovered at various points, farais were opened about the diggings, and all f the better part of the country was overrun by the euterpri \g immigrants. In the meantime treaties were not ratified, a the Indians failed to receive the promised consideration for he lands of which they had been dispossessed. Of course, 1 title remained in them as had always bee eastern tribes, and disinterested persons, particularly the army officers, regarded them as being imposed upon. In 1S52, Brevet Brigadier-general Hitchcock, commanding the Pacilic division, wrote: "As matters now stand the United States troops are placed in a most delicate and awkward position. e same possessory recojrnized in the Tin: HOGUE KIVKIJ, YAKIMA, AND KLICKITAT WARS. 195 The whites go in upon Indian hinds, provoke the Indians, l)riiij^ on collisions, and then call for protection, and complain if it is not furnished, while the practical effect of the presence of the troops can be little else than to countenance and give security to them in their aggressions ; the Indians, meanwhile, Idokiiig upon the military as their friends, and imploring their protection." The courts, of necessity, took much the same view of the question as the military authorities. In 1851 stveriil Ivlickitats were indicted for malicious trespass, for de- stroying some timber in the Wallamet Valley, which a settler, named Donald McLeod, had prepared for a house. They maintained that it was their own timber, grown on their land, and that they had warned McLeod not to attempt to settle there. The United States District Judge held that they had a ])ussessory title to the land, not yet extinguished by the gov- ernment, and that the action would not lie. Another attempt to have the Indians i)unished for trespass was made by one Uiidgefarmer. lie had built a fence across an Indian trail, and they had torn it down and followed their customary high- way. It resulted as the other case had. The situation was one from which warfare was certain to result. The settlers had come to get their three hundred and twenty acres of land and go to farming, but no matter where they settled they were on Indian land. They saw other set- tlers peaceably established on their farms, under the same circumstances, and they settled also. But they went to inex- cusable lengths in their appropriations. Nearly all of the In- dians had adopted agriculture to some extent, and particularly the cultivation of the potato, of which they were very fond. Ill many tribes each family had its little patch of a quarter of an acre or more, which was carefully tended and quite pro- •iiictivo. In pre-empting farms many or these were enclosed bv the settlers, and so notorious had this evil become, in L'^ri;;, that Lieutenant Jones, commanding Steilacoom bar- racks, gravely writes : " The practice which exists throughout the territory, of ".jttlers taking from them their small potato patches, is clearly wrong and should be stopped." One is al- most inclined to ask what he was there for, but it is woll to remember that military interference, in the United States, has 13 196 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. ever been regarded astlie climax of evils, and no officer could be expected to do more than call the matter to the attention of the government. The Indians of Oregon had, from the first, treated the Americans remarkably well. The Whitman massacre was the first serious trouble that had occurred, and, in Northern Ore- gon, almost tlie onl}' one. But as the Indians saw tlieir lands being taken without compensation, tlieir treaties unfultilled, and the men who " spoke with authority " to them being con- stantly changed, and unable to carry out their agreements, they lost all confidence in their white friends. One Ilogue River chief said: '* We have waited and waited, because the agents told us to be patient; that it would be all right by and by. We are tired of this. We believe Uncle Sam intends to cheat us. Sometimes we are told there is one great chief and some- times another. One superintendent tells us one thing, and the gieat chief removes him. Then another superintendent tells us another thing, and another great chief removes him. Who are we to believe ? Who is your great chief, and who is to tell us the truth ? We don't understand the way you act. With us, we are born chiefs ; once a chief we are a chief for life. But you are only common men, and we never know how long you will hold your authority, or how soon the great chief may degrade you, or how soon he may be turned out himself. We want to know the true head, that we may state our condition to him. Let him come here himself and see us. So many lies have been told him that we think he never hears the truth, or ho would not compel us to suffer as we do." The Kogue Rivers chafed more than the others, because there were more miners in their country, and consequently more aggression. The road from California to Oregon lay across their lands; placers liad been found on them; ami miners and settlers had flocked in. Jacksonville was a flour- ishing town; villages had sprung up at several points; farms were opened all through the Rogue River Valley. The In- dians saw but one chance for relief. On August 4, 1853, tliey began remedying the ovil by killing Edward Edwards in his house, on Stewart's creek; and rapine and destruction uero the order from that time forward. On the next day Thomas MOUNT SHASTA KIIOM VALLKV OK SACUAMKMO. THE ROGUE KIVER, YAKIMA, AND KLICKITAT WARS. 199 Wills was killed within three hundred yards of Jacksonville, and, on the 6th, liiciiard Nolan was murdered about a mile from the same town. By this time the alarm had been sounded everywhere, and the people gathered together for protection, while the torch was applied to their buildings and liaystacks, and their stock was being driven off to the moun- tains. Captain B, II. Alden, commanding at Fort Jones, in ^S'orthern California, was notified, and at once repaired to the scene. He brought ten regulars, all that were available at the fort, and some volunteers from Yreka, who, together with the volunteers at Jacksonville, made a force of about two hundred. On August 11 this force had prepared for a night attack on the Indians, who were strongly posted near Table Eock, l)ut at dusk a messenger appeared, at full speed, announcing that a band of Indians was raiding the valley and that the fanulies there were in imminent danger. As he spoke his words were verified by the red glare of burning buildings on the western sky, and the volunteers, without waiting for or- ders, hurried to the defence of their honies. The force could not be collected again for work till tiie IGth, and then the Indians had retired into the mountains, firing the pine forests behind them. On the 20th, while preparations were being made for an extended chase. General Lane arrived and took command. At daybreak of the 22d the troops moved forward in quest of the savages. For two days and a half they searched through iiii almost impassable country, where nea'.ly all traces of the trail had been destroyed in the forest fires. Near noon of the LMth, General Lane, who was in advance, heard a sound of Vdices, about four hundred yards away, in a dense forest. The tidops were quietly dismounted, and, dividing into two parties, made their attack. The Indians quickly recovered from their liist surprise and took positions behind logs and trees, from wliicli they returned the fire vigorously. The battle was thus carried on for nearly four hours, and duriiig it General Lane, Captain Alden, and three others were badly wounded and thice killed, the Indians losing eight killed and twenty wuiiiided, of whom seven died. While General Lane was at thi: rear, having his wound dressed, the Indians called to the in-' 200 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. troops tliat they wanted to make peace. Two men went to talk with tlieiii, and, on learning tliat General Lane was in command, they wanted him to come also. lie went over, and, as there was no prospect for a victory over the Indians, he made arrangements hy which they were to come to Tabic Rock and make peace. Both parties remained on the ground over-night, good faith being mntually observed, and in the morning the Indians moved -^ff. They appeared at Table Kock as agreed, and a treaty was concluded there on Septem- ber 10. The Indians were by no means conquered, but treated on equal terms, being influenced by their confidence in General Lane more than by any other consideration. Discontent soon became an active force again, for all the old causes wore in operation. Force seemed to be the only arbiter for which either party had any respect. There were murders committed by Indians, and murders committed by white men. On January IG, 1854, a party of citizens from Vreka undertook to ciuistise a party of Shastas for an alleged theft of cattle, but were driven back with a loss of four men. C' er on tlie Oregon side, at daybreak of the 2Sth, a party of thirty miners, under a discharged sergeant of dragooiKS named Abbott, attacked three lodges of friendly Indians at the niouth of the Coquille ; killed sixteen, and wounded four. These Indians had oidy three good guns among them, aiui the number of warriors in tlie district was less than half uf that of the whites. The assassination of some thirty men is attributed to the Shastas, Kogue Ilivers, and Modocs between the treaty of September 10, 1853, and the outbreak of 1S.")5. It may safely be assumed that at least as many Indians were murdered by whites, for there were many white men anioni,' the pioneers wiio, when a safe opportunity presented, shot an Indian as they would a wolf. In addition to these home af- fairs, the whites were greatly inflamed, all through the coast, by the barbarous massacre of an emigrant party of nine lui-'ii, two women, and eight children on August 20. This crime was committed near Fort IJoisee by ti)e Snake Indians. I'c- fore it occurred there had been murders all along the emigrant trails, and, in the summer, a company of militia had been sent out under Captain Jesse Walker. He attacked the Modor.-. at THE ROGUE UIVEK, YAKiMA, AND KLICKITAT WARS. 201 their ranclierias on Tiild Lake, forced them to take to the water, and destroyed their buildings and all their provisions. From August 18 to September 4 there was more or less skir- mishing between them, and, on the latter date, the Indians, being wholly out of provisions, made peace, and promised to ntb and kill no more. lie then marched against the Pah- I'tt'S and chastised them at Warner's llock, but was unable to bring them to terms. But troubles in Oregon were be- ilinning to be more important Ihan those aloni,' the trails. Until 1855 the Klickitats (Robbers) liad been friendly to the whites. In 1851 they had tendered their services during the Kogue Iliver troubles, but had not been used. In 1853, sixty of tlicir warriors, armed and mounted, had gone to as- sist General Lane, but they did not arrive until the treaty of Table llock had been completed. These Indians, though not groat in numbers, were among the most powerful and influen- tial of the tribes, well supplied with fire-arms, and very ex- pt'i't in their use. From their home on the eastern slope of the Cascade Mountains, north of the Columbia, they had sal- lied forth, at about the time the missionaries came into the country, and fallen on the weaker tribes below. They first attiieked the Cowlitz, Cliinooks, and other inferior tribes along the Columbia, and in five years had reduced them to tribu- tiiiies. In 184:1 they began raiding south of the Columbia, west of the Cascades, where the coast tribes, reduced by dis- ease, were unable to resist them. They subdued the Clacka- iii;is, Yamhills (Che-am-ills, meaning bald hills, now liope- lessly corrupted in the form given), Santiams, and other tribes of the Wallamet Valley, and forced them to pay tribute. The Umpquas next fell before their conquering arms, and the Klickitats controlled the country from the Columbia to the lioi;ue River Mountains, exercising possession and claiming title by right of conquest. In their palmy days they niain- taiiied a state more nearly approaching regal magnificeiice than did any savage tribe of America. Casino, one of their chiefs, was frequently attended on his travels by a hundred slaves, and, on visiting Fort Vancouver, it is said, his slaves iai[ietcd the way from the landing to the fort, a quarter of a mile, with furs, and, on returning, the Hudson's Bay men 202 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. carpeted tlie same path with blankets and other goods. In 1851 treaties were n)ade with the coast tribes at Shampoag, in wliich tlie Klickitats were entirely ignored, notwithstanding their possessory title had been judicially recognized, as before mentioned. Nevertheless they retained their aotual sover- eignty. They inaintiiined an extensive trade in furs and slaves with all the neighboring tribes, roamed the country at will, and exacted tril)ute on all fish and furs taken in their territory, as well as on all increase of stock. Their chief highway was through the valley of the Wallaniet, and here, during the winter season, they usually kept their families. As the country settled up, their excursions became annoying to the whites, and, in 18r>3, Governor Palmer represented to the government that the property of the whites, as well as tliat of their subject tribes, suffered at their hands. In the spring of 1855, r'^duced by disease to a comparatively small band, they were compelled to remove to their original home, and from that time they were ready for war. Several of the tribes east of the Cascade Mountains wore dissatisfied with the treaties which had been made with them, for their lands, by Governor Stevens, in the spring of 1855. They did not understand the bargain as the whites did. Chief among these were the Yakim.^is (Black Bears), a strong tribe of Washington Territory, whoso country lay just north of the Klickitats. They were closely united by intermarriage and interest with both the Klickitats and the "King Georges," or British, and carried on an extensive commerce through all the northern country from the coast to the Ilocky Mountains. Their chiefs, Kamiaken, Owaiii, Skloo, and others, had signed the treaty of Walla-Walla undor strong pressure from Governor Stevens, and almost iminodi- atoly re|)udia'i;ed it. The Indians claimed that the chiefs who signed it had been bought up, a practice occasionally resorted to by the representatives of the government; they were iti- jignant and alarmed. To the representations of the Ihid- g-.'.n^e Bay people, that the Americans M'ould take their lands, luo Yidcimas lent a credent ear. In fact, they had only to look across the mountains to see the lands of other tribes taken without recompense, while disease was sweeping tlio THE EOGUE RIVER, YAKIMA, AND KLICKITAT WARS. 203 expelled owners from the face of the earth. Disaffection was rife everywhere, and there was scarcely a tribe from the Jjritish possessions to California but had its j^rievanco. Mor- mon emissaries aided in ditfnsin<; enmity, nor was their part merely that of advisers, for in the succeeding war pins and amniiinition bearing Mormon brands were captured from the Indians. The more intelligent and resolute chiefs urged a union of all the tribes fur war. Among these none was more iiitiuential than Leschi, a Nasqualla chief, who, with half a dozen of his tribe, crossed the mountains and preached a cru- sade to the interior tribes. " Bold, adventiu'ous, and elo- quent, ho possessed an unlimited sway over his people, and, by the earnestness of his purpose and the persuasiveness of his arguments, carried all with him who heard him speak, lie travelled by day and night, caring neither for hunger nor fatigue; visited the camps of the Yakimas and Klickitats; addressed the councils in terms of eloquence such as they had seldom heard, lie crossed the Columbia, penetrated to South- ern Oregon, appealed to all the disaffected there. He dwelt upon their wrongs ; painted to them, in the exuberance of his imagination, the terrible picture of the ^ polakly illeha^ the land of darkness, where no ray from the sun ever pene- trated; where there was tortuj-e ami death for all the races of Indians; where the sting of an insect killed like the stroke of a ppear, and the streams were foul and nnuldy, so that no living tiling could drink of the waters. This was the place where the white man wanted to carry them. Ho called upon them to resist like braves so terrible a fate. The white men were hut a handful now. They could all be killed at once and t!ien others would fear to come. But if tliere was no war, they would grow strong and many, and put all the Indians in their big ships, and send them off to that terrible land where tdi'ture and death awaited them." On the other hand, there were chiefs in all the tribes who opposed war; some tribes nfused to take any part in the matter, and others acted as auxiliaries to the whites. The Nez Percds were particularly faithful. They escorted back to Walla-Walla Governor Ste- vens, who had gone to treat with the Blackfeet and other tribes, and for whose safety there was ranch apprehension. 201 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. Tliej .also organized for active work against the liostiles when they should he called upon. A union in sympathy, at least, was effected between a majority of the tribes, but before any definitely arranged plans for simnltaneous action were matured the impatient tribes of the North opened the contest. The Colville mines were discovered in the summer of 1S55, and the usual rush for the new diggings ensued. Among others who started wap a Mr. ^lattice, who had been operating a coal-mine on the Dwatnish. lie had just crossed the mountains, by Snoqua- limie Pass, with a considerable amount of money and pro- visions, when a party of Indians, supposed to be Yakiinas, killed him and carried off his property. About the same time his partner, Fantj.iy, was also murdered by the Indians, and thereafter miners were cut off at every opportunit}'. In September, Indian agent I'olen went from the Dalles into the country of the Yakimas, and had a talk with Kaniia- ken, Owahi, and other chiefs. On the next day, as he was re- turning, three Indians came up with him, and, while two talked to him, one fell behind and shot him in the back. He was scalped and his body partially burned. As soon as this outrage was heard of, a plan was formed to send IdO men into the Yakima country from Fort Steilacoom, while Major Rains (afterwards a Confederate general), connnandiiii,^ at Fort Vancouver, advanced by way of the Columbia, and to unite the two forces in the enemy's territory. The force from Steilacoom was confronted in the moiuitains by an overwhelming body of Indians, and retired to the western slope. Under instructions from Major Rains, Major Ilallcr advanced from the Dalles, with 100 men on October 3. On the fitli he was surrounded in a position where he had neither wood nor water, and was forced to retreat, reaching the Dal- les on the KhIi. He lost three killed, nineteen wounded, thirty pack animals, and was obliged to cache a mountain howitzer, which, however, was afterwards recovered. Major Rains then came up and took the field in person, with 350 regulars. He pushed forward to the Catholic mission on the Yakima, Ii.hI a few skirmishes with the Indians, and burned some of their stores, but failed to accomplish any satisfactory result. THE KOGUE KIVER, YAKIMA, AND KLICKITAT WAK.S. 205 In the Soutli, war was precipitated by a foolish and fiend- ish attack on the friendly Rogue Rivers of C)ld Sam's band. Some of tlie whites decided that snb-chief Jake's rauche was a harbor for unfriendly Indians, who iiad been burninjif fences and buildings, and also for friendly ones wiio bad been guilty of pilfering, so, early on the morning of October 8, a party of them imder "Major" James Lnpton attacked it. They left behind them, as proof positive of their prowess, the bodies of THE DAI.i.KS. fMuht men (four very aged) and fifteen women and children, Iii^ides several whose bodies were thrown into tlu^ river. Tii(!y also fired into sub-chief Sambo's camp, killing one wom- an and wounding two boys. This latter party was on the Way to the reservation, the men having gone ahead. A 1 iiire number of the remaining friendly Indians Hed in terror t" Fort Lane, where the troops saved them from destruction ill the war of extermination that followed. The rest joined 20G MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. "John" (Te-cnm-ton — Elk-killer), the hostile fourth chief of the tribe, and at once began retaliating. On the 9tli they burned every house from Evans' Ferry to Juinp-ofF-.To Creek, and robt)ed and destroyed every wagon along the road. They killed eighteen people, of whom six were women and children, at Jewett's Ferry, Evans' Ferry, Wagoner's Ilaiicli, and neighboring points. This descent is known as the " Wag- oner massacre." On the next day they killed Misses Hudson ajid Wilson, on the road between Crescent City and Indian Creek, and thenceforward a most sanguinary war was waged by both whites and Indians on unprotected parties of strag- glers, while both parties oppressed the friendly Indians who desired only to remain on the reservation in peace, the whites murdering them at every opportunity, and the Indians de- stroying their houses and other property. Among other atroc- ities a party of volunteers, on December 23, 1855, surrounded the camp of some Indians, whom they had visited tlie day before, and knew to be friendly and unarmed, with the ex- ception of a few bows and arrows ; they killed nineteen men, and drove the women and children out into the severe cold, from the effects of which the little remnant that gathered at Fort Lane were all suffering with frozen limbs. The openly expressed policy of the volunteers, and of many of the citizenfi, was the extermination of all neighboring Indians. At the North the volunteers blundered as badly as in the South. A company of them, under Nathan Olney, an In- dian agent, had organized on the call of Major Rains, and pushed up the Columbia early in the winter. They reached Fort Walla- Walla on December 3, and on December 5 met the band of the Walla- Walla chief Pio-pio-mox-mox (Yellow Ser- pent, Serpent Jaune). This chief had formerly been a good friend of the Americans. He had assisted Colonel Fremont in California ; he had refused to join the hostile Cayuses after the AVhitman massacre ; he was emphatically the chief of the Columbia country whose influence was most worth having. l)Ut he had rcfently plundered Fort Walla- Walla (still a Hud- son's Bay Company post), and was understood to be in sym- pathy with the hostiles. He advanced under a white flag and desired to treat, but a question arose over the terms, and the THE KOGUE RIVER, YAKIMA, AND KLICKITAT WARS. 207 whites told liitn lio must go back and fight. This ho refused to do, 80 he and four of his men were held as prisoners, still repeatedly refusing to leave the camp and fight, still promis- ing to return the property plundered from Kort Walla- Walla, and still insisting on peace. On the 7tli, the volunteers were attacked by about three hundred Indians and fought them on the march all day. At evening an attempt was nuule to bind Vcllow Serpent and his companions, but they refused to bubmit to this indignity; they drew knives and attempted to resist, but were shot down, except one young Indian who made no resistance. Yellow Serpent's scalp and ears, and the scalps of the others, were sent into the settlements as tro- pliies. This action settled the question with many hesitating Walla-Wallas, Umatillas, Cayuses, Pelouses, and Des Chutes, who forthwith joined the hostiles. On the 8th, the attacking force numbered nearly six hundred, but they were driven across the Columbia with little loss to either side. Aside from this these volunteers accomplished nothing beyond cre- ating dissatisfaction among the friendly Cayuses and Nez Purees, who had acceded to their terms, and who accused them of taking their property wrongfully. After two months' service this company was disbanded, but a large force of vol- unteers was kept in the field in various parts of Oregon, most of them still determined on the policy of extermination. In tlie latter part of January the Indians about Puget's Sniiiid suddenly began war, having been incited to it by the chiefs Leschi, Kitsap, Stahi, Nelson, and others. So unlooked- for was this outbreak that a number of unsuspecting settlers were cut oft" while supposing themselves in entire safety, and much valuable property was destroyed before any organiza- tion could be made for mutual protection. Some of the set- tlers took refuge on shipboard, and others in the town of Si'iittle. The Indians, meantime, devastated all King County, ;ui(i even attacked Seattle. It was a sit'iation, seemingly, of i,n'cat peril, with active hostilities thus in progress from the Sound to Northern California, but the sources of safety were ^iiiong the Indians themselves. They were hopelessly divided. There was not a tribe in which there were not some chiefs ami some warriors who favored the Americans, and preferred 2(»S MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS, ])eaet', while the great majority of the Fhvtheads and Nez Poreus were of this mind. This enabled the army officers afterwards to accomplish by diplomacy what could only have been accomplished with the greatest ditticwlty by war. no- sides, these Indians were not tlic Indians of the I'^ast. Per- haps three thonsand warriors in Oregon could be counted as liostile, but one thousand IShawnees, Delawares, 8eminoles, Sioux, or Apaches would have done ten times as much damage. Major-general John E.Wool, who succeeded General llitcli- cock in the command of the lJe|)artment of the Pacific, had little sympathy with the e:?termination policy, and less with tiie plan of sending troojis into the country of the hostilos while the settlements were left unprotected, lie disregarded the voluminous jilans which Governors Stevens and Curry [)rcpared for carrying on the wai-, refused to make a winter campaign, declined to recognize the volunteers as United States troops, insisted that their presence in the field was wholly unnecessary, concentred the regulars at Fort Van- couver, and used as many of them as he considered necessary in protecting the friendly Indians, who renuiined on the res- ervations, from the aggressions of the whites. Governor Palmer took substantially the same view of the matter as General Wool, and also urged the establishment of the Grande Ilonde and Siletz reservations near the coast ; and, in conse- quence, petitions of the Oregon Legislature were forwardunl to Washington, asking the removal of both. They fDrther charged against Palmer that he was a " Know-not iiing AVliig," and iiad been guilty of not voting the Detnociatic ticket at local elections ; while they characterized E. ii. Geary, whom they recommended for his successor, and wlioni Palmer liml discharged from the office of secretary for abetting the opposi- tion, as a "sound, consistent, and reliable national Democrat." Governor Palmer was succeeded, for other reasons, by George L. Curry, as Governor, but was retained as Superintendent of Indian Affairs. A spicy wrangle ensued between Wool and Governors Stevens and Curry, which was protracted fur months in the newspapers and in their official reports. It must have been painful to the governors, in after-tits.es, to learn that Wool's reports had uniformly gone to the Secretary t( 1 (I ri ti Hi ii II] THE ROGUE UIVER, YAKIMA, AND KLICKITAT WAR8. 211 (if Wear endorsed, " IlespectfuUy submitted. I fully approve the views of Mjijor-geiieral Wool. Winfiklu Scott." • The regular troops and the volunteers acted independently of each other, the former endeavoring to bring the war to a close l»y treaty, making what the settlers considered undue conces- sions to the Indians, and the others trying to accomplish the extermination prefect, or, at least, to make "an indelible im- pressif n." Neither did anything of importance during the MJnter, but the Indians had more success. On February 22, 185G, at dawn, when most of the volunteers of the force en- camped on Ilogue Iliver, three miles above its mouth, were gone to a " AVashington's-birthday ball" at the month of the river, the hostiles surprised the camp and killed Captain IJen Wright, special agent, Captain Poland, and twenty-two others, among whom was Mr, Wagoner, whose family had been murdered in the preceding October. Charles Foster ;ilone escaped from the camp, and succeeded in reaching a ])iaco of safety, after hiding all day in the bushes. lie esti- mated the attacking jJarty at three hundivu. They also sacked and burned all the ranches along the river, the whites who escaped fleeing to Port Orford and the mouth of the river, wliere they fortified theniselves, and remained on the defensive for a while. As the spring opened, and General Wool got ready to act. Colonel Wright, of the 0th Infantry, went up the Columbia and took charge of the campaign. He passed the Cascades, loaviiig only a command of nine men, under Sergeant Kelly, to protect the portage. The river from tliu Cascad>^s to the Dalles was the key to the Columbia country, as it aflorded the • •Illy connection between eastern and western Oregon. T'.ie liver here breaks through the Cascade range. From Celilo to Dalles City, fifteen miles, it rushes through a narrow chan- )!i'l of basaltic rock with an impetus th;»t makes navigation impracticable; then comes a stretch of quiet water for forty itiiles; and then between five and six miles of rapidt;, known as ttie Upper, Mid'' and Lower Cascades. The node of passage is now, as it was from the earliest days, bj boats, making portages at the Cascades and the Dalles. In 1855-0 tlio intermediate fortv miles was traversed by two little U 212 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. steamers, the Mary and the Wasco. The force left by Colonel Wright was located in a block-house at the Middle Cascades. On May 2<» Wrigiit left the Dalles, and on the same day a party of Yakinias under Kaniiakin, assisted by some of the supposed friendly Indians, attacked the settle- ment at the Cascades. They first fired on the steamer Jldi'ij, lying at her landing, and killed one man and wounded three. The boat was run out into the stream, before they could ac- complish their purpose of boarding and destroying it, leaving the captain and mate on shore, and steamed up to the Dalles, picking up a number of families on the way. Tlie Indians next turned their attention to the citizens, a part of whom were killed and a part escaped to tiie block-house at the Mid- dle Cascades. The block-house was attacked and fired on all that day and the succeeding night, but withont damage. A messenger reached AVright, five miles above the Dalles, ami he countermarched on ti>e i.''Tth. Tim portage was clcaretl. after a warm skirmish, and on the morning of the 28th the besieged blockhouse Wiis relieved. In this affair, known as the '• Cascade massacre," seventeen whites, including one soldier and several women and children, were killed. Colonel Wright found there was satisfactory evidence tliat some of the supposed friendly Cascade Indians had aided in the massacre, and ordered a military commission, i)y which their chief, Chimoneth, and eight braves were found guilty and hanged. He then resumed his march against the hostiles, leaving detachments to guard the fisheries, and a stronger force at the Cascades — the latter under an officer v ith wiioni the American jmblic is now well acquainted. Lieutenant P. II. Sheriihin. One of his first duties was to rejwrt on the nnu'- der of six Indians, the father, wife, niece, and little child of Spencer, a friendly chief", and two friendly Vancouver In- dians in company with them, by six white men. These In- dians were bound, short cords with slip-nooses were ])lac('il about their necks, and then, l)y pulling on both ends of tliu cords, they were, to borrow an expression from Balzac, " dtli- catelv stranijled l)etween the head and the shoulders." Tiiu younger woman was also outraged. l^y May 23 Governor Stevens appears to have had hopes ^rF:AIlIN(! SALMON AT TIIK tASCAnK.S. llO|)('a THE KOGUE UlVEli, YAKIMA, AND KLICKITAT WAKS. 215 that (irenenil Wool's plan would be as dismal a failure as the winter campaign liad been. On that date lie wrote to the Sec- ivtary of War : " It is Jiot to be disguised that the tribes east of llic mountains thus far consider tiuMnseives the victors. When < Oloncl Wright commenced his marcli into the Yakima coun- trv. early this month, they practically iield the whole country tnr which they had been fighting. Not a white man novv is to be found from the Dalles to tiie Walla-Walla; not a house s-tands; and (Jolonel Wright, at the last despatches, was in the Xahchess, in presence of twelve or fifteen hundred war- riors, determined to fight. Colonel Wright met the hostiles oil the 8th of May, and made an efl'ectual | ineffectual | attem]it t" treat with them till the 11th. On the evening of the 11th hr despatched an express to the Dalles for reinforcements. His force probably now numbers some four hundred and sev- I'lity-fivo effective men.'' Nevertheless the Indians would not ti-ht, and Wright was unal)le to bring on a general engage- 216 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. inent. But while they were able to avoid the troops, tlie Indians were distressed by the loss of their supplies and their lisherles. After numerous talks, in which the sub-chiefs were promised preference over the hostile head-chiefs, bands of the hostilcs began coming in and agreeing to live at peace, it being understood that their lands were not to be taken away from them. In this way the summer was passed. At the same time. Lieutenant-colonel Buchanan, assisted by Superintendent Palmer, was pursuing a similar course in tiie South, hut the hostiles there were more pugnacious. John, their leader, said the whites would kill him if they got him in their power, and declared he would never surrender. On May 27 his band surrounded the camp of Captain Smith at Big Bend, on the Kogiie River, and held him besieged for thirty-six hours, althoug!; Smit!' had ninety men and a how- itzer. Their situation was one which would have resulted iti their total destruction if assistance had not arrived, but word had reached the troops below, and a detachment under Caj)- tain Augur was sent to relieve the beleaguered company. lie; routed the Indians by a dashing charge, in which he lost two killed and three wounded. Smith's company had been with- out water for twelve hours, atiJ had lost eight killed and eighteen wounded. This was the only engagement in the en- tire war that was worthy of being called a battle. On Juno 21 all of the friendly Indians who had been near Port Orfonl. and all the Lower Rogue Hi vers, were gathered together and removed by .steamer to their new reservation of Grande Konde, between the Wallamet and the coast. The hostiles then coii- clnded to treat also, and John's band surrendered on June l^'.t. By July 19 all the remaining Indians, to the number of twelve hundred and twenty-five, were on the way to the (iramle Ronde, where they remained until the spring of 1857, and were then removed to the Siletz reservations on the coast. In the North a few of the hostiles fled to the interior, but, by the efforts of Lieutenant-colonel Casey, the main body were paci- fied and pnt on the several small reservations set off for them along the Sound, a few being held as prisoners. Late in the fall arrangements were concluded with the interior Indian-, by which they were ])ermitted to retain their former territorv, THE ROGUE KIVER, YAKIMA, AND KLICKITAT WARS. 217 the army officers recommending that the treaties made by Governor Stevens be not ratified. No whites were to remain east of the Cascade Mountains but tiiose who had ceded rights from the Indians, except the miners at Colville, and these were to be punished if they interfered with the Indians. Military stations were estabHsiied among the tribes, however, and maintained, althongli they occasioned some dissatisfaction. Lieutenant Sheridan was put in command of the one in the Vakima country. This war was little more than a succession of massacres and outrages on botii sides, so far as collisions between the hostile parties were concerned. The loss of life was not great, but the destruction of property was enormous, on the southern coast, on the Columbia, and on the Sound. Not only was there serious loss from destruction, but also from the desertion of property. A gentleman who passed over the road from Cowlitz Landing to Oij'mpia, in 1857, wrote : " Not- withstanding this region was exempt from any actual collis- ion with the Indians, tiie eflfects are nearly the same as in other parts of the territory. All along the road houses are deserted and going to ruin ; fences are cast down and in a state of decay; fields, once waving with luxuriant crops, are desolate ; and but little, if any, stock is to be seen on the broad prairies that formerly bore such inspiring evidences of life." It was a costly war, and, as usual with Indian wars, the loss and injury had fallen heaviest on the innocent, both red and white. The treaties for the cession of land, which were largely the cause of the hostilities by the interior tribes, were very exten- sive, the land relinquished being about equal to all of New Fliigland, with the State of Indiana added. They were di- vided as follows : the Wallamet Valley tribes, 7,500,000 acres, for §198,000; the Walla- Wallas, Cayuses, and Umatillas, 4,012,- SOO acres, for ^150,000 ; the Yakimas, Pelouse8,Klickitat.s, and others, 10,828,000 acres, for $200,000; the Nez Perces, 15,- ts(»,000 acres, for $200,000; the Des Chutes, 8,110,000 acres, for $4-35,000; the Flatheads, Kootenais, and Upper Pend 1 )"()reilles, 14,720,000 acres, for $485,000. The sums paid, in :i^'gregate, look rather large, but, viewed with reference cither iilS MASSACKES OF THE MOUNTAINS. to tlie price per acre or the number of grantors, tliey are tri- fling. Viewed with reference to the result they are supposed to accomplish, the subsistence of the Indians till they are ini- tiated in civilized methods of support, they are ridiculous. The treaty with the Rogue Rivers of September 10, 1853, by which 2,18(1,000 acres was relinquished for §00,000, was about on a par with them — three cents an acre, more or less — and it was ratified. The grantors, at the time of the treaty, num- bered nearly two thousand ; four years later they had dwin- dled away to nine hundred and nine, and $1:0,000 of the pur- chase-money was still to come, in sixteen annual payments of $2500 each. In other words, the Indians were getting $2.75 each per year. Of course they had their reservation lands, and the usual treaty adjuncts of schools, blacksmith- shop, etc., but, if the Indian profited much by his education, he certainly would not find much consolation in reflecting on his treaty. An annual income of $2.75 can hardly be considered a princely recompense for the surrender of a principality. There is no greater foundation than this for the oft-repeated claim that these treaties of Governor Stevens were made on a grandly liberal basis. CHAPTER VIII. ASH IiOLLOW AND THE CHEYENNE EXPEDITION. Ix 1850, eight years after our last look at the eastern edge of the mountain country, tliere had not been much alteration in its appearance in the matter of settlements. There still remained the two pueblos on the Arkansas, one at the month of the Fontaine Que Bouille, the present city of Pueblo, Colorado, and the otlier some thirty miles farther up the stream, called Ilardscrabble. The former was estab- lished in 1840, and the latter two or three years later. Their cliaracter may be gathered from the following extract from a letter of Indian agent Fitzpatrick, in 1847: " ^ bout seven- ty-live miles above this place [Fort l)ont], am!, mmediately un the Arkansas River, there is a small settlement, the princi- pal part of which is composed of old trappers and hunters; the male part of it are mostly Americans, Missouri French, Canadians, and Mexicans. They have a tolerable supply of cattle, horses, mules, etc., and 1 am informed that this year they have raised a good croj) of wheat, corn, beans, pumpkins, and other vegetables. They number about one hundred and tifty souls, and of this number there are about sixty men, nearly all having wives, and some have two. These wives are of various Indian tribes, as follows, viz., Blackfoot, Assineboines, Arickeras, Sioux, Aripohoes, Chyennes, Snake, Siripitch (from west of the Great Lake), Chinook (from the iiiwuth of the Columbia), Mexicans and Americans. The .\iiierican women are Mormons: a party of Mormons having wintered there, and, on their departure for California, left behind two families. These people are living in two se])arate establishments near each other; one called 'Punble' [Pueb- lo ;j and the other ' Hardscrabble ;' both villages are fortified hy a wall twelve feet high, composed of advhe (sun-dried 220 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. brick). Those villages are becoming the resort of all idlers and loafers. They are also becoming depots for the smug- glers of liquors from New Mexico into this country ; theru- foro they must be watched." CIIKYENNE VILLAOR There were also the trading-posts, as formerly, but the chief trace which the white man had left was by the weariii;^ of thousands of wagon-wheels along the Platte and the Ai- kansas. There was also a well-marked road along the foot- hills from north to south. The country was still occiipieil by the same Indian tribes, but their boundaries were fixed to a certain extent. The Cheyennes and Arapahoes, by t!/e treaty of Fort Laramie, in 1851, held the lands east of the ASH HOLLOW AND THE CHEYENNE EXPEDITION. 221 monntiiiiis, between the North Platte and the Arkansas, as far as tlie junction of tlie South Phitte on the former, and the old Santa V6 road crossing (near Dodge City) on the latter. To the south of the Arkansas were the Kiowas and Comanch- es, and north of the Phitte were the Sioux. Tliese Indians belong to the plains, but their conflicts with the settlers of the mountains and foot-hills are within our province. The Arapahoes have lived in this general locality from the period of our earliest knowledge of them. They call themselves Atsina (-' Good Hearts"). They are also called the Fall River Indians and the (rros Ventres of the South. In origin they are allied to the Caddoes. Their number in 1822 was esti- mated at 10,000, which was probably about three times their real number, and in 1842 at 2500. The Cheyennes, though closely confederated with the Arapahoes, are of entirely different stock. They belong to the great Algonquin family, and, when first known to the whites, lived on a branch of the Ked River of the North. Here, about a century ago, they became embroiled with the Sioux through a collision between two of their hunting par- ties. The Sioux were far the stronger, and tlie bloody war that resulted seemed so certain to destroy the Cheyennes tliat they retired west of the Mississippi. Tlieir powerful foe still pursued and oppressed them, so they determined to move again ; this time to the west of the Bad Lands, where they hoped to rest in peace. The main body of the nation started in the spring, leaving a large i^arty which was to re- main for four months, to hunt and to keep back the Sioux. When these last went after the others the Sioux followed on their trail, and overtook them on the Big Cheyenne. The Cheyennes were besieged for many days; at length their warriors made a night sortie, while the squaws and children I'.scaped across the river; many of the warriors were killed, hut the remnant reached the main band. The Cheyennes located along the eastern border of the Black Hills, and grew ill wealth and numbers. They acquired horses, and joined their neighbors in raiding the Mexican settlements. Their men ranked among the best warriors, and their squaws were t!ie most chaste women of the plains. In 1822 they were 222 MA«SACKES Ol' Tllli MOINTAIN.S. cstiinated at 3250, and in 1847 at 5300. These numbers would be more nearly eorrect if reversed. Their numlicr did not exceed 3000 in 1S47, and they were then eomplainiiii^ of their decrease. Previous to this date diilerences had arisen among them, gruwiiiif out of their southern journeys for the i^urposes of trade and war, and they separated into two bands, one renuiining about the North Platte, in coali- tion witli the Ogallalla Sioux, and the otliers rattging gener- . :. " ^i^TZ^\!7:~ ,my ^ ""^'i'' %/ i f^^ '^^- ''M J m K, K I.MIIAN VIt.l,A(iK OS TIIK MOVK. ally on the Arkansas. The Arapahoes also separated into north and soutli bands, on account of a factional tight, ami both bands allied themselves to the Cheyenncs. Although these tribes were dissimilar in many respects, their contVil- erations proved close and lasting ones. They fought e;ii'li other's battles and shared each other's triumphs; treatril together, went on reservations together, and still remain in the same close comuiunion. ASH HOLLOW AM) THE CHLYLNNE KXI'KDITION. 0.)> Although liviiiif thus, ciich trilx; retained its own Inii- ifiijiifo, :iiul vory few of oithor loiiriictl tiio languai^o ot' the otiier. Their iiieatis of couimuiiiciition was the universal sign language of tlie Indians, which has Ijeeu hrought to a I'ctnarkulile state of cultivation by the Indians of the plains. This distinctiveness of language is prohahly due to the char- acter of the Arapahoe tongue, which is liarsh and guttural, and very diflicult to leani or understand. It has even been said that two Arapahoes have (litK<'nlty in understanding each other in the dark, when signs cannot be used, but this is doubtful, and, if true, is due to tho constant use of the .•-ign language and not to scantiness of vocabulary. Sign language is used among all savages, and, to a greater or less extent, by all civilized peoples. Among them all it is in many respects similar, and, what is more remarkable, dupli- cate si 's for the same idea are often duplicated in the same wav 'Terent continents. This indicates that certain siirns are . ..itural expressions for certain thoughts, and that such communicaticjn is in fact less artificial than vocal lan- guage. The experiment of bringing Indians and deaf-mutes together has often been tried during visits of Indians to the Ka^t, and they always communicate readil}', the signs being, oF course, ideographic. A very wonderful demonstration of the extent of Jiatural meaning in signs and expression was a test exhibition by President CJallaudet, of the National Deaf Mute College, at Washington, in which he related intclligi- My to a pupil the story of I'rutus ordering tho execution of his two sons for disobedience, without making a motion with hands or arms, or using any ])reviously determined sign or (itlier communication, but simply by facial expression and motion of tho head. To illustrate the natural sign theory, let us take the expression of peace or friendship. To the ravage the obvious natural thought would bo to show that he had no weapons, which is easily done by exposing the empty hands. When one is mounted, or it is inconvenient t.i lay down tlio weapons, tho same thought is conveyed by c\]iosing the opened palm of tho right hand ; this is some- rimes supplemented by moving the hand towards the party t'liiumunicated with, signifying that although armed, you are 224: MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. disarmed as to him. Tliis is tlie sign tliat Logan ir.auc to the white hunters on the Juniata, more than a century ago, at tlie same time furtlier expressing the thought hy spilling the powder from the pan of liis rifle, and they understood iiim at once. On the other liand the long-distance signal of friendship, when mounted, is an illustration of purely artificial -signs. The person desiring to communicate the message of amity turns his horse and rides him back and forth two or throe times, o\cv a space of forty or tifty paces. If the approaching party be friendly, he clasps his hands above his head, or in- terlocks the lingers as far as the first joints, and rests his hands on his foreliead, as though shading his eyes from the sun. The first answer is ])ossil)ly deriv<'d from the white man's habit of shaking hands, but this is not certain ; the Natchez Indians used it in 10S2 in saluting La fc.'alle's party, as they descended the Mississippi. The second answer is of uncertain origin, but is also ancient; an Illinois chief used it on the occasion of a visit by Father Manpiette, who mistook it for a sign of reverence indicating that he was dazzled by his visitor. Another artificial sign is that for white man, wliich is made by drawing the horizontal, flattened hand, i)ahn down, or the index finger alone, across the forehead from loft to right, just above the eyebrows. Other signs are derived from the verbal expressions of ideas. Thus, the common Indian expression of deceit is to say one has a double uv forked tongue ; this is expressed in sign language by touch- ing the left breast with the right hand, and carrying it thence to the mouth, from which a forward motion is nnide with the hand closed, excepting the first and second lingers, which are extended and slightly separated. So, with the Kl;;tnath?, the word for crazy or mad is from a root signifying a whirl- ing motion, and the sign is a rotary motion of the hand close to the head. The signs for the different tribes usually correspond with the tribal nanu*, though they are sometimes indicated l)y reference to their mode of dressing tli '■ hair, or other trihiil peculiarities. The Crows are designated by bringing the ti.it- tened hands to the shv^ulders, and, by a wrist movement, ii'ii- ASH HOLLOW AND THE CHEYENNE EXPEDITION. 225 tating a bird flapping its wings. The Arapahoes or "Good Hearts" are designated by touching the left breast with the lingers. They are also called " Smellers " by some bands, and the corresponding sign is seizing the nose with the thumb iiiid index finger, or touching the first finger to the right side uf the nose. The Cheycnnes are usually called "Cut-arms" or " Cut-wrists," from the mutilations they practise in the sun-dance and other religious ceremonies, and are designated liy drawing the first finger of the right hand, or the bottom of tlie flattened hand, across the left arm, as though gasliing it. Tiiey are also called " Dog-eaters," which is signified thus: make the sign for dog, by extending the hand in front of and below the hip, and drawing it back, marking with the extended first and second fingers the upper contour of an imaginary dog, from head to tail; then make the sign for eating, by bringing the thumb together with the first and second fingers, above and a little in front of the mouth, and moving them quickly to the mouth several times. A mo- tion of the hand or the first finger across the throat, as if cutting it, indicates the Sioux or "Cut-throats" — the Coupes- (ioi'ijcn of the French trappers. The Brule (Burnt) Sioux, or Si-can-gu (" i urnt Thighs"), are designated by rubbing the palm of the hand, fingers down, in a small circle on the iipjier part of the right thigh. This band received its name from being caught in a prairie fire about the year 17(53. The Nez J'erces and Caduoes are both designated by passing the extended index finger from right to left under the nose, referring to their ancient practice of piercing the nose. A forward motion of the index finger towards the left, in a sin- uous course, indicates the Shoshonees or "Snakes." There is a tradition among the jjlains Indians that the sii,Mi language originated with the Kiowas, who were original- ly the go-betweens in the commerce of Jiorthern and southern Iii'liafis and Mexicans, but this is not within the range of |>o->ibility. They could not have communicated it so r.iiiver- siillv over the continent, and it is certain that the lani;uajje existed in many places before there was any extensive com- nieiee on the plains. There is little doubt that they extend- wi and improved it, as other tribes in other localities have 226 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. done also, so that no tribe at present uses purely natural signs. It is certain that there are divergencies in meaning in many cases; that some tribes have carried the language to greater perfection than others, and that many signs are alto- gether conventional. The reader must also remember tiiat what would appear natural to one accustomed to signs, might not appear so to one who had given the matter no thought. A slight, unintentional gesture may entirely alter the mean- ing that an amateur sign-talker is desirous of conveying. Thus, Baillie-Grohman undertook to say to an Arapahoe, " How has it come to pass that the bravest of the brave, *^^hc man of all men, the dearest friend 1 have among the Arapa- hoes, has grown such a flowing beard ?" but only succeodi'd in informing the gentle savage, " that his facr was like a young maiden's, and his heart that of an old sijuaw." For communicating at long distances the Indians have devised many ingenious expedients. When a party is search- ing for anything, its discovery is usually communicated by riding rapidly in a circle; the same sign is also used as a sig- nal of danger, or when it is desired for the party communi- cated with to be on the alert. Horsemen riding to and fro, passing one another, inform the beholder that an enemy is at hand. If riding back and forth abreast, the meaning is that game is discovered. Blankets are frequently' used in long-distance signalling. The discovery of buffalo is an- nounced by facing the camp and spreading the blanket, the upper C( lers being held in the out-stretched hands. Instnic- tit)n to ]»ass around a place is given by pointing the folded blanket in its direction, drawing it back towards tlie body, waving it rapidly in front of the body oidy, and then throw- ing it out to the side on which the jiarty signalled is desired to go. When it is desired to signal the discovery of sonic- thing sought, and the discoverer has no blanket, the infor- mation is communicated by throwing a handful of dust in the air. A novel mode of signalling at night, in use anioni;' the Sioux, is Ity tire- arrows, which are prepared soineth, ; like sky-rockets, by attaching moistened powder to the arrow- heads. Tiic meaning given to various flights of these arrows is always agreed upon for special occasions. Another viiv ASH HOLLOW AND THE CHEYENNE EXPEDITION. 227 common mode of signallings is by colnmns of smoke, some- times rising steadily, and sometimes in puffs, made by cover- ing the fire briefly with a blanket. Perhaps the most ingen- ious method ever used was signalling by the reflections of the sun on hand-mirrors, which was liighly perfected among the Sioux. General Dodge once saw a Sioux chief put his war- riors through a long drill, giving his directions entirely by the reflections of a small glass. This system has never been communicated to the whites, though the Indians say they have no further use for it, having abandoned war. It was much used in their operations against Fort Phil Kearne}'. The government of western tribes is ratiier complex. They have usually a head chief, whose power in ordinary matters is supreme, but still not sufticient to crush an organ- ized opposition of large extent. Below him are sub-chiefs, who control various bands of the tribes and iiave absolute control over their immediate followers. Any change of the settled policy of the tribe, or matter affecting the common interest, is ci ntrolled by the council, or assembly of all the warriors who choose to attend. The police power is in the hands of certain chosen men whom they call "soldiers," from their analogy to the warriors of the whites. Says Parkman, ill speaking of the Sioux soldiers, " The office is one of con- siderable ho.ior, being confided only to men of courage and lopiite. They derive their authority from the old men and chief warriors of the village, who elect them in councils oc- cu^ionally convened for the purpose, and thus can exercise a di'i,'ree of authority which no one else in the village would dare to assume. While very few Ogillallah chiefs would viiiture without risk of their lives to strike or lay hands upon tlio meanest of their people, the ' soldiers,' in the discharge (if their appropriate f mictions, have full license to make use of these and similar acts of coercion." With the Oheyenncs tlli^i body is enlarged and performs many other duties, par- taking of the nature of a fraternity rather than an official iH'iranization. They are called "dog-soldiers," which is equiv- iiKiit to Cheyenne soldiers, the name of the tribe being an Anglicism of the French c/uVh, or rather of the feminine form, chienue, which was given them on account of their 15 228 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. fondness for dogs as food. The name is always pronounced, and formerly was frequently written, Sliian. Of this body General Dodge says, "Among these 'dog-soldiers' are many boys who have not yet passed the initiatory ordeal as war- riors. In short, this guild comprises the whole working force KVILAWS fLUlNLi UUUES. of the band. It is the power which protects and supplies the women and children. A war-party is under the command of the chief. Tiie home, or main camp, with its women and children, horses, lodges, and property of every kind is under the control and protection of the 'dog-soldiers.' From th(Mn emanate all orders for marches. I3y them the encampments arc selected. They supply the guards for the camp, do!^iilJ- nate the hunting-parties and the ground they are to work over, and when buflPalo are sought, they select the keen-eyed hunters who are to go in advance and make all the arrange- ASH HOLLOW AND THE CHEYENNE EXPEDITION. 229 nients for the surround. One of the most important func- tions of the 'dog-soldiers' is the protection of the game. . . . Crimes against the body politic, or violations of the orders of the chief, are punished severely : sometimes by death, at oth- er times by beating and destruction of property. In these cases the chief acts ; but he must have at least the tacit con- sent of the Council, and the active assistance of the 'dog-sol- diers.' Nearly all crimes against individuals are compound- ed by the payment of damages, the amount of which is assessed generally by the chief, assisted in important cases by two or more prominent men. A violation of the 'dog- soldiers' ' rules is at once met by a sound beating." The in- dependence of this organization and its ability to defy the power of the chiefs has caused tiie name of "dog-soldiers" to be applied, in some instances, to bands of renegades ; but this is a perversion of the real meaning of the term, and it is never used in that sense by tiie Cheyennes. Between the Cheyennes and Arapahoes and the white trappers of early days there was peace or war as happened to suit the parties respectively. In 18-U the Indians had l)ecome quite hostile, and a severe engagement occurred be- tween Cheyennes and Sioux and sixty men under Mr. Frapp, (if St. Louis, on Snake River, in which the Indians lost eight or ten warriors, and the whites four, besides their leader. Fremont found them hostile at the times of his several ex- iKilit'ons, but avoided trouble by threatening the vengeance of the "Great Father" in ease of any injury to his party. In IS-tS Colonel Kearny marched along the foot-hills from Fort Laramie to Fort IJent, and summoned the Indians to a grand council. When convened, he informed them that any future injury to the whites would be severely punished, and >;, Wanderers or Dwellers in the Mountains; (7) the Unk- ]>;ih-pah8 (Oncpapas), or Those who Camp by Themselves. Tlie student is cautioned not to be misled into the belief that the 0th tribe is of Irish origin, by the fact that their iiiiine is put "O'Gallalla" in one of their treaties with the !:i>vernment. The country of the Tetons was west of the 232 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. Missouri, north of the Platte, and east of the mountaitis ; tlic Yanktons and Yanktonnais held tiie eastern side of the Mis- souri from Sioux City to ahout the line of the Northern Pacitic railroad ; the Santees were in Minnesota and Eastern Dakota, gradually retiring before the settlements. In the late summer of 1854: a large number of BrnlJp', Ogallallas, and Minneconjous were camped below Fort Lara- mie, waiting for their annual presents. On Angnst ISth an ox belonging to some Mormon emigrants was taken and killed by a Minneconjon, who was camped with the Brules. The whites said it was stolen, and the Indians that it had given ont and been abandoned. The Bear (Mah-to-I-o-wa),* chief of the Brnlcs, came to the fort, reported his version of the story to Lieutenant Fleming, commanding, and said that if a detachment were sent for the Indian he would be sur- rendered. Lieutenant Grattan, with eighteen men and two howitzers, was sent after him. The Indians were camped between Gratiot's and Bordeaux's trading-houses, distant re- spectively five and eight miles from Fort Laramie, between the Oregon road and the river. The Ogallallas were nearest the fort and tlie Brnlcs farthest from it, with the Minnecon- jous between. The Brule camp was semicircular in form, with the convex side to the river, and was bordered by a sliglit, abrupt depression, heavily grown with bushes. Tiie Bear came out, but either could not or would not surrender the accused, as he had promised. Grattan then moved forward towards the centre of the camp, where the teepee of the ac- cused stood, with the intention of taking him by force, and as he did so the warriors of the camp and many from the other camps pressed angrily forward and massed around the teepee and in the bushes, to resist the attempt. At this show of resistance, Grattan ordered his men to fire, and their gnus were scarcely discharged before their commander and tlio greater part of themselves fell dead from a return volk'v, * "The Bear " is not n fii ! tmnslation of this name, tlitU boinp the site nification of Mah-to. Mr. Reed fnmslated it "The liear that Scatters," but Iowa means a pen, or pencil, or otlier instniment for writinir. Tli" name has been printed, perliaps as a result of illegible writing, "Mali to- Lowan." Lo-wan is the Sioux verb " to sing." ASH HOLLOW AND THE CHEYP:NNE EXPEDITION. 233 while the remainder wet '■ surrounded by a tiiousand or more of infuriated warriors, anO exterminated in an iiiconceiva- lily short time. Only one laan escaped, and ho died of his wounds two or tliree days iater. The Indians menaced the fort for a time, bnt withdrew without accomplishing any damage, and the fort was soon afterwards roinfoi'ced by troops ON THE OUKUUN TiUIL. from Fort Riley. The Bear was killed in this affair, and Lit- tle Thunder succeeded to the chieftainship. The band sepa- nited from the other tribes, thongh accompanied by many of their warriors, and struck the wliites whenever opportunity presented. Their principal successes were the destruction of a mail party and the murder of Captain Gibson. The latter was leading a train of Missourians up the Platte in June, 1 "^.jS, when, at Deer Creek, thirty miles below the North riatte bridge, two Indians rode up and asked where the cap- tain was. He was pointed out, and while one shook hands 231 MASSACUliS OF THE MOUNTAINS. with him, tlio otlier shot him dead, after which they fled. Several da^'s later an emifjrant party was attacked at the same place by eighteen Indians, who lanced one man and one woman, and drove off sixteen head of horses. On Angust 4, 1855, Kansas matters having become more quiet, General Harney marched from Fort Leavenworth with thirteen hnndred men for the country of the hostiles. As ho rode out of the fort he remarked to Mr, Morin, " By God, 1 am for war — no peace," and he experienced no change in his sentiments. lie had learned Indian fighting thoroughly in the Black Hawk, Seminole, and other wars, and believed in decisive measures. lie had brought the Seminole hostilities to a close by hanging thirteen of the hostile chiefs. The In- dians are not long in learning the character of an opponent, and they knew what to expect from Ilarney. Billy Bowlegs used to say, " Ilarnty catch me, me hang; me catch him, he die." The command reached Fort Kearney without incident, and having re|)lenished their supplies continued their march on the 24th. On September 2d they reached Ash Hollow, a celebrated point in the early history of the plains. It is the lower valley of Ash Creek, a tributary of the Platte, in North-western Nebraska, and was afterwards the location of old Sidney Barracks; it must not be confounded with tlie town of Sidney, that lies to the south-west, on Lodge-pole Creek. Here information was received that the hostile Brules were encamped in force on Bhiewater Creek (Me-ne-to-wah- pah), a stream on the north side of the Platte and two niiios above Ash Hollow. General Ilarney at once prepared for an attack. Colonel Cooke, the former commander of the Mormon battalion, was sent at three o'clock in the morniiiL', with four companies of cavalry, to cut off their retreat. I'n- der the guidance of Joe Tesson, an old trapper, the comniaiul approached tiic creek several times, but found a succession of villages for four miles up the stream. About sunrise tlicy succeeded, without attracting attention, in reaching a position half a mile above the upper village, in the bed of a drv gulch which opened to the creek. At half-past four Ilarney moved forward with the infantry. As he approached the lower village, the Indians struck their lodges and began re- ASH HOLLOW AND THE CHEYENNE EXPEDITION. 235 treating up the creek, wliile Little Thunder came forward and began a parley. To this Ilurney was not averse, know- ing that their retreat was cut off. lie told the chief that his warriors had insulted our citizens and murdered our troops, and now, these warriors, whom he said he could not control, must be surrendered or they must fight. While they were talking, a commotion among the more distant Indians an- nounced to the soldiers that the cavalry had been discovered. Little Thunder returned to his warriors, and, without waiting for any answer to his demand, Harney advanced, firing. At the first volley the dragoons rode out of the defile and charged down the valley. As they came in sight, the infantry gave one wild yell and dashed forward. Tlie Indians saw their danger and fled towards the bluffs on the west side of the valley, pursued by the infantry, while the cavalry directed their course to cut off the fleeing Indians. The battle then liocame a chase, the Indians urging their fresh ponies to their utmost speed, and throwing away everything that could ham- per their flight. The dragoons pursued them from five to eight miles, until scattered and far beyond the support of the infantry ; they then turned back to camp. In this engage- ment the Indians lost eightv-six killed, of whom a number were women and children, five wounded, and seventy prison- ers, women and children, besides fifty horses and mules capt- ured, a large number killed, and all their provisions, robes, camp utensils, and equin.''go destroyed. In the camp was found a lot of the plundered mail, some of the cloiiiing tak- en at the Grattan massacre, and two white women's scalps. The loss to the troops was four killed and seven wounded. Such a dreadful blow had never before been struck at the plains Indians, and it produced a valuable result. Harney iiKirclied on to Fort Laramie, and thence across the country to I'ort Pierra, but before he left Laramie he sent word to the Indians that the murderers must be surrendered. After he started, the Indians came in numbers to Fort Laramie, and nskod permission to camp in the neighborhood. This was granted, and soon after the garrison was surprised to see five warriors in full war costume approach the fort, chanting tlieir death - songs. They were a part of the murderers 286 MASSACRES OF TIIK MOUNTAINS. whose surreiuler had been deinaiuled, and came, as they said, to throw their lives away for the good of the tribe. Tiiey were lied Leaf, Long Chin, two brothers of the dead chief Muhto-Iowa, and Spotted Taih Of the remaining two nnn- derers, one haavenworth, on September lu, 1850, " This tribe must be severely punished, . . . but no trifling or piirtial punishment will sulHce, and as no one can be spared liom this neighborhood I will postpone extensive operations until the spring." The beauty of a winter campaign was not yet appreciated. In the summer of 1857, Col. E. V. Sumner was sent ii'.'ainst them with six com])anies of cavalry and three of mlantry. On July 2!»th, while marching dowrj Solomon's 1 ork, tiie cavalry, which was about three miles in advance ul the infantry, came suddenly upon some three hundred warriors, drawn up in line of battle across the valley. The 3«0 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. troops wlieelcd into line and charged at once. "Tlie In- dians," says Colonel Sumner, " were all mounted and well- armed; many of them had rifles and revolvers, and Hicy stood with remarkable boldness until we charged and were nearly upon them, when they broke in all directions and we pursued them seven miles. Their horses were fresh and very fleet, and it was impossible to overtake many of them. There were but nine men killed in the pursuit, but there must have been a great number wounded." The loss to the troops was two killed and nine wounded. On July Slst Sumner found their principal village, from which they had fled in great haste, leaving one hundred and seventy lodges stand- ing, and in them a large amount of supplies of every kind, all of which were destroyed. Sumner then continued his searcii for the Indians, but they separated into small parties and avoided Iiim, a move which they accomplished more easily because his troops had no provisions but fresh beef, the cut- tle being driven as they marched. Early in September lu; received «>rders to break up the command and detach all but two companies of dragoons to join the expedition into Utaii. He obeved with reluctance, for he said he tliou,(****^ immigrants to the '' Pike's Peak " country, of whom, however, a large number re- tiiined to their homes, or went olso- wiicre. Concerning these settlers there is one very extraordinary thing to In' noticed — the Indians never luiiiplaincd of atjy bad treatment :it their hands. The cause of tl o iimtual good feeling was par ly ihu! to Ash Hollow and Sunuur's expedition, but more than aiivthing else it was due to the fact that the whites were I't'ating on ground which lay between the territory of the iiiuuntain tribes and those of the plains, and was never per .i (Calavaser) Mountains. The country is partially drained to the north by the Sun Juan, of which the Clielly and Chaco are the principal trilm- taries; oti the southwest the drainage is to the Colonidi) Chiijuito, by the Rio Puerco (Hog River) of the West ami LOS NABAJOS. 245 Cottonwood Fork. Much of it is not dniined at all, the sur- face water gathering in ponds during the wet season and pass- ing off by evaporation. The higher land presents a succession of high peaks, ster'le valleys, timbered table-lands, and fields of lava, with an occasional oasis. The lower lands have a yel- lowish composite soil, with outcroppingsof sandstone, gypsum, and some coal. It is readily washed, converting the face of the land into a series of mesas (table-lands) separated by ar- royos and cafions, with now and then a streamlet, to which the ground imparts a color varying from a rich cream to a dark buff. These are all called rios, though elsewhere they would be called brooks. In the rainy season, they at times develop suddenly into raging torrents, sweeping away dams and other obstructions, and then as quickly subside to their former feeble state. The vegetable growth is chiefly the wild sage or artemisia, with a fair allowance of cactus, and a sprink- ling of pines, cedars, and piuons. On the mountains are some extensive forests of pines of large growth, with scrub oak, and rarely the valley of some mountain brook shows a fertility (if soil and luxuriance of vegetable growth that makes it a paradise, as compared with the hot, dusty, dreary deserts about it. The Navahos are well-formed, of good countenance, and light-colored, as compared with the average Indian. It has iieen claimed by some savants that they are a degenerated I'ueblo people, an idea which has also been advanced in re- gard to the Nez Perces, the Natchez, and some other tribes that showed a marked degree of civilization, but, with due re- -pcct to the authors of the idea, there is little ground for the lit'lief. The surest test of origin is language, and the lan- ^LTuage of the Xavahos identities them, as M'ell as the Apaches and Lipans, with the Athabascan family of British America. Neither of these three southern tribes has any traditional ac- <'iiunt of occupying the old pueblos or casan that are found in their country, and the buildings themselves show a gradual tU'cay, through centuries, without repair or occupancy. The ilwellirigs of the Navahos, which they call hoyans^AVQ rude, lunical liuts of poles, covered with brush and grass, and plas- t(.'red ovei with mud. They refuse to make any more sub- 246 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. stantlal bnildiiifijs on .iccoiiiit of tlieir nomadic habits and cer- tain superstitions, wliicli cause the destruction of tiieir hoijan.s, at times. With these facts in view, it is far more proliable that tlierc was an emigration of Athabascans from tlie North, and a partial adoption of the customs of the people they con tpiered, tlian tliat there was an emigration from tlie South, of a civilized race, wliich has fallen back into complete savagery, while, at the same time, the remainder of this Southern civilized race has retained all its civilization exce|)t the dwellings, that constituted its most desirable feature. The Navahos are of a more i)eaceful dis])osition than their cousins, the Apaches and Lipans — even mure so than their timid relatives, the Tinn<5 of the North. They devote their liiiie to pastoral and agricultu- ral pursuits almost exclusively. At the time of our conrjuest they possessed about 200,000 sheep, 10,(»00 horses, and many cattle. Tiieir chief crop was corn, of which they sometimes raised (iO.OOO bushels in one year; it was estimated that they liad r)00(t acres under cultivation, in 185,5. They irrigated very little, but secured crops by deep planting, the corn beii:g placed about eighteen inches under the surface, and earing out soon after it came above the ground ; in consequence of which their fields ]>resent an unfamiliar appearance to an Atnerican. In addition to corn, tliey raised wheat, peas, beans, melons, pumpkins, and potatoes, atid had numerous peach and apri- cot orcliards. They dressed much more comfortably than other Indians. The men wore a double apron coat, like a shortened jxiiicIhk o[)ened at the sides and fastened about the waist by a belt. It was of woollen cloth and frecpiently much ornamented. The legs were covered with buckskin breeches, close-fitting, adorned along the outer seams with brass or silver button^. They e.xtcndeil to the knee, and were there »net by woollen stockings. The feet were covered with moccasins, and often leggiiig.s reaching to the knee, were worn. The attire w;is finished l»y a l)laidright cnhirs, the latter terminating in a black border or fringe. The costumes of both sexes have become more or less nondescript of later years, but many still retain their ancient fashions. They nuuiufacture all their clothiiig, including their blankets. Tiie blankets have been the wonder and ad- miration of civilized people for many years. They are very thick, and so closely M'oven that a first-class one is practically water-tight, re(juiring four or live hours to become soaked through. The weaving, which is all done by women, is very tedious, two months being consumed in making a cojnmon blanket and sometimes half a year for a line one. Thev are worth from fifteen to a hundred dollars, varying with the ([uality of the wool and the aniount of work put on them. They formerl}' manufactured cotton goods also, importing the cotton bolls from Santa V6, according to Kejlor Uonancio Vigil, but this has been discontinued for many years. They make some ])ottery, similar to that of the Pueblos, of whom they probably learned the art. They have numerous silver- smiths, who work cunningly in that metal, and these have made remarkable advances in art of late years, since they added modern tools to their kits. They are singularly imitative, and will acquire a practical knowledge of any kind of work in a very short time. Their supo'rstitions arc peculiar. They never touch a corpse if possible to avoid it. If a person dies in a /io(/an, they cither burn it or pull out the poles and let it fall on the body ; if on the open plain, they pile stones over the corpse and leave it. In consequence, the\' do not scalp or mutilate their vic- tims, and, in fact, have little pleasure in killing, though they have a Spartan adtniration for adroit thievery. They have a great aversion to the hog, and neither eat its flesh nor permit it to live in their country. This, with a few other peculiari- ties, has caused some to insist on their Israelitish origin. Per- haps oome future sago may see in it evidence of relation to P)ismarck. They arc averse to bear meat also, on account of 2S0 MASSACHKS OF TME MOUNTAINS. 8uine I't'liijious scniplo, and seldom kill tlio animal except it lie ill self-defence. The most strikiiii' characteristic of the Navahos is ilieir treatment of women. The life of ati Indian S(|ua\v, ordinari- ly, is one of drudirery, with very few pleasures to i-elieve its monotony. She is so completely a slave that her hnshand has the riijlit not only of selliiii^ hut also of rentinjij her. She does all the work, while her iiiishand looks after the ainnse- mcnts for the family. In occasional instances women hold higher positions, hut it is usually throu<;h some gift of proph- ecy or other ''medicine'" j)()wer; this is e8])ccially the case with the tribes of Oregon and Washington. There have also i)een a few trihes that admittetl women to the council. William I'enn mentions a council at which several women were i)rcsent, and among tlu'in one, to whom remarkable defer- ence was paid, known as " tiie ancient wise woman."' He asked them if this were their custom. They replied that "it was, and that they never decided on any important matter without consulting their wijuien, ami that some women wore wiser than some nien." The Mohawks paid unusual attention to the opinions of the s(piaws, but with them their councils were iield scjtaratcly. In some trilies women have att:iiiicd the su[ireme comman;ii"ls, who employ their leisure mouienls in spinninjjj a loose y;'rn that is used for the lilliui^ of Idankets. Tliey make very pretty and roinantic shepherdesses. The sheep are never disposed of without the consent of the wom- en ; in fact, a Navaho never makes a har^ai. of any kind witiiout coiisultinj^ his wife or wives. They i ever strike their Women. If a man suages her anger hy killing some geuilen-an of an adjoining tribe, or other outsider, which ntakes e\erytliiiig j)leasant :i;,fain. The doctrine of "free love" goes with "woman's ligiits" in their case. None of the women are chaste, and the iiMtion has l)een badly intected with venereal disease, but they claim to be nearly rid of this, through the; elHcacy of their ticatment, which consists of a dcco<;tion of herbs taken inter- nally, an ointment made from a ]; 'Uiliar kind of clay, and >weat baths. In conse»[uence (>f their bijtter usage the women are !nucli above the avera •(? s(piaw in look.' They are tall, straight, and well-formed. As a ruli' they are healthier than tlie men, which is probably due to their out-door exercise as '-lieplierdesses in youth Their treatment of women is the lesult tif their religion. Their only god, Wiiai la-hay, is a Woman, uiul, according to their trailitiou, she taught them to weave blankets and mould pottery. Iien(;e they arc grateful to the se.\. Resides, after death, the .Navaho shade has to light his way through a guard of evil spirits j-nd get across a L'leiit water, neither »>f which he can do without tin- assistance I Whai la-hay, ami that they do tuA. receive utiless they have treated their women well. There appt-ars to lie some eonnec- liun between this goddc-s and .\ri/una, the sun-maiden, tho 254 MASSAIRI'.S or THK MOINTAINS. bi'loved (if Moiitezimia, wlio figures mi»ro or less oxtcubivol}' ill tlic (lilL'rciit ruliijiotis of Mexico. In calling licr their only mill, 1 mean tlic oiilv one of a lieneticent disposition. Tlicv liiive a nia.>icnliiie devil, called {Jhin-tiay, to whom they devoto much attention in endeavors of j)r()|)itialion. They also repair at stated seasons to a mountain in their country, called I'olonia, for the purpose cd" \vorshi|)ping tin' spirits of their ancestors, who are supposed to have a certain suhordinato power. Another characteristic of the Navahos was their funn of trovernnietit, or, rather, their lack of ir<'vi'rnmeiit. When they came under our control they nuinlxjre*! about 12.i"»'>, of wlioin ■i'>00 Were warriors, hut notwithstaniiing their nuinhcrs. :nid the extent of country tlu'V occupicid. fhey ii.id scarcely any ccMitral coi\tr(dling powj-r, and what power there was. was on a demo<;ratic basis. 'J'he patriarchal form of gi.vernment nh- tained among them, a man laving as absolute control over \m children, while tluy lived wiih him, as i>f his slaves, l»ut,once a warrior, a man was his own master, and oiiee married, a wom- an was largely her own mistress. lleail chiefs were maiie ami unmade with littlt; ceremony, and the pleilgcs of a head chief appearecl to have little weighi, either while he was in otlic(M)r afterwarnabled him to maintain a fol- lowing, h(^ became known as a child'. The liead chief was really a war chisf, with no |)erceplible authority in time of peace, and neitlier he nor any other governing power of tin- tribe couh', C(>mpel the surrender or punishment of a man ol any inlluiMice among them. ( )n account of this lack of ex ccutivi' power, then; was no enforcement of law and little law to etiforce. Religious scruples were the chief rc.straiidtii: power. Some men, from a naturally bad disposition, liecaim- vagabonds, and livc^d wholly by theft, plundefing tln-ir own nati(»n as well asofh(;rs. ()f thesis the roniiiinder appeared t" be in perpetual dread, without any power of reslraitiing thetn. Major l)a(!kus once asked a Navaho chief how they puinslied their people for theft. "'Not at all." lu; replied. "If 1 ;it- temj)t to whip a poor man who has stolen my property, lie LO.S NAUAJO.S. 255 •tiniu If in . fol- ■ WilS llir I'f ,r tlir Mil of jf »'\ ittlt' aiiiiiiL' •IMIIII.' (iWll .IVll I' tllClli. hwIicmI 1 1 ilt- ■\y. Ill' will (lofeiid liimself witli his arrows and will rob mc ajyain If I leave him iMipuiiished, he will only take what ho reqiiiref, at till? time." 'i'liis lack (»f i»ovt;rti merit was flic source of all their troubles with the Americans. We were ublij^ed ti> eonsider them a tribe ami to treat with them on that basis. When a treaty was broken it was necessary to treat them as a tribe in de- mandin:^ satisfaction, but they were unable as a tribe to make the reparation we demanded. There were two othi-r causes that pri'vented any lastini^ peace fur many years. One was that they thouj'ht they outnumbered us. The reason they irave for this belief was that, in the be<;inniiijj, a beaver diitj a hole in Jie earth, from which there came live whites and -even Navahos, niitinually in conHict after they passed under our control. The blame of this is put on one or the other, as writers favor or oppose the Indians. The fact is, that each robbed and :iliuse<| the other at every opportiinii \ . When it came to rep- nation, it is reasonably cert.iin that the estimates of damaire ionc liy the Navahini. i's|>e«'ia!ly as to the amounts of stcck -tolcn, were f»en»-rally 4,74ti hheep, t»f a total value of ^l,:{77,;{21t •;(»; or an averajji- of »'» killed, I captured, and !<7",(1i>n Worth of stock stolen annually. The Apaches, Co- iiianches, anlf a large number of horses and cattle, a part of which l)elonged to the command, before the troops could reach them. An expedition was sent against them under ('oloncl Doniphan, in October, but it did not re- turn until after Kearny had left for (,'alil'ornia. It entered the country of the Navahcts in two columns; one, under Major (tilpin, took the route uj) the Chama, by way of Abicjui, down the San Juan, and over the Sierra Tunicha; the other, under Doniphan, went up the Puerco of the East and spread over the country in three cotnmands, gathering up the Indians as they moved. About three fourths of the Navaho nation were thus brought together at Ojo del Oso (Dear Spring— < >j(i. lit erally "an eye," is commonly used by the Mexicans to signify a spring instead of the ])urer Spanish fiiniti or in<:ii(Uttiy Antonio Sandoval, ciiict" of a liand of ahont ono liuiidrod and lifty Navalios, who ovov ro- iiiainod friendly to the Americans, and hy Francisco .I.)8hi (Ilos-ta, the Lijifhtnin^), (rovernor of tlie I'uehlo of Jemez. Tlu! cause of the expedition was that since their last treaty the Xavalios had stolen 1070 sheep, ;>4 mules, IK horses, and 7s cattle, carried oil several Mexicans, and murilered Micento 'iarcia, a I'neblo Indian. The Navahos were first found on till! Tnnicha, a tributary (»f the San Juan, where Xarhona, •lose Lar^o, and Archuletti, three of their chiefs, met Colonel Washington and Aj^ent Calhoun in council. They agr'!ed to meet at the Canon de Chelly to form a j)ermanent treaty, and were altout to separate, when one of tlio stolen horses, owned hy a Mexican volunteer then present, was noti';ed in the pussessioti of the Indians, and a demaiul for it was made. The Navahos refused to surrender it, and Colonel Washing- tun directed that ono of theirs should be seized. At the at- tempt the Navahos lied and wore fired on. XarlxMia, who was tluni head chief, was kilh'd. and six others wore 'nortally uniiiided. The command moved on and reached the Canon de Chclly on Septend)er econd chief, with a number of their people, came into camp and sued for peace. It was i: ranted, on comlition that they ^ave up the stolen property and siuTcndered their Mexican cap- tives and the murderers of (iar- cia. They gave up three Mi'xi- i-ans and part of the stolen prop- < ity, agreeing to deliver the remainder at the I'ueMo of Jemez within thirty day.s. The ofufkon was explored for a distance of nine and a half miles abovv» its Miouth.and it w.as learned that the previous idea of an impregnable fortress in it was errone- OIUriTONK. 258 MAHSACUK.S OF TlIK MOUNTAINS. «'ti)j. The Cdmiiiiiiid tlien rctnrnod I)y way of the Piieblci of Zuni, wliic-h is hitiiatt'd sevt'iity-tivo miles soutli of the cafioti. Not only '.vas the piMj»orty not delivered at Jeiiiez, Imt a jiarly of Navahos hiirii('y i)ast experiences, Oolonel Sumner and (toveriioi ('alhoun met a .'ar:;e party of warriors and chiefs at .leiiicz, in the winter of Ibjl 'J, and j)roposed another treaty. Tin; Indians ridienled the propositii>n at iirst, Init after an excifitiir eonneil tln'V 'iijri'ed to ratify the treaty witii ("ftloiu'i \V;i>liini.'ton, whieb, they said .\ artinez and Chapitone had tm .-mthority to make. The treaty was vici- lated eontinnally tlnrinj;; the same winter, and, in the spring' (jf l**.'!:.'. Colonel SnMiiH'i- inareh( d aj^ainst tln>!!i, but bciii:: unable to Itrinj^ on a t;eneral eni>a<^ement, lie employed his time in bnildini; Fort Ddianee. This was the most elTeetive stndie made ai^ainst tbf Navahos for years, and had a per('e|p tible efTeet in restraining.'; iliem. it was located in the heart of their country, sixty nnles north of Zufn, fifteen miles south of the f'.ifton tie ( 'belly, fourtcn miles from the La- <;una Ne:rra (or Ne^rital, a deep and cool lakelet of dark water, much frecpiented by the Navahos, and three mile> west of the present line (d' Ariz>>na. It is in the hi:uddands about the sources of rlic liio I'u»'r f the West, at the base of a rocky raiij^e. which rises five hundred feet or more aliovc the surroundinif taido- land, known as the Bonito Hills. TliBrou<;h the»e bills bn-aks the ( inoncito Iionito (Pretty Lit- tle Canon ), an abrupt ;rorire with perpendicular waiis, and at its i.. >uth i.- the fort. The cafioii is half a nule lon<;. averau;- iii«5 (»ne hundred yards in br»*jidrii, with a level ;irrassy lloor. Near its head ar.- two cpriuirs that fee. trenches, blockdiouses, or other fuCtrtica trfjtis. The bufylin^s vrere principally of pine logs with dii" t I F" ' i. ri) in; pa (i: tic \vi IS (Ir Sll .!(> a ( 8tr ill: til. l.n lat shl wli III tal rc'i- liis iiel nlli Sill its, sal iisi rc.i llul ph It cla act lUlt LOS NAIIAJOH. S61 roofs, tlioiij^h a few of tlicin were of adobes. There was one stone l)uildiii<^ for the ofHctM's. Iji May, 1S5;{, lioniano Martin was rohhod and murdered l\ (ieneral (iarhtiul and (tovernor Lane l»y (Joveriinr Meriwether. The new governor extended a jreneral amnesty, after a talk with the child's, and matters pr (mIimI mucli as usual. In 1"».")4 a Navahd killed a snlilicr at I'urt I)etiance. .Major Keti- (Iriek, the otiieer in command, demanded the oiTeiider with such sternness that the Indians concluded soniethin<; must he dune. The chiefs at^reed to surrender the jfuilty ]>arty, and a (hiy was appointed for his execution liy hani^ini,'. |{atiier strangely, the Indians asked the ]>rivilege of (h)iiif; the hanj;- iiiir. which Mas <,'ranted to them, and on the day appointed they hrouijht forward and hunij the allej^eil murderer in the presence of the troops. It was learned two or three years later that the man executed was a Mexican, who had heeii a slave amonjj^ them for many years, and that tlie murderer, who was a man of intliience amoni; tlicnj, was still living, in Isr);') (iovernor Meriwether met with the Navahos, fur a talk, at I.aguna Negra. Sarcillo Largo, their head chief, rep- resented that his people woidil not obey him, and resigned his office at the eouiu'il, whereu])oii the chiefs elected .Man- nelita to the jmsition. The council proceeded quite Ixjistcr- iiusly, hut a treaty was agree(i on, the Indians ])romising to ."urrender offenders and keep within certain reservation lim- its, except that they had the ]>rivilegc of gathering salt at the -idini' lake near Zufd. Presents were then «iisti'il)uted, as is ii>ual at treaties, a custom that may account for the great readiness of the Navahos to make them. This treaty was Hot ratified hy tlie Senate, i)ut that was immaterial, for tlie plundering went on just as if the treaty were In full force. It is hut just to sa}', iiowever, tliat thei^e depredations were ilaimed to be — and to a very large extent certaiidy were — the acts ot a small ])ortion of the tribe. The real offense of the nation as a whole consisted chieHy in shielding the wrong- doers ami exercisinij no control over them. The result was 2(12 MAS8.\('KKS OF THK MOI'NTAINX. that wliilt' the mass of the nation was peaccablo from inclina- tion and tilt' noces^*itil's of a larj^fly a<{ri(Miltiiral life, the war- like and vit'ioiis inenil)er8 were e.\erci8inrominence and influence had a diihcnlty with his wife, lie desired her to accompany him on a visit, instead of which she went to a dance. Iler lnis!)and repaired to the halh and reduced her costume to an ultra-fashionahle ^tyie, by tearing every stitch of clothin<( from her. This failed to hring her to a sense of Iicr conjui^al duty, and it was about as far as Xavaho customs permitted him to ifo in the way of direct coercion. The usage of the nation |)resented, as his next proper step, the killing of some outsider. He went to Fort Defiance on the following; morning, July 12, with tlie avowed intention of selling two blankets that he carried with him. lie was there for three or four hours, and had just sold one of the blankets to a camp- woman (an American compromi.se between a sutler, a laun- dress, and a vivandiere), when .lim, a negro boy belonging to Major I'rooks, the ]K»st commander, passed to the rear of the camji-woman's quarters, lie said nothing and did nothing to tlie Indian, nor had he ever before seen him. As lio came out on the other side, with his back turned, the Indian, who meantime had jumped on his ])ony, let fly an arrow that ]»assed under his shoulder-blade and ])enetrated his lung. The Indian tied at once. The boy, without making any outcry of any sort, undertook to ])ull the arrow from the wound, hut broke it near the end, leaving the head in his body. Tin; surgeon was unalde to extract it, and four days later Jim was dead. On the day after the assault, 8arcillo J.argo, former head chief, was sent for, and the assassin demanded. Excuses were made and action postponed from day to day, until, on July :?2, Sarcillo and Iluero (Juero or Iluerero, literally, tlic lilacksmith — named lluero Miles by the soldiers on account of the analogy of his position to that of Lieutenant-colonel l>. S. Aides, recently placed in command in that district) were summoned, and notified that they must produce the murderer within twenty days. LOS NAUA.FOH. 2(53 I'ropanitioris for a cainpai^ti were kept up, and Indian A^cnt Vust caino np from Santa Fc to act in conjunction with the military. lie was escorted l)y Ca])tain McLane, with !'. dozen men, and, at Oovero, was joined by Captain IMas liUcero with iiis company of Mexican spies, fifty in number. ,\s this party appr(»ached Hear Sprinj^ (Ojo (U;l Oso), on Aujjfust 20, they found an encampment of Navahos at that point and attaclced it. The sprin.i^ lies to one siilc of the travelled road and is approached throunjh a valley, about two hundred yards wide, on either side and at the extremity of which rise steep hills, covered with [>ine-trees. Down this the troops advanced and opened fire at long ranjre, while the Indians deployed on both sides, untler cover of the timber that skirted the valley. The tirinj^ was kept up iintil six Indians were killed and several woundetl, when Captain Mc- Lano was struck in the side by a ball, and fell. It was sujv posed that he was mortally wounded, but he afterwards recov- ered, the ball havini,' struck a rib and glanced off. A part of the command charged, and captured twenty-live jxmies and a number of blankets, and the party then proceeded onward to Kort Defiance, where Colonel Miles arrived two days later and took command. On September 1, Juan Lucero, a Navaho chief, came to the fort to see if Major I»rooks were not satis- fied with the injury done to the Indians at IJear Springs, but was informed that he was not, and would not bo until the murderer was surrendered, dead or alive. A block-house was built on the hill cast of the fort, as an additional defence, the garrison being comparatively small. The Indians were now satisfied that something would really be done, and Sarcillo came in and {promised to surrender the murderer. Sandoval, the friendly chief, made a oJcsperate effort to keep on good terms with both parties. Every day he would rush breathless to the fort and announce his discoveries; now the murderer was at Ojo del Oso; now he was in a cavo near Lagnna Nc- grita ; now he had lied to the Sieri'a Tiiniclia. On the morn- ing of SejUember 8, he announced, with great haste and bustle, that the murderer liad l)een caught in the Sierra Chusca on the preceding day. Soon alter, Sarcillo Largo arrived, and stated that the murderer had been desperately wounded and IT* VvVvV IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 4 // V. <-. - u u 1.25 1.4 |] 1.6 r= i = 1 = 6" H '/] '/ PhotDgrapbc Sciences Corporation X^ WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. U580 (716) 872- to return un- der any circumstances. The right of the United States to send out military expeditions and establish posts in their country was formally recognized. Finally, the Navahos were earnestly urged to appoint either a head chief or some central power which could act for the tribe. This treaty lasted nearly five months, being broken hopelessly before the Senate had an opportunity to ratify it. It marks the close of the hostilities occasioned by the murder of the boy Jim, an im- portant epoch in Navaho history. Before leaving the subject, it may be well to correct an oft-repeated error connected with it. It has been said that the murder of Jim was in revenge for the killing of some cattle, some days prior, by the soldiers, but this is not true. The commander of the post had selected certain convenient grazing-grounds for the post-herds, and these the Indians had been ordered to keep away from, for the reason that there was no more grass than was needed for the post, and to avoid annoyance from the mixing of the herds. Manuelita refused to obey this order, and defiantly stated that he would pasture his cattle on these grounds. He was informed that if he did they would be shot. lie drove them in and they were killed. This matter was smoothed over, and the Indians were visiting 272 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS tlie post as usual, for some time before Jim was imirdered. The murderer had nothing to do with tlie cattle, and, accord- ing to the Indians themselves, committed the crime solely on account of his trouble with his wife, lie gained his point, for she accompanied him, as he had desired, vhen he returned to their camp with information of what he had done. He se- cured his domestic happiness and the tribe paid for it. CIIAPTER X. MOUNTAIN MEADOWS. During tliesc years whose happenings we liave been re- cording, there has been a comniutiity existing in the centre of our region that we have barely noticed. Their history, at any period, is a subject which a conscientious writer ap- proaches unwillingly, for it involves a certain consideration of the merits of Mornionism and the Mormons, and that means wholesale denunciation, almost always of the Mormons, and very frequently of their enemies. Sweeping accusations must be made, and these, ho knows, weaken alike the testi- mony of a witness, the plea of an orator, and the statement of an author. It is repugnant to man to believe that the ma- jority of mankind are evil, and it is contrary to ordinary ex- perience that any large class or sect of men should be radical- ly bad. Besides this, all candid men will admit that the Mormons have at times been treated badly ; that the killing of Joseph Smith, their prophet, was one of the most disgrace- ful murders ever known in this country ; and that they were driven from their homes in Missouri and Illinois under cir- cumstances of cruel severity. But candid men must also ad- mit that past suffering is no excuse for continuing crime, and, leaving out of consideration all of their offences that preceded or followed it, it has not fallen, nor shall fall, to the lot of any man to record a more atrocious crime than that of the Moun- tain Meadows. For this crime all Mormondon has voluntari- ly shown itself responsible, offering no excuse but fanaticism and revenge; and, worse than nothing as these excuses are, the moral obliquity of the deed is, if possible, increased by the desire of plunder, which was also an actuating motive. To themselves, the Mormons are, of course, justified in any act that is approved by their priesthood. They are the chosen 274 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. people wlioye irihoritarice is tlio earth, and in spoiling the Gentiles they are simply takinij; their own. They are the ap- pointed agents of a vengeful (irod, and can do nothing but their duty in obeying his mandates, as pronounced by his holy prophets. They are under a " higher law " and the di- rect control of an inspired guide. They carry the higher- law theory farther than even the extrenie Jesuits, and in this dogma centre all the objectionable features of their religion. When any sect receives a dispensation which permits its mem- bers to transgress the laws of man, and the commonly recog- nized laws of God, "for righteousness' sake"— whenever it publicly confesses that it owns no obligation of truthfidness, or honesty, or humanity, to outsiders — it has put itself out- side the pale of our civilization, and can no longer justly com- plain of the lawlessness of any person. More than that, none of its members can consisteJitly ask to be believed in any state- ment,except its truth be otherwise established, and this is the only safe rule of ])rocedure with the teatimony of Mormons or persons who have ever been Mormons. It will be made manifest, in the course of this chapter, that Mormon declara- tions and oaths are worth less than the breath in which they are uttered, or the paper on which they are written. It does not follow that everything said against them is to be believed, nor that they cannot tell the truth when it is to their interest to do so ; but it is evident that their statements must be re- ceived with the utmost caution. Put it in what Lt guage you may, no really harsher criticism of their voracity .an be made than their own claims of obedience to a " higher law." When the Mormons left Nauvoo it was not certain where they were going. They profess to have moved under divine guidance, which all may believe who choose. The common understanding was that they were going to California, and a statement to that effect was commonly made in newspapers at the time. It is known also that Governor Ford, of Illinois, gave Brighara Young a copy of Fremont's report of his second and third expeditions, and recommended him to go to some of the larger valleys of the Wahsatch. However tliat may have been, a party of explorers went out in 1847 and selected a place and a path for the mass of the people, who did not seem ready MOUNTAIN MEADOWS. 2tL'rilc. . . . These niountains had very uniforndy this belt of alluvion, the wash and abrasion of their sides, rich in excel- lent grass, fertile and ligui, ;iad loose enough to absorb small streams." Much <>f the land then con.-.idered sterile has since l)een made fruitlul by irrigation, but it is erroneous to sup- jiose that cultivation and improvement have been more raj)id in Utah than in other equally sterile parts of the West. The contrary is the ease. The Indians who inhabited this country were diverse in character, although originally of the same stock and sj)eaking dialects of the same hmguage — the Shoshonee or Snake. They have three principal divisions, the Snakes proper, the llannocks, and the lUes, but these relate only to race. In tribal government they were separated into more than a hun- dred small bands, each entirely independent. The country was divided among them in small districts, the boundaries be- ing fixed by natural monuments. Oidy the principal divis- ions can be noticed here. The p]astern Snakes ranged from the South Pass to Bear River and Wind Tliver ; they numbered one hundred and twenty-five lodges, and subsisted largely on l)ulTalo meat, for which reason they are called Kool-sa-ti-ka-ra, iir Buffalo Eaters. They liave been very reliable in their friendship to Americans, their chief, Wash-i-kee (Gambler's (iourd), otherwise known as Pina-qua-na (Smell of Si. Tar), having attained a wide notoriety on this account. He was a half-breed, tall, well-formed, superior to his people, and exercising strong control over them. The Took-a-ri-ka, or 18 270 MASSACRES OK THE MOUNTAINS. WASHAKIE. Mouiitaln-Slieep Eat- ers, ranged liigh up on the nioimtains, usually, and had little to do with the whites. They were an extraor- dinary people, build- ing their rude houses above timber line on the mountain heights, and seeming doomed to so cheerless a life that the Canadian trai)pers gave them the name "A's digues de 7>/V/tV' <^''> the ob- jects of pity. On tlie Salmon River was a mixed band, largely of their people, which numbered fifty lodges. Its principal chief was Qiii-tan-i-wa (Foul Hand), and his snb-chiefs were "Old Snag," an Eastern Snake, and "Grand Coqnin," a Bannock. Their friendship w;is always questionable. The Western Snakes were in two main bands, one under Am-a-ro-ko (Buffalo Meat under the Shoulder), ranging on Canuis Prairie, and the other under Po-ca-ta-ra (White Plume), ranging in the Goose Creek Mountains and on the Humboldt. Tliey numbered about one hundred and fifty lodges, and were on good terms with the Mormons, but not with other whites. They are commonly called Sho-sho- kos, or "White Knives," from the white flint knives they formerly used. A large band of the Bannocks ranging west of the Bine Mountains were known as the War-ra-ri-kas, or "Snnflower-Seed Eaters. Tliey numbered one hundred and fifty lodges, were commanded by l^i-chi-co (Sweet Root), a mighty medicine man, and were hostile M-hen favorable oppor- tunities occurred. In the neighborhood of Fort Boisee were one hundred lodges of Bannocks, under Po-e-ma-chee-ali (Hairy Man), who were the most friendly of their race tow- MOUNTAIN MEADOWS. 277 ards tlic Americans. Ranging about Salt Lake, especially on Boar River, was a band led by "Long Beard" and Pag-e-ah (The Man who Carries the Arrows), nnmbering about fifty lodges, and known variously as Ilo-kan-di-ka, the Salt Lake Diggers, Southern Snakes, Mormon Snakes, or Cache Valley Lidians. They were the worst of all these Lidians, so far as Americans generally were concerned, but were hand-in-glove with the Mormons. Commonly associating with these were the ]\ro-pe-as, so called after their chief Mo-pe-ah (Bunch-of- nair-iii-the-Forehead), who boasted himself a friend of the Mormons. They numbered sixty lodges. The Utes were much the largest division, and held the country to the south of the other two, occupying practically all of Xevada, Utah, and the mountainous part of Colorado, with a considerable portion of Northern New Mexico. The eastern bands, the Taboquaches, Mohuaches, Grand Rivers, Capotes, Uintas, and others occupying the country east of the Wahsatch Moun- tains, were the best warriors among them; they were less in- lluenced by the Mormons, and most friendly to Americans. The Pah-Utes, or Watcr-Utes, of the Sierra Nevada, and the western part of Nevada, coinmonly called the Monos and the AVashoes, were also good warriors. Of intermediate grade were the (Josi-Utes (Goships, Goshoots) of Eastern Nevada, the Sanpitches (Sinpichi, or, as now corrupted in Utah, San I'etes), Timpanagos, and others of Eastern Utah. The lowest as warriors were the Pah-Utes, or Pi-Utes of Southern Utah and the desert portions generally, several bands of miserable beings, who were getting into a more wretched state each generation, through starvation and their defenceless condition. They vi'ore decreasing in numbers, in stature, and in physical strength, and were constantly preyed upon by their neigh- bors. Their food consisted of snakes, lizards, roots, ber- ries, grass-seed, worms, crickets, grasshoppers, and, in short, anything that could be chewed, swallowed, and partly di- gested. Tlie ^lormons had but little trouble with. Indians, for they approached them as brother.^ and equals, without any desire to force civilization upon them. The negroes, the descend- ants of accursed Ilam, were originally barred from the Mor- 278 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. mon heaven, though latterly a revelation lias been made which lets them in, but th*^ Indians were always brothers. They are "Lamanites," the "remnant" of the lost tribes of Israel, lin- eal descendants of Abraham, sprays from the " fruitful bough by a well, whose branches run over the v/all," who are to be re- claimed by ]\[ormon righteousness, and in due time to become " a fair and delightsome people." The Mormons brought to the Indians a religion and customs differing in but one essen- tial respect from what they already had, and that was obedi- UIK Syl'AWS OK I'TAII. ence to the Mormon prophet. This duty was largely bought by presents (usually purchased with United States' funds) and protection, uid was further induced by missionary work and intermarriage. Their protection of the Indians who adhered to th.em was sufficient to prevent any punishment for their crimcri. The case of the murderers of Lieutenant Gunnison will illustrate this. Gunnison had wintered at Salt Lake in company with the remainder of Captain Stansbury's partv. MOUNTAIN MEADOWS. 279 and all had been treated kijidly by the Mormons. Gunni- son repaid their kindness by serving as a volunteer in their Indian war during the winter, and by eulogizing them in his reports. But in 1853 he was on a mission which the Mor- mons did not wish accomplislied, that of selecting a route for a PaciHc raih-oad by way of Salt Lake, and he, with seven of his party, were killed by the Indians near Sevier Lake. In ISSi Colonel Steptoe readied Salt Lake with a body of sol- diers, captured the murderers of Gunnison, and brought them to trial. A clear case was made against them ; the judge charged the jury that they must either be found not guilty or guilty of murder; and tlie Mormon jury reti'rned a verdict of manslaughter. The highest possible sentence, three years' imprisonment, was pronouticed, but the murderers escaped " by oversight" of their jailers, and regained their tribes, where they remained undisturbed. The Mormons announced that they had treated Gunnison's party well, as he testified himself, and that they had done all they could to bring his murderers to justice, to which facts they still point with pride. The war in which Lieutenant Gunnison assisted was the only real trouble that the Mormons ever had with the In- dians. At that time there were but two settlements in the beautiful borders of Utah Lake, one on the American Fork, aud one on Provo Iliver. The Indians there, a band of Pah- Utes, did not appreciate good treatment, and from begging went to robbing. Finding they were not punished, they at- tributed their safety to the cowardice of the Mormons, and became so bold as to shoot people who tried to hinder them from taking what they wanted. They little dreamed of the claws of the velvet paw they had been playing with. The ])eople on the Provo sent for assistance, and one hundred and fifty !nen went to them from Salt Lake. They found the Indians posted in the brush and cottonwoods along the Provo, and fought them there for two days. Then Sunday came, atid tiie Saints rested, as is their custom, while the Indians fled. On Monday secular occupation was resumed. The Indians at the southern end of the lake were first proceeded against, and al)out thirty of their warriors killed. They then returned to their first opponents, who had fled up a caiion, and killed 280 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. all bnt seven or eight of tlieir men. Some fifty women and children were taken prisoners and distributed among the set- tlements, but afterwards allowed to join other bands if they so desired. After this there was no trouble that could bo dignified by the name of war. Ih-igham Young was govern- or and cx-irfficio Superintendent of Indian Affairs. The agents, farmers, and interpreters were all Mormons. It was repeat- edly charged that all the government annuities were repre- sented to the Indians to be Mormon gifts, and numerous offi- SXAKK INDlA.Nti OK ITAII. ciul reports of this, based on the statements of the Indians and other evidence, show their truth. Pocatara told Super- intendent Lander that "whenever he should feel certain that the White Father would treat him as well as Big-um (Brighatn Young) did, then he would be the kindest friend to the Amer- icans that they had ever known." The hostile Indians in Utiili were often accompanied and led by painted whites, and enii^- sarics were kept constantly at work among the more remoto MOUNTAIN MEADOWS. 281 tribes. Wliile tlie troops were fighting Indians, who wcro furnished witli Mormon guns and iuiimunition, in the Yaki- ma country, the people of Southern California were holding iss-meetiiigs and denouncing the Mormon bishop, Tinney, who had been among the San Luis Iley and Carvilla Indians, telling them that the ]\rormons and Indians must act together against their common enemies, the Americans. AViiiJe the Pelouses were receiving aid and bad counsel from Salt Lake, an Indian emissary to the Navahos, bearing letters which cer- tified his conversion and membership of the Alorinon Church, was taken in New Mexico, and confessed that he was sent bv the Mormons to urge the Navaiios to war. And so, in almost every war in the liocky Mountains, the same complaint has been made, down to the last outl)roak of the Utes in Colorado, when Ouray certified to its truth. To these charges no de- fence is made, except the denunciation of their authors as liars. As might naturally be supposed, the IVrormons did not feel kindly towards the i)eople wiio had expelled them from their homes in tlie East and murdered their " prophet,"' and their friendship was not increased by the treatment which their mis- sionaries occasionally received. J>ut there was a more potent cause for their disloyalty than persecution, or mere allegiance to aCliurch which asserted and maintained temporal jiower. The Mormons are chiliasts, and for thirty years have been look- ing for uie millennium to be ushered in very soon, their niil- lenarian doctrines being perhaps the strongest feature of their religion as presented in missionary work. The millennium, by prophecy, is to follow at once on the disruption of the riiiou, which is to be caused by civil war, and "Zion" is to be set up on the ruins o^ this nation, wi*'; headijuarters in Jack- son County, }t\ i'i. The ])ri\i('ipal basis of tliis belief is the following propliecy of Joseph Smith, said to have been delivered in lS;j2, and ei;rtainly ])ublished as early jis lS5i: "AVAR. "Verily thus siiilh the T,nnl rniu'crnins tlio wars that will shortly come to pMss, li(',i!;itiiiin.!j: iit the rcl,cliioii of South Carolina, which will cvoiituiiUy tcrminalc in llif tlcalli mid misery of many souls. The (lays will come that wars will he poured out upon all nations, heffinninu; at that ]ilace: for, he- liold, the Southern Statos shall be divided a;i;ainst the Northern States; and the Southern States will call upon other nations, even the nation of Great 282 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. Britain, us it is called, and they shall also call upon other nations, in order to defend themselves against other nations: and thus war shall be poured out upon all nations. And it shall come to jiass. after many days, slaves shall rise up against their masters, who shall be marshalled and disciplined for war. And it will come to pass, also, tliat the renuiant whidi are left of the lantl [/. c, the Intlians] sliall marshal tliemselves and shall become ex- ceedingly angrj', and shall vex the Gentiles with u sore vexation. And thus, with the sword and by bloodshed, the inhabitants of the earth shall mourn, and willi famine and plagues and eartluiuakes, and the thunder of heaven, and the fierce and vivid lightning, also, shall the inhabitants of the earth l)e made to feel the wratii ami indignation and chastening hand of an Almiglit^- God, until the consumption decreed hath made an end of all na- tions; that tlie cry of the saints and of the blood of the saints shall cease to come up into tijc ears of tlie Lord of Sabaoth, from the earth, to be avenged of their enemies. Wherefore stand ye in holy places, and be not moved until the day of the Lord come; for, behold, it cometh ijuickly, saith tlie Lord ! Amen. " It would be difficult to find, in the entire ratige of pi-oph- ecy, a pi'edictioii mofe remarkably fulfilled in many respects, and more possible of explanation and delay as to the unful- filled portions. The best proof of its earthly origin will be found in unfulfilled prophecies from the same source, by those who are curious enough to examine them. Its effect on the loyalty of the Mormons was necessarily disastrous. Tiiey could not feel an attachment for a country whose destruction must precede their entry into millennial bliss. When the civil war began, " We told you so " was heard wherever a Mor- mon was found ; and when that war was coticluded without embroiling "all nations," the ready interpreter showed that the time was not yet full. It has been expected to break out again at every national election, especially those of 187C and ISSJr, each failure of fulfilment being only the result of mis- interpretation. They cling to it still with more than '* Mil- lerite" patience, and its fulfilment is only a question of "a few more years." Then will come the time metitioned by Isaiah, when "Seven women shall take hold of one man, say- ing, AV^e will eat our own bread, and wear our own apparel: oidy let us be called by thy name, to take away our reproach ' — the reproach referred to being childlessness, by IVLormon in- terpretation ; the men !^^()rmons, and the women Gentiles. Decided changes took place in the Mormon community after the exodus from Nauvoo, There was a weeding out of MOUNTAIN MEADOWS. 2S3 a tnujority of the weaker brethren, to begin with, leaving the assemblage in Utah fairly united in credulity and fanaticism. Relieved of any prohibitory power, polygamy was openly an- nounced as a doctrine in 1852 at Salt Lake City, and in the following year abroad. This caused a split in the Church, and an extensive desertion at all points outside of Utah. The dissenters maintained that the doctrine was an introduction of 13righam Young's, and in proof cited the express prohibi- tions of it in the " L>ook of Mormon," and also in the "Doc- trines and Covenants," the latter adopted in opeii conference after Smith's death. The Brighamites showed that in fact it had been practised and taught by Smith and other leaders. Moreover, both sides proved their claims by the solemn state- ments of the principal men of the Church, made at different times, and thus it was demonstrated that the principal men, including Smith and President Taylor, were unblushing liars, no matter whether the doctrine were new or old. It is fairly assured, however, that the doctrine was privately pronuil- gated from about 1844. Under this doctrine a woman may possibly attain salvation, but never an " exaltation,'' when not the wife of a saint, and, as a corollary to this proposition, it is both lawful and commendable to induce any woman, mar- ried or single, to leave her sinful relatives and seek the higher heaven in company with a Mormon. The doctrine was at first treated ratiier as a matter of privilege; but as months ])assed away, and its peculiar fitness to their theory of |)i'e-existent spirits, anxiously waiting for earthly bodies, was seen, it became more and more a thing of duty. It reached its grossest form during the I'eform period of 1855-G. The "Reformation" was the result of distress. The re- moval across the plains involved large losses; the work of tlie last two years had been rendered unpiufitable by drought and grasshoppers; the Saints were reduced to a condition of general poverty. The loaders accounted for it as a punishment sent on them for sin and want of faith. Under the preach- ing of men who, in charity, may be called demented, the peo- ])le wore wrought up to an extravagant pitch of religious frenzy. Men were exhorted everywhere to repent, confess their sins, aJid be rebaptized, for the day of the Lord was at 284 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. hand ; and from all that land there rose a wail of, " Unclean ! unclean !'' It floated out over the desert, and over tlie moun- tains, and from the ex- treme southern settle- ments it was echoed back, " Unclean ! un- clean!" Men and women bared their hearts' darkest cor- ners to the public con- gre<^ations, and many, whom suspicion itself had marked pure, confessed the perpe- tration of liorril)le crimes. Uoljguniy took on its most re- volting shape; children of twelve and thirteen years were married to gray-haired elders ; whole families of girls were wedded to one man; uncles united witli nieces; in at least one instance half-l»rother and sister were married ; men met in the streets and exchanged daughters; divorce and remar- riage became so common that some women had eight or ten husliaiuls in almost tiie same number of months. All of tlie people were rel)a])tized, and started anew on their peculiar path, determined to gain heaven at any cost. Out of this groaning for sin there arose the most villain- ous of all the doctrines of the Mormon Church — that of the " blood-Jitonement." Tt is, in brief, that there are certain sins which are unpardonable, except the blood of the sinner be shed ; and the ]ieoplo were exhorted : " Let your blood be shed, and let the smoke ascend, that the incense thereof may come up before (rod as atonement for yonr sins." The cliiel of these unpardonable sins is the "shedding of innocent blood,"' which means the blood of Mormons, and possibly of i'iii->ii)i;.NT jdiiN r.vvi.oii. MOUNTAIN MEADOWS. 285 Gentiles wlio have not reached years of acconntability, and whose parents liave not been guilty of injuring Mormons or associating with people who have. Adultery, under certain circumstances, procurement of abortion, and the " violation of a sanctified oath " are also unpardonable, and for these of- fences many of these enthusiasts gladly submitted to death. Ihit it did not stop thcro. They were not satisHed with throwing themselves under the wheels of Juggernaut, but must also have the privilege of sacrificing others to save them from their sins. "It is to save them," said Brighairj Young, in a sermon reported in their Church or gau, the Desi'nt jVew.'<, on October 1, lSr)G, " not to destroy them. It is true that the blood of the Son of God was shed for our sins, but men can commit sins which it can never remit." Again, on February 8, 1857, he said : " I could refer you to plenty of instances where men have been righteously slain i;i order to atone for their sins. I have seen scores and hundreds of peo- ple for whom there would have been a chance (in the last resurrection there will be) if their lives had been taken, and their l)l(jo(l spilled on the ground as a smoking incense to the Ali.iighty, but who are now angels to the devil, until our el- der brother, Jesus Christ, raises them up, concpiers death, hell, and the grave." These are but brief selections from the many blood-seeking sermons of those days, and the zealous churchmen took eager hold of this doctrine which the world had been growing out of for a score of centuries. Just after the Church was fairly encompassed in this blaze of zeal, it was announeed, on July 2-t, 1S5T. to the great gath- ering of IMormons at Cottonwood I'ark, where they had met to celebrate the anniversary of the arrival of their exploring party in the I'asin, that there was an army under way for I'tah, escorting the new territorial officers. It was true. Crime in the guise of religion had become so rampant in I'tali, and its repression by the i)eople there so hopeless, that an external executive agency had to be sought. The courts had been overawed by armed mobs and the judges had fled. A lawy(!r who ]>rote8ted against such ])roceedings had l)een niurdercfl. Indian agent Hurt had reported something of their connection with the Indians, and, believing his life in i; 286 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. daiiiijer, had slipped away through the mountain passes, guided by Indian friends. He resigned, declining reai)point- ment. Such troubles had been growing since 1851, and al- niopf. every Gentile otKcial that went there had died suddenly, or been driven away on account of "innnoi-ality." In his niessajre of 1857, President Buchanan said: "Without enter- ing upon a minute history of occurrences, it is sutticient to say that all the officers of the United States, judicial and ex- ecutive, with the single exception of two Indian agents, have found it necessary for their own personal safety to withdraw from the territory, and there no longer ruinains any govern- ment in Utah but the despotism of J^.righam Yt)ung." Whether the officials had been blameworthy or not is imma- terial ; the fact remains that Utah was in a state of confusion and lawlessness, and it was necessary to send troops with the new officials, who should act as a posse com Hat us on their call. From the official instructions given at the time it is easily seen that, in the eyes of the administration, the state of af- fairs in Utah was very similar to what had recently existed in Kansas, with the difference that the trouble was over an- other question. But in • ality the situation was very differ- ent. In Utah the people were united, but they wanted no government except that of their own leaders, no matter what the United States desired. The majority of them were ready for war. They had been apa't from the Gentiles long enough to let the delusion of divine aid grow up again, and the belief was general, as it was in Missouri, that one should " chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to fligiit." Tlie leaders were not so pugnacious. The plan they adopted was to hold the army back until they were ready to move, and then desert the northern part of the territory, destroying everything behind them — to make a second Moscow of Salt Lake City. For this active preparations were made; grain was hoarded up and cached in the mountains; hiding-places were sought out ; and all the people prepared for a journey. The Mormons in California were recalled, and all returned to Utah. Fort Bridger and Fort Supply, under control of Mor- mon Indian agents, were vacated and burned down, in order that they might not furnish shelter to the troops when they MOUNTAIN MEADOWC. 287 came. TIic Nanvoo Legion was brought into active disci- pline, and a general martial spirit pervaded the eiitire com- munity, such as is shadowed in this verse from one of their favorite songs : " Old sqimw-killcr Ilarncy is on the way Tlu! Mormon pcopli' for to slay; Now, if lie comos, the tnith 111 tell, Our boys will drive him down to hell." General Harney did not come until after the difHculty was adjusted, lie was succeeded by Colonel Albert Sidney Johnston, who reached the army in the early winter. No re- sistance being anticipated, Captain Van Vliet, a discreet offi- cer, was sent ahead to purchase supplies for the army and ex- plain its purpose to the ^lormons. lie arrived at Salt Lake early in September and found them preparing for war. He was treated with consideration, but could purchase no sup- plies. They told him that they had been persecuted, robbed, and murdered in the East, and now would resist all persecu- tion at the outset ; " that the troops now on the march for Utah should not enter Salt Lake Yi. cy.'' Van Yliet called their attention to the fact that resistance could oidy be tem- porary ; that if the army were kept out over winter the gov- ernment would send an overwhelming force which would crush them. Young replied : " We are aware that such will be the case, but when those troops arrive they will find Utah a desert; every house will be burned to the ground, every tree cut down, and every field laid waste. AVe have three years' provisions on hand, which we will cache, and then take to the mountains, and bid defiance to all the powers of the government." On Sunday Yan Yliet attended their serv- ices, and when Elder Taylor, now President, after presenting the probabilities to them, "desired all present who would ap- ply the torch to their own buildings, cut down their trees and lay waste their fields, to hold up their hands, every hand in an audience numbering over four thousand persons was raised at the same moment." He also stated that, "The Al- mighty had appointed a man to rule over and govern his Saints, and that man was Brigham Young, and that they would have no one else to rule over them." 288 MASSACRES OF TIIK MOUNTAINS. On Septetiihor 1-i Van Vliet loft Salt Lake City, anj on the ir)th Youiif? issned a proclamation, in which he recited the wrongs and misfortunes of the Mormons, and "forbid — • First, All armed forces of every descrij)tion from coming into this territory under any pretence whatever. Second, That all the forces in said territory hold themselves in readiness to march at a moment's notice to repel any and all such invasion. Third, Martial law is hereby declared to exist in this territory BRIGIIAM YOVN ' from and after the publication of th proclamation ; and no person shall be allowed to pass or re ss into, or through, or from this territory without a permit ^ om the proper ofKcer."' A copy of this was sent to Colonel . Jexander, commanding the advance of the army. On September 21 Van Vliet met. the advance, on his return, and reported his failure. On Sep- tember 29 Young again addressed the commanding officer, calling his attention to his disregard of the former proclaniii- MOl :NT A IN M i: A DOWS. 289 tion, and adding: "I now further direct that you retire forth- with from tiie territory by the same route you entered. Siiould you deem this impracticiihle, and prefer to remain until spring in the vicinity of your present encampment, IMack Fork, or (Jreen Uiver, you can do so in peace, and unmoU'sted, on con- dition that you deposit your arms and ammunition with Lewis Ilohinson, Quartermaster-general of the Terri ory, and leave in the spring as soon as the condition of the roads will permit you to march." This was accompanied by a note from "Daniel JI. Wells, Lieutenant-general commanding Nanvoo lA'gion," stating, " I am here to aid in carrying out the instruc- tions of (rovernor Young.' The army was then in what is now the southwestern corner of Wyoming, straggling over a hundred miles or more of country, and not yet apprehensive of actual resistance ; Colonel Johnston was at Fort Laramie ; the supply trains were not guarded. On October 5 the Mor- mons, under Lot Smith, one of their great " war-captains," at- tacked and destroved a train on Green River, another on the llig Sandy, and a number of wagons belonging to the sutler of the 10th infantry, also on the Sandy, making a total loss of seventy-iive wagons, wi^h their contents, and several hun- dred animals. About the same time it was learned that the mountain passes were barricaded and held by JMormon troops. It was considered impracticable to force them in the winter, so the army went into winter camp. During the long summer days that tlie ]V[ormons passed in prejiaration for war, an emigrant train, known on the road as Captain F'ancher's train, was passing through Utah. It reached Salt Lake City in August, and took the "southern route '' which led through Provo, Nephi, Fillmore, Beaver, and Cedar City, and at the last-named place joined the Spanish trail from Los Angeles to New ^lexico, which ran thence southwest to the coast of California. These emigrants num- bered originally fifty-six men and sixty-two women and chil- dren, most of them being from Carroll, Jolmson, Marion, and other northern counties of Arkansas. At Salt Lake City they M-ere joined by several disaffected Mormons. They had thirty good wagons, about thirty mules and horses, and six hundred cuttle. Dr. Brewer, of the armv, who met them on the Platte, 290 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. in June, said it was " probably the finest train that had ever crossed the plains. There seemed to be abont forty heads of families, many women, some unmarried, and many children. They had three carriages, one very fine, in which ladies rode." Slowly this long line wound its way up the Jordan, around the sedgy border of Utah Lake, through Juab Valley, and down the long, dreary stretch of road from the Sevier to Little Salt Lake. At I>eaver they were joined by ii Missourian, who had been held in custody there for some alleged offense, aiid he urged them to hurry on beyond the power of the Mormons. They passed through settlements from day to day, but tlioy were friendless as in the voiceless desert. They wished to buy grain and hay to recruit their failing stock, but the edict had gone forth for all supplies to be "hid up" in the moun tains, and there was no grain to be bought by their money. One man did trade them a small cheese, but ho was seen by the special policeman who was detailed to watch the train, and was "cut oflf " from the church for it. Sell su])plies to these Gentiles? Oh, no! They were but a portion of the mob tliat would soon be battering at the gates of Zion. Rumor wearied her countless wings in incessant flight, carrying before tiicni the reports of their evil deeds, which grew and spread until their original inventors mi<;ht have blushed for them. It was said that they were taking property by force; that they broke down and burned fences; that they insulted men; that they ravished Mormon women ; that they were a part of the mol) that drove the Saints from Missouri ; that they boasted of hav- ing the pistol with which the Prophet Joseph was killed ; that they were connected with the recent murder of the ai)ostle, Parley Pratt; that they threatened to return from California with enough men to destroy all the Mormon settlements ; that they poisoned an ox with strychnine, causing the death of some Indians and one white man ; that they poisoned the sj)ring at Corn Creek with arsenic, causing the death of twenty Piili- Vant Indians; that they were, in short, a crowd of hardenctl. godless wretches, whose sins could never be washed away ex- cept in their own blood. Tlie chief hierarch of Southern Utah announced that he believed there was not "a d d drop of innocent blood among them." The charges made against MOUNTAIN MEADOWS. 291 them were to the people of Southern Utah as words of certain truth, for the fanaticism and bigotry of Nortliern Utah was only lukewarmness in the southern settlements. Men scon'led and women glared their righteous hatred at the doomed party, and little children peered through half-opened doors, in curi- ous fear, at the wicked people who had raised their hands against God's anointed. True, they saw none of this evil- doing as the emigrants passed them, but their belief in it was not shaken by that. They had Mormon testimony to its truth, and that was sufHcient. The emigrants kept on as fast as they could conveniently. They crossed the Great Basin; they climbed up the southern rim ; and on this border of Mormondom they stopped for a few davs to let their cattle revel in the rank, coarse mountain grass, before they went on into " the Ninety-Mile Desert." The location of the Mountain Meadows, their stopping-place, is in the southwestern corner of Utah, in the present county of Washington, about eiglit miles south of the village of I'into. The place is a pass — sometimes called a valley — about five miles in length and one in width, but running to a rather narrow point at the southwest end. At about its centre, lengthways, is the "divide" between the Basin and the Pa- cific slope, the ascents being verj' gradual, and at each end is a large spring, the waters of the eastern one flowing into the Basin, and those of the western one to the Santa Clara, and thence to the llio Virgen. At the eastern spring was the house and corral of Jacob Hamlin, Mormon sub-agent for the Pah-Utes, who, with some assistants, all Mormons, was pastur- ing cattle on the meadows. The train passed his place on the ;^d of September, and camped at the western spring on tiie 4tii. The spring, which is a large one, is in the southern end of the narrow part. The bank rises from it to a height of about eight feet, and from iis top there reaches a level stretch of some two hundred yards. Beyond this there comes an ir- regular ridge or row of iiills, fifty or sixty feet in height, back of which is a valley of considerable extent, which opens into the main Meadows three or four hundred yards below the spring. The emigrants were camped on the level ground just north of the spring. Tiiey were now on the edge of the Pa- 19 292 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. CACTUS IN DESKllT. cific slope, and must have felt the gladness of the wayworn traveller who knows that another stage of his journey is fin- ished. Just across there, to the southwest, was golden Cali- fornia — they could almost see it — a few more miles of desert, a few more days of dust and alkali water, and they would bo through. In the chilly dawn of Monday, September 7, as they were grouped about their camp-fires, preparing and eating their breakfasts, tliey were stunned by a volley of guns from the little gully through which the waters of the spring ran away. MOUNTAIN MEADOWS. 293 Seven of their nnmber were killed, sixteen were wonnded, and the remainder thrown into confusion ; but it was only for a moment. They were brave men, and they had lived too long on the frontier not to be ready for an Indian attack on short notice. The women and children were hastily placed in the shelter of the corralled wagons, and the rifles of the men were soon replying effectually to those of their foes. This was dis- couraging to their assailants, for they had counted on a massa- cre, not a tight. They were not warriors of much eminence. On the contrary, Captain Campbell afterwards classed them as " a miserable set of root-diggers," and said, " nothing is to be apprehended from them but by the smallest and most careless jiarty." They were Pah-Utes from the neighborhood of Cedar City, under Moquetas, Big Bill, end other chiefs ; and others from the Santa Clara settlements, extending thirty-five miles below, under Jackson and his brother ; Upper Pi-Edes, under Ka-nar-rah, and Lower Pi-Edes under Tal-si-Gob-beth ; but at this time they were all directed and controlled by John D. Lee, sub-agent, Nephi Johnson, interpreter, and two or three others, all disguised as Indians. It required all their efforts to keep the Indians at their work. Several were killed early in the engagement, and two of their war-chiefs had their knee-joints shattered by rifle-balls, from the effects of which both died. The Indians moved back to safer quarters, and, after driving away all the cattle that were out of range of the spring, vented their rage by shooting the remainder that they dared not attempt to drive away. An occasional shot was fired at the emigrants, as a reminder that they were still in the neigh- borhood. White reinforcements were sent for at once, after the first repulse, and began to arrive on the following day. They stopped out of sight of the" emigrants to camp. Occa- sionally they would put on a little paint and go take a shot at the wagons; then they would return and amuse themselves by pitching quoits. The little party of the besieged mean- while were improving their time. They drew their wagons close together, chained them wheel to wheel, and banked up earth to the beds, making a fortress which they could easily hold against all the Indians within a hundred juiles of them. On Wednesday night a young man named Aden, a son of 294 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. Dr. Aden of Kentucky, with one companion, stole out of the valley and started to Cedar City for aid. At Ricliards' Springs they met three Cedar City men,AVilliam C. Stewart, Joel White, and Benjamin Arthnr. As their horses drank from the spring, Stewart shot and killed Aden, and White wounded liis companion, but the latter escaped and made his way back to the ca;np. The emigrants now begaii to realize the desperation of tlieir situation. Aden might surely have hoped fur assistance if any one could, for his father was known to have saved the life of a Mormon bisiiop of tiie neighbor- hood ; yet he was assassinated by a Mormon. There could be little doubt that the white men, of whom occasional glimpses had been caught by them, were Mormons, and that they were aiding the Indians. They prepared a statement of their situ- ation, giving their reasons for believing that the Mormons were their real besiegers, and directed it to Masons, Odd Fellows, the leading religious denominations, and to "good people generally." This they intrusted to three of their best scouts, who, on Thursday night, slipped down through the arroyo of the spring-branch, across the strip of valley, and off towards California. The paper implored assistance, if assist- ance coiild reach them, and, if not, that justice might be meted to tlieir murderers. While these men were endeavoring to slip through the meshes of the net that was drawn about them, a strange scene was to be witnessed just over the little divide of the Meadows. There were now fifty-four white men in the attacking party and al)out two hundred Indians, all of whom were satistied that no direct assault on the camp could be successful. The reso- lute defence of the emigrants had made a change of proced- ure necessary, and they were now obliged to obtain " coun- sel " from those in authority', and the approval of the Lord. Up to this time every step had been taken in that way. George A. Smith, one of the Twelve Apostles, had gone through tlie settlements and arranged the jirelitninaries; the day after tlie train passed through Cedar City a Church council was held, at which women were present, and, after duo consideration, it was decided, by a unanimous vote, to be the will of tlie Lord that the Fancher outfit should be exterminated. The manner MOUNTAIN MEADOWS. 295 selected was an Indian massacre, but tliis liad failed. A coun- cil of the Monnoris in the Meadows was held on Thursdcay evening, and the orders from President Ilaight of Cedar City were read. They directed that the emigrants should be de- coyed from their stronghold and exterminated. Ilaight was lieutenant-colonel of the militia, and had received his direc- tions to this effect from Colonel Dame, commander of the militia of the district, which was known as "the Iron militia.'' The men in the Meauows were all members of it, and were commanded by Major John Iligbee. There was some feeble remonstrance to the orders, so, after a little talk, they all knelt, with elbows touching, in "a prayer circle,'" and asked for divine guidance. On the still night air of that mountain pass, one voice after another rose in fervent prayer, asking God to say to them whether or not they should betray and murder one hundred and twenty of their fellow-men. The last voice ceased ; a moment of silence ensued ; then Major Iligbee announced, in confident tone, "I have the evidence of (rod's approval of our mission. It is God's will that we carry out our instructions to the letter." In that declaration the " higher law " stands out in all its naked enormity. Mere j)oIygamy is a virtue compared with such a devils' faith. The council remained in session until daybreak, and all the minu- tiiTB of the following day's work were arranged for. A hasty breakfast was despatched, and the preparation for the Lord's work was begun at once. The Indians were concealed in a thicket a mile and three quarters from the camp, oji the road back to the Basin. The Mormons procured two wagons, with which they moved on towards the western spring. They stopped out of gun-shot, and John D. Lee and William Bateman advanced under a white flag. An emigrant came out to meet them. They talked over the situation. Lee said that the Indians were much excited, on account of injuries done them by former parties, and could scarcely be controlled, but he had got them to promise that no harm should be done to the emigrants if they surrendered to the Mormons. Part of them had left al- ready. It would bo necessary to make a form of surrender- ing; the guns could be placed in the wagons brought by the 296 MASSACilES OF THE MOUNTAI? 3. Mormons, together with the sick, wounded, and small chil- dren ; the men nnist n)arch unarmed, eacli accompanied by a Mormon, to make the Indians believe they were captives. To this the emigrants consented. They were putting themselves wholly in the jiower of the Mormons, but it was all they could do. There was no escape without Mormon aid. Even if the JOHN D. LKE. Indians left them, their stock was all gone, and they were un- able to move. Perhaps they thought the Mormons would ho (•atlified with getting their property and would save their lives, blaming what had happened to the Indians. Perhaps they did not suspect the Mormons any longer. 'No one knows. The book is sealed till the last day. The wagons are MOUNTAIN MEADOWS. 29( save driven up ; the corral is opened ; tlie guns are loaded in, also the sick, the wounded, and the smaller children ; the wagons drive on. The women and older children follow, on foot. The men, part of whom have just finished burying two of their numl)er, who had died of their wounds, making ten deatiis at the spring, come last. It is just after noon, and the day is bright and clear. Tramp,' tramp, tramp; they march down from the camping- place. The men have reached the militia, and give theuj three hearty cheers as they take their places, murderer and victim, side by side. Tramp, tramp, tramp. They arc round- ing the point of the ridge which has served as a screen for the ISIormons and Indians for the past week. A raven flies over them, croaking. What called him there? Docs he foresee that he shall peck at the eyes of brave men and gentle women who are looking at him ? Tramp, tramp, tramp. The wagons witli the wounded and the childrc!) are passing the hiding-place of the Indians. How (piietly they lie among the gnarly oak bushes! but their eyes glisten, and their necks stretch out to see how soon their j)rey will reach them. The women are nearly a quarter of a mile behind the wagons, and the men as much fii'ther behind the women. A half-do^eu IMormon horsemen bring up the rear. Tramp, tramp, tramp. The wagons have just passed out of sight over the divide. The men are entering a little ravine. The women are oppo- site the Indians. They have regained contidence, and several are expressing their joy at escaping from their savage foes. See that man on the divide! It is Iligbee. He makes a mo- tion with his arms aiul shouts something which those nearest him understand to be : " Do your duty." In an instant the militiamen wheel, and each shoots the man nearest him ; the Indians spring from their ambush and rush upon the women ; from between the wagons the rifle of John D. Lee cracks, and a wounded woman in the forward wagon falls oflf the seat. Swiftly .the work of death goes on. Lee is assisted in shootint' and braining the wounded bv the teamsters Knicjht and McMurdy, and as the latter raises his rifle to his shoulder lie cries: " Loi'd, my God, receive their spirits, it is for thy kingdom that I do this." The men all fell at the first fire 298 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. but two or three, and these the liorsemen ride down, knock over witli their clubbed guns, and finish with their knives. Their throats are cut, tliat the atoning blood may flow freely. The women and older children are not hurried out of tlie world quite so quickly as tiie others. Some are on their knees begging for life. Others run shrieking over the Mead- ows. They receive but two answers — the tomahawk crashing through the skull, and the knife plun-ging through the heart. These are all left to the Indians, for fear there may be " in- nocent blood " among them, which no Mormon may shed. There is alarm on this account alread}', for one of the emi- grants had carried his infant child in his arms, and the bullet that pierced the fiither's heart went through the babe's brain. It is decided, however, that it was accidental and that no criminal w-rong is done. Several of the Mormons run to the Indians, to see that they do their work properlj'. Among them is Lee. It is discovered that two of the girls are miss- ing. Some one saw them run to a ravine fifty yards away. Lee and one of the Cedar City chiefs run to the place and find there the Indian boy, Albe.t, who lives with Hamlin. lie says the girls came there, and shows where they hid in the brush. The\' drag them forth and brutally ravish them. This was the only act on that field that was not inspired. Was it wrong, under the Mormon code of morality ? The question is too subtle for me to answer; certainly it was not punished. I-ee next tells the chief the girls must be killed. The chief answers : " No, they are too pretty to kill ; let us save them ;" but he meets a grim refusal. The unhappy child that Lee holds, with the terror of death upon her, flings her arms round his neck and promises to love him as long as he lives, if he will spare her life. The wolf has keener fangs but no more merciless heart. lie throws her head back with his arm, and with one stroke of his keen bowie-knife severs her neck to the spine. The chief brains the other with his tomahawk. This finished the slaughter at the Meadows, but there re- mained a little more to do. The trail of the three scouts, who went out on the night before, had been discovered, and Ira Hatch, with a party of Indians, was sent after them. The MOUNTAIN MEADOWS. 299 fugitives were found sleeping, in the Santa Clara Mountains, and, from tlie volley fired at them, two slept on in death. The third fled with a bullet-hole through his wrist. He met two Mormons, who were much afflicted over his sad plight, and ])ersnaded him that he could not get across the desert. They induced him to turn back with them, promising to smuggle him through Utah. They soon met Hatch's party and the man was killed; but they did permit him to pray first. The paper calling for assistance, which he carried, was in Mormon custody for some time, and is said to have been destroyed by John D. Lee. The man killed by Hatch's party brings the number killed to one hundred and twenty-one — ten at the camp, young Aden at Richards' Springs, one hundred and seven on the Meadows, and the three messenger scouts. The main massacre was oti Friday, September 11, 1857. There has been some confusion as to this, arising from a failure to consult calendars. Judge Cradlebaugh fixed the date as Sep- tember 10; Dr. Forney as " Friday, September 9 or 10;" all the Mormon witnesses, and Lee, in his confessions, fixed the day of the week as Friday, and the second Friday in Septem- ber was the 11th, in the year 1857. On the evening of the same day the surviving children, seventeen in number, rang- ing in age from three to eight years, were taken to Hamlin's, and afterwards divided out among Mormon families. The property still remained to be disposed of. A part of it was given to the Indians, and for this, Lee as Indian agent, in his report of November 20, 1857, charged the government over fifteen hundred dollars. The bodies of the dead were searched by Iligbee and Klingensmith, the Bishop of Cedar City, and the money found is supposed to have been kept by them. The remaining property was put in Klingensmith's custody temporarily, and afterwards, on instructions from Brigham Young, was turned over to Lee and sold by him for the benefit of the Church. The bodies were stripped entirely naked, and fingers and ears were mutilated in tearing from them the jewelry, to them no longer valuable. The bloody clothing and the bedding on which the wounded had lain were piled in the back room of the ti thing-office at Cedar City for some weeks, and when Judge Cradlebaugh examined the 300 MASSACRES OF TlIK MOUNTAINS. room, eighteen niontlis later, it still stank of them. These goods were oommonly known as " property taken at the siege of Sevastopol." Carriages and wagons of the emigrants were in nse long afterwards, and some of the jewelry is said to be worn yet in Utah, The value of all the property taken, as nearly as it can be ascertained, was over $70,0(iO, People in Arkansas who saw the organization of the train estimated its value at !? 100,000. It was for many years a hotly debated qnestif)n whether Bri MOUNTAIN MEADOWS, 319 end trial. He said : " It is the first time 1 ever felt any good would come of it. I kept it to myself until it was called for iu the proper place. ... I had an idea that if I came here that it would be a pretty good place to tell it." This man's story to Dr. Forney has been given. To Judge Cradlebaugh and various military otticers who investigated the affair he pro- fessed to know nothijig that would implicate any wh'te man. He did not feel called upon to speak at Lee's lirst trial. lie gave to the jury the statement of the Indian boy Albert, who saw the massacre and the killing of the two girls, yet this boy told Dr. Forney that it was all done by Indians. The infer- ence is irresistible that Hamlin induced him to lie about it, and this although anti-Mormons concede Hamlin to be an un- usually honorable Mormon. Tiiis boy Albert, by the way, first revealed the fact that the children were brought directh to Hamlin's house on the evening of the massacre. The good people, who had bills for purchasing them from the Indians, had probably forgotten to instruct him on that point. When Lee heard the testimony of these men he knew that the Chu/ch had abandoned him and he was lost. He br«'. down completely and was taken to his cell, where he paced the floor, cursing the Mormon leaders. The defence offered no testimony; their witnesses of the previous trial had forgotten everything. The jury was out three hours, and br(»Hght in a verdict of guilty of murder in the first degree. The prisoner was brought to the bar, and, after a few impress- ive words. Judge l>oreman informed him that, under the stat- ute, he had his choice of being hung, shot, or beheaded. Lee said: "I prefer to be shot." He was accordingly sentenced, and on March 213, 1877, the sentence was executed in the Mountain Meadows, at the scene of the massacre. At tlie last moment Lee confessed to his attendant minister, Mr. 8tokes, that he killed five of the emigrants with his owi; hands. This was his fourth confession, eacii one differing from all the others, and yet each one lifting the veil from abound the affair enough to give a glimpse of its actual hor- rors. He made a short speech, dechvring his faith in Mor- mor.isni, as originally taught by Joseph Smith, and his as- surance of a place in the Mormon heaven, but stated thut 320 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. Brighatn Young was leading the people astray. He closed, and sat down on his coffin. A prayer was offered, the word was given, five rifies were discharged, and he fell back witii- out a struggle. So justice was done — not rigljtly justice either, for this man was not convicted as men are required to be convicted under our laws. Tlie jury that pronounced him guilty had morally no more right to do so than the Sultan of Turkey had legally. They were murderers as truly as Lee was. John 1). Lee was not a victim to justice, lie was murdered by his accomplices for tiieir own safety — as much so as if they ]»ad shot him themselves. Personally they attained safety, though not as they expected. The greater criminals of the active participants hid for a time in t!ie mountains, and are now probably in foreign countries. Brigham Young died peacefully in his home, five months after Lee's execu- tion. The remainder were not molested. But in the public eye the Mormon Church stands as tlic guilty criminal, and it seems destined to expiate the crime. In that respect the Mountain Meadows massacre has had a mission. It is the one complete and unanswerable exposure of Mormon deceit, hypocris}', and crime, under the " higher law " dogma. Every other crime charged against them they can defend, not hav- ing admitted their guilt, but in this one they have been forced, step by step, from an indignant denial to a defiant confessiMii. Tiiey cannot evade it; their apologists can make no explanation of it; and in its lustration their denials of other crimes become faint and sickly. It is admitted that they are industrious and thrifty, but the American people realize that thrift has its crimes as dark as any of those of dissipation. Jonas Cluizzlewit was thrifty; so was Judas Iscariot. It is true that, according to their standard of virtue, they are fairly virtuous, but the people understand that, un- der the ''higher law," their virtue is, to the civilized world, crime. They understand it so well that the American he!' t, which warms most quickly to any jierseeuted for religion's sake, is icy towards the Saints. Only a few weeks since, a Tuurderous attack was made on one of their meetings in Tennessee, and a bitter local persecution followed. Had the IC V- It it IP 111 10 MOUNTAIN MEADOWS. 323 people assailed been Buddhists, or Brahmins, or Voudooists the country would have been in an uproar of indignation. What comment did it receive? Generally, none; and occa- sionally a growl that it would be well to follow the example elsewhere. The Mormons are right in their superstition that a Nemesis stands, ever threatening them, on the mountains of Southern Utah, She does stand there, and in her out- stretched hands, for the ash -branch and the scourge, she holds a blight and a curse over the doomed theocracy, while from her ghastly lips there comes the murmur of those words, which no prophet can still : " Vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith the Lord." 21 CHAPTER XI. THE WAR WITH THE SPOKAXES, C(EUR D'ALEKES, AND PELOUSES. While the commissioners were negotiating with the Mor- mons, an extniordinary outbreak occurred in tlie eastern part of Washington Territory, wliicii Iiitliorto had been a scene of peace between the red man and the: white. It liad been tlie boast of tlie Spokancs and the Cveur d' xylenes that they had never shed the blood of a white man. In the winter and early spring of 1858, however, it was represented that there was much restlessness among the northern tribes, especially in the neighborhood of the Colville mines, and Brevet Lien- tenant-colonel Steptoe, who commanded at new Fort AV'alla- Walla, determined to make an excursion in that direction. The new fort, which had been established as a military post after the last war, was on Wallu -Walla Creek, thirty miles east of the old fort, the latter being now used as an agency by the cpiartcrmaster's department. In addition to looking after the northern inquietude, Colonel Steptoe also desired to investigate the recent murder of two American miners by a party of Pelouse (Paluce, (lalouHse) Indians, and, if possible, to bring the murderers to justice. These Iiulians lived just to the north of the Snake Iliver, and were directly in his line of travel. Steptoe left Fort Walla -Walla on May Cth with one hundred and fifty -seven men, dragoons and infantry, the latter acting as gunners for two howitzers which were taken. They marched across the rolling prairies between the Walla- Walla and the Snake to the mouth of the Pelouse, where the crossing of the C\)lville road was located. From this point they proceeded northward and eastward to the divide be- tween the k';iud\e and the Spokane, and over the Grand Pla- teau of the Spokane, the Pelouses keeping out of their sight. While winding through the prairie hills that skirt In- WAR WITH THE SrOKANES, C(EUR D'ALftNES, ETC. 325 gossomen Creek, on Sunday, May 16th, the command was suddenly confronted by about twelve hundred warriors, Pe- louses, Spokanes, CVuur d'Alenes, Yakitnas, and others, hideous in their war-paint, armed and defiant. This was a complete surprise, for no hostilities had been expected, except there should be some little altercation with the Pelouses. The lit- tle command moved on slowly, menaced by the hootino: and yelling savages, who seemed desirous of provoking an attack. It approached a small ravine that led around the base of some hills, which were covered with Indians, when, seeing their intention to attack at that point. Colonel Steptoe turned his troops aside and encamped on one of the little water- courses common to this section, which are flowing in the spring and in pools during the drier season. The dragoons remained in the saddle until dark, an attack being expected at any moment from the howling mob, which continued to heap insults upon them. Towards evening several of the chiefs came to the camp to talk, and asked the reason of this invasion of their country. Colonel Steptoe assured them that he had no hostile feeling towards the Spokanes or any other of the friendly tribes; that they had always been our fritends, and he desired them to so continue; that he was on his way to Colville to have a friendly talk and preserve peace there. The chiefs said they were satisfied with this, l)ut they would not consent to let him have canoes .at the Spokane, without which the crossing could not be made. The colonel therefore decided to fall back to the fort, and, having passed the night without molestation, began his re- turn march in the morning. On the evening of the 10th, Father Joset, one of the Jesuit missionaries, had arrived at the camp of the ^ -' mis from the Canir d'Aleiie j\[ission. In the morning he ca>ne up with the troops atid talked over the situation with Colo- nel Steptoe, the Indians having assembled again ard being massed on the flanks and rear of the column in a threaten- ing manner. lie proposed a talk with the chiefs, to which the colonel replied that his pack-animals were too wild for him to stop long. Father Joset said they could talk while marching, and the colonel responded that he would see them 826 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. in tliat way willingly. Joset then went for the chiefs, but couUl find only Vincent, the head chief of the Ccenr d'Alenes. They came back together, and Vincent received an assurance that the troops were desirous only of returning to the fort in peace. Jle returned to the Indians, who, according to Fatlier Joset, agreed to go to their liotncs, and the priest with sever- al chiefs did so, but a few minutes later the Indians opened TllK JKSUIT MISSIONAIIY. fire on the rear guard, just as they filed into the valley of a small tributary of Ingossonien Creek. The tiring was caused by Mil-kap-si, a Cv'u\if on hostilities. There is no doubtinj; that Joset tried to ])revent the attack, or that he and the other priests were of much service in finally adjusting the difliculty. The ^lormons were a disturbing element, and in all prol)aI)ility gave active assistance to the Indians, as well as incciuliary instrnctions. On November 27, 1857, George (iibbs, Ks(|., whose name is sufHcient guaranty of the truth of hisstiite lents, wrote: "A very curious statement was recent- ly 'niid(> me by some of the Indians near Steilacoom. They said tliat the Klickitats had told them that Choohuklee (Jesus Christ) had recently appeared on the other side of tlie mount- ains; that he was after awhile coming here, when the whites would be sent out of the country, and all would be well for themselves. It needed oidy a little reflection to con- nect this second advent with the visit of I^righam Young to tlie Flathead and Nez Perce country." Between the Ore- gon Indians and Utah were the Snakes, who were in so close connection with the Mormons that the first knowledge of rtali affairs at Fort Walla -Walla was usually through the Indians. On December 1, 1857, Captain Kirkham wrote froiii that point: "The Snakes tell our Indians thnt they are well supplied witli ammunition, and that they can get 'mm the Mormons any quantity they wish ; and they fur- ther tell our Indians tiiat the ]\Iormons are anxious to sup- ply them — to wit : the Nez I'erces, the Cayuses, aiul Walla- Wallas, with everything that they wish. I would not be suri)rised i the ^Mormon influence should extend to all the tribes in < ur neighborhood, and if they are determined to fight we may have trouble among the Indians on the coast again." These, with nunifious similar complaints from oth- 332 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. er points, caused Ge icral Clarke, cotiiinanding the Depart- moi>t cf the Pacific on January 1, 1858, to recommend tliat all Indians be detached from Mormon influence and control. A .singular conflrination of Captain Kirkham's report was made in the following summer, when a band of Bannocks CENF.IUL ISAAC I, SIEVtN'S. committed some depredations on tlio Mormons of Nortlicrn rtaii.and gave as a reason for this cxtraordi lary ])rocecding that tiie INIornions had sold arms and .niiinunition to their enemies, the Ts'ez IYtccs; that the Noz Perces had stolon their property ; and that now they were getting reparation from the origin-d source of the evil. It was learned posi- WAR WITH THE SPOKANES, CfEITR D'ALfcNES, ETC. 333 tivcly that the hostile Indians liad lar^e supplies of ani- immition, wliich they could have obtained only from the JMorinons or Liie Hudson's IJay Company's post at Fort Colville. The company's ajrent exchanged ammunition with the Indians for some of the property abandoned by Colo- nel Steptoe, but on complaint at their head -quarters both the purchase of plunder and the sale of ammunition were stopped. The chief basis of discontent was in the treaties agreed on by (iovernor Stevens with the various tribes, b\it which had not yet been ratified. The exact nature of the discon- tent was in controversv. One set of officials keiit insisting tliat the Indiaiis were angry because the treaties were net ratified and carried out, while another set, equally numerous, insisted with equal vehemence that the Indians were angry because they feared that the treaties would be ratified. On October 19. 1857, Colonel Steptoe reported from Fort Walla- Walla, '* It is my duty to inform the general that Mr. J. lloss J'rowne, acting, I believe, as agent of the Indian Bureau, did, in a recent conversation with ' Lawyer,' the aSqz Perce chief, assert that (ioveriu)r Stevens's treaty of AV^alla -Walla- would ctrtaiidy be ratified and enforced. ... I will simply add that in niy opinion any attempt to enforce that treaty will be followed by immediate hostilities with most of the tribes in this part of the country.'' This information was received with some irulignation by (leneral Clarke. lie had taken command of the department in June, and soon after liad a consultation with. Indian Superintendent Xesmith in regard to this ver}' matter. Nesmith told him there were two causes for the hostile feelings then existing. One was that while the In'.ians understood ♦iliat amnesty had been granted to the nnirderers of agent Holen by Colotiel Vvriglit, there was still an endeavor on the part of some civil officers to ap]irehend them. The other was a fear that the treaties with (iTdvernor Stevens would be enforced, although they held them void, on the ground that the chiefs who made them had no authority to do so. On this information the general used his influence to have the treaties left inoperative, and permitted the liulen murderers to remain at large, "It is 334 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. under these circntnstanccs," lie wrote, in complaint to army head-quarters, "that Mr. J. lloss Ih-owne makes (with what authority I know not) the declaration to the Indian that the treaties will certainly be ratified and enforced." Mr. Jjrowne was a special a^ent of the Interior Depart- ment, who was sent into Oregon and Washington to inspect the condition of the reservations, and who incidentally re- ported on the causes of the wars of 1850. He believed that the Mar resulted from the irrepressible conflict between sav- agery and civilization. lie said. " The treaties were not the cause of the war. I have already shown that the war had been determined upon long before. If (iovernor Stevens is to blame because he did not so frame the treaties as to stop the war, or stop it by not making treaties at all, then that charge should be specifically brought against him. My own opinion is, that he had no more control over the course of events than the Secret.iry of War in Washington." Mr. Browne was a pleasing writer and a man of discernment, but like !iu)st men who have a fixed idea, to begin with, he was inclined to bend everything to it. Still there was much of •trutli in his views, as, indeed, there is in everything lie has written on the Indian question, but he is at times carried away by enthusiasm. It is not to be supposed that he was alone in his views of the treaties. A large party in the North- west had the same opinions, and so had several persons who reiwrted specially on the subject. For example. Lieutenant Mullan, Avho accompanied Colonel Wright in tiie campaign of which an account follows, after personal investigation, wrote the Commissioner of Indian Affairs on September 5, 18r)8; "To this day tiie laiiors of (iovernor Stevens are dis- regarded and uncared for, and the treaties containing the sol- emn promises of the Indian on the one side, and binding obligation of the gnvemnietit on the other, lie among the dusty archives of Congress, while a war rages in every (piar- ter of the North-west coast. The Indians feel that their rights liave been trilled with by pnuiiises made by agents armed and vested with authority to act, which the government has not ratified. And will it, I ask, longer remain in this passive raood? AVill it longer act inertly [!J while lives arc sacriticed WAR WITH THE SPOKANES, C(EUR D'ALftNES, ETC. .^SS and millions squandered, and still longer hesitate to act? For one, I trust not. Let these bo rati lied." The cause of this contlict of opinion is found in the fact that the Indians were not ajjrced as to the treaties. The more <^.!;Midly Indians, chiefly Nez l*erc'ei<, wanted the treaties ratified, partly because they thought the whites desired it, and partly because they were ready to adopt a (piasi-civilized life. These Indians were more often seen by " visiting statesmen," and were more comirainicative ; in consequence of which their ideas were more apt to be taken as an e.xpression of Indian sentiment by casual visitors. Tlie military, on the other hand, were largely in contact with the Indians who desired to re- tain their wild life, and were acquainted with their views. The objections of those who opposed the treaties were not to a continuance of friendship, or a surrender of part of their lands, but to the surrender of the entire country of certain tribes and a removal to otlier locations. Uncpiestionably those who opposed the treaties were much more numerous than the others. Their view was thus set forth by Garry, the Spokane chief, in a message carried to General Clarke by Father Con- giato: "When you [Clarke] meet me, we walk friendly, we shake hands. Two years after you met !nc, you, American, 1 heard words from white people, whence I concluded 3'ou Avanted to kill me for my land. I did not believe it. Every Year I heard the same. Now you arrived, you my frietid, you, Stevens, in Whitman Valley; you called the Indians to that place. I went there to listen to what should be said. You had a speech — you, my friend Stevens, to the Indians. You spoke for the land of the Indians. You told them all what vou should pav them for their land. I was much pleased when I heard how much you offered; annual money, houses, schools, blacksmiths, farms, and so forth. And then you saiil, all th(! Cayuses, Walla-Wallas, and Spokaties should emigrate to Layer's ( Lawyer, ftr llal-al-hosote, the Xez I'erce chief] country ; and from Colville and below all Indians slumld go and stay to (yanuiyaketi's [Kani-i-a-ken, the Yakima chief] country; and by saying so you broke the hearts of all the Indians; and hearing that, I thought that you missed it. Should you have given the Indians time to think on it, and 336 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. to tell you what portion of tlie land they wanted to give, it would have been right. Then the Indians got mad aiul be- gan to kill the whites. I was very sorry all the time. Then you began to war against the Indians. When you began this war all tlie upper country was quiet. Then every year wo heard something from the lower Indians. 1 tc^ld tlie people hereabout not to listen to such talk. The governor will eomo up; you will hear from his own mouth; then believe it. Now this spring I heard of the coming of Colonel Steptoe. I did my best to persuade my people not to shoot him. lie goes to Colville, 1 said, to speak to the whites and to the In- dians. We will go there and listen to what he sliall say. They would not listen to me, but the boys shot at him; I was very soi-ry." Tills dillerence of opinion among the Indians naturally resulted in perpetual mi.>understanding. One Indian would tell a special agent that he wanted the treaties ratilied, and would be assured that thev should be ratilied. Another would e.\i)lain his oi)jection8 to the treaties to some oilicer, and be assured that they should not be ratified. These Indians would then c :)nie together and find themselves in a conliict of fact, which showed that some one was deceiving them. Suspicion and discontent grew apace. The treaty Indians wanted the goods and money that had been promised them, but not paid ; the opponents of the treaties watched with jealous eye every appearance of an encfoachment on their lands. One thing that they desired, ami they insisted on it at their council with Stevens, was that "tlie soldiers should not come north of the Ne.'< Perces lliver." They did not object much to small par- ties, but thcjy wanted no large ones, and no cannon. The stream tliey referred to is the Snake, or Lewis Fork of the Columbia. The Indians called it the Xez Perec's, the Pelouse, ami the Snake, in the parts wliich flowed through the coun- tries of tliofc tribes respectively. 'I'lie whites applied the name "Snake" to it thnuighout its length, and gave the name Pelouse to its lirst large atHuen\ above its mouth, on the nortii side, otherwise known as Flag lliver. With all these causes for discontent, there was still no satisfactory reason for the attack on Steptoe, and thiy the WAR WITH TlIK SrOKANKS, CfEl'It D'ALKXES, ETC. 337 VIEW OF TIIK COI.fMlllA ABOVE THE DALLES. Indians tlienisolvos admittotl. Says Father Josct to Father lloockoii : '• A'ineent arrived. T asked liinj what provoca- ticiii they had received. 'Xone; all the fault is on our side,' ' You are the murderers of your own jieople, not the Aniori- caiis.' ' It is true. I would rather die as the Americans, as our i)eo]ile are dead. 1 had no intenti(»n to flight, hut at seeing the corpse of my hrother-in-law I lost my head. What will ho the conse(iuences ? If we are pardoned we will faithfully re- store all that has hecn taken; if not, we will remain liome, and if we are attacked we will defend ourselvi's to the last, and when we are all killed the Americans will have our lands. Fools that we are, we have always douhted the truth of what the Father told us; now wo have seen it. The Americans do not want to tight us.'" .Xgain he says to Father Congiato, "The next day L asked those that 1 saw, 'What provoca- 338 MASSACRKS OF THE MOUNTAINS. tion have you received from the troops?' 'None,' said tliey. ' Tlien you are only murderers, the authors of the death of your own people.' ' Tliis is true ; the fault can in no way be attributed to the soldiers ; Malkapsi is the cause of all the evil.' " There were some, however, who claimed that the soldiers were tlie as, and surren- der the men who first fired on the troops in disobedience to tiieir chiefs. To these terms, especially the surrender of the prisoners, the Indians were imt ready to submit. Their re- plies were written down and sent back by the priests. I'o- lot-kin (^Saulotken, a Spokane) said, "The practice of the In- dians is dilferent from what you think; when they want to make peace, when they want to cease hostilities, they bury the dead and live again on good terms. They don't speak ;J42 MASSACUKS OF THE MOUNTAINS. of nidie blood. I speak sincerely, I, Sanlotkcn, let lis finish the war; iny lanjjunge shall not be t\voft»lcl ; no; I speak from the heart. If you disapprove my words you may de- spise them. I speak the truth ; I, Imliaii ; I don't want to light you. "i'ou are at liberty to kill me, but I will not de- liver my neighbors. If it should be my pr ctice, I would do according to it, and deliver them. J»ut that's a practice of your own." ^lilkapsi said,"! feel unwilling to give you up niy three brother, for 1 think though we ft)Ught, I won't begin to make peace. I want you to begin if yon want to make ])eace; come into my countr}-." (iarry said, "You ask some to be delivered up. Poor Indian can't come to that. But withdraw this one word, and sure you will make peace." In fact, the Indians were more defiant than these messages would indicate. Agent Owen, who was among the hostiles on the Spokane, and could not get away without endangering his life, wrote on July Kttli. " I have just returned from one of the blackest councils, I think, that has ever been held on the Pacific slope. Five humJred fighting men were ])re8ent, elated with their recent success ; the dragoon horses were prancing around all day ; the scalp and war dance going on all night long." lie re])orted the Indians as saying, "Let Steptoe come; bring plent}' of men; it will be dark, too dark to sec; father and son will fall together. We will meet him on Snake Kiver; burn the grass around and before him. We want more fine horses; the soldiers are the people we want to take them from. Steptoe may want peace ; has he sent you here to ask for it? If so let us know on what terms. We will consider his pro))osition ; perhaps we will make j)eace." Pre|)aration8 for the campaign were not delayed whii^* the Fathers were on their mission. All available troops were brought up from California, and the 0th and 7th infantry were ordered across from I'tah. Colonel George Wright, commanding at the Dalles, was put in command of the main column, which was to move from Fort Walla -Walla. At the same time a smaller column, having for its base Fort Siincoe. on the ^ aki>na, was to scour the country north and west of the Columbia, and drive all the hostiles to the other side. It WAR WITH THE si>0KANi;8. C'ouit i)'ALf:xi:«, i:tc. 343 re(|iiire(l some weeks to preparo for tlio inarcli, as tlic stock of supplies at Fort Wallii-Walla was very low ami overytliiiii^ had to be transported overland. A steainhoat had hcen rnn- niiig on the Cohiinhia above the Dalles, but it had recently •fone over the cascades, and there was left no available means of transportation by water. The friendly Indians along the river were talked to and presented with medals. Among others thus munificently rewarded was Spencer, the unfortu- nate chief whoso family had been so mercilessly murdered during the last war, and who yet had remained iirni in his friendship to the whites. On August 4th a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, was made with the Nez I'erces under Lawyer, Timothy, Joseph, Eagle from the Light, Captain John, and others, and thirty of them volunteered to 'iccom- pany the expedition. On the 7th the column moved. It consisted of five hundred and seventy regulars besides the friendly Indians and one hundred employes, with two six- jiounders and two howitzers. They struck the Snake at the mouth of the Toukannon. three miles above the mouth of the Peloubo, and there built Fort Taylor and established a ferry. One company was left as a garrison, with most of the supplies, and the remainder, after spending three days in crossing, marched on northward. They found the grass I)urned for about twenty miles I)ack from the river, but be- yond that it was undisturbed. No resistance was offered to them, though they occasionally caught sight of parties of the hostiles, until September 1st. The troops were then camped on the south side of the Four Lakes, ten or twelve miles south-west of Lahto or Ned- whuald Creek, a triijiitary of the Spokane. The largest lake is at the west, the second in size is two miles or more east of it; between thern lie the two smaller ones, which arc about equal in extent, one of them half a mile north of the other. At the north-western corner of the second lake is a high hill, on which the Indians were seen in force on the morning of the 1st. Colonel Wright at once prepared to advance against them. Two companies of dragoons, under jMajorGrier, were sent around the hill on the west side to cut off retreat; two companies of riflemen, one howitzer, and the Nez Perccs were 344 MAS.SAfKKH OF TIIH MorXTAINS tlirown to the right between tlie hill and tho lake; and four companies of infantry, under Captain Keycs, charged tiie hill from tho sonth-west. The Indians retired before him, and on gaining the summit it was seen that the woods on the northeastern base were full of Indians, while on the open plain to the north-west were four or five hundred mounted warriors, riding furiously to and fro, and apjiarently eager for a tight. The riflemen dashed through the woods on the east, driving the Indians before them to the open jdain. Captain ICeyes's command advanced steadily down the hill until they passed the dragoons, who dismounted and followed in the rear, leading their horses, until well on the plain. They then mounted and charged the Indians, who fled in every direction ami were soon out of reach. They had lost about twenty killed aiul a number >vounded. The troops had met with no casualty of any kind. On the 5th tho troops moved northward again. They pass- ed tiie lakes, and, two miles beyond, entered the open prairie, where the Itulians soon appeared, moving to intercept the force bef(»re it reached the next timber. They fired the grass on both sides and in front, quickly surrounding the little army with smoke and flame, under cover of which some sev- en hundred warriors opened Are on them. An advance was ordered, and tho dragoons rode through the flames, chasing the Indians back to the forests. Tho pack train with its guard moved forward as speedily as ])ractlcable, and at every available point the howitzers opened Are, driving the Indians from their cover. The comnuind was kept as n)uch concen- trated as possible, and charges were made from the lines at every opportunity. In this way the troops marched north for Ave miles, ami north-east seven, going into camp below the mouth of the Lahto, after a march of twenty miles without water, fourteen of it under fire. The fighting lasted seven hours, and resulted in a loss to the hostiles of two chiefs and many warriors, including two brothers of Garry. The only casualty to the troops was one man wounded. The Indians were now much discouraged. On the morn- ing of the 7th they called across the Spokane that Garry wanted to talk with the colonel. An interview was 4t>, to its permanent location, on the riifht baidv of tlu' Co iir d'Aleiie Kiver. a sluy:<;ish stream one hundred yards wide and twenty-five feel deep. The Mission is on a small liill, a fragment of an east and west 8p\ir of the I'itter Root Mountains, looking towards the north ; below it is a small ])rairie, a mile in width aiid three in length, which at this time was under cultivation in cro]is of wheat, oats, barli-v, anass through their country unmolested; and give a chief and four men, >vith their families, as hostages. These terms were accepted, and on the next day the march around the lake was resumed. The Co-nr d'Alene and St. . Joseph's were both ferried, and from the latter, which enters the southern extremity of the lake, the trcxips maivhetJ south-west to the I^ahto. Thei-e, on the '23d, tlx" Spok.iues were met in council, (iarry and I'olot- kin were l)oth prv^ent. There were with them some ( alispels or Pend d\)reiiies (this name was probably Pendues Ureilles, 353 MASSACKKS Ul" THE MOUNTAINS. or Iluiiij Ears, oriiiiiially), and inoiiiNers of otlier small tribes. 111."'! was tIi(;ro also, lie liail lost all his liaiiarty tiiat murdered the two miners, ami were sliot. Another of the MHirderers had been ki'led while trying to escape during the surprise. It was ascertained of these Indi;.ns that twenty- tive in all were engaged in the att.ack on the miners. On the 2Lst a detachment of sixtv men w etit up one of the branches of the We-nat-ehe liiver, and, with the assistance of Ski-nar-wau.a friendly chief, succeeded \\\ entrapping iive more of the murderers, ail of whom were shot. Another was found alone in the forest, and killed by the soldiers. A great terror fell (ipm all the wrong-doers. One of the murderers of Agent liolen committal suicide. Six of the murderers of the two miners Hed into the fastnesses of the (Jascade Mowntain.-; the renuiinde*- esfapeil across the river and joined Kanaiakeii. On the evening of tlie 23d, Owhi, the iHwitile Yakima chief. c»fne into C'olonel Wright's camp on tine Laht«i. lb' wid li« fcad C01IM4 from the lower Spokane, tnd had left his WAR WITH TIIK SI'OKANKS, CCEUR D'ALftNES, ETC. 353 sun (iuiilcliiiui there, (^naleliian was an Imlian that Colonel Wriiriit wanted. lie had heen actively engaj^ed iti murders and robijcries since IS.')'), besides stirring np discontent an)ong the friendly Indians. In the precediiii; June he liad heen se- verely wounded in an attack on sonic miners on the We-nat- che, but had recovered (juickiy and at once resumed liis evil course. Owhi was put in irons, and word was sent to (Jual- chian to come in at once ; that if he did not come iiis father Would be huni;. lie arrived at nine o'clock the ne.\t morn- in;;-, and at half-))ast nine was hung. From this camp three troops of dragoo IS were sent to Steptoe's battle-ground. They brought in th.e two abandoned howitzers and also the remains of Captain Taylor and Lieutenant (iaston, which were con- veyed to Fort Walla- Walla for burial. ()n t]»e 2r)th a number ot I'elouses came into the camp. They represented that they had i)een with tlie hostiles, but tliat Kamiaken had tied over the mountains and they had se- ceded from him. Tin; ccdonel seized lifteen of them, all of whom, on ijivestigatioii, were ftuind to have left their own (•ountry aTul waged war against the United States. In the troubles of IS.M;. which he had settled so leniently as to arouse the resentment of the Oregonians, Colonel Wright hail ]irom- i.nel Wright dismissed them. Tlieohjeets of the expedition being now accomplished, half of the troops w(Me left tem]iorarily at Kort Taylor, and the remainder rcndezvo\ised at Kort Walla- Walla, where they were reviewed on Oetohcr 5tli by Colonel MaiisHeld, Inspector general of the Army. Thus ended one of the most remarkable Indian campaig'is ever kiionii. In it two liattlcs and a number of sUirmi.-ihes occurred, all rcsultinj' in the defeat of the Indians with hcavv losses; about one thousand horses and numy cattle were eap- ture 2ii CHAPTER XII. DEATH TO Tin: ArACIIE! No more sorioiis pliaso of the Indian problem lias pre- RCiitcd itself to the Ainericati people than that offered hy the Apaclu! trihes. Aided hy the desert nature of their country, they have resisted the advance of the whites Ion- iser than any other Indian nation. They have foiijjht with bravery and inconceivable cunning. They have committed atrocities that devils alono would seem cajiablo of, and have been subjected to atrocities that devils mij^ht blush to com- mit. They have made their name a terror and n tliinii; of execration to a section of country five times lari;(!r tiiaii all Kew England. They have kept miners for years from treas- ure deposits that have been regarded as of fabulous richness. They have gained the reputation of being the most treacher- ous, cruel, and inhuman savages that have been known in the I'nitcid States. People who have been willing to extend syni])athy and assistance to other Indiaiis, have stood aghast at the murderous work of the Apaches, and given their opin- ions that nothing but the extermination of the tribe couUl ever rid Arizona and New Mexico of a constant liability t() outrage and devastation. In noteworthy connection with this reputation is the fact that the Aitaches are among the least known of the Indian tribes. Not only has their hostile attitn# :> %.^'J^/V *% ^ *- ,> >> y s Photograpnic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. HSBO (716)873-4503 A G? «^ A 358 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. was a tribe sometimes called the Pinalenos or Pinal (Penole) Apaches, and sometimes the Arivapas (Aribaipais), from the Ilio Arivapa which flows on the south-west of the Pinal range to the Gila. The Mogollons (Mogayones) lived direct- ly north of these in the Mogollon Mountains and the deserts about them. Westward along the Gila River, and through the country north of it, roamed the Coyoteros, tiie most con- siderable of the tribes, who are said to have their name from their habit of eating the coyote or prairie wolf. It is possible, however, that the name is a corruption of Garroteros (club men) which was formerly applied to some of the western tribes. The Tontos, who lived chiefly in the rough country south and west of Bill "Williams Mountain, say that they broke off from the Coyoteros many years ago, and that their Indian name, which means " unruly," has been corrupted into the Spjfnish word tonto, which means "stupid." No little confusion has arisen from the numerous names, of different languages, given to these and kindred tribes. The Indians east of the Pecos, called Llaneros or Apaches, are properly Lipans. They have always been confederated with the Comanches and Kiowas in our dealings with them, and are now located in Indian Territory with those tribes. The Faraones or Taracones, mentioned in old Spanish books, were probably Navahos; the wovAl'iitajenne is given as the Apache s^'nonym of the name, and Yutajenne or Yutahah is the Apache name for the Navahos. The Yampais or Yavi- pais are now known as Apache Mohaves. The Cajuenches were probably the same as the Cuchanos or Yumas. The Ilualapais (Ilualpies, Wallapais) have been called Apache Yumas since 18G8, when that name was given them by Gen- eral Gregg, who was then commanding in Arizona. The Apaches were always known as wild Indians. It is doubtful if the Spaniards ever obtained any control over them, and certain that the Mexicans never retained any. Between these two peoples there was aliMost continuous war. The condition of the people of the Northern Mexican settle- ments was such that there was little chance of successful opposition to the Apaches. They were poor, and liardly more advanced in knowledare than their Indian enemies. DEATH TO THE APACHE! 359 Tlie central government exacted heavy taxes from them, but did nothing for their protection. The supreme power in their settlements was in the hands of the ricos or wealthy men, who often resisted the government and often contended ajnong themselves. Some of the rieos were of quite pure Spanish blood, but the great mass of the people were the mongrel Mexicans, and these were nearly all in the state of peonage or bondage for debt. As a general rule it was found cheaper and more consonant with the warlike spirit of the Mexicans to buy peace of the Apaches than to fight them. Instead of uniting and making an effort for common defence, it was usually the case that when the State of Chihuahua was at war with the Indians, the State of Sonora would be at peace, and vice versa. The property and even the captives taken in the one State would be purchased in the other. General Carasco, military governor of Sonora after the Mexi- can war, on one occasion broke into this system. Sonora was at war with the Apaches, and Chihuahua was not only at peace but also was issuing rations to them quarterly at the village of Janos, near our border. Carasco advanced on this place by night marches, and succeeded in surprising them during the feasting that ensued upon the issue of rations. He killed a number and took ninety prisoners. Medina, the governor of Chihuahua, made complaint to the general gov- ernment of this breach of inter-state customs, but the authori- ties sustained Carasco. This was a fortunate decision for the Northern Mexicans, for Carasco did more to protect their frontier than any ruler they bad for years. He impressed the poor as soldiers, and forced the rich to supply the means for keeping them in the field. His methods were unpopular, however, and he was poisoned. Many anecdotes are related by travellers of the poltroon- ery of the Mexicans in their contests with the Apaches. It is not strange that they appeared cowardly. Tlioy were poor, without organization, and with notliing in life to stimulate them to bravery. They were obliged to support themselves mainly by agriculture and stock-raising, and these pursuits put them continually on the defensive, while they scattered the people so as to make defence difficult. The Americans 300 MASSACKES GF THE MOUNTAINS. who went into the Apache country prior to our conquest were on h different footing from the Mexicans. They were eliiefly trappers or traders, and though many of them had ^[cxican wives or mistresses, quite as many liad tlieir mar- ital companions from rp^ -;/- -- --i- -^^rn.-^/ among the Indians, \f " while their husiness in- ■ ■■ . 'I terests were quite di- verse. The traders had more cause for sympa- thy with the Mexicans than the trappers, and yet tlie traders were so seldom attacked that the Mexicans accused them of having treated secretly with the Apa- ches. Their immunity was really dne to con- stant preparation for at- tack; the Apaches nev- er attack except by sur- prise. Tiie trappers acted with one side or the other, or remained neutral, as their tempo- rary interests demand- ed. In 1837 the Mexi- cans of both Sotiora and Chihuahua were at war with the Apaches, and both were becom- ing desperate over the successful incursions of the enemy. Chihuahua promulgated a law called the Pro- yedo de G^ierra, or project for war, by which the State offered one hundred dollars for the scalp of an Apache war- rior, lifty for tlie scalp of a squaw, and twenty-five for that AN APACllK WAimiOIl. DExVTll TO THE APACHE! 361 of a child. Sonora was also paying a bounty for scalps, and both gave to the captor any booty he might take from the Indians This liberality was produced mainly by the many atrocities of Juan Jose, a Miinbres chief, who had been educated among the Mexicans, and used his knowledge of their customs to great advantage in his warfare. One favorite scheme of his was robbing the mails, for the pur- pose of obtaining information as to the plans of the Mex- icans. At this time there were several parties of trappers on the head-waters of the Gila, and the captain of one of these, a man named Johnson, undertook to secure a number of Apache scalps. It is said that in addition to the scalp bounty ho was induced to this by pay from the owners of the Santa liita copper mines. At any rate he made a feast and invited to it a number of Mimbreno warriors, who accepted his hosi)itable bidding. To one side of the ground where his feast was spread he placed a howitzer, loaded to the muzzle with slugs, nails, and bullets, and concealed under sacks of flour and other goods. In good I'ange he placed a sack of flour, which he told the Indians to divide among themselves. T'nsuspicious of wrong, they gathered about it. Johnson touched his lighted cigarrito to the vent of the howitzer, and the charge was poured into the crowd, killing and wounding many. The party of trappers at once folic ved up the attack with their rifles and knives. A goodly number of scalps were secured, that of Juan Jose among others, but the treach- ery was terribly repaid. Another party of fifteen trappers was camped on a stream a few miles distant. The surviving Mimbrefios went to these unsuspecting men and murdered every one of them. Their vengeance did not stop at this. The copper mines of Santa Kita were furnished with supplies from the city of Chihuahua by guarded wagon-trains {con- ihidas) that brought in provisions and hauled back ore. The time for the arrival of the train came and passed, but no train appeared. Days slipped away; provisions were almost ex- hausted; the supply of ammunition was nearly gone. Some of the miners climbed to the top of 15en Moore, which rises back of the mines, but from its lofty summit no sign of an ai)proaching comlucta was visible. Starvation was imminent. 3G2 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. The only liope of escape for the miners and their families was in making their way across the desert expanse that lies between the mines and the settlements. They started, but the Apaches, who had destroyed the train, hung abont them, and attacked them so persistently that only four or five suc- ceeded in reaching their destination. The scalp bounty was not always so effective ii/ procuring the death of Apaches as in this case. A few years after our conquest, whe!i the vigilance committees of California had filled Arizona with the most villainous collection of white men that ever breathed, there was enacted a comic tragedy in which the principal performer was John Gallantin. lie was a desperate scoundrel, and had gathered about him a band of cut-throats whose infamous characters were excelled only by his own. The governor of Chihuahua undertook to make these men useful to the State by paying them thirty dollars for each Apache scalp they secured. They brought scalps in profusion, but the Apache raids were nowise diminished. On the contrary, large numbers of Mexicans and friendly Indians were assassinated and scalped in the midst of the settlements. The suspicions of the Chihuahuans were excited, and Gallantin was at length discovered taking the scalps of some Mexifans whom his people had murdered. This accounted for the ex- traordinary activity of "the Apaches," and Gallantin and his band left the country. They gathered up some twenty-five hundred sheep as they went along, and with these made their way to the Colorado at the mouth of the Gila. They were met with professions of great friendship by the Yutnas, who were then (1851) commanded by Caballo en Pelo (Naked Horse), a chief of great prowess. Having placed themselves in favorable positions in the camp of the desperadoes, the Yumas suddenly fell upon them ai.d murdered the entire party. Tlie scalp-bounty system was not given up by the Mexicans, and, what is more remarkable, man-hunters were allowed to pursue their occupation on our side of the line for the scalp markets of Chihuahua and Sonora. In 1870 Lieutenant Drew was visited by such a party from Janos, Chihuahua, who coolly proposed to massacre the Indians who were then under his protection, preparatory to going on a reservation. He said. Si V DEATH TO THE APACHE! 365 " These people do not care a sti-aw for the depredations com- mitted in this or any other country ; tliey work for tlie money a scalp brings, and one from a friendly Indian is worth as much as one of any other." Orders were soon after issued which lessened this business as an international commerce. When the Americans invaded tlie country during the Mexican Avar, the itpaches welcomed them as allies, though their professions of friendship were not much believed. At San Lucia Springs, near the Santa Rita mines, General Kear- ny was met by Mangas Colorado (Red Sleeves — in defective Spanish), chief of the Mimbreiios, who vowed eteriuil friend- ship to the Americans. It was noticed, however, that they kept shy of howitzers, and that one of them wore a shirt made of a Henry Clay campaign flag, which doubtless signified a dead American somewhere. The Apaches were overwhelmed with admiration of our soldiers and their weapons. Said one of their chiefs to General Kearii}', as they prepared to leave, "You have taken New Mexico and will soon take Califorriia; go, then, and take Chihuahua, Durango, and Sonora. We will help you. You fight for land ; we care nothing for land ; we fight for the laws of Montezuma and for food. The Mex- icans are rascals ; we hate and will kill them all." This feel- ing, though somewhat advantageous to us during war, was a disadvantage as soon as peace was made. AV^e were bound by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo to protect •cnr newly-ac- quired Mexican citizens, and also to prevent our Indians from depredating in Mexico. Americans who settled in New Mex- ico lived, of course, in the Mexican settlements, and had inter- ests much in common with the Mexicans. The Apaches in the neighborhood of these settlements were not verv trouble- some for several years, but the western bands pursued their old vocation of plunder with unabated vigor. The settlers below the Gila, and the emigrants who passed over the south- ern road, retained their lives and property only by eternal vigilance. After the massacre of the miners, the Mimbrefios held pos- session of the Santa Rita mines for a dozen years undisturbed. Tlie place became known as their great stronghold, and no white men were able to break through its surrounding wilds. 306 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. In 1850 there came an invasion. The American lialf of tlie Mexican Boiiiidary Commission, under charge of Mr. J. R. liartlett, decided to make the copper mines their head-qnar- ters for a time, and a force of three hundred men took pos- session of tlie place. The Mimbrerios, under the leadership of their great war-chief Ciichillo Negro, or Black Knife, were disposed to resist at first, but thought better of it, and re- ceived the Americans with professions of friendship. A short time after the commission was established in these quarters, there came along three Mexican traders, who had been among the Pinal Apaches, and purchased of them a 3'oung Mexican girl named Inez Gonzales. This girl, who M'as about fifteen years old, had been a captive for nine months. Her parents lived at the town of Santa Cruz, whence she had started in company with her aunt and others, with an escort of soldiers, to attend the feast of Sun Francisco at Magdalena. They M'ere ambushed by the Pinalefios; the men were killed, and the women and children carried away. Tlie Mexicans were taking her to Santa Fe, probably to sell her or to keep her for immoral purposes, as was the common practice with female slaves. Mr. Bartlett had no hesitancy as to releasing her, inasmuch as the United States had expressly agreed, in the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, to release all such captives and to suppress the traffic in them. Inez was returned to her parents by the commissioner when he arrived in Santa Ciiiz. She subsequently became the mistress of Captain Gomez, who commanded the troops in Northern Sonoi'a. He married her on the death of his wife, and after his death Inez married the Alcalde of Santa Cruz, her social standing not having been at all affected by her romantic adventures. The release of this captive did not directly affect the In- dians, but a few days later two Mexican boys, who were held as slaves by the Mimbrenos, took refuge in the tent of Colo- nel Cremony, with the commission, and appealed to him to save them from their masters. These children, Saverro Are- dia and Jose TrinfaJi, had heard the Indians speaking of the release of Inez, and determined to seek the same protection. Protection was given to them. There were some indications that the Apaches, thwarted in recovering them, might murder DKATH TO THE APACHK! 3G7 tliern, and on account of this Mr. Bartlett sent tliem away at night, under guard, to the camp of General Condd, tho Mexican commissioner. Conde at once forwarded tliem into Mexico. The Miinbrenos were very indignant at this sum- mary release of their property — a rather inconsistent inter- ference, too, at a time when the Fugitive Slave Law had just gone into operation — but after holding a council, and being informed that they could not help themselves, they concluded to accept about two hundred and fifty dollars' worth of goods for the two boys. As this institution of slavery in the West has been the cause of much trouble with the Indians, a glance at its feat- ures and extent will be advantageous in considering the diffi- culties between the two races. The system obtained with all the tribes of the Rocky Mountains, and also with the Kio- was and Comanches who sprang from mountain stocks. In- stead of dooming their captives to death, or adopting them into their tribes, as tho Eastern Indians did, they held them for barter and the performance of menial duties. The slave was the property of his immediate captor, but in case he was taken by a band he was the property of the tribe. Owner- ship was frequently changed by sale or gambling. The slave was wholly subject to the caprices of his owner, even to his life. " Women," says Captain Johnson, speaking of the Apa- ches, " when captured, are taken as wives by those who cap- ture them, but they are treated by the Indian wives of the capturers as slaves, and made to carry wood and water; if they chance to be pretty, or receive too much attention from their lords and masters, they are, in the absence of the lat- ter, unmei'cifully beaten and otherwise maltreated. The most unfortunate thing which can befall a captive woman is to be claimed by two persons. In this case she is either shot or delivered up for indiscriminate violence." This latter abrupt method of deciding controversies was adhered to by the Apa- ches to prevent quarrels among themselves. Other property was treated similarly. If a horse were claimed as booty by two warriors, they must adjust their differences speedily or the animal was shot. The case of Inez Gonzales was not an exceptional one, ¥9 868 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. Tvliereiti Mexicjins who liad been captured by Iiidiaiirf were bought and held as slaves by Mexicviis. It was the uhnost universal rule. In the ])receding summer, Indian agent Cal- houn released four Mexicans, three boys and a woman, all of whom had been bought by Mexicans from the Ai)aches. lie reported: "The trading in cajitives has been so long tolerateil in this Territory that it has ceased to be regarded as a wrong; and purchasers are not prepared vyillingly to release captives without an adequate ransom. In legislating upon this sub- ject it should be distinctly set forth under what circum- stances captives shall be released, and limiting the ex]ieiiditures that may be incurred thereby. Unless the Mexicans arc paid for such captives as they have purchased, and have now in possession, but very few of them will be released ; nor will it answer well to allow captives to make their election as to a release, for their submission to their masters is most perfect, and they are well instructed as to j>roper replies to interroga- tories. ... I may, in conclusion, mention that there are a number of Indian captives held as slaves in this Territory, and Congressional action nuty be necessary in relation to them, and I respectfully submit the question for appropriate con- sideration." The Mexicans could never see any great evil in slavery. Their system of peonage, or bondage for debt, amounts to life servitude in most cases, for wages are so low that a peon ordinarily earns only enough for his subsistence. There was no public sentiment against the subjection of women to the pleasures of th' 'r owners, for virtue is almost unknown among them. It i. the common mode, to this day, for one who desires a Mexican mistress, to select the girl and make arrangements with her parents by the payment of a small sum monthly. The Americans who settled in the country held very simi- lar ideas in regard to Mexicans and Indians, both of whom were considered as inferior races. The trapper or trader who desired a squaw purchased one, and the settler who wanted servants very commonly purchased them. They took to the system so naturally that legislation was made necessary to prohibit it. Many of the more reckless characters engaged in the business of catching and selling slaves, as is illustrated UKATU TO THE ArACIIE! 3Cy : a in the following extract from tho journal of Colonel Cooko : "I had lately a conversation with old Weaver, which was not olliciul. He said, ' The Tontos live in that ran^o over there ; 1 never see them with more than one or two lodges together; they are a band of the Coyoteros, and are called fools for their ignorance. AVheti I went over once, from the Pimas to the Cuchanos and Mochabus [Mohaves], I met some lodges and had a fuss with them.' — 'What sorti' — 'Oh, we killed two or three and burned their lodges, and took all the women and children and sold them.' — ' What !' — ' Yes, I have often cauirht the women and children of Diifger IiiJi.ins and sold them in New Mexico and Sonora. Mr. of '1' icson told me a squaw I sold him ran off, and was found d ad, famished for water I s'pose, going over from the Pi* i 3 to tlio Coloni- do.' — 'AV^hat! have you no feelir:g for her death, tr}i;)g to Yv' '•■' to her father and mother yon tore her f ''ora ?' — 'I killed her father and mother, as like ab not, ilioy stole all our traps; as fast as we could stick a trap in the river, they'd come and steal it, and shoot arrows into our horses ; they thought we would leave them for them to cat, but we built a big fire and burned them up.' " The weaker tribes of course suffered most in this business. The wretched Diggers of the Salt Lake Basin were especially the victims of it, in an early duy, as was often testified to by travellers. Farnham suvls "These poor creatures are hunted in the spring, when weak and helpless, by a certain class of men, and when taken are fattened, and carried to Santa Fe and sold as slaves. A 'like- ly girl,' in her teens, often brings three or four hundred dol- lars. The men are valued less." The Diggers fell under tho control of the Mormons, and to their honor be it said that they made an effort to ameliorate the condition of these captives. The evil to be remedied is thus set forth in the preamble of an act passed in January, 1852: "Wfie7rris, from time immemorial, the practice of purchasing Indian women and children of the Utah tribe of Indians by Mexican traders has been indulged in and ciirried on bj' tho.^'' respective people until the In- dians consider it an allowable traffic, and frequently offer their prisoners or children for sale ; and 370 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. " Whereas it is a common practice among these Indians to gamble away their own children and women ; and it is a well - established fact that women and children thus obtained, or obtained by war, or theft, or in any other manner, are by them frequently carried from i)lace to place, packed upon horses or mules, lariated out to subsist upon grass, roots, or starve, and are frequently bound with thongs made of rawhide, until their hands and feet become swollen, mutilated, inflamed with pain, and wounded ; and when with suffering, cold, hunger, and abuse they fall sick, so as to become troublesome, are frequently slain by their masters to get rid of them; and " W''ereas they do frequently kill their women and children taken pris- oners, either in revenge, or for amusement, or through the influence of tra- dition, unless they are tempted to exchange them for trade, which they usually do if they have an opportunity ; and " Whereas one family frequently steals the children and women of an- other family, and such robberies and murders are continually committed in times of their gi'eatest peace and amity, thus dragging free Indian women and children into Mexican servitude and slavery, or death, to the almost entire extirpation of the whole Indian race ; and " Whereas these inhuman practices arc being daily enacted before our eyes in the midst of the white settlements, and within the organized coun- ties of the Territory ; and when the inhabitants do not purchase or trade for those so offered for sale, they are generally doomed to the most misera- ble existence, suffering the tortures of every species of cruelty, until death kindly relieves them and closes the revolting severity : "Wherefore, when all these facts are taken into consideration, it be- comes the duty of all humane and Christian people to extend unto this degraded and down-trodden race such relief as can be awarded to them, " etc. The act following this argumentative recital provides that any white person having a captive in his possession, shall go with it before the select-men, or the probate judge, and bind the captive to some proper person, in the discretion of the select-men, for a term of not over twenty years. The person to whom he is bound is required to send him to school three months in the year, from the age of seven to sixteen, and to clothe him in a suitable manner. The select-men are also empowered to obtain such captives from the Indians for the purpose of binding them out. In the North slavery prevailed everywhere, and was abetted and encouraged by the Hudson's Bay Company. Said Mr. Slocum, of slavery in Oregon, " The price of a slave varies from five to fifteen blankets. Women are val- ued higher than inen. If a slave dies within six months of the purchase, the seller returns one-half the purchase-money. DEATH TO THE APACHE! 371 . . . Many instances have occurred where a man has sold his own child. . . . The slaves are generally employed to cut wood, hunt and fish for the families of the men employed by the Hudson's Bay Company, and are ready for any extra work. Each man of the trapping parties has fro'n two to three slaves, who assist to hunt and take care of the horses and camp. They thereby save the Company the expense of employing at least double the number of men that would otherwise be required on these excursions. ... As long as the Hudson's Bay Company permit their servants to hold slaves, the institution of slavery will be perpetuated." Slav- cry was, in fact, more extensive in Oregon than anywhere else in the West, and more similar to the African and Orien- tal systems. Stanley says of Casino, the celebrated Klickitat chief, "In the plenitude of his power he travelled in great state, and was often accompanied by a hundred slaves, obedi- ent to his slightest caprice." The same authority says, "It is a very common practice of the Shaste, IJmpqua, and Rogue liiver Indians, to sell their children in slavery to the tribes inhabiting the banks of the Columbia River. During my tour through the Willamette Valley in 1818, I met a party of Tlickitats (Ivlickitats) returning from one of these trading excursions, having about twenty little boys, whom they had purchased from the Umpqua tribe." The Oregon Indians also preyed upon the degraded tribes of California in this trade, and the Modocs, Klamaths, and Pitt River Indians ob- tained the reputation of fierce and cruel slave-drivers in pro- curing captives for sale to their Northern neighbors. All through the Rocky Mountains, except in what we have called the north-eastern triangle, this system of human slavery extended, and it had obtained such a root that it was very hard to extirpate. In Colorado it was brought to a sum- mary end, so far as white slave-holders w-ero concerned, in 18G5, through the efforts of the government. Indian Agent Head, accompanied by Deputy Marshall E. R. Ha: ris, visited all owners of Indian slaves and informed them that they must be released. Says Mr. Head, " I have notified all the people here that in future no more captives are to be purchased or sold, as I shall immediately arrest both parties caught in the 21 372 MASSACKES OF THE MOUNTAINS. transaction. This step, I think, will at once put an end to the most barbarous and inhuman practice which has been in existence with the Mexicans for generations. There are cap- tives who know not their own parents, nor can they speak their mother tongue, and who recognize no one but those who rescued [!] them from their merciless captors." In New Mexico and Arizona the slaves have not yet been fully eman- cipated. There were twenty Mexican slaves released from among the Navahos in 1883. In 186G the number of Indians held as slaves and peons by the whites was estimated officially at two thousand. There are undoubtedly many Indian slaves held among the Mexicans in those Territories now, but the system of peonage, and the fact that they are kept in fear of expressing discontent, makes it dilKcult to release them. In Northern Mexico there are numbers of Indians, of our tribes, still held in slavery, and the officials of Arizona reservations are continually besieged with appeals to restore to our In- dians their captive kindred. The condition of these slaves was as shocking as pro- claimed in the Mormon document quoted above. The fe- male captives were nearly always subjected to indignities, both among the Indians and the whites, and among the latter tliey were frequently made public prostitutes for the gain of their owners. Among the Indians there was also the con- stant liability of sacrifice for religious purposes. At tiie death of any person of prominence it was customary to kill one or more captives, who should serve as slaves to the deceased in the spirit world, as has been recounted herein, in the narra- tive of tlie captivity of Olive Oatnian. Walker (Wacca), the noted Ute chief, who died in 1855, and was buried on a high mountain about twelve miles south-east of Fillmore, Utah, was accorded full honors of this kind. Four Pi-ede slaves, three children and one woman, were buried in the grave with him. Three of thom were killed and thrown into tlie grave; the other was thrown in alive. Among the Chinooks the burial custom was to bind a slave iiand and foot and tie iiini to the corpse, after which they were deposited together in the ])lace of sepulture; after i.iree days the victim was stran- gled by anotiier slave. Tlie particulars of the treatment that DEATH TO THE APACHE! 373 uiiglit be anticipated by captives were known to both races, and, as may be imagined, the whole system tended to make their hatred intense. When people are killed, and out of the way, warfare may to some extent be forgotten, but when rela- tives and friends are held in slavery, there is a constant press- ure to rescue them or be revenged. This was a feeling com- mon to both sides, and in regard to women it was perhaps more strong with the Apaches than with the Mexicans. The Apache women were noted for their chastity. In this re- spect they were far superior to the Mexicans, and equal, if not superior, to any Indians on the continent. The fate to which their captive wives and daughters was doomed often caused poignant sorrow among them. Of course there was not the same effort made by the whites to restore Indian slaves to their tribes that there was to recover Mexican or American slaves. The " axiom " of Aristotle, that " Barbari- ans are designed by Nature to be slaves," is one that has al- ways been adopted by superior races when thrown in contact with inferior ones. The forcible purchase of the Mexican boys by the Bound- ary Commission, was not forgotten by the Mimbrefios, who considered it an invasion of their rights. The relations of the parties were soon further complicated through the killing of an Apache by Jesus Lopez, a Mexican teamster. The Apaches insisted that the Americans should hang this man, who undoubtedly deserved hanging. Mr. Bartlett objected to performing such summary justice, but promised to have the offender tried at Santa Fo. The Indians contended^ with much show of reason, that he ought to be hung there, where the crime was committed. After a lengthy discussion, in which it was urged that the Apaches had recently killed an American on the road between Janos and the mines, for which they had made no reparation, the matter was arranged by paying the mother of the murdered man thirty dollars, and twenty dollars per month thereafter, being the amount of the murderer's wages. Three weeks later the Indians began stealing the liorses and mules belonging to the Commission. Tlicy vehemently deriied that tliey were guilty, at first, but soon a pursuing force overtook one of the bands of thieves, 374 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. and found it cotninanded by Delgadito (tlie Slender), a Mim- brefios chief, who had slept in the Commissioner's camp only two nights before. In the conrse of a month nearly two hun- dred horses and mules were taken, and at the end of that period the advancement of the work caused Mr. Bartlett t move on with his almost dismounted command. The Mim- brefios considered his departure as a victory for them, and always thought that they drove the Americans away. During the stay of the Commissioner's party, a number of miners had settled at the Pino Alto gold mines, north-west of the Santa Rita mines, and these remained there when the copper mines were abandoned. They grew in numbers, and the Mlmbreiios were unable to dislodge them. After several years Mangas Colorado tried to accjmplish this end by deceit. He would approach a miner and tell him in a confidential way of wonderful gold mines to which he would escort him, out of personal friendship, only they two must go alone. No one risked a trip with the kind-hearted chief, but after several weeks some of the miners happened to compare notes, and the probable treachery was revealed. The next time Mangas appeared at the mines, he was tied up and soundly whipped. It would have been far more politic to have killed him. He never forgave this injury — the greatest that could be inflicted on an Indian— and he certainly avenged it on a royal scale. For years he was the greatest and most vindictive leader of the Apaches. He united himself by marriage with Cochise (Cheis), the principal chief of the Chiricahuas, and also made a marital alliance with the Navahos that gave him great in- fluence in that tribe. Murders and robberies innumerable were committed under his leadership. He succeeded for a long time in keeping together larger bodies of warriors than had ever been known among the Apaches, and in devastating all the regions through which they roamed. During all this time the Jicarillas were disturbing the peace on the northern side of the Rio Grande settlements. In October, 1849, they committed the massacre of the Wliitc party which attracted wide-spread attention at the time. Mr. White, with his wife and child, was coming to Santa Fe, where he had formerly been a merchant, in company with a wagon DEATH TO THE APACHE! 1)77 train belonging to Mr. Anbrey. They had passed tlio coun- try considered dangerous, and the Whites started ahead, accom- panied by a German named Lawberger, an unknown Ameri- can, a Mexican, and a negro. While camped between Kock Creek and Whetstone branch, a party of Jicarillas approaclied them and demanded presents. White refused, and drove tliem out of camp. Presently they returned, and were again refused and ordered out. Instead of going they opened fire, killing the negro and Mexican. The others tried to fly, but were killed, excepting Mrs. White and the child, who were taken ])rison- ers. The dead bodies were laid along the road, but were not scalped or stripped, and the Indians concealed themselves. A party of Mexicans soon came along, and began plundering the wagons. The Indians fired on them, but succeeded only in wounding one boy, who was left for dead. lie lay quiet until the Indians went awaj', and then came to Santa Fe and reported the occurrence. A company of dragoons, with Kit Carson as guide, followed the Indians for three or four days before they found them. They made an attack and killed several, but the Indians murdered Mrs. AVhite and the cliild before they fled. A severe snow-storm came on, from which both sides suffered severely, and rendered farther pursuit im- possible. In 1851 these Indians murdered a party of eleven persons who were carrying the mail. After some further hos- tilities they entered into a treaty with Agent Calhoun, and went on reservations near Fort Webster and Abiquiu, but the treaty was not ratified. Mr. Meriwether, who succeeded Mr. Calhoun in August, 1853, found the Jicarillas on his hands, with no money to provide for them. He told them he could do nothing for them, and t'lrned them out. As they had made no provision for winter, they proceeded to support themselves by theft. In a few months their depredations became so in- sufferable that the troops were sent after them. Lieutenant Bell had a successful skirmish with them on March 5th, but on March 30th Lieutenant Davidson's command of sixty men was attacked by two hundred Jicarillas and Utes, and only nine- teen men escaped, most of them wounded. A large force of regulars and volunteers was then put in the field, and, on July 30th Goneral Garland reported that the Jicarillas had been 378 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. subdued and had sued for pvace. There was one band, how- ever, that escaped and took lofuge among the Utes ; these renegades with their allies destroyed the settlement on the Arkansas, and were punished as recorded in the sketch of the Utes hereafter. The Mescaleros, to the south-east of the Ilio Grande settle- ments, were the Apaches for whose civilization there seemed the best prospect. They were more devoted to agriculture than the others, and consequejitly had more to lose by war. They exercised the ancient prerogative of thieving to a limit- ed extent for some years, but in the winter of 1854-55 their depredations became so extensive that they could not be tol- erated. Captain Ewell, of the Ist Dragoons, was sent against them with one hundred and eighty men. The Mescaleros met them on the Fefiasco, on the night of January 17th, and fought them all the next day as they advanced. The troops lost three killed, and the Indians were seen to bear away lif- teen dead bodies. The Mescaleros retreated in the direction of the Guadalupe Mountains. On February 23d a party of fifteen warriors attacked a grazing camp of four soldiers, sur- prising them and pulling their tent down upon them, but the soldiers extricated themselves and drove the Indians off with heavy loss. The Mescaleros then concluded that their mission was not lighting the Americans. They came to Agent Steck at Fort Thorne, and begged for peace. Peace was granted, and a reservation was given them in their own country, between the Pecos River and the Sacramento Mountains. The Mesca- leros thereafter behaved quite well until the Texan invasion, early in the civil war, but the Mexicans gained in blood-thirsti- ness what the Indians had lost. In February, 1858, a militia ])arty from Messila, known as the " Messila Guard," attacked a peaceful Mescalero camp close by the village of Doiia Ana, and pursued the Indians into the houses of the Dofia Anans, where they lied for refuge. Eight or nine Indians were killed and one child taken captive. The citizens of Dona Ana denounced this affair as a riotous and wanton outrage, though they seemed to object more to the disturbance of them- selves than to the wrong done the Indians. In April these same valientes attacked the Mescalero camp on the reserva- Wi DEATH TO THE APACHE! 379 tion near Fort Thorne, killed seven and took several prison- ers. The garrison was proini)tly called to arms, and after a brief chase captured thirty-iive of the attacking party, includ- ing Juan Ortega, their leader. The military authorities were now thoroughly indignant. The officers at the fort knew that these Indians had been peaceable and well-behaved, so that Mexican affidavits of outrages committed by them were not elfective; and the prisoners were held, notwithstanding the writs of habeas corpus that were issued for their release. General Garland also determined to withdraw his troops from Fort Thorne and let the valiant Messilans have their fill of Indian fighting. This called forth a petition from the peo- ple, in which assertions of their own valor and prayers for protection are ludicrously blended. General Garland left two companies to protect settlers innocent of outrage, but in- formed others that they " have no claims to the protection of the military, and will receive none." The eastern Apaches remained at peace until the begin- ning of the war of the rebellion. They were not making any material progress towards civilization, except in the matter of becoming drunkards. The intercourse laws could not be enforced in New Mexico because there were no " Indian lands." The Mexicans had treated the Indian title as extinct, and we had taken the Mexican title, in consequence of which our legislators assumed that the Indians, who actually held the country, and had held it from the " time when the mem- ory of man runneth not to the contrary," had no title what- ever. To make this absurdity more serious in its results, none of the treaties made with the Apaches were ratified, and there- fore the reservations designated for them did not come with- in the protection of the intercourse laws. The result was that the most of the projierty that the Jicarillas and Mescale- ros got hold of went for aguardiente. The Western tribes continued their piratical warfare. Several expeditions were sent against them, but none resulted in any permanent advan- tage or any material punishmetit to the Indians. At the opening of the war a Pandora's box of evils was opened over every square mile of New Mexico and Arizona. Among the officers of the army were many Southerners, and 880 MASSACllES OF THE MOUNTAINS. these did not hesitate to return to the Sonth. Some tried to take their soldiers with tliem, but these attempts were gener- ally nnsuccessful. Immediately after came an order with- drawing the troops from the frontier posts. This meant a desertion of nearly all the country, for life in it had only been n»ade possible by the presence of the soldiers. The overland mail company abandoned its lino through the two territories (one at that time), thus putting an end to all communication. The Western Apaches seemed to have awakened to new life. They pursued their work of murder and robbery with such daring that no safety was possible. Men were killed and ranches plundered in tiie midst of well-settled districts. The Indians seemed to be everywhere. This activity was occasioned in the first place by a mili- tary blunder. In the spring of ISGl some Apaches stole a cow and a child from the Mexican mistress of an American, and, on complaint of the latter at Fort Buchanan, seventy-five men were sent to demand the property of the Chiricahuas, who were accused of the theft. The party went to Apache Pass and camped, with a white flag flying over the tent of the commander. Under its protection Cochise and five other chief- "lime in to talk. They professed absolute ignorance of the theft, and stuck to it, on account of which obduracy orders were given to seize them. Cochise seized a knife, slit the canvas, and escaped, carrying with him three bullets. One chief was knocked down and spitted on a bayonet while attempting to follow. The other four were bound. The Indians at once began hostilities by killing some prisoners. The captive chiefs were hung in retaliation, and the Apaches attacked the troops. The latter were badly whipped, and obliged to return to the fort. Tho abandonment of the posts by the troops soon after on the order of recall was believed by the Indians to have resulted from their hostilities, and they were satisfied that they need only fight if they desired to rid themselves of the Americans. The Arizona settlements, which were at that time all within the Gadsden Purchase, and chief- ly in the Santa Cruz Valley, were made desolate. At first ranches were destroyed one after another, and travellers way- laid and murdered. Having accomplished this work thor- DEATH TO THE APACHE! 3Sl oiifjlily, the Apaclies began operations against the strongholds of their enemies. The silver mines east of Tnbac were held for a few weeks ; but it was necessary to arm the peoiif? to ac- complish this, and arming them forced the Americans in charge to stand guard constantly, to preserve their lives from their employes. The mines were abandoned as soon as their business affairs conld be arranged. Tubac was deserted soon afterwards. Tucson dwindled away to a village of two hun- dred souls. What was lacking in the desperate nature of the situation was added by the invasion of the Texans. They occujtied all of the sonthern part of Xew Mexico, and all of what is now Arizona that was occupied by the whites. On the south- east they occupied Fort Stanton, the only post in the Mesca- lero conntry. All the Apache tribes except the Jicarillas were within the region held by them, and the Jicari"llas were the only Apaches that remained at peace. It is worth re- membering that but for the friendly attitude of the Jicarillas and the Utos, New Mexico must almost certainly have fallen into the hands of the Texans. The Mescaleros, who had been behaving well p. jviously, became involved in a qnarrel with the Confederate soldiers, and a fight resulted in which several were killed on both sides. The Mescaleros then began an Ishmaelitish war, sparing no one. The settlements which had grown up on the llio lionito were quickly devastated, and the war was carried to the villages of the llio Grande country. On the south-west Mangas Colorado prevented the settlers from suffering the "pangs of ennui. Most of the Mimbres went to war immediately after he was flogged by the miners, and the Chiricahuas and Gilefios made common cause with them. On the morning of September 27, 1801, a force of over two hundred warriors attacked the mining village of Pino Alto, but fortunately for the people Captain Martin had ar- rived the niffht before with a detachment of the Arizona Guards, a volunteer organization, and after several hours' hard fighting the Indians were driven off with considerable loss. Soon after one hundred and fifty warriors attacked a large wagon train, one day out from Pino Alto, and besieged it for fourteen hours. The train escaped destruction by the timely 382 MASSAC'UES OF THE MOUNTAINS. arrival of the Arizona Guards, who escorted it to the Mimbres liiver. Any long continuanoe of this state of affairs nmst have been ruinous to New Mexico ; but aid was at hand. Tiie Col- orado Volunteers marched down from the North, turned back the Texans, and joined Canby in driving them from the Ilio (irande. At the same time General Carleton, with a column of three thousand Californians, was advancing by way of Fort Yuma, driving all hostiles before him, and opening communi- cation through to the coast. The combined forces of Maiigas Colorado and Cochise made a desperate resistance to his ad- vance at Apache Pass, in the Chiricahua Moun- tains, but the (Jalifor- nians were supplied with howitzers and shells, and the Apaches found that their posi- tions, which they had made almost impregna- l)le to direct attack, af- forded them no protec- tion from these new missiles of their white foes. They Hed with a loss of 6ixt3'-six killed ; the Californians had two" killed and three wounded. Just after this engagei cut Mangas Colorado was seriously woundet while trying to cut off a messenger that was carrying bac , news of the fight at the pass. lie was taken to the vill, ? of Janos, in Northern New Mexico, by his warriors, and ut under charge of a physician there, with notice that he did not recover, every one in the place would be ki ^d. lie recovered. A short time after his recovery, early ,i 18G3, he was captured by Captain Shir- land of the California Volunteers, and killed while attempting to escape. It is said that the sentinel stirred him up with a heated bayonet and then shot hira. It was time for him to A llECOUU OK MANUAS COLORADO. DKATH TO THE Al'ACIIK! 383 ilie. llo was about seventy years old, ami had se^'ired all the reveiif^e to wliich one inau is entitled. His skull is said to ornament the phrenological imiseuni of Prof. (). S. Fowler. (Jencral Carleton arrived at the liio Grando settlements in Septeml)er, lSt!2, and relieved Canby, who went to take a glo- rious part in the great struggle in the South. Carleton, being rid of white enemies, devoted his attention to the subjugation of the Indians. He first sent -ol. Kit Carson, with live com- panies of New Mexican volunteers, to occupy Fort Stanton, from which he was to operate against the Mescaleros and any Xavahos that were in that region. Captain McCleave, with two companies of California Volunteers, was sent into the Mescalero country by way of Dog Canon (Canon del Perro), from the 'south-west. Captain Roberts, with two companies of Californians, was sent into the same region from the south, by way of the Ilueco (Wacco) tanks. The orders to each command were : " The men are to bo slain whenever and wherever they can be found. The women and children may be taken prisoners, but, of course, they are not to be killed." Carson took possession of Fort Stanton with no material hindcrance. !^[cCleavc encountered the Apaches at Dog Cafio'i, which was one of their greatest strongholds. There were about five hundred of them — over a hundred warriors — and they were completely routed by the Californians. They fled to Fort Stanton and surrendered to Cai'son, who took them under his protection, rather against the sanguinary in- structions of Carleton, and sent Hve of their chiefs to Santa Fe to treat for peace. General Carleton required them to go on a reservation at the Bosque lledondo, on the Pecos River. The spokesman of the Mescaleros was Gian-nah-tah (Always Ready), known to the Mexicans as Cadete, or the Volunteer. He was a son of Palanquito, their former head chief, who died soon afLcr they were first treated with, in 1855. Gian- nah-tah said, " You are stronger than we. We have fought you so long as we had rifles and powder; but your weapons are better than ours. Give us like weapons and turn us loose, we will fight you again; but we are worn out; we have no more heart ; we have no provisions, no means to live; your troops are everywhere; our springs and water- 384 MASSACKES OF THE MOUNTAINS. holes are either occupied or overlooked by your young men. You have driven us from our last and best stronghold, and we have no more heart. Do with us as may seem good to you, but do not forget we are men and braves." The Mescaleros were sent to the Bosque Redondo with the pro!^^ise that if they should remain there peaceably until the war was finished, so that they would not be confused with tiie hostiles, they should be given a reservation in their own country. At the Bosque they came under charge of Colonel Cre- mony, formerly with the Boundary Commission, to whose intelligent labor the world is indebted for much of its knowledge of Apache customs. It may be mentioned, by-the-way, that he collected a valua- ble vocabulary of the Apache language and for- warded it to the Smith- sonian Institution over twenty years ago, but it has not yet been publish- ed. The Indians came to the Bosque rapidly; by spring four hundred Mes- caleros were on the reser- vation, and the remain- der were reported as hav- ing fled into Mexico or joined the Gila tribes. Tlie disposal of the Mescaleros gave some opportunity for proceedings against the Mimbrefios. An expedition was sent into their country in January, 1803, which resulted in the defeat and capture of Mangas Colorado, with a loss of twenty of his warriors. Fort West was established in the Pino Alto coun- try, and scouting parties were kept in the field. By the lat- ter part of April, forty of the band had been killed, includ- rAl'A(JO ClIIKK. DEATH TO THE APACHE! 385 ing a brother and one of the sons of Mangas. The attention ot the greater part of the troops was turned to the Navahos during the year 18G3 and the early part of the next year. By March, 1804, there were 3600 Navahos and 450 Apaclies at the Busque. By the twentieth of that month 2600 more Navahos were reported captured and on their way. Events were occurring in Arizona, however, that soon carried the seat of active operations to that territory. In 1862 Pauline Weaver, the pioneer prospector of Arizona, discovered tlie placers on the Colorado near La Paz, and in 1863 he found the district that bears his name, south-west of Prescott, and tbj remarkable mines of Antelope Peak. In the spring of 1SG3 a party of prospectors under Captain Walker, an old California mining celebrity, left the Rio Cxrande settlements and went into the same region. The new mines attracted many people, to whom General Carleton gave all the protec- tion and assistance in his power. In the summer of 1864, his hands were comparatively free in New Mexico, and the troops were cen.red on the western Apaches. Tiie extermination policy then received as full and fair a trial as could possibly be given to it. The forces were adc(juate, for every one joined in the movement. On April 20tli General Carleton detailed his plans to Don Ignacio Pes- (piira. Governor of Sonora, saying, "If your excellency will put a few hundred men into the Held on the first day of next tiune, and keep them in hot pursuit of the Apaches of Sono- ra, say for sixty or ninety days, we will either exterminate the Indians or so diminish their numbers that they will cease tlieir murdering and robbing propensities and live at peace." To Don Luis Perrazas, Governor of Chihuahua, a similar re- quest was forwarded. The miners in the new districts of Arizona agieed to keep a force in tiic field if the government would furnish provisions, and this General Carleton did. The Pimas and Maricopas were furnished with American leaders, and given over two hundred muskets, \vith ammunition. The governors of Arizona and New Mexico were requested to aid, and did so. To Governor Goodwin, of Arizona, Carle- ton wrote : " Pi-ay see the Papagos, Pi mas, and Maricopas, and have that part of the progranunc well and effectually executed. 3SG MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. YoH will bo able to secure the efforts of the miners without trouble. Let us work earnestly and hard, and before next Christinas your Apaches are whipped. Unless we do this, you will have a twenty years' war." For his own part Carle- ton located a force of five hundred men on the Gila, north of theChiricahua Mountains, to operate from that point. Could a plan be more perfect? Here was a combination of the militarj', citizens, and friendly Indians of two nations against the Apaches. They all went into it heartily, with a sincere hatred of the enemy, and w'ith many old scores to pay off. The oft-repea<'ed orders were to kill every male Indian capa- ble of bearing anus, and capture the women and child»'en. It is not possible to give here even a synopsis of the fights that occurred. The brief mention of the encounters with Indians in the general orders for the year covers six such pages as these, in fine print. The results of the year's work, so far as they could be obtained, were otticially summed up thus: In- dians killed, 3G3 — wounded, 140; soldiers killed, 7 — wounded, 25 ; citizens killed, IS — wounded, 18 ; recovered from Indians 12,284 sheep, 2742 horses, 35 mules, 31 cattle, and 18 burros; taken by Indians, 4250 sheep, 20 horses, 154 mules, and 32 cattle. The greater part of the damage done was to the Nav- ahos, who, to the number of over two thousand, were sent to the Eosque Rodondo, taking with them most of the sheep that were reported as captured. For the Apaches alone the re- turns sum up, 216 Indiars and IG whites killed; 14G horses captured by Indians, and 54 recovered ; 17 cattle taken by In- dians, and 21 taken from them; 3000 sheep taken by Indians, and 175 recovered. The loss to the whites was not fully re- ported, and the Indi; ns were much damaged in addition to this by the destruction of their crops. Nearly all the Apa- ches planted to some extent in the sheltered valleys of their wildernesses. This war was conducted on strictly extermination princi- ples. It is true that removal to the Bosque was named as an alternative, but only thirty western Apaches ever reached the Bosque, froui all sources. The troops were constantly stimu- lated to activity. Failure was the only offence that could be committed, and success was approved, no matter how obtained. DEATH TO THE APACHE! 389 By way of example, the general orders for ISG-t contain the following; "January 24th. — A party of thirty Americans and fourteen Plina and Maricopa Indians under Col. King S. Woolsey, aid to the governor of Arizona, attacked a band of Gila Apaciies, sixty or seventy miles north-east of the Pima villages, and killed nineteen of them and wounded others. Mr. Cyrus Lennon, of Woolsey's party, was killed by a wound- ed Indian." That does not read badly, but it is not the whole truth. This party started out to hunt for stock supposed to have been stolen by the Indians. They were signalled by a party of Coyotcros and Finals, who dared them to come and light. Woolsey sent an interpreter to them to tell them that he did not wish to fight, but to make peace. On his invita- tion thirty-five of tiiem came into the camp with their arms. The chief, Par-a-nmck-a, insolently ordered Woolsey to clear a place for him to sit upon, as he was a great chief. Woolsey calmly folded up a blanket and handed it to him. He then told the Apaches that he would make a treaty with them and give them certificates of good conduct snch that no white man would ever molest them. His men were gathered about in preparation for the treaty. Woolsey drew his revolver and gave Par-a-muck-a the Arizona certificate of a "good In- dian " at the first shot. His men signed on the bodies of the others. Only one Indian — a lame m.an who could not run away — affixed his signature. He did it with his lance, on the person of Mr. Lennon. This is historically known as " the Pinal treaty," and the place is appropriately called "Bloody Tanks." This occurrence is not mentioned in any spirit of" mawk- ish sentimentality," but merely to show that the extermina- tion policy had a fair trial. These Indians would undoubt- edly have murdered their new white friends if they had obtained the opportunity. They are entitled to no compas- sion on the ground of treachery used against them. The Apache makes war by treachery. His object is to harm his enemy but to escape uninjured, and he thinks that a man who walks up to open danger is r fool. lie will go into dan- gerous places himself, but he goes by stealth. He never at- tacks except by surprise. He is brave, but he has no ambi- 390 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. tion to die a soldier's dtatii. Apaclie glory consists strictly in killing the enemy. A wounded or helpless Apache will fight like a demon to protect his friends, but a sound Apache would never take such risks to bear away a wounded compatriot as a Sioux or Cheyenne warrior would. Of necessity, this war- fare had its effects on the Apaches, in the way of making peace seem more endurable, but they were neither exterminated nor con- quered. In April, 1865, In- spector-general Davis held a l)arley with Victoria, Acos- ta, and other chiefs, among whom were I'asqnin, Cassari, and Salvador, the sons of JMangas C\)lorado. The In- dians were very destitute, and wanted peace, but they did not wish to leave their coun- y. ^ ■ APACHES WATCHINO A TKAIN. DEATH TO THE APACHE! 891 try. The iron rule, of removal to the Bosque, sta^'gered them. Tliey agreed to send four chiefs to inspect the reservation and rej)ort to the tribe, but norie of them came back, as they promised, and the war went on as before. At the close of the war of tiie rebellion the United States wjis divided into five Military ])ivisions, and tliesc were sub- divided in nineteen Departments. New Mexico was put in the Department of the Missouri, commanded by Major-gen- eral Pope, which was a part of the Military Division of the Mississip])i, commanded by General Sherman. Arizona was ill the Department of California, commanded by ^lajor-gen- eral Mc])owell, which was a part of the Military Division of the Facitic, commanded by Maj.-gen. II. AV. Ilalleck. The extermination theory was believed in by General Ilalleck, so far at least as the Apaches were concerned. He said, "It is useless to negotiate with tiiese Apache Indians. They will observe no treaties, agreements, or trnces. With them tiiere is no alternative but active and vigorous war, till tiicy are completely destroyed, or forced to surrender as ])risoiiers of war." The hostile Apaches were nearly all in Arizona, wiiich was commanded by Brigadier-general Maeon, and the war there was prosecuted much as before, or, if possible, more bit- terly. Both sides were becoming more and more exasperated, and vented their spleen in ways that only served to make matters worse. The Indians were adopting the practice of mutilating the dead, which was formerly contrary to their customs. The whites frequently killed inoffensive Indians on general principles. In 1868 a man named Mitchell cause- lessly killed Waba Yuma, head chief of the Ilualapais, and that tribe, which had been peaceable, went to war. They had been looked upon with the contempt that frontiersmen com- monly feel for peaceable Indians, but they proved vicious enemies. General McDowell reported that, " the officers from I'rescott say they would prefer fighting five Apaches to one Ilualapais." In the mean time trouble had come at the Bosque. The question of a peruument reservation at that point became a political one, and everything connected with it passed into the realms of misrepresentation, so that the trutii is hard to 25* 392 MASSACRES OV THE MOUNTAINS. reach. It is clear, however, that tlic reservation crops failed, or were destroyed by insects, year after year. It is also clear that the Navahos and Apaches did not get along well to- gether. The Navahos were the stroriger ii\ numbers, and ap- peared to have the ear of the commanding officer. After the Mescaleros had been at the Bosque for two years, the land which they had been cultivating was taken from them and given to the Xavahos, while they were assigned to anothe • location. This was done to prevent quarrelling, but to the Mescaleros it appeared an act of favoritism. There could be no harmony between them and the Navahos. They had long been at war, and thoir customs were totally diiferent. The Mescaleros claimed the fulfilment of GenenTl Carleton's prom- ise that they should have a reservation in their own country ; indeed. Agent Labodie testifies that they had looked forward to this all the time, and had used their influence in bringing in their own hostiles solely for that purpose. They were not removed. The Eusque reservation for all Apaches and Kava- hos had become General Carleton's pet scheme. On Novem- ber 3, 1805, the entire tribe of Mescaleros left the lioscpie and went to their own country. They went to war because they knew that leaving the reservation would be considered an act of war, and that they must fight or go back. One of their leading nien, Ojo Blanco (White Eye"'^), had left several weeks prior to this time with a small part}'. After several years of desultory warfare, during which the anti-Bosque party had gained their point, and the tribes were returned to their for- mer homes, the Mescaleros were settled on a reservation in their own country. The military operations of the 'GO's were not devoid of results. New Mexico had a season of comparative quiet, in the better settled parts, and Arizona was yielding to the progress of civilization. The valley of Santa Cruz was again filled with ranchemen. Tubac was reoccupied, and Tucson * The Apacbe words for "white eye" are Pin-dah Lick-oyee, and tliis is tlie name they use to designate Americans, in their own language. We are "wliite eyes," not "pale faces," to tliem. They also use the word Americano iu common with other tribes who are more or less versed in Spanish. DliATH TO THE APACIIK! 395 regained its lost population. Tlic mining regions on the Col- orado and about Trescott were hold by the whites. Yet, in fact, tliero was merely a change in the seat of war. The Apaches held mountain fastnesses, as yet unknown, from which tliey sallied forth to raid into the very heart of the settlements. No one dared to travel the roads unarmed, and small parties were not safe when they had arms. Horses were run off in broad day from within half a mile of Pres- cott. ^[en who were not vigilant were liable to be killed anywhere. No Apache tribe was subdued. The later years of this period found them at war from the Pecos to the Col- orado. The bitterness and want of contideiice which had been instilled into the Indians by this system of warfare are re- sults which are not subject to measurement, but it must, in fairness, be admitted that they did follow in some degree. C)n the whole tiie jiolicy of extermination in Arizona, coupled with concentration in New Mexico, proved a dismal failure, after a full and fair trial. The army oflicers began to realize this, and Indians who were willing to make peace were per- mitted to gather about Fort Goodwin, Camp Grant, and in the White Mountains. Tiiis marked the beginning of a new era in Arizona, which will be considered in a subsequent chapter. APACUE BOOT, HCAD-DRKSS, KTC. CHAPTER XIII. SAND CREEK. On the niglit of Novctiibcr 28, 1804, about seven hundred and fifty meti, cavalry and artillery, were marching eastward across the plains below Fort L3'on. There was u bitter, de- termined look on their hard-set features tliat betokened ill for some one. For five days tlicy had been uiarcliing, from Bijou iJasin, about one hundred and fifty miles to the north- west, as the crow flies, but some flfty miles farther by their route. When they started the snow was two to three feet deep on the ground, but, as they progressed, it had become lighter, and now the giound was clear. The night was bitter cold; Jim Beekwith, the old trapper who had been guiding them, had become so stiffened that he was unable longer to distinguish the course, and they were obliged to rely on a half- breed Indian. About one third of the men had the appear- ance of soldiers who had seen ser'Mce; the remainder had a diversity of arms ai^d equipments as well as of uniforms, and marched with the air of raw recruits. About half a mile in advance were three men, the half-breed guide and two of- ficers, one of the latter of such gigantic proportions that the others seemed pygmies beside him. Near daybreak the half- breed turned to the white men and said: "Wolf he howl. Injun dog he hear woll', lo howl too. Injun he hear dog and listen ; hear somethiiig, and run off." The big man tapped the butt of his revolver in an ominous way, and replied: "Jack, I haven't had an Indian to eat for a long time. If you fool with me, and don't lead us to that camp, I'll have you for breakfast." They found the camp. There were one hundred and twenty Cheyenne and eight Arapahoe lodges in it, stretched along the bank of a shallow stream, which crept sluggishly down a broad bed of sand. On each SAND CREEK. 397 side of the camp, rai)ging out perhaps a mile, was a herd of ponies, the two numbering; about eleven hniulrcd. It was be- tween daybreak and sunrise ; the Indians were just beginning to move. A squaw heard tlie noise of the approacliing horses, and reported that a herd of buffalo w.is coining. Others ran out, who quickly discovered that the rumbling was the tread of horses, and that a large body of troops was approaching. In a moment all was confusion. Men, wotncn, and children ran here and there, getting their arms in readiness or prepar- ing for flight. The principal Cheyenne chief hastily raii up an American flag over his teepee, with a white flag above it. A white trader, who was in one of the teepeea, came out and hastened towards the soldiers. At the same time two detach- ments of cavalry were galloping towards the lierds, and some of the Indiiins were running in the same directions. Firing began between these parties. The white trader seemed confused, and stopped. A cavalryman said : " Let me bring him in, major," and, starting from the ranks, galloped towards him, but a bullet from the camp tumbled him from liis horse, and the trader turned and ran back. The herd of ponies on the farther side of the camp became alarmed and ran towards the camp, the soldiers cutting off only about half of them. The main body of troops pressed forward, firing as they came, led by their giant commander, who rode throngh the ranks, calling out: "Remember our wives and children, murdered on the Platte and the Arkansas." The Indians were beginning to fall rapidly under the deadly fire. Part of them caught the straggling ponies which had reached the camp, and fled. The remainder, warriors and squaws, with some children, retired slowly up the creek, fighting as they went. They continued thus for about three quarters of a mile, to a point where the banks rose from three to ten feet, on either side of a level expanse of sand, sonie three hundred yards wide. Along the banks the Indians made their stand, protected by them on one side, and on the other by heaps of loose sand which they had scraped up. Most of the troops were now in confusion, each doing about as he liked. About one half of them were firing on the line of Indians in the creek bed, and squads were riding about, killing stragglers. 398 MASSACKKS OF THE MOUNTAINS. scalping the dead, and pursuing the flying. No prisoners were being taken, and no one was allowed to escape if escape could be prevented. A child of about three years, perfectly naked, was toddlinij alonif over the trail where the Indians had fled. A soldier saw it, flred at about seven ty-flve yards distance, and missed it. Another dismounted and said : " Let me try the little ; I can hit him." lie missed too, but a third dismounted, with a similar remark, and at his shot the child fell. At the creek bed the flght was at long range and stubborn. A private was flring at an Indian who climbed up on the bank from time to time, and made derisive gestures at the soldier's fruitless efforts. " Let me take that gun of yours for a minute, colonel," said the soldier. The colonel handed him his rifle, an elegant silver-mounted one, presented him b}' the citizens of Denver; the Indian showed himself again ; the rifle cracked and he dropped dead. Tlie squaws were flghting along with the men. One had just wounded a soldier with an arrow, and a comrade put his rifle in rest, remarking, "If that squaw shows her head above the bank again, I'll blow the whole top of it off." An otflcer, standing by him, said: "I wouldn't make a heathen of my- self by shooting a woman." The words had hardly dropped from his lips when the same squaw sent an arrow through the officer's arm, and his philanthropic remark changed to a howl of "Shoot the ," and the soldier did it. The Iiuiians could not be dislodged by the small arms, but towards noon two howitzers wore brought into action and they broke the line. The Indians fell back from one position to anotlier, the combat becoming gradually a running fight, whitih was kept up for five miles or more, and aba?)doned by the pur- suers a short time before dusk. The soldiers then gathered at the Indian camp, where they remained until the second day following. Alost of the corpses were scalped, and a number were mutilated as bodies are usually mutilated by Indians, with all that implies. Near evening, on the day after the battle, Jack Smith, the half-breed who had guided the soldiers to the camp, and a son of the white trader who was in the camp, was shot by one of the men. lie had tried to run away during the fight, but had been brought back. The rii SAND CREEK. 401 colonel commandlDg was warned that he would probably be killed if the men were not ordered to let him live. He re- plied : " I have given my orders, and have no further instruc- tions to give." There were, at the time, seven other prisoners in the camp, two squaws and five children, who were taken to Fort Lyon and left there. They were the only prisoners taken. When the camp was broken, the buffalo-robes were coniiscated for the sick, the soldiers took what they wanted for trophies, and the remainder was burned. The Indians lost three hun- dred, all killed, of whom about one half were warriors and the remainder women a''d children. Tlie whites lost seven killed and forty-seven wounded, of whotn seven afterwards died. This was " the massacre of the friendly Cheyenne In- dians at Sand Creek, by the Colorado troops, under Colonel John M. Chivington," or " the battle on the 13ig Sandy, with the hostile Cheyennes and Arapahoes," as you may be pleased to consider it. That is to say, it is a statement of what oc- curred there, as nearly as the truth can be arrived at, without favor or reservation. It is but just to add that the great nia- jority of the troops who participated in it say it was not so bad as here represented, and that the witnesses of the action and events connected with it, who subsequently denounced it, make it no worse, notwithstanding the fact that many, who knew nothing of the facts in tlie case, have added much to the statement above given. The number killed was the point most in controversy in the investigations of the matter, ranging from about seventy, in Major Wynkoop's estimate, to six hundred, in Colonel Chivington's original report. The Indians conceded a loss of one hundred and forty, of whom sixty were warriors, and the testimony of all who counted bodies, after the battle, indicates the number stated above. Concsrning this affair there has been much of exaggeration, much of invective, much of misunderstand- ing, and much of wholly unfounded statement. Indeed, so much has been said in regard to it that the controversy is far more extensive than the original trouble, and the histori- cal shape that it has assumed is the creation of the contro- versy, not the Uglit. Now that twenty years have passed away — that the Indian is only a memory where he then 402 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. roamed — tliat a new generation has taken tlie place of the old — let us try calmly to unravel the thread of truth from the fantastic fabric which has so long concealed it; and to do this we must first know something of the actors on that field. Who was Colonel Chivington? In 1840 he was a rough, uncouth, profane child of nature, just stepped across the threshold oi manhood. He lived in "Warren County, Ohio, about two miles south of the line of Clinton. At a log-roll- iiiff in the neighborhood a good old Methodist brother re- proved him, one day, for profanity, and the sturdy youth an- swv ■'* '"^iintly: "I will swear when I please and where I please nt he brooded over the rebuke, and a few days later he .jnt to his reprover's house, determined to swear there, before his family. lie did not do as he intended. Some unknown power beat down his resolution, and the curse died trembling on his tongue. lie went away, but the mys- terious infiuence followed h'm ; his eyes were turned inward on his guilty soul ; he could not rest. He struggled against it, but in vain, and soon he sought at the altar the pardon for his sins. Scoffers may smile at the change of heart by divine grace, but sure it was there was a change in him. He be- came an industrious, orderly man ; he joined the Methodist Church and lived consistently with its discipline; he ap- prenticed himself to a carpenter and thoroughly learned the trade. Towards 1S50 he determined to move West and enter the ministry, and this he did, working meantime at his trade. At the end of the second year of his clerical service he was transferred to the Missouri Conference and continued his labors there. It was a troubled lield for him, for he was peculiarly a Northern man. Mobs collected at various times to hinder his preaching, Init his apparent abundance of '' mus- cular Cbristianity " kept him from serious trouble, and his intended disturbers often remained to hear him preach. His kindly nature helped him to preserve peaceful rela- tiojis, also. One day he met an old planter, hauling logs, with his team mired down. Chivington dismounted, tied his horse, waded into the mud, and helped him out. The planter desired to know to whom he was indebted, and, on being told, e.\claimed: "Come right home with me. A preaciier that SAND CREEK. 403 will get off in the mud to help a stranger won't steal niggers." They were good friends thereafter. A few years later Chiv- ington was in Kansas, taking an active part with Lane and his friends in the border war. After the Kansas troubles were settled, we find him serving acceptably, for two years, as a ujissionary to the Wyandot Indians, and afterwards, as in- terpreter and guide, travelling through the AVest with the Methodist bishops who were establishing missions among the Indian tribes. Soon after the beginning of the war he went to a (]uarterly meeting at Denver, being then a Presiding Elder in Western Kansas and Colorado, and, while there, preached to the soldiers at their barracks. They liked his style and urged him to stay with them. Governor Gilpin offered him a chaplaincy, but he said that if he went with the soldiers he wanted to fight, so he was made a major instead. There is one point in his charac er that must not be lost sight of, if his history is to be understood. He was, like other Kansas free-soilers, an uncompromising Union man, and had no use for a rebel, white or red. His dislike to any- thing savoring of treason got him into trouble time and again, but he never held back on that account. On one occa- sion, after the war, he seriously disturbed his domestic peace by peremptorily shutting off some reminiscences from his brother-in-law, an ex-confederate. And what of the Colorado troops? Tiiey included men from all ranks and classes in life; many of them are promi- nent and respected citizens of Colorado now. About two thirds of those at Sand Creek were one-hundred-days' men, of the 3d regiment ; the reniaiiuier were veterans, mostly of the 1st regiment. Thes" last had established a military reputa- tion beyond all cavil, and, without referring to other services, a brief sketch of their work in New Mexico will satisfy the reader that no equal body of men ever did greater or nmre gal- lant service for the Union. In the early part of 18(52 General Sibley invaded New Mexico with an army of twenty-five hun- dred, including a large number of Texan Rangers, having evi- dently in view the conquest of the entire mountain country. Our government had been paying little or no attention to the Far West; its hands were full in the East. Even the official 26 404 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. communications in some departments had not been replied to in a year past. Tlie Confederacy was more watchful. Full in- formation of the situation in the West had been given to its leaders by officials, civil and military, who had been located at various Western points, and had hastened to the South as soon as the war opened. The United States troops in the country were few in number. The Indians were ready for war when- ever an opportunity presented itself. The Mexicans were supposed to be friendly to the South, and the lower classes were known to be ready for rapine and pillage, at any time and against anybody. The Mormons were in ecstasy over the apparent fullilment of their late Prophet's war prophecy, and were willing to help on the "Kilkenny-cat fight." Besides, they were still sore over the troubles of 1857, and had no love for the national government. The Secession element in Cali- fornia '.vas quite strong, especially in the southern part, which was to have been a slave state under the Calhoun plan. These facts at once determined tlie policy of the South, and the in- vasion was begun. If it had been successful — what an awful possibility ! — the South would have had a coast-line impossi- ble of blockade, the entire line of Mexico for external com- munication, the mines to fill her depleted treasury, and an extensive country which could have been reconquered only at immense cost of life and money. The Texans entered New Mexico from the south. They took Fort Fillmore without resistance, and marched up the Hio Grande unchecked, until they reached Fort Craig, where General Canby awaited them. They decided not to attack the fort, and were flanking it, to go forward, when Canby came out and attacked them at Valverde. They rather worsted him, and he retired to the fort, while they pursued their march up the river. They oc cupied Santa Fo, and found that the Mexicans were not near- ly so glad to see them as they had anticipated ; still, little dis- couraged, they pushed on towards Fort Union, some sixty-five miles northeast, on the edge of the plains, the arsenal and sup- ply depot for that section. Governor Gilpin, all this time, had been moving in the mining camps of Colorado, and, on February 22, the Ist Colo- rado regiment, uiiu,,. Colonel Slongh, left Denver through SAND CREEK. 407 snow a foot deep. Tliey reached Fort Union on March 11, after a journey of great hardsliip, and were there armed and equipped. They pressed forward, and, on the 23d, reached the mouth of Apache Cafion, the location of "Pigeon's Ranch," or, more properly, the ranch of M. Alexandre Yalle ; the Texans had by this time reached the opposite end of the canon. In this canon, where Armijo had failed to meet Kearny, the Greek miner met the Greek cowboy. It was a contest the like of which never occurred elsewhere. The Southerners had adopted as their favorite naiDC, " Baylor's Babes ;" the Colora- doans gloried in their chosen title of " Pet Lambs" — grim sat- ires these, as well on the plainsmen who charged McRac's Bat- tery with revolvers and bowie-knives, as on the mountaineers who never learned what it was to be whipped. On the 2(!tli the adviiiice of tiie Texans met two hundred and ten cavalry and one Imndred and eighty infantry under Major Chivington, and, in the words of a local writer, it " was more like the shock of lightning than of battalions." Said M. Valle, who witnessed the tight, "Zat Chivington, he poot down 'is 'ead, and foight loike mahd bull." Both detachments reeled back from this hard bun-p, and oi tlie 2Sth, the main forces having arrived, they went at it again. The Texans surprised the Coloradoans' can)p, but the Lambs stood their ground, and, after a desperate fight, the Babes were forced to retire, and they retired to a lit- tle surprise-party at home. While they had been making their attack, Chivington had led a force of one hundred men up the precipitous side of the canon, along a rugged and dangerous path, and down on the Texan rear-guard of some six hundred men. It was a desperate charge to make, but it resulted in a brilliant success, and the Texan train of sixty-four wagons and two hundred mules, with all their supplies and ammunition, were destroyed. The Texan invasion was ruined. Sibley be- gan his retreat, and Slough fell back on Fon Union for his supplies, but only for a breathing space. On April 13 t'- -i Colo- radoans had joined General Can by and begun a pursuit of the retiring Texans, which was kept up for one hundred and fifty miles; a pursuit so disastrous to the pursued that one half of their original force was left behind, dead, wounded, and pris- oners, together with all their stores, public and private. So uuicli for the Colorado troops. 2G* 408 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. The Clieyeiines we know sometliiiig of already. Tlie vil- lage attacked was that of lilack Kettle (Moke-ta-veto), the principal chief of the southern Clieyennes, and the few lodges of Arapahoes were under Left Hand (Xa-watk), second in rank of the southern chiefs. There had been trouble in these tribes ever since the treaty of Fort Wise, in 1801. The war- riors denounced the chiefs for inakins; the treaty, and were particularly opposed to the construction of the Kansas Pacific Ilailroad through their lands, as they knew it would drive away the buffalo. The chiefs were threatened with death if they undertook to carry out its provisions, and so the intense desire of the Chcyennes and Arapahoes for an agricultural life, which is recited as the cause of the treaty, had to go un- gratilied. The first serious troubles, after Sumner's campaign, occurred after this treaty was made, and all the succeeding troubles grew out of it. The Clieyennes began committing minor offences in 1801, and, as they were unpunished, tliey gradually grew bolder, until, in LSG3, Agent Lorey reported that the Clieyennes were dissatisfied, and that the Sioux were urging tliem to open war-. In other words, the war feeling had grown so strong that it was necessary to treat with them anew. Governor Evans went out, by agreement, to treat with them, on the head-waters of the llepublican, but they failed to come as agreed. The governor sent his guide, a squaw-inan named Elbridge Gerry (a grandson of the signer of the Declaration of Independence, of the same name), in search of them. He returned after an absence of two weeks, and reported that they had held a council and decided not to treat. One chief, Bull IJear (O-to-ah-nac-co), the leader of the "Dog-soldiers," had offered to come in, but his warriors would not allow him to do so. The Clieyennes afterwards confirmed this statement fully; they said they were going to remain at peace, but would make no treaty that they had to sign ; that they were going to have their lands; and even if a railroad was built through their country, they would not allow any one to settle along it. The chiefs who had signed the treaty of Fort Wise said they were o!)liged to repudiate it or their warriors would kill them. Minor depredations were com- mitted during the remainder of 1SG3 and the early part of SAND CREEK. 40» 1804, and, during the winter, word was received, from spies among tiiem, that a coalition M'as being formed among all the plains tribes, to drive the whites out of the country. This in- formation proved true, for in the ppring and summer of 1804, the Sioux, Comanches, Kiowas, Cheyennes, and Arapahoes were engaged in active hostilities. Tiie reader will note liero, that no one has ever pretended that any of the eighteen hun- dred Southern Cheyennes, except the six hundred at Sand Creek, were not open enemies at the time. The effect of this warfare on the whites was distressing. Nearly every stage was attacked, emigrants were cut off, and the settlements were raided continually. The overland trains, on which the entire settlements de))ended for supplies, were deterred from moving by fear of attack. On June 14 Gov- ernor Evans applied for authority to call tlio militia into the United States service, or to call out one-hnndred-days' men, which was not siranted. Matters became worse. All the set- of STANniXa OFK TlIK eilKVKNNKS. 410 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. tloinents frotn the Purgatoire to the Ciiclie la Pondre, and for two hundred miles on the Platte, were in consternation. The settlers left their crops and hnilt hlock-honses for inntnal pro- tection. Those near Denver fled to that place. The <^ov- ernor was hesieged with petitions for arms and authority to ori^anize for protection. On August 8 all the stage lines were attacked. On August 11 Governor Evans issued a proclama- tion, calling the people to organize for self-protection, and un- der this several companies were formed which were considered sufficient for the defence of the settlements. But they could not protect the settlements from famine. On August 18 Governor Evans despatched Secretary Stanton: "Extensive Indian depredations, with murder of families, occurred yester- day thirty miles south of Denver. Our lines of communi- cation are cut, and our crops, our sole dependence, are all in exposed localities, and cannot be gathered hy our scattered population. Large bodies of Indians are nndoubtedly ncr to Denver, and we are in danger of destruction both froir attack of Indians and starvation. I earnestly request Colonel Ford's regiment of 2d Colorado Volunteers be imme- diately sent to our relief. It is impossible to exaggerate our danger. We are doing all we can for our defence." There was no favorable answer received to this, and, on September 7, a second despatch followed : " Pray give positive orders for our 2d Colorado Cavalry to come out. Have notice published that they will come in detachments to escort trains up the Platte on certain days. Unless escorts ate sent thus we will inevitably have a famine in addition to this gigantic Indian war. Flour is forty-five dollars a barrel, and the supply grow- ing scarce, with none on the way. Through spies we got knowledge of the plan of about one thousand warriors in camp to strike our frontier settlements, in small bands, simultaneous- ly in the night, for an extent of three hundred miles. It was frustrated at the time, but we have to fear another such at- tempt soon. Pray give the order for our troops to come, as requested, at once, or it will be too late for trains to come this season." The troops were not sent, but, in the mean time, au- thority had been given by th.e "War Department to raise a regiment of one-hundred-dayd' men, and the 3d Colorado was SAND CREEK. 411 oriijatiizcd and imp.'itiently waiting for arms and equipments, which they did not get until a short time before tlieir marcii to Sand Creek. I'lit were the Clieyennes responsible for all this? Quito as much so as any of the tribes. They began stealing stock early in the spring, and, on April 13, a herdsman for Irving, Jackmann, & Co. reported that the Clieyennes and Arapahoes had rnii off sixty head of o.xen and a dozen mules and horses from their camp, thirty miles south of Denver. Lieutenant Clark Dunn was sent after them with a small party of soldiers, lie overtook them as they were crossing the Platte, during a heavy snow-storm. A parley was commenced, but was inter- rupted by part of the Indians running off the stock, and the sol- diers attempting to disarm the others. A fight ensued, in^which the soldiers, who were greatly outnumbered, were defeated, with a loss of four men, the Indians stil' holding the cattle. After this fight, there was not a word nor an act from any member of the Southern Cheyennes indicative of peace, until the 1st of September, when the Indian agent at Fort Lyon re- ceived the following: "CiiRVRNNr Vii.i.AOK, Aug, 29, lSfl4. "Major Coi.ley, — Wc received a ictter Irom Bent, wishing ua to nialte peace. We licld a council in regard to it. All come to the conclusion to make peace with you, providing you make peace with the Kiowas, Co- manches, Arapahoes, Apaches, and Sioux. "\Vc are going to .send a mes- senger to the Kiowas and to the other nations about our going to make peace witli you. We heard that you have some [Indian prisoners] in Den- ver. We have seven prisoners of yours which we are willing to give up, providing you give up yours. There are three war-parties out yet, and two of Arapahoes. They have been out for some time, and are expected in soon. When we held tliis council there were few Arapahoes and Sioux present. We want true news from you in return. That is a letter. "Black Kettle, and other chiefs." This letter was written for the chiefs by Edmond Guer- rior and George Bent, Cheyenne half-breeds. Black Kettle was head chief of all the Southern Cheyennes, and conceded by all to be the most friendly of the chiefs towards the whites, with, possibly, the exception of Bull Bear. Yet, by this letter, he and the other chiefs admit fully that they were hostiles; that three Cheyenne war -parties were then out; that they were in coalition with the other tribes, and would 412 MASSACRES OK THE MOUNTAINS. consult them before treating; that they would treat only if all the other tribes treated. Indeed, why should tlie Chey- ennes deny that they were hostile? They had been raiding in every direction ; had run off stock repeatedly ; had attacked stages and emigrant trains ; had killed settlers ; had carried off women and children ; had fought the troops under Major Downing; had defeated tiiose under Lieutenant Dunn and Lieutenant Ayres; and had been evading other bodies of troops all summer. They attacked the settlements on the Little Blue, and, after killing the men, they carried off Mrs. Ewbanks, Miss Roper, and three children. It was almost cer- tainly they who killed Mr. and Mrs. llungate and their two babies at Running Creek. They carried off Mrs. Martin and a little boy from a ranch on Plum Creek. General Curtis prepared two or three times to march against them, but was diverted from his jiurpose by rebel raiders from Arkansas. He sent General Blunt after them, and tiiey ambushed his advance-guard at Pawnee Fork and almost annihilated it. On November 12, after Black Kettle had gone to Sand Creek, a party of Cheyennes and Arapahoes approached a govern- ment train on Walnut Creek, east of Fort Larned, and, after protesting friendship and shaking hands, suddenly fell upon the teamsters and killed fourteen of them, the only person who escaped alive being a boy who was scalped and left for dead. lie recovered, but became imbecile, and died from tho effects of the injury. The Cheyennes never denied tha'' they were hostiles ; that they were was a discovery of the Iiulian ring, perpetuated l)y Lidian worshippers. When they sent in the letter quoted al)ove ^[ajor Wynkoop went out to them, aiul brought in Black Kettle, his brother White Antelope, and Bull Bear, of the Cheyennes, and Neva and other Arapahoes, representing Left Hand, for a talk with Governor Evans. They said then: "It was like going through a strong fire or blast for Major Wynkoop's men to come to our camp ; it was the same for us to come to sec you." From this talk I quote the following: "(rjv. Evans. 'Who committed the murder of the llungate family on Running Creek V Nkva. ' The Ara- pahoes; a party of the northe'ii i/ind wiio were passing V^ «' ■'ZuXAMl^HM .,:i"! ':i^'''' SAND CREEK. ill north. It was Medicine Man or Roman Nose and three oth- ers. I am satisHed, from the time he left a certain camp fur tlie North, tliat it was this party of four persons.' Agent AVhitkly. ' That cannot be true.' Gov. E. ' Where is Ro- man Nose V Neva. ' Von ought to know better tlian me ; you have been nearer to him.' Gov. E. 'Who killed the man and the boy at the head of Cherry Creek?' Neva (after consultation). ' Kiowas and Comanches.' Gov. E. ' Who stole soldiers' horses and mules from Jimmy's camp twenty-seven days ago V Neva. ' Fourteen Cheyennes and Arapahoes to- gether.' Gov. E. ' What were their names V Neva. ' Pow- der Face and Whirlwind, who are now in our camp, were the leaders.' Col. Shoui*. ' I counted twenty Indians on that occasion.' Gov. E. 'Who stole Charley Autobee's horses?' Neva. ' Raven's son.' Gov. E. ' Who took the stock from Fremont's orchard and had the first fight with the soldiers this spring north of there V WnrrE Antelope. ' Before an- swering this question I would like for you to know that this was the beginning of the war. and I should like to know what it was for. A soldier fired first.' Gov. E. ' The In- dians had stolen about forty horses; the soldiers went to re- cover them, and the Indians fired a volley into their ranks.' Wiin'E Antelope. ' Tiiat is all a mistake; they were coming down the IJijou and found one horse and one mule. They returned one horse, before they got to Gerry's, to a man, then went to Gerry's expecting to turn the other one over to some one. They then heard that the soldiers and Indians were lighting somewhere down the Platte; then they took fright and all fled.' Gov. E. ' Who were the Indians who had the light?' WniTE Antelope. 'They were headed by the Fool I'adger's son, a young man, one of the greatest of the Chey- enne warriors, who was wounded, and though still alive he will never recover.' Neva. 'I want to say something; it makes me feel bad to be talking about these things and open- ing old sores. . . . The Comanches, Kiowas, and Sioux have done much more injury than we have. We will tell what Ave know, but cannot speak for others.' Gov. E. ' I suppose you acknowledge the depredations on the Little Blue, as you have the prisoners then taken in your possession.' White 416 MASSACEES OF THE MOUNTAINS. Antelope. ' We [the Cheyennes] took two prisoners west of Fort Kearney, and destroyed tlie trains.' . . . Neva. ' I know the value of the presents wliich we receive from Wasli- ington ; we cannot live without them. That is why I try so hard to keep peace with the whites.' Gov. E. ' I cannot say anything about those things now.' Neva. 'I can speak for all the Arapahoes under Left Hand. Raven has sent no one here to speak for him ; Haven has fought the whites.' " Lit- tle Raven (Oh-has-tee) was head chief of the Southern Arapa- hoes, and was notoriously hostile. Even Major Wynkoop con- ceded that he had, during the summer, killed three men and carried off a woman. But even if most of the Cheyennes had been hostile, were not the Indians at Sand Creek friendly ? It is usually diffi- cult to disprove an Indian's protestations of friendship in a satisfactory way, but if ever it was done it was here. Black Kettle had admitted his liostility, as shown above. So had his brother. White Antelope. War Bonnet, a chief who M'as killed there, was identified as one of the most active hostiles in the attack on General Blunt at Pawnee Fork. The testi- mony shows, without contradiction, that there were at least two hundred warriors in the camp, and it would be very dif- ficult to point out a Cheyenne warrior who had been friendly. It had been the plea of the chiefs, all along, that they de- sired to carry out the treaty of Fort Wise, but were deterred by fear of their warriors. But more satisfactory than the es- tablished reputation of these Indians was the testimony of scalps, women's and children's dresses, and stolen goods, which wore found in profusion in the tecixjes. Perhaps medical testimony will be most convincing as to the condition of the scalps. Dr. Caleb S. Birtsell, Assistant Surgeon, testified : " While in one of the lodges dressing wounded soldiers a sol- dier came to the opening of the lodge and called my atten- tion to some white scalps he held in his hand ; my impres- sion, after examination, was that two or three of them were quite fresh ; I saw, in the hands of soldiers, silk dresses and other garments belonging to women." Major Anthony, com- manding at Fort Lyon, considered that there were three In- dians in the camp who were friendly, Black Kettle, Left SAND CREEK. 417 Hand, and One Eye, and these he desired to be spared. Black Kettle escaped unhurt ; Left Hand received a wound from the effect of which he afterwards died ; and One Eye was killed. He was in the camp as a spy; placed there, on a salary of $125 per month and a ration, by Major Wynkoop, to watch these " friendly " Cheyennes, and continued in the same position by Major Anthony. And this brings us to another equally serious question. Although these Cheyennes at Sand Creek had been hostile, were they not at Sand Creek under a promise of protection by the military ? To this the testimony answers clearly, " No." That is a rather startling statement to one who is familiar only with the current version of Sand Creek, but it is true, nevertheless. Both the congressional and departmental in- vestigations were peculiar. The former was conducted by a committee of men whose minds were made up before they began ; the style of their questions, the inaccuracy of their findings, and the fact that they condemned every one for prevarication who differed from what they expected in testi- mony, prove this. The latter was conducted by Major Wyn- koop, who had been displaced by Major Anthony at Fort Lyon but a short time previous to the fight, who was one of the leading prosecuting witnesses, and who was, immediately after the investigation, appointed to the Agency, a position which is very rarely forced on men against their wishes. There was also a military commission appointed, which took testimony at Denver and Fort Lyon ; it was presided over by Colonel Tappan,of the 1st Colorado Cavalry, who was recog- nized as a personal enemy of Chivington. This was the only one of the tribunals before which Chivington appeared and was given opportunity to cross-examine or produce witnesses. The reports of the other investigations were made without any knowledge of its proceedings ; in fact, its proceeditigs wore not published for two years after the reports were made. In the testimony at both of the earlier investigations, scheming and jealousy crop out at many points. The prosecuting wit- nesses who were out of office charged the prosecuting wit- nesses who were in office with stealing from the Indians, and selling them their own goods. The fullest latitude was given 418 MASSACRES OF THE MOl.'NTAINS. to hearsay, and expressions of opinion were courted. But the most striking tiling in all that testimony was the adroit manner in which several witnesses confused the relations of Blick Kettle's Cheyennes, to Fort Lyon, with those of Little Ka 'en's Arapahoes. Their real relations were explained to the Committee on the Conduct of the War, clearly enough to have been understood by men who were not blinded by prej- udice out the committee only carried on to perfection tiie work .vhich the witnesses had begun. The testimony of all MTTI.K HATKN. the witnesses, taken together, shows that the Indians wiio came to the fort and were subsisted by Major VVynkoop were six hundred and lifty-two of the Southern ^ 'apahoes, under their head chief, Little Haven. That this chief had been hos- tile is not questioned ; Major Wynkoop himself blames him and his warriors for all the depredations committed by tlic Arapahoes. On November 2 Major Anthony arrived and assumed command ; he found these Arapahoes camped two miles from Fort Lyon, with all their arms, and coming daily to the fort for provisions ; he told them they must surrender SAND CREEK. 419 their arms, and they gave up a lot of old and worn-out wea- pons, which, they said, were all they had. After ten days he concluded that he was exceeding his authority in this, re- turned their arms to them, and told them to go away. They went ; Major Wynkoop says that Little Haven's band went to Camp Wynkoop, and Left Hand's joined the Ciieyennes. Tiie Arapahoes who went with Left Hand numbered about forty. The most satisfactory evidence in regard to this is not in the testimony of any one, but in the official report of Major Anthony, made at tlie time, when there was no " Sand Creek" to attack or defend. On November 6, in a letter to head- quarters, after recounting his disarming the Arapahoes, he says : " Nine Cheyenne Indians to-day sent in, wishing to see me. They state tliat six hundred of that tribe are now thir- ty-five miles north of here, coming towards the post, and two thousand about seventy-five miles away, waiting for better weather to enable them to come in. I shall not permit them to come in, even as prisoners, for the reason tiiat if I do I shall have to subsist them upon a prisoner's rations. I shall, however, demand their arms, all stolen stock, and the perpe- trators of all depredations. I am of the opinion that they will not accept this proposition, but that they will return to the Smoky Hill. They pretend that they want peace, and I think they do now, as they cannot fight during the winter, except where a small band of them can find an unprotected train or frontier settlement. I do not think it is policy to make peace with them now, until all perpetrators of depre- dations are surrendered up, to be dealt with as we may pro- pose." This, then, was the true state of affairs ; on November G there was not a Cheyenne at Fort ^yon ; there were six hundred and fifty-two Arapahoes unuor the hostile chief Lit- tle Raven, who was then playing friend ; there were six hun- dred Clievennes under Black Kettle, thirty-five miles north, proposing to come in. And what was done in regard to the Cheyennes ? They came on down after some further parley- ing; they were not allowed to come into the fort at all, or camp in the vicinity of the post. They were told that they might go over on Sand Creek, forty miles away, and camp, 27 420 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. and if the coininaiidaiit received any aiitliority to treat with tliein lie would let them know. They were not in the camp two miles from Fort Lyon at any time ; they were never dis- armed ; and they were never held as prisoners. Keitlier did these Indians have any promise of immunity from Governor Evans or Colonel Chivington, as is intimated by the committee. They met but once, at the council in Denver, on September 28. It has been stated over and over that tlie Cheycnnes came to Sand Creek, in response to Gov- ernor Evans's circular, calling on the friendly Indians to take refuge at the forts — friendly Cheyennes and Arapahoes at Fort Lyon. This statement is absolutely and unqualifiedly untrue. The circular was dated June 27. Three months later the chiefs appeared in Denver to talk peace, in consequence of the circular, but were plainly told it was too late for any treaty. Governor Evans said to them : " Whatever peace they make must be with the soldiers, and not with me;" and the entire talk was on that basis. I quote again : "■ WnrrK Antki.oi'k. 'How can wo be protected from the soldiers on the plains V Gov. E. ' You must make that arrangement with the military chief.' AVuitk Antki.opk. 'I fear that these Jiew soldiers who have gone out may kill some of my people while I am here.' Gov. E. ' There is great danger of it.' " Again, Governor Evans said : " I hand you over to the military, one of the chiefs of which is here to-day, and can speak for him- self to them if he chooses." The chief referred to was Colonel Chivington, Comnumder of the District — it should be noted, however, that Fort Lyon was not in Chivington's district. lie said : " I am not a big war chief, but all the soldiers in this country are at my command. My rule of fighting white men or Indians is to fight them until they lay down their arms and submit to military authority. They are nearer Major Wyn- koop than any one else, and they can go to him when they get ready to do that." If any one can torture those utterances into promises of immunity he is welcome to do so. Some five weeks later the messengers of the Cheyennes arrived at Fort Lyon and were turned away, as above stated. They did not arrive there imtil after Major Wynkoop was superseded by Major Anthony. They did not make any ar- SAND CREEK. 421 raiigemeiit with Major Wynkoop; it was impossible for tlietn to do so, as he was not in conunand. More than that, Major Wjiikoop never, at any time, had any autliority to make any treaty with them, and the Indians knew it. Wliite Antelope said, in the council : " Wiien Major Wynkoop came, we pro- posed to make peace. lie said he had no power to make a peace, except to brinj^ them here and return them safe." The Chtyennes went over to Sand Creek and camped, not antici- pating any trouble, because there were no soldiers near them, except the garrison, and it was too small to risk an attack. Indeed, they were ready for an attack from it, and sent word that, " If that little red-eyed chief wants a tight, we will give him all he wants." The chief referred to was Major Anthony, who was af- riicted with sore eyes at the time. The In- dians were not al- lowed to visit the fort, and none of their friends or sup- posed allies, except on first being blind- folded. This was un- der general orders which were adopted a few weeks pre- viously, after a Sun- day - morning per- formance by friend- ly Indians at Fort Larned. On that oc- casion the Indians had drawn supplies for the week, and some squaws were executing a dance for the edification of a part of the officers and men, when the braves stampeded the cattle belonging to the post, with all the horses and mules, and succeeded in getting away FRIDAY — A GOOD AKAPAIIOE. I ipi^WF^iii II llPHmiij^l III! 423 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. with tliem. At the first wlioop of the stampede the dancers jumped on their ponies and scampered away, demonstrating that the affair iiad been phmned in cold blood. Major An- thony testified that lie liad no friendly relations with these Cheycnnes ; that he should have attacked them before Chiv- ington came if his force had not been too small ; that he told Chivington it was only a question of ])oliey whether they should be attacked or not, as it would probably cause an at- tack by the large band, which was not far distaJit. 80 far as the propriety of attacking these Indians was concerned, there is not the least question but that Chivington was justified in his attack, under all the rules of civilized warfare. They were liostiles, and there was no truce with them. There is another matter — it seems almost absurd to mention it, but it were well to prevent any further misunderstanding — and that is the dis- play of flags by Black Kettle, which some persons have seemed to lay much stress upon. The uniform testimony of the soldiers was that they saw nothing of the kind, but that is immaterial. No one of common understanding would profess that the display of a flag of any kind was cause for stopping troops in the midst of a charge, and especially in the midst of a surprise of an enemy's camp. Ilaving now shown the propriety of the attack, we arrive at the question of the propriety of the manner in which it was made, a question much more difficult of solution. One point is certain — every one in authority felt that the Indians ought to be punished. Major Wynkoop testifies that Governor Evans at first objected to seeing the chiefs at all, but finally consented to hold the council which has been mentioned. His feelings on the subject were exposed to tlie Indians at the council in these words : " The time wlien you can make war best is in the summer time ; when I can make war best is in the winter. You, so far, have had the advantage ; my time is just coming." He told them, as before stated, that they would have to talk to the military authorities, and his action was approved by the Indian Bureau. The military had no desire for peace at the time. It is quite true that the field orders of General Curtis directed hostilities only against hos- tile Indians, and expressly stated that " women and children SAND CREEK. 423 imist be spared," bnt "hostile Indians'' meant Indians who had been hostile, and neither he nor any other connnander in the West was in favor of treating till the Indians had been punished. On the day of Governor Evans's council with the chiefs, General Curtis telegraphed the District Commander: " I fear agent of the Interior Department will be ready to make ])resents too soon. It is better to chastise before giving anything but a little tobacco to talk over. No peace must be made witliout my directions." The last telegram Chivington received from him, before marching, was: "Pursue every- where and punish the Cheyennes and Arapahoes; pay no at- tention to district lines. No presents must be made and no peace concluded without my consent." Tlie reader will ob- serve that General Curtis is not by these directions made re- sponsible for killing the women and children, or deciding that the Sand Creek camp was hostile, but his desire to punish the Indians was clear and decided. And it was so all throuijh the AVest, A few weeks later, when Colonel Ford wanted to make peace with the Kiowas and Comanches, General Dodge, his Department Commander, telegraphed him: "The military have no authority to treat with Indians. Our duty is to make tliom keep the peace by punishing them for their hostility. Keep posted as to their location, so that as soon as ready we can strike them." So, in New Mexico, General Carleton had instructed Culonel Kit Carson : " If the Indians send in a flag and desire to treat for peace, say to the bearer that when the peui)le of New INIexico were attacked bv the Texans, the ]\[es- calerus broke their treaty of peace, and murdered innocent people, and ran off their stock ; that now our hands are untied, and you have been sent to punish them for their treachery and tlicir crimes; that you have no power to make peace; that you are there to kill them wherever you can tiiid them ; that if they beg for peace, their chiefs and twenty of their prin- cipal men must come to Santa Fe to have a talk here ; but tell them fairly and frankly that yon will keep after their people and slay them until you receive orders to desist from these head-quarters." On September 19 Curtis writes to Carleton : "(ieneral Blunt is at or near Fort Larned looking out for In- dians, and may co-operate with you in crushing out some of m MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. the vile hordes that now harass our lines of communication." On Oetoher 22 Carleton writes to IMunt, hopin<; he will effect a union with (Jarson, ''so that a blow may be struck which those two treacherous tribes wUl remember." On January 30, 1805, Curtis writes to (iovernor Eva?is: " I protest my desire to pursue and punish the enemy everywhere, in his lodjjes es- pecially ; but I do not believe in killing women and children wiio can be taken." It is equally certain that the desire of punishing these In- dians was increased, with loyal people, by the belief that their liostility was produced by Southern emissaries. How far their hostility was so produced will never be detinitely known, but there was reason for the belief, without doubt. Soon after the beginning of the war the insurgents had occupied Indian territory and enrolled many Indians in Confederate regiments. The loyal Indians tried to resist, but, after two or three en- gagements, about seven thousand of them were driven into Kansas. From the men among them three regiments were organized, and the women and ciiildren were subsisted out of the annuities of the hostiles. In the latter part of 18(52, John Ross, head chief of the Cherokees, announced officially that the Cherokee nation had treated with the Confederate States, and, as is well known, there were several regiments of Indians in the regular Confederate service, besides numbers in irregu- lar relations, among whom were Cherokees, Creeks, Choctaws, Chickasaws, Osages, Seminoles, Senecas, Shawnces, Qiiapaws, Comanches, Wachitas, Kiovas, and Pottawattamies, and none of them regained friendly relations with the United States until the treaty of September 21, 1805. On the south of Col- orado the Comanches and Kiowas were at war, with Soutl I'rn sympathies. The Mescaleros had taken the •■ .w-y a on tiie advance of the Texans. To the north it v ne. The Sioux troubles all originated in Minnes(/ a concernint' them our Consul-general in Canada, Mr. » lings, -rote at the time: "There is little doubt that the rectut or ireak in the Northwest has resulted from the efforts of secesMun agents operating through Canadian Indians and fur-traders." The war feeling was so strong among the Sioux that the friendly Yanktons, in 1802, refused to receive their annuities uuless a SAND CUEKK. 425* force of eokliors was hroiiglit, to protect tlicin from the otlicr Sioux, who insisted on their heccniiini^ hostile. As t!ie Min- nesota Sioux were driven west 'he feelinlack Kettle and his band did not deny connection with them or responsibility for them ; majiy of the band at Sand Creek were Dog Soldiers. Bull Bear, the leader of the Dog Soldiers, was at the council in Denver as one of Black Kettle's sub-chiefs. The only time that any of the Indians had an opportunity to make a statement which could go to the committee, was at the council in Denver, and there the Dog Soldiers were mentioned but once, and in this passage : " Black KKrrLE. 'We will return with jSIajor Wyn- koop to Fort Lyon ; we will then proceed to our village and take back word to my young men, every word you say. I cannot answer for all of them, but think there will be but lit- tle difficulty in getting them to assent to help the soldiers.' Major Wynkoop. ' Did not the Dog Soldiers agree, when I had my council with you, to do whatever you said, after you had been here V Jjlack KErri,K. ' Yes.' " The com- mittee is far more kind to Black Kettle than lie is to him- self. It had determined that lie should not be connected with them. Senator Doolittle pressed this question on John S. Smith, one of the most bitter of the prosecuting witnesses: " Is the northern band the same that are commonly called the Dog Soldiers?" Smith, who had been among them twenty-seven years, answered: "No, sir; the Dog Soldiers arc mixed up promiscuously; this is a band that has pre- ferred the Xorth Platte and north of the North Platte, and lives over in what is called the bad land, mauvais tcrre^ The same fact was shown by ]\Iajor AVynkoop in his cross- examination, by Chivington, before the Military Commission, as f )llo\vs: " (}. Will you explain what the Dog Soldiers are and how they are controlled i A. I understand that the Dog Soldiers are a portion of the warriors of the Cheyenne tribe, and presume that they are controlled by the head men." It states that " these Indians, at the suggestion of Governor 432 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. Evans and Colonel Chivington, repaired to Fort Lyon and placed themselves under the protection of Major Wynkoop." Enongh of the council proceedin<^s has been quoted to show the falsity of this. They told the Indians that they could not treat with them, but that they must go to the military, and when they got ready to lay down their arms and surren- der as prisoners of war they might go to Major Wynkoop. But, in fact, the Clieyennes did not even send in their nies- Bcngers until after Major Wynkoop was suspended. They INDIANS AIlAfKINli SlAOt. were never utider his protection at all. It states that Jack Smith, the haU-breed son of Joim S. Smith, was in Black Kettle's camp, at the time of tlie attack, as a spy, employed by the government. As shown above, he guided the troops to the camp to make the attack. This num was the only prisoner killed after the tight, and it was in evidence before the committee that he had led an attack on a stage a short time previously. That he was present he did not deny, but said he approached the stage for some information, and, on being fired on, fired back in self-defence. But it is not nee- SAND t'KEEK. 433 cssary to particularize further. The rcjwrt abuses every one who, in telling the truth, happened to differ from the precon- ceived judgment of the committee; it distorts and colors ev- ery matter of fact involved so as to injure Chivington and his men ; it omits or glosses over all the injuries to the peo- ])le of Colorado ; and, having arrived at a projier pitch of in- dignation and misrepresentatioti, it assails Colonel Chiving- ton in a gush of sanguinary rhetoric, that reads more like the reputed address of Spartacus to the gladiators than the im- partial judgment of rational men. Jhit, outrageous as was the report of the committee, it was dignified, just, and ])roper by the side of the ornamental mi.s- represeiitation tliat outsiroperly exert their elTorts in that way." Again, on .January .'{(), he wrote to (iovernor Evans: " ]..et me say, too, that I see nothing new in all this Indian movement since the Chivingtun ailair, except that Indians are more frightened and keej) farther away. I»y pushing them hard this next month, before grass recruits their ponies, they will be better satislied with making war and rc»bbery a business.'' On the same day he wrote Major-general Ilal- leck : "There is no new feature in these Indian troubles ex- cept tliat Indians seem more frightened." (General Curtis commanded the department; he had all the information as to the state of the hostilities that could be had; he evidently was not inclined to defend C-hivington ; and therefore his testimony on this point ought to be conclusive. Said Hon. Mr. Loughridge to the House of Kepresenta- tives: "Some of the few captured children, after they had been carried many miles by the troops, were taken from the wagons and their i)rains dashed out. I gather this from the records and official reports, and blush to say that its truth can- not be questioned.'' Mr. Loughridge might well blush for other reasons. There is not one word in all the testimony, records, and official reports, to substantiate this statement. The nearest and only approach to it, in the report of the Joint Committee, is this statement by Lieutenant Cannon, who accompanied the expeilition : " I heard of one instance of a child, a few months old, being thrown into the feed-box of a wagon, and, after being carried some distance, left on the ground to perish." In the testimony taken by the ]\Iilitary Commission, Lieutenant Cramer and Private Louderback give similar hearsay evidence, in almost the same words. Only one witiu'ss was examined, at any time, who professed to have personal knowledge of this abandonment, and that was Ser- geant Lucian Palmer, who was introduced by the prosecution, before the Military Commission, lie said: "They [the two squaws] took care of it [the pappoose in question] the first \ SAND rUKKK. 437 day after we Irivilege of roam- i'lir over their oriijinal territory, these frii'iidlv Indians were prohibited from camping within ten miles of a main trav- elled road, night or day, and were pledged not to go to any town or post without permission of the authorities there. Special remuneration was given to every one who had lost relatives or property at Sand Creek, and annuities of goods and nionev to the tribe in general, to the amount of 5^50,O00 438 MASSAC'KKS OF TlIK MOUNTAINS. Himujillv until they ii)i>v('(l to tlio rcsoi-viitinii, ami ^112,000 aiiiiiiiilly aftLTWiirdri. Tliofts, luiinliM's, and otliur utToiices were j)er|K'tratod by Itidiaiis iti tliu followini^ suiniiHT, and, so far as could l)o loariiud, tlioy wero eonmiittud \>\ a party of Doi; SoIdiiTs, niinibcrin<^ soiiio two linndit'd lodges, wlio had joiiR'd with about one Imndred iodides of Sioux, iindijr tiio I'hii'f I'awnt'o Killer. In the spriui; of IS(>7 (Jenoral Han- cock started with an expedition into the plains with the in- tent of inakiiii!; a )>eaei'ful demonstration of power, which would indiute all doubtful and hostile Imliatis to jjo on reser- vations. Aiients of the Indian burea u were invi ted t o ac- company tho expedition, tu assist in talks with the Indians, and did so. They found the band of ]\)<^ Soldiers and Sioux on Paw- nee Fork, about thirty miles al)ove Fort Larned. After ne- eople in tho East, and the jieace peoi)le iiot the upper hand. The result of it all was that at the eml of the season (.'lister was under arrest on a charge of leaving Fort Wallace witliout orders, while tho Indians, who had had no opportunity to lay in supplies for the winter, made an- other treaty, in which the whole tribe. Dog Soldiers included, joined. This time they took a reservation wholly within Indian Territory, a triangular tract bounded by the Kansas line and the (yimarron and Arkansas rivers. They were to receive a suit of clothes for each Indian, and ^2t>,0tK) annu- ally, besides teachers, physicians, farmers, millers, carpenters. SAND CREEK. 43!> hliic'ksinitlis, iuid other f;;ui(le9 to civilization. It was not a<,'rc('d tliat they were to be givei' :>»!y ari!)8 or ainmunitioii, and tliis tlio reader will remcmher. They aj^recd not to mo- lest any (;(»aeh or wa^on, carry o(T any white woman or child, nor kill or Kcalp any white man ; to surrender any wroni^- (loer for punishment, and not to interfere in any way with the huildin;; of the Kansas I'acitic Itailroad. In tl 10 spr inj; of lSt;s it was learned that arms and am- m w nnition were heinj^ i.«siied to Indians, and a military order ,as made proliibitinj; it. The aj^ents raised a cry that the Indians could not hunt the buflalo without arms and ammu- nition (they ])refer tlio bow and arrow for this, and seldom u^ed anythinjj; else); the peace people joined in the chorus that the Indians were beinj^ starved, anil the oriler was re- voked. On Aui^ust 1 the Arapahoes received l(i(» pistols, S(» Lancaster rifles, 12 ke^s of power, a ke<; and a half of lead, and i.'>,0(i(l caps. On Aui^ust lo (,'olonel Wynkoop, onr old acipiaintauce, who had been promoted, and appointed Indian Aijent after the investij^ations, wrote: " I yesterday made the whole issue of annuity <^o(»ds, arms, and ammunition to the (^licyeiine chiefs and people of their i\atioii; they were de- lighted at receiving the goods, ])articularly the arms and am- munition, and never before have I known them t(t be better J)ati^lied, and express themselves as being s(» well contented previous to the issue. . . . They have Jiow left for their limit- ing-grounds, and I am perfectly satisfied that tiiere will be iiit a short time before the issue was made a war-party had started north from the Chey- enne village, on the war-path against the Pawnees; and they, not knowing of the issue, and smarting under their sup- jiosed wrongs, committed the outrages on the Saline Jliver which have led to the present unfortunate aspect of affairs." It was rather unfortunate. The inferetice from his letter is that it was all right for them to use their weapons, furnished for the purpose of hunting, in making war on the Pawnees, 440 MAssAriiKs or Tin; moi'ntains. who Ii;ul I'i-i'it, for several vears, oiir most valuiiMe allies and frie!i(is 'ill the jilaiiis; Imt tliat they should attack the whites was unfortiiiiate. Two Imiidred < 'heyeiiiie, four ;\.raj)ahuc, iuul twenty Sioux wafriors raided down the Saline and ilie Solomon, killiiij^, ravishing;, I)nrpinir, :ind lo^tIII•inl,^ They earricd ulT two yoniii^ woni.n, who were al'terwards I'ecovered tVoiii r.lack Kettle's hand, if he can he saiil to liav(> had any j)arti(!nlar iiand, hy threateninii; to hanj; some of tlii'ir princi- pal (diietV, who were captives. Much of the plundered prop- erty was found in Wl.f 1 Kettle's camp. Wynkooj* then |>riipos<'d to locatv" the friendly Indians near l''ort l.arned, in order to separate the , forminir an almost con- tinuous camp for twelve mili-s. Custer followed the trail of a returnini; war-party into I'dack Kettle's canij). and, in the earlv ilawn ,( N ovendter 'J(, siirpriseti the Ind lauh wiule they were sleepiuij; oil' th(! ell'ectrt (»f the previous iiijjht's eele- hnition over fresh scalps and plunder. Here, as at Sand Creek ai;d A.-h Hollow, women l>)n:_dit with the men, anil a iiuniher of them wi're killeded in fretting his troops anti captives safely away. And what did the irre- prossibii! Wynkoop after this alTair^ lie atiinned that the (heyennes were martyrs ever, and that on this occasion they were peaceably on their way to Fort (!obb to receive their annuities when attacdii'd . He also resigneut Ilancoek and Custer were bigger game than p(M»r Chivington. Their bpitlur otticers and olHcials e\:mi- ined their cases more earefully than they diii that of thr vol- unteer colonel, and Custer himself ventilated the matter in a series of articles in the Galaxy that made some pettple open" their eyes. After the war, ("hivington returned to his old home in (>hio and settled on a small farm. A few years later his lioui-e was burned, ami he afterwards moved to IManchester, Clinton County, where he purchased the I'i'imx, and edited it for two or three years. In l>s;5 he was nominated on thi; KepubrKMii ticket for licpreseiitative to the hgislatiiie. and in the campaign '' Saml Creek" was used f»ir all it was worth. It began in the contest for the nomination and was continued until ('hivington withdrew from the race. It was brli»!ved, and still is, by good judges of prjlitics, that he would have been elected by a majority of live hundred or more, but there was a large (Quaker population in ('linton, ind, as is well known, the iSocietv (d" I'licnds considers itself tiie spei-ial guardian of the Indian, lie had an up-hill tight on his hands, and the oppositiitn was very bitter, I can but thiidc another thing intiueiiced his deterniiuiition. While this tight was being pressed upiui him, he received an urgent hit- ter from Colorado, asking him to attend and address a nu'ctiiig 'if old MJttlers, o\\ the t weiitv-lifth anniversai'v of the settlement of the state. There hi; woidd lind oI»| friends, who kiu!T\- the true history of Sand Creek, and felt as he diil. lie went. There were heartv weIcoim>s given to distinguished pioneers by the people asbemblcd in Jewell I'ark on that day, but none u+ MASSACHES OK TllK MOUNTAINS. so (loiiionstrativo as (\)Iotiel C'liiviiiirtoii's. The cliairinaii iii- trodiictnl liiiii witli tlieso words: "We all reiiietiibcM' tlio In- dian wars of 1804 and 'G5, and witli wliat joy wo received the news that some of them at least had met the reward due to their treachery and cruelty. The man who can tell yoii all alioiit those wars, who can tell yon all yon want to know of the Indians, and who can ^ive yon the true story of Sand Creek, is here. I have; the lunutr, ladies anti i^enthrmen, to in- troduce Colonel ("hivinifton, f)ne of Colorado's ' I'et Land)s."' He hei^an his speech amid enthusiastic cheers, hut as ho proceeded tlie attention grew breathless. He told his stury in a simple, straightforward way, and nods of agsent and ap- proval, from all parts of the ]iavilion, silently indicated that he need not prove tiie truth of his staiements to the people •rathered there. He did not reply to tiie thousand charges made against him. nor did he assume an argumentative style until he closed in these word.> ihit were im t tl lese Ind lans peaceable ? Oh, yes, peaceable! Well, a few hundred of them iiave been peaceable for almost nineteen years, and none of them have been so troublesome as they were i)eforeSaJi-e, line silk drosses, infants' and youtlis' appiirel, the tMiihroidercd night-irowns and che.nises^ Ay, what of the scalj.s of uhite men. women, and ehildren, several of which they had not had time to dry and tan since taken i These;, ah these, and more, wore taken from the helts of (hiad warriors on the hattle-lieid iif Sand Creek, and from their tee|>ees whi(!li fell into uur hands on the 2'.tth day of November, iSt'.-t. What of the Indian blanket that was captured, frinired with white-wom- en's scalps { What says the dust of rli-; two hundred and ei<;lit tnen, women, and (thiidrfMi, rancliers, emii^rants, herders, ami soldiers, who lost their livus at tlie hands of these In- dian.- 1 eacea l)le; N ow we are poaceaoly ilK'^jtosod, buf, d (•line jiivin^ such totimonials oi our peaceful proclivities, and I sav here as I said in my own town, iti the Quaker county id' Clinton, State of Ohio, on • nii>;lit last week, I stand by Sand ( 're(di." Said the /tucl;/ Jfoiinfdi/i Scion^ of thi- fullowinir «lav, "Colonel ChiviiiiTton's speech was received with an applause from every pioneer which indicated that they, to a man, hearti- ly approved the e(!iirse of the colonel twenty years ai^o, in the fa inious alTair in which nianv o f tl lem todk part, and the mail who applied the scalp(>I to the ulcer which bid fair to destroy the life of the new colotiv. in th(isi> critical times, was bevond a doubt the Itero of the hour. Thi s IS the simple truth Coloratlo stands by Sand Creek, and Colonel Chivinitton sc afterward> brought his family to the Colleen Citv of the I'laii )on IS, \v here h us rcimiininij ilays may i»e passed in peace What an eventful histi»ry! And how. throujjh it all, his -"iirdv manliKod has been iiianift'.--t in every action. TliroUi,di all the deiiunciati m (»f that Indian lii; it, he has never wavered i>r treuibled. < )lliers have dodged and apoloyized and crawled, but I'hivinjjtoii never. lie has not laid the blaino ujion su- [H.M"k>r officers, as he mii,dit do. lie has not complained of 4t0 MASSAC'RKS OF TIIK MOINTAINS. niisiiiforiuatiuii from inferior officers, as he might do. IIo has not said that the soldiers committed excesses there whicli were in no manner directed hy him, as he mie South, while a Cherokee or a Seminole remains to tell the wrongs of his fathers; nor yet you of the Pacitic slope, while the nmrdered family of Spencscnt,an(l of iiiakinj^ iioace when the troops marched against them. I'roiii the mass of eontlict- iiiU testinjony taken in 18(55, in rej^ard to the Indian history of New Mexico, and from other sources, it aj>pears that one t-ide made aj^i^ressions aljout as often as the other, the conxrion opinion being that the Navahos captnred the <,'reater iinmber of slieep, and the Mexicans the ".greater mini her of slaves. The Navahos were ])referred to other Indians for slaves on account of their tractable nature, intellifience. lii;ht skins, and the vo- luptuousness of the females. Dr. Louis Kemion, whost; op- portunities for observation had been good, testilied. '" 1 think the number of Navajo captives held as slaves to be underesti- mated. I thiidv there are from five to six tliousand. I know of no family which ean raise one hutidred and fifty dollars but what purchases a Navajo slave, and many families own lour or live — the trade in them being as regidar as the trade in pigs or sheep. Previous to the war their |)rice was from seventy-five to a hundred dollars, but now thev are worth about fonr huridrcMl dollars. Ihit the other day sonu- Mexican In- di.tns from Chihuahua were for sale in Santa Fe. I have l)een itonvcrsant with the institution of slavery in (ieorgia.but the system is wors^; here, there being no obligation resting o!» the owner to care for the ^lave when he l)ecomes old or worthless." Of (tourse the Mexicans gruml)led continually al)oiit the awful incursions of the savages, but there was little disposition on the par. of the military to use any great violence against the Navaiio nation. They understood tin; situation, hav- ing had the best of o]>portunities for hearitig the Navaho UH MASSAf'RKS OF THK MOCXTAINS. side of till! qiK'stidii ; many of tlio ollict'is liad Xiivalio mis- tresses. Oecasioiially tluTo would l)o a rupture Ix'twcou tlie In- dians ami the soldiers, the most rioted of tlicsc Iteinj; the tij^ht at Fort I'auntiero}-, in Septeml)er, iSCd. Tins tnuihle arose over a horse-race, on vliieh there had In-en very heavy liet- tinj;. The soldiers l)acked a horse ridden hy Lieutenant ( )rtiz, one of the post olKeers, and the Indians the other. The In- dians' horse ran ofT the track after runninij al-'iitone hundred yards, the result, it was said, of a hroken hridle, and they claimed a draw. The eommamlini; olHcer, on the refusal of th(! winners to draw the race, <;ave orders that the ^»avahos should not he allowed to enter the post. TIk! winners filed into the j)ost, whoitpin:; and hallooing, with iifes screectiiu:; and drums heatini;, and as they did so a shot was fired, and an Indian killed. Who find the shot is not certainly known, hut it was said to l)e a sentinel, past whom the Indian was k(; 1 IIS wav, Th le Soldiers ariiiec 1 tl lemselves, a n.l trying to ma attacked the Intliaiis in ii confuted way, without any orders. Says Caj)tain Ilodt, of the 1st New Mexican Cavalry : "The Navahos, sijuaws. ami children ran in all directions, and were shut ami hayonetcil. 1 tried my hest to form the company I was lirst ser<^eant of, and succeeded in f()rmin<; about twenty men — it heinjf very hard work. I then marched out to the east side of the post; there I saw a soldier mur '{/. ^ \\ ."O y f^ 452 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. mules to a large amount." In these depredations he said thej had "murdered many persons, and carried off laany women and children as captives." In consequence of this plundering, Governor Connelly made a call for militia in September, and some independent expeditions were also organized, but the latter were stopped by the authorities for the reason that these irresponsibly companies invariably attacked friendly Indians and hostile ones indiscriminately. General Carleton assumed command of the distJ'ict at this time, and took charge of all military operations. His forces were chiefly occupied with the Mcscalero Apaches during the winter, but in the spring of 1863 he was ready for the Navahos. General Carleton's plan was to remove all who would con- sent to the Bosque Redondo, on the Pecos River, in Eastern New Mexico, and to place the others with them as fast as they were captured. This plan had the merit of sparing the inno- cent the horrors of war, at least. That General Carleton was actuated by motives of humanity in adopting it can scarce- ly be questioned, lie said : "They have no government to make treaties; they are a patriarchal people. One set of families may make promises, but the other set will not heed them. They understand the direct application of force as a law; if its application be removed, that moment they become lawless. This has been tried over and over again, and at great expense. The purpose now is, never to relax the application of force with a people that can no more be trusted than the wolves that run through the mountains. To collect them to- gether, little by little, on to a reservation, away from the haunts and hills and hiding-places of their country ; there be kind to them ; there teach their children how to read and write ; teach them the arts of peace ; teach them the truths of Chris- tianity." If there were any fault in this plan it was only in their removal from their native country, but for the purpose of separating the peaceful from the hostile during the war this could not very well be avoided. The Navahos were given ample warning of General Carleton's intentions. He notified part of the chiefs himself, and sent messengers among them to inform them that they might have until the 20th day of July, 1863, to come in, but that "aftc that day every Na- CASON DE CHELLY and BOSCiUE KEDONDO. 453 vaho that is seen will be considered as hostile, and treated ac- cordingly." Quite a number of Xavahos accepted the proffered terms, and against the others the troops were kept operating from Forts Stanton, Craig, Can by, Defiance, and the post at Lob Pinos ; and the troops at all other posts were ordered to be con- stantly on the lookout for prowling bands of Navaiios, which were liable to appear in any part of the country. They went everywhere in their expeditions. One band of a hundred and thirty warriors even penetrated the Mescalero country, south- east of the Eio Grande settlenients, and, passing north, drove off cattle and sheep from the Bosque Kedondo ; they were fol- lowed by a few troops and some Mescaleros, and the property was retaken, with other plundered goods. The orders to the soldiers, everywhere, were to kill every male Navaho capable of bearing arms, whenever and wherever he might be found ; women and children were to be captured and held as prisoners. These orders were often repeated, and the officers were urged to the utmost activity by praise to the successful, and re- proaches to the unsuccessful. The following, issued to Col- onel Rigg, commanding at Fort Craig, on August 4, 18G3, is a sample of the instructions: "I have been informed that there is a spring called Ojo de Cibolo, about fifteen miles west of Limitar, where the Navahos drive their stolen cattle and 'jerk' the flesh at their leisure. Cannot yoa make arrange- ments for a party of resolute men from your command to be stationed tlicre for, say, thirty days, and kill every Navaho and Apache they can find ? A cautious, wary commander, liiding his men and moving about at night, might kill off a good many Indians near that point." Such orders seem hareh, and yet they afforded the only means of bringing the Navahos to terms. The great ditKculty was to get any opportunity to fight them. They were separated in small bands, under their pati iarchal system, and, being constantly on the move through a country with which they were thoroughly acquainted, they were usually able to avoid the soldiers, for whom they kept a vigilant watch. After a few weeks of slight success, the sol- diers were further stimulated to activity by a bounty of twenty dollars for each good horse turned over to the quartermaster's 454 MASSACKKS OF THE MOUNTAINS. (ANON l)K CIIKLl.V. dep.artnient, and one dollar for each sheep. The principal offensive force was that operating from Fort Canbj, under Colonel Kit Carson, but, notwithstanding the ability and activ- ity of that noted Indian fighter, the results obtained during the sumniei- and fall of 18(53 were not important, and Carleton consoled the colonel with the hope: "As winter approaches you will have better luck." Still, as winter approached, suc- cess did not increase very materially, and the Navahos were still able to keep ont of the way of the troops. It was therefore decided to strike them in the Caiion de Chclly, which was re- CASON DE CUELLY and BOSQUE KEDONDO. 455 i3 [lUted to bo tlieir greatest stntnghold, and Colonel Carson was ordered to prepare for this movement, which was to be made in January. The Canon de Clielly is one of the most remarkable works of naturv^ in the United States. The Rio Chelly may be found, not very accurately traced, on any fair-sized map of Arizona, in the northeastern corner of that territory. Its headwaters are in the Sierra Tunicha, of Northwestern New Mexico, and it flows thence almost due wes*", for some thirty miles, then swings abruptly to the north., and empties into the liio San Juan near the northern line of Arizona. The line of its west- ern flow indicates the position of the canon, which extends throughout that distance, the northward bend of the river being just beyond its mouth. The main canon is counted as beiiinninjir at tiie union of three small streams, each of which has a cailon of its own. They are the Cienega Negra (Black Meadow), or Estrella (Star), on the southeast, the Palo Negro (Black Timber), or Chelly Creek, on the east, and the Cienega Juanica, or Juanita, on the northwest. The most easterly en- trance used by the Indians is near the head of Chelly Creek; by it, the bottom of that stream is reached above the junction of the others. It is not accessible for animals. The Cienega Negra enters about three miles below the head of the Chelly proper, and the Juanica half a mile lower. At places above the entrance of the last-named stream the chasm is so narrow that one might almost leap across it, but the beholder invol- untarily recoils from the dizzy view of over one thousand feet of unbroken descent to the yellow floor beneath. About half a mile below the Juanica there is another descent, where the wall of the canon, there only seven hundred feet high, is broken and sufticieutly sloping to permit a zigzag descent to pack- animals. Below this point the walls increase in height to fifteen liundred feet, and the width of the cafion from two hundred to three hundred and fifty yards. Tiie next approach is by a side cafion that enters on the south side, about eleven miles below the Juanica ; it is commonly known as Bat Canon, but the Indians and Mexicans call it Cafion Alsada, or Canou of the High Rock, from a natural obelisk, one thousand feet high, with a base of one hundred and fifty feet, that rises ma- 9<>* 456 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS, jestically at the mouth of the cauon, a hiuidrod feet distant from the wall. This needle leans so mrich that it seems about to topple over. The Alsada entrance is the one commonly used in approaching from Fort Defiance, and the trail is cut deep in the sandstone by thousands of feet of men and animals that in past generations have followed it. The descent here is along ledges on the cailon wall, so narrow that animals are always driven ahead, for fear they may slip and carry the owner over. Occasionally, below this point, there are lateral openings >in the canon walls, but none of them extend more than a few hundred yards back, and there is no other entrance until about three miles above the mouth, where the Canon del Trigo (Wheat Canon) enters from the north. Below the Trigo the walls sink rapidly, and the canon opens out into a rolling country, barren and unprepossessing. The formation is all sandstone, which is the " country rock" for miles in every direction. From above, at almost any point, the traveller comes suddenly on this mighty chasm, without any warning of its presence in the rock plain over which he is passing. The sudden view of the awful depths is startling beyond description. From below, the stupendous height of the walls, which often project above the he-'d of the beholder, cannot be fully comprehended. The floor of the cafion is comparatively smooth and very sandy, the general appearance being that of a river of sand flowing between the rock walls and circling around occasional islands of green. There is no detritus along the foot of either wall, as is com- mon in other canons. The rocks are apparently disintegrating and gradually tilling the chasm, but the only agents in this work are the wind and the loose sand, and their progress is so slow as to be almost iiji perceptible. The particles of sand, whirled along in the air, are constantly eating away the walls and detached blocks of stone, and in the course of centuries have made a very wonder-land of weird shapes and fantastic sculpturing. The amount of water in the cafion depends wholly on the season. In years of drought there is none above the surface, but the sand is moist, and the Indians ob- tain what water they need by digging. In moderate seasons there is an occasional show of running water, which sinks again caSon de chelly and uosqle kedondo. 457 in the sand. In wet seasons there is a considerable stream, and about a mile below the Canon Alsada there is seen a niag- niticent fall of water from the top of the cafion, sheer a thou- sand feet, swaying in the wind and breaking by the resistance of the air, until it is completely lost in a fine mist at the bot- tom. The Navahos say the stream has decreased of later years, and the remains of ancient acequlas indicate the truth of their tradition. There is a slight growth of underbrush throughout the caiion, with grass at inter^'als, and now and then the corn-fields and peach-orchards of the Indians. This place was inhabited long before Columbus set iiis sails to seek the Indies. Along its walls are perched the strange cliff-dwellings of that ancient and unknown race which once peopled the present deserts of Arizona. Some of them are on ledges only forty or fifty feet above the canon floor, with parts on the floor, and others are six or seven hun- dred feet higher. How the higher ones were constructed is an unsolved problem, for there.appears now no way of access to man but by ropes from above, or by broken flights of lad- der-like steps cut in the rock at various places, and these houses are built of stone and heavy wooden beams. The timber in them is in excellent preservation, and the whitewash on the interior walls looks as though it had been put on within a year, yet the Navahos say that these buildings were there, just as they are now, when their forefathers came into the country. The architecture is that of the Puebloc,, with similar masonry, the usual fragments of pottery, and the »;niversal estufa. The Navahos have never used them, and, so far as is known, have never been able to reach some of them, to which, indeed, there appears .lo feasible approach, except possibly by balloon. The enterprising archreologist would probably And them just as the cliff-dweller left them when he departed on his last migra- tion. This canon was not explored throughout until 1859, al- though the troops had often been in its vicinity, and the Na- vahos thought it afforded them an inaccessible retreat in time of war. Still it was not a place of retreat to which they all gathered, as was generally supposed, nor were there any for- tifications in it, as rumor had declared. It is not probable that 468 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. there were ever more than a thousand Indians living in it, for no hirge numbers were ever found there, and there was not the grass in it to support tlie hirge herds that they owned. Nine tentiis, at least, of the Xavaiio nation made their homes at such other points in their extensive territory as afforded pasturage for their Hocks ; the Canon de Ohelly was merely the residence of a small portion of tlie tribe; but none of the whites knew just what was there, and the great ciiasm was re- gardeii in all circles as the mysterious stronghold of the Na- vahos. The first recorded entrance into it by troops was made in September, 18-49, by Lieutenant Simpson, of Colonel Wash- ington's expedition, escorted by Major Keridrick, with sixty men. They entered at the mouth, went a short distance up the Canon del Trigo, atid then ascended the main cailon for nine and a half miles, in search of the fortifications of the Navahos. To confirm the stories of the guides about an im- pregnable fortress on a plateau so high that fifteen ladders were required to reach it, they found nothing but the cliff houses, and, on returning, announced that the mystery of the Caiion de Chelly was solved. In 1858, Colonel D. S. Miles entered it at the Canon Alsada and marched to the mouth without any casualties, but he was so impressed with the ad- vantages it afforded for attack from the summits of the walls that he reported : " No command should ever again enter it." In July, 1850, Captain Walker, commanding an expedition against the Navahos, entered the canon half a mile below the entrance of the Juanica, and marched to the mouth. Two weeks later he returned to the head of the cailon and explored it to the point of his former descent. In view of these ex- plorations it seems renuvrkable that General Carleton should have written, after Carson's expedition : " This is the first time any troops, wliether when the country belonged to Mexico or since we acquired it, have been able to pass through the Cafion do Chelly which, for its great depth, its length, its perpendicular walls, and its labyrinthine character, has been regarded by eminent geologists as the most remarkable of any 'fissure' (for such it is held to be) upon the face of the globe. It has been the great fortress of the tribe since time out of mind." In reality, however, this misinformation was v.ni- CLIFr HOUSE IN CA.NON DK CllKLI.V. of .ni- caJJon de chelly and UOSQUE HEDONDO. 461 versal. No officer who entered the canon (judging from their reports) had any definite knowledge of what liis predecessors lirtd done. Carson surely should have been acquainted with the history of so famous a place, hut, with an inaccuracy thut is strikingly illustrative of the unreliability of traditional his- tory, he reported that his troops had "accomplished an under- taking never before accomplished in war-time — that of passing through the Canon de Chclly from east to west."* Colonel Carson started from Fort Can by on January 6, ISO-i, with a force of three hundred and ninety officers and men, for the inouth of the cafion. Just before starting he sent Captain PfeiflFer, with one company, to operate fronj the east- ern end. The depth of the snow on the divide between Fort Canby and the Pueblo Colorado was so great that his com- mand was three days in reaching the latter place, a march that was usually made in one day. He had started his supply-train on the 3d, expecting that the oxen would be recuperated by the time of his arrival, but the train had taken five days in making the twenty-five miles, and had lost twenty-seven oxen. Reorganizing, and leaving part of the train, he pushed on to the cafion, which he struck on the 12th, about six miles above the mouth. On the night of the 11th he sent out Sergeant Andres Herrara, with fifty men, as scouts. In the morning this party found a fresh trail, and, following it rapidly, they overtook the Indians just as they were entering the cafion, and attacked them ; they killed eleven and captured two women and two children, with one hundred and thirty sheep and goats. On the 13th Carson divided his force into two com- mands : one, under Captain Berney, was sent up the north side of the cafion, and the other, under Captain Carey, ac- companied by Carson, moved up the south side, with the view of ascertaining the topography of the country and the position of the Navahos, if they had undertaken to make a stand. The* latter party found and captured five wounded Indians at the scene of Herrara's fight. On the 14th they returned to the mouth of the cafion and found Pfeiffer there, he having come * Cnrson's report has never been published. I quote from the manuscript copy on flic in the oflicc of the War Department, at Washington, to which the department has courteously afforded me access. 462 MASSACRES 01' THE MOUNTAINS. tliroHgli tlie oanuri suecessfiilly, witlioiit any casualty to his coiiiiuaiul ; they liad killed three Iiuliaiis, and brought in nine- teen women and children i)ri8oner8. While returning to camp, Carson was approached by three Indians, under a Uag of truce, who asked if they might conic in with their families and surrender. lie told them that they might if they came by ten o'clock the next morning, but not later. About sixty came in by the appointed time and acceded to the terms of surrender and removal to the Bosque. Says Carson : " They declared that, owing to the operations of my command, they are in a complete state of staivation, and that many of their women and children have already died from tiiis cause. They also state that they would have come in long ago. but that they believed it was a war of extermination, and tliaf they were equally surprised and delighted to learn the contrary from an old captive whoiii I had sent back to tliem for tliit; purpose. I issued them some meat, and as they asked per- mission to return to their haunts and collect the rejuainder of their people, I directed them to meet me at this post [Fort Canby] in ten days. They have all arrived here according to promise, many of them, with others, joining and travelling in with Captain Carey's command. This command of seventy- live men I conferred upon Captain Carey at his own request, he being desirous of passing through this stupendous canon. I sent the party to return through the canon from west to east, that all the peach-orchards, of which there arc many, might be destroyed, as well a tlie dwellings of the Indians." About three thousand peach-trees were destroyed in the cafioii ; and one hundred and ten Navahos came in with Carey's com- mand. On January 23 Carson reported the results of the ex- pedition as follows: " Killed, 23 ; captured, 34; voluntarily surrendered, 200 ; captured 200 liead of sheep." This expedition has passed into the realms of romance, like many other events in New Mexican history, and the facts have been lost sight of in the rosy coloring of imagination. Illns- trativo of this I quote the following from a popular biography of Kit Carson, that is introduced by what purport to be cer- tificates to its accuracy by such well-known New Mexicans as Colonel Ceran St. Vrain and Judge Charles Beaubien : caSon de chi;llv and Hos(ii:K kkdondo. 463 COLONEL KIT CAISSON. "The Niivajo Indians were very troublesome. For a whole decade they had defied tlie government, and now, enlisted as savage cohorts of the rebels, they were especially dan- gerous. They numbered several thousand warriors, and roamed over an immense tract of country. General Carleton selected Carson to command two thousand picked men, con- bisting of Californiaiis, Mexicans, and mountaineers, to oper- ate against tliese Indians. The campaign was a most brilliant one. After a succession of skirmishes, Carson succeeded in getting the enemy into a bed or ravine, and had his own forces so disposed as to command every approach, and in doing this compelled the surrender of ten thousand Indians, being the largest single capture of Tndianb 3ver known. The entire tribe, men, women, and children, was disposed of by this mag- nificent operation. This greatly increased tiie fame of the 464 MASSACRES OF- THE MOUNTAINS. tnountain leader, and the official reports to the War Depart- ment very justly sounded his praises in flattering terms, but none too extravagantly." This leads to tiie thought that if there be anything more unreliable than traditional history it is written history. There is a generally prevailing iinpression, in regard to the results of Carson's expedition, similar to the above statement, and possibly derived from it. The great success of the expe- dition was not in immediate effect, but in the ulterior results of the campaign, which Carson, with his keen foresight, an- ticipated. He said, in his report of January 23, 1864: " But it is to the ulterior effects of the expedition that I look for the greatest results. We have shown the Indians that in no place, however formidable or inaccessible in their opinion, are they safe from the pursuit of the troops of this command, and have convinced a large portion of them that the struggle on their part is a hopeless one. We have also demonstrated that the intentions of the government towards them are emi- nently humane, and dictated by an earnest desire to promote their welfare ; that the principle is not to destroy but to save them, if they are disposed to be saved. When all this is un- derstood by the Navajoes, generally, as it soon will be, and when they become convinced that destruction will follow on resistance, they will gl.idly avail themselves of the opportuni- ties afforded them of peace and plenty under the fostering care of the government, as do all those now with whom I have had any means of communicating. They are arriving almost hourly, and will, I believe, continue to arrive until the last Indian in this section of the country is e/i route to the Bosque lledondo. ' This prediction proved substantially a true one. The Navahos came in so fast that General Carleton's re- sources were taxed to the utmost to support them. By Febru- ary 20, 750 had surrendered at Los Pinos and been forwai'ded to the Bosque. On February 24, 1650 were reported surren- dered at Fort Canl)y. On February 24, 1300 more were re- ported from Los Pinos. By March 11, 1500 more had come in at Fort Canby, and Carleton notified Carson that he could not take care of more than one additional thousand. By July 8, there were 6321 at the Bosque, and 1000 more at Fort CANON DE CHELLY AND BOSQUE KEDONDO. 465 Canby. The war whs ovidently ended ; Fort Canby was or- dered abandoned in August, and tlie troops sent into Ari- zona. Carson was sent to the plains to light Kiowas and (Jonmnches, with 200 Ute wai-riors, who had volunteered to go if allowed what they could capture. The evil qualities of the removal and concentration began to show as soon as success had been attained. The number of iSavahos had been underestinuited by Oarleton. Carson maintained that there were at least 12,000 of them, and, if any credit can be given to subsequent statistics, he was right, but Carleton insisted that there could not possibly be over 8000; there must not be; it would spoil the Bosque system if there were. The greatest number ever at the Bosque Re- dondo was between nine and ten thousand ; the remainder of the nation lurked in their old haunts, or fell back to the des- ert regions of Arizona and Utah, to avoid the troops. Of course, under the system of voluntary surrender, the worst Indians, the ones whose surveillance was most desirable, did not come in ; but the removal of the others left them plenty of room in their own country, and this, with the fear of the troops, kept them quiet. The troops attacked them when- ever they met them, for several years afterwards. The ex- pense of caring for the exiled Navahos was very great. The New Mexicans offered to relieve the government of a por- tion of this burden by a system of " binding out," but the offer was declined ; and also all the Navahos who had been kept at the army posts, " for whatever ])urpose," were re- quired to be sent to the Boscjue. There was difficulty be- tween the Navahos and the Mescaleros at their new home. They had been enemies of old, and there was nothing to bring about a reconciliation. Their customs differed. The Mesca- lero women were chaste, but had no part in the control of the tribe ; the Navaho women were very dissolute, and exer- cised a strong influence in the tribal government. The Mes- caleroa were the bolder warriors, but they were lar inferior in numbers. The tribal jealousies were aggravated by petty aggressions and hectoring. The Apaches accused the Nava- hos of tramplipff down their crops, and otherwise annoying them. The reservation authorities made the matter worse by 466 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. removing the Mesealeros from the hind they liad been culti- vating, and giving it to the Navahos. The Mesealeros then <^laiined the fulfilment of the promise to them of a reserva- tion in their own conntrj, and when this was refused they went without permission, and began hostilities. Agriculture at the Bosque did not result successfully ; the crops usually promised well enough, but something always spoiled them. One time it was drought, another cut-worms, another bad irrigation, or overflows, or hail-storms. The In- dians were, of necessity, a great expense to the government. The cost of feeding them for seven months, March to Sep- tember inclusive, in 18(>5, was §-1:52,350.08. The cost for a year previous to this time averaged higher than this, but the exact figures cannot be given, on account of the large amount of stores transferred from otiier departments and not reported as to value. All this time it was well known that they could support themselves in their own country. The principal cause of their helplessness in their new homes was that they were a pastoral, not an agricultural, people. In their own country their chief food is goats' milk and the roots of certain herbs of wild growth. Their flocks had been largely destroyed during the war. Tradition puts the number of sheep killed by soldiers at fifty thousand, but the Navahos say that the Utes and Mexicans stole the greater part of them. The Bosque did not afford grazing facilities for the sheep and goats they still had, and these gradually decreased in number. It has been proven since then that they can and will take care of themselves, very easily, if they can get ample pasturage; and, unless stock-raising is to be considered a less civilized pursuit than agriculture, there is no reason why any forcible attempt should be made to change the natural bent of their industrial instincts. The fitness of the Bosque Redondo for a reservation is something that has been the subject of great controversy and of misrepresentation on one or both sides. The following description of it, given by Captain Thomas Claiborne in 1859, when there was talk of establishing a military post there, may fairly be considered as impartial: "The Bosque Redondo is an elbow of the river [Pecos]; the molts of cottonwoods are caSon de chelly and hosque redondo. 467 O IS are mostl}' on the left bank of tlie Pecos, extending for perhaps six or seven miles, in cliistors. The river is very crooked, and stretched from side to side of the valley, which, midway of the Bosque, is two miles or over wide. The appearance of tlie Bosque in that desert country is very agreeable. The lower half of the valley is tillable, the upper is filled with drift sand. A secondary mesa, twelve hundred yards wide and a mile and a quarter long, lies on the right bank of the river, about midway the Bosque, about thirty feet above the river-bottom, and is curtained by sand-Iiills about twenty-five feet higher than itself. A kind of red-top grass grows in the lower bottoms, mixed with bunch grass; the hills are covered with brown sedge grass; the mesa above spoken of is well cov- ered with mesquite grass. The water of the river is bad and the surrounding country is most desolate. The place is alto- gether unfit for a post." That the water of the Pecos at this point is alkaline, and charged with certain salts, is unquestiona- ble; this comes from the Aqua Negra, which debouches into the Pecos at Giddings's Ranch, above the Bosque. The water of the Aqua Negra, however, has always been used, more or less, at Giddings's Ranch, both by men and animals, without bad results, thovigh it is somewhat diuretic. Dr. Warner, physi- cian at Fort Sumner, testified that the water of the Pecos at the Bosque is wholesome. Caddte (Gian-nah-tah), the Mesca- lero cliief, testified : " It is not good, too much alkali, and is the cause of the sickness in the tribe and losing our animals." The Xavahos sometimes said the water was all right, and sometimes that they thought it was bad, but they always unanimously expressed a preference for their old country. The head of the opposition to the Bosque was Dr. Mat- thew Steck, a well-known settler in Xew Mexico, at that time Superintendent of Indian Affairs. lie favored giving the Mescaleros a reservation in their own country, as had been promised them, and opposed the removal of the Navahos to the Bosque. lie advocated his views in New Mexico, and, when ho found he could do nothing there, he went to Wash- ington to secure the same ends. Carleton complained bitterly of this attempted interference with his plans, and insisted on the enforcement of tlie ultra-huinai^e policy; that is, on com- 30 468 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. pelHng the Indians to do what the wliite man in authority — in this ease himself — may think to be best for them. He said : " Dr. Steck wants to hold councils with the Navajoes ! It is mockery to hold councils with a people who are in our hands and have only to await our decisions. It will be bad polit^^ to hold any councils. We should give them what they need, what is just, and take care of them as children until they can take care of themselves. The Navajoes should never leave the Bosque, and never shall if I can preveiit it. I told them that that should be their home. They have gone there M'ith that understanding. There is land enough there for them- selves and the Apaches. The Navajoes themselves are Apaches, and talk the same language, and in a few years will be homo- geneous with them." He was pi'oven to be mistaken as to the two tribes becoming homogeneous ; whether he was wrong in other regards is a question about which people will differ ; in brief, it is simply the question whether the concentration policy is the right one — whether it is better to place Indians where they do not wish to be, oblige them to do things which they do not wish to do, and force them to abandon the pur- suits by which they had formerly supported themselves. General Carleton also accused Mr. Steck of acting from inter- ested motives, but he did not specify in what regard. In the winter of 1804-65, the Navahos at the Bosque were reduced to. terrible straits through the destruction of their crops by cut-worms. There was want all tiirough that por- tion of the country from various causes. Neither the War nor the Indian Department was able to relieve them adequately. There was no relief from natural sources, for the acorns, ce- dar-berries, wild potatoes, palmillas and other roots, mescal and mesquite, on which they could rely in their old hotne in times of famine, were not found at the Bosque. Cattle and sheep were issued to them for food, " head and pluck," and the blood of the slaughtered animals was ordered to be saved to make "haggis and blood-puddings" for the orphan chil- dren. To add to their distress these people, who make the most serviceable blankets in tiie world and usually have plenty of them, were destitute, by the ravages of their enemies, of both blankets and clothing. They had no houses, and, as sub- CASON DE CIIELLY AND BOSQUE REDONDO. 469 stitutes, holes were ordered to be dug, in which they might be sheltered from the wind. In spite of all his efforts and in- genuity, General Carleton knew that they nmst suffer, and, on October 31, 1864, he directed the commandant at Fort Sum- ner to explain his good intentions to the Indians. " Tell them," he said, "to be too proud to murmur at what cannot be helped. We could not foresee the total destruction of their corn crop, nor could we foresee that the frost and hail would come and destroy the crop in the country ; but not to be dis- couraged; to work hard, every man and woman, to put in NEAR TilK HEAU-WATKI18 OK TIIK NAVAllO. large fields next year, when, if God smiles upon our efforts, they will, at one l»ound, be forever placed beyond want, and independent. Tell them not to believe ever that we are not their best friends; that their enemies have told them that we would destroy thom ; that we had sent big guns there to at- tack them ; but that those guns are only to bo used against tiieir enemies, if they continue to behave as they have done." With all his good intentions, General Carleton was inex- cusable, under analogy of the laws that are daily administered in every state and territory of the Union. There is no excuse 470 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. known for failure under snch circumstances. When a man is restrained of his liberty, or deprived of any right, for tlie pur- pose of benefiting him, there is no extenuation except he be in fact benefited, or, at least, not injured. Good intentions never excuse a wrong ; and thongli, as a war measure, placing the Navahos at the Bosque may be justified, keeping them there against their will, in time of peace, is clearly an infringe- ment of natural right. Our government must actually bene- fit the Indians by the reservation system in order to justify itself. Still, General Carleton stuck to his theory, and said that if the Navahos were moved from the Bosque at all they oiight to be sent to Kansas or the Indian Territory. In 18G5 the worms destroyed the crops again, and on July 18, after giving directions for husbanding all food, Carleton instructed the officer in command: "You should tell the Indians what a dreadful year it is, and how they must save everything to eat which lies in their power, or starvation will come upon them." The Indians had been slipping away from the place in small parties since midwinter of 1864-05, and in July a large party, under Ganado Blanco (White Cattle), broke away forcibly, but tliey were pursued and driven back. In August Carleton con- cluded to let the few Coyotero Apaches on the reservation return to their own country, as they desired. In the summer of this year a commission, consisting of Senator Doolittle, Vice-President Foster, and Representative Ross, visited New Mexico, and made a full investigation of the Indian affairs there, but nothing resulted from it. In 18G5 Felipe Delgado succeeded Mr. Stock as Superin- tendent; he was in harmony with General Carleton, and re- ported that, "It is fair to presume that next year their [the Navahos'] facilities will be greater," etc. He had the good sense to recommend the purchase of sheep for them. In 186G the crops failed again — this time, as Superintendent A. B. Norton and their agent reported, from bad seed, improper management, and overflows of the Pecos. There were re- ported to be 7000 Indians on the reservation, and the cost of keeping them was estimated at $1,500,000 annually. In 1867 the crops failed, from bad management and hail-storms, as reported ; the Comanches attacked and robbed the Na- CASON DE CHELLY and BOSQUE REUONDO. 471 valios several times ; and many of tlieir liorses died from eating poisonous weeds. There were 7300 Indians reported as on tlie reservation, and their property liad become reduced to 550 horses, 20 mules, 940 sheep, and 1025 goats. In 18G8 Superintendent Davis reported : " The Navahos were lo- cated several years ago upon a reservation at the Bosque Redondo, by the military, and after expending vast sums of money, and after making every effort for more than four years to make it a success, it has proved a total failure. It was certainly a very unfortunate selection for a reserve; no wood, unproductive soil, and very unhealthy water, and the Indians were so much dissatisfied they planted no grain last spring, and I verily believe they were niaking prepara- tions to leave as the Apaches did." Fortunately for all concerned. General Sherman and Col- onel Tappan, Peace Commissioners, reached New Mexico in j\fay, 1808. They satistied themselves that the Xavalios would never become self-supporting or contented at the Bosque Kedondo, and, on June 1, entered into an agreement with the tribe by which they were to be removed to their for- mer country. The reservation then given them was included between parallel 37° of north latitude and a parallel drawn through Fort Defiance, for north and south lines, and parallel of longitude 109° 30' and a parallel drawn through Ojo del Oso, as east and west lines. The Indians were to receive five dollars annually, in clothing, for each member of the tribe, and ten dollars for each one engaged in farming or mechanical pursuits. Each head of a family was entitled to select one hundred and sixty acres of land, if he desired to hold in severalty, and in njch case he was to receive one hundred dollars in seeds and implements the first year, and twentv-five dollars each for the second and third years. Buildings of the vahie of $11,500 M-ero to be erected, and the Navahos pledged themselves to com|)el all their chil- dren between the ages of six and sixteen to attend school. A separate school-house and teacher was to be provided for every thirty pupils; $150,000 was to be appropriated at once to the Indians, part of which was to be expended in the purchase of 15,000 siieep and goats and 500 cattle, and the remainder to 472 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. be used for the expenses of their removal and in snch other ■ways as should appear most beneficial. Under this liberal treaty the tribe was removed in 1868, and since then there has been a continuous improvement in their condition. They had very bad luck with tlieir crops for several years, but their herds increased steadily. By 1873 they were reported to have 10,()U0 horses and 200,000 sheep and goats. In 1872 an Indian police force was or- ganized at the agency, on recommendation of Captain Ben- nett, and placed under command of Manuelito, tiieir war- chief, providing, for the first time in their history, for a control vf offenders by tribal authority. It was discon- tinued in 1873 for a short time, but was soon put in force again, with beneficial results. A few years later the Indians abandoned it on account of the small pay given to the police- men. About fifteen men are now employed, and they appear to be all that are needed. In 1876 the Navahos were report- ed as self-supporting, notwithstanding they had lost -10,000 sheep by freezing during the past winter. In 1878 their agent said : " Within the ten years during which the present treaty with the Navahos has been in force they have grown from a band of paupers to a nation of prosperous, industrious, shrewd, and (for barbarians) intelligent people." They were reported at that time as numbering 11,800, and owning 20,000 horses, 1500 cattle, and 500,000 sheep ; the}' were tilling 9192 acres of land, and obtained ninety-five per cent, of their sub- sistence from civilized pursuits. In fact, they were increasing so rapidly that there was an urgent call for more room, and, as there was desert land to spare in all directions, it was given to them. By executive order of October 29, 1878, there was added to their reserva- tion the land between the northern line of Arizona, parallel 110° of west longitude, parallel 36° of north latitude, and the western line of the reservation. Still there was a call for more land, and on January 6, 1880, they were given a strip fif- teen miles wide along the eastern side of the reservation, and one six miles wide along the southern line. In the latter year three windmill pumps and fifty-two stock pumps were put in at different points on the reservation, M'hich liave stopped MOQl'I I'UKBLO. CASION 1)E f!UELLY AND BOSQUE KEDONDO. 475 mucli of their wandering in searcli of water, and added great- ly to tlie value of their graziiig-lands. Their inarch of im- provement had not stopped, and in ISS-i the nation, estimated at 17,000, cultivated 15,000 acres of land and raised 220,000 l)ushels of corn and 21,000 bushels of wlieat ; they had 35,000 horses and 1,000,000 sheep. In 1884 the reservation was ex- tended west to 111° 30', and the northern boundary was made the Colorado and San Juan rivers. By this addition the reservation encloses the Moqui Pueblo reservation on two sides, and the agencies for the two have been consolidated. This order, increasing the reservation by 1,700,600 acres in Arizona and Utah, was supplemented by one taking away 40,000 acres in New Mexico; the reservation as now estab- lished includes 8,159,300 acres, mostly desert land. With their advancement in wealth the Navahos have made but little progress in civilization, and their condition is one that might well call for more extended mission work than has been done among them. The government is main- taining an industrial school at pvesent, and the Presbyterian Church, to which hey were assigned, has established a mis- sion school two or three times, but it has been discontinued through the failure of Congress to furnish a suitable build- iiig. The Xavahos, however, have repeatedly asked to have schools established, and the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions has recently decided to establish a school, whether the government complied with its promises or not. There were twenty-five reported, in 1884, as being able to read, but tlie report is not very reliable; only five were reported as able to speak English in 1SS3. Their manners, customs, and religion are practically unchanged, except that they have adopted civilized clothing to a large extent. They still plant with sharpened sticks, but this has been conceded by farmers to be the best way of planting in their country ; seed must be planted deep in order to obtain moisture to insure growth, and ploughing only makes the ground dry. They never wash their sheep, and still chop the wool from them with case- knives, pieces of tin, or anything else that will cut, obtaining about one pound from each animal.* Their horses are seldom * A large number of slicep-sliears were sent to thcin in 1885, and will probably be used. 476 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. used except in travelling; three fourths of them nro never broken, and are of no use whatever, except in the purchase of wives. Attempts have been made to introduce improved looms among them, but the women adhere tenaciously to their old modes. About fifty of the men were induced to build houses, in 1884, but the vast majority still adhere to their temporary ^o^rm*, and desert them when a death occurs. Their morals are as loose as ever, except that the consump- tion of liquor has decreased materially. These arc the chief signs of advancement, atid yet it has been said repeatedly that the Navahos afforded the best material for civilization among our Indian tribes. After forty years of our guardian- ship they are still barbarians — self-supporting while kept sep- arate from the whites, but as helpless and as easily swindled as children, except in the most ordinary business dealings, aiid scarcely better fitted for the duties of citizenship than when we first knew them. They were always among thieves, and thus far Christianity and civilization have passed by on the other side. Possibly that is why they are now so pros- perous. CIIAPTIR XV. FORT PHIL KEARNEY. Until tlie close of the War of the Ilebellior., the great northeastern triangle of the mountain country, lying between the co'ilinontal divide and the plains, had been subject to lit- tle encroachment from the white man, but civilization had been pressing up about it on all sides. On the east, the Sioux had been pushed back gradually until the great out- break of 18G2, in Minnesota, and then, by one stroke, forced into the confines of Dakota. At the south, the mining settle- ments of Colorado had grown populous and strong enough to entirely dispossess the Indian. On the southwest, the Saints had planted themselves immovably, and converted what hunt- ing-grounds there were in that section into farms. On the west, the gold-hunters had crowded up to the continental di- vide and were moving down its eastern slope. They had ad- vanced from the Pacific coast, passing from one ]>oint to an- other in wild stampedes, as new discoveries of the precious metal were made, but always growing in numbers and always pressing towards the east. The discovery of the Colville mines was followed in 1857-58-59 by the Frazer Kiver excite- ment, which carried a large population into the Korthwest. Then came the rush for the Salmon River mines in 18(!l-02, sending the adventurers into Southeastern (Vashington, to such an extent that in 1863 Idaho was organized as a territory, in- cluding the new settlements. The overflow from the Salmon River country, across the divide, began in 18G1, and the prospectors soon found ground that was worthy their time and attention. In the following year the wonderful placers of this section became known, and there ensued a rush for the new Golconda that surpassed anything ever known in the North- west. The richness of the mines justified the great immigra- ft 478 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. tiou ; it is estimated that the phicers of Alder Gulcli alone produced §50,000,000 of gold in the four jeiirs following their discovery. Helena, Virginia City, Bozeman, and otlier camps sprang up, with populations that produced nothing but gold, and which must be supplied with everything else from the outside. There were two ways of reaching the Montana settle- ments from the East : one was by following the established ^'1^^£^^S0^ riiOSl'KUTOISS IN THE ilOLNTAlNS. emigrant road through the South Pass, to Fort Hall, and thence north ; the other was by boat, on the Missouri and Yellowstone rivers, to the head of navigation, and thence through tiie country of the Crows to the mines. Hoth these routes were very circuitous, l)eing over five hundred miles longer than the direct road which was physically practicable, from Fort Laramie to Bozeman, along the eastern base of the FOIIT PHIL KKAUNEY. 479 Big Horn Mountains. Several parties liad gone into Mon- tana by this route, which was at first called " Bozenian's lioute," and afterwards, when definitely located, " the Mon- tana lload." Besides the extra distance, the South Pass route, wiiich was virtually the only road used by emigrants with teams, required crossing and recrossing the continental divide, a very considerable hardship to the way-worn emi- grant. For these reasons it became desirable to open a di- rect road, and preparations for it were commenced in 1865, by negotiating with the Indians for the right of way. The country through which the proposed road was pro- jcjted belonged, when rirst known to the whites, to the Crows, or, as they call themselves, Absaroka or Upsaroka. It is sometimes called by the same name wiiich is then translated "the land, or home, of the Crows.' The tribe is a branch of the Dakota family, numbering about three thousand five hundred, and is in three divisions; the Ki-kat-sa, or Crows jjioper, commonly known as the Mountain Ciows; the Alla- ka-weah, and the Ah-nah-a-ways, who live farther to the east, and are termed the River Crows. These Indians are tall, well-formed, expert horsemen and good hunters. The fur traders liad troul)les with them at times, and gave them the reputation of rascals and thieves, but of later years they have been faithful and honorable friends of the whites. They had all the lighting they could attend to fiom their cousins, ilie SiouN". who waged relentless war upon them. On this account tliey cultivated the friendship of the whites, from whom they could procure arms and ammunition, and even had several reputable white chiefs, among whom were the celebrated Bridger and Beckwith. By the time that the early emigration to the mountains began, a large portion of the southern aiul eastern parts of the northeastern triangle had been deserted by the Crows as a habitation, though still held in common with the Sioux as a battle-ground and hnnt- inj'-irround. i>v 1805 the Sioux, with their allies the North- ern Cheyetmes and Arapahoes, had gained control of these sections, and the Crows were virtually expelled from the country east and south of the Big Horn Mountains. That part of the country, thus gained by the Sioux, which 480 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. lies between the Black Hills, the Big Horn Mountains, and the Yellowstone River, was known as the Powder River country, from its principal stream, whose valleys, together with those of the Tongue River and the Rosebud, constituted the best hunting-ground remaining to the Sionx. For over thirty miles north from Fort Reno this country is much like the great plains, with little vegetable growth except sage- brush ; north of that it is more fertile, covered with grass, and abounding in all the vegetable growth of the latitude. The monotony of evergreen forests is broken by groves of cottonwoods, willows, ashes, and red-birches. All kinds of berries, with grapes, cherries, and plums, grow wild, in pro- fusion. The streams are clear and wholesome, instead of muddy and alkaline, as in the lower country. This beautiful region extends along the eastern and northeastern bases of the Big Horn Mountains, in a strip of varying width. Off to the northeast, at an average distance of perhaps twenty miles, begin the "bad lands," and the country takes on a dreary and desolate aspect. In this entire region large game was still abundant. The most extensive herds of buffalo yet re- maining pastured there. Elk, deer, and antelope were to be met with everywhere. The terraced buttes were the favorite home of the big-horn. Bears rioted among the fruits and berries. Of small game, such as rabbits, grouse, and water- fowl, there was an abundance that can scarcely be imagined. Naturally enough, the Indians did not desire to lose this sports- man's paradise, but the government did not appear to know it. It was the era of peace — in Washington. The Indians, in the annual reports, were doing nothing but defending themselves from tht encroachments of lawless whites. They were ready and willing to do anything, if they could only se- cure schools and churches. Mr. Bogy, the Commissioner of Indian x\ffair8, sat back and smiled sarcastically at reports of hostilities. The peace people were busy, working themselves into a white heat ove/ the wrongs of the Cheyennes. The entire country looked contemptuously on the strength of the red men. What ! we, who had just put down the greatest rebellion the world ever knew, to be terrified by a few half- etarved Indians? Oh, no I The army was cut down to its FORT PHIL KEARNEY. 481 lowest possible figure, and much of it was employed in the late insurrectionary states. Its arms were chiefly old-fash- ioned muzzle-loaders, notwithstanding the wonderful im- provements that had been made in weapons during the war. The Indians were better armed. On one occasion a cattle guard excused themselves for not firing on Indians who were attacking their herds, because the Indians had revolvers, while they had nothing but muzzle- loading muskets, and would be at the mercy of the Indians if they discharged them. " Judicious men " were sent out to treat with the Sioux for the right of way through to Montana. They met at Fort Sully, and, from October 10 to October 28, made trea- ties with the Minneconjous, Lower Ernies, Two Kettles, Blackfoot Sioux, Sans Arc&, Oncpapas, and Ogallallas, by which these Indians agreed to " withdraw from the routes overland already established or hereafter to be established through their country," and not to interfere " with the per- sons or property of citizens of the United States travelling thereon." The chief striking features about these treaties were the small number of signatures appended to them, and the absence of names of prominence among these. The Ogallalla treaty had but three signers — Long Bull, Cliarging Bear, and Man that Stands on a Hill — neither of whom, as was notorious, liad any control over the tribe. In the mean time General Connor had marched into the Powder River country to chastise the Indians who declined to treat, but he had little success, and was forced to be content with establish- ing Fort Keno on the head-waters of Powder River. The matter drifted on through the winter, the opposition growing somewhat less during that annual period of starva- tion, when the presents from the Great Father looked so much more enticing. The leader of the anti-cession party was Red Cloud (Mock-peah-lu-tah), who was at that time known oidy as the chief of the Bad Faces, one of the three bands into which the Ogallallas wero> divided. He was a warrior, not of hereditary rank, who was raised to the leader- ship on his merits, and was already exerting a wide influence. His influence was largely due to his medicine powers, which were not of the ordinary stripe. In common with many 482 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. Other Indians, he professed the power of seeing spirits, but, in excess of them, he ehvimed direct comtnunication with tlie Great Spirit, who guided him in all matters of importance. Shrewd in all things, he was especially keen in his foresight. He realized that the building of the road meant the destruc- tion of the game in their best hunting-ground, and the reduc- tion of his people to the beggarly condition of the Indians who hung about the government posts, lie bitterly opposed the treaties from the first. An able second was found in Ta- shun-kah-Ko-ke-pah (Man Afraid of his Horses), the warlike chief of the Ilonc-pah-te-lah i)and of Ogallallas. The name does not mean that he fears his horses, as it is often under- stood, but that he is fearful of losing them. It was given him because, on occasion of an attack by the Shoshonees, he abandoned his family in order to save his herd of ponies. The most influential of the chiefs that favored the trea- ties was Spotted Tail (Sin-ta-Gal-les-sea), who, like Ked Cloud, was not of hereditary rank, but a warrior who had risen by his courage and ability. He and his coadjutor Standing Elk (As- hah -kah-nah-zhe) will be remembered as among the Brules who surrendered themselves, for the safety of their tribe, after the battle of Ash Hollow. When a young man of twenty, Spotted Tail quarrelled with one of the boldest and fiercest chiefs of his tribe, about a young girl, whom both ad- mired. Meeting one day alone, outside the camp, the chief demanded of him that he should abandon his pretensions to the lady, on pain of instant death. The young brave did not stop to bandy words. Burning with rage and hatred, he snatched his knife from its sheath and defied his rival's prow- ess. The chief's keen blade had flashed in the air as quickly as his own ; with a bound ho was upon the presumptuous youth, and they were in the struggle for life or death. A few hours later an Indian, who passed that way, found them locked in each other's arms and covered with gaping wounds; the chief was dead, and Spotted Tail was senseless. He soon recovered from his wounds, and at once rose to prominence. It is pleasing to know, also, that he married the girl for whom he fought so well, and through life treated her with such kindness and afifection as are rarely known among these In- SPOTTED TAIL. FORT PHIL KEARNEY. 483 dians. On the death of the head chief tlie tribe put aside the hereditary claitnunts, and elected Spotted Tail, by an almost unanimous vote, to the highest command. lie had proved an able chief and remained friendly to the whites, but at the ])resent juncture the sentiment against the road was so strong that his authority was reduced to a nominal control, even of his own tribe. In the spring the commission located itself at Fort Lara- mie, being still engaged in efforts to get signers to its treaties, and especially to conciliate the Ogallallas. The idea preva- lent among officials, both in the East and the West, was that there must be peace, and accordingly it was said with assur- ance that there would be. According to the statement of Special Agent Chandler, " Commissioner Taylor repeatedly asserted that he was sent there by the government for the ])urpose of making a treaty, and it should be accomplished, if made with but two Indians," as could be "proved by numer- ous officers and citizens at and near this post, who heard him." Every effort was made to induce the Indians who opposed the road to consent to it, but in vain. Colonel Taylor promised " that the travel on said road should be coniined strictly to the line thereof, and that emigrants and travellers generally should not be allowed to molest or disturb the game in the country through which they passed ;" but this offer, so evident- ly impossible of performance, did not deceive the Indians, and they still refused to treat. So certain, however, were all par- ties that the right of way would be granted, that the military occupation of the country began while the negotiations were pending. Colonel H. B. Carrington was ordered up from Fort Kearney, with about two thousand men, of whom eight companies were assigned to the new route. They numbered about seven hundred men, live hundred of them raw recruits. This command passed through Laramie in June, while the negotiations were going on, and marched directly for the Powder River country. As soon as the destination of these troops was announced to the Indians, Red Cloud, Man Afraid, and their followers withdrew from the council and refused to return. The only ones of the Prairie Sioux who remained and agreed to abide vov MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. l)y the treaties were the Lower Briiles, with a few stragglers from other tribes. At that time they miinbered about two thousand five hundred, but a year hiter Spotted Tail, Stand- ing Elk, and Swift Bear, the treaty chiefs, iiad with them only one hundred lodges, mostly of old women and squaws, the young men having gone to swell the ranks of Red Cloud. Included among the Indians that treated was the mixed band under Big Mouth and Blue Nose, which had lived about Fort Laramie so long that they were known as the " Laramie Loafers." They numbered about six hundred, but less than a hundred of them were men, and more tlian a hundred were half-breed children. So rapid was the defection of war- riors to the hostile camps, that, within two weeks after the passage of the troops. Spotted Tail and Standing Elk told the whites that their young men had left them and gone to tiie Powder River country, and that parties who went far from home had best "go prepared, and look out for their hair." The commissioners were right in insisting that a treaty should be made and the road opened. There was no existing treaty with the Sioux by which the United States relinquished the right ot opening roads through their country, as has some- times been stated. Tlie United States does not often make treaties of that kind with Indians, and it is doubtful whether it ought at all. The reason for the law of eminent domain extends to the right of way over Indian lands, whether re- served or not, as it does to that over tiie property of the citi- zen, and the Indian should submit to it as the white man does. After land is reserved for the use of Indians, however, the law of eminent domain comes in conflict with another dojrina of public policy, which is that tlie Indians should be kept separate from the whites until they become civilized. The damage done by the intrusion is hold superior to the benefit resulting from the road, but in siich cases right of way is al- most invariably obtained by treaty. When a new railroad is to be built, it is pushed through the country with very little regard for the feelings of property owners. It may spoil the old spring, ruin the orchard, and wipe the beloved homestead out of existence, and this although i»» fact the road may be a mere speculation, and not a necessity at all. To this the white FORT PHIL KEARNEY. 485 tiiiin imist submit ; wliy then sliould a much-needed road be loft unmade for fear of spoiling the hunting-preserves of the red man ? Certainly the Montana road ougiit to have been opened ; the wrong done was in failing to report the actual feelings of the Indians to the government. If we may judge by the letters of Commissioner Bogy, he was in absolute igno- rance of the condition of affairs. It was understood in Wash- ington that the treaties were properly mnde and that every- thing was going on smoothly. The troops received assurances to that effect. The detachment for the Powder River country was mov- ing on. The soldiers were splendidly furnished with ever}'- thiiig except arms, ammunition, and horses. iS'early all of them were armed with old, muzzle-loading, Springfield mus- kets; though the regimental band had Spencer breech-loading carbines, and a few of the officers had Henry r'fles. Of am- munition only a small amount was taken from Fort Kearney, UN THK UU^KMAN TKAIL. 48e MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. in the expectation that a supply could be obtained at Fort Lara- mie, but un'fortunately there was none there of proper make and calibre. There was no cavalry in the command, and only two hundred horses available for cavalry purposes. On these two hundred infantrymen, armed with muskets, were mounted. Verily this expedition was on a strictly peace basis. The In- dians were proceeding on a different theory. On the morning after the command reached Fort Ileno, one hundred and sixty- seven miles northwest of Fort Laramie, the peaceful Sioux ran off all the sutler's horses and mules. They were pursued, but none of the stock was recovered ; the only thing the pur- suers captured was a pony, so heavily laden with the presents recently distributed at Fort Laramie that he could not keep up in the chase. On July 14 the troops, who had then reached Piney Creek, received notice from the Indians that they must leave the country ; that Fort Reno would not be disturbed, but that no new forts_ could be built. On the next morning the new fort was located at the mouth of Little Piney Creek. It was named Fort Phil Kearney, in honor of the distinguished cavalry officer, though the orthography does not indicate it.* Preparations for defence were at once be- gun by mowing the parade-ground and putting up signs to " Keep off the grass." On the morning of the 17th, at daybreak, part of the post herd were stampeded, and the party that went in pursuit was surrounded by a large force of Indians, who killed two and wounded three of the soldiers. Later in the day, the same party of Indians came upon the travelling trading establish- ment of Louis Gazzous, commonly known as " Frencli Pete," an old trader with a Sioux wife, and killed all the men, six in number. From that day until the 29th, five emigrant trains were attacked, fifteen men killed, and much stock run off, part of it from Fort Reno. On the 29th Carrington appears to have awakened to the fact that the hostile Indians were doing some damage. He telegraphed the Adjutant-general of the army, on that day, for Indian auxiliaries and additional force. On the 31st he requested reinforcements of General P. St. * Tlie fumily name is Kearny, but both the Nebraska post, which was named after Stephen W., and this one, are universally spelled Kearney. FORT PHIL KEARNEY, 487 In- was (leorgo Cooke, commanding in tlmt district. On August 3, Fort C. F. Sinitli was located on the liig Horn, ninety-two miles northwest of Phil Kearney, by two companies sent from the latter point. During August the hostilities were chiefly horse and cattle stealing. Only three men were killed on the line, one of them being Grover, the artist-correspondent. In the latter part of August General Ilazen visited and inspected the post. He stated that two companies of regular cavalry had been ordered up from Fort Laramie, and a regiment of infatitry was on the way from St. Louis. In September more than a dozen men were killed on the line, about five hundred horses, mules, and cattle were run off, and five mowing-ma- chines, with much other property, were destroyed. During all this time active work was continued on the fort, which was being constructed on an extensive and elabo- rate plan. Large parties of men were kept busy cutting tim- ber and hauling it in ; others were working on the stockades and buildings; saw-mills were running at full speed ; hay was being cut and stored for the coming winter. The timber was cut about seven miles from the fort, f.nd the men detailed to cut and bring it in were called "the wood train." It was used in such enormous quantities, and so much of their time was consumed in Indian attacks and alarms, that from seventy- five to one hundred men were employed almost constantly in this branch of the work. By the last of October the fort was enclosed. It stood on a little plateau, elevated fifty or sixty feet above the surrounding bottom lands, in the point at the mouth of the Little Piney. Its length was sixteen hundred feet, northwest and southeast, parallel to the Big Piney. The northwestern part of it, or fort proper, was eight hundred feet in length by six hundred in width, and surrounded by a stuckade of heavy pine logs, which were eleven feet long and planted three feet in the ground. The logs were hewn to a touching surface of four inches, loop-holed, and pointed. At the eastern and western angles were block-houses. Enclosed in this stockade were quarters for the troops, cavalry stables, store-houses, and a few other buildings. The southeastern half of the fort was of the same length, and of nearly equal width, where the two parts joined, but narrowing to. about 488 MA8SACUi:.S OF TIIK MorNTAINS. fctnr liuiulrod feet at the sontlicaatorn end. It was enclosed in a r(tuuntry about the fort is hilly. Some six miles west of it tlie r>ii; I'iney comes tlown in a northeast course, till it passes i'iney Island; then it turns to the southeast and Hows in a direct line for over six miles, to the mouth of Little I'iney, where it swerves and flows away almost due east. North of the fort, on the opposite side of the I5i have known when thousands of warriors were in his inimediato vicinity. The men were obliged always to go armed to their work, and accompanied by an escort guard. The wood trains TOKTUKK UV ritAlUlK INDIANS. were attacked repeatedly, in the woods and or? the road, and several men were killed in these assaults. Private Johnson was cut off from his party and no trace of him found after- wards, which was almost conclusive evidence that he had been taken alive and reserved for torture. The Sioux have an un- pleaspnt method of torture. They fasten a man, naked, to the ground, lying on his back, with arms and legs stretched out and fastened to pegs ; then they build a fire on his stomach, 490 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. and keep it up till he dies, occasionally touching a burning brand to other portions of his body, gouging out an eye, or otherwise adding to the agony of the victim. Private Smith was scalped and left for dead in the pinery, but recovered suf- ficiently to drag himself to the block-house, built for the pro- tection of the axe-men, there to die. Two other private sol- diers were cut off near the same place, and scalped before the eyes of their comrades. The men grew impatient, and longed for the time when they might quit carpenter-work, and seek revenge. The Indians grew bolder. Sometimes they con- tented themselves with attacking the wood train ; sometimes they rode tp.ntalizingly near the fort and challenged the sol- diers to fight; two or three times they charged the picket that was kept on Pilot Hill to watch their movements. On these occasions a shell or a canister would be dropped among them, and the guard, which was on duty with horses saddled and bridled, would rush to the relief of the threatened watch- men. The simple expedient of placing a block-house or a small stockade on the hill, which would have made the picket perfectly secure, did not occur to any one. Carriiigton said he desired to assume tlie offensive, but wanted reinforcements, and these, though long-promised, were slow in coming. The only ones that reached the fort at all were sixty men of Com- pany C, 2d cavalry, armed with Springfield muskets and old- fashioned Star carbines, who arrived in November. Among those at the fort who were impatient for a fight was Brevet Lieutenant-colonel William J. Fetterinan, a soldier by birth, instinct, and profession, who joined the command at the fort in November. lie had his first opportunity on December 6. The wood train was attacked two miles from the fort, and forced to corral for defence. Fetterinan was sent, with thirty-five cavalry and a few of the mounted infantry, to re- lieve the wood party, and drive the Indians across Lodge Trail Ridge, in which direction they usually withdrew, while Car- rington, with twenty-five i^iounted infantr}', crossed the I3ig Piney, to intercept the Indians on Peno Creek. Fetterman's party put the Indians to flight and chased them for about five miles, when they faced about and attacked the troops. Nearly all the cavalry fled, leaving Fctternian, assisted by FORT PHIL KEARNEY. 491 Captain Brown and Lieutenant Wands, with a dozen men, to face over a hundred warriors. They stood at bay until Car- rington's force came in sight, when the Indians retired. In the mean while Lieutenant Bingham, joined by Lieutenant Grum- luond, with two or three men from Carrington's command, jnirsued a single dismounted Indian into an ambuscade, two miles from the remainder of the troops, where Bingham and Sergeant Bowers were killed. In this affair Red Cloud com- manded in person. He had lookouts on all the neighboring hills, signalling the progress of affairs, and it is probable that he had planned a more extensive a: buscade. but that his plans miscarried. The Indians made their arrangements better the next time. It was Friday, Deeember 21, 1866. The morning was bright and pleasant, though there was snow on the hills. There was still little of the humdrum of army-post life about Fort Phil Kearney. The office building and one of the com- pany quarters were not yet finished, and there were touches to be added -^t many points, before this chief architectural feature of the Powtier River country was in condition to ad- mit of Indian fighting. A force of some ninetv men started to the pine woods for more material, little dreaming that the pine woods, the ravines, and the brush coverts all around were full of bloodthirsty warriors. About eleven o'clock an alarm was given, and the lookout signalled: "Many Indians on wood road ; train corralled and figliti:ig." A dotachmetit was at once organized for tlu'ir relief. At the same time Indian pickets v ore seen on the neighboring hills, and a score or more appearc.l at the crossing of the Big Piney, but these \.ore quickly dispersed by a few shells. Colonel Fetterman asked permission to tak( coiuMiand of the relief party, which was gra.ited. Lieutenant G/ummond volunteered, and was ])ut in charge of tlie cavalry. Captain Fred II. Brown joined of his ow;i motion. He had been at the post all summer, as regimental (piartermastcr, and was then engaged in closing up his business before going to Fort Laramie, whither he had been ordered. He was an enthusiastic Indian-fighter, and was particularly ambitious to gnt Red Cloud's scalp. Wheatley and Fisher, two frontiersmen who were at the post, went 493 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. with Brown, intiking the entire party eighty-four men. The soldiers were of different companies ; fifty of them had Spen- cer carbines and revolvers; tlie remainder carried Springtield muskets, except the two civilians and one of the officers, who had Henry riHes. The corralled train, at which the fighting was guing on, was south of tiie Sullivant Hills. Instead of proceeding di- rectly to it, the command took a course back of these hills, across Big Piney Creek, on the southwestern slope of Lodge Trail Itidge, to cut off the Indians who were attacking the train. As they moved along, Indians appeared on their front and on their flanks, retiring before them, out of range, aar )S8 Lodge Trail Ridge, whose crest Fetternian reached tift-:^ii • twenty minutes before noon, and occupied, with his nx'tn de- ployed in skirmish line. At the same time the lookout s'g- nalled that the Indians iiad left the train, which hud broken corral and moved on towards Piney Island. The train re- turned to the fort after dark witliout having been subjected to any further annoyance. Fetterman's halt on the crest of Lodge Trail Kidge was of very brief duration. His men dis- av)peared over the summit and firing began soon after, which grew more and more rapid until, at noon, there was an almost continuous rattle of musketry. This was heard ])lainly at the fort, and conveyed the intelligence that a hard light was in progress in Peno Creek Valley. The people at the fort grew anxious. Surgeon Ilines, with one man, was sent to the wood train, witii instructions, if it were safe, to juin Fetter- man. He found the wood train undisturbed, and started across the country to Peno Creek, but found iiia*!iy Indians on Lodge Trail llidge, preventing him from further progress. He went back for reinforcements, and Captain Ten Eyck, with seventy-six men, all that wore considered available, was sent out. The anxiety of all who were on the fort side of the ridge was intense. Tlie relief party galloped on, but they seemed to crawl. Instead of taking the road they went straight to the ridge and ascended it. The firing was he- coming less and less in volume. Who was giving way? What was silencing tiie guns? They knew at the fort wliich side had a small supply of ammunition. Just before Ten m. ,'ho lire Dnt coil 31S- icii 111 lie lis 1 m I V e o V; 01 A ar P' fr lit fr. to ro: \vc po gn \va ro( tor of IllC wc lllil the (Iri the g\\\ the she full thei tlic wht liolc Cap FORT PHIL KEARNEY. 495 Eyck reached the summit of the ridge, at a quarter before one o'clock, two or three straggh'ng shots were fired in tlje valley beyond; after that came silence. The struggle was evidently ended. The relief party looked from the summit over the valley of Peno Creek. No soldiers were to be seen. The whole valley was filled with frenzied savages, who shook their weap- ons at the new arrivals, and challenged them to come down. A sergeant was despatched to the fort to report the situation and ask for a howitzer, which was not sent. For some cause, probably their losses, the Indians then began to withdraw from the valley of their own accord, and the relief party de- scended to the battle-field. The fight had taken place on a little ridge, three quarters of a mile in length, five to six miles from the fort, on the east side of Per. Creek, running parallel to it and to Lodge Trail llidge, but beyond the latter. The road runs along its summit, rising to it opposite the north- western extremity of Lodge Trail Ridge. Just beyond this point, on the road, a large number of Indians had been closely grouped when Ten Eyck's party first came in view, and here was the first intelligence of the ill-fated command which rode so gallantly from the fort but two hours before. Clus- tered on a space less than forty feet square were the bodies of Captain Brown, Colonel Fetterman, and sixty-five of the men. A more horrible sight could not be imagined. They were stripped naked, scalped, and so terribly gashed and mangled as to be almost unrecognizable. Years afterwards tlic Sioux showed a rough, knotty war -club of burr -oak, driven full of nails and spikes, wliich had been used to beat their braitis out. It was still covered with brains and hair, glued to it in clotted blood. But with all the mutilation there were no signs of a struggle here. No empty cartridge shells were found around the bodies, though there were a few full cartridges. A few yards away the bodies of several of their horses were found, all heading towards the fort. All the appearances indicated that they had been suddenly over- whelmed by a rush of greatly superior numbers. Bullet- lioles through the left temples of Colonel Fetterman and Captain Brown, from weapons held so close that the powder 496 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. had burned into their faces, showed that tliesc officers had "saved a shot for themselves," as they liad often said they would do, rather than fall into the hands of the Indians. A messenger was sent to the fort tor wagons, and his re- port, thongh meagre and indefinite, caused the hearts of the garrison to sink. After dark Ten Eyek's party returned, bringing forty-nine of the bodies, and the announcement that all were killed. No advance had been made, however, be- yond the point where the bodies lay grouped, so that, while reasonably certain of the deatii of the others, there was no ab- solute assurance. The painfulnet;s of the uncertainty was in- creased by the fact that among the bodies still unaccounted lor was that of J.,ieutenant (Jrunimond, the only married man of the detachment, whose wife was at the fort and in delicate health. The iiiglit of mourning and suspense pas.sed away, and morning came. A party went out to learn the fate of the remaining members of Fetterman's command. They ad- vanced cautiuusly to the point gained on the day before, and then on down the ridge. On the road, a quarter of a mile or more beyond the first j)ile of bodies, was found the corpse of Lieutenant (irummond. Still beyond, where the road made its abr"pt descent to I'eno Creek, were found the remains of half a dozen of the oldest and most experienced soldiers, with many empty cartridge shells scattered about them ; and a lit- tle to one side, behind a pile of rocks, were the bodies of Wheatley and Fisher, with more than fifty empty shells by their sides, telling that they had not died tamely. Within a few hundred feet in front of this position were found ten dead ponies aiul sixty-five great gouts of blood, which had flowed from the death -wounds of as many Indians. No ponies and no blood-spots were found elsewhere. The bodies here were scalped and mutilated as the others, the mutilations being so shocking that they have never been made public, further than the general announcement that the bodies were gashed with knives, chopped with hatchets, and shot full of arrows; the rest is covered up in the statement that, " Xo such mutilation is on record." The bodies were brougiit in, and lay in glu^ptly array until the ne.\t Wednesday. The weather turned so intensely cold, on the night after the mas- ill of Xo it in, The mas- FORT rillL KEARNEY. 499 sacre, that tlie men who were digging the great grave for this lieap of slain had to be relieved every half- hour, and the work went but slowly. On Wednesday they were laid away in their common resting-place, fifty feet long and seven feet deep, in the little cemetery at the foot of Pilot Hill. Just what happened after Fettcrman's command passed tiie top of Lodge Trail liidge no one can say, for no man lived to tell it. The movement was in disobedience of or- ders, a.s directions were given, at least twice, not to pass the ridge. No one is left to tell why those orders were disobeyed, or how the snare was closed about the gallant band, or who attempted to fly, or who fought doggedly to the death. As read in the position of corpses, the record of cartridge shells, and the register of blood -stains, and confirmed i)y the In- dians, it would seem that Fetterman moved down to the road with little resistance; that he advanced up the ridge beyond Peiio Creek, leaving a part of his force at the crest to guard his rear, and followed down the road with the remainder; that at the farther end of the ridge the battle raged for al- most an liour ; that "intime a large force of the Indians, who numberv-d about two thousand, gathered in his rear at the other end of the ridge; that the ammunition of the majority of the soldiers became exhausted ; that a retreat was deter- mined on ; that Wheatley, Fisher, and five or six of the older soldiers decided to remain where they were, either from the knowledge that retreat under such circumstances was certain death, or from a voluntary determination to stay behind and "stand off" the Indians until the others escaped; that the remainder, as they rode back, found themselves suddenly con- fronted by a force that made escape impossible; that Brown and Fetterman shot each other, and the rest were cut down by the savages. Only six of the entire commar.d appeared to have been killed by bullets, a fact which indicates that their ammunition had been expended, and that the Indi..ns could not be kept from coming to close quarters. The Indians say that this massacre was accomplished by a special expedition, organized among the Minneconjous, under the direction of their head chief. High Back Bone. It was their intention to kill all of the garrison and destroy the fort, 500 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. their hope being to decoy nearly all of the soldiers out, and, hav- ing massacred them, to attack the great stockade on all sides, as a small force would be unable to defend it. In addition to the Minneconjons, nearly all the warriors of the Upper Brules, Ogallallas, Sans Arcs, Oiicpapas, Two Kettles, Black- foot Sioux, Northern Clieyennes, and Arapahoes, and strag- glers from several other tribes, were on the war-path at the time, but only a part of them engaged in this affair. The party, as stated by the Indians, was composed of 350 lodgc^ of Minneconjons, 100 lodges of Cheyennes, 100 of Arapahoes, 3 of Crows, and a part of the Ogallallas and I'rulus, num- bering in all about 2000 warriors. It will be observed that the percentage of warriors to a lodge, in a war-party, is much greater than under ordinary circumstances. When out for war the old men and women are left at home with the younger children. Only active squaws, and children old enough to be of service, accompany a war-party at any time, and very frequently only warriors go. The Indians say that Red Cloud was not in the attack, but had gone towards Fort Buford with his own band, the Oncpapas, and the others. They concede a loss of four Minneconjons, three Brules, three Ogallallas, one Cheyenne, and one Arapaho, killed, and about sixty wounded, of whom several died and many were permanently maimed. They lost twelve horses killed, and Hfty-si.\ so severely wounded that they died within twenty- four hours. This estimate is unquestionably below the real- ity. There is scarcely a doubt that each of the sixty-five blood-spots on the field meant a dead Indian. Wounded In- dians leave a battle-field with wonderful celerity, and one who cannot move, until he has bled freely, may safely be counted as dead or mortall}' wounded. The tragedy was over, but who was to be blamed for it. There was a murmur from all the land, partly of rage against the Indians, and partly of disapproval of the military mis- management that had made such a slaughter possible. A thorough investigation was ordered by General Grant. Tlio off-hand impression was that the officer commanding at the post was in fault. He was at once superseded by Brevet Brig- adier-general Wessels, then commanding at Fort Reno, wlio I'OUT I'HIL KEAliNEY. 5U1 Iiatl orders to investigate. There was much said about Car- rington at the time tiiat was unjust and absurd — so much that it enabled liini to po.se us a martyr later on. The most re- markable statement was made by Indian Comniissiouer Uogy, who hastened to explain the affair without waiting to learn the facts, lie demonstrated that the Indian force must have been small ; that the only hostiles in that part of the country were a part of the Ogallallas, under lied Cloud, with a few individuals from other tribes; that the idea of the wood train being attacked by three hundred war- riors, on December C,wa8 preposterous ; that the statement that they chal- lenged the troops to light was a wild absurdity ; that the only things that made the report credible at all were the corpses of the soldiers, which seemed to be in conflict with his theory. He ac- counted for them thus: "These In- dians, being in ab- solute want of guns and ammunition to make their winter hunt, were on a friendly visit to the fort, desiring to communi .u with the commanding officer, to get the order refusing .: . i,i guns and ammunition rescinded, so that they might be en- abled to procure their winter supply of buffalo. ... I regret the unfortunate death of so many brave soldiers, yet there can be no doubt that it is owing to the foolish and rash man- agement of the officer in command at that post." The matter of guns and ammunition was referred to be- cause, in the preceding autumn. General Sherman had or- 32* llED CLOUD. 502 MASSACKES OF THE MOUNTAINS. doi'cd Indian traders to diseontiiuiu the ealu of weapons and ammunition to tlio Indians. This procedure raised tiio wrath of the Indian riiij^, for the greatest profit in the Indian trade is from this source. Commissioner Boj;y exphiined how cruel atjd unnecessary the order was, as follows: "Xo Indian will buy two guns. One he absolutely needs ; and as he has no means of taking care of powder, he necessarily will take, when offered to him, but a very limited (puuitity. It is true that formerly they hunted with bows and arrows, killing butlalo, antelope, and deer with the same; but to hunt successfully with bows and arrows requires horses, and as the valleys of thai [the Powder liiver) country are now more or less tilled with white men prospecting for gold and silver, their means of subsisting their horses have passed away, and they now have but few horses. I mention these facts so as to place be- fore the country, as briefly as possible, the condition as well as the wants of the Indians." This statement, made so • tively by Mr. Bogy, needs some correction. At that and for years before and afterwards, every plains Indian wo..iU buy as many guns and revolvers as jjossible, and would take all the ammunition he could get. Bows and arrows were still their favorite weapons for hunting buffalo, and were always carried, no matter how well armed they were otherwise. There were no white men prospecting in either the valleys or hills of the Powder River country, and the Indians had as many horses as ever, besides what they had stolen from the whites. Otherwise Mr. Bogy's statement appears proper enough. Ills theories about the Fetterman massacre are equally correct. His proposed remedy for any evil that might exist was to send out "a commission of judicious men." The press, as usual, gave circulation to numerous wild sto- ries concerning the affair, and made impossible pictures of the massacre. One even went so far as to report that the massacred men fell at the gates of the fort, begging for as- sistance, while the people on the inside dared not open the gates for fear the Indians would rush in. The commission which investigated the matter exonerated Carrington alto- gether, and the responsibility drifted over to his superior of- ficer, General Cooke, commanding in the Department of the FORT IMIIL KEAUNEV. 503 I*Iatte ; at least, the latter was relieved by General Aiignr Booii afterwanis. (Harrington was a good enough civil engi- neer, but he was a dress-parade style of officer, who would have been more in place as a teacher in a military school. He built a very nice fort, but every attack made on him and his men, during the building, was a surprise. There is noth- ing to indicate that he ever knew whether there were a thou- sand or oidy a hundred Indians within a mile of the fort, lie seems to have disapproved of Indians. Perhaps he would have ostracized them st)cially, if he could have had his way. It is no excuse for this want of watchfulness to say that he liad asked for reinforcements and not received them. He might have spared men enough from some of the ornamental work about the fort to have attended to that. Besides, ho had been authorized, on August 11, to enlist fifty Indian scouts, on cavalry pay and allowances. The fact is, that re- inforcements were not asked for the purpose of defending the fort and the work about it, but for an expedition of of- fence that had been instructed by General Cooke. There is nothing to show that Carrington apprehended any danger near the jiost. On December 19 he telegraphed Fort Lara- mie: "No special news since last report. Indians appeared to-day and fired on wood train, but M'ere repulsed. They are accomplishing nothing, while I am perfecting all details of the post and preparing for active movements." That was all lie said — no call for reinforcements ; no worry about arms ; all complacency and promise. Two days later he telegraphed : " Do Stud me reinforcements forthwith. Expedition now with my force impossible. ... I Iiear nothing of my arms that left Leavenworth September 15. The additional cavalry or- dered to join me has not reported. ... I need prompt rein- forcements and repeating arms. I am sure to have, as be- fore reported, an active winter, and must have men and arms. Every oflicer of this battalion should join it. . . . Give me officers and men ; only the new Spencer's arms should be sent; the Indians are desperate; I spare none (!) and they spare none." No more complacency; no more promise; only a recollection that he had asked for arms, ammunition, and reinforcements long before. It is but fair to say that no one 501 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. full}' realized and understood tlic feelings and intentions of the Indians; the news of the massacre came like a thunder- bolt in the night, waking the whole nation from a sleep. ]5iit Carrington should have known more about the Indians in his immediate vicinity, and probably would, if he had paid more attention to them than firing shells into the woods to scare them away. There was fault everywhere. The Indian agents were wrong in misrepresenting the feeling of the Indians; so were the treaty commissioners. Carrington and Cooke were wrong in permitting the troops to go into a hostile country equipped as they were. Cooke, and otHcers higher up, were wrong in not seeing that arms, ammunition, and reinforce- ments were furnished when regularly called for. After Cxciienil Wccscls took command at Phil Kearney, he undertook a winter caivipaign against the hostiles, but the weather was so intensely cold that it had to be abandoned. Neither side was able to make any movements of importance for several months. It was known that the Indians had at- tacked Fort Buford, at the mouth of the Yellowstone, live days after the massacre at Phil Kearney, and for two months it v.-as commonly believed that the garrison had all been killed. Then messengers came through with the glad news that the one company of soldiers stationed there had bcate?i Red Cloud's army off, and held them back, until the cold drove them to their winter camps. In the spring a i)eace commission was sent out. It met j*,[an Afraid of his Horses and others on June 12. They all said they had reformed, and were going to join Spotted Tail's Brulcs ; they wanted am- munition for hunting. They got no powder, and they fell from grace, if they had ever attained it. Hostilities were ke])t up all summer, with sucli vigor that the frontier was in continual alarm. The troops on the line of the Montana road had actually to fight for their wood and water, but they had one day of bloody revenge. On August 2 Major Powell, of Fort Phil Kearney, was guarding a wood train, on the road to the pinery, around the south side of the Sullivant Hills. Ho had divide J his force, keeping thirty men in reserve in a little fortress, made of fourteen iron wagon-beds placed in a circle; the remainder were to retreat to this if attacked. Sud- 'if i If '4 fell FORT PHIL KEARNEY. 507 denly 800 Indian warriors swept down from the hills. The forces of the soldiers were separated ; all fled to the fort except the reserve, in the corral of wagon -beds. At this the Indians rode, but the errors of 1866 had been reme- died. The soldiers had breech-loading arms and plenty of ammunition. The Indians broke under their rapid and deadly tire, and drew off. Back in the hills were 1200 more of Red Cloud's warriors, who joined with the first attacking party and charged again, led by the great chief in person. The corral was a blaze of fire from the moment they came within five hundred yards, and the fire was far more effective than the Indians were used to, because they were massed together and hard to miss. Closer and closer they came, but there was no sign of giving way at the corral, and no cessation of that awful fire. The nerve of the Indians gave way, and they fled again. For three hours they kept at it, their courage always failing at the critical moment. Then they withdrew, and soon the little garrison was relieved by a party from the fort. They had lost but tiiree killed and two wounded. The loss of the Indians was very heavy. A chief told Colonel Dodge that they had 1137 killed and wounded — but this is incredible. The Indians called it the " medicine tight," suspecting that their white friends had worked in some supernatural assistance. In the fall the commission made up its report, and decided that the government had no right to put a road through the Powder River country. It cited Supreme Court decisions that have no bearing on the case, and made of importance ancient treaties that never existed. Nevertheless, their ideas prevailed. The country, and particularly the army, was an.\- ious to have the Pacific Railroad completed, and the Indians would agree not to interfere with it, in consideration for our surrendering the Powder River country. With the railroad built, Montana would be more accessible from the south than from any other direction, and the Bozeman road would l)e of comparatively little use. Accordingly a treaty was made, at Fort Laramie, on April 29, 1868, relinquishing all claims to the country east of the Big Horn Mountains, in which all the chiefs joined, though the wary Red Cloud did not affix his 508 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. name until Xoveinber 6, when he had satisfactory assurance that the wliito man would keep his promises. In the summer of 18G8 the troops abandoned the Montana road, whose open- ing had cost so much money and life, aiid the Sioux burned down the forts which had been planned with such mathemati- cal nicety, and constructed in such architectural perfection. We gave up an unquestionable right, though perhaps not then worth asserting. A few years later we broke our faith and reasserted it. Then the work had to be done again. CHAPTER XVI. PUNISHING THE PIEGANS. Of all the tribes within the liocky Mountain region, the people of the Sakitapix or Blackfoot nation are most like the Eastern tribes, and this similarity is natural, for they are most probably an offshoot of the Algonquin family, and formerly lived much farther east. Tiiere are traces of their migration from above the sources of the Mississippi to the Upper Sas- katchewan country, in which they lived when the era of cred- ible history began with them. The two great branches of the Saskatchewan (Kisiskachewan — a Crce word, meaning swift current) rise in the Rocky Mountains, one about fifty miles and tiie other one hundred and eighty miles north of our line; they unite near longitude 105° West, and the main stream flows thence two hundred miles east to Lake Winnipeg. The home of the Blackfoot nation was betwt.-'n and about the two forks of the stream, when, before the whites had any acquaint- ance with them, the nation was separated by a great feud that arose on the death of their head chief, in battle with the As- sinaboines. The older warriors followed the black banner of the hereditary claimant to the chieftaincy, but the younger ones generally ranged themselves under the red or bloody flag of a warrior who claimed succession by reason of prowess aiid ability. The supporters of the black-flag interest were de- feated, and moved south to the Missouri. The migration was in the fall, after tiie prairies had burned over, and the black color received by their moccasins and leggings caused them to be called Satsika (Siksika), or Bhickfeet, by the Crows. The victorious portion received the name of Kcna (Kanaans) or Bloods. The Blackfeet were again divided through the ambi- tion of a chief named Piegan (the Pheasant) who claimed the position of chief. He was defeated, and separated from the 510 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. tribe, with liis adlierents, who were tiiereafter called Piegans (Peigans, Pagans, Pecaiieaux). Later, the Gros Ventres of tiie North confederated witli the Blackfeet. They were a band of Arapahoes wlio seceded from their tribe early in the current century, and after some ten years of wandering, during which they suffered severely at the hands of the Crows and Koote- nays, they were relieved and taken into friendship by the Blackfeet,* In 1853 the numbers of these tribes were vari- ously estimated as follows: Blackfeet, 250 to 500 lodges; Bloods, 350 to 400 lodges; Gros Ventres, 3G0 lodges; or a total of from 6500 to 12,000 souls. Tiie lower estimates are probably more nearly correct. Their nuinber at present is not definitely kn()\ :i, owing to the fact that they are partly in British America, but the most recent estimates ara from 6000 to 7000. Those now in the United States are reported at 2300, and are consolidated under the name of Piegans ; for comparison with the earlier population, 1100 Gros Ven- tres, who are now separated from the Piegans, must be added to this number. These Indians were of high reputation as warriors, and esteemed themselves superior to the surrounding tribes, with whom they waged continual war. The men are tall ApoUos, with large eyes and straight black hair. They pluck the beard from the face, and often remove the hair from the head, ex- cepting the scalp-lock. Usually they were well clothed in garments made of dressed skins. The women are short and inclined to corpulency. The organization of the nation is quite complicated. Each tribe is divided into bands, and each band has a chief and a 7mna maska, or priest of the sun. Each tribe has a general council, called the Exkinoya, which meets once a year, when the tribe is assembled for the sun-dance and other religious ceremonies and festivities. The men are divided into seven ranks or degrees, according to their prow- ess, their skill, and their wisdom. Only members of the seventh or highest class are allowed in the Exkinoya, in which the legislative and judicial power of the tribe are centred. • The Blnckfoot Sioux have no connectiou with this nation. The simi- larity of name is purely accidentul. PUNISHING THE PIEGANS. 511 The sixth class includes tlio band chiefs, and cntnince to it requires both valor and statesmanship. It is charged with the execution of the tribal laws. In enforcing orders, use is made of t!ie entire police or " soldier" force of tlie tribe, including all unmarried warriors. The fifth class has charsje of hnntinj; and the moving of camps. The four lower classes mark merely the advancement of the warrior, as evinced by his deeds and ability. Four years is the ordinary time of probation required in each class, but this rule is sometimes broken over. Their chiefs are to some extent elective, but they have much regard for hereditary rank, especially if coupled with ability. In religion they are sun-worshippers, their deity being personified under the name of Napea. To this god they formerly offered annually a sacrifice of a young virgin, but this practice was long since abandoned, and of later years they have satisfied themselves with the mutilations of the sun-datice. Their re- ligious nature is well developed, and their men have that pe- culiar dignity that is characteristic of the Indian in his wild state. The Blackfeet have long had the reputation of being among the most treacherous and bloodthirsty of our savages, but it came chiefly from the statements of the tribes with wiiom they fought. This reputation has been widely extended through the "yellow-backed novel," that generally condemned, and more generally read, school-book of American youth, in which the Blackfeet are always at war and always very dan- gerous. As a matter of fact there was never any general or formal war between these people and the Americans. Their relations have been of a very friendly nature, Appleton's Encyclopaadia to the contrary notwithstaiiding. In the earl}' days of the fur trade they often fougl.. ith American trap- pers, but at that time they had no treaty witii us, and consid- ered the trapper an invader of their country, who was no better than a thief, for he came to Uikc the furs which they were accustomed to gather and sell to the Hudson's Bay Company. In the struggle for supremacy between the rival fur companies, the Americans formed associations with the Nez Perces, Crows, and other enemies of the Blackfeet, and the latter, witii other tribes, naturally fell under the influence 512 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. BLACKKKKT AND TUAPPERS, of the British company, though there is little to show that they preferred the English personally to the Americatis. The light recounted by Irving, between them and Sublette's and other trappers, including Wyeth's party, which was brought on by the treachery of a Flathead and a half-breed, allies of the Americans, is a good example of the manner in which they were almost forced into a hostile attitude. Their early hostil- ity to the trappers was also increased by the killing of one of their warriors by Mr. Lewis, of Lewis and Clarke's expedition. From similar causes, and from the fact that in stealing horses the Blackfeet made little distinction in owners, the unfriendly feeling became such that the American Fur Company was obliged to maintain a force of sixty or seventy men at its post on the Marias River. The Blackfeet were cruel, in the manner of Indians, but not more so than their neighbors. An illustrative instance of this fact is recorded by Mr. Cox, who happened ainoiig the Flatheads at a time when they were torturing some Blackfoot J risoners. He says: " Having been informed that they were about putting one of their prisoners to death, 1 went to their camp to witness the spectacle. The man was tied to a tree ; after which they heated au old barrel of a gun until it became PUNISHING THE PIEGANS. )13 red-hot, with which they burned Iiim on tlic legs, thijjlis, neck, cheeks, and belly. They then commenced cutting tiie flesh from about the nails, which they pulled out, and next sepa- rated the fingers from the hand, joint by joint. During the performance of these cruelties the wretched captive never winced, and instead of suing for mercy, he added fresh stimu- lants to their barbarous ingenuity by the most irritating re- proaches, part of which our interpreter translated as follows: '^[y heart is strong. You do not hurt me. You can't hurt me. You are fools. You do not know how to torture. Try it again. I don't feel any pain yet. We torture your relations a great deal better, because we make them cry out loud, like little children. You are not brave ; you ha.ve small hearts, and you are alwaj'S afraid to fight.' Then, addressing him- self to one in particular, he said, ' It was b}' my arrow you lost your eye;' upon which the Flathead »d a r ted at him, and with a knife in a moment scooped out one of his eyes ; at the satne time cutting the bridge of his nose nearly in two. This did not stop him ; with the remaining eye he looked sternly at another, and said, 'I killed your brother, and I scalped your old fool of a father.' The warrior to whom this was addressed instantly sprang at him and separated the scalp from his head. He was then about plunging a knife in his heart, until he was told by the chief to desist. The raw skull, bloody socket, and mutilated nose now presented an horrific appear- ance, but bv no means chauijed his tone of defiance. ' It was I,' said he to the chief, ' that made your wife a prisoner last fall ; we put out her eyes ; we tore out her tongue ; we treated her like a dog. Forty of our young warriors — ' The chieftain became incensed the moment his wife's name was mentioned ; he seized his gun, and, before the last sentence was ended, a ball from it passed through the brave fellow's heart, and termi- nated his frightful sufferings. Shocking, however, as this dreadful exhibition was, it was far exceeded by the atrocious cruelties practised on the female prisoners; in which, I am sorry to sa}', the Flathead women assisted with more savage fury than the men." On the oilier hand, while the Blackfeet were savages, they occasionally performed acts of unexpected generosity. Shortly 33 5U MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. before the arrival of Governor Steveiis's party in the Black- foot country, in 1853, a fend had arisen between the IMackfeet and (Jros Ventres, on acconnt of tlie murder of a (iros Ventre warrior by a member of tlio former tribe, Tiie (Iros Ventres retaliated, and oi)en war r'esidted, dnring which several Gros Ventres were captured by the enemy. They expected death by torture, but the Jilackfeet fed them, treated them kindly, gave them horses, and sent them to their homes. This humane action paved the way for the reconciliation of these tribes, and a treaty between them and the tribes west of the main range, wliich Governor Stevens was desirous of effecting, and the Indians ail agreed to meet him in council two years later. At this time, also, it was made apparent by the testimony of white men who had been among them, that the reports of their evil disposition had arisen from their hostile attitude towards the tribes with whom the Americans had been on terms of friend- ship. Mr. Doty summed up their feeling in 1853, thus: "Their present disposition towards the whites is unquestion- ably friendly. Undoubtedly a party of white men may travel through this country in perfect safety. The only danger would be that the Indians might take them for Indian enemies and rush upon them in the night. Their horses might be stolen, unless under the protection of a chief or an influential white man, one who is friendly and well known to them. The only white iniiabitants of this country are the traders and em- ployes at the American Fnr Company's post, Fort Benton, and at Mr. Harvey's, or the opposition fort. These are on friendly terms with the Indians, as is evidenced by the fact that they are constantly sending traders with large quantities of goods to remote points in the Blackfoot country, who are not only {permitted to go and come without molestation, bnt are treated with much kindness and hospitality at the camps. The horses at this post [Benton] are always turned out to pasture without a guard, and are seldom or never stolen. So far as has been ascertained, their present relations with the Hudson's ' Bay Company are simply those of a lin)ited trade, which is en- tirely confined to a portion of the Blackfeet and Blood bands. These Indiana procure in the northern part of their territory a considerable number of small peltries, and in the summer— PUNISHING THE PIEGANS. 515 at whicli season they go farthest north — trade them at one of the Hudson's Bay Company's posts on the Saskatchewan liiver — 'Chesterfield House,' I think. This trade is carried on for two reasons : First, because tiio Indians are paid there a liiglier price for tlieir small peltries than is given by American traders. Secondly, they procure at that post an abundance of whiskey; and it is undoubtedly this latter consideration that induces them to go." TKAUKU S CAMP. At this time the Bloods and Blackfeet occupied the coun- try about tlie liead-waters of tlie ISfarias and Milk rivers, as far north as latitude 50° ; the Piegans were in the country be- tween Milk River and the Missouri, on the Marias and Teton rivers; the Gros Ventres occupied the country between Milk River and the Missouri, from the mouth of the former to the country of the Piegans. All tliis region was well supplied Mith game, and the natural growth of grass afforded ample 516 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. pastnraj^o for the horses, of which those; trihcs owned many — about ton to each hnlgc. In character tho hind is much the same as tho ordinary foot-hill country on the eastern slope of tho lluckies, refjuirinj^ irriij^ation for successful cultivation. The names given to its natural formations are usually (^anadian French, instead of Enj^lish or Spanish, as at the South. A di- vide or watershed is called a coteau ; a tableland, or mesa, is always a plateau ; a hill is a butte; a i^ulch, ravine, or arroyo is a coulie. The name teton (a breast) is also sometimes t nation ^20,(XM) annually for ten years; the forth . uf ^ir..(lO(> annually, for ten years, was to bo oxpendeu i esta' Ushing and instructing thom in agricultural pursuits, ai. i in • iicating their children, and in any other respect pronjoting tiioir civil- ization and Christianization." Under this treaty tho Indians preserved a strict peace with the whites, though there was a disposition to carry or. ».»;• with tlie Crows and Assinaboines. The Bloods were at first I'UNISHINC "HE I'lEOANS. 617 (lotonniiH'd to pay no attontion to tlieir promises, as to tlioso Indians; but on finding tliat tho Piogans afid Gros Ventres wore standing firmly by tlie treaty, tiiey abandoned tlieir de- signs, and tiiereafter tlie only troni)le8 i)etween the tribes were oecasioned l)y young men wiio would not listen to tlie advice of their chiefs and older warriors. These gradually decreased in frequency, and faith with the government was so admirably |)reserved that, in lsr»0, the Hlackfeet were pronounced "the most peaceable nation on the ^lissouri River." Tlieir annui- ties were brought up on boats each year, and distributed to them. Farm". ;g was tried by the agency people, but without success. The climate was too dry to permit successful farm- ing without irrigation, and there was no money to be applied to making ditches. The money promised for schools might well have been used for that purpose, for they had no schools and no missions. It would be interesting to know what be- came of that $150,000. The Indians subsisted as before, wholly by the chase. One chief tried to cultivate eight or ten acres, but his crops failed, and be quit in disgust. This appears fiom the official records to have been the only step made tow- ards that education for which §15,000 annually was agreed to be expcnde 1. Just at the close of the ten years, in October, 1805, the agent for the Blackfeet reported: " The moral con- dition of the Indians in this country is truly lamentable. Xot one spark of civilization appears to have dawned upon their ignorant minds, and their capacity for improvement, if they ever had any, seems to have risen and set in total darkness." And yet he closes the same paragraph with the following sen- tence, which is one of the most touching expressions extant of the fervent, unconquerable faith of the average Indian agent: "Let us hope that success will yet crown our efforts to ame- liorate the condition of these unfortunate and degraded savages, and place them and their children on the road to a better, brighter, and more glorious future." There has been a sorry crown for all the efforts made thus far. During our civil war even the state of peaceful savagery into which the Blackfeet had lapsed was disturbed. Tlie troubles with the Sioux prevented the Blackfoot annuities from reaching their destination.. The tribes fell out among 33* 618 MASSAL'KIiS OF THE MOl'NTAINS. tli'jinselvcs atid fouii^ht one aiiotlior. Tlie Sun River fanii,:i8 t).e a<^riciiltur:il cxpLM'iineiit in tlicir country was called, fell into decay, hut the ajjrency fanner made a cotnfortaltlo livinijj by keepinj^ hotel and tradini; witli the Indians. The <^old discoveries of 18(t2 iskev thev wouhl iav for. Tl lere was still no war with the whit es, wlio ran throui^h the country at will, without molestation. Jn the spring of 18(54 the I'lackfeet showed their good-will by otfering to aid (teneral Sidly in lighting the Sioux. In May of this year the white population had so increased that ^Montana was (Mit otf from Idaho and organized as a se|Kirate territory. In De- cember, 18<»4, trouble arose with the I'looils. A band of foin-- teon of them stole the horses of twenty white tr ipjie rs. Who were hunting near the Little Rocky ^lountains. Nine of the trappers followed them, overtook them at daylight, killed two of them, ami recovered the horses. From that time on, bad feeling iiu-reased among the I'loods. In April, 18»;5, they stole forty horses from Fort !j«,'nton. On May 1(> they stole all the horses and mules from Sun River farm, and that school f(tr agricultural instruction was abandomjd. On May 22 a party of drunken white men at Fort Renton attacked a party of I'loods, who came there, and killed three of them. Three davs later a large party of I'loods attacked ten white men. who were cutting logs on the Marias, and killed every one of them. These hostilities were all confined to a small jMjrtinM of the Filoods, whose homes werw properly in ISritish America. The Rlackfeet proper, the (Iros Ventres, and the Piegans all rei.iained at peace, a matter of no little iniixirtance at that time, on acc(»unt of the large amount of freighting that was being done froiii the mouth of Milk River to Fort Rentori, there being tv.'o iiutidred ami lifty wagons steadily engaged in tiiiS busines.s. In the fall of ISC') Agent Upson made a iu!w treaty with the Sakitapix, which whs tiever ratified, the Indians, it was claimed, having gone to war before the treaty reached Wash- ington. There was not, in fact, any war, except one between the Piegans and Gros Ventres, resulting fnuu reciprocal horsc- /CI iXS i m'' m M oof f f I t f n V i (i t ii t II s V ii ti \i 1' tl 1 rUNISIllNG THE TIKGANS. 521 Stealing. Tliore were no troops in the country to protect any one or enforce any order. Tlic country contained many law- less white men. The better class of whites formed vigilance committees to protect themselves against both white and In- dian nmraudors. The (iros Ventres had ])rcserved a closer in- timacy with the whites than the Piegans had, and in January two wliitf? men who happened to be in compatiy with Gros Ventres were killed by I'iegans. With horse-stealing, inter- tribal war, occasional raiding by the Bloods, and no troops, things went from bad to worse nntil the feeling of the white population was that tbe IJlackfoot nation, excepting the (iros Ventres, was at war, but, in truth, the JJlackfeet proper had gone into British America prior to the treaty, and had noth- ing to do either with the treaty or the subsequent troubles. A militia organization jf live or six hundred men was made, for the protection of the settlements, but they never took the field against any of these Indians. In iVpril, lS<>(i, a party, supposed to be North Piegans, burned the buildings at the Sun lliver farm. In June, 1S(5»!, Little Dog, head chief of the Piegans, who had labored faithfully to preserve peace, re- turned to the Indian agent twelve horses that had been stolen from the whites. As he was returning to his camp he was ambushed by some of his own warriors, and he atid ins son were killed. There were several other acts of violence dur- ing the year, but hostilities were brought t(» a close by the or- ders stopping the sale and issue of ammunition, on account of the Siou.v war over the Montana road, coupled with the non- issuanco of supplies that had Ikjcii expected under the new treaty. The Indians, with their usnal improvidence, had made no adequate preparations for the winter of ISHO-OT, and they snllered much from want in that season, in conseqnejice of which they were in a more |)eaceablo comlition iti the follow- ing year. Both military and Indian authorities who inves- tigated the situation in ISC)! pronounced the aiiprehensions of war without foundation, which was true enotigh then. Peo- ])le were travelling the road from Helena to Fort I'cnton.and thence to Cow Islaml, witluuit being troubled in the L'ast. There was a party of ten emigrants killed in this year, but within the IJritish line, and by Ploods. The fact is that no 522 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. considcrahlo portion of the Jjluckfoot nation had been liostile to the whites since 1853, nor were at any subsequent period. In 1SG7 the (rros Ventres were separated from the JJUickfoot nation and placed with tlio Iliver Crows, where tliey have since remained. The years 1SG7 aiid 1808 passed with a peaceful condi- tion of affairs in the Jilackfoot nation. The whiskey-trade flourislied at Fort I'enton as it had never flourished before. Some of tlie lUoods and Ulaekfect stole horses and sold them to the Hudson's Bav ('ompanv, but the southern bands re- turned many stolen horses to the whites, so that a reasonable balance was preserved. Three annual appropriations, of ^7000 each, were made under the treaty of 18(J5, and in the fall of 18G8 another treaty was made, which was not ratiiied, but for several years appropriations of ^50,000 were made for the education iind civilization of the nation. So far as subsistence was concerned, they were supposed to be taking care of them- selves, but in reality what thev did receive, which was not very much, was in supplies. The lawless ]>art of tlie white population continued to act in a way that would brinjjj on war if the Indians liad any spirit. While the I*iey the evil deetls of bad men on rUNlSHlNG TIIL I'lEGANS. 523 botli sidus, and this feelint]j grew worse during the summer. That part of the Indians were stealing horses was not even questioned by tlic tribes. The chiefs said it was done by men wiioni they could not control, and that they could not return tiie horses, because they were run off into J}ritish America and sold. Edmonton House and Mountain House, both on the Saskatchewan, were the two posts of the Hudson's liny Company at which this traHic was carried on principally. It was siiown by the atlidavits of half a dozen white men, who had lived in the vicinity of these posts, that the trade was a regular and notorious one. It was shown that the factors of the company well knew that the horses were stolen, and that Ilickland, the chief trader at the Mountain House, encouraged the thievery, and told the Indians what kind of horses he wanted them to get for him. All of the best of these horses uere kej)! by the officers and employes of the company. Wells, Fargo, ife Co. involuntarily supplied our neighbors over the line with seventy-three animals during 1S08 and 1SG9. An officer of the company drove a fine pair of grays, bearing the '" W., F., vfe Co." brand, and another pair was ;ised in one of the company's grist-mills. From other ])arties there were re[)orted stolon, during the summer and fall of IStJO, two hun- dred and twenty-seven horses and tnulcs, nearly all of which went into I>ritish America. It was also sliown that the com- j)any sold the Indians arms and ammunition, in any (piantity desired. The oidy way in which our government could reach this evil was by punishing the Indians, but there was another evil which miglit have been mitigated, at least, if proper at- tention had been given to it. The misconduct of white men still continued, and gave the Indians a ready excuse for their misdeeds. In fact, nearly all of the horse-stealing occurred after barbarities which had been committed by these lawless people. All of the government authorities saw this wrong, and tried to have it righted, but the force which was authorized was directed against the In- dians, and the settlements were left to purge themselves by natural progress, (leneral Sully, Superintendent of Indian af- fairs, wri>te, on August 3, ISOO: "There is a white element in this country which, frouj its rowdy and lawless character, can- 524 MASSACKES OF THE MOrXTAlNS. not be excelled in any section, and the traffic in whiskey with Indians in this territory is carried on to an ahiriiiin<^ extent. Thisfrc(juently causes altercations between whites and Indians, resultin<5 often in bloodshed ; aiid as they occur in sections where the civil authorities acknowledge themselves to be pow- erless to act, nothing but military force can at present i>ut a stop to it. . . . From reliable reports, that increase daily, it is a wonder to me that open war with the Indians has not broken out already. . . . Nothing can be done to insure peace and order till there is a military force here strong enough to clear out the roughs and whiskey-sellers in the country." General Ilardie, who was sent out by (Jencral Sheridan to investigate, testified to tlie same thing, in these words : " There are un- principled and unscrupulous men of all classes who speak and act without reference to tlie truth and right, in pursuit of their private ends or the gratification of their passions. . . . There are plenty of lawless and unprincipled men upon the border who sujiply Indians with whiskey surreptitiously, if not open- ly, in defiance of the law." General De Trobriand, command- ing in Montana, said : "There is in the territory a certain num- ber of people whose pecuniary interest is intimately connected with the Indian trade, licit or illicit. Tlierefore they arc averse to any Indian policy which can hurt their purse." Witli these surroundings in view, the rise of tlie I'iegan troubles of 1S09 are sim])le of explanation. The Picgans of Mountain Chiefs band,stil! smarting under the attack on him, were openly hostile; and they were aided and abetted by the baiids o^ liear Chief, Red Horn, and .some others. On 'luly 10, 1809, some of these Indians, while stealing horses, killed two white meti near Fort I'enton. In retaliation the whites there hung two suspected Picgans, and, a few days later, mur- dered an (lid man and his nephew, who were generally known to be innocent and inoffonsive people. Depredations at once grew numerous. Horses were stolen ever^'where. A freight train was attacked on Eagle Creek; one man and twenty oxen were killed before the Indians were driven olT, with a loss of four of their warriors. On August 17 great excitement was caused by the murder of Malcolm C'larkc, and the wounding of Jiis son, at their ranch, twenty miles above Helena. It was re- po nil ii'r( iiu he dU of tlu l)n \vl Cli yo tli< dif C0( by po do cri rcj hit foi th: bei re I Lil be) we pel tht !ib( aiK tin by iin fill sto del PUNISHING THE PIEGANS. 627 portci' that the place had been attacked by liostiles, and wild niinors of war prevailed for a time, but the opinion soon gained ••round that the murder was due to a family quarrel. Clarke had married a Piei^an wonjan, and was killed by a nephew of hers, named Peter, a notorious ruffian, of a very quarrelsome disposition. He was shunned by his own people on account of having killed his father-in-law. Bear's Head, a brother of the Chief, Heavy Runner. There were some twenty Piegans l)resent at the time, among them Pal, a son of Mountain Chief, who, in the melee, shot one of Clarke's sons. Another son of Clarke escaped unharmed, as did also Miss Clarke, an estimable young woman, who leaped through a window and fled during the quarrel. Young Clarke, who was left for dead by the In- dians, afterwards recovered. The excitement in the settlements cooled down for a time, but in September it was raised again by the murder of James Quail, near Silver City. It was re- ported at the time that he was scalped and mutilated, and no doubt was entertained that the Piegans were guilty of the crime. Later reports established the untruthfulness of the report of scalping and mutilation. His horse was found near him, and, as it was known that he had a valuable watch and four or five hundred dollars with liim, the presumption arose that he had been murdered by some white man. Still, many believed that Indians had committed the crime, and it was reported as talked among the Piegans that a warrior named Little Eagle was the murderer. There were two stage-rob- beries in the early fall,. but it was definitely learned that they were the work of white bandits. The horse-stealing lessened perceptibly after the Clarke tragedy. It was learned later on that the hostile bands had left the vicinity of the settlements about September 1, part of them going to the Yellowstone, and part to the North. The friendly Piegans remained on the Marias. The military authorities had been called on for assistance, by the Indian Bureau, in August, and again in October. They investigated carefully at the outset, and gave General Sully full opportunities to have the murderers surrendered, and stolen property given up, before taking any steps. It was determined to do nothing until the hostiles returned to the 52S MASSACRK8 OF THE MOUNTAINS. ^[arias, which they were expected to do iir.Ianuary or Feb- ruary, but for some cause they came back about tlie middle of December. Witliin ten days after their return a party of ten hunters was attacked near the head of Sun lliver Valley, thirty mules were stolen from a pjovernnient contractor iit Dearborn, and the cabin of a wood-chopper, near Camp (Jookc, was robbed, the last resultin<;j in a tijjflit. It was decided to strike them at once, as this could be done without interferin<; with the peaceable Indians. The I'lackfeet were all in J'ritish America. The IJloods were in two parties, one across the liritish line, and one above the Ited Coulie, on the Marias. The Piegans were on the same stream, i)Ut lower down, and in separate bands, the hostiles being located at the Big I>end. The camps of Heavy Ilunner, P.ig Lake (I5ig Leg), Little AVolf, and The l*>oy were ordered to be left unmolested, as these chiefs had proven themselves friendly. Only the camps of ^Fountain Chief, I'ear Chief, and Kcd Horn were to be struck. The expedition was put in charge of Colonel E. M. r.aker, of the 2d Cavalry, at Fort Ellis. He left that post on January <>, with four companies of cavalry, and pro- ceeded to Fort Shaw, at which point he was reinforced by two conipanies of mounted infantry, and departed thence to the north on the 19th. The weather was intensely cold, and, as the success of the expedition depended largely on its secrecy, the marching was done at night after reaching the Teton Kiver, on the 19tli. On the night of the 20th the command proceeded to the mouth of Muddy Creek, a tributary of the Teton. On the night of the 2lst they marched across the coutitry towards tlie I'isr Uend of the Marias, but were unaijle to reach it. CD ' They lay all that day in a ravine, on the Dry Fork of the Marias, and at night marched on again. About eight o'clock on the morning of the 23d they reached the can)p of ]5ear Chief and lied Horn, consisting of thirty-seven lodges, in the valley of the Marias, The attack was a complete surprise. Smallpox had broken out among the Indians, causing them to omit even the slight j)recautions that they would have naturally observed in a secure winter camp. The herd of ponies, over 300 in number, was cut off and secured. 173 In- I'l'.VISllING TFlfc l'!i:({AN.S. 521> roKT IIKMON. iliiuis, incliuliiifij Jved Horn, were killed. Only 9 escaped from the place. All the rest, men, women, and children, were either killed or captured. Leaving Lieutenant Doane with a detach- ment to destroy tlie camp. Colonel IJaker hastened down the river in search of Mountain Chiefs camp, which was said to 1)0 four miles away, but he found nothing until he had gone sixteen miles, and then oidy seven deserted lodges. These wi-re destroyed, and the command then marched to the post (if the Northwest Fur Company, near the lle lodges, and there 17;5 were l. I'ease, United States Army, the agent of the IJlackfeet, and is endorsed by General Sully, L'nited States Army." This was a palpable misrepresentation. Lieutenant Pease ex- presslv stated the sources of his information, and General MASSACKKiS OF TllK MOINTAINS. Sull) \\: eniloi'sciiicnt .sail The report that Liuutcnaiit I'ea.-t; seiidrt IS entirely what the Indians say of the allair, and u( coir.se it is natural to suppose it is prejudiced in their o'vii favor. It is the Indians' side of the (piestion, and, as 1 am h lere as their only re])rese" tative, 1 consider it niy iluty to trive them a lieariiiij. On Mr. ("olver's letter the action ot" the troops was severely criticised in ( 'oiijjress, as it wmild prohahly have been also on t!ie facts, for the criticism was addressed to the inainn'i- of making; war which invidved tlie killini; of women and children. Said Mr. N'oorhees; " When the Indians v>ere a power in this land wi; niade war on them accordin<; to civilized warfare. We struck them in manly l)attle. Now, when they are poor, l)ri>ken, and miserai)lc rcPinants, corrupted and demoraliz(;(i, it is proposed to chantry our mode of warfare, aiul smite not merely the warrior, hut the woman and the habe in her arms. 1 have thoinjht much on this suitject. and the more I think of it the more it tills me with horror. If, however, we are to chan;^ft; the policy of the government, let it go forth to *.he country now; ... if the administration is to call home its peaceful agents who arc endeavoring to civilize the Indians, and to send instead the sword and the fagot into their mid>t, when tliey are in their lodires, in the dead of winter; to strike them when dviii!' of di.sease, sparing neither mother nor hahc, till the scream of the last expiring infant shall he heard in its helpless agony on the gale, tlun avow it, avow it here, avow it boldly, and say that Indian warfare in these days means extermination — exterm.iiation witiiout regard to age, sex, condition, or health, anything else that iisnally protecls non-combatants in Mr. Mtingen said: "In K)oking at the ac(!ounts of the inhuman sacriliccs of those 'savages' who wen; women and children, I cannot see in it any mercy, or justice, or ]iuinaiMt\. or (.'hristianity, or any godlike attribut»;s. As for the sav- ages who murder anil destroy our women and children. 1 would tight them to the last, but I would not torture' even them: and I certainly would not jump upon a little Indian child, having the smallpox, and kill it." The debate, which was in Committee of the Whole, resulted in nothinir but a or war. rrNisiiiNo Tiiic i'ii:(iAN.s. 688 call for the corrcspoinlctu'o from tlic War am] Fiitcrior di'part- iiiciits, it liaviriij heeii shrewdly treatinl as a Democratic at- tack oil (icncral Sheridan, hy the friends of the admiiustra- tioii, although ii ilepiihlicaii heirati the critici-iu and others aided in it. There was an attempt made also to interpose i ieneral Ilane(»ck, then eommanding the Department of I)a- kota, as till' respotisihle supi i^r otlicer. lii tnilli. (Jeueral Sheridan was the respotisihle iiiperidf. he having sent Iiispec- ttir-( ieneral ilardii! to Montana to inve>ligate, and, on receiv- ing his report, having issiieil instrtictioiis to him, on .lanuarv !.">. in these words: "If the lives and property (d" citi/.eiiH e protected hy striking the Indians, 1 want liienj struck. Tell I laker to strike tiiem hard," *^ lirKnTKNANT-OKMEKAL P. H. MI»:itl|l«N. )U MASSACUKS OF Till: MOINTAIN.S. Neitlior (ioneral Siieriilaii luir aii}' other officer advocated or defended any lumecessary killing of women and children, altlioni^li they jnstilleil the attack. C"oh>nel I'aker reported: "I believe that every etfort was made iiy officers and men to save non-comhatants, and that sneh women and diihhxMi ass were killed were killed accidentally.' General De Trobriand ri'porteil : " (.Jnarft-r was iriven to all known in time as women and chihlrcn." (ieneral Sheridan, after referririiij to women and childrfn who save them.-elves diirin<^ the bom- bardment tif cities by hidin<^ in cellars, said : '•Should any of the women and children of the I'icijans have lo.st tlniir livee, 1 sincerely regret that th -y had not similar places of refuije. tl lonirli I d onlit 11 tiiey vo wld 1 lave availed tlicmselvcs o f them, fur tli(y fi^rht with m »re fury than the men." (ii'iieral Kl lermaii said Tl lere is no question at all of responsibilit save and except only as to whether Colniie! I'.aker wantonlj, and t-nu'lly killen lod;;cs, es- ])ecially when the only casualty to the attacking J'SH'ty was one man killed. Whether the re.-ults jiistilied it is another •juestioii, hut there is hardly room fi>r donbl that Init for the determined stand of all tlie officers in defence of the action, the attack on the l'iei;an villaj^c' would have rested in the same c:ite:L,^ory with Sand Creek. 'lo the cotiservative mind the justice of the criticisms made will depend largely on the (juestion whether there was or was not existiiiijr a state of war If tl lere were tl i< mili- tary \ iew that a sin>j;le eiTectivi; blow is the most humane way of eiidini; u war, is certainly worthy of consideration. If not. the niovenient should have been confined to the arrest of criminals. Ah to this there was a difTerenee of opinion. On Auj^ust IS, when the (list rep«(rts of the kill iiig of Clarke leached him, (Ieneral Sully teli'^raphed : "I I'l'NiHUiNG Tin; riKUANs. 585 fpar we will have to consider the Ulackfeet in a state of war." With snbsequont reports his opiniotis ehann^od, and on .lanu- aiT K5 he tlmnirht tliat all dilllciiltics luiglit be ended !)}• the t^eiziire o f M oiin tain Chief and half a doze )f 1 n or ins warriors. ( >n ( )etol)er ♦!. (leneral 1 >>' Tmhriand said: "The lirst fact, which 1 think must he admitted In- all. is that there is actu- ally no Inditin uuir in the territory," and he then favored the arrest of a few men, as an idequate measure. With the dep- r('(haions in Deeemher his opinions changed, and in .lanu- arv he favored chastising the hostile hands, (ieneral Ilardie, at the latter period, thought a single severe blow "would he more s])aring of blood, and better on all accounts," but he reported the facts ami the opinions of both sides impartially, with the question : " Fmler all the circumstances, how far -liould the ()|)inion of (Jeneral Sullv, as to scope of operations, goveiii the military f To this (rcneral Sheridan replied by the telegraphic instructions above tpioted, and the attack was made in pursuance of his order. In connection with the question as to the propriety (»f indi.scriininate attack, it is to be remembered that Mountain Chief and the worst of the of- fenders, as conceded by all, escaped altogether. It is also noteworthy, as a probal)le result of the criticism, that there h;i-- not occurreii since that time any such indiscriminate at- t;M-k. However jur.t may be the feeling of some that this mttiiod IS the moii' ■iTcct ive. 11(1 therefore the more hi mane, the general sentiment of the country is against it. As -Mr. Voorhees said : " It cannot be justified here or before the country ; it cannot be justified before the civilization of the age, or in the sight of (Jod or man." Since the inllictioii of this severe |)unishment there has been no trouble reported from the I'iegans, though they have had ample cau>e for it. While this result is to some extent attributal)le to that putiishment, it is more largely explained by other things. Indians are usually ob(>dieiit to their own laws: the lawlessness that whitt* nu'ii object to arises from the fact that their laws dilTei' from ours, and from tin; fact that "iir laws have not covered olTences committed among them. The Indian tribes have been left to regulate their own behav- ior so loii^ as they did not interfere with tho whiles. If a 530 MAS.SACKKS OF THK MOrNTAINS. tribe hud fjjood laws tlio rosults were always hoiiofieial, but with those whoso laws were of a barl>arotis type there have occuiTed inauy crimes, from our stand, for wiiich there was no redress. The I'llackfeet, as has Iteeii mentioned, had a remarkaldy com- plete tribal orj^anization, and when this was supplemcnteil l)y a code of jjood laws, which they were indiici'd to adopt in 1875, a nnist admiralile state of (jnietude resulted. Their code prohibits intemperance, poty<.famy, sal(! of women, theft, and assault. Murder is punisheil by death. Their p(/li enough to show something of their sull'erings from want. The deaths liavc repeatedly been in excess of the births, and in 1884 I'UNI.SIILNU TlIK rii:uAN.s. 537 the terrible disproportion was rciiched (if 247 dc.itliF, cliiofiy from starvation and its concomitant illh, against l(i births. It lias not needed ptatistical tables to prove their wretched lot; again and again the news])api'rs have lurolished the item: "The I'iegans are reported to Ik- starving, notwithstaiui'ng the assistance furnished them by the governmeni," and simi- lar brevities. It is notorious tiiat we have been starving these pi'Oplc, and it is true that ( "ongress, wiiich waxed so furious over the slaughter of a few dozens of women and childien. is largely responsilile for the death (.f a iniich greater number, by the more lingering and more cruel mode. There has been no cxcnso for tiiis neglect. The matter has been calknl to the attention of ("ongress several times, in the most urgent language, and Congress, in response, has cut down their ai>propriation. Fiom 1S71 to iS7S the appropria- tion was ^r)0,()riO annually; in the latter year it was cut to. 84(»,(IUO; in ISSl it was cut again to ,^y:),(!i)0. All the ex- ])ense8 of the reservation, including the pay of from six to eight employes and teachers, wore paid out of this sum. At the same time their other sources of support liavi' been decreas- ing even more rapiv'ly. The buffalo, which was formerly their nniin reliance, is entirely gone, and other ganii- has so de- creased that it can no longer br; coutited on for material sup- port. The sitiuition has been growing worse constantly until, in 1S81, K. A. Allen, who took charge of the agency on .\piil 1 of that year, reportetl as follows: '•When I entered upon the duties of agent I found the Imlians in a deplorable condi- tion. Their supplies had been limiteil, and many of them were gradually «lying of starvation. I visited a large number of their tents .nnd cabins the second day after they had re- ceived their weekly rations, looked through them carefully, and found no pr'.>visions, except in two instances. All boro marks of sulTeririg frouj lack of food, but the little children <»'emed to have sulfered most; they were so emaciated that it ilid not seem possil)le for them to live long, and many of them have since passed away. To feed tlu'so Indians, about 23(>0 in numlK'r, from April 1 to June 30. I had 11>,0S() pounds ^.u'on. 44,7U(> pounds beef, and (»2,r)((5 ]iounds llour, being vtdy li ounces bacon, 3^ ounces beef, and less tiian 5 ounces 538 MASSACKIvS OF TMIO MOl'NTAINS. llniir per thxy for cadi iiulividiiiil. J had no beiuis, rice, hoiu- iiiy, salt, nor any otlier articles of food, exct'|)t siiijar, tea, and cofTi'C ((if wliicli I had only enouf^h for the sick and intinii) to ^ivo thfni, tilt" supply of such articles Living been exhausted bofuie this time, nor have I yet | An<;iist 14| received any. In the fore part »>f May I was reduced to such a strait that I was compelled to issue over 2(M)(» jxiunds of bacon which hail been comlemned by a board of survey the past winter, but which I fcuml not to be in as bad condition as had been 8npposei tiiit irrow alnn^ \he creeks and ate; the inner portion to apjicase tin'ir <;!ia\vinf; liunjjcer." Do you f;rasp the dread- ful iuipijrt r aid in eucdi a case and it would be well if standing com mittees were appointed in each state and territory where In- diane live, to see that such destitution is promptly reported to the IkMwd. An Hde, ls74, we tuok from them all the land between the Mussel-shell and the ^la- rius. as well as their hiintin^-j;ronnds hel(»w — the host hiintiii<;- irroiinds they had — for whieii we j^ave them nothinij hnt the annuities mentioned. l>y Act of Congress cd" April 15, 1874, the reservation was made to include only the land north of the Missouri and the Marias, from the western line oi' Dakota to the main raiij^e of the liockies, and the eastern part of this was reserved for the (iros Ventres and liiver Crows, who are located there. It is true that the reservation was increased l»y executive order of April i;5, 1S75. hut nearly all the increase was restored to the piihli* ut their protest availed them nothing. Not only did these orders take away their lands, but they left the reservation buildings outside the reservatioti, and new ones had to be built out of the miserable liittance — four cents a day to each individual — provided for their education, civilization, and supj)ort. Woidd not justice have been better here than the humanity that was exercised^ But, it may be asked, why do not these Indians do some- thing for themselves? They have done all they could. In lS7i), their agent reported: "Some of the most inlluential chiefs set an example to the rest l)y going into the field and working themselves, instead of simply standing by and seeing their stjuaws work." In 1882, he reported: "In all the work I he agency refjuires the Indians are an efHcient help, sxich as cutting and hauling firewood, also saw-logs from the mountains, and hauling in hay fron> the Jiearest hay-field, which is some ten miles from the agency. Our hay crop will be about one hundred tons. The Indians use their own ponies in hauling, and soon become fair teamsters." The trouble is that there is 542 MASSACKKS «»r Till': MorN'lAINS. notliiiiiij for tliein t(»J. and it has nsnally failed from droui;ht or i^ra.^shoppers. In the few years liiat crops have looked hopeful, the Indians have been driven l)y starvation to eat them loni( before they matured, or the Indians from the I'ritish side of the liiu; so preyed upon thcMu that they were forced to abandon cultivation and come in t( tl le aire i»ey. in order t(» protect their few remainiji, it was reported that some of till! Piegans (l>y which niinii' (lie I'nlire liiacivfoot nation is now l\n(i\vn) liad been stealinir liorses, and liad foutdit wilh widle iiiirsuers, Possibly llie rejuirt was false. It 1^; only snrprisini,', however, thai they have not otulen everything they could lay ludd of. riiAPTi:i{ xvii. THK TUA(iKI)Y OK Tllh; I.AVA ItKDS, Xo other trilx; <»f Aiiieiictin Indians ever leaped into no- toriety so sudden))' and unexpectedly as the ^lodocs, and no tribe has excited more interest since their appearance het'oro the public. They were almost unknown in the East until 1S7;{. There had never been more tiian four or live hundred of them since the whites knew them, and as they occupied a country wliich was lu^t very desirable, and were known to be warriors who could not bo bullied or intimidated, they were not much disturbed by adventurers. They were jiecul- iar ])eople; good-natured, as ii rule, but high-tempered; in- dustrious, and yet as haughty as the laziest Indians on the con- tinent. They liad more of that con\incndable pride which makes men desire to be independent and self-sni)porting than any of their neighbors. Tluiy were inclined to be exclusive in their social relations, but even among themselves there was little merry-making. They took a more serious view of life and its duties. StublKirnness and strong will were tribal chai'- a('teri8ti(!s. In feature they are rugged and strong, the cheek- bones large and prominent, the hair thick and coarse, the face heavy and not much wriid. 6^ \ 544 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. their lakes and streams, dragging their seines or seeking for water-fowl. In these same eanoes tliey gathered the wocus, an aquatic plant peculiar to tiieir lakes, with a pericarp like a poppy capsule, full of farinaceous seeds. This they threshed out and made into flour, or parched entire. They dug Icace and cainas and other roots. They dwelt in their curious coni- cal houses, half underground and half covered with dirt, un- molested and unmolestiuir. /•>. x . / V-^ //■ !-, /liro■UTT;-k;'^.'-^me negotiation it was agreed that they might remain oti the reservation so long as no complaints were made of them. Besides Jack's Lidians there was another l>and of Modocs off the reservation, living in Northern California, and known as the Hot Creek Indians, who had little to do with any of the others. They numbered about forty-live. There was also a little band of nine or ten warriors, with their women and children, led by the Curly-headed Doctor. They had broken off from Jack's band, but still fraternized with its members to some extent. They were the worst of the Modocs, and paid very little attention to the authority of any one. The con- duct of tlie Modocs off the reservation has been a matter of some controversy, but it is pretty well established that what- ever lawlessness can i)e attributed to them was committed by Curly-headed Doctor's little band. The charges of bad con- duct against any of the Modocs off the reservation finally THE TRAGEDY OF THE LAVA BED8. 549 settled down to these: that they scared women and cliildren by boisterous conduct wlien they came to the houses of the settlers; that they killed cattle; and that they used and car- ried off hav belonging to certain settlers. Major Elmer Otis investigatvid these charges in the spring of 1872. It was tes- tified by some settlers tliat Jack and his band claimed their old home on the theory that they were not bound by the treaty, and demanded compensation from thos'i who settled on these lands; that they were insolent and threatening; that tliey were guilty of thefts and of stealing cattle. On the other hand, one settler testified that he had never paid any- thing for settling on their lands, and did not believe that any one was asked to pay ; that the Indians were no more insolent to whites than whites are to whites; that from inspection of the trails made by marauders, he believed that the Klamaths were the parties who were guilty of killing the cattle. An- other settler testified that he had lived near the tribe for ten years, and did not consider that there was any danger to set- tlers from them ; that the parties whose hay was taken had agreed to pay the Indians for cutting hay on lands claimed by them and had failed to do so. It may be mentioned, in this connection, that the general charge was made, all through the Modoc troubles, that the Indians were influenced by "low whites," who advised them to resist removal to the reserva- tion. This position is hardly tenable. On his trial, when there was every inducement to state anything that would ex- cuse him. Captain Jack solemnly denied that he had ever been advised to I'esist by any white man. lie denied always that he or his tribo had been guilty of wrong-doing, and said that if any thefts had been committed, the Klamaths or Curly- headed Doctor's men were the guilty parties. Certain it is that all tiiese Modocs lived off the reservation, without caus- ing any serious trouble until the winter of 1872. They roam- ed over a large extent of country at will. On the 4th of July they usually turned up at Yreka, in California, where their friends and advisers, Judge Roseborough and Judge Steele, resided ; and on the national birthday in 1871, when that town was destroyed by fire, the Modocs did good service at the engine and elsewhere, in aiding to fight the flames. 650 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. No complaints were made of tlieir conduct any wliere, except those mentioned, which were by some of tlie settlers near their usual liomes. During all this time aw effort was being made by the local military and Indian authorities to have a small reserv^ tion set off for these poo])le, where they might live without the conti'iual annoyance of the Klamaths. It was their desire to have their lands in severalty and become citizens, though it was questionable whether all of them were sufficiently ad- vanced in the white man's ways for that. Tliey had, as all Indians had, a true friend in Gen. E. II. S. Canby, command- ing the Department of the Columbia. He had served con- tinuously in the army since 1830; had won notice in the Seminole and Mexican wars; had stood firmly for the Union in New Mexico, at the outbreak of the civil war, when his senior officers went over to the South ; had led the forces that drove the T^xan invaders from the mountains; had com- manded at the capture of IMobile ; and had compelled the surrender of the rebel forces in the Southwest. During his long service he had many dealings jvith Indians, and had treated them with uniform fairness and honesty. Oiie tribe had named him "the Indian's Friend." He said, on February 7,1872, "I am not surprised at the unwillingness of the Modocs to return to any point on the reservation where they would be exposed to the hostilities and annoyances they have heretofore experienced (and without any adequate pro- tection) from the Klamaths; but they have expressed a desire to be established upon Lost Iliver, where they would be free from this trouble, and the superintendent informed me last summer that he would endeavor to secure such a location for them." Tlie land they wanted was a1)out three miles long by one mile wide, bordering on Lost River. There were less than two thousat 1 acres of it, and it was not occupied by settlers. In addition to the reasons mentioned, they wanted their reservation on Lost River because that stream and Tuld Lake abounded in fish, a staple food of theirs. "There are black, silver-sided, and speckled trout, of which first two spc cies specimens are taken weighing twenty-five pounds; buffa- lo fish, from five to twelve pounds ; and very large, fine suck- THE TRAGKDY OK TIIK LAVA BEDS. 00 J MAJOn-OKNEBAL K. It. S. CANIIY. ors — siu'li only in luiine and appciirance, for tlioy are not bonier tlian common fishes. In spawninj^ time the fish school up from the lake in extraortlinary nnmhers, so tliat the Indians have only to put a sliixht ol)struction in the river, when they can literally shovel them out." Superintendent Meacham desired and urged that a sepa- rate reservation he established for them, but in the spring of 1S72 he was relieved by F. P). Odeneid, who appointed two agents to hold a council with the Modocs and report. lie accepted all complaints against them as true, and enlarged them, without seeing the tribe himself; he reported that the loaders of the Modocs off the reservation were " desperadoes," and foes to civilization. "As well," says this eloqueiit and 552 MASSACKES OF THE MOUNTAINS. jiidicions man, "might we expect our own youth to grow np in the practice of Christian virtues under the tutorship of tlie 'road-agents' of Montana, or the guerillas of Mexico, as to think of instilling any good into the minds of the Modocs while ui\der the exchisive control, as they have been,^of their present leaders," lie advised that the leaders be arrested and the others compelled to go on the Klamath reservation. This advice was taken by the Indian Bureau, although (ien- eral Canby had reported, but a few weeks before, that the previous Commission had "autliorized the Modocs to remain where they were until the superintendent could see them. This has been understood as a settlement of the question un- til some permanent arrangement could be made for them ; and unless they have violated some subsequent agreement, I do not think that the immediate application of force as asked for would be either expedient or just. They should at least be notlHed that a new location has been selected for them, and provision made for their wants." Troops had already been placed in the vicinity of the Mo- docs, on account of tlie complaints before mentioned, and to them was assigned the task of bringing the Indians to the reservation. The instructions from General Canby to the officer commanding the District of the Lakes, were: "If the military force is to be used, it will only be in aid of the In- dian Department and after peaceable means have been ex- hausted, but you should be prepared for the possibility that the attenipt to remove them may result in hostilities, and be able to act promptly in that event for the protection of the frontier." It was thought necessary, however, by the com- manding officer, to surprise their camp, which was on Lost River — at that point a deep stream three hundred feet wide. Jack's Indians were located on one side and the Doctor's on the other. In the night of November 2Sth, Captain Jackson with forty men and ten citizens quietly made their way to the camp. On the 30th the captain reported concerning the outcome of this strategic movement. "I have the honor to report that I jumped the camp of Captain Jack's Modoc In- dians yesterday morning soon after daylight, completely sur- prising them. I demanded their surrender and disarming, THE TKAGEDY OF THE LAVA BEDS. 553 ;iii(l asked for a parley witli Captain Jack. Captain Jack, Soar-faced Cliarie}', JJlack Jiin,aiid some others, would neither lay down their arms nor surrender, and some of them coui- iiienced making hostile demonstrations against us, and finally opened lire. 1 immediately poured volley after volley among the hostile Indians, took their camp, killed eight or nine war- riors, and drove the rest into the hills. During the engage- ment I had one man killed and seven wounded, three of the last severely and perhaps dangerously. The band that I at- tacked was on the south side of the river; another small band on the north side was attacked by a party of ten or twelve citizens, and their surrender demanded ; but when the firing commenced in Captain Jack's camp, these Indians opened on the citizens and drove them to the refuge of Crawley's ranch. One citizen was killed during the tight, and two others com- ing up the road, unconseiotis of any trouble, were shot; one (Mr. Nuss) mortally wounded, and the other (Joe Pennig) l)adly. My force was too weak to pursue and capture the In- dians that made off, owing to the necessity of taking imme- diate care of my wounded, and protecting the few citizens who had collected at Crawley's ranch. . . . From the best in- formation I can get, Captain Jack, Scar -faced Charley, and Black Jim are killed or mortally wounded." Neither one of them was killed, but the Curl v- headed Doctor's band was made furious. The leadership of this band was shared, to a certain extent, by Hooker Jim (Hooka, Jooka, Ilocker, Hawkey), w-ho was probably the worst man of the lot. There was no control over them by any one. They acknowledged Jack to be chief of the tribe, as they had always done, but they did what they chose, without regard to his orders. Tliey at once began attacking the scattered settlers, and with- in forty-eight hours had killed twelve men. No women or children were killed by either Indians or soldiers, except one Indian child, reported as accidentally shot. With the killing of these settlers Captain Jack and his band proper had no connection. Judge-Advocate Curtis said, at the trial, "I do not accuse Captain Jack of any participation in those murders. I acquit him of them entirely. I know almost to a demonstra- tion that he was ignorant of their occurrence until after they 554 MASSACUKS OF TIIH MOUNTAINS. liad taken place. I have investigate*! that matter soinewliat since I have been here, and I do not believe i»o was coiicernetl in tlicm or knew of tliem in advance." It was at once realized that the surprise was a mistake. Lieutenant-colonel Wheaton, commanding the district, jdacod the blame on Superintendeiit Odeneal and his agents. There is no room for doubt that the lighting qualities of the ]\Io- docs were underestimated by the military as well as by the agents of the Ine country had not been realized. It is impossible to real- ize it without going over the ground. The movements con- templated could not be made. The junction of detachments was prevented by deep chasms. The troops could move only at a snail's pace. Constantly before them were the Modocs, picking their shots and firing carefully. They were not ex- posed to a return fii-e, for they were behind lava bowlders, shooting through crevices. The troops had no targets but puflEs of smoke. After hours of painful creeping they would gain the place of the smoke, but nothing would be found. A hundred yards away would be another puff, spitting out its leaden missiles. All day the troops heroically advanced under these difiiculties, protected to some extent by the dense fog that rested over the lake and the Lava Beds until two o'clock, now lifting a little and now settling again — an almost constant phenomenon of the place. At evening the soldiers were withdrawn. They brought out their wounded, twenty- eight in number, but ten dead were left behind, after strenu- ous attempts to bring them away. Officers and men now understood that they had a serious task before them, and Colonel Wheaton reported: "In the opinion of any expe- rienced officer of regulars or volunteers, one thousand men would be required to dislodge them from their almost im- pregnable position, and it must be done deliberately, with a free use of mortar batteries.'' He asked for three hundred more men and four howitzers. On receipt of reports of this attack, the authorities at Washington decided to "give the peace men a chance." Pity it had not been done three months earlier. The Modocs were now confident and well supplied witii ammunition. They obtained powder and lead from cartridges found on the field. THE TRAGEDY OF THE LAVA BEDS. 559 They captured also sonic breech-loading guns. They swore afterwards that they obtained caps from the Klaniaths. They had been made suspicious by the surprise of their camp in November. Tiiey had been kept in a continual state of dis- trust by tlie people in their neighborhood. In December the band of Hot Creek Indians, who had no connection whatever with the troubles, had started for the Klamath reservation, under care of authorized agents. At Link River, Oregon, they were met by an Indiivn agent, who informed them that the citizens were collected beyond, to mob them. On hear- ing tliis the Indians became frightened and scattered into the mountains. It was with the utmost difficulty that a portion were gathered and placed on the reservation. The remainder fled to the Lava Beds and joined Jack's Indians. The ^lo- docs testiHed that whites told them they would be executed, and that one, Nate Beswick, informed them that the commis- sioners wanted to get them out to kill them. They swore (those who were tried and others) that the Klaniaths encour- aged them to fight, and furnished them with ammunition. (Jeneral Gillem says he learned, on what he considered good authority, that Sam Blair, a man of the neighborhood, sent word to them, " That he had an order in his pocket from the ii'overnor of Ore<;on to haui; the nine Indians enijaijed in killing the citizens as soon as they came in." Notoriously, almost all the Pacific slope was clamoring for their extermi- nation, and Governor (irrover, of Oregon, on February 10th, in a pathetic open letter to the commissioners, protested against any settlement of the matter on terms which did not include the surrender for trial of the men who massacred white set- tlers "on the 29th and 30th of November last," although they " had not been attacked by the soldiery or otherwise mo- lested." The reader will remember tiiat Captain Jackson's surprise was at daybreak on the 29th. On January 30th instructions were given for the suspension of hostilities, and a commisfeion was ordered. It was made up of A. B. Meacham, Jesse Applegate, his nephew Oliver Apple- gate, agent at Yainax, and Samuel (yjiase. They were all men whom the Modocs distrusted and disliked except Meacham. Nothinjr could bo done under the circumstances. The Mo- 560 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. docs were afraid to meet where they would be in the power of the whites, and the cominissioners declined to meet where they would be in the power of the JModocs. So they dawdled along until the 1st of March, by which time General Canb)' had arrived, and the authorities at Washington had been made to understand that the Commission would be useless until its personnel was altered. It was decided to change it, and Judge Roseborough, of Yreka, Rev. E, Tliouias, of Petaluma, and TIIK ItKV. I)K. THOMAS. L.S.Dyer, of the Klamath Agency, were substituted for the Applogates and Cliaso. Tlie (commission, as it now stood, was unexceptionable from the peace people's stand-point — also from the stand-point of unbiased ))eo]>le; the Indian-haters did not like it — "too much milk-and-water and all that." Five weeks were consumed in completing these changes, and during this time a change was going on among the Modocs THE TRAGEDY OF THE LAVA BEDS. 561 also. This statement will be disapproved both by those who have decided that all the Modocs were always good, and by those who have ordained that all the Modocs were always bad ; nevertheless it is true. There were in the Modoc camp eight men known as "the murderers," which meant that they were the men who killed the settlers, after the surprise by Captain Jackson. These men knew that they were considered guilty of murder by the white people, and that all the people who lived about them were in favor of trying, convicting, and hanging them. They knew also that if they made peace, and had a reservation set off for them on Lost River, it was very (juestionable whether the United States could protect them. The offences had been committed within the State of Oregon ; Lost River was within the State of Oregon ; and the people and authorities of Oregon, while always very ready to claim monetary recompense from the General Government for inju- ries by its " wards," were ever jealous of any interference with its jurisdiction over those wards. These things were explained to the Lidians by the Commission, or members of it, from time to time. Tiic explanation was necessary in or- der to try to induce them to move elsewhere. It was pro- posed to them that they should be temporarily located on Angell's Island, in the Pacific, and subsequently placed on a reservation in Arizona or Indian Territory. They agreed to this at first, but there still remained the trouble that they must surrender to the soldiers, to begin with. They were afraid to do this. Tlxsy knew that the soldiers, both regulars and volunteers, "had bad hearts towards them," on account of the deaths of their conn-ades. Consequently " the murderers" ' bject'jd to surrender :.:id urged war, and they were gradually ^iiig the other Indians over to their views. It was a situation where two parties were desirous of peace, on a basis of amnest}' for the past and harmony for the fut- ure, but neither dared trust the other. The Indian-hater may say that the idea that they were afraid to trust our commis- sioners and officers is preposterous, but it is not. Just around the lake, in cotistant view when the fog lifted, was Bloody Point, where Pen Wright invited them to make a treaty, and murdered thirt^'-cight of them, in 1852. Just there, on the 36 562 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. edge of the Lava Beds, were sons and nephews, neiglibors and friends of men who took part in that " lesson to the Modocs." In command of a part of those vohinteers was General John Koss, who led the Jacksonville volunteers that operated witli Ben Wright. It is idle to talk of the Modocs having no rea- son to fear bad faith, especially in consideration of the fact that a part of them were afterwards murdered while they were prisoners. On March Gth Captain Jack sent a message to the commissioners then present by his sister Mary. lie said, " I am very sad. I want peace quick, or else let the sol- diers come and make haste and tight. ... I am nearly well ; but I am afraid of the soldiers on the road. There are so many soldiers around. There are soldiers on Lost Kiver, on Clear Lake, and Bernard's soldiers. AVouldn't they be afraid if they were in the same situation ? . . . I wish to live like tiie whites. Let everything be wiped out, washed out, and let there be no more blood. I have got a bad heart about those murderers. I have got but a few men and I don't see how I can give them up. Will they give up their people who murdered my people while they were asleep? I never asked for the people who murdered mj' people. I only talked that way. I can see ho^v I could give up my horse to be hanged ; but I can't see liow I could give up my men to be hanged. I could give up my horse to be hanged, and wouldn't cry about it; but if I gave up my men I would have to cry about it. I want them all to have good hearts now. I have thrown away everything. There must be no more bad talk. I will not. I have spoken forever. I want soldieis all to go home. I have given up now and want no more fuss. I have said yes, and thrown away my country. I want soldiers to go away so I will not be afraid." Of course the soldiers could not be sent away. It would have been inconsistent with the position the government had taken — inconsistent with the usages of every civilized nation — to withdraw its forces pending a treaty, wliile the submit- ting force remained as it was. Besides, there was the fear that the Indians intended treachery. It was impossible that the Commission should overcome these obstacles, but it hoped on. If the Modocs had felt that they were whipped — if they THE TRAGEDY OF THE LAVA BEDS. 563 had realized the hopelessness of their struggle — they might have submitted to the chance of life or death that they saw in a surrender; but they did not. They had more and better arms and more ammunition than before. Their confidence in the strength of their position was unbounded. Tlie Klamaths were promising to assist them. It was reported that the In- dians of Washington, Oregon, and Idaho were on the verge of declaring war. It was evident, however, that the Modocs were not united ; that there was a war party and a peace par- ty. Jack and part of his followers wanted peace ; the mur- derers wanted war, and Schonchin John, Scar-faced Charley, and others leaned towards them. The commissioners were satisfied that Jack was under duress ; that he was in fear of the others. Others thought that he was trying to gain time ; but he had no object to gain by that. Certain it was that he acted like a man in great trouble: he was sad and gloomy; much of the time he was weeping. Finally the Modocs of- fered a new solution ; they M'ould take the Lava Beds for a reservation. This could not be accepted. To the whites it meant establishing a den for wild beasts, from which they could issue for rapine and plunder-; to the Indians it meant a home in a castle where no sheriffs posse could arrest them for killing the people in November. The commissioners were satisfied that no permanent settlement of the trouble could be made if the Indians remained in that part of the country, and so matters drifted along until the second week of April. Captain Jack sat on a rock in the Lava Beds. His heart was bowed down. lie had talked with the commissioners and was no nearer a solution of his troubles. He had been informed that the soldiers could not be sent away. He had l)een told that his people could not remain in the Lava Beds. He could find no answer to the arguments of the murderers, for from his stand they were not much to be blamed. They had not killed the settlers till the soldiers had surprised his camp. They had not killed women and children. They had fought the soldiers like brave men. If he surrendered they would probably be hanged, and that was a dreadful death ; it killed both the body and the soul. The rope closed up a man's throat so that his spirit could not come out, and take 564 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. up its jonniey to the Iiappy hunting-grounds. It must die in his body. He could not feel satisfied that the soldiers •would not shoot all the Modocs when they came out, as they had done twenty-one years before. The murderers came around him. They saw that the time for argument was past, and the time for appeal to passion had come. They taunted him. Hooker Jim said, " You are like an old squaw ; you have never done any fighting yet ; we have done the fighting and you are our chief. You are not fit to be a chief." Then came George, another of the murderers, and said, " What do you want with a gun ? You don't shoot anything with it. You don't go any place to do anything. You are sitting around on the rocks." After a while Scar -faced Charley came up. He was a Rogue Eiver Indian, of the Tipsie Tyee's (Bearded Chief) band, who had joined the Modocs many years before, after the separation of his tribe. He had been with Captain Jack's band, and was the oldest of his warriors. He said, " I am going with Hooker Jim. I can fight with them. You are nothing but an old squaw." Jack winced a little when they called him a squaw. They brought a dress and a squaw's bonnet and put them on him. They mocked and jeered their squaw chief. He had sat there through the morning, bearing it all. Now the fog had parted and risen, and the sun was shining on them. He rose and threw the hu- miliating garments from him. With blazing eyes he turned on his tormentors and hissed : " I will show you that I am no squaw. You say you w-ant war. We will have war, and Krent-poos will not be the one who asks for peace." He had fought his temptation and it had proved too strong for him. The perplexity pushing on one side and the eight devils tug- ging on the other had started him in the evil path. The dormant savage in him waked with renewed strength. His good angel fled from him, as Vivian from old Merlin, who lay in the dark spell "of woven paces and of waving hands," shrieking back, " Oii, fool !" From that hour on his heart was bad. Arrangements were being made with the commissioners for another meeting. Judge Steele, of Yreka, an old resi- dent, in whom the Indians had the utmost confidence, who THE TRAGEDY OF THE LAVA BEDS. 565 had been the arbiter of their petty troubles for many years, acted as one messenger to them. Riddle, the interpreter, and Toby, his squaw wife, acted also on behalf of the Commission. At Steele's last visit to the cave the Indians became angry, and his life was saved only by Captain Jack and Scar-faced Charley standing guard over him during the night. He told the eomijiissioners that the Modocs meant treachery and re- fused to go to their camp again. As Toby left the cave, on the occasion of her last visit, a Modoc named William — they called him "Whim" — followed her and warned her to keep away, and to keep the commissioners away ; that the In- diatis were going to kill them. The commissioners were in a (juaiidary. There had been acts that appeared evidences of treachery before, but they had come to nothing. They had consulted the Commissioner of Indian Affairs then, and he had replied, on March 5th, "I do not think the Modocs mean treachery. The mission should not be a failure." An agreed meeting had not been attended by the Commission on April 8th, because the lookout had discovered twenty armed Mo- docs in ambush near the place of conference. On the 10th, Bogus Charley came from the Modocs, proposing that Gen- eral Canby and the commissioners, unarmed, should meet an equal party of Modocs, unarmed, at the council tent, about three-quarters of a mile from General Gillem's camp, and on tlie day after they wonld all come in and surrender. The Commission discussed this plan. They all felt that the meet- ing would probably be dangerous. Mr. Thomas said they ought to go; that it was a duty which they could not consci- entiously evade. General Canby thought that the importance of the object justified some risk. He believed that the In- dians would not kill them, though he considered them capable of it, because it was not to their interest. Meacham and Dyer insisted that the meeting ought not be held ; that it was go- ing to certain death. Riddle told them that the Indians meant to kill them, pos- sibly not that da}', but probably then ; that if they went they must free him from all responsibility. Meacham then pro- posed that they should go armed, and add John Fairchild, a frontiersman of the neighborhood, to the party, but Dr. Thom- 666 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. as protested that this would be a breach of faith. Meachatn then proposed that in case there appeared indubitable evi- dences of treachery, they should aj^reo to anything that the Indians might ask, until they could make their escape. Dr. Thomas replied, " I will be a party to no deception under any circumstances ; this matter is in the hands of God." General Can by said, " I have dealt with Indians for thirty years, and 1 ^ ■"".---- '•'--: - 1 ^^^H ^^^^^HP i-. - ..;>'^j- ■^:; ;;.:....;. . " ^ ^^^^^H ^^^^^^i^^^k ^"^ s.sik^ffi^-^^§fe^ i:?^ .. i ^^^^^1 ^^^^^^I^H- K " : -. -i::;;"^:i^-::::'-yi^:J:;:i;i ■-■■:■ *"'■'■■ ^^^^^^^^H ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H^^^^ ~- ■ - " =1 -■- "- ^ -~ ■ ' ^^^^^^^^H ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H^^^ ^ fci. ^•^^ '^-^-- ' l-"^^ ^^gfl j^^^^H ^^^B^^^^^^^l^^ "T ■-~"^. "-'-i:^ M^^^H l^^^^^^^l ^^^^BI^^^^^^HHk^m ^d^K^^'''^^^^ -,iV-;--'" \- :!J|H ^^H ^^^^1 ^^^^^^^^^^^^^9^^K^ V^^fiB^ ^ f"-i^~^.*- -v>\--^\~v'.;^^^^H l^^^l ^^HK^S Bg^^^P^^^^^C^^^i^^^^S SH^^^^^^OsN > v=;' '^''^ 'ijj^^^^H ^^^H ^^^Bi^H ^a^Era*^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^S^c^;««^^vV^ hI ^^si ^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^\ -^ <^-' \- -''r.^^R^^H sf ^^iE^^^^^^^^bhH ----^V: - '-'I^^K-hHI .$:r-^. eV ' iiJ^^K^U ^^& g^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^^^■^^1 ^^^^^^^^^^^^ '''■^~~ ' i^K^^^Bi ^^ ^^^^^i^l^l^^^^^^^H \-i 'Xv^lKSH ^S^&; ^K^^^^ ^^^B^^?o^^^^^^'"''5'*\' ** ^' O^^^^^^^^^^Hl ^SlPnSS Eyci^i^^^s- ;^«39|^^S]s^~?^^^'^?^i^^BHi BBB^^^^vv.\>'*0**^ "^ ^B ^^K ^^^^^HB ^^^^^g h^Mtm ^§ ^^B ^^^^^Sl HS^^^ GENERAL ALVIN OILLEU. I have never deceived an Indian. I will not consent to it — to any promise that cannot be fulfilled." Riddle insisted that the commissioners accompany him to General Gillem's tent, and there, again, he I'epeated his warnings, and called Gillem to witness that he washed his hands of the whole mat- ter. He added that if they were determined to go, he would go with them rather than be called a coward. Gillem thought THE TRAGEDY OF THE LAVA BEDS. 567 tlie Indians would not dare to commit the anticipated treach- ery, Canby and Thomas said they would fj;o. Meachain and Dyer said they would go also rather than subject themselves to a charge of cowardice, or have the Commission fail for want of action on their part. Before starting, jVIeacham and Dyer gave John Fairchild what valuables they had about them, and indicated their last wishes, as men preparing for death. Each of thein also put in his pocket a small derringer pistol. Some have said tiiat Canby and Thomas were foolhardy to do as they did. To those who are incapable of understanding lofty motives it must ever appear so. They went to their fate drawn by a destiny as irresistible as that which led Krent- poos to his, but of an opposite nature. They knew that the trouble had been caused by the wrong-doing of white men, and their consciences would not permit them to throw their personal safety in the balance on the question of going. They felt bound to leave no stone nnturned in their attempt to riglit this wrong peacefully. The place of meeting was at what was called the peace tent, or council tent. It was in a little open space at the foot of a high bluff, in the edge of the pedregal. The approach was snfliciejitly level and clear to permit of riding a horse into it, and a tent had been placed there for the use of the Commission. Thither the little party of peace-makers started at eleven o'clock. General Canby and Dr. Thomas, with Bos- ton Charley, who came to the camp that morning, walked ahead ; Meacham, Dyer, and Toby rode ; liiddle and Bogus Charley, who had been in the camp over night, came last, on foot. At the tent they found six Modocs: Captain Jack, Schonchin John, Ellen's Man, I'lack Jim, Hooker Jim, and Shack -nasty Jim. It was at once noticed that they were armed with revolvers, but as they had been armed at previ- ous councils, no remark was made concerning this. Twenty or thirty feet from the tent a small fire of sago brush had been ro.ide, and around it was a row of stones, in a half-circle. On these the party seated themselves, excepting Dr. Thomas, who reclined on the ground. They talked together about the proposition for this meeting and the surrender on the morrow. Captain Jack made a speech, the substance of 568 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. •which was that ho did not want nnytliing from the Presi- dent, but wanted the soldiers taken away. As ho concluded, Hooker Jim stepped back and fastened Meacliam's horse, which had been left loose, llo took Meacliam's overcoat from the pommel of the saddle and put it on, remarkinIE TRAGEDY OF THE LAVA BEDS. 579 i^^^rr^^-^^'^^ CAPTAIN JACK AND HIS COMPANIONS. judge or jury. Wliile the scaffolds were being prepared, a telegram came from Washington, directing their trial by a Military Commission. The Commission sat from July 5th to July 9th, at Fort Klamath, Oregon. The prisoners arraigned were Captain Jack, Schonchin John (Schonchis), Black Jim, m 580 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. Boston Cliarley, T3ariiclio,a//ff« One-eyed Jim, and i^lohx, alias Lolocksalt, alias Cok. Ellen's Man was dead. The charges were nuirder and assault to kill, in violation of the rules of war. The prosecution made a clear case by the testimony of Riddle, Toby, Meacham, Dyer, Shack-nasty Jim, Hooker Jim, Bogus Charley, Steamboat Frank, William, Lieutenant Ander- son, and Surgeon McEldery ; the defence introduced Scar- faced Charley, Dave, and One-ej'ed Mose, who testified that the Klamaths furnished them gun-caps and were guilty of other acts of treachery. This may have been introduced in mitigation of their offence, or from an ignorant belief that they could shift the guilt to others. There is another possi- bility, which is very strong. Jack may have intended iiis de- fence solely for futurity. He may have been actuated by the same desire of a justitication by posterity that moved Robert Emmet to the words, " Let not my epitaph be written till other times and other men can do me justice." lie did not deny his guilt; he admitted that he had done wrong. He did not hope for a realization of his motives by his judges. He told them as much. The members of the Commission were strangers to him ; they did not know his past surround- ings or the events that had driven him on. He saw around him the men he had attempted to assassinate, the whites he had fought, and his enemies the Klamaths, who had urged him on. In the midst of them he saw the men who had brought him to ruin and betrayed him, sitting as his accusers. What room had he to hope for mercy there? lie addressed the Commission. He tried to tell how he had been adopting the customs of the whites ; how he had treated them generously ; how he had dealt so fairly with all men that no one called him mean except the Klamaths. He said, " I have always lived like a white man, and wanted to live so. I have always tried to live peaceably and never asked any man for anything. I have always lived on what I could kill and shoot with my gun and catch in my trap. Riddle knows that I have always lived like a man, and have never gone begging ; that what I have got I have always got with my own hands, honestly. I should have taken his advice. He has always given me good advice, and told me to live like a white man ; and I have al- THE TRA(ii:iJY OF TIIK LAVA IJKDS. 681 ways tried to do it, and did do it, until this war started. I iiardly know how to talk here, I don't know how wliite peo- ple talk in such a place as this ; but I will do the best I can." The Judge-Advocate said, in a kindly wa}', "Talk exactly as if you were at home, in a council." Jack went on to tell how he and his people had become fearful of treachery on account of Captain Jackson's surprise, on account of the treatment of the Hot Creek Indians, on account of the threatening word sent to him by white men, on account of the misrepresenta- tions of the squaw messengers. lie told how his warriors re- fused to obey him; how they attacked the settlers without his knowledge ; how they taunted him ; and, as he came to the point where he gave way under the awful pressure that was brought upon him, he broke down. Ilis throat choked up; he could speak no further. At his request the Commission adjourned to the next day, with pei:mission to him to continue then. On the next day he resumed his address, but the flood of tender feelings that liad overwhelmed him on the preceding day had given way to the stoical desperation whieh. characterizes his race when the shadow of death is over them. In a few curt sentences he pointed out the guilt of the four informers, and sat down. The Judge-Advocate submitted the instructions and de- tailed report of Captain Jackson, showing that he had acted in accordance with his instructions when he surprised the camp on Lost River. He acquitted Jack of any complicity in the attack on the settlers immediately following this oc- currence, and submitted the case without argument. There could be but one result. The prisoners were found guilty on both charges and sentenced to be hanged. A strong influ- ence was exerted with President Grant for a commutation of the sentence. The National Association to Promote Univer- sal Peace, the American Indian Aid Association, and many individuals, petitioned in their behalf. One good Quaker brother offered, if the President would comnmte their sen- tence to imprisonment on some ocean island, to go there and devote his life to their enlightenment and salvation. For the information of the President, the Judge- Advocate, II. P. Cur- tis, reported that Barncho and Slolox were common soldiers, 5S5 MASSACRES OF THE MOUxNTAINS. who appcftrcd to have acted under the orders of their chief; tiiat they were ignorant and devoid of perception — in short, little uhove the level of tlio i)rute; that they did not seem to understand the nature of their trial or appreciate their dan- ger; and that Slolox, from choice, sat on the floor during the trial, much of the time asleep. Under this statement the sen- tences of Barncho and Slolox were commuted to imprison- ment for life on the Island of Alcatraz, in the harhor of San Francisco. Tlie others were executed at Fort Klamath on October 3, 1873, in accordance with the sentence. They were all hanged from one long scaffold. Tiiey mounted it firmly, and with no tremor stood through the preliminary proceedings, though Jack showed the signs of internal tor- mdnt in his face, lie had asked for delay that morning, but on being .assured that it could not be granted — that he must die — he said, " I am ready to go to the (treat Father." The orders for execution and the reprieve for IJarncho and Slo- lox, which had arrived the night before, were read from the scaffold. The chaplain prayed fervently and the signal was given. As the drop fell, an involuntary cry of horror went up from the tiiroats of over five hundred Klamaths, who had assembled to witness the execution. From the stockade, where the Modoc captives stood, in full view of the scene, rose shrieks and wails of anguish. It was over.' The white man's justice was satisfied. The decision of the President was just. It seems wrong that these men should Lc hang(!d for the very offenc.e for which Ben Wright nnd Jii* men were feted and rewarded, but the wrong done was i'l failing to punish the white as- sassins. If criminals wen^ to be pardoned because equally guilty men have escaped, there would be an end to all pun- ishment. They knew they were committing a crime. Few criminals have a keener sense of their offending than did Captain Jack. He would not have debated so long before taking the fatal step if he had not known its evil nature. It was right that he should be hanged — and yet we killed him much as you would kill the mad dog that bites the hand ex- tended to caress him, and we had helped to make him mad. Was it strange that the son of Dr. Thomas said, "The wick- TIIK TRAGEDY OF THE LAVA 1JE1)8. 5S3 edncss of white men caused tny father's death?" The re- mainder of the tribe, cxceptin<^ those who were murdered wliile prisoners, were sent east. Most of them were hjcated at tlie Quapaw Agency, where, under chief J'ogus Charley, they have become models of industry and j^ood- behavior. Several of the worst men were sent to Fort Marion, at St.- Augustine, Florida, and put under charge of Captain Pratt, of training-school fame. Under liis labors they were con- verted to Christianity, and if testimony can be believed they underwent an actual change of heart. In 1879 Steamboat Frank, the unhanged murderer of 1873, was installed as pas- tor in the Modoc church on the Quapaw reservation. It is well that by penance and good works thoy should expiate their wrong-doing, but great must be the grace that has come upon them if the face of Krent-poos does not haunt them. Unfortunate man ! Drawn by forces whose ])ower we can scarcely imagine, he fell — fell hopelessly. Who shall rc- nroach his memory? It was a divine wisdom that taught us all to pray, " Lead us not into teniptation," for if the right temptation come, in open strength, or hidden under deceptivo covering, who shall withstand it ? CHAPTER XVIII. THE LITTLE BIG HORN. The Sioux war of 1876 was more like the wars between civilized natioiis, in its itiception, than any conflict that ever occurred between the whites and the Indians. There were the same violations of compacts on botli sides, the same dip- lomatic skirmishing, and the same deliberate preparation for wholesale killing, that the civilized world lias decided to be proper when two nations have reached so belligerent a feel- ing that peace is no longer satisfactory to eitiier. On paper, our rehitions with the Sioux remained as they were established in 18G8, when we abandoned the Montana road. Tiiere was then set off to the western tribes, as a reservation, all of Da- kota Territory west of the Missouri lliver and south of parallel 46 — practically, the southwest quarter of the terri- tory. This reservation, by the treaty, " is set ai)art for the absolute and undisturbed use and occupation of the Indians lierein named, and for such other friendly tribes or individual Indians as from time to time they may be willing, witii the consent of the United States, to admit amo'.igst them ; and tlie United States now solemnly agrees that no persons except those herein designated and authorized so to do, cud except such officers, agents, and employes of the government as may be authorized to enter upon Indian reservations in discharge of duties enjoined by law, shall ever be ])ermitted to pass over, settle upon, or reside in tlie territory described in this article, or in such territory as may be added to tiiis reservation for the use of said Indians; and henceforth they will and do hereby relinquish all claims or right in and to any portion of the United States or Territories, except such as is embraced in the limits aforesaid, and except as hereinafter provided." Tlie subsequent provision referred to is Article 16, as follows: THE LITTLE BIG HORN. 585 "The United States hereby agrees and stipulates that the country north of the North Phitte River and east of the sum- mits of the Big Horn Mountains sliall be held and considered to be unceded Indian territory, and also stipulates and agrees that no white person or persons shall be permitted to settle upon or occnpy any portion of the same; or without the con- sent of the Indians, lirst had and obtained, to pass through the same." The land covered by this article is " the Powder liiver country," and the article closes with the agreement that the Montana road, and all the posts along it, shall be aban- doned. During these eight years material changes had been tak- ing place in other respects which altered the relations of the two races. The completion of the Pacific Railway, and the wonderful advance of minor lines into the plains, had carried an enormous population into tlie West, Kajisas, Iowa, Ne- braska, Colorado, Wyoming, Montana, and Eastern Dakota were filling up rapidly, and assuming the appearance of long- settled countries, il.'^ whites were strong in their numbers and their facilities for transportation. They had grown used to the Indian as the loafer and drunkard, and had no great fear of him in any character. Among the whites were many minerij who looked with longing eyes on the Black Hills (a literal translation of the Sioux name. Pah-sap-pa), which lay wholly within the reservation. Tiiis truct of mountain coun- try was almost unknown. It was partially surrounded by the Bad Lands, which formed a barrier that the emigrant shunned. The Indians M'cnt into the Ilills but kittle. They considered it a "medicine" country, inhabited by their supornaturals, and not to be rashly iiiV.ided, though they occasionally hunted ii; its borders, or cut lodgc-polcs in its pine woods. Lieutenant Warren (afterwards a Confederate general) attempted to go into it in 1857, hv.-. when in the neighborhood of Inyan Kara, a peak on the western side, ho was met by a delegation of Sioux chiefs and warned back. They said it was sacred ground, t was commonly believed tluv'; there was gold in the Black Hills, even before gold was discovered in California. In 1817, Parkman recounted how his trapper frieu'l, Reynal, had stood on one of these mountains and said : " Many a tliue, when I 586 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. TIIK DAD LANDS. was with the Indians, I have been hunting for gold all through the Black Hills. There's plenty of it liere ; you may be cer- tain of that. I have dreamed about it fifty times, and I never dreamed yet but what it came out true. Look over yonder at those black rocks piled up against that other big rock. Don't it look as if there might be something there? It won't do for a white man to be rummaging too much about these mountains; the Indians say they are full of bad spirits; and I believe myself that it's no good luck to be hunting about here after gold. Well, for all that, I would like to have one of those fellows up here, from down below, to go about with Ills witch-hazel rod, and I'll guarantee that it would not lie long before he would light on a gold mine." No one knew whether there was gold in the Hills or not, but there grew up that strong faith in its existence which miners always have in regard to a country diftieult of access. !Man ever hopes for much from the unknown. Imagination THE LITTLE BIG HORN. 587 furnishes the only statistics by wliich it may be judged, and imagination is lioeral. The first recorded discovery of gold ill the Black Hills was made by Toussaint Kensler, a half- breed who had worked in the placers of Alder Gulch, Mon- tana. He had been under arrest for murder, but escaped, and fur a long time was not seen in the haunts of men. He then reajipcared at the agencies on the Missouri, with several goose- quills full of gold dust, and a fossil skull which he said he had found in the Had Lands, when returning from these diggings that he had discovered. He was rearrested, convicted, and hung for the murder, but he left a map which shows a full acquaintance with the country he claimed to have examined. He said he found the gold on what is now called Amphibi- ous Creek, a tributary of the South Fork of the Choj-enrie, about ten miles above its month. The Indians sometimes brought in pieces of rock, bearing gold, and trappers occa- sionally reported discoveries of the metal. It is quite prob- pble that Wetmore, the man who started the story of the *' Lost Cabin," that great vjn'iH fatum of the miners, obtained the gold, which he l)rought home, from the Black Hills. The interest in the country grew so strong that intlucnce was brought to bear on the government, and an exploring ex- ])edition was ordered. It consisted of over twelve hundred men, with four Gatling guns and a large supply-train, accom- piiiiied by sixty Indian scouts, all under command of General Tcorge A. Custer. The movement was called a military re- '.jnnoissanco, and said to be a military necessity; but the ex- ] I'dition certainly devoted more time to investigating the miiiP'.il and agricultural resources of the region than to any- ,!.iiig else. It was accompanied by a number of miners and prospectors, who carefully examined the country along the lines of march and exploration. Custer mentions one in- stance in which thov excavated to a depth of ei^-ht feet in their exploitations. They demonstrated the existence of gold beyond all reasonai)le questioning, but owing to some con- troversy that arose afterwards, the government sent another to the Iliils, in the followinsr year, for the exi)ress i>ur- party pose of investigating the gold indications. If this fact does iiut lift the thin disguise of military necessity from the lirst 588 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. expedition, one could hardly imagine what would. The Cus- ter expedition did not return until September, and the reports from it were so goldenhued that the excitement grew fever- ish. Parties were organized to go into the Hills, treat}' or no treaty, and some of them did go. The Indians complained, and threatened to attack them if they were not removed. The military authorities denied for a time that any one had gone in, but on December 24 it was conceded that one party of twe:ity-one had evaded their watchful eyes. A company of Ch' r •• '"as sent after them, but returned, after almost perishiiij. n cold, without finding +hem. They remained in the Ilih. ..11 winter and greeted many OLuv:r« in the spring. There was no little dissatisfaction among the Indians over this invasion, and war was seriously contemplated. The far- sighted Red Cloud sent men to ascertain the probable num- ber of buffalo, and their report showed that no reliance could be put on this food supply for any grca*^^ time. The slaugh- ter of buffalo in the past six or eight years had been prodig- ious. Careful investigators have estimated it at a million a year. It may have been less than that, but it was enor- mous. The buffalo had disappeared from the eantern side of the mountains altogether. The plains of Kansas, Colorado, Nebraska, and Dakota, which had once been alive with them, no longer shook beneath their migrations. The valleys of the Arkansas, Platte, Cheyenne, and their tributaries were de- serted. The buffalo range was limited to the Powder River country. Red Cloud took in the situation. lie decided for peace. In January, 1875, he and Spotted Tail expressed a desire to visit Washington and make arrangements for selling the Black Hills. To this request the government acceded. In the spring, miners began to flock into the Hills. The In- terior Department called on the military to put them out. The troops made several trips for this purpose, brought out the gold-hunters, and turned them over to the civil authorities for trial. The civil authorities turned them loose, and they went back. Each time they went back their numbers were greatly increased. During the summer Professor Jenney made his exploration of the Hills, to settle the question of the existence of gold. He had no ditliculty in learning that THE LITTLE BIG HORN. 589 tliere was gold, from the miners who were there extracting it. The Hills contained probably a thousand miners in the fall of 1875. Custer City had been laid out, and people were com- ing in, with but little show of resistance. It has often been claimed that the Black Hills question had nothing to do with the Sioux war of 1876, but the claim is partisan and untrue. In June, 1875, a commission was ap- pointed by the President to secure from the Indians the right of mining in the Black Hills. They met with all the Teton tribes, the Northern Cheyennes and Arapahoes, and representatives of the Yanktons and Yanktonnais, September 17, 1875, at the plain north of Crow Butte, eight miles east of Bed Cloud agency, on White liiver. They found the In- dians in two parties, as to the sale. The larger party favored sale, but demanded sums ranging from t' rty to fifty millions in payment. The smaller party, nearly all young men, op- posed selling, on any terms. Their dissension became so bit' ter that a tight would probably have ensued but for the ef- forts of Young Man Afraid of his Horses, the leader of the " soldiers," or police force. The form in which the Indians wlio were willing to sell put their demand was, " Subsistence for seven gonerations ahead, or so long as we live." Tiieir argument, as repeated by all the chiefs who spoke, was sub- stantially as made by the Cheyenne chief, Little Wolf. He said : " You are here to buy the gold regions in those Black Hills. There has been a great deal stolen from those Hills already. ... If the Great Father gets this country from us, it is a rich country and we want something to pay us for it. We want to be made rich too. There is gold and silver and a great many kinds of mineral in that country. The Great Fatiier gets that for the whites. They will live on it and be- come rich. We want him to make us rich also." They re- fused absolutely to sell the Powder River country, and it was dropped from consideration on the first day. They dwelt much on the value of Pah-sap-pa. It was their " house, of gold." It was "worth more than all the wild beasts and all the tame beasts in the possession of the white people." Said Crow Feather; "Even if our Great Father should give a hundred dilTcrent kinds of live-stock to each Indian house 590 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. every year, it seems that would not pay for tlie Black Hills. I was not born and raised on this soil for fun. No, indeed. ... I hope the Great Father will look and see how many millions of dollars have been stolen out of the Black Ilills, and when he finds it out, I want the Great Father to pay us that." They offered to allow one road, and only one, wiiit-h they designated as "the thieves' road." This, on inquiry, was found to be Custer's trail, over which several parties of miners had gone into the Hills. Little Bear claimed that white men had been in the Hills for four years, and Lone Horn said seven. The commission offered to lease the coun- try at $400,000 per year, so long as the whites should use it, or to give them $0,000,000 in iifteen annual instalments for their title, which propositions the assembled Sioux received with dc' isive laughter. The commission was obliged to re- turn unsuccessful. It reported: "AVe do not believe their temper or spirit can or will be changed until they are made to feel the power as well as the magnanimity of the govern- ment." It recommended that the government set its own price, and force the Sioux to accept it. In justice to the commission, it should be remembered that the same chiefs, who denutuded $50,000,00 in the morning, wonld be begging for a shirt in the evening, and that it was believed that white men had urged them to ask this large sum. However, irre- spective of all other questions, it is evident that the Sioux valued the Hills highly, part of them because they desired the country itself, and part of them on account of what they hoped to obtain for it. There appears no reason for suppos- ing that either party would be contented to see it taken by the miners without payment to them, or for a much smaller payment tlian they considered it worth. At this time the Sioux nation could hardly be said to have the same divisions that were formerly recognized. The Teton Sioux had become divided into fonr main bodies after the treaty of 1868, and had mixed largely with the Yanktonnais and Sissetons. Their agencies had all been on the Missouri until 1874, and then, on stated grounds of the contaminating effects of the settlements. Red Cloud and Spotted Tail agen- cies were removed to the southeast of the Black Hills. With THE LITTLE BIG HORN. 591 the usual care that marks tlie transaction of Indian business, both agencies were located in Nebraska, off the reservation. At Red Cloud agency there were supposed to be 9100 Ogal- lallas and 3700 Chcyennes and Arapahoes. Tliere was no such number of genuine Ogallallas. The tribe had been reinforced by other Sioux, attracted by Ilcd Cloud's fame. At Spotted Tail (Whetstone) agency tliere were reported 8400 Brules and 1200 Minneconjous. At Cheyenne Iliver agency, on the Mis- souri, there were 7G00 Two Kettles, Sans Arcs, Minneconjous, and lilackfeet Sioux. At Standing Hock agency, on the Mis- souri, were 7300, of whom 4200 were Yanktonnais, and the remainder Oncpapas and Blackfeet Sioux. At Fort Peck agency (Milk River), Montana, were 0000 Indians, sometimes called Tetons, but not, in fact, for 2000 of them were Assina- boines, and the remainder Yanktonnais and Sissetons, except about 400 who were Tetons proper. These were all the Te- tons except the roaming tribes, which were estimated at 3000, as follows: Black Tigers, 150; Long Sioux, 200; Shooters, 1»00; Tatkannais, 700; Oncpapas, 450; White Eagles, 200; Yellow Livers, 350. These Indians lived in the Powder River country, and roamed extensively, all of which they had the right to do, under the treaty of 1868. The most celebrated chiefs of these bands were Crazy Horse and Sitting Bull. Crazy Horse was an Ogallalla, although the Indians with him, in the spring of 1876, were chietly Nortliern Clieyennes and IMinneconjous, numbering not more than five or six hundred. Sitting Bull's band was still smaller, consisting of only thirty or forty lodges in times of peace, but in war times increasing rapidly. Sitting Bull (Ta-tan-kah-yo-tan-kah) was a born fighter. lie is said to be a half-breed Oncpapa, thougii he signed the treaty of 1868 as an Ogallalla. At this time he was somewhat broken by disease, but he was still of fine physique. His hair was brown, his complexion light, his face badly scarred by small- pox. There was probably no other Sioux who could make so proud a showing of individual prowess as he. About the year 1870 a Yanktonnais Indian brought to Fort Buford an old roster of the 31st Infantry, which had, on the blank sides of the leaves, a series of portraitures of the doings of a mighty 592 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. warrior. They were quite skilfully executed, in brown and black inks, with coloring added for the horses and clothing. The totem in the corner of each pictograph, a buffalo bull on its haunches, connected with the hero by a line, revealed the fact that it was a history of Sitting Bull, who, with a following of sixty or seventy warriors, had been depredating in the neigh- borhood for several years. The Yanktonnais finally admitted that he had stolen it from Sitting Bull, and sold it for a dollar and a half's worth of supplies. The first twenty-three pictures SITTING BULL S FIRST ADVKNTl-RE. showed his slaughter of enemies of all descriptions, men, women, and children, Indians, teamsters, mail-men, frontiers- men, railroad hands, soldiers. He was as impartial as deatii itself. The next twelve show his exploits as a collector of horses, a pursuit in which he displayed good taste and an in- satiable craving for horse-flesh. He may fairly be considered one of the ablest horse-thieves the country ever produced. The last two pictures show him as leader of the Strong Hearts, a Sioux fraternity for war purposes — Knights of the Terres Mauvaises, as it were — storming two Crow villages. THE LITTLE BIG HORN. 593 blTTINli HUM, STOIi.MS A CHOW BXCAMI'MKNT AND TAKKS TIIIllTY SCALPS 111 one of tlieso tif^Iits tli'-^v scalps were taken. Tlicse pict- ure records are u'lially ac> irate. Ordinarily they are made on buffalo rol)es, and kept by the hero for display among his own people, who are acquainted with the facts of which he boasts. In this case the pictorial history was conlirined by knowledge that the whites already had of this doughty war- rior. While, therefore, Sitting Bull was not a chief of any par- ticular prominence during times of peace, he had a record as a fighter, and a reputation as a skilful commander, that made iiim a loadstone to the discontented Sioux of the agencies. Even the agency Sioux who were not discontented were not averse to the society of their roaming brethren. Eveiy sum- mer they would slip away in small parties for a few months' sport with the bad Indians. Sometimes they would massacre a few Crows, or Blackfeet, or Arickarees, Sometimes they would practice shooting at the miners of Montana. Some- times they would gather some cattle and horses from the set- tlers in Wyoming. These statements are not flights of fancy. The official records for seven months, from July 1, 1875, to the spring of ISTO, show seventeen attacks on the whites in 3S 694 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. Yellowstone A'alley alone, nine men killed, ten wounded, and a large amount of property stolen. These depredations caused general complaints from whites and friendly Indians. The ('rows, especially, who were trying to adopt civilization, suf- fered severely from these attacks. We were under obliga- tions to protect them, and all other tribes that had accepted reservations in good faith, but we neglected to do so for many years. It was an established custom of the early days for the whites to stand neutral when two or more Indian tribes were at war among themselves. Each tribe would object to any interference except as an ally to it, and interference could therefore result oidy in making one or all tiie tribes hostile. It was clearly politic for the whites to stand back and permit them to enjoy themselves ; so the mountain tribes and plains tribes kept up a ])erpetual warfare, as they had done from tra- ditional times. As the country became more settled these wars became more annoying. If a band were disappointed in its search for Indian enemies, it was liable to take some lonely settler as a substitute. Many such affairs occurred, one of the most SITTIN'O nrLL SCALPS A TKAMSTEH. THE LITTLE BI« HOKN. 595 SITTING nUI.L STEALS A PROVK OK IIOIISKS, k « celebrated being the Iliiwlin's Springs massacre of Jnne 28, 1S73. On that occasion a party of Arapahoes went on the war-path against the Crows, bnt Jiearing that Us Corbeaux were on tlie alert, they turned to tr}' the Utes. Near Raw- lin's Springs thoy crossed the Pacific Railroad, and chanced to meet a lone teamster driving four mules. They attacked him, bnt he lired on them and escaped. A party at once started after the Indians, who, on being overtaken, claimed to be friendly Utes. They would have gone unharmed, on that theory, had they not happened to have some stolen horses which were recognized by the whites. These were de- manded, and duritig the controversy that ensued the Arap- ahoes undertook to run, firing back with their pistols as they went. The whites opened fire, killed four of them, and returned in triumph with eight captured horses. As we placed the more tractable tribes on reservations and en- deavored to lead them into civilized ways, our duty of protection became stronger. The reservation Indian who honestly desired to work had to go to the field with his rifle in one hand and his hoe in the other. They complained bitterly. The Crows said : " We might just as well go out and kill white men as to try to be good Indians, for we get 596 MAS8ACHES OF TIIK MOUNTAINS. neither protection nor reward for beinj; fjjood." Tlic depre- dations of tiie roiiining Sioux were infractions of the treatv, justifyinij hostilities on our ])art. Tiie only i)ad-looly we an* ]ia( IIo stai vie "C( for the it ij lar^ div: to s one of] 22d van lien twei Tiic was divi tecti mov ards 8tre£ byt THE LITTLE BIG HORN. 607 the steamer Far West movintj; up the river at the same time. A conference was held, and it was determined to make a fjrand surround, it beinj? now reasonably certain that the In- dians were between the Rosebud and tlie Big Horn, probably un the Little Big Horn. Gibbor M'as to cross the Yellow- stone near the mouth of the Big Horn, march to the mouth of the Little Big Horn, by June 26, and then up the last- named stream. Meanwhile Custer was to march up the llosebud with the 7th Cavalry, to the trail discovered by lleno. Beyond that point Custer had virtually carte hlanche, by his written orders, but it was understood that if the trail were found to lead to the Little Big Horn he would pass it and continue southward long enough to allow Gibbon, who had all the infantry, to reach the month of the Little Big Horn. This he could not do before the 26th. This under- standing is substantially set forth in Custer's orders, as the views of General Terry, with the desire that Custer should "conform to them" unless he should "see sufficient reason for departing from them." It was evidently the object of the movement to get the Indians between the two forces, but it is equally evident that either comnuvnd was supposed to be large enough to safely engage all the hostiles. The object of division of forces was to j)revent the escape of the Indians, to surround the hostiles, aiid bring the campaign to a close at one blow. Jso one, as yet, had any suspicion of the number of Indians they were to meet. Custer moved up the Rosebud on the afternoon of the 22d twelve miles, and encamped. On the next day he ad- vanced thirty-three miles, striking the lodge -pole trail that Reno had found. On the 24th he followed this trail for twenty-eight miles, still up the Rosebud, and went into camp. The scouts were kept ahead. At half -past nine a council was called, and Custer announced his intention of crossing the divide to the Little Big Horn that night, in order to avoid de- tection by the hostiles. At eleven o'clock the regiment moved on, up one of the small feeders of the Rosebud, tow- ards the Little Big Horn. The divide between these two streams is only about twenty miles across at this point, but by the course followed, up the tributary of the Rosebud, and 608 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. down a tributary of the Little l>ienteen. They then charged on the other side, but were ie?>uised by a like counter-charge under Major Reno. It was now ten o'clock, and the men, especially the wounded, were suffering for water. Volunteers were called for, and a party was soon scrambling down to tin river, under cover of the Are of their comrades T' y si.' cured enough to moisten the lips of all, but <' lalf a dozen brave men on tlieir road. The Indi; en began moving to the valley, presumably either to ge. methin - to eat or more ammunition, and the soldiers hasten i t< ,vt a good supply of water before they fehould return. Thiy did not come back. At two o'clock they fired the grass in the valley, and under cover of the heavy smoke began prepani- tions for their final departure. About sunset they emerged from the clouds of smoke and filed awav m the direction of THE LITTLE lilii IIOKN. 611 the Uig Horn Mountniiis. liciio niuved Lis position that night, so as to eecuro a full supply of water, but the Indians had gone to stay. The only arrival during the night was Lieutenant De Kudio, who had become separated fntm the foniinand in the timber, where he had been hiding ever since. In the morning Terry and Gibbon came up. They had seen nothing of Custer. Tntil this time no one had felt any serious apprehension for Custer's command. Reno and lienteen supposed he had fallen back, down the river, and united with Terry. Terry and Gibbon had received word by the Crow scouts that Cus- ter had been defeated, but did not believe it. Captain Ben- teen was sent out with a company of cavalry to make a search. He struck the broad trail that Custer had left, and in that trail was read the recoru of their progress to death, as plainly as though it were written in words. From the point where Reno crossed the river, Custer had marched rapidly down the north bank, keeping back of the crests of the bluffs, for a little more than three miles. Then his trail swung around to the river, but did not cross it. It turned back on itself and still bore down the river. The fighting began at this turning-point, as was shown by the bodies of men and horses first appearing there. Custer had probably intended to strike the lower end of the village, but, not knowing its ex- tent, had attempted to cross the river near the middle of the village. He had been ambushed and driven back. He had been pressed so closely that there was no opportunity for a stand. Three quarters of a mile back from the river Captain Calhoun's company had been thrown across the line of retreat as a rear-guard. They died at tlieir posts. Stretched across the trail in irregular line, with Calhoun and Lieutenant Crit- tenden in place at the rear, were the bodies of all the compa- ny — dead, where they had been stationed, in the attempt to save the remainder of the command. Under cover of this check, the rest of the force had fallen back a mile farther and gi led a better position ; but the remorseless Sioux were on their heels. The force was now disposed in something like military order. The centre, on a small ridge, was held by Yates's company On the left was Keogh's company, with its 612 MASSACRES OF TIIF MOUNTAINS. right flank resting on the ridge. On tlie riglit was Smitli's company. Captain Tom Custer's company was probably in the right centre. Tiie brunt of the attack came first on Kcogh's company, which went down, as Caihonn's had, in line. There was no chance to aid them. The Indians were pressing on every side. It has been learned from Sitting Bull that at this point the Indians captured most of the horses, by circling the liill to the right (of the Indians) and driving them away from the rear. The superior forces of the Indians, and the shrewdness and daring of their fighting, can be judged from this movement. They knew where the horses were and that they wanted only these to make their prey secure. The plains Indians have not the nerve to ride to certain death, but they charge as gal- lantly as any cavalrymen that ever rode, when they are confi- dent of success. They had trampled down Keogh's men like ripened grain, as they dashed to the rear to secure the horses. The attack now came on the left centre — from the front, rear, and left flank. The fire poured in on the little ridge must. have been terrific. Custer fell there, with nearly all his offi- cers. Around his body were those of Captain Yates, Colonel Cook, and Lieutenant Kiley. Close by were Boston Custei'. the general's brother, Autie Reed, his nephew, and Kellog::, the Ilemid correspondent, all civilians who had accompanicil the expedition. Around these were the bodies of Yates's com- pany. Just beyond was the corpse of Tom Custer, the gener- al's brother, with part of his men ; and a little farther on lay Captain Smith. The positions of the bodies showed that the remnants of Custer's and Sujith's companies, their ofticcrs all dead, and themselves surrounded on three sides by the foe. had fallen back through a ravine to the river, leaving twenty- three dead along the line of retreat. Near the river tliev stoppecV They had ail tlio surviving uncaptured horses with them. It is probable either that the sight of the village, ex- tending yet below them, showed them there was no chance for escape, or that thoy >vere liere met by some new force. Here, at least, they died. The only man of the entire command that escaped wav " Curly," a Crow scout. When fluster was surrounded on the 11 lay t till" s all foe, ciity- tllt'V witii je, ex- laiu'c force. (1 was- )n the hi ioi in th( coi til sin ba( ing All sab ere Th wai Lie as 1 and Sio Cm pro to \ no soin t]re( bnt Ind: IkkI of tl to ]V: ante quel wen non- man and eldei in w but, THE LITTLE BIG HORN. 015 hill, be slipped down a ravine, let down his hair in Sioux fash- ion, changed his paint, secured a Sioux blanket, and succeeded in getting among the enemy during a charge. He mounted the horse of a fallen warrior and made his escape during the confusion of the battle. He says he did not leave Custer un- til the fight on the hill was almost ended. He saw Cubter sink to a sitting posture, from a shot in his side, and then fall back, struck by a second bullet. It has been reported as hav- ing been claimed by some of the hostiles who fled into British America, that Custer was the last to fall; and that he died, sabre in hand, shot by Rain in the Face. The story is hardly credible. Custer was not the last to fall, beyond question. The evidence that has been obtained all goes to show that he was not even the last olficer who fell on the ridge, but that Lieutenant-colonel Cook survived the others. Curly says that as he rode away, when nearly a mile distant, he looked back and saw a dozen or more soldiers, in a ravine, fighting the Sioux, who hemmed them in on all sides. This was after Custer's death, as the position of the bodies and the trail itself proved. The opinion most prevalent among Dakota people, to whom the talk of the Indians drifts, sooner or later, is that no one knows certainly wh(» killed Custer — that he died by some bullet that could never be identiiied among the hun- dreds that were flying. Of course it is possible that Rain in the Face shot him ; but the real basis of this story was the imprisonment of this Indian, and his probable desire for revenge. In 1873 Custer had been sent with an expedition to protect a surveying-party of the Xortheni Paciflc Railroad Company, from the Missouri to Montana. They crossed the country which had been guar- anteed the Sioux, by the treaty of 18(58, and which was conse- quently occupied by " hostiles." On this expedition the troops were attacked by the Sioux, and, at the time of the attack, two non-coml)atatit8 were killed while scparatcefore the other troops were within supporting distance, and equally so that Custer's friends should have returned tlie attack !)y accusations of disobedience and cowardice against Reno and lientccn. There was no occasion for either. The aifair is ])ardonable on one account, and one * Tlic Imim'cs of tlic sun daiK c are iiljoiil lli(> siiinr as tliosc of llic Miin dans, (Icscrilicd ami illustratrd l»y Callin. The suspension tost is ninde l>y liDiigini; tlie rimdidate on chords iiftHsed under various muscles or sinew.s, un- til tlie llesii irives aic atiaeiied to tlie linilis to iiasleii liie desired result. Haiti in the Face was hung by cords pa.sst'd under the muscles iit Uie base of die shoulder blades. THE LITTLE BIU HORN. G17 Man Ic liy i, nil- oinc Hiiin if (lie only ; and all of its minor happenings fall under the same ex- cuse. ]S'o one with Custer's command, or with Terry or Gibbon or Crook, had any thought that there was so large a force of hostiles ; and none of them had any reason to suspect its real strength. The roaming Indians were reported by the Indian De- partment to numljcr ;3(J(lO,which meant a fighting force of OOD — possibly SOO. Tlie information from other sources did not indi- cate any e.\cess over this iigure. On March 22, General Crook, reporting the attack on Crazy Horse's village, said : "Crazy Ilurse had with him the Northern Cheycnnes and Minnecon- jous, probably in all one half the Indians off the reservation." This camp consisted of 110 lodges, or less than GOO people. From this statement it would appear that the military ex])ect- ed a hostile force of not to exceed 1200, or a fighting force of ;!!)out 250. Agent Howard, of Spotted Tail agency, replying to Crook's report, said, on April 1 : " Very few, if any, of these Indians have been north this season, and I have heard of none who were in copartnership with those of the North." Agent Hastings, of lied Cloud agency, in a similar communication, on April ;5, said : "The agency Indians appear to take but little interest in what has transpired north ; but the disastrous re- sult may have a tendency to awaken the old feeling of superi- ority. I have experienced no ditHc\ilty whatever in taking the census, but have been somewhat delayed on account of the weather." There was in these reports no cause to anticipate that the hostilcs would be materially reinforced from these agencies. General Sherman, wluisc position put him in pos- session of all the information that could be had, referring to Custer's departure on June 22, said ; "Up to this moment there was nothing ofMeial or private to justify an ofHcer to ex- ])C •♦^ that any detacliment could encounter more than 500, or, at the maximum, 800 hostile warriors." There was nothing, after that moment, from which (duster or any of his oilicers had any reason to change that estimate, until they were fairly within the clutches of the enemy. This was a wide miscalculation. The Indians from all the Sioux agencies began slipping away to the hostiles as soon as sju'ing gave signs of approach, and when Custer struck them, there were together, as noitrly as cm bo judged, abotit one 618 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. half of all the Sioux in Dakota. As soon as the fight on the Little Big Horn had shown what the real state of affairs was, the military authorities insisted on taking control of the agen- cies, and, on July 22, the Secretary of the Interior acceded to the demand. The soldiers at once took possession of the agencies, and made a careful census of the Indians remain- ing on the reservations. At Red Cloud, instead of 12,873 Indians, there were 4760. At Spotted Tail, instead of 9010, there were found to be 2315. At Cheyenne River, instead of Y58G, there were found 2280. At Standing Rock, instead of 7322, there were found 2305. In other words, there were 25,800 less Indians at these four agencies than belonged there, according to the reports of the Indian Bureau. These, with the 3000 roaming Indians, who were always off the reserva- tions, make 28,800, to which there could safely be added a considerable number as representatives from other agencies, notably from Fort Peck. It is certain that a large portion of the Indians, off the reservations when the censuses were taken by the military, had left after reports of the Little Big Horn fi. If this were correct, the maximum number of warriors that could fairly be counted would be I5(Mt. The number as- sailing Reno, by the estimates of both Reno and Reiiteen, was about tXMi. The result of Whittaker's argument, there- fore, would be that Custer was driven back by a party smalU-r thaJi that assailing Reno, and Custer had two companies more tiian Reno. Renteen's course is also attacked by Caj)tain Whittaker, but in this his ]»remises arc incorrect. His argu- ment is based on the time consumed in Benteen's movements, and his time and distances are fixed by the time when Ren- teen watered his horses, which he assumes to have occurred when crossing the river. The horses were watered at a mo- rass, some distance back on the main trail. The unjustness of the estimate of our olncers has been increased by an under- estimate of the Indian leaders. That they were men of ability to handle their forces is certain. That was a matter of noto- riety all through the campaign of ISTC). No more complete evidence of their skill could i)e given than the fact that neither of the three armies searching for them secured any knowledge of their numl)crs or position in advance. Crook had no idea of their strength until tliey fought him and turned him l)ack on the 2<>th of .lune. C'uster did not suspect it until they swarmed about him on the 2.')th. Terry and (libbon did not believe it possible for Custer to have been defeated, when the C.'ow scouts brought them word of it. It is a task requiring nnicli tact and skill for n commander to conceal 15,(M>(» people from the scouts of armies which are on all sides of hiu). The struggle with the Sioux was protracted. The hostiles THE LITTLE UKJ IIOUN. r,25 of tlie Little Dl'j^ Horn f jparatcd into two hands, Sitting Bull's Indians rcmainiiiiif in the west, and Crazy Horse's inovini^ tow- ards the east. The war spirit was awakened throuj^lioiit tho Sioux nation, and warriors were coiistaJitly leaving the reser- vations. Colonel Merritt inrereepted and drove back a party of 900 Clieyennes, that had started from Ued (-loud, hut many others gained the hostile camps. In a short time small parties were raiding in all directions. Keinforcemeiits and supplies for the troops were hurried forward, but autumn had arrived before they were ready for active operations. On September 29, Captain Mills, of Crook's command, with 150 men, surprised the eamp of American Horse (Wa-se-chun-Ta- shun-kah, i. lodges surrendered. Sitting I'ull, with his batid proper, escaped to the Nc^rth, and was after- wards j(jined by t'H'cral others. One band of 11*.) lodges, under Iron Dog (Shon-ka-.\I>-za) gained the Vaidvtonnais reservatioL* and dissolved .'ust pt.vious to this time the Indians on the reservations were disarmed and dismounted. The same policy was pursued towards all the hostiles th.it came in snl)scU(l ponies were captured. Owing a) cold weather, oper- ations wero thereafter sus|)ended in this department, but were maintained in the Departnu'ut of Dakot;*. On December 7 Lieutenant I'»!ild\vi;i, with 100 men, attacked Sitting Ihdl's camp of I'.H) lodges, and drove him across the Missouri into the l)ad lands. On the ISth IJaldwin surj)iised their cani|) and captured all its contents, together with 00 horses. Tiie Iiidi.ms escaped across the Yellowstone in a state of dostitu- tio!i. Hearing of the reverses of Sitting Ihill, (,'razy Horse sent him word to join his camp, as he had plenty of men and supplies; but (ieiieral Miles learned of this from spies, and kept a force betwiu'ti the two bunds which prevc-nted their union. On Dec. 2\\ Miles started with t.'iO men and two can- THE LITTLK mc, HOllN. C27 lions ajj^ainst Crazy Horse, who had his winter oanip on the Tongue Kiver. The Iiuli.ms abandoned their village on liis approach, and were driven uj) the river from January 1 to January 7. On the evcjiing of the 7th, tlie advaneo captured a young warrior and seven Ciieyenne women and children, who were relatives of one of the Cioyenne head men. The Indians made a desperate atiompt t<> recover them that even- ing, and on the following morning OOO warriors engaged Miles. This liglit occurred on a spur of the Wolf ^[ountains. The ground was covered with snow and ice, and a blinding snow- storm came on during the action. The Indians were driven back over three rugged bluffs, which horses could not cross, and which men could sui.iount only with great difficulty. They then fled, having 1 »st heavily, and went through the Wolf Mountains in the directitm of the I»ig Horn range. Communication was opened with them through the cap- tives. On February I Miles sent word to them that they must surrender unconditionally or he would attack them again. In March, after consultation, they concluded to submit, and left nine men as hostages for their surrender, either to Miles or at the agencies. >]U0. under Two Moons, Hump, and other chiefs, surrendered to Miles on April 22. Over 2000, under Crazy Horse, surrendered at lied Cloud and Spotted Tail iigenciea in May. Sittin!. I'miU fled into Itritish America with his little band, and was thei<' joined by Iron Dog, (Jail, and other chiefs. Crazy Horse remained of the reservation near Camp Robin- son, until St-ptember. It was then learned that he was tiying to bring about another war. He was arrest(.'d, iuit tried to es- cape, while on his way to the guard-house, by running amuck through the crowd, striking with his knife at all who opposed him. He received a fatal womul, and died on Septetnl)cr 7. The 1 lodges. Colonel .Miles surprised and routed them, on tlie ni<#rning of May 7, on the Jloselunl, near the mouth of Muddy < 'i-eek. They lost 14 killed. i!)cluding Lame Deer, aJI their supplies, and 4r)0 ponies. Tiie remaining In- dians scattered, and Miles was snon after called away to stop 628 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. tlie N'ez; I'ercus, wlio were retreating tlirongli Montana. On Septonihor 20, 1876, the "lio«tiio" feelin, Issl, Sitting Mull, with his little baiul, red\iced to 45 met;, 67 women, and 73 '-hildren, surrendered at Fort I'uford. Two days later all the captive hostiles, numitering 2s2!t, were turned over to the agent at Standing Uock. There has been no troui)le of any impor tance with the Sionx since 1H77, and they are rejMtrtcd to be making remarkable [irogrcss in civilization. CIIAPTEIl XIX JOSKIMI'S NEZ I'KUCKS, TiiK meanest, most coiiteiiiptibk', least jnstitiablf thing that tlie Iriited States was ever guilty <»f was its treatment of the Lower Xez I'erct's. It will not lie nueessary to ti-ll the read- er of till- pri'ceding pages that the cctiidiu't ut' the Nez I't-rees had been of uniform Iriendship and kindness towards the Americans. Thoir call for missionaries, their support of the sottlers against the ovorbearin^r Hudson's Hay Coinpajiy, their offer of piotfotion to the Jiapwai Mission when Whitman had fallen a victim to the Caviihcs, their iM'otection and escort uf '^y Governor Stevens's party in IS,')."*, their stand for jieace when the other tribes were for war in 1855 and 185(?, their rescue of Steptoe's party in lS."iS, their assistance to our troops uijainst hostile Indians, havt- all been r«'corded. They also rt ■ cted proposals for hostilities from the Mormons, both be- fore and (hiring the civil war. It nuiy als(» be remembered that their friendship was of older »late than the matters treated of in the foregoing chapters; that they gav • Lewis and ("larkt! a reception which brought joy to the hearts of those weary explorers; that they furnished them food and refused pay for it ; that they careroperty while the ex|ie(lition made its way down the river, .inc maje>tically, and along their easti-rn 632 MASSACUL8 OF THE MOUNTAINS. base tlio Grande Jioiide Jiiver sweeps throujfh its great arc to the Snake. Uetweeii them is a rugged country impossible of cultivation. Through it, towards the east, runs the Iniiudia (Imniaha), down a narrow, rugged vale; through it towards the northwest flows the Wallowa (Wall-l<»w-how, Way-lee- way — the Winding Waters), with a valley larger and better than that of the other stream. The valley of the Wallowa was the very best of the land claimed by the Lower JSez Perec's, and it was not much to be desired. Captain Whipple reported of it, on August 2S, 1875, "The valley is only lit for stock-raising, as a busiiuss, and not desirable for that in consetiuence of the long wintTs; but the Indian horses would live throujih where the white man's cattle would ]>erish." It was even so worthlesb that Americans did not desire it. Says Captain Whip])le, " Th.e average American is not, as a rule, slow to take ailvantagc of eligible oi)enings to secure land 'claims' wiiich may prol>al)ly become valuable, but none of them seem anxious to locate tliem in Wallowa Valley. . . . The jxipiilaliop. is less than it was a year ago. Since the val- ley was restored to settlement, three families have disposed of their improvements for a trillc, and moved away; nor do I believe :uiy others have come in. Not a man has taken a claim in the valley since that time. One of the most enter- prising, reliaUk', and best citizens in the settlement, has told me. within the past week, that he thought the people of the valley were disappointed to learn it; was not to be taken for an Indian reservation; that he regretted it for one; that he should sell out at Hrst opportunity, and settle in a more pfomising locality. This shown liow the white people who reside here regard this valley. On the otiier hand, the In- dians love it." A straii^e man was old Joseph, a sturdy, strong-built man, with a will of Jron and a foresight that never failed him but once — when be welcomed the Americans to his country. lie had some stringe notions too. one of which was that "no HKin owned any |)art of the earth, and a iiuui couhl not sell what he did not own.*' He was ar iioor^rinal Henry (reorge in his idea that ownership in land should be limited to occu- pancy, and, if we may judge by the converts •:hait gentlema?i JOSEPH'S NEZ rEitcfis. 633 is making, ho was not without reason. Joseph continued frienJly to tlie whites, but he grew suspicious of tlieir trad- ing abilitiefi, and bade his people be careful how they inado bargains; the land ho would look after himself. Surely the white man would not get it away from him. He was very careful, indeed. He would not join in the treaty with (tov- ernor Stevens tintil his own land was reserved out of the cession. To be candi;!, he and his tribe claimed that he did not sigti the treaty at all, though his name is afHxed, but they evidently mean that ho never signed a treaty ceding his land, whi li is true. After the ratification of the treaty, in ls'A\ the other Indians received presents from the government and annuity goods; they had tools and Ijright clothing and guns, but Josei)h and his people took nom;. He said to theui, "These presents are the price of the land which is sold. If we take the i)ay, the white man will say he has bought our land also." So, for all those years after thii treaty the Lower Nez I'erces refused to receive any of the annuity goods, con- tented to know that the land of the Winding Waters was their own. Fooli.sh Indians', to think tiiat they could escape <>nr clutches in that way. In 1808 the whites had so encroached on the hinds of the Nez Perces, and whiskey 'was doing so much damage, that another treaty was considered necessary. Calvin II. Hale, Charles Ilutchins, and S. D. Howe negotiated it. The Upper Xez Perces accepted their present reservation of Lapwai, in Western Idaho. The Lower Xez Perces refused to join in the treaty. They had seen nothing to make them believe that their own course w.as not the best. The other tribes had been iieltiug very few of the tine thiiiirs that Governor Ste- veas had promised tlitMU. and what they did get was in gew- gaws that they did n-'t want ; for the Nez Perces always asked for substantial and useful goods. It must be confessed that the Lower Nez Perces twitted them a little, too, which was aniioying, thr-iigh natural. Agent Ilutchins said of this in ISt'i.'J, "The lid men of the tribe look with sorrow on the fact that they ejinnot relmt these flings by pointing to real evidences of the good faith of the white man's chief.'" lint .Joseph's band did not save their land l)y refusing to join. 634 MASSACKKS Ol" Tllli MOUNTAINS Tlie rppcr Nt'z Perec's sold all tlieir luiid except tlie reserva- tion, and that took awHV all the land of the Lower Nez I'erces. Do you not undfrstand it i It is the simplest thing in the World, (idvcrnor (irover discovered the way — the same (iov- ernor (irover that tried so hard to prevent the Itepublican party front stealing the government in l^K), by stealing the vote of Oregon himself — who was sent to the Senate for his distinguished services. This is the process. In 1855 Joseph joined with other eidefs in the treaty hy whieh they sold a certain amount of land ; hence the land that they did not sell belonged to all of the tribe in common. ]{y joining in that treaty, .Joseph aekiiowlcdged the tribal organization ; hence tli(! tribe had authority to bind him afterwards. A majority of all the chiefs, counting all the banils together, joined in the treaty of 18(53, and sold all their land e.xeept the Lapwai reservation ; hence they sold .lof^epli's land. ^'ou may be inclinecl to call that thieving; it is also idiocy. There is no pretence that the r|)per Nez I'ercds intended to sell the land of the Lower Nez Perce s, or claimei am po' rer to do so, or that tlu' Cftmnnssioners understood that they were ])nr('hasing it. It does not appcsar that any one an- ticipated such a result at the time, for this eonstriu'tion was not adoi)feiearch for gold, and many of them remained there. They did not treat the Indians well, but the young chieftain ruled his ])copIe so wise- ly that no warfare occurred. Says Joseph, '• They stole a great many horses from us, and we could not get them back because we were Indians. The white men told lies for each other. They drove olf a great many of our cattle. 8ome white men branded our young cattle so they could claim them. We had no friend who would plead our cause before the law coun- cils." Still there were no hostilities. In 1871 an Indian was killed by a white man. The Indians took no revenge, but in- sisted that the whites should leave their country. Troops were sent into the country for the protection of both parties. In March, 1S7;"), a white man iiamcMl Larry Ott killed a Xez I'ercu in a quarrel, and the grand - jury returned no bill against him. In August, 1875, one IJencdict shot at some drunken Indians who came to his house at iiiKlit demandinj; admittance, and killed one and wounded another. This man was accused of selling liquor to the Indians. In the spring, also, one Harry Mason whipped two Indians; the council of arbitration cli«>sen in this matter — three white men — decided against the Indians. In June, 1870, a settler named Kinley Killed a brother of Joseph. None of these offences were pun- JosKi'irs m;z i'i:ucr,s. cr, i.slied, and for none did tlic Indians tako rcvcnj^o, still nrj^iii^ (inly that tliu wliitcs slmidd leave tlieir lands. The (jiiestion of title had drifted alotij^ until IsT-'i, when the Interior Department took ste[)8 to set the Wallowa olT un reserved land for the Lower Nez I'erces. The iniproveiiientK of the eighty-seven squatters who were to he honi;ht out were appraised at !S«17,btjU. Kor eifrhteeii months the matter resteil in that way, all |)arties satisfied, hut in the sprinj^ of IST") ConjLfress refused to conlirni tlie purehase ami reserva- tion. Why it did so is heyond imat^ination, exeept it may have heen from the inlluenee of (ioveriior (irover, who had put his line-spun theory hefore the Government in the sum- mer of IST'J. As we have seet), the disappointment was al- most as great to the settlers as to the Indians. Some <»f my readers may not understand the theory of settlin<^ for the jmrpose of heing bought out. If a man discover where a reservation is to be located, he cannot do better tinancially than to locate upon it. Appraisers for government purchases aie tisually liberal. The Indians were (tast down in spirit. When Joseph learned of the decision, Cajitain Whipple says "he looked disappointed, and aft«;r a short silence he said he hoped I could tell something of a possible doubt of their be- ing obliged to relituiuish this valley to the settlers. 1 told him the case was decided against the Indians by higher au- thority than that of any army i)tlicer. This declaration did not make the countenances of the Indians more cheerful. They all realize that after they go to Lapwai reservation, or one similar, they will be obliged to give up their horses, which constitute their main wealth, and that as a community they will cease to exist." The outlook for the Lower Nez Perees was gloomy, but there was yet one ray of hope. There were still a few people ill Oreg(»n who remembered the good services of the Xez I'erces in the |)ast, and did not wish to see them robbed. Kev. A. L. Lindsley, celebrated for his mission work in the North- west and in Alaska, with others, asked that a con)mission be appointed to investigate the matter and make some equita- ble settlement with the Indians. Gen. ().(). Howard, com- manding the District of the Columl)ia, endorsed the proposi- IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) ^ ^ // {/ 4^% -^ /- Z ^ 1.0 E 1^ 1^ 112.2 I.I 1.25 1.4 1 ,.6 ^ 6" ■ Phofejgraphic Sciences Corpomtion 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 4^ 4^^ "^^ I .'^ ^'^^ \ A 638 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS, tion,and suggested that he be made a member of the Commis- sion. A commission was appointed, and General Howard was made a member. They came to Lapwai to talk with Joseph and the other "non- treaties" that had never been able to understand Governor Grover's loc- ic. There was AVhite Bird's band, which oc- cupied the country ad- jacent to the Salmon River. Tiiere was a band that roamed over the rugged country be- tween the Salmon and the Snake, under the old chief and "medicine- man" Too-hul-hul-sute. There was a small band on Ashotin Creek, north of Joseph's countr}', and above this were several small bands under the authority of the young chief Hush-husli-cute (Ilus-es-cruyt, Ilus-ses-kutte — the Bald Head). There was also the band of Looking Glass, on whose land the Lapwai reservation had been located, and who retained their home in common with the "treaties" who had been put with them. These bands were sufficiently confed- erated in interest, and sufficiently sensible of Joseph's abil- ity, to make him the common leader of the " non-treaty " party. The Commission talked with them in November, 1876, in the mission church at Lapwai, but Joseph nonplnssed the commissioners. They say, " An alertness and dexterity in in- tellectual fencing was exiiibited by him that was quite re- markable." It was remarkable. They were unable to answer his arguments. He said " that the Creative Power, when he made the earth, made no marks, no lines of division or sepa- ration on it, and that it should be allowed to remain as then made. The earth was his mother. He was made of the earth and grew up on its bosom. The earth, as his mother GKNERAL O. O. HOWARD. JOSEPH'S NEZ PEKCES. 639 and nurse, was sacred to '.lis affections, too sacred to be valued hy or sold for silver and gold, lie could not consent to sever his affections from the land that bore him. lie was content to live upon such fruits as the Creative Power placed within and upon it, and unwilling to barter these and his free habits away for the new modes of life proposed by us. Moreover, the earth carried chieftainship (which the interpreter explain- ed to mean law, authority, or control), and therefore to part wifh the earth would be to part with himself or with his self- control, lie asked nothing of the President. lie was able to take care of himself. He did not desire Wallowa Valley as a reservation, for that would subject him and his band to the will of and dependence on another, and to laws not of their own making. He was disposed to live peaceably. He and his band had suffered wrong rather than do wrong. Olq of their number was wickedly slain by a white man during the last summer, but he would not avenge his death. But unavenged by him, the voice of that brother's blood, sanctify- ing the ground, would call the dust of their fathers back to life, to people the land in protest of this great wrong." The commissioners knew that Joseph's statements were true. His brother had been killed, as stated, in a quarrel about some stock, by a man named Finley, and the Indians had refused even to appear as witnesses against the murderer in court. Joseph said, " When I learned that they had killed one of my people I was heart-sick. When I saw all the set- tlers take the murderer's part, though they spoke of bringitig him to trial, I told them that the law did not favor murder. I could see they were all in favor of the murderer, so I told them to leave the country. As to the murderer I have made up my mind. I have come to tiie conclusion to let him es- cape and enjoy liealth and not take his life for the one he took. I am speaking as though I spoke to the man himself. I do not want anything in payment for the deed he commit- ted. I pronounce the sentence that he shall live." The causes for removal given by the Commission were not brought into prominence in the council. Tiiey were not of a nature that would admit of consistent urging. The first was of a religious character. A part of the Kez Percda had become 640 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. Catholics; a part adhered to " Mr. Spalding's religion;" and a part had become believers in a form of spiritualism which had recently been introduced in Eastern Oregon by Stno-hal- lie, a chief wlio dwelt with a little band of followers across the Columbia from Wallula, the village on the site of old Fort Walla- Walla. lie was a small and deformed sorcerer, but the abnormally large head that surmounted liis humped shoulders had evolved the mystic faitii of the "Drumnier- dreamers," wiiich threatened to stop the progress of good, old-fashioned, ortliodox conversion. They were a queer lot. Their young men saw visions and their old men dreamed dreams. Tiiey taught that land ought not be divided up, or forced b}' cultivation to yield more than its natural fruits ; that schools and churches were innovations of the devil ; and that a savior would be raised up in the East who would bring their dead to life, expel the white man from tiie country, and restore the Indians to tiieir own. This last was probably a relic of the story of the second coming of Christ, which Brig- ham Young had left in their country twenty years before. These theories seem odd, but the Indians defended them in a way that was hard to answer. Said General Shanks to Joseph, " Do you want schools atid school-houses on the Wal- lowa reservation ?"' " No," said Joseph, " we do not want schools or school-houses on the Wallowa reservation." " Why do you not want schools?" "They will teach us to have churches." "Why do you not want churches?" " Tiiey will teach us to quarrel about God, as the Catholics and Protestants do on the Nez Perce reservation, and at other places. We do not want to learn that. We may quarrel with men, some- times, about things on this earth, but we never quarrel about God. AVe do not want to learn that." These tenets appar- ently stood in the way of an adoption of our customs, biit there is certainly nothing about them that is either criminal or improper, notwithstanding they so impressed Father Wil- bur in that way that he recommended that the Indians be " brought within the Christianizing influences of the reserva- tion," even if force were necessary to accomplish the removal. Apropos of this, are not the Indians entitled to a share in the temporal comforts of spiritualism, considering the immens(! JOSEPH'S NEZ PEKCfiS. 641 amount of service their disembodied spirits Lave to perform ais "controls" in the white man's stances? Our spiritualistic brethren have not had any tribe assigned to them for mission- ary labor — in fact they do not appear to be ardent missiona- ries — and, in consequence, the red man has been obliged to get along without any rappings, or materializations, or dark cabinets. Another objection was that they went every year to the "buffalo illahie" — the Powder River country — to procure their winter's supply of meat. They did not disturb any one in going or coming, but it made the " treaty " Indians jealous and restless to be thus reminded that they had sold their birthright for a mess of pottage. Their uiiha])piness was in- creased by the fact that they did not always get the pottage. A fellow named Langford had taken and lield possession for months of the old mission claim of six hundred and fort}' acres, on which the agency buildings were situated, and shut down the mills, forcing the treaty Indians to sell their grain at a sacrifice and buy flour. One Finney claimed and occu- pied six hundred and forty acres of the reservation ; one Colwell claimed and occupied seventy -five acres; one Ran- dall claimed fifty acres, and had a permit to place a stage station on the land. The deeds which had been promised the Itidians for their twenty-acre lots had never been issued to them. There was due them $4005 for services and for horses furnished the Oregon volunteers in 1856, which it had been definitely agreed should be paid ir» the treaty of 1S03. It was oidy thirteen years since that treaty had been executed, and the governmental agents had not had time to attend to these minor details. It is quite possible that these things made the " treaties " jealous of the "non-treaties" also. In connection with the objection to the " non-treaties" going to hunt buffalo, it is interesting to remember that the Sioux and their allies were doing the same thing, and that we had kindl}' guarantiicd them the right to do so, because they were strong, and fouglit back, and made our occupation of the biiffalo il- lahie 60 uncomfortable that we were glad to abandon the Montana road and leave them as they were. Now why did these Nez Perces object to going on the 41 (142 MASSACRES OF TlIK MOUNTAINS. Lapwai reservation 1 The fi'st reason was that they preferred their own country, and, in connection with tliis feeling, they knew tliat the money, goods, and the rest thai were so glibly promised them in the councils, in j)ayment for their country, would not be forthcoming. They had the experience of their " treaty " brethren constantly before them in proof of that. The second reason was that they desired personal liberty to go from one ])lace to another. They knew that going on a reservation meant staying there, except on permission of the authorities, and also a practical dissolution of their tribal or- ganization. After the wrong was consummated, when Joseph had been permitted to go to Washington and talk to our wise men, he said, "I have asked some of the great white chiefs where they get their authority to say to the Indian that he shall stay in one place, while he sees white men going where they please. They caimot tell me." The third reason was that their chief wealth was in herds of horses, from the in- crease of which they had a plentiful support, with but little labor, and these they would have to give up if they went on the reservation. Why? Because, on the reservation, twenty acres of land, and uo more, were allotted to each head of a family, out of which he was to make his living. Stock-raising on twenty acres is necessarily a limited business. The care of these herds, the visits of the Indians to the settlements to trade, and their annual buffalo hunts, are what constituted the "nomadic habits" that the Comniission objected to. The "judicious men" came to a conclusion at last. They revamped that false and fallacious theory of Governor Gro- vers, that Old Joseph's joining in the treaty of 1855 " implied a surrender of any specific rights to any particular portion of the whole reserve." They adopted his monstrous proposition that from the treaty of 1803 a contract should be implied which neitlier of the contracting parties contemplated and neitlier had a right to make. The thing is too absurd for serious argument. Joseph disposed of it, though he did not put his case so strongly as he might, in this manner: "Sup- pose a white man should come to me and say, '.Joseph,! like your horses, and I want to buy them.' I say to him, 'No, my horses suit me; I will not sell them.' Then he goes to my They II \\ T J' lu Ii P w pi at sa P sa W b£ ail ca al] Tl ioi th de ha CO tai P€ en cei tet tal [tl; it. val Co ha' JOSEPH'S NEZ PERCfiS. 646 neighbor, and says to him, 'Joseph has some good horses. I want to buy them but he refuses to sell.' My neighbor an- swers, ' Pay nic the money and I will sell you Joseph's liorses.' The white man returns to me and says, ' Joseph, I have bought your horses and you must let me have them.' If we sold our lands to the Government, this is the way they were bought." In short, the Commission recommended that if the Lower Ncz Percds did not peaceably take up their residence on the Lap- wai reservation within a limited time, that they should " be placed by force upon the reservation, and, in satisfaction of any possible rights of occupancy which they may have, the same aid and allotments of land granted to the treaty Nez Percus should be extended to them on the reservation." The same commission recommends that the Umatilla reservation — the peaceful hoitie of the Cayuses, Umatillas, and Walla- Wallas for twenty years past — be vacated, because it " would be eagerly purchased," was "of the best quality of land," and was " occupied by a mere handful of Indians who are in- capable of developing its rich treasures." By all means, put all Indians on lands that have no rich treasures to develop. Then nothing will be lost. To be sure, there are a few mill- ions of acres, with undeveloped treasures, that can be had for the pre-emption, but they are not quite so convenient. But, it will be said, surely the commissioners did not un- derstand the real state of affairs. Go softly. General Howard had been looking over the matter ever since he was put in command of the Department of the Columbia. Papers con- taining full statements of the historic services of the Nez Perces, of the rights of the " non-treaties," and of the influ- ences actuating them, had passed through his hands and re- ceived his endorsement and approval. In his report of Sep- tember 1, 1875, he had said, " I think it a great mistake to take from Joseph and his band of Nez Percd Indians that [the Wallowa] valley. The white people really do not want it. They wished to be bought out. I think gradually this valley will be abandoned by the white people, and possibly Congress can be induced to let these really peaceable Indians have this poor valley for their own." Lieut.- Col. II. Clay Wood was another member of the Commission who was 646 MASSACUES OF THE MOUNTAINS. fully posted. On August 1, 1S76, lie reported at length on "The Status of Young Joseph and his liand of Nez Perec Indians," and gave his opinion that the governinont had so far failed to comply with its agreements in the treaty of 1855, that none cf the iS'ez Perccs were bound by it. Let us alsi> record, to his honor, that ho made a minority report, as com- missioner, recommending that although Joseph's band would have to be moved eventually, yet that "until Joseph commits some overt act of hostility, force should not be used to put him upon any reservatit>n." The other commissioners were D. II. Jerome, William Stickney, and A. C. Barstow. What previous knowledge they had of the n'atter I ciinnot say ; but there was leaven enough for the whole lump in the two mil- itary members. The Commission made its report, and the Department of the Interior, acting on its recommendations, ordered the non- treaties to be placed on the Lapwai reservation. By virtue of his office, General Howard was the agent to enforce this or- der. He met the non-treaties in May, and found, as he must Lave anticipated, that they were unwilling to go to the reser- vation. He held three councils with them — the last on May 7th. Too-hul-hul-sute, the too -at (*' Drummer -d/eamer" priest) and chief, was their spokesman. He talked boldly, and as word came back to word he said, "The Indians may do what they like, but I am not going on the reservation." How- ard threatened him with arrest. "Do you want to scare me with reference to my body ?" asked the old man. He was arrested and led out of the council. The Indians murmured. Should they kill Howard and the rest ? They were well- armed and self-confident. Joseph bade them not. The posi- tion of the government was now plain to the Indians. They must go to the reservation or fight. They decided to go. Would yon have done so, reader? Would you liave swal- lowed the injustice, and meekly agreed to go, without striking one blow at least for liberty and rigiit? I remind you that the Nez Perccs had never fought the white man, atid Joseph was not the man to begin. He says, " I said in my heart that rather than have war I would give up my country. I would give up my father's grave. I would give up everything JOSEPH'S NEZ TEUCJES. 647 rather than liavo tlie bU)od of white men upon the hands of my people." The Indians were given thirty days from May 14th, in whicli to gather their cattle and move; Ihish-husli- cnte's band had thirty-five. They say it was not time enongli, bnt tliat was of no consequence. We must have firmness in dealing with Indians, even if we have nothing else. The Indians went to make their preparations. They looked on their old home, and their love for it doubled under the realization that they must leave it. Too-hul-hul-sute's spirit burned because of his impiisoiunent for the offence of telling his determination in the council. There was a warrior whose father had been killed by a white man, five years be- fore, who brooded over the unavenged wrong. There were the two warriors who had been whipped by Harry Mason. There were the kinsmen of the murdered men. They assem- bled at llocky Canon. Several hundred of their horses and cattle were missing. They held councils. A desire to resist removal sprang up and spread rapidly. They determined, over Joseph's counsel, to fight the soldiers when they came. It was the desire of a part that the settlers should not be mo- lested, in the hope that they would remain neiitral, but the others overruled them ; they said it was the settlers that had brought all the trouble. Tiiey bought arms and ammuni- tion where they could. They practised military movements, in which they were already quite proficient. General Shanks says, that "Joseph's party was thoroughly disciplined; that they rode at full gallop along the mountain side in a steady formation by fours; formed twos, at.a given signal, with per- fect precision, to cross a narrow bridge ; then galloped into line, reined in to a sudden halt, and dismounted with as much system as regulars." June 13th arrived ; the thirty days were up; the soldiers had not arrived. Over on Salmon River three Indians killed an old hermit ranchman named Devine. The taste of blood whetted their appetites. On the morning of the 14th they killed three more, and in the afternoon another. They mounted the horses of their victims, and hurried to Camas Prairie, where the main body of Indians was encamped. They rode through the camp displaying the spoils of their bloodshed, and calling on others to join them. 6:18 MASSACltES OF THE iMOUNTAINS. Joseph and Ollticut wore not in the ciUDp; they hail placed their teepees away from the others on account of Joseph's wife, who was sick. Wliite Bird, tiio next in rank and in- fluence, gave way. He rode through the camp, crying, "AH must join now. There is blood. You will bo punished if you delay." Seventeen warriors joined the three, and they hastened back to tlie Salmon Kiver. Eight more fell vic- tims to them, including Harry Mason, who had whipped the two Indians. On the night of the l-tth another i)arty at- tacked the people of the Cottonwood house — a ranch on tlio road between Mount Idaho and Fort Lapwai — who were try- ing to escape to Mount Idalio. 'two men and a boy were killed and the otliers badly wounded, tU'o men subsequently dying of their injuries. It is said that two women were out- raged. Joseph denies it, by implication. It may have been done without his knowledge. lie was not there. He pro- tested against hostilities until they had gone so far that war was inevitable ; then he took command, and the Indians moved to White Bird Caiion, where they prepared to light soldiers. Tliey had not long to wait. Colonel Perry was hurry- ing down from Fort Lapwai with ninety men. lie reached Grangeville, four miles from Mount Idaho, on the evening of the 16th, was joined by ten citizens, and marched on through the night to White Bird Canon, sixteen miles away. He reached the head of ';iie cauon at daybreak, and began ids de- scent of the broac .-rail, to surprise the Indians and prevent their escape across the Salmon. Down in the canon Joseph watched his approach through a field-glass. Some of the In- dians became nervous, and suggested that it would be better to move across the Salmon, where the soldiers could not reach them. Joseph said, " We will tight them here." A party of mounted warriors were put in ambush behind a hill on the south side of the canon. The re'st, under Joseph, were crouched on the ground, squarely across the trail, hidden be- hind rocks and in hollows. On came the soldiers until well within range, when every bush and rock poured out its fire. At the same time the party of mounted warriors appeared on the left. The foremost raidcs deployed to engage the force JOSEPH'S NEZ PERCRS. 049 ill front, and tlie r.;ar wheeled to meet tlic flauk moveineiit. Aleii were falling; the Itidiaiis were moving up on the hills, making towards the rear; some one cried to fall back to tho next ridge. The next ridge was gained, with the enemy on tiieir heels. There was no time to stop. Tho attempts of the officers to rally the men were only momentarily success- ful. The IndiaJio were pressing along the sides of the cailcm to gain the head and cut off retreat. Part of tho command reached the ascent and Inirried out. Tho remainder, under Lieutenant Theller, were cut off. The,) . 'v the bar across the way, and wheeled into a ravine to the ieit. The Indians were upon them in a moment, thinning them out with their murderous fire, through which only . few i-tragglcd made their way unscathed to the summit. Across 'he ;uggcd coim- ry the Indians pursued the flying troops 1" ;• twelve miles; but the eoldiers were out of that dreadful canon now and had regained their wits. The officers obtained control, and the retreat of the sixty-five who escaped from the cafion was conducted in order. Four miles from Mount Idaho Joseph withdrew his men. He had fought and won his first battle. The military reputation of the Nez Perces was altered. It would require more men to whip them. Reinforcements were started from all neigliboring points. Skirmishing and minor engagements continued. A detachment was sent to arrest Looking Glass, who had not yet joined t!ie hostiles, air^ Ilia, and begin digging. lie liad the same answer stored away for any one who asked him the reason of his faith. Tl>e immigration increased until the summer of 1880, be- fore it began its gradual return to a natural basis. Every train over the Union Pacific, Kansas Pacific, and Atchison, Topeka, & Santa Fo voads was uncomfortably overloaded. It ap- pears, from the best data that are obtainable, that by railroad and wagon there came into Colorado on some days as many as five thousand people, and very seldom less than one thou- sand. Many of these returned, after a short stay, but the ma- jor part remained, or pressed on into the wilder country be- yond. The influx of humanity was like a rising river. It filled the eastern valleys, crept up the mountain ranges, and poured into the valleys beyond. Onward, ever onward, it moved, gaining strength continually, until it was beating against the barrier of the reservation lines. Then the senti- ment that "the Utcs must go" gained strength rapidly. It was told in mysterious whispers that the reservation was a very trca^nre-house; the E\k Mountains were full of silver; there were placers on all the rivers. It was known that there were large deposits of coal and iron, and gold generally goes with iron. The impossibility of verifying the stories made them ten times greater, and increased credence in an equal ratio. What was the use of having the Utes there? There was plenty of land elsewhere, not rich in mineral, that would do just as well for iIkjui. Blank blank the Utes, any way. They were a miserable, lousy lot of savages, and a detriment to the country. Still, the sentiment did not obtain universally until the outbreak of 1879 ; then the whole state was put i.i a furor. The Utes were ^jtrong in numbers, well-ai ned, well sup- plied with horses, and were warriors of no mean repute. They could cross either the Saguache or the Snow range, and strike the cr.atern settlenrjnts by a dozen different routes. The north- ern and southern settlements were at their mercy. Inforination was meagre and contradictory. There wore hundreds of wild rumors. The only way to be safe was to be prepared for any- thing. Accordint'lv, men abandoned their work and oraau- ized for defence, at dozens i>f points, where there was, in fact, no danger at all. After the trouble was ail over, it was learned 680 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. that two or three hundred Indians, who had no intention of lighting except on their own lands, had thrown into confusion a hundred thousand people ; but the scare had settled the mat- ter. There were few who knew who the Utes were, or cared what thej were. It made no difference wha vere their rights or what had been their wrongs. They were an injury to the interests of the entire state. If the United States did not remove them the people of Colorado would. The Utes must go ! There is no doubt that the Utes had been treated badly ; there is no doubt that at least nine tenths of the cliarji^es made against them were unfounded. On the otiior liiUKV, h is clear that their mistreatment had little, if anythinj^- Ic du ■ \x the outbreak. The country of the Utes was not, alleet''cl by any of the transcontinental thoroughfares. It lay I'oiith of the South PasG routes, and north of the road through the Spanish settlements. To the settlements on their borders they had been of so little trouble that no treaty with them was considered necessary until 1863. In the early days of the West some bands of them engaged in marauding, jointly' with tiieir allies, the Navahos and Apaches. On Christmas Day, 1854,a hundred Utes and Jicarillas, under Tierra Blanco, destroyed the settle- ment on the Arkansas, above the mouth of the Huerfano, kill- ing fifteen men, capturing two women and some children, and running off all the stock of the settlement. Colonel Fauntlo- roy marched against these Indians from Fort Massivchusetf . , which had been esta!)lished as a threat, for the preservation of peace, in the San Luis valley. His force consisted of two c Tii. panics of regulars, two companies of ^'olunteers, and K:L Car- son's scouts. They surprised the Utes on the nigl.c of April 28, 1855, on the Arkansas, near Chalk Creek, about twenty miles above Poncha Pass.* The Indians had been holding a * This pass leads from San Luis Park to the South Arkansas vallcj'. The name was originally Punrha or Ptiuche, the Ute v.'ord for a small plant, that they use for kil-li-kiunick, which grows abumlautly in the pass, "V'heu the post-offloe was established at Poncha Springs, in 1879, some bar v ooda philologists thought the word waf the Mexican poncho, a blanket ch . . v ml the Post-offlce Department, with an admirable spirit of compromise, i.ov. .} it Poncha, which does not mean anything. WHITE RIVER AGENCY. 6S1 and itlo- !Ctt,-, alloy. plant, Vhcu , i.'ud scalp-diuice all night, and were struck at daybreak. Forty weie killed, many wounded, si.x children were made prisoners, and all their property was captured. This blow had a very salutary efPect on them. There were afterwards some petty depredations by the southern tribes, occasional disturbances with the Colorado miners, and some rather serious troubles on the Utah side, arising from Mormon influence, but never any- thing in tlie way of a general war. It has been claimed that as many as forty men were killed by them from 1860 to 1879 ; bnt many of these were people who were found dead, or had disappeared, and their taking off was blamed to the Utes in the absence of any other known cause. It should be remembered, also, that the plains Indians often entered this country, on war expeditions, and were at times mistaken for Utes. The Ara- pahoes engaged in the Rawlin's Springs massacre claimed to be Utes, and were supposed to be until after that affair was over. On the whole, the Utes may be called friendly, and were so regarded ; bnt they were not admirers of civilization, and, with the exception of a few of the New Mexican bands, never showed much disposition to adopt " the white man's road." They preferred to live by the chase. In 1863 the Tabequaclie Utes made a treaty accepting, as a reservation, a part of the lands they had always held in Western Colorado. There was some dissatisfaction, because payments were not made to tiiem as they should have been ; but it was smoothed over, and peaceful relations were main- tained. In a few years it was thought best to put all the eastern Utes together. A treaty to effect this pui'pose was made with the principal bands on March 2, 1868, by Kit Car- lson, N. G. Taylor, and (Jovernor Hunt*; and the western part of Colorado, included between longitude 107°, a line fifteen miles north of latitude 40°, and the southern and western boundaries of the territory, was set apart to be theirs forever. There were seven principal bajids. The Yampas (Bear Rivers) and Grand Rivers were located in the northern part '^f the reservation, with their agency on White River. The Tabe- quaches and Uncoinpahgres were in the central part, with their agency at Los Pinos. The Wee-mi-nu-ches, Mu-o-clies, and Ca-po-tes, who were Southern Colorado and New Mexican In- 682 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. dians, were located in the soutliern part of the reservation. They had their agency at Los Pinos, with the Tabeqnaches and Uncouipahgres, until the San Juan cession, in 1873, and then a separate agency was established for them in their own country. A number of these southern Indians, principally Muaches (Maqiiaches), had land under cultivation on the llio La Plata and other tributaries of the Rio San Juan, of which they retained possession for several years, but were then for- cibly dispossessed by settlers who claimed that the Indians "ad no rights otf the reservation. The annuities promised in his treaty were not paid ;'ntil after unreasonable delay. The lines established were claimed uy the Indians to be fraudu- lent. They said the lines were explained to them as being on the tops of the niountains, i. rohibited by law. The former agreement as to the exclusion of white persons from the reservation was reaflirmed, but the Indians agreed to allow one road, across the southern part of the reservation, to the ceded lands. The Utes made this ces- sion with much hesitancy, and chiefiy in the hope that it would avoid any further trouble from miners, but they still feared that the miners would want more. Said Ouray to Brunot : *' The lines in regard to the mines do not amount to anything; it is chansrinff them all the time — takins: a little now and a little again — that makes trouble. You said you do not know anything in regard to these lines [those established under the treaty of 1SG8], and it may be the same in regard to lines you make. There are many men talk about it to us; they say they are going to have the lines as they want, whether the Utes like it or not. It is common talk ; everybody tells it to the Utes. The miners care very little about the government. It is a long way off in the States, and they say the man who comes to make the treaty will go off to the States, and it will all be as they want it." True old Arrow ! He went straight to the mark. This treaty was not complied wjth by us in three impor- tant particulars, not to mention minor ones. In the first pUice, the Utes were to receive $25,000 annually forever, in com- pensation for the cession, but Congress provided for this by placing bonds to tlieir credit, the interest on which was to WHITE RIVER AGENCY. meet these payments, and the first instalment did not fall due for one year. Consequently the first, or casli payment, was not provided for. After several years of protestation and bickering this was made good, but by this time there had been twice that atnount withheld from tiie annual payments under "the discretion of the President." The amount thereafter continuously due the Utes, under this agreement, fluctuated from $65,000 to $90,000. At the time of the outbreak it was $65,000. In the second place, the south line of the cession was run so as to cut off a large amount of farming and graz- ing lands. Sapavanari, a young Uncompahgrc chief, went with the surveying-party, to protect them from interference, " until he saw with his own eyes " that the line was cutting off some 15,000 acres of farm lands, including some of the Ute farms. Then ho left them, fearing that he would be com- promised with his tribe, and his tribe compromised with the government, if he did not protest against the line. The In- dians said that as the agreement was explained to them they were to have ten miles more on the south side, and twenty miles more on the west side, than was given them. In the third place, the north line of the cession w-as run through the centre of Uncompahgrc Park, and no offset was made to cover the part cut off. This fact was pointed out to the surveyor, J. W. Miller, and he promised to correct it, but, instead of doing so, went on to Washington, had his survey approved, got his money, and dropped out of the controversy. The Indians were greatly disappointed, and begged to have justice done them in this matter. After much correspondence the authorities concluded to humor them by complying with the treaty, and on August 17, 1876, President Grant issued an order withdrawing from the public domain four miles square of the cession, including the part of the Park that had been cut off, and adding it to the Ute reservation. By this time a number of settlers had loci'ted in this part of the Park, which was the only convenient farming land in the neighborhood of Ouray, the principal mining-town of the San Juan country. Tliey declined to remove except at the point of the bayonet. Some of their attorneys advised them that the President had no right to add to a reservation after G86 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. it had been established by Congress, and one, C. II. Mclntyre, prepared and forwarded to tlie Interior Department a brief maintaining tiiis proposition. It seems to have escaped Mr. Mclntyre's notice that tiiis had nothing to do witli the ques- tion. Tlie reservation as established by Congress included all of the Uncompahgre Park. The trouble was that an execu- tive officer had wilfully failed to comply with the provisions IIKNIIY M. TELLEU. made by Congress, and this the Executive Department not only had the right, but was in duty bound to rectify. Under Mr. Mclntyre's profound logic, a United States deputy sur- veyor had abrogated an Act of Congress. Troops were or- dered to remove the intruders in the spring of 1877, but II. M. Teller, of counsel for the settlers, since Secretary of the Interior, of Backbone Land-grant fame, wrote a touching WHITE RIVER AUENCY, 687 letter to Secretary Selmrz, dutailitig the Imrdsliips that this would cause to these people, who " weut on the land in good faith," and Mr. Schurz weakly allowed tlieni six nioiitlis of grace, in which to harvest their crops and move. None of them agreed to move — their attorney, even, did not promise it — in order to obtain this kind concession of the rights of a tliird party, and none of them did move. In the spring of 1878 another order was made for their dispossession, but by this time the Park was full of defiant settlers. They refused to move, and said that if the soldiers put them off before the commission, which had been sent to treat for the four miles square, had been heard from, they would kill Indians and pre- cipitate an Indian war. This threat so terrified the I'te agent, J. B. Abbott, that he withdrew the troops. The commission arrived in August, 1878, headed by Gen- eral Hatch. Their mission was to purchase the four miles square and also the southern strip, below the San Juan cession. At first the Indians refused to talk to them. They had not yet received the first payment for the San Juan cession. They said they w 'd r t talk of selling land to people who would not ; ay for wwat they had already bought. Finally, on prom- ise that this should be nuide right, they went into council. There was no difficulty about the southern strip. The south- ern Utes had. already proposed to take another reservation, "provided the government would pay them the previous in- debtedness," and this the connnission did, to the amount of $15,534, letting the remainder stand. In this transaction the southern Utes gave up over 1,800,000 acres of land and took a reservation of something over 700,(100 acres, with the under- standing that they should have compensation for the excess of 1,100,000 acres. This was left out of the treaty by the com- missioners, but shows in the minutes of the couticil, as the In- dians claimed. (During the past summer, by the way, they have been reported as reduced to starvation and bt jming des- perate.) Thefour miles S(|uare was more troublesome. The Utes wanted all of the Park because it was their best, almost their only, winter range for their stock — they had about six thousand horses, besides cattle and sheep. In addition to this, it con- tained a hot spring which was valuable to them for medicinal 688 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. purposes. It was urged by tlie commission tliat the President wanted to give the miners some land, on which to raise vege- tables. Said Ouray : " I can't see that the President wants it; the settlers want it." It was urged that tlie settlers and their backers were making strong claims to the government. Said Ouray: "If the government wants to take it and break the treaty, all right." It was urged that the land was not of im- portance, but that it was very desirable to end all difficulty. Said Ouray : " I don't think that would end it. They would want more." The value of §10,000, the price offered, was dwelt upon. Said Sapavanari : "Wo don't want to sell it; don't want money." The commissioners said they were talk- ing for the good of the Indians, not the white men. Said Ouray : " If you were talking for the Indians, you would put the settlers out." The commission abandoned the task, in despair, but a delegation of Utes was brought on to Washing- ton in the following winter, and the purchase was accomplished. The Utes wanted one thing distinctly understood, and they had it put on record ; it was that they consented to this sale, not because they desired it, but because the government did. They wanted the $10,000 paid in cash, but were informed that they would have to wait until it was appropriated by Congress. They got it several years later. While all these things are true, and while -they are very dirty spots on our enlightened Indian policy, it is not true, as some have inferred, that they caused the Ute outbreak. They were all settled several months before it occurred. The In- dians simply agreed to submit to these wrongs, and as disturb- ing forces they were removed. Moreover, the Indians who made the outbreak were not materially affected by these wrongs. Soon after the establishment of the reservation the Indians divided themselves into three groups, with independ- ent governments, corresponding to the three agencies. Tiie smaller tribes, principally Pah-Utes, who were afterwards placed on the reservation, joined one or the other of these groups. Ouray was treated as head chief of all the Utes, by the whites, but he did not, in fact, have general authority. The Southern Utes did not recognize him at all. Their head chief was Ignacio, a Muache, who was aided by several sub-chiefs, WniTK KIVKR A(iKN('Y. OS!) rery as lese the ards lese , by The Izhief liefs. inclndiiig Kii-iii-iv-ehe (The One Wlio was Taken Down). An-ka-tosh (the lied), anil others. lijjnaeio wonUl have noth- ing to do witli Ouray. Tin's was cliieHy owing to the fact that, by tlie Brunot agreement, Ouray was to receive !?l(»(>n annually for his services, an arrangement at tlie time nid*^ desired to purchase these lands, they said they woidd agree to whatever Ignacio said ; that they had no claim to the low- er country. The Tal)e- (juatdies, Uncompahgres, and others of the Los Pinos agency recognized Ouray's authority fully. Among their minor chiefs were Sha-va-no (Chavanaugh, Shawana — nine Flower), (luero (Wa-ro — Light hair), and Captain I'illy, of the Tabequaches, and I'n- com-mutc ( IJn - kuin- good, Uncom, T'ncah, L'nqua), and Sapavana- ri,""' of the ITncompah- gres. The White llivcr ITtos recognized Ouray's authority to . * TIrtc is some coil fusion about tills iiiinu!. Inofliciiil r(Mi> it is ofti'ii iiilstakfu for the Spanish Saponiere (Xiibonicir— a soap-maker), Sapona- vero (which may bt; transhitcil " genuine soap "). or Saponarhi (soapwort). Tlie airent at Ouraj" writes me, on Auirust 13, 1885: " I have made iiupiiry and learn that ' Sap|)ovaiiaro 'means anything white, and I am free to confess there are many of the Utes who seem to know more aliout it than ' Old Si.p ' himself. One says 'something white, all same pony or paiier,' and another explained by pointing to a white toadstool. The interpreter says it means a water-cloud or waterspout. Sappovanaro says the name was given him by Kit Carson, and was taken from the Mexican Indians." lu his correspond- ence Mr. Carson spelled the name Sa-pa-wu ne-ri. 44 CAITAIN niM.Y. 9m MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. a very liinitcd extent ; in ordinary affiiirs not at all. Tliey were in two factions ; one led by Donj^las, and tlie other i)y Jack. Among tlie lesser chiefs were Colorado (lied), coiiiiiioiiiy called Colorow, Piah (The I>lack-tailed Deer), Sa-rap (The Kainbow), Sah-patch (White Hot), and Johnson. These Indians had no real interest in the San Juan cession, the south-line dispute, or the four miles square. The first concerned both of the other groups; the second aiTceted only the Southern Utes; and the last was the affair of the Los Pinos Indians. The White Kivers took very little interest in these matters. They received no part of the money for the San Juan cession, and claimed no interest in it. The lands ceded did not belong to them. They said the other bands were fools for selling their land, and that it was good enough for them if tiiey were cheated. The Uintah Utes were not on this reservation. Their chief was called Tabby (Taw-vi), and they were located on a reservation in Utah. The trouble with the White River Indi; ose from disagreements M'ith their agent, N. C. Meeker, ile was best known as the leader of the colony that settled the town of (ireeley, Colorado, under the patronage of Horace (ireeley, and was, for a long time, a correspondent of the iV'tw York TrlbuJir, over the initials N. C M. Ills reputation for hon- esty was excellent, but he prided himself on his practical qualities, and greatly overestimated his ability to civilize savages. lie said, in a letter to Senator Teller, on December 23, 1878 : " When I get round to it in a year or so, if I stay as long, I shall propose to cut every Indian down to bare starvation point if he will not work. The 'getting around to it' means to have plenty of tilled ground, plenty of work to do, and to ha^'e labor organized so that whoever will shall be able to earn his bread." A friend characterized him thus: " A man of the Puritan stamp, an enthusiast in whatever work he undertook, he had given his whole soul to the work of civilizing the Utes. It is a waste of words to say that he was honorable and upright in all his dealings with them, for his life has been public and his character beyond reproach." Ad- mitting this to be true, the fact still remains that he did not understand the Indian character, and could not manage them. WIIITli lilVEli A(ii:NCY. (ij)l rk to ill be Iwoi'l was Id not Ho took charge of tlie ugcncy in INIay, 1878, uiid [)C'gaii oper- ations by moving tlie agency to Powell's Valley, on White River, fifteen miles below the old asrency. The Indians op- posed this because they used this valley for a winter camp, it affording the best pasturage for their horses. Meeker studied the situation, and adopted the plan of playing one of the factions against the other. lie first took up the Douglas faction, which was recognised as "the government,"' although Jack's party was the larger. The feeling had become such that whatever one faction favored the other would oppose. The next ditHculty, after moving the agency, to which the Indians yielded a reluctant assent, on being assured that the commissioner would be *'a hea)) mad" if they did not, was to get their consent to the appropriation of .s30U0 of their money, for an irrigating ditch. 'I ais was never obtained di- rectly, but was taken for granted, because a part of the In- dians were en)ployed in the work, on the theory that by taking part in the work they consented to the appropriation, "as much so as, when a man marries a woman, they consent." The Indians who assisted in the work, for which they re- ceived in all ^303, were twenty -five men of the Douglas faction. Jack's party not only refused to work, but also ob- jected to the others working, on the grounds that it was the white men's business to do all the work, and that the Indians at Los Pinos did not work. After being threatened with re- port to the commissioner, he withdrew this objection, and all his party, with a number of the others, went on a hunting ex- cursion off the reservatioTi, as had been their custom every summer. To understand what Sleeker was contending against, it must be borne in mind that the ITtes had not yet emerged from " the hunter state." They subsisted on game to the ex- tent of fully fifty per cent., and derived most of their money from the products of the chase, particularly buckskin. Deer were yet very numerous in the mountains of Colorado, and the greater part of them made their way beyond the divide in the summer. Their habit is to spend the winter months ill the foot-hills, bordering on the plains, bxit in the spring to run back into the mountains, ranging as far as the beginning 092 MAS.SACUES 01' THE MOUNTAINS. of tlio desert laiuls in Western Colorado. Elks were quite abniulunt, and a small herd of buffalo remained in Middle Park. Tlie Indians roved where they chose, bnt their best huntint- edly they committed some trespasses and frightened some timid peo])lc in 1870, but the reports that were made concern- ing them were so wildly exaggerated as to deserve the name of falsehoods. The principal charge that was urged against them was that they were setting out fires by which the for- ests were destroyed and the improven)ents of settlers put in jeopardy. It was explained by some that this was a cuf^om of theirs, the object of which was to drive the game so ti .t it could be more easily killed. The charge and explanation were untrue and absurd. The Utcs never had such a custom. T^le existence of millions of acres of virifin forests ouijht to have been sufficient proof of it. No people preserve game more carefully than Indians, and m)ne know better than they that continuous lires would drive it away. Their huntinjr was like the white man's; the ch'ef object was to induce a deer to stand still long enough to be shot. There were great and destructive foi'jst fires that summer, but the Indians were responsible for very few of tiiem. Major Tliornburgh, commanding at Fort Fred Steele, Wyoming, investigated tiiis charge thoroughly, by writing to reliable settler.-*, and by send- itig out men to look for evidence of i^, but the reports, with- out exception, were that the Indians had killed no ca'"tle, of- feree" no vi jlonce to settlers, and set Jio fires. One man went over their trail and satisflvd himself that no fires originated from their cam])8. They did set fire to the grass at several WIUTE laVEU AGENCY. 693 places in Middle Park, "to luidvc jjjood grass next year," l)Ut they claimed that Middle Park belonged to them, and repeat- edly ordered settlers and others to leave it. They ordered the miners out in 18(50, uie iiivt year rtfler the treaty. The truth is that nearly all the tires were occasioned by the carelessness of white men, and partieniurly from the care- lessness of men in the " tie camps," i. c, men who wore cutting ties for the Denver, Pio (rrande, and South I'ark railways, which were then being i)nshed through the moun- tains. It was notorious that most of these fires occurred in localities where there were no Indians. Many a prospector, e, of- went nated •verul "^ SOITIIKIIN ITKS. em MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. who never saw a Ute, saw hundreds of acres of pine con- Bumed. I resided in a district that was nearly all burned over in 1879, and there was not an Indian in it, though it was within fifty miles of the reservation. Old settlers said there had not been a mountain fire in the region for seven- teen years before. They also said the year was unnsnally dry, and that fires travelled and caught easily. It is true, however, that, owing to the reports, the whites generally be- lieved that the Indians were firing the forests at other places, to drive out the n)iners. It is true also that the Indians killed large quantities of gpnie, as was complained, but so did every one. A man who failed to shoot at a deer because it was against tlie law would have been laughed at. Venison re- tailed, in seaso. , at four and five cents the pound, while beef was fifteen to twenty. There was not a mountain stream in which dynamite M'as not exploded to kill trout, if there were any trout in it. So with the forests. The United States law airainst cutting timber on public lands was no more regarded than if it had not been on the statute-books. The foiests of stumps are there to-day to prove the statement. The people of Middle Park sent a memorial to General Pope, in 1877, representing that the Indians were slaughtering the game, " when a white man is not allowed to kill a pound more than he can use to sustain life ;" but if the people of Middle Park were any more virtuous or law-abiding, in this respect or any other, than the rest of the people in Colorado, no one ever discovered it. It was not many months later that half the county officials of Grand County (Middle Park) conspired to murder the county commissioners, and did murder them. It is notorious that two of the signers of that memorial have committed suicide on account of th((ir participation in that crime, and that Grand County to-day is a slumbering volcano of hate, remorse, distrust, and revenge, as a result of that aw- ful tragedy enacted on the shore of Grand Lake. Let it be distinctly understood that there were reputable, law-abiding people in Middle Park, ai elsewhere in Colorado — plenty of them — but to all snch representations of uniformly proper whites and uniformly villainous Indians, coming from any fron- tier settlement, I say : '• In the name of the Prophet — Bosh 1" WHITE RIVER AGENCY. While the Utes behaved comparatively well in their sutu- mer excursions, it cannot be questioned that these trips were a serious impediment to their civilization. Of course they would not settle down to fanning while they could live by hunting. That would have been unnatural. But, worse than that, there were no restrictions to trade with them, off the reservation. There were four stores on Bear Tliver, and many at other points, where they could obtain guns, ammu- nition, whiskey, or anything else that they were able to pay for. They were also thrown in contact with the worst class of whites, and there were some very bad white people for them to come in contact with. Aside from the ordinary riff- raff, there were a number of cattle-uien about the reservation with inore property than character. Two of these, who were the subjects of repeated complaints by the agent, were the Morgan brothers. They had large herds of cattle near the reservation, and were accused of permitting them to mix with the herd belonging to the White River agency, for the pur- pose of claiming the nnbranded increase (mavoricks) of the agency herd. They were also charged with taking branded cattle and burning their brand, a double box (DH), over the "I ])" of the Indian Department. They were not the only ones. When the outbreak came, and the agency herd was scattered and uncarcd for, about twelve hundred of them disappeared. It was supposed at the time that tlie Indians had taken them. It was afterwards learned that the}"^ were stolen by white irien, rebranded, and sold to the government for beef. I had the honor to be acquainted with Wes Travis, one of the men engaged in this robbery — since suc- cumbed to the combined powers of bad whiskey and death — and have heard him tell, with great gusto, how he and a com- panion, after finishing the cattle job, killed an Indian that they met when coming out of the reservation. They cut him open, removed his intestines, filled him with stones, sewed him up, and dumped him into a deep hole in Grand River. Morgan's partner, W. B. Ilugus, and John Gordon, alias Sam- uel Lemon, were brought to trial for this affair, in Denver, but they had the good fortune to bo acquitted. The Morgans escaped from the country. am MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. The complaints iiiiide against the Utes, in the siininier of 1ST9, Hew on wings of the wind, growing as they went. The only palpable foundation for them was the alleged destruction of some property by two Utes called IJen- nett and Chinaman. It liad been agreed l)y the Utes that they would deliver up accused i)er- sons ior trial, and they liad complied with this agreement usually, but on this occasion Doug- las refused to surrender these men to the otlicer who came for them, and informed him that he could not nuike the ar- rest on the reservation. The treaty also con- tained this clause: '■'^ J 't'ovidcd, That if any chief of either of the JACK confederated bands make war against the people of the United States, or in any manner violate this treaty in any essential part, said chief shall forfeit his position as chief, and all rights to any of the bene- fits of this treaty : Hut. pi'ovldtd furtliii\ Any Indian of these confederated bands who shall rem.'in at peace, and abide by the terms of this treaty in all its esscMtials, shall be entitled to its benetits and provisions, notwithst-Jiding his particular chief and band may have forfeited their '-ights thereto." Meeker, although he had no personal knowledge of what was occurring oil the reservation, joined in these complaints. On March 17 he reported that part of the Utes were going north "probably to supply ammunition to the hostiles,"' /. c, certain Sioux who were said to be on the war-path, and asked tiiat the military send the Indians back to the reservation. Jack was oeveral times confronted with reports of wrong-do- WHITE KIVEli AGENCY. 69T ii'g, and the statement that his party wanted to go to war. JJoing conscience clear, lie, with three others, went to Denver to sec Governor Pitkin, lie coin|ilained of this treatment and asked for ALeeker's removal ; but beinji; there confronted by Meeker's letters, complaining of some things of which he had no knowledge, and of others that he could meet only by denial, he became disheartened and went back to the agency. In this interview he backed up his claim of Meeker's evil deeds by the statement that Meeker wanted their children tu go to school and learn to work, neither of which the Utes wanted. Meeker had also promised him a wagon, and failed to give it to him, which satisfied him that Meeker could not be trusted. At the agency he got no satisfaction, and became impressed with the idea that Meeker was responsible for everything that was said about the Utes in the newspapers, a theory which the other Indians soon adopted. A more op- pressive burden could not be placed on any man's shoulders th .n such a responsibility. The Colorado press was sensa- tional, to say the least, and the contents of the papers were frequently communicated to the Indiaas by their white ac- quaintances. In the mean time a new trouble liad arisen. Powell's Val- ley had I)een subdivided by Meeier with a view to its perma- nent settlement by the Indians. One street crossed it length- wise, and another at right angles to the first. The agency was located at the crossing, but the cross-street was as yet on paper oidy. Several small plots had been marked off for Indians who desired to work. The first one provided for was John- son, a chief with " three cows and two wives," who showed a commendable disposition to civilize. A log- house was built fi»r him, near the agency buildings, and f\»r several months lie was the " brag Indian " of the place. Horses were broken for him, and fed from the agency supplies to keep them in condi- tion for work; but, finally. Meeker discovered that Johnson was using these horses to race with the other Indians, whose ]ionies were picking a precarious living where they could find it. Johnson stock fell rapidly thereafter. Instead of cidti- vating the land set off for him, Johnson used it to pasture his j'onies, of which lie had about a hundred and fifty. Early in 698 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. September Meeker undertook to plough up a large amount of land near the agency, including that set ofif to Johnson and two or three others. Tliese Indians ol)jocted, and could nei- ther be talked out of their objections nor induced to take oth- er locations. They got their guns, and ordered the ploughing stopped. The ploughing went on. In a few minutes a gun was tired in a clump of bushes near by, and a bullet whizzed unpleasantly near the ploughman's ears. Meeker then stopped the work and appealed to Douglas ; but Douglas said the men who claimed land wanted it, and that Meeker should plough in some other place. Having exhausted his influence in that quarter. Meeker thought he would try the otlier faction. He sent for Jack, who came at once with his retainers. A council was held, and the conclusion reached that Jack and his men cared nothing about it, but that Meeker might plough a strip one hundred feet wide and half a mile long. lie told them that this would do no good ; that he wanted at least fifty acres, besides meadow land. He understood tiiat they consented to this, but on the following morning the work was stopped again. Jack was sent for once more and another council was held. They finally decided that Meeker niight have the land if he would give Johnson a stove, move his corral, dig a well, and help build a house, to which the agent consented. He said, however, "that it was the wish of all the Indians that plough- ing might be stopped, and that no more ploughing at all shall be done; but that the conclusion which they reached was based upon tiie danger they ran in opposing the government of the United States." This influence wore off and the bad feeling of the Indians grew. Two days later (September 10) Johnson assaulted Meeker in his own house, drove him out, and beat him badly. Meeker would probably have been killed but for the interfer- ence of the employes. He sent at once for military aid, and telegraphed the commissioner: "Ploughing stops. Life of self, fan)ily, and employes not safe; want protection immedi- ately. Have asked Governor Pitkin to confer with General Pope." On the same day he wrote to W. N. Byers, of Den- ver, in regard to Johnson's attack, and added : "I think they will submit to nothing but force. How many are rebellious I WHITE RIVER AGENCY. 699 do not know ; but if only a few are, and the rest laugh at tiieir outrages, as they do, and think nothing of it, all are compli- cated. I didn't come here to be kicked and hustled out of my own house by savages, and if government cannot protect me, let somebody else try it. Yon know the Indians and under- stand the situation. Please see Governor Pitkin," etc. From that time to the outbreak, work at the agency was at a stand still. The feeling of the Indians, with very few exceptions, was that they would do no work ; that the ploughing must stop; that Meeker was their enemy; that the soldiers were coming to have the land ploughed, to arrest Johnson, China- man, Pennett, and others, and, probably, to make everybody work ; that the soldiers ought not to come. Meeker's feeling may be inferred from his telegram to the coniinissioner, of September 17: "There is no particular change, either for worse or better. No ploughing is done, nor will until it can be done in safety. It remains to be seen whether the business and industries of this agency are to be conducted under the direction of the Indians or of yourself." In response to Meeker's application for protection, Major T. T. Thornburgh marched from Fort Fred Steele with a hun- dred men — three companies of cavalry and one of infantry. This post is in Wyoming, at the Union Pacific Railroad's cross- ing of the Platte. The road, which was the only ordinary ap- proach to the agency, runs to the southwest, crossing the Si- erra Madre at Bridger's Pass ; thence south, bearing east, to the crossing of Bear River, at the month of Elk Head Creek. From this pdint its general course is southwest, striking the reservation at Milk Creek. On the 26th, Thornburgh was met at Bear River by a party of five Utes, including Jack and Colorow. They wanted to k- ■ ' why he was coming. He explained that the agent had sent for him ; tiiat the Indians had been acting badly. They denied everything, and asked that the soldiers should not come on the reservation. They proposed that he should leave the soldiers and go to the agen- cy, with four or five companions, to investigate the truth of the charges. Major Thornburgh informed them that his or- ders were to go on, but that he would find a good place to camp, closer to the agency, and leave his men there while he 700 MASSACRES OF TIIK MOUNTAINS. went on. After some conversation, by which he thought they were bronglit into a pacific state of mind, they went away. They returned to the agency and asked Moels hotly. They were in strong force. Major Thornbiirgh saw that they were massing to cut off his retreat, and ordered his men to fall back on the wagon train. The movement was executed in excellent order, but in the midst of it the commander was shot and instantly killed. Captain Payne took command, being next in seniority. He set the entire force at work fortifying. Wounded horses were killed for temporary shelter for sharpshooters. Boxes, bundles of bedding, sacks of corn and flour, and everything available were piled up for cover, while pick and shovel were plied to make the protection more substantial. The men worked desperately — the groans of the dying, the agonized cries of the wounded, and the incessant cracking of the In- dians' rifles serving only as incentives to greater activity'. To add to the peril of the situation, the Indians tired the grass and sage brush, and the wind was hurrying the roaring flames upon the little band. They worked on with feverish haste. The fire reached them, and stretched out its forked tongues to lick them up. There was no water within reach. They dropped their tools, and smothered the flames with blankets, blouses, and sacks. Some of the wagons took tire ; but, under cover of the stifling smoke, these were extinguished also. The greatest danger was now past. I>y burning the brush the Indians had deprived themselves of cover for close ap- proach, and were compelled to do their firing from the sur- rounding blutfs. at a distance of from four to six hundred vards. They commanded the situation, but could inflict no material damage. So long as the soldiers remained in their trenches they were safe from the bullets that were poured in on them. The news of the attack was carried to the agency, twent}-- ti*n miles below, by an Indian messenger who arrived at about one o'clock. The Indians did not breathe a word about it to T02 MAS8ACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. tlio whites. They iiad held another council with Meeker, on the arrival of the messenger from Thornbnrgli, in regard to the advance of tlie soldiers, jnst as tlioiigh nothing had oc- curred. JSIeeker prepared a note to Tliornburgh, as follows: " I expect to leave in the morning with Donglas and Serriek to meet you ; things are peaceable, and Douglas Hies the Unit- ed States flag. If you have trouble in getting through the canon to-day, let me know in what force. We have been on guard three nights, and shall be to-night, not because we know there is danger, but because there may be. I like your last programme; it is based on true military principles." This message was dated September 20, 1 v. m. He little dreamed that Tliornburgh was then lying cold and stark at the mouth of the cailon. The "last programme" referred to was Major Thornbnrgh's letter of the 2Sth, in which he informed Meeker that he would bring his troops "within striking distance" of the agency on the 21)th. He said: " I have carefully consid- ered whether or not it would be advisable to have my com- mand at a point as distant as that desired by the Indians who were in my camp last night, and have reached the conclusion that, under my orders, which require me to march this com- mand to your agency, I am not at liberty to leave it at a point where it would not be available in case of trouble." Meeker received this message at noon on the 29th. Previous to that hour, it seems certain that he was deceived in regard to Thorn- burgh's intentions. On the day of the attack, the 2t)th, he telegraphed AVashington : " Major Thornb':rgh, 4th Infantry, leaves his command fifty miles distant, and comes to-day with five men. Indians propose to fight if troops advance. A talk will be had to-morrow. Captain Dodge, 9th Cavalry, is at Steamboat Springs, with orders to break up Indian stores and keep Indians on reservation. Sales of ammunition and guns brisk for ten days past. Store nearest sent back 10,000 rounds and 13 guns. When Captain Dodge commences to enforce law, no living here without troops. Have sent for him to confer." Meeker knew that Red Canon, to which he refers in the one o'clock message, was less than twenty-five miles from the agency, and within the reservation. If he knew that f iiurn- wiiiTK kivi:k aoency. 703 biirgh was within :i day's march of it, lie was ti-ying to de- ceive the Indians. If ho had nut received Th()rn!)urgh's nies- sajjfe of the 2Sth, before writinj^ liis telegram to Washinj^tun, of the 29th — whieii is most likely — he probably niisurulerstood Thoriibiirgh's intentions, bnt communicated his understanding to the Indians. The Indians were misinformed by him in either event, and undoubtedly thought they were misinformed intentionally, for they were fully posted concerning Thorn- burgh's movements, by their scouts, and believed that Meeker was hostile to them. With this belief they decided to meet treachery with treachery. It is not within the range of cred- ibility that the attack and massacre were planned before the 20th. If they had been, Ouray would have known it sooner. There was no evidence of it at the agency. According to ^Meeker's statement, guards were first posted on the night of the 20th. It was the oj)in- ion of Mrs. Meeker, Josie Meeker, and the employes that the plot was arranged on the 28th, when the sol- diers had passed the fifty- mile limit. There was a war- dance that night, in Douglas's camj), which con- tinued till daybreak the next morning. The acti(»n of the Indians on Monday was marked by deep cunning; their behavior at the coun- cil deceived Meeker com- pletely. He despatched his note to Thornburgh by "\Vil- mer Eskridge, a man em- ployed at the agency as a sawyer. He was accom- panied by two Indians — Antelope (Wah-sitz) and Ebenezer. After going two miles the Indians murdered Eskridge, and hastened back to the agency. In the mean tim-e the other Indians had managed to ANTKI.Ol'K. 704 MAS.SACKK8 Ol' TIIK MOIINTAIN.S. got into the storo-room Jiiid secure all tlio agency guns, without attracting attention. The peoj)lc at the agency were wholly iinsuspocting. Mrs. Meeker and Josio were wnsliing dishes in their house. Mrs. Trice was washing clothes outside. Siiaduck Price, post- faruKM', and Frank Dresser, laborer, were in a wagon, throw- ing dirt on the roof of the new builditig. Arthur Thompson, laborer, was on the roof, spreading the dirt. Meeker and William II. Tost, storekeeper and carpenter, were in Mie larger storehouse. The other employes weie scattered about the place, engaged in their various duties. As Ebenezer and Antelo]u' returned, about twentj' Indians, armed with guns, started up from the river. They met Douglas, who was walk- ing towards his teepee, and all canie on to the buildings to- gether. They began firing as soon as they reached the new building — Ebenezer, Antelope, and others having by that time secured positions for attacking the other men. At the iir>^t volley Price was killed a id Thompson fell from the building. Fraidc Dresser was woutided in the leg, but managed to ru:» to Meeker's house through a rain of bullets. Mrs. Price picked up her little boy amJ ran to her room. Dresser fol- lowed her. She gave him Price's gun, which lay on the bed. As he came out, the windows of the dining-room were broken in. He tired through the wiiu]ow and mortally wounded Johnson's brother. The Indians then left them and began plundering the stores. Tih. Diiii^'liin's leepee. K. Ernpl.iyf'scniiirtei'.i. FK. I'loiitrhi'd nelds. /.'■/. Fence* of eiiclii.-t'd Utld-, G. Granary. H. Ilay ooniil. J. .Idhnfiii'n house and lodye. M. Miik-1 ,v. y. Ni>\v buildlnif. W. W,.|| witli 1 il s II V n I L ri fi !•( fl ill II ri T til w he di WHITE RIVER AGENCY. 709 reinforcements on the morning of the 5th. lie found the besieged men in good trim. No more killed had been added to the thirteen who fell on the first day, though several hud been struck. The wonnded numbered forty-three, nearly all of the wounds being slight. The Indians were preparing to fight Merritt when Brady arrived with Ouray's order. No figliting was done afterwards, except that Lieutenant Weir and Captain of Scouts Ilunnne were killed, and the scouting party of Lieutenant Hall, from which they had detached themsf^lves, was attacked. The Indians claimed that this re- sulted from llumme's shooting at some Indians that he met, and this is the only evidence extant on the subject. On the 9th word was received at Los Finos that the White Kivers would fight no more, and that the Southern Utes would not join in any hostilities. On the 11th Merritt advanced to White River agency. All along the road were ghastly evidences of savage fury. In a gulch, six miles from the agency, lay the body of Carl Gold- stein, a contractor who was taking supplies to Meeker. A hundred yards away was Julius Moore, one of his teamsters, with two bullet-holes in his breast, and his body hacked and mutilated. A little farther down the cafion the soldiers came to the old coal-mine, in which was found the body of Henry Dresser, engineer at the agency, lie lay on his back, with his head pillowed on his folded coat. By his side was a Win- chester rifie containing eight cartridges. In one of his pock- ets was Meeker's message to Thornburgh, with which Esk- ridge had started. It is evident that Dresser had escaped from the agency wounded. He found Eskridyc's body, and, remembering that he bore a message, had taken the letter from his pocket to carry it forward. He had become weak, and crawled into the cave to rest, but his life was spent. The Indians had not found him. Two miles from White iiiver p]sk- ridge was found, naked, with a bullet-hole through his head. The agency was a scene of overwhelming desolation. All the buildings but one were burned down. No sign of life was near, and the absence of life was emphasized by the hap- hazard scattering of articles of all kinds over the ground, in- dicating a season of riotous pillaging before the burning. Ly- 710 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. ing here and there were the bodies of the victims. Father Meeker hiy nuked, on liis back, one hundred yards from the ashes of his house. A bullet had pierced his brain, and the left side of his head was maslied in with a club. A liarrel stave wiis driven into his mouth. Around Jiis nock was a diain, by which he had probably I)een dragged from the store- house. Tliese indihs sometimes are, by pencil or ink marks. Put to resume: the tril)o at hitigth decided that the cap- tives should be given up, and there remained no objection ex- cept from Persunc, who had become madly infatu.ited with Misfi M(!eker. lie implored her to remain with him: prom- ised that she i=lunild never do any work ; that all his posses- sions should be hers, and similar r.ish vows. He wept like a WHITK KIVKH AliENCY. fm MAJOR T. T. TiioRNnrimn. child, but his prayers and tears were of no avail. The other Indians regarded all this as a good joke on Persune, and after- wards, when the news of her death, while a Treasury clerk in Washington, came to them on L'intah Valley reservation, they nudged one another slyly, winked signiticantly, and said that Persune (»ught to ])ut on his mourning paint for his wife. (Jeneral Adams, with the captives, reached ^Nlerritt's camp on the night of the 2'?d, and conveyed them thence to Los Pinos. The captives then claimed that they had not been subjected to indiiftiitv, and General Adams stated afterwards that this 714 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. was his reason for urging the witlidniwul of the troops. Tliny did not nuike a full statement ot tlieir treatment to any of tlie otticials until their depositions were taken at Greeley, on No- vember 4, and then very reluctantly, and under promise that the newspapers should not have information of it. The pub- lic did not learn the facts for several weeks. The story of the remainder of the Uto trouble is mainly the record of the tedious sessions of two commissions. The government demanded the surrender of the parties guilty of the massacre and the attack on Thornburgh, but could get no legal evidence of their identity. The white survivors could not testify to the killing of any white man by any Indian. The Indians denied everything, except what favored them. They had learned the white man's maxim: "No num can be com- pelled to criminate himself," and had evidently added to it the words, "or any of his friends." Not a man could be found who knew any one that had been implicated. The chiefs who undoubtedly led in tlie attacks swore that they were not pres- ent, or, if present, were trying to preserve the peace. Finally, General Hatch demanded the surrender of the parties against whom there was the greatest show of evidrnce ; viz. .' Douglas, Johnson, Antelope, Ebenezer, Persune, Ahu-u-tu-pu-wit, Johnny (Douglas's son-in-law), Sah-witz (Sawa-wick, Sow-er- wick, Serwick, Serrick), Crepah, Tim Johnson, Thomas (an Uintah), and Pah-vitz. The proceedings were also delayed by the death of Ouray, on August 24, 1880, and of Ka-ni-a- che, who was struck by lightning two days after the death of Ouray. In one sense the death of Ouray furthered the final adjustment of the difficulty. He did not wish to move, though he finally consented to it, and ho did not wish to leave his tribe. Ho had repeatedly said : " Ouray will Jievcr leave the great mountains." lie and his tribe had the clear right to re- main and retain the reservation, under the treaty. They had not only not been hostile, but also had prevented a general war. If Ouray had desired war — if Me had even refused to interfere with the White Rivers — the frontier settlements would have been damaged incalculably. Inspector Pollock well wrote from the San Juan: "Saltpetre would not save this country but for the counsel of Ouray." No commissioner with a sen- WHITE RIVER AGENCY. iir. tiinent of decency or honesty could advise forcing him or his people to give up the reservation, and yet the rabble forgot his services, and could no longer see a distinction between good and bad Indians. Their skins are all of the same color, are they not? They are when the white man wants their prop- erty, at any rate. The work of the commission was further complicated, and perhaps hastened, by the invasion of the reservation by armed bands of prospectors, and gangs of railroad graders. In the fall of 1880 war was almost precipitated by the ninrder of Young Johnson, a son of Shavano, hy a drunken teamster, and the lynching of the teamster by the Indians. An adjustment was at length arranged, on the basis that none of the Indians should be punished, but that they should all move to new reservations. Strict justice would liave required that the guilty Indians should be punished and the peaceable ones allowed to retain the reservation, but this would not have been satisfactory to either party. The Indians did not wish to be punished, and the whites wished to get the reservation. Under the circumstances, the solution arrived at was perhaps the best that could have been made. The Southern L'tes were given land in severalty on the Animas, Florida, and other streams in Southern Colorado. The White Hi vers were sent to the Uintah agency. The Los Piiios Indians were put on a new reservation on Green Itiver, east of and adjoining the lintah agency. It was stated l)y the Indians, accepted by the com- mission, and adopted by the government, that the guilty par- ties had fled beyond the jurisdiction of the United States. Of course this was a fiction. Those parties are all on the reser- vations in Utah; at least, they were eighteen months ago. I*ut there was no special object to be gai«ied by their surrender. There was not evidence to convict them, and the tril)e was willing to purchase immunity by the surrender of the reserva- tion. It is rare that any tribunal has an opportunity to settle a question so satisfactorily to all parties concerned, and, being so settled, it is to be hoped that our differences with the Utes are henceforth, forever, tvs Judicata. ' CHAPTER XXI. CRUELTY, I'lTY, AND JL'STICK. On July 20, 18C7, was passed '* an act to establish peace with certain hostile Indian tribes," providing for the crea- tion of a lioard of peace commissioners. As members of this board, there were named in the act N. Ct. Taylor, J. li. Hen- derson, J. B. Sanborn, and S. F. Tappan, to whom the Presi- dent was empowered to add four army ofKcers. He named (ienerals Sherman, Harney, Terry, and Angnr. The discus- sion connected with the emancipation and citizenship of the negroes had educated the people to a jnst np))reciation of the natural rights of all men, and an awakening public conscience pointed to the Indian as a victim of past injustice. The "peace policy of General Grant," as it was commonly called, received the approval of a great majority of Americans. The labors of the peace commissioners were considered so valua- ble, and the advantages to bo gained by authorizing a com- mittee of citizens to aid in the conduct of Indian a£fairs were so evident, that by an act of April 10, 1SG9, a permanent Board of Indian Commissioners was organized. It was com- posed of ten civilians, who received no compensation for their services, but had their expenses paid, and were to assist in procuring and maintainitig peace with the Indians, for which purposes an appropriation of two million dollars was made. Unfortunately for tiie Indian, the feeling in his favor wan- dered ofif into the channel of abstract compliment. From a demon he was raised to the position of a temporal deity by the extremists who were now given an opportunity to aid him. The gentlemen who wrote the reports of the commis- sioners revelled in riott)us imaginations and discarded facts, as a part of the old and offensive re Miji;ucl, who kept back in tbu inoiiiitain vulloye mid took lit- tle or no jKirt in any of tlio wars. Mii^iiel's village, with ii white tia^ ^ying over each lodge, was found in the heart of the White Mountains by Captain I'arry, whoso forces were on an exterminating expedition, but these Indians showed so much sincerity in their professions of peace that even the jSIexican scouts said they could not fire on them. For these Apaches the White Mountain reservation was first estab- lished, and to it others gathered as they learned that they could surrender and remain at peace in their own country. Although externunation was not being satisfactorily ac- complished in Arizona, the legitimate object of war was be- ing obtained. The Apaches were gradually being brought to a reaii/.atitm that peace was a better mode of life than war. They were learning that their enemies could invade their homes, destroy their property, and keep them in con- stant apprehension of death. Some of them were ready to live peaceably at places where they could be protected, but for this result, which ought to Imv", been the primary oijject of the war, there had been no adequal« i)reparation. Indians who desired to surrender could go to the White Mountains, but Indians living elsewhere, who desired to make peace and settle in their old homes, had. no on i who could talk to them with authority. In February, 1871, a party of Indian wom- en came to Camp Grant, near the junction of the San Pedro and Arivapa rivers, in search of a captive boy. They were treated kindly, and through them communication was had with Es-kim-en-zin, the chief of their band. They were Arivapa or Pinal Apaches, about one hundred arid fifty in number. The chief said that they wished to make peace. Lieut. Royal E. Whitman, commanding the post, told them to go to the White Mountains. They were not willing to do this; some of their number had been there and found the locality unhealthy ; the Indians there were people with whom they had never mixed. More than this, their home was on the Arivapa. They said, "Our fathers and their fathers be- fore them have lived in these mountains, and have raised corn in this valley." Lieutenant W^hitman told them that he had no authority to make a treaty or to pronuse them a per- >*uiy ff-^i 720 MASSACIUvS OF THE MOUNTAINS. iniiJieiit home at that j)lace, but that they iiiijijlit surrender to him, and he would feed and protect them as prisoners nntil the authorities conUl he heard from. To this thriet*ly said, "On my arrival I found that I should have but little ut^v. for wagon or medicine; the work had been too thorougiily done. The camp had l.teen iiicd, and the tlead ixidies of some twentv-one women and children were lying scattered over the ground ; those who had !)een wounded in the first instance had their brains lieatcn out with stones. Two of flie best-looking of the srjnaws were lying in Hwh a position, and fmm the appearance of the genital organs and of their Wduiuis. there can be no doubt that they were first rariftlicd and tiien shot dead. Nearl}' all of the dead were mutilated. < Mie infant of some ten months was shot twice, and one leg iiacked nearly off. Wliile g'.'ing over the ground, 4»j 722 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. we came upon a 8(|nii\v wlio wiis unhurt, but were unable to get her to come in and talk, slie not feeling very sure of our good intentions.'' The next morning Lieutenant Whitman went ont with a jiarty to hurj the dead, lie f'avs, "I thought the act of car- ing for their dead would he an evidence to them of our eym- pathy at least, and the conjecture proved correct, for while at tlic work many of them came to the spot and iiididged in their o.\|>rc8sior)s of grief, tot» wild and terrible to be de- scribed. That eveiung they I'cgan to come in from all di- rections, singly and in small parties, so changed in forty-eight hour? as to be hardly recognizable, during which time they had tseither oaten nor slept. Many of the men, who^o f.imi- lies lur- ror. 1 did what I conUl ; I fcil them, an ' falketl to them, and listetwd patiently to their accounts. 1 sent horses into the mountains to bring in two badly-wounded women, one shot through the left lung, and one with an arm shattered. These were attended to. and arc doing well, ami will recover. Their camp was surrounded ami attacked at daybreak. So sudden ami unexpected was it, that no one was awake to give the alarm, and I found (piit«' a tiumber of wonien shot while asleep beside their bundles of hay wlii(!h tlu-y hail collected t(.» bring in on that morning. The w(»unded who were unable to get away bail their brains iM'aten out with clubs or stones, while some were shot full of arrows after having been mor- tally wounded by gunshot. The bodies were all stripped. Of the whole numlxM' buried, one was an old man and one was a well-gr(»wn boy — all the rest women and chiMicn. Of the wliole number killed ami missing — about one hundred and twenty-five — only eight were men. It has l)een said that the men were not there -they were all there. On the 2Sth we counted one hundred and twonty-eight men, a small number It al It c.tr olH pra do\ ed evi' CRUELTY, riTY, AND JfSTICK. 123 being ahsciit for luescal, all of whotn have since been in. . , . About their captives tliey say, '(iet tliein i)ack; for lis; our little boys will grow up slaves, and our girls, as soon as they are large enough, will be diseased prostitutes, to get money for whoever owns tln'tn. Our women work hard and are good women, and they and our children have no arty of soldiers suddenly came while returning from the White Mountains, about a month after the massacre. and by mistake, in the confusion of the moment, tired upon them. No one was killed, but Eskimen.'ln lost all (•(»nHdence in the protectorate. He fled to the mountains with his re- maining people, ami killed a white mar) as he went. The (Jar.ip (ir'ant massacr-e natm-ally raised a whirlwind of indignation in tire East among those who advocated peace, and even conservative ])eoplo who had not been irrclir>ed to Irrdian-wor'slrip r-ecoilcd at this atr-ocity. Ln duly. President 726 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. Grant gave Mr. A'incent Colycr plenary powcre to go into Arizona and adjust tlio Indian troubles there as appeared proper to liiin. His advent as a representative of the govcrn- inont was heralded by the Arizona press with the same fiery detiance that used to characterize the Mormon papers when the government proposed to take a hand in Utah affairs. Still the government was not observed to tremble, and Mr. C'( (Iyer's poliey was enforced. The Arizona papers simply weakened their cause by their absurd threatenings. Mr. (.'ol- yer was notoriously ultra in his peace theories, and evidently did not understand the situation in Arizona and New Mexico, but iie was (piitv) as correct as his assailants. There were in reality a large niniber of Indians tliere who were sufficiently huiiiblcd by war to be ready for reservation life, under con- trol of the Indian Department. There were also many who l>ad not i)een humbled, who had never been conquered, and w'lo consitlered themselves the superiors of white men in all respects except numbers and etpiipments. It was as errone- ous to suppose tiiat the latter chiss would live pcaceal»ly on reservations, as it was barbarous to continue war against the well dispose 1. No warlike Indian ever sul)mitted to reserva- tion restrictions until he had been whipped. He cannot be a savage ruler and an humble pupil at the same tiuie. He can- not feel tiiat ligiiiing is tiie only work that a man ought to d**, and yet take kindly to ploughing. His spirit must be broken in sotiie way. or his nature changed, l)efore he will submit to it. The right or wrong of breaking his spirit is •■other question ; the fact remains that he must be born again iato civilization, if he ever attiiins civiiization. It is but just to say that Mr. ('olyer did not have full op- portunity to rulk witli either the Indians or the people. The Indians were afraid to come in, being apprehensive of treach- ery, and (Jolyer did not care to interview the white popula- tioai on account of the violent tone of the press. His changes of the location of tiie Indians werv rather extensive, and none • •f them produced good results. The more peaceful portion of tbe MimbrenoB had been living at and about Cafiada Ala- mosa (Cottonwood Val- - 1, a'id for these he selected a reser- vation in the Tularo;^^ v^illc, to which the hostile Mimbre- CUUELTY, PITY, AND JUSTICE. t2i fios with their allied Chiricahuas wore also expected to come. None of the IndiuiiB wanted to ^^o there, and many refused to go. Cochise, the Chirirahua chief, who had surrendered in September, 1S71, with a oand of about two iiundred, went back to his old haunts in the spring of 1S72, when the remov- al occurred. More than si.x hundred others followed their example. Less than half of the sixteen hundred Apaches gathered at Canada Alamosa consented to go to Tularosa val- ley, and these were wretched and discontented. The water there was bad, the climate was cold, and the Indians were frightened by superstitions. They had warning legends of the destruction of the ancient races who once inhal)ited the ruins there, and they viewed the sickness wliicli ])revailed among them with great alarm. 15y fall their discontent was so great that the reservation was recommended to be abandoned, and the Indians placed on a reservation at Ojo Caliente, near their old home, which was done in 1S74. Mr. Colyer established a reservation for the I'inalefios and (lilefios at the mouth of the San Pedro Kiver. It contained about one hundred square miles, extending west from the San Pedro an«l south from the Ciila. These Apaciies remained there for about a year, and then, on account of sickness, the proximity of settlers, and the inadecpiate supply of water, were established on a reserva- tion on the ;uu |U'eparatu)ns for an active campaign against all hostilcs when Colyer arrived, but Colyer's jiowers were made superior to his, and Colyer d"sired to try coaxing. Later on, Crook was given power to proceed IlKNKIl.U, i:KiII1i:K ( IKlllK. CKlKI/rV, I'lTY, AM) .HSTICK. (29 against nil who faik'tl to respond to (.'olyor's appeals, hut iiiuh iiif^ that the prosecution ui his plans wctulil interfere with the Jii'iXotiations (tf the peace a<;ents, ho undertook no active hos- tilities, and contented himself with pursuing and punishing, as far as possiitle, parties who made raids on the settlements. Mr. Colver's plans for the procurement of peace were given n fair trial lor over a year, and thev faile; government horses and cattle stolen, 08 ; same! stolen from citizens. 4M». The actual depredations were slightly in excess id" this statement. It may be remarked, parenthetically, that this damage and fourteen months' delay in obtaining peace, were caused by the ("amp (irant nuissa- cre ; but for that alTair ^^r. Colyer woidd not have been sent to Arizona, and (ieiieral Crook would have cuncpiered the hostiles in ISTI. In view of the results mentioned, (Jeiieral Croid< announced in September, 1S72, his intention of pro- ceeding to "■ piini.sh the incorrigibly hostile." For the first lime in the history of that part of the coun- try, the fair and sensible manner of dealing with the Apaches was adopted. Its results have proven this, and have shown (ieneral Crook to be the right man in the right place. It mu!-t be remembered that he had left to him a legacy of the hatretl of three ci-nturies between the peoples whom he had to pacify; that a largi' portion of thi,- white ]>opulation were as barbarous in their modes of warfare as the Apaches them- selves; tli.'it .\i'izo!ia was still a refuge fur the criminal and lawless nii'U of other states and territories; that war and l)illage had lieen bred into the Apaches, until they were the most savage autl intractable Iiitlians in the country; that large bands of their nation still int'estrd Northern Mexico, and had alino>t impiegnable strongholds tliiire ; that ^Mexico l)ursiu'd war in the oKl way, and still paid bounty for Apache scalps, no matter where procured; that slavery still existed in Mexico, and it was next to im[)ossible to recover Indians once carried across the line. I) iiring the winter a vigorous 780 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. campiiigi) was prosecuted against the Tontos, Coyoleros, Yam- pais, and lliialapais, and by tliu siiininer of 1M73 they were subdued. Del-Shay's band of Tontos were captured in the Sierra Anclia by Captain Kandall, on April 22d, with that notorious chief hinitself, who had played fast and luone with Mr. Colyer, and earned a reputation for unblushing treacliery by his dealings with others. Jeniaspie's band of Ilualapais surrendered to Captain McGregor, in the Santa Maria Mouiit- aiiiB, on June 12th. Lieutenant JSabcock handsomely whipped the Tontos umler Natatotel and Natpii-naquis, on June lartinent moved them, much against their wills, to the Colorado Uiver reservation. When the removal was iirst proposed to them, they tied to the mountains and said they would resist to the death, but, through fear of the soldiers, they came back and were removed. The Indians at this res- ervation were unfriendly to them, and the climate was unen- durable to these people of the mountains. In four months nearly all of them were atHicted with an epidemic erujjtive disease; many of their children were nearly blind from a dis- ease of the eyes, brought on by the heat and dust; and half of their horses had starved to death. The troops stationed there suffered almost as much as the Indians. After a year's residence there tlio Ilualapais left the place in a body and went back to their old homes, but without committing any depredations. They lived there on friendly terms with the whites for a time, and were then removed to San Carlos, through the intercession of General Crook. The Yanjpais, or Ajjache Mohaves, and part of the Tontos, numbering near- ly two thousand, were located on a reservation about Camp Verde. The PinaleHos, with a few stragglers from other tribes, in all about twelve hundred, were sent to San Carlos, where they still remaifj. There were about sixteen hundred Apaches, known as the White Mountain Apaches, grouped about Camp Apache. It was estimated that about one»thou- CHl'KLTY, riTY, AM) JUSTICE. m saiitl reiiei^iick's, one -third of whom wen; warriors, 8t ill ro- tiiuiiiud at lar^u in various parts uf the Territory, but thcro wuru not probably inoru than onu-third to one-half of that niiMibur. Aj^ainst these an unc.'asiiig war was wn{j;ed. The Indians placed on the reservations were kept under rij;id surveillance. Each warrior was furnished with a metal check marked with his numl>er and the name of his tribe. The otlicers in charj^'e kept record of them and their families by these numbers, and as a full descripti<»n of each man was recorded, and rations \vere issued on these checks, it was im- possible for them to leave the reservation undetected. Tho remarkable success of CJeneral Crook in conqueriii}^ thcBO tribes so quickly was obtained by lightiii}; Apaches with Apaches. The friendly White Mountain Indians and Iluala- pais were used aj^ainst the others. They acted in the best of faith, renderin<^ services that were invaluable. They knew the country as well as the hostiles, and could interpret all their si^'Uals, besides beini^ adepts in the ruses of Apacho warfare. After bein^ brouj^ht on the reservation they were still used as police, with such {jratifyiuff results that the In- dian police system has since been extended to all reserva- tions. The Apaches were informed that their welfare woidd rest mainly with theiuselves; that white people punished their own otTenders, and th(\y must do the same. This was especially beneficial in the case of the Apaches, because they are thoroughly democratic in their tribal government. They have uo hereditary chiefs; each warrior has a large amount of independence, and the rivalry between various aspirants for power usually affords any wronj>;-doer a certain amount of backing. The only way in which the i^uilty could be cer- tainly singled out was by making the Indians the agents of the law. There were, of course, many who awaited otdy an opportunity to resume their old life, and tho machinations of these coidtl be ^ 782 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. then shot and killed Lieutenant Almy. The bands of Cochi- nay and Chuntz, to which ho belonged, at once fled to the mountains, and for over a year they were hunted by the troops and the reservation Apaches. Many of the Indians became worn out, and begged to return to the reservation, but they were met with the reply that they could come only when they brought Cochinay, Chuntz, and Chan-Deisi, dead or alive. One by one they joined the troops in hunting down their fugitive kindred. Cochinay was killed on May 26,1874; Chan-Deisi was killed on June 12th; and Chuntz on July 25th. Del-Shay, the Tonto chief, tried to play treach- ery at the Verde reservation, to which he had been permitted to remove, by murdering all of the whites there. He had them surrounded, and would have killed them but for the prompt resistance of the police and other Indians. He was brought to bay and killed by his own people on July 27th. The punishment of these chiefs is conclusive evidence that a new era had dawned upon the Apaches. The Apaches under General Crook's supervision were also giving other evidences of reformation. They were farming extensively and building houses for themselves. At Ycrde they made an excellent irrigating canal at no expense to the government. The White Mountain Indians, in 1874, raised 300,000 pounds of corn and 5000 pounds of beans, besides de- livering 750 tons of hay to the post and making five miles of irrigating ditches. Everywhere they were quiet, except the few renegades, who were hunted diligently. For the first time in its history Arizona was at peace. The Indians were all on reservations that suited them, except the Ilualapais, and they had seen the hopelessness of war. The whites also were satisfied, except that class who prey upon their fellow- men, and search out the helpless because they are the more easy and profitable victims. Governor Safford said, in his message of January 0, 1875, " At no period in the history of Arizona have our Indian affairs been in so satisfactory con- dition. Comparative peace now reigns throughout the Ter- ritory, with almost a certainty that no general Indian war will ever occur again. General Crook, in the subjugation of the Apaches, has sustained his former weU-earned military repu- CRUELTY, PITY, AND JUSTICE. 733 tation, and deserves the lasting pratitnde of onr people." Let it 1)0 remembered that this result was effected neither by the extermination policy nor by the so-called peace policy. It was the work of a man who said, " Vengeance is just as much to be deprecated as a silly sentimentalisin." His policy was simple justice to red and white alike. Bear this in mind, as wo proceed, and consider how fully its abandonment answers the question, Why did not this state of affairs continue? The little cloud, like a man's hand, was already in the sky. In his report of August 31, 1874, General Crook said, "There are now on the Verde reservation about fifteen hundred In- dians; they have been among the worst in Arizona; but if the government keeps its promise to them that it shall be their home for all time, there will be no difficulty in keeping them at peace, and engaged in peaceful pursuits. I sincerely hope that the interests that are now at work to deprive these Indians of this reservation will be defeated ; but if they suc- ceed, the responsibility of turning these fifteen hundred Apa- ches loose upon the settlers of Arizona should rest where it belongs." Although this was said of the Verde reservation only, it may be applied to the other Arizona reservations. The Indians were all at peace on reservations that suited them, and the responsibility of driving them to desperation by taking them from their native homes and placing them among enemies, in unhealthy and unpleasant localities, must rest where it belongs. We must turn our eyes to the Indian Bureau — our humanitarian, sympathetic, religious, peace and civilization Indian Bureau. It has been ciiarged time and again that the Indian Department has been controlled by a corrupt ring, which manages to keep its hold on men of ev- ery profession and every party who are appointed to repre- sent the government iu this branch of its interests. It has been charged that they have had such a control over Congress that they can turn it whither they will, and break down any man who tries to stand up for honesty and justice. Consid- ering the professions that various Indian Commissioners have made, it is but too evident that the control of that department has been in the hands either of men who " stole the livery of Heaven to serve the devil in," or of arrant fools who have 734 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. been played upor* like shepherds' pipes by the land-grabbers, who have secured the spoils. For present purposes it is im- material which is the correct alternative. In 1874r the reservations of Arizona passed from the con- trol of the War Department to that of the Indian Bureau, and the latter inaugurated what it was pleased to call " the policy of concentration." In other words, it began taking away from various tribes the lands on which thej' were peacefully settled, and which had been promised them for their future homes. The interests that were at work to get the Verde reservation did get it, notwithstanding General Crook's hopes, and he was forced into the humiliating position of seeing the Indians taken away from the lands that had been promised them through him. He told the agent sent to remove them that he would give him all the assistance in his power except force ; he would not use his soldiers to compel a removal. The In- dians did not wish to go, but they went peaceably. They were informed that the President ordered their removal, and they had learned that what the President said must be obeyed. They gave up their houses, their irrigating ditches, and their fields, and went, because they dared not refuse. General Crook did not remain to see the undoing of his work. He was relieved, on March 22, 1875, by Colonel Kautz, and sent to the Department of the Platte, where the Sioux were beginning to be troublesome. Colonel Kautz held the same opinions as to the propriety of keeping faith with Indians that General Crook did, and managed to preserve peace for some months longer. To the statement of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs: "I believe now no one in the territory questions the wisdom of the removal of the Verde Indians," Colonel Kautz bluntly replied : " So far as my observation goes, 1 have seen no one who endorses it, except those con- nected with the Indian Department." The next outrage committed by the Indian Bureau was the removal of the White Moimtain Indians — that is, those who had been about Camp Apache, in the northern part of the White Mountain reservation — to the neighborhood of San Carlos agency. The advantages claimed to be gained by this were better and more extensive farming lands, a mild climate, CRUELTY, PITY, AND JUSTICE. 786 excellent roads, a saving of the expense of an extra agency, and " last, but not least, to the people of the territory, it would avert the trade with these Indians from New Mexico to Ari- zona, where it properly belongs." The disadvantages were that these were mountain Indians, who were unused to the hot, stifling climate of the Gila Valley ; that the region of the new location had proven so unhealthy to the soldiers at Camp Goodwin that the post had to be removed ; that the Indians would be placed in close proximity to the white settlement of Pueblo Viejo ; and that the Pinal Apaches, already at San Carlos, were their enemies by feuds of many years' standing. There were other considerations that would seem serious to some persons, though these humanitarians, who were desirous of having trade go in its proper channels, did not trouble their minds about them. A large majority, if not all, the In- dians were bitterly opposed to the removal, and they had been good friends to us. These were the Indians on whom Mexican scouts had not felt willing to fire; who had helped General Crook to subdue the hostile Apaches; who were liv- ing on the little farms that had long supported them ; who had raised greater crops than all the other Apaches together. Every inducement to move was used with them, except actual force, and that was refused by the niilitar}' authorities. Thoy were threatened with force, however, and th ir agency build- ings were burned down by the representatives of the peace policy. Under these kindly arguments nearly half of the In- dians consented to go. Their state of mind may be imagined from the fact that, on the way, they had a fight among them- selves, in which five were killed and ten wounded — " Not a great loss where so much lead was expended," said the philo- sophic special agent, L. E. Dudley, who effected the removal. In the fall of the same year (1875) large numbers of these In- dians left San Carlos and went to the Chiricahua reservation, stating that they were unable to live at the former place on account of the hostility of the Finals. That winter they had a falling -out with the Chiricahuas; a Southern Chiricahua chief was killed ; and our White Mountain Coyoteros had to flee from that reservation to escape the indiscriminating vengeance of his tribe. 730 MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS. The bands of Pitone, Eskyinlaw {alias Diablo), and Pedro, a majority of all the White Mountain Indians, refused to re- move to San Carlos. They said that General Howard, as agent of the Indian Department, had promised them that they might remain there so long as they were peaceable; that they had not only been peaceable, but also had fought other In- dians, in aid of the Americans. They did not want to leave their farms or their native mountains, and they begged Col- onel Kautz to interpose for them at Washington. He did so, and his plea was met with the answer of " hostility of the War Department to the peace policy." Search you now the his- tory of the whole world and find a more wanton act of tyranny than the removal of these Indians from their homes. They would have saluted a Gesler's hat without a murmur; they would have paid a tax on tea without mucli remonstrance ; a foreign lord might have lived in their Dublin Castle without making them desperate. It is almost questionable whether Nero would have been capable of treating his friends and allies as the humane gentlemen treated these unfortunate bands, and yet men ask why the Apaches cannot be made peaceable. No war resulted in this case, because the soldiers could not be induced to compel the removal of the three ob- durate bands. But it came finally. There are some Indians into whose necks it will not do to grind your heels too far. The next victims of humanity were the Chiricahuas. There were, on the Chiricahua reservation, in Southeastern Arizona, the Northern Chiricahuas, under Tah-za, a son of old Cochise, who had died in peace on the reservation some eighteen months before, the Southern Chiricahuas, whose head chief was Juh (IIoo, Who), and a mixed band of Mogollons, Mimbres, and Coyoteros. The management of these warlike bands by the Indian B:ireau had been criminally inefficient, and its faults had been pointed out repeatedly. To begin with, their reservation had been made to join the Mexican line, giv- ing every opportunity for raiding from either side. It will be remembered that there were large bands of predatory Apaches in Northern Mexico, and that the Mexicans were still pursuing the old, treacherous system of warfare. The authorities of Sonora complained that the Chiricahuas committed depreda- CRUELTY, PITY, AND JUSTICE. 787 tions within their borders, which was true in a number of cases. The agency people did not keep count of their Apaches, as General Crook was do^ng, and there were no restric- tions iniMosed upon tliern that were sufficient to keep them on their rr nervation. On tbo other hand, the Mexicans were con- staJitly coming on the reservation to sell whiskey, or in search of scalps. On July 23, 1875, a party of Chiricahuas who were gatliering acorns on the reservation, fifteen miles north of the Mexican line, were fired upon by a party of Mexican soldiers. Notwithst-"ised law for that purpose was submit- ted to Congress in 1882, and bills to cut off the parts of the reservation containing them have since been introduced ; but no action has been taken on any of them. Possibly a good solution would be to make miners of the Apaches. They are industrious and quick to learn, and could dig coal as well as plant corn. The whites would then be supplied with coal and the Indians would have the benefit of the mines, besides being initiated in a new field of industry. The Apaches are anxious to obtain the release of their people now held in Mexico, some of whom were captured within the past five years. The Mex- ican captives, held as hostages for the return of these, were released by General Crook in 1883; but the Apache captives are still slaves. The government cannot neglect this matter and retain the respect of civilized men. There were indica- tions of a rupture between the military and Indian authori- ties in Arizona under the late administration ; but the firm stand of Commissioner Atkins against disarming the Apaches indicates that he is in harmony with General Crook. It would be folly to disarm them, even if it could be accomplished. They would be left subject to the outrages of the Arizona outlaws, who prey on every one, and also at the mercy of the rabid exterminationists. In 1883 a company of "rangers" was organized, to attack the peaceable Indians at San Carlos, and marched nearly to the reservation. No time was wasted in begging these men to be law-abiding. The Indians were notified that they would be expected to defend themselves ; and the rangers, on learning this, concluded that they had not lost any Indians. They marched back to Tombstone without CRUELTY, PITY, AND .JUSTICK. 755 miikin ; surrender of, deniandeil, 714. Albert, Indian boy,witne6ses Mountain Meuil.iw massacre, '29M ; induced to lie about it, ill; . Alcatraz Island, Modocs scut to, o»i ; Apaclics Bent to, 744. 7.'i'.i. Alcedi), Antonio dc, estimate of population of Califurnia, 131. Alder (Julch, mines of, 478. Alexander, Colonel, ordered from Utah by Brig liam Young, 2H«, '2H'.l. Allakaweali, who are, 379. Allen, Lieut. J. K., death of. 3.'>2; mentioned, 3,')4. Allen, Agent R A., reports starvation of I'lc- gans. .'■>37, KW. Almy, Meutcnant. killed. 732. Alvord, Miyor, (pioted, lo.'i. Always Ready. .SVe (iiannahtah. American Horse, .^iiou.K chlof, killed, C>2r). American Indian Aid Association, intercedes for .Modocs, BHl. Ames, John (J. , reports on M ission Indians, 149. Amoroko, Snake chief, band of, '27(1. Ankatosh, Ute chief, mentioned, 1)89. Antelope, t'to warrior, aids in murder of Ksk- rldKe,703 ; aids in massacre, 704; surrender of, demanded, 714. Anthony, Miyor, opinion of Indians at Sand Creek, 41i), 417 ; takes command at Fort Lyon, 418; olllcial report of, 419; soniLs Clieycnnes away, 420; Cheyennes deiy, 4'Jl; advico to Chivington, 422. Antonio Garra, Yuma chief, con.«piracy of, 180, Apache Cafliin, Kearny at, 49, ftii; light at, 407. Apache Mohaves. same as Yampais, 3.')N, Apache I'ass, (Iglil at, 38U ; resistance to Carle- ton at, 382. Apache Yumas, same as Hualapais, 358. Apaches, location and origin of, 82, 24.'); dam- ago by, to Mexican settlements, inU; com- mon opinions of, HfiR \ divisions of, 3r)7; names of, S.W; troubles of, with Mexicans, 389; troubles of, with traders and tnippers, 3(K); massacres of, 361; scalp-bounty for, 362; meet General Kearny, 365; meet Hart- letl's party, 366; slavery among, 307, 368, 372, 373 ; troubles with Bartlett's party, 373; try to drive out miners, 374; massacre White's party, 377; Mexicans attack, 378; not protected by intercourse laws, 379; hos- tilities of, at bcgluuing of rebellion, 38U, 381 ; Californians defeat, 382 ; operations against, 383 ; at liosquo Hedondo, 384 ; Carlelon's campaign against, 385, 386 ; ex- termiuation theory tried on, 389, 391; ell'ect of extermination policy, 390; tmnbles at Itusquo Iteduudo, 392; failure of cMtrniina- tlim iiolicy, 395; cxterniinatinn pidiiy con- tinued, 717, 718 ; establLshment at Camp Grant, 719, 7'20; mas.sacre of. at CanipGrant, 721-725; peace policy tried, 7'2ll, 7'27; failure of iieace jwlicy, 7'28, 7'i9; Crook's policy in- augurated, 7'29, 730; features of Crook's pol- icy, 731 ; success of siime, 732 ; removal jxilicy inaugurated, 733, 734 ; elliiCts of re- movals, 735-743; hostilities in 1880-8'2.743- 747; Crook returns to, 747, 74S; renews his policy, 749; renegades brought in, 750-752; success of Crook's policy, 7.53, 754; causes of troulde renuilnlng. 7.54, 7.5.5. Applegate, Jesse, appointed on Modoc conimls- sloM, 559; removed, 560. Applegate, Oliver, appointed on Modoc com- ini.ssion, 559; removed. .560. Arapahoes. iVc Cheyennes and Arapahoes. Archuleta, Col. Diego, bought up by Magotlln, 50 ; conspiracy of, 61. Arivajias, Apaches, who are, 357; location of, 358; caoturo Inez (ionzales, :i66; come to Camp (irant, 719, 7'20; Camp (iraiit massa- cre. 721-725 ; attack on. 725 ; rc-scrvation made for, 7'27 ; sent to San Carlos, 730. Arizona, description of southwestern part, 151, 1.52; established as a territory, 157. 1.58; de- si'ription of northeastern part, '244, '245; Apache warfare In, 356; a refuge for crun- in.ils, 362; Indian slavery in, 37'2, 373; over- run l>y Apaches, 380, ;t81 ; gold discoveries in, 386; operations against Apaches in, 38,5, .386; put In Hepartment of Calilornin, 391; progress of, 39'2, 395; press of, defends I'amp Grant miussacre, 7'24, 7'25; thrcatins Colyer, 7'26 ; Crook's policy inaugurated in, 7'29; success of same, 73'i; removal iMjIicy tried in, 733 ; results of removals, 734 - 743 ; changes of 1882 in, 747, 748; Crook's policy renewed. 749, 7.50; Apache renegiides brought in, 752; (Jeronlmo's outbreak, 753; remain- ing sources of Apache troubles, 754, 755. Armi,io, General, commands Mexican troops In Nt.'w Mexico, 49; bought up by .\lugoUlu, 50; retires to Mexico, 51, Arrow, the. Sec Ouray. Arroyo Hondo. ma.ssacro at, 60-68. Arshay. Apache chief revolt of, 747, Ashburton treaty, mention of 41. Ash Hollow, location of 2;I4; light at, 235; crit- icism of tight at, '236; light ut, praised on frontier, 433, 434. Assinaboines, location of, 81. Astoria, sketch of history of, 32, 33. 760 INDEX. Athabnscans. related to Navnbos, Apaches, and I'mpquiiH, H'2, '245, '2Ut. Atsiua. Nunc as Ampaliucs, 221. Augur, General, sueceeds General Cooke, 503; member Hoard of I'eace Commissioners, 710. Babbitt, A. W., Secretary of Utah, killed by huliaiis, 2»U. Babcock. Lieutenant, defeats Tontns, 730. ]l4t('kus, Mi\jor, (juotcil. 251, 255. Bacon, Lieutenant, sent to out olTNcz I'crces, (15.5. Baeon, .Special Agent, reports on California res- ervations, 137, i;ta Baillie-tirobman, quoted, 22fi. Baker, Col. E. M., sent against I'iegans, 528; re- covers horses from illoods, 52St; report of, 530; probable facta of light, 531; criticism of tight, 532; Sheridan's orders to, 533; sup ported by army olllcers, 534. Bald Head. See Hushhushcute. Baldwin. Lieutenant, defeats Sitting Bull, C20. Baliran, Sutler, killed, 015; murueror of. detect- ed, 010. Bannocks, who arc, 275, 270. Barncho, .Modoc warrior, takes part in murder of commissioners. 509; tried, 5H0; convict- ed, 581 ; scnteuca of, commuted, 58'i Barstow, A. C, member of Ncz Perccs commis- sion, 040; responsibility of, 07'2. Barllett, J. R., releases slaves of Mimbrenos, 300; hostilities to, 373; leaves Copper Mines, 374. Batcman, William, aids John D. Lee at Mount- ain Meadows, '295. " Baylor's Babes," fight of, with Colorado troops, 407. Bcalo, Superintendent, estimate of Indians in California, 130, 131. Hear, the. Sioux chief See Mahto Iowa. Bear Chief. I'iegan i uief. becomes hostile, 6'24; camp of, attacked, 5'28. tear Uivers, Utcs, same as Yampas, 081. Hear Spring, treaty at, 25(>; (Iglit at. '203. Beanbien, Narcissus, murdered by I'ucblos, 05. Beckwith, .lim, guides Colorado troops, 390; a chief of the Crows, 479. Belknap investigation, Custer's connection with, 001, 00'2. Bell, Lieutenant, defeats .licarillas, 377. Benedict, , shoots at Nez I'erces Indians, 030. Bennett. Captain, recommends native police for Navaiios, 472. Bennett, L'te warrior, Douglas refuses to sur- render, 090. Bent, (.'liarles, Governor of New Mexico, char- acter of, lf>2; murdered l)y Pueblos, 0'2, 0;i ; burled at Santa Ke. 78. Bent. George, writes letter for Cheyenne chiefs, 411 ; believed to be a rebel emissary, 4'26. Bent's Fort, described, 52. Benteen. Captain, sent ahead by Custer. 008; report of, 009; besieged, 010; estimate of nunil)cr of Indians. 0'20; not in fault, 0'24; cuts ofl' Nez Pcrci'S herd. 057. Benton, Thomas, calls attention to value of Ore- gon, 40 ; regrets discovery of gold in Califor- nia, 1'24, 125; mention of, 241. Bcswick, Nato, representations of, to Modocs, 559. Bewloy, Lorinda, captured by Cayuscs. 90 ; giv- en to Kivo Crows, 99; deposition of, 113-11.5. Big Kill, Pi - edc chief, at Mountain Meadow massacre, 293. Big Thunder, Noz Pcrc6 chief, orders Joseph away, 631. Bingham. Lieutenant, killed t)y Sioux, 491. Birtsell, Dr. C. S., testimony of, concerning Sand Crook. 410. Ulackfeet. location of, 81; who are, 509; tribal organization of, 510; reputation of, 511; cause of reputation, 512; torture of, by Klat- heads, f,13; generosity of, 514; location of, in 181)3, 515; treat with Stevens, 510; peace- ful relations of, 617, 518; location in 1809, 5'2H; neglect of, 530 ; sulferings of, 537 ; star- vation of, 5'.I8; right of, to aid, 541 ; helpic s- ness of, .542; harassed by Siou.\, 5''3. ,S'ee also I'iegans and Illoods. Black Foot, Sioux warrior, mistreats Mrs. Ew- banka, 428. Black foot Sioux, who arc, 231; ticaty of 1800 with, 481; on the warpath, 500; not related to lllai'kfoot nation, 510 {noti); location of, in 1870. 591 ; at war, 018; make peace, 0'28. Black Ilill.s, held sacred by Indians, .586; gold believed to exist in, 580; gold discovered, 587; invasion of, 588; Indiansrefu.se to sell, 589, 59il; Navulicm ecnt t(i, 4ii4; liidiiiiis qimrrul iit, 4)i5: iigriciilturn ruth iit, 4tiU; Uiiscriptlon of, 4(17; sulloritij? iit, 4ti«, 4ii'J; Ciirlcton's iiiistnke. 47(1; (IcgkIoiI u ruiltirc, 471 ; Niivahos rcaiiovod from, 472. Ilosloii Cliurlcy, Modoc warrior, at coHncil, nCJ; shoots Dr. ThomaM, fid'.); surrenders, 577; tried, 58U; convicted, 581; executed, 5H2. " lloslons," Indian name for Americans, 102. Itowpiths, Sioux, .same as Sans Arcs, 2:tl. Hozenian. Montana, sptllement of, 478. Uozenian Koute, desiral)ilily of road by, 478, 47'.); Indians oppose road, 482; riKlit lo road, 484. 4H5, 507 ; road abandoned, 508. liraiilo, l)attle at, 51. Hrady, .losc|)li, carries message for Ouray, 700; opinion as to the pi<:turos, 712. Urannan, Samuel, Mormon bishop of California, U'J; reports receipts of gold, 121. Brewer, Dr. Charles, quoted, 21)0, 307-309. Briesly, Dr., testimony concerning Camp Grant massacre, 721, 722. Brooks, Major, negro servant of, killed by a Navaho, 202; demands murderer, 262, 203; expedition of, 2(i8. Brouillet, Father, quoted. 93; arrives at Wai- lalpu, 99; objects to Indian testimony, 109; statement of, 109-113; Miss Uewley's ac- count of. 113-11.5. Brown, Capt. F. H., volunteers with Fetter- man's jiarly, 491; body found, 4'J5; proba- ble suicide of, 4'J(i, 49S). Browne, J. Ko.«s, quoted, 107; action of, criti- cised, 3;13; opinion of Stevens's treaties, 3;)4 Brul s, Sioux, designation of. in sign language, 225; who are, 231; part of, in tiratlan mas Sucre, 2:12; go to war. 233; defeated at A.«h Hollow, 235; submission of. 2:t(); treaty of IMOO with, 481; remain friendly. 483, 484; Bome hostile, 500; location In 1870,591; at war, G18; make peace. ()2i<. Brunot, Felix, treats with Utes, 083; Ouray's statement to, 084. Buchanan. I'resident, promotes General Har- ney, 238; quoted, 280. Bulfalo. destruction of, 2, 3, 4; belief of Indians as to perniancnco of, 243; extermination of, 537, 538. Buffalo eaters, who arc, 275. Bull Hear, Cheyenne chief, desires to treat, 408; friendliness of, 411; in council at Denver, 4^2; asub-chief to Black Kettle, 431. Bunnell, Dr., account of Vosemite war, 13.1, i;U; quoted, 13.5. Burgwin. Captain, killed at Pueblo do Tao.s. 77. Burke, Col. Martin, furnishes goods to Francis- co, 181; letter toOlivo Oatinan, 183; reports her recovery, 184. Burns, Captain, captures Yampais, 730. Burnt Thtgh.s. See Briiles. Bycrs, \V. N., Meeker's letter to, 098, 699. CABAI.I.O RN I'Ei.o, Yuma chief, massacres Gal- latin party, 302. Cabanisse, Dr.. negotiates with Modocs, 577. Cai^ho Valley Indians, who ure, 277. Cadete. See Giannahtah. Cttjuenchos. same as Cuchans. 358. Calhoun, Captain, killed at Little Big Horn, 611; a brother in law of General Custer, 023. Calhoun, Governor, treats with Navahos, 257, 258; releases slaves, 308; treats with Jica- rlllas, 377. California, conquered, 47; discovery of gold in, 118-12S; early Bottlers of, U6-WI; ludiauB of, 127-129; first Indian troubles of, 129, 133-135; native pnpidation of, 130-l:i;i; res ervalions of, 13.i-i;t7; Indian ring In, 137, 138; barbarous treatment of Indians of, 138- 142; Missicui Indians of, 142-150; Indians in niirlhern part of, 190, 191 ; sends troops against Modocs, l'.)2; Indian titles in, l'J4; Mormons incite Indians of, 281; Mormons recalled from, 280; criminals from, in Ari- zona. 302; slavery in, 371; volunteers from, In New Mexico, 382,383; Southern sympa thy in, 404; pay to militia of, in Modoc war, 578. Culispels. See I'end d'Oreilles. Campbell, Captain, quoted, 293. Camp Grant, eslablishment of Apaches at, 719, 720; massacre at, 721-723; attempted do- fence of, 724; evil elfects of. 7'25, 720, 729. Camp Yuma, location of, 158; Lorenzo Oatman, at, 17'J. Canby, Gen. E. H. S., drives back Texans, 382, 407; relieved by Carleton, 383; light at Val- verde, 404 ; camjiaign against Navahos, 451 ; sketch of, 5.50; recommends separate reser- vation for Modocs, 5.52; made a member of Modoc commission, 600; opinion as to last council, 505; refuses to deceive .Modocs, 566; goes to council, 567; speech at council, 568; killed, 6(i'.l ; body recovered, 570 ; indigna- tion at murder of, 571. Cannon, (ieorge (J., denies guilt of Mormons at Mountain .Meadows, 3? 4. Canniui. Lieutenant, testimony of, concerning Sand Creek. 434. Cafion ALsada described, 455, 456; entered by Colonel Miles. 458. Cafloncito Hcuiito described, 258. Cafion Creek, fight at, 0.57. Caflon do Chelly reached by troops, 256; par- tially explori?d, '2.57; exiilored, 265; expedi- tion against Navahos in. 4.54; extent of, 456; description of, 4.56; clilf houses in, 4.57; ex- plorations of, 458; Carson marches to, 461; operations at, 4()2 ; misstatement concern- ing, 463 ; results of operations at, 464, 4(iS. Cafion del Trigo, location of, 450 ; entered by Lieutenant Simpson, 458. Capotes. Utes, who are, 277; included in South- ern L'tcs, 081. Captain Billy, Tabequacho chief, mentioned, 689. Captain Jack. .Modoc chief, troubles of, at Kla- math reservation, 545 ; loaves reservation. .540 ; conduct of, 549 ; attacked by Captain Jai'kson, 652 ; takes no part in murder of settlers, .5.53; goes to Lava Beds, .5.54; joined by Hot Creek Indians. 5.51); message of, to commissioners. 602; desires peace, 563; de- cides for war, 5(')4; saves .lodge Steele's life, 505 , meets commissioners, 507 ; speech at council. 6(i8; kills General Canby. 569; loaves Lava Beds, ,576; captured, 577; Indians call him insane, 578; arraigned, 679; tried, 580, 581 ; executed, 582. Cara.sco, General, attack of, on Apaches, 3.59 Carey. Captain, accompanies Carson at Caflon do Chelly. 461 ; sent through the cafion, 402. Carleton, General, quoted, 1'25; erects in(Uiu- mont at Mountain Meadow.s, 309; advances to New Mexico, 382 ; operations against Mescaleros, 383; sends Moscaloro.s to Itosijuc Uedondo. 384; jirotects Arizona miners. 385; result of operations in Arizona, 38(i; infatu- ated with Ho.squo reservation project. 392; instructs Carson not to make peace, 4'23; deciiles to remove Navahos to Itosipie Ue- dondo, 462 ; operations against Navahos, 708 INDEX. 4S3, 464; quoted, 458; mistake of, in num- bor of NavnhoB, 405; oliji-cts In liilorlcrciico of Stock, 4117. 4(W ; coiiiforls the Niiviihos, 4ii!) ; pcrsiBts in llosi|Uo KudnnUo project, 470. Cnrr, Colonel, attnckcd by Apiicliea, 744. Currington, Col, H. H., sent to I'owdor River country, 48U; locates Fort I'liil Kearney, 48(1; conHlructs fort, 487; neglects scoutinK, 489; aKks for reliifi)rceuiPiit«. 41M); orders of, disobeyed, 41l'.l; removed, 500; niisrepre- Bontcd, BUI; oxoneruted, oU'J; faults of, 0U3, 504. Carson, Kit, saves Kremont's party, 191; guides dragoons iigainst .riearillas. :177 ; aerepis sur- render of Mescaleros, ll8;t; commands at Fortt'anby, 454; expedition of, tof'afton do Cliolly, 4(il; immediate rcauUs of expedi- tion, 4l'>2; inisstalcmcnt concerning, 4<>:{; ulterior results of expedition, 4H4 ; sent against Comauches, 4<')5; treats witli I'tes, C81, Casas Orandas, what are, 54-57 ; no tradition of oc(^upan(^y by Nnvalios, 245. Cascades, the. descril)ed, '.ill ; massacre at, 212. Casino, Klickitat chief, splendor of, 201, 202, 371. Catlin, fieorgo, meets Ncz Pcrces messengers, :it>. ;n. Cay uses, location of, 8(5; derivation of name. 8f> (nnlf); religious dissen.'sions of, 90-93; nia.ssacro by, at Wailatpu, 93-100; punish- ment of, 101; treaty with. 217; treaty rati- fled, 355; removal of. recomuieuded. (Us. Chan-Deisi, Apache chief, attacks Agent I.arra- bee, 731; killed, 7;t2. Chandler, Special Agent, statement concerning Sioux treaty of lN7(i, 48;i. Chapitone, Xavaho chief, makes treaty, 257; nmrdercd, 258. Chase, Samuel, appointed on .Modoc commis- sion, .W.); removed, .5iiO. Chato, Apache cliief, raid of, 750; returns to reserval ion, 752. Chavanaugh. Sir Shavano. Clieis. Sre Cochise. Chcmakano Missiou, location of, 87; abandon- ment of, ;I41. Chemehueves, location of, 157; present state of, 187. Chcrokees, in Confederate army, 424. Cherry, Lieulenant, iil .Milk Cri'ek, 700. Chesterlleld House, whiskey sold to ludians at, 515. Chcyennesand Arapahoes, fraudulent estimates of, K); location of. 81; treaty of 1851 witli. 220; early history of. 221, 222; separations of, 222; language of, 223; designations of. in sign language. 225; government and po- lice of, 227; lirst troubles with. 229, 2;«l; hostilities of 185(i, 2;i8, 239; Sumner's ex- pedition against, '239, 210; become peace able, 240; treatment of, by Colorado set- tlers, 241, 24'2, 4'29; treaty with. 4'23; attack on, at Sand Creek, 39('>-401 ; sketch of hos- tilities. 408 ; oD'ect of hostilities on whites. 409,410; admit hostilities. 41 1-41('>; proiifs of hostilities, 41<>, 417; not promised protec- tion. 417-4'22; instructions to punish. 4'2;i; sympathy with rebels. 4'24, 425; treachery of, 4'2(1; brutality of, 4'27-4;tO; report of Congressional committee, 4110-433; misrep- resentations of i^and Creek all'air. 433-437; treaty of 1805 with, 437; go to war, 4;t8; supplies issued to, 439; defeated by Custer, 440; defended by Wynkoop, 443; Chiving- tou's opinion of, 444, 445; aid Sioux oguiusl Crows, 479; did In Kellerman massacre, 600; location of northern band in 1870,691; at Kawlin's Springs massacre, 595; removal of northern band, 743; Crook's opinion of the removal, 748, ChickasawH, in Confedornto army, 434. ('hief .loscph. .S'cf Joseph, Young. Chihuahua, policy of, to Apaches, il.59; ofTcrH I scalp bounty. ;i('>0; results of si^alp bounty. j 301-;m3; .joins United Stales in tlghting Apiiches, ;I85, 380; slaves from, sold in New Mexico. 447, Chimonclh, Cascade chief, hanged, 21'2. Chinaman, Ctowurnur, Douglas refuses to sur- reiuler, 090. Chlnooks, location of, 82; sacriUco of slaves by, 372. Chiricahuas, Apaches, who are, 357; treachery to, 380; go to war, 38! ; light Carleton, ;182; operations against, ;I8,5, ;i8(t, 391; failure of cxterminatiiui policy with, 395; refuse to be removed, 727 ; Coyoteros take refiigo with. 735; removal of, atteuipted, 7;tO, 7;t8; cum. of attempt, 7;t7; war resulw, 7;t8; ef- fects of attempt, 74'2, 743; come to White Mountain reservation. 74:); leave reserva- tion. 747; raico. IUM; coun- try (if. .IIH. :)ril; iiiaku tri.'uty, UM. Ci)k .svcsldlox. Ccillcy, Miiji"". I'lii'yonno cliiofH' Inltcr to. 411, C'ullins. ,Su|ii^i'.iiU'iiili!iit, truutH WjIIi NuviiIiuh, 4.'>l. Colorailo. rnrly sclllcmi'lil of, 21!l, 'i'JII; dlwnv cry or Kiild in, ■i4it-'Jii; tri'iiliiiciit of In il.aiiK liy Hi'ttliTH. 241, Wi; Indian Hluvcry in. ;t71. Il7'.i; vnliintiKTH from, in N('W Mex Ic", ;WJ, 404-407; at Sand Cri'ck, 40;t; Indi nn Ir.iulili'H during llii' Kcliidlinn, 40H-411; Clii'vcnni' and Ar,i|ialiii« linHtditics in. 411- 41ii;' l(iyiil tWdinK in. 4'24, 4'2.'>; caus(M)ri)it liTiiivH iif |ic(i|ili' ici IndianH. 4'2iU4:)0; re Uliidii (iC idd Hi'lllc.rH. 44:(-44r>; HlundH by .''aiid Creek. 44ri; ileHiro in. lor rcimivul of lie.-. Ii7.^-(1S0; early IHc IroidileH in, (iWI, CtHl; .•'an .liian e.\( "lenient. (W'i-IIH4; Invii Hxin or rii('i>in|iali);r6 I'ark. ii8.*>-(iH7; con- duel (if 1 le«. li'.tv!. ilWI; iiiinlin't (if whiles, fi'.l4. (I'.P.'i; lle.M reiiiiived fniin, 714, 715. (^ilonidd Kiver Indian.'*, wliii are, 1W7. t'ojoriiw. White Kivcr chief, meuli(incd, COO; nieetB TliornliiirKh. c(jvrrcd, 204; trouble near, a'J4. Colwell, , settles on Iji|mal reservation, 041. C'olyer, Vineent, inlRroiiresents Lieutenant rease uiid (ieneral .Sully. 531, 5;i'2; sent to Arizona, 7'Jii; establishes Apaches, 727; fudiire of plnns ., iiecoinpanles IklagolDn. 41); coinmands Mormon battallim, 51; at Ash Hollow, 234.236; ipinted, 23(1; Carrlng ton iisks roinforienieiits from, 4Hti; blamed for Kellerinan massacre, 502; relieved, 603; fuull of, 6(14. "Co(i|ier's Indian " not purely mythical, 24. Copper Mine Apaches, same as Miinbrcflos, 367. Couiies (iorges. same as Sioux. 22.'). Cowan's party attacked by Nez l'erc<;g, G56. Cow l)'land, I'IkIiI at. i'M. Cox, U(w.s, ((iioled. 612. 513. Coyoteros, Apaches, threaten th<( Oatmans, ICiO; wlio are, 367; location of. 3.'iM; |>er nutted to leave Bosque Kedondo. 470; set- tled at White Mountain reservation, 711); assist troops. 731; removal of. to San Car- los. 734; elleets of removal. 735. 73(>; re- turn to White Mountain reservation, 749; RiMid conduct of. 762. Cradleb.'iu;:li. .hid).'e .lolin. gives date of Mount- ain Meadow nn'.ssacre, 299; investigates massacre, 3>'.;, Hamlin's story to. 319. Cramer. Moiitenanl, testimony of, concerning .Sand Creek. 434. Cranston, Lieutenant, killed in Lava Beds, 673. Cliizy Horso, Ogallalla chief, who was, 691; light with Keyn(d(ls, 697; controversy con- cerning tight. 59H; flght with Crook, ()(I4; niiiidier of Indians supposed to he with, U17; at Litllo Uig Horn, UIH; lcu\-CB S.ttiug Bull, 1126; Invites Sitting Bull to Join him, r)2ll; killed. (127. Cremony, Colonel, statement as to Apache biiri als, 35(1, 357 ; Apacln^ slaves take refuge with, 3(111; services of, ;i«4. Crittenden, Lieutenant, killed at Little Big Horn. (HI. Crook, (ieneral, np|)nsed to I'onc.i removal. 21 ; e.xiiedition agailLst Sioux. 69(1, .59H; seciuid e.Kpeilition, nui; light with Sioux, ('il)3. (104; iiiislake as to number of Sioux hostlles, (117, (IM; further operations against Sloii.x, (i26, 0)211; opiiion of .Vpaehes. 72H; inaugu- rates his polii'y, 729, 730; features of pidicy, 731 ; success of policy, 732, 733 ; goes to De- partment of the I'latti', 734; returns to Arl- Koiiu. 747; opinion of Cheyenne removal, 74^; restores harmony in Arizona, 749; brings in renegades, 760-752; success of liolicy, 752; (iei'(Uiinio'8 outbreak. 753; dif tlciillies to be eiicoiinlered. 764, 755. Crow Cri'ek agency, fare of Indians at, 17. Crow Hog. Sioux chief, trial of, for murder, 10 Crow Keathei', Sioux chief, o|iinion uf Black Hill.H. 5MH, 590. Crows, location of, 81; designation of, in sign language, 2'J6; de.s(ripli()n of 479; harass (iros Ventres of the .North, 510; harassed by Sioux. 593, 594; complaints of, 595, 69U. CrucilKion by Indians, case of, 178. t'uchans. Nee Yuinus. (.'iichillo Negro. Sen Black Knife. Cullen, Special Commissioner, attempts to en- force law at Fort Benton. 522. Cummings. (iovernor, reception of. In I'tah. 315. Curly, Crow scout, escape of,ut Little Big Hoiii, (112; statement of, (115. Curly-headed Doctor, Modoc chief, hand of, 64tl; accused of lawlessness, 549; depreda- tions bv . 663. tuilio, oeneral, sends troops against Cliey- ennes, 412; Instructions to Chiviiiglon, 422, 423; opinion of hostlUvs, 4'24; statem(>nt as to elfect of light at Sand Creek. 433, 434. Curtis, .ludge - Advocate, exculpates Captain •lack, 563; conducts trial of. Moducs, 581; re- ports on Barncho and SloUix, 681, 682. Custer, Boston, killed at Little Big Horn, 612, (123. Custer, Capt. T., killed at Litllo Big Horn, 612, (123. Custer, (Ieneral. estimate of Indian population, 1; catnpaign of 18117, 438; surprises Black Kettle's cump. 440; writes up Clutyenne af- fairs, 443; expedition to Black Hills, 687, 588; testifies in Belknap investigation, 601; (irant's treatment of, ('>02; marches against .Sioux. 603; starts to Little Big Horn. 607; light on Little Big Horn. ('i()S-(U5; arrest of Kain-in-the-Faco. 616; mistake as to force of Sioux, (117, 618; drawn into a trap, 619- 622; not in fault. (123, 624. Cut-arms, same as Chcyenues, 2'25. Darutas. See Sioux. Dame. CoUmel, orders Mountain Meadow mas. sacro, '296 ; retains standing in .Moriiiou Church, 315. Davidson, Lieutenant, defeated by Jlcarillos, 377. Davis. (Jen. .LC. , takes command against Mo- docs, 674; decides to execute Modocs, 578, 579. Davis, Inspector-general, holds council with Apaches, 390, 391. Davis, Su|)erlnteDdeDt, reports on condition of Navahos, 471. 49 . 770 INDEX. neat miitoR, communicate witli Indlnns l)y Dclli'iilMiluli, Ucv (J I., quilled. (i71. Itohiui), .Serrcliiry, (U'lliiitl(Ui iif pcttco pnllcy, HI. Dc'lKidito, Apiielio chief, tre:ieliery of. :i7;i, 1174. DelKudo, HVIiiiu, iV|iurlH . Deiniicmlle piirty, faviiiB nunexiitWiu (if Texas, 'JU; frviuK iMcii|i«tl(PU (if OieKDU, 4'J; diver- Mily (il si'iiliiiieni ill. 4:t. Denver, treatiiielit nf IndlnuH liy people i). Doollttle, ijenator, bias in Chivington investi- g.ilion, 4:il; investigates Indian alfuirs of Now Mexico, 470. DouglMs. Kie|ihen A., views on extension of Ciilted States lioiindaries, 47. Douglas, White Kiver chief, leader of a faction, (HIO; .Meeker makes friend of, 691; r"fuses to surrender olIenders,(iaH; oppose;. Mu. leer. OIW; proposes to aicompany Mckei Vll; war-dance at camp of. 7(W, takes i>.m' ii massacre, 704; takes Mrs, Meeker, loii; :4ur- render of, demanded. 714, Dresser. Frank, escapes from J'U i 7(H sepa- rates from women, 'il).">; body !i,'.':ia, 710. Dresser. Henry, body of. found, 700, Drew. I.ieiitiumut, visited by sculp-huntcrs, 362; quoted, 3(>ti. Dudley, I,. E,, removes White Mountain Apaches, 7:15. Dull Knife, Cheyenne chief, camp of, de- stroyed, (i2r), Dundy, Judge, opinion of I'oncn removal, 21. Dunn, Lioui, Clark, light with Cluiyennes, 4il; Indian account of light, 41,'i. Dyer. L, .S,, appointed en Modoc commission, 6li(l; opposes lasi council, 5(1.') ; goes to coun- cil, 5(17; pursiied by Hooker .lim, 560; es- capes, 60O; witness at trial, SKO. Katon, Geobok, killed by Utos,710. Kbenezer. Pte warrior, aids In murder of Ksk- ridge, 7(i;i; aids In massacre, 704 ; surrender of, deiiiiiilded. 714. F.dliiontoii Hoii.'^e. illicit Irnlllc at, 52:1 Klleii's .Man. Moiliic warrior, iil council, 567; sliools llr, Tlionias, 5(10; killed. AHII, Kills. Ni/. I'ecee i hief, in;ide head chief, 031, Kliibiido. light near, 7(1, 7:i. Kski((ieiiziii, Arivapa chief, comes to Camp (iraiit, 710; coniliict of band of, 720; atliuk on, 721-724; si ml attack on, 725; ni.inii- fiiclures liswin, 7.W. Eskiiia, Chirlculiua chief, revolt of, 7:i7 ; killed, 7:IH, Kskridge, Wilmer, murdered, 703; body fouml, 700, Kskylnlaw, Apacho chief, refuses to remove, 73(1. F.vans, (;eorgc .M. , claim to discovery of gold in California. llH-121. Evans, (lovernor. goes to treat with Cheveiines, 4(W; calls lor troops, 400, 41(1; talk widi Cheyenne and Arupiihoe ilrel's, 412-llii; did not promise Cheyeiines pi'oti'ction, 420, 4:i2; did not wish lo'lreiil. 422. Ewbinks, .Mrs l.iicinda. captured by Chey. eniies. 412; deposilioii of, 427-420; daughter and nephew die of injuries. 420. Kwell, ('iiptain, defeats Mescaleros, 378. Ewtaws. Sff I'tes, Exkinoya, dellned, 510, Extermination policy, not possible of accom- plishment, 7; failure of, in Oregon. 20."i-2O7, 217; tried in Arizona. :W«, ;IM0; elleils of, .'101, .302; failure of, :io5; conllnued in Ari- zona, 717, 71N ; resiill of, 710; at Ciiinp Crant, 721-724 ; evils of, 725, 720; not be- lieved in by (ieneral Crook, 72S, 73:1. Faihceku), .Ioiiv, Meacliiim desires to accom- pany commissio'i, !itit>; receives valuables of Meaihain and Dyer, 507. Full Itivei Indians, same as Arapahoes, 221. Fancher's train, de.«cribed, 2Wt; treatment of, bv Mormons, 2',MI; reaches Moiinlain Mead- ows, 201; attacked, 202; defence of, 203,204; entrapped, 205. 200; massaired. 207-21MI; value of property of, ;100; Krlghain Young's account of, ;i(r2; innocence of. ;)O0, .307, ;117; survivors of, ;it)0, 310; heirs of, should be coiiip'^nsiiled. 311. Fnraone.s. same as N'avalios, 35S. Fauntleroy, Colonel, tight near Poncha 1'a.s.s, «M0. OS I. ' Fed Savages" described. 10, 17. t'ernandez de Taos. .SVn Taoa Fetternian, IJeiitenant-colonei, pursues Sioux, 400; commiinds troops at Fortl'hil Kearney massacre, 401; crosses I.odge Trail Kidge, 402; body found, 405; probable suicide of, 400. 400: disolieyed orilers, 4y Mnriiiiins 2N(t. Kent Itiiclmimli, tiiiublu with Clitncnhiiiis iic.ir, ;|MII. K(irt lluroril. Hitiick on, fiOt; SittInK IIiiU'h nil tolilo)(r»|iliy liroiiKhl to, SUl; ttittiiig Dull Huri'i'iiili'rH lit. lUH. Fort Ciiiiliy, (i|)i'ratiiiiis from, 4"i;i. 4.'>4 ; Carson 'h cKiinlitioii I'tdin, 4iil; Siiviilii).s siirruiiiliT nt. 4i>4', nluiniloiicil, 4ii5. Fort 0. F. Smith, luiiilud, 487; abnudoneU nnd hiirnod, SDH. FortCinlK.ni'tloi: nonr, 404; operation from, 4.'>1). Furt Delliineft e.'itiililished. WN; iliwnlieil. '^VJ; soldier killed at. 'Jlil ; negro hoy .liiii killed at, 'ill?, 'J7 1 ; iireparation.s for war nt, 'iiiit- MH; operations rniiii. 'iiiri-'JT'i. U>',l. Fort Faiinlleripy, iiiaswierft or.Navahos at, 448. Fort Fillmore, takiii liy rebels, 404 Fort Klamiitli. .Mudocn tried at, 679-681; exo CUled at, CiH-i. Fort l.iramio, tre.i'y with Sioux nt, R07. Fort Ijirni'd, trea nery of Indiiins at, 421, 422. Fort I'hil Kearney, loVntion of, 48ii; orthotjrn- pliy of unme, 481; [imlf); description of, 487; country 8urroiind:nK.4«8; depredations near, 4811,400; inussacre near, 4',ll-,')(lO; niisropre- seiilations eoneeinini,' massacre. AUI, Myi: rcapons bility lor niassacre, no;(. ,'iU4; nrtioa ne.ir, .'i04, Ml.'i; nlianiloned nnd burned, !iOH. Fort Heno. horses driven oH from, 480; General Wessels eoniiniinds nt, 6IMI. Fort Tliorne, mnssncre of .Mcscnleros nt, 379. Fort Inion, locution of, 404; Colorado troops Hiip|iliod nt. 40A. Fort Vancouver, described, 87. Fort Walla- \Valla,descrllied, 87; plundered, 200; ll((ht near, 207 ; new fort built, ;I24. Fort WIngate, Apaches surrender nt. 7H9. Fort Wise, treaty at, 242; treaty repudiated by Indians, 408, 4111. Fort Vuma, location of, 168; Orinnell nt, 180; Olive llutmnn nrrives nt, 184. Foster, V Ice- I're.s dent, investigates Indian af fairs in New .Mexico, 470. Foul Hand, Tooknrikn chief, mentioned, 276. Four Lakes, battle at. 'Mi, :I44. Francisco, Vuma Indian, goes to release Olive Oatman, 181; speech to the Mohaves, 182; brings Olive lo Fort Yuma, 183; is made a chief, 184; killed, 187. Fremont, .lohn C crosses .''an .Tunn mountains. 41; aids in ci>ni|uering California. 47; at- tacked by KInniaths. 191 ; trouble with (.'heyeunes and A rupahoes, 229 ; description of Salt l.ako Ilasin, 275. Fresno reservation, establisliod, 137 ; aban- doned, 138. Fur trade, olfcct of, on settlement of Rocky Mountains, 31-34. Gadsdkn I'urchnsc, what was, 48; caused by Southern Inlluence, 51. Onll, Sioux chief, Ilees to Uritlsh America, 027. tiallantiu, John, villainy of, ;iti2. Gallatin, Albert, favors sepnruto government for I'aclllc slope, 47. Gallaudct, Professor, wonderful use of facial ex- pr^'ssion hy. 223. Gambler's (iourd. See Wnshlklo. Ganado Klanco, Navaho chief, leaves Bosque Kcdondo, 470. Garcin, Mcntennnt - colonel, defeats Apaches, 747. Gurliiid. General, Kiibdues Jlcarlllas, 377, 378; prolei^tH .MescaliTos. .tT9. Gariietl, .MiOor, cunipaign n^'ainst Ynkliiins, 362. 3.-)4. Garroli'ros. probably snme ns ('oyoli'ros, ILIH. tiiirry. .Spokane chief, opinion of Stevens's iren- ties. ;i:i6; sketch of 338. 341; miH.-a^'e to (ieneral Clarke, 342; Interview with Colonel Wright, 347; treats with Colonel Wright, 3.'.|,36'2. Oaston, I.ieiilf mint, killed at Ingos.^omen Creek, 327; buried at Ki;rt Walla Wjlla 3.''i3. Gay. I,ieutei>ant, ambushed by .Mormons and Indinn.i, 313. Gnzzous, Louis, murdered by Sioux. 480. George, Modoc warrior, luiints Captain Jack, 6l>4, Geronlmo, Apache chief refuses lo lie removed, 738; comes to White .Mimi.iain reservation, 743; raid of, 7r.O; surrenders, 752; last out break 'if, 763, Gerry, Klbriilge, sent to bring In Clicyouncs and Arapalioes, 40H, Gianiiahlah, .Me.iialero chief, submission of, 383, '.iiit; (inoted, 41)7. Gibbon. General, leads detachment ag;iin.«t Slou;;, 001; communicates with ferry, 004; directions to, 007; reacheH scene of Custer massMcre, Oil; ligiit with Nei; I'erces, 062. (iibbs, (ieorge, quoted. 331. (iibson, Captain, murder of, '233. Gileftos, Apaches, who are, ;)57; hostilities by, 381; reservation for, 7'27. Gillem, General, (pioted, 669; warneil by Hiddle, 600; dues nut beliovo Modocs will attempt treachery, 507. Giljiin, Lieutenant colonel and Governor, win- ters among Cheyennes and Arapnhoes, '23U; expedition ngainst Navaho.s, '260; recruits troops in Cidoradii, 404. Gold, discovered in C-Uifornln, 118-125; elfect of. on Indians, 126; discovered in Colorailo, 240-'242, 076; discovered in Arizona, 385; discovered in Idaho and .Montana, 477, 478; believed to exist in Hlick Hills. 686, 6M0; discovered In HIack Hills, .687-689; search for in Nez I'erces country, 030; believed to exist In Flk Mountains, 079. Goldstein. Carl, killed liy Ties. 709. Good Hearts, same as Arnpnhoes, 221, (iordo, Apache chief, leaves Chirlcnhua reserva- tion. 738. Gosi-l'tes, who arc, 277. (•rand Coipiln, Uanuock chief, mentioned. 270. Grand Lake, assassination of commissioners nt, 094. Grnnil Rivers, lies, who are, 277; included in Whiti) Rivers, 081. Grnnt. General, ord"rs Investigation of Fetter- man massacre, 500; Intlnenco on, to pardon ^lodocs, 681 ; commutes sentence of Harncho and Slolox, 6'i2; ccise of feeling towards Custer. (!01 ; refuses to see Custer, 002 ; per- mits Custer to accompany his r.'i^imenl. 003; effect ou Custer's action, 0'23; withdrawn Uncompahgre I'ark from public domain, 086; peace policy of, 71l>. Grattan mnssncrc. occasion of. 232 ; result of, 233. Gray, W. H., emigrates to Oregon, 37 ; custodian of funds for Whitman monument. 117 {note). Great American Pesert. extent of, 34. Great Hasin described. 81, 2".'>. See. ahn Tlah. Greenhow, Robert, estimate of the Wwt. 44. 46. Gregg, General, gives name Apnuho Yuuius to Ilunlupuls, 358. 772 IPJDEX. OroRnry, John, discovery of gold by, in Colora- do, '241. (Jrierson, Colonel, drives Viotorio into Slexico, 74-1. (irinnell, , scnrdi for Oatniiin girls, ISO: sends out Friincisco, 181; iiimounces return of (tlive Oiitnmn, WX Gros Venires of the North, who are, 510; trou- bles with Illackfeet, 514; location of in IH.'i:!, MS; treat with Stevens, Tilfi; reiiiain peace ful. 517, 618; trouliles with I'iegans, 521; separated from Black loot nation, 522. Gros Ventres of the South, same as Arapahoes, 221. Grnver. Governor, demanils surrender of Mo docs, 55!l, 578; claims N'ez I'erces have no tillc to Wallowa valley, CM; puts his theory before Congress, li:)7. Grumniond, hieulenant, accompanies K-Uer- man party, 4U1; body found. 41)(i. Gu.idalupc Hidalgo, treaty of, 47; Mi.esion In- dians citizens under, 148; effect of, on Apa ches, ;i{)5. Guero. Tabe(|uacho chief, mentiimed, 089, (iuerrier, Kdmoud, writes letter for Cheyenne chiefs. 411. (iuuuison. Lieutenant, murder of, 278, 279. Haiout, Mormon bishop, orders Mountain Meadow ma.ssacrc, 295 ; elected senator, ai5. Hairy Man. See I'ooniaclieeah. Hale, C. H., makes treaty with Nez Perces. 633. Halleck, General, opinion of Apaches, ;tlll. Hallnr, Major, campaign against Vakima.'i. 204. Hamlin, Jacob. Fancher's train jmsses house of, 2'.ll; survivors of massacre taken to house of, 299; reports to liriglmm Young, ;10II; gives informalinn io Pr. Forney, 300; testi- mony of, 318; deceit ol, 319. Hamockhaveu. Nee .Mohaves. Hancock, Gcnernl. expedition of in 1867, 438; representations of Major Wynkoop concern ing, 443; attempt to blame, for attack on I'iegans. .')33. Ilardie, General, quoted, 524; investigates Tie gan troubles. 527; instructions to, 533; opin- ion of I'iegan hostility, 035. Hardscrabble, Colorado, in 1847, 219, 220. Hare. Bishop, opinion of Indian laws, 10. Harney, General, marches against Sioux. 234; defeats thorn at Ash li(dlow, 235; establish es first Indian police, 230; criticism of, 2,30; sumtnoned before court martini, 237; jiro moted and sent to Oregon, 2:18; Mnrinon poetry on, 287; action of, admired on fron tier, 433; member Board I'eaco Commis- sioners, 710. Harris, K. 11., aids in releasing Indian slaves, 371. Hasbrouck's cavalry, capture Modocs. 576. Haskell. Lieutenant, induces return of Apache renegades. 743. Hastings, Agent, report on Sioux in 1876,698, lilU, Hatch, Capt. .John P., expedition against Nava- hos, 205. 200. Hatch. General, treats with I'tes, 087, 088 ; ile nuinds surrender of hostiles, 714; operations against Apaches, 740. Hatcli, Ira, takes ,>art in Mountain Meadow massacre, 298. 2119. Hawalcoes. See Ilualnpais. Ilawonjetuh, MinncKinjou chief, death of, 24. llayt. F,. A., favors removals, 23; treatment of Nez Perces, 600, 003; misstatements of ex pnsi'd, 004-008; enforces removal policy in Arizona, 738. Ilazen, General, ins|)acts Fort PUil Kearney, 4S7. Head, Agent, qu.ited, 371, 372. llcintzelman. Colonel, sends force to rescuo Oatman girls, 179; chastises Yumas, 180, Heleint, Montina, settlement of. 478. Henderson, J. H., member Hoard Peace Coin- mi.ssioiiers, 710. Ilerrara, Sergeant, tight at Caflon de Chelly, 401. Ilicklind, Hudson's ilay factor, encourages horse-stealing, 5'J3, Hickman, Bill, cut off from Mormon Church, :tl6. Hickoria.s. Sef .(icarilla.s. Higl)ee, Major, commands at Mountain Meadow massacre, '295; gives signal for massacre, '297 ; r(il)S bodies, '29it. High Back Bone, .Minnecnnjou chief, com- mands at Felterman ma.ssa, ie. 499. Higher law of .Mormons. 274, 295, 3'20. nines. Surgeon, sent to look for Fetternian party, 49'2. Hitchcock, (ieneral, ipioted, 194, W,"!. Hodt, Captain, testimony of 448. Hoecken, Father, Josel's letter to, 3'29. Hoguns, what are, '245; superstitions concern- ing, 240, 249. Hokandika. See Cache Valley Indians. Homily, lovo of native home, 23. Honzinger, l)r, killed, 015; murderer detected, 010. Hooker Jim, Modoc warrior, who was, 563; joins Captain Jark, 5,')4; opposes peace, 501, 603; taunts Captain Jack, 504; in council, 6ti7; action at council, .508; pursues Dyer, 609; betrays Captain Jack, 570; witness at trial, .580. Hooper, William II., denies guilt of Mormons, 314; buys plunilered property, 315. Hosta. Pueblo chief, accompanies Colonel Wa..hington. 257. Hot Creek Indians, who were, 646; scattered by settlers. 559. Hottentot Vi'uus, case of, 14. Ilovey. F.ugene, killed by Modocs, .571. Howard, Agent, report on Sioux in 1876, 698, 017. Howard. Gen. O, O., commissioner to treat with Joseph, 038 ; roiommends removal, 04'2, 043; llrst opinion of case, 646; ordered to effect removal, 040; marches against Nea Perces, 049; light on the Clearwater, 050; pursues Nez Perci's, 051, 052; horses i>f. run off. 0.'i5; (pioieil. 050; present at surrender, 000; responsibility of, 672, 673; establishes ("hiricaliua reservation, 7'27. Howe, Lieutenant, killeil in Lava Beds, 673. Howe. S. 1)., makes treaty wit': Xez I'eici'S, 633. llowland, l,ieuteii,"nt, expedition against Nava- bus. 2il8. Hualap'iis. belong to Y'unm nation. 156; go to war, 391 ; atti'i'ipted removal to Colorado Kiv<-r, 730; assist troops, 731; starvation of, 743. Huilson's Bay Company, possession of Astoria by, 33; attomiits to" prevent em gration to Oregon, 38; post at Wallula, 87; receives Whitman kindly, 87; action and motives of, 8S, 89; ransoms American prisoners, 100; responsiliility for Wailalpu massacre, llri, 108; claim against I'nited Stales. 110; incite Yakimaa. '202; distrust of, in Oregon, 328, 3'29; action in S|)okane war, 333; encourages slavery. ;I70, ;I71; sells whiskey to Inili.ins, 516; buys stolen horses, 622; encourages horse stealing, 5'23. INDEX. 7T3 HiiRiis, W. n , tried for cnltio flicniing, G95. Humboldt Iliiy, iiiassacic at. 111. 14;i. Iliiiiiiiic, cnptain (iI'kcoiUs, killed. 7U9. IIiiii);uto faiiiily iiuirdorFf)8, 672. Ignaeio. Muaehc chief, made headchicfof south- ern ties, (IMS; does not recognize Ourav's aulh(]rity,t)«ll. Ilges. .Major, pursues Nez I'erces, 058. Indian Hureau, shoulil liave control of Indians, 18; rospon.siblo fur Apache troubles, 733, 742, 743. Indian IVunmissioners. See Board of Indian I'onimissioners. In"i for liat'iraliziiig. 13; frauds on. 15-19, l;i;(-;35, 147; transfer to War Department, 18; habits of, 23-25; diver.-'ify of 24, 2.";; civilization of, 12. 2.^, 20; schools for. 20; first school for in Ore gon, 35, of Kocky .Mountains, 81-80; cllect ofg(dd (liscoverie.-ioii. !2.")-l27; oft'alifornia, 127-12!l. l;;.i, 135. ;"l: sun language of 223-227 ; of Utah, 27.5-277 ; relative standing of Apaches. 350; slavery among. 307-373. ' 447, 725, 7,54; estimate of. at chwe of He hellion, 4S(), 481; roads through lands of 4H4, 485; torture by plains fril)es, 4S9; Ho gy's statements. .502; ignorance of sillier- Ing of, 5;ih; helplessness of I'icgans. 541; neglect of I'iegans. 542; expense (jf subdu ing Modocs. .578; frontier rcpre.senlations of cvildoing. 094. Inez lionzales, capture and release of, 300. IngossoiiK^ii (Yeek. light at. 32.5-;i28. inmutfooyahlall.it. See Joseidi. Iron 1 fog, Sioux chief, escapes with band, 020, surrenders, 027. Iliirbide, revolution of, in .Mexico, 30. J.\('K. Whif! IJiver culpf, leailer ■' a factio.i. 090; opposes wor'r n I agency (i'.)l; goes t i Denver. iV'O. 097: Meeker appeals to. Oiw meets Thoiil'iirt'i, 099; at .Milk t'reek. 7(«i. Jackson, Andn it. advises limitation of rnit>.d Slates lioumlanes, 40, .lackson. Captain, attacks Modocs, 552, 653; ex- culpa.cd by t'li.tis, 581. Jackson. Helen Hunt, recommends nttirneys for misBion ' ;ns 147, l.'ii), rep.irls on nii.ssion lndi.i"s. 149; death of 14" (nnlf). Jftnia.iabs. ,S.fi .Mohaves. ,Iane. l'les(piaw, assists captives. VII. Janos. massacre of Apaches at, 159; Mangas Colorado taken lo, 382. Jellersoii, Thomas, estimate of Indian popula lion, 4; originates l(iea of sett' iig I'acilic slope, ;I5, 30; favors separate government for West, 4o, 47. JcfTorils. Ii;(erpreter, induces return cf Apiuhe reiu'ijndes, 743. Jcmnsple, Hualapals chief, captured, 730. Jenney, Professor, cxpedilion to Ulack IlillB, 588. Jerome, D. H., member of Nez Perc2. Kauiz, Colonel, opposes removals, 734; inter- vftU'A for Indian.s, 7ll(>. Kaws. in I'nion army. 42.5. Ka.vaianii, Navalio oilier, expedition against, 2(17, 2('iH. Kearny, (ieii. S. W., sent to occupy New Mex- ico and Calilorniii, 47; coni|Ue»t of New- Mexico, 4!l, M\ esliilili^^lu's provisional (.'ov ernment, 52; terrilies Cheyciines and .Ariipa- lioes. 2211; assumes prolei-tion of .Mexicans. 2.")i> ; meets .Minibrei\os, :t(>ii ; <>rtlio;,'ra|iliy of name. 4.', .")4li; ac cu.seii of iawlessne.-is, ri41), S.jD, aSO; witness execution of .Motlocs, .')H2. Klickilals, location of, Hfi; title to Wallamet valii'y, 1!)."> ; I'onqnests liy, ',>()1; power r>5; troops udvancu into, ,'i.'>li; Hot Creek Indians go to. 5,5U; .Modocs Oder to take for reservation, .IIKt; light of April 14tli in, 571; light of April 20tU, 672-C74 ; Modocs leave, .'iVCi. Ijiwson, Captain, at Milk Creek. 701. Lawyer, Xez I'erce's chief, Milkapsi's cliaign against, 330; friendship of ;I31 ; assurames to, 3;i;l; Indian name of, 335; ai- "oloiiel Wright, ;u:i; asks ratilliatlon of. ^evens's treaties, 354; made hcudchief by Stevens, a I. Lawyer. .lames, Nez Peirds preacher, welcomes exiles. (171. I.eiiilville. mining excitement of. 07.5-079. Leal. .1. \\'.. murdered by Pueblos, 05; burled at Santa Fe, 7«. Le Conie. Dr., meets Oatman family, 101; robbed by Tontos, 1(52. l.ee. (Jen. Klliott, e.»c ipes from Taos. 0.5. Lee, .loliii D.. leads Indians at .Mountain Mead- ows. 21i;i; betrays eiirgrints, '.iUa. 21)0; ti kc: liart ill massai-ri!, 21)7; ravishes ami me leiE girl, 21)H ; rhaiges (lovernment '\", ;|0(|; ipmled, 31)2. :)12; honored bv '( -)M j(, 315; captiil-ed. 310; tried. 310-311)"; t.iir..s- sioiis of. ;IH); executed. 320. Lee. Stephen, murdered by l'ueblo.s. 02. Lett llaiiil, Arapahoe chief baiiil of. at "and Creek. 4l).'<; not (-onnecti-d with l.itile Kii veil, 41(1; Joins lilacl: Kettle, 411); mortaliy w-oiinded, 417. Leiund, .liidge, opinion as to feeling ngain.st Nez I'erces, 007. Leiinon, Cyrus, killed by Apai-lies, 3M). Lesi'bi, Nas1. LoiiiliMbuck. . testimony of, 4:14. Lougiiridge. UeproHentiitivc, iiuoted, 2M0; orro- ueoiiH statvmoul voucerning :Suuil Creek, 431, 437. Mapkhnzir, Coi,oxki„ defeats Dull Knife. fi2fi. Magollin. .lanu'K, services in conipiest of New .Moxiii). 4>.l, 50. MnliaoH. belong to Yiinm nation, 15n. Mahto lowu. Sioux cliicr lonni'ction with Ornt Uin nia.ssacrc, 232; meaning of name, 232 (n'i(c|; deilli of. 233. Malilolopa, character of, 24. .Mun-Afraidof his Horses, DRallalln chief, op- poses treaiy of IWlt!, 4K2; wilhclraws from coiiiicd. 4«3; makes treaty, f.Ol; chief of Sioux police, son of »Hi». MandaiiK, location of, rtl ; supposed remnant of Madoc's Welsh cidony, 81. Manias t'olonido, Mindireflos chief, meets Kearnv, 31)5; raii.sc of InJi^lility, 374; activ ily of,3Hl; killeil. 382. Maniielita, Navaho chief made head-cliief 2f>l ; allack on. 2ii8; cattle of, shot, 2li'.t; chief of Navaho police. 472. Mariano Martinez. Navaho chief makes treaty, 2.">7; treaty repodiated, 258. Maricopa.s. location of. I."i2; join the Pimus, 155; attacked by Yiim. IS, 184; ilefeal them. 187 ; aid ■'nitod ijtutcs against Apaches. 385, 38«, 38<.t. MaripcMi battalion, services of 133. Mar.sh, Professor, charge's against Red Cloud agency, 1{>. Marlin. Captain, di feats Apaches, 'AKJ. Marlin. .Mrs , capiureil l)y Cheyennes, 412; sur- renderctl, 42'.l. Marlin, triinipcier, (pioted, Kf>. Mason, lieneral, put in coninian. Mcpowell. (ieneral, c.immnnds Pcparlment of California, 3'.il, Mcliiitlle, Si'iiiitor. opinion of plains, 34; op poses o<'ciipation of (Ircgnn, 41). Mc(iregor. Captain, captures liiialapaiH. 730. Mcliityro. C. II., on Inconipahgre I'ark invn- st()n, 08(1. McKay. Donald, leails Warm Spring Indians, 571; accompanies I'aplain Ihoinus, 672; separated from troops. 573. McMiinly. .aids in .Moitiiiain Meadow mas sacre. 2'.I7. Mi'Neil. Inspector, reports on Nez I'erces. 664. Meaeham. .\. II., itiiliices Captain .lack to re turn to rcdcrvutiou, 540; urges .separulu rea ervation for Slodoes, 651 ; on Modoc Com- mission. 5.5!) ; opposes last council. 5(')5; pni- pos(.'S dc<;eptioi) in case of treachery. 506; goes to council, 5i>7; speech at conned, 508; shot, 501); saved i)y 'I'ohy, .570; lestilles, 580. Medicine Cow, Sioux Chief, opinion jf Dr. Bur- leigh. 15. Medicine men. murdered when unsuccessful in treatment. 10.5-108. 540. Medina, (iovernor. objects to massacre of Apa- ches at Janos. 3.51). Mieker, .losie. opinion as to lime of plot, 703; takes refuge in milk house. 704; captured. 705; (reutmcnt of 700; I'ersune infatuated with. 712; death of, 713; statement uf treat- ment. 714. .Meeker. Mrs , opinion as to time of plot. 703; takes refuge in milK house. 701; wounded, 705; taken by l)oiigl:is. 700; treatment of Jane, 711; statenienl of treatment, 714. Meeker. N. C., chuidcier of 0110; management of I'le 01)1; complains of lies. (ilMi; In- dians distrust. 1)1)7. 71)3; ass.'iulti!d liy .lohn- son. 61)8; applies for protection, 01)1); corre- spondence with Thornburgh, 700. 702, 7(J3; nuissacro at agency, 704, 705; mutilation of, 710. Menilocino reservation, character of, 130; cost of 137. Meriwether, (iovernor. treats with Navahos, 201 ; s. 625; ar- rives 111 Milk Creek. 706; advances lo White Itiver. 7011; captives reach camp of 713. Mescaleros. Apaches, who are. 357; defeated by California troops, 378; a.s.sailed by Mexicans, 371); go lo war. 381 ; cotnpiered by I'arleton. 383; sent to Ito.sipie Kedomlo. 384; leave same. 31)2. 460; quarrel with Navaho.s. 4()5; Viclono settles with, 73U; renegades join Victorio, 740. Mesquile. described. 175. 176. .Messilaliiiard, attacks Mescaleros, 378; punLsh- ed by troops, ;t7!). .Methoili.st inission.s, llrst in Oregon. 37; .; iitlemptetl removal to 'I'liliirosii, 721), 7'i7; attempted removal to Arizona, 738-740; of- tli'iul opinions of treutmcut of, 741, 74'J; raids of, 744-747. '•Mina maHka,"delliied, SIO. Minnei'onjous. Siou.x. who are, 231; in Gradnn miissaere, 232; treaty of 1866 with. 481; in Ketlernian niassmre, 4'.lil; numbers anil loss of, at niiussaere. Mt; location in 1876, nill; at war. 618; defeated Ijy Miles, 627; make peac". 628. Miuhi'i iKi's, location of, 81. Missio v,:::. converted by Franciscans, 143; citi. .i JO. 144; stupidity of, ll.'S; no p. )•. , 146; homes taken from, 147; iloi. 'lits, 148; no title to lands, 149; atlin .nployod lor. loll, Mitchell. W. C . ..i of relatives at Mountain Meadows, 300; meets surviving cbildrou, 31 W. Jlockpeahliitah. Xrf Red Cloud. Modoes. location of, HKJ; meaning of name, 101 ; hostilities liy. Iil2; mas.-'arre at lllnody Point, 1<.I3; atlack emigrants, 200: defeated hy Captain Walker, 201 ; slavery aniouK, 371 ; character of, 543; treaty of 1864 with, r>44; annoyed by Khunaths. 545; leave reserva tion, .")4ii; conduct of. .'i4'.(; desire .sepaialo reservation, S.'iO; misrepresented by Ode- neal. .iSl ; attacked by Captain .laikson, 552; murder settlers, 553; go to Ijiva lleds, 5.54; troops sent against, ,5,55; flglit of .huiuary 17th, 556; conduct of whites towards, 5.5'.t; commission sent to, 560; afraid to siirren der, 561; cau.ses of four, 662, 56.1; Captain Jack becomes hostile, 564; preparations lor last council. 56.5-367; the council, 568; iniir der of commissioners, 561(-570; advance of troo|is, 571; bittlo of April 26lh. 572. 573; (ieneral Davis lakes command. 574; light at dry lake, ,575; leave Ijiva Hods, 376; caplurc of, 577; cost of war, 578; trial of, f80, 581; cxccntiiin, 582; sulweiiuent history, S83. Mofrus, Diitlotde, estimates population Califor- nia. 131. Mogollons, Apaches, who are, 357; location of, 3.58; nii.\ed with Chi'liahuas. 736. Mohavos, beliuig to Yuniu "ition, 156; names of, 157; cliaracter of, 174; ' *ioo Oatnntn girls. 175, famine amimg, 176; ..nr with Cocopahs, 177 ; crucify Oocopah woman, 178 ; surrender of Olivo Oatman, 181-183; attack Maricopas, 184; present condllion of. 187. Mohuaches, or Miiaches, I'tes, who are, 277 ; in- cluded in Southern I'tes, 681. MoketJiveto. .SVe Black Kellle. Moleles. location of, 86; treaty with, ratiflod, 355. Monos, Sff- Pah I'tcs. Montana, gold discovered In. 477; setllement of, 4';8; need of road to, 479; right to make road, 484, 485. 507; road abandoned, 508; org.inized, 618; lawlessness In, 521-624; stale of war in, .534, 635. Moore, .Julius, killed by L'tes, 709. Mopeah. Snake chief, band of, 277. Moquetas. Pah t'le chief, at Mountain Meadow massacre. 293. Moipiis, Pueblos, location of, 53; name of, 54; cuusolidutiun of agency of, 47S. Mora, (Ight at. 06. Morgan brothers, charged with cattle stealing, 696, Mormons, send battalion to Mexican war, 49; winter at Pueblo, 51, 219; at .Sail bike 81; claim to discovery of gold, 118-121; iiicilo Oregon Ind'iins, 20:1, 331; furnish arms to Navahos. 266, 267; treatment of, in the Kaat, 273; higher law of. 274, 295, 320; Ireatinent of Indians, 277-281; disloyalty of, 281, 282; doctrine of polygamy, 283; rcformatiim of, 283, 284 ; blood atonement, 284, 285, 290. 298, 313; lawlessness of, 286; resisirniteil .states authorities, 287-289; treatment of Fan- Cher's train, 282-291; attack train, 292; murder Aden, '294; treachery of, 295, 296; Mountain Meadow massacre, 297-299; di- vide property of emigranls, 299, ;100; guilt of, ;«)i)-:t03; guilt exposed, ;I06; claim for ran.xoming cliililren, 307; survivors recov- ered, :t09, 310; slander of survivors, 311, 314; concealment of criminals, 312; crimes of, 313; terrors of, 314; receive (iovernor Cuiii- mings,315; change in position of. 316; aban- don I.ee, 317; convict hiiii, 318, 319; Ameri- can hatred of, 3'20-;t23; sell arms to Nez Porccs, ;132; law concerning Indian slavery, 369, 370: pleiused with the rebellion, 404; encourage L'te war, 710, 711. Morrow, .Major, pursues Apaches, 740, .Mountain Chief. Piegan chief assaulted. 622; retaliates, 524; expedition against, 528; es- capes, 5'29, 535. Mountain Crows, who are, 479. Mountain llou le, illicit tralTIc at. 623, .Mountain Meadows, description of, 291; massa- cre at, 295-;tOO; date of massacre, 299 ; ap liearancc after massacre. :t02, 307, :I08; mon- ument erected at, 309; survivors of massacre recovered, 309, 310; heirs of victims should be compensated, 311; becomes barren, 314; trial of I.ee, 316-:il9; results on American people, ;)20, 323; I,ee executed at, 319. Mountain sheep Katers, who arc. '276. Mowry, Lieutenant, goes in search of Oatman girls, 179. Muckahicks, who are, .545. Mullan, Lieutenant, opinion of Stevens's trea- lie.s, :)34; urgi-s tliiMr raiillcation, 3.54, Mungen, Uepresentative, criticises attack on Piegans, 63'2. Naciikz, Cliiricuhua chief, leaves resorvation, 744; returns, 75'2. Naked Ilorso. Srf Caballo en Pelo. Nane, Apacho chief, raid of. 744, Nantiutish. Apache chief, revolt of, 747. Napea, a lllackfoot divinity, 511. Naipii naipiis, Tonlo ch ■ f. surrenders, 730. Karbona, Navaho chiel. < illcd, '257. N'ascpiallas. location of, 8. Natatolel, Toiito chief, surrenders, 730. National Association to Promote ITnivcrsal Peace, intercedes for .Modoes, 581. Navahos, local iim of, 82, 244: names of, 244; country of, 245; customs of, 246; industrieH of. 249; women of. 2511-263; religion of, 263. 254; government of, 254; source of liostilities with. 255; lloni|dian's e.vpedilion against, '266; Washington's expedition, 267; Sumner's expedition. '2.58; treaty of 1856, 261; murder ofnegro .Mm. '262; light at Hear Sprlng.'iiKI; duplicity of,264; Colonel Miles's expedition. 265; Hatch's expcilition. 266; aided by Mormons, '267; operations against, 268; treaty of 18.58, 271; name of 358; slav- ery of, 447; ultuuk ou Furl Fuuutleroy, 448; INDEX. (77 Canby'g campaiRn against, 451; Carlclon's plan Tur. 45'J; upt'iatiuiis against, 45.1, l')-!; Car«in marclios against, 4siKl cnco tlicrc. 4Gli; piofor tlieir old cduniry, 4(i7; HtiHuringii <>r, 4iit^471; rctiirni'd to old homo, 471; advance ol', 47^-475; present I'lindltion ur, 47,'>. 47ii. Na-watlc. Sre Left Hand. Nesniitli, SnperintiMidunt, opinion of Stevens's troaties. ;i:t:t; changes Ills opinion, i)54, UoS. Nevada, part or Arizona ceded lo. l»H. Newby, Colonel, expedition against Xavalios, •2uti. Xew .Mexico, conquest of, 40; people of, in 1840, fi'2, 5;t; Arizona set olf from, l.W; descrip tion of nortliwest part, !,!44, 24.^); Icwses in. by Indians, •J.'ia, 'HM; Apacbo warfare in, 3")fi; slavery in, 3G8, 3(')'J, U7:t; put in I)e parlnient of Missouri, ;IUI ; Texan invasion of, ;I81. -M'i, 402-407; troubles with .Mimbre- nos, 7;)8-74;l. Nez I'ene .lo.sepli. S'e Josopli, Yonng. Xe/. I'erci's. superiority of 'J.l; depulaiion visit St. Louis, ;i(i; meet missionaries, :)7; olfer lo protect Spalding, liMi; protect Slovens. 2():t; sign lor, 22ri; not Pueblos. '24.5; aid Steptoe's command. :i2H; blamed by .loset. 32'.); inno. cencc of, ;|:I0; .Mormons sell iirnis to. 'M\. 3;t'2; want Stevens's treaty rati lied, IW.'i ; aid Colonel Wright. ;)4;t, :U7 ; treaty ratilleil. as.'i: making of treaty. 51fi; friendliness of. (iJO; tribal organization of. G:iO, (illl; country of Lower, (i;i2; treaty of IHll:), Ml; Lower do f not sell country, 634, ('«;i5; growth of trouble ; with, fi3(i. (i37; elfort lo induce removal. 63H-('i42; removal ordered, M.'i.C^ii; prcp.irc to resist. )i47; kill seniors. (i4S; defeat Per- ; ry,(i4',l; light Howard, ti.jO; retreat to .Mon- tana, ttr>l; defeat liibbon, Ii.'i2; run on How ' ard's horses, 1)5.5 ; treatment of women captives, (ioli ; light Sturgis. fir)7 ; Miles marches against, i>.5H; surrender, Ii5!); sent to ludiiin Territory, )>iiO; Hayt's staloment. 003; iinerings of, lilU-iiCiil; feeling .igainsi in Idaho. tit)7. OiW; Price's staleiiient, (ilW; part return. (i70; remainder naurn. 1170 ; re gponsibility for, 072, 673; compared wilh other wrongs, (>74. " Noble red mall " not wholly a myth, 24. Nobows. AVc .Sans Ares. NoekayDelklinne, Apache Mode ncnmn, kill ed. 744. Nolgee. Apache chief, flees to Mexico. 73rt. Nome Cult reservation. estal>lished. 135; wbilCH settle on, l;l(i; massarre at. 138. Nome l.aekee re.servalion. established, 133; cost of, 137 ; abandoned, 13K. Norton, A. U., reports on NavaliOB, 470. (Utman Ki.at. description of, 162, 163; Outman fiimily buried in, 1K8. Oatman. Lorenzo, statement of. 161; attacked by Tontos. 165; escape of. 166-171; ell'orts to rele.ise h s sisters, 17'J, 180; subsciiuent history of, 184. Dtttman. .Mary, taken by Tontos. 166; fright of. 171; Ircalnient of. 173; sold lo Moliaves. 174; tallooed, 176; becomes helpless, 176; dies. 177. tintnian, Olive, determines not t(> lie raptured, 163; taken by 'I'onlos. ;66; carried away, 171; a.ssailod. 172; enslaved, 173; sidd to Moliaves. 174; laltoned. 175; labor of, 176; terrors of, 177, 178; Moliaves try to prevent release of. 181; rele.ised, 183; siibseciuent history of, 181. Oatman Royse. sketch of. 158; starts West, 159; forebodings of, 163; meets Tontos, 164; kill- ed, l(i5. Odeneal. K. B.. succeeds Meacliam, 551 ; advises placing Moiloi's on reservation, 552; blumcd iiy (Joloiiel Whealon, 554. Ogallallas, ,>>ioiix. who arc, 231; police of, 227; in (irattan massacre, 232; treaty of 1866 with, 481; oppositum to treaty. 482; elforls to conciliate, 4f*3; in Kctlerniun massicre, BOO; location In 1876, 5yi; at war, 618; make iieai'e. 6'28. Ogden. 1'. S., ransoms prisoners, 100; quoted, 10.5. Olihaslpc. iSVe Little Raven. (ijo lilanco. .Mescalero chief, loaves Bosque Ko- doiido. 302. 0.jo del (I.SO. S e Hear Spring. Okkowish. Si'e Modocs old Snag. Snake chief, band of. 276. Ollacut. .Nez I'ercc warrior, a brother of .To- sepli. U3U; not ill llrst hostilities, 648; kill- ed. 6511, j Onipapas. Sioux, who are. 231; treaty of 1866 Willi. 481; at w.ir. :i(K); location in 1876, ,501 ; at war. 618; make peace. 628. t)ne Kye. Cheyenne chief, killed at Sand Creek, 417. Ooheiionpn. .Vec Two Kettles. Ord. (iene^-al. policy to Apaches, 717, 718; re siiils ■ 710. Oregon. Ii.st visitors to, 32, 33; Kelly's of li.rls lo colonize. 34.35; elforls of lienloii and Floyd. 36; the Nez Perec messengers, 36-42; lirst Indian school in. 35; Urst mis I sionarii'S. 37; early eiiiigrant.s. 38; Knglisli colonization friislraled by Whitman. 38-42; A.'-lilMirtou treaty. 41 ; boundary settled, 41-43; (ireeiiliow's est i mate of. 45; dilVer ing views of. 46, 47; Indians of, 8;t. 84; ac- tion Id' Hudson's Hay Company. 88.80; Cay- u.ie war. 100; Indians of. kill medicine men. 105-108; organized as a territory, ISO: In- dians of soiiihern part of 100. 101; Inilian lilies in. 104; aggressions by settlers. 105. 106; behavior of Indians. 106; conduct of volunteers, 20.'-207. 211; removal of (iovern- or Palmer, 208; tieiieral Harney sent to, 'J38; the Stevens irealies. 333, 336; slavery in, 370, 372; pay of mililia of, in .Modoc war. 578. Ortiz. Lieutenant, conduct at Fort Faunllerov. 448. Orliz. Tomas, leads conspiracy in New .Mexico. 61. ().i:ige.s. in Coufederatc arm.v, 424; in Union army. 42.5. 01 is. Colonel, defeats Silting Hull. 625. mis. Major, investigates charges against Mo docs. 540. Oloahnacco. See Hull Rear. Oil, Lurry, kills Nez Percu Indian. 630. Ouray. Ute chief, meaning of name. 6R3; on encroachments of whites, 684; on sale of rncompahgre Park, 688; under pay from governinenl. 680: stops hostilities. 706; or ders surrender of women, 711; death of. 714 Owalii. or Owlii. Vakima chief, repudiates trealy with Stevens. VOj; causes disconlciil among Spokanea, 338; comes to Colonel Wright's camp. 352; put in irons, 353. Owen, Agent, quutod, 342. I'Ariiiro. Bannock chief, band of. 276. I'ageah. Snake cjiief band of, 277. Pabsappa. .S>''' Mlack Hills ruU'L'tes, who are. 277; in MouutaiD Meadow 778 INDEX. massncro, 293, 29S, 2!)S; 'ink no rnplivrs there. ;)(I7; caplurcd fur slaves, U(iU; Mor- mon ellcirt to relieve, n'l). I'ali \ ants, said to lie |ioiKoncy settlers, U'.t. rainier, (ioveruor, controversy with Oregon l,egisltttnrc. a),S. rainier, ,Serg(>anl, testimony as to Sand Creek, 4;)1. ■t;l7, PapaKos, location of, 1.52, l,5i); reservation for, 1«7 ; aid United Slates against Apaches, SH.'i. 3sfi; ncKlect of, 74:t. raramueka. Apiiidie eliiei; killed, 3S'.). I'arkman, Kranci.-i. quoted, 27, .1^5. ."iHCi. Pawnee Killer, Siuu.\ chief, coinmauds hostiles, 4;tH. Pawnees, in t'nion armv, 425; Cheyennes go to attai-k. f.'.ii, 44(1. I'ayihv L'aplain, ;it .Milk Creek, 701; e.Nplana- tiou of picture.^. 712. Peui !" Policy, delhiilion of 10; not siiocessfiil as pnicti.sed, 2.'>; neglitct of Naviihns under, 47r(. 47l!; tried on Modocs. oSIl; ellect on .Neji Perces. (-.74; defects of, 71«, 717. 743. Peo e. Lieutenant, reports on Piegan surprise, .„tl); misr" rcsenled. KM. 't'M. Pedro. Apacli- chief refuses to remove, 73fi. Pelouses. location of Wi; Su'vens's treaty with. 217; Steptoe marches against. 324; attack on Steptoe. 325-327 ; hands of 33H; fight Colo nel Wright. 344; properly of destroyed. 317; punishment of, 353; treaty with, ratillcd, 355. Penaltishn. Apacho warrior, guides General Crook, 7, TO. Pend d'Oreilles. location of 83; .Stevens's treaty with. 217, 51(i; prohalilc origin of name, 351. ;t.V,!; treaty ralilled. ;t5,5. Penn, Captain, warns Whitman of attack, 721. Pcnn. William ot only purchaser of Indian lands, H; quoted, 2.'iU. Peonage, what i,s, ;)tiK, Perry K cavalry, capture Modocs, 677. Perry. Colonel, sent against Nez I'ercus, C48; defeated, M'X Persune. Vainpa warrior, captures .losie Meek cr, 7115; takes her for wife, 7()i>; int'aluation of, 712; Cles amused at, 713; surrender of demanded. 714, Petalcsharro, Pawnee chief character of 24. VeUT. Piegan warrior, kills .Mr. Clarke. .527. "Pet Lambs," 6uhri(|Uet of Colorado troop.s, 4117. Pfeilfer. Captain, sent through Caflon doChel- ly. 4()1; re,«iills 111 expedition, 4(i2. Philliiis. Wendell, on Indians, 23; letter to Sherman mcnimned. 717. Piah. White Kiver chief mentioned, (illd. Pi Kiles. Ctes. al .Mountain .Meadow inussncfG, 2'.I3; .sicriliced. 372. Picgans, slarvatiiin of 17, 538; origin of, 6011; now include lllackf lot nation, 51ii; religion of 511; reputJition of 512; location in 1H53, 515; treat with Stevens. 5lli; remain peace fnl, 517; rise (d troiililes with. 520; depreda- tions hy. 521; hail treatment of 522; en coiirageil hy Huifson's Hay Company, 52;t; conduct of whites. 524; increase of depreda tioiis. 527; Baker sent against. 52H; result of expedition, ■52'.l; Indian account of light, .5:10; proliahle Iriilh. 5:11; criticism of light. 5;12; result uf criticism, 633; ufUceru defend ac- tion. 534; opinions of offlcorR, 635; neglect of 6:it); suDerings of 5;I7; right to aid. ,541; helplessness of, 642; re|ioried depredations hy, 542 {nulej. tier, also Ulackfect and Bloods. Pigeon's raiiche. Sm Apache Caflon. Pihonsenay, Apache warrior, kills Uogcrs and Spoiice, 737; wounded. 738. Pike, Lieut, /...expedition t« Hcd Kiver, 29; opinion of American desert, iU. Pike's Peak mining excitement, 241. Pinias, loiation of 1.52; .joined by Maricop;is, 1.55; Oatmnns at village of Hid; relieve Lo- renzo Oatman. ll)8; defeat 'i'uinas, 187; aid Inited States against Apaches, 386, 38(j, 3b9. Pinal treaty, described, ;I8M. PinaleBo.s .S'w Arivnpas. Pinai|iiana .S'-e Washikee. I'indah Liekoyec. Apache name for wlillo men, ;ill2 iniit,-). Pino Alto mines, setllemeni at. 374; attack on, :IS1 ; Fort West I'stililishcd near. ;)84 Piopioinoxmox. Walla- Walla chief, conduct of, '.iOll; killed, 207. Pitkin, (iovernor. .lack apjicals to, 697; Meeker appeals to. (ills. Pitone. Apache chief refu.«es to remove. 730. Pitt liiver Indians, hostilities hy, 1U2; slavery among. 371. Pi lies same as I'nli I'les. 277. I'lumhe, .lohn. ellorls for Pacific railroad, 44. I'oiatara. .Vie White Plume. Poeiiiachceah. Bannock idiief hand of 27(>. I'olakly IHflin. I.eschi's divciiptioii of 20:t. Polk. .1. K., advises occupiition of Hregon. 42; accepts I'ompromise line. 4:i: causes occu- liation of .Sew .Mcxco and (Jilifornia, 47. Pollock, Inspector, quoted. 714. Polotkin, Spokane (diief message to Ceneral Clarke. :)41, :)42; lield as prisoner, 347; (I'eats Willi Colonel Wright. :)51. ;).V2. Polygamy. Mormon doctrine of '2H:|, '284. I'oucas. relea.se of i:t; removal of, 21. I'oiicha Pass, light near, 080, (181; meaning of name. ii80(».i^). Pony Kxpress. how conducted, 2:18. Pope, (ienenil. commands llepartnient of Mi.f- souri. :i'.il ; memorial to, (i'.l4; statement as to Apache war. 741. 742. Popiilatiiui, Indian, in I'liiled States, 1-3; in Virginia. 4; in Kentucky, 5; in Texas and .Mexican cession. 0; present Increase of, 6, 7; in ('aliforii a. i:lo. i:w. Posion, C. It., buries remains of Oatman family, 188. I'oltawaltimies. in Confederate army. 424. Powder Kiver country ilescrihed. 4nO; Indians oppose road through, 481. 482; troops sent to, 483; right lo road. 484, 4H5; forts built in. 4811-488; hostilities hy Indiaii.s. 489. 490; Ketternian iiia.ssaire, 49i-.5()0; no prospect- ors in. 502; our claim to. surrendered, ,507; abandoned, 508; Sioux tille conllrmed, ,584, 685; Sioux refuse lo sell. 589; Sioux or- dered out of 59i>; S oiix title released, (128. Powell, L. W., treats with Moiiiions. 316. Powell. Major, alliicked by .Sioux, 504; defeats them, .507. Pralt, Captain, reforms Modocs, 58.3. Price. Commissionei-, recommends return of N'ez Peri-fS. (iil9. Price, (ien. .S, commands in New Mexico, 51; marches against Pueblos, 70 ; conquers them. 74-77. Price, Mrs . at While River agency, 701; stato- ment of 705; Ireatment of 70l>. Price, Shaduck, killed by Ules, 701. INDEX. t I 9 Prmrpss Mnry. See Qiioi>n Vary. I'ropliLM-y (if war by Jiiscpli Sinitli. 2H1, 08'2. Pui'blo, t'ol()rail(p, Morriiiiiis wiiiler ut, 51; set Ili'inPlil al. hi; in lSt7,'21<.). I'liebli) (Ic Tans ilfiSiTibod, 711; batllo at. 74-77. ru(.'lilo8. invasion orianilH oT. 11, 1'i; (li'Kcrilml, r>;t-i!l; origin unknown. ^4; liouscs of. ."iS; join conxpiracy. fil ; \wg\t\ ilL^uricMlion, li'2; niasHacrc ut Fernandez thrrao.", (>'i-fi(l ; mas saere al Arroyo Hondo, UiUill; I'riie niarcli- es against. 70; llglit at I'lielilo de Taos. 74- 77; hex for mercy, 77 ; siihseiimmt (jood l)(^ li.ivior, 78; religions troiililes. 7(1; iil>|e('t to taxation. 79 (H'*/*"); Navalios not descundoii lion). '248; of Zufll as.sisl troops, '208. QtTAiL, Jamks, murder of, r>'27. Qualeliian. Vakinia warrior, excites discoulenl amouK Spokunes, ;i:i8; liau^ed. 3.J3. Quapaw.s, in t/'onlederale army. 4'24. Queen Mary. Modoc s<|uaw, carrie.s message for Captain .lai^k. ;>ti'2; eaplureil, .")77. (luelapllp, I'ldoiise ohicf, liand of. I):I8. Quinaielis, treaty with, ratified, ;)55. QuiUiniwa, Hce Foul Hand. UAit.Ko.tn, first, to Mi.'jsissijipi Uiver, 4H; early propcwii.s for I'aeillc, 44 ; proposals for Soullieni I'acille, ."Sl ; Clieveiiiies oliji'ct to Kansas I'acitle, •24;t, 4l)-<; i-lieel K5; ellect in l.eadvdle excitement. (i7ii, Ii77. Itain ill the Fare, Sioux warrior, said to have killed ('lister, 015; cause of hatred of Cus- ter. ilKi. Kaiiis. Lieutenant, killed. CM. Kuins. M.'Oor, caiiipaiKii against Vakimas. 2114 Haiidall.t.'aplaiii. atl.iek on, i;4'.l; captures Ton tos, 7:iil. Uavalli, Father, builds Coiur d'Aleiic chunli, ;i48. Ilawlins Spring.s. massnere at. .')!'.5. Hawii. tlaptain. tries to stop Nez I'erci'S. Ctrt], Ued CliMid. itailliilla chief, skeicli id, 4h1; op- po.ses treaty (jf iHtlll, 4N'2; goes to war, 48:i; Sioux gather to, 484; attacks Fort I'hil Kearney, 41IU, 4iU ; not in Fetterman mas- sacre, 5(K); attacks .Major I'owell. .'ill4; dc fcated, ,'iU7 ; makes treaty, n()7. r>08; willing to sell lllack Hills. .')88; deiiosed, li'2t!. Ued (;ioud agency, fraud at, l(i. Hed Horn. I'legin chi(d'. becomes hostile, ,W4; camp of, attacked, .V28; killed, .V2',l, Heil Sleeves. .S'-'h Maligns Colorado. Keed, Aiillo, killed at Little Hig Horn. 61'2. Uemoval and Coiicenlratuui I'olicy. ciiise of Imlian wars. l'.l-'2'2; unreasonable, ■<•>. '2:1. •J.'i; Spokiiiies oliji'ct to, li:t."i, ;t;il>, :)."n>; Apaibes object to. ;iiHl, Hill; failure of, in Arizona, 11'.)'); tried with Xavahos, 4.'i2. 4n4 ; evils of, 4('i4-4iili ; opposed by Dr. Sleek. 4(17. 4ti8; failure of. 4i>8-47l; tried with .Modocs, ri4r>. f)4(i. nni. ri.'i'2; Modocs object to, 5ii8; no rea- son for. tl4'2; tried oil Nez I'erci s. lilll; tliey go to war. Ii47,ti48; sent to Indian Territory, lii'ill; rctiirni'd to lilalio, l>7ll, IITI ; failure with .Mimbienos, 7'2i). 7'27; inaugurated in Arizona, 7:l;i.7:i4; failure with While Mount ain Apaches. 7ll.'>, 7;ti'p, tried on Chiricahuas, 7;iii-7:t8; tried on Mimbreflos, 7;ts-74l): olll cial statements of results, 741, 74'2; elfects of, 74;l. Keno, Major, scouts on Rosebud Hiver. f>n4; re. port oi'. iliM, ilU'.l; tries to reacli Custer, lio'.l; lies egeil, lilO; estimate of niimlier of bos tiles. Iil8; iiuuiber of hosliles, (i'2(l; inaclicui at satnu lime an Custur, U'2l; not in fault. 02*. . . Heservniiniis. food at. 17; of CaHfornin, i:ir>, l:H, 147. 14'.); n I of better title in Indians, 14'2, l.'ii) ; lessi'ne4I. Uciiben, James, Ne;; |'erc6 preacher, works among exiles, (170. UevnoliLs, Charley, detects Uainin thcFaco, ■(ilfi. Rey)iol(ls, Colonel, light with Sioux, 597; criti- cism cd' light. .V.H Uickarees. lorat on of, 81. Uiilillc, Iiiteipreier. w.irns Modoc commi.saioii- ers, ,5115; warns (i Hem, oiWi; goes to coun- cil, . "1117; pursued. oiiU ; escapes, 570; te.sli- lles. 580. Hidaely, . statement ccmceining Custer ma.ssacre. I'i'21. Hiley. Lieutenant, killeilat Little liig Horn. (il2, Itiver Crows, who are. 479; (Jros Ventres of th(! Nculh ciujsolid.ited with. 52'2. Kockv .Mountain Fur ('(unpaiiv. organized, 'i'i. |{„g,.rs. , killed by Apaches. 7:17. Uogiie Itiver Indians. (lcscri|ilion of, l!l(); hos- tilities liv. 191; make peace. 192; kill Capt. Hen Wright. l'.):i. '211; go to war, 19ii, 199; treat Willi (ieneral Line. 2oi); ma.ssacre of, •20."); tight at liig Iteiid. 21(i; go to (iraiido Honde rcservaticui. 210; treaty with, 218; slavery aiiKUig. ;I7I. Itoper. .Miss, captured by Cheycnnes, 412; ireatmi'iit of. 4-j'.i. UoselKuoiigli. .lodge, legal adviser of Mo1. Illij; causes murder of our Inilian.x. :il>2, lliiU. Scar faceil Charlie, Modoc warrior, refuses to surrender, CtM; favors war, .Mi;!; who was, 5i'>4; stands guard over Steele, 5(i5; shoots Lieutenant Sherwood, 570; Burrcuders, 577; tcstillcs, .'>8(). Schoncliin .lohn, Modoc warrior, favors war, 6r>;i; at council. o(i7; speech at council, ."ilW; a.ssaulls Meacham, .'ili'.l; surrenders, 577; arraigned, 579; tried, 5«0; sentenced, 581; e.xeculed, 5«2. Schonchin. .Modoc chief, authority of, contested liy Captain Jack. .54.5. Sclioolcrall. H '" . .^tinialo of land needed to support Indians, 2; estimato of population » of California, 1:11. Schiirz. Secretary, gives time to settlers in Uu- compahgre l'ark,li87. Scott, Agent, mport on Nez I'erces, 670. Scott, (ieneral. supports lieneral Wool, 211; (pnu'rels wiih tieneral Harney, 230-238. Seattle attack>d by Indiaus. 2U7. Scllsh. See Flalheads. Semig, Dr., wounded in Ijiva Jicd.s, ,573, 574. Seininoles, in Confederate army. 424. Senecas. in Confederate army. 424. Shacknasty .lini. .Modoc warrior, nt council, 5l>7; pursues Kiddle, 5i>47. Shaslas, include Rogue Rivers, 190; divisions of. 191; troubles with, 2UU; slavery among, 371. Shavano, Tahequache chief, mentioned, 089; Sim of, killed, 71.5. Shawawai, Vakima chief, excites discontent among Spokanes, 338. Shawiiees. in Confederate army, 424. Shepherd's train, attack on. 313. Sheridan, (leu. I'. H., commands at Cascades, 212; in Yakima country, 217; orders to C(donel Raker, 633; quoted. 5;t4. Sherman, (jeneral, tests tlrbt g(dd in California, 121; commands Division of the .Mississippi, 391 ; orders Clieyennes to their reservation. 44(1; advises exterminaliiui of Sioux. 440; treats with Navahos, 471 ; stops sale of arms anduniinunitivn,5Ul, 6U2; quoted, 63U; ,|us- tiUcs Coluuul UuUer, 534; statement con- cerning Custer massacre, 617; opinion of I.dio trail, fiol; report of Nez l'erc6 war, O.iO; member Itoard I'eacu Commissioners, 71li; riiillipss letter to. 717. Sherwood. Lieutenant, assassination of. 570. Shirland, Captain, captures Mangau Colorado, 382. Shis liiday. same as Apairhes, 357. Shoiders. who were. 591. Shoshokos. who are. 270. SboslioiK'CB. or Snakes, location and divisions of. 83; murder emigrants, 2U0; sign for, 225; bands of, 275-277; aided by .Slormons, 331; attack Nez l'erc<;s, 3;12. Shuncihiccie, Caynse warrior, enamoured of a white girl, 99. 11)0. Sibley, (ieneral, invades New Mexico, 381, 382, 4U3-407. Sicangu. See Uriili'ts. Sign language, universality of. 223; theories of. 224; Iribil designations in. 2'25; for long distances. 2'20; mirrors used in, 2'27. Siliasa|ia. See lilackfoot Sioux. Sinta (ialle.s.-ica. See Spotted fail. Sioux, locaticm ol. 81; war with Cheyennes. 221 ; sign for, '225; soldiers or police of 2'27; lril)al divisions of, 231; massacre (Irattan's party, 232; go to war. 233; (ieneral Harney defeiits, 234. 23.") ; subm ission of, 236 ; rise of hostilities of 1804, 424. 425; hostilities of 18i7, 438; iicipiire I'owder Kiver country. 4711; treaty of 1800 with. 481; disagreement as to treaty, 482; repudiate treaty, 483; go to war. 484; depredations of 480, 487; tort- ure by, 489; harass Kort I'hil Kearney. 4iHI; Felterman massacre, 491-500; misrepresen- tations of massacre. 501. 502; continue hos tilities. ,504; defeated by Major Powell. 507; burn forts, 508; rights Of under treaty of 18ii8, 684, 585; oliject to invasion of HIack Hill.s, .589, 590; divisions of in 1870. 591; depredations by, 693. 594; ordered to leave I'owder Kiver country. 590; Reynolds's light with. 590-.598; expedition iig linst, 598-Oul ; Crook's fight with. 001. 004; Custer massa ere. (105-024; operations against, 6'26-027; treaty of 1870, 02S. Sitting Hull. Sioux chief, sketch of. 501; auto- biography of 5!I2. 593; refuses to leave I'ow- der River country. 590; expedition against. 698-(')01; Custer massacre, 005-024; oper- ations against. 025, (12(1; goes to British America. (127; returns, (128. Skinarwan, Yakima chief assists troops, 363. Skitsuisb. ,S'''<; (,'(uiir d'Alelies. Skloom. Yakima chief,e.vcitesdi.scontent among Spokanes, '138. Slavery, women slaves of their husbands, 250; among Apaches. :I07; among Mexicans, 308; Diggers enslaved, 3(19; .Mormon law con cerning. 370; in Oregon, 371; in Colorado, 372; evil ellects of, 373; in New Mexico, 447; Camp (irant ca|itives s
oes to Ore^'iui as nilssinn- ary,;j7; located at l,ai)wai, M7; controversy with Jesuits, 90; e.seupe of, 99, 110; quoted, 102; with Nez I'eries, 11(1. Spencer, Cascade chief, murder of family of, 212. Spokancs. friendly lieforc IH.W, 324; menace Steptoc, 1125; attack Iiini.:i2i>; pursue liim, _ 327; causes of lioslilily uncertain, ;i2W-;i:i:i; probable cause, Stoveiis's treaties, H:lH-;i;tH; who are, ;WS, ;139; refuse to surrender of fenders, iUl. :I42; Cidonel WriKht marches against, 342, 343; del'eateil at Four Lakes, 344; property of,de8troyed,347 ; treaty w.lli, 351,3,52. Spoiled Tail, Bnilo chief, murder of, 10; sur- renders as a hostage. 2;iri; sketch of 4S2; Indians desert, 4H4; wil' • to k-" Black Hills, 5HK; made liead-cL . .tO. Squaws. iSVe W neii. Stanley, J. M., quoted. 371. Stanley. ,f. Q. A., intercedes for Mission Ind ians. UX, 149. Stanniiod, (Captain, raliflcs Lieutenant Whit man's actions, 721. Steamlmat Frank, .Moiloc warrior, aids in mas- saire of commlssicuierR, 5(19; betrays Cap- ° tain Jack, 57(1; uiiness at trial, 5M); be- comes preacher. 5H3. Stock, Dr. Matthew, treats with Mescaleros. 378; opposes Ho.squo Hedmido reservalion. 4117; Carletim complains of, 4(18; succeeded by Felipe Delgado. 470. Steele, Judge, legal adviser of Modocs. 549; acts OS messenger lo thein, 5(14; saved by Cup tain Jack. 5(1.1. Steptoe, Colonel, captures fiiinnison murderers, 279; expedition to Fort Colville. ;124; men aced by Indians, 3'25; attacked. ;i'2(l; light on Ingossomen Creek, 3'27; retreats. ;)'.>H; qiioteii, 333; recovery of guns abandoned by, 3,53. Stevens, (ien. 1. I., first governor of Washing ton Territory, 19(1; treaties of repudialeil. 202; protected by Nez I'erces, 203; c'28. Texan invlision of New Mexico, history of, 381, 382, 403-407. 782 INDEX. Texas, American settlement of, 27; nnnexiilion ciui'Sliun, 'i!«, 2'.); I0|iuluil \,ilii« of, 44, 47. TheliiT, Iiieutenaut, cut oil at Wliilc llird ('aflon,(i4'.l. TlioiiiaH, Cuplain, enters Lava llcds, S72; killed, 67;). Tliiiman, Rev. K., appointed on Modor ronimJH sion, .MiU; opinion aH to laxl i-oiincil, Aii'i; refuses to deceive Indian.^, "ifKi ; gocH lo eouncil, T)!)"; Kpee
  • 7n ; indignation at nitirder of, 571; stuleiueut of son of, aWJ, f)M;t. Ttunnpson, Arthur, killed by I'tes, 704. Tlioridinrnli. MaJ. T. T., investigates conduct of I'tes, t;il2; advances to White lliver, (Kill; tight at Milk Creek, 7tH); killed, 7U1; picture on hody at 712. Thunder llinvk, Sioux warrior, murder of. 10. Tiena Itlanro, I'te chief, attacks liuttleineuts, (i«0; defeated, Csl. Tilcoax. I'elousu chief, hand uf, V\'M\ huslilities (d; ;t47, ;)4s. Tilokaikt. Cayu.'ie chief, meaning of name, S(i; in council with .lesuit.s, ■.i:i; mangles l)i'. Whitman's body, Uti; convicted und hanged, 1(11, lO'J. Timothy, N'ez I'erco chief, aids Steptoe, 328; aids Wright, ;»;!. Timpanaga.s. who are, 277. Tinntdi. .See Atliaiia.ery. 01)5. Triggs, Lieutenant, takes .Mrs. Kwbank's dejio- sition. 427. Tidiac. deserted, 381 ; rcoccupied. 392. Tucson, antiquity of, 151); etiect of Apache war on. ;181; recovers its population, '.iVi. 3!).5. Tularosa Valley reservation, established, 720; abandoned. 727. Tule Uiver, farm established, 137. Tumwatcr, Oregon, settled, 11)0. Tapper, .Ma,ior, defeats .Vpaches, 747. Turley, Simeon, character of, 07; defence of mill. 08; killed, 01). Two Face, Sioux warrior, treatment of Mrs. Ewbanks, 428; refuses to sell her to Chey en lies. 4'il). Two Kettles, Sioux, who are, 231; treaty of IHOO with. 481; at war. 50(1; location in 1870, 51)1; at war, 018; make peace. 028. Tyler, I'resident, favors annexation of Texas, 29. riXTAiis, Utes, location of. 090. I'matillas, Stevens's treaty with, 217; treaty ratilled, 356; removal of, recuinnicutled, 045. Umpquas related tn Athabascans, 82; hostilities by, 191; slavery among, 371. rneiunmuto, (.'iiconipahgro chief, mentioned, 089. I'nciunpaghri! F'nrk, title to. in ries, 083; ro- scrvcil liy treaty, 084; cut olf by surveyor, 085; settled, 08(5; settlers remain, 087; sold by I'tes, 088. Uncompahgres, I'tes, location of, tiHl; arable land of, 08;i; chiefs of, (i89; among hostiles, 705, 712; inllueiice of peaceful portion, 714; removed to I'tuh, 71.5. rnkpahpahs. ,SVc Oncpupas. I'p.sariika. See ('rows. I pson. Agent, treats with Blackfeet, 518. Ire. .Vc/' Ouray. Utah. Ashley in Salt Lake Hasin, 33; Harney relieved from command of expedition. '237, 238; secretary of, killed, 239; Kremonl's de- Kcri|ition. 275; Indians of. 27.'i-'277; Indian troubles in. 278-281; reformation in. '283, 2St; lawlessness In, '285, '280; expedition to, 287; nuirtial law proclaimed in. 288; I'an- cher's train in, 281)-'2il2; Mountain Meadow massacre, 292-300; investigation of mas- sacie, 30.5-310, 31'2-315: duty id' (ientiles, 311; trial of .lohn I). I.ee. 310-319; exocn- tion ofl.ee, 3'20; situation in, 322, 323; slav- ery in, 309, 370. rtes. relations to Colorado sedlers. 241, 242; divisions of, 277; .Iicarillas take rid'uge with, 378; a.SHist I'nited Slates. 405; removal of, desired in Colorado, 076-0 <0; light ne ir I'on- clni I'ass, Otto, (>81 ; treaty of 18(18 with, 081 ; object. 'ins to treaty, 082; treaty of 1872, 08:i; tl 'aty not kept liy Tniled SUtos. (i84, 085; Vn ompaligie I'ark troiilde, 0S:!-(i88; organization of, O.sO, 0110; Meeker's troubles, 690,091; charges against. 092-094; bad white neighliors. 095; refuse lo surrender ollend- ers. 0110; troubles increase, 097 ; Meeker as- saulted, 098; Thiirnburgh marches against, (il)9; light lit .Milk Creek, 700, 701; conduct al the agemy, 70'2, 703; attack on agency, 704, 705; (dose of hostilities, 7011-710; sur- render of captives, 711-713; the pictures, 712; councils with, 714; romovul of, 715. VALLfe. Al,EXAXnRi!. quoted, 407. Valverde, light al, 404. Van Huren, .Martin, opposes annexation of Texas, 29; defeated, 47. Van Vliel. Captain, senl to Salt Lake City, 287; returns to army, 288. Victor. I'end d'Oreillo chief, attacked by Mil- kapsi. 3'20. Victorio, Mimbreflns chief, refuses to be re- moved. 739; raids of, 740; ollicial opinions of his case, 741. 742; killed. 744. Vincent, Ca'ur d'Aleno chief, talks with Step- toe. 320; recalls messengers. 328; statement to,lo.sel. 3'29; charge of insult lo, 330; quot- ed, 337 ; band of. 341. Virginia City, Montana, settlement of. 478. Voorhees, Uepresentallve, criticises ultuck on Piegans, 532; quoted, 535, 542. Waha Yi'MA, Hualapais chief, murdered, .391. Wagoner massacre, di'scribcd. 20i'). Wuilatpn Mission established, ;)8; meaning of name, 80; described, 80, 87 ; nias.sacreal. 93- 100; Fort Waters established at, 101; pres- ent appearance of, 102. Wailatpus, location and divisions of, 80. Walkiir, Capt. Jesse, defeats Modocs, 200, QOl. Walker. Capt J. (i., quoted, '207. Walker, Major, cxpcditiuu against Navakos, 260. INDEX. 783 Walker. UlP cliipf. Bfirriflcps at biirliil of, 372. WallmiiMiiili'kiiit Iri'liaii.t. wlio wcrv, I'lUO. Walla Walla .SVc Knit Wiilhi. Walla. Walla Wallas, Imaliuii «(, m(1; ,>ni|i(iMiMl I'lir rusorva tiiiri, ll:n ; wiHJii'B 111' .Ncz I'it(vh for, 031), (ilU; Ni'Z I'l^rcrH urileriil Iidiii, lUil. Waliiul (,'ruuk, massacre at, 4I'J, 441, 44.'>. War llDiiliut, Arapuliou eliivf, in attack un Gen- eral llliint,4li'i. War lie|iarliiient, should have lu.spection of aueiiries, IH. Warm Sprint's linliaiis, iiiil aKuiiist Modors, .'iTl; amiiiipaiiy t'aplain TliomtLS. fiT'i; Kep- arati-. Wa.'shinKlon, t'ol J. M.. expedition aKainst Xav- ahos. ■itil ; treaty of not ratilled. •i'tH, WiisliiiiKtiiii I'erritoiy or>!anized, ls',1; llrst set- tlement in, I'.H); ilisiovery of I'olvilli; mine.s, 2114; risi^ of Spokane war. ;fJ4-;|-JS; eauses of war, ;iJ)S-:i;l7, Inilians of wistern part of 3;iM. 341; WriKliis (!aiiipainn.;t41-:l;->4; (iar- nett'H campaign. ;i.VJ: rati Ileal ion of treaties, 3.W; discovery of Salmon Uiver mines, 477. Wntkins, liis|«'ftor, ri'poris on Sion.\. .V.lll. Webster. Ilaniel, ne(;oliates Ashliiirton treaty, 41; o|ipo.seM annexation of Texas. 4(1. 47. Weemlninhes. iiiiliiili'd in Soiiiliern I'te.s. liKl. Weir, Capt.iin, allempts to reach I'nster, liU'J. Weir, IJeiitenanI, killed hy Ite.s, 7(r,l. Wells, I). II., command.s \ioniion forces, 281*. Wells, Kart'o A: t'o., horses stolen from, .Vj:). Wessel.s, (General. Kuiceed,s Carringtou, 6(X); ultempts ranipai>;ii, 504. Wheat Caflon. .Sff Ciiilon ilel Trigo. Wlieaton, Colonel, inslnictions to. .Vi'2; lilnnies lldeiieal. rii>4; proceeds against llodocs, 555; nskit reinfori'ements. ,5'iri. Whipple. Captain, describes Wallowa Vnlloy, IW2; slatcmenl as to Old .losepli, U;)4; tells \ez I'erci'S Ihey must move, 1537. While Antelope, Chevenno chief, in council, 412; ciiio(ed,41"). 41li, 420, 421. Whiter Itird. Nez Perce chief, band of, 038; joins hostiles. (i4s; e.scapiMif, ('i.V.I, liBU. White llird Cailim. light at. (i4s,(Ua. White Cattle. .SVf^ (iiinado HIanoo. While Kagli'S, wlio were. ."illl. While, Klijali. a|ipoiiils head cliief of N'cz Per- ciis. (l;tl. White Kyes. Apaclie name for Americans. 302. White family, murdered by .licarillas, 374-377. While Knives. AVe .Shosbokos. While I'lume, .Snake chief, baud of, 27C; quot- eil, 2S() White Klver agency, location of. fifll ; massacre at. 7(t3-7()B; appearance after massacre, 70S), 710. White Kivers, I'les. who were, AMI; chiefs of, tilM); Meeki'r's troubles with. dill. (W7. ti'.iS; bidiavlor of, (i'.l2 - (iiU ; while neighbors of Ciir>; rc^fuso to surrender ollenders. (i'.Hi; troops sent against, 6',)'.); attack troops, 7IKI, 701; destroy agency. 70.1-70.1 ; suspend hos- tilities. 70!i; rrMnoved to I'tah, 715. White 'fliunder. Sioux chief niiil'der of 10. White Wolf, Arapuhoe warrior, warns whiles, 426. Whiteman, Agent, reports on \ez Perces, (ins. Whiting. Agent, reports on Nez I'erces. 11(1,5. Whiting. Siiperintenih'iit, recommends reserva- tions lor .Mission Indians. 147; i|iioteil. 14'.i. Whitman. Dr. M,, goes to Oregon. ;)7; takes llrst wagon. ;W; rides to the Slates, 3M. ;i'.i; secures emigration, 41. 42; mission at Wai- latpu. Mil, «7; coniroviMsy with .Jesuits. 113; murder of, i)4; accused of poisoning Ind. lans, 113; proposed moniimi'iit to, 117 {mile). Whitnian, Lieutenant, nci'ives Apaches at Camp (Irant, 7r.l; repoiis to head quarters, 720; action of, approveil. 721; aecoiinl of i^ias.sacre, 722, 723; charges against, un- founded, 724. Whitnian, Silas, Nez rcrce preacher, welcomes exiles, (171. Whitlaker. Captain, criticism ofKeiionnd llen- teen. (124. Wilbur, Father, recommends removal of Nez I'erces, (>40. Wilkes, Captain, estimate of population of Cal ifornia, 131. Will<'ox, (ieneral, opinion of Vlclorio's treat- ment, 741. William, or Whim. Modoc warrior, warns Toby, 5(15; testifies. .5S0. Wilson. It. I)., reports on Mission Indians. 14(1. Winnebago reservation, lesson of. 150. Winlhrop, Congressman, oppo.ses occupation of Oi'egon 4(1. Wohlpape Snakes, placed on Klamath reserva- tion. 544. Women, Indian, fight at Ash Hollow, 23fi; treat- ment of. 2,511; among Navuhos, 2.5:t, 254, 2(12; treatment by .Mexicans. ;illK-;t70; general- ly. :t72, ;t73; light at Saiiil Creek. ;tiis; be- havior of. 4211; light nt the Washita. 440; dillereni'o in, 4(15; torture by, 513; killeil in iittack on I'iegans, 5;io, 531 ; (^riticsni in Congress. 532; statements of ofHcers, 534 ; Irealnient at Camp (irant, 721-723. Women, white, treatment by A)iaches. 3il7: by .Mexicans, ;I(1H-:I70; generally, 372. 373; treatment by plains Indians, 427. 428; by Sez I'erces, tWd; by I'les, 70(1. 711. 713. Wood. Lieutenant colonel, opposes lurcible re- moval of Nez I'erces. (14(1. (17'2. Wool. (Jeiienil, controversy with Stevens, 208; supported by (leneial Scott. 211. Wnolsey. King S.. mas.sacres Apaches. 380. Wright. Capt. lieiijamin, defeats .Modocs, 102; massacres Modoe.s. 1113; killed. 211; eflect of massaci'e in Moiloc war. 5(11, 502, 504; sboiilil have been punished. ,582. Wright, Colonel, mnrclies against Indians. 211 ; light at Cascades. 212; treats with liidian.s. 21(1; sent ugainsl Spokanes and others. :I42; battle at Four l.akes, 343. 344; destroys Indian supplies. 347; treats with Cd'ur d'Aleiies. ;t51; treats with Spokaue.s. 352; punishes I'elouses, 353; resultsofc i ;"ign, ;154. Wright. Lieutenant, killed In I^avo '... ! "i. Wyelh. N. ■!., expe, Major, estimate of killed at Sand Creek, 401; sent to Cheyennes and Arapa- hoes, 412; concedes Little Kaven hostile, 41(1,418; investigates SamI Creek. 417; sub- sists Little Haven's Arapahws, 418; no au- thority to treat. 421; statement as to Oov- ernor Kvans. 4'22; ns to Dog (Soldiers. 431; Cheyennes did not surrender to, 432; at treaty of 1805, 437 ; reports of, 431). XiCAKiLi^AS. £i'ee JiuariUas. m INDEX. YAiionsKiN Snakks. Ircnty with, ri44. Yaiimx iig('i\(;y, I'Hiulil.shi'il, MS; MoUocs lottvc, MC. YiikiiiiiiH. liMiiticiii iir, Hd; (liwonlont iil', ■MVl; (!<> to wiir, ■Jill; inasHiiirc liy, at CaHuadcH, 'il2; riil(iiK'l WiiKliI niari'lii'H anaiiisl, Ulfi; Sle- vi'Uk'h trPHly with, 217 ; attack Stcptiio, ;i'J5; niali'DiilciilH III', :t:iH', caiiipaiKii ar'-iiiiHt. M'i; reiicgailcH Irdiii, liiiiiK. 'II>'); treuty ratillcd, !t.W, YiiiMiialfl, Innitlon of. 157; plaroil nt rmiip V(Mili'.7'27; lioHtil('Hliroii)jlil iii,7;)0; Bclieluo to rcinnvc, 7;W; iciiioval of, 7;I4. Yaiiipa«. I'li'H, ihcliulpd iii Wliito Hivr>r8, tWl, Yaiikloiiiiaiu, SioHX, «lio arc, 2:11; location of, •2:12. Yanklons, Sioux, who arc, 2:tl ; location of, 232; iiitiiniilaK'd hy liostllcH. 424, 425. Yalrs, Captain, killed at l.i'llu llig Horn, fll2. Yavapai.i. Sfe YanipaiH. Yi'llow l.ivcix. wild were. .Wl. Yellow Serpent. Sec I'iopioinuxmox. Yomns, Apnolin warrior, HavPB life of Agent LarraliiM', 7:11. YoKcrnilcH, r('|)Mtitlion of, l;i;i; lio.stilitleH uf, i;t»; iK't! r.ir peace. l;ti">. Vonng, llrgliain, Indian poliiy of, 2HII, 2HI ; iiaiil to lia\'n tntrotlui'ed polygamy, 2H:l; preaches lilood atonement, 2Nr>; resiHtH I'nil- ed.StateHlroo|>H, 2W>, 2H7; proclaimn martial law, 2HH, 2H'.l; connHitliin with Mountain Meadow ma»cacre, iKHI. ;tlll ; report of. HII2; licensed of moving inoniiinetit, ;iil'.l; conceals criminals, 1)12; nliandoiiH l,eu, ;I1H, illU; diert, 1121); viHit to Oregon. ;t:il. Young, K.wing, hroiight lo (Irogon hy Kelly, !t5; estate e8cheat8, :I5; brings cattle to Oregon, 8>t. YnniaB, division and location of, 15(1; take (.'amp Yuma. 171); snhdued, Ittt); massacre (iaIlantin'H party, ;)ti2, Z.nnifsKiK. .IiniiK AovocATK, lakes Mrs. Ew- buuks's dejHisiliuii, 427. THE END.