IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) A % f-;^ 4e • 49 . 6" - ■■ — ^ Photogmphic Sciences Cbrporation ^ V v>^ ^R) V ^: cT '^ '^Jt. ;\ '^V.^ 23 WEST MAIN STHIT WEBSTE«,N.Y. )45W ,716) 872-4903 '# CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiquas \ Technical and BibHographic Notaa/Notas tachniquaa at bibliographiquas Tha Instituta has attamptad to obtain tha bast original copy avaiiabia for filming. Faaturas of this copy which may ba bibliographically uniqua. which may altar any of tha imagas in tha raproduction, or which may significantly changa tha usual mathod of filming, ara chackad baiow. □ Coloured covers/ Couverture do couleur I I Cowers damaged/ D Couverture endommagtke Covers restored and/or laminated/ Couverture restaurAe at/ou pellicula pn Cover title missing/ La titra da couverture manque □ Coloured mapa/ Cartea gAographiquas en couleur D Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ Encra da couleur at quality possib.a conaidaring tha condition and lagibility of tha origiMii copy and in Icaaping with tha filming contract apacifications. Original eopiaa in printaf" papar oovara ara filmad bagitining with tha front eovar and anding on tha laac paga with c printad or illuatratad impraa> •ion, or tha bacic covar whan appropriata. All othar original eopiaa aro filmad baginning on tho firat paga with a printad or illuatratad impraa- •ion. and anding on tha last paga with a printad or Illuatratad imprMaion. Tha laat racordad frama on aaeh microficha shall contain tha symbol — ^^ (maaning "CON- TINUED"), or tha symbol ▼ (maaning "END"), whichavar appliaa. Laa imagaa suh^antaa ont 4t« raproduitaa avac la piua grand soin, compta tanu da la condition at da ia nattat* da l'axamplaira film*, at an eonformit* avac I«m conditions du contrat da fllmaga. Laa axamplalraa originaux dont la couvartura 9n papiar aat imprimte sont filmte en comman^nt par la pramiar plat at an tarminant soit par la darnlAra paga qui comporta una amprainta d'lmpraaaion ou d'iiltjstration. soit par la sacond plat, salon la eas. Tous laa autraa axamplairas originaux sont filmte an commandant par la pramMra paga qui comports unm amprainta d'lmpraaaion ou d'iilustration «t 9n tarminant par la dami^ra paga qui comports una talla amprainta. Un daa symboiaa suivants apparattra sur la damiAra imaga da chaqua microficha. salon la eaa: la symbols -«- signifia "A SUIVRE". la aymbola ▼ signifia "FIN". Mapa, platfw. charts, ate. may ba filmad at diffaram raduction ratioa. Thoaa too larga to ba antiraiy includad in ona axpoaura ara filmad baginning in tha uppar laft hand comar. laft to right and top to bottoi.". aa many framaa aa raquirad. Tha following diagrama illuatrata tha mathod: Laa eartaa, planchaa, tsblaaux. ate. pauvant itra fiimAa i daa taux d« reduction diff^ants. Lorsqua ki desumant ast trop grand pour itra raproduit an un muI ciiehA, il aat filmA A partir da I'angia supMaur gaucha. da gaucha k droita. at da haut an ba6, an pranant la nombra d'imagaa n4cassaira. Laa diagrammaa suivants iilustrant la m^thoda. 1 2 3 1 6 ^^mmmmmmmmmmmmm 1 r EDWAUD IIENBY KIAVFLL. THE MIM '.iY OF Maine 'i it'' ? T aoIIX S. r. ADBOTT Ni' IHl.: CIIAI'TKUS OF NXW MaTTEK AT>nED HI i • ''V.\KD H. KLWEIJ, ">'• :i>nioN, .in,! viij.vTii *rC.U8T,4, llAISE PTJHI.fSffK)) Hm E. E. KNOWLl-.S A CO. liY BUOVV.N 'liirnSTOK C',>MPANY KS^'HAHl) lUMn 1 THE t History of Maine BY JOHN S. C, ABBOTT BKVISED XHHOCOHOUX AND FIVE CHAPTEHfl OF NEW MATTER AODED Bl EDWARD H. ELWELL LATE EDITOR OF THE FORTLAND THANflCRIFT ii'M SECOND EDITION, ILLUSTRATED AUGUSTA, MAINE PUBLISHED FOR E. E. KNOWLES & CO. BY BROWN THURSTON COMPANY UQ2 1 t u ^1 ^ lf6 COPVHIGrixED 1893 Br BROWX THURSTON COMPAUr 35100 97f/ BROWN THURSTON COMPANT KLKCTROTVPERS AND PRINTERS PUBLISHERS' NOTICE. It 18 seventeen years since the History of Maine was published, and more than twelve years it has been out of print, making it highly desirable that the growing inter- ests of the state should be placed before the people. This edition has been under the careful supervision of Mr. Edward H. Elwell, than whom no man in the state was better fitted for the task. Ho had long been editor of the Portland Transcript, and was a critical observer of the topography, material, educational and political condition of Maine. Every page has been carefully scrutinized, corrections and additions made, and five new chapters added upon subjects not treated upon in the first edition. Kesources and Industries, Morals and Religion, Population, Education, Politics. The death of Mr. Elwell, shortly after completing this work is a loss and bereavement to every intelligent citL zen of Maine. POHT...VB, 1892. ^'^'"' T«''«STON Company. pm PREFACE. Maine is the native state of the writer of this volume. Seventy years ago. m the year 1805. he was born in Brunswick, withm sound of the roar of the falls of the Androsoo «"<» Franc, .t War -! CHAPTER VX FKOOHXSS OF aKTTLKMBNTa. CHAPTER VII. COLONIAL JEALOU8Ll!8 AND ALIBNATIONS CHAPTER VUI. TH« PBOVINOB OF MAINE ANNKXKD TO MA88A0HU8ETT8. a*ouble8 on the Plscataqua - Career of La Tour - Menaces of War Ttr Maine and Maasaclnisetts - Code of Lrws-~wl?^^ -ett8-The Articles of Union -Lv. JoTrnwCltrTif^ T^"' -E«8torationofC.arIesn.-PetitJ:;Goy«e^^^^^^^^^^^ CHAPTER IX. POLITICAL AOIIATIONS. VASS 8] U4 131 Itt CONTEhTO. OHAFTBR t THH rnisr incian wa*, I *UMk Drtok.-Scen«, In the WiKwam -The OathcUo MlasloiuHes- AdremuZ of lUale - Indian IntelliKenoe - - PopiU.Uon - PhUh.'. War oTI!. ment c£ H05UIIU— Awful Scene, of Blood jnd Vl-'li^^T" the English — Desperation of the Indians ^ 181 0HAPT3B XL THB BORROIUI t WAa Dispersion of King PhUlp's Forces - Falmouth Desolated - Scenes of Hor. S'",''"°r"'^"".°^'"^-^"""'^"^ °' Major Waldron-MlS^^ lae CHAPTER Xn. WAB8 AND WOES CONTUnnTD. Bavages of the Indians - The Naval IkpecUtlon - Peace proclaimed - Ln,«« mX^::^^'''^.^^^' °' '''""« by Massachusetr^Thelegime'S Mr. Danforth- North Yarmouth incorporated - Baotlat rhnrn^ 1-! ^ Ushed-Menaces of War-Employmen7of the MoSwks-S r 1Z,t^ ^e VJ'r" ^r^-^r-^ic'^ Actsi^t^^k tpon L^C^f Monteel ^''«"**^-*^*^ «' Waldron-ExpediUons to Quebec a^ 20« CH^PTEE Xni. OAlCPAIONd m THE WIIJ)E«NE88. Character of Indian Warfare - Expedition of Captain Church - Battl« -♦ F^outh-The S^l. of Berwick-The Massac™ a? FSm'uth-ctLt at Pejepsoot- Incidents of the Campaign - Indian Gratitude _T^« Trace-Deplorable Condition of Maine-TVe Disiter at York V J^! Defence of -eUs - Church's Third Expedition -New Sffjj^t ^^^^^^^^ 224 CHAPTER XrV. KtKO WILLIAM'S WAB. - QCKEJf ANNE's WAR. ^^rTlf ^f ^°°^ *° ^^"^« ^""^^ William Henry - Cruel tv of Cant Saw ^ Fate-Camden Heights - Plunder on [he B^y of Fundy - M^or Frost -Fearful Tragedies - Consultations for PeJe-Ass^L. b^t-lmpover^hment of the Province - Cruel RumorfS Netv SS wt;.tw 't,"^* Act-Oov. Dudley-Speech of Simmo-lSg rjf^^^^'7.^°"'^ °^ ^- fiiviferes- Shameful Conduct of EnS IZhlck ''"" War-Siege of Winter Harbor -Arrival of C- . 240 CONTENTH. OHAPTER XV. THB BTVAI. OLAIMS OF PKAWOH AND KWatAHD. PAa» wir A^ ,^l* Destruction of Black Point-The Vicissitudes ot Iv„7 T? *^^ Expedition - ^ srciless Ravages - Destruction at B.rt Boyal - The Biredition to Ncrridgewoclc - Exchange of Prisoners - T^I- ^n suspected-lncidents of the Conflict - A Renewed AtSn"onp"^ ^H~^?^ ^^^- ^"dley-The Third Attack and its FaUure - Nav2 ^^l"^ f^"^'^^"'-'^ ^°°^"«^* °* ^°^» Scotia-ThrOomS aiontoQuebec— Exchange of Menaces . . ^umam CHAPTER XVI. BBITISH AND OrXAN DIPLOIIAOT. Snthnriasm of the British Government - The Fleet for the Oonauest of Cauada-mter Failure of the Enterprise - Dally Perils --mBridi Pany-Treaty of Utrecht-The Ravages of War-Character of th« c^rr ^'f *^«-Sta^ °f ^he Ministry-The Peje^scot £^^1]^! • Prospects — Character of Father Rasle . ".wmy CHAPTER XVn. THE VICISSmjDBS OF WAB. ^TnXn' 5«°«^«<^-Ko3olve Of the British - Westbrook's Attempt on an Indian Vilage-An Indian Fort - Expedition to Oldtown -Attorn^ upon Norndgewock- Beauty of the Village - Savage D^redadoS- Father Basle and his Chapel -His Letters - Murdef o7Bom^een I Swf «^°'1'"v"°^^-'^^"*^ '' Basle-Tribute to k Merr^I Capt.LoveweU's Achievement -Drake's Narrative . . . . . 300 CHAPTER XVin. THB PBOOBESS AND TBBMINATION OF WVEWEWs TTAB. Encampment at Great Ossipee - Serious Contest-Death of LoveweU-Of Svl^**' °' ?!,f "S^"^ ^ ^^«"«"'« War-Government Sea^ures- . d , tJon - Attack Tipon Young Castine - The Dum.i.„r Treaty - Indian Let- i««-Cost of Indian Wars _ Peace concluded . . V . . . 319 CHAPTER XIX. THE DOOM OF THE INDIAN. French Influence - Gov. Dummer - His Wise Policy-The Trading-Houses - Life at Falmouth -Govs. Burnet and Belcherl-Act aS^DueUwI vfrTS^ V ^ f, *^' English-Conference at FalmoutSTGov ShSeyl Tailir'Tl^r'^r''" "* ®*- G«-S«-The Indians desi™ Peace- in- * diaris refuse to fight their Brethren -The Capture of Louisbnrglmr Proclaimed against the Indians-Peace-Subsiding Billows-NewClaim^ of the English -Fort at Teconuet J^ew i^iaims 337 CONTENTS. A CHAPTER XX. .HK OLZ> KBENCH WAK, ANB THE WAB O,. THE BEVOLUTIOX COMKEXCED. The Upper Kennebec Exploieil-- New Forf; Rniif w •.,. ^ '■***■• Eenewe.1- English AtrociSL-wL >L^ ^"^It " War with the Indians CHAPTER XXI, THE WAB OF THE REVOLUTION The British Fleet FALMOUTH Df A8HB8. ;n'riu?r?„i"r"'=«i-I^« Conference-The Bom- 377 CHAPTER XXn. THE WAB OF 1812, AND THE SEPABATION. Expenses of the War-Tha Question of Separation -Increase of Tnw.- an Independent state . . "'"o iever -The Separation -Maine ■ . • . SW CHAPTER XXni. PEACE AND PnOSPERirr " "' 426 CHAPTER XXIV. THE SCANDINAVIAN IMMIOBATION. ^Seden %^rT""'~'^''' i'lan Adopted-Mission of Mr. Tho\ oweuen — wise Measures triumphantiv Successful t>.„ Tr ■^°°™r^ 10 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXV. THE riCTUKESQDE ATTRACTIONS OP MAINB. Portland and Casco Bay - Seashore Eesorts - Isles of Shoals -The Beacher**" -Cape Anmdel and Old Orchard -Bath to Rockland, and up the Penob- scot -Mount Desert -Lake Sebago-Mt. Pleasant and the Saco-The VaUey of the Androscoggin - Rangeley Lakes and Sandy River -The Kennebec Valley-Moosehead Lake and the Aroostook 44^ CHAPTER XXVI. MAINE US' THE WAR OF THE RBBELUON. MUita,ry Condition of Maine - Proclamation of the President - Prompt Action -The Greeting in New York -Welcome in Washington -Stove- Rpe Artillery -Testimony of Gen. Sickles-Gen. Hiram G. Berry-The Liquor Shops -The Seventh Maine Complimented - Sufferings of Camp- Life -Colored Regiments -Testimony of Gen. Naglee-Gen. Dow -Toils of a Campaign -The Sharp-shooters - Lieut. Hill - Batteries of Light Artillery- Courage of New Recruits 469 CHAPTER XXVn. MAINE IN THE WAR OF THE REBEL IION, CONTINUED. Battle of Cedar Mountain - Bivouacking in the Rain - Testimony of Gen Burnside-Scencs at Port Hudson -Arlington Heights - Campaignhig in Sarcf B„n, Tm"" °' *'' Twenty-Seventh Regiment -Toilsome r!f 7?f ^ Mananna- Ravages of Sickness -Summary of the Ef- forts of Maine -Major-Gen. O. O. Howard at Gettysburg -Major-Gen. Joshua L. Chamberlain at the Surrender of Lee ... . •■ /'*" ^^^ CHAPTER XXVHL AGRICULTURE AND MANUFACTURES. Maine, its Location and Size -Mountains -Katahdin- Temperature -A«ri- cultural Products- Various Industries-Ship-Building-Railroads-sSe Quarries-Little Blue Quarry - Water-Power- Annual Rain-Fall-MaLu fa^turmg Facdities-The Saco Basin-The Androscoggin -The Kere- L^: n'^^'^"?''"* Valley-The St. Croix-The St. Jolm-The SaS- ousClimate-Prospects of Emigration , ^g^ CHAPTER XXIX. POPULAR EDUCATION. Cm„S n ^^^""i"/^o"-Normal Schocl in Castine - Maine Central ^stitute-Oak Grove Seminary -Cou.mereial College - State College of t!^Tr-l '^^?S°P ^™""^^ ^''''' - l^>"-y Dltrict School -Sl- lectiial, Social, and Physical Advantages of Maine . . fil» CONTENTS. 11 CHAPTER XXX. < POPULATION. ^irw^aTdXro^i^Sr:^^?/^^^ 'Colony Settled - Immigration of l^ative Erem«nf J^^^adians- Swedish Colony 1790-Fragmeat8of iSlnaTTrfes '°T ? P^P'^lf ion Sini CHAPTER XXXI. MORALS AND RELIGION. tem?erL^cri^^I*£^^ Tramc-Riot iiiPortttR'''^T^5'*- Prohibition of Liquor l^S-Sustafned by t X^l'^'pro/'h l'-^ Law - Re-enactef^n tution^Good ItesulEsof the lIw mS-*"''" P.^V"*" the Consti- Religious Impulse -CatholicI -Tn/^J *'°^•''°* S«"'«d Through aContollinsf Koothbld-.p„.Unn w P/^°"f^''^"8 *^ai'«d to Obtain «etts -'P>e^Standln%Td^r-StrSr^^^^ ^' Massachu" Escape from Taxatfon-All PlaceTon nnSr ^®^^^°u°™\°''^"on«to tution of 1820 - Religious DLVmhmtio^sTnfh'e^S^^^^^^ ?'^°«;^- CHAPTER XXXII. T^ p ... EDUCATION. cation after the Revolution --FsHhiLh^!";^^^J'»*®''est i" Edu- of Land -Establishment of SlS - Th5n^?^".™!«« by Grants tabhshment of Normal sVliLik f i , 'l? District System — Es- Free High Schools "iodpS~T'''''*'^ traded, and 1 System of State Sijpervision of the P .'ruc^'^^^^^^^ i» Schoolhous^s _ -Parochial Schools - lmaliPercentlrn?°TnP."''°''y Attendance Newspaper Press -County PanP,«fL ?•' I";teracy in Maine - Of Periodicals Published ffiftiL-lJ^Si^^^^^^^^ CHAPTER XXXIIL n- . . ' POLITICAL, PeTed1he"WS?„":.^,STi:if!^^^ -Fusionists Elecf Governor T; ^lumlUv v''/ *^« f^Preme Cour? cans Return to Power in 1^2 ^'"'^''ty Vote m 1880-Republi. PAGB» 68& CHAPTER XXXIV. _ ^ RESOURCES AND INDUSTRIES l^stems Pleasure Trkvel - lX knd "IfJ-!^^^^^'"'^^ " ^^"'•oad Why the People Should be ConSuted^wi.u their ^^r''^^- Kelsons 638. 65S 560 567 ILLUSTRATIOITS. PAOB Abbott Family School 406 Abbott School, Farmington . . . .405 Agricultural College, Orono 526 Battle of Lexingtou 370 Blockhouse of Fort Halifax. . . .376 Bowdoin College, Brunswick. . .402 B. & M. Railroad Bridge, Saco..4o2 Cascade at West Waterville ... .406 City Hall, Portland 448 Colby University, Waterville. . .415 Custom House, Portland 449 Dam at Skowhegan 511 Edward H. Elwell, frontispiece Falls, Bonny Eagle, Buxton 460 Falls, Cobbossee Contee, Gardi- ner 416 Falls, East Machias 385 Falls, Embden and Solon 513 Falls, Lewiston 410 Falls, Lisbon 461 Falls, Liverraore 405 Falls, Madison Bridge 512 Falls, Oldtown 328 Falls, Pejepscot, Brunswick.... 229 Falls, Rumford 463,404 Falls, Ticonic, Watervj lie 362 Garrison House at York 234 Garrison, Kennebunk 318 Insane Hospital, Auijusta 4.30 PAGE Lake Sebago. 459 Longfellow Statue, Portland 413 Maine Central Institute 321 Maine Gen'l Hospital, Portland.529 Maine Wesleyan Seminary 5.54 Normal School, Castine 320 N'ormal <^.chool, Farmington 404 Observatory, Portland 447 Old Orchard Beach 454 Old Stone Tower, Newport 20 Paper Mills of S. D. Warren & Co., front and rear views 508 Portland, view of 396 Post Oflace, Augusta 428 Post Office, Portland 450 Public Library, Portland 509 Residences of Col. Ebenezer Wabster and Others 624 Rasle Mon'm't, Norridgewock..316 Schoolhouso, Kittery 525 Schoolhouse, Winthrop 527 Soldiers National Home 496 State House, Augusta 560 The Cliffs, Cape Arundel 451 " The Willows," Farmington... 408 Upper Dam, Ellsworth 514 Westbrook Seminary 522 Whitehead Cliffs 455 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. CHAPTER I. VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN 1 AND OTHER EARLY EXPLORERS. Country of tlie Northmen— Voyages to Iceland and Greenland— Voyage of Thorwald— Hto Death— Expedition of Thorfinn and Gudrida— Visit to Buzzard's Bay and Narraganset Bay —First Description of New England — A Mystery of History— Voyage of John Cabot— Voyage of his Son, Sebas- tlan Cabot — French and English Claims— Caspar Cortereal—Verrazano— Strange Interview with the Indians —Estevan Gomez — Norumbega — John Eut. Tp VENTS contemplated through the lapse of a thousand J— ^ years must be dim. In ancient times the region of north- era Europe, which now comprehends Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, was called Scandinavia. The hardy people who dwelt in that frigid clime were called Northmen. They were a sea- faring people, regarded mainly as pirates. Shores far distant were ravaged by their plundering expeditions. It is said, that, ten centuries ago, one of these Northmen, Nad- dod, who was called the sea-king, driven by storms, discovered Iceland. It was, ere long, settled by a colony from Denmark. It is said, that, about seventeen years after the discovery of Ice- land, a storm drove another vessel from that island across to Greenland, a distance of but about four hundred miles. This was in the extreme north-eastern portion of the North Ameri- 1 For the following account of the voyages of the Northmen, I am mainly todebted to the celebrated work entitled, " Antiquitates Amorlcanw. Hafnie Copenhagen, 1839. By O. 0. Rafn." So faras It is possible to obtain any acou- facy upon this subject, the aulLurity oi Mr. Kafn ia unquestionable. 18 14 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. • bus approached our shores. ^'^^^' About ten years after this, another Northman, by the nam« of Biarne, seeking Greenland, was uriven by fierce L 1 f^!-? As the story goes, four years after this, in the year 1000 ■late New<.i„a- ZS:^^ T^ t^^l ^Ty .0 the we:( heT„t?.'d 'tjZT',:!' f-^^' '"" *""'"« half past seven, and set at half nast fn„v tv • ", ^^^^^^ '**^ de..,.,..., .. .e,.ei n/::^„„^rso:rn c he sent out the long boat with . rl \ T n ^^''''^ tcr- -■" - - ■i"?r»:r :,• that Tf!"^'"!?' ^'" '^^^ "'^°"'^*^ ^^i«^ ^^« Still quite vacue THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 16 the bows of his ship due west, towards the main land, and came to anchor not improbably in what is now Boston Harbor. He was so delighted with the aspect of the wooded hill, and the green vales, and the charming expanse of the bay studded with islands, that he exclaimed, » Here it is beautiful ; here I should like to spend my days ! " While at anchor here, they discovered three small canoes, each containing three natives. These barbarian Northmen, with cruelty which would have disgraced savages, pursued the harmless natives, and killed eight of them. One only escaped. The fiend-like deed roused the tribe. Soon a fleet of canoes] filled with Indian warriors, seemed to cover the bay. But their puny arrows could make no impression upon the oak-ribbed ship of their foes. The Northmen, sheltered by planks, could bid defiance to the assaults of these justly exasperated natives. The assailants, seeing the futility of their efforts, retired. They knew not that one barbed arrow, God-directed, had entered the vitals of Thorwald, piercing him just beneath the arm. He was the only one injured. As the deeply imbedded arrow adhered to the wound, and the blood gushed forth, he had only time to say, — "This is my death-blow. I advise you to depart as soon as possible; but first take my body to the shore, and bury it upon the promontory before you. There I had intended to make my abode: I shall now dwell there forever. Place two crosses at my grave, -one at the head and one at the foot; and let the spot, in all future time, be called Krossanaes." i This even, took place, as is supposed, near Boston Harbor. It was the first.conflict between the native Americans and the Europeans. In this encounter the Europeans were palpably and outrageously in the wrong. Thorwald's men returned to Narraganset Bay, where they spent the winter. We have no account of their having any intercourse with the Indians. They probably set traps for beaver and other animals.' It is stated (hat in the spring they set sail for Greenland with a cargo of wood and furs. It would seem, from this account, that Thorwald and his men 1 The Promontory of the Crosses. 15 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. were upon the Rhode Island shore for two years. They made sundry explorations, both east and west. The remarkable head- land, now called Cape Cod, they minutely described. They gave It the name of Naeset, or the Nose. It is worthy of notice, that when our Puritan fathers landed at the head of the Cape,' after the lapse of eight hundred years, the Indians called it Nauset, there being the change of but a single letter in the name. Erik had a third son, Thorstein. With fraternal affection, the young man decided to fit out an expedition to Vineland, as the country was then called, that he might obtain the remains of his brother, anr bury them by the graves of his fathers. He fitted out the same ship in which Thorwald had sailed, and took with him a crew of twenty-five picked men. His wife, Gudrida who IS represented as a woman of remarkable prudence and energy, accompanied him. The ship encountered a series of terrible storms, and was driven far away to sea, they scarcely knew where. Turning homewards, they did not reach the ice-bound shores of Green- land until early in December, 1005. They landed at one of these cheerless settlements, greatly exhausted by the tempests agamst which they so long had struggled. Here Thorstein was taken sick and died, with many others of his crew. It is prob- able that the ship was frozen in, for she did not leave her dreary anchorage until the spring. The heart-stricken widow then returned to her friends. A year passed away, and Gudrida was married again to a gen- tleman of Iceland, by the name of Thoi^finn. He was a wealthy man, of lUustrious birth, and distinguished for his virtues and his energy. Our own New England, the Vineland of the Ice- landers, was to them, in comparison with their icy abode, the knd of fruits and flowers, of genial clime and sunny skies Thorfinn, influenced, it is said, by the glowing description he had received from the lips of his wife, of these favored realms, fitted out another exploring expedition. It was probably his intention to establish a colony, for he took three ships and one hundred and sixty men. The expedition set out from one of the southern ports in THE HI STORY OF MAINE. 17 Greenland, in the summer of 1008. They sailed along the ooaat of Nova Scotia, then called Markland ; and then, keeping the land, of what is now called Maine, ever in si-ht, cruised along the shore until they reached Cape Cod. It does not appear that they landed at any point. They sailed around Cape Cod, being much impressed with its luLg and sandy beaches. Passing the group of the Elizabeth islands, with which they were much charmed, and where they saw water-fowl in such wonderful abundance that they could scarcely step upon the shore without treading upon their effffs they cast anchor in Buzzard's Bay. ' From this point a small party was sent out on an exploring tour to the north. The ships, with the remainder of the men saUed westward, and again entered the beautiful sheet of water which their countrymen had previously visited,* the Narraganset Kay. It may be doubted whether there is anywhere a more genial climate than that of southern New England. Farther north the winters are too cold; farther south the summers are too hot. In this temperate region there is perhaps as desirable a wending of heat and cold as can anywhere else be found. Thorfinn was delighted with the spot. He found grapes in rich clusters, wheat growing wild. Through the winter no snow fell, and the cattle fed in the open fields. The natives who may not have heard of the infamous assault of Thorwald in Massachusetts Bay, gathered around in large numbers and with the most friendly feelings. They brought in furs and skins, which they were eager to exchange for the knives, hatch- ets, and beads, which the strangers brought. The little hamlet of log huts which Thorfinn erected on the shore, he called Thorfinn s Buder, or Thorfinn's Building. The Icelandic chronicler of this enterprise writes that the natives valued very highly the red cloth the strangers brought. Ihey would give furs of the richest fibre for a piece not broader than a finger's breadth, which they bound around their heads like a crown. We have mentioned, that, at Buzzard's Bay, an exploring party had been sent out to visit the region north and east. This company consisted of eight men, led by an Icelander of very 18 THE IHSTOHY OF MAINK. enterprising spnit, named Thorhall. He is represented as a man of very dark complexion, of stout build, and great physical strength. They er-.barked in a large boat, sailed along the eastern coast of Cape Cod, and then struck across Mas^ohu- setts Hay, north-westerly towards the coast of Maine. On this passage he encountered a north-west wind of such fury and continuance, that, according to the almost incredible elateraent, he was driven entirely across the Atlanuc Ocean to he coast of Ireland. As the story goes, he and his men, upon landing, were made slaves. Atjhe Narragauset settlement dissensions arose between the J^orthmen and the natives. Battles ensued. The Northmen were worsted in the conflict, as probably they deserved to be. Impartial history must declare, that, perhaps without exception, in the battles waged in this country between the Europeans and the natives, the Europeans were the aggressors. The natives seem invariably to have fought to avenge some wronga previously received. ^ The Northmen, who were but little better armed than the natives, and far outnumbered by them, found their position very perilous. Thorfinn decided to break up his colony and return , to Greenland, but he had heard no tidings from Thorhall : he therefore took one of his ships, and sailed in search of him. The rest of his company he left on the shore at Buzzard's Bay It IS supposed that he reached the coast of Maine. There he cast anchor at the mouth of a river. Endless forests were spread out before him, with scarcely any open space. Thorfinn, disappointed in his search for Thorhall, returned to his com- panions whom he had left at Buzzard's Bay, and there he passed the winter. It was his third winter in Vineland In the spring of 1011 he again spread his sails, and returned to (Greenland. There are some indications in the narrative, that a few men were left in the colony at the bay : this is, however uncertain. Thorfinn took with him two native boys. Whether they were carried away by stealth, or of their own free will, is not known The report he gave of the climate and its produc- tions, and the exhibition he made of its furs and skins, and of rare varieties of wood, inspired others with the desire to visit these regions of so much promise. TUE UiarORY OF MAINE. \9 It was then supposed that Vineland belonged to Europe, — that it was merely an extension of the coasts of Norway and Sweden. They called the natives Skrellings, or little men,» the same name which they had given to the Esquimaux of the extreme north. In a very celebrated work, written about that time by Adam of Bremen, entitled " Ecclesiastical History of the North of Europe," we find the following curious passage: — " Sueno, King of Denmark, to whom I paid a visit, descrihed to me, in conversation on the northern countries, among many other islands, one which had been caUed Vinoland, because the vine would grow there without any cultivation, and because it produced the best sort of wine. Plenty of fruits grow in this country without planting. This is not mere rumor. I have this news from very authentic and trustworthy relations of the Danes. Beyond this land, however, no habitable country is found. On the coni trary, every thing to the north is covered with ice and eternal night." This is the first description of New England which is given to the reading public of Europe. It is supposed, from inciden- tal allusions which are found in the annals of those days, that after this there were many commercial expeditions to Vineland, to obtain furs, skins, wood, and other commodities, for tho Greenland and Iceland markets. Of these no special record was made. As it is stated, that, in the year 1121, a bishop by the name of Erik visited Vineland on a Christian mission, it is proba- ble that there was some colony on the coast, or perhaps scat- tered colonies, where Northmen were engaged in trading with the natives, fishing, and wood-cutting. The beauty, salubrity, and fertility of the country, compared with Greenland and Iceland, must have presented strong inducements to visit the sunny realm, and to remain there. In Newport, R.I., there are the ruins of a stone tower, which have evidently been battered by the storms of ages. As the origin of the building is entirely lost in the haze of dis- tance, it is by many supposed that the tower was built by the bands of the Northmen. The architecture is neither above nor below their capabilities. The building might have been con- 1 This is probably the signification of the term, though various other interpr*. tations have been S"t»ssstsd. —••^M-i^iw- 30 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. structed a8 a citadel of defence, or for induHtrial purposes. In view of the facts contained in these pages, it is not unreasona- ble to suppose that the venerable tower reruains a memorial of the Northmen's visit. One or two hundred yeara of silence pass away. The storms of winter wail through the forests of Vinelar l. 'J'he suns of summer clothe the pxtended landscape in verd- ure, opening tli flowers, and ripening the grapes. Indian hunting-bands, of unknown name and language, wander through the solitudes in pur- 0.0 «TON. TowKu. ..u M.... .KWPOBT. .^jt ^f ^hc bcar, thc dccr, the moose, and, after life's brief and joyless dreem, vanish in death. But from these awful solitudes no voice reaches us. We have no record of the joys or gr;efs of these benighted children of the forest. We simply know that everywhere upon this globe, — this residence of fallen humanity, — man is born to mourn. In the wigwam of the savage, as in the palace of the monarch, eyes must weep, and hearts must bleed. As we have mentioned, the Northmen called Nova Scotia Markland, or, "The Country of the Woods." As there were no definite boundaries then conceived of, this name included the northern portion of Maine, as Vineland jncluded its south- ern portion. An Icelandic geographer, in his description of the globe, writes, his language I.cing translated into modern terms : — " From northern Russia, the lanu extends northerly to uninhabited des- erts, until Greenland commences. Thence, towards the south, lie New- foundland, Nova Sootia, and Vineland. It is supposed that Vineland stretches out towards Africa. England and Scotland, form one island. Ice- land IS a large islaud on the north of Ireland. Ail these countries are in that part of the world called Europe." The fact must forever remain inexplicable, why the North- men, after having discovered and partially colonized the fair iHE nisTonr or mains. fl realms of Vineland, should have abandoned them entirely, while tl.ey continued their settlements in the dreary regions of Greenland and Iceland. They called the region " Vineland the Good." They extolled, in merited praise, the capacious harbors and the beautiful rivers with which this goodly land was blessed. Here the purple grapes hun<' in clusters; apples, pears, peaches, and .in innumerable variety of plums, grew in orchards which Nature's hand had planted. Indian com waved gracefully in spontaneous growth. They found pure water, fertile fields, and sunny skies. Wood was in abundance, for buildings, to cheer the winter fireside, and for the mechanic arts. Yet all this they abandoned for bleak and fiigid realms in the neighborhood of the north pole. The Northmen, as we have said, did not consider Vineland a new world. They thought it only a continuation of their own Scandinavian land. Iceland became quite a noted republic. Thriving colonies rose on the icebound coasts of Greenland ; and yet Vineland was left, for several hundred years, to the undisturbed possession of its savage inhabitants. The centuries passed slowly away, and Vineland was forgot- ten. The colonies in Greenland perished. Iceland, far away amidst arctic seas, was isolated, and scarcely known to exist by Southern Europe. When, in 1492, Columbus discovered the islands of the Wtst Indies, he supposed himself to be upon the coast cf Asia. Five years after this, Henry VII. fitted out an expedition from Bristol, England, supposing that China might be reached by crossing the Atlantic in very high latitudes. The command of this expedition was probably intrueted to John Cabot." i This renowned voyager had three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius, all of whom seem to have inherited in a degree the nau- tical taste and the love of adventure of their father. Sebastian, in particular, subsequently attained »vorld-wide renown. A fleet of five ships sailed from Bristol, England, in the spring of 1497. 1 There has been much diacuMion by antiquarianB In referense to the voyages of John Cabot and his son Sebastian, which It would he out of place to Introduce here. Those who feel Interested In that question will find it fully presented Id the Documentary History of Maine, by William Willis, vol. i. I give the narra wve here as it is generally received. 22 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. u n '. John Cabot was intrusted with the coraraand.i His thre? sons accompanied him. In the instructions fur.iished by the king he was authorized to sail under the royal banner t« all parte in search of islands or countries unknown to Christians He' was to plant that banner, and to reign over the countries he might discover, as the king's vassal. In this patent, as -'t was called t le voyage was to be directed to the east, west, or north ; it being understood that the south belonged to Spain and Portugal, as the first discoverers. Cabot and hi,, associates were to provide every thing for the expedition at their own cost. They had nothing from the king, but the royal authority and protection as their passport. We know but little in respect to this voyage. Sebastian wrote an account of it; but his manuscript is lost.2 It is con- jectured that the Cabots caught the first sight of the North- tr/ToT 8 ""'^f "'' °" '^' '""'' "^ ^"^^^^°^' ^"^ the 24th of June, 1497.8 Some contend that the land which they first made was the Island of Cape Breton. Having run along the coast, we know not whether north or south, three hundred ^agues, they returned to Bristol early in August, 1497 The Cabots were received with great joy; for it was supposed that they had discovered the empire of China We hear nothing more of John Cabot. He probably soon died. One year after this, in 1498, Sebastian Cabot sailed with two ships from Bristol, in the month of May. It is said that he touched the coast of Labrador far in the north. Finding it intensely cold, even in July, with vast islands of ice floating around, and the land trending to the ea^t, he directed his course to the south.* Coasting the southern shores of Lab- rador, he cast anchor at Newfoundland. He was seeking a passage to India. As he cruised along, he kept the coast constantly in view on his right. Leaving behind him the forest- crowned cliffs of Nova Scotia, he entered what is called the John Cabot, but his son Sebas^al?^^ the lo^mt^d '' ^ ''" ''^^ ''"'' ""'' *• aHlv^uo's Discoveries of the World, p. 88. London, 160i. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 28 broad Gulf of Maine, eagerly examining all the indentations of its sublime, jagged, solitary shores. The highlands of Maine can be seen at a great distance on the ocean. There was a continuous line of coast reaching out before him. It is supposed that he continued his voyage along the whole length of the coast of Maine, and across Massachu- setts Bay, until he found himself land-locked, as it were, by the long curvature of Cape Cod.^ Rounding this hook of sand, his hopes were probably greatly revived by seeing the open ocean, extending far away to the west. Whether he discovered the harbor of New York can never be known. Finding, to his dis- appointment, the land taking a southern turn, and his provisions falling short, after reaching the latitude of Cape Hatteras he entered upon his homeward voyage. Great was his disappointment at this result of his voyage. Instead of finding the rich and populous realms of China, he encountered only uncultivated and savage wilds, blocking up his way. He was the first to recognize that the new world was a vast barrier between Western Europe and Eastern Asia.^ It was this voyage of Sebastian Cabot, along so large a por- tion of the coast of tlie North American Continent, upon which England founded her claim to the possession of the country from the Atlantic to the Pacific shore. The breadth of the continent was then entirely unknown. It was a received law of nations, that the discovery of a coast entitled the nation by whom the discovery was made to the possession of that terri- tory, to the exclusion of the right of any other European power. It was also an acknowledged principle of national law, that the discovery and exploration of a river entitled the nation, by which this exploration was made, to the territory which that river and its tributaries drained. English explorers were the first to behold the coast of these limitless and unexplored realms. Their flag was the first to wave over these waters. Hence England claimed the continent for nearly its whole extent. ' Documentary History of the State of Mtiine, by William Willis, vol. i p. 141. 2 New York Histoiieal Collections, vol. i. p. 23. fi Asher's Life of Henry Hudson. London, 1860. 24 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. But France discovered the St. Lawrence, the series of majes- tie lakes; and her flag first floated upon the Mississippi, from its source to its mouth. Hence France claimed the Valley of the Mississippi, in its then unknown grandeur of expanse, - almost a world m itself. These conflicting claims led to the clash of arms, to demoniac battles, to horrors of blood, misery, and death, which can never adequately be told. Soon after the expedition of the Cabots, the Portuguese sent vessels to explore the coast of North America. In the year 1500 Gaspar Cortereal, a man of a noble family, left Lisbon with two ships. It is said that the first land he made was the east coast of Newfoundland. Following the shore towards the south, he came probably to the coast of Maine. He describes the country as abounding in forests, well adapted for ship-build- mg, with large rivers, and a sea-coast well stocked with fish of various kinds, especially with codfish. With villany, which even the moral darkness of those days cannot extenuate, he enticed fifty-seven of the natives, men and boys, on board his ship, and, luring them below deck, closed the hatchways upon them, and earned them off to sell as slaves in bpain. Fifty of these he had on board his own vessel. Seven he put m his consort. But an avenging God decided that he should not return to Spain to sell, in her slave-marts, the victims he had stolen^ In some fearful, ocean tragedy, which no eye but that of God beheld, the ship, its guilty commander, and all its inmates were ingulfed.^ The Venetian ambassador at Lisbon witnessed the arrival, in . the Portuguese capital, of the seven Indians placed in the con- sort. In a letter which this Venetian, M. Pasqualigo, wrote, describing their appearance, he says, -- " These natives are taU, weU-builfc, and in color, stature, and aspect trongly resemble the Gypsies of Europe. They are admirably calcuS for labor, and will make the best slaves I have ever seen." « '^''^^'^^^^ Germ^nr''°'""''''*''°''*°'''"^-*^^^'"«'''^^ By Dr. J. G. Kohl. Bremen, a This letter was published in VIcenza, Italy, 1607. It was entitled ^^V<^^^ TBE HISTORY OF MAINE. 25 Fr^nr^lr?*^/"*'' ^'^^^ away^vhen Francis I., king of onZni I IT "" '^P'^^'^°" "^ ^°"^«^^iP« to explore the coast of North Amenca. The enterprise was intrusted to the comrnand of an Italian from Florence, by the name of GioUn da Verrazano. We have not a very full account of this voy- T: .u r ,"°i ^^'^^"^ investigation has led to the opinion hat the httle fleet sailed from France in the autumn of^^S In a storm two ships were separated from the rest. Whether they were lost, or returned to France, we know not. We hear 01 them no more. After various adrentures and delays, it is supposed that Ver- cZ%r i""" °' """'■• ^'^*' "^"Sht sight of the land at Cape Fear, on the coast of what is now North Carolina. He sailed about th.rty leagues south ; finding no good harbor, he turned back to the north. He oast anchor, as is supposed, near New R,ver Inlet, about si«y miles west of Cape Lookout. The fn^SlUpp-r -°' '"" ^^^""•^' '' "•- "^'-■O ■-' trees. The water is shaUow, and the shore without harbors. '' ^^ Continuing his cruise, he sailed arcind Cape Hatteras, and, at the distance of about one hundred and fifty miles north cast anchor near the land. A French ship ha/ been wrecked t this vicinity, and one poor boy was washed ashore. The In- dians nursed him as if he were their own child. They re- ceived Verrazano with the greatest hospitality. He requited stXgym"^^"' ' "'"^ '^'^"" ''' ^•^ '^-' ^- «^^p' -^ Continuing to sail along in sight of the coast, coming to anchor every night, he reached, as is supposed. New York Har- bor. It can scarcely be doubted, that, in the following descrip- tZ ..V':r.^' ^^'^'^^ *° ''''' -g-«' - account of our courtesy buf iT ^T^^'^^' »»d tools- They took no permitted to land wL ^ t'd no^ "' "'*''' *'** "« "^o-^^ -^o* be they showed aU the srg^s of Ltred whSf T" *" '^'''^^«' ^^'^ ^'^'^^^^ went on shore with twenty-five "mtd ten "^,P°«f ^« *° ^-nt. W^ bows, made great outories,^and fled to th^woods » 7 "' " "^*^ *^«'^ giv!n?f theTadw^^^^ ^" *^- — t thus where the Europeans first landed th«v '"^ ^°"^^' truly brotherly kindness by he naiivt "^ The" "" 7' 7^^^ --% until tWbeeaJe.aspe:r by^tt^:-tS^^^^ no record ha. beer.td^ris ^^^^^^^^^ °^/^-^ unprincipled and reeklp«, Ja ."^^^^'^ *^at many of these that he had discovered a ne^ ou^Vhth haTr \^' seen by any one in aneient or modern tO " '"'" de.trerrc™r'c;;rr v^ir^- -««'• - >■- to the north-east coast of North il ^T '""' "" '='P°*'""> sage to the East Indies eX" p '"°* *" '^'■'"^ for a pas- He sailed from Co n larZ ?°r%T P'^^" ''"'°»"»»<'- know but little of r: ;a;;t e that h'™7' T- ^« the bays and ports of Neif g,a J ha he ^ T"^ "' tory. of .hioh Maine is a par^^th^-t'crtrlTof Oo^ ' .^J HM«|MM™,c.„Mtb«ki,„,vn ' ''""'°' ''°"»''» ot Maine, or Ne» tta. 1,. „„ ,.k.„ b, „„ SpaZ ™^l n,!,™?.'."""; "» "»«'■«»■ 0.1, J ,S • — a^t ti3 jt pirate. I S8 THE fflSTORT OF MAINE. that he was guilty of the enormous crime of " catching as many Indians as he could take on board his small vessels, and carrying them to Spain." We are not told how these poor cap- tives were taken. But it seems probable that he conveyed^ them to Cuba, a Spanish colony, where he sold them as slaves. The French had given the territory, then claimed and par- tially occupied by Spain, the Indian name of Norumbega. The limits of the region were exceedingly undefined. At one time it included the whole coast to the southern extreme of Florida. Then it was restricted to New England, afterwards to Maine, and finally to the region of the Penobscot alone. The Penob- scot they called The Great River of Norumbega.i We have very vague accounts of an English expedition to the coast of Maine in a ship " The Mary of Guilford," commanded by John Rut. This was in the year 1567. It is said that he frequently landed, with parties of his men, to explore the in- terior. The account which we have of this enterprise is meagre in the extreme. This was the second Unffliah expedi- tion after that of Sebastian Cabot. Though Northmen, French- men, and Spaniards had previously landed on the coast of New England, this is the first occasion upon which we are distinctly informed that the feet of Englishmen pressed our soil. 1 Ramusio, torn. Hi. fol. 433. See also Charts of French Discoveries, Maine Historical Collection, vol. I p. 231. Ramnsio writes, "Going beyond the cape of tlie Bretons, there is a country which extends west sotith-west to Florida a Rood five hundred leagues. The inhabitants of this countrv are a very pleasant tractable, and peaceful people. The country is abounding with all sorts of fruit' There grow oranges, almonds, wild grapes, and many other fnilts of odoriferous trees. The country is named by the inhabitants Norumbegk. Between it and Brari] there is a great gulf, in which are the Islands of the West Indies " CHAPTER II. VOYAGES OF THEVET, PBING, DB MONTS, AND WEYMOQTH. ^''ZltfJ^T'I'^''/'' ^°y^«-H'« Description of Penobscot Bay-De Mont8 Patent-His Strange Adventures -Takes Possession in the Name of the King of Prance-Alarm in England - Weymouth's Expedition- Anchors at Mohegan and Pemaquld - Friendly Intercourse with the vlnZl7 7T ^r^*""* °* Weymouth -Kidnapping the Natives - Exploration of the Kennebec - Planting the Cross - The Homeward TN the year 1556, a French gentleman by the name of Andrd -L Thevet, a scholar and a writer of much repute, desiring to see the New World, took passage in a vessel which sailed along the entire east coast of both South and North America.^ Thevet visited the coast of Maine, and gives the following description ot the Penobscot River : — " Hwe we entered a river which is one of the finest in the whole world. We call It Norumbega. It is marked on some charts as the Grand River The natives call it Agoncy. Several beautiful rivers flow into it. Upon Its banks the Irench formerly erected a small fort, about ten leagues from Its mouth. It was called the Fort of Norumbega, and was surrounded by fresh water. •' ^ "Before you enter this river, there appears an island surrounded by "a? /!? I *"• ^^''^ ^'® "'"**»« country of the Green Mountains. About three leagues into the river, there is an island four leagues in cir- cumference, which the natives call Aiayascon.a It would be easy to plant on this wland, and to build a fortress, which would hold in check the whole surrounding country. Upon landing, we saw a great multitude of people Lea Smgulart^s de la France Antarctique, autrement noramtf Amerique.'' {The Smgularitieao/AntarcUc France, otheriniM caUed America.) p, — 29 90 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. toTf fltr oS r " such numbers that you might have supposed them ^yt ^X 12 4" '' "n" rr '"*' '""'^ *»•« womeTthen th^ " ConsU^ll f h' • ^ r''/" "'''*^''^ '" *^ ^'^•"^ °f ^"d animals. friendshin Th« l«l 7 ^^' P«''°«»''n» o^r fear, made signs of mendsh p. The better to assure us, tliey sent to our vessel several of th^ir fiXr, ™«»'^ith presents of provisions. We returned a 11^1 of tftL someVh "'"' *''^ ""^ '^^^'y P^«^«d- The next morning, I mo?e pristns^ifThr™ n"";' "^ ™"* *'^^™' *° «^« ^^ - -"Id o'dn of the'rerwh; w J clrp^^^^ "^^'- ^? ^« -*"«d *he house hanging on the beZs ' "'' "' "" ""^'*^ «^^"^^*««<^ ---i- th«e^'/ S''l,^,f "'""^^ '""• '" "■' "■<■"""« ke came to th, ship with Go back on land with me, my friend and brother. Come and eat and Nearly half a century passes away before we have any other t.dmgs of importanee in refei-enee to Maine. There were manv would not be m place here. In the year 160^ an F^^r u • tor, Bartholomew Gosnold, crossed ZlLZ, St ST »n>e, wh.Ie .t .s disputed by othe., that he touched the cit o[ ^ Mass. Hiat. Coll., vol. vii, p. 243. Tin: iiisTORr of MArxe. n Maine near Mount Desert.i The next year (1603) Martin Pri„<, 7 ZJTi' " '^^' ^P''<'»'°" " -"d " The D Love "'S tma, with tlie natives for furs and for sassafras, which was deemed an herb of great medicinal value. On the 7th of June, Pring entered Penobscot Bay. He cives a glowing account of the almost unrivalled scenery there nre sented. They found excellent anchorage, and Jing-ground never surpassed. The majestic forests deeply impressed Zm Upon one of the islands they saw a nnniberlLi" c^g^y Le" This led them to give the name of Fox Islands to fhe group' Sailing along he coast in a south-easterly direction, they faTd by the beautiful islands which stud Casco Bay, and entered a s"; milerr """""Jf ,r f""- '^-'^ the/Leended a ou SIX miles It seems probable that they also entered the Keune- bunk and York Rivers. Finding no natives to trade with hev sailed farther south where they obtained quite a vahiabtlt^ The same year (1603) Henry IV. of Fi-ance issued a patent panting to De Moots the region of North America between the ortieth and forty-sixth degrees of latitude ; that is, all the to ' tory between the island of Cape Breton and the mouth o the Hudson River. There was no western boundary but the Pac fl Ocean. He was entitled to the exclusive trade with the natTve, and was authorized to colonize and rule this vast territory accord- .ng to his discretion. This realm of truly imperial territorial grandeur was called Acadia, a corruption of Arcadia in Greec" De Mont, fi«t made the land near the present site of W aCund CaTs n"\ " "" T *" "'" "' ^^y. 1604. SaiUng around Cape Sable, he entered the Bay of Fundy, and, eruisinff wl Tn"" '"T' '"""^ "" »^""™'''<' '"'^''o;. endued by protecting hills, and yet opening to fertile valleys. This place British Dominion in America, book iii. part ii 24B Snr^ i . the name was derived from an Indian tribe * "«'"*"^ *^** •I THE niSTORY OF MAINE. was selected for the location of a small colony, and it received the name of Port Royal. Subsequently, upon the province being ceded to England, the name was changed to Annapolis, in honor of the British queen Anne. This was in the extreme' west of the present province of Nova Scotia. De Monts, leaving a companion, M. Poutrincourt, in charge of the colony, continued his voyage.^ Crossing the Bay of Fundy to what is now New Brunswick, he discovered a large river, to which ho gave the name of St. John, which name it still retains. He then continued his course to Passamaquoddy Bay, now the extreme euatern border of the State of Maine. He explored this bay, and ascended the St. Croix and Schoodic Rivers to an island containing about fifteen acres. It being late in fall, De Monts decided to pass the winter there. Selecting a spot easy of defence, in the midst of a grand forest which afforded shelter from the piercing northern winds, he built several log-cabins for his men. The winter was very severe, so that they kept much of the time within their dwellings. Occasionally savages were seen ; and it would appear that De Monts stood in great fear of them! He planted cannon to command the approaches, kept a constant watch night and day, and seems to have discouraged all advances on the part of the Indians. He was probably unwilling to have them know his weakness. His people suffered terribly from the scurvy. Out of a ship's company of about eighty, thirty-six died during the winter.^ It was not until the middle of May that the survivors were able to re-embark in search of a milder climate. ' Coasting west- wardly, they entered Penobscot Bay. Thence, continuing their cruise, they cast anchor at the mouth of the Kennebec. Here De Monts raised a cross, and took possession of the country in the name of the King of France. He traversed Casco Bay, occa- sionally casting anchor at attractive spots along the silent shores, which seemed to invite a settlement. But his company being greatly diminished, and the Indians being manifestly 1 In reference to this settlement, see Holmes's Am. Ann., p. 148 a History of De Monts* Voyages, par Mark L'Esoarbot, triiisiated in Churchill'a CoU., p. 79a L' Escarbot accompanied De Monts on this expedition. THE niSrORY OF MAINE. 38 unfriendly 08 well they might be, after going as far south as Cape Cod, he returned to Port Royal. Here De Monts found another ship from France, and an acces. r 1 .7 ^ "'?,'' ^treuQiheu the colony. He constructed a fo.t,budt several log-houses, and, having given minute direction for the management of aflFairs, returned to France. Four gentlemen of much distinction were left to administer the government of the colony, and to explore the country Rumors of these important movements reached the British government The immensity of the territory which France claimed, and the efforts of the French to colonize those countries created alarm. The Earl of Southampton, with Lord Arundel Ind othei^ under the patronage of the crown, fitted out a shin to visit these coasts. The object proclaimed was to find a north- west passage to India. The real object was to watcli the proceedings of the French, and to prepare the way fo he establishment of English colonies. >^ay lor tne saitw ''"fT,^-'"n '^'' "«"-^"^"J«hed ship, " The Archangel," sailed from the Downs on the 31st of March, 1605. Capt. George Weymouth was in command. On the 12th of May the white sands of Cape Cod hove in sight. He directed hircourse northerly toward the coast of Maine. On the 17th he came L an island about six miles from the shore, and about noon cast anchor upon its north side. The island, to his eyes weary of gazing upon the drear expanse of the ocean, appeared very beautiful. He judged the IS and to be about six miles in circumference, embracing f a ea of a thousand acres. The anchorage was good, and cod and had' dock w«re caught in abundance. Waterfowl in large flocks long-boat, and took possession of the island in the name of King thaTtL Ch^ -T ^r '•''"'• ""' "^^^ ^^^^*«^ ^ --' - token that the Christian religion was to be there established. He soon after gave a very terrible exhibition of his practical piety. From hs mast-head he discerned far away in the distanc'e the peaks Geor^e^'lt "'"'""" l"" *'^ ^^^^"^ ^^^^^ '^^ name of St STof M^^r^'^''' ''-'''-' ''^' ^^^« ™ the present 34 THE HISTORY Oh' MAINE After a tuny hero of two days, taking in wood and water, on Sunday the lUth Weymouth again spread his sails, and, passing several other islands, reached the mainland at the distance of about nine miles. Rosier, the historian of the voyage, writes: ♦' It pleased God to send us, far beyond our expectations, in a most safe berth, defended from all winds, in an excellent depth of water for ships of any burden, and which was named Pente- cost Harbor." Weymouth, with a well-armed party, explored the shores : others engaged in fishing. They obtained an abundance of delicious salmon, and other fishes v\ great variety. They also feasted upon lobsters and other shell-fish. Wild currants were found, and luxuriant. vines which promised an abundance of grapes. They found the soil to be very rich. Digging a gar- den, they planted pease, barley, and other seeds, which in sixteen days grew up eight inches. This was the first attempt made by Europeans to cultivate the soil of Maine. Fourteen well-armed men were sent out in a boat on an exploring tour. From the account given, it is supposed that they visited Squirrel Island and Cape Newagen. In accordance with the custom of the times, Weymouth raised a cross upon every important point at which he touched. On the 30th of May, Capt. Weymouth, leaving fourteen men in charge of the ship, which was carefully moored, took thirteen men, in the pinnace, to survey the channels and the adjoining region. About five o'clock in the evening of this day three canoes were seen, in a distant part of the harbor, moving towards the ship. They landed upon a point not far from the anchorage, and the men built a fire. The crew of " The Archangel " tried to make friendly signs, and beckoned them to come on board. Soon a canoe, with three men, put off from the shore. Drawing near, one of the men, standing up in the canoe, hailed the crew in a loud tone of voice, but in language which they could not understand. The crew exhibited knives, hatchets, beads, and other trin- kets, to lure them on board. But the Indians had doubtless heard of the fiendlike treachery which previous European vis- itants had practised. They dared not trust themselves with THE HISTORY OF MA/NE. SA men who had been guilty of kidnapping crimes, at which even savages might blush. But the bribe presented was almost resistless. Cautiously they paddled alongside. A few articles were tossed to tlieni, which they recjived with evident delight ; but nothing could induce them to go on board the ship. They soon returned to their companions on the shore. This ojinoe was of birch-bark. The Indians were men of ordinary size, and of very symmetrical forms. Their bodies and faces were painted with various colors. They were very slightly dressed, with mantles of neatly tanned deer-skin fas- tened around the neck, and hanging nearly to the knees ; a flap of beuver-skin covered the loins ; and their feet were shod with leather buskins. The hair on the top of the head was long» and bound- in a tuft. The next morning, apparently the same men came alongside again. They were finally induced to come on board. They ate heartily of the food which was presented, and gazed with astonishment upon the various objects which met their eyes. IJeing informed, by signs, that the object of the expedition was to open a friendly trade with the Indians, exchanging with them hatchets, knives, and other articles, for skins and furs, they seemed much pleased, and returned to their companions on the shore in a very happy frame of mind. It is inferred, from the narrative, that Weymouth, in his pinnace, ran along the coast to the north-east about sixty milee that he entered Penobscot Bay, and ascended the river as far as Camden Heights, there they landed, and spent a day in hunt- ing. They then followed up the stream as far as Belfast Bay. Here they erected a cross ; " which," Rosier writes, " was a thing never omitted by any Christian travellers." The charms of Penobscot Bay and River, as witnessed in the illumination of bright June mornings, seem to have delighted these voyagers as they had others who preceded them. The scenery is described as beautiful in the extreme, with luxuriant forests and verdant meadows. The river was wide, deep, and of crystal purity. A great variety of birds of varied plumage flitted through the groves, and their songs filled the air. There were many sheltered groves, with grassy banks, luring the vov- I 86 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. agers to the shore. In glowiug phrase the journalist of the expedition writes, — Jl^'Tl^lT ^''T '"^""^'1 ^ '''''^'^ ''"'^°*"««' ^"^^ ^ «»<'«* famous W^'^pf , K "'^^.^^''P^'-^W^ to tW«- It is the most beautiful, rich, large, secure-harbonng river that the world affordeth. " The shallop returned to the ship. There is some diversity of opinion as to the spot of this anchorage. Some have supposed It to be at what is now caUed Townsend Harbor in Boothbay other, think that the vessel was moored in the harbor of what is called Fisherman's Island. ^ The Indians began to regain confidence, and soon twenty- eight appeared. GraduaUy they went on board the ship Quite a brisk trade was carried on in the exchange of knives beads, and such articles, for the skins of the beaver, the otter' and the Eible. The natives were quite astonished at the process of writing, and watched wifth intense curiosity the writing- down the names of the articles bought and sold. The captain excited their amazement by magnetizing the point of his sword and then taking up with it needles, knives, and other such articles. Two of the Indians were invited to sup with the captain : and they remained to attend the evening religious service. They behaved with the utmost decorum. Very modestly, and with bnd regard for their wives and daughters, which was hardly to be expected, they asked the favor that a portion of a dehcious dish of pease might be sent to the. ladies It was given to them in pewter dishes, which in their eyes were more splendid than plates of gold to their entertainers. The dishes were all carefully brought back. Some of the ship's company visited the little Indian encamp, ment on the shore. They were treated with all the hospitality which could possibly be shown. A large fire was built, around which the Indians silently and respectfully gathered. Seats were carefully prepared for the guests, with cushions of deer- Jkm. Ihe Indians had no delicacies with which to feast them but they offered pipes and tobacco. The interview was a very pleasant one, though it could only be carried on by siens Thl THE HISTORY OF MAINE. z\ bows, arrows, and javelins of the Indians were examined. The bows were very strong: a feeble arm could scarcely bend them; but sinewy muscles would throw an arrow to a great distance. The javelins were very skilfully made of wood, which had almost the toughness and flexibility of steel. They were barbed with some very hard bone. One of the ship's company, Owen Griffin, was left on shore for the night. He was watchfully to observe every movement, to see if there were any indications of treachery. Three of the Indians were taken back to the ship as hostages for the safety of Griffin. The sumptuous couch prepared for the sav- ages was a mattress of old sails spread on what is called the orlop deck. There were one or two dogs on board. It would seem that these Indians were not very kindly received by the fierce dogs of the English : they stood in great terror of them, and feared to move abcut until the dogs were tied up. The Indians, of course, knew nothing of the sabbath. On Sunday morning five or six canoes came out, as usual, for traffic. Apparently the news of the arrival of the ship was spreading back into the country, and daily new parties of Indians were arriving at their encampment. Capt. Weymouth waved a signal for the canoes to retire. Though the reason must have been a great mystery to them, they all obeyed promptly, and did not return to the ship again during the day. But it was a picturesque scene, as, in the sunlight of that calm June sabbath, the voyagers gazed upon the panorama which encircled them. The ship was at anchor upon the mir- rored waters of a solitary cove, far away in the New World. Bays, inlets, and islands were opening in all directions behind them. Birch canoes filled with Indian men, women, and chil- dren, driven by the paddle, were gliding from shore to shore. Not tar from the ship, on the land, were the few frail wigwams which the Indians had reared. The fire at which the women were cooking, the ascending smoke, the groups gathered around, all combined to present a picture as novel as it was attractive. Early the next morning, June 3, the canoes of the natives again approached the ship. Capt. Weymouth understood them to signify, by their signs, that their chief, with many of 88 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. his followers, was at a little distance up the bay, with many turs. The captain manned one of his boats with eight strong rowers. First they rowed towards a point of land where the smoke of Indian fires was seen. There was a birch canoe, propelled by but three paddles, which brought the invitation to Capt. Weymouth to visit the chief. It was noted Ihat the Indians, apparently with the greatest ease, could outstrip the boat, notwithstanding the utmost efforts of the rowers. The savages would run ahead, drop behind, circle round the boat, and play all manner of simi- lar antics. Capt. Weymouth, who soon after proved himself capable of committing the most atrocious acts of treachery naturally suspected treachery on the part of the Indians. He therefore sent Owen Griffin on shore in the canoe, while he retained one of the Indians in the boat as a dostage. Griffin was carefully to reconnoitre the encampment of the chief, and to bring back his report. The Indians seemed to attempt no disguise. There were two hundred and eighty with the chief. They all had, as a matter of course, bows and arrows. There were dogs and tamed wolves with them. It did not seem that they had any furs at the point of land for traffic ; but they urged him to go farther up the stream now called Little River, where they said that their articles were stored. Griffin did not dare to go. But he was just as much in their p wer at the point as half a mile far- ther back ; and the Indian hostage was still in the boat. Had the Indians anything to conceal, they would hardly have invited him to a more thorough examination of their strength and resources. & uu Griffin returned to the boat with the report which his timidity suggested. Under these circumstances Capt. Weymouth did not think it safe to land. There seems to have been no proof whatever of treachery : still, as the Indians might not be more reliable than the Europeans were, it was necessary to practise the utmost caution. The boat returned to the ship That day the crew caUght, from the ship's side, a large num- ber of cod and haddock. They also took many large lobsters. A party was sent on shore for water, and returned with their THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 39 cask filled from a clear crystal spring. Mussels abounded among the rocks, and in many of tliem they found small pearls. It appears that the natives, from some unexplained reason, had their suspicions again aroused, that Capt. Weymouth might prove a foe in disguise. Two canoes, containing six men, cau- tiously approached the ship. They seemed afraid to go On board. At length two ventured to ascend the ship's side. Capt. Weymouth endeavored to lure the rest on board, but in vain. He exhibited to them a plate of savory pease, of which they were very fond : still they shook their heads. He gave them the pease. Rapidly they paddled ashore, and ate them. Having finished their repast, one of the Indians, a very hand- some, athletic, bold youth, returned with the can to the ship. He was lured to join the two in the cabin below, where they were entertained with food, and the exhibition of articles to excite their wonder. They knew not that the cabin-door was locked against them, and that, by the foulest treachery, they were kidnapped. Capt. Weymouth was not satisfied with but three victims. He manned one of his boats with a crew of eight of his stoutest men, and sent them on shore, as if to traffic with the natives. Theie were but three Indians on the shore. It will be remembered that three were already locked up in in the cabin. As the boat touched the land, one of the Indi- ans withdrew into the woods. The kidnappers approached the other two with signs of friendship, and, as proof of their brotherly intentions, sat down with them around their fire, and presented them with another can of pease. They all ate to- gether in the most friendly manner. Watching their opportunity, and dividing their force, suddenly four of tiie crew sprang upon each one of their victims. The poor Indians made the most frantic resistance, and raised loud outcries for help. Their struggles were in vain. Their light clothing was soon torn from them. Naked, in the grasp of the men-stealers, they were dragged to the boat, and rowed to the ship. Here the convulsive struggles and shrieks were renewed. But the Indians were seized by the hair of the head, and 40 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. dragged on board. " Thus," writes Rosier, the historian of the voyage, "we shipped five savages and two canoes, with all their bows and arrows." ^ Edmund Burke says, that to speak of atrocious crime in mild language, is treason to virtue. Every honest man's blood should boil with indignation in contemplating a crime so utterly atrocious and inexcusable as this. These young men had come from their homes at Pemaquid to visit the strangers, the tidings of whose arrival had reached them. One of them was a chief. They were all men of rank. The first Indian who visited the Pilgrim Fathers at Ply- mouth, was Squantum, one of these unhappy captives. Fortu- nately he fell into kind hands in England, and, forgetting the crime of the men who stole him, became the warm friend of those who proved his benefactors. By them he was restored to his native country. It is believed that he became a sincere Christian. His final career is quite fully given in the Life of Miles Staudish, as given in the' « Pioneer and Patriot " series. With dying breath he prayed that the Lord would receive him to the Englishman's heaven. Scarcely had these captives been made secure below, when, about one o'clock at noon, two large and highly decorated canoes were seen approaching. They composed a royal embassy sent by the head chief of the Pemaquid tribes. They were painted and dressed in the highest style of the barbarian court. One of them wore a very ingeniously constructed coronet, indi- cating that he was of royal blood. They came with an invita- tion for Capt. Weymouth to visit, with his ship, the home of their chief, which was distant but a few leagues. Little did they imagine, as they trod the deck of " The Archangel," bear- ing this kind invitation to the strangers, that five of their noblest men were languishing in a dark dungeon in the hold. Weymouth, who was now anxious to get away from the region as soon as possible, before the knowledge of his villany should be spread abroad, declined the invitation. He allowed the 1 2 Belk. Biog., 135. Doininiona, p. C8. Smitb'8 Hist., p. 18. Prince's Ann., p. 15. Ancient THE HISTORY OP MAINE. 41 embassy to retire unmolested. Probably lie had not room enough, in his small and crowded ship, for more than five captives. Immediately he made all sail, directing his course westerly. There are nowhere on the North-American continent, shores of more picturesque and sublime beauty than on the coast of Maine. No description can do justice to the wonderful variety of scenery presented by islands, craggy promontories, forest-crowned cliffs, inlets, bays, and coves. - Through these charming views "The Archangel " moved can- tiously along about twenty-six miles, until the mouth of the Kennebec, then called the Sagadahock, was reached. It appears that the Kennebec and the Androscoggin in the days of the Indians were considered as terminating at what is now called Merrymeeting Bay. The outlet from that bay to the ocean, now called the Kennebec, was then called the Sagadahock. The Androscoggin, from Lewiston Falls to Merrymeeting Bay, was formerly called the Pejepscot.i Prince says that Weymouth entered the Sagadahock through Pemaquid River. This is a small stream but fourteen miles in length from its source in Pemaquid Pond to its mouth.a Thus, by what may be called an inland passage, he reached the solitary waters of the river wliich may now be considered the second in importance in Maine. .ni'Z^f "^«r." he writes. " as it runneth up into the main very nigh forty miles, toward the great mountains, beareth in breadth a milef sometiiZ three quarters, and a lialf at the narrowest. And you sliall never have under four or five fathoms water hard by the shore, and on both sides every half mile, very gallant coves." ' Soon after enterijig the river, « The Archangel " cast anchor ; and the captain took a boat, and, with a crew of seventeeii well- armed men, rowed several miles up the stream. Then, touch- ing the shore, six men were left to g.iard the boat, while the remaining eleven, the captain included, set out to explore the country in the direction of some hills which they had seen from the ship, but which proved to be at a much greater distance than had been supposed. They travelled five miles inland, through a > WilHanuon'i Hist, of Maine, vol. 1. pp. 42-46. •New Eag!an<'. Chros., p. 15. 42 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. region which seemed to thein exceedingly beautiful. The his- torian writes, in the quaint style of ancient days, — " In our marcb we passed over very good ground, pleasant and fertile, fit for pasture, having but little wood, and that oak; like stands, left in the pastures of England, good and great, fit timber for any use. " And surely it did all resemble a stately park, wherein appear some old trees with high withered tops, and others flourishing with living green boughs. Upon the h^' . ,-frew notable high timber trees, masts for ships of four hundred tons." Soon after the boat returned from this exploring expedition to the ship, an Indian canoe appeared, rapidly approaching' from one of the numerous inlets on the east. It was propelled by the paddles of many men, and contained the royal ambassa- dor who had conveyed the invitation to Capt. Weymouth to visit the head chief. He had heard of the captain's treachery and of the captivity of his friends. Eager eyes had watched the course of the ship. This Indian prince had followed in her track, that he might, if possible, rescue his kidnapped country- men ; and, if that were impossible, that he might warn other families, of the fiends who were hoveting along their coasts. Their tears and supplications were all in vain. They were as- powerless as the lamb in the jaws of the wolf. With wailings they returned to the families of the kidnapped men with the full conviction that tlie white man was a demon more to be dreaded than the most ferocious beast or the most venomous reptile ; and that it was the consequent duty of the Indian to kill the white man whenever and wherever he could. The lapse of a century could not eiface from the minds of the Indians a sense of the outrage of which they had been the vic- tims. Tiie story descended from father to son. Desire for ven- geance burned in the Indian's breast. The very name of English- men became hateful. The sight of an Englishman, with his long and glittering sword and his death-dealing bullet, appalled them. If Weymouth had intended to render all future friendly inter- course with the Indians impossible, he could not have adopted measures better adapted to accomplish his ends.^ ' It is due to the memory of Wayraouth to state his purpose in capturing the Indians. It was not to sell them into slavery, or make gain of them, but to obtain from them a knowledge of their country to bo imparted to those interested in makinjy n. Rptilomonf flitJin irj.iin ,.,. *i,« „ <. Waymouth treated witli great kindness all the natives Lc encountered. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 43 « JVk"^ ^ ^'i' '"^'''"^' ^' ^™^a^ked in a boat, with a well- armed band and ascended the river to the mouth of the Andros- t^f»ff . '"' tf '' ''^'^^'"' ceremonies, he planted the cross, Jnndl'«l?? '" T °^ '^''"^ Christ, -of that religion whos^ fundamental principle is that God is our common father, and all men are brothers. Thus he said to the Indian, "It /a in the name of Jesus Christ that I have kidnapped your friends. It is ChriHtianity which authori.es these deeds. Some of my coun- trymen will soon appear to teach you to embrace this religion." Weymouth now made preparations to return to England. leddening the horizon over the headland of Arrowsic, he weighed anchor The tide, but not the wind, was in his f^vor. Two boats ahead towed "The Archangel " down the stream until noon when the anchor was again cast. The next day, the wind favoring " The Archangel " ran back to her former anchorage h^^ri^^;i7ir'^^^ There has been much discussion respecting the precise locality of these opera, ons. The question will probably never be se^ tied to the entire satisfaction of all the curious in antiquarian that_ The Archangel "entered its anchorage from Monhegan by Pemaquid Point between Liniken's Neck and Fisherman's Island. Anchor was then cast between this and Squirrel's Those whom he captured, after recovering from thflir B»rr..i= j , ^d perceiving by their kind usage that^r^ai^ wrfn rrthem* became contented and tractable, and very willing to^^nart th« nfl ' t,on desired of them. Three of them were PuUn chaSl of Sir fLT na..do Gorges, and the other two were probably asSd In i- t u'" Popham. Gorges, who has been well called 'the fathe^ of En.t'l, ," omzation in New England," so well improved i^ o^oZlyt^lt him to acquire a knowledge of the region visited by Wayith tbS . says the capture of these Indians " must be acknowledJ.! ^r ' , '® God of putting on foot and giving life to aU^u^Xt^ purpose to return the savages to their homes and two nffi* ?'% patched by Gorges on a ship" which was capTured by rSpaSs'one o';^ them was subsequently recovered AnnfL^ ™„ x ''P*"'*™^- ^"6 of jnanded bj Capt'W. ZT^,i 1^0™™^.,:;!;° "'"T °°°- the following year Thus at lP5i«f fi„... * ., 1 Popham colony in 44 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. I Island. ^ It was probably on the beach of this latter island, that the natives first appeared at their camp-fires. The two who were captured by violence were probably taken from the side of the cliff of Fisherman's Island. The Pentecost Harbor of Weyuouth was the Townsend or Boothbay Harbor. This is situated between the Sheepscot and the Damariscotta Rivers.^ Weymouth on his homeward voyage, when about one hun- dred miles from land, found the water gradually shoaling. From one hundred fathoms it dwindled to twenty-four fathoms. One day he was becalmed. As his vessel rolled upon the mighty swells of the Atlantic, one of the sailors, Thomas King, cast out a hook. Almost instantly he drew up a very large fat codfish. Other hooks were cast out, and the fishes were taken almost as fast as the lines could be thrown and drawn. Thus those banks were discovered, swarming with the treasure of the deep, which have subsequently proved such a blessing to man- kind. Some time before this, continental fishermen had visited the coasts of Maine. ' > Ancient Dominions of Maine, p. 73. Note. The river whicli Waymouth ascended, and the exact locality of Pentecost Harbor, have been matters of much dispute. The theory origi- nally adopted, that the Penobscot was the river ascended, has now been abandoned by general consent. In 1857, John McKeen, Esq., in a paper read before the Maine Historical Society, took the ground that the Pente- cost Harbor of Rosier's narrative was Boothbay Harbor, and that the river which Weymouth ascended was the Kennebec, from which he passed into the Androscoggin. R. K. Sewell, Esq., has ably advocated the theory that Waymouth found his safe anchorage in Fisherman's Island Harbor, and that he entered the Kennebec through Townsend Gut, Sheepscot Bay and the Sasanoa River. In 1858, Capt. George Prince of Bath started the theory that Pentecost Harbor was probably George's Island Harbor, that the very high mountains seen by Waymouth were the Camden Hills, and not the White Mountains, and that the river which he ascended must have been George's, and not the Penobscot or the Kennebec. This theory at first meeting with much objection, gradually gained ground, until the publication, in 1887, of Rev. Dr. Henry S. Burrage's very ably annotated edition of Rosier's Rela- tion. After a very thorough review of the whole question and all the liter- ature relating to it, and a personal view of the route which must have been taken by Waymouth, as seen from Monhegan and the George's Islands, Dr. Burrage comes to the conclusion that Pentecost Harbor was undoubtedly Geoige's Island Harbor, that the high mountains seen were the Camden Hills, and that the river ascended by Waymouth was the Georj;j's. The arguments presented by Dr. Burrage seem to be conclusive, and this view of the long-disputed question is probably that which will be generally adopted by historical students. — Elwell. CHAPTER III. THE EXPEDITION OP GOVERNOR GEORGE POPHAM. Fate of Weymouth's Captives -Formation of the Plymouth Company -Dlsas- trous Expeditions -Organization of Popham's Colony-First Sight of L«.d-Visit of tl.e Indian. -The Landing at Pemaquid - Suspic on of the Nat ves- First Religious Service In Maine - Unavailing Explorations - Ascending the Sagadahock- The Colony located -Search for the Penob- scot-Cruise through Casco Bay -Exploring the Androscoggin -Adven- tures with the Indians, ^* ^uven TTPON the return of Weymouth to England, the report of ^<^ his discoveries excited wide-spread and deep interest. It was indeed a glowing account which he could give ; for the sun shines not upon more lovely bays and islands, hills and vales, than Maine presents when reposing beneath the genial skies of June and July. No one seemed disposed to question him too closely respecting his mode of capture of the Indian nobles. They were all men well-formed, good-looking, and of much native dignity of demeanor. The interest they excited was universal; and it is certain that some of them, if not all, were very kindly treated. Three of them were received into the family of Sir Ferdi- nando Gorges, immediately upon the arrival of the ship at Plymouth. Gorges, whose name subsequently obtained much renown, was governor of that important naval depot. He was a young man but thirty years of age, and his conduct develops a very noble and truly Christian character. Sympathizing deeply in the wrongs the captives had suflPered, he did every thing in his power to convert their calamity into a blessing. Ihe account which he gives of the character which these untu- tored savages developed, is interesting and valuable. He writes : — 46 TIIK IIiaTOHY OF MAINE. •« After I had those jjooplo some time in my custody, I observed in them an inoliimtion to follow the better sort. In all their carriages there were maiiifimtHliowa of ^roat civility, far from the ruiloness of our common peo- pie. Th(( lonjfoi I couvi-rsed with them, the better hope* they gave me of thoMc parts where they did inhabit, for our uhos, especially when I learned what goodly rivers, stately islands, an- 1 safe harbors those parts abounded witli. Tlu»e Indiana were all of one nation, but of several families. This accident must bo acknowledged to bo the means of God of puttuig on foot and giving life to all our plantations. " » The names of these captives from the shores of Pemaquid wrere Nahanada, Skitwarroea, Assocomet, Tisquantum, and Dehamida.a The re^non which Weymouth liad visited became a subject of all-absorbing interest in England. It was deemed the fairest clime in the New World, the most desirable spot for the location of colonies. It was said that nowhere on earth could be found more sunny skies, a more genial clime, or more fertile soil. The forests were of unspeakable grandeur, the water of crystal purity, and it' was a luxury to breathe its salu- brious air. Speedily an association of English gentlemen was formed to plant colonies in this newly found Eden. The hypocrisy of the nominal Christian Weymouth, by no means proves that there might not be other true Christian men, influenced by principles of heartfelt piety. The religion which Jesus taught undeniably is, that, to please God, men must try to do every tiling that is right, and to avoid every thing tliat is wrong. There were many English gentlemen of the highest worth, who desired to send the glad tidings of the gospel to tliese their, benighted breth- ren in the wigwam and the forest. Several of these men associated themselves into a band called the Plymouth Company. They were intelligent and far-see- ing men, who believed that religion and civilization must go hand in hand. They would send to the shores of Pemaquid and the Sagadahock, the farmer, the carpenter, and the school- master, with the Bible, the Christian teacher, and the organized church. James I. made a grant to this company of all the territory » See Drake's Book of the Indians, chap. ii. p. a. • Voyage of Weymouth, by Joho MeKssn. Est. p, S53, Tilt: IIISTOHr OF MAIKE. 4} bet^reen tlie tlnrty-flftl, „„d the forty-fiftl, d«g,ee» of „„rtl, l,.ti. tude .„dud,„«aU the ya„d» withu. „„„ hundred ™ih,» 'r t :ra Chi ci:;v;'v;,;t:r "'" "■""""—p""^ -^^^ Both companies were united under the »upcrvi»ion of « commatee of thirteen .„en re„idin« in Engl.n.f -[":, wer^ Virginia. The government of eaeh eolony, or it. interior affan-a, w,« conducted by a council of thh'teen .ek me, residing ,„ the colony. These ruler, could coin inon y, 1^, llrituh goods free of duty, could lay taxes, and expel diordel persons or intruders. uisorueriy Lord Popham and Sir Ferdinando Gorges were prominent niembe™ o the Plymouth Colony. The fifst effor S ^L' made to eolonize seems to have liee, very feeble. A large slfp was provided and well supplied, but carrying only thit^, » njen, including the crew. Henry Chalons was tie eaptaT U» was indeed a small number to establish a colony. Two of Weymouth's captives, Dehamaida and ^sseeomet; were also placed on board this ship, to be returned to their native land Ihe destination of the expedition wiu, the mouth of the W dahock The ship sailed from Bristol in the year 1 06, 21 ably in the month of May.' .» " i oo, piou- England was then at war with Spain. The ship fell in with a Spanish fleet, and was captured. The Spaniards were in the I abit ot makin, slaves of the Indians as they could catch them ihe ship with all It, inmates, was carried as a prize to Spain. The Wymouth Company, uninformed of the disaster which had befallen their ship, very soon sent out another, unde Thomas Hanham. This ship bore a number of adiitiona colonists with fresh supplies. It would seem that Ha am upon reaching the Sagadahock, and hearing no tidings of Cha' Ions returned to England. "He did nothing mofe," wri es Wdliamson, referring to the authority of Prince, " tha^ to new vamp and repeat the encouraging accounts of the country, and thereby enhven and perhaps invigorate the spirit of adveiUm^ " » Straokey, the historian of tha vova« so„= iic„ Auuais aa hla authority, 8a"B August. "^ ' ~j- \yaiiiiia3oa,g:viug Priuce's 48 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. I Lord John Pophain, the most conspicuous member of the Plymouth Company, waa chief justice of England, a man of weulth and of the highest rank. The next year, two vessels were fitted out to make another attempt to plant a colony at the mouth of the Sagadiihock. One of these, called •' The Gift of God," was commanded by George Popham, a brother of Lord Popham. Raleigh Gilbert, a nephew of Popham, was captain of the other, which was called " The Mary and John." One hundred and twenty " planters " were taken out in these ships, and a large supply of needful tools and provisions. There are seme trivial diversities as to the details which are given of these operations. Gorges says that there were three ships in the expedition. Others say, that, in consequence of some disappointment, two only were equipped. The vessels sailed from Plymouth, the Slst of May, 1607. Their course was directed to the island of Monhegan. The voyage was long but propitious. On the Banks they stopped to fish three hours. In that time they caught nearly two hundred large codfish, and said that they could have filled their ships in a very short time. About noon of the Slst of July they came in sight of some island on the coast of Maine, where they cast anchor. About two hours afterward a boat was seen approaching from the shore, containing eight Indian men and a boy. They were many leagues distant from Pemaquid. It is not probable that these Indians had heard of the kidnapping crimes of Wey- mouth. At first they were very unwilling to. trust themselves on board. They rowed around the ships, gazed upon them with much curiosity, but kept at a safe distance. After this careful examination, they began to return towards the land. Soon they stopped, held a short consultation, and then, turning, slowly paddled back to the ship. Three of them ventured on board. The other six made for the shore, having by signs intimated that they would return the next day. The next day they came back, in another and larger boat, laden with beaver-skins. Several women were also on board. It would seem that Popham and Gilbert were very different men from Weymouth. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. ^^ fraternal traffic. Tl,e Zn' " , ^ <"'"<''"^'«J- It was » fu™, and the native ..etl/XhtT T r™*""' ""^ ">» had received in return * '' """■ "''>' ""i'^l^- the/ happy Indian, returned to tht Si'"' '" "'." »■«'• T« coming of the white men The voJ^ ''' '"J™"'"* »' 'he gliding over a m„on.ilun,i,«terr'"''"'?'"f'' "'''""''''• ■""'• toward, the south-we Thf ^ ' "'?'"' »'°"S the shore 1607. dawned heantlly up . Tr'^Th *" '" "' ^"^-'• along ti,rough enchanting ZZIZ J''T T"-' ^''«Pt gently crowned cl.%, which it Z^n^ "'"'''' ''»^''- ""'l forest- fashioned .„,.;e a, ■t::>re''anT,:a;p:L""'''^ """" '■"" But yet it i, all white rook, Jd™ , ""^. '"■"^' "''« »»^- It « supposed that thi, 'promont ™'* '"''' ^"''^ '" 'here." what i, now called Cane ^ ,? ■^ '""' '" ""c west wa, term,;^„, of thettn'T Ph^pC 'xh"'"""^ ^^^'-» boundarie, of Sagadahock Bav Th ^lu ' " "^ "^ the are here remarkably Zl Thev c» f l""" """ "' ""^ «''e^ an island, a few miies elt'of tL can? T*"" ""''" ">^ '«« »' It appeai-3 from StracW. ? ' *"'' ™'"' Pemaquid.' the InSn, kidnTpperbyle Ilutr' ""' ?''^™™-- "- "f and John .. to be xTturneclTo Irf e^d? He "" "T''' *""^ famdiar with all the localitie/n,f!K T was undoubtedly manned a boat with four el, ""f /^?°"- ^apt. Gilbert guide, rowed acros, the ba .!!"',. T','"''"^ Skitwarroe, ■ , a Skitwarroc, conducted ttml I'X: o'^tn'" ''^""''■■■^• containuig about a hundred m,.,, , J ° , "'""'" "'gwams It will be remembered t "a 'uo of wf "''-t""- - -- ^. - spani::^:tXTrrrto s^:.i' • ^ " Aadent Doiidnions, p. 34. 60 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. ■ those days there were many private expeditions fitted out to the American coast for fishing and trading. In some unknown manner Nahanada had found his way back to his childhood's home. He was a chief of high rank, and chanced to be at that time in this little village. It is supposed that this was within the limits of the present town of Bristol. As soon as the Indians caught sight of the white men they were terror-stricken. The women and children shrieked and ran ; the men seized their arms. The dispersion was like that caused by the leap of the wolf into the fold. The kidnapping Weymouth had taught them that the strangers WQxn as much to be feared as demons from the world of woe. The terrified Indians did not recognize Skitwarroes in his European garb, and in the tumult did not distinguish his voice, calling out to them not to be alarmed. But Nahanada caught sight of his fellow-captive, and the two instantly recognized each other. The most impressible white men could not have manifested more joy than these two Indian chiefs displayed, in thus unexpectedly meeting again. They threw themselves into each other's arms, and the fabled stoicism of the Indian entirely disappeared. The influence of the two soon restored tranquillity. Both of these outraged chiefs had received in England the kindest treatment. They had fallen into the hands of true Christians, who fed them, clothed them, and instructed them. Every thing was done which could be done to repair the wrong which they endured. They had forgotten the crime of Wey- mouth in gratitude for the favors which had been lavished upon them in London. Thus the title of Englishmen became a pass- port to their hearts. Two happy hours were passed in the interchange of cordial greetings, and the reception by the strangers of such hospitali- ties as the Indians could furnish. The boat's crew then returned to the ship, and all hearts were serene and joyous. The next day was the sabbath. It was the 9th of August, 1607. It was a memorable day ; for it was probably the first time since the world's creation that God, as revealed to us in the person of Jesus Christ his ^<>n, was worshipped upon that THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 6j portion of the globe's surface now called Maine. Gloriously that sabbath morning's sun rose over the magnificent expanse of islands, promontories, and bays of a yet unexplored world. Boats were manned from both of the ships, conveying a party of fifty men to the shore. They were all well armed. The pomt of land to which they directed their boats i^ supposed to have been what is now called Parker's Island ; though they soon after disembarked on Stage Island, but a short distance to the east 1 At this point Weymouth had raised one of his crosses. ^ When the natives saw so formidable an armed force approach- mg, their fears were very naturally again aroused. But two years had passed since Weyrr.uth, with protestations of friend- ship and the foulest treachery, had torn five of their countrymen from their homes Two only had returned. To what fate the other three had been doomed they knew not Nahanada had also learned, during his residence in London, that nominal Christians might be the greatest villains in the world. His apprehensions were excited in seeing the boats approaching the shore, manned with bands so formidable in numbers and so thoroughly armed. It is intimated that Wey- mouths crew outraged the wives and daughters of the Indians most infamously. In this liamlet of one hundred natives, there .mght have been twenty men, with bows and arrows only for their weapons which were powerless against the bullets of the white men. The remainder were women, with little boys and young girls. -^ """* Well might the Indians, after the experience they had passed through, recoil from such an irruption of British sailors into the' r wigwams The boat, -.vere steered directly towards the little X dfed or Zr'' 1 f ^'^' '^' ^"^P^^^^"^ °^ N^^^^^da were excited, or that ne wished to persuade the strangers to pursue a course less menacing in its aspect to his friends. He could speak and understand English perfectly well « Capts Popham and Gilbert were both in the boats. As they tn^ft r^' f^r^' '''''' ^°^^ "P°^ *he beach, and, hi mg them, begged them not to come on shore in sJch strong 52 THE History of majne. ■ military array, for the natives were greatly alarmed. The two captains seem to have been very judicious and excellent men. They were visiting the shore for divine worship. The crews were y^mgy of the long voyage. The land, with its green mounds and cool springs and shady groves, seemed like an Eden m their view, as it was illumined with all the splendors of the early autumnal sun. It would have been a great and cruel disappointment to them to have been forbidden to land. The boatmen rested upon their oars, and an hour was spent in negotiations. Then it was agreed that the crew might land, but all the Indians prudently withdrew into the forest. Even Skitwarroes went with them. He might have feared th&t the sailors would be guUty of outrages which their captains could not restrain. Or it might have been his object to assure his friends that their alarm was groundless, and that these white men^ could be safely trusted. It would seem that Capt. Pop- ham's suspicions were now arou,sed. He knew not how numer- ous the Indians might be in that vicinity. The distrust shown by the natives, and their entire withdrawal, led him to fear that they might have gone for re-enforcements, and that a band of hundreds of warriors might come rushing upon him. He, however, ventured to land. Religious services were held beneath the cross which Weymouth had reared. Rev. Richard Seymour, the chaplain, preached the sermon. Thus it was an Episcopal clergyman from the shores of England, who first preached the gospel of the Son of God upon the shores of Maine. It was an occasion to have raised a man's soul. Deep must have been the emotions excited, as the melody of their hymns blended with the soft voice of the wavelets rippling upon the beach, and the pensive whisperings of the breeze through the fibrous-leaved pines. After this service Popham re-embarked his crews, and rowed to the other side of the water, where he encamped. Sewall thinks that this was probably the Boothbay shore, near Hodg- don's Mills.i But it is impossible to extricate the details whidi are given, from some entanglement. This might have been a , 1 Ancient Dominions ol MaLoe, p. lo^ THt: HISTOKY OF UAWE. (jj piudential movement to guard against attack. It «, however more probable that it was intended to relieve the nakvesTm the,r pamfnl apprehensions. Popham might have mSe tC compromise with Nahanada, that he would land his e^w for The whole of the 10th and 11th was spent at this encamu- n^nt, while a party explored the Damariscotta Eiver .'n seS of a suitable ocation for the establishment of their c„lo„r In «>eevemng of the Uth, the boats returned to the ships" which were *n nding at anchor under what they ealW St. Gerrget The morning of the 12th, the ships weighed anchor and .«> .ad to enter the mouth of the Sagadlck." The nTrmofnil found them south of Seguin, at the distance of but thrermilef a roufh not tT T "T' " ^'^ ^^8"'" " ■' ■«'">™"^Iy a "-ough pomt. The gale was blowing directly upon the shore In the darkness of the night, amidst the roariL of the tele!; and the dashing of the waves, they were in im°mVnent peTo which they could run. During the hours of thU tempestuous mght they stood off and on, momentarily fearin.. That thev might be driven upon the rocks. The m^oming "of the ul dawned luridly upon a storm-tossed sea. With its earliest rats they looked for some spot where they could thrust in the ships to save their lives. J^^ Putting up the helm, they stood in for the shore, where thev soon saw two small islands. Under the shelter of Lne of them T^e r Geo?"? T 1 't"' ''"'^^' ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^-^^^ The St George s Islands consisted of a group of about twenty many of them mere rocks. The storm ere long ceased, and the' wind came in fair. A party took a boat, and crui!ed Ground among these islands. All were very roc'ky, and on moTof Uiem there was p dense growth of hemlock, spruce, firs and '.ran. '''' '" ^'^^ '°""' '^"^ "^^^^-' -^ '' ^^- bi; a The next morning, the 15th, though the wind was rather 11^ 54 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 3 I unfavorable, " The Gift" worked its way into the mouth of the Sagadahock. A calm ensued. Capt. Popham sent his boats, and, aided by the tide, towed in " The Mary and John," and anchored her by the sidd of " The Gift." This occupied the day. The autumnal sun rose bright and clear the next morning, the 16th. Capt. Popham took thirty men in his pinnace, and Capt. Gilbert eighteen in his long-boat, and commenced row- ing up the stream, between the banks of the silent, solitary, beautiiul Sagadahock. They ascended the deep and " gallant " river, as they termed it, far into the interior. They passed many goodly islands and branches of inlets and mouths of streams or bays opening into the river. In the evening the boats returned, having found no place for the establishment of the colony which they deemed more favorable than the one before them. Accordingly the next morning, the 18th rf August, 1607, all went on shore to select a spot 'for their plantation, and to com- mence their works. The point chosen seems to have been near the mouth of Sagadahock, at the south-western extremity of the peninsula called Phipsburg. Williamson says — "The Indians called this promontory Sabino, from the chief whose authority was recognized there. They selected a pleasant and convenient site on the south-east side of a creek, near what is now called Atkins Bay; which stretches west into the land half a league, and forms a peninsula at the southerly corner of the present town of Phipsburg." i The critical reader will perceive that the date of the landing here given differs from the dates in some other histories. The cause of this discrepancy probably is, that the landing at the dif- ferent points, to which we have already alluded, has been con- founded with this final landing. The recently discovered man- 1 Coolidge and Mansfield say, in their valuable History of New England, that some suppose that the landing was made at Parker's Island, others at Arrowsio, and others at Georgetown, but that the recent discovery of the MS. of William Strackey leaves scarcely room for doubt that they landed on the Phipsburg Peninsula. The narrative given in the text is doubtless the correct one. There were sev eral landings, and the final one was on the peninsula. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 55 "^^^l °^,^""""^ f^^^k^y '^^^^ to render it almost certain tliat the chronology here given is correct.* The settlement took the name of the Sagadahock Colony. The inauguration of the colony was solemnized by religious ser vices Rev. Richard Seymour, of whom we have Lorf spoke" preached on the occasion. The promontory contained one oi' two hundred acxes The Plymouth Company had given sealed diec ions containing the general laws they wished to have cTe hem ' Th- t'' ^'^ '"^"^ they had appointed to exe- cute them This colony was organized utider the influence of the British nobihty. They were fully satisfied with the mon- archy of their native land. The idea of establishing a repub- hcan government they had not even remotoly cherished. The company represented the crown; and all the laws were enacted, and the officers selected, by the company. Capt. George Pop- ham was appointed governor ; and seven men were designated as his assistants, with the several titles of admiral, master of ordnance, commander of the militia, marshal, commander of the tort, secretary of the colony, and searcher. While thus laying the foundations of their little settlement ll7iT '^^^°"^"1«« «^ ^ ^-rld as yet but little known and slightly explored, three canoes full of natives were seen on the distant wators. Cautiously the Indians gazed upon the strange spectacle thus opening before them, but they did not venture to draw nigh. They soon vigorously plied their pad- dies and were lost to sight beyond the reaches of the river. All hands were now summoned to work. They commenced operations about the same time upon a fort, a large storehouse, several log-cabins, and a small vessel to cruise along the coast and explore the rivers. The name of " Virginia " was given tJ this first vessel built upon the shores of Maine. Her size was thirty tons. The governor was invested with almost absolute power and he superintonded all the works. They called the tort St. George. The settlement also was frequently called bv the same name. 1 Messrs. Coolidge and Mansfield date the landine on th« SM, • wni,-„ Zorwine. . * ^^''" bySewallia his very accurate "Ancien,, Don.in- 66 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. On the 28th of the month Capt. Gilbert took a boat's crew, and set out on a voyage of discovery towards the west. L^ sailed through Casco Bay, admiring, as well he might, its cluster of beautiful islands, and anchored his shallop at night under a headland which the Indians called Semiamis, but which is now known as Cape Elizabeth. He inferred that the land must be very fertile, from the gigantic growth of trees which sprung from the soil. During the day several native canoes were seen; but the Indians carefully avoided approaching the shallop. They had doubtless heard of the treachery of Weymouth, and regarded the white man as a fiend, to be avoided and resisted at every hazard. After an uneventful cruise of three days, the shallop returned to Fort George, again traversing the beautiful Bay of Casco, and sailing by " many goodly and gallant islands." Had it not been for the crime of Weymouth, any number of Indians might have been hired to work upon the fort, to draw timber from the forest, and to aid with spade and hoe iu break- ing up the ground for seed. A hatchet or a knife would repay an Indian amply for many days' labor. The French in Canada treated the Indians as brothers ; and they found no difficulty in securing their services to bear burdens, and to toil in the field and the ship-yard. But Weymouth's crime so appalled the Indians of Maine, that not one was willing to lift his hand to aid the white men. No smiles, no kind words, no hospitality, could efface the impression which the kidnapper had cut deep into their hearts. About noon of the 30th of August nine canoes, filled with forty Indians, were seen approaching the fort from Pemaquid, which was distant but a few leagues on the east. Several of these natives were women and children. Without any hesi- tancy, they paddled to tlie beach, and all landed. The mystery of this apparent boldness was soon explained. The little fleet was led by the Pemaquid chief Nahanada. He had also with him Skitwarroes, and another subordinate chief, Sasanoa. Gov. Popham received them with the greatest hospitality, and did every thing in his power to dispel their suspicions. The Indians remained for three hours ; but nothing could in- THE msToer or uaine. «7 duce them to leave themselves in the power of such daneerous visitors through the night. As the sun was sinking UmTZ pme^^wned islands of Casoo Bay, they nearl/ allTnt ed be,r eanoes and paddled across the water to the eastern buSt theilfl '''"/""'• ""^ *^^ '™'^<' "■»■' f-' «h"tl° Duut their fires, and encamped. Skitwarroes, and one or two other Indians, remained in the fo t. Capt. Gilbert to show the Indians that he reposed con- fidence in them, and perhaps emboldened by the eonviotion Z there were two or three Indians in the fort, who would be heW a hc«toges for his safe return, took a boat, and with two othe„ of he governor's council, Robert Davis, commander of th" mihtia, and Ellis Bert, marshal, rowed across the liver and passed the night in the native encampment. It was, however, very evident that the cautious Indians did not deem it safe to enter into any very intimate relations of fZol t*" r."' "' '="g«^'>'»»- Eai'y the next morning they all took to their canoes, and returned to Pemaquid A week of energetic labor upon fort and dwellings passed away; and on the 8th of September Capt. Gilbert a|ain Zk the shallop, and, with twenty-two men, set out on another exploring tour, toward the east in search of the Penobscot River IZT r"' ^° 'f ■" "* ''" J"""" "' *« distance of time,' ot wisdom. The location was on a sandbank, bleak and bar- ren, with no surrounding region of fertility. The experience of one winter led them to report, that "the country is Se ably cold and sterile, unhealthy, and not habitable by our EnS nation.", it „ difficult to imagine what object they couM have had in sending off these exploring expeditions, win, having selected the location of their colony, they needk the eneXief of every man in roaring their buildings, cutting and houing wood or the winter, and in breaking the hard soifin prepaXf for putting lu seed in the spring. p»ianon h Jf" '?'°'''". '" "'" '''*"°P *«« '•^to-'ded by calms and heart winds, and did not reach Pemaquid until early! Z ^ Prince's Annals, p. 36. 58 THE niBTORY OF MAINE. morning of the 11th of September. They found the Indian VI lage entirely deserted, and nothing remained but silence and solitude. It 13 probable that the natives who had visited Fort George were alarmed by the fortifications which were rising there so massive in their eyes, and by the other indications of a strong and permanent settlement. They deemed it safe to retire back into the country, that they might be at a greater remove from neighbors whom they deemed so dangerous For several days the voyagers cruised along, exploring many bays and mlets of this wonderfully indented coast, but search- mg in jam for the mouth of the Penobscot. They did not n T ^;7^*^«i^^f^itless expedition until about the 20th. On the 28d Capt. Gilbert again embarked in the shallop, tak- ing with him nineteen men to ascend the Sagadahock to Merrv- meeting Bay, and thence to explore the Kennebec to its navigable source. _ The paa1;y reached the bay on the 24th, and turning to the left, instead of the right, entered the Androscoggin River, instead of the Kennebec. Early the next morning they reached the falls at Brunswick. Their description of the country, and of the low flat island about a quarter of a mile below the fal can- not be mistaken. The falls then consisted mainly of a series of rapids, through which, by aid of a strong rope, they with difficulty drew their boat. Rowing up the river about three miles beyond these rapids, they landed, and camped for the night. As they were constructing their camp, and kindling their fire ^tl %t P 'r'."'' °^ ^"^^""^ °" '^' °PP°«^t« bank of the' river. The Englishmen responded ; but the shouts on both sides were alike unintelligible. The next morning a canoe crossed the river, bearing an Indian chief by the name of Sebenoa, and four natives. The chief was a friendly, cour- teous man, but deemed it necessary to guard against treachery. He would not land, and thus place himself in the power of the hosTaT' ''"^'^ *^'^ ^^""''^ °''' ''* *^'^' ""'^ ''' ^^ '*"°^ ^ * The report which is given of the subsequent conduct of the Indians, if we credit it precisely as given, is utterly incompre- Tax msToar or maikx. . jg hemiblo. It would seem that there must haye been some ereat tooa of facto which are unquestioiuble. If the report of the Imtonan « to be accepted as accurate in .U its Marines it wojJd prove that the Indians behaved lil.e idiote,-. Zf^r which they never developed before. "iwiMter M soon as the hostage was received into the canoe and Setonoa the clnef. had by invitation taken a seat in t^e shillcp where, .t -mil be remembered, he was surrounded by ninlTn wM e men, the four Indians began to paddle very rapWin:te nver. TTie annalist assumes that they treacherously were mat mg an effort to run away with the hoftag, as the^cajt "e The supposition is absnrd. The Indians surely woid not urrender their chief in exchange for a oommonVan The ch«f himself would not consent to so silly a sacrifice. Neither could four men hope to escape from the pursuit of nineten whose guns could throw the death-dealing bullet so Zat a distance. The tidings of the power of the whitTman^, mult had spread far and wide among the tribes Unquestionably the chief had invited the white men to visit his encampment. As they could convene only by etgns hL nvitation had not been understood by Capt. GUbert Tut' the Indians supposed that it wa3 understood and accepted. W diately upon the friendly exchange having been mL, the wSto man bemg m the canoe, and the chief in the shallortlrin dians commenced p^dUng up the river toward theS ^lie The birch canoe, light as a babble, was driven with great S ty over he waters. It was with difSculty that fhe hSv laden shallop could keep up with it. t one neaviiy .J'f T if"™"'' *'>'" great earc was taken that the hostaM chief should not leap overboard ; but there is no intimltionttat ie made any such senseless attempt. What coulTone po„ man do struggUng in the water, with nineteen men at hand to wrS.'^"'""^' ^^ -"- '■'- -'^^^ Apparently Sebenoa sat in the shallop with tranquil mind enurely unconscious of the alarm which his hospitable inTta tion had given. The canoe led the wav. A f.,„ ..od, 1--"- ) 60 TBE HISTORY OF MAINE. came the shallop. Having ascended the river about three miles, the canoe landed. The four Indiana, with their one white companion, entered a trail which led back to their village Capt. Gilbert hurriedly ran his boat upon the shore. Leav- ing nine men to guard the shallop, he took the other nine with hira, and followed rapidly along the trail to rescue the man whom he supposed the Indians had kidnapped. Sebanoa min- gled with them, giving no sign that he suspected that he was watched or that he was thought to be practising treachery. Ihe well-trodden, narrow path led picturesquely around the forest-crowned hills of the Androscoggin, for a distance of about a league. Here they came upon the little hamlet of the chief. The white hostage was there unharmed. The whole village was, of course, thrown into great commotion by so sin- gular an event. The historian writes : — Ji J w™ ""^ ^7f T" ^^*^ ""^^^ "''"' ^^'^ strong and tall : such as their hke before we had not seen. AU #ere newly painted, and armed with bow^ As there were fifty warriors, the village must have contained about two hundred and fifty inhabitants. They could not have been armed in anticipation of this visit ; for they had no more reason to expect it, than they had to think that angels would descend among them from heaven. They had made no collec tion of furs for trade ; for the idea of such a chance for trade had not entered their minds. But here were nine men, three miles from their boat, suiTounded by fifty well-armed and very powerful warriors. ' If treachery had been intended, nothing could have been more easy than to cut them off They had no longer any hostage ; for Sebenoa was in his own home, and at the head of his band. Thers were many opportunities for lying in ambush among the rocks and forest- trees and thickets which fringed the narrow trail. Thus every white man could have been pierced with arrows, with scarcely the opportunity to make any resistance. And yet not one of these - very strong, tall savages " gave the slightest indication ot hostility. There was not a frown seen, not a menacing word ii>ard, not an arrow was placed upon the bowstring THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 61 On the contrary, the reception was hospitable in all respects. We are told that '♦ peaceful overtures prevailed, and proposals for trade were made." After a brief visit, the wliole party returned to the l)oat. Not the slightest attempt was discovered to molest the strangers, as in single file they threaded the narrow pass, where the Indians, outnumbering them five to one, could so easily in ambush, with one volley of their arrows, have struck every man down. A few moments after reaching the shallop, sixteen of the natives appeared, apparently lured by curiosity to see them off. We are simply informed that they were " natives ; " and it is rea- sonable to infer that they were men, women, and children It IS very certain, that, if there had been any hostile intent, fifty warriors would never have deputed sixteen of their num- ber to attack a band of nine white men, while the remainder lounged indolently in their wigwams within half an hour's distance of the scene of conflict. The treachery of the white man had become proverbial. The Clime of Weymouth had infused suspicion into the mind of every Indian. Fire-arms had then been but receutly in- vented. The musket which the white man bore was the an- cient matchlock. It was a clumsy weapon, and rested upon a support. It could only be discharged by applying a match or torch to the touchhoL. Jr. as the boat was leaving the shore where the camp-fire Avas burning, one of the men lighted a torch to fire the guns. An Indian standing by, undoubtedly feared that it was the intention of the boatmen, as soon as they were at a little dis- tance from the shore, to fire upon the group left behind. The lighting of the match, under those circumstances, was a men- ace, a hostile act. What other possible motive could there be for thus making ready to fire their guns? Upon the hnpulse of the moment, he sprang towards the shallop, seized the lighted match, and thew it into the water. The crew instantly grasped their guns; and a man, at the command of Gilbert, leaped on shore to get more fire. Thus suddenly did a war tempest seem to burst upon the band. The terrified Indians, now convinced that hostiUtiea were threatened. «fli^pH th^ •i THE BIBTORY OF MAINE. of the boat, and tried to prevent its putting off. But as the men presented their muskets, ready to apply the glowing torch, they dropped the rope, and the whole company fled precipitately into the forest. As they fled, not a single arrow was thrown back. This was indeed an untoward termination of Gilbert's visit to Sebenoa. The shallop immediately withdrew to the opposite side of the river. In this misadventure the natives oertainlv appear to great advantage. It u recorded, — " A canoe followed to excuse the hostile bearing of the ratives. Gilbert kindly entertained the messages of peace, but made the best of his way back to the settlement and the fort." These events took place on the 26th of September, 1607. Capt. Gilbert expresses his admiration of the magnificent spruce-trees he passed on tho way, suitable " to mast the great- est ship his majesty hath." Clusters of ripe grapes hung upon the vines which festooned the trees, and the waters seemed to abound in fishes of great variety. The next day, in a dismal storm of rain and fog, the shallop returned to Fort George. CHAPTER IV. THE FAILURE OP POPHAM's COLONY, AND ITS ATTENDANT RESULTS. Martba'8 Viueyanl. t"""w jus Jiscape — The Battle on A "^ EEK passed away. On the 3d of October, Skitwarroes Tn^ "''"'ru "^ ^" * '""^"' ^^^^ *^o «^- three other Indians. The native princes seem to have had their rules of courtly etiquette quite as distinctly defined as those which pre- van at Windsor Castle or Versailles. It would seen, that there were, m that region, several tribes under one head chief, who was recognized as supreme, and was called Bashaba. Skitwarroes and his companions had come as envoys from the Bashaba to inform Gov. Popham that their sovereign lad sen Ins brother (Williamson says his son) as an ambasfado to V sit the chieftain of the white men, and that he was on the othe. side of the river, awaiting the white chieftain's pleasure. Ihe envoy was immediately invited over, M . ^ received with at the fort and with his retinue attended public worship, both mormngand evening. It is recorded that they all conducted reverentially, and with much decorum. conducted wi^^'fh!^""^ ""^ ^^' ™'''^°'' ^^' *° "^'^^^^«^ f"e»dlj relations with the new-comers, and to open a trade which might be exceedingly beneficial to both parties. It would seem that Nahanadaand Stih«,nrr«no i,„^ l_j. , ®®®™ *°"* ...,, ^,^„ ^jj^y gjjjj^ representations to •» 88 I 64 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. the Bashaba, that he generously overlooked the infamous con- duct of Weymouth, and presented the hand of reconciliation and friendship to these new-comers. Every historian has ad- mitted that the conduct of the Indians in this respect was very noble. There is no authentic record, thus far, of any act of treachery, violence, or deceit on their part. The Indian wars, which eventually ensued, were the undeniable result of outrages inflicted by individual white men, who were beyond the re- straints of law, and who, in utter godlessness, had no mora regard to future retribution than had the wolves and the bears. The Indians were honest in their dealings, and manifested much gratitude for a", "^ or conferred upon them. On one occasion a suaw hat and a knife were given to an Indian, by the name of Ameriguin, as a present. He immedi- ately, in return, presented the giver with a rich beaver mantle, which was then worth from ten to fifteen dollars in London. The works in the settlement were driven so vigorously, and the style of architecture was so simple, that by the 6th of October, only seven weeks from the time of landing, the fort was completed, intrenched, and twelve cannon were mounted. The storehouse was also finished, and fifty log-cabins were reared. With such imposing ceremonies as the occasion could furnish, the town was named St. George.* Winter came ea"' • and with unusual severity. Storms of sleet and snow swept the bleak expanse which had been so unwisely selected for their home. Discontent arose, and, with the discontent, quarrels among the colonists. Many cursed the da\^ in which they left their cottages in England, for abodes so chill and drear and comfortless. They had made no suitable preparation for winter. They had only green wood to burn. Their cabins were frail, and filled with smoke. It was a miserable winter to all. With wise foresight, and a Christian spirit, the months of snow and wind and rain might have passed even agreeably away. Their cabins might have been warm and cheerful. Wood was abundant. They could have laid in ample stores, and quite well seasoned. An abun- dant supply of furs could have been obtained of the Indians for 1 Rancroft. vol. L D. 268. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. gg where there is ,m there must be ZoT """ ' ""' last while time endures, - "^ " "°'°"^ ^''''='' ^""W ne.leo.ed away W the home of «r:iL,''Ser'"''' "' "^ His expectations were not realizPfl H;. i No friendly haudeonveyed his ;::;;":^ to ZtT tCt ''• might repose amidst the graves of hi, f.,L ^vr ' **'>' i-ecords of the wh te man', M , T" ''""■^ ' ''•" ">e Thecolonistsse m have heetX T^^ '""^ *° '"'^ '»"• any refereneo to moral claracte" in h" '"' T'^''^' "'"""" ably could not have bee , Znd 1 T" ^"^'' '^'^ f"''" of men than the ave ag t™ „f a Bri ' h" """ f""'"'"' '^' Parently many of the onlZT , man-of-war. Ap- .P from^he wVLroftXrof'Cr ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ cr rrLTdtr ^ ^-^ - ^n^wtth^rthtr; It .» said that a large number of natives landed on one ocoa- I 66 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. sion, at the little settlement, with a few furs and skins for sale. They wandered peacefully around, gazing with much interest upon the new objects which everywhere met their eyes. They were new-comei-s from the interior, and every thing was strange to them. Some of the men thought they would amuse them- selves in seeing how the Indians would be astonished and terri- fied at the report of one of their cannons. They loaded one of the largest almost to the muzzle, but with powder only. They attached two drag-ropes to the heavy gun, and requested the Indians, as a favor, to help them draw the ponderous weapon from one part of the grounds to another. Joyously, with shouts and merriment, the obliging natives manned the two ropes, in lines directly before the muzzle of the gun. As they were rushing it along, one of these colonists applied the match K. the touch-hole. A terrible explosion, with lightning flash and thunder peal, took place. Several of the natives were killed outright ; others were horribly burned and mangled. The survivors returned to their homes, scattering in all di- rections the story of the horrible outrage. This was a fitting sequel to the kidnapping crimes of Weymouth. It is not strange that the heathen Indians should have thought that the Christian white men were fiends. Universal indignation was excited. The Indians met in large numbers, resolved to exter- minate the colonists who had thus brought blood and misery and death to their lowly homes. They made an attack -— the "treacherous Indians," as they were called — upon the settle- ment. They captured the storehouse which contained all the merchandise and provisions of the colony. They drove the garrison, which was greatly diminished by sickness and death, out of the fort. One man was killed ; the others took refuge in a sort of citadel at some distance from the magazine. As the ignorant Indians were rioting through the captured fort, they knocked open some barrels containing some kind of grain, of small, dark kernels, such as they had never seen before. It was not corn ; it was not wild wheat, nor rye. It was powder. The grains were scattered over the floor. Ac- cidentally they were ignited. A terrific explosion of the whole THE BISTOnr OF SIMtle. jj magazine ensued. It w« a phenomenon of thunder roar and of voloan,e r„,n, which would have appalled any l^^X Timber, eannons, merchandise, and the mangled boTs of *e crater of devouring flame. The ignorant, superstitious Indians were appalled beyond all conception bv this carnntrp tx^a a j ff«"cu ueyona their brefhren the w 1^3 wt thlGrr s° •*!""• "' with the Indians for theirattaok u^rth^cotrA'aChrhT :erb:rirr"r:^:d'!""°^""'^^^^ They had not been struck down by bullet or arrow or club tLr " ^P^/";'"'"'- »--lous power, which hal a sa led them They had conqnered the white pian , and then this new .n™.ble, resistless ally had overwhelmed them,..ith destmcZ' They could not contend against thunderbolts, and upheaviT^ earthquakes, and bursting flames. It matte^d not to Them whether these tremendous energies were wielded by bad spirto or good: the.r only safety was in immediate flight. They S to their canoes, and paddled swiftly from the settlemenT ^ft no disposition to approach it again. Such is the story which has descended to us. It may not be iVoertln "Will "" '"''°"'"' ^''° ^^^'^''^>^ "• "It iscertoin, Williamson says, " that it was believed to be true ^^ the ancient and well-informed inhabitants on Sagadaho™ The colonists, who had thus sown the wind, were now in we'rl'l'ur^"''"";' " '''"' "'»P'"8 '"« -W^W"" The™ and^il r *'""' r" """"S them, men of philanthropv sTnisT^I Tf '"''"°P' """■-» «»'""'«- But sm 18 a fai more potent agent of action than holiness. A few wZrLTT ^V^'^'y '"« most vigorous frame tVZ which Gods love has gi-iidually devdooed thrnn^i, «,. V which the industry of a century has reared, the torch of the incendiary may lay in ashes in a few hours, 1 See Supplement to Kiiig Philip's War. 1678. p. JS. 68 THE VICTORY OF MAINE. There may have been even a majority of the colonists good men. But, were one-third of their number thoroughly bad, they could have thwarted all the measures of the good. They could cheat the Indians, rob them, shoot them, insult their wives and daughters, j?nd thus inflict an amount of injury which all the efforts of the true Christians could not repair. One kidnapping Weymouth can arouse an hostility which many honest voyagers may vainly endeavor to appease. The colonists were now freezing, starving, and quarrelling among themselves. In those dreary log-cabins there was no happiness. Frowns were upon every brow, murmurs upon all lips, gloom in every heart. It is to be inferred from the brief narrative we have, that the two vessels which had conveyed the colonists to the Sagadahock had returned to England. These ships could have carried back only the tidings of the successful landing of the colony. The Plymouth Company promptly fitted out another ship, with supplies. Early in the spring this ship cast anchor before the already dilapidated, impoverished, decay- ing town of St. George. The colonists, instead of landing the supplies, rushed on board the ship, determined with one accord to return to England. The Indians, bitterly hostile, could not be induced to venture into their settlement with any provisions. It was only at the imminent peril of their lives that the English could leave their rampart of logs, to penetrate the interior on foraging expedi- tions. Their storehouse was burned. They had no articles left for traflSc. Whatever they obtained they^ would be com- pelled to grasp with robber hands. Thus influenced, they all abandoned the colony. Their return to England excited the surprise and the deep regret of the Plymouth Company. They carried back the most deplora- ble report of the charactej.' of the country, its climate, its soil, and especially of its inhabitants. « The native Indiana," they said, " are the outcasts of creation. They have no religion, but are merely diabolical. They are the very ruins of mankind ; the most sordid and contemptible part of the human species." On the other hand, the French, who, not many years after, established a settlement among the Indians of the upper Ken- THE in STORY OF MAINE. gg nebec and who lived .-ith them not only on terms of peace but of strong personal friendship, wrote of them - 01 the Plymouth Company, died; but his sou, Sir Fianek Popham, for several yea,, sent a ship annually to he coast oeost '':;,fat t'""./°t 'T\ »^' '■"-v-fwas n^ sue. ^r^T' T f "' ''''^•"'oned such operations. But it is oonHdenUy asserted that other adveuturL were freqaentlv ::,™gfs^ """'• "^°''«'' "° --* "- ■»"-»« of therpS The French were in Canada prosecuting a very successfnl f„r by which the Indians conveyed tidings of important events to the remotest tribes. Unquestionably the Indians of Massachu jet^Jad heard accounts of the conduct of thf E^nglLht «e™;torXis^^tr^^"'' ''- '^^^ it i^ your paru; Xzic:^::'^ ""' "''" °» -'->■ -^ t-outrmcourt. He went on an exploring and trading tour, along I n^T^ V ^°"*«*8«^o«k. by William Allen, p 12 Hiibbard'8 New Enrfanrt n H7 . d-* . ' P" . ' ^ s- — ! - ...ivc .-3 .a-iiaais, p. 25. ■ 70 THE UJSTOXr OF MAINE. the coasts of what are now Maine and Massachusetts, as fai south as Capo Cod. There lie fell into an altercation and a fight with the natives. We know not who was the aggressor, or what was the cause of the conflict. Poutrincourt does not inform us, and the Indians had no one to tell their story. Two of the Frenchmen were killed, and others wounded. What slaughter was inflicted upon the Indians we know not. Pou- trincourt continued his cruise several leagues farther, until he cast anchor where the natives had not heard of his battle with the Indians. Five of these innocent, unoffending men came confidingly on board his vessel, and offered some furs for sale. He seized them, and put them all to death, probably liangin.^ them at the yard-arm. This was his retaliation. Ther<) is implanted in the bosom of most men a sense of justice, which leads tbem, in view of such crimes, to find some degree of com- fort in the thought, that there is a day of judgment to come, and that the wicked shall not ,go unpunished. It is recorded that this circumstance led Poutrincourt to form a very uvfavor- able opinion of the disposition of the Indians. After such an occurrence it is not strange, that when, a few years later, our Pilgrim Fathei-s landed upon Capo Cod, they should have been attacked by the natives.* It is thus that one bad man can inflict an amount of injury which many good men cannot repair. Poutrincourt returned to Port Royal, where ho and his companions lived in such revelry, probably outraging the Indians in various ways, that the clergy, who were sincerely devoted to the welfare of the natives, refused tq remain in the settlement. Biencourt, the sou of Poutrincourt, was even worse than his father. Ruling in the place of his father, who had gone to England, his conduct was infamous. Annoyed by the rebukes and remonstrances of the missionaries, he threatened them with corponU punishment. They abandoned Port Royal, and removed to Mount Desert, where they were received by the natives as friends and brothers. The names of these two good men, Messrs. Biard and A(ass$, deserve to be perpetuated." Mount Desert is the largest, and certainly the most beautiful j Se6 niMrrative of tlie first -mooimter in the Life of Miles Standisli Bairtl's IJelaUon, L'Escarbof « Histoire, CharlevoLx'a Histoire. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. JJ island on the cou,. of Maine. It 'as, indeed, but few rivals on tins globe. Th. island is fifteen miles long, and seven miles in average b.eadui, containing sixty thousand acres. The scenerv 18 surpassingly bea.Uiful. The towering mountains of the interior raise their forest-crowned brows so high, that they can be discerned »t the distance of sixty miles at sea. Separated from the main land but by narrow serpentine creeks, which were sheltered from winds and waves, and were abounding with fin and shell fish, it iiad been, for centuries which no man can count, a favorite r.^sort for tiie Indians. Tho sublimity and loveliness of the scenery pleased the eye of the natives Here they reared their comfortable cabins, and lined them with furs. Wood was abundant for their winte, files. 1 here was a great amount of game in the mountain., conisLHig o( bears, raccoons, foxes, rabbits, and fowls of various kinds. The marshes and meadows were stocked with beaver otter, and musquash. The sunny valleys, walled in by mouni tains and forests were rich in verdure, and blooming with lo- ors. They often waved with harvests of golden corn. Over the placid waters of numerous creeks and inlets and bays, the buoyant canoe of the native could glide in perfect safety. There were many lakelets open to the sea, to which the ale- wives ,n the spring resorted in enormous numbers, to deposit their spawn. It has been well said, — " Mount Desert is remarkable for its size, its singular topography its bold and wild scenery, and still more for its wilder and "stranger Sv ivhl evernsxts it, if he is familiar with its earliest records Id legenZ' wiU^^^^ he arts upon some bold pinnacle of its mountains, and glances ov^i- ^s'ea cradled islands, its sun-burnished creeks, its mountain fake and tflp like ravmes, almost expect to see the savage emerge from some glen oi- to mente of hi r™' ^'"J^^"--' ^^"^ ^-S\^-^> l^^a-e, or SpaL, in he haWl- ZrHK , •?™';.'''''' ''^^'P'^ hat, peaked beard, slashed doublet and There is a large cluster of islands here, separated but by narrow channels, the intricacy of whose waters it would be » History of Kew Englaml, by Conli.lrre and Mam iflekl. I 4 72 TUB B J STORY OF MAINE. difficult to describe. These islands, Great Cranberry, Little Cranberry, Lancaster, and Duck, contain from fifty to six hun- dred acres each. Several families now reside upon them. Be- tween Great Cranberry and Lancaster Islands there is a fine harbor called The Pool, which afiFords excellent anchorage. Here, it is supposed, Messrs. Biard and Massti located themselvei. in the year 1609. The ruins of an old settlement at this place are still visible.^ In the solitudes of this profound wilderness, those self-denyiuor men reared their lowly huts, cultivated their little garden, and, uncheered by the presence of wife or child, living upon Indian fare, and conforming to Indian customs, labored with untiring zeal for five years, to instruct the Indians, and to lead them to the Lamb of God which taketh away the Bins of the worid. Thes(! men were Christians. It matters not to what denomination they belonged. " By their fruits shall ye know them." The disastrous result of Poph^m's colony seemed, for a time, almost entirely to extinguish the desire to form settlements in this part of the New Worid. But Sir Ferdinando Gorges soon recovered from the blow. Probably his investigations convinced Inm that the failure was entirely owing to the folly of the colonists, and that Maine was a goodly land, yet destined to be the abode of wealth and culture. He wrote, — 4V, " ^\^ 1\ '''^^''' ""^ *^ ''"™^*^' ^ "^-^'^^ ^''^ too °>'^ch experience in the world to be frightened with such a bla«t. Many great kingdoms and lar^e territories more northerly seated, and by many degrees colder, are plentifully inhabited; divers of them being stored with ng better commodi- ties than these parts afford, if like industry, art, and labor be used." » Gorges purchased a ship, employed Richard Vines as captain, but sought in vain for colonists. The region was now in such bad repute that none wished to seek in it a new home. There was much solicitude in the English court, lest the enterprising Prench should plant their settlements along the coast, and obtain the entire control of the country. Their colony at Port *,, ' T"f!!"'''°' ''°'' ' P- ^^- ^''« Cranberry Islands were so called becaus* those berries were so abundant there. Duck Island swarmed with thote bWs » Gorges' Narrative, p. 22. TBE BISTORT OF MAISB. jj Royal was for a time quite .uoe«»faI. The colonist, were ca^yng on a very profitable trade with the Indian t t^ and were supplied by then, with an abundance of Jn tS Gorges seems to have found but little diSBoalty in hitinir men as saUors, to visit the coast for the purposes of flshL a„d purchasing fu« of the naUves. Many such voyages we " hy the agents of Gorges and others. Some of these Interpn^es proved very successful. Those adventurei-s, the common «..lo« were ge«e.j.lly rude, unprincipled men, more brutTfar than the natives whom they contemptuously called savages Monhegan became the prominent point for traffic on the in ^^z^^f^ rlsTrtldtirrr A man by the name of Abraham Jennings claimed to have purebred thjs island of some Indians. It b not p"e thai his title^eed would bear any very close investigation He was a flsh-merchant from Plymouth, Eng., and wasCpartnt sh,p wth Abner Jennings of London. They had opened qui^ a lucrafve trade in this coast, employing many ves^eh annua ly>n cod-flsheries and the purchaL of f;rs. Thermen had stations on the neighboring mainland of Pemaqui^ anS probably also on some of the islands which encircle and tto create Boothbay Harbor. These stations amounted merely to points which they neriod- t™de ^Uh the" fr''"'".^"*^' '" ^^ *"- -^'""dt t.ade w,th the Indians. Thus Monhegan became not only f^ Zrr. ""''T* "■"' ™«ors, but the important dS for all the fishing and trading vessels. ^ In the year 1611 Samuel Argal, who subsequently became was driven, by a series of gales, far away to the north Find- •ng himself near the coast of Maine, he decided to visil the |4.4:*2gl5 74 THE UI8T0RT OF MAINE. fiahxng-grounds of Monhegan, of which he had heard much. lie ' vst made the land in the vicinity of Penobscot Bay : there hfi lound a small island so abounding >« seals that he called it aeai Rock. This name it still retains. He was in the vicinity of Mount Desert. We know but little more respecting this voyage ; but the familiarity he thus gained with these waters enabled him, three years later, successfully to prosecute one of the mos^ \Lii^m,VAu^, expeditions of the times, whatever may be the verdict as to its justiacation. We shall soon allude to this enterprise. About the same time Capt. Edward Harlow was sent to explore Cape Cod and its surroundings. He directed his course first to Monhegan, and took shelter in its snug harbor. The natives were now in the habit of visiting the island in large numbers, eager to traffic with the newly-arrived ships. This man, without any provocation whatever, villanously enticed three Indians on board his ship, and seized them as captives. One of the three, Peckmo, being a very strong man, after a desperate struggle broke away, and, plunging overboard, swam to the shore. Immediately he aroused all the Indians around to the rescue. The valiant men, with arrows alone for their weapons, put off m their canoes to rescue their friends thus treacherously im- prisoned in the oak-ribbed ship. Their heroic efforts were, of course, unavailing. The long-boat of the ship was floating at Its stern. The Indians, sweeping the deck with a shower of arrows, succeeded in cutting away the boat, and carrying it ashore. As they knew that Harlow would make an effort to recover it, they filled it with sand, having placed it in a position where with their arrows they could defend its approaches. Harlow sent an armed band on shore to recover the boat. The exasperated natives fought with desperation. We know not how many Harlow succeeded in killing ; but we are happy to know that the natives drove Harlow off without his boat. In this conflict, so disgraceful to Harlow, three of his men were sorely wounded. The kidnapper, however, carried off two of his captives, Monopet and Peckenine. Then, spreading his sails for Cape Cod, the miscreant repeated the crime there. Three TBn B/sToar or maiiie. 7, iiuoffending Indians, who had come from a distonce to t.h. ;u|ch„n.ge, were lured to a.cend his deek, with oCof t^a<^o The unsnapeefng victims were entieed into the eaWa and the oaken doo« were locked against them. Escape w« « toilt 11 as from the stone and iron dungeons of the W Se three unhappy victims of villanv were called Zl . Coneoonum, and Epenow ^ Sackaweston, wMeirZt t ?; -rv™- ^»"4--uh l'd«r anrEr™ ^^™ '\^'«>»»'i> "-d it would'^'srem thtt h" and Epenow were both taken under his protection.. According to the narrative which has descended to us Epenow was a very shrewd man. Perceiving in Tha hi^b estimafon go d was held by the English, he thought C if tt could make the English believe that^ he knew of fgoM-aine tn h,s own country he might be employed to accompany TpZ to his nauve laud, tiat he might guide them to the pretended mme. He communicated his plan to Assacomet We tfow not why th« man had been detained in England so long wbel =\tw Z Z^ZXT^^Z^ r :hir^- 1 *^frrr ^ t • ti S account which Sir Ferdinando Goi^es gives of Epe-w '" "* 1 Prince's Annala. n. 73- T»i»ii,n„_.- n,^^ , . r- . - , ^nr-^, s ijiography, p. 355, h^ 76 THE HIBTORY OF MAINE. «ome t>f»enty.uine others.i by a ship of London, which endeavored to sell them aa slares in Spain. But it being understood that they were Ameri. cans, and unfit for their uses, they would not meddle with them. Thi» hpenow was one of thera whom they refused; wherein they expressed more worth than those that brought them to the marltet. " How Capt. Harlow came to be in possession of this savage I know not ; but I understood by others how be had been shown in Undon for a wonder. It is true, as I have said, that he was a goodly man, of a brave aspect, stout and sober in hU demeanor, and liad learned so much EngUsh as to bid those that wondered at him, « Welcome, welcome I ' " In the mean time the Lnglish were watching, with great jealousy, the advance of the French colony at Pert Royal, now Annapolis. There was a French lady of deep religious feel- ing, Madame de Guercheville, who was strongly moved with the desire to send the glad tidings of the gospel to these benighted Indians. She was a lady of wealth, and of influence at court. Having obtained from De Monts a surrender of hi? royal patent, which it will -be remembered granted him the whole territory called Acadia, extending from the fortieth to the forty-sixth degree of north latitude, she had the title of this truly imperial territory confirmed to her by a charter from the French monarch. Thus this lady became nominally the possessor of the whole seacoast, from the latitude of Philadelphia to the distance of more than a hundred miles north of Halifax. The region extended indefinitely into the interior. It had no limits but the Pacific Ocean.2 In the spring of 1618 Lady Guercheville sent her agent, M. Suassaye, to take possession of the land in her name, and to set up her arms. He made a visit to Port Royal, and thence sailed for Mount Desert. Here he landed, with twenty-five colonists, and built a small fort and several log-cabins. The crew of the vessel which brought over this colony consisted of thirty-five men. They all co-operated with great energy in rearing the habitations. They planted a cross, and named the place St. Saviour. 1 It 13 supposed that Gorges here confounds those stolen by Harlow with those «K,n after seized, with equal viUany, by Hunt, in the region o"^ the sZadaho^k H„IJh^- m? , ,*^*'',;«"?»'k*^l« gia^t. ov patent, ^vill be found, in French, in Hazard s Historical Collection, vol. i. p. 45. THE HIBTORY Of' HAINE. 7? It lb uncertain whether this settlement was on the eastern or sou.^m portion of the island. The lonely misHionarie«, Biarcl ■•'• Massd, inid reared their huts, as it will be remembered V'^i -ue southern shore. The intelligence of this movement yr^ .peedily communicated to the magistrates of the Virginia uy. They determined to cxpel these Frenchmen, as intrud- u. upon soil which the English claimed. Eleven vessels were equipped, manned by sixty soldiers, and with an armamct of fourteen pieces of cannon. It was a formidable army for such an enterprise, and entirely resistless by the feeble colony The Bren-h were taken quite by surpr.e, as this war-fleet entered their harbor. Their cannon were not in position ; and mos Qf the men were absent, engaged in the various industrial employments their situation demanded. There were two French vesse.s riding at anchor. They were both taken without resist- ance. The English landed. In the confusion, one of the J^ rench missionaries was shot ; a few others were wounded The small number who were in the fort escaped through a private passage, and fled into the woods. The victors tore down the French cross, and erected another, upon which they inscribed the name and the arras of the King of England. The next day all ot the French colonists caxue in, and surrendered themselves and their stores to the English. Terrible must have been their disappointment in finding their anticipations thus suddenly and unexpectedly blighted. Capt Argal allowed his prinoners their choice, either to return to l^rance in the French vessels, or to go with him and join the colony m Virgima. Fifteen decided to go with him, including one ot the missionaries. ° Argal, thus victorious, directed the course of his fleet east- Zf ' ^f p ! o^ "T^"^ '^" ^^^ ^^ ^"^^^>^' ^^^«t anchor in the harbor of Port Royal. Here again the French, unconscious of any danger, were found unprepared for any conflict. They were busily employed in felling trees, rearing buildings, and preparing the soil for crops. The sight of eleven war v ssels suddenly entering their harbor astounded them. No resistance was attempted. Argal sent his armed boats ashore, applied the torch, and in two hours the whole flourishing village was in 78 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. ashes. The colonists, impoverished and utterly ruined, were left to starve, or to find their way back to France as best they could. Argal took a French pinnace, which was in the harbor, and loading his vessels with the cattle, the provisions, and such other articles of value as he had rescued from the flames, returned to Virginia. There was, at that time, no war between France and Ena- land. There seems to have been no effort to settle the disputed <>laims by inendly conference. The only reason assigned for these deeds of violence, conflagration, and blood, was, that the i-rench were trespassing upon territory which England claimed Many condemned the transaction as not only inflicting need- lessly great suffering, but as contrary to the law of nations.^ The next year (1614) Captain Hobson, in the employ of Oorges, set sail in June for Cape Cod. He took with him Lpenow and Assacomet, as guides to the gold-mino of which they had spoken. There was a third Indian captive, who accompanied them, by the name of Wanope, who died on ship- It would seem, from Gorges' narrative, that Epenow and Assacomet were held as prisoners. When the ship avrived at the harbor to which Epenow guided them, they were carefullv watched, W they shoakl make their escape. As soon as the anchor was dropped, the principal inhabitants came crowding on board. Some of the brothers of Epenow were with them The captain treated them all kindly, but kept a vigilant eye upon hi3 captives that they should not go on shore. In the evening the little fleet of canoes left the ship; the natives promising to return the next day, and to bring articles for trade. iTorges the younger, who accompanied this expedition, writes, — «,.k?h*^^'''°''^-ir*'^^ ^"^ contracted with his friends ho v. he might makeh , escape without performing what he had undertaken. For that cause I gave the captain strict charge to endeavor, by aU means, to prevent h,3 escape. And for the more surity, I gave order to have three gtntlemn of my own kmdred, to be ever at hand with him ; clothing him S TonJ garments fitly to be laid hold of, if occasion should require ' ^ » This subject is quite fully discussed in Prince's Annals Sniitli's HI,tor^ -r^u, ..ar'.^ Biography, British Dou,inions in North An.erka ^""''^ " ^'^^'^'^y- ^^k- THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 79 "Notwithstanding all this, his friends being all come at the time ao- 11^: :J^^ wenty canoes, and lying at a cerLin distance wirthTrbows ^:tli:LT^^t''^ '^-^'^- BuMhey not moving ne speaks to Epenowto come unto him where he was in the forecastle of tt men'th«^rn. - *''° "^ *'^ "^^' °^ *^« «^'P' ^^t-e- trtwf gel tie men that had him in euard. SuddpnW \^a. o*„^ * ^l genwe- .0 tie captain, caU, t/"hU We'd'irCnshT ZZ T^t TZ mtenm he slips himself overboard. ° ^^^ " And although he were taken hold of by one of the comnanv w K.- a strong and heavy man, he could not be stiyed. He was^HL^ *'i„ .7 water, but the natives, his friends in the^oats seTsu h a sW^^^ arrow , and came withal, desperately so near the ship, that they carried hiL away m despite of all the musketeers, who were for fL ! k , our nation did afford. And thus were my LS o' that Zr' T ^°°' ^ made void and frustrate. " my nopes o. that particular voyage It cannot be denied that this was an heroic achievement of the Indians m rescuing one of their friends from the kidnap- pers. We learn, from otlier sources, that the musketeers killed everal of the natives, and wounded more. How great their loss in this action so unjust on the part of the English, we do manvofl^ '' " '^'''' ''""''^ ^^^^ Capt. Hobson and many of his men were wounded.' It i3 sipposed that Capoge, the native place of Epenow was what « now called Martha's Vineyard, and that the evel'h™ nect on, that five years after this, in 1619, Capt. Dernier, in tlie employ of Sir Ferdinand Gorges, visited this^ island. He m told him of the ma.,ner of his escape. Dormer had come on shore with a well-armed boat's crew. Epenow and his finds n some way, had received the impression that Dormer's obLct e enlnTd " Z' ""l' *"' """^ "'» '"'* '° E"="'»« -ave,. He .o Pre°r„ ™:"Lt"Th.rtoT.^ °' f'! *"" *" ' ™ ^»«. linking chants might enjay whoui the h^flf ^ ..^ ""'' ""^ ''"■ ""'- country, betray Jfo„r.ndL™l„f ,1 "" '"^° """^ P^^' °' "i" most dShonesSy /Ji'^K ttl: K Slnt ?'' "" f^ «^ .n.n, c^med then, with hta to Malaga L'^Mw"^^ "" -» ' These poor creatures ,»ere caught, in small numbers ar different points; several of them were taken on the Ken,re'bec They were all sold in Spain for one hundred dollar each Can " w.». region hetwett Hir S" ^d 'CZTd "' The pecumaiy success of these enterprises to the ooit of New England revived a general interest 'in the countryThe zeal of Gorges was roused anew. The next vear HRI v^ I, ! some of his friends equipped two ships for C hlet^ Thf were placed under the command of cipt. Sm H?t„ok wi J h,m sixteen colonists, with directions to establish a a We Jent on some favorable point which he might select. '""«"«"' But in this sad world war had again broken out. The mil- a J.ench ship, and carried prisoners to France. The sava.^^ were no better than the Christians. They also decided to summon all their energies to destroy one auoLr. Jans Of tt '"*!'"» 7-. "-yed against the Kennobeo Indians Of the origin of this war we know nothing ■ of >ts details, very little. The Indians had no historians wl SI '"tI'v'i """*'■""' H""'' "-"'^^ '*™^"a., I: tZI, J'''', '"''"""'"ar-whoop resounded far an^ wide Tomahawks gleamed, barbed arrows tore their way thrlirt qurvenng nerves villages blazed, blood flowed, and womeiZd ohUdren shucked beneath the wai-club. Now the waTes "1 84 THi: HISTORY OF MAINE. ruin and woe surged in one direction, and again in another. Everywhere misery and death held high carnival. " • Tls dangerous to rouse the Hon, Deadly to cross tlie tiger's path; But the most terrible of terrors Is man himself in his vrild wrath." This desolating war almost depopulated the realms of New England. No seeds were planted ; no harvests were gathered. The men could neitliev hunt or fish. All their energies were employed in attack or defence. Their families, driven from their blazing cabins, wandered in wretchedness through the forests. Nearly all the warriors, on both sides, were slain. Famine and pestilence, as is frequently the case, followed the ravages of human passion. A fearful plague, one of the most dreadful recorded in history, swept over the whole region. Many tribes were quite annihilated. This terrible scourge flapped its malarious wings from the Penobscot River to Narra- ganset Bay. There were not enough left living to bury the dead. For many years their bones were seen bleaching around the ruins of their homes. No one knows what this disease was. Many have supposed it to have been the small-pox, since it was" described as very loathsome. Others have believed it to have been something like the yellow fever, as it was said that the sick and dead, in color, resembled saffron. Morton writes, respecting this 'almost miraculous destruction of the Indians, — " A short time after, the hand of God fell heavily upon them, with such a mortal stroke that they died in heaps. As tliey lay in their houses, the living, who were able to shift for themselves, would rim away, and let them die, and leave their carcasses above ground without burial. In places where many inhabited, there hath been but one left alive to tell what became of the rest ; the living being not able to bury the dead. They were left for crows, vermin, and kites to prey upon; and the bones and skulls, apon the several places of their habitations, made such a spectacle, after my cotilug into those parts, that, as I travelled in that forest, it seemed to me a new- found Golgotha." ^ » Morton's New English Canaan. Amsterdam, 1837. (He came over to this ootmtry in 1622.) rer to this THE HISTORY OF MAINE. gg It 80 happened that Capt. Richard Vines, with a vessel's crew passed this winter near Saco. He had been bred aThys Lian* and was ir ommand of one of Gorges' trading veL^s I u BHigular, thPt, while the natives were dvincr «ii „ ^^''^f:. "^^ Bhip's company enjoyed perfect hLltl'' """' '^"' '^^ "Though the mortality, " Gorses writpq « w„» iu haprsned within tte memo^- of Z "t not Z '"^ ^'»" *a' '"^' bead to ache, 80 long as thej ,lai"th 're " ° °™ "^ "''°' "" '«" "-elr Capt Vines named the place Winter Harbor. He had bee,, duec ted by Gorge, to pass the winter there, tha he mth r port respecting the climate. Gorges had no faith irfhe glooniy accounts of Popham's colonists, who renresented M» as unfit for human habitation. It is Manifest ftlvfnefr well pleased with both the country and the climate for h sub equently took up his residence there. His dwellmg was relrod upon a beautiful location on the west side of SafoTiver !n what IS now the town of Biddeford ' PlymoutlToci''" f" ''"°°'™' '"■" ^"S'""'' '^»'J«d -Pon r?ur J?L1^;-7T- -^« ott ofM^iS oo^pan f ; t- tadtr^f^^^^^^^^ liie new charter was issued Nov 3 ]fi20 v.. J u, Wghts. and gentlemen constituted' ts'e'orpo ^^ m ^r^r:' The terntory conferred upon them consisted nfTb! T, coast extending from the fortieth to Z forty-eighth llw north atitude, and running back " from s^^f sea '■ f a s 11 01 the Atlantic to the Pacific shorp^ T> „ ,t • i ' exwnded according to this gran^frt the la« ulXtdT whole brt'adX of t?' "' t"' ''""^""^' ""'' -"?' »-" Whole breadth of the continent, about three thousand mUes ^ vol. i. p. 222. ^"giana, p. C20, Williamson's History of Main©, Ml 86 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. Ill The breadth of the continent was, however, at that time, entirely unknown. It was well known that France laid claim to a large portion of this territory, and had many flourishing trading posts within its limits. Perhaps on this account it was stipulated that no Catholic should be permitted to settle here. The company had the exclusive right to trade and to the fishery within these ter- ritorial limits, and the power to expel all intruders.* About twenty miles north-west from Monhegan, on the main, there is a short but broad and deep river, almost an arm of the sea, called the Damariscotta. It is navigable for large ships for a distance of about twelve miles. A little south-west from the mouth of this river, there is a group of five or six small islands, which have become quite noted in history, called the Damariscove Islands. One of these. Fisherman's Island, contains about seventy acres. There was a very good harbor here, and it was considered an important rendezvous in conducting the fisheries. About a mile south there is a larger island, caDed Wood or Damariscove Proper. It is two miles long, and half a mile wide. During the year 1622 thirty English vessels, engaged in fishery and the fur-trade, cast anchor at the Damariscove Islands. One of these vessels, " The Swallow," sent its shallop to visit the Pilgrims at Plymouth. Gov. Winslow also repaired to the island to obtain supplies for his famishing colonists. He wrote, — "I found kind entertainment and good respect, with a willingness to supply our wants, which was done so far as was able, and would not take any bills for the same, but did what they could freely." » This region was, at that time, far more conspicuous and impor- tant than Plymouth, in its silence and solitude, with its feeble and apparently perishing colony. During the summer months quite a fleet of vessels rode at anchor in its waters. Well- manned boats were gliding in all directions among the islands and along the shores. Notwithstaading the great depopulation 1 Belknap's History of New Haiupshure. « Young's Chronicles, p. 293. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. §7 r.t . K . r • '■>' °'""^' ""S"- to exchange tlieir fu« for the hatches, kmves, unci iron kettle, of the .tranKer, rha acco„„t which Wi,„Io„ give», certainly indicate, that the .hori «f tl Jd, hn 1 r'r''" ""? "" '"''""'" "'"* ,tc,r wT "? -^- --0 -4r:; ::;.r : b ak -ff, .hT''l" TTr^ "' "'"'"• ""=«»" '" »-«P 'hose sTallowi "^ '''-PPeare,! with the .-obin,, all the At the south-western extremity of Damariscove Island there w a deep sheltered inlet, which is entered by a narrow t 1, Slope o, the isia,^,r ,„,:; rtiirt t:;;t; re:::ir:;r t,ficat,ons wh.ch were reared in those .lavs. There ,ve c u this of a p ace to establish a colony. He hu.ded a P "nW Th re he met an Indian chief, one of the lords of Pem qn d by he „,.,„e „f .s„,„o,et. The intelligent rea.lcr will r "^t; t^^nt th,s n,„n ,s renowned in the annals of the Plyn.onth cinv H had been stolen by the kidnappers, and carrLl to Eng 3 h m wi'th tJT , Z T "'* ^'■"»''"" f™'"'»' "ho treated cZZ ''^ '"'';°»' ''"■•'"''ss.and finally restored hin, to his H:h c^lonisL '™"'"'"° "^ "^"""^ '"^ "^'"" «-> "f 'he Eng- But a few miles west of Damariscotta River there i. Sl,„. scot River with bays and inlets, sprinkled wi\h in Is ^I" oeauty. It ,s uoubtless destined, in the future historv of L, 1e mouth of the St. Lawrence to the can.= „f pi...:.,; ..„ esent no scenery to rival it. " " " ''''"'"''' '"■'"' the 8S 77/ a; msTORY OF MAtNK Ciipt. liOVfltt (,'urofiilly oxpltnotl iliirt rogion. Thore were, at thiit timo, nino Hlnjm utioltorud near togotltor in tlieso Wiiters, engii^ed in HHliing. ilu roiniiitiod llioro four diiys, uiid was visited Ity iniiiiy of llio nivtivos with titoii' wiven and oliildren. A man by tlio iiiuno of (^olto Imd orttahliHJuMl what we shouhl call a ooinilry storo, iv(, Iho l>o:id of »)iio of Iho oovos. More l»o carried on a brink trade with tl»o siuiora and the nativos. S(ral of tho (>.lM«>frt ^atlitnod about dipt. Lovott; and lio dealt HO l»onoral)ly witjj them as to win tlioir full oonlldonoo. Several of these chiefs brought some very rieh beaver roboH ft)r sale. The sailor-s stole theui. Lovett made every possible effort to dete(!l the thieves, and recover the gootls. lie ran- gaeked the eabins and the chests, but all in vain. The good- natured chiefs bore their disappointment with great equanimity. Convinced that the captain had done all that could bo desired to recover the stolon furs, they tried to comfort him, saying, "Well, you cannot Hud them. The rogues havo carried thera off into the w«M)ds, and hid thbm." They were so iniieh pleased with Capt. Levett that they urged him to remain and settle in their country. The follow- ing characteristio dialogue took plaoo. asj given in intelligible English. Three or four of tho chiefs came to him and said, — ••Why will you go bsvck to your own country ? Why can you not remain with us?" "My wifo," Ciipt, Lovott said, "will not como horo unless I go back to fetch hor." "Thcdojja tak<' your wifo!" thov oxolaimoii If sho will not oboy your ino8S!i};o, i\n«l conic, Rivo her a p;ooii lu>aliiisr." •• Hut tlod." VtK\it. Lcvott replied, " would W displeased with mo wore I to do that." •• Then." said they. " leave her alone, m\i\ t^ikoanothor wifo iioro." "If you will remain," one of them continued, "your son and mine shall bo brothers, and there sh.all be friendship between us until Death comes to take us to his wijiwam."' Levett ooastetl slowly along tho shore until he cai -.e to a small Indian settlement then called Quack, now York.'' It would » I/tn-otrs Voyajji'. >taino Hist. Soc., vol. il. p. 86. 5 This is .an error. The place called Quack wiis not tho present Y.>rk, but wh.1t is now Portland iiarhor. liCvett had a grant of a tract of land here, and on one of tho four island-s at tho entrance of tho harbor, now known as Cushinsfs, Peaks, House, .and Diamond (formerly called FIi>en,aquid, and at St. (reorgo s R.ver.a Sovon years after this, it was reported that eighty-four tamilios, besides fishermen, were rosi.ling along the coast m this region. These men were generally reckless adventurers. Some were runaway se.,n,en, some fugitives from justice, and some those vagrants of civilization, who, by a strange instinct, seek seclu- Bion Irom all civil and religious restraints. TIh- state of society was d.stmguished for its lawlessness. Every n.an followed hi own impulses unchecked. The grossest immoralities prevailed. The Indians were cheated and outraged in every way to which avarice, api,etite, or passion could incite depraved hearts Ihere was no sabbath here; no clergy to proclaim the gospel of Jesus Chnst, with its alluring promises and its fearful retribu- tions. home royal commissioners were sent out to investigate affairs. Iheir report was appalling. This led the Plymouth Company to adopt vigorous measures to reduce society to some condition of law and order. Three gentlemen were sent over,- Robert Gorges as governor, Francis West as admiral, and Rev. William Merrill, invested with authority to manage public affairs. Their power seems quite absolute. They were instructed - to do what thev should I 'Sullivan, p. 219. ' Williamson, vol, i. p. 228. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) ^1%<^^ 1.0 I.I 11.25 lA^IM |2.5 1^ 1^ 12.2 ^ US. 12.0 ""li^ 1.8 1.4 m V] vl ^l W 'V>\^ ^-^ ^-^ ■v/ Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 ^^ fi ^ .^^% % o f<* 00 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. think just and fit in all cases, capital, criminal, civil, and mil- itary." Rev. William Merrill, an Episcopal clergyman, was commissioned to endeavor to establish the institutions of religion among this rude people, who were more difficult to be influenced than the Indians. Mr. Merrill met with such a reception, that he soon abandoned the effort as hopeless, and returned to England in disgust. It was probably during this year that Sir Ferdinando Gorges established a c^olony on his own account, at the mouth of York River, which was then called Agamenticus. He purchased twenty-fcui thousand acres of land, one-half on each side of the river, and sent out a company of mechanics and fivrmers, with oxen and all needful tools. The management of the colony was intrusted to his grandson, Ferdinando Gorges, a^ young man of rank and superior abilities, and to another young man. Col. Norton, whose achievements had already won for him considerable renown. The settlement was commenced on the eastern side of the river, near the sea.^ It was just before this, that v/hat was called the Company of Laconia was organized. The Plymouth Company made a grant to Gorges, Mason, and a number of others, who were wealthy British merchaivts, of the whole territory between the Kenne- bec and the Merrimack Rivers. The region was called Laco- nia.2 The wealthy proprietors gave a very glowing description of this country. It was in their view an earthly paradise. The climate, midway between tropic heat and arctic ice, was perfect. The soil was fertile, rewarding the slight labor of the husband- man with abundant harvest. The forests were magnificent, furnishing the best ship-timber in the world, and were filled with game. The bays and rivers swarmed with fish of every variety, including an abundance of the most delicious of all 1 Belknap's Biog., vol. ii. p. 322. " Becent investigations show that the teiritory between the Merrimack and the Kennebec Rivers, granted to Mason and Gorges in 1622, was not that known as Laconia. The latter, secured to Mason and Gorges by patent at a later date (1629), was a province bordering on Lake Champlain and extend- ing half-way to Lake Ontario on the west, and northward to the St. Law- rence River, ^t was believed by Gorges and Mason that Lake Champlain was only abouL a day's march from the coast, and a company was formed to develop the anticipated trade; but their agents were never able to find the province, and in 1634, after incurring heavy losses, the company was dis- •olved.— Elwbll. TB£ B13T0BT OF MAWB. 9| feh^ the trout and the salmon. The atmosphere was inyieor atog and healthy in the highest def-^ee, and the skierutrivTed m splendor he far-famed skies of Italy. It i, nrstmnl thit snch representations, spread broadcit over the lid Idd greatly have revived the zeal for emigration > spread inland. The Pilgnms at Plymouth established a trad- ing house on the Penobsoot, and another at the mouth of ^I Sag^ahoo near the site of Popham's settlement. They It oalJed both Kennebeo and Sagadahoc. A few mUes un the nvor they established a post, where they kept a s" « Jeom and merohandtae in deposit. Qdte a luerative trade wi Z ned on wrth the natives for furs. The celebrated " wZu^' wfft U„e I!h T. 1 r/ ''"•'■ ™'^ «°'S^<»«'y '"tooidered with blue and white shells. Subsequently brimantlv colored beads were substituted for shells." "nantly colored It is difficult, if not impossible, to fix with precision the dates of operatior-s, thus gradual in their inception and growth I was probably in the year 1628 that these moveZC wei vigorously commenced upon the Kennebec.' .b.'^w!'"V'T ^'^l^-J «"« P^tably the most busy spot upon he New England coast. Two British merchants had purchaS t on ondition th.t they would, at their own cost, transport colonists there, and establish a settlement. A eou t wLem long established. Thus Pemaquid bec: e the centre borh o? law and trade. It is said that it was then a more important port than Quebec, the capital of Canada. Its populaTon wa estimated at five hundred souls.* The situation of Pemaquid, which was the most eligible .nainland site near Monhegan, was very alluring. The 1* bor n.^.TS,,'?,! IT^ - "'"' ^°"-'' "^"^^r. vol. .. P. m: wu- ! K°rnl' '"'"'?'°'^' !"• ": SewaU's AncteM Dominion,, p 113 N.W E^lf .a, p. Jj^"""""""* B'J'- S« Prmc, Ohionologioid Htator, ot * Thornton's Pemaqnid, p. 65. 02 TEE HIBTORT OF MAINE. WM a small circular basin, formed by the gently flowing river, before its waters entered the ocean through a channel but a hundred and fifty feet wide. This bay was many fathoms deep. It was encircled on the west by rocky eminences, with a clump of trees upon the extreme outmost point. This point was the site of the ancient town and harbor of Pemaquid. V \ Sewall writes, — , /' ^^® P^'^^os"!* ^^ evidently, at some peiiod, been entirely circumval- lated with water, and thus separated from the main, with which it was prob- ably connected by an artificial way. It has also been walled in. The outUne of its defences .an stiU be traced. Its streets were paved with peb- ble-stones, and many of its bmldings were of like material. The principal street, passmg longitudinally between the extremes of this peninsula north and south, was paved, and is still to be traced, though nearly overgrown with ^ajs or covered with earUi. The outlines of the fort, and the position of Its tower, m the south-westerly extreme of the peninsula, and immediately frontmg the harbor's entrance, are, in distinct detail, traceable in every m^o *°" i^''*''^' ^"^"^ ™<»^^rothers. They sold powder and fire-arms to the Indians as ireely as any other articles. They travelled amonff them as confidingly as they would have journeyed through the provinces of France. But the English did not dare to trust the natives with pistols and muskets. They seldom ventured any distance from their fortresses unarmed. Even a royal proclamation was issued, forbidding the sale of fire-arms to the natives.* Atiy attempt to describe the various grants at this time, made to individuals and companies, would but weary the reader. The Saco settlement was prosperous, and had the reputation of bein? highly orderly. In the year 1630 a patent was obtained grant- ing a territory called Lygonia. It is said to have extended from Kennebunk on the west, to Harpswell on the east. Three Lon- don gentlemen were the proprietors. To encourage emigration, they pubhshed very glowing accounts of the region. In scene- ry, climate, soil, timber, fish, and game, it was every thing that was desirable. Thus influenced, a company of emigrant landed m Casco Bay, at some point now not with certainty ascer- tamed." They remained but a year, when, dissatisfied with the country, they scattered and disappeared. 1 Williamson, vol. I p. 234. « Williamson, vol L p. 239; Sullivan, p. 305; Hubbard's Naw England, 616. S4 THE BiaTORT OF MAINK. About the same time another patent was issuec , which subse- quently attained much note as the Waldo Patent. It covered a region of thirty square miles, and extended from the Muscon- gus to the Penobscot. Its principal object was to confer the right of exclusive trade with the Indians.* The vaiious patents, granted by the Plymouth Council, extended along the whole sea- board, from the Piscataqua to the Penobscot, excepting the small region between the mouth of the Kennebec and Damariscotta. The territory of Sagadahoc, extending from the mouth of the Kennebec to Damariscotta, was about fiff oen miles in width. All along the coast, emigrants were gradually pushing their way back into the country. There was a region called " Sheepscot Farms," where fifty families were gathered. In what is now called Boothbayand in Woolwich, many fishermen had reared their huts. Various incidents of minor importance must be omitted in a narrative covering so much space as is included in this history. One event occurring at this time merits especial notice. ' A trading port had been established on the Penobscot at a point called Bagaduce, now Castine.a A very lucrative trade was carried on with the Indians, mainly in furs. It will be remembered that there was a dispute as to the proprietorship of this region, it being claimed alike by the French and the Eng- lish. A small French vessel entered the bay, and, finding the port defenceless, plundered it of all its furs, which were esti- mated to be worth two thousand dollars. Gov. Bradford, of Plymouth Colony, giv thq foUowing description of this event : — " It was in this manner: the master of the house, and part of the com- pany with him, were come with their vessel to the westward, to fetch a supply of goods, which was brought over for them. In the mean time comes a small French sUp into the harbor, and amongst the company was a false Scot. They protended that they were newly come from the sea, and knew not where they were, and that their vessel was very leaky, and desired that they might haul her ashore, and stop her ieaksj and many French compU- ments they used, and cong& they made. > Williamson, vol. U. p. 243. a Some spell this Biguyduce, deriving the name from a Frenchman who once resided tjiere. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 95 ((' 1 l^ f ° *?'*' *^^'"* *•"* """^ ^'^ *o" 8"nple men that were servants an,» l»y thu, Scotchman underatanding that the 4cor and the re" Ttl 'com pany were gone from home, theyfell of commending their guns and ^1^ that lay upon rack, by the wall-side. They took them down to Took a1 them, aekmg If they were charged. And, when they were posZedo them one pr^ents a piece ready charged against the ser/Jts Td^oler ^ !^^ tol, and bid them not stir, but quietly deliver up their giods. They .Irri^d And when they had taken what they pleased, they set thim at libertf^d went their way with this mockery, bidding them tell their master when Je came, that some of the Isle of Rye gentlemen had been ther"- It would seem that such acts of piracy were not infrequent m those lawless days. A miscreant, by the name of Dixy Bull gathered .piratic gang, and, raising the black flag, ravaged the coast of Maine, capturing several vessels, and plundering the unprotected plantations. The freebooters attacked Pem^uid. Though one of the gang was shot from the palisedes, still they succeeded in rifling the port. ^ For several months Bull continued his ravages along the east- ern coast. Four vessels, with forty armed men, were sent out m search of him. Bull, thus pursued, fled from those waters, and continued his piracies farther south. At length his sms dispersed, and he returned to England quite enriched. But there he was arrested, tried, and executed.* Another very serious difficulty occurred this year, on the Ken- nebec River, between the " Plantation of Piscataqua " and the Plymouth Colony." This latter colony claimed the Kennebec Kiver, and the exclusive right to trade with the Indians, for a distance of fifteen miles on each side. A man by the name of Hocking, or as some spell it Hoskins, from Piscataqua, entered the Kennebec with a boat-load of goods to exchange for furs. Saihng directly by the two trading ports of the Plymouth peo- ple, one of which was at the mouth of the river, noar the ancient Popham fort, and the other, as we have mentioned, probably just above Merrymeeting Bay, he ascended the rive^ to Cushnoc, or Cushenoc, as it is sometimes spelled.a This was MaLIp-'T""' "' ' ^- '^' ^°*«°* '^"^'^'^-«' P- "«' Var-y's History of * See Williamson, p. 263. 96 THE mSTORY OF MAINE. Where Augusta now stands. The importance of the trade of this region may be inferred, from ihe fact that forty hogsheads of beaver-skms were taken from the river during thS year There is some discrepancy in the details which are given of this transaction, but none whatever in the general facts. A boat with armed men was sent up the river, to expostulate with Hocking upon las illegal act. We cannot give the result more accurately than in the language of Gov. Bradford : — .nn"-?''*^ i!' r'"- "' "''"^^ «^'' "°*^'°«f °^ hi™ but m words. So he cons dered, that now was the season for trade to come down, and that.^ he bet«t ' r.?'lTu*° ''''' '' '^°™ *^«'°' ^" their former chCWouM be lost and they had better throw all up. So consulting with his mJX were wilhng thereto, he resolved to put him from his anchors, L let' li^ stf Id r T: ""'^ '''' '*'^""' ^"* commanded the men. that non™ should shoo a shot upon any occasion, except he commanded them. He spoke to him again, but all in vain. Then ho sent a couple in a canoe to cut his cable, the which one of them performs. But HockTg tSes up a piece which he had laid ready, and, as the bark sheered b;te^c!noe he shot him close under her side, in the head, so that he feU down dead instantly. One of his fellows, who loved him ;ell. could not hold Zt S a musket shot Hocking, who fell down dead, and never spa^e a worS!* i This event caused a great deal of trouble. It was finally set- tled without the clash of arms. Lords Say and Brook wrote to the governor of New Plymouth : — .JZ\"T^^'^""^^l^"^'^ '^ ^''^'^'' have despatched a man-of-war, and beat down your houses at Kennebec about your ears. But we We ^aZ LTr ?T' ^'''''"'''''' "^^ ''"^^ °* «^« Massachusette maris trates, and Capt. Wiggm, our agent in Piscataqua, review the whole cSe and do justice in the premises. " « --i -. uie wnoie case, ^ The case was brought before the Court of Colonial Assistants m Boston. It was decided that the Plymouth Colonists had the exclusive right of sale within their patent. It was adjudged that the act of shooting Hocking, though in some degree a vio- lation of the sixth commandment, was, on the whole, excusable homicide. * serlef *°'^ °* Plymouth Plantation; also Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. v. p. 160. 2d « They so spelled it, while Bradford spelled It Hocklns • Wmthrop's Journal, p. 64; Hubbard's N. B.. p 168. * Williamson, vol. i. p. 253. CHAPTER VI. PBOGBESS OF SJ5TTLEMBNTS. ' 'XllJJS^ri;r-.'?::'^etrp"7^^ two RetaliaUon-^Men. Standlah-TheAdminSratlon^^^^L O ^'^^^-^^ - Energy .f Zs under the guard of five or i w!u « ^ ^"'^''^ *»^ P'*"'* «.is POS.L... dou^ae^r^ronrelS; ofT^f "? P^ft'^t-lWdposaessionofthecounZ '''•''"'''''"^ eon^'d:r:.^r;;:t:/r:V"""'''"'"' ^ ^- «°^''. ^ad been granted 7^ V the t^f r„or h7 t* descent upon the Dlace »r,/ n.r., "^oi J? ranee. He made a in Which t'wo of^t^t^E^g 1 :r kmed "' wll?"'' « Prisoners 97 9% THE ni STORY OF MAINE. English to understand, that, if they trade to the eastward of Pemaquid, Ishall seize them. My sword is all the commission I shall show. When I want help I wUl produce my authority. Take your men, and be gone." Whether tho prisoners were released, or were sent to France, is uncertain."! Many of the traders were very worthless char- actera, who deemed it no sin to cheat an Indian. There is, in Casco Bay, but a short distance from Cape Elizabeth, an island called Richmonds, sometimes spelled Richman's Island. It is about three miles in circumference, and contains about two hundred acres of pretty good land. In the year 1628 an Eng- lish emigrant, by the name of Walter Bagnall, took possewrion of this island without any title. His sole object seoms to have been to trade with the Indians. " Bagnall," writes Winthrop, " was a wicked fellow, and had much wronged the Indians." » He had several boon companions with him, and became quite notorious, under the nickname of " Great Walt." In a three- yeai-s' trade he had amassed What was then considered a large amount of property. The Indians became much enraged by the wrongs inflicted upon them by this unscrupulous gang. In the year 1631 a chief, by the name of Squidrayset, or as some call the name Scitterygusset, with a few warriors, went to the island, killed the Englishraea, plundered the house, and, apply- ing the torch, left behind them but smouldering ruins. The savages, who had committed this crime, or, as they considered it, performed this act of justice, retired with their booty. Walter Neal was the agent of the London proprietors. Gor- ges, Mason, & Co. He had two residences. One was at Kit- tery Point, and tlfe other at Portsmouth, then called Strawberry Bank. Five men were associated with him. They carried on quite extensively the business of trade, fishing, salt-making, and farming. As soon as Neal heard of the assassination of Bagnall and his gang, he sent a party to the island in pursuit of the murderers. They found a solitary Indian there, whom they seized, and hung by the neck tiirhe was dead ; with no evidence that he had any thing whatever to do with the murders. The perpetrator? 1 Kubbard's New England, p. 163; Wlnthrop's Journal, p. 67. * Wiiitltfop's Journal, p. 30. THE ff /STOUT OF MAINE. f§ Of the crime were probably then far awav on the mainland. It w not strange that the unenlightened Indians should, soon after have seized upon an innocent English traveller, wandering upon death" R f h''' '"'' '^"'' ^" '^*^^^'^^'-' »^-« P"t ^im't^ Oeath. But these outrages, far more excusable on the part of werlT-H? ^^T '^'" '" '^' P"^' °^ enlightened Europeans, were rapidly engendering a bitter hostility between the two. action ^'"""r/' '^TTJ "'^''^ ^^^'^^ S'^«« °f t^« tra«B- action. It Ulustrates the difficulty of ascertaining the minute details of many of these evente, where the general facte ar^ undisputed. We give the naiTative slightly abbreviated!- - Manatahqua, caUed also Black William, was a sachem and proprietor o Nahant. Out of his generosity this Ipdiaa duke gave thiTplacrtTtl plantation of Saugus. He was a great friend of Ihe whites JheTe was ! man by the name of Walter Bagnall, a wicked feUowwho had much ^ZeJ !f th ' K ' ''^: T^^''^ "'*^ '^' ™°"'»» °f Saco River, probably^^e of those whom he had defrauded. This was in October, 1631 As Z« vessels were upon the eastern coast, in search of pirates, n jL«t S they put jn at Richmand's Island, where they feU in with MaSlhau!^ This was the place where Bagnall was killed about two yeaTs before Z whether Manatahqua had any thing to do with it does no^ appear nor do I find that any one, even his murderers, pretended that helrTn anv wav implicated. But, out of revenge for Ba^all's death, these privl hS BaS 1*^?T;- cP"^ '^' ^""^'^'y' '' -«« particularly mentledtha" thafplTr I ''"^1"^"' "^^ *^^^ '"«°' -•»« I-^-« belonSng to that part of the country. This Squidrayset, or Scittergusset, for whos^ aS Manal^hqua suffered, was the first sachem who deededTnd rFaSmou^) The tribes, in the extreme eastern part of the State were intimate y associated with the French, and shared with them their hatred of the English. They were much enraged w th those m the vicinity of Piscataqua, accusing them of acte of hostihty, and of sheltering themselves in a cowardly manner outrfllrrrf " '' ''^ '^"^^^^'- ^' -« ^-« ^^V fitted out a fleet of forty wa. canoes to attack the Piscataqua Indians. Thi. was m the year 1632. There were several conflicts. Af^ fairs were daily becoming more and more complicated, and war- P. i42TwSCsturii.ra(;: '■ """' ^^''^'' ^*°'^ °^ ^- ^°«^-^* « Drake's History of the Indians, book a p. sa 100 THE UJBTORY OF MAINL'. II clouds were ribing in all directions. Thoughtful men among the Hettiera, were filled with anxiety in view of the increasing perils. Tiie Indians were becoming more and more unfriendly. The French were exerting all their influence to drive the Engl'sh out of Maine. English pirates were sweeping the coast. Robbery and vio- lence were everj-where. Gorges became greatly disheartened. His long-continued enterprises had brought him no returns. He testified before the Commons of England in the following terms: — "I have spent twenty thouaand pounds of my estate, and thirty years, the whole flower of my life, in new discoveries and settlements upon a remote continent, m th-? enlargement of my co.mtry's commerce and domin- ions, and in carrying civilization and Christianity into regions of savages." In the year 1G35 the vast territory of the Plymouth Council was divided into twelve provinces. The first four of these were within the territory of the present State of Maine. The first division embraced the country between the St. Croix River and Pemaquid. From the head of Pemaquid, the shortest line was to be struck to the Kennebec, and thence to follow up that river to its source. The second was a small division, extending only from Pomaquid to the Sagadahoc River. The third embraced the region between the Kennebec and the Androscoggin Rivers. We suppose that both these rivers were then considered as ter- minating at Merrymeeting Bay. The Sagadahoc connected that bay with the ocean. The fourth extended from the Sagada- hoc River to the Piscataqua. It embraced the previous dis- tricts of Lygonia, Saco, and Agamenticus. T^hus the whole territory of what is now the State of Maine was districted from the St. Croix, its north-eastern boundary, to the Piscat- aqua at its south-western terminus.* On the 25th of April, 1635, the Plymouth Council held its last meeting. In surrendering it^A charter to the king, it entered upon itb books the following melancholy record : — "We have been bereaved of friends, oppressed with losses, expenses, and troubles; assaUed before the privy councU with groundless charges, and » Cbalmera' Political Annals, p. 472; Hubbard's Narrative, p. 294: WUliam- son's History, vol. 1. p. 246 ' """*™' THE niSTORY OF MAINE. i(^ patent to the kino- flraf * • '',.'""• "'« now therefore r««5(m the NewEngUnd began near the R^rp^frX t 13 sS Tt 18 said that Gorges never took much interest in New En^ wo of:;::' "7 " *'^ ^-^^^-tncts in the Stae of ^if " two of the most important of which he could almost re^arT J his own personal property. I„ his interesting ' B "ef Namtio" of the Advancement of Plantations in Ame.-t;, " T,! .^"*''**° -nsibl, and .^e.hat .ad,y, ,n vie J"„f p™ t ^LtatZ - ' ""^ ■dleneas from their master's crib vsTTtl,^ ' ""y"""' bo M in n.«le the dteoverie,, and wnl^ttetM. , V ''° ""™'- '»'« "»" Trade, «,herr,Iumb»tCfi,u '<"'""'■"» «" Wi« the harveet. .^uro, of .ealth, J^tl^^:::':^^^^,'^ ^ "^ '•""'' *' '™' ■' Gorges' Narrative, pp. 48, 49. 109 THE BISTORT OF MAINE. The French possessions in North America were called by the general name of New France. Acadia, or Nova Scotia, waa under the military ommand of Gen. Razilla, or Rosillon, as the name is sometinics given. In the summer of 1635 he sent a man-of-war, under Capt. d'Aulney, to take possession of the Penobscot region, and to drive out the English.^ This man seemed anxious to redeem his character from the imputation of piracy, and to have it distinctly understood that he was acting as the agent of his home government. He broke up the set° tlement, and drove away the settlers, giving them a schedule of the property he had seized. It would seem that he claimed for France the whole New England coast. As he dismissed the plundered traders, he said to them, — " Go and tell all the plantations southward to the fortieth degree, that a fleet of eight ships will be sent against them, within a year, to displace the whole of them. And know that my commission is from the kine of France."!* ^ * Razilla established a garrison here of eighteen men. The colonists at New Plymouth sent a large ship and a bark to drive out these invaders. Capt. Girling, who was intrusted with the command, was promised a sum amounting to about two thou- sand dollars, if he shouM succeed in the enterprise. But he found the French firmly intrenched. After an unavailing bom- bardment, in which he expended all his ammunition, he retired discomfited.8 There is considerable diversity in the details of many of these events which occurred two hundred years ago, "when there were 1 " In 1626 the Plymouth Colonists erected a trading-house at a place called by them Penobscot, by the French Pentagoit, and by u3 Bagaduce and Castine. In 1635 they were dispossessed by the French, under D'Aulney de Chamisray, com- monly called D'Aulnay by the English,— a lieutenant under the Acadian gov- ernor Eazilla." — The Centennial Celebration of Bangor, p. 23. 2 Hubbard's New Englan Sir Ferdinando Gorges had obtained what was considered an absolute property in the territory between Piscataqua and the Sagadahoc, called New Somersetshire. He sent his nephew, William Gorges, over as governor of this province. He was an intelligent, upright man, of much executive ability. Saco was then the most flourishing settlement in the province • and Gov. Gorges selected it as his residence. It is estimated that at that time the population of the place amounted to about one hundred and sixty. The first court was opened the 28th of March, 1636. It was held in a dwelling-house near the shore on the east side of the river. Six commissioners aided in the administration of justice. This court continued its sessions for about three years.^ There were then five settlements embraced in the province of New Somersetshire. The first was Agamenticus, or, as some- times called, Accomenticus. About eight miles north-west from the present harbor of York, there was a commanding eminence thus called by the Indians. It was a noted landmark for sea- men, as it was the first height caught sight of in approaching Bav ^Xiv^pT'"'' ^7 Ply"°"th. P 208. " The government of Massachusetts thai, t^^t ^^ Plymouth some encouragement that it would assist them to regain theur trading-house; but when called upon it had various excuses for declMT Plymouth was in the wrong: the French had merely taken possession of Tl own ten tory " - Centennial Celebration of the ^e«fe J„7o7Ln7r p ^ *'''' Chalmers' Political Auuals, p. 472; Folsom's Saco and Biddeford,' p^49. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 105 that region from the sea. It was a majestic sweU of land, covered with a dense forest. From its summit one commanded a view of the Atlantic coast from Cape Ann to Cape Elizabeth.* Ihere was a short salt-water river here, affording at its mouth a sale harbor. Gorges, pleased with the description of the place had obtained, about the year 1624, a grant of twenty- four thousand acres of land extending on both sides of the nver. Here a small agricultural colony commenced its labors. Ihe precise time of this settlement is not known." At Kittery Point there was another rambling settlement. called he Piscataqua Plantation. The inhabitants were scat: tered along the shore, and were mainly engaged in fishing and in the lumber business. ^ The third was called the Black Point settlement. It was a w fl 't""^' T'^'*^"^ "^ ^"^ ^^^ ^^°^ili«« i^ the present town of Scarborough. Capt. Thomas Commock, or as sorre- times spellea Cammock, with Henry Joscelyn, had obtained a grant here of about fifteen hundred acres.' The settlers, too poor to purchase lands, were generally their tenants. T 1 ^' ^^f^'^^ Plantation, so called, embraced Richmand's Isknd, and a considerable extent of territory on the mainland, traders a""" '"""'''^ Principally of fishermen, hunters, and There were, at the same time, on the Androscoggin, on both sttlement '''"'""'"' ''"'^^ ^^"^^ ^' ^^^'^^' The Pemaquid Plantation had been quite flourishing for five or SIX years; and in various other parts of the terrftory now qalled Maine, settlers were scattered.* an?' ''^'''^' of Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, and even of New Hampshire, were in a more flourishing condil » Williamson's Maine, vol. 1. p. 96. \ ^^^' ^^J. ^"gJ^'i'l. P- 16; Belknap's Biography, vol 11 n 378 ! wir''"' ' ^^'*°'^' P- ^' Hubbard's Narrallve. p 2S ^" at ZSr.!" "^'^ *'' '""°"'°^ ^^*'"^^« °^ *^« P-^«^^« population of Main, C J^'n!^"*'""^'^"'"*' ^= ^8«'"««ticus. 160; Saco, Including Black Point 17/5- Possibly the whole number might have been fifteen hundred. - Vol i. p. 207. 106 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. tion than the Province of Maine. Gorges was anxious to induce gentlemen of wealth and influence to emigrate to his domains. In July, 1637, he made a grant of eight thousand acres of land in the present town of Bowdoinham, to Sir Richard Edge- combe. The troubles then existing in England, in both Church and State, caused many to sefek civil and religious freedom by emigrating to the New World. It is estimated that during ten years, more than twenty-one thousand had sought a retreat on these shores. Even Oliver Cromwell had formed the resolve to take refuge in New England from the tyranny of king and court. The king became alarmed at the amount of emigration, and issued a decree that no one should leave his realms without taking the oath of allegiance to him, and of obedience to the decrees of the English Church. On the 3d of April, 1639, King Charles I. issued a provin- cial charter to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, conferring upon him still more extensive territory in wh^t is now Maine, with extraordi- nary powers and privileges. The region embraced in this char- ter commenced with the mouth of the Piscataqua River, and ran north-easterly along the Atlantic coast to the mouth of the Sagadahoc ; it then ascended through that river and the Ken- nebec, in a north-westerly direction, a distance of a hundred and twenty miles, Avhich would make its northern boundary near the mouth of Dead River; it then ran south-westerly across the country to near a point on Umbagog Lake ; there it met a line • running north from Salmon Falls River, a tributary of the Pis- cataqua, a distance of a hundred and twenty miles. Such were the limits of this province, so far as we can now ascertain from the descriptions of the charter. It also included the islands on the coast within five leagues of the main.^ The region was designated the Province or County of Maine. It contained about one-sixth of the present area of the State. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his heirs were lord proprietors of the province. They were bound to take the oath of aUegiance to the crown, and a few unimportant claims were reserved by the king. » Holmes' Annals, vol. L p. 299. a This charter is given in fuU in Hazard's Collections, vol. 1. p. 442. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 107 the cltrc?^?? 1 ^1*'' ""*^ ^°T °' eoclesiaatical government, used b, the Church of E„g and, were established; and to the proprietary ias riven There are two reasons assigned for the name of Maine, which was given to this Province. The queen of England had inher- ited a province of that name in France ; and, again, there were 80 many islands in that region, that it was common to speak of the main land, or the Maine." Thomas Gorges was deputy governor. He was a young man of accomplished education and of great social and moral worth He was assisted by seven councillors; the state officers, properly so called, consisted, in addition to the governor, of a chancellor, or chief justice; a marshal, who commanded the mUitia; a treas- urer; an admiral, who had charge of the naval force; a master of ordnance, to whom military stores were intrusted ; and a secretary The latter office the governor took upon himself. He, with his SIX councillors, constituted a supreme court of judicature, and also, with eight deputies chosen by the several counties formed a legislative assembly. Such, in brief, was the constitution adopted under the charter of the Province of Maine » The Kennebunk River divided the Province into two dis- tricts, - the east and the west. The first " general court " was opened at Saco on the 25th of June, 1640. But four council- lors were present. It is worthy of notice, that one John Win- ter, a trader, was indicted for charging a profit of more than five per cent upon the cost of the goods he sold. Packs of wolves were howling through the forest. A tax ( f twelve pence was assessed upon every family between Piscala- qua and Kennebunk, to be paid in bounties for each wolf killed AH parents in the western district were also ordered to have their children baptized under penalty of being summoned to appear before the court, and answer for the neglect.* * Williamaon's History of Maine,' vol. I p. 27a 2 WUUamson's History of Maine, voL i. p 277 Ji?irvlT^^r;7L"r^'^ '""^°^' by -Williamson, vol. i. p. 281. wI^'Z?^*^?'\"^°"°^''* "" ^^''"K *^«*'°««'- The town of WeUs was infested with them. Theur hideous u.wlings made night terrible to the settles tS SS 108 THE BISTORT OF MAINE. I I Sir Ferdinando Goigea had looked with special interest upon the pleasantly located little settlement at Agamenticus. On the 10th of April, 1641, he organized a territory here, which, from the description, we infer to have been six mUes square, into a town, or borough. The inhabitants were allowed to elect a mayor and eight aldermen, and to manage their own internal affairs. About a year after this, on the 1st of March, 1642, he erected the borough into a city, extending the charter over a region embracing twenty-one square miles. This forest city was ( n the north side of the river. It had an ocean front of about three miles, and extended seven miles back from the river's mouth.» He caUed this city Gorgiana. The officers of the city government were, a mayor, twelve aldermen, and twenty-four common councilmen. It is estimated that at this time there were seventy-seven Christian ministers m New England who had been driven from home by persecu- tion; and there were about fifty towns or villages.^ The rela- tions with the Indians were continually growing more threat- ening. This was mainly caused by unprincipled traders and wretched vagabonds, who were ranging the coast and country in all directions beyond the reach of law, inflicting the most intolerable outrages upon the natives. The governors of the colonies, and the many good Christian men in the settlements, were anxious to do every thing in their power to secure just treatment for the Indians ; but it was impossible for them to restrain the reckless adventurers who crowded to these shores. In addition to the danger to which the colonists were exposed from the angry attitude assumed by the Indians, there were also continual disputes arising in respect to boundaries, with the Dutch in New York, and the French in Canada. Influenced by tie stock on the fanns was always in peril, and every precaution was necessary to ^uard against their attacks. They were the worst enemies that the p^onr«hIl toencoun er. Hitherto they had had free access to the coast; and ItwJ impos t:^tL?n1nIL /TT^" ^' °''«^°"°'' "^"« newtemptations Je^e oZed to them m the flocks of sheep and cattle which were rapidly being introduced into their terntones^ Every settler was interested in their extermination, and^ this hat sir? h n^*»'* r'^'*'""^ should pay twelve pence for every wo ilD killed." -^i^^oryo/ Wells and Kennebunk, by Edward E. Boume, * Hazard's Historical Collections, vol. 1. p. 480. » CoUections Massachusetts Historical Society, voL L p. 247. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 10» these, considerations, the colonists of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, entered into a confederacy in the year 1643.* The Province of Maine was not a member of this confederacy. It is said that this was in consequence of the strong royalist and Episcopal tendencies of its rulers. ^ The French called their dominions in North America, includ- ing Canada, Acadia, and Louisiana, by the general name of New- France. For its government. Cardinal Richelieu formed an association called the Company of France.a It was estimated that about sixteen thousand souls had emigrated to these re- gions. The intolerance of the court in England had roused the Commons to an appeal to arms. This at once checked the tide of emigration. The people, who had been fleeing from the tyranny of the crown, were now disposed to remain at home, and fight the battles of freedom on their own soil. So many returned to England, that during the next twenty years the New England colonies lost more from returning emigrants thau they gained by accessions from the mother country .8 The people of these colonies were generally republicans ia their political principles, and dissenters from the Established Church of England in their ecclesiastical relations. Their sym- pathies were consequently warmly with the Commons in its war- fare against the Crown. The Commons, in gratitude, voted, in the year 1642, that the merchandise of either country should be exchanged free of duty.* Jealous of the power of the 'ung, and of the grants or patents- which he had conferred upon his favorites, they appointed the Earl of Warwick, governor-general, and high admiral of all the American Plantations. He was to be assisted by a board of sixteen commissioners. They were enjoined to watch with care that the colonists were protected in the true Protestant religion and in the exerfiise of all their political rights. Gov. Gorges, a partisan of the king, was much annoyed hj the attitude which public affairs were assuming. Ho determined to leave the Province of Maine, and return to England. The » Winthrop'8 Journal, p. 27(5; Hubbard's New England, p. 468 » History of the French Dominions, by Thomas Jeffreys, p. lOL « History of New England, by Daniel Neal, p. 218. < Hist. ColL by Eben. Hazard, p. 494. no TnE EisTonr of majme. administration of aflFaire was intrusted to George Cleaves, as his deputy. Cleaves selected Portland for his residence, then called Casco Peninsula.* He speedily summoned a court at Casco, that he might inform himself more minutely respecting the affairs of the Province ; but he found himself at once in conEict with the government Gorges had established. Richard Vines convened a council at Saco. In the controversy which arose, Cleaves sent a friend, Mr. Tucker, to Saco, to propose submitting the questions in dis- pute to the magistrates of the Massachusetts colony. Vines assailed the envoy with abusive language, threw him into prison, and did not release him until he gave bonds to appear at the next court at Saco.^ Though Sir Perdinando Gorges had now reached his three score years and ten, his zeal for the crown was such, that, in the civil war then raging, he joined the royalist army of Prince Rupert during the siege of Bristol. The great events transpiring in England threw British aflEairs everywhere into some degree of confusion. It would only bewilder the reader to endeavor to explain all the entanglements. There seems to have been for some time quite a conflict between Cleaves at Portland and the court at Saco. In the year 1647 Richard Vines had returned to England. At a session of the court holden by Mr. Cleaves, the Piscataqua plantations were formed into a town called Kittery. Its ter- ritory, at that time, embraced not only the present town of Kittery, but also North and South Berwickj and Elliot. It would seem, from the following curious memorial presented to the court at that time, that "woman's rights" were not then very highly respected : — " The homble petition of Richard Cutis andJohn Cutting, showeth, that contrary to an act of court which says, ' No woman shall live on the Isles of Shoals,' John Reynolds has brought his wife hither with an intention to live here and abide. He hath also brought upon Hog Island a great stock of goats and swine, which, by destroying much fish, do great damage to the petitioners and others; and also spoil the spring of water upon that island, rendering it unfit for any manner of use. 1 Hutchinson's History, voL L p. 1C3. « Hubbard's History of New England, p. 369. THE UI8T0HY OF MAINE. Ill " Your petitioneni therefore pray, that the act of court may be nut in «eoaUan for the removal of all women from inhabiting there r^dL"LS Ihe court ordered the removal of the swine, but decided, as to the complaint against the wife, « It is thought fit by the ourt, that, If no further complaint come against\er, aheCay enjoy the company of her husband." » Ferdinando Gorges died two years before the execution c ^ h^s royal master, Charles I. In the year 1635 Razilla, governor of Acadia died. Two of his subordinate officei^ struLled to succeed him in the command. One of these, Charlffde a The other, D'Aulney de Charnisy, took his residence about a hundred and fifty miles west, on the eastern side of the Penob^ scot, at the point now called Castine. The valleys of these two rivers were inhabited by two quite powerful Indian tribes. The king of France, invol/ed in a'war with Spam, paid but little attention to the quarrels of two offi- cers m the wilderness of the New World, separated from France by an ocean three thousand miles in width. The strife between the officers was imbittered from the fact that D'Aulney was a Catholic, and was sustained by the powerful influence of the iT '; . 1 r."""' ^ P^otest^nt, and looked for countenance and aid to the Puritans of New England. He sent from his settlement on the St. John, an agent M. Rochet, to propose free trade between the colonies, and the co-operation of Massachusetts in the endeavor to di-ive D'Aulnev from the Penobscot. The result was, that free trade was intro^ duced, but the military alliance was postponed » The Jesuit influence was such that the Protestant, La Tour had no chance of obtaining support of the throne of France in hisconflict with his Catholic competitor. The Jesuits succeeded ere long in obtaining a royal edict, which denounced La Tour 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. vii p. 280 p. if *^'' ^"^""^ "^"^"^ ^"^ ^ P- 1««5 JounuU of John Wlnthrop. m 112 THE n I STORY OF MAINE. as an outlaw and a rebel. Thus encouraged, D'Aulney fitted out an expedition against his opponent, of four vessels, with five hundred men. He blockaded the hatbor of La' Tour, cut oflf all his communications, and reduced the garrison to the greatest distress. In the night of the 12th of June, La Tour and his wife escaped from the blockaded port, and proceeded in a vossel to Boston. He was a man of persuasive address, and he exerted all his powers to induce the government of the colony to aid him with a military force. There was quite a division of senti- ment in the colony, upon this subject. Some were warmly in favor of espousing his cause ; for he showed them his commission from the French cabinet, appointing him the king's lieutenant- general in Acadia. La Tour's friends in the Massachusetts Colony urged that he was the legitimate ruler, and that their commercial interests, and their religious principles, alike de- manded that they should support his claims. But the opponents urged, that they could not be certain as to the exact justice of the case ; that the French cabinet had man- ifestly vacillated ; that it was to be feared that La Tour's Prot- estantism was mainly the absence of all religion ; and that it was not for the honor of Massachusetts to engage in war, as the followers of a French adventurer.* All the settlements in the Province of Maine were much agi- tated by this question. The deputy governor wrote, from hia residence at Kittery Point, to Gov. Winthrop of Massachusetts, under date of June 28, 1643. In this letter he says, — '« Right worthy Sib, —I understand by Mr Parker, you have written mo by Mr. Shurt, which, as yet, I Lave pot received. It cannot be un- known to you what fears we are in, since La Tour's promise of aid from you. For my part, I thought fit to certify so much unto you; for I suppose that not only these parts which are naked, but all north-east, will find D'Aulney a scourge. He hath long waited, with the expense of near eight hundred pounds per month, for an opportunity of taking supplies from his foe; and, should all his hopes be frustrated through your aid, you may conceive where he will seek for satisfaction. " If a thorough work could be made, and he be utterly extirpated, I should like it well: otherwise, it cannot be thought but that a soldier and a • See these arguments In full, Haz. Coll., vol. L p. 802-616. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. jjg fi:entlem«n will seek to revenge him-elf having fiv 1 , , » galley, and pinnaces well pk,vided But "n^ ".'"^'"'^ '"''"' *^<> "hip,,, manner ho now besieges La Tolr ili< -^ ^ r ""^ ^'^""« """''^^^^ "» ^haJ t'- inland, at the entrance of St John s R ' "" "::^ ''°"*'^-^«''* P-^^' <>' entrance for ships. On the northtj^jt 1^'^' "''^"' "'"^'* " °^y *» ceived but ho will fortify the island wh\ •?'"."*"''• ^' °'^""°t be con- of your ships, and forco'^thembti'Lt;' '^''^'^^ "'^ «"*'•*"<'« <>' anj to hurt him. '"^''' '''°^»»« the will, not having tho power thither. ''^^^ *' ">is time, or to desire your command^ " ^'"^ ^ '^"'^^ ^ '^»* y<"« honoring friend and servant, "Thomas Goroks."* the conflict, he might purchase Y/.I, "'''»."'"«="ve part in »any volunteers as'he pC d It : ^aiT S^'^^' '"■■ l»"»' - at las own expense. He at „n„„ M ! ]' i'°*«''«''. '<> be done months, at the price for tt f 7'"''"' ^'"'"««* '»' two dolIa«; Oneira-'ed a.^d fttvt '"» """■»»<' six hundred were placed o„ board with tt T"' "'"'"^' »"<• ''-""'n The litUe fleet was wdlfe^sherwr'' "'""^ "' °^''°»°°- tion. lurnished with provisions and ammuni- ^oii:tzx::^:Lz7:^: r""'^]' ^^ f--^ «* st. and pei^onal estate irAcadTarV'T'' "'■"> ^^ <>" «^ -ailed on the 14th of July 1643 ^'r. l^f""' ">"' ^l-iPPed, five vessels in his fleet, the "cttent 'S ."IT "''" ^' ''«<• Massachusetts Bay, Ind the our^vesXt h d 1 '"'"^'' namely, " The Seabridge," " The Pbnr %,."'* chartered, crease, " and "The GrVhound." ^ ^ *"" **'"'^'" '"'''^ I"" It will be perceived that this trouble tnnt „. • . year or two before some of th. . , P'""' '" Acadia a already described! ' '""'* '" ^f''"'^' ^'hieh we hava ■ » Hazard'BHlst. ColL, vol. i n 488. j w vv . TOl. I.p. 488. « Hubbard's History, vol. t p. uo. CHAPTER VII. COLONIAL JEALOUSIES AND ALIENATIONS. Conflict between La Tour and i.'Aulney_It. Str,v," '>-'"""^- But M. Mari/Jngru; no;;in rs h~pt" tit ^r°"^;; -^ " ^° '» '^»^ »u» Of hi, conle-npt ail^rTC Inyt^, "Mch-.h^Z *°, "f «" a passenger wiU be liable to arrest." '^" ""^ " Under these circumstances the governor decided t» stand were with La Tour. A commercial treaty was siened and both parties agreed to abstain from all hostile its.i * The inhabitants of Maine greatly rejoiced over this result r?ckClli nat'^'n^^'r- "'"' "^'» '" -"ch^h h ' reckless, passionate D'AuIney would seize their vessels and ' iXhich r" ^flTT- ^=""- ^^y'^y- ">« -""of he oTelve herT^f Madame La Tour from France, had engaged at bZu Sh. u '""'"^ "^ ""^' ^' had landed her at Boston. She could now return to St. John only by equin- ping a force which would enable her to cope with fhe enlv She prosecuted for damages. The court after a fourTvs'' t lal, granted her a verdict for ten thousand dollai-s. Wi h th s irhome '"■=' """ '""""" ^■''P^' "■»• P-ceeded!ifei; to ne.^M "/""^ 7Z eMeedingly chagrined. He had fully ex- s^crn; wLtnrr- /r"^^"fT' *» '^'-- He obtained information that La Tour was absent on a cr^ se' "son atTttlfr^' ** ' *-^ -«- but fifty men left in g" m™, and that they had but a small supply of food and amma- ' Early in the spring, when winter breezes stUl linffered anH St. John. He sailed, with his well^quipped war-vessel! Journal of JoLh Wintiu'op, p. 357, I I 118 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. from the Penobscot. Soon he overtook a New England vessel which was bound to the St. John with supplies. Regardless of the commercial treaty, he seized the vessel, landed the crew in an open boat upon a desolate island, and in his cruel rage abandoned them, without even leaving them the means of kind- ling a fire. Very thinly clad, they succeeded in constructing a miserable wigwam, where they suffered severely from cold and hunger. Here they remained ten days, until they were taken off, and sent home in an old shallop. D'Aulney entered the harbor at St. John, moored his ship opposite the fort, and opened a vigorous fire. But Madame La Tour was already there. She was a true heroine. Her intre- pidity was sufficient to quadruple the strength of the feeble garrison. She caused the fire to be returned, and with so much skill, that, in a short time, the deck of D'Aulney's vessel ran red with blood, and was strewed with the mangled bodies of the dead and dying. Twenty were killed and thirteen wounded. Every shot from the fort struck the ship. Her hull was shat- tered. The water was rushing in at the shot-holes ; and still the deadly fire was kept up without intermission, while the gar- rison behind strong ramparts remained unharmed. D'Aulney was effectually repulsed. To save his ship from sinking, he hastily warped her under shelter of a bluff, beyond the reach of cannon-shot. Having repaired his damages, buried his dead, and dressed the terrible wounds inflicted by cannon- shot, he spread his sails, and, greatly crestfallen, returned to Castine. Massachusetts was justly incensed at the gix>ss violation of the treaty in seizing a New England vessel. An envoy was promptly sent to D'Aulney demanding explanation and satisfac- tion. There was an angry and unsatisfactory interview. The enraged Frenchman, losing all self-control in his reckless charges, said, — *' You have helped my mortal enemy ia aiding La Tour's wife to return to St. John. You have burned my buildings; you have killed my animals I warn you to beware of the avenging hand of my sovereign." The envoy with dignity replied, — THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 119 " Your sovereign is a mighty prince ; he is also a prince of too much honor to commence an unjustifiable attack; but, should he assail ns, we trust m (jod, who is the infinite Arbiter of j-istice." The only result of the conference was the establishment of a sort of truce until the next spring. It was evidently impossible to mamtain peace and free trade with both of these French generals, who were so bitterly hostile to each other. A little more than a year passed away, with occasional diplomatic cor- respondence. In September, 1646, three commissioners arrived in Boston from D'Aulney, and demanded four thousand dollars damages for losses which he professed to have received from the English. The governor and his magistrates, on the other hand, deemed a larger sum due to them. While this diplomacy was in progress, the shrewd and implaca- ble Frenchman was gathering his forces for another attack upon St. John. It is said, that, through the treachery of the Cath- olic priests, he kept himself carefully informed of the precise condition of affairs there. Taking advantage of La Tour's absence on a cruise to obtain supplies, he suddenly entered the harbor with a strong naval force, and assailed the fort by a can- nonade from his ships, and by storming it, at the same t?me, on the land side. The walls were scaled, and with the loss of twelve men killed and many wounded, on the part of the assail- ants, the fort was taken. All the inmates were mercilessly put to the sword, with the exception of La Tour's wife, who was taken captive. The plunder which the victor seized, consisting of materials of war, plate, jewels, and household goods, exceeded fifty thousand dol- lars ill value. This ruin of La Tour caused great loss to many New England merchants to whom he was indebted. The fate of the virtuous and heroic Madame La Tour was very sad. She was a beautiful and accomplished lady, of un- blemished piety. Catholic persecution had driven her from her native land, and from the many friends who surrounded he'- there. Her new home in Acadia was now in ruins. All her estate had vanished. Her husband was outlawed and a wan- derer, without the slightest prospect of ever again regaining hi^ fortunes ; and she was a captive in the hands of a proud an. I 120 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 11 -3 implacable enemy. Her heart was crushed. Day after day she drew visibly nearer the grave. In three weeks her spirit took Its flight, and entered, we trust, that world where the weary are at rest. "^ We regret to add that La Tour subsequently proved himself to be a man utterly devoid of principle. He went to Boston. Ihe tale of his impoverishment and his woes excited the sym- pathies of the kind-hearted Bostonians. Several of the mer- chants furnished him with a vessel, and with goods to the value ot about two thousand dollars, to enable him to trade with the natives along the coast. They manned the vessel with a crew of Englishmen and Frenchmen. It was a generous deed of chanty. In midwinter of 1647, La Tour sailed from Boston. When he arrived off Cape Sable, in Nova Scotia, the ingrate conspired with his ovvn countrymen, and, seizing the vessel and cargo, drove the English ashore. In the conflict La Tour, with his own pistol, shot one of the Englishmen in the face. These unhappy men, thus turned adrift upon the rocky and ice-bound coast, would inevitably have perished but for the humanity of those whom we call savages. After fifteen days of awful suffering they chanced to meet a small band of Mickmac Indians. These barbarians treated them with all the kindness which Christianity enjoins. They took the shivering, starving creatures to their wigwams, warmed their half-frozen limbs, and fed them with delicious cuts of ven- ison. The Indians, having thus taken in the strangers, and given food to the hungry, and drink to the thirsty, and clothin- to the naked, furnished them with a pilot to guide them alon? the sinuous coast to their distant home. This was in May" 1646.^ -^ ' La Tour, with his stolen vessel, disappeared. No one knew where he went. For two years he was not heard from. The rJ«'ih5o7 'r^ "?/' ^y f f '^^ providence, tonvl more favor at tlie hands of Cape Sable Indians tlian of those French Christians, tliey miglit all have perished • .^nZ"' """."'' "'f " '"^'■'' "P "°^ ^°^^"> *^«y> ^* the last, fouml some h : bans who gave them a shallop with victuals, and an Indian pilot by which means ^heycame safe to Boston about three months after." -//lard/i^e^ i™ THE HISTORY OF *MAINE. 12I fortress of D'Aulney on the Penobscot, was, at that time, the most prominent resort of the Roman Catholic missionaries from J; ranee. D Aulney was zealous in that cause, and for some time was the undisputed ruler of Acadia. After three years he died In one year after his death. La Tour returned, and rnarried his widow, and entered upon the possession of his rich .nhentance; a striking illustration of the truth of the oft-quoted fiction '""'^"''^ °^ ^^""^ '' ""^'^ '^"'^"^^ ^^'^^ *^*<^ «f and 'vTr.' ™ ."^'^ ''T'"''^ "^ "" ^^ former possessions, and yet he made no effort to pay his former creditors. He seemed to surrender himself to a life of conviviality. He sel- dora left his province. Several children were born to him. The French were at this time in occupancy of settlements at Pen- obscot, Mount Desert, Machias,^ and St. Croix; but none of these settlements were in a flourishing condition. It will be remembered that the Province of Maine was divided into four political sections. Gorges' region extended from the southern border to the Kennebunk; thtn on the east came Ligonia; beyond that was the Sagadahoc territory; on the extreme east oame the region between the Penobscot, and Passamaquoddy Bay, which was called Penobscot. CivU war was ragmg in England. All political matters were in a state Under these circumstances a general court was convened at Wells in October, 1648. Edward Godfrey was re-elected gov- ernor, and four councillors were appointed. The government, dt. f°'^^''- 'fv.' T''^ '" '^'''''' P'^^^*^^" '^ England fo^ directions m their political affairs. A year elapsed before any answer came The only tidings they received were, that Sir l^erdinando Gorges was dead, and that no instructions could be ifenwrial of Popham Celebration, p. 74." ' ®*- S"^"'"-' - 122 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. I 'i expected from the parent country while distracted with the tumult of civil war.i Gov. Godfrey was a very peculiar man ; bombastic, vain, and arrogant. He usually prefaced his proclamations or addresses with these words : " To all Christian people to whom these presents shall come, greeting in our Lord God everlasting." " Still," writes Mr. Bourne, •« Gov. Godfrey is worthy of commendation for the persevering and indomitable spirit which he manifested in what he considered to be right, and for his courage in seating himself dowi in York, an entire wilderness, with none to whom he could look, in his aditude, for any help which the emergencies of his condition might require. He located himself there in 1630, building the first house in that place. He was the founder of York. What his motive was in making such a selecti)n for a habitation^ does not appear. Possibly the fishing business might have tempted him to the adventure. No location could have been better for that purpose. His house was on the north side of the river. But thus away from the intercourse and business haunts of men, he would be but little likely to grow in the virtues of socia^ life, or in the necessary qualifloationa for gubernatorial authority." " For three years the affairs of the Province were administered by the provincial government as above organized. One tribunal was legislative, judicial, and executive. Pemaquid, which had been settled a quarter of a century, was the principal plantation of the Sagadahoc territory. It was the great resort of fishing and trading vessels as they ran up and down the coast. Indi- viduals were very busy in purchasing large tracts of land from Indian chiefs. They were not particular in their inquiries as to the right of the chiefs to sell these extensive tracts. John Brown, in 1625, purchased of two chiefs, on the eastern shore of Pemaquid, a region extending along its southern bor- der from Pemaquid Falls to Brown's house, and i inning back into the country twenty-five miles. It embraced nearly the 1 "The nature of Gorges was generous, and his piety sincere. He sought pleasure in doing good; fame, by advancing Christianity among the heathen; a durable monument, by erecting houses, villages, and towns. When the wars in England broke out, the septuagenarian royalist buckled on his armor, and gave the last strength of his gray hairs to the defence of the unfortunate Charles." — Bancroft, vol. i. p. 429. 2 History of "Wells and Kennebunk, by Edward E. Bourne, p. 21. THE mSTORY OF MAISE. 12a whole of the present towns of Bristol, Nobleborough, Jefferson and a part of New Castle. About the year 1662, three other chiefs sold Walter Phillip* a large portion of the same lands, and all the land on the west bank of the Kennebec, from Winnegance Creek to the sea, and west to Casco Bay. Christopher Lawson purchased of a chief nearly the whole of the territory now covered by the town of Woolwich. Thomas Clark and Roger Spencer bought of a chief the whole of Arrowsic Island ; John Richards bought ot a chief the whole of Jeremisquam Island. Such sales were continually made.* We know not what right the chiefs had to sell these extended territories, or what price was paid for them, or the circum- stances under which the chiefs were induced to sell. During a period of sixteen years all the lands on both sides of the Ken- nebec, and all the islands in the vicinity of the mouth of that river, were bought of Indian chiefs. Such purchases were obviously liable to great abuses. Both the Massachusetts and I'lymouth Colonies had very judiciously prohibited such traffic without the license of the legislature. There were no such restrictions in Maine. In these pretended sales by the chiefs, the same lands were often embraced in different deeds. The boundary-lines inter- sected each other. The same lands were sold by different chiefs. Inextricable confusion ensued. There were conten- tions and lawsuits innumerable. The state of things was deplorable. There were scarcely any legal titles, and no courts were organized with powers to adjust these difficulties. The Penobscoc region, it will be remembered, was claimed both by the French and tlie English. The French called it a part of Acadia ; the English called it a part of New England La Tour, who iucceeded D'Aulney, governed this region with military absolutism, establishing no civil tribunals. The Massachusetts Colony brought forward a new claim to aU the land in Maine, south of a point near Portland. This was by virtue of her charter, which conferred upon her all the territory within the space of " three English miles northwarcj * WUllamson's History of Maine, vol. i. p, 330. 1S4 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. ?i .""^ v^ ''°'^'''' ^"^ *^ *^« northward of any part thereof. N#w, ,t was found that the source of the Merrimack was far north among the hills of New Hampshire, and that a ine running from that point due east to the ocean would strike the coast not far from where Portland now stands. This led to a very serious dispute between the two Provinces. Massa- chusetts appointed commissioners to ascertain with the greatest accuracy the northernmost head of the Merrimack River, and to nm a hne thence due east to precisely the same latitude on the Atlantic coast. These commissioners testified upon oath that they found, on the 1st of August 1652, the head of the Merrimack, where it TltT 10' r'".'^ " Winnepuseakik," i in the latitude f , ' ?.' ,? • ^® ^^'^^ additional miles extending into the lake would allow three additional minutes to the distance 2 Against this claim Gov. Godfrey, of the Province of Maine, entered an indignant remonstrance. In his protest to the Gen- «ral Court of Massachusetts, he wrote, — " An attempt to hold the Province of Maine under your charter, or bv any other legal tit^e. without the pretence of purchase, prior pos ess on or tice. Hitherto you have declared yourselves satisfied with your own Z. froTrr /r ' "? ^''""^^ "^*^ "^^ U.rnn.^,V, thre^e milZisS^t Xrl "'" T^'^^ ^"°^' '°"°^^^ i*« ^«-"d«™ to its mouth whereas you are now bursting your bounds, .nd stretching your claims across provinces to which till lately no man, however visional^, "0"^" imagined you had any right. " To this the General Court of Massachusetts replied,— "Worshipful Sir, - Our patent by divine Providence continues to be finnly es abhshed under the great seal. Though the grand patent of P^ym! 1 Williamson suggests that tliis was probably Lake Winn<. t* 2 Hazard's Collections, vol. 1. p 571 I THE HISTORY OF MAINE. I2ft outh has been dissolved, ours, sanctioned by a roval chnrfpr J,.- . true limits And, had you attentively examined its articles, vou must ba satisfied with the correctness of our construction. For veriryers t^e extent of our jurisdictional rights was not fully understood aTd so Ion. a! doubts remamed we Mere disposed to forbear, though we hLve never abar doned the pursuit of our utmost claim and right "In your resistance, probably a majority of the provmcial inhabitants am your opponents; for they are greatly desirous of being united with us anj ^Iti^^l :Zr P"*^*'"^" ^"'^ ^«"*--- We%re bouiTd L inform you that he inhabitants and lands over which you claim to exercise authr : tr Th?'^ ^'""^t"°" .^' Massachuse'i. and that TZ:^''Z nghte If, however, neither rights nor reasons wiU induce you to hearken we shall contmually protest against all further proceedings of yours ^^2 any pretended patent or combination whatever." » ^ ' Such in brief, was the reply of Massachusetts. It will mye Irisen Go r'T" "' ''' "^'"^^ '' *'^ ^°"«'^* -t^^h ^-d ment by the Massachusetts government of three commissioners to confer with Gov. Godfrey and his council. They met It Kittery Pomt Reconciliation was impossible, as both parties were mexorable. The commissioners then issued a prodami! tion to the people of Maine, informing them that Massachusetts which she claimed, and promising them full protection in their estates and all other rights. Gov. Godfrey and his council issued a counter proclamation sZheTe ^T'"^' of Massachusetts in the severest terms! V a h' ? r . "'' f ^"^'°"' '" ''' ^''^^'^ '^^^^on of this yeai, declared its northern boundary or limit to commence three miles north of the head of the Merrimack River; to extend directly east on that parallel, passing above the northern sourcfs of Piscataqua or Salmon Falls River; thence crossing the Saco near the mouth of Little Ossipee, which was about twenty miles from the sea, it touched the most southerly bend of the Pre' Bumpscot, and terminated at Clapboard Island, about three miles eastward of Casco peninsula. In the prosecution of this claim, the General Court of Massa- * Hazard's Collections, vol. 1. p. BGL 126 THE BiaTORY OF MAINE. t5hu8ett8 sent two experienced shipmasters to ascertain the pre- cise latitude sought for on the coast. They fixed the point upon the northern extremity of the little island we have men- tioned in Casco Bay. Here they marked the letters M. B. on several trees, and also chiselled them into a rock about a quarter of a mile from the sea.i Six gentlemen were appointed to organize a government in the country south of this line." On the 15th of November, 1652,8 four of them met at Kittery, and sent out their summons to the inhabitants to meet the next morning at the house of William Everett, for the purpose of establishing a court of justice. There was much diversity of opinion respecting the adverse claims of Maine and Massachu- setts. Negotiations were protracted through four days, during which angry passions were excited, and there was much mutual recrimination and abuse. At length forty-one persons were induced to subscribe to the following declaration : — " We, whose names are under written, do acknowledge ourselves subject to the government of Massachusetts Bay, in New England." The ccramiMioners, having thus triumphed, announced to the people that their rights would remain untouched, and that they were entitled to all the privileges of citizens of Massachusetts without being required to take the oath of submission. They then proceeded to Agamenticus, which in their report they spelt Accomenticus. .The inhabitants were summoned to appear at the house of Nicholas Davis to assume the responsibilities, and to be invested with the rights, of citizens of Massachusetts.' The meeting was held on the 22d of November. A few were obstinate in their resistance, and a spirited controversy ensued. Gov. Godfrey, who resided at this place, led the opposition. But, when a formal vote was called for, a large majority was found in f:.vor of seeking the protection of the salutary laws of Massachusetts. It was very certain they had nothing to lose by the change, and something, at least, to gain. The governor, finding himstlf entirely outvoted, yielded, and 1 Kecords, Resolves, and Journals of Massachusetts Government, vol. H. p 240 ^ Hutchinsoa's Massachusetts, vol. 1. p, IfiO. « Williamson, vol. L p. 343. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 187 with fifty others took the oath of allegiance to the government of the Massachusetts Colony.^ The territory of Maine, thus annexed to Massachusetts, v. <\8 called " The County of Yorkshire." Agaraenticus received th. name of York, from that city in England, which, twelve years before, had been surrendered by the royalists to the parliamen- tary forces, after one of the most bloody battles of the civil war. A county court was established, to be held alternately at York and Kittery. It was universally admitted that the Massachusetts commis- sioners had discharged their duties with admirable wisdom, and with triumphant success. They were richly rewarded for their services, received a vote of public thanks, and a valuable present of wild lands. At the next general court of elections at Bos- ton, two deputies from Maine represented the county of York- shire. Other towns rapidly came into this arrangement, such as Wells, Saco, and Cape Porpoise. The energy of the Massachusetts government soon began to develop itself. The inhabitants of the three last-named towns were required within a year to construct a road wide enough for the passage of carts from house to house, within the town limits ; and also to connect their several towns with paths suf- ficient for woodmen or horses. The ecclesiastical condition of the Province of Maine waa at that time very discouraging. There was no ordained ministry. 1 hough there were probably many individual Christians, who, in their humble, unostatentious lives, were developing the spirit of that gospel whose fundamental tenet is, " to do justly love mercy, and walk humbly with God," yet the clamor of 'noisy disputants and turbulent fanatics filled the land. Any brazen- faced man, however ignorant, however immoral, however atro- cious the sentiments he promulgated, could assume the position of a religious teacher. Ecclesiastical anarchy reigned. There was freedom of speech which no law restrained. i„ I "^f *.°'^° ^ter another, yielding in part to menaces and armed force save / 1S8 THE ffJSTORY OF MAINE. It would seem tliat the good sense of the majority of tlio people condemned these revolting proceedings of a bold and vagabond minority. The General Court of Massachusetts passed a law prohibiting any one from publicly preaching, without the approbation of the four neighboring churches. Each town wa* also required to support a pious ministry. It is supposed that the population of the towns which thus came under the juris- diction of Massachusetts amounted to about two thousand one hundred. There were many bitterly opposed to this " subjuga- tion," as they called it ; but the minority was not strong enough to present any serious obstacle to the measure.* The year 1651 opened, on the whole, favorably for the inhal)- itants of New England. By fishing, agriculture, and hunting, the settlers obtained a competent support. The laws and human rights began to be more respected. Still there was a very radical difference in the ecclesiastical and political princi- ples of the early settlers of Maine and Massachusetts. Gorges and Mason were the avowed enemies of both the civil and religious views of the Massachusetts Puritans. They detested republicanism, and were strong advocates of the Church of England. With candor and truthfulness Mr. Sullivan says, — •' Gorges and Mason had been considered before the year 1640 aa enemies in principle, to the New England Colonies. They were both anti-republi- cans, and were strong Episcopalians. The^ settled no orthodox clergyman, according to what the neighboring colonies called orthodoxy; nor did they, indeed, before that year, estabUsh or support any kind of government, or even attempt to establish any form of worship; nor did they pay any atten- tion to public schools. It was very evident that they held all the Puritan regulations in contempt. Their government over their servants, vassals, and tenants, from a want of those regulations, became weak and inefficient. We therefore fiiul constant complaints of their being plundered by their servants, cheated by their agents, and of being deserted by their vassals. " Gorges wishing to have the other colonies annihilated, and to have a general government over the whole country, urged the point of the king's re-assuming the lands granted by his ancestor, and making new grants of the whole; rnd according to this idea, he and Mason having surrendered their title, he took the charter in the year 1639, for the Pioviuce of Maine." * • ■NVillianison's History of Maine, vol. i. p. 356. • Hi.story of the District of Maine, by James Sullivan, p. 141 Tse ajBTonr or uaise. 129 It WM ihU undeiljing l.oHtility between the Purifm and ti.e C.y.l,er, wh.ch led tl,e government of the M«»«aehn.etta Colony included in Iho Gorges and Mason patents. The political lirttT"^,^^''"™^" ™"''* '''"°»'' "hose surges 'dth« against the rook-bound coast of the New World There was 8 little group of Dutchmen at the mouth of the "otThe coT; 7m ™ T" " '"^ '="«'■»'' '■-le'B scatte ed «^ong the coast of Massachusetts and Maine. Beyond the Pen- ol«cot were tho straggling settlements, few and feeble, of the French. Vast realms, boundless and unexplored, spread « towards the west, whose grandeur the imagina, on was ex fhat tte"'f •""'"■«". i" "P'"™- 0°« "O"- '-" "-ought haidsh ps of the wldernesa, might have lived in peace as broth- ers heVmg and cheering one another. They thus might have had happy hves, notwithstanding all the ills that flesh is heir to Instead of th,,, a large portion of their energies were expended in shooting one another, burning the housfs, dev^! taUng the plantations, and filling the land with the wail ngsTf widows and orphans Thus clouds and darkness ere long be the D„tl. T > )t^f""^'- ^""^ ^"S"'"-' ">e French, and tht fort ^' """^ *'"""'y' »"'' "'''^ *»P»^d to ngnt tor its possession. *^ Dutch upon the Hudson were arming the savages of New Eng! land, and mcifng them to a combined attack of exterminatiol against the English settlements along the coasts of MaTno and Massachusetts The Indians of Maine were at this time omte umerous. They had obtained, both from the French and I o! hsh, guns and ammunition. Many of them had become skilfCl marksmen. Being as well armed as the white men, and con- sc.ous of a great superiority in numbers, they became bold, very exacting, and often insolent. Not nnfrequentiy a gang of Ta f a do.ea savages on the hunt would approach the log hut „ some lonely settler. With swaggering air they would take pos- 130 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. session of the premises, feast themselves to satiety, occupy the cabin for the night, and in the morning go on their way, without saying so much as " I thank you." The menacing attitude of the savages became alarming, and their depredations intolerable, and the more intolerable, since it was fully believed that they were stimulated to these outrages by the Dutch authorities at the mouth of the Hudson. The public agitation became so great, in view of these facts and these rumors, that a convention was held of the commissioners of the United Colonies, on the 19th of April, 1653, to take the subject into consideration. It was apprehended that the French on the east, and the Dutch on the west, were conspiring to crush the English between them. The reports were carefully inves- tigated. Indians were summoned before the court to give their testimony ; and then a very earnest letter was written to the Dutch governor requiring an explanation. Indignantly the governor replied, — 1 "There is not one word of truth in the scandalous report raised about my conduct. I marvel much at the novel course pursued in placing any confidence in the testimony of an Indian. I am ready at any time to make explanations, and U ny extent within my power." This denial of the governor did not satisfy the commissioners. Though they separated without declaring war against the Dutch, all friendly intercourse between them was interrupted. Indeed, the New Haven Colonists were imder such apprehensions that the Dutch were about to bring down the powerful nation of the Mohawks against them, that they sent a petition to Crom- well, then Lord Protector of England, that he would aid them with a fleet and well-armed troops.* » Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, vol i p. 16* CHAPTER VIII. THE PROVINCE OP MAINE ANNEXED TO MASSACHUSETTS. Troubles on the Piscataqua- Career of La Tour-Menaces of War-Measures of Cromwell -Conquest of Nova Scotia - Character of La Tour-Tradine iTmT «' ^""i^'^'TJ^" ^""'^ Administered-Sale of the Right of M^!7r.fT^T "! ^T"*^" Patent-Political Connection between ZZ ^^ fn^ °f Union -Rev. Jobn-Wheplwright - Correspondence -Restoration of Charles IL-Petition of Goi^es - Charter to the Duke of TT will be remembered that the Piscataqua River was the -L south-west boundary of the Province of Maine. This region was one of the favorite resorts of the Indians. Early in the spring of 1653, just as the settlers were about to put their seed in the ground, the alarming rumor ran along the coast, that more than a thousand Indian warriors were upon the upper waters ot the Piscataqua, resolved to lay all the defenceless settle- ments in ashes. It was still supposed, though probably very unjustly, that the Dutch governor on the Hudson was instigab- mg this movement. The government of the New Haven Col- ony despatched agents to England, to implore the protection of Oliver Cromwell, who was then in power. The Massachusetts Colony promptly ordered Major-Gen. Dennison, with twenty- four well-armed men, to reconnoitre the strength and position or the foe.^ La Tour, whose life had been as varied and eventful as the imagination of a romancer could fancy, was now residing at St John, with Madame D'Aulney as his bride. Upon receiving his Catholic wife, he had renounced his Protestantism, and thus he gathered around him the powerful influences of the French * Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, p. 156. 131 SB-^SSl^- 132 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. court and the Pupal Church. He was a wild, bold, reckless adventurer, but slightly influenced by any consciousness of right or wrong. The Catholic missionaries had attained a wonderful ascendency over the minds of the Indians. It was strongly suspected that La Tour was combining the Indians of Canada, JNova bcotia, and Maine, to sweep away the English settle- ments, and thus vastly to extend his realms. Under these cir- cumstances, the General Court of Massachusetts prohibited all commercial intercourse with the French on the east, and the Dutch on the west, under penalty of the forfeiture of both ves- sel and cargo. n J^'^ ^i"T^ ^''' '^''"' ^"^ ^^" '°1°^^«« i"to great distress. Ihey had done but little towards raising food by cultivating the land. The.savages lived a half-sUrved life, upon the little corn they harvested, esculent roots, ish, and clams. They had no provisions to sell. The French, with their trinkets, pur- chased the furs of the Indians, which were then in great demand. With these they ha'd obtained ample supplies of food from the more highly cultivated regions of Southern Maine, Massachusetts, and Connecticut. This virtual blockade of their ports doomed them to starvation. La Tour, assuming that he was unjustly accused of conspiring against the English, bitterly remonstrated against this unfriendly act, when there was peace between the two nations. It did seem to e a very harsh measure, for the Court acted upon suspicion alone without any convincing proof. For a time the General Court seemed disposed to change its policy. It occurred to some, that by treating the French 'kindly, and win- ning their friendship through intimate commercial intercourse the Catholic priests among them might restrain and disarm the ferocity of the savage. They therefore loaded a vessel with floui and other provisions, and sent it to the St. John River. In the mean time the energetic Oliver Cromwell had sent three or four war-vessels to Boston, with orders to raise there a volunteer force of about five hundred men, for the reduction of the Dutch colony on the Hudson. Secret orders were also issued, for this military expedition, which was very powerful for the time and region, immediately upon the conquest of THE ItlBTOXr OF MAJKE. 133 Manhattan, to turn ite arras against the French on the north- &oUa mT "" '"'•™ ™"'>"^^' "' *'- P™""''^ f Nova Sootia. Measures were m vigorous operation in Massaehusetts for organ,z,„g the naval and land force to strike thoT to cot omes by surprise, when the news reached Boston, on tie 2°d of June 1054, that articles of peace had been signed betwtn thcDut ,"'*'° °"'"'' ''■"'^'^•™" '"■" •-«Hties gS ■ *^P""°I' "olony were immediately to cease. Seol'. 'By^Aete'atl^f 'r ""^ """^ '"™"'' ^°™ oy me treaty ot ht. Germain, executed twentv-twn years before this country had been surrendered to thlFleT nltoMV '"'^ "'"• ■^'•^ ■"='" "' ^•"""^^ I- ■' '«" «till,; cort 21 A 74 °^ ™*'""'' " ™ » '<'g'«™a'« transact on. M Eng and and France were at peace, it would be difficult ^^ ins! fy the conduct of Cromwell in sending, without any deelarl bon of w^. a military expedition to regam the territory. B^ he Lord Protector assumed that the king had no right to cede thstemt„ry,m violation of patents -^hich he had Lnted hi! ubects; and he affirmed that the purohase-monfy of five thousand pounds sterling, promised by the French government had never been paid.* ■ s^vmnment, The expedition, having set sail, touched at the Penobscot and :iTi ="rr:wr:;x^?r"t?'' ? was any resistance offered. Indeed La T„,. "''"'f ?''«=« Afferent in view of the prosit ^'f' J^^ Il,eTEr„rel': master, so long as his territorial possessions and his peS property were respected. The English speedily took pos! IZ of the whole Province, and placed over it Cant. LeveretrZ o the leadei. of the expedition, as temporary'governor The French court complained ot this operation, and for some thl. .t was the subject of a diplomatic controversy The E„S held he region for thirteen years, when, by the^reaty of fife "a it was re-surrendered to the French." ' " ■wmiamson's Hbtory ot Maine, vol 1 o mi win. «..tl,orltlM » mbswntlate tl,.» ,.,M ™„i '' W""""""-' Pt».i.t. s.y.r« l.ml p°S''' *°'"*"' ^■^'' "'• '■ »■ '«'■ """bard.. m.^y „, N.„ ,,„„ ■ 184 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. Soon after this La Tour died. His character was as strange as his singular and tumultuous career. He w«8 a man of con- siderable ability, of good personal appearance, and of very plausible address. Sometimes rich, sometimes poor, sometimes a denounced outlaw, and again in favor with the court, he seemed quite devoid of any sense of honor, as almost of any distinction between right and wrong. Religion was with him like i glove, which was to be put on and taken off at his pleas- ure. His firat wife was apparently a noble woman ; in faith a Protestant, and in heart and life a sincere Christian. D'Aulney battered down the fortress of La Tour, took his wife a prisoner, and kept her in captivity until her death. Upon the death of D'Aulney, La Tour rebuilt his fortress, married the Catholic widow of his deadly antagonist, surrounded him- self with Catholic priests, regained the patronage of the court, and lived in comparative power and splendor until he died. He left one child, Stephen de Id Tour, to whom he bequeathed a very large landed estate, leaving many debts unpaid. Crom- well confirmed Stephen de la Tour in the possessions he inher- ited from his father. He, however, claimed no territory south of Passamaquoddy Bay.* The Province of Nova Scotia was considered as of great value. The French finally ceded the country to England, and Cromwell appointed Sir Thomas Temple its governor. He entered upon his office in 1657, and discharged its duties with much ability, and with the courtesies of an accomplished gen- tleman, for ten years. When the Massachusetts government was condemning Quakers, he sent them word that any of the Quakers they wished to get rid of, he would cheerfully welcome to his Province, and would defray &11 the expenses of their removal. It will be remembered that the Colony of New Plymouth had established an important trading-post on the Kennebec River. For a time the traffig. was very lucrative. The Indians brought in large quantities of valuable furs, which they sold for mere trifles. But gradually the number of traders increased. » Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, vol. L p. 190; WlUiamson's History of Maine, vol. i. p. 162. TBE BlSTOSr OF MAINE. 135 the value of their furs. Unprincipled adventurera crowded in defrauding the Indians; and the eolony at Plymouth wttw aXZT""""'" ^^'^""^ "^ >"- over thf distant rfgio: temtoiy on the Sagadahoc, between Merrymeeting Bay and :K:ethrd""no«ur'' ""'•''' '-^ ^--"-^ ■<"-''••" It was indeed a chaotic state of society, and the seeds „f ...numerable lawsuits were being sown. P essed by such em traffic with the Ind.ans on the Kennebec possessions Five feroTth'™'"""" °' *' ""'""^ PU-haaed'this'^h -for he iTfit r,^ ^T'/"' """ """"«' »»«' "f »'»'" on! hand ed and fifty dollars.' These gentlemen were Gov. Bradforf a^d Mess... Wjnslow, Prince, Millet, and Paddy. Bu" w^ no end to the complaints with which they were assailed and ^ the annoyances which they encountered."^ Still rte ptchase ^ struggled on, breasting these difficulties, and at the ex^tTo^ of the.r lease obtamed its extension for three years mofe Bv the terms of this renewal it was required that some Te of the lessees should continnally reside within the patent. It wa^ deemed necessary ,0 summon the inhabitants of that lion Z men .Tk''."V''""'"' "f ""'S'''-^ "> *» new™,^ l:Ctthcl";.^'™^'^"' '° ""= '«- — ^V'He A warrant was issued to the inhabitants on the Kennebec to assemble on the 23d of May, 1654, at the house of Thorn ^ Ashley, near the banks of Merrymeeting Bay. Mr. PrinceT reefy or indirectly, by la„d or wZ, ra^h^ut ty 'teT; "Lrdtt ''■ t.on or overthrow onhe whole or part of this ^o^i^^t^Zx^TX, ' Morton's New-England Memorial, p. 133. li)6 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. or established; but shall contrariwise hinder and oppose such intents t purposes as tend thereunto, and discover them to those who are in plao 1 / the time being, that the government may be informed thereof with all jc i- venient speed. You sliall also submit to and observe all such good • id wholesome laws, ordinances, and officers, as are or shall be established witi >a the several limits thereof. So help you God, who is the God of tnith, a ad punisher of falsehood." • A briei >• J 3 of laws was also established by the convention. All capital oumes, such as treason and murder, were to be tried by the General Court at New Plymouth. Minor offences, such as theft, drunkenness, profaning the sabbath, and selling intox- icating drink to the Indians, came within the jurisdiction of the local commissioner's court. Fishing and fowling were declared to be free. All civil suits, not involving an amount exceeding one hundred dollars, were to be tried before a jury of twelve men.'' The" value of the exclusive right of the fui* and peltiy trade with the Indians was continually decreasing. With the increase of population, game was becoming scarce. The Indians grew more shrewd in trade, and demanded higher prices. For three years, after 1656, the trade was let for an annual rent amount- ing to about one hundred and fifty dollars ; and even this small sum the lessees declared, on the fourth year, that they were unable to pay. At length the monopoly was offered at a premium of fifty dollars a year. The original patent, granted by the Council of Plymouth in England, to the Colony of New Plymouth, consisted of " all that tract of land or part of New England in America, which lies between Cobbossecontee, now Gardiner, which adjoineth the river Kennebec, towards the western ocean, and a place called the Falls of Neguamkike, and a space of fifteen miles on each side of the Kennebec." It will be perceived that these boundaries were exceedingly indefinite. The location of Neguamkike Falls is uncertain. It is supposed that they were about sixteen miles above Cobbos- secontee River, near North Sidney .^ Mr. Williamson writes of this patent : — » Kecorda of Plymontli Colony. 2 Hazard's Historical Collectiona, vol. i. p. S8fi • Hist, of New England by Coolltlge and Mansfield, p. 108, note. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 137 ♦•Itshmita, as ultimately settled, were in the north line of Woolwich below Swan Island, on the eastern side of the Kennebec, through the south bend of the river Cobboasecontee, on the western side, and fifteen miles in width on either side of the main river, to an easterly and westerly line which crosses Wessari^nsett River, in Comville, a K^ague above its mouth: contain- lug about one million five hundred thousand acres. " » This grant conferred the exclusive right of trade with the natives, and at all times an open passage down the river to the sea. For some time the proprietors claimed the whole territory to the ocean. This led to litigation, an account of which would only weary the reader. In the year 1661 the whole patent was sold to a company, for a sum amounting to about two thousand dollars. Soon after this the company erected a fort at Maquoit.2 Years passed slowly away, while the affairs of this remote and dreary trading-post continued to languish. No attempt was made to establish a plantation there for agricultural pur- poses. The government was chaotic, and but little respect was paid to laws or rulers. Emigration, for a time, was flowing back from the New World to the Old ; and New Plymouth had no surplus population to send to the banks of the Kennebec. But the political connection now formed between Maine and Massachusetts continued, with some slight interruptions, for a period of one hundred and sixty-seven years. The salutary laws of Massachusetts were gradually accepted by the people. The Massachusetts government was administered by a gov- ernor, a deputy governor, a council of eighteen, and a house of deputies. It was truly a republican government, the rulers being chosen by the people. The towns elected the represen- tatives. Ten freemen entitled the town to one deputy ; twenty, to two. None could have more than two. No one could be a deputy " who was unsound in the main points of the Chris- tian religion, as held forth and acknowledged by the generality of Protestant orthodox writers."' Under the colonial charter, Maine was never represented by more than five deputies at one time. The reader who is interested in the details of the politi- 1 Williamson, vol. i. p. 237. « Greenleafa Reports, vol. iii. p. Ill; Snllivan, p. 118. « I?*cord9 of MaHsa.".hnset.ts Government, vol. ii. p. 233. 18^ THE HISTORY OF MAINE. ■ cal, ecclesiastical, and military administration, will find them quite fully presented in Williamson's excellent History of Maine. The people who were religiously disposed were encouraged by law to congregate and embody themselves into a church estate, to elect and ordain their officers, to admit and to disci- phne or to excommunicate their members. And yet it was declared that no church censure was ever to affect any man's property, civil dignity, office, or authority. It must be admitted that the practice was not always in accordance with these avowed principles. The connection between Church and State was so intimate in England, that the colonists in their new home could not entirely dissever them. By a law enacted in 1644, it was declared, that to affirm that man is justified by his own works, and not by Christ's righteous- ness; or to deny the immortality of the soul, the resurrection of the body, the sacredness bf the sabbath, or the authority of the magistracy, — tended to subvert the Christian faith, and to destroy the souls of men. It was also enacted, in 1646, that it was highly penal for men to withhold their children from bap- tism. It is a sad comment upon the times, that many were severely punished by fines, whipping, and banishment, and some few were even executed, for neglecting the baptism of their children.' Every ecclesiastic of the order of Jesuits, as " devoted to the religion and court of Rome," was ordered into banishment, unless he came as a public messenger; even 4hen he was to be banished if he behaved offensively. The Quakers were vehemently attacked. They were de- nounced as a cursed sect of heretics, pretending to be immedi- ately sent from God, and inspired to write blasphemous opinions, despising government, reviling magistrates, speaking evil of dig- nities, and seeking to turn people from the true faith.* Their books were ordered to be burned by tht hangman ; they them- selves were to be banished, and, if they returned, to be put to death. The denial of the inspiration of the books of the Old and 1 Williamson . vol. i. p. 380. 3 Colonial T.nwa n 101 •■-? f — — i. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. i8» New Testaments Was punished, first by fine or whipping, and, 11 repeated, by imprisonment and even death. There can be no doubt of the sincere desire of the early col- onists to establish just laws, and such as would promote the public welfare. We must not blame them too severely for not being wise above their generation. The progress of the world, m the direction of freedom and toleration, has been very slow Many of the enactments were humane; and, in the general prin- ciples of freedom, the colonists were far in advance of most of the governments in the Old World. In every town a record was ordered to be kept of newly amved emigrants and their business prospects. All strangeii who were in wa.-t, the towns were bound to relieve. The help- less poor were to be provided for. All cruelty to brute animal* was strictly forbidden. Laws were passed to protect the Indians in their fishing and hunting grounds. Every town of fifty householders was required to employ a teacher to instruct the children m reading and writing; and every town containing a hundred famihes was required to establish a grammar-schooL where boys might be fitted for college. Heads of families were ordered to instruct their servants every week in the principle* of the Christian religion. It is sad to record that on the statute- book torture was allowed, to compel a convicted criminal to disclose his confederates. But no such instance of torture is on record. It was a law which disgraced the statute-book, but which was apparently never enforced. The inhabitants of Maine accepted these laws from Massa- chusetts. They took but little interest in political questions, save as they had a direct practical bearing upon their dailv lives. Perhaps a large proportion of the Massachusetts Colon- ists were men of intelligence and deeply fixed principles, who had crossed the ocean that they might enjoy the civil and reli- gious institutions which were so dear to them. When they had naade such immense sacrifices to secure these privileges for themselves and their children, it is not strange that they should have^wished to shut out from their wilderneesJiomes. those who would bring across the ocean those antagonistic civil and reli- gious views, which would promote controversy, discord, and uo THE U/STOar OF MAINE. But most of the early inhabitants of Maine had been lured to that region for purposes of traffic. " I came l^re," said one of them, " not to worship God, but to purchase furs and pel- tries." Thus Maine became distinguished for what is often absurdly called liberalitt/, but which is, rather, indiiference. Influenced by such considerations, religious toleration was exercised here. Noble as is that spirit, it must be admitted that It was then not so much a virtue as the result of circumstances which caused men to care for none of those things. Maine became the asylum of fugitives driven from the otiier colonies by persepution.* It was in the year 1652 that Messrs. Sherman and Ince re- ported that the northern limit of the Massachusetts patent was in latitude 42% 43', 12^'. In accordance with this report, the next summer two experienced shipmasters, Jonas Clark and Samuel Adams, were sent to ascertain where this line would touch the Atlantic. Tliey found, as we have mentioned, that it was at the northern point of an island in Casco Bay, callod the upper Clapboard Island. Here they cut the marks of the Massachusetts boundary on several trees, and also chiselled It into a large gray rock. A line running due west from this point on the Atlantic, to the PaciBc Ocean, then called the ^outh Sea, was supposed to be the northern limit of the Massa- chusetts patent. Unwearied efforts were made to induce the people, on the eastern portion of this territory, to yield to the government of Massachusetts, as those on the western portion had quite readily done. But several men, of commanding influence in the vicinity of Saco, were very determined in their resistance. The Massachusetts Court tried all the efforts of conciliation and menace, for a time in vain. Gradually a number yielded to the conviction that their interests would be promoted by the annexation. Others were arrested, and were made willing by the perils of fine and imprisonment. In 1658 a Massachusetts commission opened a session in Lygonia, at the house of Robert Jordan in Spurwink. Here most of the male population ' 'Williamson, vol. 1. p. 385. TnS niSTORY OF MAINE. appeared, and took the oath of allegiance.* union were in substance as follows : The articles of I. All the people in these parts shall be exonerated from their alle- giance to jyiassachusetts, whenever a supreme or general governor shall arrive from England. II. All their opposition and other past wrongs shaU be pardoned and buried in oblivion. UI. The same privileges shall be secured to them as are enjoyed bv other towns, particularly Kittery and York. IV. Appeals shall be allowed in all cases to the General Court, wheu sufficient indemnity is offered for the payment of costs, V. None of the privileges hereby granted and secured shall ever b© forfeited by reason of any differences in matters of religion. VI. A transcript of the rights and privileges, generaUy possessed by other towns, shall be sent to these plantations and inhabitants.' The towns of Scarborough and Falmouth were also organized. Falmouth had a sea border extending from Spurwink River to Clapboard Island, and it ran back eiglit miles into the country. The union of Lygonia to Massachusetts was thus effected, apparently to the satisfaction of all parties. It was unques- tionably a blessing to the inhabitants of Maine.^ On the 27th of October the inhabitants of York, Kittery^ Wells, Saco, and Cape Porpoise, presented to Cromwell, then » "After passing the ancient plantations of Kittery, York, WeUs, and Saco we come to Scarborongli, wliich l.as never changed its name since its first incorpora- tion. It extends towards the east, six miles in width on the coast, to the month of Spurwinlc River, which seems to cut off, as it bounds, the eastwardly comer of the town. "Spurwink settlement was and is in the southerly angle of the town toward* Spurwink River."— TKi^janwon, vol. i. pp. 29, 30. * Williamson, vol. i. p. 392. « Hon. William WUlis, one of the most discriminating and accurate annalists expres-ses the opinion that Massachusetts had no claim over the jurisdiction of Maine. He writes, — "Massachusetts, taking advantage of the triumph of her principles in Eng- land, and dreading and hating the Episcopal power in Maine, under a forced construction of the language of her charter, assumed title and jurisdiction over aU the territory southerly of a Ime from Lake Winnipiseogee to Casco Bay. She was not long in asserting her pretended title. "This usurpation of the Bay Colony corresponded with that of the Parlia- ment at home; and, though successful, it had no foundatiou in right. I will not say that it was not eventuaUy best for the people here; it resulted in giving them a good and permanent government, and stable and just laws."— ^ Hiatorti of The Laws, The Courts, and the Lawyers of Maine, by William Willis, p. 23. u? THE HIBTORT OF MAIHE, Lord Protector, the following very expressive memorial. It was a (loouraent testifying to their satisfaction with their annex- ation to Massachusetts, and praying for its continuance. •• Our numbem," they said, " are few ; and our dissensions, which have been many, owing principally to malecontent loyalists, are happily quieted by wholesome laws and watchful rulers. Through their provident care, godly persons have been encouraged to settle among us; our affairs have become prosperous, and a barrier is opposed to an influx upon us of delin- ■quents and other ill-affected persons, the fugitives from punishment. Our pious and reverend friend, Mr. John Wheelwright, some time with us, is now m England, whose thorough knowledge of our affairs he wiU, at your highnesa's command, be happy to communicate. " » Rev. John Wheelwright, to whom reference is here made, was a man of undoubted piety, an eloquent preacher, but very zealous in the enforcement of doctrinal peculiarities, v.-hich few could fully understand. He affirmed, that the " Holy Spirit dwells personally in a justified convert, and that sanctification can in no wise evince to believers their justification." It seems a pity that the good man could not have been per- mitted to indulge to his heart's content in such harmless specu- lations. But the authorities of Massachusetts declared these views to be Antinomian, denounced them as heretical, and banished him from the State in the year 1636. Mr. Wheel- wright, at first, removed from Braintree to Exeter, N.H., where he settled on land obtained from the Indians, and gathered a .rs or evil practices, though I intended no such thing; and that in the synod used such unsafe and obscure expressions, falling from me as a man d^zled with the buffetings of Satan; and that I did appeal i-om misapprehension of things. I confess that herein I have done very sinfully and do humbly crave pardon of your honored selves. If it shall appear to ne by scnpture light, that in any carriage, writing, word, or action I have vaUced contrary to rule, I shaU be ready, by the grace of God to trive sa^factioa. Thus hoping that you willVdon Sf boldness I LI^ !f thelllthf ^7' ""*^'P^ ^^'"-^"-g y«" to the good providence of the Almighty, and ever remam your worships' in all service to be com- manded in the Lord. " J. Wheelwright." » To this letter, the governor gave a very courteous response, assuring Mr. Wheelwright that the court was inclined to release him from his banishment. He also sent him a safe-conduct, that he might make his appeal to the court in person. Mr. Hubbard writes, — " B"* *1\« next court released his banishment without l appearance • and 80, If they had overdone in passing the sentence, it migh. Tpart he ^ tobalance it. that they were so ready to grant him a releL. W ^t oWoh fT r ^^7"^°^' ""•^ ^'^°^ ^^^*«^ "^ *h« P^toral office in the ^"tar^ed 3^h"' '""l^l B-t«helouv's deposition, he accepted the caUf and tamed with them untU b^c removal to England not long after, where EnZd^J^'m 'i^;J^^^'^^^^^ Hubbard hi lis General History of New by Wta?i^p ^'™ "" '^^"'^ ^•'^^ ^^'•^^>°"« ^ "'« copy ^ preserved I 144 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. he tarried many years, till, upon the turn of times, he came back to New England again ; after which he was called to Salisbury, where he accepted of the pastoral office, in which he continued till the day of his death, which happened about the year 1681." » The government of Massachusetts was the more inclined to deal leniently with Mr. Wheelwright, since he was a zealous Puritan, and a high-minded and earnest republican. Upon visiting England, he was very cordially received by Oliver Cromwell. The political changes taking place in England were very sensibly felt through the remotest colonies of the kingdom. The restoration of Charles II., which was one of the most memorable events in history, took place in May, 1660. The Church of England and the crown of England were so insepar- ably united, that the royalists and Episcopalians formed one party. The republicans were almost invariably dissenters. It is estimated that the population of the English colonies in America then amounted to a little more than eighty thousand souls. Of these about five thousand were in the Province of Maine ; thirty-eight thousand were in the more southerly parts of New England ; in Maryland and Virginia there were about foi'ty-three thousand.^ It will be remembered that Ferdinando Gorges was an ^arnest loyalist. He died while in arms in defence of Charles [I., about two years before the execution of that unfortunate mciarch. His eldest son, John, succeeded to the titles and estates of his father ; but after a few year^ John died, aiid the succession passed to his eldest son Ferdinando. It may be well supposed that Charles II. had no sympathy with the dissenters and republicans of Massachusetts. Gorges, with several associates, petitioned the king that the grant of land in Maine, conferred upon his grandfather and others, might be restored to the original proprietors. These petitioners consisted of the representatives of Gorges, Mason, Godfrey, and others. In their petition to the king and royal parliament, chey » Farmer saya he die-" - thistgrntatioIXere Comi i »r ''" °'/''^^" "P'esentatives to the Geneml Com , ,„ the spring of 1662 not one was returned M^nv MraTuLtr" ""' '^"""""'"^ ""' admi:"- of"2 iviassacftusetts government. bee^H^n 1'"^ ■'""'■""' '° ""' ^'•°™"' *•'«■•'' he had previously Claims. He even appointed several men to office and in Z. junction with ..hers, transmitted a petition to tie king urZ" itudln^tw^r^ir™-^-- '»-'' of Newl'nXa! Mli::us":tr'wiZrAmit"™fi "^ ''™^™' °''"' -^ mander-in-chief oT" S It t" ^e fSr'"" """- Wtioo was also sent to' the inha^I^^'oft ctunTd S > Belknap's History New Hampshire, vol L n 300 . CoUectioa of State Papers, b/Thon'.aTBut^'lTson p m • Hutchinsona HLstory of New En-la-l n "- ' P' ^ i 146 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. shire, as the portion of Maine subject to Massachusetts '^as then called : — "TO THE INHABITANTS OP YORKSHIRE. "You and every of you are required in his Majesty's name to yield faithful and true obedience to the goyernmeut of this jurisdiction, estab- lished y,mong you, according to your covenant articles, until his Majesty's pleasure be further known." A court was also instituted, consisting of three commission- ers, who were instructed to appoint or confirm in office any one in whom they could repose confidence ; and also to punish every one who pretended to hold office independently of the General Court, unless he derived his authority directly from the king.* Several persons were punished by this court, for opposition to the Massachusetts government. Among others of note and influence was Rev. Robert Jordan, the Episcopal clergyman at Spurwink. He was arraigned by the grand jury for saying, " The governor of Boston is a rogue, and all the rest thereof, rebels and traitors against the king." « The radical difference in both civil and religious views, be- tween the tyrant Charles II., and the republican General Court of Massachusetts, could, by no possibility, be compromised. While maintaining the semblance of courtesy, each regarded the other with distrust and alienation. The king had no confi- dence in the loyalty of the colonists, and they knew full well that he was eagerly watching for opportunities to curtail their privileges. The ear of the king was always on the alert, to listen to charges against them, while he was generally too busy to attend to any defence which they might offer against their accusers. " So violent and successful were the persecutions against the rights and claims of Massachusetts in particular, that she not only feared the loss of New Hampshire and Maine, but began to be apprehensive of having her own charter taken from her. Therefore the General Court appointed a 1 Records of Massachusetts Government, vol ill. p, B9. « History of Saco and Biddeford, p. tf2. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 147 committee of both branches, to keep it and the dupUcate iu separate places, thought by them most safe and secure. " i i* »^ ^° »«Parate The apprehensions of the General Court of Massachusetts, On the nth of January, 1664, a royal missive to the General Court was granted to Gorges, ordering that court immediately to restore to him the Province of Maine, or to assign the reasons for dechmng to do so. It was also rumored, at the same time, that several armed ships were about to cross the ocean to enforce the authonty of the king, and to convey to New England a governor-general of his appointment. The exultant court of Charles IL, then triumphant over the r' • /.t^'°''' ^''T' '°^ '^^ opposition to royalty, had conceived the project of forming a grand empire, to conL of twelve provinces, on the shores of the New World. In the accomplishment of this plan, the king intended to seize thepos- sessions of the Dutch on the Hudson, and to bring all the east- ern provinces of New England under his complete control. In those days might was right. On the 12th of March, 1664, Charles IL granted to his brother James, who enjoyed the title and emoluments of Duke of York and Albany, all the territory held by the Dutch upon the River Hudson and upon Long Island. The vast territory was called, in honor of the Duke's Hinghsh possessions. New York. The duke was a greedy man. Looking eagerly into the ancient patents which had been conferred and annulled, he decided that there was no valid grant for the territory between the River St. Croix and Pemaquid. He therefore induced h' s royal brother to include this region, of thousands of acres, in he charter conferred upon him. The boundaries of this por- tion of his grant are described as follows : — "The region includes all that part of the mainland of New England be- gmmnyt a place known by the name of St. Croix, next adJoinW to New England, thence extending along the seacoast to a ^lace called PemljuS! tory of Massachusetts, p 2T0 ITd PoHH.a " a " ^' , ' f^l *° Hutchinson's His- George Chalmers. p^4 ' ^*'^"°*^ ^'^^^ °* *^« ^"'t*^ Colonies, b. 148 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. and up the river thereof to its farthest head, as it tends to the northward; thence up the nearest to the River Kennebec, and so upward to the shortest route to the river Canada northward. " » This domain, Inily princely in extent of territory, has been denominated " The Duke of York's Property," " The Territory of Sagadahoc," "New Castle," and "The County of Corn- wall." * Charles II., by thus making his brother James the territorial proprietor of such immense possessions on the Hud- son, and also on the eastern borders of New England, was shrewdly preparing the way for constituting him viceroy not only of those realms, but of all the domain between. 1 History of Connecticut, by Benjamin Triiiiibull, vol. i. p. 2fMi. « Summary of British Settlements in JTorth America, by William Douglas. ▼oL L p. 881. e "°» CHAPTER IX. POLITICAL AGITATIONS. ^'mSo^isIrtiTeG^^^^^^^^^ »-»-- the Co.. Charles n.-CharacrfGtr?ecl^^^^^^^ Commissioners-TreatvwlfhfhfT 7^ J Petition -Efforts of the land-Nationa, A^ Illf- Ba^^^^^^^^^ and Eng. -French Influence over the IndZ^ a T ^^^^<^^^^ and Career the Duke of York 1 War betweenT„;;^/^ Maine -Ambition of scription of Maine. ^°*'*°^ ^'^'^ Holland - Jocelyn's De- T^f^^c^' °^ ^''^l ^^° ««b8equently became King James ■^ the Second, retained possession of his Sagadahoc ter! ntory about twenty-five years. The duke was the second on ascendet'the .h '" *'^ '"^' '' ^^« ^'^^^^ Charles II., he ascended the throne, where he developed the character of a thorough despot, and of a still more inexorable fanatic When subsequently driven from the throne by William, Prince of ^^Z-^^Z'^-- '"^ American'possriofs The region of Maine made but slow advancee under the rale intense Catl^olio, and, when he attained the crown was un weaned .n his endeavors to bring England ag7n LndTr th; ecdesmsfoal sway of the i«pal court. The Prolf stanHeligiou! pnnejples of the Dutch, who were established at the m"u h of o!ofc;atd '^th h' ^*™"^'^ !"' ''""""' ""O -tag^r: He CO operated with his unscrupulous brother Charles II in send ing an expedition of four frigates and about three Ldr'd" armed men, to wrest the colony at Manhattan from the Duth The feeble garrison was quite unable to resist so fo midable a lorce, and nrnmnflTr oar;f„i-x_j r,,, . Auimmaoie a ^- ^-„ .-ap.tuia^cu. xni5 was on the 27th of 149 150 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. August, 1664.» Col. Richard Nichols, who with Sir Robert Carr had command of the expedition, took the control of affairs as deputy governor, declaring, at the same time, that he was authorized to exercise the same command over the territory of his royal highness at Sagadahoc.^ A commission of four men was appointed to investigate the state of affairs in the New England Colonies. Col. Nichols was at the head of the commission. He was a frank, genial, cour- teous man ; and, though of course an advocate for royalty and episcopacy, his integrity and candor rendered him generally popular. Sir Robert Carr, the next on the list, was a man of violent temper, who hated both republicanism and any dissent from the principles of the Church of England. His haughty and domi- neering spirit quite unfitted him for the delicate task in which he was employed. It is said that he prepared a report filled with the most bitter accusations against the colonists. Fortu- nately he died soon after his return, and his philippics perished with him. George Cartwright, another of the commissioners, was en- dowed with strong mental powers; but he was unamiable, morose, and suspicious in his disposition. He was a bitter foe of the republican colonists, and drew up a very unfriendly report to be presented to the king. Here again God seemed to interpose in behalf of the feeble settlements. He was captured by a Dutch ship, on his way home, and lost his report beyond recovery. 1 We read with some surprise the following statement from Hubbard: "Di- vine Providence seemed to favor the design, in that so considerable a place of strength, and so easUy tenable, was so speedily reduced without the loss of one man's life; and, without doubt, the right and title of the English to the place was beyond all exception, which possibly made the former possessors unwilling to dispute it with their swords' point." — General History of New England, by Rev. William Hubbard, p. 578. » " The county (of Cornwall) embraced all the settlements between the Ken- nebec and Penobscot Rivers, over which the governor of New York exercised almost despotic jurisdiction. Quite a large commerce was carried on with Europe, and the other English colonies on the coast, of which masts, lumber, furs, and fish constituted tiie principal exports, and for which wines, liquors' coin, and various kinds of merchandise, were received in exchange." — ITta ' tory cf Laws, Ac, of Maine, by WiUiam Willis, p. 83. THE BISTORT OF MAINE. 151 Samuel Maverick was the fourth of the commissioners. He s represented as a stubborn royalist, implacable in his hostility to the political and religious principles of the Pilgrims. He had for some time resided in Massachusetts, and was gi-ievously offended because the high merit, which he supposed himself to possess, was not recognized by the people in conferring upon him offices of dignity and influence. He was apparently watch- ing for an opportunity to strike the colonists a deadly blow.i tnln ""•. ^PP,°^"^°»«»t of these commissioners was made ^own It created great anxiety. Early in May, 1665. they entered upon their task at Boston.^ As was io have been twP^nlwlT T"^^^ "'°'' ^ downright altercation be- tween that body of royalists and the republican General Court Ihe commissioners demanded an answer to the question, " Do you acknowledge the royal commission to be of full force for all the purposes contained in it ? " The court evaded a categorical answer, saying, "The civil power 18 conferred upon this colony through his Maiestv's charter. We prefer to abide by that." "^ ^ The dispute ran high, and even violence was menaced. The comniissioners unsustained by any popular support, dissolved tZTTX ""f f ''°^^ "^"^"^^ '' ^^« gubernatorial cha'r m New York and the others departed to investigate affairs in New Hampshire and Maine. They, however, threw a parting shot upon the government of Massachusetts, threatening them with the doom due to rebels and traitors. The events which we are now recording took place, it will be perceived before the death of Charles H. and the a cession of James. When Charles had become firmly seated upon hi^ CourT'n?'M '" .' ^''''' denouncing the act of the General Court of Massachusetts in extending its jurisdiction over the Piovince ol Maine, and demanding its restoration to the heirs of uL^^MZ^^t^l^TT^'X'''''''^^^''^''' *« Hutchinson's History of bS^mL^^':;:'' ^'^'-^^"^ ^' '"^^ commissioners. WiUia^so'^f Of Portlana, I miUal S^! J 51 "^ ^^"^ "^^^^r^ceot that colony. -/T.Vo., 152 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. Ferdinando Gorges. The General Court replied, defending ita course in receiving the provincials of Maine under the govern- ment of Massachusetts. They also boldly declared that they would not surrender the jurisdiction of Maine until the king's will were more distinctly known. The three commissioners who repaired to Maine commenced operations in the settlements at the mouth of the Piscataqua River. There were quite a number of royalists here, who were desirous of being taken again under the government of the king.^ In a letter from Charles II. to the inhabitants of the Province of Maine, dated June 11, 1664, he wrote, — " Sir Ferdinando Gorges, the grandfather of the present proprietor, and a generous promoter of foreign plantations, obtained a royal charter of Maine, and expended in settling it more than twenty thousand pounds; and yet was wholly prevented from reaping tho fruits of his expenditures and labors by the unhappy civil wars, wherein he, though advanced in age, bravely engaged in his master's service. "In the mean time his opponents, intoxicated with success, as we under- stand, and deaf to the voice of justice, have given countenance to measures by which the provincials have been brought within the jui-ifdiction of Mas- sachusetts Bay, and the proprietary deprived of all the issu^o and profits of his property." In conclusion, this royal mandate of the 11th of June, 1664, said, — " Since the restoration, he, by his commissioners, has endeavored to repossess himself of his province, and, two years since, proclaimed his Majesty king, established courts, and gave to many th§ oaths of allegiance. But the government of Massachusetts prohibited all further proceedings of those commissioners till they had orders from the supreme authority of the kingdom. " We have therefore taken the whole matter into our princely considera- tion, and have thought fit to signify our pleasure in behalf of Ferdinando Gorges the present proprietor, and do require you to make restitution of the Province to him or his commissioners, and deliver him or them peaceable possession thereof; or otherwise, without delay, show us reasons to the con- trary."" 1 " Now, it must be minded that, as to the Province of Maine, there were two sorte that pretended a right to the government thereof; one that derived their power from Sir Ferdinando Gorges' title, the other derived theirs from the Gen- eral Court of Massachusetts." — Hubbard's Historf/ of New England, p. 684. a Htitchiii".ri!iV Collectiuns of State Papers, p. .SSfi. THE HIBTORr OF MAINE. 108 The oommissionars visited Kittery in June, 1665. The peo- ple were assembled, and were informed that if they persisted in adhering to the government f Massachusetts they would be punished with the utmost severity, as rebels and traitors. We have not space to enter into the details of the measures which were adopted. They were arbitrary and tumultuous. It was a reign of terror. Oaths were administered, and many were induced to petition the king for a new colony charter. But still the measures of the commissioners were exceedingly un- popular. The people generally were well satisfied with the virtual republic which they enjoyed. The commissioners seemed disposed to gather all power into their own hands. George Cleaves of Casco, whose name is sometimes spelled Cleve and sometimes Cleeves, was one of the most distinguished men of these days. He was an ardent royalist, and was warmly attached to the Church of England. But he was very ambi- tious and self-reliant. The despotic course pursued by the royal commissioners was offensive to him. He enjoyed a higher degree of liberty under the institutions of Massachusetts, than under the iron rule which the commissioners would introduce. He therefore, with twenty-one of his neighbors, drew up a petition to the king. This petition is one of the most import- ant documents of the times, as it throws so much light upon the political aspect of affairs. The petition, slightly abbrevi- ated, was as follows : — " The humble petition of the inhabitants of Casco, in the State of Maine, represents, agreeably to your Majesty's command, our several reasons why we could not submit to Mr. Gorges. ''But first, to our most gracious father, we, your humble subjects, in- habitmg a wilderness in the northern parts of your dominions, would return our most dutiful and hearty thanks for your princely care of us and of our children. Required by your Majesty to render submission to Mr. Gorges or assign our reasons for declining it, we are frank to say we have no dis- position to oppose his government, whenever our obedience is expressly com- manded by your Majesty. "In our union, however, with Massachusetts, we all pledged our alle- giance to her government, till our royal sovereign should otherwise determine and direct. Yet we have found by happy experience, as your Majesty very justly intimates, that her maxims of policy, prudence, and moderation, and her principles of amity and justice, so much the causes of her own eminence 151 TUE HISTORY OF MAINE. have, since our short connection with her, been the means of our content- ment and prosperity, far beyond what we have enjoyed during any former period of the same length. " The commissioners, nevertheless, forbid our submission to her govern- ment and likewise to Mr. Gorges. And in return she (the Ma88;^husett» government) withholds our allegiance from them. So imhappily situated, we humbly entreat your Majesty not to believe us disloyal because our names are not found on the petition for a change of government or rulers, aa we have no just complaint either against Mr. Gorges or Massachusetts, being taught by the best authority, that ' obedience is better than sacriflce,' and contentment is our duty wherever the allotment of God in his provi- dence, and your Majesty's commands, shall cast us. «• Threatened as we are for not signing the petition, and submitting to the commissioners, we beseech your Majesty to take these reasons and our case under your fatherly eye, and give us directions; for it is the design of our hearts to act correctly and uprightly, and we would rather submit to whatever government may be appointed over us, than to contend or direct what it should be. " * The commissioners spent about two months, mostly at York, Scarborough, and Falmouth, making energetic efforts to revo- lutionize the government. They then followed along the coast to the Duke of York's territory at Sagadahoc, or, as it wa» then frequently called, New Castle. About this time several Dutch families moved from New York, and settled upon the banks of the Sheepscot and the Damariscotta.* The commissioners opened their court on the 5th of Septem- ber, 1665, at the house of John Mason, on the east bank of the Sheepscot River. They organized the territory into a county, which they called Cornwall. The inhabitants were summoned to appear and take the oath of allegiance to the new govern- ment. But twenty-nine presented themselves. The county of Cornwall was limited on the west, by the Sagadahoc. It, how- everj included twenty or thirty families upon the island. It seems to have been the decision of all subsequent jurists, that the commissioners proved themselves utterly incapable of 1 Hutchinson's Historical Collections, p. 397. 2 "The government under the duke had never much energy or force In it, and would very soon have been subverted by the Massachusetts, if the measures pur- sued In England in order to take away the colony charter, and the hostility of the natives in this country, had not preventetl it. ' ' -- History of the District of Ma ine, by James Sullivan, p. 29. THE niBTORT OP MAINE. 185 discharging the duties which had devolved upon them. No provision was made for the enactment of laws, for the iraposi« tion of taxes, for education or religious instruction, or for the public defence. It is supposed that there were about three hundred families within the county, and some of the settlements were forty years old. The commissioners spoke of the settlers in very contempt- uous terms, underrating their numbers, and describing them as mere fishermen and fugitives from justice, who were entirely unaccustomed to the restraints of government.* lu justice to the commissioners, it should be stated that they entered into a very judicious treaty with the chiefs of the neighboring tribes. The Indians had been atrociously wronged by vagabond and unprincipled white men. It could not be con- cealed that these wrongs were goading them into a hostile attitude. It was agreed between the commissioners and some of the Indian chiefs, that, if any wrong were inflicted upon an Indian by one of the English, the Indian, instead of taking private revenge, should appeal to the courts for redress. If, on the other hand, an Englishman were injured or defrauded by an Indian, he should make his appeal to the Indian chiefs. Contemptuously as the commissioners spoke of the settlers in the region , f the "^'^gadahoc, they gave a very glowing account "of the attractiveiieao of the country .^ " The islands, harbors, and outlets upon the coast," they wrote, "are richly stored with great fish, oysters, and lobsters. The interior abounds with ducks, geese, deer, and other game, and also with strawberries, rasp- berries, gooseberries, barberries, and several sorts of bilberries, in their sea- ^ This report maybe found in full in Thomaa Hutchinson's Collection of State Papers, p. 424. 2 " lu its native wildness the peninsula of Sagadahoc must have been a spot of singular beauty. An open forest of mighty towering pines below, and hilltops of overgi'own beech and oak above, and on either side fringed with a clear, broad, and grassy margin, terminating in a sand beach, sweeping from point to point on its landward and sheltered northern point, must have commended the place as a favorite camping-ground to the savages, as well as a site to the earliest English colonists as a home. The indications are decisive that this peninsula was ever a place of distinguished attraction to the natives." — Address of Rufus K. S&voall, Esq., at the Popham Celebration, p. 137 106 TnE inaTORY of maine. ■on. We found aluo many kinds of oaks and plnea, and the chestnut and walnut trees, sometimes for four or five miles together." » Soon public attention was absorbed on both sides of the At- lantic, by the war which broke out between France and Eng- land. Very extensive preparationb were made by the British cabinet, for the conquest of Canada.' Massachusetts was not reluctant to engage in this enterprise. The militia o' Massachu- setts, at this time, amounted to four thousand foot and four hundred horse. The enlistments for the conquest of Canada were not made until October. It was then deemed too late in the season to attempt a northern campaign. The war was short, and mostly waged in other regions. But, in its results, it was very unsatisfactory to New England. The treaty of Breda was concluded on the 31st of July, 1667, with both France and Holland. England received the Dutch colony on the Hudson, but resigned Nova Scotia to the French. The English Protestants' brought with them to this ^qw World a very strong antipathy to that bigoted Catholicism which had been the bane of the Old World. They did not love their French neighbors, and they were greatly annoyed at the recession of the Acadian provinces to France. The troubled times very speedily obliterated all the traces which the king's commissioners had left behind them. England was far away. The attention of her contemptible king, Charles II., to the remote colonies, was spasmodic and transient. It was to Massachusetts alone, that the widely scat- tered inhabitants of Maine could look fqr sympathy in time of peace, or for aid in war. There were no bonds of union between the Catholic French of Nova Scotia, and the Puritans of New England. They dif- fered in language, religion, and in all the habits of social life. Those very traits of character, which admirably adapted the French to win the confidence of the Indians, excited the repug- nance of the English. The pageantry of their religious wor- ship, which the strong-minded Puritans regarded as senseless 1 Hutcliinson's Collections of State Papers. a Ainerfcan Annals, by Abiel Holmes, vol. I p. 489. THE BIBTORT OF MAINE. 119 mummery, was well adapted to catch the attention of the child ish Bavages. The Frenchman would build him a wigwam, marry an Indian wife, perhaps two or three ; adopt the dress of the tribe, and, in all the habits of his life, step at least half way down to meet the savage. Thus the French and the Indi- ans lived far more harmoniously together than did the Indiana and the English. In illustration of these views we may mention the case of Jean Vincent, Baron of St. Castin or Casteins, as some spell thd name. He was a gentleman of wealth and rank, born in B^arn, at the foot of the Pyrenees. Naturally fond of adven- ture, ha had entered the army, and had served with distinction against the Turks.* When about twenty-one years of age he came to this country, and joined a tribe of Indians called the Abenakis.^ He lived with them twenty years, adopting their dress, and apparently conforming in all respects to their savage habits. But his superior intelligence, his tact, and his adapta- tion of himself to all their prejudices, so won their regard, that they considered him as more than human, or, to use the lan- guage of his biographer, " aomme leur Dieu tutelaire." He acquired their language perfectly, and married the daugh- ter of Madokawando, one of the most distinguished chiefs. Some say that, according to the Indian custom, he took several wives. He seemed perfectly contented with his lot, declaring that he greatly preferred the forests of Acadia to the valley of Pyrenees, where he was born. His French biographer writes, — •' For the first years of his abode with them, he lived in such a manner as to secure their esteem to a higher degree than words can desciibe. They made him their grand chief, which constituted him sovereign of the nation. By degrees he accumulated a fortune, which any other person would have appropriated to his own benefit, by retii ' j' w^ . two or three hundred thou- sand dollars in solid gold coin. " Nevertheless Casteins made no other use of this wealth than to buy merchandise, which he presented as gifts to his brother savages, who, return- ing from their hunting expeditions, presented him with beaver skins of triple 1 Martin's History of France, vol. 1. p. 263. 3 We give the name as spelled by the French. It was often spelled by the English, Abonaquis. It ia said that they belonged to broken tribes who had with' drawn from Saco, the Androscoggin, and the Kennebec to Canada. 158 TBE HISTORY OF MAINE. their vaue. m governor-generals of Canada courted his favor, and the rulers of New England feared him. He had many daughters. They were dowri^^ ""^ ""^'""^ *° Frenchmen, and each one received ample ,yl,^rTr '^tT'* .^'' "''^^' ^y *^^' ^« ^^«^«*J *° *«a«h the savagea that God does not love mconstant people.^ It is said that he endeavored to convert these poor natives, but. that his words were without eifoct. It was then of no avail that the Jesuits preached to them the Christian religion! But these lathers were not discouraged, for they considered the baptism of a single dying child worth many times more than the pain and the suffering of dwellmg with this people. " a * The Indians, who were under the influence of the French readily imbibed their dislike for the English. There was, con^ sequently, -„ y- mn^ animosity between the eastern and the western tnbe«. There were no very definite boundary limits to most of the territories portioned out in those days. In the ces- sion of "all Acadia" to France, mention was made of St Johns, Port Royal, La Heye, Cape Sable, and Pentagoet, as the French then called Penobscot.' The French took possession of the whole country, from Cape Breton to Penobscot, . od erected stockaded forts at the most important points. The political affairs of Maine fell into lamentable confusion. ^y the action of the commissioners, the Province was sundered « This certainly seetns to indicate that Casteins had but one wife; but Drake wntes. " We do not apprehend that this amounts to a ^M thutTe 1 aTl Lt oS wife. His no -angingMs wife might be true in the plural, if he had several m some authors s^te." -DraAe'. History of the Indians, book iii. p. 104 Mermirs de V Am^rique par Lahontan, 1. ii. p. 29. " Tlie site of the town of Castine is one of as much natural beautv as exiab. anywhere in New England. With its beauty is connected a hlor of iSt capt *ity and entire security for ships of any supposable size. This town w^^Se K l^n^the State that received permanent settlers, on tlie eastern shoTeo7penobsc"t "It had been occupied in the seventeenth century by Baron Casti-^e a Franoh gent eman, through thirty or forty years, as a temporary place oft t^ Jth I, dians by exchanging some cloths and trinkets of small vahie for beaver «Ld 1".^..''^"°"°'°' *^^ ^"^^"«^^ ^« '^''^^^^ vervricCnk left the f^t which had been erected by him at large expense, and which had protected him agamst hostile attacks of Indians when drunk, as well as agahist plunderers of his goods and moneys at other times." -^«,out the year 1616, a deadly war then broke out between them. Each tribe of the Abenagues had its chiefs, though there was one sovereign chief, called the Bashaba, who seemed to wield a sort of imperial authoiity over the confederate tribes.' His principal abode was near Pemaquid ; his extended do- mains were called Moasham,8 and he could lead to "the field several thousand warriors. There were four tribes of the Abenagues : — 1. The Sokokis, dwelling in the valley of the Saco River. 2. The Anasagunticooks,* a powerful tribe, who claimed the territory and waters of the Androscoggin, from Merrymeeting Bay upwards, and on the west side of the Sagadahoc to the sea. Their headquarters were at Brunswick Falls, called then Pejepscot. This spot became the central rendezvous, where the eastern and western tribes held their councils, and conspired for the extermination of the English. They had a large fort near the falls. By fishing, hunting, and the culture of their fields, they obtained an ample supply of food. But the early injuries they had received from the whites had so exasperated them, ' There is much diversity witli regard to the spelling of these Indian names by the annalists of those days. The Abenagnes are called Abenakis, Wabenakies. and Wapanachkis. There is the same diversity in the spelling of the names of nearly all the tribes. a See Smith, Purchas, Winthrop, Prince, and Hubbard 8 Gorges- Description of Ne^v England, pp. 17, M. Belknap calls his domains Mavooshen, Biog. 149. Purchas writes it Maivooshen, p. 939 m.lfl^^Tl^^T^^'^^''^ *^^ "^"^ °* ^re«afirun«fcoo*«; Douglass, Armae. flrwnficooAa,- Hubbard, ^niera«co«?j?an; Smith, .ifs.'srascoi^en 166 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. that they were never cordially friendly, and at the first sound of war they eagerly grasped both gun and tomahawk. 3. The Canibas. This tribe was found quite numerous upon the Kennebec when the river was first discovered. It seems to have been a conglomerate tribe, consisting of several branches or families. The chief sachem, Kennebis, occupied a delightful situation on Swan Island. The territory claimed by this tribe extended from the sources of the Kennebec River to Morry • meeting Bay, and included the islands on the eastern side of the Sagadahoc River to the sea.^ One of the favorite locations of this tribe was at Norridge- wock, opposite the mouth of the Sandy River. Here the first French missionary, Gabriel Dreuillettes, was stationed. It seems difficult to imagine any motive sufficiently powerful to induce a gentleman of refinement and culture to spend his days in the wigwams of the savages, endeavoring to teach them the religion of Jesus, but a sincere desire to serve God. 4. The Wawenocks "^ possessed the region east of the Sagada- hoc, as far as St. Georges River. Their territory was small in its limits, and the tribe not large. The headquarters of the tribe were on the westerly side of the River Sheepscot, near the falls. Hubbard, in his History of the Indian Wars, speaks of them as the Sheepscot Indians.^ The personal appearance and habits of these Indians are th'^s described by Capt. Smith: — « ' The name of Wawenock signifies fearing nothing. They were of comely proportion, and quite athletic. They would row their canoes faster with five paddles than my own men could their boats with eight oars. They had no beards, and thought oiu:s counterfeits. Their women, though of lower stat- ure, were f cjshy and well favored; all habited in skins like the men." * There was another powerful tribe, called the Etechemins, occupying the region between the Penobscot and the St. Johns, » Williamson, vol. i. p. 466. Drake writes, "Kennebis was a sachem from whom it has been supposed that the Kennebec Kiver derives its name. But whether there were a line of sagamores of this name from whom the river was 80 called, or whether sachems were so called from their living at a certain place upon it, Is wacertain." — Book of the Indians, b. iii. p. 98. 2 This name is also \»'ritten by different annalists, Waweenecks, Weweenocks, and Wewenocks. « Hubbard, p. 301. * Journal of Thomas Smith, p. 19. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 167 including the valleys of both those rivers. There is some diver, sity of statement in reference to the definite boundaries of this tribe. Williamson represents them as composed of three tribes, — the Tarratines, the Openangos, and the Marechites. They could bring six thousand warriors into the field. The Abena- gues he estimates could bring five thousand. This would fur- nish them with an army of eleven thousand men.* Probably all were accustomed to the musket, and were good marksmen. They could obtain ample supplies of ammunition from the French. This was a terrific power to be brought against the settlers scattered through the forests of Maine. The above estimate of the number of Indian warriors is given for the year 1615, when it is supposed that the whole Indian population of Maine amounted to about thirty-seven thousand. > Williamson, toL L p. 488. CHAPTER X. THE FIRST INDIAN WAR. The Indians —Their Manners and Customs — Fondness for Intoxicating Drlnki —Scenes In the Wigwam —The Catholic Missionaries— Adventures ol Rasle — Indian Intelligence — Population — Philip's War — Commencement of Hostilities — Awful Scenes of Blood and Woe — The Truce — Efforts of Mr. Shurte — The War Renewed — The Ambuscades — Folly of the English — Desperation of the Indians. TT is important to perpetuatje a correct idea of the numbers,- -L condition, and character of the native inhabitants of Maine. They have nearly all passed away. The few remnants which remain have lost all resemblance, in character and habits of life, to their ancestors of two centuries ago. The Indians of Maine were of ordinary stature, very erect, and of great muscular strength. Their hair was long, very black, and coarse. Their complexion was peculiar, with a red- dish tinge, which, at a glance, enabled one to distinguish them from the negro, the mulatto, or the most dark-skinned European. Though, in the South, a corpulent Indian was sometimes found, it is said that none such were seen in Maine, neither was a de- formed Indian, or one dwarfed^or cross-eyed, ever met with.^ The men were beardless. But, strange as it : lay appear, the question is not yet settled whether this were a provision of nature or the effect of art. Smith, in his history, says that they had no beards ; others have said that the young men plucked out their beards until the roots were entirely destroyed. Still others say that the Indians anointed their bodies with an unc- tion, as a protection against flies and vermin, which prevented the growth of the beard. 168 1 Williamson, vol. i. p. 484. THE niBTORY OF MAINE. 169 Trained from infancy to acute perceptions, the Indian could traverse the most dense and intricate forests without the slight- est fear of losing his way. Notwithstanding their hardships many of them lived to extreme old age. ' ^ Both men and women were fond of gay colore in their cloth- ing. Their dress consisted of furs in winter, and in summer of skins from which the fur had been removed. Many were very slightly clad in summer, and not unfrequently one was met entirely naked. They were all exceedingly fond of ornaments, and decorated their persons with gorgeously colored plumes, shells, beads, and wings. An Indian chieftain, in full dress, would outshine any of his brother lords in Windsor or Ver- sailles. Among themselves the Indians were remarkably honest. They had no locks, bolts, or bars. In trade they were fair, and often expressed astonishment at the mean tricks to which the white trader would resort. They were proverbial for their hos- pitality, being ever ready to share their last morsel of food with the stranger who entered the wigwam. They were grave and taciturn in their ordinary demeanor, and seemed never to forget a kindness or an injury. With no ambition to acquire property, no stimulus to exertion, with nothing to rouse their energies but the chase and the occa- sional excitements of war, they were generally indolent. With but little thought of the morrow, they were content with the food and clothing of to-day. The atrocities of Weymouth, Harlow, and Smith, in kidnapping the Indians, the cheating practised by unprincipled traders, and the infamous conduct of getting chieftains drunk, and then obtaining a deed of exten- sive territories for mere trifles, were sufficient to rouse the indignation of the most patient people. The Indians have had no historians. But, according to the testimony of white men, their wrongs were unendurable, and their savage natures were' goaded, by the crimes of individual white men, to the most dreadful acts of retaliation. Their thirst for ardent spirits seemed to be an irrepressible appetite. They would drink the strongest rum, unmixed, until roused to the most dreadful degree of frenzy. They then 170 THE niBTORY OF MAINE. appeared more like demons than men, and were capable of any crime. The Indians generally lived in small villages. The writer spent many an hour, sixty years ago, in the wigwams of the Penobscot Indians. To his boyish eye, In a cold winter day, the interior often presented an aspect peculiarly attractive. The hut, built of boughs of trees and of bark, was always in the majestic forest. It was sometimes circular, enclosing a space about fifteen feet in diameter. Again, it was oblong in shape, and about thirty fe^t in length and ten in width. The floor was always carpeted with the green and fragrant twigs of the hemlock. The walls generally afforded ample pro- tection against both wind and rain. From a bright fire, burn- ing in the centre, the smoke would generally rise through a hole in the roof, leaving the atmosphere within the hut quite pure. The indolent men would be lying around, sleeping or dozing. The women were always busy. They sat easily upon the floor, braiding their baskets, and chatting in low, musical, monotonous tones, with rarely a smile. As one day 1 came near sitting down upon an apparent cushion, which proved to be a cradle in which a babe enveloped in furs was sleeping, it excited a general smile from the squaws seated around, but not a sound was heard. I always took with me, as a gif ,, some tobacco, which insured me a warm welcome. The emotions excited in my young mind during those silent hours, in the wigwam of the friendly Indian, can never be forgotten. Nothing like what we call furniture was ever seen in the hut. There was neither chair, stool, nor table. They had no regular meals. They ate when hungry. One great and revolting de- fect of the Indians was their utter want of cleanliness. Appar- ently they never washed even their faces or hands, or their clothes and cooking utensils. But, to my eye, the interior of their cabins always appeared neat and alluring. Still in a dark, easterly storm, with drenching rain and moaning wind, filling the cabin with suffocating smoke, the interior must have been extremely dismal. The young girls were graceful in figure, and often possessed / THE niBTORY OF MAINE, 171 ..leasing countenances. Had they been cleanly, many of them would have been deemed quite beautiful. All domestic and farm labor devolved upon the women. They planted and hoed the corn, gathered in the harvest, took oare of the fish and game, and cooked the food. Christianity was first taught the Indians by the Catholic mis- sionaries from France. As early as 1608, Biard and Masse com- menced their self-denying labors at Mt. Desert.* Gabriel Dreuillettes was thr first missionary who settled upon the banks of the Kennebec. In 1646 he built a chapel at Old Point, NoP-idgewock, and for many years taught the Indians, win- ning their highest regard. In the French war of 1674, the British laid his station in ashes. Upon the return of peace, the Massachusetts government sent workmen to replace the rude chapel which was destroyed, by another, far better, of hewn timber. Dreuillettes was a highly educated and eloquent man. Dreuillettes, or Dreuelettes as some spell the name, was suc- ceeded in tno mission at Norridgewock by two brothers, Vin- cent and Jaques Bigot. Thay were of illustrious lineage, being the sous of Baron Bigot of France. These young men, cradled in ancestral hai's, and educated in the universities of Europe, forsook all the attracions of cultured society, luxurious horaesl and ambitious aspirations, to spend their whole lives in savage wilds, toiling to lift up the ignorant and the degraded to the knowledge of salvation through faith in Jesus Christ. They lived in a state of comfort but little above that of the savages around them ; with a wigwam of bark for their home, with a bear-skin for a bed, and with only such food as the coarse fare of the Indians could supply .3 Sebastian Rasle 8 succeeded the Bigots in the mission to Nor- ridgewock. He was a gentleman by birth, education, and cul- » This was in 1609. It is supposed the place of residence selected by the mis- sionar ies was on the western side of the Pool. Here they constructed a habita- tlon, planted a garden, and dwelt five yeai-s. With never-failing zeal they entered s^^wn^^ lifelong work of teaching the natives the principles of Christianity. Bee Williamson, vol. i. p. 206. 2 The History of Norridgewock, py William Allen, p. 28. 8 The name is variously spelled, Easle, Kasles, Ealle, Rale. We g.. - it as in. scribed upon his monument by Bishop Fenwick. 172 THE II I STORY OF MAINE. tare. Religious zeal incited him, also, to leave the endearments of -^ home of opulence and congenial companionship, and to spend thirty-five years in the then unbroken wilderness of Maine. His remarkable character deserves more particular notice. Ho sailed from Rochelle, in France, in the summer of 1689, and, after a tiiroe-months' voyage, landed at Quebec. Having a well-disciplined mind, and writing Latin with classical purity, he found but little diflBculty in acquiring the simjjle languages of the natives. After spending several months in the diligent study of the Indian tongue, ho was first stationed in a village of the Alienagues nation, in Maine. Here he found about two hundred Indians, wljo, from the labors of previous missionaries, were professing Christianity. After spending two years in this village, he received an order from his ecclesiastical superiors, to go far away into the depths of the savage wilderness, to a mission among the Indians of Illinois. Without a murmur, in August of 1G91, he prepared for this journey of two thousand four hundred miles, through trackless wilds, towards the setting sun. Repairing to Quebec, he there, with a few companions and Indian guides, set out on his loi.g and perilous journe}', in the birch canoe. They ascended the winding and rapid current of the St. Law- rence ; carried their canoe iind its freight on their shoulders, arouml the portages by which they passed the rapids. After traversing the whole length of Lake Ontario, and threading the forest around Niagara FalU,„they again latinched their canoe upon Lake Erie. Weary days and flights of storm and sun- shine passed as they paddled along the shores of this inland sea, through the straits, expanding in their centre into Lake Clair, traversed Lakes Huron and Michigan, crossed the portage to the upper waters of the Illinois River, and descended that stream, to their destination amidst the thronged villages of the Indians, situated ujion its banks. Every night they lanem their guns and knives.* A more oppressive measure of hostility could hardly have been inflicted upon the Indians. Just across the line, in Can- ada and Nova Scotia, the French sold every thing lo the Indi- ans just as freely as to one another. They had no more fear of a rising of the natives against them, than they had of an insur- rection on the part of their own brethren. Under these circum- stances we can easily imagine which party would secure the sympathies of the Indians. There was quite a renowned Indian chief, by the name of Squando, who resided near Saco. He had been a friend of the white men. One day his wife A.as ascending the Saco River in a canoe with an infant babe in her arms. There were some brutal British sailors on the banks. They had heard that Indian babes could swim naturally, like puppies o. dueks.^ To try the experiment, they overset the canoe, plunging mother and child into the river. The babe sank like lead. The mother, diving, and groping along the bottom, at length found it, and brouo-ht It to the surface. But the child soon died. This outrage roused Squando, and he consecrated his tireless er< rgies in the en- deavor to combine the Indians gainst t; •■ i.nglish.a nh^^r^?"^""' ^-' ^«™^"i^^; 1'"'. ^onhe^n. ihe country between the Pen- obscot and Passamaquoddy Bay had but tew habitations.-: Tr«mam.on, vol 1 indl^wfr;. l^^''^'''''''"^ Govei-nment, vol. ^. y. 29j see also Hubbard's 2 "Tbey can swim naturally, striking thei. paws under their throats like a dog, and not spreading their arms as we do." -Jocelyn', Voyage to N^EnZl 3 <' The Whites di.l not believe that the (!«•. ; ,£ the child was owing to ics im- ZH;; J ; "r*..«l'«- t'^^ ^''^^^^ '0 knowasweU as they."-^^!", Book of the Indians, b. iii. p, <•«, ' .. 4 lit' f '■-".■>-' . 176 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. Thomas Purchas resided about six miles below the Falls, at Brunswick. He was a sharp trader, and had acquired a large estate, though he had rendered himself very unpopular with the Indians. Early in September, 1675, a party of twenty Indians approached his house, apparently for purposes of trade. Purchas and his son chanced both to be absent. The Indians robbed the house of gui.s, ammunition, and such liquors as they could carry away. They killed a calf and several sheep, and enjoyed a luxurious feast. In the midst of the rev- elry, a son of Mr. Purchas appeared on horseback. Terrified at the spectacle, he fled for life, putting the horse to his utmost speed. An Indian, with a gun hid under his blanket, pursued him for a short distance, but soon gave up the chase. Neither Mrs. Purchas nor any members of the household were subjected to any violence, though the Indians said, in retiring, " Others will soon come, and you will fare worse." ^ This was the first hostile ' act here, indicating that war had actually commenced. In Falmouth, on the east bank of the Presumpscot River, there v/as an old man residing, by the name of Thomas Wakely. His lonely cabin, containing nine inmates, was far removed from any neighbors. Mr. Wakely and wife, his son John and his wife, and three children, were tomahawked. Two were carried away as captives.^ Lieut. George IngersoU resided on Casco Neck, now Portland. From his cabin he saw the flame and the smoke. The next morning, with a small party of well-armed neighbors which he had collected, he proceeded to the spot. Awful was the spec- tacle which met his eye. The body of old Mr. Wakely was half consumed by the fire. Nothing remained of his wife and sou but their charred and blackened bones. The wife of his son, who was netcr her confinement, had been cut down by the tomahawk, and her body was mangled in the most shocking manner. The bodies of three little children, whose brains had been dashed out, were partially buried in tue ruins. Of the two children who were carried into captivity, one was never heard ^ Wlien complained of for this tlepr«?aation, they (the Indians) attempted to justify tliemselves on tlie Kiound tliat I'tirchas had injured thorn in their trading. — IXiatory of Fort'and, by William Willis, p. 195. • History of Portland, by WUliam WilUa, p. m. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 177 Wakely, about eleven yean, of age, ivas eventually rescued.' The poor orphan child, in the endurance of physical suffer .ngs from cold, hunger, and wariness, which werr"!' tolerable, and of the most dreadful mental anguish hZ the ":!: "";'" "^ -'—<>. -- --^incd m capTiv ; through the kmd interposition of Squando.» N- •-.ng after tins, the son of Lieut. Ingersoll was killed, and .s i. "1 and those of his neighbors were burned.' -s u ase and weIe"roufd"' >™'^f''? 'W'"' blood, their savag. natures were lousod. In small, demoniac bands, they scattered over aioscoggm. A krge number of Indians were ravagin.^ the dwellings at the head of New Meadows River, near Brunswick attacked them. There was a hotly contested battle. The Eng .sh were defeated, and driven back to their sloop. Many w«e everely wounded. The victors uttered yells of triumph wMch resounded through the forests. "^ we?e"at'eke,7 T"'"*''' ^'P'' '*' "™ dwelling-houses at Saco were attacked. One was occupied by Mr. .lohn Bonython It Ms °A n ' °' 't" "™'' '"'»"' " »''« below (he Lowe Falls A ne,ghbo„ng Indian, who wa, friendly to Mr. Bony- thon,' came to him privately, and said, _ ' "• «ony. '• Somo str,,„ger Indian,, Imm the we.,., have been at my ni-wam Th„ l.a;-ing been carS 1 up and Xt» l^ o 'T''" "^ ^''' ^'^« ''' ''' ^'l'^^^' ^^^> Nan4anscn?o was SSjite Tr^^^^^ '' '""«■''•- '^^^ ^^ Sqnando, the sagJor^ of i^ v'^rstmn T^^^^ '^"'^ ^f''^^"'''' Wahlron'H, by oue 2)mi:«-«ZJooA.o/7/.e/„.J,,i::^H:rm " ' "' ""'"'' "'"^ cruelty."- '^ Williamson, vol. i. p. i5->i norew. .,ea ^,.UvaLtof„nrJ;^"„r:Sr,r^orna°r '"^'"- 178 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. w Thus warned, Mr. Bonython spread the alarm as far as he could, and, with his neighbors, fled for refuge to the house of Major William Phillips, who lived on the west side of the river, and " near the corner where the traveller turns to go to the bridge." * He was a military man, and his house was tolerably well fortified. The next morning Bonython's house was seen to be in flames. As Major Phillips looked from his chamber window, a lurking Indian, hid behind a fence, shot at him. The ball struck him on the shoulder, inflicting a severe wound. Had he not provi- dentially, at the moment, changed his position, he must have been killed. The Indian, supposing that he had accomplished his purpose, gave a triumphant yell. It was the signal for a large number of savages to leap from their ambuscade, and commence an at- tack upon the house. The Indians numbered about a hundred.^ Within the house, protected by the thick walls, there were ten well-armed and resolute men, who were accustomed to throw the bullet with unerring aim.^ For an hour the battle continued. The Indians, as was in- variably the case, were very wary as to the exposure of their persons. They hid behind trees, stumps, rocks, and the angles of out-houses, watching their chances to strike the foe. But ere long they became convinced that they could not capture or kill the inmates except by stratagem. They set fire to an im- portant mill, and to a small house in the vicinity, and endeavored by insults and taunts to provoke the garrison to come out from their fortification. Many of the Indians could speak English. As the flames arose they shouted, " Come out, you coward Eng- lish dogs ! Come and put out the fire if you dare ! " At last night came. The moon went down, and it was very dark, and still the murderous savages filled the night air with their bowlings. They took a cart, which they loaded with straw, birch-bark, and other combustibles. Planks were arranged to protect them from the musketry of the house. This engine « Williamson, vol. i. p. 622. « History of Saco and Biddeford, by 0«orge Folsom, p. 186. « History of Portland, by William Willis, p. 197. THE niSTOSr OF HAIKE. 17» 01 J-gs, baked in the Bummei- and autumnal sun, were in thi attaci. Upon the application of the torch, when the cart wa. pushed against the house, the flames would envelop thrbuZ ■ng beyond all possibility of extinguishment. But the savages, as in their eagerness and in the darkness n^ortreTe^ '^T^l ""'' '""* ^ gutter, into whTh one ot the wheels sank deeply, and such a sudden turn was pshin':it :"'"''• T^' ■' "''■"^'' '°"»'^- ">e whde party a ri„i fi '^'"'f ^- ^''^ "8"""' 8"™™ i»»taatly opened men. six tell dead; fifteen more were wounded. This to th« Indians, was a dreadful loss. With yells of rage they 'tired' dren w"arabrM "'^'"''""^' '"^'"''"S -men' a^d ohU- aren, was about fifty. None were killed. Two or three mW braZnd of s^"° '"'' ^^'""'°'' *^ 20th of S;rm! ber, a band of savages entered Scarborough, burning houses were'burTed""p ™'""' '"■^«"'"''->- Tle'nty.even housed were burned. Prom many of them the families had escaned but to meet a doom more dreadful than death, -poverty home lessness, riendlessness, and the stoics of apj^roachTng wLr can hir^ T'^™". ' ™'™^' '"''^=«' °f '^e few pfgr, wh ;h can nere be devoted to the subject, to describe the MvTdual scenes of violence, mUery, and death, which ensued Flrtb. protection of the distressed inhabitants of Saco Jxteen v„1 teers, under Capt. Wincoln, landed at Winter hX Th were attacked by a hundred and fifty Indians. Twtor fhr ^ of the Engl«h were soon kiUed. The rest, taking a stld be Ihej were drawn into ambush, and were all shnf h2 n • Wimamson. vol. i. p. «23. . Hubbard's Indian Wars, p. 310. 180 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. ■I A man by the name of John Tozier had a house and some mills at Salmon Falls. He had left his family, consisting of fif- teen women and children, to join the company of Capt. Win- coin. During his absence a band of Indians, led by two of their most renowned warriors, — one called Andrew, from Saco, and the other Hopegood, from the Kennebec, — attacked his house. It was within the limits of what is now Berwick. A young girl of eighteen, discovering their approach, gave the alarm. While the family were escaping by a back way, to the garrison, this heroic maiden fastened and held the door, till the savages had cut it down with their tomahawks. They rushed in, and madly struck her down, with repeated blows, until they supposed that she was dead. Pursuing the flying family, they oaught two of the youngest children, one oi whom, being but three years old, they instantly kiUed ; and the other they took with them, and held as a captive six months. The heroic maiden recovered, and lived for many years. It is to be regretted that her name has not been transmitted to us.^ A larger party joined these Indians the next day. They burned Capt. Wincoln's house, and his barns, containing more than a hundred bushels of corn. A company of the English set out to pursue them ; but nothing was accomplished. There was the interchange of a few unavailing shots, but the fleet- footed Indians escaped. Every day the animosity of the two hostile parties increased in virulence. The fiend-like deeds of the* savages so exasper- ated the English, that they were ready to shoot down an Indian as they would a wolf or bear, without stopping to inquire whether he were friendly or hostile. On both sides it was a war of extermination. Under such circumstances men often become fiends. Neither party could accuse the other of ex- ceeding it in cruelty. The inhabitants of Monhegan offered a bounty of five pounds for every Indian's head that should be brought to them. I Drake writes, in reference to this event, " Fifteen persons, all women and chUdren, were in the house; and Hopegood, with one only beside himself, Andrew of Saco, thought to surprise \\\Qm." —Book of the Indiana, b. iii. p. 109. THE HiarORY OF MAINE. Igj aal'* "^R*^*™ ^^"'i.'' ""'^ *^'" '^'^ ^^^^^ magistrate at Pern- aquid. He seems to have been a sagacious and good man, and to have won the confidence of the Indians. He induced seUml of the sagamores to visit him for a friendly conference. In this interview he said, " I have urged our committee of war tc issue ordei. forbidding everybody to harm, or even threaten, a peaceable Indian I am determined to see all the wrongs y;' have suffered fully redressed." ^ fl J^' ^".^ja°« manifested no disposition for the horrors of bat- tie in which all lost and none gained. They were appeased by th e conciliatory words. A treaty of peace between these two parties was the result. The Indians promised to do all in thlir power to induce others to cease their depredations. This, how- oZ; 7\ ) M '"^'1^''"' ""'' °" '^' P^^'^ -' Mr. Shurte. In vlned"^ T t Massachusetts and Maine, diflferent counsels pre- vaiied. In the desultory warfare, desperate white men wreaked vengeance upon the Indians, their wives and children, which no savages could exceed. The General Court of Massachusetts was disposed to try the effect of humane measures. Quite a large sum was ordered from the public treasury for ^lie relief of those friendly Indian^ been burned. A vessel was also sent to Maine, with military tores and provisions, and a detachment of fifty soldiers, under Lieut. Scottow. These were dark days througLut New Eng! 7th nf'7)^^K " fi'™'' ^°"fl^S^-ation, tears, and blood." The afd pra^t ' ' "" ^"'"""^ ^'"^^^'^ ^' ^ ^^^ '' ^-^-^ the^rfi^h"' '^'^ r "T '?^ ''"" ^"^'^ ^^'-^ '^''' ^^ B^^-wick. On Richard T • T "' ^'""'''' '"^"^"^ ^«^^^l^d '^^ --bin of Richard rozier, burned it to the ground, killed him, and carried h s son into captivity. This was all done within ight of the garrison house where most of the inhabitants ha5 fled for protecuon i.ieut. Roger Plaisted, who was in commai^ despatched a party of nine picked men to reconnoitre the Te would have made him a very old nm^ fu S Itl,' T ^^°"* ^'^^'^■" ™« Shun alluded to iu the text mav h^Thr J, ' ^"^^^^e"". P«««iWe that the lis refers. ^ ^^^ ^^^'^ *^« «°" °* ^^^ one to wlioui Mr. WU- I 182 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. It 18 with amazement that we vead of the readiness with which the English, year after year, for more than a century, would march into the ambuscades of tlio Indians. These war- riors made themselves merry in recounting the stupidity with which the British officers would lead their men into the snares which the Indians had set for them. Braddock and St. Clair, in subsequent years, when they ought to have learned wisdom by many a bloody lesson, manifested a degree of stupidity which rendered them the laughing-stock of the savage chieftains. After the terrific defeat of St. Clair, in Ohio, the Indian chiefs amused themselves with a sham fight, in which they re- enacted the folly of St. Clair in marching into the trap in which the Indians virtually annihilated his army. Even the women united in the shouts of derisive laughter which the foolishness of St. Clair elicited. The nine men despatched from the garrison by Lieut. Plais- ted walked deliberately into an ambuscade. Three were in- stantly shot down ; the others, with difficulty, effected their escape. The next day Plaisted sent out a team with twenty armed men, to bring in the dead bodies. Plaisted himself led them. He knew that there were more than a hundred sav- ages, whose cunning was proverbial, lurking around ; and yet, apparently, he had taken no precautions against their wiles. The cart was drawn by oxen. Just as they had placed in it one gory body, a party of a hundred and-fifty savages rose from behind a stone wall, amidst logs and bushes, and opened upon them a deadly fire. The oxen terrified, and probably struck by balls, ran frantically towards the garrison. A few of the men escaped. Lieut. Plaisted, one of the most fearless of men, fought with desperation, until he was surrounded by the Indi- ans, and cut down by the tomahawk. Two of his intrepid sons perished with their father.* One of them, mortally wounded, lingered a short time before he died. The exultant Indians burned houses, barns, and mills, in all directions. The wretched inhabitants were compelled to seek shelter in the garrison-houses. Just before this terrible disaster Roger Plaisted and a Mr. Broughton had sent a despatch to Dover, then called Cocheco, for aid. * Sullivan's History of Maine, p. 250. TnE ttlSTOHr OF MAWE. ,53 younelye. ^ih „en to help m, or ebe w. 1 all i„ ^ , ? "^^ "^ *°' Oaptirost was caught at sorae distance from his hou,„ a i fled, ton hullets were fired at him. There werriut th,;.1 , 1'° pr pare to repe the foe. The Indians took ho alam Ind d d not venture witliin gunshot. * ^^^ The English settlements were scattered alone, the sncoasf The Indian bands followed this line burnin.. ■ n,l n ready to vanish beyo.Kl pursuit in "o , eHt/f^ts 'h'' '"^ they encountered an overpowerin<. J Zl ' '^^""^^^^ killed at Wells, and much pro^e ^^des'oyed ^ "Tt move a few rods from ih^ Zr. r ^^^^^^^^y^^- No man could JO, auu. novel aiound their wigwam firpc tj,„ 1 1 purchase ammunition only of the FrInTh tT* ^^'^ ,T^^ jo^o^^^.ro.,h a,.L pathl^TW't-r S prise that their victims retareTwlrra—LT tT Indians had heoome wear, of a conflict in ;hi:h Trrtceived » Williamson, vol. 1. p. 628 they would have all do Lo theT thfs aooifw T"?'' °^ ''"'"^ *" ^' «' come upon them. It requires a wi^rJ«2.,i ?^f^^ calamity would never have pray to be saved from Z^oZLnS^^t^;'^^^^ f* .*^« ^^^"'^^ °f ^ace, to '^ms^' ,.«^.. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) % "^ < % K<^ ^ /^ >«'- 1.0 .1^ IM ■^ 1^ 12.2 ■so m 114 1.1 I/*'! 2.0 IL25 i 1.4 I l.fi 1.6 Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREiT WEBSTER, N.Y. 14S80 <716) 872-4503 ■17 -c^^V V* .OT.^ ^s- y. 184 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. blows almost as bard as those which they gave, entered into. A truce was II " This armistice," writes Mr. Bourne, " might have resulted in a laating treaty, had it not been for naw acts of foUy and wickedness on our part. Some had set in motion whispers of new enterprises on the part of the na- tives; aad the fears of the people, from the scenes which they had just passed through, prompted them to seize those who had been active in the war. Under the authority of precepts for this purpose, some were seized near Pemaquid, carried off, and sold as slaves in foreign countries; a barbarity, on the part of civilized man, fully a counterpoise for the Indian enormities. And thus the fire was again kindled to sweep over the Province." ^ Two vile kidnappers, in their vessels, ran along the eastern coast, and caught several Indians, whom they carried into for- eign parts, and sold as slaves. Some of these poor captives were Mickmaks from Cape Sable. Mr. Shurte, at Pemaquid, remonstrated against these outrages in vain. The Mickmaks were thus induced to join the eastern tribes in their avenging warfare.* There is something very touching in the imploring cry of the Indians against these wrongs. They evidently desired peace, and were goaded to war by intolerable grievances. Mr. Shurte had won their confidence. A delegation waited upon him, and said, — "Your people frightened us away last fall, from our cornfields abouw Kennebec. You have withheld powder and shot from us. We are thus unable to kill either fowl or venison. Some of our -Indians, last winter, died of hunger." Mr. Shurte assured them of his sympathy, of his litter detes- tation of the conduct of the kidnappers. He encouraged Ihem with the hope that the government would take prompt measures to rescue the captives, and to restore them to their homes. The Indians expressed themselves as very much gratified by this parley. They delivered up a captive boy, and presented Mr. 1 History of Vdls and Kennebuuk, by Edward E. Boiu-ne, p. 145. The truce Into which the 8u«amores entered included, according to Hubbard, only the In- dians between Piscataqua and Casco. -Httbbard's IndianWars, p. 346. a Hubbard, pp. 332-344. ace was a lasting our part. ; the na- ist passed the war. Lzed near larbarity, lormities. eastern nto f(jr- captives imaquid, ickmaks ivenging y of the cl peace, L". Shurte bini, and jlda abouii 3 are thus jat winter, ;er detes- red I hem measures les. The i by this uted Mr. The truce jnly the In- THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 185 Shurte with a belt of wampum. Arrangements were soon made for the assembling of an important council at Teconnet, near where Waterville now stands. Messi-s. Shurte and Davis represented the white men. Five prominent sagamores represented the Indians. But there was a difficulty between them which no human wisdom could solve. The Indians must have powder and shot. It had become with them almost a necessity of life. But the western Indians were in deadly hostility to the whites. If ammunition were freely sold to the eastern Indians, it would Inevitably .soon reach those in the west. The English commissioners were embarrassed, and gave evasive replies. At length one of the chieftains, Madock- awando, became impatient of the distrust which was manifested. Ho rose, and with much dignity said, — " Do we not meet here on equal ground? We ask, where shall we buy powder and shot for our winter's hunting? Shall we leave the English, and apply to the French for it? Or shall we let our Indians die? We have waited long to hear you tell us. Now we want Yes, or No." Thus driven to a decisive answer, one of them replied, though still, as will ^e seen, rather evasively, — " You may have ammunition for necessary use. But you yourselves say that there are many western Indians who do not choose peace. Should you let them have the powder which we sell you, what do we better than cut our own throats? This is the best answer we are allowed to return you, though you wait ten years." * The council was held in a large wigwam. Ihe English were entirely at the mercy of the Indians. B . the savages, though they took much umbrage at this reply, and broke up the council, were guilty of no treachery. •• It is not our custom," they proudly said, " to seize messengers coming to us. We certainly never do as your people once did with fourteen of our Indians sent to treat with you. You took away their guns, and set a guard over their heads. Keep your arms. It is a pomt of honor. You are at liberty." ' Williamson, vol. i. p. 832; Hubbard's Indian Wars, p. 340. Drake gives an interesting account of this council. '« Here," he says, "as might reasonably have been expected, ended the negotiation; and massacres and bloodshed aeon after desolate*! tliat part of the country." — Book of the Indians, book iii. pp. 100, 101. CHAPTER XL THE HOBBOBS OP WA». Dispersion of King Philip's Forces— Falmoutli Desolated — Scenes of Horror — Arrowsick Plundered — Treacliery of Major Waldron — Muujoy's Island capttired by tlie Savages — Tlie Indians ask for Peace — Anecdote of Mugg — Tlie Euglisli resume the War — Increased Ferocity of the Indians— The Mohawks Allies of the English — The Ambuscade at Black Pobit— Its Fatal Besults. TT'ING PHILIP was hunted down and killed in August^ -L^ 1676. It is said, that, jbst before the commencement of the war, the governor of Massachusetts sent an ambassador to ' him, to inquire why he was making hostile preparations. The Indian chief haughtily replied, " Your governor is but a sub- ject of King Charles of England. I shall not treat with a subject. I shall treat of peace only with the king, my brother. When he comes, I am ready." • The death of Philip did not terminate the war : it only scat- tered his forces. Many of his warriors retreated to Maine, and joined the 8avagv<< bands who were burning and plundering there. Squando was particularly active. He professed to have received a divine revelation, urging him to the conflict." Three of these warriors, men of much shrewdness and energ}-, took the Eng- lish names of Simon, Andrew, and Pster. They were desperate 1 The Indian name was Pometacom. It is various spelled. In familiar con- versation the first syllable was frequently dropped, and he was called Metacom. Hubbard says that he was nicknamed Kiug Philip, in consotiueuce of his bold and commanding spirit. — Drake's Book of tlie Indians, book iii. pp. 13 — 24. 2 "Squando pretended that God appeared to him in tha form of a tall man in black clothes, declarmgto him that he was God, and commauded him to leave liis drinking of strong liquors, and to pray, and to keep sabbaths, and to go to hear the "Word preached ; all which things the Indian did for some years, vith gi'eat seeming devotion and conscience, observe." —Drake's Book of the Indians, book UL p. 99. 186 THE HTSTORT OF MAINE. 187 men. The terror of their deeds spread far and wide Simon who was called by his associates the Yankee M^tLt!^^:. he had shot many a white man, and that he had never fefwh! once in striking his victim to the ground '"^'^ ^"' Early in August, 1676, this Simon, with a nartv of =». ~alUhe'°"^^ °' ^"^^ Bracktt,Vlaroul^lf;; smed all the weapons m the house, and bound Mr. Brackett h.s wife, five children, and a negro servant Mir r7 tL. ' Zl 7 ^t 'T^"'- Circumstances indicate tliat Mr BiaT ett had, by l„s fair dealings, won the confidence of the Indian^ Brackett occupied a large farm at Back Cn^a Wo u ^ their farm work, to unite, helping each other Twn T.t s:;t^xrsfotTn i !:rS^'^iT oove at Presnmpscot River ^' ""^ """"^ ""« ln>ew too well its import. Z it^Z ^^1^:^^. 'Z'S 't:^ -{9^-- .t:-rriv::::;fref — • ^ ^'tz:^ rrtt- ot^LfStr rxver. Richard Pike, with another man, chan d be ;, "a canoe on the river, a Uttle above Mr. Sorbin's house Thev heard the fire of musketry, and immediately saw a Me tev mnmng terror stricken towards the river, pu«„ed by he v^.' ing savages. They were dischaiging their In, at bLTjT bulled whistled over the heads of tfe men in the bo^' '" I 188 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. Simon LImself soon appeared upon the bank, and called upon them to come ashore. But they plied their paddles with the vigor which the peril of death inspired, shouting the alarm to several houses upon the banks, and calling upon all to run, with the utmost speed, to the garrison-house. On the extreme east of the promontory then called Cleeves' Neck, but which is now covered with the dwellings of Portland, there was a beautiful swell of land, which rose about a hundred and sixty feet above the level of the sea. Upon the southern slope of this charming spot, commanding a view of the sea interspersed with islands, and wide reaches of the land, in all their pristine luxuriance, the first settlers of Portland reared their homes. Here also they erected their garrison-house to protect them from a foe more to be dreaded than sickness or famine or cold, or the most ferocious beasts of the forest.^ But the terror was so great, and those who had escaped to the garrison were so few an4 feeble, that they dared not await an attack from foes so numerous and merciless. The smoke of their burning dwellings was ascending all around. These woe- stricken fugitives, huddled into canoes, sought refuge upon one of the islands near the mouth of the harbor. This spot is now called Cushings Island. A messenger was immediately des- patched across the water to Scarborough, then called Black Point, for help. In the panic of their flight, they had left behind them a con- siderable quantity of ammunition This was essential to their defence. It would also greatly angthen the savages should it fall into their hands. In the darkness of the night, a small party of brave men paddled stealthily across the harbor, and suc- ceeded in recovering much of the powder which had escaped the scrutiny of the ransacking Indians. During the next day several of the English settlers succeeded in effecting their escape, and in joining the fugitives on Bangs' * "The situation had advantages of utility and beauty. It was open to the ■ea by a small and handsome bay, accessible to fishing boats, and near the islands, while it was protected from the north winds by the hill in the rear of it. Here the first settlers cultivated the soil, and pursued their traflSo with the natives, for a number of years, holding the land by a mere possessory title." — History of Portland, by William Willis, p. 47. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 189 Island. They saved, however, only their lives! Their homes, and all they contained of food, clothing, fanning and domes- tic utensils, were left to be plundered and destroyed by the savages. It is diflScult for the imagination to conceive the des- titution and the woes to which these sufferers were doomed. Thus the peninsula of Cleeves, or Casco Neck, was laid deso- late. Thirty-four persons were either killed, or carried into captivity.' The amount of property destroyed was the all of these humble settlers. The loss was irreparable. These fami- lies were left in the wilderness, utterly destitute, with the blasts of a Maine winter rapidly gathering in the north. Upon the receipt of these tidings in Boston, the General Court immediatel/ sent a vessel, with fifteen hundred pounds of bread, to the starving, houseless fugitives on Cushings Island, which was then called Andrews Island. The following extract of a letter from Portsmouth, dated Sept. 26, 1676, will give the reader some conception of the terror of those days. It was addressed to Major-Gen. Denison, at Ipswich : — «« This serves to cover a letter from Capt. Hathom, from Caaco Bay, in which you will understand their want of bread, which want I hope is well supplied before this time; for we sent them more than two thousand weight, which I suppose they had last Lord's Day night. The boat that brought the letter brings also word that Saturday night the Indians burnt Mr. Munjoy's house and seven persons in it. On sabbath day a man and hia wife, one Gouge, 2 were shot dead and stripped by the Indians at Wells. Yesterday at two o'clock. Cape Nedick^ was wholly cut off; only two men and a woman, with two cr three childi-en, escaped. So we expect now to hear of farther mischief every day. They send to us for help, both from I Hubbai-d'a Indian Wars, pp. 339 — 369. See also a very carefully prepared ac- count of this tragedy, in the History of Portland, by William WilUs, pp. 204, 205. a Mr. Williamaou gives this name as Gooch, vol. i. p. 540. Mr. Bourne, in hia History of WeUs and Kennebunk, writes, "As the people were returning to thek homes, Mr. James Gooch and his wife were attacked. He was shot and she was out to pieces by the hatchet," p. 145. Again he writes, referring to the same date and locality, quoting from a letter, " On sabbath last, a man and hij wife, namely one Gouge, were shot dead and stripped by the Indians, at "Wells, about two or three o'clock," p. 146. It can scarcely be doubted that both of these accounts refer to the same event 8 This is usually speUed Neddock. SulUvan spells it Neddick, p. 241. There was here a vory attractive coast region, about four miles from York River, fringed with a beautiful beach of white sand. — Williatmon'a History of Maine, vol L p. 24. 190 THE HrSTORT OF MAINE. Wells and York; but we had so many men ou* of town, that we know not how to spare any more. " Sir, please send notion to the council that a supply be sent to the army from the Bay ; for they have eaten us out of bread, and here is V. ttle wheat to be gotten, and less money to pay for it. The Lord direct you and us in the great concerns that are before us; which dutiful service prosented, in haste I remain, sir, your servant. "Richard M&RTm." The Indians, under the exasperation of the war, were grow- ing more and more barbarous. The massacre at Cape Neddock was attended with savage cruelty hitherto unpractised. Some dead bodies were wantonly hewn to pieces with the tomahawk. Forty persons were slain, or carried into captivity. Some of the atrocities were too dreadful to be narrated. A nursing mother had her brains dashed out. Her infant was fastened to her bosom, and was thus found living, striving to draw nutriment from the cold breast.^ The Indians, with their captives, proceeded to the Kennebec River, where they divided into two bands. Eleven ascended the river ; the remainder followed down the stream to attack the settlements near its mouth. They took the fort upon Arrowsic Island by surprise, and killed many of the inhabitants. This island, which was quite celebrated in the early history of Maine, was separated from Pittston by a channel about half a mile in breadth. It contained four thousand acres, and about fifty dwellings had been reared upon its shores. The battle here was desperate. One wearies of reading the appalling account of these scenes of slaughter. But few escaped. The little settlement had been in a high state of prosperity, Capt. Lake, one of the opulent proprietors, had erected upon the island a large and beautiful mansion, a strong fortress, with mills and outbuildings, at the expense of many thousand pounds. The Indians, about a hundred in number, came to the island stealthily, by night, landing upon the south-eastern point, and secreted themselves in those hiding-places which they knew so well how to search out. The people were taken entirely by surprise. The Indians crept in at the fort gate by stratagem, *■ Sullivan's History of Maine, p. 211. TffE niSTORr OF MAINE. 191 closed the port-holes, and with hideous yells proclaimed them- selves masters of the garrison. Terrible was the consternation, ^or a few moments there was a hand-to-hand struggle ; but Capts. Lake and Davis, finding themselves overpowered, fled, with a few others, by a roar portal, and, seizing a canoe, en- aeavored to escape to another island. The Indiana closely pursued them, and, firing upon them in the boat, killed Capt. Lake, and with a severe wound utterly crippled Capt. Davis. He, however, landed, and, creeping pain- fully along upon the shore, hid among the rocks. Here he re- mamed in dreadful suffering, for two days. He then succeeded in reaching the mainland. About a dozen other persons, in various ways, escaped from this midnight attack. Thirty-five were either killed or carried into captivity. The torch was applied to all the buildings, and, as tlie savages retired, the island presented a scene of utter desolation. The inhabitants throughout all this region were thrown into a state of dismay. They generally abandoned their homes, and many of them fled to Monhegan, where they thought that they could more effectually defend themselves than on the main land A watch of twenty.five men was appointed to patrol the shores by night. Clouds of smoke were seen ascending over the burn- ing dwellings of Peraaquid, New Harbor, Corbin's Sound, and from many of the islands. At length the woe-worn fugitives took a vessel, ana in utter destitution crowded on board, and sailed for Piscataqua and Salem.^ In the course of about five weeks, sixty miles of the coast eastward of Casco Bay were ravaged and depopulated. Many ot the inhabitants were killed, many carried into captivity, and some escaped in the extreme of terror and wretchedness. Mountjoys^ Island is about 3 miles from the mainland. There » Hubbard's Narrative of the Indian Wars, pp. 351-360 The name is so spelled by Williamson, vol. i. p. 637. Mr Willis snails \t Murray He writes, '' Cleeves, on the 28th of December^637 i for Lt™ to Michel Mitton who married his only child EUzabe h, the island at t^fmorh IM THE niBTORY OF MAINE. was here an old stone house where several families, abandoning theii" homes, sought refuge. These tragic events are alluded to in the following extract from a letter addressed to the governor and council of Massa- chusetts. It was written by Brian Pendleton of Saco, and was dated, " Winter Harbor, at night, Aug. 13, 1676." " T am Borry my pen must be the mesaenger of so great a tragedy. On the nth of this instant, we heard of many killed of our neighbors, in Fal- mouth, or Casco Bay. On the 12th instant, Mr. Joslin sent me a brief let- ter written from under the hand of Mr. Burras (Burroughs) the mmister. He' gives an account of thirty-two kiUed and carried away by the IncUans. '« Himself escaped to an island, but I hope Black Point men have fetched him off by this time , — ten men . six women . sixteen children. How soon it wiU be our portion, we know noz. Th*. Lord in mercy fit us for death, and direct your hearts and hands to acknowledge and do what is most needful in Buch a time of distress aa this! Thus, in haste, I commit you to the guid- ance of our Lord God, and desire your prayers for U8.» Some of the fugitives escaped to Jewell's Island, where there was a partially fortified house, and did not return to their deso- late habitations until the peace of Casco was made April 12, 1678. The Indians, elate with their many victories, pursued m a fleet of canoes. The plumed warriors landed, not secretly, but with the shrill warwhoop shouting the battle-cry. It was the 2d of September. It seems almost incredible that these peo- ple could again have allowed themselves to be taken by surprise. The women were at some distance from the house, washing at a brook. The children were scattered along the beach. The men were absent fishing. No sentinel was stationed to announce the approach of the foe.^ The Indians landed and ru&ned towards the house, thus cut- ting off the retreat of the women and children, and leaving to t " The original of this letter is in the family of John Palmer, Esq." - History of Portland, by Mr. Willis, p. 20fi, note. i„„„*i. ^ fit the commencement of the first Indian war. 1C75, there were in Falmouth, fortviix families: viz., on the east side of the Presumpscot, nme; on the west side of the rive? seven; around Back Cove, ten; at Capissic, toward Strandwater. five on tbe Nelk, four; in Purpoodic. nine; at Spnrwink two; forty houses Sty militia and four hundred inhabitants. In Aug. 11 of that year the town w£ isaied by the Indians, when thirty-four of the inhabitants were slam, and seventeen taken prisoners. THE HI8T0RY OF MAtSB. 198 the men no alternative but to return to almost certain death, or to abandon wife and child and escape only with life. There was a brave boy in the house. The little fellow fired two guns, and shot two Indians. Thus the alarm was given to the men in the boats. Mrs. Potts was washing, with several children around her. The burly savages seized them all but one. A small boy, seeing his father rapidly approaching in his boat, rushed towards him. A savage gave chase, and grasped the child just as he reached the shore. The distracted father, seeing his whole family in the hands of the Indians, could easily have shot the savage, but he was restrained through fear of kill- ing his child. It is difficult to imagine the anguish with which he was compelled to seek safety in flight. From the brief account we have, it seems probable that he fled to Richman's Island to call for aid. The other men, as intrepid as they were imprudent, landed from their boats, cut their way through the Indians, who pru- dentil/ never allowed themselves to be exposed to the guns of the English in the open field, and regained the fortress. But in the desperate movement two were killed, and five, probably wounded, were made prisoners. The assailants did not venture to approach within the reach of the bullets of these sharp shoot- ers. They^oon retired, with their captives, across the bay to Spurwink. Soon after, a government vessel arrived, and took those of the English who remained, to a place of safety .» Here again we regret to record an act of perfidy on the part of the English. It was treachery governmental in its nature. The General Court sent an army of a hundred and thirty Eng- Hsh and forty friendly Indians, from Natick, to the assistance of the people of Maine. Upon reaching Dover, they were em- bodied with the troops under Major Waldron. The major invited four hundred Indian warriors to come to Dover for a friendly conference, to see if they could not agree upon terms of peace. He pledged his honor for their safety. Promptly they came. It is probable that they really desired peace. But, when the English soldiers saw these savages, the memory of past massacres, burnings, and tortures rose so vividly » History of Portland, by WlUiam Willis, p. 208; WiUiamaon, vol. i p. 2M. IM THE HISTORY OF MAINE. before then,, that it was with very great difficulty Major Wal- dron could restrain them from falling upon the warriors in nier- c.le.« slar^hter. Ho pleaded with the soldiei-s that hi« honor was at 8take, for that he had given his sacred word that they suouia come and go in safety. Haras^d by the determination of his men, the major at last Bhamefu ly consented to a deed of infamy. He invited the Indians to unite with the English in a sham fight. Durinff the mancBuvres, at a given signal, there was to he a giand discharge of all the guns. The English soldiers were secretly instructed to load their muskets with balls, and not to fire. The Indians unsuspicious of treachery, discharged their guns. Thus ren^ dered helpless, they were all seized and disarmed Some of these Indians had ever been fric.dly. So far as known, they were picked out and set at liberty. Two hundred of the rest were sent prisoners to Boston. All who were con- victed of taking life v/ere executed. The remainder 'vere sent to toreign parts, and sold into lifelong slavery. There were many in the community who denounced this atro- Clous deed. There were many who applauded it; but, worst of all, the government sustained it.' The next day these troops proceeded to Falmouth ia a vessel, touching at Wells Winter Ha.bor, Black Point, and Spurwink! On the way they killed one Indian, and captured another, who soon after aided, it is said, by the friendly Indians, effected his escape At Casco they established a garrison, and remained the.e three weeks. Under this protection several of the inlmb- itants returned.' On the 23d of September seven men went to Munjoy's « "The retribution for this iniquity was not long delayed The Indian l,..rf THE niSTORY OF MAINE. 19| Wand to kill a few sheep which had been left there. TheJ were attacked by the Indians, and, after a desperate defence, were all kdled. They were prominent men, heads of families! and their loss was bitterly deplored.' The Indians were very wary, and, without difficulty, kepfc themselves at a safe distance from the troops. On the 12th ol October the English returned to the region of the Piscataqua. On the second day after they passed Black Point, a hundred and twenty Indian warriors made 8 "urious attack upon the gar- nson which was left behind.» We have the list of sixty men who were in the garrison, which was said to be very strong An Indian chief of much renown, by the i. -le of Mugg, led the savages. Henry Jocelyn commanded the garrison. Mugc proved himseii' to be far the abler captam of the two He summoned the .nmates of the fortress to surrender, promising that all should be permitted to retire from the point unharmed with their goods. Mugg must have had a good reputation; for Capt. Jocelyn « left the fort to hold a conference with him thu? placing himself in the power of the Indians. ' No treachery was practised. He returned unmolested to the fort. But there he found, greatly to his surprise, that, durinc his absence, all within tne walls, except the members of his own household, availing themselves of the offer to retire with their goods, had hastily seized their effects, hurried to the boats and had already put out from the shore. As Jocel:n had not accepted the proffered terms, finding himself thus utterly help- less, DQ was compelled to surrender at discretion. A naval expedition was sent to Richman's Island to rescue the inhabitants and he property there. As the sailors were removing the property, a part of them being on shore and a part on board the vessel, tliey were attacked by so overpower- ing a force of Indians, that those on shore were immediately shot or captured. Those on the deck were, by a deadly fire of rai ' ^^' ^""' *^'"^^ *^** ^^^ "^ ''^"°* occurred on what ia now caUed House Island. — History of Portland, p. P', j. ^°"" JZ^!l"^'-'"\^''^-l±^- ^'•^'Ul»^t««. "Theyleftthispartoaheconn- try in the beginning of October; and, about a week afterwards, the Indians rallied their orces a hundred strong, and. Oct. 12. made an assault Con Sk Pott » - History of Portland, p. 310. ^ « Mr. Willis spells this name Jocelyn; Mr. Williamson spells it Josctilyu. 196 i;^ THE HISTORY OF MAINE. the savages, driven below. The assailants approached the vessel in their canoes, and cut the cables. A strong south-east wind drove the vessel ashore. Capt. Fryer, who was in command of the English party, had been struck by a bullet, and was lying upon the cabin floor, helplessly wounded and bleeding. The Indians shouted out to them, that unless they surrendered they would set the vessel on fire, and all should be burned to death. There were eleven in the hold. They agreed to surrender upon condition that they should be permitted to ransom themselves, by the payment of a stipulated amount of goods within a given time. Two of the prisoners were released to fetch the ransom. They returned with the goods before the appointed time had elapsed. But those Indians, who had agreed to the terms of the capitulation, were absent on a new expedition. Other Indians held the nine remaming captives. These savages killed one of the bearers of the ransom, took the goods, and refused to release the prisoners. "A true specimen this," Williamson writes, " of Indian faith." Winter came, with its fierce blasts and drifting snows. Still the war raged. Cabins and wigwams blazed. Everywhere terror and misery reigned. The Indians and the English were alike homeless and starving. The chieftain, Mugg, was dis- pleased with the treachery of the vagabond Indians in refusing to surrender the captives upon the receipt of the ransom. He ventured as an ambassador of his superior sagamore, Madocka- wando, to visit Piscataqua, in the endeavor to negotiate, if possible, a peace. He made no attempt to disguise his earnest desire for the cessation of hostilities. Mugg took with him, and restored to his friends, Capt. Fryer, who was dying of his wounds. He declared himself greatly mortified and indignant that the other captives had not been restored, and promised that they should speedily be set at lib- erty. According to Williamson, Mugg « was favored with an immediate passage to Boston, where he, in behalf of Madocka- wando and Cheberrind, negotiated a treaty." * 1 Mr. Drake, In his valuable Book of the Indians, gives a less pleasing account «f this affair. He writas, " General GendaU of tfassachusetta. belne there, forced THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 197 The treaty was certainly as favorable to the English as they could have desired. Indeed, it seems impossible that the Indi- ans could have fulfilled its stipulations. It was agreed that all hostilities should cease ; that all captives, and all vessels and goods, which had bcpn seized by the Indians, should be restored ; that the English should receive full satisfaction for all the dam- ages they had experienced ; that the Indians should purchase ammunition only of agents appointed by the government ; and that certain Indians accused of crime should be surrendered for trial and punishment.* In conclusion of the treaty, this man, whom we call a savage, said, — " In attestation of my sincerity and honor, I place myself a hostage, in your hands, till the captives, vessels, and goods are restored; and I lift my hand to heaven in witness of my honest heart in this treaty." > Two war vessels were sent to the Penobscot to obtain from Madockawando the ratification of the treaty. All the articles received the sanction of the sagamore, and fifty or sixty cap- tives were restored to their desolated homes. But again we come upon contradictory statements which cannot be recon- ciled. Several of the tribes were much displeased with the terms of the treaty, in which every thing seemed to have been surrendered to the English. With considerable apparent apprehension, Mugg decided to visit the Canibas tribe at Teconnet, opposite the present site of Waterville, to persuade those disaffected warriors to consent to the peace, and to release their captives. In departing, he said Mugg on board his vessel, and carried him to Boston; for which treacherous act an excuse was pleaded, that he was not invested witli siifBcient authority to treat with him< Madockawando's ambassador, being now in the power of the English, was obliged to agree to such terms as the English dictated." —fooX; iii. p. 102. ^ This treaty is given entire in the History of New England, by Daniel Neal, vol. ii. p. 403. 2 " Mugg was the prime minister of the Penobscot sacheu, an active and a shrewd leader, but who, by his intimacy with the English families, had worn off some ot the ferocities of the savage character." — History of Portland, by William Wh'Ji, p. 217. * " Mugg was a chief among the Androscog^ns, and very conspicuous in the wat of 1676-7, into which he seems to have been brought by the same cause as Madock- awando, already stated. He had been very friendly to the English, and had lived some tune wun them." — Drake's Book o/t/u India~is, book iii. p. 1U5. 198 fHE HISTORY OF MAINE. elude that I am certainly bereft of my life or my liberty " For some unexplained reason he did not return. Capt Moore after waiting a week and hearing no tidings from him, sailed back to Boston. Mr, Hubbard, however, states that i WHS afterward reported that Mugg said boastfully to the Indians 1 ,rv V I \ r"" ^'"^ '"' '^'^ ^^^" ^"^-^ »««t<>"' -»^l drive all the English before us. But we must go first to the fishing islands, and take all the vessels of the white men "i We feel bound to record this speech, though it does not seem to be at all in accordance with the character of Mugg, and rests only upon the foundation of rumor. The following incident is much more characteristic of this chief, and is sustained by ample evidence : — "^ Among the captives found at Penobscot, there was a young man by the name of Cobbet. He was the son of a Christian minister at Ipswich. Having been disabled by a musket wound, he was seized and bound. In the division of the captives, i was his unfortunate lot to be assigned to one of the most bru- tal, drunken, and cruel of the savages. His sufferings were terrible. Several times he narrowly escaped having the knife of the savage plunged into his bosom. Just before Muo-c's departui^ to Teconnet, the friendly chief chanced to meet this victim of demoniac cruelty, and to recognize him as one whom he had seen before. He called him by name, and said, " I saw your father in Boston. I promised him that his son should be treaty'' ^ ^'''' "'"'^ ^' released, ^ according to the Madockawando and Capt. xMocre were both standino- by The sagamore feared the fiendlike ferocity of the captive's master and that Cobbet would certainly be killed if he were released without a ransom.^ He therefore turned to Capt Moove, and begged him to give as a ransom a showy military ; ^f^"-f 7 «f «'« r»^liau Wars, by Willian. Hubbard, p. .380. Matlockawaiulo deinanded a railsom, probably to satisfv thA nwn« * *i- : Ills uiay imply that Madockawando feared for his owu life ^' THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 198 coat which he had in the vessel. The request was granted, and young Cobbet saw his master no more.* Still there was no settled peace. Many of the Indians were dissatisfied. Though active hostile operations had ceased, there were rumors of threats to break the treaty, and it was said that some captives had not yet been returned. The General Court fitted out a naval expedition of two vessels to visit Casco, and ascend the Kennebec River. There were ninety Englishmen and sixty friendly Natick Indians on board the vessel. They were instructed " to subdue the Indians in those parts, and to deliver the English captives detained in their hands." Majors Waldron and Frost commanded the two vessels. This ill-starred expedition was as injudiciously conducted as it was unwisely commenced. The troops landed first upon Mare Point, in Brunswick, about three miles below Maquoit. It was then, in Maine, mid-winter. Freezing blasts shook the forests, and deep snow covered the ground. As a party stepped on shore, a small band of Indians met them, accompanied by Squando and the ferocious Simon, the " Yankee-killer." After a short parley, in which Simon declared that they sincerely desired peace, and that they sent Mugg to the English for that purpose, the Indians retired, and were seen no more until noon of the next day. A fleet of fourteen canoes was then seen ascending the bay ; and, propelled by paddles, they were rapidly approaching the shore near the spot where the vessels were anchored. Soott after, a log house was seen in flames. It was naturally supposed that the Indians had recommenced their work of conflagration and massacre. An armed band was immediately landed, and a battle ensued, in which several of the Indians were killed and many wounded. The English commenced the attack by firing upon the Indians. At length a flag of truce was raised, and the leaders of the two parties met. " Why," Major Frost demanded of the chiefs, " have you not returned all the captives ? Why have you set the white man's house on fire ? And why haA ; you challenged us to fight? " * Sss \Vi!lip.!nso!!. vol. i. ^. 544, and Drake, boolc iii. d. 102^ "The liistorians of the war," writes Drake, " have all observed that the prisoners, under Madock- p.^varido, were remarkably well treated." 200 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. The sagamores replied, " The captives are a great way oflF. The weather is so cold, and the snow so deep, that we could not bring them in. We did not set the house on fire : it took fire accidentally. It was no deed of oure. Your soldiers fired at us first, and we did but return the fire. This is our answer." Assuming that this statement were true, as it probably was, it must be admitted that, though the Indians were worsted in tlie battle, they had the best of the argument. The English having only exasperated the natives, and provoked them to revenge by the sight of their dead and their wounded comrades, again spread their sails, and, pressed by wintry blasts, traversed the icy seas to the mouth of the Kennebec. They landed on the western shore, opposite the foot of Arrowsio Island. Here they commenced building a block-house for the establishment of a garrison. It was the latter part of February, 1677. One- half of the men were set diligently at work there. On the 26th of February, Major Waldron, with the remainder of his company in the two vessels, sailed to Pemaquid to meet two or three sachems, who were accompanied by Indians from several tribes. It was arranged that a council should be held the next day, each party repairing to the rendezvous unarmed. The council met. Major Waldron complained of the hostile spirit still manifested by the Indians, that several captives had not yet been returned ; and he demanded that the tribes, then represented, should enter into an alliance with the English to attack the other Indian tribes which yet remained hostile. An aged sagamore replied, " Only a few of. our young men, whom we cannot restrain, wish to enter upon the war-path. All the captives with us were intrusted to our keeping by the Canabas Indians. For the support of each one of them there is due to us twelve beaver-skins and some good liquor." The liquor was promptly supplied, and ample ransom offered; and yet but three captives were delivered. We have not been informed whether there were others so far away that they could not be delivered up in so short a time. The council adjourned, to meet again in the afternoon. Major Waldron was suspicious of treachery. In eagerly looking around he discovered some hidden weapons, and, seizing a lance, he THE HISTORY OF itAlUE. 201 you_^mtended to rob u8 of our goods and then to kill us, did A tumult ensued. The Indians, in consternation, fled. A well-armed party from the vessels hurried up, and pukued the flWth 1 r »'>'"'«"l.t'>- "■>-• Two of th'Th eft at five of the Indians were killed by the bullet. Several of the Oiowned, the remainder were captured. One of the chieft Megunnaway was dragged by Major Frost and an EnS sailor on board one of the vessels, and shot." Among the cIo- tives there was a sister of Madockawando. It will L rcmem In addition to the slaughter and the wounds thua inflicted goods and of heir provisions, amounting to a thousand pounds of beef. In allusiotf to this event, Mr. Williamson, who was by Z^^^Z^J^ ''' --- «^ ^^-ndialsTh^i " The chastisement partook of a severity which tha nmvn«o*- u means justified; nor could it be dictaJrh^ 1- ^''^ P'o^cat'on by no must have reminded the InL ot t Ijf S^^ '' increase their prejudices. " * ^ "°'^^'^' *°** ^^'^^^ <» r«f!'''"!if''A'"^^'*''''"' enterprise, Majors Waldron and Frost returned to Arrowsic. There they captured and shot two In remained hostile. AtS3w th«vlT .r?'""' °^ *^« Indians who stil the English, finding soineTCnsoLIel^ "^'^''^ *« h«l«^ « treaty, but umbrage to treat them as eneZ "^ m ",?^ *"*"'' *'*°"K'^* ^^ « sufficient of thelndians were kSleJ an over^ considerable flght ensued, in which many Oians, book iii. p. iSa ' **'''° prisoners." -i)ra*e',£ooA of the In- I ^ra'^e'8 «''0k of the Indians, book iii. p. no. donerttrrxritJil^rs^^^^^^^^ 'rr'-'^-' ^^ ^^ whom they so much reSobateT reV J».«f ^ ' ^"",?^^'»« «'« e^a^Ple of those Madockawando wal not an o .^^v ^o^^^^^ °° T ^''^"*"' "'^' '«" *" '"^^'^ ^'«y- mitted any depredations' ZtilSi^ t^V^Z splil^^^'^ 'f •=°'"' wise done hbn damage. "-DraA^ boot »« " "^ ^ *'^ ^"^ '°™ *"^* ^t''*"" • Williamson, vol. i. p. 847. * ' "^' SOS THE HISTORY OF MAINE dians whom thoy found upon the island. They also captured an Indian woman, whom they sent up the Kennebec River to Teconnet, to demand an excluvnge of prisoners. Takmg some anchors and large guns which had been left there, they returned to their garrison on the main land. Leaving forty men for the defence of the works, they returned to Boston, reachmg that port on the Uth of March. It was their boast that they had not lost a single man during the enterprise. But, by their folly, they had enkindled anew the flames of horrid war, m which multitudes of men, women, and children were to be consumed. The Mohawk Indians had the reputation of being the most powerful and ferocious of all the savage tribes. The govern- ment authorities in Massachusetts sent Majors Pinchon and Richards to the country of the Mohawks, to enlist them in the war a-ainst the eastern Indians. Ma.iy opposed this measure as barbarous : others defended it on the ground that it was law- ful to make us- of any advantage which Providence might place in their hands. Eacrerly a band of Mohawks rushed to attack the Indians against whom they had no ground of quarrel. Their first ex- ploit was to fall recklessly upon a small party of friendly natives whom they chanced to meet, who were the allies of the Eng- lish. They pursued them hotly, and all but two or three were killed, or wounded and captured. Among the slain there was a noted chief, who, from the loss of an eye, was called Blind Will. He was grievously wounded, and crept away into the woods, where he perished miserably.* ' The news of the arrival of the Moha^yks, as the hireling sol- diers of the English, spread rapidly through the tribes in Maine, and roused them to the highest pitch of exasperation. Imme- diate and vigorous measures were adopted by them to attack York, Wells, and the garrison at the mouth of the Kennebec. Indeed, nearly all the other important points in Maine had already been laid desolate. i "The death of Blind Will was the less lamented because of his «"W«»«*^ ^"- nlicitv tliouKh his general conduct had always been in consistency with 1ns pio- fis ons In any point of view the event was unfortunate, ^s tlve introduction ol S'^hawks to Lur assistance was altogethev i»,pn,irie."- WW/.~.^L i^ 548. See also Trmnbull's History of Connectuut vol. i. P. 3«, Hubbard a Hi» tory of New Englaud, p. 030; Drake's Book of the Indians, book m. p. 130. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. gOS upon the Bpotr'x:e't:"fr„:;ttr/er°.'^"-" "■- their boat and escanino- Ti.Jc, ax ^"*^°®^^^<* »" recovering s."vivo.. that z p^f wJtrd r; iTl"' '"''™''' "■' to other points. loanaoned, and the men were sent Province, whe o 1 Ld '"f T^ """''"' ^'"'''"" "^ ">« few tre™Uinr3e:Ltt"l'7he';Sr„T;;: ?T '"■' Seven men were at wo,k in a field a York Tl ^''"""T"- savages shot them all down. ^''° P'""'''* Wells seemed doomed to utter destruction TT.. wore as stealthy i„ their movements a! the l>f' ' I T^'^ prowlings. No man could leave l£ ^btdlor in .h" '""^">'" or go a few rod« fmn, i,- , """^ ™'"" ""or m the morn ng, apprehensil that a saw miTh"'" *' "''O. -"-out tht foeh stump, or tree. 'SlTtf let "ZT^'I:"! r^" mvisible foe unless carefully housed '^'" ''^ ''° braUdt;aml1ilT''cL''''d'tf 'p"*""^' '»■* ''^ *» ->- PortsmoufhTde TheJ h ° , ,' ^""^1'^ R'ver to the withani„fanrind^a„ia;rg;ir:ret '""t" -">-. aged woman in the fimil^ q- • f^r'^®«- There was an harmed. becau:et ftm fyefrsre I'd he"' f .^""f ■"" "' n-other He aiso gave the'Xt^c Id Tu^t tn'^ 'T' difficult Lj reconcile thp pnnfvn^j.* "*** " ^^ man. Sometimes he .s rfpre :„ ed Z ':T '"""' '.'"' "'""S" have knoi iX^z ^^:.::i:-ict^ "^ elslit or ten stripe, eacli. I" ' "'" ""' ''"'M 1» pnniehed with knowledge." ^ '^"°^® ^^^'^ a™ ignorant as those who Imve This judgment prevailed, b.'^m— t- '- u • SOi THE HISTORY OF MAINE. I On the 16th of May the Indians attacked with great boldnesf the garrison at Black Point. Lieut. Tappan defended it. Foi three days there was almost a constant battle. Three of the English were shot. One was captured, and was put to death with horrible torments. , , t n 4. In this conflict the chieftain Mugg was struck by a bullet, and fell dead. This so disheartened the assailants that they retired. They left, by water, in two bands. One fleet of eleven canoes paddled to the eastward. The other band, in five canoes, proceeded towards York and Wells, killing and burning as they had opportunity.* „ , j j A new force was raised, by the General Court, of two hundred Natick Indians and ninety white men, consisting principally of those whom the Indians had driven from Maine. Capt. Ben- jamin Swett and Lieut. Richardson, two very brave and very imprudent men, were placed ,in command. They reached the fort at Black Point in high spirits, on the 28th of June. The shrewd savages, who, in large numbers, were hovering around, began as usual to prepare their ambuscade. The English offi- cers, as usual, commenced their march into it. The Indians sent out their decoy. The ninety white men rushed out upon them. The Indians feigned a retreat. Their victims followed. With pell-mell inconsiderateness, the EngUsh pursued their foes till they were entirely in the trap. There was a dense forest on one side, a swamp, covered with an im- penetrable thicket, on the other. Both sides were filled with Indian warriors, laughing at the folly of the white men. There was a volley of musketry from an invisible foe, followed by a knowledge to have done better." Judge Almy, o"t «rf jeRa-^to Simon remit^l his wife's punishment entirely. Simon seemed much disturbed but at t^e Jime he mil no reply. Soon afterwards, however, he remonstrated very severely against the decision of the judge. „ • „ „* 4naHp« if we do ^ "To what purpose," said he, "do we preach a religion of justice, « ^e do „r,r<<,ht«onsness in iudgmentV " -Drake's Book of the Indians, book i. p. 22. Ss TeXe XTUr^^^^^ but, if fabricated, it shows the reputation This an«"^«^^™;4 . discretion. It is said that this event took place when sUr:' an' ^geTman. a^^H^en. by the power of Christianity, his character -^I^Z^TJSZZ^Z^^enea.n. sliced his - ^^-^ "n^^^^^^^ ,. _,.=,*H "" "-"I'l «"'! i* difficult to draw its just portrait. His -vuaress w2in:^ring:;;iihisn;turalgood sense and sagacity partially inclined him to be an ailvocate for peace." - WiUiamton, vol. 1. p. 550. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. SOI continuous, rapid discharge. The dead and the wounded were dropping in all direstions. Lieut. Richardson was one of the first shot down. It was an awful scene of tumult and slaughter. The hideous yells of the Indians almost drowned the rattle of musketry. Capt. Swett, as brave as he was reckless, fought like a lion. Slowly he commenced a retreat of two miles, endeavoring to carry his wounded with him. The savages, flushed with their victory, hung upon his rear, manifesting even more than their ordinary ferocity. In their outnumbering strength they so crowded the fugitives that there were frequent hand-to-hand fights. In this terrible retreat Capt. Swett received twenty wounds. At length, when exhausted by fatigue and the loss of blood, he was seized by a burly savage, hurled to the ground, and was literally hewn in pieces by the tomahawk. Sixty of his men perished in this terrible disaster. It sent lifelong woes to many families, whose cup of misery seemed already full to the brim. Capt. Swett had v/on universal respect by his bravery and his many virtues. His death was deeply lamented.* There can be no question that the responsibility of this war rests mainly with the white men. The Indians desired peace ; but, when goaded to war by intolerable wrongs, they conducted the conflict in accordance with the dictates of their own savage natures. Mr. Bourne very truthfully says, — " The wickedness of man was about to bring its deadly influences to the ruin of the peace and progress of the settlement. King Philip, believing Imnself wronged in his intercourse with the white man, and rummating on the cruel kidnappings of his brothers and the English usurpation of his " domams, determined to destroy the cruel intruders. His intellectual power was far in advance of the generality of the sachems. He claimed to have free communication with the Great Spirit, and to derive from this inter- course, instructions as to his manner of Ufe; and he told the tribe that the white men were bent on driving them from their possessions, and caUed upon them, as with the voice of the great Father, to destroy them from off the land." > » "There were slain at this time somewhat above forty of the English and Sf r.? V?* ^"^^""^^^ ^°^^*°' *''** ^'*'*«*^: ^^'^y ^«^ escaping, but were either MUed right out or dangerously wounded." -Huftftard's Histr.ry of New England P.J34. See also Belknap's History of New Hampshire, vol. i. o. 128: Cnll«fi«nM oi iaassttolmcolis Historical Society, vol. vl. p. 2C3. a History of Wells and Kennebunk, by Edward E. Bourne, LL.D., p. 138. I CHAPTER XII. WABS AND WOES CONTINUED. Ravages of the Indians — The Naval Expedition — Peace proclaimed — Losses by the War — The Purchase of Maine by Massachusetts — The Regime of Mr. Danforth — North Yarmouth incorporated — Baptist Church established — Menaces of War — Employment of the Mohawks — Sir Edmund Andros — Thomas Dungan — Tyrannical Acts — Attack upon Baron Castine — War renewed — Fate of Waldron — Expeditions to Quebec and Montreal. THE savagea were now sweeping all opposition before them. They ravaged the coast from Casco Bay to Wells. Prowl- ing into the harbors by night, they seized twenty fishing vessels. Most of these were from Massachusetts. Each of these vessels had on board four or five men and boys. Taken by surprise at midnight, as a dozen Indian warriors leaped from their canoes upon the deck, they could make no resistance. Immediately a vessel of war was despatched, manned with forty seamen, to pursue and capture the foe. This was indeed like chasing a flea upon the mountains. They recovered most of the fishing vessels, which the savages had abandoned with- out burning them ;* but not a solitaiy Indian was anywhere to be found. It was feared that the French would take advantage of these calamities to extend their sway to the Kennebec. Sir Edmund Andros sent a military force from New York to Pemaquid, to take possession of the country, and erect a fort. He was quite successful in securing the confidence of the natives in the immediate region around, and a beneficial trafl&c was > " The Indians, flndiug their inability to manage such kind of vessels, much too heavy for them to wield with paddles, grew soon weary of that sport, and were pretty willing to return the vessels to the English, after they 1: vd pillaged out of them what was for their turn.' ' — HiMard'a History of New England, p. 636. ?06 t € C V b o sh TUL HISTORY OF MAINE. f07 ntroduced. Thoy brought iu fifteea captives, and surrendered everal vessels which they had taken. Thus pleasantly, inTa- ternal in ercourse, the autum., and winter passed away It Pemaquid. Other tribes heard of these blessings of pearand SoZd. r:: " ''^'"- '"'^'••^^ ^"^^'«»^ co™.nisdoners Tet Squando, and the sagamores of the Kennebec and the Andros- coggin tribes, on the 12th of August, 1678, at Casco.^ Ihe articles of peace were few and simple. All hostilities were to cease. Every English family was I pay one p rof corn annually, as a quit-rent for the land they had gained from the Indians. Major Phillips of Saco, who had veryTxten v" possessions, was to give one bushel each year. AH captives on each side were to be surrendered without ransom. Som of he English regarded these conditions as humiliating to them • bu all considered them as preferable to the continuLe of he' wa fare which was desolating the colonies. King Philip's war was thus, ere long, brought to a close in Massachusetts as well as Maine. It was generally admitted that the sagamores were not unjust in their demands. o^moies weie The Indians had certainly a possessory right to the ccuntrv which he English had invaded. Large traces of territ y haJ Wlitv r " '''"; '^ ^""^^^^^^ '' -^^ questionable hfwK^V .1 »^ny cases there was no qtiestion as to the fraud by which the English title-deed had been gained. In the war the success of the Indians in Maine had been so rema klble as to warrant them in assuming the tone of victors. Under these circumstences their exactions were by many deemed mod- The losses sustained during the war, by the inhabitants of Maine were enormous. Two hundred and sixty were killed or carried into captivity from which they never returned. There were, undoubtedly, many others who thus perished, of whom no record was made^ The numbers severely wounded have n^ver b en counted The settlements at Cape Neddock, Scarbor' ough, Casco, Arrowsic, and Pemaquid, were laid in ashes. One * WOliamson, vol. i. p. 553. r 106 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. hundred and fifty men, women, .nd chTldron, were ««k«'' »l""^«' who. after month, of often terrible .uffermg., wore finally Tesled to their friend,. It i» e»timat,».!, that, m the several eoS ^» hundred men were killed, twelve hundred house, burned 'eght thousand cattle destroyed, and seven hundred and fif^y thousand dollar, expended in mihtary opemtron^. Theimmen«lo„e, by the ravages of the war cannot be cal- °"Tho*''Durehase' of Maine by the Colony of Mas^chusetto greatly rZyd the tyrannical kin, of England. The d.ssolut, monarch wi intending to make a transfer of '... ^"-""'y »« 7Zli New Ham^hire, to hi, son the Duke of Monmouth who was not of legitimate birth. He wrote angrdy to the Colonial Government, — ..We were much surprised, whUe listening to the complaint- of Mr. Oor J that^orshould presume, without asking our royal permission, to ^Se'hl* fn^est in th'e Province of Maine, ac.uain1.d a. you know w^ are, with some of the effects of the severe hand you have holden over our subjects there."" The Province of Maine, purchased by Massachusetts, was suoposed to contain about nine thousand six hundred square 2. Its measurement was eighty by one ^-^-^ ^^^ ^^ f^ miles 8 The question as to the government of the Province was involved in many difficulties. Civil power, it was said Tuld not be bought and sold ; and a public --^^^^^^f^'^ not delegate authority which he had received from^ '^l^^^' It wa: finally decided to frame a civil code in conformity with the royal charter g^..^e^ Sir Ferdinando Gorges A rresidenb was to be chosen .n - V , There was to be a legis- presiaeuu wao ^ ^^^ ^^^ ^ lature consisting of two U.i... ^e.- ine uppc rpu^ Inwer consist of the president's council, of eight members. The lower house was to be composed of representatives chosen by the towns. The legislative^ody was to meet once a year. 1 E^cords of Massachusetts Government, vol. 4. pp. 147-369. See also. Hutch Inson's Collection of State Papers, p. 493. ' SriCf British settlements in North America, by William Dough«s. ▼oL 1. p. 389. TUE UiarORY OF MAINE. 209 Mr. Thomas Daiif«»rth of Cuinbridge, deputy governor of MaH3aohu8ett8, was appointed preaideiit. He was a gentleman of aocompliahed education and gre it moral worth. An English- man by birth, he had in early life come to this country, and had filled many offices of influence and honor. He was a firm republican in his principles, and was ever ready to resist the en- croachments of arbitrary power.* Pres. Danforth found many difficulties to be encountered. There were, in Maine, many staunch royalists ; and all such were warm advocates of the ecclesiastical polity of the Church of England. These people were very unwilling to become the subjects of republican Massachusetts ; and bitter were the com- plaints which they were continually sending to the crown. The king tlireatened even to reclaim the Province. He wrote to the General Court, — " It is marvellous that you should exclude from office, gentlemen of good lives and estates, merely because they do not agree with you in the congre- gational way; especially since Uberty of conscience was the principal motive of your first emigration. Nor is this the only thing to be noticed. The title-deeds of Maine, we expect, will be surrendered to the crown, on the advancement of the purchase money and interest."* An active and implacable minority may raise outcries which it is very difficult even for a large majority to silence. Agents were sent over from England to spy out defects, and to manu- facture complaints. One Edward Randolph was despatched upon this mission, as searcher ; and he was particularly active in the service. He hunted up all individual outrages, exaggerated them, and ascribed them all to criminality of the government. These malignant aspersions were scattered broadcast throughout England. In response, the General Court with dignity re- plied, — •• Our lives and our treasurep have been imsparingly sacrificed to rescue Maine from the utter ruin attempted by a barbarous and bloody enemy; 1 Biographical Dictionary of Rev. Dr. Allen, article Danforth, Thomas, « This important letter is given entire iu Hutchinson's Collection of State Papers, pp. 619-622. Hutchinson says that the price paid was twelve hundred pounds. The York Beoords represent it as twelve hundred and fifty pounds. 1ft r 210 TH]£ n] STORY OF MAINE. II sacrifices for which we have never received nor requested of tha proi inciala the least remuneration. We have, from many of them, the fullest assur- ances of their past satisfaction with our course, and of their desire still to be connected with us, and their unwillingness to hazard a change. And as we, without the least shadow of disloyalty, obtained title to the Province a twelvemonth after his majesty had decided it to be in Gorges, it is our duty to favor the inhabitants, and provide them with a free systematic admin- istration."^ Upon the southerly shore of Casco Neck, there was a fortress called Fort Loyal. It was situated near the end of what has since been called King's Street. It had a small garrison, under command of Capt. Edward Tyng,^ and was well provided with the munitions of war. In August, 1680, Pres. Danforth, with Mr. Samuel NoweP and Mr. Nathaniel Saltonstall, as assistants, accompanied by sixty soldiers, sailed for Fort Loyal.* On the 22d of September, the township of North Yarmouth was established. It took its name, probably, from Yarmouth, England. Its boundaries then embraced Freeport, Pownal, and Cumberland. This was the eighth town established, if we except Appledore, which embraced the Isle of Shoals, and which was incorporated in 1661, but which did not long retain its name. The history of Yarmouth is one of rather peculiar interest. There is a small stream here called Royall or Weste- custego River, about fifteen miles in length, taking its rise in New Gloucester. It has a good harbor at its mouth, where the ancient settlements were commenced. William Royall came over in 1630, and purchased this region of Gorges in 1643. In 1658 he settled on the east side of the river, and erected a fort ; but in the year 1676 the Indians laid all things waste. In 1680 the settlement was revived. In June, 1681, Pres. Danforth and his council met in general assembly. It is not now known how many representatives were sent from the towns. Four years after, there were twelve rep- 1 Records of Massachusetts Government, vol. iv. p. 469. a WUliainaon, vol. i. p. 663. 8 Rev. Samuel Nowel had been a Christian minister. He was a man of supe- rior mind and attainments, was universally respected for his virtues, and was ardently devoted to republican principles of government. — Hutchinson's Collec- tions, vol. 1. p. 038. * idullivan, p. 182; Wiliiamson, p. 401. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. %n resentatives. Among other very judicious laws which were enacted, one imposed a fine of twenty shillings for every pint of intoxicating drink any one should sell to the Indians. It seems probable that the Episcopal denomination was then the leading one in the State. In the year 1681 the Baptists first commenced operations. Several were baptized by immer- sion, in Kittery, and Rev. William Screven became their reli- gious teacher. He was born in England in 1629, and in early life emigrated to this country. He appears to have been truly a good man, of accomplished scholarship, and endowed with unusual powers of eloquence. His preaching was successful, and converts were multiplied. The attention of the magistrates was arrested. Mr. Screven was summoned before them, chared with preaching without governmental authorization. He was fined ten pounds, and ordered no more to hold any religious service. His refusal to obey was deemed contempt of his Majesty's authority. It was therefore ordered, that — "Mr. Screven, in future, forbear from his turbulent and contentious practices, give bonds for his good behavior, and stand committed until the judgment of the court be complied with." It is humiliating to record such intolerance on the part of our forefathers ; but it should be remembered that it was the intolerance of the age, rather than of the individn.ab. Notwith- standing this persecution, a church of eight members was organized, and in September of 1682 they emigrated to Cooper River in South Carolina. It is pleasant to state, that, so far as is known, no other instance of religious intolerance has ever been laid to the charge of the government of Maine.* Prosperity was rapidly reviving throughout the Province. Scarborough had risen from its ashes, so that it contained fifty- six ratable polls, many well-cultivated fields, and eigh^y cows. A tax was assessed, by the General Assembly, of two shillings on every one hundred acres of woodland, provided they were beyond the limits of any corporate town. It is said that thus 1 Williamson, vol. L p. 670. r • * 212 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. originated the custom of taxing unimproved lands at a lower rate than other property. It is estimated that the population of the Province in 1682 amounted to between six and seven thousand. New Hampshire contained about four thousand.^ On the 16th of February, 1685, the infamous king of England, Charles II., died. His brother succeeded him, as James II. A little before this, a very important purchase was made of the Indians, which was called the Pejepscot Purchase. By this transaction Wavumbee and five other sagamores conveyed to Richard Wharton a te^ntory, as was supposed, containing about five hundred thousand acres, embracing not only the present towns of Brunswick, Topsham, and Harpswell, but ex- tending east to the Kennebec River. The boundaries were, however, so indefinite, as to cause subsequently much litiga- tion." Under Pres. Danforth, the legislative body had annual meet- ings ; and, for six years, th6 government was administered to the general acceptance of the inhabitants. A pretty strong garrison was maintained at Fort Loyal. Much attention was paid to securing to proprietors a legal title to their lands. Fort Loyal became the jail for Saco, Scarborough, Falmouth, and North Yarmouth. In the spring of 1685, the Indians of Maine were thrown into a terrible panic by the rumor that the English were preparing to send an army of ferocious Mohawks for their utter extermi- nation. The terror was profound and universal. The saga- more of the Penacook tribe wrote imploringly to the governor of New Hampshire, saying, — "If you will not let the Mohawks come and kill us, we will be submissive to your worship forever." 1 Political Annals of the United Colonies, by George Chalmers, p. 404. « Wharton was a Boston merchant. He aflarined that the line extended from the Upper Falls of the Androscoggin, which he declared to be Lewiston Falls, entirely across the country, in a north-east line, to the Kennebec; and that it in- cluded all land between the two rivers, as far south as Merrymeeting Bay On the west it embraced territory four miles wide down to Maquoit. It also included the land on the west side of the Kennebec, south of Merrymeeting Bay, down to Cape Small Point; and on the eastern side of the Sagadahoc, to the ocean, in- cluding Arrowsic, and several other islands. —Summon/ of British Settlements in iforth America, vol. i. p. 230. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 218 Suspiciou led to animosity on both sides, and to various un- friendly acts. Even the panic-stricken flight of the Indians was deemed an indication that they were preparing for anothei war. Capt. Hook of Kittery wrote to Capt. Barefoot of Ports- mouth, under date of the 13th of August, 1685, saying, — " From information received by a foot-post, there are just grounds for apprehending some designs of the heathen against ua. ' They have,' he says, ' lately been guilty of affronts in the vicinity of Saco, threatening the people, and killing their dogs; and, within the last three days, they have gathered up all their corn, and moved off, bag and baggage.' " A council was held, which was promptly attended by the sagamores, who declared that they had no desire for war, and wished only for the continuance of peace. The sagamore of Penacook, Kankamagus by name, usually called John Hawkins, or Hoykins, was present. He had written the letter to Gov. Cranfield of New Hampshire, to which we have above referred ; and it was signed by fourteen of his princi- pal men. He lived upon the Androscoggin, with another dis- tinguished chief by the name of Worombo,i or Worombos. The chiefs of four tribes were present at the council. They net only manifested no antagonistic spirit, but seew^d ready to assent to any terms which the English might dictate. They even yielded to the following ext^-iordinary demand, that "Whenever the Indians shall remove with their wives and children, with- out giving timely notice to the English, they may be apprehended, or war may be made upon them till the sagamores shall render satisfaction." a 1 "Kaiikamagus was a faithful man as long as he could depend upon the English for protection. But wlien Gov. Cranfleld of New Hampshire used his endeavors to bring down the Mohawks to destroy the eastern Indians, in 1084, who were constantly stirred up by the French to commit depredations upon the English, Kankamagus, knowing the Mohawks made no distinction where they came, fled, and joined the Androscoggius. Before he fled his country, be addressed several letters to the governor, which discover his fidelity as well as his fears, and from which there is no doubt that he would always gladly have lived in his own country, and on the most intimate and friendly terms with the English, —to whom he had become attached, and had adopted much of their manner,' and could read and write, — but for the reasons just stated." — 7)ra&e's Book of tht Indians, book ill. p. 106. a History of New Hampshire. By Jeremy Belknap, vol. i. n. 18B. See. also, Hutchinson's History, vol. i. p. 316. r 214 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. ■ Affairs in Massachusetts were in rather a chaotic condition. The king had annulled the Colonial Charter, had put an end to the General Court, and had appointed Joseph Dudley president of Massachusetts, Maine, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island. Dudley was a graduate of Harvard College, a man of superior abilities, and of boundless ambition. After a brief but unpopular administration of but about five months, he was superseded by Sir Edmund Andros. The local government in Maine now ceased, and was not resumed until 1820, when Maine was finally separated from Massachusetts.* Andros, it will be remembered, had been the appointed gov- ernor of the Duke of York, now James II., over the colonies at the mouths of the Manhattan and the Sagadahoc Rivers. He was the fitting servant of his master, imperious and tyrannical. He turned " his special attention to his Sagadahoc province. He took formal possession of the country, and made preparations to defend it against any enemy, whether Indians, French, or Dutch. Nothing of especial interest marked his administration. He was arrogant and tyrannical, and was very unpopular. In 1683 Andros was succeeded by Col. Thomas Dungan. He was a much better man, and cherished far more elevated views of human rights, and still he was at a very considerable remove from the Massachusett's principles of republican equality. In New York he convoked a legislative assembly ; but, at Sag- adahoc, he appointed two commissioners, John Palmer and John West, whom he invested with plenary powers. In 1686 they repaired to Pemaquid. Manj of the inhabitants, who had been driven from their homes by the horrors of the war, had returned. The region was at that time called the County of Cornwall. The commissioners proved to be despotic men, " arbitrary as the Grand Turk." » They contrived, in vari- ous ways, to extort enormous taxes from the impoverished and war-stricken people. They took especial care of themselves and friends, appropriating from six to t^n thousand acres of land to each.8 it is enough to make one's blood boil with > History of Portland. By William Willis, p. 268. 2 Mather's Magnalia, vol. ii. p. 510. s nutchinson's Coiicetion, p. 547. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 215 indignation to contemplate the leaseholds they forced from the people, and the rents they imposed upon them for the occupa- tion of their own homesteads. Thus they wrested from these settlers nearly three thousand dollars a year. Mr. Sullivan gives us a copy of one of these leaseholds, in- flicted upon poor John Balling of Monhegan, who had returned penniless to his burnt cabin and wild lands. It is drawn up with much legal formality, in the name of " Our most gracious sove- reign lord, James II., by the grace of God King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland." After a ludicrously detailed account of the premises, John Balling is authorized to plant his corn there, upon condition of — •" ^/®'f °f ^l^ P*^'"^ ^^^''^^^ y^^'^^y' *"^ ^""^^ year, unto our sove- reign lord the king, his heirs or successors, or to such governor or other officer as from time to time shall be by him or them appointed to receive the same, on every twenty-fifth day of March forever, as a quit rent, or acknowl- edgment for the said land, one bushel of merchantable wheat, or the value thereof m money, "i Bungan claimed the country as far east as the River St. Croiy.« A shipmaster from Piscataqua, not aware of this claim, and supposing that the region beyond the Penobscot belonged to the French, sent a cargo of wines there. As they were landed, without having paid duties at Pemaquid, Palmer and West seized and confiscated the cargo. This roused, not only the indignation of the French, but that, also, of the Massachusetts people. The clamor rose so loud, that the wines were restored. Bungan's administration lasted five years. He influenced several Butch families to emigrate to the Sagadahoc. In 1688 Sir Edmund Andros was appointed captain-general and vice- admiral of New England, New York, and the Jerseys. He formed a council of twenty-five members, five of whom consti- tuted a quorum. AH legislative, judicial, and executive func- tions were blended in this department. There were no consti- tutional limits. The governor and his council did as thev pleased.^ "^ X Sullivan-8 History of Maine, p. 163. 2 Hutchinson's Collections, p. 548. Conn«.Hr. ,^ Z "^T ^f f°^«; ^.^^ been appointed governor of Massachusetts. Uonnecticut, New Hampshire. Maine. PI v7nn,it,ivP«mon,,:-i „n-4 xt_ .^ ' SUp 374." '^'^ "•^^'■"'"^ ^^eWemenM in North America, by William 216 TBE HISTORy OF MAINE. I The governor soon developed all the execrable traits of a despot. He seldom convened more than seven or eight of his council, aiid they were all the pliant instruments of his will. The Church of England was recognized as the only legal form of worship ; and all who assembled for congregational religious service were threatened with the confiscation of their meeting- houses. Freedom of the press was restrained. The land-titles, generally, were declared to be invalid ; and it was proclaimed that new title-deeds must be obtained. The annoyances to which the people were exposed were innumerab e, and vexatious in the extreme. Andros was alike greedy of wealth and of despotic powei. The king, James II., from whom he derived all his authority, was an avowed Papist. But the people of England were not in sympathy with their monarch. Desiring to take military pos- session of the Penobscot and the St. Croix, Andros repaired to Pemaquid, where he had ordered the frigate " Rose " to be pre- pared for his expedition. The frigate, having sailed, cast anchor near the habitation of Baron Castine, at Biguyduce.* The baron, with his family, fled into the woods, abandoning every thing. The ignoble governor plundered his house of all its valuables ; but he left untouched the Catholic chapel, with all its rich adornments. Andros returned to Pemaquid, where he had invited the neighboring sagamores to meet him. They met in council. Andros, addressing the most prominent chief, a Tarratine^ sag- amore, said, — «« I warn you never to follow the French, or to fear them. Be quiet, live in peace, and we will protect you. Tell your friend Castine, that, if he will render loyal obedience to the King of England, every article takeu froni him shall be restored." Andros was delighted with Pemaquid and its surroundings. He took an excursion among the islands, and ascended the Kennebec several leagues. He thought that Pemaquid was destined to be the chief mart for all the eastern country, and 1 HutcWnson'9 Collection of State Papers, p. 662, a It will be remembered that the Tavratines occupied the valley of the Penob- ■cot THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 217 made an effort to have an account taken of all the \7hite in- habitants between the Penobscot and the St. Croix. They amounted to less than fifty, counting men, women, and chil- dren.* Andros returned to New York in 1688, having appointed Nicholas Manning chief magistrate in the " Province of the Duke of York, called Sagadahoc, or the County of Cornwall." Baron Castine was a man of great influence, not only with his countrymen, the French, but with all the neighboring Indian tribes, with whom he had so thoroughly identified himself. Hia indignation was, of course, aroused, and that of all his friends, by the wanton plunder of his estate. He appealed to the Indians. War-clouds soon began to darken the sky. Castine declared that he would never submit to the domination of the English. Andros began to enlist soldiers, and to erect forts at many important points between Piscataqua and Penobscot. Hostilities were commenced in August. It is impossible to follow, with chronological accuracy, the details. The Indians killed the cattle in the eastern settlements, and insulted and threatened the inhabitants. At Saco, the magistrates unjustly seized fifteen or twenty unoffending Indians, and held them as hostages for the good behavior of the rest- The Indians retaliated by seiz- ing some Englishmen. Andros, then in New York, wishing to try the effect of con- ciliatory measures, ordered the Indian prisoners to be set at liberty. He issued a pacific proclamation. But all was in vain. The inhabitants of Maine generally took refuge in garrison houses. Stockades were constructed in North Yarrcoufti, on each side of Royall River. A party engaged in constructing these works under Capt. Gendall. A band of seventy or eighty Indians attacked him. He repelled them, after a severe con- flict, in which sever 1 were slain on each side. This was the first blood which was spilled in what was called the second ■war. In the evening, after the skirmish, Capt. Gendall and his servant fell into an ambuscade, and were both killed. John Royall was taken captive; but he was kindly ransomed by Baron Castine.^ 1 Collections of Massacliuaetts Historical Society, vol. i. p. 83, 3d ser. a History of Portland, by William Willis, p. 273. 218 THE HISTORY OF MAIHE. Early in November, seven hundred English soldiere were sent to Pemaquid.* About one hundred and fifty-six men were left here to garrison the fort. Garrisons were also established at several other places along the coast. P'ive hundred and sixty soldiers were east of the Kennebec. The troops suffered severely on this campaign, while they encountered not a single Indian." Gov. Andros became increasingly unpopular ; and his author- ity in the distant Province of Maine was subverted by a popu- lar uprising in April, 1689, in Boston, which threw the governor and thirty of his most obnoxious partisans into prison. The troops revolted from their oflBcers, and many abandoned their posts. The consequence was, that the Frencli and Indians cap- tured the fort, and almost depopulated the country. The same disaster took place at New Castle and Falmouth.^ At Saco the Indians were re^jelled ; but they took Dover by surprise, and cruelly slaughtered many of the inhabitants. We have no reason to doubt the accuracy of the following account of this disaster, given by Samuel G. Drake : — " The Indians rushed into Waldron's house in great numbers; and, while some guarded the door, others commenced the slaughter of all who resisted. Waldron was now eighty years of age; yet, seizing his sword, he defended himself with great resolution, and at first drove the Indiaup before him, from room to room, until one, getting behind him, knocked him down with his hatchet. They now seized upon him, and, dragging him into the great room, placed him in an armed chair, upon a table. " While they were thus dealing with the master of the house, they obliged the family to provide them with a supper, which when they had eaten, they took off his clothes, and proceeded to torture him in tiie most dreadful man- ner. Some gashed his breast with knives, saying, ' I cross out my account.' Others cut off joints of his fingers, saying, ' Now will your fist weigh a IK.und?"'* 1 Willis, following Belkuap, says seven Inmdred ; Holmes, Am. Ann. p. 474, says eight hundred ; Eliot states the number at a thousand. 3 " All this was merely a military movom'Mit, or display, neither the result of wisdom, experience, nor sound judgment, j I ad he been in the least acquainted with the habits of the Indians, or listened even to the statements of hunters, he would have known that these tenants of the forest retire in the autumn from the seaboard, and pass the winter upon their hunting-berths in the interior of the wilderness." — Williamson, vol. i. p. 1XH>. Williamson gives a list of eleven settlements along the coasi, at which thesa troops were distributed. ° Massachusetts Historical Collections, 3d sor. p. 85. * Drake's Hook of the Indians, book iii. p. 108. THE niSTORY OF MAINE. Sl» After continuing this torture for some time^ they let him fall upon hitt own sword, and thus put an end to his misery. Wal- dron had the reputation of being one of the most perfidious and unpcrupulons cheats in his treatment of the Indians. Wheiv they paid him what was due, he would neglect to cross out their accounts. In buying beaver-skins by weight, he insulted the intelligent Indians by insisting that his fist weighed just one pound. The day of retribution came ; and the savages wreaked their utmost vengeance vipon their victim. They held the place till morning. Then, with twenty-nine captives and all the plunder they could carry away, they set out for Canada. The^ French ransomed the prisoners ; and they were eventually re« turned to their friends.^ Upon the overthrow of Andros, the assembled people ap- pointed a council of thirty-seven men to secure the public safe- ty. A few weeks after this great revolution, the joyful tidings^ reached Boston, that the tyrant James II. had been diiven from* his throne and his kingdom, and had been succeeded by William^ Prince of Orange. Maine was in a deplorable condition. Her people were with- out any settled government, and were involved in a war fron> which they could reap nothing but disasters ; for victory could bring them no gains. The Council of Safety, apparently with the cordial assent of the people of Maine, assumed the super- vision of the Ducal Province. The illustrious chieftain Madockawando, whose daughter, it will be remembered, married Baron Castine, visited Boston, ac- companied by several sachems, in the endeavor to secure peace. Their bearing was not that of savages, but tliat of uneducated men of strong common sense, who thoroughly understood the true posture of affairs. The chief, Madockawando, was the principal speaker. The substance of his communication was as follows : — > "The seizure at that place (Dover), of four .hundred Indians, more than twelve years before, was a transaction never to be forgotten, never to be forgiven, by savages. Lapse of time bad only wrought their resentment into animosities,, malice, and t''^v and an opportunity now offered to satiate their revenge." — ■J/ V If .- '.^w. n A 4« I. < p. 610. sso THE HISTORY OF MAINE. '• Baron Caatine was deeply offended by the unprovoked attack upon his house, and the plunder of his premises. The French, his countrymen re- garded it as a national insult and a proclamation of war. The Indians who had adopted Baron Castine into their tribe, and made him a chief, considered it no less an act of hostility against them. Thus a terrible war must I'age, unless terms of peace can be agreed upon." The government treated the distinguished Indian envoys with great courtesy, assuring them of its entire disapproval of the conduct of Andros, whom the people had ejected from office. They loaded the chiefs with presents, and conveyed them home in a colony sloop. They sent, also, a very conciliatory letter to Baron Castine. But storms of war were rising in Europe, which dashed angry billows upon the shores of the New World. The Papist, James II., had fled to Catholic France, where he was received with open arms. War was the consequence, imbittered not only by the hereditary hatred between English* men and Frenchmen, but by the still more virulent antagonism which arose between Protestantism and Catholicism. France and England entered with equal alacrity upon the deadly strug- gle.* The patriotic pride, and the religious fanaticism, of the French in Canada, were aroused to drive the heretical English out of Maine. It was not difficult for them to rally the majority of the Indians around their standards. French privateers were promptly upon the coast, capturing the colonial vessels. It is said, we know not upon what authority, that the French mis- sionaries exerted all their powerful influence to rouse the Indi- ans to drive the English out of Maine. It is estimated that the French in New France then numbered over eleven thousand. The General Court, which had received the cordial sanction of the new king, William of Orange, promptly prepared an expedition to regain Nova Scotia, and capture Quebec. Seven vessels, manned by seven hundred men, sailed from Boston in the spring of 1690. Sir William Phips took the command. This remarkable man was a native of Maine, being one of the youngest of his mother's family of twenty-six children, twenty- 1 "War was declared by England against France on the 7th of May, 1689; but tidings of the proclamation did not reach Boston until Dec. 7." — Universal History, vol. xli. p. 47. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 221 one of whom were sons. He was born upon the Sheepscot, in the town of Woolwich, on the 2d of February, 1650. His father died when he was young ; and he remained with his mother, in the homestead, until he was eighteen years of age. Favored with but a limited education, he learned the trade of a ship-carpenter. The ravages of the Indians drove him from home ; and he entered upon the roving life of a sailor. Ac- cidentally he heard that a Spanish ship, richly laden with bars of silver from the mines, had been wrecked upon one of the Bahamas. He succeeded in communicating this intelligence to the Duke of Albemarle. An expedition was fitted out to re- cover the treasure. After sundry disappointments, extraordinary success crowned the endeavor. Thirty-four tons of silver, be- sides gold, pearls, and jewels, were raised from a depth of nearly fifty feet. The estimated value was one million, three hundred and fifty thousand dollars. The share of William Phips amounted to seventy thousand dollars. The Duke of Albemarle presented Mrs. Phips a golden cup worth four thousand dollars. The King of England con- ferred upon the successful adventurer the honor of knighthood, and appointed him high sheriff of New England. James II. was then king of England; and Sir Edn-und Andros was in power.^ The fleet sailed from Boston on the 29th of April. It con- sisted of a frigate of forty guns, two sloops-of-war (one carry- ing sixteen, and the other eight guns), and four ketches, which were small vessels, schooner rigged, of about two hundred tons* burden.* The squadron proceeded first to Port Royal. The garrison there was in no condition to resist so powerful a force, and 8' "endered at discretion .^ Sir y/illiam took, as prisoners-of-war, the military governor, 1 Mather's Magnolia, voL li. pp. lCl-208. Collection of State Papers. By Thomas Hiitcblnson, p. 363. • Universal History, vol. xl. p. 62. • " Du Mont, having received a commission as lieutenant-general of France, fitted out an expedition, with whicli be sailed along the coast of Maine, formed a temporary settlement at the month of the lliver St. Croix, where his company spent one winter, and then established a colony on the other side of the Bay of Fundy, at a place which they named Port Royal, and now called Annapolis. This was in ths year 1fi04," = History of Portland, by William V/illis, p. 10. 222 THE BI8T0HY OF MAtSE. M. Maneviil, and thirty-eight soldiers. He then ran back, south-westerly along the coast of Maine toward the Penobscot, capturing all the French posts oti the way, and taking possession of the islands. He appointed a governor over the province so easily conquered, and returned to Boston with his prisoners, and with sufficient plunder, as ho judged, to defray all the expenses of the expedition.' The French population of the subjugated province was sup- posed to be between two and three thousand souls.' They hated the English ; and the tribes under their influence sympathized with them in these hostile feeling.-. Flushed with victory, New England and New York combined to root out all the French colonies in Nova Scotia and Canada. Four thousand men were easily enlisted to enter upon the pop- ular enterprise. Sir William Phips, promoted to the rank of commodore, commanded the fleet, containing two thousand men. Quebec was its point of destination. The other half •of the army, under Major-Gen. John Winthrop of Connecticut, marched across the country to attack Montreal. The fleet sailed on the 19th of August, 1690. It was not until the 5th of October, that the vessels cast anchor before Quebec. Count Frontenac, a haughty but able French nobleman, was governor. To a summons to surrender, he returned the singular reply, ~ " You and your countrymen are heretics and traitors. New England and Canada wonld be one, had not the friendship been destroyed by your revolu- tion."* In this he referred to the revolution in England, which had ■driven the Papist, James II., into Fra ice, and had placed the Protestant, William of Orange, on the throne, and had thus inaugurated the war. A landing was effected about four miles below the town. Both the naval and the land forces commenced a furious cannonade. But the IB'rench fought with courage and 1 Mather's Magnalla, p. 522. 3 Hutohinaun's Historical Collections, vol. iL p. 19. Holmes, in his American Annals, vol. i. p. 474, estimates the number at between three and four thousand. 3 HutcLJusuu's Ulitiury u£ MaSsauLus«iii8, vuL L p. 3oC. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 223 skill, and were greatly aided in theii- attack upon the land-force by their Indian allies. The trooprt were defeated, and were driven precipitately on board the ships, Quebec was found far better armed with heavy guns than had been supposed. The fleet suffered more than the French works from the cannonade. A general feeling of depression spread through the English troops. The enter- prise was abandoned ; and the vessels spread their sails to return. To add to their disasters, the elements seemed to combine against them. A violent tempest struck the fleet. Several vessels, as they were emerging from the mouth of the St. Law- rence, were sunk, and others blown out to sea. It was not until the 19th of November, that the residue of the shattered squadron reached Boston. Between two and three hundred men were lost by the casualties of war during this unfortunate expef^iticp.* Gen. Wiuthrop was equally unsuccessful. Led by forty Mo- hawk warriors, he struggled through the forest to the shores of Lake Champlain. Here, finding himself unable to transport his army across the lake, he also abandoned the enterprise, and, with his humiliated army, returned, having accomplished noth- ing.' In the mean time, the war with the Indians and French com- bined was raging throughout Maine ; and the land was filled with lamentation and mourning. 1 Accordlug to Mather's Magnalla, vol iL p. 522, the fleet consisted of thirty- two saiL • Trumbull's History of Oonneotluut, vol. IL p. 38a CHAPTER XIII. ■ CAMPAIGNS IN THE WILDERNESS. Character of Indian Warfare — Expedition of Capt. Church — Battle at Pal- mouth— The Sacli of Berwiclt — The Massacre at Falmouth — Church at Pejepscot — Incidents of the Campaign— Indian Gratitude— The Truce— Deplorable Condition of Maine— The Disaster at York— Heroic Dsfence of Wells — Church's Third Expedition — New Efforts for Peace. IT will be remembered, that, in the year 1678, Massachusetts had purchased of Mr. Gorges the Province of Maine, for the sum of twelve hundred and fifty pounds sterling. King James II. protested af 'inst this sale. It was, however, ratified, in the year 1691, by King William, in a charter which included not only what had been called the Province of Maine, but also the more easterly provinces of Sagadahoc and Nova Scotia.^ We must now retrace the time for a few months. There were many intelligent men among the Indians ; and they saga- ciously succeeded in forming a very remarkable union of the several tribes. The Indians always proved to be a prowling, skulking foe, never venturing to meet their adversaries in the open field. They hid behind fences, stumps, rocks, and, waylaying the Eng- lish, would shoot them down, strip off their scalps, and dis- appear in the forest. They would watch all night to shoot a settler as he came from his cabin in the dawn of the morning. Four young men went out together ; and the invisible Indians shot them all down at a single fire. A well-armed party of twenty-four went out to bury them. The Indians rose from ambush ; and after a severe conflict, having shot down six, the a Willis'B Hiatory of Poiiiand, p, 222 224 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 225 savages fled into the woods. The activity of these people was 80 great, and their depredations so incessant and terrible, that nearly all the settlements, and even garrisons, east of Falmouth, were abandoned; and many of the inhabitants sought refuge in the stronger fortresses upon the Piscataqua. For the protection of the despairing people of Maine, Massa- chusetts sent to their aid an army of six hundred men. The troops were rendezvoused at Berwick, then called NewichaWan- nock. There were ninety Natick Indians in the party. Major Benjamin Church, a man who subsequently gained great renown in those wars, joined a detachment of these troops at Falmouth, with two hundred and fifty volunteers, a part of whom were friendly Indians. The report came, that seven hundred Indians,^ with many Frenchmen associated with them, were on the march to attack Falmouth. Major Church, who was well acquainted with the Indian mode of fighting, landed his troops secretly, in the night, and concealed them in a thick growth of bushes, about half a mile from the town. A severe battle soon took place, after the Indian fashion, in which both parties displayed great skill and bravery. The Indians finally retreated, after having killed or wounded twenty-one of their assailants,^ six of whom were In- dians in alliance with the English. The loss sustained by the Indians is not known. Major Church wrote to the governor of Massachusetts, under date of Sept. 27, 1689,^ — *• We know not yet what damage we did to the enemy in our last engage- ment. But several things that they left behind them on their flight, we found yesterday; which were gun-cases and stockings, and other things of 1 " Such was the statement of Mrs. Lee, a daughter of Major "Waldron, who had Jnst been ransomed from the Indians. Sullivan also says seven hundred. Mr. Willis thinks this number overestimated. Capt. Davis of Falmouth states the nJimber to have been between three and four hundred."— ffjatory of Portland, by William WillU, p. 277. 2 Church's Expedition, pp. 89, 106. 8 "There is no account of this action, excepting what Church gives in his His- tory. He has described the place where it happened, in such a manner, that it is ■very difficult now to fix upon it with any degree of certainty. It is clear that the Indians must either have gone up Fore River, and landed above the town, or have gone up Back Cove, and landed at the head of it, Tlie latter may be believed the most probable." —Sullivan't History of Maine, p. 202. 16 _,^ ~- ' — "-- — ^ 226 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. some value, together with other signs, that make us think that we did them considerable damage ."1 From this point, Major Church advanced, in his vessels, to the Kennebec, which he ascended for some distance. He visited several garrisons, and, returning, left sixty soldiers at Fort Loyal, and then sailed for Boston. Capt. Hall was left in com- mand of the garrison. The terror-stricken people, apprehen- sive that the savages would return with increased numbers, and inflict terrible vengeance, entreated Major Church to take them away in his transports. But he persuaded them to remain, with the assurance that efficient aid should be promptly sent them from Boston. Upon his arrival there, he labored hard, but in vain, to redeem his pledge. Berwick had revived, and contained about twenty-seven houses. Early in the spring of 1690, a party of French and Indians, having laid waste the settlement at Salmon Falls, made an attack upon Berwick. The assailants consisted of fifty-two men, twenty-five being Indians, and the remainder Frenchmen.* As usual, the attack was commenced by surprise, in the earliest dawn of the morning. The Indians were led by a renowned chief, called Hopehood.* The French commander was a Cana- dian officer of distinction, by the name of Artel, or Hartel as it is sometimes spelled. The English fought Avith the energies of despair. When almost every man (thirty-four in number) had been shot down, the women and children were compelled to surrender. The victors wantonly shot the cattle, laid all the bfiiildings in ashes, and with fifty-four captives, and all the plunder they could carry, retreated. A force of a hundred and fifty men, hastily collected, at- 1 Willis's History of Portland, p. 280, quoting from Hutchinson Papers. 3 Mather writes, " Being half one, and half t'other; half Indianized French, and half Frenchified Indians." * "Hopehood was a celebrated chief of the tribe of the Kennebeks, generally known as the Nerigwoks (Norndgewock). His Indian name seems to have been Wohawa. " — Z>ra*;e'« Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 109. "Many of the natives had both an Indian and an English name. Hopehood was a son of the celebrated Kegusset sagamore, called Bobinhood, but whose Indian name was Bamegin." — Drake, book iil. p. 97. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 227. tracted by the smoke of the burning village, pursued the united band of civilized and uncivilized savages. The plunderers, encumbered with booty and prisoners, were overtaken aa they were attempting to cross a small stream called Wooster River. A fierce battle ensued, which lasted till the darkness of night: set in. Several were slain on each side. But it would appear that during the night the marauders escaped.- In May the French and Indians organized another expedition against Falmouth. Between four and five hundred men com- menced the attack of the 16th of May, 1690. Prowling bands had been for some t^me seen around, which led to the suspicion that the foe was preparing to strike them by surprise. Thirty young men volunteered to march out on a reconnois- sance. Lieut. Thaddeus Clark led' Dhem, and led them into an ambush. They climbed Munjoy's Hill, when suddenly a volley of bullets was discharged upon them by invisible assailants, concealed behind a fence. That one discharge cut down nearly half their number, including their commander. The remainder fled in consternation to their fortifications, pursued by the French and Indians, filling the air with yells. There were, in addition to Fgrt Loyal, four garrison-houses in the town. All the people who were unable to effect a retreat to one of these fortresses were either killed or captured. The : assailants, after plundering the houses, set them on fire. They then combined all their energies to storm the forts. For four: days and four nights, they kept up almost a constant fire, dis- playing much military skill in their approaches. We give the 1 In this caae, as usual, there is a slight disci-epancy in the details, as given by ; the early annalists. Drake writes, — * " Hopeliood had joined twenty-two Frenchmen, under Hertel, with twenty-flve ' of his warriors. Thes attacked the place, as snon as it was day, in three places. The people defended themselves as well as they were able, in their consternation, until about thirty of their best men were slain, when they gave themselves up to , ,the mercy of the besiegers. Sixty-four men were carried away captive, and much , plunder. They burned all the houses, and the barns with the cattle in them. The number of buildings thus destroyed is unknown, but was perhaps thirty, and perhaps two hundred head of cattle." — Drake, book lii. p. 109. Charlevoix, in his History of New France, says that two thousand cattle were burnt in the barns. I give the narrative in the text as recorded by Belknap, vol. L p. 207, and the very accurate Williamson, vol. i. p. 019. I 228 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. result, not in the words, but in accordance with the facts con- tained in the oflBcial report of Capt. Davis ; which document is on file in the Massachusetts office of State. The conflict commenced with the dawn of the 16th. It raged until the afternoon of the 20th. Nearly all the inmates of the garrison were then slain. Either the French were dressed as Indians, or had so concealed themselves, that the English could not tell whether there were any of that nation in the savage band assailing them. They, therefore, sent a flag of truce, that they might ascertain whether they could, by a surrender, hope to save the lives of the survivors. Thus they learned that there were many Frenchmen in the party ; and they were promised, that, as a condition of surrender, the lives of all should be spared, and that they should be conducted, under guard, to the next English town, where they should be set at liberty. The French commander took a solemn oath, by the ever living God, that the articles of the capitulation should be sacredly per- formed.^ The gates were thrown open, and the savages rushed in. Awful was the scene which ensued. Mons. Burneffe had prob- ably lost all control over his ferocious allies. No respect what- ever was paid to the terms of the surrender. There were seventy living men within the garrison, many of whom were wounded, and a large number of women and children. Nearly all were slaughtered, and many with inhuman tortures. The French rescued Capt. Davis, and succeeded in saving the lives of, some say fifty, others say a hundred prisoners. It seems to have been a custom among the Indians to put to death as many of their captives as they themselves had lost in the conflict.2 The whole village was laid in ashes. The dead were 1 " The French ami Indians were under the command of M. Burneffe, a Cana- dian oflBcer. His lieutenant was M. Cort€ de March. Most of the French troops were from Quebec, under Capt. M. de Portneuf. Tlie Indians were led by Baron Gastine and his son-in-law, Madookawando. They came to Casco Bay in a large fleet of canoes. Charlevoix gives the command of the expedition to Portneuf, and dates the surrender on the 27th. In both of these statements he is doubtless incorrect." — See Letter of Capt. Davis in Collections of Afassachnsetts Historical So- ciety, vol. i. 3 ser., p. 104. 2 "When the prisoners marched out ol I he fort, fifty in all, the savages raised a shout, fell upon them with hatchet and bword, and killed all except four; and these were woimded." — Hisioiro at Disi. Gun de ia Noutcllc France, par Pere da Charlevoix, vol. iii. p. 78. .-: , .|||:Tr-i 230 THE HISTORY OF MAINE left unburied. The number slain in this awful massacre is not known. The French, after participating in this demoniac deed, commenced their march back to Canada. " I must say," writes Capt. Davis, " they were kind to me in my travels through the country. Our provisions were very short, — Indian corn and adorns. Hunger made it very good, and God gave it strength to nourish." Davis was a i^'lj ler-of-war in Quebec for four months, when Sir William t'h.ps effected his exchange for a Frenchman The capture of Falmouth was a terrible disaster. The victori- ous Indians scattered in all directions, perpetrating the most horrible deeds of cruelty and crime. Many of them were demons in character, and recoiled from no horror. The cruel- ties they often committed are too revolting to be described. Even the recital brings torture to the soul. From all the feebler garrisons the people fled in dismay, west- ward, and took refuge in Stoker's strong garrisons at Wells.' The government sent them re-enforcements, with directions to make a stand there, and resist all attacks. The valiant Major Church was despatched with another expe- dition, of three hundred men, to visit Casco and Pejepscot, to chastise the Indians, and regain captives, if possible. This was early in September, 1690. He landed at Maquoit, and marched at night across the country to Pejepscot ^ Fort, which, it will be remembered, was located west of the Androscoggin, at the Pejepscot Falls. The Indians held possession of the fort. The accompanying illustration shows the appearance of these cele- brated falls, after the lapse of nearly two centuries. A watchful eye discerned the coming, and spread the alarm. The savages fled in all directions, leaving several English cap- tives behind. One Indian man was taken, with a few women and several children. The horrors perpetrated by the savages had created great exasperation against them. Church's men 1 " No other town in the province was so well provided with houses of refuge as Wells. This was due to the prudent foresight of Storer and Wheelwright. There were here Moven or eight garrisons, some of them huilt in the best manner, against assaults from without, and for the protection and comfort of those with- in." — History of Wells and,if«fine6t*nfc, hy Edward E. Bourne, LL.D. p. 196. « Williamson spells tliis both Pejepscot and Pegypscot, pp. 37, 724. TnS HISTORY OF MAINE. 231 were about to put the man to death, when the female white captives, who had thus been rescued, earnestly pleaded for his life. They said that he had ever been kind to them, and had several times saved them and others from death. The wives of two of the distinguished sagamores, Kankama- gus* and Worumbee, were among the prisoners. As they promised that eighty English captives should be surrendered for their ransom, their lives were spared, and they were sent to the garrisons at Wells. The sister of Kankamagus was slain. Worumbee's two children were carried, with their mother, into captivity. Mr. Drake quotes the following statement from a manuscript letter written at that time by Major Church, and addressed to Gov. Hinckley of Plymouth : — " We left two old squaws that were not able to march; gave them victuals enough for one week, of their own corn, boiled, and a little of our provis- ions; and buried their dead, and left clothes enough to keep them warm, and left the wigwams for them to lie in ; gave them orders to teU their friends how kind we were to them, bidding them to do the like to om-s. Also, if they were for peace, to come to Goodman Small's at Berwick, within four- teen days, who would attend to discourse them." » This capture upon the Androscoggin took place on Sunday, Sept. 14, 1690. The victors retired with five English captives, whom they had rescued, and nine Indians prisoners. Major Church and his victorious party, about forty in num- ber, ascended the Androscoggin seven miles, to another Indian fort. There he killed twenty-one Indians, took one a prisoner, and rescued seven English captives. T^-.e torch was applied, and the works laid in ashes. The single savage whose life was spared was a gigantic fellow, Agamcus, who was nicknamed 1 " Kankamagus, commonly called Hoykins, Hawkins, or Haklns, was a Pen- nacook sachem. He was faithful to the English as long as he could depend upon them for protection. Wheu the ten-ible Mohawks were sent to destroy the east- ern Indians, he fled westerly to the Androscoggin. Here he and another sachem, called Worumbee, lived with their families. He could speak and write EngUah His several letters to Gov. Canfield prove his fidelity. There can be no doubt that he would have been true to the English, had they been true to him." - DraAe'a Book of the Indiana, book iii. p. 106. « Drake's Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 108. 232 THE HISTORT OF MAINE. Great Tom.' On the march he escaped, and carried to the Indians such reports of the strength and prowess of Major Church's troops, that they retired far back into the interior wilderness.' Church sailed along the coast, touching at various points, and inflicting all the injury he could upon the Indians. It was, however, not often that they gave him an opportunity to strike a blow. On the 2l8t of September, he landed three companies on Purpooduck.' Here a strong band of Indians fiercely as- sailed him. He repelled them with the loss of five of his own men, after having slain eight or ten Indians, and taken thirteen canoes. Major Church afterwards learned, from a returned captive, that the savages put just as many English prisonera to a cruel death as they had lost in the conflict. In October, ten sagamores went to Wells, where the captive women and children were restored to them. They expressed unbounded gratitude in view of the kindness with which they had been treated, and declared their earnest desire for peace. " We are ready," they said, " at any time and place you may appoint, to meet your head men, and enter into a treaty." On the 29th of November, a truce between the Massachu- setts commissioners and six sagamores was signed. It would appear that there was much diflSculty in agreeing upon the terras on which hostilities should gease. The Indians had even abandoned the council, and retired to their canoes, before terms were offered them which they were willing to accept. The truce was to continue through the winter, until the 1st of May, when they promised to visit Stover's garrison, in Wells, to bring 1 We hope that the following statement made by Mr. Williamson is a mistake. " The wives of the two sagamores and their children were saved. But it is pain- ful to relate, and no wise creditable to the usual hiimanity of Major Church, that the rest of the females, except two or three old squaws, also the unoffending chil- dren, were put to the tomahawk or sword." —Vol. i. p. 625. a " Many Indians bore the name of Tom. Indian Hill in Newbury was owned by Great Tom, He is supposed to have been the last Indian proprietor of lands in that town. In written instruments he styles himself, — I Great Tom, In- dian.' "—Drake, book iii. p. 114. « The first inhabitants of Cape Elizabeth, which is separated from the penin- sula by Fore River, seated themselves opposite to the harbor, upon ~^irpooduck Point; from which the plantation, commencing forty-four years prior to King Philip's war, derived its name." — Williamson, vol. ii. p. 377. rUE UJSTORY OF MAINE. 288 in all the English captives they held, and to establish a perma- nent peace. The condition of Maine at this time was deplorable in the extreme. All the settlements were devastated, but four. Those were Wells, York, Kittery, and the Isle of Shoals. At the appointed time, Pres. Danforth, with quite an imposing reti- nue on horseback, repaired to the strong garrison. But, for some unexplained reason, the sagamores did not appear.' Some attributed it to the influence of the French. It is more proba- ble that they feared treachery. During the winter, the English had been preparing to strike heavy blows, should the war be renewed. The wary Indians, through their scouts, kept them- selves informed of every movement. Capt. Converse, who had command of the troop of horse, sent out a detachment, who brought in a few of the neighbor- ing chiefs. To the inquiry why the sagamores did not come in, according to the agreement, to ratify the treaty, they returned the unsatisfactory reply, — " We did not remember the time. But we now bring in and deliver up two captives. We promise certainly to surrender the rest within ten days."' The chiefs were permitted to roturn to their homes. Ten days passed away; but no Indians appeared. Apprehensive that an attack was meditated, Pres. Danforth returned to York, and sent a re-enforcement of thirty-five soldiers to strengthen the garrison at Wells. They arrived on the 9th of June, 1692. It was none too soon. In one half-hour after their arrival, a band of two hundred savages made a fierce but unsuccessful attack upon the garrison. The only account we have of this battle is the following : — *' We have intelligence that the eastward Indians and some French have made an assault upon the garrisons in and near the town of Wells, and have 1 "The reason of this we cannot explain, unless the warlike appearance of the English deterred them. After waiting a while, Capt. Convei-se surprised some of them, and brought them in by force. Having reason to believe the Indians pro- voked by this time, he immediately added thirty-flve men to their fhis) force." '-Drake, book iii. p. 102. » Williamson, vol. 1. n. 027. 284 THE HIBTORY OF MAINE. billed about six persons thereabout- killed tliem before their faces." * They drove the cattle together, and The savages J thus bafiBed, retired, threatening soon to come again. At Cape Neddock, in York, they burned several houses, and attacked a vessel, killing mu t of the crew. Indian bands continued to range the country, shooting down all they could find, and inflicting all the damage in their power. Another dreary summer passed away, and another cheerless winter came. The Indians seldom ventured to brave the cold and the storms of a Maine winter in their campaigns : conse- quently the inhabitants of York remitted their vigilance at that time. The Indians, with the military skill they were accus- tomed to display, selected this season for their attack. The little village was scattered along the eastern bank of the Agamenticus River. There were several strong block-houses, in which the inhabitants could take refuge in case of an alarm. The accompanying illustration faithfully represents the struo* ture of one of those houses. OABBISON-HOUSB AT YOBK, BUILT ABOIJT 161S. 1 Letter of Gov Stou^hton of New York, dated June 34, 16111. THE HISTORY OF MAISE. 285 Early on a dark, cold morning of February, 1692, a band of between two and three hundred French and Indians, having traversed the wilderness from Canada on snow-shoes, made a furious attack upon different portions of the hamlet. The peo- ple were as much taken by surprise as if an army had descended from the clouds. A scene of terror, carnage, and woe, ensued, M'hich can neither be described nor imagined. In one half-hour seventy- five of the English were slain, and more than a hundred taken prisoners, many of them wounded and bleeding. All the un- fortified houses were in flames. Those within the walls of the garrison fought with the utmost intrepidity. The assail- ants, despairing of being able to break through their strong walls, and fearing thit re-enforcements might come to the aid of the English, gathered up their plunder, huddled the dis- tracted, woe-stricken prisoners together, and commenced a retreat. Awful were the sufferings of these captives,— wounded men, feeble women leaving the gory bodies of their husbands behind them, and little children now fatheriess. The French and the savages co-operated in these demoniac deeds. The victors com- menced their march over the bleak, snow-drifted fields, towards Sagadahoc. With the exception of the garrison-houses, the whole village was destroyed. One-half of all the inhabitants were either killed, or carried into captivity. Rev. Shubael Dummer was the excellent pastor of the little church there. He was about sixty years of age, a graduate of Harvard College, a man of devoted piety, and greatly beloved. He was found dead upon the snow. His wife, a lady from one of the first families, and distinguished for her social accomplishments, and her mental and moral cul- ture, was seized, and dragged away with the crowd of captives. But the massacre of her husband, the scenes of horror M'hich she had witnessed, and the frightful prospect opening before her, soon caused her to sink away in that blessed sleep which has no' earthly waking. But few of those thus carried into captivity, amidst the storms of an almost arctic winter, ever saw friends or home ae-ain. 236 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. One pleasing event which occurred is worthy of especial record. The Indians selected from their prisoners several aged women and several children, just the number, and about the ages, of those whom Major Church had treated kindly in the oapture of the Pejepscot Fort. These were safely returned, with ex- pressions of gratitude, to one of the English garrison-houses.* A party from Portsmouth, N.H., set out in pursuit of the Indians ; but they could not be overtaken. In Wells, there were but fifteen men in garrison. They were commanded by Capt. Converse. Two sloops and a shallop, manned by fourteen sailors, were sent to them with supplies. Before the dawn of the morning of June 10, 1692. an army of five hundred French and Indians, under Mons. Burneffe, attacked the place. The Indians were led by four of their most distinguished sagamores. As usual, the assault was commenced with hideous yells. The military science of the French was combined with the ferocity of the savages. The strength of the assailants was such, that they had not the slightest doubt of success. Mather writes, — •♦ They fell to dividing persons and plunder. Such an English captain should be slave to such an one. Such a gentleman should serve such an one, and his wife be a maid of honor to such or such a squaw. Mr. Wheel- wright, instead of being a worthy counsellor, aa he now is, was to be the ser- vant of such a Netop. " John Wheelwright was widely known. He was the most prominent man in the town. His capture would have been deemed an inestimable acquisition. The assailing army ap- proached the feeble garrison, according to European, not Indian tactics. It appears that Capt. Converse had in the garrison about thirty armed men. Probably half of these r^ere inhabit- ants of the place. They had fled to that retreat in consequence of suspicions that Indians were skulking around. We know 1 Collections Maine Hiatorical Society, vol. i. p. 104. It is extremely difficult to a-Hoertain with accuracy the course which Major Church pursued at Pejepscot. The accounts are very contradictory. Mr. Drake, In hlB valuable Book of the Indians, represents him aa acting with shocking inhu- manity, " knocking women and children in the head." But this fact seems to imply that ho was guilty of no such atrocities. THE niBTORY OF SiAINE. 287 not how many women and children had taken refuge there. Converse ordered his men to keep carefully concealed, and not to fire a gun until they were sure of their aim. One of the garrison, terror-stricken in view of the formidable array ap- proaching, tremblingly said, "We cannot resist. We must surrender." '* Repeat that word,*' Capt. Converse replied sternly, " and you are a dead man." The assailants opened fire. The garri- son returned it with several small cannon as well as musketry. The women assisted in bringing powder, and in handling the guns. The bullets, thrown with cool and accurate aim, created grett havoc in the ranks of the enemy. This was not the Indian mode of fighting. Instead of admiring what was called the gallautry of the French in thus exposing their lives, they regarded th^m as fools in thus, as it were, courting death. Cot- ton Mather, in his description of the battle, writes, " They kept calling to surrender ; which ours answered with a laughter and with a mortiferous bullet at the end of it." There is probably more poetry than prose in that statement. We apprehend that there was little time for laughter on that dreadful day, when the feeble little garrison was struggling against a foe outnumbering it nearly twenty to one. They believed that it was the determination of the Indians, incited by the French, to destroy every vestige of the English settle- ments, and to put to death, or drive from the land, all the Eng- lish inhabitants. Capt. Converse had but fifteen men in what was called the Storer's garrison.^ The battle of the first day was mainly directed against the garrison. But brave hearts behind strong defences beat off the foe. The sloops were anchored in a nar- row creek, which was bordered with high banks. The .^ssels were so near the shore, that the Indians, from their hiding- 1 " We know not whether tJe little band on board the vessels, or the noble men and women within the garrison, are enUwled to the higher meed. History speaks of fifteen soldiers within the latter; but we think there may have been thirty. Whether the latter or the former is the true number, the victory over the assail- anwj was one that entitles not only these soldiers, but all who were within the walls of the fort, to the grateful lemembrance of those who have entered into their luho!^" — BoxifTi^'s Histov of Wslla aTid KsnxiAaxik-. '^, 218, 238 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. places, could easily throw stones on board. They built a breast- work of planks, over which they cautiously took aim. With fire-arrows they succeeded several times in setting the vessels on fire. But the sailors extinguished the flames with mops on the end of long poles. At length the Indians built a breastwork on a cart. This they pushed within fifty feet of one of the vessels. Not a shot could strike them. As they were carefully pressing it forward, one of the wheels entered a rut. It could not be extricated without exposure. A gallant Frenchman sprung to the wheel, and was instantly shot down. Another Frenchman took his place : he, also, fell, pierced by a bullet. The Indians did not regard this as sensible warfare, but fled as fast as possi- ble. The next morning was Sunday. The enemy combined all their energies in a renewed attack upon the garrisons; but their bullets produced no effect upon the strong block-houses. Not a man was wounded. Many of the Indian chiefs could speak English. They often called upon Capt. Converse to sur- render. To these summons he returned defiant answers. One of the chiefs shouted, " Since you feel so stout, Converse, why do you not come out into the field and fight like a man, and not stay in a garrison, like a squaw?" " What a pack of fools you are 1 " Converse replied. " Do you think that I am willing, with but thirty men, to fight your five hundred ? But select thirty of your warriors, and, with them only, come upon the plain, and T am ready for you." " No, no I " the chief replied in broken English. " We think English fashion all one fool, — you kill me, me kill you. Not 80. We lie somewhere, and shoot 'em Englishmen when he no see. That's the best soldier." Another Indian exclaimed, " We will cut you into pieces as small as tobacco, before to-morrow morning." " Come on, then," the brave captain retorted : " we are all ready for work." Finding their efforts unavailing, the combined foe of French and savages again turned their attention to the two small sloops which were anchored close t ' 3ther. There v/ere but seven or THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 289 eight sailors on board.* An army of five hundred men attacked them. Small, comparatively, as were the contending forces, it 18 indeed true that a more heroic defence history has seldom recorded. The savages constructed a raft about twenty feet square, upon which they piled all kinds of combustibles,— dried branches, birch-bark, and evergreen boughs. Applying the torch, they converted it into an island of fire, the forked tongues of flame rising twenty or thirty feet high. The destruction of the sloops now seemed sure. Five hun- dred yells of triumph pierced the air, as the fire-raft swung from Its moorings, and floated down on the current towards the apparently doomed vessf' No skill, no courage, could avail against such a foe. But they were saved by a more than human power. The wind changed : and the floating volcano was driven to the opposite shore, where it was soon converted to ashes. One of the French commanders, Labocree, was shot through the head. Many others of the French and Indians were either killed or wounded. Thus baffled, the foe retreated, after inflict- ing all the damage in their power, in burning the dwellings, and shooting the cattle. In the dusk of the evening they with- drew ; and silence and solitude reigned where the hideous clangor of battle had so long resounded.a But one man of the English was killed. He was shot on board one of the vessels. One unhappy Englishman, John Diamond, was taken captive. The savages, in revenge for their losses, put him to death with the most horrible tortures which their ingenuity could contrive. Capt. Converse,8 for his heroic defence, was promoted to the 1 "Our sloops -vere sorely incommoded by a turn of the creek, where the ene- my could be 80 npav «., to throw mud aboard with their hands. Other accounts make their distance from hem sixty yards." -Jtfa^fter's Magnalia, vol. ii. p. 632 vol. ii. p. 632 ; and Bourse's History of Wells and Kennebunk, p. 216 8 'The cc-irage of the brave and intrepid Converse kept that of all his com- rades from waning. Ha knew how much depended on his own resolution and firmness: his noble manliness amidst the storm was the inspiration of all about r^^l^^^''^fT °°* ""T'^ ^ '*™««^^ "°™ '^"'^''y °^ perpetual remembrance. The names of those noble men, Gooch and Storer, should never l,e forgotten by the townsmen of Wells. We know not ^ho else was on board these vessels But, known or unknown, the whole crew were more worthy of monumental re^ membrance than the thousands of more modem times whose memorv is sanctified lu^o aoarts or tneu- cuuuirymen.--£(mme'a HUt<>ryo/ Wells and Kennebunk. 240 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. important position of commander-in-chief of all the forces in Maine. For seven years this dreadful war desolated the State. Hundreds of terrible tragedies, of burning, scalping, torturing, have never been recorded. It is heart-rending to contemplate the woes into which so many families were plunged. No theol- ogy or philosophy can fully explain why God should allow the depravity of man to inflict such misery upon his brother. In the spring of 1692 a new administration commenced ; and Sir William Phips was appointed, by the sovereign of England, governor of Massachusetts. A legislature was convened at Boston on the 8th of June. Eight representatives were re- turned from Maine. War always spreads a demoralizing influ- ence throughout the whole community. Pirates and freeboot- ers ravaged the unprotected shores of the Province. It was the great object of the French, in the war in which France was involved with England, to annex the territory between the Sag- adahoc and Nova Scotia to their domains. In August, Gov. Phips, with a force of fouj hundred and fifty men, repaired to a spot about three miles above Pemaquid Point, on the east side of the river, where he built quite a mas- sive fort of quadrangular form, seven hundred and forty-seven feet in measurement. While the fort was in process of con- struction, Major Church was despatched farther east, with a strong force, to search out the enemy. The fort, which was named William Henry, was built of stone, at an expense of about a hundred thousand dollars. It was garrisoned by sixty men, and mounted eighteen cannon, six of which were eighteen- pounders. This armament showed that they were preparing to repel not savages merely, but the well-equipped armies of France. The expense of building and maintaining such a garrison was great for those times, and excited much discontent. But the Indians, who, unseen, watched all the movements of their enemy, could not be caught sight of. They found scattered through the wildernesH the lonely cabins of two or three Frenchmen who had married Indian wives. It does not appear that these people were molested. Two or three vagrant Indians were, by chance, caught; and a small amount of plunder was taken, of corn and beaver-skins. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 241 Capt. Church, upon his return to Pemaqukl, asqended the Kennebec as far as Teconnet (Winslow). Hut the fleet-footed savages very prudently avoided a battle. There were a few guns discharged in the vicinity of Swan Island ; but we can- not learn that anybody was hurt. At Teconnet the sava-es as they saw the English troops approacliing, set fire to their huts, and like a covey of frightened partridges, vanished in the woods.* The French organized a strong expedition to batter down the walls of Fort Henry. About two hundred Canadians were sent to the Penobscot to be united with an equal number of Indians under Madockawando. Two French frigates - one of thirtv- e.ght,and the other of thirty-four guns - were toco-operate. J3u^when this powerful land and naval force reached Pemaquid, an English man-of-war was riding at anchor, under the guns of the tort; and the works were found too strong to be attacked. Lhm the enterprise was abandoned. ^ The starving Indians, without homes or harvests, and livinc. in constant terror, were in great distress, and longed for peace! On the 12th of August, 1692, eighteen sagamores, representing nearly all the tribes from Passamaquoddy Bay to Saco, came to the tort at Pemaquid, and proposed terms of peace. Three commissioners met them. The sagamores renounced subjection to France, and pledged oyalty to the crown of England. They also agreed to release all their captives without ransom, to leave the English unmolested ni all their claims to possessions and territory, and to traffic only at the trading-houses which should be regulated by law All controversies were to be settled in English courts of justice. *ive Indians, of high rank, were delivered to the English as hostages to secure the fulfilment of the treaty.' Thus terminated the second Indian war. Still the Indians could not be cordial and happy with the hard conditions im- posed upon them^ They were treated as a subjugated people. The Protestant English and the Catholic French were nt'ver 1 Benjaiiiiu Clinrch's Third Expedition, p ];$l th/lSant' '^"^°'"*' ^"'- "■ "■ ""'' '"'''""" ''''''' *^*^ *™"*y' «« bumiUatin,. to 16 242 THE HISTORY OF 'MAINE. friendly. Occasionally they would cease to quarrel ; but that was all. Religious differences imbittered national animosities. It is said that the Frenc'u were continually endeavoring to rouse the Indians against the English, just as the English, a few years afterwards, were unweavied in their endeavors to rouse the savages against the Americans. It is said that the Catholic missionaries were ever striving to incite the savages to renew the war, incessantly preaching that " it is no sin to break faith with heretics." That these self- denying ecclesiastics, toiling in the wigwams to elevate and instruct the Indians, were patriotic to their own country, when war was raging between France and England, cannot be doubted. But no man can read the record of their toils and sufferings without the conviction that they were truly good men, endeavoring, according to the best of their knowledge, to seek and to save the lost. Father Rasle, at Norridg^wock, was denounced with peculiar severity. " His entire devotion," writes Williamson, " to the religious interests of the Indians, gave him an unlimited ascen- dency over them." * Frontenac, governor of Canada, appointed Mons. Villieu resident commander at Penobscot. He succeeded in enlisting two hundred and fifty Indians, under Madockawan- do, to accompany a French force in an attack upon Dover. Having destroyed the place, on the 18th of July, 1693, they re- turned across the Piscataqua to Maine. They killed four men near York, and took one lad captive. On the 2oth of August, they killed eight men at Kittery, and, with the hard-heartedness of fiends, scalped a little girl. The child was found the next morning, bleeding, and apparently dying. The scalp was torn from her head, and her skull broken in by a blow from a toma- hawk ; still, strange to say, the child recovered. This was considered such a violation of the treaty as to jus- tify any retaliatory acts. There was a Frenchman by the name ' " After many attempts on the part of tbe English to induce the savages, by t)ribes, and by promises the most flattering, to deliver the missionaries to them, they offered a reward of a thousand pounds sterling to any one who would bring them the head of Rasle. Les Anglais mirent sa tete li pris, et promireut mille livre sterling a celui qui la leur porterait." — Zfistoire de la Nouvelle France, par I'ere la Charlevoix, ii. p. 386. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 243 of Robert or Robin Doney, who had adopted the Indian style of living, had become a chief among them, and had signed the treaty at Pemaquid. He expressed great regret for the rupture, and, with three companions, hastened to the new fort at Saco, to seek some adjustment of the difficulty. ' He and his compau- ions were seized and imprisoned.* Soon after this, an Indian chief, by the name of Bomaseen, f^ccompanied by two Indians of high rank, visited the garrison at Pemaquid. Bomaseen, or Bomazeen as Drake spells it, was a sachem of the Canibas tribe at Norridgewock. He was a friend of the English, and had communicated to them informa- tion respecting the designs of the French. It was known that he had saved the life of a woman, Rebecca Taylor, whom a savage was endeavoring to hang.a The three were immediately seized and incarcerated upon the suspicion that they were en- gaged in the rupture.^ It is humiliating to record that the government did not re- pudiate this bad faith. But there were many individuals who denounced it with great severity, declaring it to be as impolitic as it was unjust. It is reported by Williamson that the follow- ing conversation took place in Boston, between Bomaseen and an Enghsh clergyman. The chief, speaking of the religious instruction he had received from the priests, said, — " The Indians understand that the Virgin Mary was a French lady. Her son, Jesus Christ, the^lessed, was murdered by the English. But he has risen from the dead, and gone to heaven. All who would gain his favor must avenge his blood." The English clergyman replied, taking a glass of wine, » Jesus Christ gives us good religion, like the wine in this glass. God's •I i! "^7y«»!« after this, in 1693, Eobin Doney became reconciled to the Eng- Ush, and signed a treaty with tliem at Pemaquid. But, within a year aft«r he became suspected, whether with or without reason, we know not, and coming to the fort at Saco, probably to settle the difficulty, was seized by the EnglW What his fate was is rather uncertain; but the days of forgiveness and mercy were not yet. " - Drakes Book of the Indiana, book iii. p. lie. 2 Drake, book iii. p. ill. » "In 1(594 he (Bomazeen) came to the fort at Pemaquid with a flag of truce and was treacherously seized by those who commanded, and sent prisoner to Bos- ton, where he remained some mouths in a loathsome prison." -Drake, book iii p. 111. 244 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. book is the Bible, which holds this good wine. The French put poison in it, and then give it to the Indians. The English give it to them pure; that is, they present them the Bible in their own language. French priests hear you confess your sins, and take beaver for it. The English never sell pardons. Par- dons are free, and come from God only." To this Bomaseen replied, " The Indians will spit up all French poison. The Englishman's God is the best God." ^ The English retained the five hostages whom the chiefs had placed in their hands, and also closely imprisoned Bomaseen and his companions for the winter. Pestilence and famine were raging among these unhappy perishing natives. Starvation drove many to acts of plunder. In May, 1695, the English sent one of their hostage chiefs, Sheepscot John, to confer with the eastern Indians upon peace. He induced the sagamores to come in a fleet of fifty canoes, and meet him at Rutherford's Island, which was about three miles from fort William Henry. There was a friendly confer- ence. A truce was agreed upon ; eight English captives were released ; and the sagamores promised, at the end of thirty days, to meet commissioners at the garrison of William Henry, and conclude an abiding peace. The commissioners met at the appointed time and place. The sagamores were also prompt to their engagements. The English, Messrs. Phillips, Hawthorne, and Converse, refused to surrender their hostages, and yet demanded that the Indians should surrender their prisoners before they would even treat upon the subject of peace. We must respect these chiefs for resenting such an indignity. They replied, — " You have not brought ua our friends, and yet you demand that we shall bring to you yours. This is not fair. We will talk no more. " Abruptly they rose and departed. Thus the truce ended. Again the storms of war spread their desolations far and wide. It was a miserable warfare on each side, shooting individuals whenever they could be found, burning cabins and wigwams, and capturing and scalping without mercy. 1 WilliftHison, vol. 1. p. 641. all CHAPTER XIV. KING WILLIAM'S WAR. — QUEEN ANNE'S WAR. Efforts of the French to reduce Fort William Henry — Cruelty of Capt. Chubb — His Fate — Camden Heights — Plunder on the Bay of Fundy — Major Frost — Fearful Tragedies — Consultations for Peace — Assacorabuit — Impoverishment of the Province — Cruel Rumors and New Solicitudes — An Intolerant Act -Gov. Dudley — Speech of Simmo — King William's War — Policy of M. RiviiSres — Shameful Conduct of Englishmen — Third Indian War — Siege of Winter Harbor— Arrival of Capt, Southack. rpHE renewal of the dreadful war must be attributed to the -L folly of the English. During the month of June, 1696, more than twenty persons were shot in the vicinity of the Piscataqua, and many houses were burned. The French resolved to reduce Fort William Henry. In their view, it con- trolled all of Western Acadia. Capt. Iberville was sent from Quebec, with two men-of-war, and two companies of soldiers. At Port Royal he was to take on board fifty Indians ; and at Castine he was to be joined by Baron Castine and a large additional number. Charlevoix saya that there were two hundred savages in the expedition.* Cas- tine, with his retinue, accompanied the ships along the shore in canoes. The troops were landed without opposition, and the batteries raised. By the 14th of July, 1696, the fort was invested. Capt. Chubb, who was in command of the garrison, had fifteen guns and ninety-five men, with an ample supply of food and ammunition. Iberville, having placed his cannon and mortars in position simply to show what he could do, sent a summons for surrender. Chubb was particularly obnoxious to the Indians, 1 Hist. Gen. de la Noiiv. Fr., t. iii. p. 2m. 245 I 246 THE ff I STORY OF MAINE. who never forgot a wrong. Only five months before, on the 16th of February, 1696, he lured two sachems, Edgeremet and Abenquid, into his fort, and put them both to death. " It was a horrid and cold-blooded act," writes Drake. " Few are the instances that we meet with in history, where Indian treachery, as it is termed, can go before this.'" * To the demand for a sur- render, Chubb returned the spirited reply, " I shall not give up the fort, though the sea be covered with French vessels, and the land with wild Indians." The bombardment was commenced \vith great energy. Bombshells, those most terrible thunderbolts of war, fell thick, with death-dealing explosions, within the enclosure. Baron Castine, who seems to have been a humane man, some say a religious man, convinced that the fort could not withstand the cannonade, and knowing, from the antagonism of the Indians to Chubb, that, should the fort be carried by storm, no earthly power could restrain the ferocity of the savages, succeeded in sending to him the following message : *' If you delay to surren- der till the works are carried by assault, an indiscriminate massacre of the garrison is inevitable." Conscious guilt probably made Chubb cowardly. Ihe white flag was raised ; and the terms of capitulation were soon agreed upon. All the garrison were to be conveyed to Boston, and, in exchange for them, just as many French and Indian prisoners- of-war were to be returned. The gates of the fort were thrown open ; and the conquerors entered, unfurling the French flag upon the captured battlements. But the Indians found one of their people in irons. He had a deplorable story to tell of the cruel treatment he had received from Chubb. Tliis so exasperated them, that, before Capt. Iber- ville could effectually interpose, several of the English were I Drake, book iii. p. 112. "Cotton Mather records the crime in language quite nnwortliy of liira. He writes, ' Know, then, reader, that, Capt. March petitioning to be dismissed from his command of tlie fort at Pemaquid, one Cluibb succeeded him. This Clmbb foimd an opportunity, in a pretty Chubbed manner, to kill tlie famous Edgeremet and Abenquid, a couple of principal sagamores, with one or two other Indians, on a Lord's Day. Some, that well enough liked the thing which was now done, did not altogether lilce the manner of doing it; because there was a pretence of treaty between Chubb and the sagamores, whereof he took his advantage to lay violent hands upon them.' "— Mather' g Magnalia^ book vii. THE BISTORY OF MAINE. 247 flag massacred ; but, by the aid of the French soldiers, he rescued the rest, and removed them, with Chubb, to a small neighbor- ing island, where they were place, under a strong guard.' Both French and Indians regarded this conquest as a great achievement. The fleet returned to the Penobscot; and, flushed with victory, new efforts were made by the French to enlist all the tribes as allies in the renewal of the war. The capture of Fort William Henry created much anxiety in Boston. It was feared that the fleet would sweep the whole coast, from the Penobscot to the Piscataqua, burning and destroying. Five hundred men were promptly raised, and sent to the Piscataqua, under the command of Capt. Church. But no enemy appeared there. Three British men-of-war, with a smaller vessel of twenty guns, and a fire-ship, sailed from Boston for the Penobscot, to attack and destroy the French squadron ; but the fleet was just visible, far away in the distant horizon, on its return to Quebec. Though it was pursued for a few hours, it was soon entirely lost sight of in a dense fog. The English vessels, on their way back to Boston, captured a small French shallop, commanded by Capt. Villeau, Avith twenty-three French sailors on board. Major Church embarked a portion of his division in a small well-armed vessel, and sailed along the coast until he cast anchor at the Island of Monhegan. He then boldly pushed on to Penobscot Bay, and ascended, until abreast Camden Heights.^ 1 " We will now inform the reader of the wretched fate of Capt. PaacoCliul)b It was not long after he had committed the bloody deed of killing the Indian sagamores, before he and the fort were taken by the French and the Indians He was exchanged, and retnrned to Boston, where he suffered mui'h disgrax^e for his treachery with the Indians. He lived at Andover, in Massachusetts, where the Indians made an attack, in February, 1(598, in which he was killed. ' When they found that they had killed him, it gave them as much joy,' says Hutchinson, 'a.s the destruction of a whole town, because they had taken their beloved vengeance of lam for his perfidy and barbarity to their countrymen.' They shot him through several times, after he was iXmA." —Drake, book iii. p. 113. 2 " Camden Heights are aboiit ten miles overland from Owl's Head. There are Ave or six of them, in a range from north-west to south-east; and they are clothed with forest-trees to their tops. Mount Batty, which is about three-quarters of a mile from Camden Harbor, is about nine hundred feet high. In our second war with England, an eighteen-pounder was placed upon its summit. "These are probably the mountains seen by Capt. Weymouth in 1605, and by Capt. Smith m lfil4,. v.-lion they explored Penobscot Bay." -See Williamson's Ilisloru mf Maine, vol. i. p. 96. ■1 248 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. The pilot, who was familiar witli that region, and who had once been a captive there in the hands of the Indians, informed Capt. Church, that, about sixty miles up the river, there was a small island, which was a place of general resort by the Indians. It is supposed that this was the ancient Lett, or Oldtown Island. Th6re was a village here, which, for a long time, con- tinued to be one of tlie most memorable of the Indian towns. It was situated on the southerly end of an island, containing about three hundred and fifty acres of very rich soil. Church as- cended the river in his vessel as far as what is called the Bend, where Eddington now stands.' Small vessels could usually ascend nearly to this point. Here Church cast anchor. Land- ing a portion of his force, he commenced a march up the west bank of the river. It was the month of August. The region was beautiful, and the climate in that latitude, 'at that season, charming. Ascend- ing a few miles, they passed many spots which the Indians had formerly inhabited, but which were then abandoned. It was the custom to hunt Indians as one would hunt wolves. Often no respect was paid to sex or age. The men succeeded in kill- ing four or five of the natives, and in wounding several. A shattered bone must be a terrible calamity to a poor Indian, who can have no surgical aid. The adventurers, having inflicted this amount of damage, icturned to their vessel, and sailed for the Bay of Fundy. A few French emigrants had their scattered cabins on the northern shores of this bay, where their wives and children lived, in the extreme of poverty. They raised a few bushels af corn, caught a few fishes, and occasionally trapped a beaver, or shot a bird. Their comfortless homes were scarcely a remove above the wig- wam of the savage. In terror, the inmates of these hovels fled into the wilderness. Capt. Church burned their houses, destroyed their little har- vests, and plundered them of their furs and skins, and of what- 1 "From the re-union of the Penobscot with tlie Stillwater, at the foot of Marah Island, the river flows south-westerly three miles to the head of the tide at ^]j/, g.^yjrf where its usual ebb and flow are two feet," — Williamson, vol. i. p. G8. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 249 ever else was worth carrying away.* As he was sailing home- wards with his slender booty, he met, in the waters of Passamuqnoddy Bay, an English squadron of three vessels, from Boston. Col. Hawthorne was in command. Capt. Church, thus superseded, was directed to join the fleet, and accompany them to an attack upon St. John. The enterprise was unsuc- cessful, and the vessels returned to Boston. The inhabitants of Maine, the English, and the savages, were now alike wretched. No man could leave his door without danger of being shot. No family could lay dowu to sleep at night without being liable to hear the horrible war-whoop before the morning, and of being subjected to the awful tragedy of conflagration, scalping, and massacre. Stern Nature seemed in harmony with the cruelty of man. The winter was one of unprecedented cold; and storms of sleet and snow howled through the tree-tops, and swept all the dreary fields. Many, both Indians and English, were starved to death. Nine Indians, who were out hunting, after eating their dogs, were found dead, the victims of famine.'^ Major Charles Frost was in command at Kittery. He was peculiarly obnoxious to the Indians, as they accused him of several acts of treachery .^ A plan was formed to kill him. Several Indians hid behind a large log, about five miles from his house, to sh'Ot hi"i on his way to church. It was Sunday morning, June 4, "xol.. Apparently, his wife was riding behind him, on a pillion ; and some one was walking by the side of the horse. There was a simultaneous discharge of the guns of the savages ; and all three fell to the ground in the convul- sions of death. * "Among tlie settlements on the north shore of that bay, he niatle great destruction, and took considerable plunder."— Williamson, vol. i. p. G4C. 2 Mather's Magnalia, vol. ii. p. 550. « "We have, In narrating the events in the life of Modokawando, noticed the voyage of Major Waldrou to the eastern coast of Maine. How much treachery was manifested at that time by the Indians, -vvhich caused the English to massa- cre many of them, we shall not take upon us to declare. Yet this we cannot but bear in mind, that we have only the account of those who performed the tragedy, and not that of those on whom it fell. Capt. Charles Frost of Kittery was with Waldron upon that expedition, and, next to him, a principal actor in it." — Drake, book iii. p. 109. 250 THE niBTORY OF MAINE. Two young men who were hurrying with the tiding^ to the garrison at Wells were shot by the lurking Indians. Five sol- diers, who had ventured a little distance from the garrison at York, were found scalped, and with their bodies pierced with bullets. One unhappy map, who had incurred the rage of the savages, was roasted to death at a slow fire. A few men from Wells went upon Cow Island for fuel. A man and his two sons were stationed to keep watch. The lurking savages seized them, and carried them off in a canoe. There were several canoes. Lieut. Larabee was out on a scout. He caught sight of the little fleet, and shot three of the Indians, rescuing one captive. The other two were carried away. Doubtless the Indians, in revenge, tortured them to death. The French raised an army of fifteen hundred French and Indians to recapture Nova Scotia, and ravage all the coasts of New England. This was a prodigious force for this country, in those days. It created great alarm. At a vast expense of money and labor, all the fortifications were strengthened and supplied. Five hundred soldiers, under Major March, were pushed forward to the forts in Maine. Ranging parties were sent in aU directions to intercept the Indians. Major March cast anchor, with his troops, at Damariscotta.'' A band of Indians had discerned his approach. They knew where he would attempt a landing, and concealed themselves in ambush. Scarcely had the troops placed their feet upon the shore of the silent ^and apparently solitary wilderness, when there came a loud report of musketry, a volley of bullets swept through their ranks, and their ears were almost deafened by the shrill war-whoop. Nearly thirty were killed or wounded. The English, now well accustomed to Indian warfare, rallied for a vigorous defence. The savages fled, probably with but very slight loss. It was their great aim to strike a blow, and then run before the blow could be returned.^ Two days after this, on the 11th of September, 1697, peace > " Damariscotta Is navigable for large ships about twelve miles from the sea. It is about half a mile wide. Rutherford's Island, a mile long, is at its mouth." — Williamson, vol. i. p. 6G. 3 Mather's Magnalia, vol. ii. p. 653. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 2S1 between France and England was concluded by the faraous Treaty of Ryswick. Tidings of the happy event did not reach Boston until the 10th of December. The Indians, unaided by the French, could accomplish but little, though there were occasional assassinations and plunderings. Early in the summer of 1698, the savages sent in their flags of truce to our outposts, imploring peace. A conference was held at Penobscot on the 14th of October, 1698. Two commissioners from Massachusetts met six sajia- mores, accompanied by a large retinue of Indians. The Indians were very sad. Mournfully they sang requiems for the dead. War to them had brought famine, and famine had brought pestilence. A terrible disease was sweeping away hundreds of their people. Many of their most illustrious men, the revered Madockawando * being of the number, were included among its victims. The English commissioners insisted, that, in addition to the return of all t' -^ captives, the Indians should drive all the Catholic missionaries out of their country. It certainly speaks ■well for the influence which these teachers had exerted upon the minds of the savages, that the sagamores, as with one voice, should have replied, " The white prisoners will be free to go home, or stay with their Indian friends. But the good mission- aries must not be driven away." Another conference was held at Marepoint, now in the town of Brunswick, in January, 1699. Major Converse and Col. Phillips met the sagamores of moat, if not all, the tribes between the Piscataqua and the Penobscot. Here a previous treaty was signed and ratified, with additional aiticles. The dreadful war had lasted ten years, impoverishing all, enriching none. The woes it had caused, no finite imagination can gauge. It is esti- mated that between five and seven hui .re'.l f the English were killed, and two hundred and fifty were c: icd into captivity, many of whom perished. One Indian warrior, Assacombuit,* 1 "Madockawando and Squando were the most powerful chiefs during this war. They are described by Hubbard as 'a strange kind of moralized savages, grave and serious in their speech, and not without some show of a kin(( of religion.' " — Willia'a History of Portland, p. 213. a "This sachem was known among the French by the name of Nescanibiouit; but among the English he was called Assacambuit and Assacombuit. He was as 252 THE niBTORY OF MAINE. boasted, and probably truthfully, that he had killed or captured a hundred and fifty men, women, and children.* It is a remarkable fact, but well authenticated, that, in many cases, young children captured by the savages, and brought up among them, were often very unwilling to leave the wigwam, and return to civilized life. The attachment between them and the members of the Indian families became very strong. Very affecting were the partings which sometimes took place. Even in the present case, Mr. Williamson testifies, that "a few who were captured in their childhood, becoming attached to the society of the savages, chose to remain with them, and never would leave the tri)"'^" It will be rememuv;-. .. that the royal charter of William and Mary, dated Oct. 7, 1691, included essentially the territory of the present State of Maine, in two great divisions. One of these, extending from Piscataqua to the Kennebec Hiver, was called the Province of Maine ; the other, which included the region between the Kennebec and the St. Croi^, was denomi- nated the Province of Sagadahoc.^ Maine became virtually a province of Massachusetts, and so continued for a hundred and thirty years.3 The administration of Sir William Phips continued about two and a half years. He died in London in the year 1694. Mr. Williamson pays the following well-mev"'ed tribute to his memory:* — '« He was a man of benevolent disposition and accredited piety, though sometimes unable to repress the ebuUitions of temper. He was not only ^ithful to the French as one of their own nation. In 170r, he sailed for Fiance, ^nd was presented to his Majesty Louis XIV., at Versailles. Here, among other ..minent personages, he became known to the historian Charlevoix. The king having presented him an elegant sword, he is reported to have said, holding up ^' ^" ^Thiriiand has slain a hundred and forty of your Majesty's enemies in New ^""Whereupon the king forthwith knighted him, and ordered that henceforth a pension of eight livresa day (about $1.50) be allowed him for lito." -- Drake, book "*■ i^sirMather's Magnalia, vol. ii. p. 558; History of New England, by Daniel Noa), vol. ii. p. 544; Williamson, vol. i. p. 050. _ 2 This region was inserted in the charter, without any specihc name, though it was usually called as we have mentioned. -Summcn/ of British Settlements m North America, by William Douglass, vol. i. p. 332. 3 ■\viliiamson, vol. ii. p. 10. * Williamson, vol. ii. p. 23. Tin: HISTORY OF MAINE. 25S energetic and exceedingly persevering in his purposes, but he possessed good abilities, unsullied integrity, and strong attacliments. His unremitting as- siduities to promote the best interests of Maine, the Province of his nativity, and to enforce measures devised for its defence and relief, are evidences monumental of his patriotism, and his high sense of obligation and duty." Massachusetts, in assuming the government of Maine, ve- bigned to the crown of England all jurisdictional rights to Nova Scotia. The community there consisted mainly of a mixed breed of Canadians and Indians. They had been mostly under French influence, wt generally Roman Catholics, and their sympathies were with France. The people of all Maine had become essentially one with the people of Massachusetts in their social habits, their political views, and their religious observances. Massachusetts had ever been to Maine a Izind and sympathizing friend. The impoverishment of the inhabitants of Maine at the close of the war was dreadful, almost beyond comprehension. Houses, barns, and mills, with all the implements of agriculture, had been consumed by the flames.^ The people of York wished for a grist-mill. They were unable to build one. They offered a man in Portf^mouth, if he would put up a mill, a lot of land to build it upon, liberty to cut such timber as he needed, and their pledge to carry all their corn to his mill so long as he kept it in order. The worn and wasted people gradually returned to the deso- lated spots which had once been their homes. Log-cabins again began to arise in the solitudes of Falmouth, Scarborough, and at various other points, ov^er which pitiless war had rolled its billows. In this state of affairs, some malicious persons set the cruel report in circulation, that the colonists were making preparation to fall upon the Indian tribes, and exterminate them. It was said that this rumor originated with the French, who were still anxious to extend their possessions farther west, and to avail themselves of the aid of the savages.* The Indians, greatly frightened, beg"-n to withdraw from the « "No mills, no enclosures, no roads, but, on the contrary, dilapidated liabitar tlons, wide wasted fields, and melancholy ruins." — Williamson, vol. it. p. 31. « Huttthinson's Hiatorv of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 113. 254 THE EI8T0RY OF MAINE. English settlerrents. This alarmed the English ; and they com- menced preparations for defence, apprehending that the Indiana were again to attack them. These hostile demonstrations con- firmed the Indians in their fears ; and in all probability the v began to draw nearer to the French. This confirmed the su»p i cions of the English, and led to measures whose tendency w n only to exasperate. The militia was ordered to ue in constant readiness. /. York, Wells, and Kittery, well-armed soldiers were posted. J proclamation was issued, which, while it cautioned the peopl against giving any just provocation to the Indians, ordered the n. to be constantly on the watch to guard against treachery. Guards were appointed to patrol the towns every night, from nine till morning. This state of affairs necessarily put an end to all peace of mind .uid to all friendly intercourse. It would seem as though man was doomed to make his brother- man miserable. The religiob of the Son of God, that is the religion which recognizes God as our common Father, and all men as brethren, and whose fundamental principle is that we should do to others as we would that others should do to us, would have made Maine, from the beginning, almost a pj^radise. But what an awful tragedy does its history reveal ! And such has been, essentially, the history of all the nations. Such has been life upon this planet from the %11 of Adam to the present hour. To add to these calamities, menaces of war began again to arise between France and England. Unfortunately, by the Treaty of Ryswick, the boundaries between the English and French possessions on this continent had not been clearly de- fined. Both courts still claimed the territory between the Sag- adahoc and the St. Croix. The English said that they had resigned Nova Scotia to France, but nothing more. In 1699 Lord Bellamont arrived in Boston, appointed by the king as governor of New York, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Maine. He wafi an excellent man, intelligent and cour- teous, with enlarged views of both civil and religious liberty.' ' Kecords, Eesolves, and Journals of the Massachusetts Government, vol. vl. p. 57. « WiU son, vol. 11. p. 82. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 265 James II. of England, who had been driven from th^ throne by an indignant people, to give place to his son-in-law, William, died at St. Germain, in France, on the 16th of September, 1701. His son, called the Pretender, a zealous Catholic, claimed to be the legitimate King of England. The Catholic court of France supported his claim. Six months after, on the 8th of Inarch, King William died, deeply lamented. His wife, it will be remembered, was Mary, a daughter of James II. She had a sister Anne. She was declared by the British parliament to be the legitimate successor of William. She ascended the throne on the 4th of May, 1702. War was immediately declared against France, whose court was maintaining a rival for the crown. The war-cloud instantly threw its shadow upon our shores. The British ministry claimed the whole Province of Sagada- hoc, and the right, in common with France, to the fisheries, on all these northern seas.^ Both of these claims France resisted. Queen Anne appointed Joseph Dudley governor of her New England provinces. " He manfully applied," writes William- son, " his splendid abilities, his courtly manners, and his exten- sive knowledge, to render all the acts of his administration acceptable to every class of people." The war between France and England assumed very much the aspect of a religious war, a conflict between Protestantism and Catholicism .2 It was generally believed that the Catholic missionaries in Maine were endeavoring to seduce the Indians from their alle- 1 "The English people engaged in the Newfoundland fisheries were making great voyages. About twenty-seven hundred flsheriuen, and two hundred and twenty vessels, were employed this single year (seventeen hundred and one). They took and cured two hundred thousand quintals of fish, besides four thou sand hogsheads of train and liver oil," — Williamson, vol. ii. p. 33. ^ Gov. Bellamont, in one of his aildresses to the General Court of Massachix- setts, said, "Divine providence, in bringing to pas the late happy and won- derful revolution in England, has been pleased to makB King William the glorious Instrument of our deliverance from the odious fetters and chains of Popery and r.r.\^^A ~ ■ 2fi8 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. their guns with powder only. They had often been betrayed. They had many not unreasonable suspicions, that the proposed council was merely a trap, in which the treacherous English were plotting to seize all their principal sagcmores. They, therefore, came prepared to defend themselves, should it be necessary to do so.^ " King Philip's War," so called, lasted but three years ; but they were years fraught with inconceivable woe. Even civilized men in war gradually lose all humane attributes. The average savage becomes a perfect demon. The second conflict was usually called " King William's War." It originated in dissen- sions between the courts of France and England, which plunged the two nations into hostilities. The French endeavored to weaken her foe by the capture of her New England colonies. The savages were not reluctant to engage in their service as allies ; for they had a chance of thus recovering their country from settlers whom they began to' dislike and dread. This dreadful war, in which savage ferocity received a new and terrible impulse from French science and supplies, lasted ten years. John Bull has never been a favorite in any land where he has placed his foot. The Indians never loved the English. There were individual exceptions; but the English, generally, were only tolerated by the natives. An air of melancholy now per- vaded the minds of all the reflecting sagamores. They saw their tribes fast dwindling, while the English were increasing in numbers and power. Extensive territory, formerly the undis- puted hunting-grounds of the tribes, was npw claimed by the inv^iders, either as theirs by the right of conquest, or by purchase, which both parties knew to be fraudulent. The English were arrogant, domineering, apparently regarding the Indian as one who had no rights which an Englishman ws bound to respect. The French had identified themselves with the Indians, married into their families, taught them many arts of war, and abundantly supplied them with the best of arms and ammunition. They « " Bomaseeu, a sachem of a tribe cf the Kennebecs, whose residence was at an ancient seat of the sagamores, called Norridgewock, in 1694, came to the fort at I'emaquld, with a flag of truce. Eve vsras treacherously seized by those who com- manded, and sent prisoner to Boston, where he remained some months in a loath- Rome pfiaOii." — D'.'Sks, p. 111. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 259 had very zealo sly imbued their minds with the principles of the Catholic religion, whose ceremonies were peculiarly calcu- lated Iv; captivate the untutored savage. They had also, in some degree, transferred to their minds the Frenchman's hered- itary hatred uf the Englishman. Mr. Williamson, in his admira- ble " History of Maine," fairly represents the prevailing English (Reeling with regard to the Indians. He writes, — •' They agreed with the French in their aversion to the English, and in a iiatred of their free politics and religious sentiments. And when such pas- sions, in minds undisciplined, are influenced by fanaticism, they know neither mstraints nor limits. All their acquaintance with the arts of civil- ized life seemed rather to abase than elevate their character. ' ' They made no advancements in mental culture, moral sense, honest industry, or mauly enterprise. Infatuated with the notion of Catholic indul- gei "s, they grew bolder in animosity, insolence, and crime. Their enmity was more implacable, their habits more depraved; and a keener appetite was given for ardent spirits, for rapine, and for blood. Dupes to the French, they lost all regard to the sanctity of treaty obligations. Indian faith, among the English, became as proverbially bad as Punic among the ancient Ko- mans."i M. Callieres, governor at Montreal, whatever may have been his motives, in fact adopted a very different policy from that of the English. He sent envoys to the broken and despairing remnants of the tribes in Maine, inviting them to emigrate to Canada. He set apart for them large and inviting tracts of land on the banks of the Becancourt and the St. Francois, — streams which flow into the St. Lawrence, from the south, eighty or ninety miles above Quebec. On each of these rivers, clusters of wigwams arose. The villages were pleasantly situ- ated, each with a church and a paisonage house. A ferry was also established for the convenience of the Indians in crossing the St. Lawrence to Trois Rividres, on the opposite shore.'' With such different treatment, there can be no question as to the side to which the Indian would incline in case of hostilities. The remnants of four tribes repaired to the spot to which they 1 Williamson, vol. il. p. 40. 2 History of the French Dominions in North and South America, by Thomas Jeffreys, pp. 9-11; Topographical Description of Canada, bv Josepli Bouchetto, p. 338. I 260 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. were thus hospitably invited, and blended into a new tribe, called the St. Frangois Indians. It is interesting to see how differently precisely the same facts may be presented according to the views of the writer. The very candid Mr. Williamson writes, and perhaps with truth (for who can read the hu.naan heart ?), " At these places, designed to be the rendezvous or the natives, the French intended to command their trade and plunder, to plan their excursions, and direct their motions against the English frontiers." ^ Baron Castine had returned to France from his extensive landed estate on the Penobscot. He had left behind him, in possession of the large property, his son and heir, called Castine the Younger. He was the child of Castine's Tarratine wife, who, it will be remembered, was the daughter of the renowned, and at least partially-civilized, sagamore, Madokawando. A riotous band of worthless Englishmen met at the house of young Castine, under pretenc^ of making him a friendly visit. Regarding their host as half Indian, they treated him with every indignity. Rioting through his house like veritable savages, they plundered it of every thing which they deemed worth carrying away. It was one of the basest acts of treachery, and was so regarded by all respectable men." The government denounced it iii severe terms, promising M. Castine restitution, and assuring him that the offender^ if they could be arrested, should be severely punished. The event was the more deeply- deplored, since there were indications of another war between France and England. Such a war would inevitably involve the colonies; and Indian warriors, led by French officers, might inflict an incalc >iable amount of mjury. Soon France and England again grappled in what was called " Queen Anne's War," and, in the New England colonies, the "Third Indian War." All over the world. Frenchmen and Englishmen deemed themselves enemies, who were bound to do each other all the injury in their power. A special effort was 1 WilliamBon, vol. U. p. 40. a " Outrageous, liowever, aa it was, the well-minded sufferer only complained •nd expostulated, without avenging himself; for, in policy and sentiment, he was the friend of tru.iqnillity," — Williarnxnn.^ yoL ii= p, 42. THE HI STORY OF MAINE. 961 to be made in the New World, by the English, to wrench colonien from the French, and, by the French, to wrest them from the English. Unfortunately, the savages were far more ready to rally beneath the banners of France than beneath those of Great Britain. Early in August, 1703, a body of five hundred French and Indians entered upon the eastern frontiers of Maine. These well-apmed troops had but feeble foes to encounter. They divided into six or seven parties, of about seventy-five men each, to attack the infant settlements, where scarcely any resist- ance was to be anticipated. On the same day, the 10th of August, Wells, Cape Porpoise, Saco, Scarborough, Spurwink, Purpooduck, and Casco were assailed. The consternation and destruction were such, that no detailed record was made of the awful scenes which ensued. In Wells, thirty-nine of the inhabitants were either killed, or carried into captivity.' This is all we know of the terrible tragedy. What dwellings were burned, what scenes of individual anguish and suffering oc- curred, must remain untold, till, at the day of judgment, all the secrets of this fearful drama of time and sin shall be revealed. Mr. Bourne, in his valuable " History of Wells and Kenne- bunk," after tireless research, has collected a few interesting traditionary narratives, which are probably founded in fact, and which are but a repetition of those scenes of horror with which the reader is already familiar. A few fishermen only resided at Cape Porpoise. The demo- niac assailants plundered their humble homes, laid them in ashes, and carried the inmates, all whom they could seize, off as prison- ers. At Winter Harbor * there was a small garrison. They fought for a short time bravely ; but after having several killed • " The horrors of that day cannot he depicted, — families broken up, hus- bands, wives, or children taken from the home circle. Almost every one had lost a friend dear to his heart. Many were wounded, barely escaping death or cap- tivity. "Valuable citizens, on whom reliance was placed for protection and support in this ten'ible crisis, were either killed, or carried away, exposed to the relentless cruelty of the savage enoray." — History of Wells and Kennehxink, by Edward E, Bourne, p, 245. 2 " The celebrated place called ' Winter Harbor,' after an ancient inhabitant there by the name of Winter, is above Wood Island, six miles below Saco bridge, and the head of the tide." — Williamton, vol. i. p. 20. 262 THE niSTORY OF MAINE. «nd wounded, and being overpowered by numbers, the survivors v/orfi loll M-Ued to surrender themselves to captivity. Eleven were killud, and twenty-four were captured. The people of Scarborough seem to have received some inti- mation of the approach of the foe ; and all, hurrying into the garrison, prepared to defend themselves to the last extremity. A flag of truce was sent to the fort by a captive. The bearer was detained and no answer returned. After a " long siege," when the men were completely exhausted, and were on the point of capitulating, re-enforceraents arrived, and the baffled foe retired. Undoubtedly every thing outside of the garrison was destroyed. In Spurwink,* twenty-two were killed, or taken captive ; and the little settlement was laid entirely desolate. Purpooduck contained but nine log-cabins. The families were taken entirely by surprise. It so happened that all the men were away. Only women and children were left behind. The savages, allies of men who called themselves Christians, burned down the dwell- ings, butchered twenty-five of the helpless inmates, and carried away eight as prisoners. The horrid spectacle of mangled bodies which they left behind is too revolting to be recorded. The little settlement at Casco," where there was a garrison, was the most remote eastern frontier. A new fort had been constructed here, which was placed under the command of Major John March, with a garrison of thirty men.* The three Indian chiefs who led the assailing party were Moxus, Wanun- gonet, and Assacombuit, all sagamores of gr.eat renown. The last will be remembered as the chief who was knighted by Louis XIV., and received a present of an elegant sword. » Scarborough extends toward the east, six miles in width on the coast, to the moiith of Spurwink River, which seems to cut o£E, as it bounds the eastwardly corner of the town." — Willianuion, vol. i. p. 24. 2 '< The old Indian name ' Casco ' continued to be used all the first century after the settlement, notwithstanding the town had received from Massach\i.«etts the corporate name ' Falmouth,' as early as 1058, The plautation upon the Neck, and, Indeed, all others in the Lay, were called by the general name of ' Caaco ' or ' Casco Bay.' No boundaries were defined; but, when a particiilar spot was designated, the local terms, borrowed principally from the Indians, were naed." — Hist(yrt/ of Portland, by William Willis, pp. 49-96. 'The Bite of this fort was not on Caaco Neck, where Portland nowetanda, bnt at what wai palled New Casco, on the shore of the bay, in tho_ present town of Falmouth, "rhe Neck had betju iyiii^ Uc»ol;it« binco iCOO, uitci "us iciiOTTn r^ wMch had sprung up on the shore of tlie bay,- - Elwell, ^'asco THE HISTORY OF MAIN J! tea It is said, we know not by what authority, that the three sagamores sent a flag of truce, inviting Major March to a con- lerence. Though he suspected treachery, he went out upon the plain to meet them, unarmed, and taking with him only two very aged and infirm men. The chiefs saluted him with civility, and then, drawing their tomahawks from beneath their robes, the three fell furiously upon Major March ; while his two com- panions, Messrs. Phippen and Kent, were shot down by Indians in ambush.' March, being a very strong man, wrested a toma- hawk from one of his assailants, and valiantly defended himself against the three. All this could scarcely have occupied one single minute of time ; and yet, at that very minute, Sergeant Hook arrived, with a file of ten men, from the fort, and rescued the major from his peril. This story seems so very improbable, that it is impossible to give it full credence.' The siege continued six days and six nights. Tiiere was no repose for the inmates of the garrison, as every moment an assault was expected from overpowering numbers. At the close of the six days, the enemy received a re-enfovcement, increasing their number to about five hundred.' The new arrivals con- sisted of detachments flushed with victory. M. Bobassin, a French officer, then assumed command. He bi-ought with him a sloop and two shallops, which he had captured, and also much plunder. Scientifically he went to work in an attempt to undermine the fort on the water-side. As the fort was situ- ated on a high bank, this could be done without exposure to any fire from the garrison. Their force was so superior to that of the English, that they had nothing to fear from a sally. They were advancing in this engineering very rapidly and prosperously, and were on the eve of the capture, when an urmed vessel, commanded by Capt. Cyprian Southack, came to the aid of the despairing garrison. Probably the vessel was armed with cannon, which the assailants, having muskets only, could not resist. The tide of victory was turned. The French 1 Penhallow, in bis history of Indian wars, writes, " Phippen and Kent, being advanced in years, \^-ere so infinn, that I might say of them, as Juvenal said of Priam, ' They had scarce blood enough to tinge the knife of the sacriilce.' " » Willis's History of Portland, p. 314. • Williamson, vol. ii. p. 42. 864 rnE HISTORY OF MAINE. and Indians, abandoning oveiy thing, fled precipitately. This magnificent bay was full of indentations, into which the canoes of the savages could glide. Capt. Southack recaptured thtj sloop and two shallops ; but the French and Indians, having a flotilla of two hundred birch canoes, effected theii escape. The soldiers of the garrison now came out to view the deso- lations which this savage warfare had caused. Every thing which would burn was reduced to ashes. Nothing remained but shapeless ruins. When Major March was appointed to the com- mand of this post, he mr ved there with his family. Being a gentleman of considerable means and great energy, he was soon in possession of a very thrifty farm. He wrote to the General Court, that he had lost, by the attack, a sloop and its furniture, eighty-nine head of sheep and cattle, five acres and a half of wheat, six acres of excellent pease, and four acres and a half of Indian corn. His whole loss exceeded five hundred pounds.' It is estimated, that, in this brief campaign, the enemy killed or captured one hundred and fifty of the inhabitants of Maine.' > Bourne's History of Wells and Keunebunk, p. 314. s " To arm a force sufficient to repel their cniel invaders, government deemed It necessary to call to its aid the avarice of the people; and they offered a bounty of forty pounds for every Indian scalp that should be brought in. This excited a spirit of enterprise in the inhabitants, which made them endure incredible hard- ships in pursuing the enemy through the forests, in the depths of winter, to procure this valuable merchandise." — Hittorv 0/ PoHland, by William Wmi$t p. 819. CHAPTER XV. TUB RIVAL CLAIMS OP FRANCE AND ENGLAND. Jocelyn'B Visit — The Destruction of Blaclt Point — Tiie Vicissitudes of War — A Naval expedition — Merclle.sH Ravages — Destruction at Port Royal — The Expedition to Norrldgewock — Exchange of Prisoners — Treason suspected — Incidents of the Conflict — A Renewed Attack upon Port Royal — Rage of Gov. Dudley — The Third Attack and its Failure — Naval Battle at Winter Harbor — The Conquest of Nova Scotia— The Commission to Quebec — Exchange of Menaces. THIS sudden outburst of savage violence threw the whole region into a state of terrible confusion. Many fled ; others assembled their families in the crowded and consequently com- fortless garrison-houses, and went armed, and in bands, to their work. Massachu'^oits, with her customary energy, sent prompt aid. A troop of horsen >'n was quartered at Wells. Three hundred and sixty men were marched to Pegwacket,* which was one of the principal resorts of the Indians. Another well-armed band was sent to Ohsipee Ponds.^ The hostile bands of French and Indians continued to ravage the seacoast, apparently resolved to destroy every garrison, to lay every settlement in ruins, and entirely to depopulate the country of its English inhabitants. There was a region called Black Point, then quite noted, which was a portion of the 1 "Betwteen Fryeburg Academy and Saco River is tlie celebrated Lovell's Pond, half a league in length, though loss than a mile in width at any place. This beautiful section of country was anciently called Pegwackot (Peckwalket, Pe- guawett), one of the principal and most favorite lodgements of the Sokokis tribe, and also the theatre of a desperate battle witli the Indians. Here are curious mounds of earth, one sixty feet in circumference, artittoially raised by them, of which no tradition nor conjecture can give any satisfactory account." — William- ton, vol. i. p. 28. 2 The Ossipee River, one of the principal tributaries of the Saco, takes it^ rise among these ponds, a few miles across the line in New Hampshire. 2G5 266 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. present town of Scarborough. Capt. Jocelyn, to the record of whose voyages we ha/e before referred, touched at this place, in the year 1638, to visit his brother Henry, who then resided there. In his journal he writes, — " Having refreshed myself for a day or two at Noddle's Island, I crossed the bay in a email boat to Boston, which was then rather a village than a town, there being not above twenty or thirty houses. The 12th of July I took boat for the eastern part of the country, and arrived at Blact Point, in the Province of Maine, which is a hundred and fifty miles from Boston, the fourteenth day; the country all along, as I sailed, being no other than a mere wilderness, here and there, by the seaside, a few scattered plantations with as few houses." * Here the families were collected in the garrison-house. On the morning of the 6th of October, 1703, most of the men, nineteen in number, all well armed, went out together to work in the meadows. Lieut. Wyatt and eight men were left to guard the garrison. Two hundred Indians rose from ambush upon the working-party, and either killed or captured all but one. The victors then attacked the fort. There chanced to be two small vessels in the harbor. The crews, alarmed by the report of the guns, hastily repaired to the aid of the garrisoii. They made a bold resistance. At length, seeing evidence that the fort must fall into the hands of the overpowering assailants, they all succeeded in escaping to the vessels. The savages, with hideous yells, applied tlie torch to all the dwellings, and, like fiends, danced around the flames. The ves- sels bore their melancholj'- freight, many of .them widows and orphans, to some place of safety, where they could be fed and clothed by the hand of charity. A gang attacked Arthur Brag- don's house in York, and tomahawked himself, his wife, and five children. Mrs. Hannah Parsons (a widow) and her daughter were carried into captivity. It is said, that, returning to Canada, the savages came near L^tarvation. In this great extremity, they were about to kill the child, and built a fire to roast and eat her, when a dog fell in their way, and supplied the place of the little girl.' At Berwick, two houses were burned, one man was killed, 1 Jocelyn'3 Voyages, pp. 18, 20. » Hutchinson's History of Massacluisetts, voL ii. p. 149. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 267 ^ one wmmded, and three carried into captivity. They attacked the garrison, but "were repulsed. In their rage they bound ono of their prisoners, Joseph Ring, to a stake, and tortured him ',o death with every device of demoniac croelty. They danced around their victim, responding to every groan with shouts ami yells of delight. Major March of Casco, with three hundred men, pursued a band of the retiring foe as far as Pegwacket, where he suc- ceeded in killing six, in capturing six, and in recovering consid- erable plunder. It is said that this was the first loss which the savages experienced in this desolating campaign. The liberal reward offered by the legislature for Indian scalps, which in- cluded a bounty of twenty pounds for every Indian child under ten years of age, induced Capt. Tyng and several others to organize hunting-parties to traverse the wilderness on snow- shoes, in mid-winter, to hunt down the savages ; but all these expeditions were unsuccessful. During this melancholy winter, the government expended nearly a thousand dollars in establishing a strong garrison near the falls in Saco. Spring came, with its sunny skies and swell- ing buds, only to renew the terror of the people. This was the season for the savages to re-open their campaigning. The French, in Canada, had furnished their allies with ample sup- plies. Major Mason, with nearly a hundred friendly Indians, belong- ing to the Pequods and Mohegans of Connecticut, was stationed r*; Berwick. StiU the prowling savages succeeded in shooting several persons, and, in expression of their hatred, horribly mangled their remains. In addition to these marauding-parties, plundering, burning, and murdering on the land, French pri- vateers swept the coast. Not a fishing-boat could leave a bay or inlet without danger of capture. It is often said that an offensive is the best defensive war. It was decided to be expe- dient to attacjt the French in Canada and Nova Scotia. Thus the desolations of war would be removed from Maine into the regions of the enemy, and the French would be constrained to retain their forces at home for the protection of their own fire- sides. 868 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. I An expedition was intrusted to Major Benjamin Church, who had obtained much renown in Indian warfare. He was invested with the title of colonel ; and five hundred men were placed under his command. Three vessels-of-war convoyed his little fleet of fifty-one boats, of various sizes. One of the war-ships carried forty-eight guns, the other thirty-two. The third was a province galley. The fleet sailed from Boston the 21st of May, 1704. The vessels first cast anchor at the Island of Metinicus, just out of Penobscot Bay. Two armed boats were sent to a neigh- boring island, where they captured a French family and a Canadian Indian. The captives were not disposed to be com- municative. But threats extorted from them the information that there were several other cabins along the shores in the vicinity, and that some French officers were building a fort at Passamaquoddy. The prisoners were compelled to act as pilots in conducting several armed boats to the dwellings of theu: friends. These were not days of forbearance and mercy. The atro- cities which had been perpetrated by the French and Indians were such, that the avengers were ready to shoot down men, • women, and children as pitilessly as if they had been so many wolves. Still it was expedient to take as many captives as pos- sible, that they might be used as ransom for English prisoners. Quite a number of both French and Indians were killed ; and several captives were taken. Among the latter was a daughter of Baron Castine with her children, we know not how many. Her husband, a gentleman of wealth and culture, was then on a visit to France. Again the fleet spread its sails. After a brief tarry at Mount Desert, the party proceeded to Passamaquoddy Bay, in whose lonely waters a secret place of anchorage was sought.^ A squadron of whale-boats was despatched, led by Col. Church > "Passaraqnoddy Bay lies partly in the State of Maine, and partly in the iritish Province of New BninsAvick. It is six miles wide, and twelve miles lonfe; It has a sufficient depth of water for the largest vessels, and is neve:- closed bj ice It abounds with cod, mackerel, herring, and other fish. The boundary of the TTnited States passes through it, on its Avest side, into St. Uroix Elver, wbltTi «uters its north-west part ." — MjChHoc/i's Geographical Dictionary. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 26& himself, to explore the shores. That the settlers in the lonely cabins might not be apprised of his approach, and thus escape into the woods, he rowed by night, and kept concealed by day. Orders were given, that not a gun should be fired, even to shoot an Indian, if he could poSsibly be killed, or taken, in any other way. Thus he succeeded in capturing, one after another, four French emigrant families. They were all poor, and there was but little plunder in their log-cabins worth taking ; but, such as it was, it was seized, and placed in the boats. One of the captures consisted of the family of a poor French widow, with her orphan-children. Col. Church was energetic and merciless. The scenes of horror he had witnessed had roused his soul to the highest pitch of rage, and had hardened his heart. The readiness with which he would retaliate upon helpless one a, no matter how innocent, the wrongs which demoniac men had in- flicted upon the dwellers in Maine, drew down upon him severe censure, and has materially dimmed the splendor of his other- wise great exploits. He then ravaged the surrounding region with the indiscriminate mercilessness of the tornado. The widow and the orphan were alike the victims of his fury.* From Passamaquoddy Bay, the armair jnt sailed out into the Bay of Fundy, that immense sheet of water which separates New Brunswick from Nova Scotia, and renders the latter prov- ince so nearly an island, that it is entered by a reck of land only about twenty miles wide. Here the avenging squadron divided. The ships, with several of the boats, crosst 1 the bay, 8. distance of about sixty miles, to Port Royd (Annapolis). The day before the arrival of the fleet, Castine th- foujiger, with about sixty Canadian soldiers, had re-enforceu thj garrison in their strong works. The fort was deem-d t '"rmidable to be attacked.'* But the troops in garrison :ui.u not veature beyond the protection of their ramparts. Col. Church made terrible havoc of all the settlpr-xents around. Many persons were killed ; an^^ iittev desolaion took the place » Collections of Now Hampshire HJatorical Society, vol. 1. p. 33-36; Hutchin- son's History of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 133. « Universal History, . xl. p. 1R3. 270 THE UiaTORY OF MAINE. ' of peaceful homes and smiling fields. Gov. Dudley, in his ad- dress to the legislature, proposing a vote of thanks as a reward for these services, said, " Col. Church has destroyed all the set- tlements in the vicinity of Port Royal, and taken a hundred prisoners and a large amoiuit of plunder, with the loss of only Bix men." The whale-boats ran along the shores, tlestroying all the remoter settlements, killing, plundering, capturing, and burn- ing. The triumphant fleet returned to Boston, having been absent but about throe months. " War," says Gen. Sherman, *' is cruelty : you cannot refine it." This dreadful, woe-commis- sioned expedition accomplished the purpose for which it was intended. Terrible as was its infliction upon the Acadians, it averted from the humble homes of Maine a doom still more dreadful. By the English, captives were at least treated with ordinary humanity, and were never put to the torture. But what imagination can gau^e the misery of a Christian family, consisting of father, mother, and little children, dragged by brutal savages through the wilderness for hundreds of miles, and doomed, perhaps, to see a husband, a father, or a son tor- tured to death for a savage holiday ! ' The fort at Winter Harbor, not far from the mouth of Saco River, was placed in the best condition for defence during the winter of 1705. At the same time Col. Hilton, who had accompanied Col. Church as major in his late expedition, was sent, with a force of two hundred and seventy men, to attack the Indian village and French missionary station at Norridge- wock. Twenty friendly Indians were inclrded in this party ; and they all travelled, in dead of winter, through the wilderness, on snow-shoes. Each soldier took, in a pack upon his back, food for twenty days. Their fare must indeed have been frugal. Immediately upon the proclamation of war between France and England, the govex-uor of Canada sent the tidings to Nor- ridgewock. A council was held ; and the Indians decided to become the allies of the French. The French missionaries must, of course, have had much influence in this decision. There were about two hundred and fifty warriors who met there > Church's Fifth Expedition, p. U8. THE UISTOHY OF MAINE. 271 in this council. The priest, as usual, appointed religious ser- vices, that the hearts of the savages might he inspired by the sane Mons of religion.* The Indians were not often take;, by surprise. Their scouts kept vigilant watch. When the little army reached Norridge- "wock, after their long and painful tramp, there was no one there '■ all had fled. A large chapel, with a vestry, was standing, and a cluster of very comfortable Indian wigwams. Th'^se the soldiers laid in ashes. Being much disappointed in nc . "'ng either captives, food, or plunder, they commenced th .ch home through drifting snows and wintry gales. In war, blows must be received as well as given. Gov. Suber- case of Nova Scotia gathered an army of five hundred and fifty French and Indians ; the savages being led by the noted Assacombuit. He made terrible havoc among all the English settlements within his reach. An uncounted number were slain ; a hundred and forty were taken prisoners ; and a large amount of plunder was seized. He exacted conflagration for conflagration, prisoner for prisoner, blood for blood. At length the prisoners had so accumulated on both sides as to be quite a burden. Gov. Vaudreuil of Canada sent one of his captives, Capt. Hill, to negotiate an exchange. Many of the friends of the lost did not know whether they had been killed, or had been made prisoners. William Dudley, a son of the governor, was sent to Canada with seventy prisoners, to receive an equal number in return. He could however, obtaiu uut sixty. Mr. Williamson writes, — " Guilty of detestable liypocrisy, Vaudreuil pretended that the IndiaViT were an independent and freeborn people, and that, he had no right or power to demand their captives ; whereas they were in fact well known to \)e entire dupes and vassals to his will." ^ In point of fact, the statement of the French governor was undoubtedly true. The Indian chiefs regarded the captives, whom their own war-parties had taken, as exclusively theJr own, and entirely beyond any control of the French. They 1 History of Norrldgewock, by William Allen, p. 91. 9 Williamson, vol. ii p. BO. 272 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. i \ kept them to exchange for their own captive warriors. The French could obtain possession of these victims only by paying for them a high ransom. Young Dudley protracted his discussions as long as possible, under various pretexts. While the negotiations were under consideration, there was a virtual truce. He thus, in some degree, prevented the excursions of hostile war-parties upon the English frontiers. It is mournful to contemplate how little confidence, at times, man can repose in his fellow-man. Capt. William Rowse was twice sent in a vessel, with a flag of truce and twenty-four prisoners, to Nova Scotia, to effect an exchiinge of captives. He was accused of treacherously being an accomplice with two merchants of Boston, and Samuel Vetch, subsequently the Eng- lish governor of Nova Scotia, in carrying arms, ammunition, and other military supplies, to the enemy. Thus the love of gain in- fluenced them to take advantaige of the flag of truce, with which they had been intrusted by their own government, to supply the Indians with the means of ravaging, with conflagration and slaughter, the settlements of the English. They were thrown into prison, and condemned by the legislature. The neglect of the queen to give her signature to the verdict averted their doom. More deplorable still. Gov. Dudley himself was suspected of being engaged in this nefarious traffic. Though not proved guilty, and perhaps he was entirely innocent, still the imputa- tion rested upon him. Gov. Dudley was g,ristocratio in his tastes, and was by no means a cordial advocate of a republican form of government. He was consequently unpopular; and several of the measures which he urged upon the legislature were frowned down. During the summer of 1705, French privateers and English cruisers were continually running up and down the coasts of Maine. The French succeeded in capturing seven of the Eng- lish vessels. It will be remembered that the garrison at Port Royal had driven off their English assailants. And, though the English ravaged all the region around, the banners of the French still floated from the ramparts of the strong fort. Small war- THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 273 bands of savages, sometimes united with a few French, con- tinued to prowl about, killing, capturing, and burning, as they could fin' opportunity. In Kittery, five were killed, and a number of captives were taken. Among these was Mrs. Holt, an accomplished lady of high connections. For such a person to be a prisoner in the hands of brutal savages must be awful beyond conception. There were several cases of the utter ruin of families in assas- sination and capture. A band of eighteen Indians, rushing from the forest near York, seized four little children belonging to the family of Mr. Stover. One, being too young to travel, they knocked in the head. As. one of their own warriors had been shot in their retreat with the children, these demoniac men took vengeance by putting a little boy to death with awful tortures. On the 29th of April, a party sprang from ambush, at Kit- tery, and seized Mr. Shapley and his son. The wretches, to gratify their love of cruelty, gnawed off the first joint of each finger and thumb of the unhappy young man, and stopped the bleeding by inserting the mangled stumps into the bowl of tobacco-pipes, heated red hot. This seems to have been one of their favorite modes of torture. Much havoc was perpetrated this year, in the unprotected settlements of Massachusetts and New Hampshire. The war had continued three years ; and the Indians, ever fickle, never persistent, began to grow weary of it. Terrible as had been the suffering they had caused, they had reaped but little benefit for themselves. The French, in Canada, proposed neutrality. While the courts of France and England continued to carry on the war, they proposed that the P'rench and English colonies, struggling against the hardships of the wilderness in tb\ new world, should stand aloof from the conflict.^ X iom this peace-offer, Gov. Dudley, we must think very un- wisely, dissented. He thought and said that the only way to secure a permanent peace was to drive the French entirely out of Acadia, and to take possession of the whole country in the name of the Queen of England.^ 1 Wiliiauison, vol. il. p. 63. « Histoiro de la Kouvelle France, par Charlevoix, vol. V. p. 318. S74 THE HISTORY OF MAINK. Thua the dreiuy year of 1700 passed away, with continued burnings, assassinations, and captures. In January, 1707, Col. Hilton was sent in a vessel to Casco, with supplies for the garri- son there. There were two hundred and twenty men stationed ut that point, with orders to range the country as they could, in pursuit of Indians. This was necessary but inglorious warfare. One day a party struck upon an Indian trail, which they fol- lowed until they came upon a wigwam, where there were four Indian men, with a middle-aged woman and a babe. They shot the men, and took the woman and child captives. They then compelled the woman, by threats of death, to conduct them to a spot where eighteen of her companions were encamped. Ihey were all asleep, unsuspicious of danger. It was just before the dawn of the morning. A well-aimed volley of bullets instantly killed all but one, and he was captured. This event caused great rejoicing. The Indians were so wary, that it was with the utmost difficulty that any of them were cau.Tht. In the spring of 1707 another naval expedition, of mo"e than a thousand men, was fitted out against Port Royal. Col. March was placed in command. Numerous transports and whale-boats were convoyed by a well-armed vessel of war. But to attack a scientifically-constructed French fort, defended by veteran French soldiers, with formidable cannon irowning tiiroucrh the portholes, was a very different undertaking from that o'f burning the cabins of poor settlers, and shooting Indians, either asleep in their encampments, or running in terror befoi-e their foes. A thousand men were disembarked. Iho inhabit- ants around all fled into the fort for protection. A council of war decided that the fort was too strong to be taken by the raw troops encamped before it. The troops were re-embarked in haste, and returned to several of the English garrisons along the coast. The chagrin of Gov. Dudley manifested itself in undignified violence of speech. He denounced March as unfit for command, and declared, that, it another vessel of the squadron should return to Boston, he would put to death every man who should step on shore. 1 " He (Gov. Dudlev) was exceedingly anxious to see Port Royal reduced as such afev^t ;vould eon.plete the entire conquest of Nova Scotia, and convert It into an English province." - WiUianmn, vol. 11. p. 53. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 276 Another aiinament was speedily organized. Gov. Dudley was encouraged, in this operation, by the promise that England would send an efficient fleet to co-operate with him in the com- plete conquest both of Nova Scotia and Canada. Col. March was so popular, notwithstanding the tirades which had been launched against liim, that the governor did not venture to supersede him. He, however, appointed three members of his council to be the colonel's associates in command. These troops relanded before the fort at Port Royal, on the 10th of August, 1707. In the mean time, the French had been strengthening their works, and increasing their numbers. Sick- ness had invaded the little army of Col. March. Even inexpe- rienced soldiers could see that the works presented an impreg- nable front against any force they could bring against it. All were alike disheartened. In ten days, having accomplished nothing, the troops returned to their vessels, and sailed back to Casco, Boston, and other English ports. The French took advantage of this signal defeat to rouse the Indians to new endeavors to drive the invading English from their hunting-grounds. There were now but six English settlements surviving in Maine, — those ol" Kittery, Berwick, York, Wells, Casco, and Winter Harbor. Towards all of these the Indians marched in wolfisli bands. They fell upon a house in Kittery, and massacred all the inmates. Four men, with a lady, Mrs. Littlefield, were caught on the road between York and Wells. They were probably hastening to some garrison-house. Mrs. Littlefield had two hundred dollars in money with her. A volley from savages in ambush shot them all down but one man. He escaped. The dead were scalped and plundered, and left in their blood. The Indians in their canoes lurked around all the spots to which fishing-vessels were likely to resort. These vessels had usually two or thr-^e men and a boy on board. Half a dozen canoes, filled with armed savages, and darting out like arrows from the land, easily captured them. On the 21t;t of September, 1707, a hundred and fifty Indians made an attack upon Winter Harbor. They came in a fleet of fifty canoes, three warriors in 'jach canoe. Two shallops were t76 THE nr STORY OF MAINE. in the harbor, manned by eight very determined men. They knew that the vessels would be first attacked. Unintimidated by the fearful odds of one hundred and fifty to eight, they made preparations for a desperate defence. Conceahng them- selves behind bulwarks of plank, they made every gun ready for rapid discharges. The fleet came swarming on, while the savages rent the air with their hideous yells. The English waited till the canoes were so near, that every bullet was sure to strike its target. All then fired at once. A few canoes were disabled, and their inmates thrown mto tem- porary confusion ; but the rest pressed undaunted on. Ihey would soon surround the small vessels, and in resistless num- bers be leaping over their sides. The English abandoned one, and, entering the other, cut the cables, spread a sail, and en- deavored to put out to sea. The Indians seized the forsaken shallop, and, raising her mainsail, commenced the pursuit. A slight breeze caused both vessels to move, though they crept along slowly. The English had taken the best vessel; and the Indians were unskilled mariners. When the savages saw that they were falling astern, they placed a dozen canoes ahead to tow their vessel along, with fishing-cords for tow-lmes. The English, also, got out oars. The pursuers and the pursued were often .o near each other, that the Indians endeavored to grapple the blades of the oars of the English. A perpetual firing of musketry was kept up. Both parties were ingenious in devices to avoid exposure to the bullet. This smguar en- gagement was continued for tliree hours. 'The Indians lost, in killed and wounded, about thirty. Only one man, Benjamin Daniel, was killed on board the vessel. His last words were, M am a dead man ; but give me a gun to kill one more before I go." The loaded gun was placed in his hand, but he had no strength to fire it. » , t j« v The people around, warned of the approach of the Indians by a cannon fired at the fort, hurried to the garrison. The savages, disheartened by their losses, did not venture an attack. Soon after this, two men at Berwick, returning from pubho 1 wmumson's ffistory of Maine. voL I. p. 55; Bourne's History of WeUs and Kennebunk, p. 266. TBE HISTORY OF MAINE. 277 worship, were shot down by the Indians. The neighbors pur- sued and overtook them, and, by an unexpected fire, threw them into such consternation, that they dropped their packs, and fled. Some plunder was regained, and three scalps. This was a year of great suflfering throughout Maine. The inhabitants, often with a very small supply of food, were very inconveniently crowded into narrow garrison-houses. No man could pass a few rods from the door of the garrison, without danger of being shot down. Not a rod of land could be safely tilled beyond reach of the sentry-box. As to lumbering and fishing, those pursuits had to be entirely abandoned. Thus passed the fifth summer of thia desolating war, in which man's iihumanity inflicted untold misery upon his fellows. The next year, 1708, was, in Maine, a season of general paralysis. No industrial pursuits could be undertaken. The settlers kept carefully huddled together in the garrisons. Scouts and spy-boats were continually vigilant. The French made an effort to unite all the northern tribes to exterminate the English ; but various obstacles thwarted their plans. Gov. Dudley also endeavored to organize another expedition against Port Royal ; but it proved an entire failure.' In February of 1709, Gov. Dudley sent a scout of one hun- dred and fifty men to visit all the old settlements of the Indians, and see that they were laid utterly desolate. He said that it was his Qbject to teach the Indians that the French, whom they had so zealously served, were unable to protect them from the punishment they so richly merited, from the avenging hands of the English. " We shall never," the governor added, " be long at rest, until Canada and Nova Scotia constitute a part of the British empire." In the summer of this year, the Indians of the Kennebec sent a flag of truce to Boston to sue for peace. But it is quite evi- dent that the English were not in favor of peace with France, until, at least. Nova Scotia should be wrested from the French crown. The sufferings of a few hundred poor emigrants in Maine they deemed too trivial to be thought of in these great national issues. 1 Massachusetts Records, vol. vil. p. 426. v>!^#. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I l£|M 12.5 ■^ 1^ 1 2.2 L£ 12.0 ■u lit 1.8 1.25 |||.4 III ''^ < 6'' - ^ ^ Hiotographic Sdences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. MS80 (716) 872-4503 ^ ^'\ WrS yr^ ^l^'^ "-4 k N :V 5^ 278 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. In 1710 a new effort was made for the conquest of Port Royal, in which the British Government took an active part. A fleet of thirty-six sail, warships and transports, conveyed a for- midable armament and twelve hundred men to the Bay of Annapolis. The troops were landed safely on the 24th of September, excepting one transport, containing twenty-six men, which was wrecked, and all were drowned. The French governor, Subercase, had but two hundred and sixty men in garrison. The assailing batteries were soon raised, and a heavy canuonuding commenced. The next day Subercase found himself compelled to capitulate. The fortress and all its stores were surrendered to the crown of England. All the inhabitants within a league of the fort, four hundred and eighty- one in number, were to be protected, upon condition of tbeir taking the oath of allegiance to the British Government. The soldiers taken in the garrison were to be sent to France, or to be permitted to remove to Canada.^ In honor of Queen Anne, the name of the place was changed from Port Royal to Annapolis Royal. Thus Nova Scotia passed into the hands of the English. Col. Samuel Vetch was appointed governor of the conquered Province ; and a garrison of four hundred and fifty men was left under his command. Major Levingston and young Castine were sent as English commissioners to Gov. Vaudreuil, in Canada, to inform him that Acadia, as they termed it, had fallen into the hands of the English ; that, consequently, all the French inhabitants of that region, excepting those who had taken the oath of allegiance, were prisoncrs~of-war ; and that any barbarities practised by savages under the control of the French would be followed by severe reprisals upon the French inhabitants of Nova Scotia. It was nearly midwinter when the commissioners set out on their arduous journey through the wilderness, to Quebec. They crossed the Bay of Fundy to the Penobscot, and remained several days at Castine's beautiful residence at Biguyduce (Cas- tine). Here Mr. Levingston received from the attractive family of his host the most hospitable and warm-hearted attentions. » Penlmllow's Indian Wars ; Hutchinson's History, voL ii. p. 167; Hallibm> ton's Nova Suotia, vol. L p. 88. THE HIBTORY OF MAINE. 279 On the Ist of November, they took a canoe, and. with three Indian guides, paddled up the Penobscot River. About eight miles above the present city of Bangor, they came to an island oaUed ^ett. Here, probably where the viUaire of Oldtown now stands, they found a cluster of Indian wigwams, containing about one hundred inhabitants, with fifty canoes upturned upon the greensward. _ The Indians were not disposed to let them go any farther. They detained them for several days. Mr. Levingston would undoubtedly have lost his life, but for the interposition of Mr. Castme, whom the savages regarded as an adopted Indian, the child of the daughter of one of their most illustrious chiefs, and their friend. The journey was resumed on the 4th of November ; the com- missioners, with several Indian guides, still ascending the river m two canoes. On the second day Levingston's canoe was overset, an Indian guide was drowned ; and he lost his gun and all his personal effects. The ice was making fast. The other ' canoe soon became torn and leaky, so that it had to be aban- doned. Fo- forty days these hardy men travelled through the wilder- ness on foot, guided by the compass alone. The weather was so stormy, or they were enveloped in such dense fogs, that, for nineteen days, they did not see the sun. They waded through snow, knee deep, crossed as they could unbridged and icy torrents, forced their Avay through swamps encumbered with almost impenetrable entanglements of spruces, cedars, and underbrush. A week before the reached any human habita- tions, they had consumed all their food. They then lived upon the rinds of trees, and such dried and withered berries as tho wintry gales had not yet torn from the branches. They reached Quebec on the 16th of December, where they remained about two months, accomplishing but little. Indeed, their mission seemed to be one rather to utter threats than to* propose terms of peace. The governor of Canada, in response to the menacing letter sent him by the English authorities, replied, — 280 THE n I STORY OF MAINE. " Never have the French, and seldom have the Indians, treated their English captives with inhumanity. The French are, in no event, accounta- ble for the behavior of the Indians. A truce, and even a neutrality, might long ago have terminated aU these miseries of war, had the English been willing to accept such neutraUtj'. If the English adopt any retaliatory measures, they will be amply avenged by the French." The conquest of Nova Scotia settled many disputed questions a^ to boundaries. Though the ravages of war were slackened, there still was no confirmed peace. More than a year before, the sagamores had sent a flag of truce to Boston, supplicating peace. But the English, intent upon seizing Nova Scotie, and perhaps still hoping to gain Canada, were certainly not eager to accept the olive-branch : consequently, a desultory warfare was kept up ; marauding bands of savages inflicting occasional deeds of awful individual suffering, while nothing of victorious result was accomplished. In August a man and woman were shot in the vicinity of York^ and two men were carried away captive. In Saco three persons were killed, and six captured. There were two cases of barbarity, which should be recorded. One was on the part of the Indians. They wantonly skinned one of the English, whom they had killed, and cut up his skin into belts. The other was on the part of the English. Col. Walton, with one hundred and seventy men on a reconnoitring tour, had reached Sagadahoc. By a decoy he seized a sagamore, with his wife, and several other Indians. Because the sagamore was not, as he thought, sufficiently communicative in betraying his friends. Col. Walton allowed the savages, who were of his own party, to amuse themselves in cutting him to pieces with their tomahawks. Soon after this, Walton captured, at one time three, and again five prisoners. It is not known whether he killed them, or carried them away as captives. On the other hand, the Indians, having captured a man by the name of Ayres, treated him kindly, and sent him, with a flag of truce, to Fort Mary, again soliciting that peace which had so long been denied them.' While Nova Scotia was in the hands of the French, thej 1 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 62. THE BiarORY OF MAINE. 281. claimed possession as far west as the Kennebec, and actually held the country as iar as the Penobscot. This dispute, as to boundaries, being now settled, the English were intensely desirous of extending their conquest over the whole of Canada. In this design, the men in power were not to be thwarted by the moans ascending from a few log-cabins in the wilderness of Maine : consequently the appeals, both of the Canadian French and the Indians, for peace, were alike unheeded. Col. Nicholson, returning to Boston triumphant from the con- quest of Nova Scotia, repaired to England to solicit the eflficient aid of the government for the new enterprise. He took with him five Mohawk sagamores. These plumed and painted war- riors, the bloodhounds of the human race, were allies of the English. They were ready to fight on any ide which would pay them the highest wages. In England these barbaric chieftains, in their gorgeous ap- p-'cl, attracted great attention. Immense crowds followed them whenever they appeared in the streets of London. The highest of the nobility called upon these their brother aristo- crats. Queen Anne's husband. Prince George, had recently died ; and the court was in mourning. At the royal charge, the Indian chiefs were all richly clad in robes of black .broadcloth, with scarlet cloaks edged with gold fringe. Thus prepared for presentation to royalty, they were con- ducted to the palace of St. James, in two regal coaches, with all the emblazonry of courtly splendor. The lord-chamberlain introduced them to her Majesty the queen. One of the saga- mores, addressing Anne, and speaking in behalf of his com- panions, said, — " Should you capture the Canada country, and put the French under your feet, it would give us great advantage in huntbg and in war. Let your princely face shine upon us. We are your allies. We will rover turn onr backs. We will all stand firm. Nothing shall movo us." ■PHMIi CHAPTER XVI. BRITISH AND INDIAN DIPLOMACY. Enthusiasm of the British Government— The Fleet for the Conquest of Oanap da— Utter Failure of the Enterprise— Daily Perils— The Bridal Party — Treaty of Utrecht — The Ravages of War — Character of the Younger Caa- tine — State of the Ministry — The Pejepscot Purchase — Ancient Dominion* — Rearing the Forts — The Council at Arrowsic — Gloomy Prospects — Character of Father Rasle. THE English Government, cheered by the conquest of Nova Scotia, and animated b^ the presence of the Mohawk chiefs, who, it was said, could bring a large number of warriors into the field, engaged with enthusiasm in fitting out an expedi- tion for the conquest of Canada. A fleet was speedily equipped, consisting of fifteen ships-of-war, forty-three transports, and six Btore-shipsi Seven veteran regiments of the Duke of Marl- borough's army were placed on board, with a fine train of heavy artillery. Admiral Walker, an ofl&cer of established reputation, was intrusted with the command. When this powerful arma- ment arrived in Boston, p'"'. hundred and fifty provincial troops were added to the force On the 30th of July, 1711, the fleet sailed from Boston for the capture of Quebec. But God seemed to frown upon the enterprise. In entering the mouth of the St. Lawrence, eight iiansports were wrecked, and a thousand men sank beneath the waves. It was an awful spectacle as viewed from the other vessels of the fleet. The loss was so terrible, both of men and the munitions of war, that the energies of officers and crew seemed alike paralyzed. Overwhelmed with disappointment and chagrin, they, with one accord, abandoned the enterprise. Returning to Boston, they were greeted only with condemna- tion and obloquy. 282 THE HiarORT OF MAINE. 288 ^Expeditions were stiU sent out from the Massachusetts colo- nies, to cruise along the shores of Maine in pursuit of Indians; but the savages were on their guard, and could not be found. Prowling bands of Indians succeeded in shooUng a few of the English who had here and there ventured into the fields. Dur- ing the next summer (that of 1712), twenty-six of the English settlers were kUled or captured in the vicinity of York, Kittery, and Wells. The settlers were completely disheartened. They could not move without danger of assassination. A child could not play upon a doorsill without being exposed to seizure by Bome burly savage, and dragged screaming, before the eyes of Its agonized parents, into the forest. The Indians became increasingly bold in these petty acts of warfare. Still England, intent upon the conquest of Canada, did not wish for peace. And, while there was war between France and Eng- land, it could not but be that the savages would be enlisted on the one side or the other. The Indians, though invisible, seemed to be everywhere. Not a movement escaped their notice. A scouting-party was marching from the garrison at York towards Cape Neddock. It was on the 14th of May, 1712. Suddenly^ from the silent wilderness, a band of thirty savages sprang up» and poured in upon them a deadly fire. One, the leader. Ser- geant Nalton, was instantly killed: seven others, probably struck down and crippled by wounds, were captured. The survivors fled precipitately, and, with the utmost difficulty, suc- ceeded in regaining the fort. Mr. Pickernel, at Spruce Creek, alarmed by the rumor of the vicinity of the Indians, was leaving his*door, with his family, to take refuge in the garrison, when a bullet from a concealed savage struck him dead. His wife was also wounded, and his little child scalped. The poor child, left for dead, recovered from the dreadful wound. There were several similar individual acts of suflFering and death. A very exciting event took place at Wells, on the 16th of September. There was a large bridal party held at the garri- son. Elisha Plaisted, a young man of Portsmouth, was to be married to Hannah Wheelwright, a beautiful girl of eighteen, a daughter of one of the first families. The family connection was large, and the acquaintance extensive. Prominent guests 1IMM 284 TBE HiaTORY OF MAINE. were invited from Portsmouth and other adjacent settlements. Some came by water ; others, in well-armed bands, on horseback. Plaisted was accompanied by quite an escort of his young friends from Portsmouth. A band of nearly two hundred Indians came uninvited to the -vredding. Threading their way in the di-rk, with the stealthy tread of the tiger, through the obscurities of the forest, they placed themselves in ambush to cut off all the divisions of the bridal party, by whatever paths thoy might set out on their return to their homes. It was evident that they were not only perfectly familiar with all the region, but that, in some way, they had gained an acquaintance with the number of the guests, and with the general arrangements for the occasion. The nuptials were celebrated ; and in feasting and frolic the hour of midnight had passed, and it is probable that the morn- ing had dawned. Some of the friends were preparing to leave, when it was found that two ef the horses were missing. Three young men— Joshua Downing, Isaac Cole, and Sergeant Tucker — went out to find them, apparently without any thought of Indians. They had not proceeded far, when, from the perfect silence and soUtude of the forest, a volley of musketry assaUed them. Two fell dead. Tucker, severely wounded, was cap- tured by the ambushed savages. The report of the guns instantly conveyed the terrible tidings to the garrison. The most able and the bravest men of the region were there, and nearly all with military titles. Totally unaware of the number of their foes, with singular imprudence, but with chivalric bravery, they rushed out to grapple with them. They sprang upon their horses, and, in small bands, rode in different directions to cut off the retreat of the Indians. But the wily savages had placed themselves in ambush on each of these paths, and were quietly awaiting the approach of their victims. The bridegroom, a very heroic young man, led one of these parties of seven or eight men on horseback. Soon they fell into an ambush. At one discharge, every horse was shot down ; one man was killed ; and young Plaisted, in his bridal attire, was seized by the savages leaping from their con- cealment :. the others, in the darkness, escaped. TUI-: n/STOJiv of maise. S8» The savages seemed to understand perfectly the enterprise in which they were engaged. Plaiated was, in their view, the son of a rich father. They wished, if possible, to capture him, that they might extort a heavy ransom. It was this desire which probably led them to shoot down the horses, instead of the men. In their great eagerness to secure him, the others were allowed to escape. The Indians, having accomplished their purpose, rr.pidly fled. A party of seventy soldiers was immediately mustered to pursue them. They came up with the foe in a forest, where every Indian could take his station behind a tree. The English sooq found that they were outnumbered by the Indians more than two to one. After a brief skirmish, in which one only was killed on each side, the English ceased firing, and sent forward Lieut. Banks, with a flag of truce, to ascertain on what terms young Plaisted could be ransomed. Six Indian chiefs met tho flag. Among them was the noted Bomaseen, of whom we have before spoken.* The chiefs were not prepared to make an immediate arrange^ ment. They wished for more time to consider the matter. They promised to bring their captives, in five days, to Richman's Island, where they would be ready to settle the question. Not- withstanding the large force at the Indians' disposal, they at- tempted no further raids, but immediately retired. Plaisted was fina.iy redeemed ; his father being compelled to pay a ran- som estimated in value at three hundred pounds, equivalent to- about fifteen hundred dollai-s.^ On the 80th of March, 1713, the celebrated Treaty of Utrecht was signed. There was now peace between France and Eng- land. Nova Scotia, the ancient Acadia, was formally surren- dered to the English. Thus this dreadful and wicked war was ended. The Indians had long desired peace. Great was their 1 It will be remembered that BomaseeQ was one of the Norridgewock sachems. Upon visiting Pemaqjiid with a flag of truce, he had been treacherously seiined by the English, and carried a captive to Boston. The savage could now have easily retaliate 'j'mv lem until they reached Mt. Desert, where they made a short stop. They then ascended the river, and cast anchor, as is, supposed in Marsh Bay.' There they left their vessel and boats, and commenced a march « Williamson, vol. il. p. 118. 3 Marsh Bay is an expansion of the Penobscot River a few miles above Bucks- I)ort. Here the majestic stream is more than a mile wide. The pleasant village of Frankfort is situated on the western banks of this bay, at the head of winter navigation. See Williamson, vol L p. 69; Ooolidge and Mansfield, p. 127. THE ri /STORY OF MAINE. 803 through the forest, still ascending the river in search of an important village and fort of the Indians which were kn' wn to have been in that region. At length they reached a spot which is supposed to have been the lower Stillwater in Orono, about six miles above Kenduskeag River.' Here Col. Westbrook left « guard of a hundred men to protect the provisions and tents, ■while he selected fifty veteiuns in Indian warfare to go in search of the fort. It was soon found, without the scouts being dis- covered by the Indians. Forty men were left on guard on the west side of the river. The whole of the remaining force was then ferried across in canoes hastily prepared. Rapidly traversing the trails on the eastern bank, they reached a point opposite the fort and village, about six o'clock in the evening of the same day. Tt; was about the 10th or 11th of March. It was dark. The fort was on an island. The winter had been remarkably open, and the stream was not frozen over ; still immense blocks of ice were swept along by the black current. But not a camp-fire was burning; rot a torch glimmered through the darkness ; not a sound was heard to disturb the wintry silence of the drear scene. The morning light revealed only desolate and abandoned habitations. The wary Indians, apprehending such a visit, had in the previous autumn retired, taking with them every thing of the least value. The English, after their long voyage and painful march, found nothing, not even a poor scalp to reward them. The Indians had probably received instruction from French engineers in building the fort. It was quite scientifically arranged, being seventy yards in length a..d fifty in breadth. The stockades were of heavy timber firmly planted, and fourteen feet in height. Within the stockades there were twenty-three comfortable, well-built houses, regularly arranged. On the south side of this little fortified village, there was the largest and finest structure in the place. It was the chapel which the » " Bangor is on one of the noblest rivers in the Northern States, the protlnct of an almost countless number of tributary streams. The city is seated upon both sides of the Kenduskeag Eiver, and is the mart of one of the most extensive and one of the richest alluvial bashis east of the Ohio Valley." - Coolidge and Man^/ield, 804 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. missionaries had reared, and it was handsomely finished both within and without. This edifice, consecrated to Christ^ in worship, was sixty feet in length and thirty in breadth. « ast south of the chapel was the parsonage, a large and commodious dwelling-house. The English applied the torch to foit, dwellings, cLapel, and parsonage. Having seen all reduced to ashes, they returned to their tents, marched down to their transports, and on the 20th of the month cast anchor at Fort George.* Another winter campaign was attempted, which proved even more futile. An expedition was sent to destroy the village at Norridgewock, and to kill Father Rasle. On the 6th of Feb- ruary the troops reached the falls at Brunswick. The storms of winter were beating upon them, and its drifting snows encumbered their path. It surely was not wisdom which dic- tated such an enterprise at that season of the year. Painfully they toiled up the banks of the Androscoggin until they reached a remarkable bend of the river, in the region of the present town of Jay. By crossing the country from this place in a northerly direction, a few miles would take them to the Sandy River, where the beautiful town of Farmington now adorns the landscape. By following down the valley of the Sandy River, they could reach Norridgewock by a totally unexpected route. Thus they hoped to strike the Indians entirely by surprise. But just then occurred that remarkable phenomenon known in Maine as the January thaw. A warm rain, followed by the rays of almost a summer's sun, melted the deep snows. Every little rill was swollen to a torrent. All the fields were covered more than knee deep with that melting snow appropriately called slosh. The icy moisture penetrated leather as though it were brown paper. The discomfort was so extreme that further journeying became impracticable. The soldiers, dividing into small parties, returned, not having caught sight of a single Indian. i Mr. ■Williamson, in reply to tlie question, "Where was tlie site of this im- portant fortress and village Vaftxir discussing various suppositions, says, "The alternative, then, is, that the site must have heen Oldtown, or the ancient Lett meutioned by Levingaton." — Williamson, vol. it p. 121, note. THE UI8T0RY OF MAINE. 305 ants of lit „e o'„5™! r,"? '7'^^"'"' 'hirtyof the inhabit- M. su.iiva?sU?ra::t^Ltl- tf«r ^^^^^^ ^""r and oaid faitpti:'; "° ""' P"""""" ''^'■"-' ^^ --» ind^^frsrto'tXtinr "^'^ ^'^^-r^ ^*°- '» Maine. This ferocn," t'h 1 "' "2'"""* *« ^"'^'a"" »' xxcn uwu btyie, with sonjjs and danr>p_ T 1 , o "" ^^''"^" tu Civilized Jitft. ;au« .«xana a man was shot, and another near by." On 8oa THE HISTORY OF MAINE. Kennelmnk River two families were attacked. Some were killed, and others carried into captivity.' On the 25th of December, a very determined band of about sixty warriors made a desperate attack upon the fort at St. George's River .2 For thirty days they continued the siege, with a degree of persistence which they had never before manifested. The defence was heroic. At length re-enforcements arrived, and the Indians retired, taking with them one captive.^ For the protection of the frontiers during the winter months, three ranging parties were organized of fifty men each, who were to be continually on the move in search of Indian bands. There were, at that time, fifteen forts or garrison-houses, all of which were strengthened, re-enforced, and fully supplied.* But the Indians, as the snows fell heavily in the forests, and the icy winds swept the plains, undertook no campaign, but gathered around the fires in their far-di^tant wigwams. The desire to capture Father Rasle continued unabated. A thousand livres were offered for his head."* In mid-winter Capt. Moulton was sent with an armed force up the Kennebec River to Norridgewock, to kill or to capture him. But the vigilant eye of the Indians had detected the movement. They all fled, taking their missionary with them. Capt. Moulton was a humane man. The little Indian village at Norridgewock seemed to be emerging from barbarism to civilization. He therefore, hoping thaUiis example of forbearance might exert a salutary influence upon the minds of the Indians, ordered his soldiers to inflict no wanton injury. The men returned from their fruitless expedition, leaving all things as they had found them. » Sullivan's History of Maine, p. 230. , . ^ « •, „ 2 St Geor-e'8 River rises in MontviUe. After running soutli twenty-five miles, affordin- a variety of mill privileges, it meets the tide in Warren, twenty miles fronat/mouth. The old fort was on the east side of the river, about sixteen miles above its mouth. The residence of Gen. Knox was subsequently built near its ruins. — Williamson, vol. 1. p- 60. 8 Hutchinson's History, vol. ii. p. 270. 4 These were at St. George, Arrowsic, Eichmond, North Yannouth, Saco Anindel, Kennebunk, Wells, York, Kittery, and Berwick. -Records, Resolves, and Journals of Massachusetts Government; yol.Tl.V-'^^^' 6 Collections of Massachusetts aistorical Society, vol. viii. p. 2(56. A hvre was a French coin valued at about eighteen and three-quarters cents. It is now super- seded by the franc. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. SOT The Kennebec was famous for its rich fishery. Sturgeon and salmon were in abundance. Water-fowl crowded its shores. Its fertile meadows, free from forest, afforded the Indians invit- ing fields for their corn. To prevent them from fishing, fowl- ing, or planting, and thus to distress them with famine, thirty- men were sent early in the spring to range the river in boats. Early in March of 1724, the Indians recommenced their depredations. More than thirty people in Maine were either killed, wounded, or carried into captivity, in the course of three months. Like wolves they came rushing from the forest, and no one could anticipate their point of attack. One man was shot upon his door-sill. Mr. Mitchell, with his two little boys, was at work in his field, when unseen savages, skulking behind stumps and trees, shot him down, and carried away his boys as captives. At Kennebunk the savages captured a sloop, after killing all of the crew. Near by, three men, at work in a saw- mill, were killed. At Berwick Mr. Thompson was shot, one of his children tomahawked, and the other left for dead, bleeding, gasping, and scalped. Such was the character of this wretched warfare. There was another tragic adventure which merits more special notice. A boat's company of sixteen well-armed men left the fort on St. George's River on a fishing excursion. It was the 30th of April, 1724. They embarked in two strong whale- boats, led by Capt. Josiah Winslow, who was commandant of the garrison. The boats passed down the river, and sailed along the coast to the east, until they reached the Green Islands in Penobscot Bay. It seems that the Indians caught sight of thera, and nearly a hundred warriors gathered in ambush on the banks of the St. George, to cut them off on their return. They hid in the thick underbrush at a narrow point of the stream, on both banks. They had thirty canoes carefully con- cealed. The Indians waited until one boat had passed by, and then poured a deadly volley of bullets into the other. Nearly every man was killed or wounded. The savages then leaped into their canoes, and, outnumbering their foes more than ten to one, ventured upon an open attack, completely surrounding the boats. 808 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. ■ The English, seei'.ig their destruction to be inevitable, re- solved to sell their lives as dearly as possible. They fought desperately until all were shot down. How many warriors the savages lost in the bloody fray, was never known. It appears that there were three friendly Indians in the boats, and these the savages allowed to escape. The death of Capt. Winslow was deeply felt. He was a young man of great worth, a recent graduate from Harvard College, and a member of one of the most illustrious families of Massachusetts. The savages succeeded, during the summer, in capturing twenty-two fishing vessels. They made a fleet of fifty canoes. These light birch-bark structures they could carry through the forest paths almost as easily as they could carry a musket. Each canoe was generally sufficient for three warriors. Launch- ing them at any designated point, they would push out with great rapidity, and entirely surround a small vessel, whose crew ordinarily consisted of but from five to eight men. The capture was then easy. Any one who exposed himself upon the deck was sure to be shot down. In these encounters twenty-two men were killed, and twenty- three carried into captivity.* The triumphant Indians, having destroyed sixteen of the garrison of the fort in the whale-boats, now paddled up the river, hoping to capture the fort itself, and seize all its valuable contents.' This fortification bade defiance to all their efforts. It was built of hewn timber, twenty inches square. It was quadran- gular in form, each side being a hundred feet in length and sixteen feet high. Within the enclosure there was a good sup- ply of comfortable barracks and a good well of water. From the southern wall there was a covered way, constructed of logs, leading to a large, strong block-house upon the bank of the » Hutchinson's History of Massacliusetts, vol. ii. p. 278; Penliallow's Indiaa Wars. 2 "The Eiiglish asserted that the Indians had sold the land to Gov. Phips, the deed having been signed by one of their vjhiefs, Madockawando. In reply to this, the Indians maintained that the Madoc' commanding a charming view of land and water. S19 820 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. Here they noiselessly encamped for the night. They heard the confused murmur of distant voices, which they supposed proceeded from the Indians, but encountered no alarm. A chaplain accompanied the party. He was a very noble young man, a recent graduate of Harvard College, by the name of Jonathan Frye. It was their invariable custom to have morn- ing prayers. While engaged in their devotions they were startled by the report of a gun. Cautiously approaching the edge of the pond, they saw, across the water, at the distance of nearly a mile, a single Indian hunter, who had just discharged his gun at some game. His scalp was worth five hundred dollars. Immediately the party set out to capture him. They had not proceeded far, when they came to a small plain, smooth as a floor, covered with pine trees, and entirely froe from underbrush. Such plains often present the most lovely spots in our forest land- scapes. I To expedite their march, the soldiers threw off their packs, and left them in a pile together, without any guard. They could easily retrace their steps and find them. Hurrying on, the whole party soon disappeared amidst the thickening glooms of the forest. After travelling about a mile they came again in sight of the Indian. He was not in the least aware of his dan- ger, and was sauntering along with a shot-gun upon his shoul- der and a few birds in his hand. Several guns were immedi- ately fired at him ; but so hurriedly, and the distance was such, that they all missed their aim. The* Indian sprang behind a tree, and saw, at a glance, that escape was impossible. Taking deliberate aim, he fired at Capt. Lovewell, inflicting a serious wound. Almost at the same moment Ensign Wyman fired, and the Indian fell dead, pierced by his bullet. They took his scalp, and returned for their packs. In the mean time two renowned Indian chiefs, Paugus and A^'ahwa, returning from a scout down the Saco River, caught sight of the pile of knapsacks. They knew that the owners would soon return for them. By counting the packs they ascer- tained the number of the English. It was not difficult to trace fhft nafll nnnn -arfiinh the P'.nnrliaK haA aAva-nnaA TKcf/ THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 321 between seventy and eighty warriors in the Indian band.' They placed themselves in ambush, and awaited the return of their intended victims. About ten o'clock in the morning of the 8th of May, the English were marching leisurely along, on their return, when they reached the ambush. The Indians, completely surround- ing them, suddenly rose, and with presented guns and loud shouts rushed upon them. These Indians had frequented the western settlements of Maine, and were well acquainted with Capt. LovewelP and most of his men. Mr. Drake, in his account of tlie battle, says that the savages were loath to kill these their former friends, and wished to take them captives. In attestation of this fact, he quotes Mr. Symmes's minute account of the conflict, published the same year in which it took place. It is certain that they did not fire from the ambush when they might so easily have shot down every man without being seen themselves.* " They presented their guns," says Drake, " and threw away their first fire." This only encouraged the English. Facing their foes, they poured in upon them a deadly fire, and several Indians fell. This ushered in the unequal battle in hot earnest. The Indians, outnumbering the English more than two to one, itamediately sprang, each man behind a tree, and, entirely surrounding their victims, commenced the awful slaughter. At the first volley of the Indians, Capt. Lovewell and eight of his men fell dead, and two more were wounded. But these valiant men, torn by the bullets, fought their way to the pond, which was at the distance of but a few rods. There was here a sandy beach, with a bank rising five or six feet high. The Indians could no longer surround them. The bank presented a rampart to protect them from the bullets of the savages, and from behind which they could take deliberate aim at any foe who should venture to expose hand or head. Here, for eight dreadful hours, these men fought. They were 1 Penhallow aays that there were seventy; Hutchinson and Symmes, thirty; Belknap, forty-one; Williamsun, sixty-three. 2 Mr. Willis, In his History of Portland, spella Lovewell, Lovell, and calls the Tndian village Pequakett, instead ol Pegwaoket, p. 2CQ. Drake spells it Plgwoket. ( T>rQ.TfA'a Sook of ths Tndiftr.s hnnV *!{. t. 19*> 21 I 822 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 80 outnumbered that flight was impossible. They had no food. Their knapsacks, with their spare ammunition, were seized by the savages. There was no chance of any re-enforcements. It would seem that their doom was sealed, and that by no pos- bibility could one escape. At times there was a brief lull in the battle. The Indians, retiring beyond gunshot, seemed to be holding a council. In one of the councils, or conferences. Ensign Wyman crept through the forest, and shot one of the chiefs. Still the Indians sent a bold warrior within hailing distance of the English, who^ shouted out, " Will you have quarter ? " It is probable that the English felt assured, that, after they had killed so many of the Indians, no quarter would be granted, and that their inevit- able doom would be death by torture. Their reply was, " We will have no quarter but at the muzzles of our guns." The firing had become quite desultory. The combatants, upon each side, kept concealed as much as possible, and fired only when quite sure of striking their foe. About the middle of the afternoon. Chaplain Frye received a mortal wound. He lived for several hours, but was heard praying earnestly that God would preserve his surviving companions. There were among the Indians praying uien. These also, doubtless, with expiring breath, pleaded with God in behalf of their country- men. Both were unquestionably sincere. Alas for man ! How strange must have been the meeting, in the spirit land, of these fellow Christians, who had killed each other 1 During the engagement, the combatants often conversed with each other, from behind their ramparts, separated by but a few yards. They called each other by name, and talked in almost friendly terms. John Chamberlain was a very bold, magnani- mous man, of large stature. His gun had become, by repeated firing, too foul for use. He stepped down to the water to wash it out. Just at that moment Paugus, the Pegwacket chief, who was also a man of herculean size, jumped down the bank to wash out his gun. They were at the distance of but a few yards from each other. They were well acquainted, and had formerly met as friends. Paugus could speak English. XiiU UUlltCSt IIU\T VTCK3 4-/\ aoo XMrUfS nrnillH OTftt. hlfl C^UIl flFSt 111 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 828 order. As Paugiia rammed down the bullet, he said to his old friend, " I shall now very quick kill you." — " Perhaps not," said Chamberlain, who had the advantage of a gun which, in charging, primed itself. There was an instantaneous flash, fol- lowed by a report, and the Indian chief fell dead. The savages took great care to keep themselves concealed ; and it is not probable that many of them were slain. At night the Indians withdrew, when it would seem that they must have known that the English were entirely at tneir mercy. Many of them had fired from twenty to thirty times, and their ammuni- tion was nearly exhausted. It is, however, not improbable that the Indians had expended all theirs. They could only obtain supplies by tedious journeys through the forests to Canada.' Both Messrs. Penhallow and Synimes, the two most authentic narrators of the battle, estimate that the Indians lost between forty and fifty of their warriors. This is apparently merely con- jecture, and is quite incredible. As they were decidedly the victors, withdrawing of their own accord, not being driven from the field, it is scarcely possible that they could have lost more than half of their number.' Solomon Keys received three bullet-wounds, and was appar- ently dying. To save his dead body from being mangled by the savages, he rolled himself down the beach to a canoe, which chanced to be there. Almost senseless he succeeded in creep- ing into it. A gentle breeze blew the canoe across the pond diagonally, and landed it but a short distance from the stockaded fort into which he contrived to creep. * " In going to Quebec it is necessary to take more than a fortnight to reach there. They have to furt^ish themselves with provisions for the journey. They have different rivers to pass, and frequent portages to make. The Indians are aware of these inconveniences, and are by no means indifferent to their interests. But thek faith is infinitely more dear to them. They believe, that, if they detach themselves from our alliance, they will shortly find themselves without a mission- ary, ^vithout a stKsrifice, and in manifest danger of being plunged into their former heathenism. This is the bond which unites them to the French." — Father Raale't Letter, found in " Lettres Ediflantea et Cvrieuses." * Penhallow, in his History of the Indian Wars, represents the number of Indians engaged In this conflict, at seventy. Of these he says that forty were killed outright, and eighteen were mortally wounded who soon died. This makes a total loss, in dead, of fifty-eight Thus, according to this estimate, twelve only escaped with their lives. In every battle there are many wounded, who subse- quently recover. Did these twelve escape wounds'? or was every Indian either killed or wounded? 8S4 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. As the sun went down the moon rose, shedding its pale light over the gloomy forest. The savages had disappeared, leaving solitude and silence to reign over the dismal scene of slaughter. It is impossible to account for the fact that they left the dead bodies of Capt. Lovewell and his men unscalped. The survivors felt that not a moment was to be lost in the attempt to gain the fort. There were but twenty-two living. Two of these were mortally / unded. They could not be removed. They were left to dis alone. There was no possible escape for them from this cruel fate. They had cause to fear that the savages would return and wreak vengeance upon them, in the most direful tortures. Eight others were wounded more or less severely ; but still they were able to hobble along in the awful midnight retreat. There were but twelve unwounded. This heroic band had fought all day, without food ; and, half famished, they com- menced their painful march. Dreadful was the situation of the exhausted, bleeding troops, without food, tents, blankets, or any means for dressing a wound. The dead were left unburied, as these war-stricken men commenced their retreat.^ Chaplain Frye, a dying man, mortally wounded, as we have said, toiled along a mile or two, when he threw himself upon the ground saying, " I cannot take another step. Here I must die. Should you ever, through God's help, reach your homes, tell my father, that I expect in a few hours to be in eternity, but that I do not fear to die." » All the night long the survivors toiled through the forest, expecting every moment to hear the war-whoop of the approach- ing savages, who had probably gone to their village for fresh supplies of ammunition. Perhaps they found none there ; and this may account for their relinquishing the pursuit. In the » Accuracy, in the detaUs of these events, is impossible. The same annahst will often give contradictory statements. Williamson says, " Collecting together in the evening, they found that there were ten already dead, nine uninjured, one missing, and fourteen wounded." Again he writes, " Twenty of them, leaving the fatal spot, directed their march towards the fort. Eight were lame or fuU of anguish from their wounds " — Wiliiamton, vol. il. p. 132. 2 This noble young man, who had displayed great heroism, was the son of Capt. James Frye of Andover, Mass. His amiable and promising character had given him many friends ; and he died greatly lamented. He had kept a journal of their march, which, unfortunately, waa lost with iiim. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 825 morning the fugitives divided into three bands, hoping thus to be able to conceal their trail. Nearly twenty men, walking in single file, would leave a track which the eagle-eyed Indian could easily discern. At length sixteen of them reached the fort, wiiere they had hoped to find refreshment and a. reserved force. In a direct line it was distant from the battle-field but about twenty miles. Still by the circuitous route which they took, and encumbered by the wounded, several of whom soon died, three or four days were spent on the journey. To their bitter disappointment they found the fort deserted. It appeared afterwards, that when the savages first sprang from their ambush, deafening the ear with their hideous yells, one of the Englishmen succeeded in escaping. He saw the utter hopelessness of his companions surrounded by apparently three times their own number. Upon reaching the fort, he gave an account, no less true than frightful, of the condition of his comrades. Capt. Lovewell and several others were already killed. The rest were sur- rounded, and were selling their lives as dearly as possible. The feeble band, for only the sick had been left behind, ex- pecting every moment to hear the yells of the approaching savages, precipitately fled. Fo'-tunately they left behind them some provisions. The starving fugitives, after a short rest, resumed their doleful march. Their sufferings from famine, pain, and weariness, cannot be adequately described. Fourteen finally reached their homes.* Such are the particulars, so far as can now be ascertained, of what has been called " Lovewell's Victory."^ A provincial poet of those days commemorated the event in verses which " j the time obtained much renown, and which were pensively sung in many farmhouses. We give the three closing stanzas : — " Ah I many a wife shall rend her hair, And many a child cry ' Woe is me,' When messengers the news shall hear Of Lovewell's dear-hought victory. ^ 1 Drake's Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 125. » Mr. Williamson writes, "The battle of Pegwacket broke the heart and spirit of the Sokosis natives. In a short time they withdrew, and resided no more in those pleasant and ancient dwelling-places, till peace. After this event the star of tho tribe, pale and dscliniag, gra^lnally settled in darkness." — Vol. 11. p. 141. I 826 THE HISTORY OF MAINE, " With footsteps alow shall travellers go Where Love well's Pond shines clear and bright, And mark the place where those are laid Who fell In Lovewell's bloody fight. " Old men shall shake their heads, and say, ' Sad was the hour, and terrible. When Lovewell's brave 'gainst Paugus went, With fifty men from Dunstable.' " i The wretched state of the country induced the legislature to adopt more vigorous measures to bring the war promptly to a close. The Indians had greatly dwindled away. Poorly armed, and with but scant ammunition, they were much disheartened. The loss of a single warrior was, by them, very sensibly felt. All the eastern garrisons were strengthened and replenished by the government. Liberal pay was offered to volunteers. A large number of friendly Indians, from Massachusetts, were employed as allies. The Indian hostages, detained in Boston, became exceedingly impatient of their restraint. It speaks well for them, that one of these hostages, together with a captive taken in war, was liberated with permission to visit their tribe upon their parole of honor to return ; and they both faithfully came back, and surrendered themselves to imprisonment. They had been absent two mouths. They brought back with them the following report, so melancholy for them, so encouraging for the English : — " The losses our tribes have met with, and the daily terror they experi- ence, causes their lives to be miserable. They long for peace. The Indians on the Penobscot are about to propose a negotiation, that the war may be brought to a close." » Again they were permitted to go back to their friends, with the stipulation, that within twenty-three days they should return with a delegation of chiefs for a peace conference. It was supposed that they would aid in urging forward peace measures. In a former chapter we have given a narrative of the destruc- tion of the fort and pleasant little village of the Indians, at Old- town, far up the Penobscot. This was in February, 1723. Col. Thomas Westbrook led the expedition. I^. his official report to ^ Farmer and Moore's Historical CoUsotions vol. liL THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 827 Lieut-Gov. Dumraer, he wrote, after describing the commodious structures which the French and Indians had reared, — '• We set fire to them all, and by sunrise the next morning they were all in ashes. We then returned to our nearest guard, thence to our tents. On our arrival at our transports we concluded we must have ascended the river about thirty-two miles. " * The Indians, after the retirement of the English, returned to the ruins of their former homes. Their losses and sufferings were terrible. The foe, against whom they were contending, was infinitely their superior. Game in the forests had become scarce. With difficulty could they obtain ammunition for hunt- ing. It was necessary for them to rear their humble villages on the seashore or on the banks of rivers, that by clamming and fishing they might lengthen out their miserable existence. But here the English could easily come upon them in their ships and strong whale-boats. Even if they retired far back into the country, and planted their fields with corn, after wait- ing half-famished, weary weeks for the harvest, they knew, by bitter experience, that energetic English bands would, in all probability, pass through the trails of the forest, lay their vil- lage in ashes, and trample their harvest in the dust. Their doom was dreadful. It was no wonder that they longed for peace. Sadly the returning fugitives wandered through the desolations of their former homes, with no heart to attempt to rebuild. Oldtown, the site of this Indian village, was upon an island of the same name, about twelve miles above where Bangor now stands. In the year 1806, the township of Orono, previously called Stillwater, was incorporated, including the region of Oldtown. It took its name from a celebrated Indian chief Orono, of the Tarratine tribe. He was a warm friend of the Americans in the war of the Kevolution. In the year 1840, Oldtown was incorporated as a separate town. Orono was the one hundred and sixty-second town incorporated in the State, and contained then about three hundred inhabitants. The unhappy, despoiled, half-famished savages wandered down the western banks of the river, until they came to the spot where Bangor now stands. Tlie region was then an un- i Coiiections of Massacliusetta Histoikal Society, vol. vlii. p. 264, 2u ser. ; Hiitcli- Inson's History of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 273. o H C o to *i pi ^, o H O THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 329 broken wilderness, through which the Kenduskeag River flowed silently into the Penobscot. Hei*e they rebuilt their village. It is probable that six or sevon French families were with them; for seven houses were found with cellars and chimneys. There were about fifty Indian huts, indicating, in their structure, a people slowly emerging from barbarism. Capt. Joseph Heath commanded the garrison at Richmond. He heard of this Indian village, situated but about one hundred miles north-east from him, through the trails of the lonely, un- inhabited forest. In the month of May, 1725, Capt. Heath took a company of men, and marched across the country, from the Kennebec to the Penobscot. The Indians heard of his approach ; and the whole population, men, women, and children, fled into the forest. They could take with them only such articles as they carried upon their backs. It is difficult to con- ceive how they could have escaped utter starvation. Probably many of them did perish of hunger. Finding the village deserted, Capt. Heath burned all the dwellings, including a commodious church, and destroyed the cornfields. His party then returned to Richmond, not having caught sight of a single Indian. It was thought by many that this was a very injudicious expedition, considering that the Indians had already made proposals for a peace conference. The village destroyed was situates on what has since been called Fort Hill. The Indians never attempted to rebuild upon this spot. They subsequently returned to Oldtown, where they re-established themselves near the graves of their fathei-s. There was another deed perpetrated by the English, of so atrocious a character that no English historian has been willing to dwell upon i*^^s details. The Indian village on the Penobscot was destroyed in May. On the 20th of June a few Indian chiefs, with a flag of truce, were approaching Fort St. George, at Thomaston, to sue for peace. A detachment from the fort attacked them, killing one and severely wounding another.^ There was still a third adventure, which, as a descendant from the English, one blushes to record. Young Castine, of whom we have before spoken, who was ever the friend of peace, and 1 Williamson's History of Maine, vol. ii. p. 144. 880 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. who had often attested his magnanimous t'pirit toward the English, was in a small sail-boat, at anchor just o£F the south- east point of the present town of Sedgwick, which was then called Naskeag Point. He had on board his boat a lad supposed to have been his son, the child of his wife, who was a chieftain's daughter, and another boy by the name of Samuel Trask, a oaptive from Salem, whom he had humanely redeemed from the Indians. He saw an English sloop approaching ; but there was no war then between France and England, and Castine had no thought of any danger. They were probably fishing. As soon as the Bloop came within musket-shot the crew opened fire upon him. Fortunately none were struck by the bullets. Castine and his companions speedily took shelter upon the land. The captain of the sloop then raised the white flag, and shouted out to Castine, upon the shore, that the firing was a misUke. The guileless young man, incapable of treachery himself, immediately, with his companions, rowed out to the sloop. As soon as they stepped on board the Englishman seized young Trask, and turning to Castine said, " Your bark and all it con- tains are lawful prize. You yourself are justly my prisoner. You may think yourself well off to escape without further molestation." Castine and his son returned to the shore. Some of the crew accompanied them. One of them then seized the lad with a firm grasp, apparently intending to kidnap him. Castine, find- ing it impossible to extricate the boy, shot the miscreant dead, and with his son escaped into the woods. Mr. Williamson writes,* " The conduct of these mariners was a great reproach to them, and in every respect the height of impolicy : for the Indians were now entertaining thoughts of peace, and Castine, who still possessed great influence among them, had more than once attested his magnanimity by instances of friendship and a forbearing spirit towards the English." Notwithstanding these occurrences so calculated to exasperate the Indians, they still persevered in their endeavors to obtain • Penhallow's Indian "War. Collections of New Hampshire Historical Society, Tol. L p. 120. THE HIBTORY OF MAINE. 881 peace. Thirteen chiefs met two commissioners from Boston, at Fort St. George. The commissioners, John Stoddard and Joho Wainwright, were not disposed to be courteous. " Why," they demanded, " did you make war upon the set- tlers?" One of the chiefs, speaking in behalf of the rest, replied, " Because you have taken possession of our lands, even as far as Cape Newagen.' You also, at that place, seized two Indians, and beat them to death." " We did not seize your lands, " was the reply : " we bought them. We have the deeds which were given us, and can show them. If our men did kill yours it was wrong. But why did you not, according to the treaty, appeal to our government ? Why did you take the hatchet? " To this the chief replied, " We come for peace. We wish to recall all our young men from the war." The result was that a general council was appointed to meet in Boston at the end of forty days. Still there was no peace ; only a prospect of peace. Distant war parties, on both sides^ unaware that negotiations were opening, continued their cruel ravages. Early in November four of the most distinguished sagamores of the Kennebec, Penobscot, and other eastern In- dians, repaired to Boston. The discussion which ensued lasted for more than a month. The Indians felt very deeply that their hunting-grounds were encroached* upon, and that they were defrauded of their territory by pretended purchases from Indians, who, having become intoxicated, were ready to sign any contracts which their betrayers might present to them. At length the Indians were compelled to relinquish all their demands. Hostilities ceased. Professed friendship was estab- lished. The English were left in undisputed possession of all the land which they claimed as their own. The government of Massachusetts was authorized to arrange all the trade and ' Boothbay, Litjcoln County, is a pemnsula situated between tlie mouths of .he Sheepscot and the Damarisootta Rivers, and is what was formerly known as CJape Newagen. It is supposed to have been settled as early as 1630. William- son speaks of the island of Gape Newagen, about four and a half miles long, and of an average width of one mile, separated from Boothbay by a narrow channel called Townsend Gut. See Goolidge and Mansfield's Description of New Eng- land, voL i. p. 69, and Williamson's History of Maine, vol. I p. 55. 882 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. intercourse between the two parties. If any Indians declined to ratify the treaty, the chiefs in council pledged their tribes to join the English, and compel the opposers to submission. It was, in fact, an unconditional surrender on the part of the Indians. Dire necessity compelled them to yield to the humil- iating terms.* This celebrated document, since known in his- tory as the " Dumraer Treaty," was signed on the 15th of December, 1725. It continued in force for many years. The Indians were too feeble in strength and too broken in spirits to venture to violate its terms. Thu General Court immediately established quite extensive trading-houses at Fort Richmond, on the Kennebec, and on the far away banks of St. George's River, where the flourishing village of Thomaston now stands, but which was then almost an unbroken wilderness. Goods for Indian traffic were deposited there to the amount of three thousand five hundred dollars. There were but four sagamores present to sign this treaty. It was deemed important that there should be a fuller represen- tation of the chiefs of all the tribes. Another meeting was appointed. It was held at Falmouth, on the 30th of July, 1726. Forty chiefs attended. They represented nearly all the Maine, Nova Scotia, and the Canada tribes. Many of these Indians had become Christians. They declined doing business on the sabbath day. There? were several vessels in the harbor, and there were taverns on the shore. A large number of Indians had accompanied their chiefs. The lieutenant-governors of Massachusetts and New Hamp- shire were also attended by quite a brilliant retinue of soldierly younrj men. All were much impressed by the intelligence and high moral qualities manifested by many of these chiefs. They most earnestly requested of the English authorities, that they would prohibit the sale of any intoxicating liquors to their young men. Lieut.-Gov. Dummer assured them that positive orders should be given to that effect. After deliberately examining and explaining the treaty in the meeting-house, it was signed, on the part of the English, by » Records, Kesolves, and Journals of Massachusetts Government, vol. xii. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 33S Lieut.-Gov. Dummer and a number of his councillors ; and, on the part of the Indians, by Weiiemovet, a chief sagamore, and twenty-six of his associates. It is said that this treaty may still be seen in the government archives at Boston, with all the signatures or respective marks of the Indians.^ There is no power of law which can restrain individual acts of outrage. The most efficient government cannot prevent the perpetration of crime. In this respect the influence of the Indian chiefs was superior to that of the white man's laws. Still there were drunken and vagabond Indians who easily yielded to any temptation. A fishing vessel from Plymouth entered a forest-encircled bay in Nova Sco,'.^. A fellow by the name of John Baptiste (we know not whether he was a Frenchman or an Englishman), with his son and three Indians, whom he had inveigled into the service, endeavored to seize it. Instead of capturing, they were all captured. They were taken to Boston, tried for piracy, condemned, and all were hanged. There were a few other similar acts of outrage. But, when we reflect upon the character of the times, it seems surprising that there should have been so few. One of the chiefs, by the name of Wenunganet, who lived on the River St. George, wrote to Gov. Dummer, — " We look upon such Indians as much our enemies as yours. We are in as much dr nger from them as any of your people are. We are resolved to punish them for the wrongs which they have done." The English traders persisted in selling rum to the Indians. Under the influence of intoxication the young men became frenzied, and lost all self-control. One of the chiefs, by the name of Loron, who seems to have been a veiy noble man, wrote to Gov. Dummer, — '-^ Do not let the trading-houses deal in rum. It wastes the health of our young men. It makes them behave badly both to your people and to cheir own brethren. This is the opinion of all our chief men. great governor, and am your good friend." I salute you, 1 PenhaUoVs Indian Wars. Oolleotion;, of th« New Hampshire Historical Society, vol i pp lKi-133. 334 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. Another sachem, Wivurna, wrote to the governor in the fol- lowing elevated strain : — i *' My brother, I am fully satisfied; for all the blood that before lay boil- ing in my breast has flowed away. I now labor for peace 'ji oar land. Should any stormy clouds arise, I will immediately inform you, that they may do us no harm. In three things you make my heart glad. My grand* sou, who was to me dead, is alive, and has returned to mo safe. Canava, who was a captive, has come home alive and well. He is encouraged to do good service. I thank you for your kindness to me and to my people. I am now old and gray-headed. I have seen many good men, English, French, and Indians; but of all I have not found one like Grov. Dummer for stead- fastness and justice. Were I a sagamore, and young, the first thing I should do would be to see you; but as I am old, and not able to travel, I heartily salute you, my good friend. Farewell. *' Wivubna." Gov. William Dummer, who had become so prominent, was born in Boston, in the year 1677. He went to England, proba- bly for his education. There he was appointed, by the crown, lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts. This was in 1716. His father-in-law. Gov. Joseph Dudley, had just retired from office, after a stormy administration of fourteen years. Gov. Dummer was a man of irreproachable morals, and of firm religious faith. Without possessing any brilliant qualities of mind, he manifested sufficient ability for all the great emer- gencies which rose before him. His highly eulogistic funeral sermon was preached by the celebrated Rev. Mather Byles.^ It is thought that during this war one-third of the four Abe- naquis tribes had perished.'* The war, Penhallow estimates, had cost the government a hundred and seventy thousand pounds, in addition to the forts, which had been reared and repaired at a cost of not less than ocventy-five thousand pounds. These wretched wars had impoverished the whole land. Every man forty years of age had seen twenty years of war. Every boy was trained to arms. The scenes of cruelty and blood every- where witnessed hardened the heart and brutalized the charac- ^ See the admirable biographical sketch of the Dummers in the Genteunial Discourse t^elivered at Newbury, by N. Gleaveland, Esq. 3 The Abenaquis inhabited tiie region between the Fiscataqua Biver and the J'enobscot. The nation formerly consisted of eleven allied tribes. See Drake's Book of the Indians, book UL p. 91, and Williamson's History of Maine, vol. ii. n. 4M. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 335 ter. During this last war, about two hundred of the inhabitants of Maine were killed or carried into captivity. The anguish which was thus sent to many a humble cottage, no tongue can tell. Some of the captives were put to death by all the demoniac inflictions of Indian torture ; some perished from cold, exhaus- tion, and hunger ; some were never heard of more, and what their fate was none can know. The Indians were fickle as children. They could be gentle, confiding, affectionate, at one moment ; and then, at some sud- den exasperation, become cruel as fiends. And yet it was an extraordinary and inexplicable trait in their character, that they never thus transformed themselves from friends to enemies without what they supposed just cause ; and they always gave notice of their hostility before striking a blow. The habit of giving this warning was invariable. The restoration of peace they hailed with undisguised and almost childish delight. We now speak of the majority of the Indians, the common people. The chiefs were truly the aristoi, the best of the land. They were almost invariably intelligent, serious, thoughtful men, whose minds were oppressed with the magnitude of the responsibilities thrown upon them, as they saw their tribes dwindling away, and their hunting-grounds passing to the ownership of strangers. Upon the settlement of the terms of peace, they flocked to the villages of their former foes, with faces radiant with joy. In very many cases the Indians and the white families had been well acquainted with each other. They had often met in familiar intercourse, called each other by name, and had ap- parently cherished for each other sincere friendship. The Indians now came rushing back, with smiles and cordial gi-eetings, as if totally unconscious of the fiend-like deeds which, upon both sides, had been recently perpetrated.^ There was one very noble Indian, by the name of Arabereuse, who lived on the banks of Mousom or Mousam River.'' He was ' See some discriminating remarks upon this subject, by Mr. Edward E. Bourne, L]j.D. in Lis excellent History of Wells and Kennebunk, pp. 327, 328. a Mousom Kiver, as Mr. Williamson spells the name, was formerly called Cape Porpoise Eiver, or Maguncook. It issued from ponds in Shapleigh, twenty miles diStftli* Ifc «r*> , . « — visu» Aii v***^ mJWv Vttv ctsi\t a Uxxix uiUca iiviix TTCliS, — 7T iiWJlHSUTl^ VOl, 1. p, '£i. 'i I 886 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. eminently a man of peace, a " praying Indian," and no persua sions could induce him to engage in the war on either side. Through all the bloody conflict he continued to visit the Eng- lish, as if peace had never been disturbed. Mr. Sullivan, writing of him, says, — " There came to Berwick an Indian named Ambereuse, with his wife. He said he hated war, and only wanted to live where he could make his brooms and his baskets, and live in peace. He remained there for several years, and then removed to the Kennebec." There were more than two hundred Indians p^^sent at the conference in Falmouth, when the treaty of the former year was confirmed and ratified. Over forty gentlemen composed the retinue of the governor. The convention was held beneath a spacious tent on Munjoy's Hill. At the close of the con- ference, quite a splendid banquet for those times was given beneath the canvas of the teit, at the expense of Jie Massa- chusetts government. So large a concourse of people had never before been gathered in any of the settlements in Maine. Though vessels at anchor in the bay had brought supplies, the^•e was such an entire consumption of the articles of food, that one of the annalists of that day wrote, " They left us quite bare ; and nothing of the country's produce was left, only three bushels of corn and some small things." ^ The three-years' war, thus terminated, was usually called Lovewell's War, from the important part he took in its cam- paigns. It was carried on by the Indians without any recog- nized assistance from the French. There was, at that time, settled peace between France and England. Undoubtedly the sympathies of the French in Canada were with their long-tried friends, the Indians. But they could not take any active part in favor of the savages, without violating solemn tr jaty obliga- tions. 1 History of Portland, by William Willis, p. 8S3. CHAPTER XIX. THE DOOM OP THE INDIAN. French Influence — Governor Dummer— His Wise Policy— The Trading- Houses — Life at Fahnouth — Governors Burnet and Belcher — Act against Duellhig— Encfoaclunentsof the English — Conference at Falmouth- Gov. Shirley— Visit of Whitefleld — Council at St. George — The Indians desir« Peace — Indians refuse to fight their Brethren — The Capture of Louis- burg— War Proclaimed against the Indians — Peace —Subsiding Billows — New Claims of the English — Fort at Teconnet. A SACHEM was asked, "Why are you all so ardently -^^ attached to the French, from whom you can never receive 80 much benefit as you may receive from the English ? " The chief, after a moment's pause, gravely replied, " Because the French have taught us to pray unto God ; which the Eng- lish never did." This question was often asked of the chiefs and of the com- mon Indians. Invariably answers were returned essentially the same. I give a summaiy of those answers, made on different occasions, but here brought together : — " The French are our friends ; they advocate our rights, and become, aa it were, one with us. They sell ua whatever we want, and never take away our lands. They send the kind missionaries to teach ua how to worship the Great Spirit ; aud, like brothers, they give us good advice when we are in trouble. When we trade with them, we have good articles, full weight, and free measure. They leave ua our goodly rivers, where we catch fine salmon, aud leave us unmolested to hunt the bear, the moose, and the beaver, where our fathers have hunted them. We love our own country, where our fathers were buried, and where we and our children were bom. We have our rights, as well as the English ; we also know, as well as they, what is just and what is unjust. 22 ' 837 S38 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. " Wlien you English came, we received you with open arms. We thought you children of the sun ; we fed you with our best meat. Never did a white man go hungry from our cabins. But you returned evil for good. You put the burning cup to our lips. It filled our veins with poison. When you had intoxicated us, you took the advantage, and cheated us in trade. You now tell us that our country is yours, that it has passed from us for- ever. "You say that you have bought our lands from our sagamores. It is not true. Our chiefs love their tribes too well, and have too great souls, to turn their children from the homes of their latners. Where can we go ? We own no other land. There is no other land so dear to us. The forts which you have built on our territory are contrary to treaty ; and they ought to be laid low." ^ Such were the feelings of the Indians. They were sincere and unalterable ; but the utterances were eventually silenced by hopeless defeat. Gov. Dummer was anxious to withdraw the Indians from their intercourse with the French. Had the spirit Avhich animated him prevailed from the beginning, there need have been no war whatever with the Indians. Gov. William Dummer, an American by birth, had been acquainted with the Indians from infancy. For some of them he had undoubtedly formed a strong attachment. Many of the natives were noble, warm-hearted men. Gov. Dum- mer knew how to sympathize with them in their wrongs. The course of conciliatory measures, upon which he ener- getically entered, seemed, for a time, almost to obliterate from the minds of the Indians the remembrance of their former grievances. In addition to the trading-houses at Fort George and Fort William, he established a third at Fort Mary, near Winter Har- bor. Men of established reputation for integrity and discretion were api)ointed to preside at these stations. The most valuable articles for Indian use were deposited in each of them, to the amount of four or five thousand dollars. The keepers of these stores were instructed to sell them at an advance only sufficient to cover the prime cost with the freight and waste. Full value was allowed for the furs and skins of the Indians. Those who, 1 Williamson, vol. 11. n. 113. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 339 by any calamity, were in want, were assisted by a generous charity.* There was no longer any motive to induce the Indians to take long journeys to Canada for purposes of trade. Indeed, the Canada Indians resorted to the English trading-houses, find- ing that they could purchase commodities there better and cheaper than cither at Quebec or Montreal. York and Falmouth were now the principal towns in Maine. Vork was the shire-town, the political centre. Falmouth was the commercial emporium. It may be mentioned, in illustra- tion of the luxuries in which our ancestors indulged, that the only house in town which contained a papered room was the parsonage; and the paper in that house was fastened upon the walls by nails, and not by paste.^ At one time, in the year 1727, there were thirty vessels riding at anchor in the harbor of Falmouth. There were then sixty- four families in the town. The number increased, in two years, to about two hundred. Rev. Thomas Smith was settled as pastor of the church. Brunswick was one of the first towns resettled after the desolations of these disastrous wars. Still this, like all other settlements, advanced slowly. In 1750 there were but twenty families in the place. Soon after the accession of George II., he appointed William Burnet governor of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Maine. He was a very handsome man of imposing stature, and of very popular manners. His scholarly tastes, his practical common- sense, and his remarkably cheerful disposition, rendered him very popular. In the year 1730, Burnet died. Jonathan Bel- cher was appointed by the crown to succeed him. He also was a native of Boston, a graduate of Harvard College, and the son of one of the most opulent merchants. Endowed naturally with fine powers of mind, he had travelled extensively abroad ; and his naturally graceful manners were much improved by intimacy with the best European society. One of the first acts which the governor signed was against » Eecords, Resolves, and Journals of the Massachusetts Gtovernment, vol. xil pp 88W512. - nistoiy of Portiaud, by William Willis, p. 864. 840 THE BISTORF OF MAINE. 11 duelling. By this it was enacted that whosoever should kill another in a duel should be hanged ; and that his body, together with that of the one he had killed, should be buried without a coffin, and that a stake should be driven through them both. In the autumn of 1732, the governor made quite an extensive tour through the settlements of Maine. In his next address to the Massachusetts Legislature, he said, — ** It gave me surprising pleasure to see 80 large a part of this Province •ccommodated with fine rivers and harbors, islands and main, capable of many and great improvements. The three rivers, St. George's, Kennebec, and Saco, are bordered with fine lands full of timber. I cannot but think this country will, in time, be equal in every thing to any part of New England." To induce emigration to Maine, several townships were sur- veyed, and farm lots of a hundred acres each marked out. One of these farms was offered to any man who would within three years settle upon it, erecting a house eighteen feet square, and who would clear from five to six acres for mowing and tillage. In the year 1735, the population of Maine probably amounted to about nine thousand souls. There wc a nine towns, and several settlements called plantations. About fifteen hundred of these inhabitants were in the Sagadahoc region. There were about three hundred and seventy men there capable of bearing arms.* Commerce was reviving. The articles of export were fish, fur, and lumber. The forests of Maine were a great store- house of wealth. Masts, boards, shingles, and timber were shipped in considerable quantities. But again the Indians became alarmed. The increasing settlements were encroaching upon their territories, and the thoughtful men saw clearly that the time was fast approaching when they would be driven from all their possessions. The English were building new fortifications, and repairing the old ones. The sagamores sadly complained of this ; while, at the same time, they stated that they were extremely anxious that peace should be perpetuated. The subject was referred to a » Summary of British Settlements in North America, by Willlara Douglas^ vol. i. p. 504. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 841 committee of the Massachusetts Legislature. After conferring with the chiefs, they made the following report, whiqh we give slightly abbreviated : — "The Indians have unquestionably possessory rights to the lands in the extensive wilderness where they dwell. Tliis has often been recognized by the purchases which have been made. In the year 1694, Madockawando ceded to Sir William Phips lands on both sides of the St. George's River, as iax as the upper falls, but no farther. The chiefs acknowledge that they have consented to have English settlements made as far aa the falls ; and they claim that the English have no right to take possession of the lands above the falls until they have fairly purchased them." * The report was accepted. A present of five hundred pounds was sent from the government, by the hands of the chiefs, to the tribe, and they returned to their homes very happy. In the year 1737, Brunswick was incorporated, the eleventh town in the State. It was originally called Pegypscot,^ and its first inhabitant was Thomas Purchas. In 1735 there were between thirty and forty men in the settlement. After the lapse of half a century it contained a population of thirteen hundred and eighty-seven. The governor generally visited Maine every year. He had frequent and friendly interviews with the Indian^, He was deeply impressed with the value of the harbor at Pemaquid, and repeatedly urged upon the legislature the importance of putting it in a better state of defence. He arranged for a con- ference with a large delegation of Indians, at Falmouth. The meeting took place in the month of July, 1732. The governor, with a large retinue of gentlemen, took passage from Boston to Falmouth in a man-of-war.^ Soon after the governor's arrival, about two hundred Indians » Williamson, vol. 11. p. 191. « Ml". Willis spells this name Pejepscot; It is also so spelled by Coolidge and Mansfield; but we follow here the orthography of Mr. Williamson, who seems to have taken it from the Journal of the House of Eepresentatives, p. 26. » Mr. Williamson gives the year 173!) as the date of this council. Mr. Willis thinks this a mistake. He writes, "Tlie misa prehension of Mr. Freeman, in re- gard to the year, led Williamson into an error in his History of Maine, vol. 11. p. 201, in assigning to this year a treaty with the Indians at Falmouth. This took place in 1732, and there was no conference here or occasion for it in 1739." —Jouf" nal of Rev. Tlomas Smith, p. 90. 842 THE niSTORY OF MAINE. came. They were all well clad, seemed friendly, and professed the most ardent wishes to perpetuate amicable relations. But they brought with them, floating at the head of their canoes, a French flag, which excited some suspicions of their sincerity. It is, however, not improbable, that as they had no flag of their own, and as the English always appeared under their flag, they considered this merely as an ornament, which they regarded as an accompaniment of their fringes and their plumes. If they had meditated treachery, they certainly had too much shrewd- ness to commence operations by flaunting an obnoxious banner in the eyes of those whom they wished to deceive. The Indians encamped on Hog Island. Each morning they paddled, in their fleet of canoes, to Munjoy's Hill, where the council was held under an immense tent. The signal for the meeting was the firing of a gun from a man-of-war in the har- bor, and the raising the royal Jack at the maintop. As the English objected to the display of the French flag, the Indians laid it aside, and raised an English banner at the head of their leading canoe. A renowned Penobscot chief, by the name of Loron, was the principal captain and speaker of the Indians. In accordance with their custom, they brought presents of furs as pledges of the sincerity of their speech. A chief by the name of Tbxus spoke first. Addressing the governor, he said, — " It is God who has the overruling power over all things. He has brought ns here at this time. The reason of our coming is our hearty desire for love and friendship. As a token of our being glad to see your Excellency, I shake hands, and offer these furs as our money." The governor urged them to dismiss their French religious teachers, and to accept English missionaries in their stead. I"^ indefatigable in his labors, having been known to preach sixtu^n times, and to travel over those rough roads a hundred and seventy miles, in a single week. . Gov. Shirley was an Englishman by birth, and a lawyer by profession. He had resided in Maine six or seven years, and had thus become acquainted with the manners of the people. His ability and integrity had secured their confidence. England and Spain were then fighting each other. By the promise of large pay and a share in the booty, between five and six hun- dred men were recruited from the Province of Maine, for an » Journal of Rev. Thomas Smith, p. 7<5. Mr. Smith was at that time the honored pastor of the church in Falmouth. For many years be kept a daily record of passing events. « History of WlmUuira, by Thomas Laurens Smith, p. 51. 844 Tne niaroRY of maine. expedition to Cuba. But few of them ever saw their hornet again.* During this conflict the British commenced impretting inhab- itants of Maine, and forcing them on board their men-of-war. This infamous course, persisted in, led to the war of 1812. The continued encroachments of the settlements in Maine led many Indians of the diminishing tribes of the Saco, the Androscog- gin, and the Kennebec, to withdraw to the unbroken forests of Canada, where they were sure of a cordial welcome from the French authorities. This excited alarm in Boston. Tlie governor, with a large eacort from both legislative branches, repaired to St. George's, to hold a council with the sagamores of the Etechemin tribes. These Indians, as has been mentioned, occupied the country between the Penobscot and the St. ,Tohn, both inclusive. The Indians were prompt in their attendance. They came in a large fleet of canoes, and entered the harbor, not with the French, but with the British flag at the head of their fleet. This would seem to indicate that the French flag, under which they had previously entered the harbor at Falmouth, was intended merely as an ornament, not as a menace. The meeting was harmoni- oup. Both parties were exceedingly anxious for peace. But the English wanted, and felt that they must have, the lands of the Indians. On the other hand, the Indians clung tenaciously to the homes of their fathers ; and yet they despairingly felt that influences, quite beyond their control, were each year driv- ing them farther away from their ancient hunting grounds, and that, ere long, all their possessions would pass into the hands of strangers. This was evident alike to both parties. Agitating questions which could lead to no good results were avoided. The time was passed in the interchange of courtesies ; and the governor made valuable presents to the Indians, of powder and shot, and of other articles which had become to them necessaries of life. It was deemed very important to prevent their applying to the French for such purchases. • Summary of British Settlements in North America, hy William Donglass, TOl. 1 p. 654. TnS HISTORY OF MAINE. 845 On this excursion the governor made a careful examination of the country. In hiu address to the legislature, on his leturn, he said. — '* The inexhaustible supplies of wood and lumber, and the several kinds and great quantities of naval stores wliich this region is capable of produ- oing, no less than the navigable rivers, the numerous harbors, and good soil it possesses, render it highly deserving tlie encouragement and protection of government." By the census of 1743, it appeared that tliere were in Maine eleven towns, and a probable population of twelve thbusand inhabitants. The poor Indians were fast dwindling away by death and by emigration to Canada. The Spanish war raging in Europe drew France into an alliance with Spain, against Great Britain.^ This, of course, led to a conflict between the French and English colonists on these shores. Each party exerted its utmost endeavors to engage the Indiana as allies. The French, as was to have been expected, were the more successful. Again horrid war recommenced its ravages of shrieks, misery, blood, and death. The war was commenced by an attack made by the French and Indians upon an English settlement at Cansea", in Nova Scotia. The French governor of Cape Breton sent several armed vessels, with about nine hundred men, and took possession of the island. Soon after, three hundred Indians, led, it is said, by a French missionary, M. Luttre, attacked Annapolis. They laid siege to the place ; but, re-enforcements arriving from Bos- ton, they were compelled to retire. "War is the most expensive of all earthly employments. New forts were reared, and the old ones strengthened. A hundred and twenty-one men wl'' ) sent to be distributed to the garrisons at Fort George, Pemaij[uit', Richmond, Brunswick, and Saco. Three hundred men were oi^amzed into scouts, which parties, ever on the move, were generally led by friendly Indian guides. 1 This famous war for the Austrian succession, commenced by Frederick IL of Prussia, not only drew all Europe into it3 vortex, but also led French Canadians and Engliah colonists and savage Indians to cutting each other'^ throats, who had not the slightest idea of what they were fighting for. 846 THE niaroRY of maine. Ninety-six barrels of gunpowder were sent to be distributed among the towns. A delegation waa appointed by the governor to visit St. George, and ascertain the feelings of the Penobscot Indians. They met many of the chiefs in council, and received from them the assurance of their continued desire for peace. It waa decided to commence a vigorous war against the Indiana of Nova Scotia. The tribes residing in Maine were forbidden, by the government of Massachusetts, from holding any intercourse with the tribes east of Passamaquoddy Bay. A hundred pounda was offered for the scalp of every male Indian over twelve years of age. Fifty pounds was offered for that of a child younger than twpl"e or for that of a woman.* The 1... ,8 Btill continued peaceful. But a vagabond band of white men fell upon an unoffending band of Indians on the eastern side of St. George's River, killing one, and severely wounding others. The government did all in its power to atone for this crime. Forty pounds in money, a blanket, and many other articles were given to the widow. The wounded were furnished with medical aid, and were carefully conveyed \ .> their homes on the Penobscot. According to the Dummer treaty, the chiefs engaged to join fifty of their men to every band of a hundred and fifty of the English, raised to subdue any refractory Indians who might attempt o disturb the peace. To test the Indians, the English now de...anded that the sagamores should furnish their quota of warriors to march against the tribes in Nova Scotia. This demand was made with the not very courteous menace, that, if it wore not complied with within forty days, the government of Massachusetts would declare war against the Indians of Maine. The sagamores were in great perplexity and distress. Several councils were held, and the subject was earnestly discussed. The result was, that in January they sent an express to Boston to inform the government that they found it impossible to induce their young men to take up arms against their brother Indians of the St. John. 1 Snniniary, by Douglass, p. 320; WilHamson, vol. 11. p. 218. THE BIBTORT OF MAINE. 847 For canning on the war against tbo French and their allied Indians, two regiments were raised in Maine. One, froi> the vicinity of Kittery, consisted of fifteen hundred and sixty-five- men, under Col. William Pepperell ; the other, of twelve hun- dred and ninety men, was formed from the towns adjoining- Falmouth, and was commanded by Col. Samuel Waldo. Louisburg, upon the island of Cape Breton, was one of the most important and best fortified of the posts of the French. With its ramparts, its ditches, its batteries, one of them mount- ing twentv-eight forty-two pounders, it was justly considered the Gibra ir of America. The labor of twtnty-five years had been expended upon these fortifications, and they had cost the French crown thirty million livres.* It would seem that all the English colonies embarked with great enthusiasm in the enter- prise oi making the conquest of Louisbiug.' Col. Pepperell^ with the rank of lieutenant-general, was first in command. Though trained to war, he was a devout man. He applied to Rev. Mr, Whitefield, then preaching in Maine, for his opinion of the enterprise. He replied, — " The scheme is not very full of encouragement. The eyes of ^ii will be- upon you. Should you not meet with success, the widows and orp' los will utUir complaints. Should you be successful, many will look upon you with envy, and endeavor to eclipse your glory. You ought, therefore^ to go with a • single eye ; ' then you will receive strength proportioned to your neces- sities. " Mr. Whitefield, at the earnest suggestion of Col. Pepperell, gave him a motto for his flag. It was "Nil desperandum, Chiisto duce." ^ An army of four thousand men was embarked in a fleet of thirteen vessels, besides transports and store-ships. The vessels carried two hundred guns. On the 24th of March, 1745, the squadron sailed. Beiore casting anchor in the waters of Louisburg, the fleet was joined by ten other British ships of war, mounting four hundred and ninety guns. 1 Haliburton'8 History of Nova Sootia, vol. i. pp. 98-112. 3 "All the talk is about the expedition to LouiaburK. There Ls a niarvelioua zeal and conourrence through tbe ' /hole country with respect to it. Such aa the like wan never seen in this part of the world." —Smith's Journal, p. IIG; date Feb. 11, 1745. • Ivo^^iiug is to be despaired of, Christ being the leader. 848 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. Early in the morning of the 30th of April, the squadton appeared before the doomed city. The men, with the heavy guns and ammunition, were landed with scarcely any opposition. The assault and the defence were conducted with like bravery and skill. For forty-four days the battle raged, mih. scarcely a moment's intermission. We have no space here to enter into its details. On the 15th of June, the French capitulated, and Louisbm-g passed into the hands of the English. There were four thousand one hundred and thirty inhabitants within the defences. Of these, two thousand were able to bear arms. According to the terms of the capitulation, they were trans- ported to France, where, in the extreme of impoverishment, they were left to struggle against life's dire adversities. Nine thousand cannon-balls and six hundred bombs were thrown into the city before the surrender. During the conflict, the En^lsh lost a hundred and thirty men, and the French three hundred. It now seemed to be inevitable that there was to be a fifth Indian war. The refusal of the Indians of Maine to march against their brethren in Nova Scotia was considered, by the English, as indicative of hostile intentions, and almost equivalent to a declaration of hostilities. No more trading-masters were appointed, and trade with the Indians ceased. Thus they were constrained to resort to the French for their supplies. The English made vigorous prepara- tions for the conflict. Block-houses were built, ramparts were thrown up ; parties were organized as scouts, to be continually perambulating the country ; and almost every able-bodied man was converted into a soldier. The English were strong ; the Indians were weak. The Indians had nothing to hope for from the war. The English, who could have no doubt of success in contending against so feeble a foe, could add to their territorial possessions vast regions of fertile lands which they greatly coveted. On the 23d of August, 1745, the government of Massachu- setts declared war against all the eastern tribes of Maine with- out exception. Large bounties were offered for captives or scalps.* It would seem that the Indians were entirely unpre- 1 Williamson; p, 240; Smith's Journal, p. 120. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 84» pared for this outbreak. In terror they abandoned their homes to seek the protection of the French. Rev. Mr. Smith, of Fal- mouth, in his valuable Journal, writes, under date of Oct. 2, 1745, that not an Indian had been seen or heard of on the eastern frontier, for nearly a month. He says, that, immediately upon the announcement of hostilities, they fled away to Canada. It was a miserable war. There was no such thing as a battle betv, een the English and the Indians. There was no array of forces against each other. Scouting parties of the English ranged the woods, hunting Indians, as they would hunt wolves or bears. Prowling bands of savages killed cattle and swine, occasionally burned a house, and shot at the white men when- ever they could get a chance to do so unseen. To describe these events would only be to repeat what has already been recorded. But terror reigned in every lonely farmhouse. Every few days the tidings would be heard of some man shot, or some family massacred. These reports were otLen greatly exagge- rated. The great desire of the English was to capture Canada. Mr. Williamson writes, — " In none of the Indian wars were the savages more subtle and inveterate, yet in none less cruel. They despaired of laying waste the country, and expellmg the inhabitants. They rather sought to satiate their revenue upon particular individuals or families; to take captives and scalps, for the sake of the price or premium paid them therefor by the French, and to satisfy their wants by the plunder of houses or slaughter of cattle; a cow or an ox being frequently killed by them, and nothing taken but the tongue." * The English trained furious dogs to chase the Indians, and to tear them down, women and children, with bloody fangs. Orders were issued for the organization of troops to drive all the Indians and the French settlers out of Nova Scotia.^ Amidst these horrors, it is pleasant to record an occasional act of human- ity. A few Indians, by stratagem, captured Capt. Jonathan Williamson, of Wiscasset. Fe was one of the most prominent men in the settlement. In his capture they were careful not to wound him. Two others, whom they might have killed, they allowed to escape. He inquired the reasons for this conduct. 1 vviiUamson, vuLiL p. 244. s 'i^^jiHanison, vol. iL p. 247. 350 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. " We have been requested," they said, " by the governor of Quebec, to secure an intelligent prisoner, who is capable of giving information respecting the plans of the English." In conducting him through the wilderness to Quebec, they treated him with the utmost kindness, liberally sharing with him all the provisions they could procure.* Winter came, with unusual severity, and great depth of snow. Military expeditions had engrossed the energies of the people. There was almost a famine. The whole civilized world was thrown into commotion by this miserable war, commenced by that scourge of humanity, Frederick of Prussia. Hundreds of thousands perished on the battle-field and in the gloomy hospital. More homes were des- olated, and widows and orphans made, than can be numbered. There was misery everywhere, happiness nowhere; and all this merely to decide whether one individual or another should sit upon the throne of Austria. The imagination could scarcely create a more astonishing record of folly and of crime, than the history of the human race presents. The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, signed Oct. 7, 1748, gave peace to the world. Several of the chiefs of the Maine Indiana met the governor in the council chamber at Boston, on the 23d of June, 1749. There was quite a numerous delegation, rep- resenting mainly the Kennebec and the Penobscot tribes. One of the chiefs, addressing the governor, said, — " We speak from our hearts the words of sincerity and truth. We have brought with us other credentials than our own hearts. These brothers present know that the voice of peace makes the Indians everywhere smile and rejoice." ' A general council of the chiefs to meet the Massachusetts commissioners was appointed to assemble in Falmouth. The commissioners, five or six in number, were attended by a mil- itary guard of about fifty men. We know not how many Indians attended. Nineteen chiefs signed the treaty of peace. It was essentially the same as the " Dummer Treaty." It was called the " Submission and Agreement " of the tribes. When such a storm has been raging over life's ocean, it takes \ wilUarasoQ, vol. ii p. 2i>3. a wiUiomsoa, vol. ii. p. 2G8. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 851 some time for the billows to subside. Vagabond white men continued to shoot the Indians. In vain the natives appealed to the legal tribunals for redress. " Certain it is, that whenever a white person was tried for killing an Indian, even in times of profound peace, he was invariably acquitted, it being impossible to impanel a jury on which there were not some who had "suffered by the Indians, either in their persons, families, or estates." ' Predatory bands of savages from Canada, accustomed to plunder, continued for a time their banditti excursions, killing, plundering, and burning. "But it was manifest that the in- stances of mischief were principally acts of mere revenge com- mitted by stragglers and renegadoes, unencouraged probably by any tribe. The sagamores of Penobscot, and even of Nor- ridgewock, declared that they had no share in the late rupture, and expressed strong desires of immediately renewing their former trade and connections with the English."* The intelligent Indians could not look upon the continued encroachments of the English without anxiety. Though con- scious that this could not be prevented by any force of arms which they could wield, they made frequent and earnest appeals to the government, in vindication of what they deemed their rights. Permanent and steadily increasing settlements were established at Woolwich, Edgecomb, Bath, Dresden, Bowdoin- ham, Topsham, and many other places. Strong fortifications were arising at many important points. It is supposed that the whole population of Maine, in 1744, was from twelve to fifteen thousand.'* Falmouth was the largest town in the Province. The hunting grounds and fishing sites of the natives were fast passing from them. Soon after this, the English claimed all the land from the Kennebec River east to the Sheepscot, and as far up the Kennebec as Norridgewock. They were taking possession of the territory, and strengthen- ing themselves in it. Gov. Shirley, with several commissioners, met a number of the sagamores at Fort Richmond. There is something pitiable in the tone of the chief Indian speaker on this occasion. He said, — WillLamsoa, voL il p. 'Zi% = Smith'a journal, p. IsT. 852 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. ■ «' Here is a river which belongs to us. You have lately built a new gar- rison here. We now only ask that you will be contented to go no farther up the river than this fort. We live wholly by this land, and live but poorly. The Penobscot Indians hunt on one side of us, and the Canada Indians on the other. Therefore do not turn us off this land. We are willing that you should hold possession of all the lands from this fort downward to the sea." The governor exhibited deeds, signed by Indian chiefs, in proof that the English had purchased the lands. Ongewasgone replied, and without doubt very truthfully, — «« I am an old man, and yet I never heard any of my ancestors say that these lands were sold. We do not think that these deeds are false; but we apprehend that you got the Indians drunk, and so took advantage of them, when you bought the lands." At the close of this conference one of the chiefs said, " I would add one word more. Our young men are very apt to get drunk. We entreat you to give orders to Capt. Lithgow, not to let any one of them have any more rum than one quart in two days." ^ The question as to the title to the lands, the English decided in their own favor, declaring that they had been deeded to them by the Indians. Of course the Indians felt deeply aggrieved. The first town incorporated, within what was called the territory of Sagadahoc, was Newcastle, so named from the Duke of New- castle, who was secretary of the king, and was deemed friendly to the colonies. There were increasing dissatisfaction and murmurs with in- dividual Indians. It was also asserted that the French were endeavoring to incite them to renew hostilities. The most con- venient route from Quebec to the eastern provinces of Maine, was to follow up the Chaudidre about a hundred miles, then to cross the unbroken wildernes" through an Indian trail, a dis- tance of about fifty miles, to the Kennebec, near the mouth of Dead River. This point was about fifty miles above the Indian settlement at Norridgewock. It was apprehended that the Indians far away upon these upper waters of the river, gather- ing from Maine and Canada, and aided by the French, might 1 T.«-.«»i ^« 4-Va l^A^r a^li/\Tnaa fl nnH li nn IKR. liS4. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 35S establish a general rendezvous, and make raids upon the lower setuements. No s'^h attempt was, however, undertaken, and there is no evidence that such was ever contemplated. Subse- quent events render it much more probable that the rumor was started by designing men, as an excuse for taking possession of the lands on the upper waters of the river, by erecting forts. The governor ordered six companies to be organized ready to march at the shortest notice. He also issued the severe com- mand, that, should any Indians of Norridgewock be guilty of any mischief, the troops should advance upon their village, utterly destroy it, and either kill or capture every member of the tribe.* The government ordered a very strong fort to be built at Teconnet, on the eastern bank of the Kennebec, at the junction between that river and the Sebasticook. This was making an advance from Fort Richmond, thirty-five miles up the river, into the territory which the Indians claimed as their own, and from which they had so earnestly entreated that they might not be driven. This fort was garrisoned by eight hun- dred men. In anticipation of another war with the French and Indians, an alliance was formed by the English with the Mohawks, the fiercest warriors on the continent. The great and terrible struggle was approaching between the two most powerful kingdoms on the globe, France and England, for the possession of this continent. France was beginning to rear her forts from the Lakes to New Orleans, intending to hold control of the majestic valleys of the Ohio and the Mississippi, and to shut up the English upon the narrow border east of the Alleghanies. England was resolved to drive the French from Canada, and to take possession of the whole country. In the awful conflict which ensued, not only the poor Indians were doomed to be crushed, but thousands of humble Europe' a emi- grants suffered woes the very recital of which tortures the soul. 1 History of Maine, by William Willlaiason, voL IL p. 297. S8 CHAPTER XX. THE OLD PBBNOH WAE, AND THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION COMMENCED. The Upper Kennebec explored-New Forts built- War with the todlans Renewed - English Atrocities - War between France and England - Feeble- Ss8 of the Indians-Incorporation of Towns-Efforts of England to En- slave Amerlca-The Stamp Act-The Tea Tax-Battleof I^ex^n^on- Patrlotism of the People of Maine -Scenes In Falmouth -Visit of the British Sloop-of-War- Capture of Capt. Mowatt-Hls Threats. FIVE hundred troops were sent up the Kennebec River to explore the carrying-places between that river and the Chaudi^re. It was ascertained that no fort had been attempted in that region, by either the French or the Indians. The site selected by the English for the new fort was beautiful. It was three-quarters of a mile below Teconnet Falls. It was built of solid timber, twenty feet in height, and sufficiently capacious to accommodate a garrison of four hundred men. The name given this structure was Fort Halifax. , ., r ^u Two other forts, quite simUar in strength^ were built farther down the river, each of them on the eastern side. One was at Oashnoc,! now Augusta, near the eastern end of the present bridge. They gave it the name of Fort Western. The other was about a raUe above the northern end of Swan Islaml. It was called Fort Shirley.^ From Fort Western to Fort Halifax was a distance of eighteen miles, through a pathless and umn- habited wilderness. The governor ordered a road to be cut through the forest suitable for wheel carriages. Arrangements 1 This name la sometimes spelled Cushenoc. a A3 this was situated to the plantation of Frankfort, It was somettaies caUed Fort Frankfort. 3M THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 855 were also made, so that an express might be sent, by means of whale-boats and videttes, from Falmouth to Fort Halifax, in twenty-four hours. On the 6th of November, 1754, couriers reached Ffl,lmouth with the tidings that a band of Indians had assailed some men from the garrison of Fort Halifax, who were cutting timber, and killed one man, and carried away four others as captives. Also a rumor had reached the fort, that five hundred French and Indians were about to march from Quebec to make an attack upon the fort. A re-enforcement of a hundred men was immediately sent to strengthen the garrison. Six companies of minute-men, in Maine, were ordered to be ready to march at the shortest notice. It soon appeared that this hostile outbreak was perpetrated by the Canada Indians of St. Frangois.* Public opinion was greatly aroused against these Indians. Many demanded that V they should be utterly exterminated. A hundred pounds was offered by the General Court, for the scalp of any one of them, and ten pounds more for an Indian taken alive. There were mutual recriminations and retaliations by which France and England gradually drifted into the deplorable " French war," without war having been formally declared by either party. Awful tragedies ensued, which could scarcely have been exceeded in Pandemonium. We have no space here to enter into the details of the conflict. We can only briefly allude to the events which transpired in Maine. The most awful scenes of distress were witnessed. The civilized combatants, in their rage, proved that savages could not exceed them in cruelty. Several months lapsed before there were any acts of violence in Maine. It is very evident 1 It will be remembered that the governor of Canada had Invited the fragments of tribes, broken by war, to settle on lauds which he hail assigned to them on the two small tributaries of the St. Lawrence, Besancourt and St. Francois. Here they were aided in building their houses. A church and a parsonage were erected, and a missionary and interpreter furnished them. They were called the St. Fran- fois Indians, and were, of course, entirely devoted to the French, who had treated them with such brotherly kindness.— TTt/^ianuon, vol. ii. p. 40; Jeffrey's History of the French Dominions, p. 9; TopograpMeal J)«$cr^tion qf Canada, by Joseph Bon- ckette, p. 67. 23 856 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. that the Indians there were exceedingly reluctant to be drawn into the war. During the summer of 1765, five or six men, in different localities, were shot, several houses were burned, and eight men were carried in captivity to Canada. It is probable that all this was done by straggling bands from Canada ; still on the 11th of June, 1754, the General Court, in retaliation for these acts, declared war against all the Indians in Maine, except- ing thoso on the Penobscot. Two hundred pounds were offered to volunteers for every Indian scalp. It was known that the feeble and disheartened Indians could make no show of battle. They were to be hunted down like bears and wolves. The Indians were struck with dismay. " They retired back," writes Mr. Williamson ; " and we hear, after tjiis, of no more mischief perpetrated by them this season, on our frontiers." ^ As a general rule, the English settlers hated the Indians, and were anxious to get entirely rid of them. They made but little distinction between friends and enemies. If a Canadian Indian ' engaged in any act of aggression, the English were prompt to take vengeance upon any Indians tliey might chance to meet, no matter how inoffensive in conduct or how friendly in heart. Capt. James Cargill, of Newcastle, was commissioned to raise a scouting company. He chanced to meet a band of Indian hunters, peaceful men, who had no thought of any hostile act. He shot down twelve, and took their scalps. They were worth to him and his party two thousand four hundred pounds. Soon after they met a friendly Indian woman, Margaret ; she was well known, and was returning from a visit to the garrison, with her babe in her arms. They shot her down. With dying breath she entreated them to protect her child. They killed the babe before its mother's eyes.' Cargill was apprehended for murder: as usual, no verdict could be found against him, though there was no denial of the facts ; but there were many good men whose hearts were filled with grief by such atrocities. The General Court offered all the Indians who would enlist in the public service, the same pay as other soldiers had. Nine of the chiefs were invited into » Wmiarason, vol, 11. p. 312. « Eaton's IsarratiTe, pp. 12, 13, as quoted by Hr. "Wiiiiainiwn, vol. iL p. 315. TBB HISTORY OF MAINE. 857 St. George's Fort to confer upon this matter. They were ftU seized as prisoners, and were assured that they would not be liberated until they enlisted. Dreadful was their embarraKS- ment. The Canadian Indians were their friends and brethren. The French had ever treated them with the utmost kindness; and yet they were informed, that, unless they would enlist to fight these their friends, a war of extermination would bo waged against them. On the 5th of November war was declared against this Penobscot tribe, and large premiums were offered for their scalps.^ It was not until June, 1756, that England published a declar- ation of war against France. Gov. Shirley, whose administra- tion had lasted sixteen years, became very unpopular, and was withdrawn. Several months passed before a successor was ap- pointed. The Indians, goaded to desperation, on the 24th of March, 1756, killed two men and wounded a third, near Fort George's. On the 8d of May one man was shot in Harpswell, and two escaped by flight. There were but three Indians, who, in ambush, attacked these three well-armed white men. They carried their captive to Canada, where, in about a year, he obtained his liberty. On the 14th of May two men, in Wind- ham, were shot and scalped by a party of Indians in an.bush. One Indian was shot and another wounded. At the head of Arrowsio Island, in Georgetown, Mr. Preble and his wife were killed, as they were planting corn, and their three children were carried to Canada. The Indians treated these little orphans with great tenderness, carrying them upon their backs when they were fatigued, and sharing liberally their food with them. These children became so much attached to their Indian parents that they wept bitterly when, being ransomed, they were taken from them to be restored to civilized life. Their mother's father, Capt. Harnden, of Woolwich, went to Canada for them, and such is his testimony respecting their treatment. At Fort Halifax two men fishing were shot and mortally wounded. Such was the character of this needless war. Though but > Journal of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, vol. ix. p. 248. ■ 858 THE BISTOSr OF MAINE. few in Maine were killed, the alarm was universal. The lonely Battlers did not dare to cultivate their fields. No one could move from his house without danger of being shot at. The Indians were despondent. Gloom was everywhere. There was famine in the land. To add to the woes, the small-pox broke out, and raged in garrison, cabin, and wigwam. The Penobscot Indians, who had been so ruthlessly assailed, appealed in piteoug tones for peace, to Capt. Bradbury, who commanded the garri- son at St. George's. Very truthfully does Mr. Williamson write, — " No other eastern tribe had treattx^ the Ev.glish with so much forbearance and honor. And the good man's heart must be touched with sympathy for their melancholy condition, when he reflects, that, in the present war upon them, our own people were the first and principal aggressors." * The Indians were deemed so powerless, that, during the year 1767, only two hundred and sixty men were employed to hunt them down, besides those in garrison. Early in June, Mts. Hall, a lady of remarkable beauty and many accomplishments, was captured, with her children, after her husband had been killed. They were carried to Canada, where they were separated. Mrs. Hall was eventually ransomed. But this unhappy woman, not- wichstanding her lifelong endeavors, could never obtain the lei.st knowledge of the fate of her children. It was diflBcult to find the Indians. They very generally- abandoned the frontiers. In 1758 Harpswell was incorporated. Its atmosphere was even then deemed so salubrious that it was resorted to by the sick. There were, during this year, only two or three acts of violence, on the part of the Indians in Maine. In other portions of our extensive country, the struggle between France and England raged with great violence. In August an attempt was m^de by a party of French and Indians from Can- ada, upon Fort St. George's. It is estimated that the band con- sisted of about four hundred. Re-enforcements were promptly sent to the place, and the assailants were driven off after butcher- ing about sixty cattle in the vicinity. Soon after an attack was Williamson, vol. li. p. 324. THE BIBTORY OF MAINE. 869 made upon Medunoook, now Friendship, where eight men were either killed or captured. *' These," writes Mr. Williamson, "so far as our know ladge extends, closed the scenes of massacre, plunder, and outrage by the Indians, during the present war and forever." * During the next year, Quebec, Ticonderoga, Niagara, and Crown Point fell before the valor of British armies ; and the banners of France, not long after this, were driven from this continent.' It was a great achievement; but it was accom- plished through woes to humanity which no tongue can ade- quately tell. The Indians were no longer to bo feared. A military force was sent to Penobscot to take possession of that magnificen' valley. A site was selected for a fort, about three leagues below Orphan Island, in the present town of Prospect. It was both fort and trading-house. Though the Indian tribes were greatly broken, and were crumbling to decay, there were still many thousand Indians in that region, eager to sell their furs for the commodities which the English offered in exchange. A gentle- man who visited the fort soon after its erection, wrote, " I have seen one of its rooms as full as it could be well stowed, with the firdt quality of furs, beaver, otter, and sable." The strt Jture was called Fort Pownal. It cost five thousand pounds, and was garrisoned by a hundred men. The governor, in his message to the legislature, said that he had taken military possession of a large and fine country, which had long been a den for savages, and a lurking-place for renegado Frenchmen. In October, 1759, the plantation of Nequasset, sometimes called Nauseag, was erected into a town, by the name of Woolwich. The Indians were compelled to confess their rebellion, and that consequently they had forfeited all their lands^ and to take the oath of allegiance to the king of England. The once powerful Penobscot tribe had dwindled to five chiefs, seventy-five warriors, and five hundred souls. The English granted the Indians per- mission to hunt through the unoccupied forests, and to rear their villages upon such spots as might be assigned to them. 1 WUliamson, vol. U. p. 333. * Quebec, the capital of New France, capitulated on lie 5th of October, 1739. ^Smollett, A'ol. iii. p. 475. I _*Kli)t.jft*.. S60 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. At this time nearly all the houses at St. George's River were of logs. They wero very humble structures. Nine wore built in one day. It was twenty miles to the nearest mill. There were no carts or cart-roads. Bears and wolves were numerous in the forests. Moose and deer were abundant. At one time, when the snow was deep and covered with a crust, seventy moose were taken in one winter. On the 13th of February, 1760, Pownalborough was chartered as a township. It embraced the three present towns of Dres- den, Wiscasset, and Alna, and also Swan Island. Two new counties, Cumberland and Lincoln, were also established.^ Upon the retirement of Gov. Pownal this year, Thomas Hutchinson, a graduate of Harvard, was placed in the gubernatorial chair. From a valuation taken in the year 1761, it is estimated that the population of the State then amounted to about seventeen thousand five hundred souls. Sir Francis Bernard was soon appointed governor by the crown. Maine was then regarded as a remote but important district of Massachusetts. The new governor was an English- man by birth, a graduate of Oxford University, and a thorough aristocrat. In heart he was probably strongly opposed to tho republican views prevailing in the colonies, and his great desire Wi*s CO increase the ascendancy of the crown. He became unpopular from his evident efforts to curtail the influence of the people. The rich valley of the Penobscot was fast drawing settlers. The General Court made Gov. Bernard a present of the far-famed island Mount Desert. It is said that this gift was probably intended to secure his influence with the crown in obtaining its consent to the establishment of tliirteen townships in the Penobscot region. These townships would send represen- tatives to the General Court. This would increase the popular power. The governor had therefore opposed the measure. There was still an immense amount of ungranted land in the eastern portion of the State. Commissioners were appointed to 1 There were consequently, at tlu3 time, three counties. York contained eight towns, Cumberland seven, and Lincoln five. There were perhaps as many more small and scattered settlements, called plantations. The Neck, now rortlaml, contained a hundred and tJiirty-six dwelling-houses. —/SmiWs Journal, p. 74. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 861 run the dividing line between Maine and Nova Scotia. In 1762 Windham, Buxton, and Bowdoinham were incorporated. This last town was named in honor of Dr. Peter Bowdoin, a Protes- tant, -.vho had fled from France after the revocat\on of the Edict of Nf.ntes. On the 10th of February, 1763, a general treaty of peace was signed at Paris, between France and England. France renounced to Great Britain all her northern dominions in America. At this time there was not a settler in the valley of the Penobscot above Orphan Island. The Indians were no more successful tixan the English in pre- venting acts of murder and robbery on the part of lawless vaga- bonds. An Indian was hunting and trapping near Fort Pownal. Four Englishmen killed him, and stole his traps and furs. The villany escaped unpunished, and the Indians attempted no revenge. There were several such cases which the Indians bore with wonderful forbearance. This year the census was taken, but it is thought not very accurately. According to the report made, there remained but thirty warriors of the Norridgewock tribe, sixty of the Penob- scot, and thirty of the Passamaquoddy Indians. The whole pop- ulation of Maine amounted to about twenty-four thousand. In the year 1764, three plantations of considerable note, Topsham, Gorham, and Boothbay, were incorporated. Tops- ham was named from a town in England ; Gorham was so called in honor of Capt. John Gorham, a revered ancestor of one of the grantees. The first settler in that plantation was Capt. John Phinney, who reared his lonely cabin in that wilderness in the year 1734. Boothbay was the ancient Cape Newagen settlement. The plantation was settled in the year 1630, soon after the first adventurers landed at Pemaquid. A century of earth's crimes and woes had since passed away, and dreadful were the ravages those settlers had experienced during the Indian wars. The next year two more towns were incorporated, Bristol and Cape Elizabeth. These were the twenty-second and twenty-third towns of the district of Maine. Bristol embraced the ancient and renowned Pemaquid. A settlement was com- menced here as early as 1620. The name was given from the o a 'A < af •J. (^. o o THE msTonr of maine. 86S city of Bristol in England. Cape Elizabeth was taken from the old town of Falmouth. The first inhabitants settled upon a neck of land to which we often have had occasion to refer as Purpooduck Point. Nearly all the inhabitants of tlie place were, at one time, massacred by the Indians. On the eastern side of Salmon Falls River, above Berwick, there had long been a plantation of considerable note, called by its Indian name, Tow-woh. In the year 1767, it was incorporated as a town, by the name of Lebanon. The tide of emigration was flowing rapidly towards the fertile and beautiful banks of the Kennebec. In the year 1771, four towns were inc -porated upon that river, embracing an area of three hundred and twenty- five square miles. These were Hallowell, Vassalboro' gh, Wins- low, and Winthrop. They constituted the twenty-sixth, twenty seventh, twenty-eighth, and twenty-ninth < arporate towns of the State. Hallowell was so called from a distinguished English family of that name. It embraced the present territory of Augusta. There had been occasional inhabitants in this region, which was called Cushnoc and the Hook for more than a hundred years. Vassalborough, which then included also Sidney, was named from the Hon. William Vassal, a prominent citizen of Mass- achusetts. Winslow was also incorporated this year, including the present town of Waterville. Here was the famous, Teconnet of the Indians ; and it was at this point, on .he neck of land formed by the union of the Sebasticook and the Kennebec, that Fort Hali- fax was reared. As early as 1754, eleven families built their cabins at this frontier fort in ttie wilde':"ess. Winthrop also was incorpo:'ated, embracing territory which was subsequently set apart as Roadfie.i. The territorial lan- tation established here .f*as calle se Pond Town Plantation. There were forty-four L^kes ol rare beauty, within limits now comprising Winthrop, Readficld, and a part of Wayne. It is a beautiful region, commanding ,,;.;& for villas, as the country shall increase in wealth and ytopulation, which perhaps no por- tion of our extensive domain can surpass. This beautiful chain of lakes was the great wator-course over which the canoes of ■iu^i $64 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. the Indians were paddled as they passed from the Kennebec to the Androscoggin.* On the shores of these lakes, the Indians, with a high appre- ciation of landscape beauty, reared their villages. One of these lakes, Cobbosseconte, is twelve miles long and two wide. The outlet of these lovely sheets of water is into the Kennebec, at what is now Gardiner, by a stream which the Indians called Cobbossecontecook. All the names the Indians gave appear to have had some particular significance. It is said that Cobbosse meant sturgeon, conte, abundance of, and cook^ place.' In the year 1764, Timothy Foster, with his wife and ten chil- dren, wandered through the trails of the forest to the margin of Cobbosseconte Lake. Here he reared his log cabin, and obtained what he probably considered an abundant and luxuri- ous livelihood, by hunting, fishing, trapping, and cultivating a small patch of corn. The farm granted him by the proprietors was a hundred rods on the shore of the lake, running back a mile. The conditions were simply that he should build a house twenty feet square and ten feet stud, should reside, himself or heirs, on the premises three years, and clear five acres of land fit for tillage. The thirtieth town in the State, Pepperellborough, was incor- porated in the year 1772. It was formed by cutting off a sec- tion from Biddeford, and was named in honor of William Pepperell.8 After bearing that name for thirty-seven years, it 1 "The latt Dr. Benjamin Vaughan of Hallowell, an early settler there, formerly a memher of the British Parliament, but obliged to flee from England "because of his sympathy for and interest in the American colonies, waa accus- tomed to take his distinguished visitors to Winthrop. He would como by the charming view of Cobbosseconte Lake at East Winthrop, over the old Meeting- HouseHill, and return by the Narrows Pond; and he o£ten said this ride gave Lim the most interesting scenery in Now England." — Historic Address by the Hon. S. P. Benson, p. 35. a Collections of Maine Historical Society, vol. iv. p. 113. For a more minute description of this lovely region and its early settlement, see the admirable bis- torical discourse of the Hon. Samuel P. Benson, one of the most illustrious o^ i,he sons of Winthrop, given at the centennial cCiebration of the first town-meetin ,; held in the place. 8 "William Pepperell was, at this time (1739), colonel-commandant of the Yorkshire Regiment; a gentleman whose moral worth and military talents had already given him an elevated rank in the confidence of the public." — WUUam- ton, vol. iv. p. 200. rst.^'- THE BIBTORY OF MAINE. 865 was changed to Saco, which, by a gradual growth, has become one of the most important towns in the State. Governor Hutchinson became a vigilant and unscrupulous advocate of unlimited rrerogative in behalf of the crown of England. The colonies were now in peace and comparatively- rich and prosperous. The great object of the English Govern- ment was to gather all the reins of power into its own hands, to tiix the people in every adroit way in which it could be done without raising too loud a clamor, and to thw^' ".he colonists in all their endeavors to secure popular rigl 'he tyrannical government claimed the right of appointii governors, of removing the judges at will, of framing th. laws, and of imposing taxes at its pleasure ; while, at the same time, the right was denied the Americans of being represented in parlia- ment. The detail of these encroachments, which gradually brought the Americans and the English into battle array against each other, belongs rather to the general history of the United States than to that of Maine. To overawe the people, a fleet of war- ships entered Boston Harbor on the 28th of September, 1768. Under cover of its guns, seven hundred British regulars were landed, and with loaded muskets and fixed bayonets, marched through the streets to an encampment on the common. Gen. Thomas Gage was placed in command, with orders to enforce, by bullet and bayonet if necessary, all the requisitions of the ministry. The blood of the Bostonians, and of nearly all the American people, almost boiled with indignation. There were but little more than two millions of white people scattered along the coast for hundreds of leagues of this New World. The most powerful empire then upon the globe, and, if we consider the destructive enginery of war in their hands, we may say the most powerful empire that ever existed, was rousing all its energies of fleets and armies to crush out the liberties of these feeble colonies. For such an infant David to venture to engage in battle with such a gigantic Goliath, was the bravest, perhaps we should say the most reckless measure, evar undertaken on earth. 866 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. The king of England, by an act of parliament, " for the bet" ter regulation of the government of the province of Massachu- setts Bay," appointed the governor. This governor, thus en- tirely at the disposal of the king, appointed the justices of the supreme court and the sheriffs. Jurors were no longer to be appointed by freeholders, but by the sheriffs. By this law the king was placed in absolute control.' In apprehension that tho people might resist the soldiery, and be defended by the colonial courts, a law was passed that, if any one were indicted for cap- ital offence, he might be sent to England for trial. The people began to meet in conventions, pass resolutions of remonstrance, petition for redress, and to organize for resistance, should circumstances compel a resort to that dire extremity. There were here and there various acts of violence, but no serious conflict until the battle of Lexington roused the whole country to arms. The little village of Lexington was situated about twelve miles north-west of Boston. A few straggling houses partially surrounded a small unfenced green, or common. Here the meeting-house and public tavern stood, forming, with a few other houses, one of the boundaries of the common. Near this green the road divides. The left branch, still bearing to the north-west, leads to the village of Concord, about six miles farther on. Here, about eighteen miles from Boston, the Ameri- cans had deposited some provisions and military stores. Gen. Gage sent out a detachment of from eight hundred to a thousand regular soldiers, secretly and at midnight, to seize and destroy them. It was the night of the iSth of April, 1775, when the troops, in boats, crossed the Charles River, and, in the darkness, commenced a rapid march toward Concord. Every precaution had been adopted by Gen. Gage, to prevent any intelligence of the movement from spreading into the country. He hoped to take the place by surprise, to destroy the stores, and to return to Boston before any resistance could be organized.^ i Ancient CLaitere, p. 785. ' See account of tiie expedition, by Frederic Hudson, in Harper's Mngwrfnii^ voL 1. ; also History of the Battle ai> Lexington, by Ellas Phlnney. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 867 In Bost'^n there were stationed ten regiments of veteran British troops; and several men-of-war rode at anchor in the harbor. Notwithstanding all the efforts for secrecy, vigilant eyes watched €very measure of the arrogant, insulting, detested soldiery. In addition to many other watchful ones, Paul Revere had arranged with a friend, to signal any important movement. He had a fleet horse on the other side of the river, with which he could speedily spread the alarm. Mr. Longfellow, our own poet, a native of Portland, Me., has given deathless renown to this midnight ride, in his own glowing verse, — " Listen, my children, and you shall hear Of the midnight ride of Paul Revere, On the eighteenth of April in seventy-five : Hardly a man ia now alive Who remembereth that day and year. He said to his friend, ' If the British march, By land or sea, from the town to-night, Hang a lantern aloft in the belfry arch Of the North Church tower as a signal light, — One if by land, and two if by sea, — And I on the opposite shore will be. Ready to ride, and spread the alarm. Through every Middlesex village and farm, For the country folk to be up and to arm.* " The signal appeared. Revere mounted his horse, and galloped along the road to Lexington, shouting the alarm to every family as he passed. In almost every dwelling there were minute-men, with guns and ammunition, ready to rush forth at the first warn- ing. Hancock and Adams were both at Lexington. One object of the British expedition was to capture them. Revere reached Lexington. The village was roused. The alarm spread like wild-fire. A small group of men, with their guns in their hands, pallid not with fear, but with intensity of emotion, gathered in the gloom upon the green, to decide what to do in the terrible emergence. There were but between sixty and seventy present. The report was, that there were between twelve and fifteen hundred disciplined, thoroughly armed British regulars approaching under the command of experienced gen- 868 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. erals, who had obtained renown in the wars of Europe. Of course a forcible resistance was not to be thought of.* In the mean time the alarm was spreading from farmhouse to farmhouse in all directions. The village church bells were rung, signal guns were fired, and there was mustering in " hot haste." The British troops marched rapidly, arresting any person they encountered by the way. A little before five o'clock, tlie solid column appeared but a few rods from Lexington Green» marching at double-quick time. Seeing dimly the unformed group of Americans upon the green, they halted for a moment, doubled their ranks, and then rushed on. Quietly and with no signs of resistance the Americans awaited the approach of the troops. No war had been declared. The Americans had been guilty of no act of violence. They supposed that the British were on the march to seize the stores in Concord. Still even this was uncertain, and they waited to learn what were the in- tentions and the will of the hostile band. The troops came along upon the run. When within a few rods their commander, Lieut.-Col. Smith, shouted, " Lay down your arms and disperse, you damned rebels ! " Then, turning to his men, he exclaimed, " Rush on, my boys I Fire ! " It was a mean and cowardly act, to order at least eight hundred soldiers to fire upon a confused group of farmers, amounting to not more than seventy at the most. Even the British troops recoiled from such shameful butchery, and with- held their fire. The infurate colonel discharged his pistol at the Americans, and, brandishing his sword like a maniac, again shouted, " Fire I God damn you, fire ! " At this second summons the soldiers in the first platoon discharged their muskets, but took care to throw their bullets over the heads of those whom they seemed to be assailing. 1 At the same time that Paul Revere commenced Ms midnight ride, Ebenezer Dorr rode over the Neck, disguised as a farmer, with a flapped hat and scantily filled saddle-bags. He bore the following despatch frpm Gen. Warren to Hancock and Adams: — " A large body of the king's troops, supposed to be a brigade of about twelve hundred to fifteen hundred, were embarked in boats from Boston, and have gone over to laud on Ijechmere's Point, so called, in Cambridge ; and it is suspected that they are ordered to &eize and destroy the stores belonging to the colony deposited a^. Concord." THE HIBTORY OF MAINE. 369 The Americans thought that this was done to frighten them, and that the muskets of the English were loaded only with powder. They therefore remained calmly at their post, neither running away in panic, nor returning the fire. The troops now discharged a volley in earnest. Eight of the Americans fell dead, and ten were wounded. A few guns were discharged at the English, as the panic-stricken Americans fled in all direc- tions. John Parker fell wounded. He fired his gun at the foe, and was again loading it when a British soldier ran him through with the bayonet. Resistance was hopeless, but a few others discharged their guns as they fled, or lay wounded on the ground. The English continued to fire so long as a single re- treating American could be seen within gun-shot.* Thus was the dreadful war of the Anaerican Revolution ushered in. History records many atrocious crimes perpetrated by the government of Great Britain ; but, among them all, perhaps there is no one more unnatural, cruel, and criminal than this endeavor to rivet the chains of despotism upon her own sons and daughters, who were struggling against the hardships of the wilderness, and who had come to these solitudes that they might enjoy civil and religious liberty. There were thousands of the noblest men in England who detested these infamous measures, and who remonstrated against them with the utmost vehemence. Lord Chatham on the floor of Parliament exclaimed, in words we have already quoted, " Were I an American, as I am an Englishman, I would never lay down my arms, — never, never, never ! " The English suffered but little from the few bullets which were thrown at them in return. One man was shot through the leg, and one was wounded in the hand. The verdict which the civilized world has pronounced upon this attack is, that it was a cold-blooded and cowardly massacre. In the dreadful struggle which ensued, our unhappy land was doomed to woes, inflicted by what was called the mother country, far exceeding any 1 There ia some diversity in tlie details which we given of this conflict ; but the general facts, as given above, are boyond all dispute. There were probably on tlie green at Lexington fifty or sixty farmers with muskets, and thirty or forty unarmed spectators. 21 THE ni STORY OF MAINE. 871 sufferings which had been endured in the warfare with eav- ages. After a delay of but twenty or thirty minutes, the king's troops resumed their march six miles further to Concord. They reached the place without opposition. Before leaving Lexington they drew up on the common, fired a triumphant salute, and gave three cheers in token of their great victory. Concord con- sisted then mainly of a little cluster of dwellings, scattered around in the vicinity of a large meeting-house. The regulars destroyed all the ammunition and stores they could find.' Be- coming alarmed by the indications of a popular rising, and of tho gathering of the farmers to assail them, they commenced a rapid retreat. The troops marched into the village of Concord about seven o'clock. It was one of the most lovely of spring mornings. Nearly a hundred minute-men had assembled in the vicinity of the court-house, and re-enforcements from the neighboring vil- lages were fast approaching. The 'retreat of the British soon became a precipitate flight. The Americans, rapidly increasing, pressed upon them with great bravery, firing into their ranks from every grove, and stone wall, and eminence where they could find a natural rampart. Hour after hour the fugitives Were assailed by a galling and destructive fire, continually in- creasing in severity. It was with the utmost difficulty that the officers could preserve any order. All was confusion. It is said that the whole country was so aroused, that it seemed as if men came down from the clouds. The British retreated, as they advanced, with flanking parties, and with van and rear guards. With the Americans there was no military order. " Every man was his own general." Not a shout was heard. Scarcely a word Avas spoken. The English thought only of escape. The Americans, exasperated by months of oppression, insolence, and insult, thought only of shooting down the hauglity foe who had affected to regard them with the utmost contempt. At one or » " While at Concord the enemy disabled two twenty-four pounders, destroy- ing their carriages, wheels, and limbers; sixteen wheels for brass three-pouiulers; two carriages with wheels for two four-pounders; about live hundred weight of balls, wliich they threw into the river and wells; and stove about sixty barrels of flour." — Gordon's Account, ^'ii. ^^."^?' IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) A #/.%>^ i.O I.I bi|2£ 12.5 ^ m £ L& 12.0 2.2 ^ u \M IIM 1^ Photographic Sdences Corporation SJ <5* 23 WfST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.V. MS80 (716) •72-4503 4^ 872 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. two points the British made a brief stand, when something like a battle ensued, and several fell on each side. At length, how- ever, the British were driven almost upon the full run before the Americans, in a race for life. Then: sufferings from thirst hunger, and exhaustion were dreadful. They would all hava been inevitably killed or captured, had not a re-enfcrcement of eleven hundred troops, with two field-pieces, come fiom Boston to their relief.' An eye-witness writes, « When the distressed troops reached the hollow square formed by the fresh troops for their recep- tion, they were obliged to Ue down upon the ground, their tongues hanging out of their mouths like those of dogs after a chase. This re-enforcement met the retreating British troops near l.exingtou, about two o'clock in the afternoon. For a short time the fire of the field-pieces seemed to stagger the Americans; but they soon became accustomed to the crashincr of the balls through the forest, and resumed the pursuit. It was, however, necessary to practise increased caution in attack- ing a desperate foe so greatly augmented in strength. The British were savage in their vengeance. Buildings were shattered and despoiled as far as possible. Mariy would have been laid m ashes had not the close pursuit of the Americans enabled them to extinguish the flames. Several of the aged and infirm, unable to flee, were bayoneted in their dwellings. Houses were set on fire where women were helpless in bed with new-born babes. No alternative was left them but to be consumed by the flames, or, with the infants on their bosoms, to rush into the streets. At seven o'clock in the evening, the exhausted, bleeding, breathless troops reached Charlestown. They took refuse on Bunker Hill. Here they were protected by the guns of vessels of war m the harbor. According to the best estimate which can be made, the casualties on each side were as follows: — Americans killed, 49; wounded, 86; missing, 6. firitish «« 73 a 172 " 28.* i^the mlnate and admirable aaconnt, by Mr. Frederick Hudson, in Haiper'a • Harper's Magazine, No. 300, y 804. 24 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 878 The battle of Lexington sounded the tocsin of alarm through out all the colonies. The news reached York in the evening of the same day. The next morning a company of sixty men, vrith arms, ammunition, and knapsacks full uf provisions, set out on their march for Boston. This was the first company organized in Maine for the war of the Revolution. On the 21st of April, Falmouth sent a strong company ; soon after. Col. James Scammon, of Biddeford, led a full regiment to Cam- bridge, where the American troops were being rendezvoused.' The little town of New Gloucester raised twenty men. In a fev/ days, more than fifteen thousand patriotic Americans had left for the battlefield their homes and their farms, in seedtime, the most important season of the year. Every man was appar- ently ready to pledge his life, his fortune, and his sacred honor, in defence of the liberties of America. Falmouth was the seat of justice for Cumberland County. Here there was established the most remote custom-house in New England. There was an Episcopal church here, under the pastoral care of Rev. Mr. Wiswall.a This church became the nucleus of a party of crown officers and their political friends, who were hostile to popular government, and warmly advocated the claims of the British crown. But many of the prominent citizens, together with the over- whelming majority of the people, were earnestly patriotic. Many conventions had been held, where strong resolutions were passed condemning the encroachments of the crown. A very bitter feeling sprang up between the people and the royalist office-holders. These advocates of the crown denounced Fal-- 1 Col. Scammon was well fitted to shine in the military profession; possess- ing vigor of nund and body, and a gayety of temper which secured the good ^^'1U t^?,*."^^"!?* ''^ ^" '"'''' ^'"'■®'® "nder his command." -//fe(orj,o/^acoa«ci Biddeford, by George Folsom, p, 283. a Eev. Mr. Wiswall graduated at Harvard College, and in 1766 settled in the ministry as a Congregationalist, over the Casco parish in Falmouth In 17C4 lie changed his religious sentiments, went to England to receive orcUnation, and re- turning became pastor of an Episcopal church, which had just been organized on Cie Neck. On the breaking out of the Eevolutlon, he joined the royalist party took refuge on board the British fleet, and sailed for England, At the close of the war he returned to Nova Scotia, and took charge of a pariah in Comwallia. where he remained until he died. —History of Portland, by William WU'it p 370 874 THE HI8T0R/ OF MAINE. mouth to the British authorities, as second only to Boston in its rebelhous spirit. When the odious Stamp Act was passed, in 1765, an English vessel brought packages of the hated stamps to Falmouth, and they were deposited in the custom-house. The people assem- bled, marched to the custom-house, seized the stamps, carried them m solemn procession through the streets, and burned them. .Z^Vl '^^ was imposed upon tea, a popular assemblage expressed their hostility to the despotic act in the following terms : " Resolved that we will not buy nor sell any India te^ whatever after this third day of February, until the act that lays a duty on it is repealed." 17^^!h *^,' ^"f '^J^^^^e^ent closed the port of Boston, in 1774 the bed of l^almouth meeting-house was muffled, and tolled funereally from sunrise to sunset. By vote of the town irTr''''''i^u.™^'^^*° ^'^'^^'^'^ "P°" the alarming state of affairs Thirty-three delegates met, from nine town., ni "Mrs. Greele's little one-story tavern." Among other im- portant measures, one was that each member pledged himself not to accept auy commission under the late acts of pariiament There was a wealthy man in the place, Capt. Samuel Coulson, who had rendered himself very obnoxious to the people by his Violent opposition to the popular sentiment, and his suppoit of the measures of the crown. He had built a large ship. In May, 1775, a vessel arrived from England, bringing sails, rig- ging, and stores for the ship. J= S «* », ng As England was laying a heavy duty upon all her products, an American Association " had been formed in the severa colomes to thwart the British monopoly of manufactures and trade. The committee in Falmouth met, and decided that the packages should be sent back to England unopened. Capt. Cou son sent to Boston, and secured the aid of a sloop of war, the « Canseau, under Capt. Mowatt, to enable him to land the goods The excitement among the citizens was such that Mowatt hesitated in resorting to violent measures. While affairs were in this menacuig posture. Col. Samuel Thompson a bold, reckless man, came from Brunswick, with ttty picked men, resolved to seize the sloop of war. They THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 875 came in boats, and secretly encamped in a thick grove on Mun- joy's Hill. It so happened that the da^ of their arrival Capt. Mowatt and his surgeon, accompanied by Rev. Mr. Wiswall] were taking a walk upon this commanding eminence. The* captain and his surgeon were seized and held as prisoners. The rash measure excited general consternation. The houses were entirely at the mercy of the guns of the sloop. The second officer in command threatened, that, if the prisoners were not released before six o'clock, he would open fire upon the town.» Some of the prominent citizens called upon Col. Thompson, and entreated him to liberate the captives. The colonel refused, declaring that relentless war was now raging between the two countries ; but, finding the whole town against him, he, at nine o clock, released them for the night, upon their giving the:- parole that at nine o'clock the next morning they would return to his encampment. Two citizens of Falmouth, Messrs. Preble and Freeman, pledged themselves as sureties of the prisoners. Nine o'clock came, Lut Mowatt did not appear. Col. Thomp- son angrily arrested the two sureties, and held them all day without food In the afternoon he sent to the sloop-of-war to inquire why Ho watt * did not keep his parole. He replied that his washerwoman had overheard threats to shoot him as soon as he appeared on shore. The intelligence of the peril of Falmouth spread rapidly. Five or six hundred militia-men from the small settlements around, were in a few hours marching into the place. They were intensely excited. A sort of court-martial was established, to examine suspected citizens, that they might learn who could be relied upon as patriotic, and who were in sympathy with the enemy. Rev. Mr. Wis wall was summoned before this revolu- tionary tribunal. He declared, on oath, that he abhorred tho ' "Our women were, I believe, every one of theui in tears, or praying or screaming; precipitately leaving their housea, especially those whose hxisbands were not at home, and widows; hurrying their goods into countrymen's carts, never asking their names, though strangers, and carrying their children either out ^r "IrV "'""' ^"'^•" -"''^'>'^J of Portland, by William Willis, note, p. 509. Ml-. Williamson spells these names Mowett and Wiswell; Mr. Willis spells them Mowatt and Wiswall, as also Wiswell. I follow the spelling, and in the mahi the narrative of Mr. William Goold, in his minute and graphic descriptiou of the "Burning of Falmouth." 376 TBE BISTORT OF MAINE. doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistanue. He wai released. Several others were questioned, but none were con- demned. Capt. Coulson's house was entered, and his wine freely drank. An intoxicated soldier fired two bullets which penetnted tho hull of the " Canseao." A musket was discharged in return, but no harm was done. Gen. Preble and Col. Freeman were still held as captives, and treated with severity. It was Tuesday, the t)th of May, when Mowatt was arrested. On Wednesday afternoon, the 10th, the militia marched into Falmouth. Thursday, the llth, was observed as a day of fast- ing and prayer for God's interposition. It was a day of fearful excitement. The soldiers succeeded in capturing one of Mowatt's boats. He threatened to lay the town in ashes unless the boat were returned. On Friday, the soldiers left the town and returned to their homes. Thompson's men took with them the captured boat. On Monday, the 16th, Mown tt, still breath- ing threatenings and slaughter, raised his anchors, and sailed for Portsmouth. He took with him Coulson and his new ship. But the end was not yet. LAST KT.OCK HOUSE OF FORT IFAT.IFAX. CHAPTER XXI. I THE WAB OF THE REVOLUTION: FALMOUTH IN ASHES. The British Fleet— The Doom announced — The Conference— The Bombard- ment—The Expedition to Quebec— The Repulse— Friendliness of the Indians— New Towns «c.iorporated — The British repulsed at Machias— Anecdote of John Adams — Arrival of the French Fleet — The Foe estab- lished at Biguyduce — Terrible Naval Disaster of the Americans — Barbarism of the English — The Capture of (Jen. Wadsworth — His Brave Defence— His Escape. rpHE storm of British vengeance was rapidly gathering, which -L was to doom unhappy Falmouth to destruction. On the 8th of June the " Senegal," a war vessel of sixteen guns, arrived, and cast anchor in the harbor. Four days after, the Tory Coulson ctime with his new ship, and anchored by the side of the " Sene- gal." Coulson hoped, under the menace of such a force, to obtain masts for his ship. But as he was a declared enemy of the town, and the Provincial Congress had passed a resolve to prevent Tories from conveying their property out of the country, the people would not allow him to take the masts. Again both vessels departed, and nothing of special interest occurred until the 16th of October. That morning quite a fleet was seen entering the harbor. Capt. Mowatt led the way in the " Canseau." He was followed by a ship-of-war, the " Cat," two armed schooners, and a bomb-sloop. These five vessels anchored abreast of the town, bringing their broadsides to bear upon it. In consequence of strong head-winds, this was not accomplished until the next day. Late in the afternoon a flag of truce was sent on shore, with a letter to the town authorities. The officer bearing the letter landed at the foot of what was then called King Street. An 877 878 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. immense throng of the excited people met him, and followed him, without noise or violence, to the Town House, where he delivered the letter. It was a document ludicrous for its bad grammar, but clear in its terrible announcement. In brief it was as follows : — »• You have long experienced Britain's forbearance in withholding tlio rod of correction. You have been guilty of the most unpardonable rebel- lion. I am ordered to execute just punishment on the tov/n of Falmouth. I give you two hours in which you can remove the sick and the infirm. I shall then open fire, and lay the town in ashes." » Terrible was the consternation which this letter created. For a moment there was perfect silence. All seemed stupefied. There was scarcely a moment's time for deliberation. Three gentlemen were chosen to visit Mowatt, and see if it were not possible to avert the threatened calamity. But Mowatt was inflexible. He said that his orders were peremptory, and that he had risked the loss of his commission by allowing his humanity so far to influence him as to give them any warn- ing whatever; that he was ordered to anchor "opposite the town with all possible expedition, and then burn, sink, and destroy." a It is worthy of remark that the three gentlemen of the com- mittee were all Episcopalians, and members of Rev. Mr. Wis- wall's parish, and thus supposed friends of the English. It was late in the afternoon. A long, cold October night was at hand. Mothers and babes, the sick and the dying, were to be driven out into the bleak fields shelterless ; there, with tears of agony, to see their homes, their furniture, their clothing, their provis- ions, all consumed by the cruel flames. A more barbarous order was never issued by a band of Mohawk savages.^ The committee expostulated with Mowatt upon the cruelty of his order. They were his friends. They had treated him » See this letter in full, in Willis's History of Portland, p. Bir. » Burning of Falinonth, by "William Gould, p. 12. • " The vessels came here directly from Boston; and no doubt can bo enter- tained that the order for the destruction of the town proceeded from Admiral Graves, who then commanded in this at&tion." — UUtory of Portland, by WiUiam Willis, p. 618. THE HIBTORY OF MAINE. 371^ with great hospitality on his previous visit. There were several Tory families in the place who had already suffered much from their adherence to the British Government. Their homes must be consumed with the rest. The flames would make no discrimi- nation. Mowatt was confused and peiplexed, and manifested some shame in view of the barbarous order he was called upon to execute. ^ At length he consented to delay the bombardment until nine o'clock the next morning, if the people would consent to the humiliation of entirely disarming themeelves, by delivering to him all the cannon, small arms, and ammunition in the place. If eight small arms were sent before eight o'clock that evening, he would postpone the destruction of the town until he had sent an express to Boston, and received further instructions. The committee told him frankly that they did not think that the citizens would accept those terms. They returned to the town, and communicated them to the authorities. An anxious multitude was assembled at the Town House to learn the result of the conference. As with one voice the heroic people rejected the humiliating proposal. They however, in order to gain, time for the removal of the women, the children, the sick, and as many of their effects as possible, sent the eight small arms,, with a message to Mowatt, that they would summon a town meeting at an early hour in the morning, and give him a definite reply before eight o'clock In the morning the meeting was held. The citizens, with heroism worthy of Sparta in her brightest days, resolved that they would not surrender their arms to save their property.. This answer was sent back at eight o'clock the next morning by the same committee. The members were allowed half an hour to row ashore and escape beyond the reach of the bombard- ment. Promptly at nine o'clock, the signal of attack was run up to the mast-head of the flag-ship, and at the same moment the blood-red pennant of British vengeance was unfurled from ail the other vessels.^ It was a beautiful autumnal morning, with » The Burning of Falmouth, by WflUam Gould, p. 14. 880 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. a cloudlesa sky, a gentle breeze, and an invigorating atmosphere. The whole lovely expanse of bay and island and continent seemed to repose in the smiles of a loving God. Falmouth was charmingly situated, on the southern slope of a gentle emi- nence facing the bay. It was the largest and richest town in the State. There were about four hundred dwelling-houses, quite compactly built, though each had its garden. Some of these dwellings were quite elegant in their structure. There were also capacious churches, a library, and several public build- ings of importance, together with many barns and store-houses. Such was the town which was destroyed, and such the day on which this atrocious act of crime and inhumanity was perpe- trated. The bombardment was terrific. From nine o'clock in the morning until six in the evening an incessant storm of can- non-balls, bombs, carcasses, shells, grape-shot, and bullets, fell upon the doomed town. In the mean time one hundred men were landed in boats to apply the torch to the buildings which might be out of the range of shot and shell.^ No resistance could be of any avail. The inhabitants ran great risks in their endeavors to save their furniture, while this tempest of war was raging around them. I'he town soon presented a roaring volcanic sheet of flame. Most of the build- ings were of wood, which had been thoroughly dried in the sum- mer sun. Dreadful was the spectacle which the evening of that awful day presented. Two hundred and seventy-eight dwell- ing-houses were in ashes, in addition to other public and private buildings, which brought the whole number destroyed up to four hundred and fourteen. We cannot Tiere enter into the details of individual misery. Many cases were truly heart- rending. Edmund Burke says that to speak of atrocious crime in mild language is ti-eason to virtue. There can be no language too strong in which to denounce this fiend-like outrage.^ A very » History of Portland, by "William "Willis, p. 519. a We are in cordial sympathy with the spirit manifested by the Eev. Samuel Deane, D.D., who was then pastor of the Congregational church in Portland, and who witnessed the bombardment. He wrote, — " That execrable scoundrel and jnonster of ingratitude, Capt. H. Mowatt of Scotland, who hail been treated with extraordinary kindness a few months before THR BIBTORT OF MAINE. 881 careful estimate was made of the amount of the losses experi- enced. They reached the enormous sum, in those days, of fifty- four thousand five hundred and twenty-seven pounds, thirteen shillings. This was lawful money, which was then equivalent to two hundred and twenty-nine thousand six hundred and thirty-nine dollars in silver.* Soon after this the General Court commenced rearing some fortifications at Falmouth, and sent four hundred soldiei-s to aid in guarding the coast of Maine. Gen. Washington projected an expedition against Quebec. The force consisted of about eleven hundred men, mainly infantry. Col. Benedict Arnold, whose gallantry was established, and whose patriotism was then unsullied, was placed in command. The troops rendezvoused at Newburyport, Mass., and sailed thence, in ten transports, for Fort Weston, which, it will be remembered, was at the head of tide-water on the Kennebec River. They ascended the river still farther in boats, and marched along the pathless banks, encountering the most exhausting diflBculties, until they reached a point about thirty miles above Norridgewook. It was then about the 12th of October. ^ Here a small fort was built, and a small division left in gar- rison. A series of terrible disasters ensued. There were gales of almost wintry wind, floods of rain, swollen torrents, swamps, rugged hills, tangled forests, and failing provisions. There was reason to fear that the whole array would actually perish of hunger in the wilderness. Many barrels of food were lost, with by the town of Falmouth, obtained an order from Graves, one of King Qeorge'a admirals lying at Boston, to burn and destroy the said town. " He came before it on the 17th of October, 1775, and near sunset made known his infernal errand, by a flag, with a letter full of bail English and worse spelling' at the same time proposing to spare the town, and endeavor to get the order t^ versed, if the cannon and arms, with some persons as hostages, were delivered into his hands. The inhabitants assembled, and voted by no means to submit to this Infamous proposal. Therefore he spent the next day In cannonading, bombarding, and throwing an immense quantity of carcasses and shells into the defenceless town, and kindlmg some flres with torches, whereby more than three-qiiartera o« the buUdings were reduced to ashes, and the remaining ones greatly torn and damaged; Dy which horrible devastation many hundred persons wer« reduced to extreme distress. " If you do not like the words execrable scoundrel, you may substitute infammu tncendiary, or what you please." — Diary of Rev. Samuel Deane, p. 241. 1 History of Portland, by William Willis, p. 524. s ■ 882 THE HIBTORY OF MAINE silver, clotlics, guns, and ammunition. Upon reaching the moufh of Dead River, fur away in the savage wilderness, Col. Enos, in command of the rt.ir guard, and having tlie sick under his care, abandoned the enterprise, and returned. He had with hira about one-fourth of the army. For this movement he was at first severely denounced ; but a court-martial decided that he had not acted unwisely in so doing. Arnold, with his small force, pressed on across the country, a distance of about one hundred miles, toward the Chaudidre. He had to force his way through wilJs never before trodden but by Indians and the beasts of the forest. On the 80th of Octo- ber he reached, through toils and sufferings which cannot be adequately described, the northern end of Lako Megantic, where the River Chaudifiro flows fxom that vast sheet c water. Their distress was then so great, and their remaining provisions 80 small, that Arnold divided all the supplies among the compa- nies, and directed them to pret,s on, regardless of militery order, in search of the Canadian villages. For a month they toiled along without seeing a house, or any human being save their own disheartened and emaciated com* panions. Every morsel of food was consumed before they had arrived within thirty miles of the first Canadian village. Th>^y killed their dogs, and devoured them. They boiled, and then broiled upon the fire and ate, their breeches, moccasins, and bayo- net-belts, which were made of tanned moose-hide. On the 4th of November they reached the mouth of De Loup River. In that northern latitude it was cold, dreary, and stormy. Quebec, on the St. Lawrence, was still ninety mites north of them. Itiany died of fatigue and hunger. Often a man would drop down in such utter misery, that in less than five minutes he would be dead. The situation of the army was awful. To retreat was im- possible ; for there was nothing but certain starvation before them in the wilderness. To stop where they were, was inevita- ble death. To march forward was almost hopeless. They were in utter destitution. The men tottered along so feebly that they could scarcely shoulder a gun. Washington, with his charac- teristic humanity, had instructed these troops to abstain from every act of violence upon the people of Canada. THE HISTORY OF MAiNE. 888 " I olmrge you," he wrote, " that you oonsider yourselves as marching, not through an enemy's country, bui that of your frienda and brethren ; for such the inhabitants of Ciinada and the Indian nations have approved themselves in tiiis unhappy contest between Great Britain and America." Col. Arjiold had been furnished with money, in ypecio, to the mount of about four thousand dollars. His troops now began to reach thriving Canadian and Indian villages. With great 'iheerfulness the inhabitfmts supplied him with food. With recruited energies the army pressed on, hoping to find Quebeo undefended and without a garrison. On the 0th of November they reached Point Levi, on the southern bank of the river opposite Qnebec. The appearance of the Amer..an troops, emerging from the vast and dreary wilderness, . as as unex- pected as if they had descended from the clouds. It is said, that, could they have immediately crossed the river, Quebec mir^ht have been taken. ° But the men were greatly exhausted. Ther'> was a high, piercing wintry wind, roughening the wide surface of the stream. Boats could not readily be procured. Thus the golden oppor- tunity was lost. The British authorities fortified the city. Arnold had about seven hundred men at Point Levi, fifty of whom were friendly Indians. On the first of December, Gen. Montgomery arrived with three armed schooners, six hundred men, and a supply of food, clothing, and ammunition. They made a united attack upon Quebec, on the 31st of December. The assailants were repelled, Montgomery fell, and the Ameri- cans evacuated Canada. The General C )urt, that winter, organized Maine into a mili- tary division. A brigadier-g< neral was appointed over the militia in each county. All able-bodied males, between sixteen and sixty, were enrolled to do military duty, with the exception of settled ministers of the gospel, Quakers, colored men, and Indians. The awful war of the Revolution was raging south of Maine, while a small garrison was stationed at Falmouth with a battery of six cannon. The cruelties perpetrated by the British Gov- ernment were so great that every hour the resentment of the 884 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. Americans, against the unnatural mother country, was increas- ing. On the 4th of July, 1776, the Continental Congress declared these colonies to be free, sr. /ereign, and independent. The Indians of Maine had, thus far, remained quiet. Trading- houses had been established at Fort Pownal, near where Bangor now stands, and at Machias. The Penobscot and Passama- quoddy Indians were cordially friendly to the Americans. Ten of the chiefs of the tribes still farther east repaired to Massa- chusetts, and entered into a treaty of alliance with the govern- ment, engaging to send six hundred man to join the army of Gen. Washington. The small settlements of Camden and Machias raised two hundred men for the defence of the country. Thi"^y men, ten of whom were Indians, were stationed at Fort Pc /nal for the defence of the valley of the Penobscot. On the 7 th of November, 1776, the town of Warren was incorporated. It was named in honor of Gen. Warren who fell at Bunker Hill. This was the thirty-fifth town of the State, and was the first one which had been incorporated on St. George's River, though that valley had been settled for about forty years. There were for many years two settlements in this region, — one at Warren, and one at Thomaston. St. George's Fort was their common resort in times of peril. They were called the "Upper and Lower Town"," In the year 1753, seventy emigrants from Sterling, in Scotland, sef-led in a cluster in this vicinity. Subsequently their villagb took the name of the city which they had left. England found that her colonies developed imexpected ener- gies. Our cruisers were revnarkably succes'sful. During the war they captured prizes to the amount of about seven million dollars. Amidst many reverses and many woes, the victory at Trenton filled the country with exultation. Our ally France, in the spring of 1777, sent to the colonies a large amount of arms and military stores. For the defence of the coast of Maine, companies were raised and stationed at Falmouth, Cape Eliza- 1 Warren contains twenty-seven thousand acres. The river is navigable to Andrews Pond, for vessels of one hundred tons. Shad and ale wives were for- merly taken in A TTn«.»!.-A«« ^-^A -Newry. i 416 THE HISTORY OF MAINE Improvements were rapidly advancing all over the State. Bridges, roads, turnpikes, canals, and booms were constructed. These last were of immense importance. They consisted of chains of logs crossing the rivers upon wliich there were saw- mills, to prevnt the logs, cut in the winter, and swept down by the spring freshets, from being carried out to sea. In the year 1805, Oxford County was organized, and Paris was made its shire-town. Orono, which had previously been COBBOSSEE CONTEE FALLS, GARDINER, MB. called Stillwater, was incorporated in 1806. This was a noted place in the days of the Indians. It was about the year 1775 when the first white settler ventured to rear his cabin in those awful solitudes. The renowned chief Orono had his residence here. He seems to have been a man of many virtues. From him the town takes its harmonious name. Eight towns were incorporated in the year 1807 : Montville, Denmark, Porter, Jefferson, Friendship, Hiram, Dixmont, Pal tnvrn — ^^--- l?«^« „ THE UiarORY OF MAINE. 417 aud New Portland. The county of Somerset was established in 1809, and Norridgewock was appointed its shire-town. There were also incorporated the towns of Windsor, Jonesborou^h. Calais, and Whitefield. ° A census was taken in the year 1810 ; and it was found that the State contained two hundred and twenty-eight thousand, six hundred and eighty-seven inhabitants. One town only, Eliot ^As incorporated this year. The next year, however, nine were' added to the prosperous State. These were Exeter, Charleston, Garland, Robbinston, Eddington, Washington, Corinth, Carmel, and Lubec. Seven towns were incorporated in the year 1812 • namely, Bingham, Troy, Brewer, Dearborn, Phillips, Sebec, and Foxcroft. There were, at this time, a hundred and ninety-four municipal towns. Since the close of the Revolutionary war, a period of but thirty years, a hundred and fifty-four had been incorporated. The outrages which England had for years been inflic<^^ing upon our commerce, and her practice of impressing our seamen at her pleasure, had become unendurable. On the 18th of June, 1812, Congress passed an act declaring that war existed between Great Britain and the United States. Maine was called upon to furnish two thousand five hundred mUitia. As we now look back upon those days, it seems strange that a single word could have been uttered in favor of submitting to those outrages in which England was trampling upon our most sacred rights! Four towns were incorporated in 1813, — Sweden, Freedom, Levant, and St. Albany. To meet the immediate expenses of the war, the National Government assessed a tax of seventy-four thousand two hundred and twenty dollaro on Maine. It is said that more soldiers were enlisted in the District of Maine, accord- ing to Its population, than in any of the States. Troops were established at most of the important maritime towns. The whole number of miUtia, ever ready to march, amounted to twenty-one thousand one hundred and twenty-one men. There was a British brig called " The Boxer," which had been for some time cruising along our coast, committing great depre- dations. The brig, which mounted eighteen guns, and had a crew nf a. Vmnrlrorl arxA tnnr w.'^" x--i i •. < ^ „,i „^a lour men, was uummanaea oy Uapt. 418 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. Bly the, who was twenty-nine years of age. The American brig " Enterprise," which carried sixteen guns and a hundred and two men, was at anchor in Portland Harbor. It was commanded by Capt. Burrows, twenty-eight years of age.^ "The Boxer" was ordered to cruise off the harbor for the purpose of bringing " The Enterprise " to an engagement. The two vessels met on the 5th of September, 1* i4, and at three o'clock in the after- noon commenced action v ' r .n half pistol shot. For thirty-five minutes they poured their deadly broadsides mto each other. Both captains were shot down, and the decks were covered with blood. " The Boxer " then struck her colors, having lost, in killed and wounded, besides her captain, forty- six men, nearly half her crew. On " The Enterprise " only two were killed and twelve wounded. The next day the victorious brig returned, with her prize, to Portland. The public exulta- tion was chilled by the death of the intrepid Capt. Burrows. The remains of both the officers were buried, side by side, with military honors, and a monument raised to their memory. The general history of this war belongs to the history of the United States rather than to that of Maine* But in many respects the conflict was disastrous to the District. Maine was peculiarly a commercial district, and commerce was annihilated by the war. Money became scarce, prices high, and many of the rich became poor, and the poor suffered severely. The English declared the whole of our Atlantic coast in a state of blockade. The entire seaboard was infested by British cruisers. Still, in this sad world of sin and sorrow, ^adversity often intro- duces renewed prosperity. There is, however, but little comfort in the thought that the prosperity of one must be purchased at the expense of the ruin of another. The destruction of our commerce rendered it necessary for us to engage, more than ever before, in mechanic arts and manufacturing establishments. Thus England " gained a loss " in this cruel war. The government of Great Britain claimed the right of stop- ping, by the menace of her guns, any American vessel found upon the seas, of sending a lieutenant on board, who would * Diary of Rev. Samuel Deane, p. 403. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 41» muster the crew before him, ami pick out any number he was pleased to say were of English birth. These he would seize, drag on board the British men-of-war, and compel them to fight Britain's battles. Where resistance was attempted the cudgel and cutlass were freely used. OflBcial records prove that more than a thousand American citizem were thus torn from home and friends, and were compelled for years to man British guns, and, when war was opened against America, to fight their own countrymen. Even our armed vessels were thus searched, and fired upon if they refused to submit. Over six thousand men were thus taken from the American vessels upon the simple assertion of a British lieutenant, that he considered them subjects of Great Britain. It was in the enforcement of suoh an atrocious claim as this, that the British Government commenced war against the United States ; thus blighting the prospects of humanity, filling lonely farmhouses with widows and orphans, and creating an amount of wretchedness which can never fully be known until, at the Day of Judgment, all things shall be brought to light. It is hard for any one, whose heart is moved by the moans and tears of the helpless, to forgive such crimes on tlie part of haughty foes, who were rioting amidst the splendors of their castlts and their palaces. The victims of this impressment were not allowed any trial. There was no chance for any appeal. A pert young lieutenant from a British war-vessel, followed by his armed band, would descend the deck of any American vessel, pick out from the crew any men he pleased, and saying, " I think these men are Englishmen," carry them off. We give England's plea in justification of this outrage, in the language in which the prince regen'. himself, subsequently the infamous George IV., endeavors to soften down its atrocities. In a cabinet manifesto dated Jan. 8, 1813, he wrote, — '* I am surprised that the exercise of the undoubted and hitherto undis- puted right of searchbg neutral merchant-vessels in time of war, and the impressment of British seamen when found therein, could be deemed any violation of a neutral flag ; or to take such seamen from on board such vessels, could be considered by any neutral state as a hostile measure, or a justifiable cause of war." 420 TUK UlSTORr OF MAINE. In the year 1813, the taxable property in Maine amounted to one million five hundred thousand dollars.* Notwithstanding the desolations of war, nine towns were this year incorporated ; namely, Phippsburg, — where the earliest colony over attempted in Maine was located, and where Popham's fort was reared, — Searmont, Belmont, Bloomfield, South Berwick, Westbrook, Sangerville, Hermon, and Newport. The Bloomfield region was called by the Indians, Wessarunset. The first settlers, in 1771, were so delighted with the beauty and fertility of the country, that they called it Canaan. In the year 1777, several men were captured by the Indians, and carried to Canada. They were however, it is believed, all eventually restored to their friends. In the year 1807, an academy was incorporated here, which obtained much celebrity throughout the State. South Berwick was in a region called Quampeagan by the Indians. Here also a flourishing academy was established. From the beginning Maine has manifested great zeal in the education of her sons and daughters. During the first two years of the war Maine was not actually invaded by the enemy, though often menaced. A small military force was stationed at Eastport. Major Perley Putnam, of Salem, was in command, with two companies of militia. On the 11th of July, 1814, a British fleet of five war-vessela and several transports anchored abreast of Eastport, and de- manded the surrender of the fort, allowing jive minviea for an answer.' Major Putnam did not need even that time to reply, "The fort will be defended against whafever force may be brought against it." But the inhabitants rose promptly in strong remonstrance against resisting an armament, which, in an hour, could lay the whole town in ashes. Major Putnam was thus compelled to strike bis flag. Eastport was very eligibly situated on Moose Island, which the British claimed belonged to them by the treaty of 1783. » Willianison, vol U. p. 636. » The fleet consisted of "The Itandlles," a seventy-four-gun ship, having oo 1)oard the Commodore, Sir Thomas Hardy ; " The Martin," a sloop-of-war ; tb-- brigs " Bover," " Breame," and " Terror ; " a bomb-ship, and several transports vrov/ued with troops. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 421 They took possession of the place and all the public property it contained, hoisted the British flag, dragged the American sol- diers on board their prison-ships, and commanded all the inhabit- ants of Moose Island, and of the other islands in Passamaquoddy Bay, to assemble at the schoolhouse in Eastport on the 16tb instant, and take the oath of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty, or within seven days to depart from the islands.^ About two- thirds of the islanders submitted to this requirement. The success of this expedition encouraged the British to fit out another against Penobscot (now Castine) and Machias. The fleet consisted of three seventy-four-gun ships, two frigates, two sloops-of-war, an armed schooner, a large tender, and ten transports. The number of troops embarked were probably about three thousand five hundred, though some have placed the number as high as six thousand.^ On the 1st of September, 1814, this formidable armament cast anchor in the harbor of Castine. Successful resistance was impossible. The garrison blew up the fort, and fled back into the country. The British took undisputed possession. One of the generals then, with six hundred men, crossed the bay and captured Belfast. They plundered the unfortunate town, and returned to Castine. This was the second time this quiet village had been ravaged by this British soldiery. Their first visit was in 1780, when their brutal treatment drove the inhabitants into the woods. The fleet ascended the bay and river until the ships were within about fifteen miles of Bangor. They cast anchor near Hampden Village, and landed a strong force. The Hampden militia made a feeble resistance, but were soon dispersed by the fire of the British regulars. The conflict of an hour placed Hampden at the mercy of the enemy. They plundered the houses and the stores, killed the cattle, treated the most prom inent citizens with shameful abuse, burned several vessels, and spared others by extorting a bond of twelve thousand dollars. The loss which the little village of Hampden experienced from » The British claimed all the islands in Passamaquoddy Bay as within their boundary line. " It is certain that the forces consisted of the Sixty-second and Ninety-eighth -„ , ... J. — — .,._..i„,.„ J .^ginieuii, ttuu a uciaciuneni oz royal artillery. 422 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. this raid was estimated to amount to forty-Four thousand dollars. A committee of the citizens waited upon the British commander, Capt. Barrie, and implored him to treat the community with more humanity. He angrily replied : — " Humanity I I have none for you. My buHineflS is to bum, sink, and destroy. Your town is taken by storm. By tlie rules of war we ought to lay your village in ashes, and put its inhabitants to the sword. But I will ■pare your lives, though I mean to bum your houses." An order came from the more merciful British commander at Castine, Gen. Sherbroke, not to burn the houses. The vessels again spread their sails to ascend the river, while two-thirds of the troops marched along by land. No terms were allowed to Bangor but unconditional surrender. The ships anchored at the mouth of the Kenduskeag. A few Congreve rockets were thrown over the village, as an intimation of the doom which awaited the citizens should they attempt any resistance. The best buildings in the place were taken as barracks for tLe soldiers. All public property was seized. One hundred and rtinety-one of the principal men were compelled to sign a document declaring themselves prisoners of war, and stipulating not to serve against the British Government until exchanged. But little respect was paid to private property. Many stores were plundered ; and several vessels were saved from the flames only by giving a bond to the amount of thirty thousand dollars, that four, which were on the stocks, should be delivered at Castine. Fourteen vessels were burned, mostly on the Brewer side of the river ; and six were carried to Oastine.* It was esti- mated that the losses at Bangor amounted to forty-five thou- sand dollars. After a stay of about thirty hours in Bangor, the fleet de- scended the river to Frankfort. Here they took from the people 1 In this case, as in most other narratives of deeds of violence, there b some slight diversity in the details. There is, however, here no question in regard to the general and important facts. The narrative, as we give it, is probably as accurate as can now be ascertained. Williamson gives the following summary: "Burnt, the brig 'Caravan,' 'NeiJtuue's Barge,' 'Thinks I to Myself,' 'Eunice «nd Polly,' ' The Gla«liator,' ' The Three Brothers,' the sloop ' Ranger,' three un- i...^/^i,^i y^op^iu jji Brewer, and one in Bangor^ There were also three others in the barbor that were destroyed: fourteen in all."— WUliamaon, vol. ii. p. 648. THH HiarORi' OF MAINE. forty oxen, one hundred sheep, and an indefinite amount of poultry. On the 7th, the ships returned from this marauding excursion to Castine. The inhabitants of the Kennebec valley were terror-stricken. It was apprehended that the same fleet would visit their river with the same destruction. The whole surrounding region was kept for a time, in a state of great alarm. Wisrasset was menaced ; and the militia from a region of nearly thirty miles around flocked to its defence. The region between Passamaquoddy Bay and the Penobscot River had passed under the control of the English. Catjtine was made a port of entry. Several war-vessels guarded tli« harbor, and two thousand two hundred troops were placed there in garrison. The British commander organized a provincial government for the territory. All the male inhabitants over sixteen years of age were compelled tc take the oath of alle- giance to the British king. A custom-house was opened at Hampden for the introduction of British goods. Castine became quite a gay resort for the officers of the British army and navy. A temporary theatve was opened, and there were music and dancing. Many of the officers were gentle- men by birth, culture, and instinctive sentiment. On the 11th of February, 1815, news reached our country that peac i was established by the treaty of Ghent, which was signed on the 24th of December, 1814. The glad tidings wsre received with every demonstration of joy, throughout the whole country. The British troops evacuated Castine on the 2oth .of April, after an encampment there of eight months. War is always demoralizing. The two great vices which this war augmented throughout Maine were intemperance and pro- faneness. But Maine sustained no diminution in her population. The loss experienced from the casualties of war was more than made up by immigration. In 1815 Woodstock was incorpo- rated. Twelve new towns were organized in the year 1816. These were, Kingfield, Moscow, Wales, Greenwood, Weld, Guilford, Cherryfield, Dexter, North Hill, Brooks, Corinna, and Ripley. There were now two hundred and twenty-one towns in the / 424 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. State. The whole number of legal voters waa thirty-seven thousand eight hundred and twenty-eight. The following ques- tion waa eubraitted to the people, convened in their several bowns and plantations, — " Is it expedient that the District of Maine be separated from Massachusetts, and become an independent State?"* The unexpected result of this vote was, 11,969 yeas, and 10,847 nays. A convention was chosen to assemble in the meeting-honse at Brunswick, count the votes, and, if a majority of five to four were found in favor of separation, to appoint a committee to draft a constitution. Though the majority was less than the statute required, the convention declared the vote to be in favor of an independent State, and chose two com- mittees ; one to draft a constitution, and one to apply to Con- gress for admission into the Union. A large minority protested against these measures ; and the General Court, being then in session, disapproved of the illegal decision, and dissolved the convention. There arose at this time what was called the " Ohio fever." Hundreds w re seized with the almost insane cjesire to emigrate to Ohio. The journey, generally taken in wagons covered with canvas, was long, expensive^ and exhausting. Often the suffer* ings by the way were very severe. The flat, rich, alluvial plains of Ohio seemed to be covered with a malarious atmosphere. Whole families often wilted down together, now shaking with exhaustive chills, and again burning with fever. Many mourned the day in which they departed from the healthy, invigorating breezes of Maine. But return was impossible. Their means ware entirely exhausted. It is estimated that Maine lost between ten and fifteen thousand inhabitants by this sad infat- uation. There was a dispute respecting the north-eastern boundary of the State, which subsequently came near involving us in another war with England. There was but one town, Brooks- 1 Such la tbe fonn of this question, as given by the accurate Mr. "Williamson The form suggested by the General Court was, "Shall the Legislature be requested to give its consent to the separation of the District of Maine from Massachusetts and the creation of said district into a separate State V " THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 425 ville, incorporated in the year 1817 ; but the next year seven were established, — China, Monroe, Perry, Mexico, Dennysville, Swanville, and Jackson. The Indian tribes had dwindled almost to extinction. Of the Penolr)8cot Indians but about two hundred and fifty remained. Two-thirds of these were women and children. They had become a dispirited, humiliated, and inefficient people, supported mainly by charity. Quite readily tliey relinquished their claim to all the extensive territory still recognized as theirs, for four townships, each six miles square, and for a yearly contribution of five hundred bushels of corn, fifteen barrels of flour, seven of pork, one hogshead of molasses, a hundred yards of broad- cloth, firty blankets, a hundred pounds of gunpowder, four hundred of shot, one hundred and fifty of tobacco, six boxes of chocolate, and fifty dollars in silver. Henceforth tiie Indians cease to be of any consideration in the history of the State. The dwindling families became pub- lic paupers ; and now probably not a single full-blooded Indian can be found in all the wide realms of Maine, over which, two centuries ago, they roamed in almost undisputed power. In the year 1819, another effort was made for separation. Seven- teen thousand and ninety-one votes were cast. Of these but seven thousand one hundred and thirty-two wore nays. A committee of thirty-three, selected from each county, was chosen to report a constitution. John Holmes, one of the most dis- tinguished sons of Maine, was chairman. This document was submitted to the people, and ratified by a large majiority of votes. Gov. Brooks announced the event in his message to the Gen- eral Court, in January, 1819. After alluding in almost affec- tionate terms to the harmony which had so long prev Ued between Massachusetts and her fostei-child, he added, — «• But the time of separation is a^ hand. Conformably to the memorable act of June 19 last, the sixteenth day of March next will terminate for- ever the political unity of Massachusetts proper and the District of Maine; and that District, -which is bone of our bone, and flesh of our flesh, will assunij her rank as an independent State in the American confederacy." .Si CHAPTER XXIII. PEACE AND PROSPERITY. Wiliiam King— William D. Williamson— The Maine of Half a Century Ago — A Journey to Boston — Succeeding Governors — The Aroostook War — Origin of ttie DiflSculty — Warlike Measure — Interesting Incidents — The Truce — Final Settlement. THE first governor of Maine was William King. He is often spoken of as " the first and best of our governors." He was born in Scarborough, in the year ] 768. Native strength of mind and elevated character supplied the place of a liberal education. He was one of the most prominent in advocating the separation. With superior business qualifipations, he be- came opulent, and when elected he was a prosperous merchant in Bath. He resigned the office upon being appointed one of the commissioners of the National Government on the Spanish claims. The remainder of the term Mr. William D. Williamson, Pres- ident of the Senate, became acting governor. Mr. Williamson became the author of the voluminous and admirable history of the State, which will ever secure to him the gratitude of the sons of Maine. One of the first acts of the Legislature was the adoption of a State seal. The moose, the noblest animal in our forests, and the majestic pine-tree, the most valuable of our timber, became the central figures. An anchor and a scythe, as the emblems of commerce and agriculture, were placed upon either side. Above, the north star shines, signifying the posi- tion which Maine occupies in the constellation of the States. Two figures, representing a sailor and a farmer, are conspicuous. Over all is the Latin word " Dirigo " (I lead). Thfi Maiflfi f>f half a ppptiiTv acrn waS Yf^vv diff'^rfiiit fi''^"! thft «/ o ^' — — — 420 THE niSTORT OF MAINE. 427 Maine of the present day. Before the Revolution there waa not a four-wheeled passenger carriage in the State. Two- wheeled chaises were not introduced into Portland until 1760^ They were then not in common use, but were articles of luxury which were brought only on festive oocasions. It was about the year 1800 when the first four-wheeled carriage was seen in the streets of Augusta. Men and women generally journeyed on horseback. The women sat on pillions behind the men. The horse-block, for mounting, was a very important adjunct to the churches. It was deemed a memorable event when, in the year 1787, a stage-coach was established to run between Portland and Portsmouth. The line was extern' .a to Augusta in 1806. At a very early hour in the morning the stage left Augusta, and ia four or five houi-s, if the travelling were good, reached Bruns- wick to breakfast. At Freeport they dined ; worn and weary they reached Portland in the evening to lodge for the night. Starting the next morning at an early hour, the coach stoppedl at Kennebunk for breakfast, and Portsmouth for dinner, and lodged at Newburyport the second night. At two o'clock the next morning the cc ich again started, breakfasted in the early dawn at Salem, and reached Boston about noon of the third da^ In the year 1823, Capt. Seward Porter commenced run- ning a steamboat, "The Patent," from Portland to Boston. Five passengers were considered a very goodly company. The boat was about a hundred tons burden. In the years 1823 and 1824, queer looking little steamboats, with stern-wheels, began to run up the Kennebec River. The second governor of Maine was Albion K. Parris. H© was elected in the year 18?'?. A farmer's son, born in Hebron, Me., he work d on the fields of his father until he was four- teen years of age. At fifteen he entered Harvard College. At twenty-sis he was chosen representative in the national Con- gress ; at thirty he was appointed judge of the United States Dis- trict Court ; and when but thirty-three years old he was elected governor. He was a man of g.eat energy, of indomitable per- severance, and of great administrative ability. His unblemished Xn'cnA^^T c,r,(\ pnnrtpniia manners secured the affection and respect of all who knew him. 428 THE HISTORY OF MAINE, Enoclx Lincoln succeeded Gov. Parris in 1827. He was a very able niim, a well read lawyer, and had enjoyed the educa- tional advantages of a seat in the national Congress. His mes- POST OFFICE, AUGUSTA, MAINE. ■ sages were much admired for the comprehensive views they presented in language remarkably terse and expressive. .Jonathan G. Hunton, of Readfield, succeeded Mr. Lincoln. Under his administration SoUigo Pond was connected by a THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 42» a I canal with Casco Bay. In the )'ear 1831, Samuel E. Smith was chosen governor, and was re-elected in 1834. During Mr. Smith's term of oflSce tlie seat of government was removed from Portland to Augusta. The State House, built of the finest granite, cost about a hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars. Half of this sum was paid from the proceeds of the sale of ten acres of land. It is a beautiful building ; but, unfortunately, it is never approached from its front, and the side views are not imposing. Robert P. Dunlap, of Brunswick, succeeded Mr. Smith in the chair of chief magistrate. His irreproachable character and suavity of manners rendered him very popular, and he continued to fill the responsible office for four years. Under his adminis- tration our first scientific survey was undertaken, and the admir- able asylum for the insane was instituted at Augusta. In 1838, Edward Kent of Bangor was chosen governor. He was suc- ceeded in 1839 by John Fairfield of Saco. The question respecting our north-eastern boundary had for some time been attracting much attention. It soon culminated in a series of measures which threatened to involve the United States in another war with Great Britain. These events demand some minuteness of narrative.' What was called the Aroostook War was quite a memorable event in the history of Maine. By the treaty of 1783, at the close of the Revolutionary struggle, one-half of the St. John's River belonged to Maine ; but, at the close of the war of 1812, Great Britain claimed the whole, including both banks. There was, at this time, on the north or eastern side* of the river, an American settlement of scattered log huts, extending for a dis- tance of nearly twenty miles. The inhabitants were principally of French descent, and had emigi-ated to that American region when the English took possession of Acadia.^ This plantation had been incorporated as the town of Madawaska, and a repre- 1 For most of the fat 's of the Aroostook War I am Indebted to a lecture delivered in the Eepre8ent reach Chute's River, which opens into Long Lake. Nine miles' sail in view of the Harrison Hills, farms, and woodlands, bring* LAKE SEBAQO. th^ tourist to Bridgeton wharf. A short ride to the village, and th'^pce a few miles farther to the base of Mount Pleasant, intro- dv jes him to some of the most attractive views of valley, lake, and hillside. The summit is 2,018 feet high, and commands a circuit of three hundred miles. Fifty lakes may be seen ; and the view of villages, rivers, and mountains is much preferred to 460 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. that of Mount Washington. A. new and spacious hotel affoida •every comfort to those who tarry over night to behold the sunset and sr nrise glories. Coaches to Brownfield accornmo- •date those bound to North ConwAv and the West by the new railroad through the Notch. B,.tween the mountains and Lake Sebago are many pleasant villages, where, along the banLs of the winding Saco, in full view of the White Hills, families from the city have made their summei home. Baldwin BONNY EAGLE FALLS, BUXTON', HOLLIS AND STANDISII, ME. And Cornish and Brownfield are thriving towns ; and the easy access to them by the Portland and Ogdensburg Railro^vd haa now given them a new importance. The view from Mt. Cutler and other elevations in Hiram, the summer residence of the writer, is admired by artists, em- bracing, as it does, the grand amphitheatre of mountains from Chocorua to Mount Washington, with Kearsarge in the fore- ground, a bold pyramid 3,367 feet in height. The "Great sa o r en K o 462 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. Falls " of the Saco, Ossipee River, Lovowell's Lake where Pau- gus fought, — the wily Pequaket warrior, — and other romantic localities, are in this neighborhood. Fryeburg is a popular re- treat, and environed with hills, clothed not only with Nature's Tyrian drapery, but with traditions of early days, enshrined in ballad and in story. Here Daniel Webster taught school, and here the well-known James R. Osgood, Esq., of Boston, was born. The opening of the Crawford Notch to railway travel is a result at which tourists by the Portland and Ogdensburg Road may congratulate themselves; for, says Civil-Engineer B. H. Latrobe, " I do not hesitate to say that no railway, on this side ■of the Rocky Mountains at least, can compare with it in the magnificence of its mountain scenery." The Valley of the Androscoggin next claims notice. From Brunswick to the mountains, the river is highly picturesque ; ■and the towns that line its curving banks on the route of the Maine Central Railroad are pleasant haunts for summer days. The ¥&.': at Lisbon are of striking attractiveness. The scenery ■around Auburn and Lewiston is romantic in the extreme. The busy industries of these cities, their tasteful private and public edifices, and the beauty of their environs, may well beguile the traveller hastening northward. Mechanic Falls and Paris are also towns of growing impor- tance, and Paris Hill has few superiors in scenic beauty. Thence along the line of the Grand Trunk Railway, Bryant's Pond, Bethel, and Gilead attract hundreds by their peculiar •charms, which Harry Brown, J. B. Hudson, and other Maine artists, have transferred to canvas, and authors like Starr King to prose. Rumford Falls are pronounced by a recent author " the grandest of any in New England." Both the upper and lower falls present features of striking grandeur. From Bethel to Umbagog Lake is a charming ride. One should visit Megal- loway River beyond Umbagog, as well as the Rangeley Lakes, still farther in the wilderness around old Saddleback. The township of Rangeley is named from a former owner, and is situated on the north shore of the Oquossoc Lake. It was incorporated in 1855. The primitive wildness of the *-egion, the trout-streams and hunting-grounds, attracted the 464 TUE BiBlURT OF 3JMNE. at.tenf ion of Jay Cooke and other gentlemen from Philadelphia and New York. In 1869 they rented land, and built a large establishment at Indian Rock, three miles from the nearest settler. They have been known as the " Oquossoo Angling Association." Rangeley Lake is ten miles long, and Green vale Plantation is a< its head, F. A. Morrill of New Sharon has published views LOWKIt FALLS. UUMFORn. MK- of this interesting district as the eleventh series of his "His toiical Views of Maine." The towns that lie in the luxuriant valley of the Sandy River are places of Arcadian beauty. Who needs to be told of Farinington and " Old Blue," or of « Little Blue," where the Rollo Books were penned, or of the institutions of learning thao have given a literary celebrity to a town so favored in natural 9> ^^ 0- IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) o ^ /.^.A^. -^vJ-.. ' ^A,. /I f/i •a- 1.0 I.I l^|2.8 « Ii2.0 2.2 11-25 i 1.4 18 1.6 7] A W Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 <^ 466 TME history of MAINE. attractions ? Weld, — the early home of the publishere, nestling among the mountains and beautified by Webb's Pond, five miles long, — Phillips, and Mount Abraham are much visited in summer months. Wilton, Jay, Livermore, Monmouth, and Winthrop can boast of natural advantages as summer resorts in the midst of a lake district of no common loveliness. The OASOADB AT WEST WATERVILLE. ME. establishment of seminaries, as the Female College at Kent's Hill, and the State schools at Hallowell, have helped to make known the conspicuous charms c" natural scenery enjoyed by the central population of Maine. Z7w Kennebec Valley^ from Merrymeeting Bay to Moosehead Lake, is a favorite route, and with the excellent facilities for w THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 407 travel is every year becoming more popular. Richmond h a camp-meeting resort. Gardiner, Hallowell, and Augusta, built on tbe high slopes along t!.o river, present a striking appear- ance. The public buildings at the capital, and drives to Togus, the quarries and other suburbs, well repay the visitor for the time required. Vassalboro', Winslow, and Norridgewock add historical interest to their natural attractions. Waterville is the seat of a flourishing university. The cascade on the Ken- nebec at West Waterville, where the craggy ledges of granite intercept the rush of the stream, is very striking. Ascending the river, the stranger is reminded, as on the Penobscot, of the' immense importance to Maine of her lumber interests. The frequent ice-houses also suggest the rise of that branch of industry. At Skowhegan the river makes a bend westward ; and the views from this pleasant town are noteworthy^ Few places in Maine have shown more enterprise than Dexter, in developing its water-powers, which, as elsewhere in the Stato,' constitute the chief source of wealth. Of Mooaehead Lake, with its broad, sparkling Traters and emerald isles, Mt. Kineo, Chesuncook, and the numberless lakes that surround the grand, solitary Katahdin, it is only needful to say that Lowell's Moosehead Journal in his "Fireside Travel," Flagg's "Woods and By-ways," and particularly " Life in the Open Air " by Winthrop, will full- delineate the charms of these solitudes, and prove most convincingly the claim for superiority in this regard, which the Pine-tree State has a right to make. Then there is the vast Aroos. jk, stretching from the Matta- wamkeag to the St. Francis, one hundred fifty miles, with its marvellous but undeveloped resources, its primitive forest grandeur and isolation ; as noble a domain as the Adirondack region, and deserving as hearty laudation, alike on the score of its picturesque scenery, its balsamic air, and its abounding attractions for artist, or angler, or sportsman ; in short, for all who, wearied by oare, study, or the clamorous demands of fashionable follies, seek a restful and joyful life in the open air. CHAPTER XXVI. MAINS IN THB WAB 07 THB BBBBLLION.* lOIttary Condition of Maine — Proclamation of the President —Prompt Action —The Greeting in New York— Welcome In Washington— Stove-Pipe Artil- lery—Testimony of Gen. Sickles — Gen. Hiram G. Berry — The Liquor Shops— The Seventh Maine complimented — Sufferings of Camp-Life — Colored Regiments- Testimony of Gen. If >glee -— Gen. Dow — Toils of a Campaign — The Sharp-shooters— Lieut. Hill— Batteries of Light Artil- lery — Courage of New Becruits. THERE is perhaps no one of the loyal States which can claim pre-eminence over the others in its conduct during the civil war. All did the best they could, and all did nobly. Maine certainly was not in the rear of any of her sisters in this respect. The patriotic spirit of her whole population wm roused to the utmost when the first gun of foul rebellion was fired upon our national flag at Fort Sumter. Israel Washburn, jun., was then in the gubernatorial chair; and it could not have been more worthily filled. In many towns, in less than twenty-four hours after the tidings of the revolt were received, full companies of volunteers were formed, ready to march. The firsi. company which filled its ranks, and was accepted by the governor, was the licwiston Light Infantry. In Cherryfield, four hours after the enlistment roll was opened, fifty volunteers had entered 1 1 write this narrative of Maine in the Bebellion with more solicitude than any other chapter in the book. Material, sufficient to fill the whole of such a volume as this, must be crowded into a few pages. I can give but the briefest abstract of the heroic deeds of the Maine regiments. There were many chlvalrio exploits which I cannot record. There are many names, worthy of most hcnorable men- tion, for which I have no space. My object, in these few pages, is but to give a general idea of the wonderful efforts and sacrifices which Maine made to crush the Bebellion. For more minute information upon this interesting theme, the reader must ha referred to the excellent liistory of " Maine in the War," by Messrs. Willlsm B. S. Whitman, and Charles H. True. 468 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 469 their names. A wealthy gentleman of Thomaston, Mr. Henry B. Humphrey, oflfered to arm Rnd equip a company of artillery at an expense of fifteen thousand dollars. A long service of peace had rendered military organizations unnecessary. The industrious citizens of Maine had not been called upon to waste their precious days in drilling with the musket, but had consecrated all their energies to the useful labors and arts of life. With peace there was abounding pros- peiity. There was an enrolled militia of about sixty th'ousand men. These were, however, unarmed and unorganized. There were bat about twelve hundred men in any condition to respond to a call of military duty. When the President of the United States issued his first call for seventy-five thousand volunteers, on the idth of April, 1861, Maine with grgat promptness sent her ^irst and Second Regi- ments of infantry, so thoroughly armed and equipped as to elicit i ji Mr. Cameron, Secretary of War, the warmest commenda- tion. Nathaniel J. Jackson was colonel of the First Regiment, and Charles G. Jameson of Bangor of the Second. When these regiments reached New York, on their way to the front, the Rev. Roswell D. Hitchcock, a son of Maine, with his char- acteristic eloquence thus addressed them : — " Welcome, sons of Maine I welcome, brothers I I am one of you, was baptized at the same altar; am bone of the same bone, flesh of the same flesh. We were all born beneath the same sky. I love the State from the Aroostook to the Atlantic, and I love her granite hills. But, my brethren, ' our first allegiance shonld not be to her: we love our whole country. "The American flag waves triumphantly from the Lakes to the Pacific. Sae to it that it remains there. That flag we follow. It is no ribbon ; but that banner God has woven with thirteen stripes and four and thirty stars. It behooves jou, as soldiere marching under that flag, to watch and cherish it, and allow no rebellious horde to efface one of its bright orbs, or permit cne to be ruthlessly torn from its field." The Second Regiment left Bangor with a beautiful set of colors, presented by the ladies. They marched through Balti- more with loaded muskets and fixed bayonets. Not a minion of rebellion ventured to open his voice, or peep. At Washing- ton it was presented with a magnificent banner, sent by tha 470 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. Maiue ladies in California, to be given to the first regftnent from their native State which should enter the capital for its defence. It would require a volume to record the achievements of this regiment. In tlie course of two years, it was in eleven hard- fought battles, besides numerous skirmishes. In all it behaved with gallantry which could not have been surpassed. The Third Regiment, under Oliver Otis Howard of Leeds, was rendezvoused on the State House grounds at Augusta. It was composed mainly of Kennebec lumbermen, and was exceed- ingly fortunate in having for its colonel a West Point graduate ; who rapidly rose to the rank of major-general, and who, for his signal services, has won a position in the hearts of the American people second perhaps to that of none other. It was with this regiment that the operations of what were called the Stove-Pipe Artillery commence(^ The regiment was encamped in Virginia, within sight of the lines of the enemy. Some of the men went into a meeting-bouse, took a piece of stove-pipe, which they mounted upon wheels, and ran it up to the top of a hill. They were abundantly repaid in seeing the enemy open upon the harmless gun a furious cannonade. This regiment performed prodigies of valor, which we have no space here to record. Upon one occasion, when the regiment was reduced to one hundred and ninety-six rifles and fourteen officers. Gen. Sickles said, " The little Third Maine saved the army to-day." Upon the promotion of '^ol. Howard to the rank of brigadier- general. Major Henry G . staples became colonel. He was suc- ceeded by Adjutant Edwin Burt, in the ever memorable seven- days' battle which attended the movement from the Chicka- hominy to the James. In this change of front, Major F. W. Haskell of Waterville so greatly distinguished himself as to win very high commendation. The vicissitudes of war placed Moses B. Lakeman in command of the regiment. A better colonel the regiment could not have had. The Fourth Regiment was under the command of Hiram G. Berry of Rockland. His name will ever remain embalmed in the hearts of his fellow-citizens. At Bull Run he displayed such skill and valor as induced Gen. Kearney to write to Gov. Washburn, — THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 471 " Col. Berry manifested such a genius for war, and such a pertinacity in the fight, as proved h.m fit for high command." This regiment was in all the important battles of the army of the Potomac, during its term of service. At Williamsburg it was said that the regiment of Col. Berry saved the day ; at Fair Oaks, White Oak Swamp, Gaines' Mills, Glendale, and Malvern Hill, this regiment rendered magnificert service. At the terrible battle of Chancellorsville, Hiram G. Berry, having attained the rank of major-general of voluuteere, laid down his life. The nation mourned his loss. The Fifth Regiment was commanded by Mark H. Bunnell of Portland. It is painful to be unable to do justice to the litchievoments of these troops. The Fifth was engaged in eleven pitched battles, and eight skirmishes, ere it entered upon the terrible campaign of the Wilderness, which was an incessant battle. It captured six rebel flags, and more prisoners than it ever had men in its ranks. The Sixth Regiment, commanded by Abner Knowles of Ban- gor, was composed chiefly of the hardy lumbermen of the Pe- nobscot Valley. Col. Kno'vles was the right man in the right place. Passing through Philadelphia, the regiment made a halt near some liquor-shops. The colonel requested the proprietors not to sell to the men of his regiment. The rumsellers disre- garded his request. He sent a file of soldiers, shut up the shops, and placed the proprietors under guard. Several of the dignified Quakers of Philadelphia were looking on : they said, " Friend Knowles, thy conduct meets our approval. We will back thee up if necessary." Col. Knowles'was succeeded by Col. Hiram Burnham. This regiment was in ten pitched battles and in very many skirmishes. It lost in battle, and by sickness, the result of military exposure and fatigue, about three hundred men. Col. Burnham, pro- moted to a brigadier-generalship, fell at the head of his brigade, at the battle of Chapin's Bluff. The reader is referred to " Maine in the War " for the minor changes which took place in the command of these regiments. I can only give a brief sketch of the general movements, and must omit all the minor details. The Seventh Regiment was rendezvoused at Augusta, and 472 TffE HISTORY OF MAINE, entered into active service with Edwin D. Mason as iU» colonel. At the close of the sanguinary battle which placed Williams- burg and Yorktown in our jiands, Gen. McClellan with his staff paid the Seventh Maine a visit, and, with his hat in his hand, addressed to them the following complimentary words : — " Soldiers of the Seventh Maine, I have come to thank you for your bravery and good conduct in the action of yesterday. On this battle-plain you and your comrades arrested the progress of the advancing enemy, saved the army from a disgraceful defeat, and turned the tide of victory in our favor. You have deserved well of your country and of your State; and in their gratitude they will not forget to bestow upon you the thanks and praise so justly your due. Continue to show the conduct of yesterday, and the triumph of our cause will be speedy and sure. In recognition of your merit, you shall hereafter bear the inscription • Williamsburg ' on your eolors. Soldiers, my words are feeble, but from the bottom of my heart I thank you." A long series of brilliant achievements followed, which we have not space to record. The Eighth Regiment was rendezvoused at Augusta. Lee Strickland of Liveimore was colonel. The physique of these men was said to be remarkably fine. Mr. Strickland, like many others, had made great sacrifice of prosperous business and a happy home to rescue his country from foulest rebellion. The first signal exploit of this regiment was aiding in capturing the fort at Hilton Head, in South Carolina. This was one of the most brilliant exploits of the war. Ill health compelled Col. Strickland to resign, and he was succeeded by John D. Rust. The least of the sufferings of war are those which are encoun- tered on the field of battle. It was deemed important to plant batteries on two muddy islands in the river, wliich were twice each day covered by the rising tide. With great toil and suffering the heroic men of the Eighth engaged in these labors. One cold night in Februaiy three men of the Eighth, Samuel Holt, Lindsey O. Goff, and Morris Woodbury, wei'e posted on picket on one of these islands. It would seem that there must have been some great indiscretion in the order. But, in military affairs, commands must be obeyed, discreet or indiscreet. In the chill night the tide slowly Tin: illSTURr OF MAINE. 478 rolled to their breasts, and as slowly ebbed away. In the morn- ing they returned to camp utterly exhausted. Holt and Goff both soon died from the effects of the cruel exposure.^ Wood- bury survived, but with a ruined constitution. The regiment suffered severely from toil, and exposure to an unhealthy clime. At one time three hundred men were in hospital. Until this time, the government had not seen fit to employ colored men as soldier. So great was the opposition to this measure, that many officers of white regiments refused to hold any intercourse with officers who took command in colored regi- ments. Both the officers and the men of the Eighth Regiment, rising superior to this ridiculous prejudice, warmly advocated the organization of colored troops. Gen. Saxton selected from that regiment nearly half the line officers for the First Regiment of colored soldiers. Grateful to the regiment for its support in the trying hours when most of his brother officers refused even to recognize him in the streets, though he was a regular army officer, a courteous gentleman, and a devout Ohristian, he selected still a large number from the Eighth Maine, for the Second Colored Regiment. But the tide had now so turned that more than a thousand officers and men ap- plied for such positions. The career of this regiment was full of remarkable incident and heroic enterprise ; for a more detailed account of which we must refer our readers to the excellent history of " Maine in the War," to which we have before re- ferred. During a period of but six months, this regiment was in thirteen general engagements, besides many skirmishes. The Ninth Regiment was rendezvoused at Augusta. Rish- worth Rich of Portland was colonel. Their passage in a rickety steamer, and encountering a terrific storm, from Fortress Monroe to Port Royal, was more dreadful, in peril and in suf- fering, than can be described. In this fearful gale, at midnight, the captain of the ship informed Col. Rich that he did not think it possible that the vessel could be kept afloat much longer, and that they all must go to the bottom before morning. Almost miraculously they were saved. The regiment was vigorously » Maine in the War. By WilHam B. 8. WWtraan, and Charles B. Tnie. P. 199. 474 THE HIBTOar OF MAINE. employed in campaigning and successful fighting, until Col. Rich, broken down by toil and exposure, was compelled to re- sign his commission. He was succeeded by Sabine Emory. At Morris Island, the colonel and his regiment acquired much renown, performing feats of valor which none but the bravest men could perform. It is admitted that the capture of the island was greatly owing to the intrepidity and wise tactics of the Maine Ninth. A number of flags were taken. Gen. Q. A. Gilmore sent them to Gov. Abner Coburn, with the following statement: — *• I have the honor to forwanl the rebel flags captured by the soldiers of the Ninth Regiment of Maine Volunteers. The names of the captors are Moses Goodwin and David C. Iloyt. The former has since died of his wounds. It will be, I am sure, a source of gratification and pride to your- self and the citizens of your State, to receive these trophies of the gallantry of her sons, who are struggling in this distant field for the vindication of ourcauMC." m; The Tenth Regiment was organized with George L. Beal of Norway colonel. This regiment was exposed to hard duty, which it cheerfully performed, and to heavy losses, which it endured without a murmur. At times they slept in the cold and sleet and rain of a November night, with no covering but that of the dripping clouds. One of the companies marched fifty-seven miles in twenty-four consecutive hours. The regi- ment performed signal service in the valley of the Shenandoah. At times the men were under the compiand of Lieut.-Col. James S. Fillebrown, who very ably discharged his weighty responsibilities. Col. Beal won the gratitude of every man in his regiment by his devotion to their comfort, in scenes of hun- ger and cold and fatigue, and when the bullets and shells of the rebels were thinning their ranks. Both Col. Beal and Lieut.- Col. Fillebrown were presented by the men of the regiment with very handsome testimonials of their regard. Their ex- cellent chaplain also, George Knox of Brunswick, received a superb gold watch and chain, When the regiment was mustered out of service it contained four hundred and fifty men. In the casualties of war, two i THE niSTORY OF MAINE, 4 ''ft 'I I »■. ***■' • hundred and fifty-eight had disappeared. The State recognized its services, and regarded its heroism as one of the richest lega- cies of Maine. The ten regiments to which we have alluded were raised exclusively by the State. The Eleventh was at the expense of the general government. John C. Caldwell of East Machias was colonel. It was a splendid regiment, and received in "Washington much commendation for the excellence of its drill. Very speedily it was led into action, and that of the hottest kind. The troops displayed the intrepidity and firmness of veterans. There is scarcely any thing in the history of war more sublime than many of the scenes through which this regi- ment passed. In the terrible series 6f battles which accom- panied what was called a " Change of Base," the Eleventh waa almost incessantly engaged. The Eleventh was a portion of the brigade of Gen. Naglee. In taking leave of this brigade^ the general left the following testimony to its heroism : — " Yours is the honor of having been the first to pass, and the last to leave, the Chickahominy. And, while you led the advance from this memorable place near Richmond, you were the last in the retreating coluom, when, after seven days' constant fighting, it reached a place of security and rest at Harrison's Landing." / The Twelfth Regiment was raised by the general government, with George F. Shepley as colonel. These men were sent from Boston by water, far away to Ship Island, near the mouth of the Mississippi. Col. Shepley was one of the ablest and most eloquent lawyers in Maine. Upon the capture of New Orleans^ the troops ascended the river to that city. Col. Shepley, pro- moted to a brigadier-generalship, was placed in military com- mand. There could not have been a more judicious selection for this important post. Col. William K. Kimball of Paris, Me., took command of the regiment. Aided by a gunboat, he soon captured two batteries of six thirty-two pounders, with a stand of colors, a large aniount of ordnance stores, and eight thousand dollars of Con- federate currency. The War Department highly commended the brilliant achievement, and ordered the captured colors to re 471 THK HISTORY OF MAINS. main with the Twelfth, a8 a trophy of their viotory. Alter many wild and wondrous expeditions in the extreme South, the regiment returned to the battle-fields of Virginia. There the troops were engaged in an almost incessant conflict ; and nearly «very conflict was a victory. The regiment bears a remarkable record for the good conduct of the men. They were ever obe- dient to their officers, eager for action, and displayed an invin- cible courage which won for them high commendation from every general under whom they served. Geu. Shepley remained military commandant at New Orleans until 1862, when he was invested with the arduous and responsible office of military governor of Louie' na. This post he filled to the great satis- faction of the national govern^ ^^nt until 1864, when he was transferred to fill a similar post in Virginia.* The Thirteenth Regiment was raised at large, and rendez- voused in Augusta. Neal Dow of Portland was colonel. Upon its organization it was speedily sent to Ship Island. The iron ship *' Mississippi," of twelve hundred tons, with its rich freight of the Thirteenth Maine and the Thirty-first Massachu- setts, almost miraculously escaped foundering during a terrific storm at sea. The Thirteenth was stationed for some time in the •occupancy of Ship Island. On i\m glowing expanse of white sand, beneath an almost tropical sun, the regiment, passing in mid-winter from the North, suffered in health very severely. Their drill was excellent. G«in. Weitzel said that he had never seen better soldiers. They were eventually sent on a cajupaign into Tezias, and again upon an eventful expedition to Red River. In both of these enterprises, their deprivations and sufferings were terrible. It would require a volume to give any thing like an adequate ■description of these bold adventures. On one of these expedi- tions they pei-formed a march of five hundred and fifty miles, while continually exposed to attack from a watchful foe. At length these veteran troops were ordered North, to report to Gen. Grant. Martinsburg, the base of supplies for Sheridan's whole ar;ay, was int rusted to their care. The regiment, aftei i 1 " Maine In the "War," p. 290. I 1 TSE HJ8T0HY OF MAINE. 477 performing services of thto utmosi value for three years, was muatered out of service on the Oth of January, 1865, by Major J. W. T. Gardiner, of the United States Army. Col. Dow was very highly commended lor the wisdom and energy with which he conducted this regiment througli Its arduous career. Promoted to the rank of brigadier-general, he proved himself equal to any responsibilities which might be laid upon him. While sick in Louisiana, he was captured by the rebels. After a long and barbarous imprisonment he was ex- changed. The Fourteenth Regiment was collected at Augusta. Frank S. Niokerson of Searaport was colonel. The regiment was a8s..;ned to the third brigade, uuv^er Gen. Shepley, and was sent" to Ship Island, and then to New Orleans. Their first aeiiois battle was at Baton Rouge. These sturdy sons of Maine, who, at the summons of their country, had left the con- genial employments of peaceful homes, behaved like veterans, amid'.t the carnage and tumult cf war. Gen. Weitzel wrote in the highest terms of commendation of the valor of the Maine Fourteenth in encountering " the whole brunt of the attack." There seems to have been but little rest for thb regiment, by day or by night. Marchings and battles were incessant. From May till August they were without tents. However severe the storm or the shower, they had no shelter. Their only camp-equipage was their camp-kettles, which they carried in their hands. It seems strange that men could endure such hardships, and live. There were no troops who served more efficiently in the capture of Port Hudson than the Maine Four- teenth. The Fitteenth Regira-jnt was raised principally in the remote region of Aroostook County. John McClusky of Houltcn was colonel. For nearly four months the regiment was encamped at Carrolton, when Lieut.-Col. Dyer was promoted to the com- mand. But here, amidst the swamps of Mississippi, the regi- ment suffered severely from sickness. In September it was re- moved to Pensacola, where, in the enjoyment of a salubrious oUme, the sick rapidly recovered. Col. Dyer was soon placed in command of the post, and Benjamin B. Murray became colonel. #78 THE BiaTORY OF MAINE. Upon leaving Maine the regiment numbered nine hundred «nd sixty iren. In one year, without being in a single battle, U lost, f-om sickness and the other casualties of a campaign, three hundred and twenty-nine of its number. Though' these troops were not engaged in any pitched battles, they p&ssed through a strange series of perilous and romantic adventures, in all which they proved themselves to be good men and true. In September, 1861, the secretary of war solicited from the governor of Maine a rifle company of sharpshooters. Every man was subject to a rigid examination as to his physical powers of endurance ; and they were requked, at the distance of two hundred yards, to put ten consecutive shots within a circle ten inches in diameter. James D. Fessenden of Portland was captain of this com- pany. The men were equipped in a superior manner. The company was attached to Berdan's Second Regiment of sharp- shooters. It was sent, by the way of Washington, first to Camp William near Alexandria, and thence to Falmouth, Va. Almost immediately the company entered upon a series of skirmishes, with the foe ever retiring before them. None but men of iron nerves could hrve performed the toilsome marches and the shelterless bivouacs through which they passed. They were often exposed to a terrific fire from 1,0 enemy's batteries, but ever stood their ground with the firmness of veterans. At one time this company was p-'ted against an equal number of rebel sharpshooters. The rebels, having lost thirty of their number, fled, while the Maine riflemen lost but three. In one engagement this heroic band of men was so utterly exhausted by marching, counter-marching, and fighting, with short rations and but little sleep, that but twelve could enter into battle. In the battle of Antietam they bore an honorable part. For four hours they were under fire, and lost six of their men. At Chancellorsville they were for two days constantly engaged with the sharpshooters of the foe. In the three-days' battle at Gettysburg, they took an active part, losing eleven in wounded and prisoners. And thus these heroic men, through Bufferings, toil, and deat?<, counted not their lives dear to them. THE UiarORY OF MAINE, 479 that they might preserve the flag which treason and rebellion would trample in the dust. Capt. Fessenden rose, by rapid promotion, to the rank of brigadier-general. The Firet Maine Regiment of cavalry was raised at large. It consisted of twelve companies. John Goddard of Cape Elizabeth was its colonel. It is said that there was no cavalry regiment in the service superior to this in the character of its men and its horses. Samuel H. Allen took the command as colonel, when the regiment was thoroughly organized. ^ime- diately upon their arrival in Washington the various companies were detached for separate service. It is impossible, in the brief space which can be allotted to the subject here, to narrate the wonderful and often awful adventures through which these companies hewed their way. One incident I cannot refrain from recording. Lieut. Hill, who was acting as quartermaster of the battal- ion, was, with his team, taken captive. Under a rebel guard he was being carried away, seated in a wagon. Carefully searching, he found a loaded revolver. With this he shot his guard, recaptured his own team and some others, and drove back to the Union lines.' The severity of the service to which the men of this regi- ment were exposed may be inferi*ed from the fact, that, during a period of about six months, seven hundred of their horses were either lost in action or worn out. The record of the gallantry of these men, and of their suffering from cold, hun- ger, fatigue, wounds, and death, is melancholy in the extreme. And, the more we admire their heroism, the more do we deplore the awful war which infamous rebellion forced upon them, drag- ging them from all the joys of their happy homes, to woes which no pen can describe, and which no imagination can con- ceive. In the autumn of 1861, the State of Maine raised six batter- ies of mounted light artillery. Each battery was an independ- ant organization. We can but briefly refer to their patriotic devotion to the salvation of their country through fields of * liaine in the War, p. 3M. 480 TBE HISTORY OF MAINE. blood. Of the First Battery, Edward W. Thompson of Bruns- wick was captain. It was despatched at once to Ship Island, and thence to New Orleans. With one hundred and fortj^-nine men, the battery was stationed about six miles from the city. It was a very sickly region. In one month seventy men either died or were disabled. Having been attached to Gen. Weit- zel's corps, they were transported to Donaldsonville, where, with great gallantry, they captured a twelve-pounder from the rebels, which the battery was allowed to retain. They had, however, already lost so many men that a detachment of infantry was assigned to them. Col. Thompson's health utterly failed him. He resigned his post, and was succeeded by Albert W. Bradford of Eastport. Skirmishes and battles, wounds, woe, and death, rapidly fol- lowed. At Port Hudson the battery was hotly engaged. After the fall of Port Hudson, the battery was moved in transports to Donaldsonville. Here again the troops passed through an awful scene of battle and blood. Almost every day now had its record of fatiguing marches and sanguinary conflicts. Re turning to the North, the men re-enlisted, and fought in Virginia more battles than can well be counted. The Second Maine Mounted Battery had Davis Tillson of Rockland for captain. He was a West Point graduate, and had been adjutant-general of Maine. The troops repaired to Washington, and went into camp on Capitol Hill. Soon, how- ever, the battery was sent to Manassas, and entered upon a series of constant, deadly battles, with almost invariably victo- rious results. But in war heavy blows must be received, as well as given. Horses wertj shot, guns dismounted, men wounded and killed ; but still the bleeding and exhausted battery held on its way until the victory was won. Capt. Tillson was soon promoted, and was succeeded in the command by Capt. James A. Hall of Damariscotta, who was followed by Lieut. Ulmer, and he was followed by Lieut. Albert F. Thomas. The Third Mounted Battery was rendezvoused in Augusta, under James G. Swett of Brewer as captain. After spending a little time at Capitol Hill, it was embarked for Alexan- dria, Va., to guard the rubber pontoons. Passing through ii tfi • ^i THE aisTonr of uawe. «, .ffHrt^v 5„ '^''''«"'™. than to reflect that the wonderful Stats in tJ^TT-""' P^* f"'* "^'» •"'^'^'' ''y eve™ %a with EnJ^. ;'°r,- ^'^^''f"' ™ "■» "^^ ^hich we^waged w.h England for the establishment of our nationality = buut fin tely more terrible was the war in which we engaged wth M .ebelhon, hat the nationality which had cost us^so let S cirT''™'.'?- ^°' " '°"S ^'-0 the k.ttery was almos da y contending with the batteries of the enemy. When tZ battery was ^itM^,„ ''»» *« '-es before Pe ersburg the cb-ef of artillery commended in high terms the military kli pline, he neatness, order, and efficiency, with CC alM^ duties had been performed. " J!'n:on°:rB^:r ia!f E7b- ™ """"^'"'^'' ""^ o'^"" ^- dmn r„ii J ,^ Kobinson was a graduate of Bow- fir t.S^!i Tt* ''"'^''' ^^ V^'-i^Aon. The battery wis ^tr" The hi^"" Wy, seven miles from Alexandria™' J1C\ T '^ °^ *'"' '"'"^■■y ™ essentially like that of the others, to theatre of action was Vir.>inia • and it had Sntr Tff 'T/""^""'' --"- and icad,; bom' bardments. But few of those who originally enlisted returned to their homes to enjoy the fruits of the victories they had Z ind^t^JTiir"' w ?''-.-f»'a"e homesand peaoe'i Shin, 1 r ^ '• '"^'^ ■"" J"^' ''"'e'e'l the valley of the Shenandoah when they were placed under the eross-flrl of itl rehel batteries in the battle of Cedar Run. In th rawfiU scele of thunder roar and shrieking sheUs, as the ground wrZthed feTd^tr:erM;rrjxV^^^^ -." ^i^r ns rx-r-Sit^s^; :-— ^^^^ oi X- — o— I 482 TBE HISTORY OF MAINE. The Fifth Mouuted Battery was raised at large. George F. Leppien of Portland was intrusted with the command. He was admirably qualified for the responsible duty ; for he had been educated in the best German universities, had spent five years in a military school in Prussia, and had already held a lieutenant's commission in a Pennsylvania battery. These men were very promptly led forward to the front, where the battles were raging in the valley of the Shenandoah. At the battle of Fredericksburg, this battery was exposed to the heaviest cannonade of the day ; and the men avou golden opin- ions for their unflinching courage, their accuracy of aim, and their rapidity of fire. At the inexplicable disaster at Chancel- lorsville, the battery was exposed to a terribly destructive fire from three rebel batteries. There they stood effectively work- ing their guns, and holding a large body of infantry in check, until Capt. Leppien was struck down by a mortal wound ; both of the lieutenants, Greenlief T. Stevens of Augusta, and Adel- bert B. Twitchell of Bethel, were severely wounded ; six men were killed outright, twenty-two were wounded and prostrate in their blood, forty horses were either killed or disabled, and their ammunition was exhausted. Then, by the aid of infantry supports, the guns were dragged off. It is hard to forgive those rebels, who, without the slightest justifiable cause, plunged our country into so deadly a war, sending lamentation and mourn- ing to thousands of once happy homes. Again at Gettysburg this heroic battery met with appalling losses and sufferings, and performed deeds of daring which won for them great admiration. For the second time the battery was left with but one officer not wounded. Capt. Hunt, who had succeeded Capt. Leppien, was severely wounded on the first of this three-days' battle. And thus the dreadful days came and went with slaughter, wounds, anguish, death. We hope there is somewhere reward for those noble men who thus suffered and died for us. Had they failed, who can imagine the disasters without end which would have befallen our dis- membered land ? CHAPTER XXVII. MAINE IN THE WAB OF THE BEBELLION, C0NTINT7ED. Batfl^ of Cedar Mountain— Bivouacking In the Bain -Testimony of Gen. Bumside-Scenes at Port Hudson -Arlington Heights — Campaigning in Vbo South — Patriotism of the Twenty-Seventh Eegiment — Toilsome March— Battle at Marianna - Eavages of Siclaiess— Summary of the Efforts of Maine — Major-Gen. O. O. Howard at Gettysburg -Majoi^Gen. Joshua L. Chamberlain at the Surrender of Lee. rpHE Sixth Mounted Battery, raised by Maine, was composed -L chiefly of young men from the counties of York, Waldo, and Aroostook. Freeman McGilvery of Stockton was captain. The battery was sent to the aid of the array of Virginia. Gen. Banks, with six thousand men, was endeavormg to arrest the march of Stonewall Jackson, who had thirty thousand under his command. Both the Fourth and Sixth Maine Batteries were brought into action at Cedar Mountain. Here the Sixth first experienced the terrors and toils of battle. For six hours the deadly fight- ing raged. Inexperienced as they were in the horrors of war, they stood at their posts so manfully, repelling repeated charges,' that Gen. Augur, to whose division the battery was attached, congratulated Capt. McGilvery on his gallant conduct, and said that the battery was the means of repelling the assaults on the left flank, and had thus saved the division from destruction. A retreat to the Rappahannock was necessary. The little band, pressed by out-numbering foes, marching and counter- marching, fought night and day, living upon half rations, and with scarcely a moment for rest. We cannot follow this battery in its heroic career of almost incessant battles. Capt. McGilvery received deserved promotion ; and Edwin B. Dow of tortland was intrusted with the command. At 483 484 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. Gettysburg the Sixth performed very efficient service. Though it suffered severely, it persistently held its position, and was highly complimented by Gens. Tyler and Hunt for its gallantry. Lieut. Rogers succeeded Capt. Dow in command of the battery. We now return to the regiments. Maine had already fur- nished the general government with fifteen regiments ; and it is safe to say that none better, in the courage and hardihood of the men and their high-toned character, had entered the service. In the year 1862, the State was called upon for more men, and the Sixteenth Regiment of infantry was organized. Asa Wildes of Skowhegan was colonel. Sadly yet resolutely these young men left well-tilled farms and comfortable homes, their workshops and mills, and all the charms of peaceful domestic life, for the hazards and sufferings of war. They were men of peace. Dire necessity alone could induce them to exchange their homes for the tented field. The regiment, like many others, was mustered into the United States service by Major J. W. T. Gardiner. The troops were sent immediately to Washington ; and, crossing the Potomac by Long Bridge, encamped oh Arlington Heights, the former residence of the very able and very unhappy rebel general, Robert E. Lea. Their tents were scarcely reared when they were ordered to the front, to meet the rebels who had crossed the Potomac, and were threatening Pennsylvania. It was September. The nights were chill, and there were frequent storms. But the regiment had moved so rapidly that it was very poorly supplied with clothing or camp equipage. The men encamped on the Potomac, about three miles west of Sharpsburg. Their only shelter was such as they could con- struct from boughs of trees and cornstalks. But these would neither exclude wind nor rain. All their baggage remained in Washington. Their rations were poor and insufficient. The regiment had dwindled to seven hundred men. They had no change of clothing, no medicine. Terrible discomfort prevailed, with filth and vermin. There must have been great incapacity somewhere to have allowed such a state of things to exist. Two hundred and fifty were on the srick-list. Many died. Exposure, scanty food, and general wretchedness were more fatal than the bullets of the foe could have been. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 48» Under such deplorable circumstances, the Sixteenth received marching orders. In a pouring rain they broke camp, and after a weary march halted for the night in the woods. It was an awful night. The rain fell in torrents. An almost wintry gale pierced their thin clothing. There was no shelter. Camp-fires could not be built. The bitter cold and general wretchedness prevented all sleep. The sufferings of that night will never be forgotten by those who endured them. In a long and woful march they reached Warrington, on the 7th of November, in a heavy snow-storm. At length the knapsacks and overcoats of the regiment arrived, and the despondency into which the men had been plunged was in some degree dispelled. A terrible battle was fought at Fredericksburg. These worn and wasted men seemed as regardless of shells and bullets as if they were snowflakes. They entered the field, swept by the st6rm of war, about four hundred and fifty in number. Two hundred and tweniy-six were either killed or wounded. Gen. Biu-nside, who was in command of the army, said, " Whatever honor we can claim in that contest was won by the Maine men." These hardships were terrible. The men had been so enfeebled by sickness that nearly every wounded man died. The regiment had dwindled down to forty men. A hundred and sixty recruits were sent to add to their numbers. There seemed to be no end to the sufferings of this regiment. The nights became wintry cold. There were long marches through mud and rain, and bivouacking almost supperless upon the bleak, unsheltered fields. Napoleon said that a man who is intrusted with the lives of his fellow-men, in a military campaign, should examine him- self to see if he is equal to such immense responsibilities. There was no intentional neglect in this case, but certainly there was great incapacity somewhere. At length these suffer- ing patriots reached winter-quarters, and enjoyed a little rest. But soon again the turmoil and carnage of almost ceaseless battle were recommenced. We can only give the final result. The numbers originally forming the regiment, and those sent to re-enforce it, amounted to two thousand and niiiety-seve^. Of 486 THE HISTORY OF MAINE, these the total loss by the casualties of the campaigns numbered twelve hundred and ten. The Seventeenth Regiment of Infantry was mainly from the counties of York, Cumberland, Androscoggin, and Oxford. Thomas A. Roberts of Portland was colonel. It was speedily sent to the battle-fields of Virginia. At Fredericksburg and ChancfiUorsville and Gettysburg, and many other fields of carnage, they fought with valor which proved their readiness to die for their country. And so it was with the Eighteenth Regiment, under Col. Daniel Chapin of Bangor ; the Nineteenth, under Col. Frederick D. Sewall of Bath ; and the Twentieth, under Col. Adelbert Ames of Rockland. Joshua L. Chamberlain of Bowdoin Col- lege, Brunswick, was lieutenant-colonel. Upon the promotion of Col. Ames, Col. Chamberlain took the command. His gallantry speedily caused him to be promoted by Grant, on the field where he was wounded, to the rank of brigadier-general. Adelbert Ames was also appointed brigadier-general, at the request of Gens. Hooker, Meade, and Howard, for great hero- ism displayed at Chancellorsville. To record the achievements of these regiments would be but to repeat what has already been written. They passed through the same scenes of weary marches, cold bivouacs on rain-drenched fields, and terrible battles. The Twenty-First Regiment had Elijah D. Johnson of Lewis- ton for its colonel. It was sent far away to the marshes and the bayous of the extreme South, whera sickness was more to be feared than bullet or bayonet. Though wasted by sickness, it did good service at the siege of Port Hudson. In one assault it lost, in killed and wounded, sixty in less than half an hour. The survivors of the regiment were present at the sur- render of the fort. Their term of service having expired, they were transported home. The fame of their heroism had gone before them, and they received a continuous ovation along the route. The Twenty-Second Regiment was rendezvoused at Bangor. Henry Crosby of Hampden was colonel. These troops were sent, by the way of Washington and Fortress Monroe, to New THE niBTORY OF MAINE. 487 Orleans. Thence it ascended the river to take part in tho terrible struggle raging around Port Hudson. And here we have but the same story to tell of toil, exhaustion, wounds, death, and the final victory of those who survived these awful scenes. The Twenty-Third Regiment was organized under Col William Wirt Virgin of Norway. The young men were generally from Androscoggin and Oxford Counties. It is said, that morally and intellectually this regiment was cou posed of perhaps the best set of men who had thus far left the State. These troops spent most of their time in guarding Washington. Their labors were very severe, in digging rifle-pits and redoubts, budding barricades, and in performing picket duty. Under these toils and exposure about fifty died during the ten months the regiment was in service. The Twenty-Fourth Regiment was organized at Augusta. George M. Atwood of Gardiner was colonel. Their career was mdeed an arduous one. They were sent to the unhealthy South, and to the unintermitted toils which attended the siege of Port Hudson. Nine hundred of the stalwart sons of Maine left Augusta. At the end of the year for which they enlisted but five hundred and seventy returned ; and yet not one was killed in battle. ^ The Twenty-Fifth Regiment, like several others, enlisted for nine months' service. Francis Fessenden of Portland was colonel. The regiment numbered nine hundred and ninety- three men. It rendezvoused at Portland, and first repaired to Capitol Hill, in Washington. Here it was assigned to the third brigade of Casey's division, and Col. Fessenden was placed in command of the brigade. In a furious storm the troops were removed to Ariington Heights. Here several months were spent in severe labor, guarding Long Bridge, and constructing fascines, gabions, magazines, and bomb-proofs. Though the regiment participated in no engagement, it per- formed the arduous and responsible duties which were assigned to it with great fidelity, and was greeted on its return with warm encomiums. The Twenty-Sixth Regiment was raised mainly in the couii- -;«A^ 4M TBE HISTORY OF MAINE. ties of Knox, Hancock, and Waldo. Bangor was its place of rendezvous, and Nathaniel H. Hubbard of Winterport was iti colonel. These troops were first sent to Arlington Heighta, then to Fortress Monroe, then to Newport News, then in a magnificent fleet to Ship Island, then to New Orleans, then to Baton Rouge. Here commenced the dull routine of camp-life. After a delay of two months the Twenty-Sixth, with other forces, was put in motion on the march to Port Hudson. Hav- ing accomplished the object of this expedition, they returned to Baton Rouge, and there embarked on a river steamer, and descended sixty miles to Donaldsonville. From this point they took up their line of march to Thibodeaux, thirty-six miles west of the Mississippi. Thence the troops were transported by rail to Brashear City. Upon this expedition the regiment engaged in the battle of Irish Bend. It was a hard-fought conflict, amidst scenes of sublimity and terror which deserve minute record. In this deadly struggle the regiment lost sixty- eight men out of three hundred. From the blood-stained field the troops ascended the Bayou Teche to the Red River. On the 26th of May they returned to Brashear City, after a bold, fatiguing, perilous campaign of forty-three days, beneath the blaze of an almost meridian sun. They proceeded to Port Hudson, and took gallant part in the siege until the rebels surrendered. Having thus performed their engagements, they ascended the river to Cairo, and thence home. In this gallant expedition of nine months two hundred of the noble sons of Maine were lost. The Twenty-Seventh Regiment was mainly from York County, and was rendezvoused at Portland. Rufus P. Tapley of Saco was colonel. Its first destination was Central Vir- ginia. Through a severe winter the regiment remained, guard- ing, much of the time, a picket-line eight miles long. Col. Tapley was succeeded by Lieut.-Col. Wentworth. This was the most anxious hour of the war. The rebel Gen. Lee, with his immense forces, was moving up for the invasion of Pennsyl- vania. Incendiaries were crowding our Northern cities. Trai- tors in the North were openly avowing sympathy with the Southern rebellion. Want of confidence in the commander of THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 480 the Union array rendered a change necessary. All the old troops had been sent forward to oppose the exultant foe. The national heart was oppressed with anxiety. Washington waa left exposed. The term for which this regiment had enlisted had expired. The President and the Secretary of War entreated the Twenty-Seventh to remain for the protection of the capital. It was a remarkable regiment. Gentlemen from each of the liberal professions were in its ranks, and farmers and mechanics, who were making heavy pecuniary sacrifices by their absence from their homes. They remained. The battle of Gettysburg was fought ; and the dark cloud of peril passed away. Greeted with benedictions in Washington, these patriotic troops were received at home with blessings. The regiment left Maine nine hundred and forty-nine strong, and had never less than seven hundred and forty ready for duty. Medals were awarded to tiie men by the War Department, for serving beyond the term for thfeir enlistment. The Twenty-Eighth Regiment was under Ephraim W. Wood- man of Wilton, colonel. They proceeded first to New York, and were quartered one night in Plymouth Church, Brooklyn, where Rev. Henry Ward Beecher and prominent members of his church assisted in nursing the sick. After spending a short time in that vicinity, the troops were sent to New Orleans by the way of Fortress Monroe. It would be difficult to describe their vast variety of marchings and counter-marchings, their skirmishes, and the innumerable arduous toils which they performed. Some of the conflicts in which they engaged were as desperately fought as any during the war. The Twenty-Ninth Regiment was rendezvoused at Augusta. George L. Beal of Norway was colonel. It was sent immedi- ately to New Orleans. These troops, many of whom had previously enlisted for nine months, entered almost immediately upon a series of bloody battles. In the sanguinary conflict of Pleasant Hill they won a signal victory. Col. Beal was placed in command of a brigade. On one expedition the troops marched four hundred miles. They were at one time sixty hours without sleep, and with but little food ; and during that timo they marched fifty-six miles, anu iougat two uattius. 490 THE iirsTonr of mainr. Having performed wondrous deeds of toil and gallantry in the far South, the regiment wps sent back to Virginia, and took part in the conflicts which were raging there, until the terra of its service had expired. The Thirtieth Regiment of infantry had in its ranks quite a number of experienced soldiers. Francis Fessenden of Portland was colonel. It sailed, in the steamship " Merriraac," from Port- land for New Orleans. Sickness pervadud the ranks. They marched one hundred \nd sixty miles, over the marshy lands of Louisiana, to Natchitoches. They eni tuntered sleet and drench- ing rain-storms, with rough and miry roads. Not a few dropped by the wayside, utterly exhausted, and were captured by the enemy. Skirmishes and battles ensued, with incidents of t' ival- ric courage, which we have no space to describe. Between the 15th of March and the 22d of May, this regi- ment marched five hundred miles, and engaged in four battles, losing two hundr-^d and twenty-eight officers and men. From New Orleans the troops returned to Virginia, and engaged in toils as severe as flesh and blood could endure. During one year these hardy men marched over a thousand miles. The true story of what they did and suffered, for the salvation of their country, no pen can describe. The Second Regiment of cavalry was composed of remarka- bly robust men. Ephraim W. Woodman of Portland was colonel. They were sent to New Orleans. One hundred and fifty horses died on the voyage. Most of the regiment was im- mediately ordered to the front to take part in the Red River expedition. After a season of active service the regiment was sent to Pensacola, iu i lorida. At Marianna ;' - - j n own of Jackson County, there was a terrible conflict in the streets. The rebels threw up barricades, and opened a furious fire from churches, houses, and stores. Major Nathan Cutler of Augusta had two horses shot under him, and fell with a broken leg, a shattered wrist, and other severe wounds. From all these wounds he recovered. Many others were killed or wounded, twenty-nine in all. But in this successful raid the troops took one hundred pris- oners, a large amount of commissary and quartermaster stores, TnE niaroRY of maine. 491 two hundred and fifty horses and mnlea, four hundred head of cattle, and five hundred contrabands. There were several other raids, one into the State of Alabama. In one of these a train of fifty wagons was brought into camp, by Lieut.-Col. Spurling of the Second Maine, for a distance of sixty miles through the enemy's country, while attacked almost, every hour, in front, flanks, and rear, by a force superior to his own. The change from the pure air and healthy food of their homes in Maine to the malarious climates of Louisiana and Florida, and all the hardships and deprivations of camp-life , caused so much sickness, that at one time, from a regiment of nine hundred and eighty-nine, only four hundred and fifty reported for duty. The sad condition of the regiment being made known, Maine immediately sent to the suffering men a bountiful supply of vegetables and other articles for their comfort. The Seventh Mounted Battery, under Adelbert B. Twitchell of Bethel, as captain, was sent to Virginia, and in its first battle, at Spottsylvania, fought from morning till night. In that battle it obtained celebrity which gave it rank with the most experienced batteries in the army. At Bethesda Church and Cold Harbor, it was again under a severe fire. In front of Petersburg it took part in the fierce strife which raged there for 80 many months. Sharpshooters were continually Avatching for every exposure, and sixty-four-pound mortar sh'ells were fre- quently thrown over their ramparts. The battery was composed of a superior class of men, and was highly commended for its discipline and eflBciency, An independent organization was raised, called the First District Columbia Cavalry. Maine contributed about eight hundred men to this organization. Col. L. C. Baker was in command. These troopa plunged into that series of bloody battles in Virf^inia, which attended the close of the war. They encountered victories and defeats, but rendered efficient service, and, when attacked by overwhelming numbers, displayed brave- ry which could not have been surpassed. The Thirty-First Regiment of infantry was rendezvoused at Augusta, and was pushed forward rapidly to Virginia to aid in the concluding scenes of the conflict. George Varney of Ban- 'i I i 492 THE HISTORY OF MAINE, gor was colonel. He was succeeded by Col. Thomas Hight of Augusta. The regiment immediately took part in t1 j battles of the Wilderness, fought bravely, and suffered severel; . In one of their first conflicts they lost, in killed, wounded, and missing, two hundred and ninety-five men. Then, for six successive days, they were under fire. At Petersburg they won great praise. Sickness, wounds, death, and capture at one time so reduced the regiment that but sixty reported for duty. Recruits were sent to fill up their dwindled ranks. The Thirty-Second Regiment of infantry was rendezvoused at Augusta. Mark F. Wentworth of Kittery was colonel. Vir- ginia was the theatre of their exploits. At Spottsylvauia, they were placed in the most exposed part of the line. For eight successive days they were under fire. The carnage encountered in the conflicts in which these troops were engaged was awful. Another military organization was formed in Maine, called the First Regiment Veteran Artillery. John Goldthwait of Windsor was in command. But we must bring this brief narrative to a close. It would require far more space than we can give, to do any thing like justice to the achievements of the troops of Maine during the war. The space which can be devoted to that subject here enables us to present but little more than a catalogue of the most important organizations. Many heroic deeds are left un- recorded. Even the names of many men whose deeds merit record, we cannot mention. Wa can only give an abstract, and a very imperfect one, of the heroic efforts which the citi- zens of Maine made to rescue our country from the foulest rebellion to be found in the annals of history. During the four years of this dreadful strife, Maine sent seventy-two thousand nine hundred and forty-five men to the battle-field. She furnished thirty-two infantry regiments, three regiments of cavalry, one regiment of heavy artillery, seven batteries of mounted artillery, seven companies of sharpshoot- ers, thirty companies of unassigned infantry, seven companies of coast-guards, and six companies for coast fortifications ; six thousand seven hundred and fifty men were also contributed to the navy and marine corps. The total number who perished r, , THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 493 • during these campaigns, in the army list, amounted to seven thousand three hundred and twenty-two. We have no record of the killed and wounded, and of those who died of disease, in the navy and marine corps. The whole amount of bounty paid throughout the State was nine milhon six hundred and ninety- five thousand six hundred and twenty dollars and ninety-three cents. Hospital stores were contributed to the amount of seven hundred and thirty-one thousand one hundred and thirty-four dollars. The above record is a surprising one. No one would have deemed it possible that the State of Maine could have sent so many troops to the field, or that she could contribute such vast sums to meet the expenses of the war. In the narrative of this dreadful conflict it will be generally admitted that there are two of the sons of Maine who merit especial mention. ^ Gettysburg was perhaps the turning-point in the tide of bat- tle. Gen. Lee, with ninety thousand men, was on the rapid march to overwhelm the diminished army of Hooker, capture Washington, and enrich the Confederacy by the plunder of the cities and granaries of Pennsylvania. He concentrated his giant army at Gettysburg. Gen. O. O. Howard, with the Eleventh Corps, was sent forward to do every thing in his power to retard the advance of the rebels, while divisions of the Union army were hurrying, by forced marches, to the position where It was now evident that a decisive battle was to take place. With eight thousand men, Gen. Howard met the brunt of battle, and drove back the foe. His corps was posted on Ceme- tery Hill. Its capture was certain victory to the rebels. Lee, the ablest general of the rebels, gathered up all his strength for that purpose. It was late in the afternoon ; the enormous masses of Early's division advanced in majestic march to the attack. There stood Gen. Howard, with his calm, manly, honest face. " An empty coat-sleeve is pinned to his shoulder, memento of a hard-fought field before, and reminder of many a battle-scene his splendid Christian courage has illumined." After a 1 ific struggle the rebels gained a position, where they made prepara- tions for a desperate assault on the morrow, with scarcely a doubt of their success. II 494 THE HISTORY OF MAINE At the early dawn, the batteries of Gen. Howard thundered torth their challenge for a renewal of the fight. Soon the battle was resumed, with all its indescribable tumult and dreadful fury. Gen. Howard, who was guiding this tempest of war was calmly leaning against a gravestone. His aids were' gathered around him, watching the sublime sweep of the war- cloud before them. " I have seen many men in action," an eye-witness writes, but never one so imperturbably cool as this general of the Eleventh Corps. I watched him closely as a Minie whizzed overhead. I dodged, of course : I never expect to get over that habit ; but I am confident that he did not move a muscle, by the fraction of a hair's-breadth." At length the whole field of battle was buried in a cloud of smoke. Gen. Howard, turning to one of his aids, said in calm tones, " Ride over to Gen. Meade, and tell him that the faghting on the right seems more terrific than ever, and appears to be swinging around towards the centre ; and ask him if he has any orders." The aid soon came galloping back, with the reply, "The troops are to stand to arms, sir, and watch the front." Firmly they stood, pouring in a steady storm upon their foes, while the thunders of one of the most terrible battles ever waged on earth deafened the ear, and the ground was strewed with the wounded and the dead. I am not, however, describ- mg the battle, but simply an important incident in the battle On they came, yelling like demons, six brigades in number. Two hundred and fifty pieces of rebel artillery were concentrat- mg their fire upon our centre and left. It is said that Gen. Howard ordered one after another of his guns to bo quiet, as if silenced by the fire of the enemy. The rebel lines came rush- mg on, four miles long. From that whole length there was an incessant blaze of fire, emitting a storm of bullets, balls, and shells, which it would seem that no mortal energies could en- dure. When the foe was within point-blank range, so that every bullet of grape or canister would accomplish its mission, the cannoneers sprang to their guns. Sheets of flame and smoke, fiv ir THE niSTORT OF MAINE. 495 and (feath-dealing iron and lead, smote them in the face ; and lines before Cemetery Hill had vanished. The ground vva^ covered with mutilated bodies, some still in death! and many wntbng m agony. A few stragglers were seen here and there^ on the rapid retreat. ' The gloom of night was soon spread over this awful spectacle. In the morning, Lee commenced his retreat. He had lost in kiUed, five thousand five hundred; in wounded, twenty-one thousand ; in stragglers and deserters, four thousand ; and nine thousand prisoners. Humiliated and bleeding, the fragments of his army hastened back to Virginia, having lost fort^ thou- htl^r.; ^'^'''y'^^^S,the death-blow was given to the whioh t *'^«.,f b^l 1°"- Maine may well feel proud of the part which her I lustrious son Gen. O. 0. Howard took in That decisive battle Even the catalogue of the skirmishes and bat- ties in which Gen. 0. O. Howard took an heroic part would be a long one. Major-Gen Joshua L. Chamberlain entered the army from his professorship in Bowdoin College, as lieutenant-colonel of he Mame Twentieth Regiment of infu.try. It was his priv- Uege to receive the surrender of Lee's army. The scene of the surrender was sublim.. The whole rebel amy was flyin. in TZ wf T ^"t"°"^ "^^ Petersburg, over the hills ^ through the vales. The Union army, more than double its number was pui-suing it on the north, the east, and the south. Ihe flight of the enemy was truly a rout. The path of the flying foe was strewed with abandoned artillery, muskets wagons, and all the ddbris of a defeated army. Soon the rebels were overtaken upon a plain surrounded by hills. The Union army came pressing on, like a resistless flood, and its batteries were planted upon the crests which encircled the plain There was no escape for the rebels. They must either surrender or be annihdated. Lee surrendered just as the Union soldiers were ready to open their deadly fire. Our troops received the first tidings from the shoute which burst from the lips of their rebel foes. These haggard men, weaiy of the war into which III of ti 8 o o n ' -1-h on The soldiers on both sides seemed to have lost all memory of past animosities With the Union troops there were tears'and piayers and cordial embracings. The long agonies of the sar^^ gumary conflict were forgotten. The troops,°who, in long line" in the rear, were hurrying forward to the supposed scene of battle, heard the shout, and knew not what it meant. But it increased in volume, and came rolling down the ranks, nearer ?ortr. l'.? *^7^^"P^^^^- For miles the mountains and the forests and the valleys rang with the exultant cheers of those who had trampled the rebellion beneath their feet Major-Gen. Joshua L. Chamberlain, one of the heroes of (xettysburg and Petersburg, and many another bloody fight chanced to be with his division .in the van. He drew up his troops in a straight line, a mile in length. An equal division of the rebel army was marched to a parallel line in front, at the distance of but a few feet. All were silent. Not a bugle sounded ; not a drum was beat ; not a voice was heard. As the vanquished foe came up, Gen. Chamberlain ordered his men to present arms. Tliis honor, paid to the heroic vie tims of a cruel rebellion in their hour of humiliation, brought tears to^ the eyes of many rebel oflScers. One said, " This is magnanimity which we had not expected." The defeated troops returned the courteous salute before they laid down their arms. As this division filed away, another came, and another, until twenty-two thousand left behind them their arms and their banners. I^ee's army had been more than three times that number. But thousands had been captured; large numbers had been kUled and wounded ; and other thousands had thrown down their arms, and dispersed in all directions, to return to their distant and utterly impoverished homes. The rebel troons Buita. Gov. Washburn writes, — ^£t«eL'^A!M4y9/tS^M^^- DISTRICT SCHOOL IIOUSK, KITTKUY, MK. " Considering the locality of the college in its relation to the whole State, its proximity to the broad and fertile region of the Aroostook, a ooonty containing a larger number of acres of farming lands, of the finest quality, than any other five counties in New England; considering the dif- ferent kinds of soil on the college farms, furnishing opportunities for a great variety of experiments; and considering, finally, the svirpassing beauty of THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 697 its Bite, and its proximity to what I have ever regarded as, beyond question. the most charming inland village in the State, so far as the outward setting of landscape and seen v is concerned, — I think it must be universally con- oeded that the location of the college was fortunate and wise." o M M u lo \^ u H CO GRAMMAR SCHOOf, HOrSR, WINTHROP, ME. There are many other literary and scientific institutions scat- tered throughout the State, to which we have not space to allude. In previous pages we have spoken of the principal col- 028 THE niBTORY OF MAINE. leges, and of several of the more important private schools. In all the leading towns there is a high school for advanced pupils. These buildings, when contrasted with the school houses of fifty years ago, may be called palaces. We give pictures of two of them, — the Grammar School House in Winthrop, and the District School in Kittery, to illustrate the general style of these structures. In the interesting and very comprehensive little book by Hon. John Neal, entitled " Portland Illustrated," we find the following notice of an important institution called The Maine General Hospital : — " This institution, established in love to that small part of the great human family of sufferers in whom we have a special interest, occupies what were known as the Arsenal Grounds, on Bramhall's Hill, of two and a half acres. •' More than fifty thousand dollars have been raised by private subscrip- tion among ourselves in the city ; while the State has contributed twenty thousand dollars conditidnally, together with these Arsenal Grounds. These conditions having been more than fulfilled, the buildings are now so near completion as to make it sure that before long we shall have a magnifi- cent charity in full operation to be thankful for.* *' The central building is five stories, with a mansard roof; and there are, as you see, four pavilions, with an amphitheatre, a boiler-house, and a kitchen. From every window there is a wide, rich, and beautiful prospect of the whole surrounding country; and, from everj part, either a view of the sea and the cove, or a view of the White Mountains of New Hampshire, sixty miles away, with all the intervening villages and elevations, woods and waters; and being always open to the sea-breezes on the one side, and to the winnowed atmosphere of our Switzerland upon the other, a store-house of health and vitality, the sick and languishing ^may be sure of nature's best and surest help at all seasons." The writer is conscious, that, in the endeavor to give the his- tory of Maine in one volume, many important facts or events may have been omitted, which some will regret, and which per- haps he may regret when his attention is called to them. But he has, according to the best of his judgment, selected those inci- dents which he has thought would be most interesting and * Since the above was written, the hospital has been opened to patients, and is now in sucoessfnl operation. ■ 630 THE BISTORT OF MAINE instructive to the general reader. And he i« sure that this nar- rative truthfully present^ Maine in an attitude of which all her sons and daughters may be proud. Life is everywhere a battle. It is in vfein for any one to escape toil and trouble. But, all things considered, there is probably not on this globe a more favored, comfortable, and happy population than that of Maine. It is true that cold breezes sweep its surface in winter; but these blasts, with healing on their wings, drive all malarious exhalations from the land, give elasticity to the mind, buoyan- cy to the spirits, and invigoration to all physical energies. The soil is certainly not so rich as in some of the renowned prairies and valleys of the West ; but the water is cool, and pure and clear as crystal. The forests afford an abundance of every variety of valuable uimber; and the streams, born among the mountains, and rushing over their rocky beds, invite to all the bi:anches of manufactures. The flood of foreign immigration is not pouring into Maine as into some other parts of the Union. But this saves the State from a vast amount of inebriation, vagabondage, crime, and pau- perism. And those who do select Maine as their home gener- ally come from those countries of Northern Europe where intel- ligence and piety prevail. This renders the community in Maine in a remarkable degree homogeneous. The society is in a high degree intelligent, moral, and social. And thus it is that Christian churches arise in everj' village, that intemperance can be arrested as scarcely anywhere else, that schools and colleges are multiplied, and intelligence and morality are widely diffused. It would be difficult to find in ai^y portion of our land more happy homes than are found ia Maine. II Supplementary History TO 1890 By EDWARD H. ELWELL EXPLANATION. A J. teen years which have elapsed since the publication of the first edition of this work have been marked by events of importance in the history of Maine. The State has increased in population, and has made good progress in the development of its resources. It is the purpose of the following supplementary chaj,*ers to bring the narrative of events down to the year 1890, to treat briefly cei-- tain topics necessarily omitted in the body of the work, and to give a summary of the institutions and resources of the State at the pf" - nt time. Some corrections of the original narrative have been thrown into notes appended to the original chapters. ^ E. H. Elwell. RtS \ ' CHAPTER XXX. POPULATION. Homogeneous Character of Early Settlers — German Colony Settled at "V^ doboro — The Irish — French Canadians — Swedish Colony— Immi- gration of JiTative Element — Growth of Population Since 1790 — Frag- ments of Aboriginal Tribes. THE population of Maine has always been largely of a homogeneous character. Theio has been here no such ad- mixture of races as immigration has brought about in the western States. The early settlers of Maine were of the English race, loyal to king and church, having little affinity with the Puri- tans of Massachusetts. After that province acquired possession of Maine there was a considerable immigratii ,. Prom Massa- chusetts into the District (as Maine was then called), and under the influence of Puritan institutions, the differences between the two classes of population largely disappeared. The earliest foreign element introduced was the German colony brought in by Samuel Waldo, who in 1739 founded the town of Waldoboro, where German names still linger. These were of the Lutheran sect, but they were gradually absorbed by the Puritan churches, and today their descendants are witujut a Lutheran church in that whole region. They did not, therefore, introduce a diverse element in religion, and their descendants have become thoroughly assimilated with the native population. The Irish came in largely with the introduction of railroads. They came as laborers along the line of track, and gravitated to the cities on the sea-board. In the city of Portland the Irish-American element forms from one-quarter to one-third of the population. They introduced the Roman Catholic form of worship, which now has its churches in many of the large interior villages, as well as the cities of the State. The Irish have re-enforced the industrial element of the State, and have prospered in their new home. 63.S 684 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. The French Canadians, followuig the track of their ancestors down the Kennebec, and also along the railroad lines running into Canada, have found employment in the factories of our manufacturing villages ; and in Waterville, Lewiston and other river cities and towns, form a large and increasing element of the population, not without its Influence in determining munici- pal elections. This element of our population is a growing one, and does not readily assimilate with the native element. It promises to form a distinct class of the population. On the other hand, the Swedes introduced, as stated in a previous chapter, into the county of Aroostook, in 1870, readily assimilated with the native population, a hardy, thrifty, and industrious people, forming a valuable re-enforcement of its waning strength. They have spread from New Sweden into adjoining townships, and now number about fifteen hundred, whi'c they have drawn into the State a Scandinavian population estimated at near ten thousand. In Portland they sustain two churches, and in the country towns adjoining, they are taking up exhausted farms, and getting a living off them, thus taking the place of the native population who go West to more fer- tile lands. The demand for skilled labor in our factories has also brought in a sprinkling of English, Scotch, and Welsh people. But all these foreign elements constitute but a small percent- age of the population of the State. In 1880, out of a popula- tion of 648,936, there were but 58,883 of foreign birth. While the State has profited little from immigration, it has suffered much from the emigration of its sons^ and daughters to other States of the Union. This began early in the century, when " the Ohio fever " carried off thousands, painfully traveling on the long wagon route to the fertile lands beyond the AHegha- nies. Later, the building of railroads, opening to settlement the prairies of the farther West, induced a large emigration from the State. The discovery of gold in California swept away thousands more. The manufacturing industries of neighbor- ing States, notably Massachusetts, offered employment to the rising generation, who found no inducement to remain upon the home farm. In 1880, no less than 68,226 of the sons and daughters of Maine were living in Massachusetts. They were to be found in every State and Territory of the Union. The census showed that there were living in that year 745,272 THE BISTORT OF MAINE. 635 persona Of Maine birth, only 563,015 of whom were residing in the State. The large number of 182,257 men, women and children had gone out from her bdrders to make their homes in other States She had been bereft of nearly a quarter of her native population. And these were of her best. It requires energy and enterprise to push out into new lands and begin the world anew Only men and women of moral, as well as physi- cal stamina have the spirit to engage in such an undertakL. .h f .''.f r^.""^ ^f ^'' P^P^l^ti^'^ ^as not so much due to he fact that Maine had no resources open to her people as tr; the resaessness engendered by the opening of a vast continent of boundless resources. The enterprising spirit of the men and women of Maine, born of her rigorous climate, and the educating influences of her institutions, carried them into new helds of effort promising large returns. What Maine has lost, has been gained by the country at large. Everywhere the sons and daughters of Maine are found in the forefront of useful endeavor Throughout the West they have planted the insti- tutions of New England; the church and the school follow in their footsteps. On the shores of the Pacific they have had a large share in laying the foundations of great and prosperous Mates In the South they are engaged in educating the eman- cipated slaves and their offspring, and in introducing those manufacturing industries which are to give new life to the Southern people. In 1790, at the taking of the first census, the population of Maine was not quite one hundred thousand. It increased rapidly during the early decades of the present century, and in 1840 had run up to a little rising five hundred thousand, having thus multiplied itself by five during the half-century. From 1840 to 1860, the increase was comparatively small, the popu- ation at the latter date being 628,279. During the deca.le of ae civil war it fell off to 026,915 i,i 1870. The suppression of the rebellion brought a ^arn of the tide, and the census of 1880 gave the State six hundred forty-eight thousand nine hundred thirty-six inhabitants. During the last decade the increase has been in a larger ratio; the census of 1890 show- ing a population of six hundred sixty-one thousand eighty-six. Emigration from the State is still going on, but to a less extent than lonueriy, and it is believed that the new enterprises open- ing in Maine, consequent on the running of railroads thvon^h. 536 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. her forest counties, and the development of resources as yet untouched, will in the future give her people adequate employ- ment at home. It remains only to mention the fragments of the aboriginal stock still lingering in the State. The tribes with which the early settlers so long waged war, as narrated in previous chap- ters of this work, decimated by the sanguinary strife, and driven to the St. Francis, have left behind but two small bodies known as the Passamaquoddies and the Penobscots. Together they number but about one thousand. The former have their abode in villages at Pleasant Point and Peter Dana's Point; the latter dwell on an island in the Penobscot, opposite the village of Oldtown, known as Indian Oldtown. There they have a considerable village, and live in comfortable houses, with a church and a resident priest; for they have adhered to the Catholic faith taught their ancestors by the French priests of Canada. They have attained to some degree of civilization, cultivate the soil to some extent, the women engaging iu the aboriginal industry of basket-making, while the young men find employment in river-driving and other pursuits. They retain something of their tribal relation, annually electing a governor and lieutenant-governor, and they send delegates to the Legis- lature of the State. There have been set apart to them certain islands in the Penobscot, and the State pays them annuities and appoints agentj to look after their welfare. They do not seem to be either increasing or diminishing to any great extent. There is French blood in the veins of many of them, thus uniting in themselves the two races wjiose raids upon tiie early settlers were the cause of so much misery to all parties. These tribes belong to the Abenaki branch of the Algonquin family of Indians, which ranged from Labrador to the far South. Tliey possessed in common the traditions of a grand mythology, some fragments of which have been gathered by Charles G. Leland from the lips of aged members of the Passa- maquoddy and Penobscot tribes, and published in his work on " The Algonquin Legends of New England." These legends have the form of poems and fairy tales, and display much imaginative power. They have come down as traditions from ancient times, and though much of their lore is lost, much yet remains in the memories of the older members or the tribes. Mr. Leland has done good service iu rescuing from oblivion THE BISTORT OF MAINE. 637 these fragments of an ancie: b mythology, which show the native tribes of Maine to have possessed a literature of unsus- pected richness; and he well remarks that "when the last Indian shall be in his grave, those who come after us will ask in wonder, why we had no curiosity as to the romance of our country, and so much as to that of every other land on earth." When the last Indian shall have departed, every scrap of in- formation relative to them will be eagerly investigated. January 1st, 1892, the Penobscot tribe numbered three hun- dred and eighty-six, an increase of nine over 1890, the first time in a score of years that the yearly enumeration has not shown a decrease from the preceding year. Ill CHAPTER XXXI. MORALS AND RELIGION. Morals of Early Settlers — Order Introduced by Massachusetts — Intempe* ance— Washingtonian Movement — Prohibition of Liquor Traffic — Riot in Portland — Repeal of the Law — Re-enacted in 1858 — Sustained by the People — Prohibition put into the Constitution — Good Results of the Law — Maine not Settled Through Religious Impulse — Catholics and Episcopalians Failed to Obtain a Controlling Foothold— Puritan Worshir Introduced by Massachusetts — The Standing Order — Struggles of Other Denominations to Escape from Taxation — All Placed on an Equality by the Constitution of 1820 — Religious Denominations in the State. THE early settlers of Maine were of good English stock. Among them were men of character and ability who sought to lay deep the foundations of an orderly state of society. But the misfortune of the province was that for the greater part of the first century of its existence it lacked a stable form of government. The multiplication of grants, often overlapping each other, brought about disputes as to jurisdiction, and forms of government were set up only to be quickly over- thrown. The proprietors of the soil did not reside upon their domain, and their attempts to set up the complicated machin- ery of a feudal state of society utterly failed. Left to their own devices, with only spasmodic attempts to establish courts for the trial of offenders, it is not surprising that the inhabi- tants fell into a state of disorder, or that morals were at a low ebb. Little provision was made for the establishment of the institutions of religion, and none whatever for the education of the rising generation. Wearied with thrf strife of con- tending grantors, and finding protection from the savage foe only from Massachusetts, the settlers, though at first resisting, were glad in the end to accept the jurisdiction of that colony. With it ori,:ne a stable and orderly form of government ; with it came schools and churches, and in the end an improved state of morals. Th.p. disorderly element was brought under eoutrol, and Puritan institutions gave a new tone to society. THE HISTORY OF MATyg. 63{> In 1677 Massacliusetts purchased of the heirs of Sir Ferdi- nando Gorges his grant of the territory extendi.ig from the Fisciita(iua to the Kennebec, but it was not until 1716 that she came into possession of the whole territory now included in the State of iMame. The province was then for the first tirao united under one form of government. A new order of society arose. The inhabitants were freetl from the vexatious exac- tions of the feudal system. Towns were organized distinct from the feudal boroughs of the original proprietors. For a century following order reigned under the rule of Massachu- setts, and few offences were committed against the welfare of society. Capital crimes were rare, and were promptly punished. If of late years crimes of this character have increased in a greater ratio to the number of inhabitants, the fact is largelv due to the emigration from the State of a vast number of the better class of its people, 'eaving the disorderly element in undue proportion to the whole number of inhabitants. As early as 1835, a movement was begun for the establish^ ment of humane and reformatory institutions, resulting in the erection of an asylum for the insane at Augusta, where the unfortunates who had formerly been left to wander at large or when violent, were confined in almshouses, were gathered and subjected to curative influences. The buildings have been twice enlarged and more room is still needed. The number of inmates 111 1892 was eight hundred and fifty; four hundred and seventy- five men and three hundred and seventy-five women. Statistics showed, however, that the luunber of insane in the State, in proportion to population, was less than in any of the other New England States. A Reform School for boys was established m Cape Elizabeth about 1850, which has resulted iu saving many neglected boys from vicious courses. The number of inmates, December 1, .1891, was ninety-three, and the whole number received into the institution since it was opened is one thousand nine hundred and eighty-three. In 1872 an In- dustrial School for Girls was opened in Hallowell, which has done a humane work in training for usefulness young girls who would otherwise have gone astray. The number of inmates, December 1,1801. was sixty-five; whole number since opened three hundred and forty-three. The MainP Gpn^^r,,! Mo.pital was opened in Portland, 1874, completed, 1892, has a nurabJr of free beds, and affords the best surgical and medical treatment. £40 THE HISTORY OF MAINS. One prolific source of vice and crime existed from the earliest times in the drinking habits of the people. During the colonial period rum was the common beverage, often taken hot in the form of flip. As other spirituous liquors were introduced they were indulged in on all occasions; at marriages and at funerals, at all social gatherings, and on every public occasion. They formed a large part of the stock of every grocer, and of every country store, and every tavern had its bar-room where gathered All the idlers and tipplers of the neighborhood. A general prevalence of intemperance, with all its numerous train of «vils, was the result. Every town had its share of drunkards •who neglected their farms, abused their families, and were ultimately reduced to poverty. On every holiday the streets •were filled with reeling men, and drunken rows made the night hideous. The evil was confined to no class of society. The high as well as the low, the rich as well as the poor, fell victims to the insidious habit, and the brightest and most promising young men of the community were destroyed, body and soul, by it. Vice and crime were promoted by it, and a general •demoralization fell upon society. The few sober men remaining saw the need of reform, and in the early part of the present century societies for the suppres- sion of intemperance were formed. But they did not advocate total abstinence, and therefore accomplished but little good. Moderation in the use of spirituous liquors was thought to be the safe rule, and the toast was, "here's to use and not abuse." But the abuse grew with the use, and at last, in 1833, the Massachusetts Society took its stand upon a pledge of total abstinence. Relief from the evil came at last from the victims of it. The •drunkards themselves were awakened to a sense of their condi- tion, and in 1840, the Washingtonian movement, originating among a number of hard drinkers in the city of Baltimore, swept over the land like a purifying flood. The pathos of John H. W. Hawkins and the dramatic eloquence of John B. Gough carried all before them. The}'^ pictured the evils they had themselves endured, and their appeals came home to the bosom of every intemperate man. In Maine the movement found a ready reception. "Experi- ence " meetings were everywhere held, the pleilge of total absti- nence was offered and taken by multitudes, and Washingtonian (1 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 641 Societies were formed in every village and hamlet. Thousands were turned to a sober life, and a general reformation took place in the habits of society. Decanters became a drug in the market, no longer finding sale, and the intoxicating cup was banished from social gatherings. Temperance organizations aprang up, and everywhere flour- ished. "The Sons of Temperance," organized in 1842, had a large membership in Maine, as did also tlie Independent Order of Rechabites. The Cadets of Temperance followed in 1845, the Temperance Watchmen in 1849, and later the Good Templars, and the Reform Clubs. Up to the time of the Washingtonian movement 'there had been a pretence of regulating by license the traffic in intoxicat- ing liquors, but the sale was practically free. As the reform went on respectable dealers gave up the sale of liquors, but not a few persisted in the traffic, and even endeavored to entice back their former customers. This led to remonstrance, and the application of that moral suasion which was the distinctive feature of the Washingtonian movement. But these men were impervious to appeal, and continued the sale to the destruction of many reformed men. Some of the reformers now saw the necessity of restraining the traffic by law, while others were reluctant to resort to what they considered "force measures." This led to a temporary division in the ranks of the temperance men, but the necessity of the case in the end united all in a demand for the protection of law, as a hold-fast for that which had been gained. The prohibition of the liquor traffic had been advocated as early as 1837, by Gen. James Appleton of Portland, and in 1844 and 1845 the Legislature was peti- tioned for the enactment of a prohibitory law, but the prayer was not granted until 1846, when a law was enacted prohibit- ing the sale of alcoholic liquors, except for medicinal and mechanical purposes. This was a new feature in legislation, the beginning of the prohibition movement which has since made "the Maine Law" famous. But the teeth of the law were not sharp enough ; its penalties did not close tlie drain shops. The movement, however, was onward. The peii[)le had been enlightened, as never before, as to the evils of indul- i\j itv^,-r the traffic in them. The Si ty Court of the United States )upreme decided that prohibition was constitutional, and in 1851 the U2 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. temperance men in the Legislature were strong enough to enact the first effective prohibitory law, anil it was signed by Gov- ernor Hubbard. Ho was a physician and knew what were the effects upon the system of an indulgence in strong drinks. The framing of the kw was procured by Neal Dow of Porthuid, and he both at home and abroarl, became its zealous advocatJ and defender, his name being indissolubly associated with tl)o prohibitive principle. The law at once put a clieck upon the sale of intoxicating liquors; the dram shops were closed. But there was strong opposition to its enforcement, and it split the Democratic ]>arty, which had re-nominated Governor Hubbard. Undur the majority law he failed of an election by the people, and the Legislature made choice of William G. Crosby, a Whig. The sale of liquors now fell into the hands of a disreputable class of men, who resorted to evasions of the law, necessitating amendments in 1853 and in 1855. One feature of it was a j)rovision allowing the establishment of city or town agencies for the sale of liquors for medicinal and mechanical purposes. Under this provision, in the spring of 1865, Neal Dow, who had now become mayor of the city of Portland, as chairman of u committee appointed by the Board of Aldermen for the pur- pose, purchased a quantity of liquors and had them invoiced to " The City Agency of Portland," which invoice was accepted l)y the aldermen. The liquors were stored in the basement of City Hall, in Market Square, where the Agency was to be opened. The opponents of the law, and the personal enemies of Dow, made such by his zealous denunciation of dram-selling, and all who supported it, seized the occasion to catch him on the hip by circulating a statement that he had engaged in the liquor business himself, in violation of the law of the State. Inflammatory articles appeared in the press, and it was deter- mined to seize the liquors as being in his possession. To pre- vent this the aldermen met to transfer the liquors to the city as had been intended, but before this could be accomplished, a warrant was put into the hands of Deputy Marshal Ring, who Ainder it took possession of the liquors, but did not remove them from the building, much to the disappointment of a crowd ■which had gathered about it. These proceedings caused much excitement tliroughout the oity, and in the evening — June 2, 1855 — a crowd gathered THE HISTORY OF MA WE. 648 about the building, some of whom had come with the evident intention of destroying the liquo'rs, while others were there only ns lookers-on, though mostly sympathizing with the moD. The city marshal, with six or eight of the police, armed with pistols, entered the rooin wiiere the liquors were stored. Tlie mob began by throwing stones against the doors and windows. The marshal warned them to desist upon peril of tlieir lives. They continued tlieir assaults, and were ordered to disperse by the sheriff of the county, and also by the mayor. The riot act was read, and several arrests were made of persons in tlio crowd, some of whom were rescued by the mob, which now became more determined, and threw a great number of stones, and also discharged a pistol or musket at tlie police. A ring-leadek- now appeared, who denounced the police as cowards who dared not fire, harangued the mob, and led them in a violent rush for the door, which, however, proved too strong for them. The police now fired over the heads of the mob, whicli checked them for a moment, but they soon rallied again. By this time the militia had been called out, and part of the company of Light Guards took a position in front of the door, when the mob began to pelt them with stones, and several of the soldiers were severely injured. An order to fire was not executed, and the company finally returned to their armory. An alarm of fire was raised with a view of diverting the rioters, but it only resulted in increasing the crowd about the building. The Rifle Guards were now called upon, and with Mayor Dow and Aldermen Carleton and Brooks (the liquor committee appointed by the Board of Aldermen), at their head, ma-ched into the room, through a door opposite to that jvhich the mob was assaulting. Orders were given to fire through the door ia squads of four. It was executed, and John Robbins of Deer Isle, second mate of a vessel in the harbor, who at the moment was making an assault upon the door, was killed, and ten or twelve persons were wounded. The mob now dispersed, and the authorities were left in quiet possession of the room. Great excitement ensued throughout the community. Mayor Dow was severely censured for ordering the militia to fire upon the mob. A public meeting was held at which his action was denounced, and a resolution was passed requesting him to resign his office. An inquest on the body of Robbins was held. 644 Tim HISTORY OF MAINE. the jury in their verdict declaring that he was "shot through th. body, by some jjersoii unknown to the inquest, acting under the authority and order of the mayor and aldermen of Port- land, in defence of the city property from the ravages of a' excited niol), unlawfully congregated for that purpose near tht City Hall, of which he, the said John Uobbins, was proved to be one." The prosecution of Mayor Dow for alleged violation of the liquor law was shown to be evidently malicious, and ho was acquitted. At his suggestion a committee of citizens wa» appointed by the Board of Aldermen to investigate the matter, whic'. committee sustained his action. On the other hand, a committee appointed at the meeting of citizens called for a second incjuest, the jury being composed of citizeijs well known to be opposeJ; of the Christian virtues. In Wells the people were caliec I p, ether forty-seven times to act upon the subject, and tv niy-sev-a years elapsed before the meeting-house was actually complete !.i In Waterford the struggle over the meeting-j^, luse delayed the incorporation of the town two years, and when af last a com- promise was effected, McWain, the first settler, wa? so ange:ed by the location chosen that he would not enter tiie meeting- 1 Bourne's History of Wells ami Kennobunk. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 549 house during the remainder of his life, even when the town meetings were held in it. At the raising of the walls there was always a liberal allowance of rum, and in Waterford the com- pany assembled passed a vote that " Whoever gets drunk today must oome to-morrow and dig a stump." Tradition adds that four or five came the next morning. ^ The house completed, the meeting was seated according to rank. There being many aristocratic distinctions in society in those days, the seating of the house caused many heart-burn- ings. To avoid this it was voted, in some instances, to seat the house by age. Every one, under penalty of a fi^ ?, was com- pelled to attend the meeting at least once in three months. At first, though there was much indifference, lo denomina- tional division had sprung up. The Episcopaliaas did uou sustain themselves after the pi'ovince vras adopted by Massa- chusetts. The Baptists were the first to intrude, making their appearance at Kittery in 1681. Persecuted by the Puritans, they removed to South Carolina, and nothing more is heard of this sect in Maine for eighty -three years. Meantime, frequent fasts were held on account of the spread of Quakerism, but the case of the Baptists is the only instance of persecution in Maine on account of religion. As new sects snrang up there was much opposition to the payment of the ministerial tax. The Quakers were the first to move in the strife that followed before it was abolished. They were Boon joined by the Baptists, and the question was carried into town meeting. Articles were inserted in the warrant to test the question whether these sects should be excused from paying their proportion ot the reg'J^ar ministerial tax. They were repeatedly voted down. Then attempts were made to have the money raised by the towi ibr the support of ")e gos- pel, divided among tie diuere : enominaticna in proportion to their relative numbers, but this, too, was refused. Still the opposition grew, and in the process of time was re-inforced by the Methodists and the Univs-iialists. The rystriction to the "Standing Oicter" was ultimately omitted from land reserva- tions for church purposes, and the first settled minister was made the beneficiary. The town of Paris being settled by B.'^tists, their ministsr, uie Rev. James Hoopei', was elected minister of fhe *^<>\vrj and he received the benefit of the lota set off for the support, of the nvaistry. * Hfitory of W; *,eiford. 550 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. In New Gloucester protests were r»ade againgt payment of tax for the support of the " Standing Order," and one of the protestants refusing to pay, his cow was seized and sold to satisfy the demand. Opposition increasing, to prevent further disputes the town voted to set off all who were dissatisfied, representing all shades of belief. This was the first decisive step toward toleration, but the victory was incomplete, for by law, towns were still com^)elled to maintain a public religious teacher of the Orthodox faith. At last, in 1786, by the joint strength of the Baptists and Universalists, a vote of the town was carried by two majority, to absolve the former from obliga- tion to support the town minister. But at the same meeting the Baptists ungenerously turned against the Universalists and refused them a like favor by voting with the Orthodox. The Universalists were not absolved from the tax until three years later, when it was voted them, they in turn voting with the Baptists a free consent of the town for the latter's incorpora tion into a separate religious society. The controversy over this matter became so bitter that the Rev. Samuel Foxcroft, the minister of the "Standing Order," advised that a day of fast- ing and prayer be held, which was duly observed.* In Bristol the Methodist ministers brought an action against the town to recover payment for their services, Ac late as 1811 an action was brought against that town for not providing properly for the support of the gospel.^ Although this opposition to the ministerial tax existed, there was still remarkable unanimity among the people as to their religious sentiments. At the close 'of the Revolution there were forty-one incorporated towns in Maine, and there were in them thirty-one resident located ministers of the Congregational and Presbyterian orders. Other sects as yet existed principally as individuals, thei-e being few incorporated societies outside of the "Standing Order." But the opposing sects now grew apace. Methodism, introduced into Maine by Jesse Lee, r . 17'Ji\ was rapidlj' spreading, and Baptist societies were gathere ■ in many places. Their opposition to the ministerial tax grew so loud, that at last, in 1800, by act of the Legislature, the people were no longer bound to maintain the regular ministry, if they chose to sustain one of different cliaracter, and actually did so. They were required only to contribute to the support of some 1 The New Gloucester Ccntennia:, by T. H. Haskell. 2 Johnston's flistorj of Bristol ond Bremen. THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 55t religious teacher. Tiiia had a serious effect on the Congrej^a- tionai societies. It did not, liowever, wholly emancipate the opposing sects, since the enforcement of the law still lay with the towns, and it was necessary to prove the fact of organiza- tion, and to obtain a vote of the town enabling the separatists to draw the amount of their ministerial tax from the town treasury, in order to apply it to the purposes of their owu society. This led to controversies. Some of the citizens who wished merely to be freed from the p?' ^nt of the ministerial tax would join with others who rea / v hed to form a sepa- rate society, and the town would ob their incorporation on the ground that "pecuniary motives a.. a not religious prin- ciples influenced the conduct of the body of them." A hetero- geneous class was undoubtedly ready to join any movement for a new society in order to escape taxation, and it is probable that their subscriptions to the funds of the society petitioned for were not large. Indeed, there was a suspicion that they would adhere to the new society only long enough to escape from the yoke of the "Standing Order." To prevent this a proviso was sometimes put in to the effect that if they with- drew from the new society within a year, they should be again taxed, but this was seldom more than a dead letter. Once free the citizen so remained. In opposition to petitions for the incorporation of new societies, it was sometimes urged by the town that if all who asked to be freed from taxation had their petitions granted, the burden ot supporting the town minister would be too great for those who remained. These disputes led to the passage by the Legislature, in June, 1811, of an act entitled "An act respecting public worship and religious freedom," by which it was provided that every citizen might direct the appropriution of his tax to the support of the religious teacher of his choice. This left public worship to depend largely upon voluntary support, though all were ex- pected to support some society, the tax still remaining. It was feared by many good people that public worship could not be maintained in this way, and that the attempt would result in its abandonment. There was much opposition to the passage of the bill, hard to be understood now, when the I'ears that were entertained have proved groundless, and the beneficent effects are seen and admitted. Under this law, Parson Church of Bridgton felt it in- cumbent upon him to relinquish a portion of his salary, though i 652 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. the bill, hard to be understood now, when the fears that were entertained have proved groundless, and the beneficent effects are seen and admitted. Under this law, Parson Church, of Bridgton, felt it in- cumbent upon him to relinquish a portion of his salary, though he thriftily stipulated that in return he should be granted a vacation, during which he might preach elsewhere. He still remained minister of the town. This condition of things con- tinued until Maine was admitted as a State of the Union, in ]820, when by its constitution it was provided that "no sub- ordination nor preference of any one sect or denomination to another shall ever be established by law." The maintenance of religious worship was left entirely voluntary, and it has thus found a more adequate support than taxation ever gave it. When Maine became a State the religious denominations within its borders had increased to nine — Congregationalists, Methodists, Baptists, Universalists, Presbyterians, Episcopalians, Friends, Catholics and Shakers. All being now placed on an equality under the law, sectarian asperities were assuaged. In some instances, notably that of the Fn-st Church in Portland, the original Orthodox faith of the Puritan gradually softened into the Unitarian belief. The churches of what had been the "Standing Order," now known as Congregational, however,. Btill maintained the numerical supremacy, as they do at the present day. Working together in the common cause of Christianity, the institutions of Sunday-schools, Bible societies, missions and charities, have grown with the increase of popula- tion, and the sound of the church bell is heard all over the land. The denominations within the State in 1892, numbered six- teen, standing in the following order: Congregational, churches, 246; membership, 21,817; clergymen, 171. Methodist Episco- pal, churches, 278; membership, 19,878; ministers, 227. Bap- tist, churches, 250 ; membership, 19,209; ministers, 140. Free Baptist, churches, 255; membership, 14,214; ministers, 182. Advent Christian, churches, 110 ; memberslui), 5,000 ; ministers, 70. Catholic, churches, 70; chapels, 10; priests, 73. Univer- salist, churches, 91 ; membership, 2,500 ; ])reachers, 37. Chris- tian, ministers, 35 ; membership, 3,000. Protestant Episcopal, parishes and missions, 46; communicants, 3,108; clergy, 27. Friends, churches, 24; membership, about 1,500. Unitarian, churches, 21. Church of God, communicants, about 1,500. Dis- ciples, churches, 7 ; membership, about 500. New Jerusalem, churches, 4; membership, 347. Evangelical Lutheran, churches, 2; membership, about 500. Presbyterian, churches, 2; mem- berwhin- about 100 ; ministers. 2.* » .Maine St tf Rcp-iser, 1S.)2. I I ; CHAPTER XXXir. EDUCATION. No Public Schools in the Early History of the Province - Introduced bv Massachusetts Under Penalty of a Fine-New Interest in Education after the Revolution -Establishment of Academies by Grants of Land - Estabhshmont of Colleges - The District System - Establishment of Normal Schools - Schools Graded, and a System of Free IIi.'h Schools Introduced -Improvement in Schoolhouses - State Supervision of the Public Schools - Compulsory Attendance - Parochial Schools - Small Percentage of Illiteracy in Maine - Newspaper Press - County Papers - Leading Journals - Number of Periodicals Published in the State - Pub- lic Libraries. THE early settlers of Maine took little thought for education. There were no schools until Massachusetts obtained con- trol of the province. Her laws required every town, under penalty of fine, to support one schoolmaster constantly, and those containing one hundred families to maintain a grammar school. It was long before schools were established, even under these requirements. In Wells the people lived fifty years with- out schools, and their children grew up ignorant of the rudi- ments of education. It was not until 1715 thatit was voted to procure a schoolmaster at the town's charge, "not exceeding ^620 per annum and his diate."i Falmouth did not move in the matter until 1729, when the selectmen were requested to look out for a schoolmaster " to prevent the town's being presented." The people, it will be seen, were moved thereto more by fear of being mulcted, than by regard for the cause of education. The first schoolmaster engaged was obliged to bring a suit against the town to secure his salary. In Scarborougli, in 1730, it was voted "that there be a schoolmaster iiired in town this year that can read and write well." In 1837 it waa voted that a school be kept all the year, and that the master " be paid 75 pounds in lumber for his services. "'^ The early schools were all taught by masters. Some of them were men of ability. They ranked among the professional classes, and were exempt from military trainings, and duties m .^t«T*na'a •1 i-r mi3 aii'j tVUriiiCBUnK. ' Southgate's History of Scarborough 653 654 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. of watch and ward, and in the case of grammar masters they were exempt from payment of taxes. Yet the canse of educa- tion was at a low ebb. The towns were grudging in their appropriations, and public instruction was eked out by private schools. After the Revolution, with increasing prosperity came a spirit of general improvement, and a new interest in the cause of education. The need of better opportunities than those afforded by the common schools was felt, and academies were endowed with grants of wild lands. These institutions for many years did a good work in the cause of higher education, and prepared the way for a collegiate course. Bowdoin College, which had been chartered in 1794, entered its first class in 1802. The Baptists, in 1813, started at Waterville " The Maine Literary and Theological School," which a few years later was chartered as the second college in Maine, and is now known as Colby University. The Maine State Seminary at Lewiston, incorpo- rated in 1855, became Bates College in 1863, so named in honor of Benjamin E. Bates of Boston, its munificent patron. To it was added in 1870 a Free Baptist Theological Seminary. The State College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts was established at Orono in 1868, and has done a good work in giving many young men of small means a technical educatiou. If it has nob as yet turned out many educated farmers, it is because the farmers themselves have not been educated up to the point of seeing the necessity of education in the practice of agriculture. The Congregationalists established a theological seminary at Bangor in 1814, the Methodists a classical and theological school at Readfi.eld in 1825, and the Universalists a collegiate seminary at Westbrook in 1831. The early schools were established on the district system, every town being divided into districts, each of which was in- dependent in the management of its schools, the town only voting a sum for the payment of teachers. This system, adapted to a primitive and isolated state of society, worked unequally, and tias retarded th« improvement o: the schools and the school buildings. It is now giving way to town man- agement, which is much more efficient in its operation. The teachers were usually college students or graduates who took this means of maintaining theiuseives while getting an THE hISTORY OF MAINE. 66^ education or studying a profession. There was no professional class of teachers. The need of trained instructors, who would make teaching a profession, was felt, and a normal sghool was established at Farmington, another, in 1867, at Castine, and still another at Gorham in 1878. A training school for teachers was also established at Madawaska, among the Acadian French population, and provision made for normal classes in several seminaries in the State. These institutions have done a good work in turning out a class of trained te&chers who have accomplished much in the improvement of the schools. The common schools were of a mixed character, including in their instruction eveything from a, b, c, to the liigher English branches. The lirst step toward improvement was the grading of the schools, and the opening of grammar schools. Then came the establishment of town free high schools, for which the State pays a sum equal to that raised by the town, not to ex- ceed -f250 for each school. This system, calculated to bring home to the scliolars of each town the benefits enjoyed by those who were able to leave home to attend the old academies, at first met with much opposition, resulting in their suspension in 1878. They were re-established in 1879, and have since been constantly improving in character and efficiency. In 1892, 228 towns are supporting free high schools at an expense of $147',576, of which the State pays 139,521. These schools are now per' manently fixed in the public school system of the State. With the improvement in the school system has come a better style of sohoolhouses. The "little red schoolhouse on the liiU" has given place to buildings of tasjteful architecture, with mod- ern improvements conducive to the comfort and health of the scholars, and the refining influence of neat surroundings is beginning to be understood. The schools were under no general supervision by the State until 1846, when a State Board of Education was established, with provision for holding teachers' institutes in each county! This system brought about great improvement, but was soon swept away and folio ,ved by vacillating legislation which built up only to tear down, and the schools are now left to the supervision of a State Superintendent, with county associations which hold meetings for the discussion of educational method* by teachers and others. The Pedagogical Societv is an assnnia. tion of teachers for the same purpose. The annual report of 6R6 THE HISTORY OF MAINS. the Superintendent for 1892 shows the total number of aoholara in the public schools of the State, drawing achool money, to be 210,997. , A law making compulsory the attendance at some school of flvery child between the ages of nine and fifteen years, for at least twelve weeks in each year, was enacted in 1875, but its provisions were not iiforced, and another law intended to be more effective has been passed as a substitute, rihildren em- ploj'cd in factories are now required to attend school a portion of the time, and this law is having the effect of increasing the attendance at schools. While the State has thus been engaged in providing for the education of its children on the New England plan of qualify- ing the rising generation for the duties of citizenship, a foreign influence has been at work withdrawing children from the pub- lic schools and sending them to other schools established in the interest of a religious sect. The Roman Catholic priesthood have sixteen parochial schools, which, in 1892, were attended by six thousand scholars. These luo withdrawn from the instruction of the public schools and educated in the interest of a foreigh hierarchy. The parochial schools are attended chiefly by the children of Irish and French Canadian immi- grants. They constitute a menace to the public school systenr of the State. This system, though far from perfection, has resulted in placing Maine among the States showing the least amount of illiteracy. By the census of 1880, of persons in Maine of ten years of age and upward, only 3.5 per cent were unable to read, the only States and Territories having a lower percentage being Dakota, Iowa, Nebraska and Wyoming. Of those unable to "write the percentage was but 4.3, only Iowa, Nebraska and Wyoming showing a less percentage. Among the instrumentalities tendi ig to enlighten the public mind, the newspaper press holds an important position. For more than a century and a half there was no printing press in Maine. The first newspaper was started in Falmoi di (now Portland), January 1, 1785, by Benjamin Titcomb and Thomas B. Waite. It was called the Falmouth Gazette and Weekly Advertiser. The return of peace had brought reviving pros- perity, and Falmouth was rapidly increasing in population. Still the times were hard, and the people were poov The cur THE mSTORY OF MAINE. 557 renoy was derauged, the roads were few and very hud, there were no stage lines, and only three or four post-offices in the whole district. Falmouth had a mail from Boston but once a week. In times like these it required courage to undertake the establishment of a newspaper. Yet the Gazette managed to exist, and after undergoing many changes of name its lineal descendant is still found in the Portland Advertiser. Popula- tion was now flowing from Massachusetts into the eastern counties, and the press went with it ; though as late as 1824» when Joseph Griffin started the Maine Baptist Herald at Bruns- wick, he was obliged, at his own expense, to establish a weekly mail route as far as Jay, about forty-five miles. The first news- paper in Kennebec County was the Eastern Star^ started at Hallowell, August 4, 179-i. Lincoln County followed next with The Telegraphy published at Wiscasset in 1798. Oxford County started in the same year, with RuaselVa Echo or The North Star. Hancock followed next with the Castine Journal and Advertiser^ the publication of which was begun by David J. Waters, in, 1799. York, the oldest county, did not possess a newspaper until 1803, when The Annals of the Times appeared, and was continued about two years in Kennebunk. After the lapse of twelve years Penobscot entered the newspaper ranks with the Bangor Weekly Register., the first number of which appeared Nov. 25, 1815. Washington County next entered the list with the Eastport Sentinel^ August, 1818. Within the limits of what is now Waldo County, no newspaper appeared until July 6, 1820, when the first number of the Hancock Gazette was published at Belfast. The Maine Gazette^ published at Bath, December 8, 1820, was the first newspaper within the limits of what is now Sagadahoc County. Somerset issued its first news- paper at Norridgewock, May 15, 1823. It was called The Somerset Journal. Knox followed with the Thomaston Registery May 17, 1825. Franklin came next with the Sandy River Yeo- maHy which appeared at Farmington in 1832. The Piscataquis Herald appeared at Dover, June 1, 1838. The first newspaper within the limits of the present county of Androscoggin was the Lewiston Falls Journal^ established May 21, 1847, by Wm. H. Waldron and Dr. Alonzo Garcelon. Lastly the forest county of Aroostook entered the list with the Aroostook Pioneer^ ia the fall of 1867. These were the first county newspapers. They were rapidly ¥:<■'" %'•>'-"' ^^.%% IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) kdo ^ 5?i^ 1.0 I.I i;;|28 ■30 "^" '" 140 u L25 i 1.4 1^ rim SB 2.2 2.0 1.6 6" 7 '^^ w ^ 4>.'* ^ %^^^ .^.V 'W . "'^y Si.. '/ Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. U580 (716) 873-4503 4^ s \ ^ $58 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. followed bv others, until now nearly every village has ita local sheet. Among the political jonrnala which have exerted a wide influence may be mentioned the Portland Advertiser; the i^astern Argus, started at Portland in 1803, whic' through an unbroken existence of eighty-six years has remained the able advocate of the Democratic party; the Kennebe.^ Journal Augusta, 1823, organ of the Whig and Republican parties; the Bangor Whig and Courier, datiiig from September 22, 1833- the Lewiston Journal, which through the enterprise of its pub- lishers in gathering the news has attained a wide circulation and the Portland Press, established as the organ of the Republi- can party in June, 1862. The first religious journal published m Maine was the Christian Intelligencer, an organ of tiie Uni- versabsts, which appeared in Portland in 1821, under the editor- ship of the Rev. Russell Streeter. The Christian Mirror, issued in the interest of the Congregational church, appeared in Port- land m August, 1822, and still exists. Zion's Advocate has ably represented the Baptist denomination since 1828. The first attempt at a literary journal was made by John Neal, in The Yankee, the first number of which was issued in Portland January 1, 1829. It had but a brief existence. The first liter- ary and family journal which obtained a permanent footing iu Maine was the Portland Transcript, ushered into existence by Charles P. Ilsley, April, 1837. The Transcript has attained a wide circulation and maintained a high literary character. Of agricultural journals the Maine Farmer, dating from 1833 has done much for the education of the people in matters pertain- ing to the cultivation of the earth. In 1880 there were one hundred and twenty-three newspapers and periodicals published in Maine, the State then ranking twenty-sixth as regards numbers, while as regards circulation \t ranked sixth, having an aggregate circulation of 1,21 1,460 the number being swollen by the wide extended circulation of a class of papers devoted to light literature, published in the State. In 1810 there were eight periodicals published in Maine; in 1840, thirty-six; in 1850, forty-nine; in 1860, seventy; in 1870, as a consequence of the hard times of the civil war, the number had fallen to sixty-five; in 1880, however it had made a rapid increase to 123 ; and in 1892, the number is 190, circulat- ing 3,511,000 copies. Of these depositories of learning and literature — pul )]ic jasToer of mukk. 559 w'i,?."*'?'''"'?."/'"''^ equipment. The State library at mat'™ r„JI '?!,*•'"'' ""\7* ^^'''-'-S 'o S0ver„,„e„7a matters and is rich m general literature. The library at Bow dom College numbers 60,000 volumes; of Colby U^it^Z voiles The" srtr,^"r°:"=^' ""•> ^---"-' ^^ "OO Thrrr ■ !, o °°"'S' °f Agriculture has 6,856 volumes There are ,n the Slate about sixty libraries of over 1 000 w" nmes each. Many towns have established public rbraries Z!i Tant^'fT" rn"""'^ """"'"S'' ^Le most co ; Tni 1 ' gant of these bu,Id,ngs is that presented to the city of PortlaTd by the munificence of a citizen, Mr. James P. Bax^wtiob affords accommodation to the public library containing 87 OW volumes, and the library of the Maine Historical Society com p™.ng about 6,500 volumes, and as many more pampU S.""- CHAPTER XXXIII. POLITICAL. Division c Legislativo, Executivi and Judicial Powers — Maine Entered the Union as an Anti-Federalist State in 1820 — Became Democratic in 1834— Republican in 1850— Fusion in 1879— The "Count Out"— Its Pro- ceedings Condemned by the Supreme Court — Fusionists Elect Governor by Piuiality Vote in 1880 — Republicans Return to Power in 1882. THE legislative power of the State of Maine is vested in two distinct branches, a House of Representatives^ com- posed of one hundred and fifty-one members, representing the towns, and a Senate, comprising thirty-one members, represent- ing the sixteen counties. The supreme executive power resides in a Governor, elected by a plurality vote of the people, and a Council of seven members, representing as mavr districts of the State, but chosen by the joint ballot of the owo houses in convention, as are also the Treasurer and Secretary of State. The judicial power is vested in a Supreme Judicial Court, and Superior Courts in such counties as have sufficient business to require them. The justices are appointed by the Governor and Council, and hold their offices for a term of seven years. Sheriffs, judges, and registers of probate are elected by the people of their respective counties. The justices of the Su- preme Judicial Court are obliged to give their opinions upon important questions of law, and upon solemn occasions, when required by the Governor, Council, Sei>ate, or House of Rep- resentatives. Until the year 1880, the State elections were held annually, and the Legislature held annual sessions. In that year the Constitution was so amended that the State elec- tions and sessions of the Legislature are now held biennially. Maine entered the Union in 1820 as an Anti-Federalist State, and became Democratic when the party adopted that name in 1834. The Federalists, after being known as National Repub- licans, now chose to call themselves Whigs. The State remained Democratic up to the year 1838, when Edward Kent, the Whig candidate, was elected Governor. He was succeeded by John Fairfield, Democrat, in 1839 and 1840, but was again chosen in 1841. A succession of Democratic governors followed until 1853, when through a division of the Democratic party, caused by the question of prohibiting the liquor trafiSo, William G. 560 L a of in to ju- re Iff I' ii i.,ii i u iii an...,ui i iMM, i ,^it I ' I ., 1,11 .11,., I I II. ,M .yiM^n^ THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 501 I Crosby, the Whig candidate, was elected by the Legislature, and was also chosen the succeeding year by that body, th Constitution then requiring a majority vote of the people to elect, which neither candidate received. In the following year the old parties were again broken up by the question of the Maine Law and the formation of the "Know Nothing" or American party, organized in opposition to foreign influence iu our elections, and Anson P. Morrill, the candidate of these two parties was chosen Governor by the Legislature, the people having again failed to elect. In 1855, the people failinj to elect, Samuel Wells, the Democratic and anti-Maine Law candi- date, was chosen Governor by the Legislature. Meantime a new party, destined to become the nucleus of a great national party, had been slowly gaining ground in the State. This was the Liberty party, formed in opposition to the existence of slavery. The question of the slave power was now becoming supreme in national politics, and was breaking up the old lf'''\ ^'t.^'"'^''"'' ^""'^'^ "" ''^ ^ P'^'<^ being known as Free Soil Democrats." The Anti-Slavery Whigs split off frona their party, those who remained being called "Straight Whigs, and ultimately joining the old D.^ocratic party. The Liberty party. Free Soilera and Anti-Slavery WhiJ coa- lesced and formed the Republican party in 1856, which that year elected Hannibal Hamlin Governor of the State. Mr Hamhn had been elected to the United States Senate by the Democratic party, but left it on the question of slavery, and after being elected Governor by the Republicans was sent back to the Senate by them. The Republicans now held unbroken possession of the State for a period of twenty-two years, Israel Washburn jr.. Abner Coburn and Samuel Cony serving as ' Governors through the period of the civil war, and being sue ceeded by Joshua L. Chamberluin, who had served with distino- tion m the war, by Sidney Perham and Nelson Dinglev ir who represented the Maine Law wing of the party, and by Selden Connor, another gallant soldier, who had been maimed in the service of the Union. In 1878, a disturbing element appeared in the poHtics of the btate m the shape of the new Greenback party, formed in opposition to the resumption of specie payments, which had been suspended during the war. this party, on the plea of Gi.e.=.p cur-rcucy, caught the popular favor, especially in the eastern part of the State, and in 1878 drew off the great body 66:^ THE HISTORY OF MAINE. of the Demoorata, and also a considerable number of RepublU can voters. The result was no election of Governor by the people, and the Legislature chose Dr. Alonzo Garcelon, the Democratic nominee. The administration of Governor Garcelon was marked by the most exciting political event in the history of the State, at one time threatening civil war. The election in 1879 resulted, as before, in no choice of Governor by the people. There were three candidates in the field, the nominees of the Republican, Greenback and Democratic parties. On minor officers the Qreenbackers and Democrats had already begun to coalesce, and in the Legislature their members acted together. On the face of the returns the Republicans had elected a majority of the Legislature, which would give them the election of Gov- ernor and the control of the State. Just here a great tempta- tion assailed the Governor and Council, who acted as a return- ing board. Through the negligence or incompetency of many ef the town officers, there were always many clerical or techni- cal errors in the returns. It had been customary to allow the correction of these, and a law had been passed for that purpose. Governor Garcelon and his Council set this law aside as uncon- stitutional, thus usurping the office of the Supreme Judicial Court, and determined on a strict construction of the law in counting the returns. Some were thrown out because they were not made up and sealed in open town meeting, othe o because they were not attested by the town clerk, others again be- cause they did not set forth the whole number of ballots, or because they did not state for whom the " scattering " votes were thrown, while in the case of several cities, they were not signed by a majority of the aldermen. It was noted that the informalities resulted in throwing out only Republican mem- bers, and it was charged, and afterward proved before an in- vestigating committee of the Legislature, that the Fusionists were allowed to secretly correct their imperfect returns. The result of this proceedure was that by certification of the Governor and Council, the House was understood to stand Re- publicans, sixty-one ; Fusion, seventy-eight, with twelve vacan- eies, and the Senate, Republicans, eleven ; Fusion, twenty. When it was learned that the number of those members who had been "counted in" by this process, together with those ■who had been " counted out," gave the Democrats and Green- backers a majority of the Legislature, thus reversing the result THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 563 of the election, great excitement ensued throughout the State. Indignation meetings were held in all the cities ar^d larger towns, and the clergy thundered from their pulpits. So great was the popular indignation that the Governor and Council thought it necessary to fortify their position by military prepa- rations, and the capitol was placed under guard. These pro- ceedings but added fuel to the flame. An attempt to remove guns from Bangor to Augusta was frustrated by an uprising of the people of the former city. The Republican leaders demanded that the question of the legality of the returns should be submitted to the justices of the Supreme Court, as provided in the Constitution. The Council objected to this, but the Governor, being advised thereto by leading members of his own party, took the respon- sibility of complying with the demand. A series of carefully guarded questions was submitted to the justices. They did not confine themselves to these, but reviewed the whole matter, and explicitly condemned at every point the action of the Governor and Council, declaring that the returns made by municipal officers, in the hurry, bustle and confusion of an election, are not required to be written with scrupulous nicety, and are not to be strangled by idle technicalities. They were unanimous in their decision, one of the justices being a Democrat. The Governor, however, refused to recall any certificates issued, or to issue new ones, as his work had been performed under the Constitution and statutes as he understood them. It was determined to organize the Legislature under the certifi- cates issued. When that body met a contest for supremacy took place in both Houses. In the Senate, the Republicans, led by Senator Joseph A. Locke, moved to substitute the names of the Senators really elected for those read by the Secretary. This was refused, and the Fusion members elected James D. Lamson of Waldo, President, the Republicans abstaining from voting. In the House the Republicans, led by Eugene Hale, protested against the organization of the House in the absence of a quorum. The protest was disregarded, and John C. Tal- bot of East Machias was elected Speaker by the votes of the Fusionists, the Republican members leaving the House in a body. As the Lemslatnrp. wno f.Ko in/lrra /%f fUp oV^fi/^.-. f^t :«■» ^ bers, it had been stated that on its assembling the Representa- 564 THE HISTORY OF MAINS. tivea of cities excluded becunse of informalities would be immediately admitted. But the Fusionista did uot proceed to admit them ; they improved the opportunity of their absence to organize both Houses, elect minor oflBcers, and so far as they were able to take possession of the government. A complication now arose from u charge made by two Fusion members of the House, Swan of Minot, and Harriman of Ken- iiebunk, to the effect that an attempt had been made by the Republicans, by offer of a bribe of one thousand dollars, to induce them to refuse to take their seats. The money was displayed by them, having been taken, as they alleged, in order to expose the attempt at bribery. Wallace R. White of Win- throp, who it wan alleged made the offer, denied the charge. The President of the Senate refusing at first io qualify as Governor, and the terra of Governor Garcelon having expired, he issued an order authorizing Gen. Joshua L. Chamberlain, commanding the militia of the State, .to protect the public property, and mai.itain order until his successor should be elected. Meantime, President Larason of the SenatCi having become convinced that it was his duty to qualify as Governor, attempted to assume the duties of that office, but was not recognized by Gen. Chamberlain, whose authority was acknowl- edged by all parties. He dismissed the guard at the capitol and placed the building in charge of the police of Augusta under Mayor Nash. Despite the protests of the Fusionists, he permitted the Republican members of the Legislature to occupy the halls in the evening, after the Fusionists had adjourned. The Republican members of the House, on meet- ing, numbered eighty-four, the number in the Fusion House being seventy-five. Both branches proceeded to organize, the Senate electing Joseph A. Locke of Cumberland, President, and the House choosing George E. Weeks of Augusta, Speaker. The members counted out were admitted to their seats, and an order was passed calling upon the Supreme Court for its opinion in regard to the legal organization of the Legislature. " Gov. ernor " Lamson sent a messenger to the court warning it not to "give countenance to revolutionary proceediugs." There were now two Legislatures, meeting alternately. The Fusion body proceeded to the election of Governor, and Joseph L. Smith, the Greenback candidate, was declared elected in due form. Councilors were also elected- and " Governor *' Smith delivered his inaugural address. Meantime, the reply of the court, sustaining in every particular the positions assumed by THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 56ft the Republicans, having been received, they uroceeded to elect Daniel F. Davis as Governor, who appeared .md took the oath amid tremendous cheering, and a scene of great excitement. "Governor" Smith had previously ordered three companiei of militia to meet at Augusta, but thay did not respond. Oov- crnor Davis notified the militia to be ready at a moment's call, and a /ery large police force was placed in the capitol. It was necessary to force an entrance to several of the department offices, and the State seal was found to be missintr. During all this time the excitable men on both sides were sending despatches to Lewiston, Poitland, Bath, Waterville, and other places, now calling for reinforcements, and again sending them back. This state of things forced Gen. Cham- berlain to issue a proclamation giving assurance that there was no occasion for public alarm. The guards at the capitol were increased to one hundred and fifty men, a large force of Hal- lowell stone-cutters being called in. Mayor Nash gave notice that admission to the capitol was to be confined to members elect, those claiming seats. State officers, and those having passes from Gen. Chamberlain. Upon learning that the Supreme Court had decided in favor of the Republicans, "Governor" Smith issued an order reliev- ing Gen. Chamberlain of his command of the militia, and revoking the special order directing him to protect the publio property. Gen. Chamberlain replied by asking the Governor for the proper evidence of his authority, to which he promised a prompt obedience. Meantime, Gov. Davis wrote to the General, informing him of his election and qualification, and submitting the opinion of the court. To this Gen. Chamber- lain replied, resigning the trust conferred on him by the special order of Gov. Garcelon as his last official act. When the Fusion Legislature next attempted to enter the capitol, headed by "Governor" Smith, they were refused ad- mission by Mayor Nash, acting under orders of Governor Davis. They held a brief session on the sidewalk, and adjourned to meet next day at a hall in the city. When they met there was evidence of divided counsels, but finally a vote was passed requiring the opinion of the Supreme Court ou the question as to which ^va3 the legal Legislature. The court gave a unani- mous decision, declining to recognize the Fusion bodies, and explicitly declaringr the House and Senate th^n hnMipr* o«co,v.,„ in the capitol, to be the legal Legislature of Maine. Thereupon the Fusion bodies dispersed, the members legally elected, with 666 THE mSTOR/ OF MAINE. a few exceptions, taking their seats in the Legislature. Those remaining finally adjourned in t*ecret session, on the 28th of January, 1880, to meet on the first Wednesday in August. They never came together again. Under stress of a wan ant for his arrest, the Fusion Secretary of State returned the State seal, and the legally constituted government took possession of the offices. During this period of heated controversy there was great exciteiJfetrt throughout the State. Rumors of plots and coun- terplots flew thick and fast. Extreme partisans counseled violent action, and at one time a report that the Fusionists were about to seize the capitol, induced Gc v. Davis to order several companies of militia to its defense, but the sound, sober sense of the people prevented any ovtrt acts, and no deeds of violence were committed by members of either party. Gen. Chamberlain won great praise for the firmness and ira- pa/tiality with which he discharged the duties of Iiis responsi- ble position. The exciting question was carried into the next State election. The Democrats and Greenbackers united on Gen. Harris M. Plaisted as their candidate for Governor, and strained every nerve to procure a popular vindication of their course the pre- vious year. The Republicans renominated Gov. Davis, and made a vigorous canvass on "the count out," but they were handicapped by the charges of bribery which had not been satisfactorily disproved. The result was that while the Repub- licans carried the Legislature, Gen. Plaisted received a plurality of 169 votes, or of 226 votes, counting 57 cast for Harrison M. Plaisted. The amendments to the Constitution providing for the election of Governor by plurality vote, and for biennial elections and sessions of the Legislature, having now come into effect. Gen. Plaisted was declared duly elected, and served the terra of two years. The Legislature, being Republican, elected a Council between whom and the Governor there was a consid- erable amount of friction during the term. In 1882, the Greenback movement having begun to subside, the Republicans elected Hon. Frederick Robie Governor by a plurality of 8,560 votes. They have since held possession of the State, electing Frederick Robie Governor in 1884, and Joseph R. Bod well in 1886. Gov. Bod well died December 15. 1 fiAT nnd TT/M1 .QaKaaf ^o n ^ l\.Tm*K1ia T^iiAai/lai-kf f\^ f Ua QAv^nf /^ — "-""^ •••••- .»..>., .^.v ■^tli^vitt IX *ji ijrxtxt KTt.\j'% i. 1 v-»Ti»*^-'t J t,' v's. vtjv r_'vrittVwj acted as Governor during the remainder of his term. In 18S8 £dwin C. Burleigh was el?ct?d Governor, and re-elected 1890. CHAPTER XXXIV. BEaOOROEB AND INDUSTRTES. Tempoiature and Climate — Area — Water Power — Forest Products — Pi A aiid Game — AgriouUuro — Shore and Deop-Svia Fisheries — Shipbuilding — Qranito, Slate, Limerook and Ice — Manufactures — Coud'tlon of Op- eratives — Deposits in Savings Banks — Railroad Systems — Pleasure Trav- el — Lake and Seaside Resorts — Reasons why the People Should Be Con- tented with their Lot. TEMPERATURE A»;JD CLIMATE. THE State of Muine lies between the 43d and 47th degrees of Noith latitude, along the 45th parallel, which positioa gives it u moderate temperature and variable winds. The mean annual temperature of the whole State is about 40 degrees. The summer is cool, the winter not so severe as in correspond- ing latitudes in the inteiior. The climate ia healthful, malarious fevers being unknown ; al- though on the coast, where the moisture is excessive, diseases of the respiratory organs prevail. AREA. Presenting a broad base of 226 miles to the sea, with a hun- dred harbors opening on the great Gulf of Maine, the State ex- tends in a triangular form nearly to the St. Lawrence, a dis- tance of 250 miles. It has a width of 224 miles at its widest part, and an extreme length of 301 miles. The whole '^-Tcuit of its boundaries is nearly 1,000 miles, and it has an area of 81,- 766 square miles, being nearly as large as all the rest of New England. WATER POWER. Few, if t"*uy portions of the earth's surface approach Main© in the extent, the vclnma, momentum and constancy of its water power. Its northern forests absorb the abundant rainfall like a sponge. More than 1,500 lakes s^i've as so aiauy roservoirs for its retention, while their outlets, flowing thi-ousfh rock-bound beds, and falling ia the short distance of 150 to 200 miles, from an average elevation of 600 feet, leap in a series of cascades t© U7 sect I 667 068 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. These conditions give the State great advantages for the prosecution of commerce and manufactures, while its agricul- tural capabilities are greater than has generally been supposed. FOREST PRODUCTS. A prime source of the wealth of Maine is found in her forests. These cover the northern portion of the State, and comprise twelve million acres, or 62.7 of its entire territory. Of this percentage 22.4 per cent is in farm lands and the remainder in wild lands. The entire forest urea of New England is but 19,- 193,028 acres, of which it will be seen Maine possesses nearly two-thirds. Originally her forests abounded in pine, which, at ene time, was considered almost the only timber worth cutting. As a consequence the pine has greatly diminished, yet the prod- uct is still large and quite constant ; in 1888 over 29,000,000 feet of pine timber were surveyed at the port of Bangor, and this is not far fi'om the average yearly survey for the years since 1860. As the pine has diminished other woods, once thought to pos- sess no commercial value, have come into use, notably spruce, birch, maple and other hard woods. Great quantities of the softer woods are consumed in the manufacture of paper pulp, and birch is worked u^. into spools. New uses for what once were considered nearly worthless woods are constanfly being found, thu V adding to the value of the forest product. From 1855 to 1891 there were surveyed at Bangor 6,267,403,785 feet of lumber, 23,114,771 feet of which was' pine. In 1888 there were shipped from the port of Portland to South American ports 36,654,610 feet, valued at $769,911.61, and in 1891, 10,- 000,000 feet, valued at $1,100,000. This industry gives employment to a large number of men. The hardy lumbermen enter the woods in the late autumn, making their homes for the winter in the logging camps. They cut the timber, draw it to the streams, and in the spring come out with the floods, and drive the logs down the swollen rivers to the great saw-mills on the Penobscot and other rivers. Some of these mills are the largest in the world, and the timber is there manufactured into all the forma of building materials. The annuf 1 value of this forest product may still be placed at 111,000,000 to 112,000,000 for timber and firewood. T'^S State having unwisely parted with all its wild land, it is THE Hlf^TORT OF MAINE. 569 now largelj' held by private owners, in immense tracts, often comprising one or more townships. These owners clear no land, and sell no land, thns obstructing its settlement and the mak- ing of roads. The forests must remain an important source of the commer- cial and industrial importance of the State. Their preserva- tion has therefore become a matter claiming the attention of its people, and the demand is now made that greater precautions shall be taken apinst fires. Trees below a certain size are not allowed to be cu.,, .. condition wuich enters into the landholders' leases to the loggers. The art of forestry must henceforth demand the attention of all interested in the preservation of one of the great resources of the State. FISH AND GAME. A source of wealth and healthful recreation is also found in the pursuit of the fish and game abounding in these forests. The numerous lakes and streams afford good fishing, while deer, moose and caribou are found in the woods. These, of late years, have been protected by game laws, more or less enforced, and the result has been an increase in the deer, which, under the indiscriminate slaughter of pot hunters, had become nearly exterminated. Under the operations of a fish commission the lakes and streams have been restocked with edible fish, and the salmon is now caught on the Penobscot, from which it had been driven by dams and sawdust. The wise preservation of the fish and game will conserve to the State a source of revenue and of food for the people. AGRICULTURE. Though the soil of Maine, as a whole, is not noted for its fer- tility, yet in the rich intervale lands of its river valleys and the broad fields of Aroostook the State has regions of great produc- tiveness. Agriculture must always form one of its leading in- dustries. Taken in connection with the related industries for which Maine is so well adapted by its abundant water power, it offers a promising field for the enterprise of the young men of the State. Though capital invested in farms does not pay a large interest, it gives a good return in the independent position of the farmer; and the sturdy manhood and genuine womanhood of the State a: a nurtured on the home farm. 570 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. The leading crops of Maine, in the order of amount raised^ are hay, potatoes, oats, Indian corn, wheat, buckwheat and bar- ley. The orchards, which, in the past, have been much neglected, are now becoming a prominent source of income through the foreign demand for Maine apples, which are noted for their excellent flavor and keeping qualities. Large shipments of them are now annually made to England. The value of the orchard products of the State, given by the census of 1880 at $1,112,026, must now be much increased. Potatoes form the leading product of the fertile lands of Aroostook. The crop, which, by the census of 1880, was 2,248,- 694 bushels, has now reached 3,000,000 bushels. It is largely consumed in the manufacture of starch on the spot, thus sus- taining an important local industry, the annual product of which is over 7,000 tons. Sweet corn is another crop which maintains a related indus- try in the canning business. The preserving of green vegeta- bles by hermetical sealing, in this country, was first practiced in Maine, and its silicious soil and sparkling atmosphere are pe- culiarly adapted to the growth of sugar corn. The canned product has a wide reputation, and gives employment, in its season, to a large number of hands. In 1888 the number of cases packed was 496,200, which was 247,969 cases less than were packed in 1887, the shrinkage being due to unusually severe frosts in September. The annual wool clip is an item of much importance, reaching in 1880 no less than 2,776,407 pounds. ' The establishment of butter and cheese factories has had the effect to increase these products of the farm, and the canning business has created a market for various vegetables. The census of 1880 gives the number of men engaged in ag- riculture in Maine as 89,176 out of 258,587 men, and 243 wom- en out of 261,082 women. The number of farms was 64,309 ^ acres of improved land, 3,484,908 ; value of farms, $102,357,615 ;: value of farm products, $21,945,489. The value of the products- of all mechanical and manufacturing industries was $106,780,- 663. The valuation of the State was fixed by the census at $511,000,000. The agricultural industry of the State is now well organized, having as agencies for its advanceu;; at two State agricultural HISTORY OF MAINE. 671 societies, one State pomologlcal society, a Staie branch of the National Agricultural Experiment Station, a State Board of Agriculture, a State Grange, having 16,000 members, forty- one incorporated county agricultural societies receiving boun- ty from the State, and many other organizations of a similar character not directly aided by the State. FISiiEBIES. The shore and deep-sea fisheries were the earliest industries of Maine. The first adventurers who made a lodgment on the islands along the coast came in pursuit of fish and trade with the Indians. Fishing, with the coast population, has taken pre- cedence of agriculture, causing neglect of the cultivation of the soil. The harvest of the sea has been, at times, of greater value- than the product of the laud, though at other times the yield has been next to nothing. Yet the chances of lucky hauls have lured men from the steady pursuit of the more certain gains of agriculture. The fisheries have bred a race of hardy men, who have supplied sailors for the navy and the mercantile marine. In the amount of tonnage employed in the fisheries, Maine ranks next to Massachusetts. By the census of 1880, Maine had 11,071 persons engaged in the fisheries ; capital invested $3,375,994; value of product, $3,614,178; number of vessels! 606 ; tonnage, 17,632.65 tons ; value of vessels, $633,542. Owing to the fluctuations in the business caused by the migratory hab- its of certain species of fish, the number of men and vessels em- ployed varies much from year to year. In the year ending June 30, 1888, Maine had but 453 vessels engaged in the cod and mackerel fisheries, with a tonnage of 16,301 tons. The catch of mackerel for 1888 was the smallest known for fifty years, being 25,511 barrels, against 56,919 for 1887, 58,557 for 1886, and 258,900 for 1885. The total catch of codfish by the Maine and Massachusetts fleets was 585,581 quintals, against 676,723 quintals in 1887, a falling off of 91,142 quintals. The fleet numbered 305 sail from Massachusetts and 190 sail from. Maine, a total of 495 sail against a total of 560 sail in 1887 and 689 in 1886. The lobster fishery is an important industry, calling for much legislation in the way of close time and limitation of catchable length, to prevent the extermination of this delicious crustacean. The contention is that the nine-inch lobster should not be used, «72 THE mSTOHT OF MAI^V. as it has not yet come to maturity and has no eggs attached to it, while the ten and one-half inch lobster has from 15,000 to 25,000 aggs attached to it. The yearly catch is estimated at 15,000,000 lobsters, sustaining a large canning industry, while many are shipped to markets in barrels. The smelt and alewive fisheries form a considerablo item in the yearly product of the sea, though the latter is gradually falling off. The herring- sardine business, an enterprise which -originated in Maine, has attained considerable magnitude. There are forty factories iu the State, their product for 1887-88 being 500,000 cases, each case containing 100 boxes, and each hox ten or twelve little fishes. SHIPBUILDING. Shipbuilding is also to be numbered among the earliest industries of Maine. In 1607 the Popham colonists built at the mouth of the Kennebec the first vessel constructed in New Eng- land, and that river is today the scene of the largest ship-build- ing industry in the country. For many years the building of wooden vessels ranked among the most important manufactures of Maine, but the famous clipper ships which flourished from 1848 to 1870 have given place to iron steamships, and the build- ing of wooden vessels has greatly declined. The number of vessels built iu Maine in 1880 was 88, with a tonnage of 41,396, giving employment to 1,390 hands, whose wages amounted to $576,502. In 1888 were built 22 vessels, 12,227.35 tons ; 1889, 81 vessels, 39,623.72 tons ; 1890, 105 vessels, 62,859 tons ; 1891, 124 vessels, 49,616.88 tons. Of tho^e for 1891, 39 with a tonnage of 32,063.14 were built at Bath, which is the leading shipbuilding port of the country. The domestic or •coastwise tonnage is increasing, ^s is also the size of vessels. In the coasting trade a two-masted schooner of three hundred tons was formerly considered a good-sized vessel. Now fore- and-aft vessels are built to carry three, four and even five masts, and their tonnage is many times three hundred tons. The five-masted schooner, Governor Ames, which sailed from Port- land April 30, 1889, took out to Buenos Ayres a cargo of 1,896,- '000 feet of spruce and pine lumber, the largest cargo, with one -exception, ever taken by an American vessel. Another change in the coastwise trade is the tendency to use barges towed by steam tugs, instead of sailing vessels, old sliips THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 67ff being utilized for this purpose. The change in the rig ef ves- sela 13 seen in the fact that of the vessels built in the United States during the year ending June 30, 1888, 275 were schoon- ers,and only four— two barks and two barkentines — were square-rigged vessels. Not a brig nor a ship was buUt during the year. ' " While the foreign tonnage of the country has fallen off the coastwise tonnage is increasing, and the indications point to a revival of shipbuilding in Maine. QUARRIES. Among Maine's natural sources of wealth must bo counted her granite, slate, limerock and ice. The islands along her coast are largely composed of granite, which is also found of excellent quality in the interior. Quarries in Penobscot Bay have been operated to a large extent, and the white granite of Hallowell has long been used in fine ornamental work. Black granite is tound at Addison, red and variegated at Jonesport and Calais. For paving, the construction of public buildings,, and monumental work, Maine granite is in demand throughout the country. It gives employment to three thousand men, whose wages, on the average, amount to $1,500,000 annually. The slate quarries of Piscataquis county afford excellent slate for roofing and all kinds of slate goods. For strength, durability and permanence of color it has no superior. Some of the quarries have been operated irregularly, but the demand for their product, the annual value of which has amounted to about $200,000, is steadily increasing. The limerock of Knox County has long sustained a consid- erable industry, the annual product amounting to about 1,600,- 000 barrels of lime. Ice is a sure crop in Maine, and consequently has the advan- tage of its failure elsewhere. It affords a winter industry, which gives employment to more than 7,000 men and many teams. The operations on the Kennebec, the principal field of the in- dustry, where large crews of men and horses are employed in sweeping the snow from the surface of the ice, cutting it into blocks and hauling it into the huge storehouses on the shore, present a busy and picturesque scene on a bright winter day. The business m'VfiS f>mnlnvmonf ff. o lo7.r»« fl««4- ^* „^u a ■ r J ••'• «» itirtgu iiacv Ui ouiiuuucia, engaged in transporting the ice to Southern markets. Th» annual storage usually amounts to a million tons. I «74 THE JlISTOIir OF MAINE. MANUFACTURES. The immense water power of Maine aflforded by her swift- flowing and rock-bound rivers early led to the introduction of saw-mills, which utilized the abundant forest growth, and clear, ed the fields for the farmers. These were followed by woolen mills, which took from the hand's of the housewife the domestic industry so long carried on by her for the clothing of her fam- ily. But as late as 1810 she made more than half the woolen cloth manufactured in Maine, turning off 453,410 yards, while the fulling mills dressed but 357,386 yards annually. By 1850, however, the manufacture had largely passed out of her hands, though the number of woolen mills was then but thirty-six. In 1880 they had increased to ninety-three, giving employment in the interior villages to 3,045 persons, and producing an annual product valued at $0,687,073. Cotton,mills soon followed, their product in 1810 amounting to 811,912 yards. The attention of capitalists in other States was turned to Maine's superior water privileges?, and though at first encountering opposition from hostile laws, the jealousy of local feeling and the short-sighted policy of putting too high a price upon land, they ultimately gained possession of the best sites, and cotton factories sprang up at Saco in 1831, at Hallo- well in 1844, Biddeford in 1845, and Lewiston in 1846, adding greatly to the population and prosperity of those towns. At a later period factories were established at Augusta, Saccarappa, Waterville, and other towns, and the annual production of cot- ton cloths in Maine, by the census of 1880, was 144,368,675 yards, valued at $13,319,363^ and giving employment to 11,864 persons. This product has since been largely increased. Lew- iston is now the chief cotton manufacturing city of Maine, hav- ing in 1892 over nine millions of dollars of incorporated capital invested in its mills. The profits of these investments are chiefly reaped by outside capitalists and do not enrich the State, but the disbursements for labor and improvements add a very considerable item to the annual income of its people. The ad- vantage of applying home capital now largely invested abroad, to this branch of manufacture is beginning to be appreciated, -and has led to the establishment of a home mill at Lewiston. Among other manufactures which diversify the industry of Maine are her machine shops, which turn out various products, ifrom farming tools to locomotives ; her factories for the utilizing THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 676 ■of her woods in various forms ; hor shoe factories which have gathered in and largely increased the scattered industry of the roadside shoeshops, giving, in 1880, employment to 3,919 per- «ons, with a product of $5,828,541 ; and her paper mills, the largest of which, established at Cumberland Mills, in the town of Westbrook, has built up u model village, which, together with the neighboring village of Saccarappa, promises to grow into a busy and prosperous manufacturing city. LABOR. In 1880 the manufactories of Maine numbered 4,481, employ- ing 62,964 persons, and yielding an annual product of $79,829,- 793. These establishments have given a new direction to the ■employment of the people, originally almost exclusively engag- •ed in lumbering, fishing, soa faring and agriculture. They have largely changed their pursuits from out-door labor to sedentary employments, less conducive to health, and have brought in a large foreign element. The necessity of self-help and self-protection has led the operatives to unite in labor organizations, whose measures, though not always wise and well-considered, have at least call- ed public attention to the need of laws for their protection, and led to beneficial legislation regulating the hours of labor of women and children, and giving to the latter an opportunity to obtain some schooling. In 1886 a State Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics was established, and the report of the Commissioner for 1888 con- tains some valuable information concerning the condition of the manufacturing population. Eight boot and shoe factories, em- ploying 1,197 men and 413 women, report the weekly earnings of the men $11.17; annual earnings $499.25. Boys and girla earn $4.60 per week. Fifteen per cent of the employes own homes. Eleven cotton mills, employing 4,402 men, 6,438 wom- en, 239 boys under fifteen years, and 178 girls under fifteen, re- port the weekly earnings of men $8.46 ; annual earnings, $433 ; weekly earnings ofiboys, $3.45 ; of girls $3.59. Percentage own- ing homes, li per cent. Fourteen woolen mills, employing 890 men, 649 women, 26 boys under fifteen, and 13 girls under fif- teen, report weekl/ earnings of men $9.18 ; annual earnings, $602.00; weekly earnings of women, $7.17: annual earninga, $863.00 ; weekly earnings of boys, $4.64 ; of girls, $4.19. Per- 676 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. centage owning homes, 15 per cent. While no general system of relief prevails, many employers are disposed to be liberal toward their faithful employes who have fallen into distress while engaged in their service. The percentage of minors from 12 to 15 employed in sixty-four cotton, woolen, and boot and shoe factories is but 2i, of minors from 15 to 16 is 5 per cent of the whole number employed. The tendency is to reduce the number of children employed in factories. The law, requiring children employed in them to have at least sixteen weeks school- ing in each year, has increased the attendance in school, in man- ufacturing districts, from 5 to 10 per cent. Many factory employtis have sums deposited in savings banks, varying in amounts from |300 to |2,6U0. In 1891 the total deposits in the savings banks of Maine, in round numbers, amounted to $50,000,000, and there were 146,668 depositors, or nearly one in every five of tke inhabitants. 114,889 represent- ed a deposit of less than |500. These facts go to show that while there is yet room for im- provement in the condition of the manufacturing class, they are, on the whole, able to earn fair wages and to maintain comfort- able homes, while by thrift and economy they can lay aside something for their support in sickness and old age. BAILBOADS. The resources of Maine are made available by her railroads. They facilitate transportation of products and open new regions to the settler and the tourist. The systems now in operation have sprung into existence within the past forty years. The first railroad in Maine, connecting Bangor with Oldtown for the transportation of lumber, went into operation in 1836. The Portland, Saco and Portsmouth railroad was chartered in 1837, completed in 1842, leased to the Eastern Railroad in 1871, and with the latter came under the management of the Boston and Maine Railroad in 1884. This system, comprising two routes from Portland to Boston, now also controls, by perpetual lease, the Portland and Rochester, opened to the Saco river in 1851, and later extended to Rochester, N. H. The Androscoggin and Kennebec and the Penobscot and Ken- nebec were chartered in 1845, completed in 1848 and 1855 raa>\onfiTr^lTr nrk«anliflaf orJ in 1 Rfi9. iiniffir^ ' h fhft Pnrf.lanri nnrl Kennebec in 1871, forming two trunk lines from Portland to I > THE HISTORY OF MAINE, 677 ,?a t/f aT •^°'"^'"'^^'°" ^^ r^il^-o^^lB commands tife .reater part of Maine, connecting Portland bv n>.« i;,,. n , ^,,^ wick, wUh August,., the'cpital of he "t ^'a J t! ' ""* line with Lowiston and Watfirvnio of i- i i . "-X ''"" ^'tner two „„Ue i„ a ,,,0 to uI^Tl^; I'^eo'ttg^^^lr '„'.': fvi fofCLrrM^^^f give, approach t„^ho h,,i';: t'.a XI. o. uy way ot the Knox and L ncohi from R^tK f- n i la..d, oouneotion « „,ade with steame,^ 'u„ ""^ ^ t .' .ea-aide .eaort, Mt. Desert, and by an exte, Z of t „%f " affoi ,.at oo„:;i,fo:t th'tr;^ ;r '"-''''' »■-' thotzrn ifrt/rn^wrrntr- ^^^^^^^^^^ «- -- .■un„u,g f.o™ p„n,a„a i„ tit :t '::/„f:zr:r.r:r cuy the winter port of Canada and the North'vel ^ """ Ihe total length of these railroad systems in Maine 1892 including horse ra Iroads in Portland A„l,.„ , ' ' VVaterviile, was 1,210.08 n:^ ISSstl' ™'i,es"™rV> "1 were built in Mtiino ^i • i ^^ "* railroad wiZt/ rthe'' '1'™"^' Yr ^^'-. "^- - lew wiu lonnd out the systems in the Southern portion of the Sf,t. There remains the great northern wilderness so lonl^.' ummproved, a forest land full of great rcso„.ces 1 el^bi f -.i»e to its ;i^^-;:;n:t\LS-::s:::f;::™ 678 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. line from Yokolmmrt to Liverpool, by tiie shortest, quickest, and clieiipeat route. L is destined to work a revolution in the route of trade between Australia, Japan and China, and England, Germany, France and the North Sea countries. In passing through the undovelopjd portion of Maine it not only opens up the grandest scenery, at many points wild and picturesque, develops industries and gives access to new agri- cultural regions, but suggests great possibilities in the way of extending the western trade of Portland and other ports having safe and capacious harbors on the coast of Maine, to whi»h access will be had by connecting lines. The little village of Brownville, in Piscataquis county, has become the headquarters of the Eastern division of the line and is destined to become an important center of operations. One hundred and forty-five miles of this road run through Maine and it is thoroughly built, having all steel rails. t PLEASURE TRAVEL. These railroad systems, by through trains, designed for pleas- ure travel, give ready access from the great sea-coast cities and the far West to the lakes, the seaside resorts and the waters of the pure, health giving springs of Maine, which constitutes one of the great natural resources of the State. These, together with the bold scenery of the coast and the lake regions attract an ever increasing multitude of summer visitors whose expen- ditures add largely to the revenues of the people. In the spring sportsmen find salmon fishing on the Penobscot and excellent trout fishing in the Rangeley and Moosehead lakes, with good accommodations in the camps and hotels upon their shores. As the Lot weather comes on the pent-up deni- zens of the great cities of the Middle and Western States flock to the breezy seaside retreats of Maine, which have come to be considered " the summer playground of America. " At Portland they find a center of pleasure travel, combining all the advantages of city and seaside life. Casco Bay, a beau- tiful land-locked sheet of water, with its one hundred and fifty wooded islands, dotted with summer cottages and hotels, made auces^ble by numerous pleasure steamers, is close at hand. Old Orchard, with the finest bathing beach in America, is but twelve ,.-:i„. .K. .*.,.,«■ Pr.l.>r.fl SnvinfT with its lipnl fll-ori villOf Waters, is within easy access by rail. The White Hills of New Ilamp- I I THE mSTORT OF MAINS, 679 •hue. reached by rail through one of the wildest nmuntuia passes, are but .hree or four hours away, while all the easteru resorts, mcluding Bar Harbor, by fust trains are brought within easy reach The c.ty itself has an elevated site, coLanding magnificent views ot ocean and mountain scenery, is supplied wxth pure water from Lake Sebago, and is well-equipped' wUh hotels oflPering the attractions of a summer home by the cool breezes and grand scenery of Maine's ru?ged and bay-uKlented coast has built up numerous seaside resoffs where wealth has lavished itself upon its summer homes. From its solitary hotel Old Orchard hao grown into a separate town, crowded with hotels and summer cottages, and populous with pleasure seekers in the season. Bar Harbor, which in 1866 had but one poor tavern, has become a pleasure city magnificent in Us hotels and its luxurious summer homes. The whole coast, in all Its indentations, from Kitteiy to Eastport, and its outly- ing islands, is seized upon by capitalists eager to take advantage of the rise in land and to provide attractive resorts for the in- Aottiing multitude. SUMMARY. With these natural resources and their related industries the people of Maine have reason to be content with their lot. Ther have behind them a history of successful endeavor. Their cli- mate gjves them health and vigor. Their rugged soil compels to thrift and industry, which ever bring their reward. Their laws and customs tend to sobriety and uprightness of conduct The hardships of a new land, still existing in the West to which 80 many of them have been enticed, are past and g^ne. and hey have now the benefit of long-established churches schools, colleges, hospitals, literary, social and benevolent in! 8 itutions which ameliorate, adorn and elevate the life of a peo- pie« *• \ . POPULATION, POLLS AND ESTATES, f880and 1890, ANDROSCOOOiy COUNTY. ISNO. PopuMlm. PolU. KUaU,, Population Ka^Li..r.oro..: f.S i?, J ,« /'^a r*:f®,°* >'00 271) 304 200 mA f««'"; 1, 10 J 840 4i54sn ^ Li.er™ore.:::;;;; i^S} |g ''iKS ?•!?? J^a:::-::::::iJ2 fij S J'«" Turner . 2 MS fljo ^^^'S^'I ^'^^'^ '^*'*»^ «.0'2 10,;U2 $2O,77O,07S ^^ ^ ,, AftOOSTOOK COUNTY. -^-^^'y-- 432 109 144 470 Aon Ashland 505 iaq ,,,.%,, *20 Bancroft.... 1^ " ^^ "'^-T^J 608 Blaine .. So m I'^lm «" Bridffewater 722 IM iS'Z 2«^ Cari boil 2 750 527 o2^'o2^ '"'' Dyer Brook:::::: 172 ^' ^^'^^ 4,087 Knston qqjc iqi «« .„, 221 Fort Fahfleld 2,857 M2 .<^'^?f ^'^ Fort Kent.... l^Vo ^Z -^^^AU 3,520 Fronohville : fe'if ?g 72,600 i,8:ie Grand I»le 'il? ?IJ lO^'^'?^ 2,560 {jrr'!:« I H 2S z HodRdon :::•:, i^g a!? ,?.^',1?S ^-^^ Inland Fall,.... ;:%'# '^^ 72.V69 4,015 f^?™«8tone 0.55 Hi SIS QQo Littleton SiJ ??? l^W 965 Ludlow 4^ JI4 ffiSO 924 J{»dfwaska ij§? JJJ 100,657 875 Mapleton '705 ioa rV'iTi M51 Mara Hill 71J Jg 5.042 833 JI'««^di8 ^J§ ^J3 71, 077 837 safe::::::: ^'JJJ !g fli S^^n^lr:?^;:: i i if ^« If^rrJ^'-:::: ^« ?! if -.SJ Smyrna 237 4? flo'«^o ^^ Washburn 809 1^? iM? 803 Van Buron. . . 1, ??? g ??.213 1,097 Wo=f/^« ''^ i: I8(i 111.670 1 ifta wo^iand:: :::::: 079 1?? ?^:is ^o* •MayavlUe, annexeil to Prosque Islo 1883 "681 I MM. PolU. 2,903 800 416 257 282 5,019 816 876 429 504 627 158 250 Fttalu. $ 6,10.5,750 87.S,249 49<5,740 82',),68:) au.ooo 12,144,424 l,e;)6.4ii 458,025 752, » 48 1,133,800 761,215 206,570 432,447 12,370 *25,260,330 95 160 72 78 174 234 876 226 747 252 639 164 78 42 296 097 SI 179 210 244 107 280 191 180 60 67 672 220 72 270 noo 92 224 ♦ 114,078 136,433 72,683 67,840 146,101 284,324 780,430 208,705 893,593 138,183 183,303 162,703 68,(;8l 63,783 259,050 1,688,450 111,384 149,038 213,008 269,(;04 114,247 167,170 138,330 171,40» 57,150 261,698 171,329 51.183 993,875 167,142 93,334 215.341 51,904 170.012 582 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. Population. Polls, PijurrATiONS. Allagash 2 >J Gary 4:3, 74 Castle Hill 419^ 8& Caswell 3m 64 Chapman 166 42 Connor 253 Crystal 275 73 Cyr 55? 82 Eigle Lake 233 (iiuiibld 8( Glenwood 198 3 Hamlin.... 612 84 Macwahoc 18T 40 Morrill........... 206' 37 Moro IT. 39 Nashville 3S New Canada 177 New Sweden 517 120 No. 11. R. 1 413 74 Oakfleld 638 140 Oxbow 127 21 Perhara 346 99 Portage Lake 132 29 Reed 109 28 Sheridan 85 Silver Ridge 229 03 St. Francis 299 62 St. John 166 Wade 131 24 Wallagrass 431 85 Westfield 103 29 •Winterville 101 tTNOROANIZBD PLACES. Letter A, R. 2.... 7 Letter B, R. 2.... 87 Letter C, R. 2.... 3 Letter D, R 2 . . . 6 Letter E, R. 2 5 Molunkus 76 No. 1,R. 4 6 No. 1, R. 5 , 48 No.2,R. 2 15 No. 3,R. 2 No. 4, R. 3 2 No.7,R.5 38 No. 8, ft. 5 21 No. 9, R. 5 9 No. 11, R. 6 80 No. 12, R. 13 tNo, 13, R. 15.... 57 No. 14,R. 6 12 No. 14,R. 14 No. 14. R. 16 23 No. 15, R. 4 No. 15, R 6 22 No. 15, R. 11 29 No. 16,15.3 No. 16, R. 4 No. 16, R. 10 46 N0.I6.R.II 28 No. 16, K. 12 No. 17, R. 4 30 No. 17, R. 10 49 •Formorly No 15, R. 7. 1890. tales. Population. Polls. Estatei. 202 $20,230 390 88 $ 37,578 47,038 537 121 90,758 ^17,379 212 41 35,238 11,81 2:U 5-.'8 52,505. 297 66 73,739 28,066 429 313 80 71 63,299 , 28,845 1S3 88,037 484 72 72,939 25,917 216 65 36,19:{ 15,60i 214 56 64,396 46,693 199 55 58,407 % 34 - 301 22,041 .707 108 107,832 20,23C 41.100 720 157 105,177 18,911 04 31,01} 138 112 113,011 23,0li 45,451 140 203 221 16,661 195 66 43.200 20,840 461 226 84 38,650 10,165 158 22,040 595 106 49 654 34,426 168 72 12 109 7 20 77 11 62 12 17 23 8 7 28 19 1 23 52 10 43 «6 9 49 13 35 tFormnrly Se'-en Islands. THE niSrOBY OF MAINE. 583 "**•• 1S90 N0.17.R.11....''?'"'"S" "'""*■ ^''^''- Population. Pons.' Mstates. No. 18,R. 10 44 ^^A Timber and grass *" on public lots ^"'^^^'^ds 2.339,098 , "^-Sf^ — —^. _^___ 0,oU),Oa-t '^"*"^ -'^'^^^ ^'^3^ *'.564.932 49.589 I^ $1^4^^^ CUMBERLAND COUNTY. il'K::::::::: S g? ??Ki "f^ ^29 $ 38..oi(> Brmrswick.... 5i84 1 loS 2'( Mi .?'^?^ ^"^'^ l,24.i 3U8 Cape Elizabeth... 5 3^ 1,S fsoo'lS Mo i'L^?! ^^'""^001 Casco '00^ ''g^ 'S259 'fti5 M'^, 2,32«,470 Cumberland 1,619 415 t^irn ^^it ^^^ 28!»,5f)7 Deering 432" 1108 2 5S-.'S H^l , ^'^^ «93 199 F'-ilmouth I62I ''JS '769 4TO ?"So ^'^^^ ''^'''^^'^^-^^ Freeport 2 279 569 OToms o'foS i^^ 936.047 ««rham .....3,23.? 756 l..?98'524 I's^ V^ l'^*^"^''^ Gray 1 703 41s 572199 7^ !^ l,5i)0,03.<} Harpsv^-ell 1773 436 Srt^? J'^il ^"^ 634 552 Harrison J fig 34$ o??^ W 454 615 003 Naples 1007 280 1^'mI MB ^22 438 168 New Gloucester 1S2 427 stS ,1^5 ^80 267 878 S'e,^— .'.■:: SI ii '« pi S5S ?o°Sv:;::;;;.-« «S -III ^'l »,IS s,,Si1 ?asn..-,;;.:;:: IS | /I i§5 S:^S Standish 2.035 671 JS'm 1 SJ ^?i ^^^'<^^-* ^---*^ ^_^j^ SI SI Sis? ^"**^ ^«'^» 21.539 $51,530,510 90,949 ^^ $"^70^^ FRANKLIN COUNTY. ;^7^" 571 140 $129,343 430 ion e 101-7^0 Carthage 507 199 in? S97 o^^ -^^O $ 131,748 Chestervillo.... 95: 249 ffiS f?^ '^''^ 8"'^07 Eustis 302 87 Ma H? ^04 275,522 Farmington 3.353 87!) 1 floi '^1 o ?li ^*^ »3,067 Freeman . 549 128 UuVA ^^T, »«* 1,839 9!.9 Industry m 186 SIS ^^^ ^^^ 131,80:{ Jay..... liSi S 3sS? i^if ^-"^ '17-21-3 Kingfleld 454 122 no no- ^'"^^ ^^^ «->'.>^4i Madrid.... ::: IS III M« ,^?j ^-^^ 272,9-1 NewSharon... 1,300 .388 4?S'm? ,11 IfS 69,.o3.). New Vineyard... 788 2^1 202'^? ^'^i, fJ, ^"'^^.oio Phillips . . : 1 437 379 447'on? , o',^? 201 iy8,6:> I ?WW :-/1g S? g 1. . 387 5.7,8.3 Temple.... S 1?0 S5!? 5^1 ^^^ 24!..4ll Weld. .....1040 317 9M, fJ^ ^^4 140.l.'i7 Wilton :;:::S !S S i, ^ SS PLANTATIONS. ' *°' 089,424 W" 79 18 31,5.57 M . P*"''^^-: 145 37 19 7W m Greenvale 50 10 i:; 851 M I^«"erE 27 8 ufil g 584 THE HISTORY OF MAIXE. Population. Perkins 134 Rangeley 64 UNINCOKPORATED TLACES. Chain of Ponds. . Jerusalem 21 Lang 81 Letter D 5 Lowell 3 Mt. Abram No. 1, Kange3. ... No. 4, Range 2 .. . 2 No. 4, KangoS.... 12 No. 6 69 Reddington Sandjr River 50 Washington 32 Timber and grass on public lots. . Wild Lands Total 18,180 ISMO. PolU. 27 13 Estates. .$ 22,067 10,408 1S90. Populatlnn. Polls. 04 58 7 18 51 49 8 9 25 26 28 45 29 340,746 EstatM, $l,069,4r)0 24,69.") 4,791 §6,153,612 17,053 4,711 $7,479,209 HANCOCK COUNTY. Amherst 400 Aurora 212 Bluehill 2,213 Brooklin 977 Brooksville 1,419 Bucksport 3,047 Castine 1,215 Cranberry Isles. . . 343 Deer Isle 3,266 Dedham 406 Eden 1,029 Ellsworth 5,052 Estabrook 289 Franklin 1,102 Crouldsborough . . 1,825 Hancock 1,093 IsleauHaut 274 Lamoine 74!) Mariavillo 382 Mt. Desert 1,017 Orland 1,689 Otis 304 Penobscot 1,341 Sedgwick 1,128 Sullivan 1,023 Surry 1,184 Tremont 2,011 Trenton 639 Verona 350 Waltham 296 PLANTATIONS. Long Island 150 No. 7 89 Swan (and other Islands) 765 VNORQANIZED I'LAOES, Hog Island 17 No. 8 No. 10 No. 21 61 122 54 537 273 344 852 299 98 804 90 330 1,214 64 289 493 286 76 185 112 243 4.35 88 335 302 245 309 507 171 103 95 44 20 130 $ 72,524 41,9.53 449,497 142,359 207,443 1,057,.':'" 362,754 52,063 373,182 98,303 622,901 1,456,306 63,681 178,220 225,244 177,534 32,756 148,333 81,804 160,803 358,325 34,725 215,437 188,005 193,477 212,582 301,419 ni,817 50,073 78,154 22,291 15,502 49,856 375 175 1,980 1,046 1,310 2,921 987 330 3,422 366 1,946 4,804 246 1,264 1.709 1,190 206 726 271 1,355 1,390 239 1,313 1,012 1,379 986 2,036 528 323 242 132 50 115 71 530 234 329 768 234 114 932 107 682 1,500 71 315 521 290 51 181 87 354 423 69 346 293 393 2(J7 582 153 90 81 42 632 137 81 23 63 $ 113,853 62,783 539,042 175,029 220,008 1,113,137 348,566 104,893 510,912 96,021 5,0.34,958 2,200.177 64,606 29.1,461 398,208 337,446 62,129 238,788 75,177 570,005 347.336 43,776 266,655 200,204 625,921 212,499 635,979 144,252 69,245 78,732 25,273 95,091 THE UIHTORY OF MAINE. 585 ****** tsoo ^O 23 ^'^»'-;^- ^olls. BUates. Populate. Polls. ' Estate,. No:32::;.*:;:;:::: 25 g No.33,Mid. Div.. 118 if? No.89 ij \^ Timber and grass on public lots. . Wildlands $377.478 \]^'^ ^°*** ^'129 9,560 $8,274,9(5 3"^ I^ $7^5^; KEI^NEBEC COUNTY. "^^^io°- 1,191 34.5 $.370,501 1,042 297 * am Koi ^"g»«ta 8.H01 1,762 5,168 964 10 627 2 412 %W>im g«lf'i'^« 1,321 341 '493 631 l,'o90 361 'Iti'SS ^?°*«n 1,173 323 376 601 S 327 So'S? ^'^?lso»- 1,5.37 179 200 738 2,S 223 IMi ^hma 1,760 493 571.203 Vm 412 ws'l?! glmton.... 1,665 423 686,561 i 518 427 fiS'7^9 Farmingdale 789 223 .387 842 821 224 ?m'So ^^yete 765 217 274,502 649 193 IK? gafdmer 4,439 1,171 2,379 129 5,491 1548 3 S??8 Hallowell 3,154 533 l oil Vift qiqT ato f,^o8,318 Litchfield 1.3?5 382 ''S.asS ?'S 350 ''3S'?^2 Manchester 623 Iso 21)1200 'JI2 m mtm Monmouth 1,523 486 909 042 1,362 444 mAA Mt- Vernon 1,170 320 393,:581 'So 319 K?? S^kland 1,647 453 661157 2,044 542 1 m 3S EeadfieKv.:::::: 1,243 311 499,089 ; ig |g'??j ^.«™« ,606 1 74 129,857 '5OO 150 102 117 fi^nay 1,,396 435 579,764 1,334 356 59" 23 Vassalborough... 1,021 800 1,188 080 2,052 576 9?2'- S X'T°^^ 644 176 '167 316 '495 14.3 ?S2'724 WaterviUe 4,672 1,042 2,612496 7,107 1872 5 IKo"! Wayne.. 9.50 2.50 338 802 '775 '217 '%'& West Gardiner... 977 261 325 220 853 2 3 307'S Windsor 1,079 279 302 088 853 253 |2nS Wnislow 1,467 409 503 269 1,814 4.M 0?. 'S Winthrop. 2,146 619 1,125,317 2,'lll ill 1 ?[S Unity plantation.. 61^ 15 14,088 '62 21 ' 18;291 ^°**^ 53,058 13,252 $23,292,164 57.012 14,765 $30,911,202 KNOX COUNTY. ^PP^eton 1,348 3.37 $320,664 1,080 315 •3isosrt ;,Camden 4,388 1,233 1,070.536 4,621 1378 2 7rt3'Sn? ^H«'""gv 805 215 '115474 '688 'l95 'iKJ Pnondship 9.38 253 157 165 877 247 \mf2i Hope. a30 237 211985 641 205 Sl'fiS Hurncanelsle.... 220 204 40 028 266 95 ItSS? North Haven 755 195 131652 W iq? i-?'a«« «««,V^»'/ ;.. 7,599 2,318 2,551:^9 S,??! 2,J?J 4 .70 '5?? feouth Thoraaston 1,771 441 '32I 861 1 .534 4 8 'Ss OS? St. George 2,875 687 523 266 2 491 698 iS'S Thomaston 3,017 723 2,202 211 3,009 653 1 S mn Union 1,548 407 '597 330 1 «5 417 'So'o2? X'"^"'-'^^«° 2,855 783 470 514 26 7 640 SOS'S^ Wan-en. 2,166 563 789 820 2,037 517 873 398 Washington 1,249 290 294 551 1,230 334 324 438 Matinicus Isle pi. 243 flsi oo'-uot 'fn" ^^* ^:?^'??8 Muscle Kidge pi.. 258 73 321273 24 "'' ^''' "r^**^ •^2,803 9,087 $10,878,736 31,473 11924 $13,150,997 •Set olT from IMttston March 4, 1887. f Inchullng Uockport. 686 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. tsso. PopulaUlon, Polls. Estates. Population. LINCOLN COUNTY. Alna 687 195 $200,339 612 Boothbay 3,575 925 709,760 1,718 •Boothbay Harb'r 1,099 Bremen 839 229 190,387 719 Bristol 3,196 872 689,159 2,821 Damarisootta 1,142 312 592,208 1,012 Dresden 1,032 327 326,665 1,043 Edgecomb 872 216 189,440 749 Jefferson 1,590 448 459,287 1,391 Monhegan Island. 133 39 10,305 90 Muscongns Island 133 123 Newcastle 1,282 397 827,108 1,282 Nobleborough. . . . 1,142 319 239,295 947 Somerville 639 147 106,235 453 Southport 679 178 132,350 633 Waldoborough... 3,758 1,087 1,135,023 3,505 Westport 612 io3 100,4.35 451 Whitefield 1,611 392 440,974 1,215 Wiscasset 1,847 514 319,773 1,733 Total 24,821 6,750 $6,634,693 21,996 OXFOiiD COUNTY. Albany 693 1T9 $139,029 645 Andover 780 209 122,252 740 Bethel 2,077 697 738,586 2,209 Brownfleld 1,229 325 252,346 1,134 Buckfleld 1,379 309 397,598 1,200 Byron 191 59 39,000 180 Canton 1,029 272 367,693 1,303 Denmark... 904 270 305,185 755 Dixfleld 913 251 320,265 988 Fryeburg 1,633 440 796,322 1,418 Gilead 293 94 72,364 336 Grafton 115 22 25,857 98 Greenwood 838 217 149,073 727 Hanover 203 67 64,124 212 Hartford 863 229 300,975 689 Hebron 601 146 189,113 600 Hiram 1,452 367 393,116 1,063 Lovell 1,077 316 305,632 ' 853 Mason 94 26 27,446 80 Mexico 403 109 105,618 355 Newry 337 119 90,663 343 Norway 2,519 645 8«9,803 2,665 Oxford 1,655 405 483,246 1.455 Paris 2,031 779 985,274 3,156 Peru 825 2.31 247,160 092 Porter 1,095 307 279,3.59 1,015 Roxbury 175 43 23,201 222 Rumford 1,006 297 351,119 808 Stoneham 475 119 68,.381 322 Slow 401 104 128,202 291 Sumner 1,014 283 310.9S5 901 Sweden 474 141 158,406 3.38 Upton 245 58 43,783 232 Waterford 1,161 349 338,987 1,001 Woodstock 952 248 106,035 859 PLANTATIONS. Pr-anklin, !59 42 26,110 112 lincoin!'... !..."! 52 16 17i972 59 M.agalloway 45 79 Milton 270 62 40,966 211 ♦Set off from Boothbay Feb. 16, 188!), 1890. Polls. Estates. 160 $ 210.31.5 473 490, (}38 420 639,344 223 183,840 735 7I4,.5»0 299 631,623 296 407,734 205 185,17a 376 511,550 36 11,616 337 773,647 309 240,109 127 94,88;^ 153 299,155 949 1,196,615 134 101.385 359 445,750 461 6.39,324 6,051 $7,668,148 196 $ 139,857 201 170,696 635 782,067 320 319,933 358 377.891 62 39,187 350 4n,589' 238 286,392 287 306,662 453 841,294 105 145,451 24 70,354 197 141,917 66 82,828 203 295,327 162 194,428 340 3.55,451 278 391,298 24 29,108 104 105,083 108 100,005 732 1,181,797 394 457,128 949 1,267,107 212 207,240 316 282,695 49 28,882 251 362,164 107 06,455 83 120,717 259 275,003 118 135,621 74 61,404 321 312,041 253 211,38T 66 56,120 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 587 18SO. 1800> Population. Poll,. Ettatei. Population. PolU.' Estates CNOROANIZED PLACES. . Andover N. and W. Surplus aa Batchelder's Gr't. ffl Fryeburg Acade- my Grant 22 o^ No. 5, R. 4 "3 Public lots ** a 10 -TO • llicbardsontown.. 7 * lc,7P Riley's Grant 40 ao Township C AS ^^"^ ^-^« __^ 875.185 '^^**^ 32,627 8,810 $10,058,554 30,586 8,885 mj^ijl^} PENOBSCOT COUNTY. p;:::;::::::: i? '& » Sg lg 'g! » IS KS:::::::::: 3,f,1 ??J JS ^ ,1 Ji Burlington 536 128 89 041 '46O 13I 'lS2 gS::::::::::: ^f2? 5?^ f?ai ST i if Clifton 350 08 S |g ^12 M^ Corinna j^aS 880 421^9 l,i7 2^ 4?8'587 Corinth 1,333 881 439 036 1 nl ito tl?'!??! Dexter. 2,563 679 S,S ^sl 7ol 1 ©488 D'xmont 1,132 824 308176 019 254 'So?? EcWington 746 214 128,767 720 219 iSS Edinburg 45 n 17 'Tin ka vL loi,979 Enfield.!...:::: 489 m SilS 41 2I0 sfffi^ Etna 895 216 162 209 646 S ?Kft Exeter. 1,274 355 426151 030 ofiO 1^'^ Garland 1,211 343 $331690 m 32? S'ffi Clenburn 655 175 138 632 583 166 S'S? Greenbush 681 169 91996 650 1«8 «l'^ Greenfield 337 02 44940 9^1 ^a ??'?f^ Hampden 2.911 73! 67^?? 2 481 600 6 o's?? ge™on 1,394 369 399,999 1,282 355 mfm Ho'den. 717 200 174,681 609 108 157 ?S Rowland 137 42 30 341 1-71 ka ^^'aa^ Hudson 659 185 m'^ llo m iSS Kenduskeag 650 193 181700 636 170 IotS? Kinsman 546 165 75,455 671 153 mitl Lasrange 721 188 202 673 721 211 u\m Lee... 894 220 109,953 020 250 isS L?vant. 1,076- 279 282 149 880 275 270070 ^ov,en 43d 116 65,406 4.SQ i9q 'jnnui Mattawamkeag... 456 122 jV.jfs S 1?1 J^^fi Medway.-::::::::: Jll i&' 7%'^ Mi ,?? ,^^'1 K;::::::::J^ ^?t ig I i ff ?ewburg 1,057 304 275;i02 867 2ftO ot^in iSuwpon; i,40t 397 378 16!4 1 is« Qia JnVoni, «l'lTown 3:395 499 528 S H?2 1 S*! 1 m'S? Orono 2,245 658 512 624 2 700 nm ^i^i-'o. ^'•■•in.fon 1,529 449 4^5 893 1.406 m loAm Passadumkeag.... 302 78 42;662 343 93 ^%l 588 ■^HE HISTORY OF M.UNK. 1 M^0< I f^^A -Poff PoiM^n. Polls. E,tale,. Population. Poll,.' Estate, Wtnn 8'1s S n'f-^ ^"^'^ 202 17 1, .(30 „"" '*•'** 202 10J,304 936 242 i;)2 7;Jfl PLANTATIONS. -^ ' ' *" pi?.^--- ,:•• 137 20 33,335 no Indian Towmsliip. U ' V Lakeville.... 130 .34 48,608 ])4 Mattamiscontis... 64 15 12,878 47 18 14 S02 •'•'"•■' • Vi 1(11 ' No.2,Gr ndFalla 93 23 23,822 08 No. 2, R. 3 9 ' No. 2, K. 6 20 90 No. 3,R. 1 12 ^ No.3,R.7 95 No. 4,R. 7... J No.5,R.7 15 . T N0.6, R. 7 21 i No.8,R.7 9 Publio lots 01 ftoQ *Sebois j)8 ^''^-^ Stacyville 184 45 20,302 250 Township A, R. 7. 23 50 Townships in R. 6,7,8 jg ^^I'ster. 118 20 33,129 135 Whitney Ridge. . . 17 Wild Lands 1 a'i- p-n WoodviUe _if.__50 31,937 212 55 '^\M Total 70,470 17,407 $21,403,151 72,803 19^035 $28,o23,0J4 PISCATAQUIS COUNTY. 4?,''."* <'»'» 183 $ 174,669 622 200 $ 177,289 Atkinson. 82^ 190 180,902 605 ISO 180 754 Blanchard 167 46 .30.424 213 56 51658 Brownville 89.5 210 2i2,452 1,074 307 r,26,605 ^o^'^i--;; l/i87 452 574,941 . 1,942 550 674 178 ^o^«^o" 1.263 287 394,67-. 1,726 385 485 072 ^^•«f"^»"« 5.^0 239 253,578 781 195 316.784 S»>1|0"J SSI 112 91,121 1,021 288 399.979 Bedford 3!)8 89 52,885 306 80 65.735 ^I'lf^ 9-!-l 236 201,438 1,029 305 818 491 ^onson 827 208 159,401 1,237 396 214 188 g'-'ieville 501 117 73,730 492 139 84 6,-0 Parkman. 1,003 285 249,211 813 197 210 219 Sangerville 1,047 299 291,603 1,2^6 345 444 398 Sebec 876 227 179,940 • 723 189 180103 ^}''}'}?y-: 253 59 50,973 291 82 73,S69 Wellington 647 166 116,712 584 170 109,390 Wi lamsburg.... 235 50 28,275 162 37 29,987 Wilhmantic 267 446 138 110,576 PLANTATIONS. Barnard... 139 IQO 42,000 Katahdin Iron . Works 193 70 Bovverbank 80 87 55,100 Burbank 23 "tChesuncook 82 66 ♦Formerly No. 3, B. 8. f Formerly No. 5, n. 13. TIIK IIlaTOllY OF MAINE. 58d 18MO. Polls. Estates, 47 $ 23,241 1,913,510 Population, Day's Acad. Grant 12 Elliotsvillo 55 Gore A, No. 2 Kingsbury log Lilly Bay 13 Mt. Kineo -m N. E, Carry No. 1,K. 13 No. 1, R. 14 7 No. 8, R. 13 8 No. 4, R. 8 6 No. G, R. 4 14 No. 5,R.9 No. 7, R. 13 6 Public lots Roach River 13 Squaw Mountain. Township A, R. 14 Wild Lands Total n,87ii SAGADAHOC COUNTY. Arrowsic 255 79 ^^*";--: 7,374 2,265 Bowdoin. 1,136 344 liowdoinham 1,681 443 Georgetown i,080 285 l^erkuis 73 28 Phipsburg 1,497 829 Richmond 2,653 639 Topsham 1,544 399 West Bath 815 92 Woolwich 1,154 279 Total 19,272 "5,182 ^"oson ;.... 1,555 447 ^.tliens 1,310 841 Bingham 828 236 ^"g»t?n 585 146 Cambridge 472 138 Canaan. 1,231 304 Concord 406 109 Cornville 932 272 Detroit 661 177 ^ml^den 674 169 Faufleld 8,044 806 Harmony 881 226 Hai'tlana 1,047 296 ^{•l*dison 1,815 405 *MayfleId 141 34 Mercer 755 jgg Moscow 522 133 New Portland.... 1,271 413 Norridgewock.... 1,491 442 l^l'^rt ^'27^ 347 Pir.rsfifild 1 o/->n Ann Kipley 550 187 Skowhesan 3,860 1,015 Smithfield 664 185 Population. 34 58 11 205 11 66 10 7 6 7 77 11 fH»0. PolU. Estate: $ 66,120 138,775 4,86.",,228 S,«22 $5,255,748 16,184 4,248 $9,4281^ $ 86,898 5,913,192 394,901 610,409 147,824 37,594 871,836 1,221,354 819,537 161.431 532,639 177 8,723 940 1,508 849 69 1,396 3,082 1,394 307 1,007 58 2,505 276 335 227 19 359 856 365 73 263 $ 91,028 6,419,481 298,320 714,622 194,413 45,485 442,385 1,658,158 784,971 191,776 518,078 #10.297,215 19,452 5,336 $11,358,702 SOMERSET COUNTY. $ 585,080 367,878 201,471 71,930 117,312 850,573 95,136 844,042 117,019 171,203 1,288,582 189,751 866,221 546,077 17,875 215,294 95,142 460,230 581,817 357,461 ooO,-709 119,253 2,033.818 142,862 ♦Unorganized. 1,444 1,072 737 434 425 1,130 345 785 590 579 3,510 704 974 1,815 74 584 422 1,034 1,656 1,004 2,503 478 5,068 479 442 294 240 124 141 340 103 256 160 152 980 202 290 490 168 135 290 450 290 625 121 1,411 140 $ 630,765 362,840 219,092 88,368 121,283 393,411 84,.387 377,701 147,284 272,577 1,692,630 209,217 430,256 1,016,044 181,355 93,678 389,122 582,392 886,']34 125,739 4,023,207 130,019 590 THE HISTORY OF M.UNK. Population. Polls. Estates. ^^^'^'-s »29 2tfO 312,204 PLANTATIONS. Bald Mountain. .. 8 Jl'gelow Bowtown. 15 Cairatunk 173 Carrving Place.... m 13 QOSO Do id River 113 29 22,982 Doniiistown 73 ' Flagstaff 76 21 41,082 Hofc:::::::: ''', "" ''''^^ Jackmantown.... 9.1 Lexington. 322 83 .'58.421 Long Pond ' Moose River 102 Moxie's No. 1,R. 1 No. 1,R. 2 8 No. l.R. 7 8 No. 4, R. 3 62 Pleasant Ridge... 128 Public lots Sandy Bay 8 Tuunton & Rain- ham 34 The Forks 199 West Forks 95 Wild Lands 1,478,983 Total 32,833 8,109 $12,128,878 ■ 890. Population. Polls, 977 326 1,206 334 7tid 223 02 loa 81 104 66 87 W 27 917 68 170 •11 80 108 81 7 195 146 Bstites. « 3S(J,80l) 4:il»,aj.5 290,181 71 02,547 70,856 8.532.711 32,627 8,788 $17,550,150 WALDO COUNTY. Belfast 6 308 Belmont.. 628 Brooks 877 Burnham 907 Prinkfort 1,137 Freedom 652 Islesborough 1,208 Jackson 682 Knox 852 Liberty 970 Lincolnville 1,705 Monroe , 1,366 Montville 1,255 Morrill 494 Northport 872 Palermo l,ii8 Prospect 770 Searsraont 1,330 Snarsport 2,322 Stockton Springs. 1,548 Svvanville 703 Tliorndike 713 Troy 1,059 ")"*/ 1,092 J^'tldo 663 v» interport 2,260 Total 32,463 1,630 139 215 225 290 192 290 187 215 226 482 335 356 139 238 280 211 323 635 511 170 187 243 272 149 523 $2,463,677 10,329 229,437 204,248 188,815 177,241 ' 158,03:{ 159,315 218,608 204,757 409,296 310,155 362,092 122,098 190,253 254,966 106,224 305,949 1,049,662 401,448 138,338 280,033 263,939 386,334 146.02.^ 658,099 5,294 1,421 475 142 730 207 846 238 1,099 270 510 159 1,006 256 522 164 657 174 835 230 1,361 374 1,079 295 1,049 325 460 121 691 203 887 275 697 181 1,144 346 1,693 447 1,149 283 689 20s 589 148 868 195 922 252 Rai 148 1,920 554 $2,973,747 104,200 229,.380 251,204 202,320 177,989 280,721 178,554 220,701 270,0(58 390,196 372,11)9 307,020 138,:{00 230,193 208,847 174,131 308,284 013,831 318,445 148,209 204,803 271,1.50 415,384 ■< F. . t 1 r. 610,816 8,663 $9,577,834 27,759 7,611 $10,260,456 THE inSTOllY OF MAINE. 691 ***"• 1800 PmUation. Polls. Kstate,. p^^^^_ ^,,, " ^^^^^^ VVAaHINGTON COUNTr. Biiriug 303 67 7,,'^,. H*^ »5 64,o-'0 P'C::-:;: S i € ,E;SS M:m:::::::.S .g i: i ,| jS i'?:fj; Columbia 642 101 lais-jj Vol ^^^ '>^'.'^'« Columbia Falls... 085 m K08 S }!} l"^'--*"^ Crawford 200 48 9i> -.«i 7^„ '° o»,;>, I Cutler 829 2II 87 ^S \f. ^^ 3;M)i) Deblois li^ 2J ^?Kt{ 1.003 269 17»,0.-,3 EastMachias l,87.t 389 405 w 1 Aof ^^^ 172.5!)? E^^tport 4ffi 721 sSS Iffl iVA f-'A\ *Eatoii 314 66 88 294 ' '^^ ^"'^''^72 Edmunds ........ 445 07 70 aqT ««> •Forest City...... ^ '^'^^^ «« M 69,512 Harrington 1,290 330 2SS q7«' itfl J^^ 71,581 tJonesborough. 555 iS SS ^'i5? ^'« 275 137 Jonesport..... 158? 258 lM2 1^?^ "0 140,58J Kossuth 'i52 27 Iffxt ^'^11 ^* 842318 Lubec 2 109 490 qln til o n^ ^3 39 WO 7 Machias gs 5.?? fKs ^'^^ ^^^ 829174 Machiasport 1531 300 Ifli 2S ?'?i? '^^ 7»8,.333 Marion. ...... 'i82 50 si'lS ^'^21 888 205 202 Marshfleld... sw 75 flSI J2 8^ 29,018 Meddybemps m 54 i'2?? ?f? f^ 62:232 Milbrfdge.. 1,752 400 804'77fl 1 o«^ .^1 28,533 Northflold 'l9i M 3M/? ^'^^-^ ^75 SSasSU Pembroke 2,324 5.37 409443 1 Jf^ o^^ ^^'^^"^ Perry I'oi? 224 tKf ^'^ ! 897 817,020 Talmadge... 'm 25 sS ??f ^^^ 182 904 Topsfleld...... :. 440 105 oi'JSS Si? ^^ 70 902 Tresoott 652 147 io'So^ 51? 78 81593 Vanceboro 381 89 10^28 11 i'^^ 57,<)95 Waite . 20 43 l\'tm ?J^ ^41 216,485 Wesley.... . 245 60 l\'Ti H2 89 41,695 Whiting 425 88 8 Am IV. "^^ ^2,6 92 Whitnefville....: 492 l?| f^ffi ^f^ 89 89,443 PLANTATIONS. OyjiJiy ^"'^y^ille 79 24 4:J,757 72. Devereaux 7 ' '* Hinpkley 345 40? I'"lian 151 404 JLambertLake... 126 ,^ No. 1 127 152 No. 1, Range 1.... _ J..... ii;, n,.,,^oo... ii „» No. 11, Ranges... 13 '** No. 14, East. Div. 164 35 32,639 112 692 THE lUSTOHY OF MAINE. Population. PoUi. Eitai,, »„ . -, ""w- No. 18, East. Div. 40 PojmlaHon. I'oiu. j^,,^,,^ No. li», E. Div J y»> No.iV:::: ' 'i ^a $2moj s? No. 27 ;.;;.* o No. ai 2J Public lots.... ■ n ^"'^l*""!* g^g^g. $ 24,08a „ , , ^ ' „ 1,132,701 ''"'*' '*•'=*' *''^ W^».^»^ ^Mi" I^ ,11;^.^ YORK COUxVTr. Afe::::::;::: IS iJ »«•]« .'tj ;« ..«,,«« Baifo^a::::;:::,St .?S ,»' I «»" S'« ji"tp„ ::;'S %'^ W.W iM« 3,M 7,',lSt i»":::::;:;:;: ,SS ^ « 'i ff -:"! &;,t;::;:.iS gS , S f « SZ Keimebunkport.. 2 405 65-^ «fl«'Iuo 2'*'^ '^S 1,780 720 Lebanon I'ooi iyf aTA-I ?'^^'* ^^4 55-1707 Limorick.... 1253 Vi QflHiJo ^'^SS 338 423 529 Lyman i 004 -ixx ^7q'^]« "^'^^ ^35 307,901 NewHeld.... SJ ol! ffi^» 854 188 847,193 North Berwick 1,801 ^M SSI i I^ ^40 23 574 *OId Orchard ®^^'^ 1.803 500 727,240 Parsonsfleld l.flia 471 583 07> i f Jl \^ '*^0,1.SJ> ^"^ «6i_^_?13;^ 1:2? 51J ,s« ■''""' "•*" «-™ »2W23,o6o ^.02,820 i^is ^H;!;;^ RECAPITULATION' BV COUNTIES. Hancock.... 38 129 S s'iSflf JH?^ ,^'J" 0.385 055 Knox 32 80.? fins? in oto Tia oV^i„ J*, (OD 30,911,202 Piscataquis.... ::J4%12' 'I,S '^,S;S J S 'JSI 1'I??S I'-^gadahoc 19,272 5,182 10 297 215 19,452 5 338 n'S?09 ?«"?«»•««* 32,3.33 8.098 12 128 878 32 027 8 788 vAfdfx Waldo 32.403 8.503 Q ^77 «q4 o^ 4r A S'iv: J-i|9-*l,0cs4 Y*"''^ 62^ 13£04 22:423:900 62:820 SS SV-lvS ^°*^ «48'«39 100,509 $235,978,170 ^^i;^ ^Sreg ji^^";^ •Set off from Saco Feb. •2S, 1883. INDEX. INDEX. Abenaquis tbiukh, Losses of .be, 334. Academies established, 420. Acadia, a name for French possessions In America 89 Adventure on the St. George Hlver, 307, ' Agamentlcus, Colony at, 90. Alx-Ja-Chapelle, Influence of the treaty of, ;jr,0. Ambereuse, Character of the sagamore, g.J.-,. Ambuscades, Success of tlio Indian, 182. Arabush, Lieut. Clarlc leads his troops into, 227. America discovered by Northmen, 14. Ames. Adelbert, Gen., in command of the Maine Twentieth 486 Ancient dominions of Maine, 200. ' Andres, Sir Edinund, his success with the Indians, 207; his general UDDOim. lanty and subsequent fate, 218. B«nerai nnpopop Anecdotes of Capt. Lovett, 88; of Simon the ' !,'amore (note) 208 Annap.)lis, Port lloyal changed to, .32. '' Appledore, The calm on the summit of, 449 ArgalCupt Samuel, visits Mcnhegan, 74; attacks Port Royal, 78 Armlstlcv, .tcasons for the failure of the, 184 Arnold, Benedict, his suffering march to Quebec, 381, 88-' Aroostook, New troubles at, 4.33; Swedish colony at, 438 ;" attractions of 467 Aroostook war, Description of, 430. '•"acuons oi, 407. Arrowsic, Settlement made at. 89; EngUsh fi«d upon at, 203; conference at, Assacombult, an Indian chief; his havoc among the English. 271 Ashburton treaty, Ratllication of the, 435. 6 , >±. Atrocities and cruelties, 273. Augusta, Description of, 412. Bagaduce, a trading post on the Penobscot, 94. Bagnall. Walter, his deeds and fate, 98. Bangor. Origin of the name, 401 ; Icsses to, from the British soldierv 42a. Barrie, Capt.. Insulting words of. 422. ooiaierj, 428. Barhaba, the. Generous conduct of. 64; influence of, 178. IJath, Its Incorporation and importance, 390, 392. Batteries nf Maht avtt\\at>^ AOn Aon '- •■T J 3 -«w — SUA. 595 606 INDEX. Edttery, the Sixth Mounted, Exploits and sufferings of, 483; the Seventh Mounted, its good service, 401. Beal, George L., Colonel of Maine Tenth, 474. Belcher, Gov. Jonathan, Acts and character of, 340. Belfast, The British plunder, 421; Its appearance from the river, 456. Bernard, Sir Francis, unpopularity of, 360. Berry, Hiram G., his services and death, 470. - ^ Berwick, Attack upon, by Hopegood, 226; incorporation of, 288. Beard, M., A French missionary, 72. Biiirne, Adventures of the Nortiimet, tl Biencourt, a cruel Frenchman, YO. Bigot, Vincent, and Jacques, Catholic missionaries, 171. Black Point, Settlement at, 105; battle at, 204. Bomaseen, a sachem of the Canibas tribe, 243; spesch of, 257. Bonython, M., warned of danger by an Indian, 175. Boundaiy of the Massachusetts colony defined, 126. Bourne, Hon. Edward E., Remarks of, 205, Bowdoin, Dr. Peter, 361. Bowdoin, James, elected governor of Maine, 398; ancestors of, 403. Boxer, The, and the Enterprise, 417. Bradford, Gov., his account of Gilling's attack upon Castine, 103. Breda, Treaty of, concluded, 156. Breton, Cape, Dispute concerning, 295. British regulars at Concord, their sufferings, 372. British vengeance at Falmouth, 372; and barbarity, 378, 390. British expeditions in Maine, 421. British claims in Maine, 431. Brooks, Governor of Massachusetts, His speech, 425. Brown, John, Purchase of, 122. Brunswick, Conference at, 251; location of, 289; re-settlement of, 839; inco^ poration of, 340; important convention at, 424. Burgoyne's surrender. Consequences of, 387. Burneffe, Mons., leads the attack on the garrison at Wells, 236. Burnet, Gov. William, Appearance and character of, 339. Burnside, Gen., Testimony of, to the valor of Mains soldiers, 485. Cabot, John, The voyages of, 21. • Cabot, Sebastian, Explorations of, 22, 23. Canada, Preparations in England for the conquest of, 156; failure of the expe- dition against, 282. Canseau, the French and Indians attack, 345. Cape Breton, Dispute respecting, 205. Cape Cod discovered by Leif, a Northman, 14, Carglll, Capt. James, Brutality of, 350. Carr, Sir Robert, '^'^aracter of, 150. Cartwrighl, George, his character, and his plans frustrated, 180. Casco, Attack upon, and siege of the fort at, 202, 263. Casco Neck, Sufferings at, 189. Castine, The colony at, plundered, 94; battle at the port of, 889; the British obtain possessiou of, 421 ; gay life of the British at, 423, INDEX. 697 Castine the younger Outrageous treatment of, 260; his Journey to Canada, '^'o, -^79; tribute to the character of, 287. v>aua,uf i^o Clergymen of Kittery, 288 ' P^""°^ °^> 153. CochrT; ""ZttrZ' ^T '''^" '^^^""'^ 'y *^^'- -''i-- «-t to, 474. vocnran. capture of, and escape, 318. Colonial charter annulled, the consequences, 214 Concord, Reception of British troops at, 371 Conduct of Col. Dungan's commissioners, 215 Confederacy, The, of the colonies, its object, 109 Conflicts between the Northmen and Americans, 18 Conventions held respecting separation of Maine fr'om Massachusetts, 398, 399, Converse, Capt., Bravery of, 287; heroic words of, 238 Cornwall, Organization of the county of, 154 Cortereal, Caspar, Villany of, 24. Coulson, Samuel, Disiilabor, 573, 573. Lelau^'s " Algonquin Legends of Now England," 686. Libraries, public, 558, 650. Liquor traffic. Restraint of by law, 541. 607 I 008 SUPPLEMENTARY INDEX. Maine. Population of, 633; inoreaao of unmo. MB; Aboriginai tribe, of. AM, early aottlera of, 588; law RKaiust liquortraflio,f>4l ; not settled tlirouKh reliRious impulBea, 545; LeBlslature of, fi»IO; politics of, 5(10; Oovernora of, 66{). 5«n, 5(W; temperature and olimate of. 687; area, 567; water power, 507; forest products of. 5i)8; flsli and Raino of, BdJ) aRriculture, of, 6fl»», 671; fl8l)erie8 of, 571; ship buildinRof, 572; quanios of, 573; manufactures of, 674; labor, 576; railroads of, 570-78; pleasure travel in, 578. 579. Manufactures, 674, ')73. Massachusetts, introduces orderly government, 63S; purchases the territory of QorKes' lieii-s, 539; Puritans of. 547; theocracy of, 647; schools introduced by, 553. Meeting house, Duildinx «', 648, 640. Minister of tlio town, 648; Kev. James Hooer elected. 640; Parson Church. 652. Ministerial tax, Molement to abolish, 64&-51; >ot of 1800, 650; of 1811, 651 ; tax aboli 'led by constitution o£ Maine, .820, 552. Newspapers, 55ft-.58. Order, The Btanding, 547, 650, 551, 652. Parties. Political, 560, 501. Penobscot tribe, Number of, 537. Plnisted, Gen. Harris M., elected Governor by plurality vote, 566. Pleasure travel, 578. Powers, division of legislative, executive and judicial, 660. Press, Newspaper, 550, 558. Prohibition of liquor traffic, origin of, 641 ; declared constitutional, 641; first law signed by Gov. Hubbard, 642; evasions and amendments of, 542; repealed, 544; re-enacted iaJ8, 514; effects of the law during thirty years, 644, 5-15. Puritans set up schools and churches, 647; their clergy, 647. Quarries, 573. » Railroads, 676-78. Kiot, anti-liquor law in Portland, 542. Bobbins, John, shot in Portland riot; verdict of ooronor's jury on shooting of, 544; killing of made part" capital, 544. Schools, introduced by Massachusetts, 553; early taught by masters. 553; theological, 554; district system of, 554; normal, 555; free high, 5,-)5; houses, 555; supervision of, 555; compulsory attendance at, 556; parochial, 556. Shipbuilding, 572. Swedish immigration. 534. Temperance reform, 540; organization of, 641. Temperature of Maine, 567. Waldo, Samuel, introduces German colony, 633, 546. Washingtonian movement, 540. Water power of Maine, 567. ribea of, fi80, tied tlirouKb [); Oovoruora , 667; water aKiicultuio, rioH of, 573; ;a8uro tiavol the territory 47; sobooU son Church, 50; of 1811, 1. 641 ; flrat its of, 642; ring thirty u shooting .Hters, 653; high, 555; e at, 556;