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DIALOGUE 
 
 BETWEEN THE GHOST 
 
 OP 
 
 GENERAL MONTGOMERY 
 
 AND AN 
 
 AMERICAN DELEGATE. 
 
 New York 
 
 PRIVATELY REPRINTED. 
 1865. 
 

 Edition So copies 8vo 
 10 <' 4to 
 
 
 Piiiss or J. M. Bradstrext & Son. 
 
 / 
 
^•^ 
 
 DIALOGUE 
 
 BETWEEN 
 THE GHOST 
 
 OF 
 
 GENERAL MONTGOMERY 
 
 Juft arrived from the elysian fields ; 
 
 AND AN 
 AMERICAN DELEGATE, 
 
 IN A WOOD 
 
 NEAR 
 
 PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Printed, and Sold by R. BELL, in Third-Street. 
 MDCCLXXVL 
 
DIALOGUE 
 
 Between the GHOST of General 
 MONTGOMERY, and a 
 DELEGATE, in a wood near 
 PHILADEIPHIA. 
 
 Delegate. 'IXTELCOME to this retreat 
 
 W my good friend. If I mif- 
 
 take not, I now fee the 
 
 ghoft of the brave General Montgomery. 
 
 General Montgomery. I am glad to fee 
 you. I ftill love liberty and America, and 
 the contemplation of the future greatnefs of 
 this Continent now forms a large Ihare of 
 my prefent happinefs. I am fent here up- 
 on an important errand, to warn you a- 
 gainft liftening to terms of accomodations 
 from the court of Britain. 
 
 Del. I fhall be happy in receiving in- 
 ftruAion from you in the prefent trying ex- 
 igency of our public affairs. But fuppofe 
 
 A the 
 
MONTGOMERY 
 
 r i' 
 
 the terms you fpeak of fliould be juft and 
 honorable. 
 
 Gen, Mont. How can you expeft thefe, 
 after the King has proclaimed you rebels 
 from the throne, and after both houfes of 
 parliament have refolved to fupport him in 
 carrying on a war againft you ? No, I fee no 
 offers from Great Britain but of pardon. 
 The very v/ord is an infult upon our caufe. 
 To whom is pardon offered ? — to virtuous 
 freemen. For what? — for flying to arms 
 in defence of the rights of humanity : And 
 from whom do thefe offers come ? From a 
 ROYAL CRIMINAL. You have furnifhed 
 me with a new reafon for triumphing in 
 my death, for I had rather nave it faid that 
 I died by his vengeance, than that I lived 
 by his mercy. 
 
 Del. But you think nothing of the de- 
 ftruftive confequences of war. How many 
 cities muft be reduced to afhes ! how many 
 families mufl be ruined ! and how many 
 widows and orphans muft be made, fhould 
 the prefent war be continued any longer 
 with Great Britain. 
 
 Gen. Mont. I think of nothing but of 
 the deftruftive confequences of flavery. The 
 calamities of war are tranfitory and confined 
 
 in 
 
FROM ELYSIUM. 
 
 in their efFedts. But the calamities of fla- 
 very are extenfive and iafting in their ope- 
 ration. I love mankind as well as you, 
 and I could never reftrain a tear when my 
 love of juftice has obliged me to fhed the 
 blood of a fellow creature. It is my hu- 
 manity that makes me urge you againft a 
 reconciliation with Great Britain, for if 
 this takes place, nothing can prevent the 
 American Colonies from being the feat of 
 war as often as the King of Great Britain 
 renews his quarrels with any of the Colo- 
 nies, or with any of the belligerent powers 
 of Europe. 
 
 Del. I tremble at the dodlrine you have 
 advanced. I fee you are for the indepen- 
 dance of the Colonies on Great Britain. 
 
 Gen. Mont. I am for permanent liberty, 
 peace, and fecurity to the American Colo- 
 nies. 
 
 Del. Thefe can only be maintained by 
 placing the Colonies in the fituation they 
 were in the year 1763. 
 
 Gen. Mont. And is no fatisfaftion to be 
 made to the Colonies for the blood and 
 treafure they have expended in refitting the 
 arms of Great Britain ? Who can foften the 
 prejudices of the King — the parliament — 
 
 and 
 
8 
 
 MONTGOMERY 
 
 and the nation, each of whom will be averfe 
 to mainiain a peace with you in proportion 
 to the advantages you have gained over 
 them ? Who (hall make reftitution to the 
 widows — the mothers — and the children 
 of the men who have been flain by their 
 arms? Can no hand wield the fceptre of 
 government in America except that which 
 has been ftained with the blood of your 
 countrymen ? For my part if I thought this 
 Continent would ever acknowledge the fo- 
 vereingty of the Crown of Britain again, I 
 (hould forever lament the day in which I 
 offered up my life for its falvation. 
 
 Del. You (liould diftinguifh between 
 the King and his minifters. 
 
 Gen. Mont. I live in a world where all 
 political fuperftition is done away. The 
 King is the author of all the meafures car- 
 ried on againft America. The influence of 
 bad minifters is no better apology for thefe 
 meafures, than the influence of bad com- 
 pany is for a murderer, who expiates his 
 crimes under a gallows. — You all complain 
 of the corruption of the parliament, and of 
 the venality of the nation, and yet you for- 
 get that the Crown is the fource of them 
 both. — ^You fliun the dreams, and yet you 
 
 are 
 
 1^" 
 
FROM ELYSIUM. 9 
 
 are willing to fit down at the very fountain 
 of corruption and venalty. 
 
 Del. Our diftance and charters will pro- 
 teft us from the influence of the crown. 
 
 Gen. Mont. Your diftance will only render 
 your danger more imminent, and your ruin 
 more irretrievable. Charters re no reftraints 
 againft the luft of power. The only reafon 
 why you have efcaped fo long is, becaufe 
 the treafure of the nation has been employed 
 for thefe 50 years in buying up the virtue 
 of Britain and Ireland. Hereafter the feduc- 
 tion of the reprefentatives of the people of 
 America will be the only aim of adminiftra- 
 tion Ihould you continue to be conneded 
 with them. 
 
 Del. But I forefee many evils from the 
 independance of the Colonies. Our trade 
 will be ruined from the want of a navy to 
 proteft it. Each Colony will put in it8 
 claim for fuperiority, and we fhall have do- 
 meftic wars without end. 
 
 Gen. Mont. As I now know that Divine 
 Providence intends this country to be the 
 afylum of perfecuted virtue from every quar- 
 ter of the globe, fo I think your trade will 
 be the vehicle that will convey it to you. 
 
 Heaven 
 
lO 
 
 MONTGOMERY 
 
 J 
 
 Heaven has furniftied you with greater re- 
 fources for a navy than any nation in the 
 world. Nothing but an ignorance of your 
 ftrength could have led you to facrifice your 
 trade for the protedlion of a foreign navy. 
 A freedom from the reftraints of the afts of 
 navigation I fortfee will produce fuch im- 
 menfe additions to the wealth of this coun- 
 try that pofterity will wonder that ever you 
 thought your prefent trade worth its pro- 
 teftion. As to the fuppofed contentions 
 between fifter colonies, they have no foun- 
 dation in truth. But fuppofing they have, 
 will delaying the independance of the Colo- 
 nies, 50 years, prevent them ? No — the 
 weaknefs of the Colonies, which at firft 
 produced their union, will always preferve 
 it, 'till it fhall be their intereft to be feparat- 
 ed. Had the Colony of MafTachufet's-bay 
 been poflefled of the military refources which 
 it would probably have had 50 years hence, 
 would (he have held out the fignal of diftrefs 
 to her fifter colonies, upon the news of the 
 Bofton port-bill ? No — (he would have 
 withftood all the power of Britain alone, 
 and afterwards the neutral colonies might 
 have fhared the fate of the colony of Canada. 
 Moreover, had the connexion with Great- 
 Britain 
 
FROM ELYSIUM. 
 
 II 
 
 Britain been continued 50 years longer, the 
 progrefs of Britifh laws, cuftoms, and man- 
 ners (now totally corrupted) wou'd have 
 been fuch that the Colonies would have 
 been prepared to welcome flavery. But had 
 it been otherwife, they muft have aflerted 
 their independance with arms. This is 
 nearly done already. It will be cruel to be- 
 queath another conteft to your pofterity. 
 
 Del. But I dread all innovations in go- 
 vernments. They are very dangerous things. 
 
 Gen. Mont. The revolution, which gave 
 a temporary {lability to the liberties of Bri- 
 tain, was an innovation in government, and 
 yet no ill confequences have arifen from it. 
 Innovations are dangerous only as they fhake 
 the prejudices of a people ; but there are 
 now, I believe, but few prejudices to be 
 found, in this country, in favor of the 
 old connexion with Great-Britain. I ex- 
 cept thofe men only who are under the in- 
 fluence of their paflions and offices. 
 
 Del. But is it not moft natural for us to 
 wifh for a connexion with a people who 
 rpeak the fame language with us, and pof- 
 fefs the fame laws, religion, and forms of 
 government with ourfelves. 
 
 Gen. Mont. 
 
12 
 
 MONTGOMERY 
 
 Gen. Mont. The immortal Montefquicu 
 fays, that nations fhould form alliances with 
 thofe nations only which are as unlike to 
 themfelves as poflible in religion, laws and 
 manners, if they mean to preferve their 
 own conftitutions. Your dependance upon 
 the crown is no advantage, but rather an in- 
 jury, to the people of Britain, as it encreaf- 
 es the power and influence of the King. 
 The people are benefited only by your trade, 
 and this they may have after you are inde- 
 pendant of the crown. Should you be dif- 
 pofed to forgive the King and the nation 
 for attempting to enflave you, they will 
 never forgive you for having baflled them in 
 the attempt. 
 
 Del. But we have many friends in both 
 Houfes of Parliament. 
 
 Gen. Mont. You mean the mihiftry 
 have many enemies in Parliament who con- 
 nedl the caufe of America with their cla- 
 mours at the door of adminiftration. Lord 
 Chatham's conciliatory bill would have ruin- 
 ed you more efFedlually than Lord North's 
 motion. The Marquis of Rockingham 
 was the author of the declaratory bill. Mr. 
 Wilkes has added infamy to the weakness 
 
 of 
 
 
FROM ELYSIUM. 
 
 13 
 
 of your caufe, and the Duke of Grafton 
 and Lord Lyttleton have rendered the mi- 
 nority junto, if poffible, more contemptible 
 than ever. 
 
 Del. But if we become independant we 
 Ihall become a commonwealth. 
 
 Gen. Mont. I maintain that it is your in- 
 tereft to be independant of Great Britain, 
 but I do not recommend any new form of 
 government to you. I (hould think it 
 ftrange that a people who have virtue 
 enough to defend themfelves againft the 
 moft powerful nation in the world Ihould 
 want wifdom to contrive a perfedl and free 
 form of government. You have been kept 
 in fubjeftion to the crown of Britain by a 
 miracle. Your liberties have hitherto been 
 fufpended by a thread. Your connexion 
 with Great-Britain is unnatural and unne- 
 ceflary. All the wheels of a government 
 (hould move within itfelf~I would only 
 beg leave to obferve to you, that monarchy 
 and ariftocracy have in all ages been the ve- 
 hicles of ftavery. 
 
 DeL Our governments will want force 
 and authority if we become independant of 
 Great- Britain. 
 
 Gen, 
 
T 
 
 14 
 
 MONTGOMERY 
 
 Gen. Mont. I beg leave to contradift 
 that afl'ertion. No royal edids or ads of 
 affembly have ever been more faithfully or 
 univerfally obeyed than the refolves of the 
 Congrefs. I admire the virtue of the co- 
 lonies, and did not fome of them ftill hang 
 upon the haggard breafts of Great- Britain, 
 I fhould think the time now come in which 
 they had virtue enough to be happy under 
 any form of government. Remember that 
 it is in a commonwealth only that you can 
 exped to find every man a patriot or a hero. 
 Ariftides—Epaminondas— Pericles — Scipio- 
 Camillus— and a thoufand other illuflrious 
 Grecian and Roman heroes, would never 
 have aftonifhed the world with their names 
 had they lived under royal governments. 
 
 Del. Will not a declaration of indepen- 
 dance leflen the number of our friends, 
 encreafe tl 
 
 and 
 Britain P 
 
 rage 
 
 enemies 
 
 Gen. Mont. Your friends as (^you call 
 them) are too few—too divided— and too in- 
 terefted to help you. And as for your ene- 
 mies, they have done their worft. They 
 have called upon Ruffians— Hanoverians— 
 Heffians— Canadians~Savages-and Negroes 
 to affift them in burning your towns— defo- 
 
 lating 
 
 m 
 
FROM ELYSIUM. 
 
 «5 
 
 lating your country— and in butchering your 
 wives and children. You have nothing fur- 
 ther to fear from them. Go, then, and awak- 
 en the Congrefs to a fenfe of their import- 
 ance; you have no time to lofe. France waits 
 for nothing but a declaration of your inde- 
 pendance to revenge the injuries they fuf- 
 ftained from Britain in the laft war. But 
 I forbear to reafon any further with you. 
 The decree is finally gone forth, Britain 
 and America are now diftind empires. 
 Your country teems with patriots—heroes— 
 and legiflators, who are impatient to burft 
 forth into light and importance. Hereafter 
 your atchievements (hall no more fwell the 
 page of Britiih hiftory. God did not 
 excite the attention of all Europe— of the 
 whole world— nay of angels themfelves to 
 the prefent controverfy for nothing. The 
 inhabitants of Heaven long to fee the ark 
 finilhed, in which all the liberty and true 
 religion of the world are to be depofited. 
 The day in which the Colonies declare 
 their independance will be a jubilee to 
 Hampden — Sidney — Ruffel — Warren —Gar- 
 diner— Macpherfon—Cheefeman, and all the 
 other heroes who have offered themfelves 
 as facrifices upon the altar of liberty. It 
 
 was 
 
i6 MONT. FROM ELYSIUM. 
 
 was no fmall mortification to me when I 
 fell upon the plains of Abraham, to refledl: 
 that I did not expire like the brave General 
 Wolfe, in the arms of viftory. But I now 
 no longer envy him his glory. I would 
 rather die in attempting to obtain permanent 
 freedom for a handful of people, than fur- 
 vive a conqueft which would ferve only to 
 extend the empire of defpotifm. A band 
 of heroes now beckon to me. I can only 
 add that America is the theatre where hu- 
 man nature will Joon receive its greateft 
 military— civil and literary honors. — 
 
 FINIS