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IN Til

Tlie Rosnhilu
Alfairs, n;q
Hriiaiii of
tcrmiiirttc ll
ubroj^iite ll
condiderati<

Mr, BAKI
ows;

Mr. Chair
induce mc to
sion, I shnii
rr -rits urged 1
doiii, nnd, I t

In the first
title up to 54*^
Most of ihoa
••jrritory to bi
'.husclts [Mr
susceptible o
pentleman fro
mg it ours, is
not to acquin
admits to be i
nomc disHcnti
the harmony
in true, sir.
South Ciirolii
80 did the ^ei
but I think,
the cunj of \
half of the ti
ihsm at least

1 am highl
ia the upinioi

■Q^i

SPEECH

HON. E. D. BAKER, OF ILLINOIS,

THE OREGON QUESTION,

DELirBRBD

"!,, ,

IN THE IIOOSE OK REPRESENTATIVES, THURSDAY, JANUARY 29, 1846.

riie Resolution from the Committee on Foreign
AlFnirs, requiring the President to notify Great
Britain of tlie inteniiun of the United Siiiles to
tcrmimUo the joint occupiinry of Oregon, und to
uhromitc tim convcnlion of 1827, being under
conaideralion in Committee of the Whole —

Mr. RAKEU addressed the committee as fol-
lows:

Mr. Chairman: In expressing the reasons which
induce mc to vote for the I'esoiution under discus-
bion, I slinll comment upon many of the argu-

lits urged by its opixmenus, in a B})irit of free-
doni,Hnd, I trust, of mirness.

In the first place, sir, I consider the American
tide up to 54° 40' virtually conceded in this debate.
Most of those who omiosc the notice affirm the
I'jrritory to be ours. The gentlcm.in from Massa-
'huBctls [Mr. WiNTiiRoi'] lias said he thought it
susceptible of proof in a court of justice. The
l^entleman from Alabama, [Mr. Yanckv,] consider-
ing it ours, is in favor of '' masterly inactivity;"
not to acquire, but to gain, or to keep, what he
admits to be ours. And although there Imve been
some dissentient voices, they have scarcely marred
the harmony and fulness of the admission. It
is true, sir, that the honorable gentleman from
South Carolina [Mr. Hoi.mks] \\>\» denied it, and
so did the, gentleman from Virginia, [Mi. Bati.t;]
but I think, sir, we may safely confide them to
the care of Mr. Calhoun, whose opinions in be-
half of the title of hia own country should, with
them at leant, be w«.ighty, if not conclusivo,

I nm highly gratified, Mr. Chairman, that auch
ia the opinion of lhi> House upon tlie question of

title. It would be strange if it were otherwise.
How does that laim present itself here.' Sir, it
has been maintained not only by the highest au-
thority, but byevcry authority known to our Con-
stitution and our laws. It has been asserted for
more than thirty years; it has been maintained by
our Ambassadors abroad and our Secreta'.ies at
home; by successive Administrations, and by
every Adminiatration; it has been enforced in the
declaration of a general princl, :e, ul' in the decla-
ration of Mr, Monroe, in 182j, "tiia' the Ameri-
can continents arc henceforth not to b. considered
as subjects for fViture colonization by v ' Europe-
an Power;" it ha« been particu'arr/ ?.iid specifi-
cally i-clied on by the President of the United
States in ' is Inaugural Address to the people and
to the world; it has received his earnest and sol-
emn sanction in the late Annual Message to Con-
gress; it has been the subject of long and repeated
negotiation, in every stage of which it has been il-
lustrated and confirmed. Nor, air, has it been left
to presidents or diplomatists: that claim has con-
tributed to change an angry faction into a success-
ful party; and "Oregon and Texas" have immor-
talized Polk and Dallas.

I know, Mr. Chairman, that there have been
some efforts, here and elsewhere, to cast suspicion
upon our title to the whole territory, from the fact
that we have repeatedly offered to compromise
upon the 49lh degree of latitude. It is true,
that we have made this offer three times; it is also
true that it has been three times rejected. And,
sir, it is to be remembered, that whenever we have
done ao, it haa been accompanied with a denial ot
any title in Qreut Britain, and an express dedan-

tioii thni it was an offer madr, not from a convic-
tion of rit;lit, l>;it from a rci^ard for [)eacc and con-
cord. Sir, I iiavf hnn surprised to hear gentle-
men rely uiioii this as evidence of title in (jr> at
Britain. There is no lawyer on this floor who
does not well mider.sland the principle u|)on whi<li
an ofl'er of this kind is placed. A jnopoaition to
cvmprnmise in nut an adnnssion; it is never so treat-
ed, unless it contains the admission of a fact, which
these proposition.^ never did conUiin. It cannot he
allowed in evidence in a court. iVor does it prove
anything;, save the pacific dispositions of llie party
who may make it.

Sir, w"liato\t; ihe motive may liavc been which
prompted tliese oflers cannot oc mnterial to this
discussion: they were refused, they were with-
drawn, they no l()n.;;cr exist. They were never
considered in the lii;iit of an admission, and ought
not so to be considered now. And it is, to me at
least, most evident, that whatever were the i;rounds
of our tide before those oilers were made, ujion
tho.se irrounds it must he considered to remain, un-
less, indeed, lime and progres.s liu\e_widened the
basis and Ktrengihened the claim.

But, Mr. Chairman, I cannot refrain from ex-
j.-cssinu; my surprise at t!:(^ (jiuirlcr from whence
these doubts as to our title usually jiroceed. And,
indeed, the whole arnuinent of the honorable gen-
tleman from South Carolina [Mr. IIoi.Mi-.s] is cal-
culated to excite great astonishment. Has the
honorable gentleman forgotien the Dallimore Demo-
cratic convention.' or musi I recall its resolutions
to his mind.' If 1 rememlicr well, it was not until
great progress had bdii made in its deliberations
that South Carolina appeared at all; but \\ hen she
did come, she condesi'endcd to a]>prove the action
of the convention, and gave her assent, with great
dramatic effect, to its nominations and it.s princi-
ples.

Sir, amid the shout for " Polk and Dallas, Ore-
gon and Texas," were Virginia and South Caro-
lina .silent.' or did they lend force and fervor to a
declaration which they s(.'cni now to think was a
deliberate fraud upon the nation .' And, sir, at the
last session of Congress, when Mr. Polk had be-
come known, and Texas was to be annexed, where
was the southern wing of democracy then.' Sir,
they were ardent in their proi'essions of an en-
larged patriotism. The honorable j'entleman from
South Carolina [Mr. RiiK.rr] voted for the Oreifon
bill of la,sl session, with this very notice in it; that
was a bill exercising the highest .sovereign power
over the territory — extending our laws, establish-
ing our government, granting land; in shin-t, sir,
incorporating it as a part of these United Slates.
Sir, these gendemen -.veie then extending " the
area of freedom;" but when, by the aid of South
Carolina in the Senate, the bill failed; when Texas
is annexed, and another slave State added to the
Union; then the democratic resolutions have lost
their authority — Texas and Oregon are not twin
stars, and gentlemen suddenly perceive that the
etar of Oregon is obscured by the clouds of war.

The gentleman from South Carolina [Mr.
Holmes] began the remarks just addressed to the
committee, by a very fanciful allusion to a dark
flpiril now hovering over this fair land, and obscu-
ring the bright face of heaven. How long, sir, has
this vision tortured the gentleman's imngination?
•incc when has it frighted him from hia propriety )

If I remember that distinguished gentleman' ncrcased whei
course at the last session of Congress, there wer pctions come
not .sj)irit.'j enough in the " upjx'r a'r" to d.un]) hi cssion of Con
courage. As hmg as Texas was in doubt, Mexie ind many of t
might be contemned and England defied It wa iolice,then ad
not enough that Texas was already possessed e iig this very n
republicjin institutions, but she must have hersta iiost of tho.se
blazoned upon our banner; and at the very nio idvocates of t
ment when Mexico was threatening war for ai uied for it wi
act which enlisted tl e sympathies of thecivilizei irovided for a
world against us, a bill pa.«>sed this House by i if sovereignty
very large majority to exercise the highest attri lie most timid
butcs of sovereignty over the whole territory o ivas based iipi
Oregon. Where then was tin; honorable gentle ivithout notici
man's vision of wo.' Were the winM of the darl iisrrtion of tl
.spirit furled.' Or is this but the " dark hour" t( iient of our cl
which, in common with other seers and sages, iIk .cere these g
honorable gentleman is subject .' cctures upcni

I desire, sir, before '. proceed to di.scuss the grav( liey were wil
arguments of gentlemen, to address niy.self to tin erritory with
suggestion .so often made, that notice is war. Th( hey will not
notice, Mr. Chairman, is a stipulation of the eon ' a.ssert" our
vention; it is the agreement of the i)arlies; it pro and must be
vides for a period of twelve months between th< I leave to lion
notice and the abrogation of the I'onvention itself riU: these pos
and the mere statement seems to iiie to be anan.>!wei iieitlii r statesi
to the idea that it is, or of itself "an be, war. It is I proceed ii
nothing more nor less than proid" of our desire tn Jigument, d
have tile question determincu; it a.-^scrt.s no right, ii depicted by
I suggests no remedy. It will, undoubtedly, brin^' larticularly b
■ more directly to the consideration of both CJoveni- ina, [.Vlr. Hi
I nicnts the necessity of settling the cjuestion; and ii if we do go
I is a question that should be settled. But it is a nieas- (his notice,
urc consistent with tin; treaty, it springs out of tin tlemeii admit
treaty, anil it will scarcely be contended, that a re- 'laiiii it, or su
fpcctful compliance with the conditions of the eon- irrows out of I
vention can be considered as war, or as of iiscil wo have done
leading to war. Let me ask, if Great Britain weii: if we yield ti
to giv • this notice to us, (as she unquesiionably iVoin dread of
might do,) would that bo war, or cause of war; orable [leace.'
No, sir; it would undoubtedlyeonvince us thatshe
I was in earnest; we should feel, more than we now
do, the necei.sity of some decided acliini; but the
question of war or peace would be delerniined
with reference to our rights. If, after that notice.
Great Britain should not only claim, but attempt
to t;ike, what is "unquestionably ours," I trust wi:
should manifest a becoming sense of what mighi
be due to our.selvcs; and, in '.his event, unjust ag-
gression might lead to war. But the notice .vould
do no such thing; it is jiacific, because provided
for by the treaty; it is peaceful, because it Icives
every mode of settlement still open to both Powers;
and It is proper, becau.se it tends to the immediate
settlenientof a difficulty, which time certainly doe.s
not render more ca.sy of adjustment. Mr. (,'hair-
iiian, v/liile discussing the iirojiriety of notice in
this point of view, let me observe, that the notice
does not preventaset'lement on any basis proposed.
Does any gentleman desire arbitration.' The notice
does not reject it. Is compromise insisted upon.'
The notice is silent upon that point. Is forty-nine
the true line.' Thf notice does not deny it. No,
sir, 1 repeat, the notice may tend to preserve peace;
but the notice itself cannot lead to war. It is nn
act which manifests our desire, if you please our
determination, that the question shall be settled;
and, Mr. Chairman, it is nothing more.

But, sir, if the objections thus xir^eA against the
notice arc matter of surprise, how is our surpriso

nation may yi
I'onciliationar
may be claim
the proof may
per Huliject <i
peace anil Imi
'ion and forbi
who have op|
considered tli
hO speak of

aim the wl
fiiot of it; b(i
will only colli
ill those who
lo suggest ll
and we an; i
lii'st. In the

lave been rej
siileiiiiily reit
/.ens have bei

nd the Pre.-'ii
declares the
opinion, sir,
'Miiivtivily"
ly before to b
iipiiiion as to
placed us in
abide all its I

Tliegeiitlen
ill riMiiurkin^

Ill);; Mar for n
H of tlie civiliztM
tills IIoUHC l)y
tip liiy;liCKt attri
"lolu IfTritory o

ird gnntlcman' ncrcased when wfi examine from whence these ob-
1,'ro.ss, there wor pctioiis come. At the last, and at a preroding
essioii of C()nirreKS,Oro;»'on was before the House,
iid many of llic very i;entlemcn who now oppose
defied It wa lotice, then advocated and voted for a l)ill coiitain-
ady poKSPHsed o ni; tliis very notice; and, what is more remarkable,
ii.st have hersta iiost of those who then opposed the notice were
at the very mo idvocatcs of tlint hill trilliout notice, and actually
iiied for it with the noiiie included. Sir, that bill
irovided for an exercise of the hii(he.st attributes
' sovereijjniy; it was liable to every olijection that
IP most timid now uri^t; lujainst this measure. It
ivas based upon our rii;ht to the whole of Oregon;
onorable ::entlplviilioiit notice it violated the convention; with the

I'HiM of the darl

ilark hour
rs and sujjts, th

iisrrtion of the notice, it was a jn-nctic^l enforce-
tifiu'iit of our claim to the whole territory. Where
iiere these Eenilcmcn then ? Wliere were their
■ I'turex up<m peace, iheirabhorrence of war? Then
di.scuss tlie gravi hi^y were willing: to take posses-sion of disputed
ss myself to tlu i rritory without even the form of notice. JVow
ice is war. Tin liey will not even f^ive notice of an imeution to
ition of the eon "'

)arlies; it pn

assert" our un(|uestionable title. Then, EnjEi;-
! parlies; it pro lurid must be defied; now, she is to be feared. Sir,
itfis between thep li;ave to honorable sentlemcn the task to rcc.oii-
onveiition it.sell'

fine!
Rut

t It IS a ineas
|)i-|il^s out of llu
i;ii(l( d, iliat a rc'
iiioris of the eon
ir, or as of iiaeli
■eat Hritain weii;

unfiuestioiinbjy
r cause of war'
liiu'p us tliat.sl]t
>re than we now
I ai'liiin; but tlic

be delerniiiied
tfier that notice,
iin, but altempi
iirM," I trust wc

of what mii!;hl
vent, unjust ar^-
lie notice .vould
ctmuse provided
pc.iu.'je It Ip.iveH
to both Fowers;
n the iiumediat)
e certainly dop.s
lit. Mr. ('hair
■ty of notice in

that the notice

basis proposed,
on? The notice

insisted upon
. Is forty-nine
I deny it. No,
preserve peace;
1 war. It is nn

you picnse our

hall be settled;

nore.

^eA against tlie

IS our surpriso

•lie these positions; but, to my mind, they evince
e to bcanaiiswei leither statesinansiiip nor wisdom,
1 be, war. It is I proceed now, Mr. Chairman, to examine the
of our dp.'iiie tn n-ifumeiit, drawn from the horrors of war, as
.strts no rij;ht, ii ilepieted by Kcutleimin on tliis (loor, and more
loubtedly, brin:; larticularly by the g;entleman from South Caro-
"loth tJovcrii- ina, [.Vlr. IIui.mbs.] I tiiink I have shown that
"we do go to war, it will not be on account of
ihis noiicN'. Sir, how will this war come? Gen-
lleniPii admit that "all Oresron" is ours. Shall we
aim it, or surrender it? If wc claim it, and war
rows out of that claim, we battle for our rights, as
wi; have done before. If we surrender that claim,
if wc yield territory which we admit to be ours,
from dread of a foreign power, we court " a dishon-
(II able fieace." Sir, there may beocciwions when a
nation may yield her past pretensions in a spirit of
•oiiciliationandfVipiKlsliip without dishonor. There
may be claims in their nature doubtful, of which
tlic proof may be uncertain. They may be the pro-
li.T subject of compromise, and the interests of
M;ice and Immanity may be advimci'd by modera-
tion and forliearanc*. Hut most of the gentlemen
who linve opposed this notice Imvi! not formerly
I'onsidiMPil this claim in that light, and they do not
M) speak of it now. They affirm our title, they
I'laim the whole tcu'ritory, they will not yield a.
f Mil of it; but they will not i^ive notice, and they
will imly ('onseiit to " a niaslprly inaclivily." Sir,
lo those who claiiu the whole territory. 1 beg leave
lo suggest that lUMirly thirty yeais have elapsed,
iiiid we are no nearer jiossession than we were at
first. In the mean time, our oilers ol'cinnproinise
liavi' be<>n rejected: our tille has been formally and
solt'innly reiterated by our (jiovernmeiit ; our citi-
zens have, been eiicoiiraged to " possess the land:'"
and the President, in his last Message to this House,
dc;c,lares the wholi^ territory to be ours. In my
opinion, sir, we linve passed the |ioint at which
'•inaelivily" is wisdom. We have spoken too loud-
ly belVu'c! to be silent now. And while I express no
opinion as to the wisdom of that course which has
placed us in our present |iositi(m, 1 nm willing to
abide all its responsibilities.

The gi'iitleman from South Carolina, f. Mr. Riir.TT,]
in remurkiiig upon whut has bucii said as to hon-

orable peace, observed, in a very pointed and beau-
tiful manner, that the " honor of a nation can
scarc.ely be separated from its essential interests."
If he means that the honor of a nation is its tstsen-
t'tal interest, I am happy to agree with him; but if,
as I su|)pose, he means to apply his remark to the
question under discussion, and affirm that the
honor of the nation is not involved because its essen-
tial interests would suffer in enl'orcing our claim,
then, sir, I totally dissent. The honor of a na-
tion is its highest interest, because it determines
not only the form, but the duration of its existence
and its power. It is for this reason that unsullied
faith is honor and interest combined; that public
integrity confirms the one, and promotes the other.
Out, sir, in the sense of the gentleman from South
Carolina, the honor of a nation may very often
demand a sacrifice of those immediate interests,
which the gentleman .seems to consider ns essen-
tial. Tested by his rule, what war has been honor-
able, unless it may be a war for immediate national
preservation? The gentleman's close reading of
liistory may teach him that the cost of a war al-
most always exceeds the entire value of the thing
in dispute, unless the character and the honor of
the nation are to be cmisidered as "above all
price." F.stiinaied in dollars and cents, regiirding
only our immediate interests, those interests which
the honorabl*! gentleman so directly alluded to, the
late war with tireat Uritain was a miserable specu-
lation; the cost of the war was more than the
wlude value of the commerce affected, either by
the IJeriin and Milan decrees, or the British or-
ders in louncil! We lost ten times as many men
on the field of battle as tne British could have
tiiken by any system of impressment. But, sir,
the essential interest of the nation was, the jn-eser-
vation of its honor. It was a wise and noble ex-
penditure of blood and treasure; it gave us rank
amoii!^ nations, it gained us the admiration of the
world, it guarded our commerce, it protected our
citizens, it has given us thirty years of " honorable
peace," — peace sweeti r, becaii.se won through suf-
fering and trial. And I trust, sir, it has left us
lessons of patriotism and couraire, which, I am
sure, the honorable gentleman from South Caro-
lina will not be the first to forget.

It is thus, sir, that honor and interest are blended
in a Republican Government: it is impossible to
separate them; and it is because I regard them
both, that I desire this notice to prevail. I scarcely
kiii>w, Mr. Chairman, whether it is proper to con-
sider the remarks of the gentleman from South
Carolina, |Mr. Hoi.mks,] who has just spoken, as
a grave argument; it is rather a dissertation upon
the "horrors of war, "an encomium upon the power
of Knglaiid, and a cont'essicm, most liumiliating if
it be true, of our own weakness. If I understand
him, he supp<ises ihat the days of chivalry are
gone by; anil, therefore, England will receive the
twelve inonihs' notice, and attack us at once. It
has limg been supposed that the last vestiges of
"chivalry" have lingered in the "gallant little
Slate." Does the gentleman mean that its de-
clining sunbeams no longer irradiate her volleys?
If so, sir, a prolific source of eloquence is dried
at the fountain. But his idea, that England will
turn pirate, and rob us on the high seas, can cer-
tainly not deserve a serious reply.

If war should grow out of tliis Oregon question,

11)02 iii

it may not be a " little war;" but neither will it
be a hasty one. It is not upon a sudden impulne
th'U the peace of the world will be broken. Nor
will England adopt a course which has been left
for the excited imagination of the gentleman to
ausrgest.

Mr. Chairman , I admit the power of England ; it
ia a moral as well as physical supremacy. It is not
merely her fleets and her armies; it is not merely
her colonies and her fortresses; it is far more
than these: There is a power in her history which
compels our admiration and excites our wonder.
It presents to us the field of Agincourt, the glory of
Blenheim, the fortitude of " fatal Fonlenoy," and
the fortunes of Waterloo. It reminds us how
long she ruled the empire of the wave — from tlie
destruction of the Armada, to the glories of Traf-
algar. Nor is her glory confined to arms. In
arts, in science, in Tilcralure, in credit, in com-
merce, she " sits superior." Hers are " the princes
of the mind." She gives laws to learning and limits
to taste. The watclifires of her battlefields yet flasli
defiance and warning to her enemies; and her dead
heroes and statesmen stand as sentinels upon im-
mortal heights, to guard the glory of the living.
Sir, it is thus I view the power of Great Britain ;
and I am therefore not concerned at the description
of it given by the gentleman from South Carolina
But I confess, sir, that this conviction of her great-
ness makes a very difl'erent impression on his
mind and mine. He recounts her fleets, her
ai-mies, her steam-marine, her colonies, as reasons
for what I understand to be submission. He has
drawn a picture of our commenx' destroyed, our
flag dishonored, and our sailors imprisoned. He
imagines our forts dismantled, our cities burned,
our lakes possessed by the enemy; and, worse than
all, our industry destroyed, and the spirit of our
people broken. Sir, what is this i)ut an appeal to
our feiu-s ? If it be, it is an appeal which will find
no echo in the depths of the American heiu-t. I, or
the contrary, would point to the glory of Englaim
in a spirit of enmiation. She has attained he',
greatness by her fortitude and her valor, as well t.s
uy her wii.-dom. She has not faltered, and the)e-
fore she has not failed. If sl.e has sometin es
been grasping and arrogant, she has at least rot
" blenched when the storm was highest." Itistnie,
sir, that she has steadily pursued the lino of a great
policy; and for that policy she has dared nuich lUid
done more. She has considered her honor ant' her
essential interests as identical, and she ha^ been
able to maintain them. Sir, I would follow her
example. I would not desire to set up pretensions
upon light and trivial grounds. I would be care-
ful about committing the national honor upon slight
controversies; but when wc have made a deliberate
claim in the eyes of the world; when we persist that
it ia "clear and unquestionable;" when compromise
has been oflered and refused; when territory upon
the American continent is at stake; and when our
opponent does not even now claim title in herself,
I would poise myself upon the magnanimity of the
nation, and abide the issue.

It appears to me, Mr. Chairmim, that England
will not abandon what I think to be her general,
wise, and statesmanlike course, for this disputed
and barren territory. Unlike us, she has neither
honor nor essential interests involved in the ques-
tion. She has asserted no title in liurself. Sliv is

only contending for the privilege of colonizmg; an(
I do not beUeve that any good reason can be givei
why she would risk a war with us. England wil
no doubt see that she has much to lose, and tha
she can gain nothing. I repeat, sir, I do notthini
that our assertion of our right to the whole terri
lory ought to lead to war, if England still pursuei
the wise and statesmanlike policy by which shi
has been distinguished.

But, Mr. Chairuian, suppose it to be otherwise
how does the argument sUind then ? We asser
this territory to be ours. The President believes
it — our negotiator believes it — this House believei
it — the country believes it. But, say gentlemen
England will go to war. In my opinion this wil
not be so; but if she does, is that a reason for stir
rendering our rights? If it be, national honor is in
deed an empty name, and th^D spirit of our father
is dead wiilim us. I know that whenever a west
em man touches upon this view of the subject, ii
renders him liable to a sneer at whst gentlemen art
plea.sed to call " western enthusiasm." I desire
to treat this as an American question, and I shal
not be driven from that course. I imi not one oi
those who supported Mr. Polk; I used the utmow
of my little ability to prevent his clecti(m; and
when Mr. Clay was beaten, I confess I felt as
the fi-iends of Aristides may be supposed to hav
felt when he was driven from Athens. I, of
course, had no share in the Democratic Baltimore
convention. I thought then, and 1 think now,
that it was unwise and unfair to attempt to make
"Oregon" a party watchword. And I believe
that much of the difliculty in which we now find
ourselves arises from that course. But when thf
question is made — when our title is asserted—
when the o|.inions of our people, based perhaps
upon the action of the Government, have become
fi.xed, and we are willing to maintain our rights ni
any sacrifice, then many of the movers of this
agitation began to falter; some have got Texas,
and are content — some have become enamored of
" white-robed ))eace" — some clamor for 4SP and
compromise — but they all join in depreratini;
"western enthusiasm." Sir, the West will be
true to its convictions. I believe that portion of
the West which sustained Mr. Polk will still be
for the "whole of Oregon." And, sir, I think
that those who opposed him, and many of whom
believed that the Democratic outburst for Oregon
was a mere party manoeuvre, will now consider
it an American question, and stand by the country
Sui'h, sir, will l;e my course on this floor. I am
a Whig, luid I siiall remain a Whig; but I am con-
vinced we have the right to the whole territory,
and I am ready to maintain it.

Sir, there was another remark made in the course
of thi.s dt'liate, which may merit a reply. It was
said that it was the restless spirit of western men
which caused this trouble by their occupation of
Oregon, and they were ridiculed for seeking homes
across tlie Rocky mountains. I desire gentlrmrii
to remember that it has been the policy of thi^i
Government to encourage the settlement of the
West. Our whole system of land laws, and espe-
cially our pre-emption laws, have that tendency.
And as to Oregon itself, this House has received
with the greatest fiivor for several preceding ses-
sions, a bill for the exprest. purpose of encour-
aginjj settlement on the borders of the Pacific.

r colonizing; am
uon can be Kivci
England wil
to lose, and tha
ir, I donotthini
the whole lerri
iind still pursue
y by which shi

to be otherwise
en ? We asser
resident believe:
i House bclievei

say gentlemen
opinion this wil
k reason for sur
onal honor is in-
rit of our fathers

hcnevcr a weal-
f the subject, ii
pt gentlemen are
ism." I desirf
tion, and I shall
I am not one o!
used the utmobi
is election; and
onfess I fell as
unposcd to havf
Athens. I, of
rratic Ualtiniorc
d 1 think now,
attempt to make

And I believo
ich wo now find

But when the
le is asserted—
, based perhaps
lit, have become
lin our rights ai
movers of this
lave got Texas,
me enamored of
nor for 4fP and

in dc|)rccatiiig
3 West will be
that portion of
*olk will still be
nd, sir, 1 think
many of whom
)urst for Oregon
I now consider
by the country,
his floor. I am
J; but I am con-
whole territory,

ide in the course

reply. It wai

of western men

ir occupation of

• seeking homes

esire geiulemeii

uolicy of thin

ttlenicnt of the

laws, and cspe-

that tendency.

se has received

I preceding ses-

wse of encour-

he Pacific.

Sir, it is to the spirit which prompts these set-
tlers that wc arc indebted for the settlement of the
western States. The men who are going to beat
down roads and level mountains, to brave and
to overcome the terrors of a wilderness, are our
brethren and our kinsmen. It is a bold and free
spirit; it has in it the elements of greatness. They
will march not

" Like some poor e.tile, bnnrtini; with his wo,
Tu slop too fearful, anil too faint to go ;"

but they will go with a free .steji — they will bear
with them the arts of civilization, and they will
found a western empire. Sir, it is possible they
may not receive protection, but at least they
should be shielded from rejiroach.

There is another mode of argument relied on in
this debate, however, which perha])s does them
more harm, because it proposes a " masterly inac-
tivity" at their expense. Some gentlemen say,
with the honorable member from Alabama, [Mr.
Yancey,] that the whole of Oregon is ours; but
that we must not give notice, but rely upon time
and settlement. Sir, is it j)roposed to encour-
age emigration, and not prepare to defend it?
Shall we invite our people to settle Oregon, in a
tone of voice so low that England may not hear it.'
Shall we expose them to collision with a foreign
Government, and avoid all responsibility for our
act.' Sir, I trust not. If the country is ours, let
us claim it; or rather, since we have claimed it,
let us stand by the claim; but do not let us resort
to the meonnes.s of doing by stealth what we dare
not do openly, or encourage our citizens to set th-
in a territory which we will not even assist them
to preserve. But the argument docs not sto]) here.
It la gravely alleged, as a reason for this course,
that our friends and brethi-en who go there may
soon be able to take the territory, and then we
may give " 'lie notice." Sir, this would be cquul-
ly unjust to England and our own people — to Eng-
land, because it violates the spirii of the conven-
tion of 1827, which excluded all title by occupa-
tion or settlement after its date; and unjust to our
own people, because we ex))ose them to all the
hardsliips of the settlement, and all the dangers of
ihe conflict, to take for us what we fear to take for
ourselves.

It is very apfiarent, Mr. Chairman, that these
arguments, together with the allenipi to create the
impression that this is o wcstrin measure, have
a common origin ; they are confined to one por-
tion of this Union, or but feebly echoed from
any other. There is an impression »mon<' what
has been called the "southern wing of democ-
racy" that war would affect their " peculiar insti-
tutions" — that our claim to Oregon would lead to
war ; and, therefore, they are ready to abandon it.
It is true that some of these gentlemen still claim
the "whole of Oregon" in words, but when they
are called iinoii to act, they only pro|)o.«!c "mas-
terly inactivity;" they eulogize the western rifle,
but they will not protect the bold ])ioncer who bears
it. And while they offect to consider this notice a
western measine, they do not attempt to conceal
the motives of sectional and local interest which
lead them to oppose it. The honorable gexitlenian
from Alabama [Mr. Yancey] appeals to the democ-
racy of the Sovuh, and tells them that war will rob
them of the fruits of their late political victory ;
" that the bluck larili'" will be sualuincd ; luid that

war will be not only protection, but prohibition-
Sir, I would not determine peace or war upon such
grounds. It is a question in\olving the welfare of
the whole nation, and in that view only should it
be decided. But, not content with this admission
of local feeling, this narrow and sectional and petty
objection, the honorable gentleman proceeds to dis-
cuss the results of war, and draws an argument
from victory itself against this notice. He says
we can take Canada, but when we do, it will be a
conquest for the benefit of the North and East, and
to the injury of the South and We.st. Sir, it ia
moat unfortunate for us that we are pressed by ar-
guments so numerous and yet so opposite. On
the one hand, the gentleman from South Carolina
[Mr. Holmes] portrnys defeat and disgi-ace; on the
other, the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. Yancet]
depicts trium))h and conquest; but v ...mer our
banner shall trail in the dust, or " challenge the
sky," the argument is against us. If we are de-
feated, the nation suffers ; if we are triumphant,
the dcmociacy and the South are trodden down.

Mr. Chairman, this argument against the exten-
sion of our territory by conquest has been made
before ; it was addressed to this House at its last
session. The annexation of Texas at the last ses-
sion was the beginning of a new policy; it was
ojiposed as virtually overturning the compromises
of the Constitution, by admitting a foreign State,
and disturliing the " balance of power in the
Union." But these reasons did not convince gen-
tlemen then, and those comjiromises were dis-
turbed. It does not, in my opinion, liecome those
who were most active in the establishment of tliis
principle, to limit its application. I do not see why
the "area of freedom" should not be extended
North as well as South; and, although I do not
wont Canada, and do not desire a war, yet cer-
tainly I should not be restrained from giving this
notice by any dread that Canada might be " an-
nexed.

But the honorable gentleman from South Carolina,
[Mr. Holmes,] following the course of hiseloquent
colleague, [Mr. IIiiett,] persists in treating this no-
tice as leading to w.ir, and they both indulge in a
description of its eflects in a political point of view.
While the gentleman from Alabama thinks it would
injure democracy by sustaining the tariff, they,
with the peculiar inrlinalions of their school, look
to consolidation. Sir, if the claim is unjust it
should be abondoned; we should ask " nothing
that is not right ;" but if it be well founded, surely
gentlemen would not surrender American territory
for fear of " consolidation." This is an argument
against any war for any purpose, defensive as well
as otherwi.-ie; for just in proportion to the emer-
gency must be ihe greatness of the effort, arid in
proportion to the i>ower of the Government, the
danger of consoliilation will be increased. No,
sir; this dread of concentrated jwwcr agrees but
poorly with the geiitleiiiaii's cirscription of our
weakness; and the fear of a " military chieftain,"
who would exchange the " sword for the sceptre,"
will never cause a gallant people to aViandon what
is " clearly and unquestionaiily ours."

I have said tliat i trust there will be no war; but
I should be glad if gentlemen who are for the
" whole of Oregon" will tell me how they expect
to avoid it. Ask them if they will surrender the
territory, and they say no. Ask them if they will

give the " notice," and they say no. Sir, they
will do notliiii^. Are we nny nearer excluf<ive
possession tiian we were in 1818 ? Has time or de-
lay aceonipiisiied anythino;? is not the question
more embarrassed now tlian it wa8 tlien r and is
not tlic purpose of England, if we can fairly judge
it, more adverse to our views now than formerly?
Tlio convunlioii of 1827 wiid luil a treaty of ticttU-
mint: it excluded the ideaof coloniziaion; and yet
E igland, it is said, claims the territory now, for the
ultimate purpose of building up a colony on that
ccast. (Jan it be true, then, that delay will lesson
the difficulty? No, sir; if it can be setih^d without
an ajipeal to arms, now is the auspicious momeiii.
Delay but extends the interests of both Govern-
ments, and multiplies the obstacles to concord; and
if, most unfortunately, the ultimate arbiter must be
the sword, delay will neither lessen the horrors of
conflict, nor quicken the ardor of preparation.

Sir, in every point of view the question should
be settled; it enters with an evil influence into ev-
ery circle of human concern; it becomes an element
of party warfare; it aflects and varies the value of
property; it paralyzes the energies of commerce,
and causes industry to be uncertain of its reward.
I repeat, that I desire peace and hope for peace;
but I consider it wisdom that the whole question
should be determined now. And, sir, I tlinik this
notice will lend to preserve, not to destroy, pacific
relations. It brings the matter to an is.sue; the
two nations will stand face to face; they will be
fully conscious of the importance of their decis-
ion; the appeals made for the iireservation of the
peace of the world may reach the hearts of both. I
think England will see that she will not inirsue
her accustomed policy to risk a war, which can add
nothing to her glory or her power, for a barroii
shore on a distant sea. And it may be that the
same considerations which induced the President
to ofl'er to accept the 49th parallel as the dividing
line, after he had declaretl our title to the whole
" clear and unquestionable," may still prompt him
to surrender what he has told the country and the
world is American territory.

I shall address myself for a moment to the argu-
ment drawn from our supposed weakness, and on
which so much reliance is placed. It is asked, how
can we contend with England? Where are our
ships, our cannon, our money, and our credit?
The gentleman fron South Carolina predicts its
disaster with the fury of the Pythoness, if not with
the wisdom of the Oracle. Sir, it is not an argument
becoming an American Congress. I do not under-
value England. I have heard with regret very
many things said of her in this debate, which I
think were neither wise nor just. Still less would
I underrate our own capacity to maintain our
rights. In the two wars which we have maintain-
ed for independence and for national honor, we did
not stop to adopt this policy of calculation — n pol-
icy which is as fatal to national as to individual
honor.

Sir, it is a. most reasonable course for a nation
to weigh deliberately and well the con.sequences of
any official and solemn declaration of her policy
and her rights, and perhaps mos' of all should she
ponder over an assertion to a claim to territory;
but in proportion to the hesitation with which she
makes it, should be the promptness end vigor by
which she uiiiintains it. To make a reckless claim

and a shameftil abandonment would have dis-
graced the pettiest nrincc that ever stumbled from
a throne. To us 1 trust it is impossible. This
nation, bv its Chief Executive, has declared our
rights. Th(!y are territorial rights upon this conti-
nent. They spring not only from ttiulitions of
discovciy — from doubtful exploration — from qual-
ified srlllenu'iit, but from the principles of an
American system, " and they must l)e preserved. "
If to maintain them war must follow, we deplore
the necessity, but we do not fear the result. I
shall indulge in no speculation as to com|)arative
strength, since no ('omparison ouu:ht to change our
conclusion ; but 1 may remark that our present
defcii' (less condition is more apparent than real,
and that what is tbouu:ht to be our weakness is
really a source of strength. We have no peace es-
tablishment of fleets and armies, like that of Eng-
land or France; ijut the means which they devoted
to its support has remained in the hands of our
people — a productive ciq-ital to employ our ener-
gies and develo|> our resources. We have culti-
vated the arts of peace. They have given us more
strength to forire the " thunderlKiits of war." I
know, sir, it will take time to prepare, but before
a crisis shall arrive we can seize it i)y the forelock.
The call of the Executive, like the foot of Pompey
in the S<'nate, will rouse up armed legions; but,
sir, one " Pharsalia" will not destroy the energies
of this Republic.

Mr. Chairman, the whole argument of gentle-
men on this branch of the subject, is not so much
an array of reasons against the war which they
now appn'hend , as against any war lor any |>ur| lOse.
A republican Government is always comjiaratively
unprepared for war at its beginning; but should
Ilepul)li(s, therefore, yield their rights and aban-
don their territories? Sir, to state the argument
is to answer it. The gentleman from South
Carolina, [Mr. Hoi.mbs,] who manifests so lively
a sense of the danger to which war would expose
us, nniKt remember that a dread of war does not
always prevent it. It was a fine conception of the
ancient poet, that the chariot of Mars was drawn
by flight and fi'ar. It was Sir Boyle Roche, I be-
lieve, who said, " that the best way to avoid dan-
ifcr was to meet it plump. " The genius of the
Greek and the humor of the Irishman have given
expression to a .sentiment worthy of reflection.

It will be perceived that, throughout the course
of these remarks, 1 have not only treated the title to
the whole nf Oregon as admitted by a large ma-
jority of this House, but I have chosen to assume
the validity of our rights as the basis upon which
my own opinions as to this notice have been form-
ed; imd I desire now to give, in a few words, the
views which I liitertain upon that question.

It is not necessary for me to expn-ssany o))inion

j at this m<mient as to the wisdom and policy of

Mr, Polk's inaugural address; but I may say that

I consiih'r this nation as bound to staiid by the

claim which is made, and that there are insiiper-

ai)le objections to the relin(iuishment of any por-

I tion of Oregon to Great Hritain. It is to be re-

I rnembered, that while we claim the territory by

I discovery and treaty. Great Britflin, denying our

I title, does not set up title in herself. She says

I " she has rights in Oregon" — she has citizens

there — !\nil she contemplates colonization. It is pre-

I cisely in this state of things, Mr. Chairman, that

wliat Imsbfrn cnllrd in thin ilrbnto " ninnifost lies- i
tiny," licronics mi important con.sidcnUion.

In the few rcmiirk.s wliii'h 1 nddrtssrd to llic
Houso on n former orension, I •jlanctd nt tliis
view of the siilijc'ct liustily and l)ricfly, iiml I sliall
now <!('Vot« a few nionipiil.i to its ajipiicalion.

I siipjiosc, MJr, that when Mr. Monroe made his
famous d-ehinilion of 1823, he desij^ned it to lia%e
Bonie |iractical iii)phi'ation. Tlial portion of it
referring to Euroiiean interferenee witii .South
American jiohiics was oeeasioned liy tlie att( nipt
of tiie lloly AiUaneo to assist Ine I'oiirlions
to reeover an as^endeney in Sixith Amerira.
13ut tiiat portion of it wliieh denied tiial "any
unsettled jxirtion of the continent was the sub-
ject for fiiture European roionizaliun,'" was in-
tended to apply to the northwest coast of the Pa-
cific, Ihc very territory in (luestion: it was so treat-
ed in the debate on the Panama mission, and Judije
White, of Tennessee, expressly so stated in that
discussion. A moment's reflection will make it
apparr-nt that this was its object — it was indeed
the only considerable territory to \vhi(;h it could
refer. I do not contend, sir, that when a declara-
tion of tliis general character is made by a Pres-
ident or Co/iijress that we are bound to sustain it
by force of arms whenever its princijjles are vio-
lated. Hut 1 insist that it was a statement of a
great American jiolicy; t!i it it well became our
prowing importance; that suiisequent events — our
increase in jiopulation, in States, in commerce, in
all the coiKstituenls of greatnes.s — give it still great-
er authority. And I submit that this is the very
case which demands its jiractical a])iilication. This
territory is unsettled — it is on this coiitiiielit — it is
contiguous to this Union. As long as it was mere-
ly ground for hunting and trapping, and trade with
Ind'ans, it was of but little conicquencc. But
now the wave of population breaks across the
peaks of the Rocky inountains, and mingles its
spray wi'h the Pacific; it is becoming settled, and
will soon be ofcommcroiul iniitortance. The ques-
tion is, shall we permit it to remain open to foreign
colonization ? I say that question siiould be de-
termined, judging of us not merely as wc arc, but
an we probably sliall be.

The doctrine that a nation has a right to regard
the preservation of its vital iniercsts, in such a
conlroversy, is to be found " in tlie best considered
Btate ]ia]iers of modem times.'' It is the province
of enlightened statesmanship to look forward, and
no statesman can fail to perceive the importance
of that territory to this Union. To divide the
country would be to build ui) rival and conflicting
interests — to permit Englaml to erect a commer-
cial, if not a military Gibraltar on the Pacific coast.
It would be to surrender all chance of fair and
equal rivalry in commercial enterprise in that sea.
It would be to put England in possession orano-

tlicr key to eontrfil what may be the sent of n vas'
commerce. Mr. Chairman, I think that to aban-
don the principles of Mr. Monroe's declaration
would be to fuller in the path which Providenco
has marked out for us, and to prove ourselves un-
worthy of a high destiny, it is not thus that
England has " hailed by the wayside." She has
gone onward with a steady and imperial march.
She has seen her destiny, and has pursued it; and
she has made a small i^lalld on the borders of
Euro|)e the seat of the mighliesl power the world
has ever known. The seat of our power is a vast
continent. We are wid(;ly separated tVoni Europe,
and unconnected with its jiolitics. In the very
spring anil vigor of our youth, we, too, are press-
ing onward with tlie steps of a giant. Ours will
be the great predominating Power on this con-
tinent; and our permanent peace and our essential
intere.-,ts will be jeopardized by any foreign col-
onization.

Would Great Britain permit us to colonize any
portion of India contiguous to her possessions,*
Would she permit us to "annex" any independ-
ent State, if tliere were one on her East Indian
frontier.' Would we permit lier to conquer or
purchase Cuba? No, sir; no, sir. It is in this
sense I would apjily the doctrine of " manifest des-
tiny," so often remarked upon in the debate. It
is an cxjiression which I did not originate, and
which does not convey my idea; but, sir, I would
not be willing to shut my eves to the argument
contained in the phra.'^e itself. The doctrine of
natural boundary sometimes establislies a title to
a country; a deep river, a high chain of mountains,
even a change in production, may mark the lino
between nations. Sir, the title for which I contend
is not so feebly established; a rolling ocean, an
unsettled country, a contiguous territory, all lend
force to our pretensions. Providence has separated
us from the Old World, and our policy, as well
as our institutions, should perpetuate the division.

In conclusion of these remarks, it only renmiiia
for mc to say, that I am as far as any gentleman
on this floor from a desire to precipitate this coun-
try and Great Britain into a war, I believe that
peace is the policy of both countries. We are
running a career of earnest (I trust, not ungeii-
erou.':) rivalry, and we are both disseminating the
English language, the principles of free govern-
ment, and the blessings of religious toleration.
Yet I believe that this notice is the best mode of
maintaining peace, if it can be maintained upon
lionora!)le terms; but if we can only preserve peace
by a surrender of American territory, by adopting
a course as ini]>olitic as it would be degrading,
I shall give my vote for every measure the honor
of the country may demand, under what, I trust,
is a true sense of my responsibility us a Icjjislator
and a man.