IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) Y /. :/- f/. y ^ 1.0 I.I 111 6" 14^ |28 1 2.5 lio III 2.0 1.8 1.25 llll 1.4 ill 1.6 V] \» denied it, and so did the, gentleman from Virginia, [Mi. Bati.t;] but I think, sir, we may safely confide them to the care of Mr. Calhoun, whose opinions in be- half of the title of hia own country should, with them at leant, be w«.ighty, if not conclusivo, I nm highly gratified, Mr. Chairman, that auch ia the opinion of lhi> House upon tlie question of title. It would be strange if it were otherwise. How does that laim present itself here.' Sir, it has been maintained not only by the highest au- thority, but byevcry authority known to our Con- stitution and our laws. It has been asserted for more than thirty years; it has been maintained by our Ambassadors abroad and our Secreta'.ies at home; by successive Administrations, and by every Adminiatration; it has been enforced in the declaration of a general princl, :e, ul' in the decla- ration of Mr, Monroe, in 182j, "tiia' the Ameri- can continents arc henceforth not to b. considered as subjects for fViture colonization by v ' Europe- an Power;" it ha« been particu'arr/ ?.iid specifi- cally i-clied on by the President of the United States in ' is Inaugural Address to the people and to the world; it has received his earnest and sol- emn sanction in the late Annual Message to Con- gress; it has been the subject of long and repeated negotiation, in every stage of which it has been il- lustrated and confirmed. Nor, air, has it been left to presidents or diplomatists: that claim has con- tributed to change an angry faction into a success- ful party; and "Oregon and Texas" have immor- talized Polk and Dallas. I know, Mr. Chairman, that there have been some efforts, here and elsewhere, to cast suspicion upon our title to the whole territory, from the fact that we have repeatedly offered to compromise upon the 49lh degree of latitude. It is true, that we have made this offer three times; it is also true that it has been three times rejected. And, sir, it is to be remembered, that whenever we have done ao, it haa been accompanied with a denial ot any title in Qreut Britain, and an express dedan- 8 tioii thni it was an offer madr, not from a convic- tion of rit;lit, l>;it from a rci^ard for [)eacc and con- cord. Sir, I iiavf hnn surprised to hear gentle- men rely uiioii this as evidence of title in (jr> at Britain. There is no lawyer on this floor who does not well mider.sland the principle u|)on whi
  • prove the action of the convention, and gave her assent, with great dramatic effect, to its nominations and it.s princi- ples. Sir, amid the shout for " Polk and Dallas, Ore- gon and Texas," were Virginia and South Caro- lina .silent.' or did they lend force and fervor to a declaration which they s(.'cni now to think was a deliberate fraud upon the nation .' And, sir, at the last session of Congress, when Mr. Polk had be- come known, and Texas was to be annexed, where was the southern wing of democracy then.' Sir, they were ardent in their proi'essions of an en- larged patriotism. The honorable j'entleman from South Carolina [Mr. RiiK.rr] voted for the Oreifon bill of la,sl session, with this very notice in it; that was a bill exercising the highest .sovereign power over the territory — extending our laws, establish- ing our government, granting land; in shin-t, sir, incorporating it as a part of these United Slates. Sir, these gendemen -.veie then extending " the area of freedom;" but when, by the aid of South Carolina in the Senate, the bill failed; when Texas is annexed, and another slave State added to the Union; then the democratic resolutions have lost their authority — Texas and Oregon are not twin stars, and gentlemen suddenly perceive that the etar of Oregon is obscured by the clouds of war. The gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. Holmes] began the remarks just addressed to the committee, by a very fanciful allusion to a dark flpiril now hovering over this fair land, and obscu- ring the bright face of heaven. How long, sir, has this vision tortured the gentleman's imngination? •incc when has it frighted him from hia propriety ) If I remember that distinguished gentleman' ncrcased whei course at the last session of Congress, there wer pctions come not .sj)irit.'j enough in the " upjx'r a'r" to d.un]) hi cssion of Con courage. As hmg as Texas was in doubt, Mexie ind many of t might be contemned and England defied It wa iolice,then ad not enough that Texas was already possessed e iig this very n republicjin institutions, but she must have hersta iiost of tho.se blazoned upon our banner; and at the very nio idvocates of t ment when Mexico was threatening war for ai uied for it wi act which enlisted tl e sympathies of thecivilizei irovided for a world against us, a bill pa.«>sed this House by i if sovereignty very large majority to exercise the highest attri lie most timid butcs of sovereignty over the whole territory o ivas based iipi Oregon. Where then was tin; honorable gentle ivithout notici man's vision of wo.' Were the winM of the darl iisrrtion of tl .spirit furled.' Or is this but the " dark hour" t( iient of our cl which, in common with other seers and sages, iIk .cere these g honorable gentleman is subject .' cctures upcni I desire, sir, before '. proceed to di.scuss the grav( liey were wil arguments of gentlemen, to address niy.self to tin erritory with suggestion .so often made, that notice is war. Th( hey will not notice, Mr. Chairman, is a stipulation of the eon ' a.ssert" our vention; it is the agreement of the i)arlies; it pro and must be vides for a period of twelve months between th< I leave to lion notice and the abrogation of the I'onvention itself riU: these pos and the mere statement seems to iiie to be anan.>!wei iieitlii r statesi to the idea that it is, or of itself "an be, war. It is I proceed ii nothing more nor less than proid" of our desire tn Jigument, d have tile question determincu; it a.-^scrt.s no right, ii depicted by I suggests no remedy. It will, undoubtedly, brin^' larticularly b ■ more directly to the consideration of both CJoveni- ina, [.Vlr. Hi I nicnts the necessity of settling the cjuestion; and ii if we do go I is a question that should be settled. But it is a nieas- (his notice, urc consistent with tin; treaty, it springs out of tin tlemeii admit treaty, anil it will scarcely be contended, that a re- 'laiiii it, or su fpcctful compliance with the conditions of the eon- irrows out of I vention can be considered as war, or as of iiscil wo have done leading to war. Let me ask, if Great Britain weii: if we yield ti to giv • this notice to us, (as she unquesiionably iVoin dread of might do,) would that bo war, or cause of war; orable [leace.' No, sir; it would undoubtedlyeonvince us thatshe I was in earnest; we should feel, more than we now do, the necei.sity of some decided acliini; but the question of war or peace would be delerniined with reference to our rights. If, after that notice. Great Britain should not only claim, but attempt to t;ike, what is "unquestionably ours," I trust wi: should manifest a becoming sense of what mighi be due to our.selvcs; and, in '.his event, unjust ag- gression might lead to war. But the notice .vould do no such thing; it is jiacific, because provided for by the treaty; it is peaceful, because it Icives every mode of settlement still open to both Powers; and It is proper, becau.se it tends to the immediate settlenientof a difficulty, which time certainly doe.s not render more ca.sy of adjustment. Mr. (,'hair- iiian, v/liile discussing the iirojiriety of notice in this point of view, let me observe, that the notice does not preventaset'lement on any basis proposed. Does any gentleman desire arbitration.' The notice does not reject it. Is compromise insisted upon.' The notice is silent upon that point. Is forty-nine the true line.' Thf notice does not deny it. No, sir, 1 repeat, the notice may tend to preserve peace; but the notice itself cannot lead to war. It is nn act which manifests our desire, if you please our determination, that the question shall be settled; and, Mr. Chairman, it is nothing more. But, sir, if the objections thus xir^eA against the notice arc matter of surprise, how is our surpriso nation may yi I'onciliationar may be claim the proof may per Huliject re than we now I ai'liiin; but tlic be delerniiiied tfier that notice, iin, but altempi iirM," I trust wc of what mii!;hl vent, unjust ar^- lie notice .vould ctmuse provided pc.iu.'je It Ip.iveH to both Fowers; n the iiumediat) e certainly dop.s lit. Mr. ('hair ■ty of notice in that the notice basis proposed, on? The notice insisted upon . Is forty-nine I deny it. No, preserve peace; 1 war. It is nn you picnse our hall be settled; nore. ^eA against tlie IS our surpriso •lie these positions; but, to my mind, they evince e to bcanaiiswei leither statesinansiiip nor wisdom, 1 be, war. It is I proceed now, Mr. Chairman, to examine the of our dp.'iiie tn n-ifumeiit, drawn from the horrors of war, as .strts no rij;ht, ii ilepieted by Kcutleimin on tliis (loor, and more loubtedly, brin:; larticularly by the g;entleman from South Caro- "loth tJovcrii- ina, [.Vlr. IIui.mbs.] I tiiink I have shown that "we do go to war, it will not be on account of ihis noiicN'. Sir, how will this war come? Gen- lleniPii admit that "all Oresron" is ours. Shall we aim it, or surrender it? If wc claim it, and war rows out of that claim, we battle for our rights, as wi; have done before. If we surrender that claim, if wc yield territory which we admit to be ours, from dread of a foreign power, we court " a dishon- (II able fieace." Sir, there may beocciwions when a nation may yield her past pretensions in a spirit of •oiiciliationandfVipiKlsliip without dishonor. There may be claims in their nature doubtful, of which tlic proof may be uncertain. They may be the pro- li.T subject of compromise, and the interests of M;ice and Immanity may be advimci'd by modera- tion and forliearanc*. Hut most of the gentlemen who linve opposed this notice Imvi! not formerly I'onsidiMPil this claim in that light, and they do not M) speak of it now. They affirm our title, they I'laim the whole tcu'ritory, they will not yield a. f Mil of it; but they will not i^ive notice, and they will imly ('onseiit to " a niaslprly inaclivily." Sir, lo those who claiiu the whole territory. 1 beg leave lo suggest that lUMirly thirty yeais have elapsed, iiiid we are no nearer jiossession than we were at first. In the mean time, our oilers ol'cinnproinise liavi' be<>n rejected: our tille has been formally and solt'innly reiterated by our (jiovernmeiit ; our citi- zens have, been eiicoiiraged to " possess the land:'" and the President, in his last Message to this House, dc;c,lares the wholi^ territory to be ours. In my opinion, sir, we linve passed the |ioint at which '•inaelivily" is wisdom. We have spoken too loud- ly belVu'c! to be silent now. And while I express no opinion as to the wisdom of that course which has placed us in our present |iositi(m, 1 nm willing to abide all its responsibilities. The gi'iitleman from South Carolina, f. Mr. Riir.TT,] in remurkiiig upon whut has bucii said as to hon- orable peace, observed, in a very pointed and beau- tiful manner, that the " honor of a nation can scarc.ely be separated from its essential interests." If he means that the honor of a nation is its tstsen- t'tal interest, I am happy to agree with him; but if, as I su|)pose, he means to apply his remark to the question under discussion, and affirm that the honor of the nation is not involved because its essen- tial interests would suffer in enl'orcing our claim, then, sir, I totally dissent. The honor of a na- tion is its highest interest, because it determines not only the form, but the duration of its existence and its power. It is for this reason that unsullied faith is honor and interest combined; that public integrity confirms the one, and promotes the other. Out, sir, in the sense of the gentleman from South Carolina, the honor of a nation may very often demand a sacrifice of those immediate interests, which the gentleman .seems to consider ns essen- tial. Tested by his rule, what war has been honor- able, unless it may be a war for immediate national preservation? The gentleman's close reading of liistory may teach him that the cost of a war al- most always exceeds the entire value of the thing in dispute, unless the character and the honor of the nation are to be cmisidered as "above all price." F.stiinaied in dollars and cents, regiirding only our immediate interests, those interests which the honorabl*! gentleman so directly alluded to, the late war with tireat Uritain was a miserable specu- lation; the cost of the war was more than the wlude value of the commerce affected, either by the IJeriin and Milan decrees, or the British or- ders in louncil! We lost ten times as many men on the field of battle as tne British could have tiiken by any system of impressment. But, sir, the essential interest of the nation was, the jn-eser- vation of its honor. It was a wise and noble ex- penditure of blood and treasure; it gave us rank amoii!^ nations, it gained us the admiration of the world, it guarded our commerce, it protected our citizens, it has given us thirty years of " honorable peace," — peace sweeti r, becaii.se won through suf- fering and trial. And I trust, sir, it has left us lessons of patriotism and couraire, which, I am sure, the honorable gentleman from South Caro- lina will not be the first to forget. It is thus, sir, that honor and interest are blended in a Republican Government: it is impossible to separate them; and it is because I regard them both, that I desire this notice to prevail. I scarcely kiii>w, Mr. Chairman, whether it is proper to con- sider the remarks of the gentleman from South Carolina, |Mr. Hoi.mks,] who has just spoken, as a grave argument; it is rather a dissertation upon the "horrors of war, "an encomium upon the power of Knglaiid, and a cont'essicm, most liumiliating if it be true, of our own weakness. If I understand him, he suppower of the Government, the danger of consoliilation will be increased. No, sir; this dread of concentrated jwwcr agrees but poorly with the geiitleiiiaii's cirscription of our weakness; and the fear of a " military chieftain," who would exchange the " sword for the sceptre," will never cause a gallant people to aViandon what is " clearly and unquestionaiily ours." I have said tliat i trust there will be no war; but I should be glad if gentlemen who are for the " whole of Oregon" will tell me how they expect to avoid it. Ask them if they will surrender the territory, and they say no. Ask them if they will give the " notice," and they say no. Sir, they will do notliiii^. Are we nny nearer excluf our resources. We have culti- vated the arts of peace. They have given us more strength to forire the " thunderlKiits of war." I know, sir, it will take time to prepare, but before a crisis shall arrive we can seize it i)y the forelock. The call of the Executive, like the foot of Pompey in the S<'nate, will rouse up armed legions; but, sir, one " Pharsalia" will not destroy the energies of this Republic. Mr. Chairman, the whole argument of gentle- men on this branch of the subject, is not so much an array of reasons against the war which they now appn'hend , as against any war lor any |>ur| lOse. A republican Government is always comjiaratively unprepared for war at its beginning; but should Ilepul)li(s, therefore, yield their rights and aban- don their territories? Sir, to state the argument is to answer it. The gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. Hoi.mbs,] who manifests so lively a sense of the danger to which war would expose us, nniKt remember that a dread of war does not always prevent it. It was a fine conception of the ancient poet, that the chariot of Mars was drawn by flight and fi'ar. It was Sir Boyle Roche, I be- lieve, who said, " that the best way to avoid dan- ifcr was to meet it plump. " The genius of the Greek and the humor of the Irishman have given expression to a .sentiment worthy of reflection. It will be perceived that, throughout the course of these remarks, 1 have not only treated the title to the whole nf Oregon as admitted by a large ma- jority of this House, but I have chosen to assume the validity of our rights as the basis upon which my own opinions as to this notice have been form- ed; imd I desire now to give, in a few words, the views which I liitertain upon that question. It is not necessary for me to expn-ssany o))inion j at this molitic as it would be degrading, I shall give my vote for every measure the honor of the country may demand, under what, I trust, is a true sense of my responsibility us a Icjjislator and a man.