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Tous las autras axampiairas originaux sont filmfo an commandant par la pramMra paga qui comporta una amprainta d'imprasslon ou d'lilustratlon at an tarminant par la darniAra paga qui comporta una talla amprainta. Un das symbolas sulvants apparattra sur la darnlAra imaga da chaqua microflcha, salon la cas: la symbols — ► signifia "A SUIVRE", la symbols V signifia "FIN". Las cartas, planchas, tabiaaux, ate, pauvant Atra fllmAs A das taux da rAductlon diff Arants. Lorsqua la document aat trop grand pour Atre raproduit an un saul cllchA, 11 ast f iimA A partir da i'angia supArlaur gaucha, da gaucha A droita, at da haut an bas, an pranant la nombra d'imagas nAcassaira. Las diagrammas sulvants lilustrant la mAthoda. rata elure, A J 32X 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 ^'^l- /^ REMARKS ox THE • • • J « HISTORICAL MMATeiHTS Al FAIIAM » • • • • I • fl • ■ OF :•• MR. GOLDWIN SMITH, (LATE REGIUS PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY AT OXFORD UNIVERSITV. IX HIS •••.. • • • ■ • • • • * • • ♦ « • ••••• •••«• ■ • • • • I • • • « 1 • 1 • I f ■ k I ■ ■ » • Lecture ** On the Foundation of the American Colonies," and his Letters; " On the Emancipation oi the Colonies." I « I • I » • • • BY A. C A.N' A3DI A.N".cf'^-^*<^."i Toil ONTO: PHIXTKII AT THE I.KADKU 9TKAM I'llEsa KSTAIII.ISHMKKT, 6H KING STREKT EAST. 1800. *• •• ••••• ••••• ••••• .•• •. •••• •«• •• • •••• • •••■ ;;•" IMIKFATOUY NOTE. j'* The I'ollowiiig jiagos (repiintetl from tlio Toronto Leader,) wijrs written in Octubcu lfi«kJl)ut reniiiiuod nnpublishod until October, lsi)(;. 'I'luy wore not intended to discuss theJwliole Colonial ((ueation, but to remark upon tiu' political and soeiivl aspects of it, in cfft^ftinj,' liistoriciil mis-statements made by Mi-. Goldwin Smith in his University Lectui'o aiA«»c\vspaner letters on the American (Colonies. The facts available to refute the theory aiul/tatemonta of Mr. Smith, in respect to the commercial, military and financial aspects of tnc**me.stion, may be inferred from the n?f(;renco cantuiued in a note on pa:^e l."). Sine*-' thr'wmarks of this little broc/iiire were written, Mr. Goldwin Smith has ceased to be IlogiuS Pfa5*Ssor of Modern History in the University of Oxford; a-id it is to be hoped that no ■^ittiit! Profess(n' of History in any IJritish University, while eundating Mr. GoldwinSmith's tjcji^ijeuee, will imitate his oxaini)ie in his morbid enmity against the iiigher classes and {herjjiheil lustutitions of his oountrv, lu his revolutionary ardour for the dismemberment of tl^^j Jfcmpire, in his pandering to the lowc'st auti-15ritish spirit of American democracy, in n*i*ins and national connection, and their readiness and determination to eni'loy tlieir utmost energy and resources, in connection with British aid, to d^^tend their coimtry and-indopendc-nco against any and every invasion Irom the United States. Yours respectfully, ACAWDIAN. Toronto, October, 1866. \Vlicn( or the o]( and revel and ap|)li true imjic >fii:s," .M of tiict ; a English liberty. Mr. Goi eKiiaustet ceasing ti benefits a faith oft! turie.! ha and a n their " dc who rcgar Mr. Gol congregat! teacher's sois'cd t ]icacf." lb in the Mi instruincn bMigth. an 8 A Oanadiau's Roply to Mr. Ooldwin Smith on the Colonies, KlItWT I'AIIT. Mr. OoUhvln Hmltli, roK'uH iirot'i'Mor of mnderii history in tho University olOxfcM^ lins wri.tou to tin* iii'\VM|iii|M'rH I'tMir IcttorHoii wliat lio ciiUa " tho emancipation oi ilio colonies;" tliat Irt tliu I'l-lriu'WiK "^l tlio policy l)y which Orcat Britain has become tho greatest nationiil piiwci' uf thn jflobe ; the ri'iliiction oJ an empire over hundreds ol millionH t'» u kliiLTilom incliiillnur thirty nilllinns ; the tihrivellinfi: of an empire on which tho sun never him.i to ii nilimr InIiuiiI ol Kuvope.'* .)fr. (Iii'.'hi'lii Siii!th'n iiftii '/>■■•< on Hnf/hiad niiil the Colonks. Ay 11 niitive of Cuniuln— to wliirh Mr.CioIdwin Smith's hostility is chiefly dirc.Ueu — I beg to outer my proti'Wt i\n:nhmt the doctrine lie advances, and the statements ho adduces in its HUppiirl, HI- lour lettyrs urn but tho one in substance — expanded by as- sertious, divi'rsillcd by llluHlnillouM, and on'erveH"ing witli attacks on the English establishment, Kngll'^li HluleMniunroctive of rhiur actual connection and true import. In hU I'lilverHlly lecture "On TirK I'otr.ND.VTioN of TitK Amf.uic.vx Coi.O' Mi:s," .Mr. (loldwiu '/'mltli liiyn ii I'ouudiition of his own hincy instead of the foundation of fact ; and ignores sitnio InntH iind reverseH others to create material (or attatk against I'higlish churchisin and tyranny, and for ]iunegyi'ic on New England Puritanism and libi-rty. y\n exiini[ile or two iiiUHt mitllce. Mr. Goldwiii Smith says i—" 'I'll" Aniericnn colonies arose froin discontent, not with exhausted iiustiires, but with (iiMtltiilions that were waxing old, and a taith that was ceasing to lie divine" KnyUHli limllliUions are still as young in vigor and fruitful in benefits as they were betoi'o tile plant, ithm ot English colonics in America ; nor has the faith of the Church of Kngliind yet "ceased to bo divine," though more than two ccn- tiuio'j have passed awiiv Mlnee tlie exodus celebrated by the Oxlord regius professor; and a much larger iMiniber nf the liri-l American colonists professed, on leaving their " dear mother coiiniry," to he of the »'aith oi tho Church of England than of tho.se who regarded it as •' ceiiHlng to lie illvine," Mr. (jlohlwln Smith ili'scrilies the loiinders of tho American ropuljlic as " a Puritan congregation on tho eonfliieH of Vorkshire, Lincolnshire and Nottinghamshire, whose teacher's nanie was iJolilniMii, and who, harassed beyond endurance, ro- solvcd to leave nil they had and fly to Holland, there to worship (Jod in peace." Ue vividly HketcheH their adventures in Holland and on their voyage to America in tho Maytlowir r.-miuklnj'' llnit "before these jiilgrims landed, they by a solemn instrument founded Hie I'liriliiii Uepulillc," Mr. (Joldwin Smith quotes this instrument at b>ngth, and calls the list of ||h nlgners a " roll of plebeian names, to which the roll o( •These letters, Avilli oHumn, Mr, of 2'hc Emi'iif Siiiilh lias collcctcil and reprinted in a book under the title 71082 Battle Abbey is ft i)oor record ol nobility." " In this iioliticnl covenant of the pilprJm fathers (says the Osford Professor) lies the declaration of American Independence. From the American Declaration of American Independence was borrowed the French De- claration of the Bights of Man." All this is very fine as a creation of Mr. Goldwin Smith's fertile imagination, but is worthless and untrue as an historical stotoraent. Any attentive student of American history, and especially of the life ot Thomas JefTiiisou— the author of the Declaration of American Independence— knows that tlie sentiments of that Declaration were not borrowed from the " political covenant ot the pilgrim father?," but from the French infidel philosophers, of whoso works Mr. JeflTcreon was a dilifjcnt student, aned it by royal charter in 1690. The Founders of the Republic not English Lideper.dcnts. It is also a fact, ot which Mr. Goldwin Smith seems imavvare, that the founders of this model Puritan republic were not only not Independents in England, but professei, even after their embarkation, to be members of the Church of England, and as such addressed from on board their ship Arbella, at Yarmouth, a farewell epistle to their " Keverend Fathers and Brethren" of the Church of England. This epistle is entitled "the humble request of their Majesty's loyal subjects, the governor and company, lately gone to New- England ; and to the rest of their brethren of the Cluirrh of England.' Mr. Goldwin Smith's statements are remarkable in the light of the following words frcmi this epistle: "And however your charity may have some occasion of discouragement through the misreport of our intention, and through the disatTcction, or iiidisoreti'n, of some of us, or rather amongst us;
een a meml)er ol some English cliurch ; but what is remarltiible, wlien they assembled at a little spring, which yet flows to supply the Saiism town pHni|), they all gathered round it, and taking hold of hands, formally re- »i)lv(»d that they were " plain unvarnished men," and 'members of no visible church on earth,' they then resolved that, being gathered in Jesus' name and believing themselves to be redeemed by his bl(KMl, they were ot tho invisible church ol Christ, and there fa8tor, Mr. Skelton, botli of whom had l»een educated for the ministry, [and were cleigymen of the Church of England] and the brethren lai t their hands on their heads, as an original ordaining jiowcr. At this stage ot tlie proceedings. Governor Uradford arrived, havinc come across the bay to ofl'er tho right_liand of fellowship on behalf of tlu; Plymouth church. They paused to licar his message and reidied, that if ho offered it as un act of Iraternal love, they accepted gludly but if he or his church th(mght to found any authority upon it, to interpose ever in their cliurch concerns, tliey must decline it. (governor Bradford made the necessary disclaimer, and tlie ceremonies were closed with mutual sutisfaction. Thus was Indejoendency initiated in New England." Mr. Smith's partial Htatement in regard to these Fndepcndenta. Mr. Goldwin Smitli is as parlitil in his statement of the persecutions of this New England church, as he is incorrect in his account ol its origin and the founders of the Now England republic. He says : — "Tiie history (jf tlie Puritan church in New England is one of enduring glory and of transient shame ; of tronsient shame, because there was a moment of intolerance and persecution ; of enduring glory, because intoleranccand per- secution instantly gaveway to perfect liberty of conscience and free allegiance to the truth. The found-rs of New England were Independents" "It was natural that the Puritan settlement sliould at first be a church rather than a state. To have given a share in its land or its political franchise to those who were not of its communion, would have been to make tho receiver neither rich nor iiowerl'ul, and the giver as he might well think, poor and weak indeed." Mr. Smith's historical errors corrected, Bancroft quoted. These passages partake larr-.Jy of the fiction which characterizes all the statements of Mr. Goldwin Smith in regtti; . America or the British colonies. It has been shown that tho Puritan republic was r.^ i, founded by Independents, as he asserts; and in re- gard to tiie pilgrims of the Mayflower, the only company tliat left England as Inde- pendents, and as such founded their Jgovernment and transplanted their church in New England — there was no such proscription as to property or the Iranchise as his -vords imply, anil therefore no need of the strange apology wliich lie makes. That proscrip- tion was made by men who left the mother country as "adventurers," and, as I have shown above, as professed members of tho Church ot England ; but tlie very hand of Gov. Winthrop that signed at Yarmouth that " request" to his '• lleverend Fathers and brethren ot the Church of England," signed, the following year at Boston, a law that pro- scribed members of the Church of England, as well as Presbyterians, Baptists and Quakers, from the political rights of British subjects in Massachusetts :— not from hold- ing lands ; for that they could do, and share in all the burdens of the new state ; but they could neither hold ofllce, nor " share in the political franchise." In the other material statements of the above extracts, Mr. Goldwin Smith is equally at fault as to both his facts and his apology. He sajs, — " there was a moment ol intol- erance and persecution" wliich " instantly gave way to perfect liberty of conscience and free allegiance to the truth." What Mr. Goldwin Smith teims "a moment of intoloranci! and persocutlon" was n purlod of rclcntloHs proBcriptlon and persecution for tixty yearn ; and ho fur from Its " instantly giving wuy to perfect liberty of conscience und free allegiance to truth," it was im\y vcstmiucdhY i\n order of the King, C'hurles II., in 1001, after thirty years ot hlmxly swny, and finally extinguished by the cancelling ol the first New Kngland charter and the creation of a new charter l)y William and Mary \n 101)0, when by royul charter, and not by the Puritans, as Mr. U. Smith ripresents " perfect liberty of conscience" with cHpuil political iranchiso for Kpiscopalluns, Pres- byterlu is and Uaptls's, as well as for Independents, was established in the Puritan Uopublic of New England. Two of the iliri'ctors ot the Now Eughind company by the namn of Urowne — one a lawyer and the other a i)rivate gentleman — who determined to retain the service of the Prayer Hook for tlieir lamllies und servants — were banished •Tliev were banished (says Bancroft) because they were ('liurclimon. Tlius was Episco- pacy first professed in Massachusetts, and thus was it exiled. The blessings of the promised land were to be kept tor Puritan dissenters." (History of the United States, Am. Edi 8 vo, vi>l. i. i>. ijriO.) Mr. Smith's further errors correct) d, Burka quoted. Instead of tlieir indulging a moment of intolerance and i)crsecution which Instantly gave way to •' perlect liberty o( conscience and free allegiance to the truth," " intole- rauce and persecution," and the suppression of all freedom in religious laith and worship, became the leading features of'thtlr legislation and governuient until arrested by tluit very royal authority which Mr, Ooldwin Smitli so uiuch inisrcpresents und de- preciates in his eulogies on New England Puritanism. The great Edmund Burke in his Account of the European Settlements in Anicricu, alter describing the form of government established in New England, remarks that "From sucli a fonnns this great religious freedom might, one would liave imagined, be well expected. But the truth is, they had no idea at all of such freedom. The very doctrine of any sort of toleration was so odious to the greater part, that oncot the first persecutions set up here was against a small party which arose amongst themselves, who wcro hardy enough to maintain that the civil magistrate hn.d no lawful power to use compulsory measures in attkirs of religion. After harassing these people by all the vexatious ways imaginable, tbey obliged them to fly out of their jurisdiction." " If men. merely for the moderation of their sentiments, were exposed to such i evcre treatment, it was not to bo expected that others should escape unpunished. The very first colony hud ha: 'lly set its foot in America, when discovering that some amongst them were false brethren, and ventured to make use of llie Common Prayer, they found means to make the country so uneasy to them, that they were glad to fly 'back to England. As soon as they began to think of making laws, I find no less than five about matters of religion ; all contrived, and not only contrived, but executed in some respects with a rigour tliat the persecution which drove the Puritans out of England, might he considered lenity and indulgence in the compar- ison. For, in the first of these laws, they deprive every one who does not communicate with their established church, of the right to his freedom, or a vote In the election ot their magistrates. In the second, they sentence to banishment any who should oppose the fourth commandment, or deny the validity of infant baptism, or the authority of the magis- trates. In the third, they condemn Quakers to banishment, and make it capital for them to return ; and not stopping at the oflenders, they lay heavy fines upon all who should bring them into tho province, or even harbor them for an hour. In tlio fourth, they provide banishment 'and death in case of return for Jesuits and popish priests of every denomination. In the fifth, they decree death to any who shall worship images. After they had provided such a complete code of persecution, they were not long without opportunities of reading bloody lectures upon it." " In short this people, who in England could not bear to bo chastised with rodt, had no sooner got free from their fetters than they scourged their fellow refugees with scorpions ; though the absurdity us well as injustice of such proceeding in them might stare them in the face!" (Vol. II. second London edition. 1758. pp. 148-152 ;) .*->-^ jrHCCutlon for i)f coimcionco iiip, C!hurl«!8 cancelling nt 111 mill Mary li rrprrHcntH [)uliunH, I'ri'B- the I'urilun iipttiiy by tliu iletiiiuinml rcrc biiniHbeil 1 \VU8 EpiHCO- HingH of tho 'nltod Stutt'8, licli instantly ,th." "intole- and worship, csU'aI by that its and do- mund Hurkc ing tlio form a form as this ted. But the f any sort of s set up here ly enough to measures in •8 imaginable, moderation of bo expected set its foot and ventured go uneasy to to think of vcd, and not wcntion which ,11 the eompar- communicatc ictionot their 980 the fourth )f tho magis- dtal for them who should fourth, they iests of every lages. After long without o in England their fetters absurdity as e!" (Vol. II. Mr. 8mUh'» falaijifittion of Nme Kn{flitn<, ami tintil iirrrHti-d by a higher po'ver ; ho proniiunccH "eiuluring glnry" upon ilu- I'lir'tiui cliiircb (tf Ntiw Kngland because the " moment '(>*" intolerance and iiersecution instantly gave way to perfect liberty of con- science and fr»>i' alle^riiinci" to tlu.' tnitli," wIkmi tlif? nword of j)ersecution after thirty years havoc was only chcck.<'d for a little, imt slieathed, by Kingly authority, iu IflOl — cliL'cked again by the suspension of the cliartor by quo warranto in l(J88, and finally destrovey Mr. (Joldwin Siuitli'a Puritans, perfect liberty orc:)nnci(!nce and equal jwditlcal rights for all classes of i'r(>testants were first e8tal>- lishel iu Massachussctts. Mr. (loldwin Smith .sees nothing iu the religious faith of old Knglaud but " a faith that was ceasing to be divine," while in the faith ot New Eiiglund he soes only "u ti(x' allegiance to the truth ;" in tlui rigorous govern- ment of Old F.ngland he beholds oi>pri^Bsion only of monarchical and aristocratic " insti- tutions that were waxing old" while in the far more oppressive government of New Knglaud he perceive,-) only tlu; necessities ot a ni'w church statu, llio granting of the po" liticul fraiicliise in v.hicli to any but one creed would imijoverish the giver without earichiug tlu! recriver ; in the variable hut cruel persecutions of Old Kngland he dis- covers but the fruits of the faith embraced, and the iustitutioiis established ; in the mori! systematic and cruel persecutions ot New England ho discovers only the iufinni ties of the times and tho exigencies ol the idace ! Mr. (ioldwin Smith's whole discourse On thr foniKhitim af Iff Aim rkan rolottioi, is pervaded by the partiality and fiction whicli distinguish the jiasbages I have selected for illustration, ccmtaiuing the poetry and romance of history, irrespective ol its facts and realities, indicating the theoretical partizan rather than tlio jdiilosophical histo- rian, the brilliant rlietoriciau of cherished dogmas, instead of tlu; imjiartial interj)reter of tacts as becomes tho oliice of a ))rolcs3or of history. It is the same spirit of ])artial- it>' and partizanship which cliaracterizes his four letters on what he is i)lcased to de sigunte the " Kinan(;ipatioii oi the Colonies." ilis iheijry is subsiiintiully that England would become ijolitically greiil, as slio becomca geographically small ; that colonies are a souri'e of >veakue;~s ;iim1 u liurthen to the mother coimtry, and the connection an incubus upon the colon!, r. tluinselvt's ; a means of iiairoiiMge for party politiciim.* rather than an instrunv.nt ot nutional greatness and Ihilisli civilization, /n support nt his theory Mr, (Ioldwin Smith ha/.urds false assumptions :is truthful .-iy.ic.nis ; ulter? trutlilesa slatements as uudis;uuL'd I'ucts , amlcyJiihil- as miirvollous igHijraiice of t'lc institutions and character of cijlouial uociety as of assurance and recklessness in deallHg with them. That I jiurpoac; to show in the second jartut this ])a|ier. A CANADIAN, Toronto, October. 1803. ».■'..,■>;,, ,v, SKCoNU I'AItT. .. - ■ Mr. Goldirin tiiiiitlis pcnwrdlon of rcieidjitets. Mr. Ooldwin Smith asks — "Ought not the narrow escape we liad of war in defence of (."anadtt to lead the nation to think seriously, not only ot the reduction of colonial expenditure, but of colonial emancipation V" And he further reiiiarks — " It there hod been war with the United States, the Trent would have been the occasion, but Canada would have been the cause V" On this assumption, Mr, Ooldwin Smith proceeds to prove his theory of Canadian "emancipation." Is it true that Camala was the "cause" of the once imminent danger of war on account of the Trent? Whui had Canada to do with it ? Did Can 4 ntta proinpt the m'Izuto by Captain Wilkefl of Mcssn. MsMin iind tiUdtill on board tliA Urltiiih Htunuu-r Trent 7 Why, Canada wafl tho flrHt (long Iteluro tlin npwa rcachvd ilnglund) to raltio \i» voice of Indignant and unanimouH protest uguinit tho inault tu tiiu UrltiHli Uug. Did Canadian waters attbrd tho faclliticH tor tlio outttigo on the Hunctlty ot liritiHli protoctlon 1 No ; tlio outrage wuh coniinittud nuurly oh tar from tho HlioroB of Canada as from tliu couHt ol England. Had (!unudu boon Amvriciin instead ot being KritlHli territory, will Mr. Uoldwin Hmith hiniHult V(>nturu to ituy that Kngland would have the lesH d«mandeon the vast "'Xiwnse ot the military defeULC ot Cuiiuda. So eloquently oppressed is he with this burthen that he exclaims : " The weight of Canada alone, it we persist in undertaking her delonce, is enough to drag iis down from our high place among European nations. There is an army in that colony now of 18,000 men," &c. Why did nr»i the Oxford professor state how long tliese 18,000 soldiers had been in Caauda, and lor wliat purpose V Why did he not say that those 18,000 had been sent to all the provinces ot British North America, and not to Canada alone ? During a period o! more than twenty years, tho average number ot soldiers in all Canada wus less than a regiment ; and the eighteen thousand sent^to British North America (and not to Canada alone) lat)t year, were not sent to detendCanadaor tho other British provinces on account of any act of theirs, but to maintain the dignity and inviolable- noHs of the national flag of England — an object in whicli Canada universally and heartily sympathized, und in tho defence of which she was prepared to shed her beat blood. Mr. Uoldwin Smith himself lia,s admitted that the unanimity and ardor of tlittt sympathy " was a greater tower of strength " thon tho 18,000 English soldiers added to the militia forces ot Canada and tho other British North American Colonies. If Canada was to be the arena, as in 1813, on which the battle of England's national rights was to be fought, because Canada was more vulnerable to American attack, bo mucli the less fortunate for the Canadians ; but" they were prepared now, as they had been fifty yeiirsbefore, to brave tho calamities of war, and'mingle their blood with that of their English comrades in defence of tiie sacredness ot the British flag as guaranteeing an inviolublo asylum to the 'political exiles of all nations. If Canada presents abroad frontier tor American invasion, it also creates an American frtmtier equally broad and equally exposed tor Britisli invasion. It wlien Upper Canada contained a |)opulatiou of only 70,000 souls in 1812, American invasion was repelled by the Canadians, aided by a few hundred Britisli soidiers, is it likely that when Ui)per Canada (apart from the large increase of ijopulation in Lower Canada) embraces a iK>pulation of nearly 1,400 000, and the Stutr-s are exhausted by civil war, the defence of ('anada * will drag England down from her high place among Euro])ean nations V Has the defence of Canada dragged Eng land down during the last fifty years ? Is Canada more likely to do so during the next fifty years V Did not Canadian 8ym|)athv and contributions add to tho dignity and power of England during the Crimean war ? Did not the same sympathy, bursting forth by all the channels through which tlie national heart pulsates, give a " tower ol strength" to Imperial demands for redress in the Trent outrage'? S ■I Itut Ml informed ft dedineil itH own does not niiitherr (in lHI'i-1 Hlhfrle Hi tional li' it becun day. Tl Mudu.to t Theu. niillt'.iry , fence '! Kcareely minister exceedin bet'U HUfj plunutioi such oil to deleiK inu: on tl r)r Hiibmi |)lausnd< IniToniou Uoldwin unprece* tional li against Canudiai ence an tics kno But, ! ment in policy f § of pCHC •tlie deft \el will iigaiuKt neus in new coil and ros( tosterln: a consid war — w sion, a.s concent prompt! force ol revenui • Till MlUtaiy 1 II btiartl tlio t>\vH rfUfhitil it tlio insult triigo on the tar from thu ricun instead hut KngluntI il i lu> mor« mor» iin|)«rU inco:isi8t«nijr ti to b(i an- or thelw." Ulwin Hmith I a provlnco, o Huch aoU' loiiH docH hn iriety oi ox- [> eloquently ida ulono, it mm our higli w III 18,000 lind been in 1 been Hont n« Y Ourint; all Canada >rlh America I other British d inviolftble- crsally and led her best und ardor of Iflish Boldicn :an Colonies, nd's national Kn attack, so ns they had lod with that guaranteeing eiitH a broad [y broad and i population ms, aided by irt from the rly 1,400 000, Dgland down 1 ragged Eng ing the next dignity and thy, bursting ?e a " tower < ATr. GiMiriii Stiiith't inijunt Slmnh m mt ('uiiiiiln. I'liit Mr. Oolihviii Snii'li huvh (uml in tiiin lie 1h fiillowivl liy not ii few othon, ntt ill iiiforiiii'd UH liliiiNi'lf ill ri'pinl m ('iiiiiuliaii ri'i'llii;;si luiil iiiHtitiitloux) tliitt Canada lias liiTJined to nmlic iiiiv |>riivtHion mid \n winiliy ri'lylng ^ lircat Kiltuiii for its own (li'titici'. 'i'lif luKcr of \\w*i' HtitrnicnfH \h contiury to (net, iiiul tlie foniii-r does not jiiMtHy lli.' ind-rrnic il.uwn Irnin it, Canadti luvrr wlioliy relied uihui tlio iiiotli(*r i-oiintry for IIh di't'cnc '. It did not do ho wIii'ii it rcpt'llinl an inviKJing ciu'iiiy ill iKI'J-l.'i ; it (11(1 not diMi!) wliiii it ftup|ircHKc(l a local idtfliion widioiit tlii! uid of a Hln^'l(• Urilinli HiildliT (ill Tppcr ''anada) in 1S;)7 ; it illd not do ho at thu pri)Hp(.rt of na- tional iMHllliticH arlHiiif,' iiiit of till' 'i'rctU outrage, wlieii in tlie coiirHe of a few weelis it became! one grout camp ol inllitaiy volii;iteerliig ami drill, wlilch contliiueH to this duy. TlieMc facts hIiouIcI have taii^jlit Mr. (lolihvlii Sinitli and other aHwailuiitM of Cu- inula, to forbear Htati^nients as nnjiiNt as tliev are iinroniided. Then, doeH the leliisal * of tlie ('anadian le^MMlaliii'i' to iiilopt a parlicular iiieasure for iiiilit'.iry organi/atiori juHtily the infer iice tliat ('iiiiada reliises to aifi in lier own de- fence Y 'I'liat meusiire was Htl>initte(l to tlii; vole of tlie Canadiun leginlature with scarcely one word ol diHciiHHion on the part of its uiithorH. Should an Finirlish minlHter Hubniit ii ineaHure to )iurl!uiiu'iit for tint iniHtaiy or'vani/.ution of Knglaiul, exceoiling Uw cxpeiisiveiieHs and coinprehenHlve coiiiiilexily anytliin;.': which had eVt.T beiiu HUggested, and should lie ask the vote ol parliament without Haying a Word in ex. )dunHtioti or !iUpport ol his measure, and sluuild |)arliaiiient declino to adopt it under Bucli circumstances, would l''iigland be tlierc^hy liable to the iiii)>utatioii of retiisiiig to defend lieieiell uffttinst foreign inva^'i^n ? Would not such an uniircccdented jiroctu-d- ing on tlie part ol the Premier be regarded ns evincing indillbniuco to his own iiieasiir;', or Hubiiiitting it jiro foniin in such a iiiinner that it.s rejection might afliird him a plauaible pretext to retire troiu efWce '.' Such a procedure might be regarded uh a very ingenious luid politic jwrty movement on the jmrt of the Premier, but not even Mr. (ioldwin Smith would coiiHtrue such n vote of the Ilousif ot (!ommons, on an unprecedented and un unadvocatcd measure ot an outgoing udminiatrntion, into na- tional liostility or indittiTence to defend the nhores and inatitutionH of England ugoinHt foreign invasion. Yet on auch a " haseless fabric of a vision" do(>s he charge Canadians witli inditferciicc and refusal to do anything in their own defence; — un infer- ence and an imputation which any one ac(piainted with Canadian society und p us before. They who have achieved this, have little need to talk bf Bunker's Uill." In tiie last of his tour letters, he says, "»In England, monarchy has a root and it has a use. It binds the unenfranchised, indigent and ignorant masses of the people by a tie of personal loyalty to the constitution. In the New World monarchy has no root ; and it has no use where the masses of the peo- , pie are enfranchised and bound to the constitution by property and intelligence." Mr- Smith liepublicaii theory of Monarchy. The plain import of these passages is, that monarchy and the established religion "might cease to exist in England without any injury to social duty, religion, hajjpi- ncps, free oljedience to good government and free reverence for just laws ; that mon- archy has no use escej)t where the nuisscs of the people are ignorant and unenfranchis- ed! Tills is extraordinary teaching for a regius jfnofessor ot history in the loyal University of Oxford. According to this teaching, the monarchy is of little value even in England, and its util'tv 'ind existence depend ujion the masses of the peo- ple being ignorant and unfranchised ! Such teaching by a regius professor of history at Oxford is calculated to degrade monarchy in the estimation of colonists, if not in that of the peojile of England, and promi)t them to renounce it. He says, "Our constitu- tional monarchy is feudal, like our ari9ff>cracy and liur church. It is the apex of the system of which tlicy are the base ; and it would seem that to attempt to 3et up in a ne\r land the apex of the system with out the base, would not be the part of the wise." 11 iiijony of Mr. wjis a greater If ng a stttiiding the ubscnco ol' led as indifler- t strongtli and ■lisli volunteer iegiblatuie and juce is m the i may say, the f)n a new and organization of ates now lliuu )ro imperative iominatioh." s of Mr. Uold- limcnt of mon- country, e establisljed pery of style, plied to by the of letters pub- ract his senti- cpressed views IS of his own ies," lie says, tiest, the most would their and all which itine, and yet government, ed this, have le says, "•In sed, indigent Btitution. In 8 of the peo- j nee," lied religion gion, hapjii- ; that nion- nenfranchis- tho loyal little value of the jico- ' of history f not in that ur constitu- lie apex of pt to 3et up )art of tba % This reptthUeitn theory of Mr. (ioldtpin Smith refuted. To the tiieory involved in tlicso words, I opjiose two facts. First, tlie war of the .Americun revolution itsi'lf, cxceiit with a few and towards the close of it, was not a war against nionurcliy, but for the rights of Britisli subjects recognized by tlio men- arect wlialcver ; nor has she ever ap|ilicd to England, even during the past year, [ISfiiJ] lor a soldier to be sent for her de. fence; nor has she for amonn-nt cherished the idea among any ()arty of her public men, that in the event of foreign aggres-sion, her defence does not mainly depend uponheisell; nor do I believe that her existence as a Britisli colony has added a sol- dier to the standing army of (ireat Britain; or that were Canada l>lotted from the map of nations to-morrow, the military l)iidget of (ireat liritaiu would be a sliilling lefjs. Countries in Europe that luive no rolonies have a far larger standing army than Great Britain in proportion tober por,ulation. and es|)ccially in projiortion to lu-r wealth and commerce It is the armies of ]"]nrope — esiK-cially of France — that determine the standing military force of (heat Britain, and not the prdximity of the United States to Canada, or the existence of Canada as a part of the British em[>ire. Mr- Smith theadrocatc of thr. M of the present relations between Cheat Britain and these provinces. With like inconsistency he savs, "The Canadians shrink fnmi the •C^aiinda is not, so far from Loudon nor so dilTicult oi ficcsa ms California and the other Tacilii' Sillies are fmni Wasliiiiirtiiii : and yet wIm woniil advocalo tlie dissolution of the Aiucricjin I'liioii on ihat accomil'.' t.Not to mention the surcLV.sriil Living of the (Vthuitio Cahlc, which brings Canada and even the far otf I'acilic Colonics of HritisU Cohiial)i;i nr.d Vancouver Island within a few hours diitiiiicc from England. n dartgert and tlio bvrdrnn of indopcndont cxistcnco," yet tliafwero they seimrate from Enpland there would bono danger of invasion from the United States." The strong^ and I tliink rational, conviction in Canada is tliiit Ciinadiau separation from England would increase tenfold the danger of invas^ion from the United States, as in the case of the American invasion and annexation of Texas. The liehclUiin Losnc Bill wisreprfscnteil by Mr- Smith. At one tune Mr. (iollwin Siuitli repi-csents tlie (."anadinns as averse to separn- tion from England, he holds them up at another as encouraging rebellion. lie says : " Some time ago we put down a rebellion in Canadii with the aid of the loyal party. Then wo assenteilto an act of the Canadian |»arliament indemnifying the rebels for the losses which the loyal party had inflicted on tliem in the course of the war by our com- mand. M(!n on whose heads a l)rice had beei set were lorced into the councils of the crown." Now, it is wholly untrue that any sucli act wms over passed bj the Canadian l>arli:uuent ; \i was expressly denitnl hy Ijord Elgin, who, as the representative of the Sovereign, assented to the act in (piestion ; it was an exiiress instruction to the eommis- si'mers who investigated the losses caused by that rebolllon, that no jierson im](licated in it sl)ould receive any compensation for losj-^es inflicted upon him during the rebel- lion ; the Ciimmi.ssioners acted aTid reported accordingly ; and petitions were subsequent- ly addressed to the Canadian parlinn^ent, (but not entertained by it), by some of tlu; parties concerned, coTuplaining that no compensation hn'l been allowed tliem for heavy losses which they had sustained from the public autnoriti'-s during the rebellion- .\tter the suppression of t]i(> rebellion, a general amnesty wn:^ proclaimed; the system of Canadian government was changed ; rcsponsibh- government, or, in other woids, Canadian indepentience in all. local atla.rs'.was conceded and establi-shed ; local dissatis- faction and disaffection disappeared; some men who had rei)ellcd, not as they alleged against the Queen, but against domestic misrule, and who iuil)sequently showed themselves much more loyal thi'.n .Mr. tioldwin Smith himself appear.-^ to lie, were elcct- (!d to parliament and rose in theestiniaiion of their jiariy and of the counhy according to theii nu'rits and loyalty under the new svstem of government, just as some of Eng- land's greatest statesmen have, from like odium, risLii to the highest places of i)ublic trust and power. I may remark, oi p'lKsant, tliat " we"' of whom the Oxford iirofessorspeaks, as having put down the r(>belJion in Cana~, were, iit least in L'pper Canada, the Cana- dians thiMuselves. withonMhe aid or presence o! a single British sol'iiir. .Vr. Smith's f II rtii. r Adnicarti "ftht Manrhn'tcr C'loninl Thiory. A'lother reason assigned by Mr. (Joldwin Smith for dissolving the connection between England and Canada, is the alleged uselessness of the. vnnnection. He says, " If they are to do nothing, for ns, and we are to do nothing loi- them, where is the use of cou- tinuing the connection';" The prescribed objects and limits of this paper do not ler- mit me to discuss this (piestion at large. Making the connection between England and Canada a mere question of arithmetic— of niutiuil doing and gain— is (luite natural for a Tjancashire nuinufactiirer, but is rather Olid tor an Oxford professor. As Canada supports its own government amf institution.';, even to the payment of the salaries of the (jovernor-Oeneral and his private secretary, r.\\v can be no burden to England ex- cept for military aid against foreign agi;r.'-!sion. Of the nature and extent of such aid, England is the sole Judge. Certaiidy not a regiment is added to the standing army of England, or a ship to her navy, on account of Canadian connection : and if England does not desin^ tlui^ any ot her rc^giinents should lie stationed in Canada, or her shij 8 float in Canadian waters, instead i*f elsewhere, she has the solo right to decide, and may leave Canada twenty yean, to come a.-« she has twenty years jiast, without a regi- ment in Canadian garrisons, or a war vessel on the Canadian lakvTj. But cannot the Oxford regius professor of h:st(n7 imagine i-oww other grounds, and some other advan- tages in the connection of countries, the alliane 3 of nations as of individuals, besides the Manchester one of pounds, shillings and pente ? Is a system of government no 15 so to Rc'iinrii- n. Ho HnvH: loyal jiarty. : may then be negotiated l)etwcen her .nnd England I Tin; soundness of Mr. (Joldwin Smith's logic is certainly (juite on a '.uir with tiie correctness of bis st.ilenieiUs. * • .Mr. Goldwin Smith lias .asserted and repeatnd, wiili many rohctorical figures, and a few figi'.res of aritlnnetic, lliat tlie <'i|u)it Iradu fiiPin I' nt,'Iand to foreign vountrie; me much jrri'iitei- than tlio exports to the I'riti-ili (Joinnics. lie gives \\v'. aggregate amoiuit of llie value ot'i xports to foreii^u countries and to the Hriti.-^li i-olonics, .'iiiil then cloc|ucnllv declaims oi-. the deiiro-sitig inthieiice (if colonial loiiucction upo i tiin traiht with tiiuse (.olonio?, and the iniiiiciise expiiiision of that trade which would result from their '• i'mniici|iatloM.'' An ahle. wiiler in tlic Toronto Lemlur of llie 2i;ih .Miiy,IS(iri, lias elalior.iti.'Iy analj/.i-d'Mr. Sniitli's trailo siaiciiietits, iTiiuirliiiiu' that Mr. Smith omits all rcrcrenee to the populiition ot tli.> diU'crcnl countries of wliosc trade he spoaks, as well as of their comparative an;e ami •■\e:i!th. This writer, in a larg'; array of commercial -itatistic-; collected from ollicial sonim \.| shows tliat the exports from Iviif^land to forei;.ni couiitries '" were at the rate of three shillings piip head of the poiiuhiliou ai;'aiu.os3oss toiritories in America, or in the least interfere with it— that to do 8!) is to " cross the Americans in their hemisphere" ; the doctrine of the most ultra autlHritish jmrty in the Unite.! States — a doctrine repelled by every Euro poan country and statesman — a doctrine the most unrenscmable and absurd, tliat because thirteen American colonies successfully rebelled ajjfainst Great Britain, therefore the whole we itcrn '• hemisphere" is theirs, and the duty of Great Britain is thencolorth limited to tlio European c;>mmunity of nations!" According to the theory of the regius i)rofessor of history at Oxford, Great Britain has no business with Asia, Australia, or America; tiu" lOuropoan community ot nations is to be the sole field for her statcsnianHhip. hor arms and her "duty." Yet the author of this nut-shell, not to say superannuated theory of national duty and destiny, and whose studies of Canadian and American history, (except from ncwspapi;rs, appear not to have advanced beyond the age of Pitt and tlu; Aniorican revo1ution~c mdescendingly speaks of Lord Palmerston — tlw veteran, and iirecminently the representative of English ideas of national duty, pro grees and civilization, as ''though youthfal in bodily vigor, is old in ideas and un- conscious of tlie gieat moral and material changes which have taken place in Europe since he fii 8 i entered i)ublic life!" I have now done with Mr. GoUhvin Smith for the present. lie has no claim to delic!poBo the poRHOHBions !ic existence i no Euro. > with it— I ofthemoBi very Euio :Iiat hccauBc lorelore the thencolortli ory of the i with Asia, lie field for 1, not to say nadian and rond the age almerston — il duty, pro as and un- ! in Europe no claim to 1 my natire Aa, I have ADIAN on of Britisli ibout Us. 3d. c proportion mil (ine-thiri fr) that cadi >b gnodsthan s consumed consumed by Mr. (ioldwiii compliment will compli- 1 the Toronto 's figures ami exposed the i^ngland with