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Un des symboles suivants apparattra sur la derniire image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbols —► signifie "A SUIVRE ", le symbols V signifie "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre film6s d des taux de reduction diff^rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seui clich6, i\ est filmd d partir de Tangle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images n6cessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mithode. ita 1 2 3 1 k 'i 2 * ■ 3 > t 2 3 "n 4 5 6 1 X 1 A FOURTH LETTER TO THE PEOPLE of England. s [Price One Shilling* I ii\ L A A FOURTH LETTER TO THE PEOPLE of England. Mutemus clypeos^ Banaumque inftgnia nobis Aptenrn : dolus an virtus quis in hop requirit ? 4rma dahunt ipft. ViRG. LONDON, Printed for M.Cooper, in Pater-nojier- Row. 17 S^' . \< 'm < J J pa foi th afl lal hi I wl tic ( 5 ) A F O D R T H L E T T E R TO THE People of England. ' AS I confcfs, I know not any better Method of recommending myfelf to fomc certain Readers, by whom I particularly wifh to be read, I hope to be forgiven the little Fraud of appearing under the Character of their favourite Author, and afluming his Addrefs. This Gentleman hath lately favoured the People of England with his Correfpondence in three Letters, and as I think moft hai.iilesfly of the Motives, which have plunged him thus deep in Poli- tics, I would willingly prevent the Confe- quences, i. ( ^ ) quences, that may legally, if not logically, attend his writing another of thefe epifto- lary Pamphlets, if he (hould find it in the Fertility of his Genius. Poor Man ! What if the Miniftry fliould not confider Him, as I do, the Enthufiaft of a Party ; poffeft with a Frenzy of Property, though not worth a Shilling ; with a Quixotifm of quarreling for a natale folum, in which he never had a Foot of Ellate, and raving about Taxes, as if he could be affeded by any Tax, except that upon Paper ? What if they fhould imagine his Letters may pofllbly be mifchievous ? Without Doubt, there are all Sorts of Readers for all Sorts of Writers, or according to the Philofopher's Pleafantry when he faw an Afs eating Thirties*, such Lips, such Lettuces. He may find Smyrna- CLfiee-Houfe Readers, as well as Smyrna-CoiFee-Houfe Admirers of his Evening Eloquence. But really ihould an honeft Man be fent to Newgate or the Pil- lory, for the Sake of fuch Readers ? Me- thinks, in common Juftice fuch Readers ftiould be fent along with him. * similes habent labra ladlucas. He .* t ( 7 ) H E will certainly acknowledge the cha- ritable Intention, with which I would en- deavour to prevent thefe Inconveniences, nor will he rcfent my treating him with exceeding Contempt, fince it is the only pof-* lible Pretence for his efcaping the Chafti- fement of thofe Laws he hath outraged, and infulted. For though the Miniftry may never fee thefe epiftolary Labours, or in the Confcioufnefs of their own Integrity, and the Dignity of Virtue, would probably fmilc at the wild Caricaturas he bath drawn for them, yet who knows, whether they will think it within their Duty to fufFer the Me- mory of King William to be treated with Obloquy and Falfhood, and the Revolu- tion ironically reprefented, as produSlive of Blcffings to this Land, according to the Songs of WhigSy PenfionerSf Placemen and Minif ters ? How long, can he imagine, they will fufFer this new and dangerous Language, the dethroning if James the fecond j his Exile-, thofe Patriots^ nvho Jlript the Crown from the Father* s Head^ and placed it on the Son and Daughter's ? Is this the Language of Liberty j of Revolution-Principles, and conftitutional Refitlence, fo warmly, though caufekfsly and impertinently recommended in ( 8 ) in thefe Letters ? Is it not rather the full Ex- prefTion of fciifdefs and virulent Jacobitifm h The Malevolence of Spirit, with which he mentions, the blejjed Acceffion of this Fa-- mily to the Jhrone of thefe Realms ^ muft pafs unnoticed. It were indecent to repeat the^ wild and incoherent Calumny^ however QsSy to refute it ; and I (hall only remark, that the iiril Magiftrate of a great Nation Hiould at leaf): be treated with Refpedt, and that a Prince, whofe perfonal Virtues would in private Life render him truly amiable and eflimable, (hould be protected trom fuch ill-mannered Outrage by thofe Laws, which declare him, what he truly is in himfelf, incapable of doing wrong. But what Kind of Spirit could provoke this Writer to abufe the whole People of England, for whofe interefts he would ap- pear thus zcaloufly concerned, byCompa- rifons with the Greeks and Romans ? By Comparifons equally ignorant, as malevo- lent? If the People of this Realm, which he afFeds to call England, be degenerate as he defcribes them, univcrfally venal, loft to public Virtue, fupinely negligent of their Country's Welfare, drowned in Pleafures, arrogant. ^ ( 9 ) ftfrogant, fclf-fufficicnt and irreligious; if fuch their real Characftcr, it matters little by whom they are governed, or by whom they are enflaved. In vain are we diredled to look up with Hope and Joy to his David, his Arch-Angel, his Thunderer, his Mef- { h. For though we better acknowledge the Abilities and Eloquence of this Gentle- man, than this Writer in *his ludicrous Pa- negyric, yet his Abilities could not even for a Moment fufpend the Ruin of his Country in fuch a general Depravity, and his Elo- * //» ridiculous Panegyric.'] That wc maj' not be fuppofcd to defraud this "Gentleman and his Oppofi- tion, of the Honours they have fo deafly earned, let us acknowledge never were Figures in a Puppct-ShoW better prefentcd. 1' irft, behold with Joy Him, whofe fuperior IntcUctfl filenced all the babling Batteries of France. Or him, upon whdfe Heart Integrity burns Iiicenfe ; wiio defpifcs the fallacious Dazzle of Power. Now mark that noble Family, where all the Sons are virtuou?, and ftrenuous in Juftice to their King : or Him, who fteps forth like little David to oppofe and difcomfit the minillcrial Qoliah ; then like Michael, with huge too-handed Sway cleaving the fatanic Body of the Miniftry afunder. Now hear the Author's pious Prayer for Afliftance from Heaven to paint this Mcflenger difpatched from the celeftial Abodeii : fo fuperior he appears, you muft conceive him an Angel ; and now he is a Meffiah preaching Repentance to the Jews. • * -^ B quencc. ( 10 ) qucnCc, powerful as we are taught to be- lieve it, could only pronounce her funeral Oration. But not fuch the prefent State of Vir- tue in Great Britain. Induftry and Honefty > Simplicity of Manners and a Zeal for the Religion of their Couutry, with Courage not inferior to that of their Anceftors, ftill diftinguifli the lower Clafs of our People. Generodty, Magnanimity of Spirit, Friend- fhip. Charity, are flill eminently poffcffed by thofe of fuperior Rank and Fortune. Nor is public Virtue and Love of Country denied to the Gentlemen, who fomewhat too warmly, at leaft in this critical Conjunc- ture, oppofe the Meafures of the Adminif- tration. Enflamed, as we may fuppofe them, by an ill-judging Spirit of Popula- rity } by Ambition, in itfelf the firft of all human Virtues ; by Envy, the Daughter, as Plato calls her, of immolation j they may not perceive, that the Meafures, which muft foon decide the Fate of this Nation, are finally determined j that they cannot now be correded, altered or improved j and confequendy that all prefent Oppolition can only intimidate the weak j embolden the ► . dilkf- ( IX ) dirafKidted and encourage the libellous Pam- phleteer to publifh his crude, indigefted Po- litics to the People. Yet one Vice, in an Excefs peculiar to this Kingdom, it is acknowledged, rages through the Land. A Spirit of Extrava- 1 gance both in the Richnefs and Elegance of our own Manufadlures, and the expen- iive Purchafe of every foreign Ornament, cither of Ufe or Tafte, is univerfal. It cannot be denied, for the Fads are every where apparent. It cannot be concealed, for the whole World is confcious of it. Let the Minifter then, who makes this Kingdom the Mart of every foreign Luxury; who proteds and encourages the Merchants, who bring home the Temptation to your very Doors, let him bear the Reproach. It only puzzles me to think in what Man- ner our Author will reconcile this pofitive Extravagance to his Demonftration of our fending feventeen Shillings in the pound of all our Labours, Manufactures and Eflates every Year to Hanover. Indeed in other Farts of this coherent, regular Performance he acknowledges we receive fix Shillings in the Pound, and pathetivally laments, thai B 2 of wmm ( It ) of every twenty Strokes of thofe^ who labour at the Hammer or the Loom ; in jigricul- ture^ Arts and Manuja5lures^ fourteen are doomed to German Interejls. from whence he concludes, that Wealth has pAjl thro this Kingdom like a Meteor thro the Sky, blazed and left no Trace behind it. His Conclu- fion, it is coiiRlTed, is perfbdlly juft, and pretty and poetical. Then with Regard to his different Computations, there can be only one Ohjedtion to their being both true, however almolt contradi(ftory, that they are both abfolutely impoflible. But why have the Vices of Greece and Rome been thus curioufly examined ? Per- haps, cutting up a dead Body, to know of what Diflemper the Patient died, may be within the Pradice of Phyfic ; yet furely riot to impart its DifeafeS to the Living. But really, Sir, where are the Hiftorians, whom you have ftudied with fo much Attention, and who give you this Charadler of the A- thenians ? In what Herculaneum Library have you difcovered their fatiric Poets ? Ho- race hath been vain enough to boaft, and we have been ignorant enough to believe him, that Satire is of Roman Original; a Species c 13 ) species of Poetry wholly unknown to Greece. In which of his Philippics does your Patriot Orator charge the Athenians with Irreligion and Irreverence to their Gods ? Their general Character was En- thufiafm and Superftition, witnefs the Ba- ni(hment of Alcibiades, and the Martyrdom of Socrates ; and I am pretty confident, if Demofthenes had affronted the People of Athens, as you have the People of England, they would have inftantly decreed his Death or Baniiliment. $0 much mor.e jealous were They of the Majefty of their Demo- cracy, than we are of our Monarchy; fo much bolder the Licentioufnefs of the Bri- ti(h Prefs, than the Oratorial Freedom of the Athenian Tribunal. Since our Author, whether from the Modefty or Inability of Ignorance hath given us only one Specimen more of his Learning, it may be Matter of Good-na- ture to convince him, he ought never to venture another. He boldly tells us in his third Letter, (a) Under no Form of the Athenian or Roman Government were the People denied the Ufe of military Weapons, {a) Page 13. I would 1,1 (• H ) I would not willingly feem to infult this AlTertor by fending him to Authors, he cer- tainly cannot read, or Languages he does not underftand. Let him therefore take the following Quotation from Potter's An- tiquities. (If) The ancient Grecians were al- wayi armed^ thinking it unfafe to adventure tbejnfehes abroad without a Jiifficient De- fence againft Aggrejjon. Hence Arijiotle bath rationally inferred^ that they were a barbarous and unciviHzed Nation (c). This Cujiom was firji laid ajide at Athens^ for Hiflorians generally agree, that the Athe- nians enjoyed the Happinefs of whole fome and vfful Laws before the reft of the Grecians, Afterwards a Penalty was laid by Solon upon th'fe, who wore Arms in the City without NecrJJity, and the followiog Law was made hy ZaleLCuSy That no Person should WEAR Arms in the Senate. When the Roman Soldiers returned from any foreign Conqueft, their Arms were laid up in the Capitpl, until another War was declared, new Levies raifed, and the military Oath adminiftered. On the contrary, the Proteftants of this Kingdom (b) Potter's Antiquities. 2. Vol. Page 22. (c) P. 23. may It this ic ccr- s does ; take 's An- )ere aU venture It De- irijhtle were a . This ?m, for • Athe- me and reciam, ^on upon without 7S made SHOULD returned r Arms another fed, and On the kingdom (0 P- 23. may ( 15 ) may have what Arnis they pleafe, and in very Fadt almoft every proteftant Farmer hath a Gun over his Chimney, If our Author means to arm the Roman-Catho- lic Subjeds of Great Britain and Ireland, as by his gallant Project of two Millions of Mi- litia, he muft neceflarily mean, perhaps the Scheme may not appear altogether fo advi- feable. At Icaft, it may be liable to fome Objedtions. These Clamours then of being difarm- cd and treated like Slaves, what can they really mean ? If our Author propofes to fignalife his own Ardour for Liberty, and his Country, the King's Troops will receive him, and, I dare believe, aflign the Poft of Honour for his Prowefs. Or is he angry, in his militia Courage, like the Gafcon, who fwore it was the fevereft Inltance of the Grand Monarque's Tyranny, that he had taken away the Amufement of duelling ? * But I find myfelf infenfibly falling into a pert Imitation of this Writer's Style, af- fuming his importan* Air of afking an un- meaning Queftion, not without a Confci- oufnefs of being extremely pleafant. Such is mm i '" 'I X i6 ) is the ufual Fate of reading bad Books, of converfing with bad Company. Yet it was hardly poffible to be ferious anKjngft fuch Extravagances, and thefe Authors make no Difference between being unanfwered, and being unanfwerable. But I afk Pardon, and (hall hereafter conlider the Subjedts^of thefe Letters in their own juft Importance, and no more feem to forget the Dignity of the Perfons, to whom I have prefumed to write. Let us then conlider the prefent Plan of rainiftcrial Operations, and the warm, though una.vailing Oppofition to it, in the moft, impartial Lights j neither purpoling to write a Panegyric upon the Minifter, whofe Meafures . we approve, nor conde-* feending to perfonal Inve^ives againft the Chiirkfters of thofe, whofe Condud we »>uft condemn. Let us acknowledge thcro are many Gentlemen in this, yet.uncon-< vincing, Oppofition, beyond all Sufpicion zealous for the Welfare and Honour of their- Country, nor of mean Abilities to fupport them. Equally convinced of the pernicious Defigns of 'France, and only differing in Judgment with Jlegard to th'e? Means, ;f t f^ ^h ■Am ks, of it was t fuch ike no d, and 'ardon, edtfi^of rtancc, ;nity of ^fumed It Plan warm, in the irpoling linifter, condc-* inft the lid we thcro uncon-* ifpicion lour of ties to of the id only to tKe? Means, ( ^1 ) Means, which moft eflfedlually, and moft cxpeditidufly may check the Progrcfs and chaftifc the Infolence of her Ambition. Let fair good Senfe and Reafon determine between them. ... r When the Miniftry could no longer hope by Treaties and Negotiations, to ob- tain Satisfadion for the Depredations com- mitted upon our Fellow-^Subjeds in Ame- rica, two Methods were propofed for vin- dicating the Honour of his Majefty's Crown, aflferting the Rights of his People, annoy- ing the Enemy abroad, and repelling any fuppofed Invafibn at home. The firft, be- fides determining to exert, for the Defence of the Nation, every poffiblc Expedient, which our Laws and Conftitution ; the Ge- nius and Manners of our People will ad- mit, propofed forming an Alliance upon the Continent, which might intimidate the Councils of the France, and divide her Forces. In this Scheme it was foreCeen and ac- knowledged, that Subfidies would be ne- ceflary, both to engage and enable fome other Powers to ad in our Favour, or to C prevail ;f 't I A I I ( iS ) prcrairon them to fland Ncattr. The Other Propofal advifed to rely upon our na- tW9i\ Strength ; our Situation, as an IHand; pur Fleets to prevent, and, if it were effec- ted, upon our Militia to repcl^ an InvaiioD. Let us examine thefe different Schemes with Temper and Impartiality, and let us confi*- dcr firfl, whether paying Subfidies, be a wife Meafurc in general with egard to our Intereft, and honourable with Regard to the Glory of our People, That France, a Nation at leaft as proud, as She is powerful 3 neceflarily mofl jealous of her military Glory, becaufe mofl ambi- tious ', that She began, and for a Series of Years hatb continued the Payments of very coniiderable Subfidies both in the North and in Germany, is no m^an Proof, that they are not, in themfelves, difhonourabl . In the late Wars She paid Pruflia for acting iii her FavQur, and Denmark for a Neutra- lity. The Honour of the Nation therefore feems, by thefe Inflances, fufficiently vin- dicated. Let us now inquire whether our paying Subfidico to Ruffia can be proved a Meafure of H f ? The mr na- liland; e cfFcc- ivafion. es with J confr- s, be a i to our gard to s proud, \ jealous ft ambi- Series of 5 of very e North >cf, that lourabl; • 3r adting Ncutra- thercforc uly vin- ir paying Mcafure of ( 19 ) of Wifdom, as it is acquitted of Di{honour. They were probably given (we prcfume only to fpeak our own Sentiments) to awe and controul the Operations of a Monarch, from whofe good Scnfe and the Knowledge of his own Intercfts, we had every Thing to hope, but from whofc Engagements with France, and from whofe Power we had much to apprehend. In the late War he adted in Confederacy with France, equally againft his Inclination, as his Intereft ; and if the Propofals he made in the Year 1740 had been accepted (and our Court ought furely to have ufed her Influence with that of Vienna to accept- them) He had been for ever detached from France -, and the Forces of the Houfe of Auftria, which he ruined by repeated Vidlories, might have been vic- torious over the common Enemy. This Prince by the Wifdom of his Ma- jefty's Councils is now happily reconciled to this Nation, and while with Regard to our own Intereft we rejoice in his Alliance, we muft with Pleafure behold him extending his Influence, and enlarging that Power, which hereafter may be eminently ufeful to the common Caufe we profcfs to maintain, C 2 ' the ii * u : )■! » 1 1 d I it •I i I, ( 20 ) the Liberties of Europe. No longer a De- pendant upon France, he holds, as King of Pruflia , the Ballance of the North j as Prince of the Empire he is the Guardian of the Germanic Body, and in both thefe Cha- radters the Prote(^or of its Freedom and of the Proteftant Religion. Yet this trivial Writer, beds us * not to be amufed with fpecious Tales of Conventions made with the Prujjian King^ and vajl Advantages ob» tained j what are you to hitny or he to you^ as Hamlet fays of Hecuba ? Such reafoning mull be acknowledged unanfwerable , for Abfurdity will no more fubmit to Argu- ment, than a felf-evident Propolition will bear being demonftratcd. In confidering our Treaty with the Hef- fians, we may believe, without any extra- ordinary Compliment to the Wifdom and Integrity of our Miniflry, that they could neither engage better Troops, nor thefe upon cheaper Terms. It is only to believe, they would not wantonly lavifh away the Trea- l^ures of the Nation. Yet not the Expencc of any Meafure, in which the Welfare of a great People is concerned, but the Neceflity * Third Letter. Pae. ci. or Mil De- igof ; as an of Cha- nd of trivial with th the es ob' you, foning ;, for Argu- in will cHef- extra- m and could : upon , they Trca- Ixpencc Ire of a iceflity or ( ^i ) or Expediency of the Meafurc itfclf, is the proper Objedt of Inquiry. It hath been aikcd, why we did not ra- ther engage the Hanoverians ? We are told, we (hould then have had a gallant Body of veteran Troops, engaged by Principle in the fame Caufe, and fighting for the fame So- vereign, whofe Perfon they love, and whofe 'Virtues they reverence : that it is a peevifli Difcontent. and unworthy of a great Na- '^tion, to envy the Hanoverians whatever Advantages might attend our taking them into the Britifh Pay, or as a noble Lord, with far more Spirit, exprefTed it, he could 'not conceive why the Hanoverians fiould be ^vtore feverely treated^ merely becaufe the E- le5lor of Hanover had aBed like a BritiJJj '^King. It is with Pleafure we think our- iclvcs authorifed, by a noble Duke's De- tlaration, to anfwer this Qneftion j that his Majesty propofed, in his paternal Care for his People, to fend for the Hanoverians lither, if fuch a Meafure (hould be necef- iry, without the Forms of a Treaty. ^^ As an Encouragement for popular Cla- ibour, it hath been afferted with much Confidence, that the Heflians were hired % merely .>l>ll I' ( 22 ) merely for the protcdtion of Hanover. It now appears, they were wifely engaged for whatever Service, and in whatever Country, the Interefts of Britain, ftiould require. They are now fent for hither to aflid us in oppoiiQg that Invafion, with which we are threatened by the Infolence of Fvance. Or rather, they will probably yield to the Britifh Troops the Glory of repelling their proper Enemy, and be deftined, in different Parts of the Kingdom, to awe the fcditious, the difcon- tented, the difafFe<5ted ; and to retrain, within the Bounds of their Allegiance, that Part of our Fellow-Subjedts, who are un- fortunately more bigotted to their Religion, than fenfible to the Blcffings of Liberty. Unhappy, that our own domeftic Diffe- rences, enflamed by an angry Oppofition and its Pamphleteers, fliould render fuch Afliftance neceflary, yet in Proportion hap- py, to be able to engage fuch Aififtance. That there is no national Difhonoor iu hiring auxiliary Troops, let the Example of all the greateft Nations, and moft powerful, be an Evidence. The Kings of Perfia, the greateft Monarchs of their Age, always en- tertained a large Body of Grecians in their Service, *U ir. It red for )untry, .They )pofiQg :atened ir, they Troops Enemy, of the difcon- reftrain, ice, that are un- leligion, Liberty, c DiiFe- ^pofition ler fuch ion hap- lance. lonoar iu ample of )owerful, crfia, the ways en- in their Service, ft ,t7, I I ( as ) Service, and with what particular Diftindion they were treated, let Xenophon s Afccnt of Cvrus inform us. When the Athenians are advifed by Dc- moftheneSi their firmeft Patriot, and their ableft Minifter, to raife an Army againd Philip, the French Monarch of thof'j Days, He allows three Fourths to be Mercenaries. Carthaginia maintained her Wars almoll wholly by auxiliary Forces, and that Army, with which Hannibal reduced the Romans to every Thing but Defpair, had, in Pro- portion, very few native Carthaginians. The Romans were foon unable to preferve their own Conpaefts. But being too poor to hire foreign Troops, they received the Sol- diers , whom they conquered , into their Armies, and as a conflant Supply for future Levies, incorporated whole Nations into the Rights and Privileges of Rome. But when their Frontiers were more extended, and their Ennenues mere numerous, they en- lifted not only the People of Italy, but Bar- barians of all Countries. Yet this Meafure, in a certain Degree as falutary and wife, as it is honourable, tjiey carried into fuch Excefs, as often en- dangered C 24 ) dangered the Republic by Mutiny and Dif- obedience to military Difcipline, and it is now juftly numbered among the Caufes of her Ruin. This Danger was wifely fore- feen by the Minifter, who propofed en- gaging the Pleflians. Their Numbers are fufiicient for the Succours intended, but far too inconfiderable ever to become dangerous or formidable. § The popular Objecflion againft our pay- ing Subfidies to Nations upon the Conti- nent, or interefling ourfelves in their Dif- putes, hath furely more Wit and Epigram in, it, than Argument and good Senfe. That Nature hath divided us from the Continent as much in Intcreft, as in Situation, Gf pe- nitus toto divijos orbe Britannos, is juft as wife, as the Remark of a good Father of the Chui ch upon Horace's Charadcr of our Inhofpitality to Strangers, fVbat othtr Mo- rals can be expeBsd amongjl a Peopk fepa- rated from the reft of the Worlds Yet, in very Fadt, this lAand, while (he is Miftrefs of the Ocean, is nearer to every other King- dom in Europe, whether to do them Offices of general Humanity, or afford them Suc- cours of Alliance j whether to vindicate an ' Injury, I m 1 IHitK ( 25 ) Injury, or to refent an Affront, th^n many Kingdoms upon the Continent are to each other. Witnefs the Succours fent from hence and from Ireland to the unfortunate People of Lifbon by his Majesty's Hu- manity, which arrived, 1 believe, before even the Compliments of Condolence from any other Power, except Spain. In confidering the natural Intereft of If- 1 inds in general, perhaps the following oc- cafional Remarks may deferve fome Atten- tion. Ambition and even the Ideas of Con- qlieft (hould be far feparated from their Po- litics. Peace is their natural Happinefs ; VV^ • their peculiar Mifery. As their Great- nefs, their Influence, and that Refpedl they demand from their Neighbours, muft arife wholly from their Commerce, whenever that Commerce is infulted or injured , they muft be vigorous in refenting, and inflant in demanding Sati.fadion. Suppofing their Fleet, fuch as they ought conftantly to main- tain, fuperior and commanding,, Reprifals are more immediately in their Power, than in any Nation's upon the Continent. National Refcntments, or Affedion for any particular People they fliould never D indulge, ( 2^ ) indulge, becaufe whatever Natloxi trades with them is their beft Ally, in Proportion as the Ballance of Trade is in their Favour. From hence their Obligations in Politics to aflift that Ally, whether opprefTed or in Dan- ger of being opprefled,efpeci;illy by a Power, which is their own natural Enemy. Their Influence, their Mediation and the Dignity of their Name, fhould be always employed, nor feldom their Fleets and their Treafures. If either Expence or Danger can deter them from purfuing thefe Maxims, let them re- iign the Sovereignty of the Seas, and then let them expcdt to fee their Coafls infultcd, their Commerce parcelled out among their Neighbours, and even their Liberties pre- carioufly held at Pleafure of the next am- bitious Monarch. These are Motives of Ad:Ion, and Prin- ciples of Conftitution, common to all If- lands. I have defignediy omitted thofe, to her greateft Glory, peculiar to Great Bri- tain : her Protedlion of the Proteftant Re- ligion, and her aflerting, in her natural Love of Liberty, the univerfal Freedom of Europe of Mankind. Some jades )rtion ivour. :ics ta Dan- ower, Their ignity loyed, afures. • them 2111 re- el then fultcd, 5 their es pre- xt am- i Prin- ali If- ofe, to rat Bri- Liit Re- natural dom of i ( 27 ) Some other Motives of Adion are at this Moment honourably peculiar to her. That ancictit Antipathy of France againft her, ariling from a Difference of Religion, Cuf- toms, Polities ; her Remembrance of the Vidlories, gained in her Land by our An- ceflors J an Emulation of Courage and mi- litary Glory J that Envy, with which (he beholds the Opulence of our Commerce, and our Influence in the Councils of Europe, the natural Effect of that Commerce ; her repeated Experience, that Britain hath al- ways, and the Probability that (he will always oppofe her Projects of Slavery, thefe have ever, and may they ever be, the Objedts of her Refentment. She is convinced, though all the World (hould fubmit to Slavery and be abjedt, yet Great Britain would affert her own Freedom ; and however over-matched or over-powered will never allow herfelf to think, in the Moment of Contention, that any Power upon Earth is her Superior, But the Magnanimity, with which his Majefty hath vindicated the Honours of his Crown, and the Rights of his Subjeds j the Spirit, with which his Councils have been fupported by the Miniftry, and by the uni- D 2 verfal ■* ) ■ t ( 28 ) verfal Confent of the Nation, thefe are new Objeds of her Indignation. If thefe Remarks upon the Politics of If- lands are juft, they will enable us to form a Judgement of the fecond Scheme, which difclaims all Connexion with the Continent, and propofcs to defend us by a numerous and well-difciplined Militia. Let it be granted, that a far lefs numerous Militia than what this Extravagant propofes, might be able to oppofe the Dcfcent of our Enemies. ^Tivo Millions are to be raifed in England and Ireland 'y one hundred thoufand of them to he fumn.oncd in a few Hours and armed at the Tower ^ and in a few Days a like Number viay be colkBed in any other Fart of the Kingdom, But let us leave this Vifionary, and, if pofi'ible, mention him no more. In Oppofition to this Plan of a fubfidiary Alliance upon the Continent, 2 regular mi- litary Force at home, and the utmoft Exer- tion of our naval Strength for the Annoyance of our Enemies abroad, another Gentleman afluresuSjthat unaflifted and unallied, we are uble to defend our Country by a Militia, and break the Power cf France by the Su- periority of our Fleet. I greatly fear, the firft I m ( 29 ) firft of thefe Meafures would be found ex- tremely imprudent, though pofliblc; the fecond, an inconfiderate over-weening of our own Strength. A fair Computation of the Numbers of Inhabitants in either King- dom, and the Quantity of real Wealth, muft determine this Part of the Debate ; yet with this additional Confi.leration, that France by the Nature of her Conftitution gives her Monarch a Power over her lafl: Man, and her laft Louis-d'or. That we are able greatly to diftrefs, if not wholly to ruin her Commerce, is acknowledged. The Mi- niftry have proved it in a Manner mofl: glo- rious to their Country. Not our own An- nals, rich as they are in naval Honours and Vidories, can (hew a Period of Time, in which the Rights of this Nation have been alTerted with greater Dignity, and her In- juries refented with equal Refolution and Succefs. We appeal to the Hiftory of the World, and dare aflert, there never was an Example of a great People rendered inca- pable of exerting their natural Strength, and continuing without Refiftance for fo many Months to be chaftifed for their Perfidy and Injuftice. fiift However i:i ( 30 ) However, it is confelTed, that a much lefs numerous Militia, than our Author's rjin^ntick two Millions, might either prcr vent, or repel any poffible Invafion. Yet there; is really fumewhat little lefs than ro- m^intick in the moft temperate Militia Schemes. They are formed upon Pi:»ns of our Saxon Anceftors : they defcend to us through the Battles of Agencourt and Creflyj they are filled with Ideas of almoft universal Con ]ueft, at leaft the Conqueft of France, aiid ut making ourfelves formidable to Eu« fopc in our military Charader. Yet for theie Ideas, vifionary almoft to Ridicule, our pref nt happy, pcuceful Conftitution muft be vi lated ; the Hufbandmaii torn away from the Labours of Agriculture j the Ar^ tificer fro.:i tbe Wealth and Induftry of his M^inufuduitA. Thus while we arc in Ima- gination funning the Conqueft of diftant Countries, our ov/n muft lie uncultivated, and our Peoolc be reduced at home to real Po- verty, by Piojcdi of enriching themfelves with fancied Plunder abroad. Yet even in tliefe wild SLneines we pay an involuntary Com[>iiment to the French, when we pro- pofe raifing an hundred thoufiind Men (the loweft Computation of an Array of our Militia) M #4^ Wfl^ much ithor's :r pre-r Yet m ro- Militia l:»ns of to us Crefly; liverral "ranee, toEu- fet for lie, our 1 muft 1 away he Ar^ f of his n Ima- diftant ted, and eal Po- mfelves even in )luntary ^e pro- d Men f of our Militia) ( 3t r Militk) to fcpel an Invafion of fome twenty^ or thirty thoufand, the utmoft Force, with which they can be fuppofed to invade us. Or does this Gentleman thus acknowledge the natural Weakncfs of a Militia, when oppofed to difciplined Troops ? - But befides the large Expence of fuch a Meafure, I am apprehenfive we (hall find in the Event, that we have only turned the Genius of our People from-the Arts of Peace, without inftruding them in ihofe of War* I believe we need not aflc our military Gendemen, whether Soldiers are to be ma- nufaduredby a monthly, or weekly Exercife in a Church- Yard. I mean no Rudcnefs by the Word manufa<^ured, for a Soldier really feems to me a Being of nicer Art. His Courage is not of Nature , (except with Montefquieu we define Courage , a good Opinion of our own Strength) for no Man is by Nature Proof againft the Senfe of Pain, and the Terrours of Death $ or in the Wit of a late noble Lord, all Men would be Cowards y if they durjl. Not the Difcipline of kneeling, {looping, Aanding, or even firing with a fteady Eye, cah form a Soldier, fit to be trufled with the ( 32 ) ■ :. U^ mi ■If' ' w the Safety .id Honour of his Country; YoU muft infpire him, as the Sentiments of the Science he hath profefled, with a gallant Sufferance of Pain and Fatigue j a Spirit of Enterprize i an intrepid Calmnefs in the Article of Danger ; an Opinion of his own fuperior Worth, for which he is chofen from the Body of the People, to protedl the weaker Part. of his Fellow- Subjecfts from Violence and Oppreffion. You muft teach him to ftartle at the leaft Imputation upon his Courage ; to refent imagined Affronts ; Affronts, rather than Injuries; and flub- bornly to refufe, in the facred Jealoufy cf his Honour, to afk pardon even where he does not refufe to acknowledge himfelf blameablc. His ratio ukima, like that of Kings ; his Logic, in arguing either with Friends or Enemies, muft be to conquer, or die. Yet thefe are Articles of military Difciplifie, in which, I am fomewhat ap- prehenfive, that the Lord-Lieutenant of the County, who is to be their Colonel, or the Squires, who are to be tlieir Officers, are not fuchcNaeme Martine;s, as to inftrudt Jlheir Regiments. To 1 ( 33 ) ' To talk to us of Grecian and Roman Militia is any thing, but a Defign to impofe upon us. Every Citizen of, Athens and Rome, until their virtue was loft, or enervated in luxury, was really a foldier, and had ferved a certain- Number of Campaigns, in proportion to his Age. Of equal Weight, in Argu-' ment, are Examples of our modern Militia } Swifs, French or Swedifti. Any confiderablc Difference in our general Polity renders all conclufions, from par- tial LikenelTes, impertinent. Like all other Similes, they may perhaps amufe- the Reader, illuftrate and enliven the SubjcL:t, or be able to prove every thing but the Point in debate. The Swifs make War their Trade, and arc a .Na- tion of Soldiers, to be hired by all the Princes of Europe. The Swedish Mili- tia, private Men, as well as Officers, have Eftates alTigned them for their Payj and confcf Fire, with all its Properties ; ra- pid in their Progrefs, and refiftlefs ; kind- led with Eafe, but flawly and with Dan- ger extinguifhed. Should not Gentlemen therefore, at leaft in the prefent Con- jundure, be a little apprehenfive, left the Fire, which they kindle merely for their own Warmth, may fet their Country in a Flame? ( 40 ) 'I 4\ ■ ill.- ;|.i.., V ; I 1^1 ' a Flame ? An Invafion is every Hour expeded, for defperate as the Attempt appears, the French have no other Way to refent the Indignities they have fuf- fered, or to retrieve the Glory of their Monarchy. We imagine the Mcafures, taken for the Defence of the Nation, are the beft that human Wifdom, Attention and Vigilance could form. We rely upon the Courage of our Soldiers ; upon the Conduct, Activity and Experience of their royal Commander, and upon the well-known Love they bear him. Even one certain Gentleman convinces us of cur Safety, for if he were the leaft ap- prehenfive of his Country's Ruin, could IIS be thus talkingly employed? What can Ambition and Contefts for Place and Power ; what>an Oratory and a Gaudi- nefs of fpeaking, propofe to themfelves in a Nation fo near its final Deflrudion, for what is Dcftrudion, but Lofs of Li* berty ? Is this a proper Time to alarm the People \vi':h even real, certainly not with imaginary Terrouns? How could •that Gentleman dear ibe Afpe6i of bis Country under his own Defcriptioa of Horror ^1 ( 41 ) Horror and Difolation, if he retarded, even for a Moment, thofe Meafures, which are intended for her Prefervation ? If he does not heartily concur in promot- ing their Succefs (for it is now too late to change them) although he fhould really think, that better might have been chofen ? But we truft in Providence and his Majesty's Councils, that thefe Scenes J Horrour are the Drawings only of a diftempercd Imagination. Let me conclude with profeffing inuch pcrfonal Refpedt for this Gentle- man, which, I hope, I have not viola- ted in this ^^;