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':i ,; 'V\ ■ SPEECH I 09 I MR. GROVER, OF NEW YORK, ON THE OREGON QUESTION. DFLIVERED 5N THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MONDAY, JANUARY 26, 1846. WASHINGTON: SLAIR & RIVES, PRINTERS 1846. f itt^.^ THE OREGON QUESTION. rtic rosolution from the Committee on Foreign 'AfTftiis, requiring the President to notify Great Britain <'f tlie intention of the United States to terminate tiic joint oerupaney of Oregon, and to abrogate the convention of'l827, being under consideration in Committee of the Whole — Mr. GROVER, who was entitled to the floor, rose and said: Mr. CiiAiRMAv: At the commencement of this debate I did not dcKign to take any part in it, for I W».'< aware tliat, in comparison with many gentle- men on this floor, I pos.:"ssed but a limited knowl- edge of the subject of our title to Oregon. 1 deem- ed it a course more becoming in me to listen to lho.«e who had more thoroughly investigated the subj'M'f, and were better acquainted with its bear- ings, than to trespass upon the time of the com- mittee myself. 1 did not change that intention until I observed, from the various conflicting views presented by gentlemen in the progress of the dis- cussion, that my own might be misunderstood by my constituents and I)y the House, should I not give a brief exposition of them. I have been highly gratified with much that has occurred during the progress of the debate, while I have not been able to hear other portions without poignant regret. I regard the pending question before the House as otie of the greatest importance — a question upon whit'h, it has been said, the momentous interests of jieace and war arc suspended. I rejoice to say that, in its discussion, as yet, no distinctive party lines have been drawn; on the contrary, several gentlemen, whose political tenets are opposed to my own, have most ably and eloquently advocated the policy of giving the notice to Great" BriUiin ter- minating the joint occupancy in Oregcn. And, on the other hand, some gentlemen agreeing politi- cally with me, have, with equal ability and earn- estness, opposed it. This was as it ever should be. Mere questions of party politics ought not to mingle with the foreign relations of the country. However much we might differ with each other upon questions of dumestic policy, and however bitter our strifes might become, we should always in our transactions with other nations, regard our- selves as one people — having a common interest, abbarked in the same bottom, and destined to ex- pferience n common fate. There was one thing which I cannot but deeply regret, and that is, the S)pearances of a somewhat local and sectional di- sion. I still move deeply deplore the allusion Ijade by the gentlemar. from South Carolina, [Mr. ■HETT,] " to nimors, that the course of some gen- ^cmen was influenced by other than patriotic mo- ' tivcs; that the gentlemen from the West were min- ' gling up with this question schemes and hope.^ in ' regard to the next Presidential canvass; and that ' the delegation from -New York were moved by ' indignation growing out of events connected with ' the late canvass. " New York indignant! Why should she be, sir.' I will take the libertv to tell gentlemen here, and the country at large, that New York entertains no such feelings. No, far from it; pleased with the present, gratified with the past, New York, with confidence, leaves the future in the hands of those to whom it belongs — the people of the nation. I know she never can descend to act from so base a motive. The people of New York know of no reason why they should be dis- pleased with the existing strtc of our political af- fairs. The gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. Pendle- ton,] who had addressed the Kousc this morning, alluded to the Baltimore Convention, and to what he deemed the very strange results that had there transjiired. The delegates of a great and power- ful politiv-al party assembled at that place — a party which, with very brief exceptions, have, since the commencement of the nineteenth century, con- trolled the destinies of this nation. These dele- gates were charged with the duty of selecting candidates to be supported by the party for the highest ofiices in the nation in the then approach- ing contest. It is true, that, when thus assem- bled, there were urged, by their respective friends, with great zeal and earnestness, the claims of their particular favorites, and a somewhat vehement discussion, occupying several days, ensued, closing with the unanimous nomination of the present in- cumbent of the Executive chair. This seems pass- ing strange to that gentleman; but his astonish- ment at a result like tliis will be somewhat abated by a better knowledge of the real nature and true character of that great and patriocic party there represented. With the Democracy of the coun- try, men are a secondary consideration; they re- garded their principles of vastly greater import- ance. Principles before men, ever have been, and I hope ever will be, their motto. Findhig these in- scribed upon their banners, they regard as of little moment who are the candidates, provided they be "honest, fiiithful, and capable." It i.?, indeed, true that New York was deeply disappointed in the result. That name which she had long de- sired to see selected as the choice of that conven- tion was passed by. The news came upon her with stunning efl!ect. The inquiry passed from man to man. What causes can have effected this.' She searched for the cause, and found that it v/as the J -, 4 » r nr"liinatii)ns of tlic CDinnion riicniy. Tiny had av.ulcd tliciiisi'IvcH of tlie .siinic aijciicy t'ni|tloy<'il of (lid l(t iiidui;c Almh to ^'o up to llamotli Gil- cud l(j balllfi. I-'ar and wide luid tlicy insidiously whispered that he could Dot he eh^cted, and in some quartuirf had produced that lielief. Wo iieid them responsible; and ere the ides of Noveniher paid the debt, New York was fully satisfied with the principles jironiidyated by that convention, and with the man of ils choice; and beiii;^ thus assured that her princi[)les were safe, she soon shook oil' the momeniary l>ani? of disappointment, and nei- ther expressed nor felt nny dissatisfaction at the result. Such, I trust, will ever be her course. It ismagn.inimousand wise; and 1 liope that so ^ood an example will bo followed by every Irieiid of De- mocratic principles throuijhout the entire country. Let but this spirit prevail, and the exulljition of the gentleman at the slight dilferences of opinion exhibited here will be, as it ever has been with him and his political friends, short-lived indeed. Let him not lay the flattering unciion to his soul, tluit from any causes now operaliiiir, or likely to operate, tiie })arty is doomed. With these pre- liminary remarks, I will now address myself to the question immediately l)efore the House, and will state, as briefly as possible, my views thereon. I have already staled tliat, at the outset of the debate, I knew, comparatively, little of the points involved. I had not, at that time, carefully ex- amined our title to the territory. I knew, indeed, that in 1790 Great Britain and Spain liad imitually agreed that each should johitly enjoy the rights of trafficing with the Indians throughout that coun- try; pr, rather, that Spain had permitted England to exercise jointly with her those rights. To this transaction the United States were not parties — they had nothino; to do with it. Their chums could not be aflccted by that arrangement. I knew, further, that in 1818, and while Great Britain now claims that the above arrangement with Spain was in full force, a convention had been entered into between Great Britain and the United States, by the pro- visions of which England had agree(l that we •should have a joint occupancy with her of the vyhole of Oregon; or, at least, as some insist, a liberty to navigate its rivers, creeks, and harbors, and to trade with the Indian tribes; in all these respects placing us on an equal footing with her- t;elf, and agreemg that the question of title, in the meanwhile, should remain in abeyance. I further knew that, in 1819, we acquired S'll the rights of Spain to the territory by virtue, of the Florida treaty. Now, if we hadf, as conceded by Eng- land in 1818, an equal right with herself to the ter- ritory, and Spain, as she insisted, also possessing at that time an equal right, it seems to me clear that when we had acquired the rights of Spain by purchase, we then possessed, at least, a right in title to hco-thinls of the territory — our own and Spain's. So much I knew; but I had never look- ed into the "journals of old voyages of discovery, nor turned over those musty records," of which the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Win- THROp] had spoken with such slight respect. But when, sub.scquently, I examined the ofiicial correspondence between our negotiators and the British envoy, my former opinion had been changed, and now, mstead of thinking we had only two-thirds of the title, I have become convinced that we arc entitled to the vluik, aiul that Gk Britain has no right to the territory at all, but only a " tenant at will." I therefore was notsu pri.sod that the gentleman from Virginia [Rl I Pkndlkton] should express his n ijret at the piil lication of the correspoiidenco, and should spcn of it as an Executive indiscretion. Did 1 enterta I the views of that gentleman, I, too, would certaii ly regret it. " If Oregon is not worth a furthing- if it recjuires the geuiub of v. Shakspeare U> pai. its horrors," I should regret that the people Ir^n had such a document sulmiitted to their examiii: tion; from the pcnisal nf which, I doubt not, tht will become satisfied tha' their title is good ui> i 54° 40'. 1 am at a loss how to understand that gentli man. In one part of his argument, he insists tin the territory is utterly worthless; in another par that it is situated at too great a distance ever to I come a part of our confederacy; and in still anotln part, he objects to giving the notice, for the reasi that he thinks by so doing we should not be ali to obtain the whole of it. Of one thing that gei tleman may be assured, that although he may n gard it indiscreet ui the Executive to publish tj correspondence, the people will not. They nevi will forgive one of their agents for withholdii from them information as to their title to any jm tion of their territory. They regard it as aflectii their rights, and will insist upon their public si vants giving them the earliest and fullest inform: tion concerning them. But if after the perusal ■ these documents I could still entertain any doulr as to our right, they would be efrcctually removt by what has fallen from the gentleman from Ma; sachusetts, [Mr. Wintiiuop.] That gentlemii brought to the examination of this question tl. energies of his gigantic mind and all the treasure of his legal learning; and after a thorough invesi gation of the whole question, told the commitK our title to the whole territory was the best of tL two. This is enough for me. Can there, I asl be Iwo good titles to the same territory held by tvi dilferent Ui-.tions at the same time.' If two dain ants hold titles to the same fiu-m, can one of thei be good as against the other, and yet the other bi: ter.' It is an absurdity. A claim must be "eitln good or good tor nothing. With one or two exceptions, no one who lir engaged in this debate has expressed a shade i doubt as to our title. A colleague of my ov [Mr. Goodyear] said that Great Britain had rigli; in Oregon. No doubt of it; but what are they The right of trading with the Indians — a riglit si; extorted from Spain in 1790; and the same rigl was assented to by us by the convention of 181* renewed in 1827. These are her rights, and ii the rights she has there. Now, under these ci; cumstan^cs, what does the President recommend To give the notice provided for by the latter coi; vention, terminating the joint occupancy afier tl. expiration of twelve months. This will strip In of the riglit she now holds; and, if she continues i; the possession of the territory, will convert li' into d trespasser. She is now a " tenant at will.' After notice to quit, she will be a trespasscr- neither more nor Jess. But the honorable geiitl! man from Massachusetts [Mr. Winthrop] tolL the committee there was no need whatever of sci tling tliis question now; tliat it may remain in ii oli:, niul that Gk •riiDry at. all, but reforr' was not sii nni Virpiniii [Rl M rcirrct at tlio ])ul niiu sliould sj)( ii I. Did I fiitertii too, would ccrtaii worth a lUitliiiig- lakspcare to })ai, a tlie jicoplc ii:n to their fxaniiii; , I doubt not, till ' lithi is good uj> stand that gciUl. lent, lie insists th; in another pur listance ever to L and in still unotln tice, for the reas( honld not be ali ne thing tliat gei hough he may n ive to publish il not. They iievi s for withnoldii title to any jmj gard it as aflectii. n tlieir public S( nd fullest inforni; ftcr the perusal > ertain any doulr ' Ifcetually remove tleinan from M;i; That gentleniH this question tl. d all tlie treasur I tliorougli invest lid the commitu vas the best of tl. Can there, I asl i-itory held by tv. e ? n two claiii , can one of thci yet the other bi m must be eitL. , no one who iir ressed a shade ( ague of my o\v Britain liadrigli; It w^hat are they Hans — a right si'; id the same rigl, nvention of 18J' ;r riglits, and a , under these ci: dent recommcii(i by the latter coi: cupancy afier tl; his will strip Ik f she continues i: will convert Iw 'tenant at will. )e n trespasser- honorable geiitli WiNTHROP] toll , '. whatever of sc i lay remain in ii present position just as well as not for fifty years to come. Is il so? Can any attentive observer of the progress of our people in sulxluingand settling [ tliis continent — any man who reflects upon what , actually lias happened within the last fifty years — the (luadrupling of our population, and the va.st amount of territory settled — possibly suppose that ihe question of title may still remain in ai)eyancc for fifty years to come.' Is it a legitimate mode of reasoning to urge, because we have got along peaceably since 1818, that we can still continue to do so? Is it not witliin the last year or two only that our people have commenced any consider- able settlements in the territory.' Does not every one see that long before the lapse of fifty years, the settlements by our citizens, as well as those of Great Britain, will have increased to such an ex- tent lis to render a joint occupancy impossible .' A short retrospect of our national progress must, surely, convince any man that further delay of a question like this wdl be dangerous — that, instead of making the final settlement easier, it will but complicate its difficulties. Another view of the subject has been presented to our consideration, denominated at first " mas- terly inactivity," but recently "masterly activity." Those who advocate this plan, though opposed to giving the notice, have unitedly expressed their opinion that our tide to the whole territory is clear and indisputable, together with a strong desire even- tually to obtain the whole. Let us briefly exam- ine their system of measures. They propose to get the country peopled with American citizens. How .' By intiucing our people to go there and settle. What prospects do they present to induce them to do thus? When they are inquired of, " Have you any title lo the country?" the reply must be, no, not yet, only the right of joint occu- pancy; when that terminates, it is, as yet, uncer- tain whether you must apply for a title to your farms to us, or to Great Britain. Will men be very likely to go under such an inducement ? Is this sufficient to tempt our people to seek homes for themselves and their posterity in a wilderness ? Gentlemen may say, " We will grant them mnds. " But, can we do this ? Have we not, by the con- vention, given to Great Britain the enjoyment of certain rights in the entire territory? While that remains in force will she not complain, and justly, too, if we take any steps tending to abridge those rights? But suppose we overcome this obstacle: cannot Great Britain present to her settlers the same, if not greater inducements? May she not also make grants of land in the territory ? Clearly so; and when we give thousands to our people, will she not give milli 3 to hers? When this scheme has been operating for a few years, how then will stand the question ? Can either Great Britain or ourselves, with honor, negotiate away the territory to which titles have been granted ? Clearly not. Each will be bound to defend their own grants at all hazards. They must do it. Have geiuleinen duly considered this ? If they have, they surely will abandon all hopes arising from the idea that we can safely let this question remain in statu quo for fifty years, or for any con- siderable period of time. The gentleman from Alabama [Mr. Yancey] has advised us to wait until we have twenty thou- sand rifles there, and men to use them, and suf- ficient provi.^ions to support an army. Are wr, then, to .say to emigrants: True, we can gi\e you no title, but never you mind; take your axes and rifles; goon; get into I ic territory; work away; clear up the country until you can raise provisions enough to maintain an army; and wIk'Ii you get strong enough in arms and numbers to drive off the British, and us, too, then our kind, ])atcrnal Government will interfere; then we will assert our title to the whole territory, send our army iht.'re to protect you, and eat up the provisions you have rai.sed for our trooi)s; then we will dot your coun- try over with our land offices, peddle out to you the soil you have reclaimed from the savag('s, and put the money into our treasury! Is not this, af- ter all, pretty much the amount of the argument? — Wait until you can sustain yourselves; then let us in, and we will oi)en for our.selves, and foryou, all those fine avenues for the commerce of the world that have figured so largely in this de- bate. " But how are we to be p;ovcrned in the mean while?" the emigrant will inquire. Gentle- men may answer: Rest perfectly easy on that score; you shall be governed to your heart's con- tent; you, in this respect, shall be doubly blessed; Great Britain has extended her laws over tlie ter- ritory, and wc will ours! You shall enjoy the blessings of two Governments; two sets of officers throughout; two inde])endent judiciaries; two .sets of executive and ministerial officers, amenable to different Powers, administering difierent systems of law! How will this operate? Suppose a con- troversy arises between an American and British settler. Each will run to the tribunal of his own country, procure process, and start with the marshal in hot pursuit of his antagonist, meeting perhaps midway. What nov/ ensues ? Who, at all acquainted with the disposition of the Ameri- can people, will expect that they will quietly sur- render to the British authority? Who, knowing the nature of John Bull, expects him to surrender, and suffer himself to be marched up quietly to the American tribunal ? I presume none. What, then, will be the consequence ? A fight ensues. The countrymen of the respective parties rusli in, and participate in the contest; the intelligence sjireads; each parly exasperated against the other, and en- tertaining feelings of the deepest hostility, war among them, in its most horrid form, becomes in- evitable. True, peace may exist in Boston and Charleston. The citizens of these commercial marts may pursue their traffic undisturbed — their ships, their homes, and their families may be safe. But can this bo called an honorable peace ? Coax our citizens to Oregon for the purpose of securing our title to the country, involve them in war, and then, for the purpose of preserving peace for our- selves, abandon them to their fate ! The Ameri- can people will never do this; no, never. I assure gentlemen that all hopes of preserving peace in this way are delusive, I regard this as a .species of "activity," or "inactivity," call it what you will, that may well become the American people to let alone. We must, it appears to me, choose between two alternatives — either back out, by abandoning our title to the territory, or meet the question at once in a manner that becomes the dignity of the nation. The former course is not to be thought of; the people of all paities will scout at the idea. What 6 I then? Wn must take the other course; give the notice rrroinmcmlcd by the Kxrculivr. IJul, we are told, this will lend to war. Will ii do so? I do not know. I cannot, witli rortiiiniy, predict. I do not hcjifve it will. VVIiv ■■^Ixmld this produce war ? It will he hut the exerclxd of a riL'lit reserved to hoth |)arlieH by the convention: mikI how can Great Ihitain take tunl>ra'i;e tVoui this? Yet .she may. 1 tlo not believe she will; but if otherwise, be It so; we catinot lu:lp it. The irenthinan from BoHton [Mr. Wi\riiuor] iins told the conunittee " that II war ffrowinnj out of this ipiestion will be an eternal diHij^riicc to both nations." To one-half of this proposition, I ac;ree. It will be an eternal dis^rnce to Great Hriiain to j^o to war on this ac- eoutit; to persist to that extremity in Ikt tudial- lowed attempts to rob us of our territory. Not so with lis. We would be but defeiidinu: our own soil — (lisiliaru:in2; the most sacred duty a srovcrn- ment owes its citizens, by extendins; to them the jirotection of our laws and (ireservinij the iiite^'rity of our territory. If war ^row out of su<'h a coiu-se on our part, 1 trust in Gmi we shall hear the united response fnmi o\ir people — Let it come! I feel sure that sueii will be the voice of the jrreat State I have tlie honor, in |)art,to represent. The gen- tleman from Alabama, [Mr. Yavcf.y,] and two or three from Viri^inia, have told us there is no dis- grace in our lettinij thini::s remain a.s they are. No clisn;racc in permitting; Great iiriiain to occupy American .soil — to exercise her sovereignty over it — to compel American citizens to submit to her trilninals! Will the gentlemen say so, if Great Britain occupies a jiart of Virs^inia? I presume not. I cannot yield my as.se.it to this doctrine. With me it makes no ditrerencc whetiier Great Britain attempts to exercise her aiitliority over American territory in the North, the South, or in the far-ofl' regions of Oregon. I will be equally prom|)t to resist her in nil directions. Our safety, as well as our honor, will not permit us to stop short of this. Will it be no disgrace to a peojiie who, more than twenty years ago, proclaimed through their Executive " that tliey no longer re- ganhid this continent as open for future Europeiui colonization?" — a people who arc even now re- peating this, and yet cannot and date not take pos- session of territory undoubtedly their own, for fear of a war wi h England? If this is so, let us hide our diminished heads. Let us no longer, like braggarts, be talking about regulating ihe course of other nations in plantin? colonies, until we can protect, without the aid of Great Britain, American citizens upon American soil! But, say tentlemen, "the notice will lead to war, and war is a dreadful thin^-." Where was the prospect r f war ? None could regret its occur- rence iTiore than myself; and sure I am, if it de- pends upon the people of this country alone, there will be no war. They desire no war. They claim no more than is their own. They demand only what belongs to them ; and if, for advan- cing and persisting in a just claim, war should conic upon them, it will be a war of aggression, and the responsibility will be upon the aggressor. We can stand in the face of the world, and proclaim ourselves innocent and blameless. Gen- tlemen have told the committee " it wijl be an almost endless war — the most bloody and mo- mentous the world has ever seen ; that it will continue until either Great Britain or nursclvenarc entirely corupu'red ; that En^'land will never yieUl up Oregon until her lion has been driven from stronghold to stronghold ; in short, that it will be a war of systems — a war wherein the moiinrchic^l • will be arrayed against the democratic principle."' t Will it be such ? Do trentlcsmen suppose, that we at the North — whom I presume the ixeiiileniaii from •South ('arolina [Mr. RiikttI referred to, as ** be- ing dwellers under an October sun" — will ever think of iindt^rtaking a war to impose upon other nati(»n8 a re|)ublican form of Government ? I assure the gentleman we will not. We have never so learned our creed. W.i:t a drop of rain having fallen front u. These gentltmcn imagine they behold a portentous cloud arising out of this notice; but when liiey, in fancy, see its dark folds hanging like nigh: over them and threatening to deluge the land, do they, like the eagle, dash into its thickest 5 loom.' Not at all. They slop their flight and roop their wings before they get within twelve months * reach of the cloud! Why not, gentlc- aaen, really imitate your eagle of the cloud.' Give Ike nclict, and then if you stop upon the moun- tain *s peak, you will not have to tarry long before fou will fijid the cloud passing over and no war- ke drops shed. Several gentlemen have protested against giving ilhe notice, for tlie reason that it will ftistcn urion ■the country the paper system and its kindred 'abuses for a long series of years. No one can legard tliis as a greater calamity than myself; but 1 cannot bring my mind to believe such evils will follow. Do gentlemen mean to address this argu- ment to their prominent ally on this qticstion, the fmtleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Winturop.-) doubt whether they can make him believe it. If they succeed, I rather think he will become less hostile to the measure. Shall we give this notice' *• Not yet," say the gentlemen. Why not.' Be- cause we are not ready. Many of the States, they tell us, are deeply involved in debt, and are, con- sequently, unable to sustain the burdens of a war, should it ensue. I listened eagerly to the enumer- ation of such States, to ascertain whether New York was comprehended in the list. I found, to my great satisfaction, that she was not. A new light broke in upon my mind, I have ever been among tliose opposed to the creation of these cnor- mou-s debts by the States; I have been so for the reasons that the benefits conferred upon the people by the expenditure of the money obtained must eTer be confined to a lart only, while the burdens they imposed extend to all, and that there ever must be more or less of injustice in everything affected by them. Wlien I view them in this light, and see how they cripple the resources and palsy the arm of this nation — how they tend to render her unable to assert and maintain her just lights, they appear infinitely more odious. I'his Clovemment must procure the sinews of war from die people of the States. It has no other resource; and if the States, by improvident legislation, have destroyed tlieir credit, and rendered their people unable to contribute their quota to sustain this Cc.e.r.TTient, it is powerless. The nation cannot maintain her rights, nor redress her wrongs, how- erer flagrant. New York, although largely in debt, I am happy to say, is not in this dilemma. True, a few years ago she was on the verge of bankruptcy. Gratitude, eternal gratitude, I cannot but feel is due to the men who so nobly rescued her from this humiliating position; and honor to her oitizrns who to cheerfully dubmitled to thf burdens nece.>i»arily imposed, and so warmly sup- ported iho.<»e they charged with that treniendou« and fearful duty. Yes, I ant proud to say to-day, that the |>atriotic sons of New York are ready to meet every emergency, and to discharge every obligation she is under ti> the Union. CJo on, sir, in the nath of du'y, and through weal or through wo, >ie\v York will l)0 with you. I have per- ceived that most of those who nave preceded me in this debate have, in case of war, placed their constituents in the front of the fight. With this I am coiiKnt. Take the/>o»i/, gentlemen, leave to New York the rettr, and I assure you there will be no retreat while a British flog waves on this continent ! Why not give this notice now? We are told our coasts are defenceles.«i — our navy inetriitient — our anny small, and, hut a few days ago, a com- munication was read to us by the gentleman from Connecticut, [Mr. Rt>cKWKi.i.,] coming from Sto- nington, intorming us that they had a large num- ber of whale ships out at sea, worth millions of dollars, and that some of them would not return in two or three years. When will they have a lesfi number out ? 1 would like to know. They fur- ther advise us that one steam frigate could burn their town and destroy it in two hours ! Gracious Heavens! is this so.' A town as large as that, pos.sessed of millions of property, and yet unable to defend itself for two hours against one steam frigate ! My first impulse was to say, let them burn ; but when I reflected upon the enervating tendency of wealth and luxury, to the influence of w hich that people liad, probably, long been sub- jected, I thought it better to send some of the more spirited men there to take care of them until their sailors returned, and then we should hear a differ- ent story from them. The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Pendleton] told us that New York city would experience some of the first bitter fruits of the war policy — that she would be either laid in ashes or under contri- bution. I will inform that gentleman that he need give him.«elf no uneasiness about New Y'ork. She can take care of herself; and if the enemy dared to attack her, they would very soon wish them- selves aboard of their steam-ships, with a full head of steam, steering for the ocean. This talk about attacking New York reminds me of an inci- dent that is said to have occurred on board a Brit- ish ship during the late war of this country and Great Britain, between two American sailors, who had been impressed, and a British tar. The Brit- on first inouired of one, where he was from .' Bos- ton, was tlie answer. Oh, then, you will soon be released, said the Englishman ; our fleet is shortly going to Boston. Then propounding the same question to the other, received for answer : New York. Ah, ha ! exclaimed the British tar, you will have t>9 ride it out, then ; we are not going to New York. The Yorker says, you had better not; if you do, you will find old Tompkins there ! Let them come now, if they choose, and instead of finding one d;u-ing man they will dndjifty thousand. What sort of preparation for war do gentlemen wish f- •' Will they wait for years, and expend large sui ... of money" in organizing an army and buildinga navy, that, after all, ten chances to one, will never be wanted .' I do not believe the people ■*■ 8 will approve of ihis. Ail flic prrparntiori I ilrHirc ia nimpiy this — 1» htive the [x-opie united ; firmly convinced tluU ihny arc oluixrly in the riijlit, nnd HHtirtficd tliiit En(,fliiM(l wa.H inlPiit upr)n wreHtinj;; from them, by force, territory indispiitiil)ly theirs. This would be eiiouf^h ; luid money would he ftir- nishsd ; ftrms, and mm to uhc tlnnn, would be found as if l>y nuij^ic. I have full confidence in the people of this country. Let the emertfcne.y come, and they will prove themselves wortliy of ihcir revolutionary futncrs. Will it come ? There lire many reasons that lead me to doubt it. • England, althou;j;h posscHsinj; a larp;e army nnd nn immense navy, has many obstacles to encoun- ter. Her enormouH debt is like an incubus upon her prOHperity. In a time of profound iieace, she Was compelled to impose taxes upon her people that were driving them to madness. Already has Hhe reached the maximum she is able to extort from her toiling millions of subjects. No more can be forced out of her manut'acturers and ill-paid laborers. Even now, her necessities have com- pelled her to impose an income tax. This :npo* sition, which, until recently, has been her last re- sort in war, and always reluctantly resorted to, she is now oblijjed to adopt as her permanent policy. Under circumstances like these, will she be likely to engage in an unprovoked war with us.' Her aristocracy control her policy, and they perfectly underat»uid that every dollar expended in such a contest must he taken from their pockets. Her land tax for years has been so oopressive upon the owners of her soil, that they aeclarc themselves unable to sustain it, unless protected by prohibi- tory duties upon the producte of foreign coruuries. An adherence to this policy is slowly but surely ruining her manufacturers. It has been adhered to until famine stares the operatives in the face. They surely have difficulties and embanussments enough on hand nearer home, and more imme- diately affecting them, than any territorial claims Upon our northwest coast. The friends of this measure have been asked, whether they would negotiate after the notice had been given f As one of them, I would answer, most certainly. I believe that this course will lead to a renewal of negotiations between the two Govern- menta> Peace is too valuable lightly to be cast away. The genius of the age in which we live is not warlike. The interests of both countries most strongly incline them to peace. The increase of knowledge, the extension of civilization, and, above all, the spreading of the genuine principles of Christianity, have that tendency. I hope that the future history of the world vill contain less and less, each year, of the direful history of bat- tles and tlie conflicts of man with man, until the remembrance of them will be banished from the earth. I trust that the day is not far distant when nations will learn that their true interests are best promoted by doing good to, instead of inflicting injuries upon, each other; when they will cease to entertain jealousies about a "balance of power; ' when governments will be relieved from every ne- icssity for standing armies and navies to protect them iVom foreign aggression, and the people fVom the support of tiiem. Entertaining these hopes, I again repeat, that by all means 1 would negotiate if our lulversary de* sired; by all means 1 would make an honorable, amicable settlement of this question, if possible. About the terms, I have nothing to say. The neople have confided that matter to other hands. There let it remain. My confidence in the Exe- cutive is such that I ent( rtain no fears for the honor or dignity or rights of the country while under his control. Let us do our duty, by passing the resolutions under consideration, leaving others un- trammelled in the discharge oC theirs, APPENDIX. Convention between the United States of Jimerira and Great IMIdin, finned olnt iiortliliiUtuile, tticn s north or hoiiUi, an II intersect the snicl point of Bucli inter- Id parallel, Hhiill be loricH of till! United :y ; and that the Haid the naif! torritones oundary of the ter- i the Lake of tlie rtat may be claimed America, westward with its harbors, ill rivers within the ten years from the ention, to the ves- •wers; it being well be construed to the the two higli con- ' tlic said country, 9f any other Power ; the only object of c!t, beln)( to prevent ■nd Great Britain, 1827. ihird article of the ed States of Amer- rnited Kingdom o( October, 1818, shall Itely extended and IS If all the provis- HcBlly recited. 3r, to either of the rt think flt, at any ing due notice o( arty, to annul and 1 sucli case, be ac- 1, after the expira- ivention, or in the Ith October, 1818, led to impair, or in Br of the contract* untry westward of t I