^, IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) 1.0 I.I 11.25 12.5 2.2 mm ^_'v* Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTt., '.Y. 14580 (716) 873-4503 &? CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHIVI/ICIVIH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical IVIicroreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductlons historlques Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiq^ies The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Features of this copy which may be bibliographically unique, which may alter any of the images in the reproduction, or which may significantly change the usual method of filming, are checked below. □ Coloured covers/ Couverture de couleur I I Covers damaged/ D D D D D D Couverture endommag^e Covers restored and/or laminated/ Couverture restaurie et/ou peiliculie I I Cover title missing/ Le titre de couverture manque □ Coloured maps/ Cartes giographiques en couleur Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) I I Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ Planches et/ou illustrations an couleur Bound with other material/ ReliA avec d'autres documents Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion along interior margin/ La re liure serr6e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la distorsion le long de la marge int6rieure Blank leaves added during restoration may appear within the text. Whenever possible, these have been omitted from filming/ II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajouties lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, mais. lorsque cela 6tait possible, ces pages n'ont pas 6ti filmies. Additional comments:/ Commentaires suppldmentaires: L'Institut a microfilm^ lo meilleur exemplaire qu'il lui a iti possible de se procurer. Les details de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-Atre uniques du point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une modification dans la mithode normale de filmage sont indiquAs ci-dessous. r~~l Coloured pages/ Pages de couleur Pages damaged/ Pages endommagies □ Pages restored and/or laminated/ Pages restaur^es et/ou pelliculdes Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ Pages dicolories. tachaties ou piqudes □ Pages detached/ Pages d6tach6es Showthrough/ Transparence Quality of prir Quality in6gale de I'impression Includes supplementary materii Comprend du materiel supplimentaire Only edition available/ Seule Edition disponible r~| Showthrough/ I I Quality of print varies/ I I Includes supplementary material/ r~~\ Only edition available/ D Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to ensure the best possible image/ Les pages totalement ou partieilement obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, etc., ont M filmies d nouveau de fapon d obtenir la meilleure image possible. This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est fiimd au taux de rMuction indiquA ci-dessous. 10X 14X 18X 22X 12X 16X 20X 26X 30X 24X 28X □ 32X The copy filmed here hae been reproduced thanka to the generoaity of: Library of the Public Archivea of Canada L'exemplaire filmt fut reproduit grice A la giniroaitA de: La bibliothAque des Archivea publiques du Canada The imagea appeering here are the beat quelity poasible conaidering the condition and legibility of the original copy and in keeping with the filming contract apacificationa. Lea Imagea auivantaa ont §i6 reproduitea avec le plua grand acin, compte tenu de la condition at de la netteti de l'exemplaire film*, et en conformit6 avec las conditiona du contrat de filmage. Original copiea in printed paper covera are filmed beginning with the front cover and ending on the iaat page with a printed or llluatrated Imprea- aion, or the back cover when appropriate. All other original copiea ere filmed beginning on the f irat pege with a printed or llluatrated Imprea- aion, and ending on the Iaat page with a printed or iiluatrated impreaaion. Lea exemplaires originaux dont la couvarture en papier eat imprlmte aont filmte en commengant par le premier plat at en terminar«t aoit par la dernlAre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impreaaion ou d'iiiuatratlon, aoit par le second plat, aelon le cas. Toua lea autres exemplaires originaux aont fiimfo an commenpant par la premiere page qui comporte une empreinte d'impresslon ou d'illustration et en terminant par la dernlAre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. The Iaat recorded frame on each microfiche ahail contain the symbol -^ (meaning "CON- TINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), whichever appliea. Un dea symbolas suivants apparaftra sur la dernlAre image de cheque microfiche, selon le caa: le symbole — ► signlfie "A SUIVRE", le symbols V signifie "FIN". Map; plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction retioa. Thoae too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, aa many framea aa required. The following diagrama iiiuatrate the method: Lea cartes, pianchea, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre filmte A dea taux de reduction diff Arents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul clichA, il est film* A partir de I'angie aupArleur geuche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant lo nombre d'images nAce&saire. Les diagrammes suivanta iliuatrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 ?. 3 4 5 6 PUH "& w I f tti i i ^^^SH5!^*" m^ ■"T^. T'T^-. ;S^4^t4^(^%..5^^^'i''^^^'^>^^>*'*^ S O M^E OlB^ERVATIONS iti ■ iA\ irAMPHLET LATELY PUBLISHED; " ENTITL.ED i... ;.\. %fir RlGHts OF GREAT-BRITAIN A^sm^i ^ AOA^NST THj: Claims OF A^IERIC^'^ Ie '^^-^^^v^' » ■'%. W- ■ *t-. £ *»' .• 3 *t:-* * yuPpuhUJhed hy the Jam Author ^ Priffi^^tii^,^ i. ^ Letter. /& Dr. SnEi^i^RE, containift^ a Re* futation nf his Arguments concerning the ^^o^ ^ndJQ0iCc4^s of^ParJiament^ and his ^«N Jioni upon the J^^^ry of $.ing William an ft h^i Proteftant i)i£eBerSm- r 'i . ^: ;: ^. An ^AbvEHDix to « Letter to Dr, SHiiM|EA|E^^ to which is added, feme Obfervations on a JP^n^'^ pblet entitled Taxation no Tyranny; in which the Sophiftry of that Author's Reafoning is dete^ed* ^ "V"';:* • I 4 1 ^ SOME OBSERVATIONS { O N A PAMPHLET LATELY PUBLISHEET/ " ■ " ■ », ^'■■r ENTITLED : ;■,.■ -v. ..'■J- The Rights of GREAT-BRITAIN Asserted AGAINST THE ClAIMS OF AMERICA^ ->•;. BEING An ANSWER to the DECLARATION O F T H E GENERAL CONGRESS, By the Author of the Anfwer to the Pamphlet, pub^ lijbed by Dr. Shebbeare and Dr. Johnson. ^v LONDON} Pkihted for JOHN DONALDSON, the Corner or Arundel Sxr^iifiT, No. 195, in the Stranp, f MDCC1.KXV1. \, .% ■'■•^V )g D'l, ^Vl-O rr-i T A, M^ it, .' T f^ f't f^ < 11 J T-TY ITTr. <••■ rr I ■; «. * i* .•:\ i. as - •—* r lb.A> «.l «.- » ■f:}l\ '■:/j// •"U ii. i j;iti :J Z.i ZH X ./.Ui. *^. 1. jL jj. .1 rrr\ - • . W J. il -,7 fj T "^ *, Oil ■«, fc.i. ■^' w^ * A .. L I »-. m rr > > w rf *■' . Vy '^ » l^ , -w* «««%• . ^ . i, *^ » I -ta^ fi ^ ^'■: ^mmff!^ ■ - V .'-'• SOME "0 .v^'^■ » '\> •(-»*■ 'Vi? !•'■ j! '^v:,; .;f O B S E R V A f I 6 N S. np HE aforefaid pamphlet^ begins with obfcrv- •*• ing, that there tnuji be an unbounded power fomewherej wherever there is government^ which^ is concradifbed by the declaration of the Gene« ral Congrefs } , and the pamphlet obferves, that this power is juftly dreaded in one man, but iji the firft fpring in every political fbciety. It is very evident that the author here means by an unbounded power, arbitrary power; and becaufe arbitrary power in the king is juftly abhor*d by the Britijh nation, the author wants to place it fomewherc elfe i whereas nothing is more evident than this, that placing unbounded, or arbitrary- power above the law, in any number of men, is equally 'bad and deftru£bive of property and liberty, as placing that power in one man ; for the eflence of liberty lies in this, that it fhall not be in the power of any man, or any number of men, to whom the government of the date B i5 ' • . - ( 2 ) IS truftcd, to deprive any fubjeft of what he has a legal right to. except he tranfgrefs the laws of his country. This is not only founded on reafon, but is fupported by all writers of reputation on this fubjeft, as m^y be feen by Mr. Locke^ and •Algemoon Sydney's Treatife on Govtrnnncnt ; and .^was the true foundation upon which the Revo- lution by king fVilUam was founded, and king Jawes declaitd to have forfeited the crowo, tnd is the foundation of the aA of parltanient In fa- vour bf the fuccelTion in the houie of Hanover, :And no real friend to the royal family will deny this } and if any minifler fhall advife his tnajcfty to attempt to eftabliih arbitrary power in any fhape, he will I hope look upon him as an ene^ ■ ttiy to his family, and as intending to«fap the foundation of the right of his family to the crown. The above is the principle fupported by the Continental Congreis, and by all the lovers of liberty, the Revolution, and the pre* fent royal family. The abthor next obferves, that the Americans own themfelves fubjeds^ and yet are rebels, and fo play upon words.— They are rebels in the fame way, and for the fame reafons that the people of Britain were rebels, for fupportlng the RevolutioOy and efUblifhing the p''. ( 3 ) tbe ibccelTion in the prefent royal flunUy^ ancl declaring that king James had focfeiticd his. right to the crown : they are juft now in arms in de- fenc&«of the privileges granted them by their charters, and which have been homologated both i>y the king and parliament, and whi(;h they, iind their predeceflbrs, have pofTci&d for about two hundred years. ., That great man lord SotuerSt in his fpeech in defence of the feven bifiiops committed to the ^ewer^ by that arbitrary prince kin^ James^ obferves that yery often minifters force fubjedts to reiift their arbitrary will, exercifed againft their rights and privileges s by which thefe mi^ jfiiders deferve the name of rebels, and enemies to the reft of mankind, and the fubje^ they call rebels, deferve the name of patriots. The author next obferves, there is but a fmall part of the people of Britain reprcfented in parlia- ment, and yet that parliament ta^es the whole \ from whence he would infer, that the people of America^ have no more reafon tp complain of being taxed by a Britijh parliament, than the; majority of th? people of Britain, There is no force in this argument, for by 4 general confcnt of the people of Britain^ the clei^ion i^ji ( 4 ) ek^ion of members of Parliament, was trufted to thofe who had the greateft property in the com- mon-wealth, and therefore juftlylook'd upon to be the "roper perfons to be entrufled with that great privilege of elc6l:ing members of parliament to reprefcnt Great-Britain ; but by the conflitution oi America y they have a right to choofc their own reprefentatives, and lay on their taxes, as well as the people of Britain^ and are declared to have all the rights of Britijh fubjefts, • -.,*.,** The houfe of commons of Britain arc pro- perly the layers on of taxes, and they would not allow the houfe of peers to amend the leaft iota of a bill fent from them, laying on ta3?es ; and can any man fay, that the commons of Britain have any right to deprive the people of America of any part of their property, without their con- fent ; and it's nugatory to fay, that altho* the people of America have a right to tax them- felves, yet that does not exclude the parliament here from taxing them likewife. Pray of what ufe is that power of taxing themfelves, if there is another power which can tax them at pleafure ? this is the fame thing as if I had a power of dil- pofing of the money I had in my pocket at pleafure, but at the fame time another Ihould ' • . teli ( s ) tell me, he had a prior, and a better right to de- mand what was in my pocket ; and if he fhou*d take it into his head to demand all that was there, is my right good for any thing to me, when it i$ in the power of another perfon to make itufeleft? ■ ' • ' "^'^ " What makes the right of elcfting membtrs of parliament to be lodged in the minority of num- bers, by which their reprcfentatives have a power of taxing the whole people, appears juft and rea- fonable, is this, that altho' thefe electors are the minority in number, yet by far the greatcft part of the property of Britain is in their hands, and befides they themfelves are included in the tax- ations laid on by them •, fo that they can't opprefs the people, without oppreffing themfelvesj where- as had the commons of Britain a power of taxing America^ ihey might pick their pockets of every (hilling, without lofing by it a farthing. Nay they might be great profiters by laying on thefe taxes on America^ by the members being made placemen or penfioners of the crown. And I believe every body is fenftble of this, that the miniftry*s intentions are not to apply their tax- ations in America to publick fervices, but only to encreafe thereby the fund of corruption, by having *%, ( 6 ) having fome more money to difpofe of to bribe and corrupt the people of Britain^ and to malcc the fame ufe of the riches of Ainerica they have done with that of the India comyanyy viz, to provide pofts and penfions for their dependants: and as we fee by the prefent confufions in Indioi, that thefe projects of the mintfter are like ta ruin that company, lb they muft have th« fame cfFcft in America^ if they were put in practice there. The author next obTerves, that ^t Romans were a free people, dnd yet Che fenate had the only power of taxing.— This obfcrvation does Jiot I think apply to the queftion between Great' Britain and America^ except it could be faid^ that the fenate of Rome had granted the privilege of taxation to any colony of theirs, and yet af- 'terwards had tax*d them themfelves : but befides, this is not true in faft, for the tribunes of the people had a power by pronouncing the word VetOy to ftop any aft of the Senate j and before tribunes cxifted, the commons often rejeded the afts of Senate^ when their intereft was hurt by them, and obliged them to alter them. He next obferves, that all the Britijh empire is lubjefl to the ads of the Britijh parliament,— this the Americans^ as well as the fubjeds of Bfi^ taifiy .^ ■ . ( 7 ) . . :. ^,. iaiftf own to be true, but yet if tKat parliamejit fliou-d betray their truft from the people, and deprive them of their rights by charters, or otherways, does this author thirvk that the peo- ple of Britain wou'd not think they had a right Xo defend their properties, - againd delegates chor ien by them to defend their rights, who had been prevail*d upon either by bribery, or any other corruption, to betray the rights of their confticucnts. Let us put the cafe, that the parlia- ment of Britain Ihou'd do as the Senate (Sf Sweden did, about two hundred years ago, give up the liberties of the people to the king -, wou'd not the people of .£n/i2;>; have a right to fay, they Mve bctray'd their iriift, and were no more their reprefentatives ? The cafe of the Senate of Sweden was, the court had got fo many of. the officers of the army, and people poflefled of places under the crown, and peiifioned ^ by tHe crown into. the Senate^ that by a majority of votes, they furrender'd their liberties to the king; find in concert with the minifters of th^ crown^ ihey had a body of troops ready to fupport what .they had done. There is an inllance in the hiftory ^of Scotland, of the difference betw^ "n fubmiiTion to kgal authority, and rcfiftance of oppreffion V I ( 8 ) - oy that authority. King Robert BrUce^ the great* eft king that ever was in Scotland^ and who was adored by people of all ranks, was advifed by fome bad mihifters about him, to encroach on the charters of the nobility, and for that pur- pole came to the parliament, but immediately the members drew their fwords, and told him, ihey would defend their rights by the fame means they had defended his right to the crown. That great and wife prince, did not think his honour concerned to perfift in the execution of a bad advice, given by his minifters, but prefer*d obliging his fubjed:s, and dropt the thing } and their wicked advifers were difmifled his fervice. But now our prefent minifters tell their fovereign,. \hat thefe meafures with regard to America^ muft be purfued, fince they were begun ; altho* they muft be fenfible that they rifk thereby not only the Britijb empire, but his majefty's crown, by cxpofing us to become a province to France, Ii king James IIId*s time of Scotland, a fa- vourite, one Cochran, got into the king's favour, fo as to prevent his taking the advice of his no- bles — they rofe, and took him from the king's prefence, and hang'd him and his three fons, ever the bridge at Lawder, The examples from the ( 9 ) .j . the Hiftory of England, are ib nunicrians of the puniihments of bad councillors, and the refilt- ance of the fubjcfts, when encroachmpnts were made on their privileges, or properties, that it would be needlefs to infert them her^, fis they arc univerlally known. It is amazing to thihk, that anyierilible man fhould advance fo ridiculous a dofErine as this, viz. that altho* the prefcnt fchcmcs againft yfrne- rica were ill founded at the beginning, and againft the publick intereft, yet the. honour of the naHon requires their being executed. Is there any man of fcnfc who can be in carneft in fup- pordng fuch a doflrine as this •, that because a minifterwas miftaken, and prevailed upon to form fcemes which he found by experience were to end in the deftrudtion of his country, yet tliat he fhould be mad enough to perfift in thefe fchemes, till his country was adually ruined? and if he fhould be mad enough to perfift in the executipn of fuch fchemes, would it not be the duty of the parliament to interpofe with their fbvereign, to remove fuch minifter or mi- nifters from his prcfence and councils? The author next fays, that the dutchy of Lancajier was fubjedl to the taxation of parlia- C ment mcnt although they had no members in parlia^ mcnt. This is a miftake in faft, as appears from the original chauer granted by king Ed- ward III. to his fon, by which i:: is declared they are to have members in parliament, and Chefier and t)urham ^ad members of parliament allowed them after they, were incorporated with the reft of England, ' The author next obferves, that the fupremc power, can recall any rights granted by them, when the good of the ftate requires it.— This may be true in many cafes, as for example in enlarging or altering the ftreets of London, wc law the proprietors of houfes obliged to part with their rights, when the houfes ftood in the way of thefe improvements, but then there was an amends made to thefe proprietors, by paying them the full value of their properties i but what amends, pray, can be made to a great people, poflefled of a continent bigger than twenty times all Britain, (and whofe inhabitants are at prefent equal in number to about the half of the inhabitants of England, and who by fuppofing them to double every twenty years, will in eighty years be as numerous as France, Germany and Britain) for their liberties and privileges taken ' " J * ' from ( li ) . . from them by fomelate atls of parliament. Mr. Locke in his excellent Treatife upon Government,, jiiflly obferves, that no government can be in danger from the people's vindicating their rights, except when they think the community is in danger from the government, and if that is in danger, that government deferves to be changed ; and as all governments flow from the people originally, they only can judge when ^he com- munity is in danger i and all governments have been changed by the people, ^nd their gover- nors puniihed when they have betrayed their tTuft, and encroached on the people's rights^ The government of Rome was firft regal, and when Romulus their firft king, turned tyrant^ they put him to death, and they ferved Tar^uin the proud, in the fame way we did king Jame$^ for encroaching on their privileges j and after- wards when the Decemviri^ to whom they had given great powers, abufed their truft, and ^ turned tyrants, they depofed them, and puniflied them: and during the time when virtue flouriihed in t' J republick of Rome^ no man was fpared who affe(5led tyranny, but when luxury and diinpation came into the common- wealth, then that once brave people were enl^aved i and this '-' will ( « ) will always be the cafe, when thcfc vices prevail in any ftate. ' * . •' .... ' The author next obfcrves, that had the Amt' ricans applied for a rcprcfentation in parliament, he believes that would have been granted them. I fliall not take upon me to give my opinion whether it would or not, but this feems evident to me, that Great-Britain would liavc been the greateft nation iii Europe^ by fuppbrting them in their J>riVileges they were in pofle/lTion bf. There are n6W about thrfee million of inhabitants on the contiAeiit of Jimerka, who took from us, yearly, iabbut four millions of our manufaftUres : in eighty years the number of inhabitants (as is obferved before) would have been forty eight rfillliohs, by whifch we fee what a profpeft we had of ehcreafing in riches, every year, as their - ihhabitartts cncrealed ; in proportion to which . numbers, their demand for our manufaftures iliuft ehcrieafe : and it was an idle notion to ima- w gine that they inclined to be indfcpendant, for ..befides their fohdnefs for their Mother Country, the fleet of Britain was equally ferviccable to them, to proteft them againft other European powers, at they were to us in taking of our msL* nufadures. Sir Robert Walpole always faid, that ( '3 ) ^at the bcft way to tax America^ Was to encou- rage their trade, which would produce luxury, and confequently encreafe their demands for our manufadlures. «.'he notions fome people had, chat by their encreafe in power and riches, they would for^t their niother country, is not wdl founded j an example of this we have in Ctirtba^t and Tyre : Tyre was the mother country to Cm"* thage^ and after Carthage came to be a ftate ten times more powerful then Tyre^ they ftiU re- tained their k>ve to their mother country, and for fome hundred yiears, gave the ftrongeil proofs of it. contrary to their, own intereft •, for wliea j^exander the Great, with whom they were in al- liance againft the king of Perfia^ ofitred them great rewarc^ to ierve him againft Tyre^ they re> fufedthem. .,;..,.. . The author next ©bfetves, that the qucftion between us and N^rth America^ is dependence or independency, conne<fUon or not, except on the footing of a (bvereigh (late. It is amazing to fee this advanced, as the Americans have all a- long tkclared, they wiih to be in fubjedtion to their mother country, on the fame terms they have always been : and particularly the General CoQventioQ of the provinces, by their peti- <■• tion tion to the king snJ parliament, about two' months ago, have declared this in the ftrongeft terms. This the miniftry know very well to be their inclination, but defire to impofe on the peo- ple, as if they believed they wanted independen- cy, as it furnifhes them with a pretence for this unnatural war. It is tru^ , they have raifed troops, named generals, &c. but not for independency, but to defend their countr}' and Great Briiain againft (lavery and arbitrary power. He next obferves, that England was involved in the American war, to defend the provincials a- gainft their enemies, and enumerates great fums of money advanced for that purpofe. Surely no body can think that this proceeded from any o- ther caufe but a love of ourfelves.- Every mini- • fter for thefe two hundred years paft, has looked upon the profperity of America as the profperity of Great Britain : and that allowing France to conquer North America^ was allowing them to ruin us, by giving them the fame advantages ,that we expefted from it, and which we have re- '^ ceived, by being furnilhed by it with naval ftores, fuch as iron, timber, hemp, tar, &c, ' which coft us fifteen hundred thoufand pounds ' a year to the Baltic ^ bcfides fupport for our ma- ' ..,.. i nufafturers, ( 'S ) nufad^urcrs, and importing goods from thence, by which wc profited fome hundred thoufands pounds a year. There is a clergyman, one Tucker f who I hear maintains, that we had bet- ter lofe.^wmftf than keep it. This: clergyman mufl be a Roman Catholic, for I ain fure no bo<- ^y can believe this, except one who does believe trar;fubftantiation, the infallibility of fallible men, &c. If this clergyman is not a Roman Catholick, and fo not taught to believe contra* di<5lions and impoiTibilities, he mud be infiuen* ced by the defire of being a hithop ; and when he becomes one, he will be perfcftly fitted to cjhime in with his brethren who voted for efta- bliihing popery and arbitrary power in Canada, ' . He next obferves, that the parliament granted confiderable fums to particular provinces in A- merica, on account of their expences in the laft war. This is true, and it was btcaufe they were fenfible, that from their zeal to lerve their mo- ther country, both by taking Cape Breton on their own expence-, and in the expedition againfl: Carthagena and the Havannah^ they had expend- ed great fums beyond their abilities. And can this author be of opinion, that this was what tliey did not deferve from the Britifli govern- raent. The ( I6 ) The next paragraph is a veiy extraordinary one t he obferves, that our brethren going to /f' tntrica were like the Prodigal Son, who left his father's houfe to live upon hulks, &c. Thefe people, forced by the perfecutions in king James and king Charles the Ts time, were the beft and moft indullriouft people in the ifland, ahd were obliged either to be Haves at home, of venture their lives and fortunes by attempting a lettlement in the wilds of America^ in order to enjoy freedom and the worfhip of God according to their confciences ; and therefore ^ndkrvt to be mentioned with efleem and applaufe ; whereas^ their perfecutors, fuch as archbifhop Laud^ Uc^ will be held in abomination in all ages, as long ^s virtue and honefly are regarded, and perfecu- tk)n and cruelty arc abominated. '• ' ^ The author next mentions confiderable fums given by the BritiHi nation for the encourage- ment of the importation of naval ilores from A» mericOy as a favour granted them, which ought to have engaged their gratitude to their mother country. Surely this author (who feems to be a pcrfon of very great underftanding) muft be fcn- fible that the bounties granted by Oreat Britain, were granted to ferve thcmfdvcs, and to prevent the ( '7 ) , the very great fums of money fent to the Baltic yearly lor thefe commodities ; whereas by get* ting them from North Jmerica, we had them in exchange for our manufaflures : fo that by this wife meafure we both faved great fums of money to the nation, for commodities we could not want, and likewife fupported many thoufands of our manufafturers, who without this muft have either ftarved or left their native country : fo that this was the fame thing as if a man Ihould ex* pend a fixpence to gain a guinea. • ; ; . • The author next obferves, that Great Britain pafled from the advantages they gained by the laft war, in order to get the Americans a fecurity againft France^ by keeping pofTeflion of Canada, and yet the Americans were fo ungrateful as to refleft on the authors of the late peace. — We were in pofTeflion of Canada, we had conquered all the French fugar iflands, we were in pofTeflion of the TIavamah, the key of Spanijh America, we had fo effectually ruined the fleets of France and Spain, that it was univerfaliy known, that the fliips we had taken from them, were more than fufficient alone to beat all the fhips of war that remained belonging to thefe two nations j we were in the fole pofTeflion of the fifhery of D Newfoundland', ( i8 ) I; I! ' li Newfoundland -t and by that and the great en- creafc of our fugar trade, we pofleflcd advan- tages of between four and five millions a year, and added at leaft twenty thoufand failors to our fleet, and e&edlually put it out of the power of France and Spain ever having it in their power to hurt us. And after having obtained all thefc advantages, which made us for ever mailers of the fcas, and which coil us between eighty and ninety millions of money, and the lives of two hundred thoufand of our bed men, we gave all back again, without receiving a (hilling in ex- change i for as to Canada^ it was in our pof- feflion, and for FmJI J'londore, it was not worth our acceptance. Every body knows that we made the peace to prevail upon France to withdraw their troops from Hanover ; a country, the de- fence of which ftood this nation in the laft war, more than thirty million fterling, which is fixty years purchafe of the whole revenue of that territory, and of which a fingle fhilling never comes to Britain. And if his majefty is not pre- vailed upon to give thefe foreign dominions to fome branch of hir, family, and feparate them from Great-Britain, I am afraid they will be the occafion of bringing a ruin upon both them and ( '9 ) and ns ; for whenever France has any demands upon us, they have no more to do, but threaten to invade Hanover^ and we are fuch knight cr- rants, as to undertake its defence to our own deftrudion. By the treaty of Hanover^ in Sir Robert JValpo/e's time, we loft the alliance of the emperor of Germany j by which alliance alone, we could have any profpedt of being able to de- fend Hanover againft the power of France j and fince that treaty of Hanover^ we have no allies upon the continent that can enable us to carry on war on the continent, againft the power of France, and to carry on war againft that crown alone upon the continent, is equally ridiculous as to carry it on againft the emperor of China, Confidering thefe circumftances, and that by the laft peace,, we have reftored our enemies to that very power we had taken from them, of hurt- ing us and our colonies, can any man be fur- prized that the Americans were fenfible of the bad confequences of that peace, which put it in the power of our enemies to attack us and them again, whenever they had a mind, I'he author next obferves, that the Americans have prohibited the importation of Britifh goods, which has not hurt our trade •, on the contrary !l; ( 20 ) the exchange is in our favour. To fay we are not hurt by our lofing the exportation of four millions of goods yearly, appears to me fo pa- radoxical, that it requires no anfwer : furely the nations we traded with before we were deprived of the American trade, took as many of our ma- nufaftures as they wanted, and does any man i- magine, they will take more then they want, to make us an amends for the lofs of the trade of North-America. But I (hall fuppo.'e thnt this miraculous encreafe of trade with other nations, llnce our loCng xht American trade, was true, j t is there any mathematical demonftration plainer then this, that if that four millions exported to America^ had continued, it mud have been an addition to our exports of four millions, and that confequently our being deprived of the exports of that four millionsj mull be a lofs to us of four millions of our exportation. As to the exchange being in our favour with foreign nations, the contrary is afiirnied by the merchants ; but fuppofing it is fo, as this author affirms, yet it has no connexion with the pre- sent queftion, concerning the trade of America : for example, the exchange may be in our favour with one nation, and againft us with another, and th he or re- ( 21 ) and its being in our favour wich one nation, is no argument for faying that we lofe nothing by having a beneficial trade cut off* with another na- tion which has no connexion with it. And as to the funds being kept up, which the author alledges, it is all artificial, by a concert betwixp the bank^and the miniftcrs, as is believed, an4 which very probably may end in the deftruftion both of the bank and public credit. , .(, - . The author next obferves, that the ftamp aft pafled againft a very inconfiderable minority, and that by repealing the ftamp aft, publick ruin commenced: . , , f It is true, that the ftamp aft pafled againft a minority of only between thirty and forty, iiv the houfe of commons, but it is as true that i% was repealed by as great a majority, by that very parliament which pafled it. This is eafily to be accounted for, by the principles of natural phi-, lolophy, which has long fubfifted in this coun- try, viz. a change in the firft lord of the trea- fury, which has operated often as wonderfully as the change of a waf jr into the body of a man, only by a few words pronounced by the meaneft prieft of the Poman catliolick faith. And as to the repealing of the ftamp aft being the occafion of ill ( 22 ) of publick ruin, it was the very thing which reftored harmony between this country and Ame- rica, for it was declaring that the then miniftry did not incline to give the people of America the leaft reafon to fufpeA that we had any intentions to encroach on their privileges, by an inland taxation. , . • ' ... . The author next obferves, that it was folly in Mr. Piity to fay that we are only to reap advan- tages from America by trade. Mr. Piit in this^ was of the fame opinion with Sir Rohert JVal- pole, as has formerly been obferved : and nothing feems to me plainer than this, that by trade with North-America, and keeping up a friendly corref- pondenc? with them, this nation may gain mil- lions a year, and that gain always mult encrealc in proportion to the encreafe of the number of inhabitants in America, and as they encreafe in riches ; for as that encreafes their demand for our manufa<5lures muft encreafe j whereas ourprefent minifters feem to think, that it is our intereft tp prevent the profperity of America, and to bring it back again toawildernefs and beggary. They feem to imitate the pradtice and opinion of Philip II. king of Spain, who when he was told, that by thefe wars in the low countries, he was ruining the ( 23 ) the fined part of his dominions, anfwered, he would rather be King of a wildernefs, where his will was abfolute, than King of the richeft pro- vinces of the world, where his will was not fo. No minifler can be 'nfenfible of the nation's lofing millions by the lofs of the American trade, but if any rainifter has abfolute power in view, he may probably think it his intereft to impo- verifh the nation, in order to prepare them to re- ceive the yoak ; and although the fums he could ' put in his pocket, by the inlaid taxation of Ame- rica, could not be very confiderable, yet by an hundred thoufand pounds that way, it was btt- ter for him than any advantages to the nation by trade, becaufe by it he could hire fo many more flaves to his will, to execute his intentions. . ; The author next obferves, that its unreafon- able that thofe who defert their country, fliould be freer of taxes than thofe who remain in 't. The Americans groan this moment under taxes, impofed on them by their allemblies, to pay their troops for our affiftance, not only in North America, but in the feiges of Carthagena and the Havannah ; but the qucftion is, whether or no they fliall give up their priviledges, poflelT- ed by them from the very beginning of their fct- Ill: ( 24 ) fcttlement in America^ and put it in the power of a Britilh minfter to pick their pockets at his plcafure, without their confent. The author next obferves, that Courts of Ad-' niirality where ellablifhed in King William's time, to try pyracies. This was juft, and the Courts of Admirality there, try the fame caufes without juries, but will any man fay, that be- caufe Courts of Admirality ^re inftituted for the tryal of certain caufes without juries ; that there- fore thefe Courts of Admiralities fhould be em- powered to try every queftion of property with- out juries through England^ and yet this is the thing complained of in Jmerica, that they are deprived of the privilege of Englifh fubjefts, by being deprived of having their properties tryed by juries as in England. The auihor gives inftances during the reigns of feveral of our Princes, of King and Parlia- ment (hewing their authority over America, fuch as impofmg Tonnage and Poundage, &c. The Americans never deny'd this authority, and have always fubmitted, and are willing jftill to fubmit to the Aft of Navigation, though in many rc- fpedls opprelTive. But I (hall not take up liii reader's time to go through the feveral in- ftances Rif; ( 25 ) 'i> ftances mentioned by the author, the principal thing I have in view, is to fliev/ that the prefent American war muft end in the ruin of the Bri- tifh empire if matters are not foon made up be- tween us and America. It feems plain to me that our miniftry from the beginning of this conteft, had a mind to pick a quarrel with America. The people of Bofion defired to be heard by the Houfe of Commons, to fhew they were not guilty of deftroying the tea belonging to the In- dia Company : this was refufed them, though in e- very free country no perfon is refufed to be heard in their own defence j and to condemn without hearing parties, has always been thought the greatell aft of tyranny. There was a mob at GlaJgoWj and another at Edinburgh^ in the late reign of King George II. for which thefe towns were profecuted, but it never came into the head of the minifters then, to refufe to hear them in their defence ; though the Houfe of Commons alledged, that an infult was committed againft them at Glafgow, and the Queen thought herfelf mk\\ttd zt Edifjlurgb. The author fays, the king might have fixed things at Canada^ upon its firft conqueft, as they now are, and therefore is no caufe of complaint. ' E The ( 26 ) . The confequence here has no foundation, be- caufe Canada was made a part of the Britifh em- pire, on the conditions agreed to upon the con- Gueft of it, and was thereby entitled to the privi- lege of Britifh fubjedts, and nothing could juftly deprive tiiem of thefe privileges, but their do- ing fomething that made them defervc being de- prived of them. Of late there has a notion pre- vailed amongft the minifters, that the King may rccal charters when he pleaies -, whereas in my opinion, nothing is more mean and infidious than for a prince to entice his fubjefts by rewards, to hazard dangerous attempts to ferve his crown, an^ to tell them afterwards he would recall thefe grants or charters. The honour of a crown Ihould be facred, and the faith of princes ought to be like the laws of the Medes and Perjians^ irrevoca- ble, otherwife there is no encouragement given to run riflis on their faith or promifes. The aui,hor next obferyes, that at the fame time the Americans fhow their inclinations for peace, by their applications here, they prepare for war, and are adually in arms. ; ' The Americans were to blame in not feeing their danger fo foon as they might, and therefore allowed our troops to take poflefllon cf Bofton^ after ( 27 ) after they might have ffeeii the h'6lti!e ittfentidris of ihe miniltry agaiiift tfierti : At kft they wete obliged to take lip arms, or 'to expofd thdlr throats to be cut by a flaindfrig af ffty, and them- fclves expoled to- beggary artd tlav^fy. -^^ -■^^^ The author next obferves, that the minifti^ Vi-idre wilimg to allow the AmertcciHs t6 fa'ffe their t)wn taxes, provided that the miniftry -(fitrt judges of the quantum j that i* to fay, if I knew my ri6ighbour had twcrity ihillings irt hfs pocket, and no more, 1 fliouid fity to Mftt, 1 don't choofe to put niy hand in youf pockdt*, but I infift upon yotif giving mfc twenty fhi'Ding^ out of it, by your own corifent. ' * " • " * The author next obierv^es, th^t diecolonifb can^t furnifli neceflaries to* carry on their war^ that they have loft their trade to the Mediterra-' niah\ by v^^ich- they made d million and a half; and that to the Wefi-Indies^ by which they made a million \ but he negledls to obfervfe that thd produce of the Mediterranean trade, was for the? moft part dropt here in England^ for by that they were enabled to purchafe our goods. He likewife forgets to obierve, that the Wefi-Tftdiesr was fupported from America, both in provifions' and otherneceffaries, and that being deprived of I ■I! iM- m i i' ! f ( *8 ) the American trade, they arc like to be ruined. So that if America lofes a million by us, not only the H^ eft-Indies^ but like wife Great-Britain is likely to be deprived of many millions, in con- fequence of the Americans being deprived of this one million. \j.,,^ ,-...,.,,..., The author obferves, they can't cxped aflift- ance from France and Spain. It is really amazing that fo clear-fighted a writer as this author fecms to be, fhould advance fuch a dodrine, there is nothing plainer than this, that it's the intereft of France and Spain to detach America from Great-Britain ; by this they would deftroy at once near the half of the trade and ftrength of Britain, fupply their own plantations with all they want, and at the fame time deprive our fugar colonies of every neceflary, France and Spain know very well that by the encreafe o:f inhabitants in our North- America^ and tiieir con- tinuing in friendfhip with us, they would foon be able to furnifh us in cafe of a war with them, with fo many men and other neccffaries, as to ru n their affairs in America j whereas by our lofing America, we lofe more than the third of our trade and ^iches, and number of failors, and confequently arc in danger of lofmg ourfelves, inftcadi ■■■Mtiixii.umammummmm^imt ( ?9 ) inftead of being made the greatefl nation iji Europe^ by the fupport of North-America. And here I am come to the principal thing I intended by this pamphlet, vi?. to open the eyes of my countrymen, by fliewing them that the con^ tinuation of this war with America^ muft end (and that very foon) in our becoming a province of France, Moft of our failors and ihips are gone, or going to America, and I am credibly informed, that our admiralty can't at prefent man ten ifhips of the line, for the defence of Britain ; whereas I am equally well informed, that France and Spain can put to fea forty fhips of the line immediately ; and confequently are mailers of the fea : and if that is the cafe, i$ there any doubt, but that they can fend three times as many forces from France in two or three days time, as to take London^ and to deprive his majefty of his crown. 1 would alk any of his majefty's minifters this queftion, what proteftion we have againft being conquered by France and Spain whenever they have a mind, as it's plain they are at prefent matters of the fea. Are our, land forces fufficient to defend us againft the ^enth part of the land forces of France, which by this new fcheme of the Count St. Germain,^ amount i I If il ( 30 ) amount to upwards of four hundred thoufand men ? Hiftory furnifhes us with many examples of the dangerous confequences of export! hg the ftrength of a nation againft a foreign enemy, even where the ftrength of that foreign nation by fca did not amount to a tenth part of the other The Carthagenians were a powerful republick, both by fea and land ; they fent the moft part of their fleet, with a great army to Sicily, and be- fieged Syracufi the capital' : Jgathdcles the king of Syracufe, had no fleet worth mentioning, in comparifon with that of Carthage, yet he made ihift to colleft as many fhips as tranfported four- teen thoufand brave troops to Africa, and ma«:hed direftly againft Carthage, as he knew the moft part of their troops were in Sicily : the Carfhagenians marched againft them, but were beat, and had it not been for a reinforcement, fent from their army in Sicily, the town of Car- thage had been taken, and an end put to the Ccir- thagmiatp empire. Let us apply this piece of hif- tory to our prefent fituation, the fleets of France and Spain are four times ftronger then ours (hall be after the fliips intended for America are gone ; the troops of France, after the troops intended for America are failed, are ten times ftronger than ( 31 ) than ours ; they are within three or four hours (ail of landing them in Britain, and within three or four days march cf London j and can we recall our fleet and troops from America in lime to de- fend ourfelves. If thefe fafts are true, I wifla the minifters now entrufted by his majefty, would fatisfy the nation, what fecurity it has againft being made a province to France^ if France and Spain\nc\\x\z ir fhould be fo. Every body knows that France has always looked upon Great-Britain as the principal bar againft their proje*^ of uni- verfal monarchy. In king PFiliiam'& war, and that under the duke of Marlborough^ we were the foul of the confederacy againft France^ and v/hen we withdrew ourfelves from that confederacy, in the latter end of queen Anm\ reign, France became vid:ors, from being vanquifhed : and we may reft aflured, that the conqueft of Great-Bri* tain is what their hearts are fct upon, whenever it is in their power 5 and furely one would think, that the prefent miniftry are at pains to furnifli them with that opportunity -, for by the prefent American war, his majefty's crown, and the in- dependency of Great-Britain^ lie at their mercy. But we ftiall be told that France and Spain have pledged their faith that they will not take this ■ opportunity 1 1 m I ( 3O opportunity to ruin us. I (hall only fay in an- fwer to this, that the prefent miniftry are the firft that ever exiftcd in Britain, wlio looked upon the faith of France as a fufficlent fecurity for the fafety of Great-Britain, I here muft ob- fervc, that by the conqueft of Britain, they come in our place, both with regard to our IVefi-India plantations and North America^ by which in all probability they would make themfclves maftcrs of all Europe, The fycophants of the miniftry tell us, that trance is in no condition to wage war with us j whereas the truth is, they are ftronger than they were in Lewis\.\it XI Vth's time : they have the ad- dition of Lorain^ which maintains them thirty thoufand men, and their fugar iflands now afford them ten times the number of failors they did in his time. — In fhort, the more we confider thefe American fchemes, and the expence we are at to ruin ourfelves, by endeavouring to dettroy America, by which alone we might have been made the greateft nadon in Europe^ one muf: without being an enthufiaft, believe it is an in- fatuation from heaven, and muft apply that ob- fervation amongft the Romans to our prefent meafures ^os Jupiter vult perdiri eos dementat. The I ( 33 ) • The author next mentions great fums of money ,:i)': expended for the defence of America, ^' I Ihall not enquire whether his calculations be right or wrong, but fubmit this to his confidera- tion : The prefent exports to America are about four millions yearly, and have always been cn- creafing in proportion as the number of inha- bitants there encreafcs. The inhabitants at prefent are about three millions, twenty years hence they muft have been fix millions had it not been for the folly of our minifters, and confequently our exports mufl: be eight millions ; and twenty years after that, the number of inhabitants mufl: have been twelve millions, and the exports about fixtcen millions : and fo as the inhabitants en* creafcd, America muft have become more ufeful to its mother country. But France eafijy faw that America muft malvc us the greateft nation in Europe^ and therefore have very wifely for them- fclves, fet our minifters to work to ruin us, and advance their intereft. Befides the fupport of our manufacturers from America^ we faved, as has been obferved, fifteen hundred thoufand pounds a year, fent to the Bal" tick for naval ftores, before we were furnilhed with them from America : befides this, we rc- ^ . F ceivc t :U ' fij. I''' li ^ ivi 5r ( 34 )■ ccivc advantages to tlie value of fome hundred thoufand pounds a year by our imports fronn America ; and whenever we want corn, we arc fure of it frona thence. If France fhould pot^ fefs themfclves of thofc things, by making a conqneft of us, whax an amazing ftrength muft this add to the French monarchy : and is it not worth our paina to preferve thefe advantages to ourfelvcs, by reftoring friendlhip with America ? and is it not abfolutely nccefiary if we want to preferve ourfelyes; frpm becoming a province to^ France ? The author next obferves, that our cxportinty manufadture: to any part of Europe^ inftead of America^ would have been as advantageous to us. This obfervation is of no force, becaufe all the goods wanted by thefe nations, muft have been fuppofed to have been fent them j and had the goods fcnt to America been fent to thefe na- tions, they mult have lain a drug undifpofed of, and hurt the fale of the reft j as nothing is furer than this, tiiat a market overftocked with goods, is rendered immediately unprofitable to thofc who fend them. ' The author next fays let the Americans offer tht ir terms, and then the mother country will judge d m. re ( 35 ) judge of them. — This they have done refieatcdlyy and afk no more than to cdntinue fujjeds of Britain, upon the fame terms they have done for near two hundred years paft, and agreeable to their charters i but the miniftcrs, king and par-, liament, paid no attention to their petition, but cncteafed their military preparations againft theni, as they faw their inclinations to a recon- ciliation with their mother country encreafed ; fo that nothing remained for the Americans but to •choofe whether to be flaves or free. *'"'"> -•'* - I have no view In anfwering this pamphlet, but to kt rriatters in as clear a light as I could, to open the eyes of my countrymen to fee the dangerous^ituation v/e are in, of the total deftruftion cf the Britifh empire, and of Creat- Britain itfelf : and fhould this fpirit of infatuation continue in the Britifii min'ftry againft Jmericay I fhall not be furprized co fee Frame in pofK^flion of LondoK within two or three months after the laft of our Ihipj and forces fail for America ; ex- cept we can fuppofe that France fhould prefer keeping its promifes (alledged by the miniftry it has given) to agrandizing France: or in other words, except France by a miraculous change of its nature, Ihould prefer our ini:ereft to its own, and ■* i :i llij I i 4'i i- 1 ( 36 ) and negled an opportunity given them^ of ac-' complifhing what they have been aiming at for more than a hundred years pad, viz. univerfal monarchy. To accomplish which, the conquefl: of Great-Britain is abfolutely neceflary. I am 0I4 enough to remember the glorious figure Greats Britain made in queen Anne's reign, when it was by it that the liberties of Europe were prefcrved \ and it grieves me to fee the poor figure we now make in Europe^ and the danger we run of being in the fame fuuation with the ifland of Corfica in a few months, and that by our own folly, by which w? are at prefent putting ourfelves to as much expence both in men and money, in order to accomplifh our deltrudlion, as ever we were in king William and the duke of Marlborough*^ wars tc fave ourfelves and the reft of Europe froni French flavery. 1 pray God his majefty's eyes» may be cp;;ned, bclore it*s too late, and that he may apply the advice to himr^lf which that great minifter the duke oi Sully, gave to his mafter Henry IV. king of France. The king was going to btftow fome pofts of great truft in the govern- ment to the fons of thofe great families who hac^ been enemies to him when his right to the crown of Francs was attacjced j that wife minifter faid . . to ■{.37 ) to him, you may give if you pleafe penfions to thefe people, or employments upon which the fafety of the ftate does not depend, but as to thefe employments which pu|| it in the power of thofe who pofTefs them to hurt or endanger your government, truft them only in the hands of thofe who have fhewed their attachment to you, when you wanted their fervices^, and fought for your crown i but do not truft rhefe employments, with the heirs of thofe who fought againll you ; for though they may appear your friends, as long as you fupport them, and when it is not in th^ir power to hurt you, yet if you are involved in any dangerous Htuation, they may leave you in the lurch, and adopt the principles and prac- tices of their predeqelTors, in which they h^ve been educated, ' . , . ■ - _ Is it not for his majefty's intereft, to enquire >vhether the minifters, who at prefent enjoy his countenance, and have advifed him to this ^me- nc n war, are not the fons or grandfons of thefe vuyfamilies who oppofedthe Revolution by king William^ who oppof^d the fuccelTion in the Ha- nover family, who joined in the defigns of the niiniftry in the latter end of queen Anne*s reign, for fixing the Pretender on the throne of Britain, and ; ( m i ♦<. "( 38 ) and who formed or fupported the t\i^ rebelli6rts in Scctkind^ in 1715 and in 1745. And if his majcfty finds it is fo, would it not be fafeft for him in this critical fituation of his affairs, to change his minillers, and to put his truft in thofe families who have (hewn thcmfelves friends to the Revolution, and to the fixing the fucccffion in his family. ^Such people as thofe will be truft- cd to ' y the Americans^ as they have reafon to look up*. iiem as their friends, the Am&icans having always Tnewn themfelvcs the zealous friehdsof the Revolution and iht Hanover idimiXyy whereas they have reafon to look on the miniftry with a jealous eye as to all thofe things. I am now in the end of life, and as I have al- ways diftinguifhed myfelf as a lover of liberty and the royal family, fo I Ihould with pleafure end life, if I could by that, fee my co itry freed from the dangerous fituation it is in, and his ma- jcfty furrounded by the real friends to his family. I am of no party, being too far gone in life to have views of ambition. I think if his ma- jefty could be prevailed upon to employ none in his fervice in places of truft, but the lovers of liberty and the Revolution principles, and who Pflone are his real friends, he would thereby be enabled ' ( J9 ) enabled to put an end to this unnatural war in Jmrka, and fecure to himfelf the quiet poffeffion q{ his crown and dominions, if tliis i& brought about before France fliould take advantages of the diftrafted fituation we are in, through all his inajefly*s dominions belonging to the Britifii eqipire. I (hall add an advice to his majefty, from the fmcerity of my heart, let him look upon any man, w'lo fliall advife him to eftablifti arbitrary power in any part of his dominions,, as an enemy to his family — the protection of li- berty and our prefent happy confbitution is the foundation of the rights upon which the prefent royal family is founded : and if lie would add to this, to leparate his foreign dominions from thofe pf any king of Britain after him, and give them to a;,feparate branch of his family, it would make him the moft popular king that ever was in England, and would deprive at once the Pre*- tender f and his next heirs, of all arguments in their favour, from the inconveniences that muft aiife by involving Great-Britain in wars on the continent, in defence of thofe dominions. lam aware of what I have heard from thofe wha call themfelves the king's friends, that this cannot be done, by the laws, of ihe empire j but as I have ... been ill ' r If 4 (40 ) been bred to the knowledge of the principles of the law of nations, and the feudal law, I will engage to fhew by thefe principles, and the laws and praftice of Germany^ that this may be done: and to bring it about the cafier, we need only renew our friendlhip and alliance with the em- peror, a thing fo abfolutely neceflary for our fafety againft the power of France : which al- liance was made by tliat great prince king fFil" liam, and loft by the treaty of Hanover, during the miniftry of Sir Robert PTalpole; though I have been told I think upon fome authority, that Sir Robert difowned having -" hand in it, and faid it was the doing of loi 1 Townjhendy who was fecretary of ft ate and then with the late king at Hanover, when the faid treaty was made* Thus I have anfwered the arguments made ufe of in the forefaid pamphlet •, the reft of it con- fifts moftly in declamation againft the ingratitude of the Americans ; which is fo far from being well founded, that they always were ready to venture their lives and fortunes, whenever called upon by the mother country againft its enemies, when North America had no concern in thefe af- fairs y witnefs the exp^-^ditions againft Carthagena and the Havannah ; but our prefent minifters . - . fccn:i 11 ( 41 ) feem not only ungrateful to them, but Hkewilej to Great Britain^ by exhaufting its ftrength in endeavouring to deftroy what alone can make us a great people, and all this to eftablifli arbitrary power in America^ contrary to their charters. I fhall end this paper with a few obfervations : j/, A prime minifter having the entire confi- dence of his fovereign, has often ruined not on- ly his country, but his fovereign, and at length himfelf : an example of this we have in Sejantis^ prime minifter to Tiberius the Roman emperor : his mafter gave ear to no body but to him ; and after he had prevailed upon him to dcfpifc every advice but his, and to ufe the Roman fenate tyr- ranically, he turned drunk with power, was a- bandoned by the emperor to the fury of the peo- ple, who deftroyed him by the moft ignominions death. Juvenal the fatirill fays, defcribing his death by the mob, Sejanus ducitur unca, 2d, I am fo fenfible, that the advantages ari- fmg from the trade with America are fo obvious, and the danger we run of the lofs of it by France, that it muft occur to every body of common fenfe, except to penfioners and placemen. Let half a dozen old women be called off the ftreet, G there mm. wm I H iS'iiir mi ( 4* ) fht*c is not one of them but would fee the dan- jTci if they were not brib*d to (hut their eyes. 3^, I fpent many months at Hanover, at two different times, with that amiable prince the late Price of Wales, and heard him often fay, that if he lived to be King of Britain, if any minifter fhould advifc him to encroach upon the privile- ges of any of his fubjeds, in any part of his do- minions, he would look upon that man as an e- nemy to his family, as he was fenfible that it was againft the intention of the a6l of fucceflion, and Joft King James his crown. j^th. What Ihews the intention of the minifter in this unnatural war againft America, is that all their underlings in the cofFee-houfes and public places, fay the nation ftiall not be happy till A- merica be reduced back loo years; that is, till the country is made a wildernefs again, and the inhabitants flaves. I am told by a gentleman" with whom General Carleton dined before he went to Canada, that he faid, he hoped in a few years there would not be an Englifhman in Ca- nada. Which ftiews that he knew the intentions . of his fuperiors were to employ the French pa- pifts and Canadians to deftroy our proteftant brethren in Aincnca^ who fliould refulc to be their flaves. Stb, ( 43 ) !^-'^$th, The views of the prefent miniftry feem to be, to cxcrciie the fame arbitrary power in^- merica^ as was exercifed in Scotland and Enghitd by Sir George Mackenzie and Jeffries in the reigns of King Charles II. and James 11. and moft of the people now in power, are defoendancs of thefe very people who fupported thofc meafuwa. and who oppofed the Revolution and the Proief- tant fucceflion, * . As to the prefent parliament, I do not pretend to judge of its proceedings, but the laft parlia- ment were fuch tools to the miniftcr, that in the publick coffee 'houfes wagers were laid, before the queftion was put, how every man in the ma-^ jority would vote. ^ I hope fome means may be fain upon to re- concile the prefent difference with America^ con- fident with its liberties and the honour of Great Britain^ which in my opinion does not oblige us to fupport the meafure of any minifter wh^n they are inconfiflant with the publick good, but on the contrary, obliges us to abandon bad mini- fters to be punifhed as their wicked meafures de- ferve, if wc love our country. Nothing would have prevailed on me to have anfwered the aforefaid pamphlet, but the fincere love ,^' J^- ■-««■ '"^Y" ^^wmm f'l I : IJ !!' * !■ I 111 ^:i ■ 1 1^' I'ii ^ ..I n 4> ( 44 > Jove I bear to the Royal Family. I not on-ly am M l^yal fubjedl: to the King as my Sovereign^ biic I have the greacelt regard. for his intered; as the fon of a Prince I adorcdj and to whom I was under the ftrongeft obligations. I therefore was unhappy to fcc-meafures purfufed which, in my apprehenlion, rifques not only the lofs of the Bridlh Empire, but his Majefty's Crown. : '; 1 ,3jn^a^l';i;:J ;n^hi^ -aui «i zlx . ' ' * If .1 .I'c: : r:!Ji sd ■ 4. ■ • ' J* . . ..- --. -,-i<| 3svJ ' - ..---. i */->;;i3 . r:^ cr^.^^:< .'i^v fJ<i*V? Y .Mr'tiii iriSiii-^^f!*'*^ ^ .1^' ,.>>'^^ 'H .f .'■. ■•4 •i t ■'. '"r. ■m am bvit the ■^r was ■fy was my the t mmmm ,t '■••it ' ■ i vi 7 ,- 01 ■-. ;> '^^ :t' •V m " isiv'-,. a". r -■s* '^ H