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 S O M^E 
 
 OlB^ERVATIONS 
 
 
 iti ■ iA\ 
 
 irAMPHLET LATELY PUBLISHED; " 
 
 ENTITL.ED i... ;.\. 
 
 %fir RlGHts OF GREAT-BRITAIN A^sm^i 
 ^ AOA^NST THj: Claims OF A^IERIC^'^ 
 
 
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 yuPpuhUJhed hy the Jam Author ^ Priffi^^tii^,^ 
 
 i. ^ Letter. /& Dr. SnEi^i^RE, containift^ a Re* 
 futation nf his Arguments concerning the ^^o^ 
 ^ndJQ0iCc4^s of^ParJiament^ and his ^«N 
 Jioni upon the J^^^ry of $.ing William an ft h^i 
 Proteftant i)i£eBerSm- r 'i . ^: ;: 
 
 ^. An ^AbvEHDix to « Letter to Dr, SHiiM|EA|E^^ 
 to which is added, feme Obfervations on a JP^n^'^ 
 pblet entitled Taxation no Tyranny; in which the 
 Sophiftry of that Author's Reafoning is dete^ed* 
 
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SOME 
 
 OBSERVATIONS 
 
 { 
 
 
 O N A 
 
 PAMPHLET LATELY PUBLISHEET/ " 
 
 ■ " ■ », 
 
 ^'■■r ENTITLED : ;■,.■ -v. 
 
 ..'■J- 
 
 The Rights of GREAT-BRITAIN Asserted 
 
 AGAINST THE ClAIMS OF AMERICA^ 
 
 ->•;. 
 
 BEING 
 
 An ANSWER to the DECLARATION 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 GENERAL CONGRESS, 
 
 By the Author of the Anfwer to the Pamphlet, pub^ 
 lijbed by Dr. Shebbeare and Dr. Johnson. 
 
 ^v LONDON} 
 
 Pkihted for JOHN DONALDSON, the Corner or 
 Arundel Sxr^iifiT, No. 195, in the Stranp, 
 f MDCC1.KXV1. 
 
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 O B S E R V A f I 6 N S. 
 
 np HE aforefaid pamphlet^ begins with obfcrv- 
 •*• ing, that there tnuji be an unbounded power 
 fomewherej wherever there is government^ which^ 
 is concradifbed by the declaration of the Gene« 
 ral Congrefs } , and the pamphlet obferves, that 
 this power is juftly dreaded in one man, but iji 
 the firft fpring in every political fbciety. It is 
 very evident that the author here means by an 
 unbounded power, arbitrary power; and becaufe 
 arbitrary power in the king is juftly abhor*d by 
 the Britijh nation, the author wants to place it 
 fomewherc elfe i whereas nothing is more evident 
 than this, that placing unbounded, or arbitrary- 
 power above the law, in any number of men, 
 is equally 'bad and deftru£bive of property and 
 liberty, as placing that power in one man ; for 
 the eflence of liberty lies in this, that it fhall 
 not be in the power of any man, or any number 
 of men, to whom the government of the date 
 
 B i5 ' 
 
• . - ( 2 ) 
 
 IS truftcd, to deprive any fubjeft of what he has 
 a legal right to. except he tranfgrefs the laws of 
 his country. This is not only founded on reafon, 
 but is fupported by all writers of reputation on 
 this fubjeft, as m^y be feen by Mr. Locke^ and 
 •Algemoon Sydney's Treatife on Govtrnnncnt ; and 
 .^was the true foundation upon which the Revo- 
 lution by king fVilUam was founded, and king 
 Jawes declaitd to have forfeited the crowo, tnd 
 is the foundation of the aA of parltanient In fa- 
 vour bf the fuccelTion in the houie of Hanover, 
 :And no real friend to the royal family will deny 
 this } and if any minifler fhall advife his tnajcfty 
 to attempt to eftabliih arbitrary power in any 
 fhape, he will I hope look upon him as an ene^ 
 ■ ttiy to his family, and as intending to«fap the 
 foundation of the right of his family to the 
 crown. The above is the principle fupported 
 by the Continental Congreis, and by all the 
 lovers of liberty, the Revolution, and the pre* 
 fent royal family. The abthor next obferves, 
 that the Americans own themfelves fubjeds^ and 
 yet are rebels, and fo play upon words.— They 
 are rebels in the fame way, and for the fame 
 reafons that the people of Britain were rebels, 
 for fupportlng the RevolutioOy and efUblifhing 
 
 the 
 
 p''. 
 
( 3 ) 
 
 tbe ibccelTion in the prefent royal flunUy^ ancl 
 declaring that king James had focfeiticd his. right 
 to the crown : they are juft now in arms in de- 
 fenc&«of the privileges granted them by their 
 charters, and which have been homologated both 
 i>y the king and parliament, and whi(;h they, 
 iind their predeceflbrs, have pofTci&d for about 
 two hundred years. 
 
 ., That great man lord SotuerSt in his fpeech in 
 defence of the feven bifiiops committed to the 
 ^ewer^ by that arbitrary prince kin^ James^ 
 obferves that yery often minifters force fubjedts 
 to reiift their arbitrary will, exercifed againft 
 their rights and privileges s by which thefe mi^ 
 jfiiders deferve the name of rebels, and enemies 
 to the reft of mankind, and the fubje^ they 
 call rebels, deferve the name of patriots. The 
 author next obferves, there is but a fmall part 
 of the people of Britain reprcfented in parlia- 
 ment, and yet that parliament ta^es the whole \ 
 from whence he would infer, that the people of 
 America^ have no more reafon tp complain of 
 being taxed by a Britijh parliament, than the; 
 majority of th? people of Britain, 
 
 There is no force in this argument, for by 4 
 general confcnt of the people of Britain^ the 
 
 clei^ion 
 
 i^ji 
 
( 4 ) 
 
 ek^ion of members of Parliament, was trufted 
 to thofe who had the greateft property in the com- 
 mon-wealth, and therefore juftlylook'd upon to be 
 the "roper perfons to be entrufled with that great 
 privilege of elc6l:ing members of parliament to 
 reprefcnt Great-Britain ; but by the conflitution 
 oi America y they have a right to choofc their own 
 reprefentatives, and lay on their taxes, as well as 
 the people of Britain^ and are declared to have 
 all the rights of Britijh fubjefts, • -.,*.,** 
 
 The houfe of commons of Britain arc pro- 
 perly the layers on of taxes, and they would not 
 allow the houfe of peers to amend the leaft iota 
 of a bill fent from them, laying on ta3?es ; and 
 can any man fay, that the commons of Britain 
 have any right to deprive the people of America 
 of any part of their property, without their con- 
 fent ; and it's nugatory to fay, that altho* the 
 people of America have a right to tax them- 
 felves, yet that does not exclude the parliament 
 here from taxing them likewife. Pray of what 
 ufe is that power of taxing themfelves, if there 
 is another power which can tax them at pleafure ? 
 this is the fame thing as if I had a power of dil- 
 pofing of the money I had in my pocket at 
 pleafure, but at the fame time another Ihould 
 ' • . teli 
 
( s ) 
 
 tell me, he had a prior, and a better right to de- 
 mand what was in my pocket ; and if he fhou*d 
 take it into his head to demand all that was 
 there, is my right good for any thing to me, 
 when it i$ in the power of another perfon to make 
 itufeleft? ■ ' • ' "^'^ " 
 
 What makes the right of elcfting membtrs of 
 parliament to be lodged in the minority of num- 
 bers, by which their reprcfentatives have a power 
 of taxing the whole people, appears juft and rea- 
 fonable, is this, that altho' thefe electors are the 
 minority in number, yet by far the greatcft part 
 of the property of Britain is in their hands, and 
 befides they themfelves are included in the tax- 
 ations laid on by them •, fo that they can't opprefs 
 the people, without oppreffing themfelvesj where- 
 as had the commons of Britain a power of 
 taxing America^ ihey might pick their pockets 
 of every (hilling, without lofing by it a farthing. 
 Nay they might be great profiters by laying on 
 thefe taxes on America^ by the members being 
 made placemen or penfioners of the crown. And 
 I believe every body is fenftble of this, that the 
 miniftry*s intentions are not to apply their tax- 
 ations in America to publick fervices, but only 
 to encreafe thereby the fund of corruption, by 
 
 having 
 
 *%, 
 
( 6 ) 
 
 having fome more money to difpofe of to bribe 
 and corrupt the people of Britain^ and to malcc 
 the fame ufe of the riches of Ainerica they have 
 done with that of the India comyanyy viz, to 
 provide pofts and penfions for their dependants: 
 and as we fee by the prefent confufions in Indioi, 
 that thefe projects of the mintfter are like ta ruin 
 that company, lb they muft have th« fame cfFcft 
 in America^ if they were put in practice there. 
 
 The author next obTerves, that ^t Romans 
 were a free people, dnd yet Che fenate had the 
 only power of taxing.— This obfcrvation does 
 Jiot I think apply to the queftion between Great' 
 Britain and America^ except it could be faid^ 
 that the fenate of Rome had granted the privilege 
 of taxation to any colony of theirs, and yet af- 
 'terwards had tax*d them themfelves : but befides, 
 this is not true in faft, for the tribunes of the 
 people had a power by pronouncing the word 
 VetOy to ftop any aft of the Senate j and before 
 tribunes cxifted, the commons often rejeded the 
 afts of Senate^ when their intereft was hurt by 
 them, and obliged them to alter them. 
 
 He next obferves, that all the Britijh empire 
 is lubjefl to the ads of the Britijh parliament,— 
 this the Americans^ as well as the fubjeds of Bfi^ 
 
 taifiy 
 
.^ ■ . ( 7 ) . . :. ^,. 
 
 iaiftf own to be true, but yet if tKat parliamejit 
 fliou-d betray their truft from the people, and 
 deprive them of their rights by charters, or 
 otherways, does this author thirvk that the peo- 
 ple of Britain wou'd not think they had a right 
 Xo defend their properties, - againd delegates chor 
 ien by them to defend their rights, who had 
 been prevail*d upon either by bribery, or any 
 other corruption, to betray the rights of their 
 confticucnts. Let us put the cafe, that the parlia- 
 ment of Britain Ihou'd do as the Senate (Sf Sweden 
 did, about two hundred years ago, give up the 
 liberties of the people to the king -, wou'd not 
 the people of .£n/i2;>; have a right to fay, they 
 Mve bctray'd their iriift, and were no more 
 their reprefentatives ? The cafe of the Senate of 
 Sweden was, the court had got fo many of. the 
 officers of the army, and people poflefled of 
 places under the crown, and peiifioned ^ by tHe 
 crown into. the Senate^ that by a majority of 
 votes, they furrender'd their liberties to the king; 
 find in concert with the minifters of th^ crown^ 
 ihey had a body of troops ready to fupport what 
 .they had done. There is an inllance in the hiftory 
 ^of Scotland, of the difference betw^ "n fubmiiTion 
 to kgal authority, and rcfiftance of oppreffion 
 
 V 
 
 I 
 
( 8 ) - 
 
 oy that authority. King Robert BrUce^ the great* 
 eft king that ever was in Scotland^ and who was 
 adored by people of all ranks, was advifed by 
 fome bad mihifters about him, to encroach on 
 the charters of the nobility, and for that pur- 
 pole came to the parliament, but immediately 
 the members drew their fwords, and told him, 
 ihey would defend their rights by the fame 
 means they had defended his right to the crown. 
 That great and wife prince, did not think his 
 honour concerned to perfift in the execution of a 
 bad advice, given by his minifters, but prefer*d 
 obliging his fubjed:s, and dropt the thing } and 
 their wicked advifers were difmifled his fervice. 
 But now our prefent minifters tell their fovereign,. 
 \hat thefe meafures with regard to America^ muft 
 be purfued, fince they were begun ; altho* they 
 muft be fenfible that they rifk thereby not only 
 the Britijb empire, but his majefty's crown, by 
 cxpofing us to become a province to France, 
 
 Ii king James IIId*s time of Scotland, a fa- 
 vourite, one Cochran, got into the king's favour, 
 fo as to prevent his taking the advice of his no- 
 bles — they rofe, and took him from the king's 
 prefence, and hang'd him and his three fons, 
 ever the bridge at Lawder, The examples from 
 
 the 
 
( 9 ) 
 
 .j . 
 
 the Hiftory of England, are ib nunicrians of the 
 puniihments of bad councillors, and the refilt- 
 ance of the fubjcfts, when encroachmpnts were 
 made on their privileges, or properties, that it 
 would be needlefs to infert them her^, fis they arc 
 univerlally known. 
 
 It is amazing to thihk, that anyierilible man 
 fhould advance fo ridiculous a dofErine as this, 
 viz. that altho* the prefcnt fchcmcs againft yfrne- 
 rica were ill founded at the beginning, and 
 againft the publick intereft, yet the. honour of 
 the naHon requires their being executed. Is there 
 any man of fcnfc who can be in carneft in fup- 
 pordng fuch a doflrine as this •, that because a 
 minifterwas miftaken, and prevailed upon to 
 form fcemes which he found by experience were 
 to end in the deftrudtion of his country, yet 
 tliat he fhould be mad enough to perfift in thefe 
 fchemes, till his country was adually ruined? 
 and if he fhould be mad enough to perfift in 
 the executipn of fuch fchemes, would it not 
 be the duty of the parliament to interpofe with 
 their fbvereign, to remove fuch minifter or mi- 
 nifters from his prcfence and councils? 
 
 The author next fays, that the dutchy of 
 Lancajier was fubjedl to the taxation of parlia- 
 
 C ment 
 
mcnt although they had no members in parlia^ 
 mcnt. This is a miftake in faft, as appears 
 from the original chauer granted by king Ed- 
 ward III. to his fon, by which i:: is declared 
 they are to have members in parliament, and 
 Chefier and t)urham ^ad members of parliament 
 allowed them after they, were incorporated with 
 the reft of England, 
 
 ' The author next obferves, that the fupremc 
 power, can recall any rights granted by them, 
 when the good of the ftate requires it.— 
 This may be true in many cafes, as for example 
 in enlarging or altering the ftreets of London, wc 
 law the proprietors of houfes obliged to part 
 with their rights, when the houfes ftood in the 
 way of thefe improvements, but then there was 
 an amends made to thefe proprietors, by paying 
 them the full value of their properties i but what 
 amends, pray, can be made to a great people, 
 poflefled of a continent bigger than twenty 
 times all Britain, (and whofe inhabitants are at 
 prefent equal in number to about the half of the 
 inhabitants of England, and who by fuppofing 
 them to double every twenty years, will in eighty 
 years be as numerous as France, Germany and 
 Britain) for their liberties and privileges taken 
 ' " J * ' from 
 
( li ) . . 
 
 from them by fomelate atls of parliament. Mr. 
 Locke in his excellent Treatife upon Government,, 
 jiiflly obferves, that no government can be in 
 danger from the people's vindicating their rights, 
 except when they think the community is in 
 danger from the government, and if that is in 
 danger, that government deferves to be changed ; 
 and as all governments flow from the people 
 originally, they only can judge when ^he com- 
 munity is in danger i and all governments have 
 been changed by the people, ^nd their gover- 
 nors puniihed when they have betrayed their 
 tTuft, and encroached on the people's rights^ 
 The government of Rome was firft regal, and 
 when Romulus their firft king, turned tyrant^ 
 they put him to death, and they ferved Tar^uin 
 the proud, in the fame way we did king Jame$^ 
 for encroaching on their privileges j and after- 
 wards when the Decemviri^ to whom they had 
 given great powers, abufed their truft, and ^ 
 turned tyrants, they depofed them, and puniflied 
 them: and during the time when virtue flouriihed 
 in t' J republick of Rome^ no man was fpared 
 who affe(5led tyranny, but when luxury and 
 diinpation came into the common- wealth, then 
 that once brave people were enl^aved i and this 
 '-' will 
 
( « ) 
 
 will always be the cafe, when thcfc vices prevail 
 in any ftate. ' * . •' .... 
 
 ' The author next obfcrves, that had the Amt' 
 ricans applied for a rcprcfentation in parliament, 
 he believes that would have been granted them. 
 I fliall not take upon me to give my opinion 
 whether it would or not, but this feems evident 
 to me, that Great-Britain would liavc been the 
 greateft nation iii Europe^ by fuppbrting them 
 in their J>riVileges they were in pofle/lTion bf. 
 There are n6W about thrfee million of inhabitants 
 on the contiAeiit of Jimerka, who took from us, 
 yearly, iabbut four millions of our manufaftUres : 
 in eighty years the number of inhabitants (as is 
 obferved before) would have been forty eight 
 rfillliohs, by whifch we fee what a profpeft we 
 had of ehcreafing in riches, every year, as their 
 - ihhabitartts cncrealed ; in proportion to which 
 . numbers, their demand for our manufaftures 
 iliuft ehcrieafe : and it was an idle notion to ima- 
 w gine that they inclined to be indfcpendant, for 
 ..befides their fohdnefs for their Mother Country, 
 the fleet of Britain was equally ferviccable to 
 them, to proteft them againft other European 
 powers, at they were to us in taking of our msL* 
 nufadures. Sir Robert Walpole always faid, 
 
 that 
 
( '3 ) 
 
 ^at the bcft way to tax America^ Was to encou- 
 rage their trade, which would produce luxury, 
 and confequently encreafe their demands for our 
 manufadlures. «.'he notions fome people had, chat 
 by their encreafe in power and riches, they 
 would for^t their niother country, is not wdl 
 founded j an example of this we have in Ctirtba^t 
 and Tyre : Tyre was the mother country to Cm"* 
 thage^ and after Carthage came to be a ftate ten 
 times more powerful then Tyre^ they ftiU re- 
 tained their k>ve to their mother country, and 
 for fome hundred yiears, gave the ftrongeil proofs 
 of it. contrary to their, own intereft •, for wliea 
 j^exander the Great, with whom they were in al- 
 liance againft the king of Perfia^ ofitred them 
 great rewarc^ to ierve him againft Tyre^ they re> 
 
 fufedthem. .,;..,.. 
 
 . The author next ©bfetves, that the qucftion 
 between us and N^rth America^ is dependence or 
 independency, conne<fUon or not, except on the 
 footing of a (bvereigh (late. It is amazing to 
 fee this advanced, as the Americans have all a- 
 long tkclared, they wiih to be in fubjedtion to 
 their mother country, on the fame terms they 
 have always been : and particularly the General 
 CoQventioQ of the provinces, by their peti- 
 
 <■• 
 
 tion 
 
tion to the king snJ parliament, about two' 
 months ago, have declared this in the ftrongeft 
 terms. This the miniftry know very well to be 
 their inclination, but defire to impofe on the peo- 
 ple, as if they believed they wanted independen- 
 cy, as it furnifhes them with a pretence for this 
 unnatural war. It is tru^ , they have raifed troops, 
 named generals, &c. but not for independency, 
 but to defend their countr}' and Great Briiain 
 againft (lavery and arbitrary power. 
 
 He next obferves, that England was involved 
 in the American war, to defend the provincials a- 
 gainft their enemies, and enumerates great fums 
 of money advanced for that purpofe. Surely no 
 body can think that this proceeded from any o- 
 ther caufe but a love of ourfelves.- Every mini- • 
 fter for thefe two hundred years paft, has looked 
 upon the profperity of America as the profperity 
 of Great Britain : and that allowing France to 
 conquer North America^ was allowing them to 
 ruin us, by giving them the fame advantages 
 ,that we expefted from it, and which we have re- '^ 
 ceived, by being furnilhed by it with naval 
 ftores, fuch as iron, timber, hemp, tar, &c, ' 
 which coft us fifteen hundred thoufand pounds ' 
 a year to the Baltic ^ bcfides fupport for our ma- ' 
 ..,.. i nufafturers, 
 
( 'S ) 
 
 nufad^urcrs, and importing goods from thence, 
 by which wc profited fome hundred thoufands 
 pounds a year. There is a clergyman, one 
 Tucker f who I hear maintains, that we had bet- 
 ter lofe.^wmftf than keep it. This: clergyman 
 mufl be a Roman Catholic, for I ain fure no bo<- 
 ^y can believe this, except one who does believe 
 trar;fubftantiation, the infallibility of fallible 
 men, &c. If this clergyman is not a Roman 
 Catholick, and fo not taught to believe contra* 
 di<5lions and impoiTibilities, he mud be infiuen* 
 ced by the defire of being a hithop ; and when 
 he becomes one, he will be perfcftly fitted to 
 cjhime in with his brethren who voted for efta- 
 bliihing popery and arbitrary power in Canada, ' 
 . He next obferves, that the parliament granted 
 confiderable fums to particular provinces in A- 
 merica, on account of their expences in the laft 
 war. This is true, and it was btcaufe they were 
 fenfible, that from their zeal to lerve their mo- 
 ther country, both by taking Cape Breton on 
 their own expence-, and in the expedition againfl: 
 Carthagena and the Havannah^ they had expend- 
 ed great fums beyond their abilities. And can 
 this author be of opinion, that this was what 
 tliey did not deferve from the Britifli govern- 
 
 raent. 
 
 The 
 

 ( I6 ) 
 
 The next paragraph is a veiy extraordinary 
 one t he obferves, that our brethren going to /f' 
 tntrica were like the Prodigal Son, who left his 
 father's houfe to live upon hulks, &c. Thefe 
 people, forced by the perfecutions in king 
 James and king Charles the Ts time, were the 
 beft and moft indullriouft people in the ifland, 
 ahd were obliged either to be Haves at home, of 
 venture their lives and fortunes by attempting a 
 lettlement in the wilds of America^ in order to 
 enjoy freedom and the worfhip of God according 
 to their confciences ; and therefore ^ndkrvt to be 
 mentioned with efleem and applaufe ; whereas^ 
 their perfecutors, fuch as archbifhop Laud^ Uc^ 
 will be held in abomination in all ages, as long 
 ^s virtue and honefly are regarded, and perfecu- 
 tk)n and cruelty arc abominated. '• ' ^ 
 
 The author next mentions confiderable fums 
 given by the BritiHi nation for the encourage- 
 ment of the importation of naval ilores from A» 
 mericOy as a favour granted them, which ought 
 to have engaged their gratitude to their mother 
 country. Surely this author (who feems to be a 
 pcrfon of very great underftanding) muft be fcn- 
 fible that the bounties granted by Oreat Britain, 
 were granted to ferve thcmfdvcs, and to prevent 
 
 the 
 
( '7 ) , 
 the very great fums of money fent to the Baltic 
 yearly lor thefe commodities ; whereas by get* 
 ting them from North Jmerica, we had them in 
 exchange for our manufaflures : fo that by this 
 wife meafure we both faved great fums of money 
 to the nation, for commodities we could not 
 want, and likewife fupported many thoufands of 
 our manufafturers, who without this muft have 
 either ftarved or left their native country : fo that 
 this was the fame thing as if a man Ihould ex* 
 pend a fixpence to gain a guinea. • ; ; . • 
 
 The author next obferves, that Great Britain 
 pafled from the advantages they gained by the 
 laft war, in order to get the Americans a fecurity 
 againft France^ by keeping pofTeflion of Canada, 
 and yet the Americans were fo ungrateful as to 
 refleft on the authors of the late peace. — We 
 were in pofTeflion of Canada, we had conquered 
 all the French fugar iflands, we were in pofTeflion 
 of the TIavamah, the key of Spanijh America, we 
 had fo effectually ruined the fleets of France and 
 Spain, that it was univerfaliy known, that the 
 fliips we had taken from them, were more than 
 fufficient alone to beat all the fhips of war 
 that remained belonging to thefe two nations j 
 we were in the fole pofTeflion of the fifhery of 
 
 D Newfoundland', 
 
( i8 ) 
 
 I; 
 
 I! 
 ' li 
 
 Newfoundland -t and by that and the great en- 
 creafc of our fugar trade, we pofleflcd advan- 
 tages of between four and five millions a year, 
 and added at leaft twenty thoufand failors to our 
 fleet, and e&edlually put it out of the power of 
 France and Spain ever having it in their power 
 to hurt us. And after having obtained all thefc 
 advantages, which made us for ever mailers of 
 the fcas, and which coil us between eighty and 
 ninety millions of money, and the lives of two 
 hundred thoufand of our bed men, we gave all 
 back again, without receiving a (hilling in ex- 
 change i for as to Canada^ it was in our pof- 
 feflion, and for FmJI J'londore, it was not worth 
 our acceptance. Every body knows that we made 
 the peace to prevail upon France to withdraw 
 their troops from Hanover ; a country, the de- 
 fence of which ftood this nation in the laft war, 
 more than thirty million fterling, which is fixty 
 years purchafe of the whole revenue of that 
 territory, and of which a fingle fhilling never 
 comes to Britain. And if his majefty is not pre- 
 vailed upon to give thefe foreign dominions to 
 fome branch of hir, family, and feparate them 
 from Great-Britain, I am afraid they will be the 
 occafion of bringing a ruin upon both them 
 
 and 
 
( '9 ) 
 
 and ns ; for whenever France has any demands 
 upon us, they have no more to do, but threaten 
 to invade Hanover^ and we are fuch knight cr- 
 rants, as to undertake its defence to our own 
 deftrudion. By the treaty of Hanover^ in Sir 
 Robert JValpo/e's time, we loft the alliance of the 
 emperor of Germany j by which alliance alone, 
 we could have any profpedt of being able to de- 
 fend Hanover againft the power of France j and 
 fince that treaty of Hanover^ we have no allies 
 upon the continent that can enable us to carry 
 on war on the continent, againft the power of 
 France, and to carry on war againft that crown 
 alone upon the continent, is equally ridiculous 
 as to carry it on againft the emperor of China, 
 Confidering thefe circumftances, and that by the 
 laft peace,, we have reftored our enemies to that 
 very power we had taken from them, of hurt- 
 ing us and our colonies, can any man be fur- 
 prized that the Americans were fenfible of the 
 bad confequences of that peace, which put it 
 in the power of our enemies to attack us and 
 them again, whenever they had a mind, 
 
 I'he author next obferves, that the Americans 
 have prohibited the importation of Britifh goods, 
 which has not hurt our trade •, on the contrary 
 
!l; 
 
 ( 20 ) 
 
 the exchange is in our favour. To fay we are 
 not hurt by our lofing the exportation of four 
 millions of goods yearly, appears to me fo pa- 
 radoxical, that it requires no anfwer : furely the 
 nations we traded with before we were deprived 
 of the American trade, took as many of our ma- 
 nufaftures as they wanted, and does any man i- 
 magine, they will take more then they want, to 
 make us an amends for the lofs of the trade of 
 North-America. But I (hall fuppo.'e thnt this 
 miraculous encreafe of trade with other nations, 
 llnce our loCng xht American trade, was true, j t 
 is there any mathematical demonftration plainer 
 then this, that if that four millions exported to 
 America^ had continued, it mud have been an 
 addition to our exports of four millions, and 
 that confequently our being deprived of the 
 exports of that four millionsj mull be a lofs to us 
 of four millions of our exportation. 
 
 As to the exchange being in our favour with 
 foreign nations, the contrary is afiirnied by the 
 merchants ; but fuppofing it is fo, as this author 
 affirms, yet it has no connexion with the pre- 
 sent queftion, concerning the trade of America : 
 for example, the exchange may be in our favour 
 with one nation, and againft us with another, 
 
 and 
 
th 
 he 
 or 
 re- 
 
 ( 21 ) 
 
 and its being in our favour wich one nation, is 
 no argument for faying that we lofe nothing by 
 having a beneficial trade cut off* with another na- 
 tion which has no connexion with it. And as 
 to the funds being kept up, which the author 
 alledges, it is all artificial, by a concert betwixp 
 the bank^and the miniftcrs, as is believed, an4 
 which very probably may end in the deftruftion 
 both of the bank and public credit. , .(, - . 
 The author next obferves, that the ftamp aft 
 pafled againft a very inconfiderable minority, 
 and that by repealing the ftamp aft, publick 
 ruin commenced: . , , f 
 
 It is true, that the ftamp aft pafled againft a 
 minority of only between thirty and forty, iiv 
 the houfe of commons, but it is as true that i% 
 was repealed by as great a majority, by that very 
 parliament which pafled it. This is eafily to be 
 accounted for, by the principles of natural phi-, 
 lolophy, which has long fubfifted in this coun- 
 try, viz. a change in the firft lord of the trea- 
 fury, which has operated often as wonderfully 
 as the change of a waf jr into the body of a man, 
 only by a few words pronounced by the meaneft 
 prieft of the Poman catliolick faith. And as to 
 the repealing of the ftamp aft being the occafion 
 
 of 
 
ill 
 
 ( 22 ) 
 
 of publick ruin, it was the very thing which 
 reftored harmony between this country and Ame- 
 rica, for it was declaring that the then miniftry 
 did not incline to give the people of America the 
 leaft reafon to fufpeA that we had any intentions 
 to encroach on their privileges, by an inland 
 taxation. , . • ' ... . 
 
 The author next obferves, that it was folly in 
 Mr. Piity to fay that we are only to reap advan- 
 tages from America by trade. Mr. Piit in this^ 
 was of the fame opinion with Sir Rohert JVal- 
 pole, as has formerly been obferved : and nothing 
 feems to me plainer than this, that by trade with 
 North-America, and keeping up a friendly corref- 
 pondenc? with them, this nation may gain mil- 
 lions a year, and that gain always mult encrealc 
 in proportion to the encreafe of the number of 
 inhabitants in America, and as they encreafe in 
 riches ; for as that encreafes their demand for our 
 manufa<5lures muft encreafe j whereas ourprefent 
 minifters feem to think, that it is our intereft tp 
 prevent the profperity of America, and to bring it 
 back again toawildernefs and beggary. They feem 
 to imitate the pradtice and opinion of Philip II. 
 king of Spain, who when he was told, that by 
 thefe wars in the low countries, he was ruining 
 
 the 
 
( 23 ) 
 
 the fined part of his dominions, anfwered, he 
 would rather be King of a wildernefs, where his 
 will was abfolute, than King of the richeft pro- 
 vinces of the world, where his will was not fo. 
 
 No minifler can be 'nfenfible of the nation's 
 lofing millions by the lofs of the American trade, 
 but if any rainifter has abfolute power in view, 
 he may probably think it his intereft to impo- 
 verifh the nation, in order to prepare them to re- 
 ceive the yoak ; and although the fums he could 
 ' put in his pocket, by the inlaid taxation of Ame- 
 rica, could not be very confiderable, yet by an 
 hundred thoufand pounds that way, it was btt- 
 ter for him than any advantages to the nation by 
 trade, becaufe by it he could hire fo many more 
 flaves to his will, to execute his intentions. . ; 
 The author next obferves, that its unreafon- 
 able that thofe who defert their country, fliould 
 be freer of taxes than thofe who remain in 't. 
 
 The Americans groan this moment under 
 taxes, impofed on them by their allemblies, to 
 pay their troops for our affiftance, not only in 
 North America, but in the feiges of Carthagena 
 and the Havannah ; but the qucftion is, whether 
 or no they fliall give up their priviledges, poflelT- 
 ed by them from the very beginning of their 
 
 fct- 
 
Ill: 
 
 ( 24 ) 
 
 fcttlement in America^ and put it in the power 
 of a Britilh minfter to pick their pockets at his 
 plcafure, without their confent. 
 
 The author next obferves, that Courts of Ad-' 
 niirality where ellablifhed in King William's 
 time, to try pyracies. This was juft, and the 
 Courts of Admirality there, try the fame caufes 
 without juries, but will any man fay, that be- 
 caufe Courts of Admirality ^re inftituted for the 
 tryal of certain caufes without juries ; that there- 
 fore thefe Courts of Admiralities fhould be em- 
 powered to try every queftion of property with- 
 out juries through England^ and yet this is the 
 thing complained of in Jmerica, that they are 
 deprived of the privilege of Englifh fubjefts, by 
 being deprived of having their properties tryed 
 by juries as in England. 
 
 The auihor gives inftances during the reigns 
 of feveral of our Princes, of King and Parlia- 
 ment (hewing their authority over America, fuch 
 as impofmg Tonnage and Poundage, &c. The 
 Americans never deny'd this authority, and have 
 always fubmitted, and are willing jftill to fubmit 
 to the Aft of Navigation, though in many rc- 
 fpedls opprelTive. But I (hall not take up liii 
 reader's time to go through the feveral in- 
 ftances 
 
 Rif; 
 
( 25 ) 
 
 'i> 
 
 ftances mentioned by the author, the principal 
 thing I have in view, is to fliev/ that the prefent 
 American war muft end in the ruin of the Bri- 
 tifh empire if matters are not foon made up be- 
 tween us and America. It feems plain to me that 
 our miniftry from the beginning of this conteft, 
 had a mind to pick a quarrel with America. 
 The people of Bofion defired to be heard by the 
 Houfe of Commons, to fhew they were not 
 guilty of deftroying the tea belonging to the In- 
 dia Company : this was refufed them, though in e- 
 very free country no perfon is refufed to be 
 heard in their own defence j and to condemn 
 without hearing parties, has always been thought 
 the greatell aft of tyranny. There was a mob 
 at GlaJgoWj and another at Edinburgh^ in the late 
 reign of King George II. for which thefe towns 
 were profecuted, but it never came into the head 
 of the minifters then, to refufe to hear them in 
 their defence ; though the Houfe of Commons 
 alledged, that an infult was committed againft 
 them at Glafgow, and the Queen thought herfelf 
 mk\\ttd zt Edifjlurgb. 
 
 The author fays, the king might have fixed 
 things at Canada^ upon its firft conqueft, as they 
 now are, and therefore is no caufe of complaint. ' 
 
 E The 
 
( 26 ) 
 
 . The confequence here has no foundation, be- 
 caufe Canada was made a part of the Britifh em- 
 pire, on the conditions agreed to upon the con- 
 Gueft of it, and was thereby entitled to the privi- 
 lege of Britifh fubjedts, and nothing could juftly 
 deprive tiiem of thefe privileges, but their do- 
 ing fomething that made them defervc being de- 
 prived of them. Of late there has a notion pre- 
 vailed amongft the minifters, that the King may 
 rccal charters when he pleaies -, whereas in my 
 opinion, nothing is more mean and infidious than 
 for a prince to entice his fubjefts by rewards, to 
 hazard dangerous attempts to ferve his crown, 
 an^ to tell them afterwards he would recall thefe 
 grants or charters. The honour of a crown Ihould 
 be facred, and the faith of princes ought to be 
 like the laws of the Medes and Perjians^ irrevoca- 
 ble, otherwife there is no encouragement given 
 to run riflis on their faith or promifes. 
 
 The aui,hor next obferyes, that at the fame time 
 the Americans fhow their inclinations for peace, 
 by their applications here, they prepare for war, 
 and are adually in arms. ; ' 
 
 The Americans were to blame in not feeing 
 their danger fo foon as they might, and therefore 
 allowed our troops to take poflefllon cf Bofton^ 
 
 after 
 
( 27 ) 
 
 after they might have ffeeii the h'6lti!e ittfentidris 
 of ihe miniltry agaiiift tfierti : At kft they wete 
 obliged to take lip arms, or 'to expofd thdlr 
 throats to be cut by a flaindfrig af ffty, and them- 
 fclves expoled to- beggary artd tlav^fy. -^^ -■^^^ 
 The author next obferves, that the minifti^ 
 Vi-idre wilimg to allow the AmertcciHs t6 fa'ffe their 
 t)wn taxes, provided that the miniftry -(fitrt 
 judges of the quantum j that i* to fay, if I 
 knew my ri6ighbour had twcrity ihillings irt hfs 
 pocket, and no more, 1 fliouid fity to Mftt, 1 
 don't choofe to put niy hand in youf pockdt*, 
 but I infift upon yotif giving mfc twenty fhi'Ding^ 
 out of it, by your own corifent. ' * " • " 
 * The author next obierv^es, th^t diecolonifb 
 can^t furnifli neceflaries to* carry on their war^ 
 that they have loft their trade to the Mediterra-' 
 niah\ by v^^ich- they made d million and a half; 
 and that to the Wefi-Indies^ by which they made 
 a million \ but he negledls to obfervfe that thd 
 produce of the Mediterranean trade, was for the? 
 moft part dropt here in England^ for by that 
 they were enabled to purchafe our goods. He 
 likewife forgets to obierve, that the Wefi-Tftdiesr 
 was fupported from America, both in provifions' 
 and otherneceffaries, and that being deprived of 
 
 I 
 
■I! 
 
 iM- 
 
 m 
 
 i i' ! 
 
 f 
 
 ( *8 ) 
 
 the American trade, they arc like to be ruined. 
 So that if America lofes a million by us, not only 
 the H^ eft-Indies^ but like wife Great-Britain is 
 likely to be deprived of many millions, in con- 
 fequence of the Americans being deprived of this 
 one million. \j.,,^ ,-...,.,,..., 
 
 The author obferves, they can't cxped aflift- 
 ance from France and Spain. It is really amazing 
 that fo clear-fighted a writer as this author fecms 
 to be, fhould advance fuch a dodrine, there is 
 nothing plainer than this, that it's the intereft 
 of France and Spain to detach America from 
 Great-Britain ; by this they would deftroy at 
 once near the half of the trade and ftrength of 
 Britain, fupply their own plantations with all 
 they want, and at the fame time deprive our 
 fugar colonies of every neceflary, France and 
 Spain know very well that by the encreafe o:f 
 inhabitants in our North- America^ and tiieir con- 
 tinuing in friendfhip with us, they would foon 
 be able to furnifh us in cafe of a war with them, 
 with fo many men and other neccffaries, as to 
 ru n their affairs in America j whereas by our 
 lofing America, we lofe more than the third of 
 our trade and ^iches, and number of failors, and 
 confequently arc in danger of lofmg ourfelves, 
 
 inftcadi 
 
 ■■■Mtiixii.umammummmm^imt 
 
( ?9 ) 
 
 inftead of being made the greatefl nation iji 
 Europe^ by the fupport of North-America. And 
 here I am come to the principal thing I intended 
 by this pamphlet, vi?. to open the eyes of my 
 countrymen, by fliewing them that the con^ 
 tinuation of this war with America^ muft end 
 (and that very foon) in our becoming a province 
 of France, Moft of our failors and ihips are 
 gone, or going to America, and I am credibly 
 informed, that our admiralty can't at prefent 
 man ten ifhips of the line, for the defence of 
 Britain ; whereas I am equally well informed, 
 that France and Spain can put to fea forty fhips 
 of the line immediately ; and confequently are 
 mailers of the fea : and if that is the cafe, i$ 
 there any doubt, but that they can fend three 
 times as many forces from France in two or three 
 days time, as to take London^ and to deprive his 
 majefty of his crown. 1 would alk any of his 
 majefty's minifters this queftion, what proteftion 
 we have againft being conquered by France and 
 Spain whenever they have a mind, as it's plain 
 they are at prefent matters of the fea. Are our, 
 land forces fufficient to defend us againft the 
 ^enth part of the land forces of France, which 
 by this new fcheme of the Count St. Germain,^ 
 
 amount 
 
i 
 
 I 
 
 If 
 
 il 
 
 ( 30 ) 
 
 amount to upwards of four hundred thoufand 
 men ? Hiftory furnifhes us with many examples 
 of the dangerous confequences of export! hg the 
 ftrength of a nation againft a foreign enemy, 
 even where the ftrength of that foreign nation by 
 fca did not amount to a tenth part of the other 
 The Carthagenians were a powerful republick, 
 both by fea and land ; they fent the moft part of 
 their fleet, with a great army to Sicily, and be- 
 fieged Syracufi the capital' : Jgathdcles the king 
 of Syracufe, had no fleet worth mentioning, in 
 comparifon with that of Carthage, yet he made 
 ihift to colleft as many fhips as tranfported four- 
 teen thoufand brave troops to Africa, and 
 ma«:hed direftly againft Carthage, as he knew 
 the moft part of their troops were in Sicily : the 
 Carfhagenians marched againft them, but were 
 beat, and had it not been for a reinforcement, 
 fent from their army in Sicily, the town of Car- 
 thage had been taken, and an end put to the Ccir- 
 thagmiatp empire. Let us apply this piece of hif- 
 tory to our prefent fituation, the fleets of France 
 and Spain are four times ftronger then ours (hall 
 be after the fliips intended for America are gone ; 
 the troops of France, after the troops intended 
 for America are failed, are ten times ftronger 
 
 than 
 
( 31 ) 
 
 than ours ; they are within three or four hours 
 (ail of landing them in Britain, and within three 
 or four days march cf London j and can we recall 
 our fleet and troops from America in lime to de- 
 fend ourfelves. If thefe fafts are true, I wifla the 
 minifters now entrufted by his majefty, would 
 fatisfy the nation, what fecurity it has againft 
 being made a province to France^ if France and 
 Spain\nc\\x\z ir fhould be fo. Every body knows 
 that France has always looked upon Great-Britain 
 as the principal bar againft their proje*^ of uni- 
 verfal monarchy. In king PFiliiam'& war, and that 
 under the duke of Marlborough^ we were the 
 foul of the confederacy againft France^ and v/hen 
 we withdrew ourfelves from that confederacy, 
 in the latter end of queen Anm\ reign, France 
 became vid:ors, from being vanquifhed : and we 
 may reft aflured, that the conqueft of Great-Bri* 
 tain is what their hearts are fct upon, whenever 
 it is in their power 5 and furely one would think, 
 that the prefent miniftry are at pains to furnifli 
 them with that opportunity -, for by the prefent 
 American war, his majefty's crown, and the in- 
 dependency of Great-Britain^ lie at their mercy. 
 But we ftiall be told that France and Spain have 
 pledged their faith that they will not take this 
 
 ■ opportunity 
 
1 1 
 
 m 
 
 
 I 
 
 ( 3O 
 
 opportunity to ruin us. I (hall only fay in an- 
 fwer to this, that the prefent miniftry are the 
 firft that ever exiftcd in Britain, wlio looked 
 upon the faith of France as a fufficlent fecurity 
 for the fafety of Great-Britain, I here muft ob- 
 fervc, that by the conqueft of Britain, they come 
 in our place, both with regard to our IVefi-India 
 plantations and North America^ by which in all 
 probability they would make themfclves maftcrs 
 of all Europe, 
 
 The fycophants of the miniftry tell us, that 
 trance is in no condition to wage war with us j 
 whereas the truth is, they are ftronger than they 
 were in Lewis\.\it XI Vth's time : they have the ad- 
 dition of Lorain^ which maintains them thirty 
 thoufand men, and their fugar iflands now afford 
 them ten times the number of failors they did 
 in his time. — In fhort, the more we confider 
 thefe American fchemes, and the expence we are 
 at to ruin ourfelves, by endeavouring to dettroy 
 America, by which alone we might have been 
 made the greateft nadon in Europe^ one muf: 
 without being an enthufiaft, believe it is an in- 
 fatuation from heaven, and muft apply that ob- 
 fervation amongft the Romans to our prefent 
 meafures ^os Jupiter vult perdiri eos dementat. 
 
 The 
 
 
 I 
 
( 33 ) 
 
 • The author next mentions great fums of money 
 
 ,:i)': 
 
 expended for the defence of America, ^' 
 
 I Ihall not enquire whether his calculations be 
 right or wrong, but fubmit this to his confidera- 
 tion : The prefent exports to America are about 
 four millions yearly, and have always been cn- 
 creafing in proportion as the number of inha- 
 bitants there encreafcs. The inhabitants at prefent 
 are about three millions, twenty years hence 
 they muft have been fix millions had it not been 
 for the folly of our minifters, and confequently 
 our exports mufl: be eight millions ; and twenty 
 years after that, the number of inhabitants mufl: 
 have been twelve millions, and the exports about 
 fixtcen millions : and fo as the inhabitants en* 
 creafcd, America muft have become more ufeful 
 to its mother country. But France eafijy faw that 
 America muft malvc us the greateft nation in 
 Europe^ and therefore have very wifely for them- 
 fclves, fet our minifters to work to ruin us, and 
 advance their intereft. 
 
 Befides the fupport of our manufacturers from 
 America^ we faved, as has been obferved, fifteen 
 hundred thoufand pounds a year, fent to the Bal" 
 tick for naval ftores, before we were furnilhed 
 with them from America : befides this, we rc- 
 ^ . F ceivc 
 
 t 
 
:U 
 
 
 
 
 ' fij. 
 
 I''' li ^ 
 
 ivi 
 
 5r 
 
 ( 34 )■ 
 
 ccivc advantages to tlie value of fome hundred 
 thoufand pounds a year by our imports fronn 
 America ; and whenever we want corn, we arc 
 fure of it frona thence. If France fhould pot^ 
 fefs themfclves of thofc things, by making a 
 conqneft of us, whax an amazing ftrength muft 
 this add to the French monarchy : and is it not 
 worth our paina to preferve thefe advantages to 
 ourfelvcs, by reftoring friendlhip with America ? 
 and is it not abfolutely nccefiary if we want to 
 preferve ourfelyes; frpm becoming a province to^ 
 France ? 
 
 The author next obferves, that our cxportinty 
 manufadture: to any part of Europe^ inftead of 
 America^ would have been as advantageous to us. 
 
 This obfervation is of no force, becaufe all 
 the goods wanted by thefe nations, muft have 
 been fuppofed to have been fent them j and had 
 the goods fcnt to America been fent to thefe na- 
 tions, they mult have lain a drug undifpofed of, 
 and hurt the fale of the reft j as nothing is furer 
 than this, tiiat a market overftocked with goods, 
 is rendered immediately unprofitable to thofc 
 who fend them. 
 
 ' The author next fays let the Americans offer 
 tht ir terms, and then the mother country will 
 
 judge 
 
d 
 
 m. 
 re 
 
 ( 35 ) 
 
 judge of them. — This they have done refieatcdlyy 
 and afk no more than to cdntinue fujjeds of 
 Britain, upon the fame terms they have done for 
 near two hundred years paft, and agreeable to 
 their charters i but the miniftcrs, king and par-, 
 liament, paid no attention to their petition, but 
 cncteafed their military preparations againft 
 theni, as they faw their inclinations to a recon- 
 ciliation with their mother country encreafed ; fo 
 that nothing remained for the Americans but to 
 •choofe whether to be flaves or free. *'"'"> -•'* - 
 I have no view In anfwering this pamphlet, 
 but to kt rriatters in as clear a light as I 
 could, to open the eyes of my countrymen to 
 fee the dangerous^ituation v/e are in, of the total 
 deftruftion cf the Britifh empire, and of Creat- 
 Britain itfelf : and fhould this fpirit of infatuation 
 continue in the Britifii min'ftry againft Jmericay 
 I fhall not be furprized co fee Frame in pofK^flion 
 of LondoK within two or three months after the 
 laft of our Ihipj and forces fail for America ; ex- 
 cept we can fuppofe that France fhould prefer 
 keeping its promifes (alledged by the miniftry it 
 has given) to agrandizing France: or in other 
 words, except France by a miraculous change of 
 its nature, Ihould prefer our ini:ereft to its own, 
 
 and 
 
 ■* 
 
i :i 
 
 llij I i 
 
 4'i 
 
 i- 1 
 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 and negled an opportunity given them^ of ac-' 
 complifhing what they have been aiming at for 
 more than a hundred years pad, viz. univerfal 
 monarchy. To accomplish which, the conquefl: of 
 Great-Britain is abfolutely neceflary. I am 0I4 
 enough to remember the glorious figure Greats 
 Britain made in queen Anne's reign, when it was 
 by it that the liberties of Europe were prefcrved \ 
 and it grieves me to fee the poor figure we now 
 make in Europe^ and the danger we run of being 
 in the fame fuuation with the ifland of Corfica 
 in a few months, and that by our own folly, by 
 which w? are at prefent putting ourfelves to as 
 much expence both in men and money, in order 
 to accomplifh our deltrudlion, as ever we were 
 in king William and the duke of Marlborough*^ 
 wars tc fave ourfelves and the reft of Europe froni 
 French flavery. 1 pray God his majefty's eyes» 
 may be cp;;ned, bclore it*s too late, and that he 
 may apply the advice to himr^lf which that great 
 minifter the duke oi Sully, gave to his mafter 
 Henry IV. king of France. The king was going 
 to btftow fome pofts of great truft in the govern- 
 ment to the fons of thofe great families who hac^ 
 been enemies to him when his right to the crown 
 of Francs was attacjced j that wife minifter faid 
 . . to 
 
■{.37 ) 
 
 to him, you may give if you pleafe penfions to 
 thefe people, or employments upon which the 
 fafety of the ftate does not depend, but as to 
 thefe employments which pu|| it in the power of 
 thofe who pofTefs them to hurt or endanger your 
 government, truft them only in the hands of 
 thofe who have fhewed their attachment to you, 
 when you wanted their fervices^, and fought for 
 your crown i but do not truft rhefe employments, 
 with the heirs of thofe who fought againll you ; 
 for though they may appear your friends, as 
 long as you fupport them, and when it is not in 
 th^ir power to hurt you, yet if you are involved 
 in any dangerous Htuation, they may leave you 
 in the lurch, and adopt the principles and prac- 
 tices of their predeqelTors, in which they h^ve 
 been educated, ' . , . ■ - _ 
 
 Is it not for his majefty's intereft, to enquire 
 >vhether the minifters, who at prefent enjoy his 
 countenance, and have advifed him to this ^me- 
 nc n war, are not the fons or grandfons of thefe 
 vuyfamilies who oppofedthe Revolution by king 
 William^ who oppof^d the fuccelTion in the Ha- 
 nover family, who joined in the defigns of the 
 niiniftry in the latter end of queen Anne*s reign, 
 for fixing the Pretender on the throne of Britain, 
 
 and 
 
 ; ( 
 
m i 
 
 ♦<. 
 
 "( 
 
 38 
 
 ) 
 
 and who formed or fupported the t\i^ rebelli6rts 
 in Scctkind^ in 1715 and in 1745. And if his 
 majcfty finds it is fo, would it not be fafeft for 
 him in this critical fituation of his affairs, to 
 change his minillers, and to put his truft in 
 thofe families who have (hewn thcmfelves friends 
 to the Revolution, and to the fixing the fucccffion 
 in his family. ^Such people as thofe will be truft- 
 cd to ' y the Americans^ as they have reafon to 
 look up*. iiem as their friends, the Am&icans 
 having always Tnewn themfelvcs the zealous 
 friehdsof the Revolution and iht Hanover idimiXyy 
 whereas they have reafon to look on the miniftry 
 with a jealous eye as to all thofe things. 
 
 I am now in the end of life, and as I have al- 
 ways diftinguifhed myfelf as a lover of liberty 
 and the royal family, fo I Ihould with pleafure 
 end life, if I could by that, fee my co itry freed 
 from the dangerous fituation it is in, and his ma- 
 jcfty furrounded by the real friends to his family. 
 I am of no party, being too far gone in life to 
 have views of ambition. I think if his ma- 
 jefty could be prevailed upon to employ none in 
 his fervice in places of truft, but the lovers of 
 liberty and the Revolution principles, and who 
 Pflone are his real friends, he would thereby be 
 
 enabled 
 
' 
 
 ( J9 ) 
 
 enabled to put an end to this unnatural war in 
 Jmrka, and fecure to himfelf the quiet poffeffion 
 q{ his crown and dominions, if tliis i& brought 
 about before France fliould take advantages of 
 the diftrafted fituation we are in, through all his 
 inajefly*s dominions belonging to the Britifii 
 eqipire. I (hall add an advice to his majefty, 
 from the fmcerity of my heart, let him look 
 upon any man, w'lo fliall advife him to eftablifti 
 arbitrary power in any part of his dominions,, as 
 an enemy to his family — the protection of li- 
 berty and our prefent happy confbitution is the 
 foundation of the rights upon which the prefent 
 royal family is founded : and if lie would add to 
 this, to leparate his foreign dominions from thofe 
 pf any king of Britain after him, and give them 
 to a;,feparate branch of his family, it would make 
 him the moft popular king that ever was in 
 England, and would deprive at once the Pre*- 
 tender f and his next heirs, of all arguments in 
 their favour, from the inconveniences that muft 
 aiife by involving Great-Britain in wars on the 
 continent, in defence of thofe dominions. lam 
 aware of what I have heard from thofe wha call 
 themfelves the king's friends, that this cannot 
 be done, by the laws, of ihe empire j but as I have 
 ... been 
 

 ill ' 
 
 r If 
 
 4 
 
 (40 ) 
 
 been bred to the knowledge of the principles of 
 the law of nations, and the feudal law, I will 
 engage to fhew by thefe principles, and the laws 
 and praftice of Germany^ that this may be done: 
 and to bring it about the cafier, we need only 
 renew our friendlhip and alliance with the em- 
 peror, a thing fo abfolutely neceflary for our 
 fafety againft the power of France : which al- 
 liance was made by tliat great prince king fFil" 
 liam, and loft by the treaty of Hanover, during 
 the miniftry of Sir Robert PTalpole; though I 
 have been told I think upon fome authority, that 
 Sir Robert difowned having -" hand in it, and 
 faid it was the doing of loi 1 Townjhendy who 
 was fecretary of ft ate and then with the late 
 king at Hanover, when the faid treaty was made* 
 Thus I have anfwered the arguments made ufe 
 of in the forefaid pamphlet •, the reft of it con- 
 fifts moftly in declamation againft the ingratitude 
 of the Americans ; which is fo far from being 
 well founded, that they always were ready to 
 venture their lives and fortunes, whenever called 
 upon by the mother country againft its enemies, 
 when North America had no concern in thefe af- 
 fairs y witnefs the exp^-^ditions againft Carthagena 
 and the Havannah ; but our prefent minifters 
 . - . fccn:i 
 
11 
 
 ( 41 ) 
 
 feem not only ungrateful to them, but Hkewilej 
 to Great Britain^ by exhaufting its ftrength in 
 endeavouring to deftroy what alone can make us 
 a great people, and all this to eftablifli arbitrary 
 power in America^ contrary to their charters. 
 I fhall end this paper with a few obfervations : 
 j/, A prime minifter having the entire confi- 
 dence of his fovereign, has often ruined not on- 
 ly his country, but his fovereign, and at length 
 himfelf : an example of this we have in Sejantis^ 
 prime minifter to Tiberius the Roman emperor : 
 his mafter gave ear to no body but to him ; and 
 after he had prevailed upon him to dcfpifc every 
 advice but his, and to ufe the Roman fenate tyr- 
 ranically, he turned drunk with power, was a- 
 bandoned by the emperor to the fury of the peo- 
 ple, who deftroyed him by the moft ignominions 
 death. Juvenal the fatirill fays, defcribing his 
 death by the mob, Sejanus ducitur unca, 
 
 2d, I am fo fenfible, that the advantages ari- 
 fmg from the trade with America are fo obvious, 
 and the danger we run of the lofs of it by France, 
 that it muft occur to every body of common 
 fenfe, except to penfioners and placemen. Let 
 half a dozen old women be called off the ftreet, 
 
 G there 
 
mm. 
 
 wm 
 
 I H 
 
 
 iS'iiir 
 
 
 mi 
 
 ( 4* ) 
 
 fht*c is not one of them but would fee the dan- 
 jTci if they were not brib*d to (hut their eyes. 
 
 3^, I fpent many months at Hanover, at two 
 different times, with that amiable prince the late 
 Price of Wales, and heard him often fay, that if 
 he lived to be King of Britain, if any minifter 
 fhould advifc him to encroach upon the privile- 
 ges of any of his fubjeds, in any part of his do- 
 minions, he would look upon that man as an e- 
 nemy to his family, as he was fenfible that it was 
 againft the intention of the a6l of fucceflion, and 
 Joft King James his crown. 
 
 j^th. What Ihews the intention of the minifter 
 in this unnatural war againft America, is that all 
 their underlings in the cofFee-houfes and public 
 places, fay the nation ftiall not be happy till A- 
 merica be reduced back loo years; that is, till 
 the country is made a wildernefs again, and the 
 inhabitants flaves. I am told by a gentleman" 
 with whom General Carleton dined before he 
 went to Canada, that he faid, he hoped in a few 
 years there would not be an Englifhman in Ca- 
 nada. Which ftiews that he knew the intentions 
 . of his fuperiors were to employ the French pa- 
 pifts and Canadians to deftroy our proteftant 
 brethren in Aincnca^ who fliould refulc to be 
 their flaves. 
 
 Stb, 
 
( 43 ) 
 
 !^-'^$th, The views of the prefent miniftry feem 
 to be, to cxcrciie the fame arbitrary power in^- 
 merica^ as was exercifed in Scotland and Enghitd 
 by Sir George Mackenzie and Jeffries in the reigns 
 of King Charles II. and James 11. and moft of 
 the people now in power, are defoendancs of 
 thefe very people who fupported thofc meafuwa. 
 and who oppofed the Revolution and the Proief- 
 tant fucceflion, * . 
 
 As to the prefent parliament, I do not pretend 
 to judge of its proceedings, but the laft parlia- 
 ment were fuch tools to the miniftcr, that in the 
 publick coffee 'houfes wagers were laid, before 
 the queftion was put, how every man in the ma-^ 
 jority would vote. ^ 
 
 I hope fome means may be fain upon to re- 
 concile the prefent difference with America^ con- 
 fident with its liberties and the honour of Great 
 Britain^ which in my opinion does not oblige us 
 to fupport the meafure of any minifter wh^n they 
 are inconfiflant with the publick good, but on 
 the contrary, obliges us to abandon bad mini- 
 fters to be punifhed as their wicked meafures de- 
 ferve, if wc love our country. 
 
 Nothing would have prevailed on me to have 
 anfwered the aforefaid pamphlet, but the fincere 
 
 love 
 
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 ( 44 > 
 Jove I bear to the Royal Family. I not on-ly am 
 M l^yal fubjedl: to the King as my Sovereign^ biic 
 I have the greacelt regard. for his intered; as the 
 fon of a Prince I adorcdj and to whom I was 
 under the ftrongeft obligations. I therefore was 
 unhappy to fcc-meafures purfufed which, in my 
 apprehenlion, rifques not only the lofs of the 
 Bridlh Empire, but his Majefty's Crown. 
 
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