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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m^thode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 COLLECTIONS OF THE MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. SECOND SERIES. DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE STATE OF MAINE. VOL. II. CONTAINING A Discourse on Wester:^^ Planting, Written in the Yeak 1584, By RICHARD HAKLUYT. SUtt^ a Prifacc antj an 3rntroUuttton By LEONARD WOODS, LL.D., LATE PEKSIDENT OP BOWDOIN COILEQE. EDITED, WITH NOTES IN THE APPENDIX, By CHARLES DEANE. PUBLISHED BY THE MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY, AIDED BY APPKOPRIATIONS FROM THE STATE. CAMBRIDGE: PRESS OF JOHN WILSON AND SON. 1377. .:--o^^ ^1 I Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1877, by the Maine IIistokical Society, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at AVasliington. CONTENTS. Note of th:: Standing Committee ^^^" Editorial Note by Charles Deane xiii Preface bt Dr. Woods . XV Introduction by Dr. Woods ' • • • • aXV Hakluyt's Discourse Appendix: Notes by the Editor, Charles Deane . 169 Index ... 243 i NOTE OF THE STANDING COMMITTEE. Ti,K Stan.I.ng Committee of ti.e Maine Ilistorieal Society ".■e WH-y, after so long ..cl prepared as an Introduction to the Discourse of Hak- luyt wh.eh was waiting o,dy for his final revision for the bTthe !^;^" .f °-V"^ "™"' "'---.S^ent caused by the cahamity , and, after he had begun the unwel come effort of recovering what had been fost, th p Z: tuhe ; " , *'t '""-"^ '"•>"• """• '""eei'threat- cn«l he cnfre loss of the fruits of his diligent and suc- c ssful research. In this emergency, the Committee, under bcmg able to make an arrangement as set forth in the fol- lowing paper from their records : v:n NOTE OF THE STANDING COMMITTEE. " Whereas, Dr. Clmrles Deano and Dr. Leonard Woods liavo boon jointly engiifjed for sonic montliH in pro])uiing for pnbliiiiition, for the Maine Ilistoricul Society, 'i Dis- conrso of Richard Ilakluyt ; and whereas, under their Hnporintendenco, the stereotyping of said work is com- pleted, and some advance has been made towards preparing Notes and an Introdnction for the s.ame, which aro not com- pleted in consequence of the impaired state of Dr. Woods's health, — therefore voted, that Dr. Deano bo recjuested by the i ""nding Committee to assume the sole charge of the pid)licaiion of this work, to finisli what has been begun, and to write de novo what remains to be written, all on the same i)lan as lias been entered upon l)y them, and thus far been so harmoniously and satisfactorily pursued." The Well-known accomplislnnents of Mr. Dcane, and his special familiarity with the topics suggested by the matter in hand, justify the Committee in congratulating the So- ciety, the State, and all who have been anticipating so interesting an accession to our material of historical facts and discourses, on this fortunate arrangement. It is well known that other European powers preceded the English in enterprises of discovery and colonization towards the Western Continent. But during the reign of Elizabeth, the impulse in this direction was surprisingly developed in the English nation. As is remarked by Froude : " When the history of this era is written, its grandeur will be seen to be among the most sublime phenomena which the earth as yet has witnessed." The energy of statesmen and of the commercial class was turned towards the sea, and the memories of adventurous and heroic seamen are perpet- uated in arctic and other regions. A recent English writer, referring to earlier and later adventurers in arctic exploration, pronounces it " our Iliad, IP NOTE OF THE STANDING COMMITTEE. IX receded lization eign of isingly roude : leur will ieli the iien and uid the perpet- if wo have one, this siege of tlio arctic ice and night." Ex- petHtioHH set on foot l)y prlvat<) individuals or corporations were to some extent patronized l)y royalty and by such nuines as Burleigli, Leicester, and Walsingham. As Frohislier, a poor sailor adventurer, as some one calls him, was under way for Northern seas and was running by Green- wich, he was encouraged by seeing the Queen wave her liandkerchief from the ^"i^hice windows, in token of the favor and patromige vouchsafed by her Majesty to her entf'rj)rising subjects who had the means to furnish ships, or the ability and spirit to command them, and to go out into nidvnowu seas to discover or conquer and take pos- session in the name of their gracious sovereign whom they loved to call " Queen of the Sea." One of the most interesting spectacles revealed by his- tory is the earnest rivalry between the governments of Europe and their parties of discovery or colonization, ever watchful of each others' projects, and carefully keep- ing their own counsels, in efforts to acquire and secure possession of the newly discovered continent. To us it is of special interest to trace the series of events and adventures which directed English enterprise to the northern coast of the continent, contrary even to their own plans and purposes, thus affording an illustration of the familiar saying, " jM.ui proposes, but God disposes." For it is a well-known fact that in eager and persistent and fruitless schemes for discovery of a north-west route to the far-off Catha}-, and after manifold hindrances, mis- adventures, and disasters, this northern coast was revealed to daring English voyagers. A paper drawn up by Sir Humphrey Gilbert, to prove the possibility, rather the prob- ability, of such a passage, first turned the attention of the English and stimulated afresh the enterprise in that direc- tion. Then followed the voyages of the intrepid Frobisher, b X NOTE OF THE STANDING COMJnTTEE. 1576, who left a perpetual memorial of Iiis adventurous spirit in the straits that bear his name ; ami those of Sir IIum})lu-e3' hini'^elf, who, aided by the active interest of Sir Walter Raleigh , his half-brother, set sail in 1583, the Queen wishing him " as great goodhap and safety to his ship as if herself were there in person." We cannot but recall his memorable answer from his little craft of ten tons, which soon went dovrn, in a tempestuous sea off NewfoundUmd, to the hail of hit; companion, the " Golden Hind," — " We are as nen' Heaven by sea as by land." Thus the spirit of enter- prise kept at work on the problem of a North-west Passage. But that was not the path whicli Providence designed. The search for a Nortli-west Passage to the Indies was arrested for a time, we know, by the conjecture tliat a better route could be found in an opposite direction. It has been a problem with students of history what turned back attention to our coast. The five volumes of the industrious and enthusiastic Hakluyt, containing notices of more than t^A'0 hundred voyages, called by Froude the " prose epic of the modern English nation,' have been a most valued storehouse of materials for the history of early discovery and coloniza- tion. The fortunate discovery of a lost manuscript of the same author, now first committed to the press, shows what may have exerted an important influence in awakening bpecial attention of royalty and courtiers to the northern coast as a desirable field Tor colonization, and setting on foot a movement which, under Di\ine Providence, was to produce great results in human history and the progress of the races. The text alone of such a Discourse would excite great interest in all who are curious regarding the earliest attempts to colonize this portion oi' the Western Conti- nent. It seemed, however, unfitting to send out such a NOTE OF THE STANDING COMMITTEE. XI paper without an introductory notice and such annotation? as seemed to be required to explain allusions and elucidate obscure passages in the history of the period, not likely to be apprehended except by those who have given special attention to the subject, and to afford to every reader the best advantage for entering at once into the spirit of the writer. Brunswick, March, 1877. A. S. PACKARD, For the Committee. 'i i xi EDITOR'S NOTE. I Referring to the preceding statement of the Standing Committee, I will simply add, in justice to Dr. Woods and to myself, that, out of his rough notes, happily not consumed when his library was burned, 8th August, 1873, I have deduced the following Preface and Introduction signed by him. These notes were written in several memorandum books, and on detached sheets of paper, intended evidently as hints to the memory for future use, and covered a wide field of investigation. • What has been here written is mostly in his own language ; and all has been submitted to him, and approved and adopted by him. T can only add my regret, to that of the literary public, that the state of his health had deprived Dr. Woods of the opportunity of employing again his own eloquent pen in reconstructing the fabric so mercilessly destroyed by the flames. Of the notes in the Appendix, the few signed " W." were written by Dr. Woods, and happened to be in my possession, along with the copy of the Halduyt Discourse, when the fire occurred. The Discourse had already been stereotyped in Cambridge, under my supervision. Some of my own notes in the Appendix had been partially w '.t- ten, at the request of Dr. Woods, and had been laid aside. I have appreciated the wish of the Maine Historical Society to publish this volume with as little delay as XIV EDITORS NOTE. possible ; and for the past few months, since I have been requested to undertake the charge of it, liave labored to that end. Part of my work has been of a delicate nature ; and for the whole I ask the indulgence of the reader, being conscious of its imperfections. I will only add, in conclusion, that I feel a sense of satisfaction in placing my own name on the title-page of this volume along with that of my friend, Dr. Woods. CHARLES DEANE. Cambridge, Mass., March, 1877. i ( 1 _f PREFACE. It may not be without interest that I sliould give, in this prefatory note, in some detail, an account as to how this copy of Hakliiyt's Discourse was ob- tained; and then a brief description of the manu- script itself. See also the Introduction, p. xxv. I will premise by saying, in a general way, that it happened to me as it has to so many other investi- gators. The manuscript, having come into the posses- sion of Sir Thomas Philhpps, was placed in the archives of his vast collection at Middle Hill, Worcestershire, — subsequently removed to Thirlestane House, Cheltenham, Gloucestershire, — and had remained buried for thirteen or fourteen years. Meanwhile, the following title had appeared in the printed cata- logue ^ of his collection, a copy of which had been • Sir Tlionias Pliillipps's Catalogue appears to liave been isf;ueil in folio plieots, struck off from time to time. Tiie title-pi^ge rends, " Catalogus Lilirorum ]\Ianus(;riptorum in Bibliotlieca I). Thonuu Pliillipps, Hart. A.D. 1837. Impressus Typis Meilio-Montanis Mense Maio, 1837." A copy was presented by him to the library of Harvard Colle^ce, June 1, 18U, the sheets stitelicd and covered witii blue boards, and eontainiuj.? all that had probably been printed up to that time, being 174 pp., the last number 10710. The subsequent issues of the Cataloj,nie have not been sent to the library. Sir Tlionias I'hillipps had a private press at Middle Hill, on wliich he printed a large number of books edited by himself. A list of many of them XVI PREFACE. presented by him to tlie library of the British Mu- seum, — "A Hakluyt Discourse," number " 14097." So far as I can learn this advertisement had re- mained unnoticed. My attention had early been called to the collec- tion of Sir Thomas by seeing an account, in the Pro- ceedings of some Scientific Association, of a number of early American maps exhibited by him at one of its meetings ; and on inquiring of Mr. Henry Stevens •about this collection, he informed me that, besides these maps and other valuable documents, it con- tained a manuscript discourse of Hakluyt which had once been in his possession.' But this important information, which was communicated to me by Mr. Stevens with that freedom and friendliness with which he has always given of his treasures to those who have applied to him, was not the moving cause or the immediate occasion of the measures by which the manuscript in question was obtained. And I fear may be seen in Bolin's edition of Lowndes, under Sir Tlionias's name. After tlie deatii, in 1859, of Lord Nortliwiek, tlie proprietor of Tlurlestane House, Clieltcnliam, Sir Thomas beeame tlie owner of tlmt estate, and removed to it liis valuable and extensive library from Middle Hill. Thirle- stane House was ereeted by Mr. Scott, at an outlay of .£84,000, in tlie Ionic style, with Portland and Bath stone. (See Murray's Hand-book of Gloucestershire.) Sir Tlionias himself died in 1872, and left his library to his daugliter, Mrs. Fcnwick, its present owner. — Ed. 1 Tlie manuscript appears to have come into tlie possession of Mr. Stevens some time previous to May, 1854. It is included in Iiis eatalosue — a copy of which is now before me — of valuable books and manuscripts to be sold at auction by Puttick & Simpson, 191 Piccadilly, London, " on Wednesday, Jlay 21, 1851, and four following days (Sunday excepted), at one o'clock most punctually," and is entered there under number " 474." The title-page is copied in full, after which we read : — "A MOST iJii'OKTANT UNPUiiLisHKu MANUSCUiPT ; 63 pages, closcly and neatly written ; in the original calf binding. From Lord Valentia's Collection. The following note, pencilled on the fly-leaf, is believed to be in Lord '™ PREFACE. XVU iish Mu- L4097." lad re- 1 collec- :lie Pro- number t one of Stevens , besides it con- liicli bad uportiint me by less with to those ng cause jy which nd I fear lias's name. Tliirk'Stane estate, and ill. Thirle- ,000, in the lunil-book of is library to -ion of Mr. catalogue — niisi;ript9 to jontlon, " oil xcepteil), at nber " 474." closely and ^8 Collection. be in Lord that the knowledge I had received from him of the existence of this manuscript would have proved to me, as it had in several other cases, barren and unfruitful of any good result, if a new motive for seeking access to the Phillipps collection had not been imparted to me some weeks later from another quarter. During a visit which I made to II. C. Harford, Esq., of Bristol, soon after New Year's, 1868, in pur- suit of whatever might fall in my way, I made the acquaintance of the Rev. Frederick Brown, then rec- tor of the neighboring parish of Nailsea. This parish belongs to the manor of Ashton Phillips, where Sir Ferdinando Gorges resided during the latter part of his life, and the rector had interested himself for many years in collecting materials for a complete history and genealogy of this distinguished founder of the colonization of our State. These materials he kindly exhibited to me, and among other things called my attention to a notice he had seen in the Wiltshire Magazine of Archa3ology and Natural History, Vol. I. p. 97, to the effect that the papers of Sir Ferdinando Gorges had been obtained by Sir Valentia's hand : ' This unpiiblislied manuscript of Hakluyt's is extremely curious. I procured it from the family of Sir Peter Thomson. Tlie editors of the last edition would have given any money for it, had it been known to have existed.' " In a printed list of " prices obtained at the sale " of these books as far as lot 10.30, subsequently inserted in some copi?s of the catalogue, it appears that the Hakluyt Discourse, lot 474, brought £44. This was not the only manuscript in this sale of rare books relating to America which came from Lord Valentia's collection. Lot 408, " Captain Luke Fox's Journal," is said to have belonged to his library. There may have been others. — Ed. XVI 1 1 PREFACE. Thom.as Phillipps from Ashley, and were now in his possession, bearing the number 7109 in his collection. The Gorges Papers, justly regarded as more im- portant than any now remaining to be discovered for the elucidation of the history of New England, and especially of Maine, were then, as it appeared, neither irrecoverably lost, nor left, according to the supposition of Dr. Palfrey, " undreamed of by their possessor, to feed the moth in the garret of some manor-house in Somerset or Devon, or in some crypt of London," but could be clearly traced to the collec- tion of Sir Thomas Phillipps. I conceived the confident hope of gaining access to these papers, and resolved that no efforts of mine should be wanting to accomplish this object. It only remained for me to follow the clew thus placed in my hands to find the way to this great depository, and to solicit from the generosity of its owner the use of the papers for the State most interested in them. In pursuance of this purpose, immediately on my return to London, I called for advice on the late John Bruce, Esq., F.R.S., who had been mentioned to me by my friend, the excellent rector of Nailsea, as a correspondent of his on the subject of Gorges, and wdio was already known to me as the author of the interesting letter on the defence of Gorges, pub- lished in Vol. XXXIII. of the ArchaDologia, and republished at the end of Mr. George Folsom's Catalogue of Original Documents relating to the State of Maine, New York, 1858. TREFACE. XIX V in his ilk'ction. lore im- ^coveretl Sn^land, ppeared, 5 to the by their of some me crypt le collec- ig; access I of mine It only placed in [jpository, wncr the nterested ly on my the late lentioned ; Nailsea, Gorges, author of pub- and Folsom's to the Wia, By the judicions and friendly advice of Mr. Bruce, I was directed to Mrs. Mary Anne Everett Green, well known as the editor of a number of the Calen- dars of State Papers, as a lady well acquainted with Sir Thomas Phillipps and his collection, and holding a high place in liis esteem, and as better able to assist me in my purpose than any one in the circle of his acquaintance. On his suggestion, I introduced myself to Mrs. Green and made my oljjects known to her ; and to the interest which she took in them, and her assistance in accomplishing them, and the influence she exerted in our behalf with Sir Thomas Phillipps, the Historical Society and the literary public generally are indebted for whatever benefit may be derived from the opening of his collections to our use. Mrs. Green ^vrotc immediately to Sir Thomas ; and, on his courteous response to her request in our behalf, she visited Cheltenham (in January, 18G8). I followed in a few days. The original object we had in view in this visit to Cheltenham, nearly one hundred miles from Lon- don, in mid-winter, was to examine the papers of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and to obtain, if possible, copies of them for publication in the Documentary History of Maine. But our quest was not confined to the Gorges Papers. In order to facilitate the business of this visit, and turn it to the best possible account, ]Mrs. Green had made, from her catalogue of the collection, a list of all manuscrij^ts which it was thought might have some bearing on the history XX PREFACE. of Maine, and which in that \iHit mij^ht well be ex- amined in this behalf. In this list was included, besides the Gorges Papers advertised in the Wiltshire Magazine, and the maps before referred to, " A Hak- luyt Discourse," No. " 14097," which could, we thought, be no other than that mentioned by my friend Mr. Stevens, and against which she wrote, on my suggestion, " Copy entire, if relating to coloniza- tion in America." Before my arrival, Mrs. Green had already made considerable progress in the examination of the man- uscripts, maps, &c. ; and her report of her fjrst im- pressions, so far as related to the principal object of our pursuit, was, in her own words : " The Gorges Papers turn out a sad disappointment ; on the other hand, the Hakluyt Discourse is, I think, curious and valuable." These first impressions were confirmed by the more careful examinations upon which we entered after my arrival. The Gorges Papers, No. 7109, entered in the catalogue as " Papers found in the Library of Ferdinando Gorges, of Ashley, Wilts, /oZ.," were found to consist of a few private letters about family property, in which a brief pedigree of Lord Edward Gorges was included. The disappointment with regard to these papers w^as in some degree qualified by some information kindly given me by Sir Thomas, with regard to the disposition of them on the breaking up of the collection at Ashley. But, after following up the clew which he placed in my hands, it led to no important results ; and we are j'-i PKEFACE 3CX1 be ex- cluded, iltshire A Ilak- ild, we l)y my rote, on loloniza- \y made he man- first im- jbject of I Gorges he other ions and by the entered ;o. 7109, |l in the ts,/oZ.," rs abont of Lord intment degree me by of them ly. But, d in my we are ■M I obliged to rest in the conclusion expressed above by Dr. PiiKvcy. But the ITakluyt Discourse, about which we had been doubtful whether it related to American colonization, and which I had apprehended might be one of the Discourses supposed to have been delivered by Ilakluyt on the art of navigation, proved to be a treatise exhibiting, systematically and elaborately, the religious, political, and commercial advantages to be derived by England from the at- tempted colonization of America; and, what gave it a peculiar interest to the Maine Historical Society, having special reference from the beginning to the end to the colonization of Norumbega. It required no extended examination for me to decide that it was a document most desirable to be copied and published in our Collections ; and it re- quired no labored persuasions to induce Sir Thomas to grant my request for that privilege. He cour- teously allowed a copyist to be sent, and a copy to be made for our use ; and at the same time represented that it was for such service alone to the cause of truth that he was led to form his collection. Under this kind permission, a copy of the table of contents or heads of the several chapters was made by Mrs. Green at the time, on the spot, and proved of great advantage in identifying the manuscript. For various reasons, the entire copy was not made until several months later ; and having been myself absent at the time on the continent, it did not come into my control until just before my return home. XXll PREFACE. Tt was lujido by Mr. G. W. Thompson, n clork of the Piibhc Record OHlco, and was pronoimcud by Mrs. Green as adniiniblv done. Tnicinti;s of the orif?inal luindwrithif^ were made by liim, and tlie abbreviations of the manuscript were retained in the copy. The spelling of tiie orij^inal, by no means nniform, and also the punctuation, arc strictly fol- lowed ; and, having been collated page by page with the original at the time it wan written, it may be relied on as literally faithful. The manuscript is written in a contemporaneous hand, though it is believed not in that of its author. A fnc-shnlh of the title-page is given. The book consists of sixty-five pages in folio. It is sixteen and one-half inches long, and a little over eleven and one-half wide, and one-half inch thick. The written page is fourteen inches long, and eight and one-half wide, with a margin on the left of two inches for notes. The con)meiicement of all fresh paragraphs is in a large old Emjlhh hand. There are two num- bers npon the back ; viz., " 47-4," the numl)er against which it is entered in Puttick & Simpson's sale catalogue of May, 1854 (see page xvi. note), and " 14097," its nnmlier in Sir Thomas Phillipps's cata- logue. The following memoranda are written in pencil on the second blank leaf : — " This unpublished Manuscript of Hackliiyt's is extremely curious. " I procured it from the family of Sir Peter Thomson. " The editors of the last edition would have given any money for it, had it been known to have existed." rilEFACE. XXUl These momoranda are believed to be in the hniid- writinjif of Lord Valentia, at the nale of vhose collention it was piirohaHed by Mr. Hciirv Steveas, of London. From iiini it passed to the library of Sir Thomas Phillipps, through the auction sale of Messrs. Puttick *& Sini[)s()n, of London, in May, 1851, for £44. The " last edition," referred to in the conoludinjj; pencil memorandum, must be that of Ilakluyt's Collection, in live volumes, 1809-12, of which H. H. Evans was the editor. In Mr. Stevens's Historical and Geo<^raphical Notes, puldishcd in 1800, p. 20, he says ol" this Discourse: " This valuable manuscript . . . was in the posses- sion of the writer for two or three years, having fallen into his hands some sixteen or seventeen years ago by a piece of good luck, after a bibliographical tournament memoral)le as any recorded by Dibdin. After fruitless endeavors to lind for it a resting place in some public or private library in America, and subsecpiently in the British Museum, it linally be- came the property of Sir Thomas Phillij)ps." The earliest notice of the existence of this manu- script, after it had been lost sight of for nearly two centuries, is in the family of Sir Peter Thomson,^ ' Sir IVter Thomson, or Tlioinpsoii, was n fircat C(ilk>(.'t(»r of riiro 1)nok.s, maiiu.-scriptsi, fossils, anil other literary curiosities. He livetl for many years in Herniondsey, County Surrey ; but in 1763 lie wholly retired to the iilaee of his hirth, at Poole, County Dorset, where he died in 1770, be- queathing hi^ valuable librnry to a kinsnmti bi'arinjij his name. Part of it soon after came to tlie Immnier; and the sale of the remainder, described as "The Library of Sir Peter Thompson, Knt., F.K.S., and F.S.A., containing many curious and scarce articles in old Kufilish Literature, MSS., ami rare Books," took place at Evans's, "J'Jth April, 1815, and the four following days. Lowndes frequently K'ves the prices at which some of the books were sold. See Nichols's Literary Anecdotes, V. 511-514, IX. 800, 801. — Ed. XXIV PREFACE. from whom, if the above conjecture as to the author of the pencil memoranda is correct, it passed to Lord Valentia. From whom it came into the hands of Sir Peter Thomson is not known. Some clew may yet be furnished. The family of Lord Valencia belongs to L'eland. It should be added that the copy of this Discourse has been strictly followed in every essential particular, in tlie printing. In a few instances, some liberties have been taken with the capital letters, and a point has been added or omitted in accordance with the author's general style of punctuation, or where the sense re- quired the alteration. Some abbreviated words have been printed according to modern usage, when the spelling conformed to the usage of Ilakluyt's time. The citations of the author from native or foreign writers have been compared ia every instance wher- ever the editions or ver^:ions used by him have been accessible, and any required corrections made. The runL'ng-title in the printed volume has been added by the editor. LEONARD WOODS. m e author to Lord ds of Sir may yet belongs INTRODUCTION. )iscourse irticular, ties have )oint has ! author's sense re- )rds have vhen the rt's time, r foreign ice wher- ave been e. The n added WOODS. After I had made my arrangements, early in the summer of 1867, to spend a few months in foreign travel, I had the lionor to receive from the Governor of Maine a commission, in pursuance of the Resolves of the Legislature in aid of the Maine Historical Society, authorizing me to procure materials from the foreign archives, libraries, and collections, for the early history of the State. This commission was ac- companied by a circular letter from the Department of State at Washington, commending the object to the favor of those to whom it might be presented. In discharging this commission, my first care was to obtain materials illustrating the discovery of the coast of Maine, and more particularly to obtain copies of the original maps and charts in which this dis- covery is progressively delineated. And here it was my good fortune to engage for the Society the service of one who was already prepared to render it by his extended researches and large collections, and who had already been employed by our government in a kindred labor. The result is seen in the first volume of the Documentary History of our State, published by this Society in 1869. XXVI INTRODUCTION. Another fruit of my visit to England was the following Discourse of Richard Ilakluyt on the colonization of Nonnnbega. I have already stated, in a prefatory note, that the manuscript from which our copy was made belonged to the late Sir Thomas Phillipps, and was preserved in his noble collection in Thirlestane House, Cheltenham, England ; and that, by his generosity and courtesy, the Maine Historical Society is now enabled to publish it for the first time, nearly three hundred years after it was written. At the date of the Discourse, the memorable year 1584, the English, after a long slumber, were just beg-innino; to awake to a sense of the value of these " Western Discoveries," and of the hnportance of occupying them with people of their own race. In the second patent granted to John Cabot, in 1498, permission was given him to transport English sub- jects to the " Londe and Isles of late founde " by him ; but no settlement was then effected. And from that time, during a period of eighty years, none had been seriously attempted, until the enterprise of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, the complete failure of which had been ascertained only within a few months. This failure of the English to take actual possession by colonization of the countries of the New World first discovered by them, and still unoccupied by any Christian naiion, has been regarded as a perplexing problem by many writers, even by those who have not lived to see, in the subsequent grandeur of their colonial empire, that it was rather a fault than a misfortune. INTRODUCTION. XXVU was the on the stated, in hich our Thomas ection in md that, listorical irst time, ten. i1)le year ^ere just of these tance of •ace. In in 1498, ish isulj- by him ; om that one had le of Sir ■ which onths. ossession w World ])y any •plexing K) have of their than a In " The Epistle Dedicatorie " to the " Divers Voyages," published in 1582, near the clos^e of this long period of inaction, Richard Ilakluyt wrote as follows : " I marvaile not a little, that since the first dlscouerie of America, which is nowe full fourscore and tenneyeers, after so great conquests and plantings of the Spaniards and Portingales there, that wee of England could ncuer haue the grace to set fast foot- ing in such fertill and temperate places as are left as yet vnpossessed of them." Could he have foreseen the colonizing energy which has since been so emi- nently ^lisplayed by the English race, he would only have wondered the more that it remained so long latent, and that the power, which soon proved itself easily capable of overmastering all its competitors for the possession of the Continent, was so slow to enter the Hsts. It is represented in several of the biographies of Sir Walter Raleigh, and also in some of the general histories of his time, that when, after the failure of his step-brother, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, he under- took the Avork of planting a colony in North America, he drew up and presented to the Queen and Council a certain discourse, or memorial, in aid of that enter- prise, and that by this means he obtained the grant of his first Letters Patent.^ In these several statements, this memorial, or dis- course, is said to have been drawn up and written by 1 See Oldys's and Birch's Lives of Rjikitili, in Vol. I. pp. 50, 580, Work§, Oxford, 1821); Mrs. Tiiom.son'8 Memoirs of Haleiuli, p. 30; St. Jolin's Life of Raleigh, p. 85. Compare Napier iu Ldinburgli Rev., Vol. LXXI. pp. 9-U. f « XXVlll INTliODUCTION. Raleigh himself, and presented by him before his patent was granted. But, whatever this memorial may have been, it was not the identical Discourse with which we are now con- cerned. That bears unquestionable evidence through- out its pages of having been written by Hakluyt, by request and direction of Mr. Walter Raleigh, and before the return, and of course after the sailing, of the two barks sent out by him under the patent. As neither of these discourses was known at that time to be in existence, possibly they may have been con- founded the one with the other. But, without taking notice of this possibility, it will appear not improbable, from evidence hereafter to be adduced, that this memorial, drawn up and ascribed to Raleigh, received a helping hand from Hakluyt, and furnished the germ of the Discourse written by the latter after the patent had been granted. As I have already said, the memorial is described to have been written and presented before the pat- ent was issued to Raleigh, 25th March, 1584. The Discourse purports, on its title-page, to have been written before the return of the two barks which had been sent out by Raleigh under that patent ; that is, between the 27th April and the middle of Septem- ber. It was written in London, and from several passages in its contents appears to have been in hand as late as after the month of August, 1584. Again, the memorial, or such part of it as may have been contributed by Hakluyt, must have been written in Paris, since Hakluyt had gone there the previous '% INTRODUCTION. XXIX efore his m, it was now con- throiigli- Hakluyt, eigh, and ^ailing, of !;cnt. As it time to )een con- lut taking iprobable, tliat this 1, received the germ after the described the pat- 84. The ave been <^s which nt ; that Scptem- several in hand Again, ave been ritten in previous year as chaplain, and he is known by his letters to have been there as late as 1st April, 1584. In the year 1583, Hakluyt, then thirty years old, had gone to Paris as chaplain to Sir Edward Stafford. He had intended to join the last and fatal expedition of Sir Hmnphrey Gilbert, which sailed in June of that year. It was, however, probably thought that his services would be more valuable to the cause of Western discoveries and colonization, to which he had devoted himself from his boyhood, in the post of observation and influence to which he was appointed. If such an opinion had been entertained, it was fully justified by the service rendered by him in his new position. Two letters of his, written to Secretary Walsingham during the first yeir of his residence in Paris, were contributed by Mr. Payne Collier to the Society of Antiquaries in 1850, and printed for the first time in the Archooologia, Vol. XXXIII. pp. 287-291, and reprinted by Mr. John Winter Jones in his Introduction to his edition of Ilakluyt's " Divers Voyages " ; but the originals have since been indicated in the Calendar of State Papers, Dom. Eliz. Vol. CLXVIL, No. 7, and Vol. CLXX., No. 1. From these letters, dated 7th January and 1st April, 1584, it appears that it was the expectation of the Secretary that Hakluyt should make " diligent inquirie of such thinges as may yeeld any light unto our westerne discoverie " ; and that, on his part, he " nether has, nor will omitte any possible diligence," in collecting information of the Spanish and French movements, and in recommending measures for the XXX INTRODUCTION. furtherance of the cause, — such as the establishment of a Lectureship on Navigation, and offering himself to go now in " this present setting forth," as he had in the previous year ; and, in general, to employ all his simple observations, reading, and conference in the service of God and his country. In all this, however, his relations appear to be with Secretary Walsingham, or, in his illness, with his step-son, Christopher Carlyle, or his son-in-law, Sir Philip Sidney ; and there is as yet no mention of his having any connection with Raleigh, or of his liav- ing written any thing in aid of his enterprise, though it was already on foot at the time these letters were written. Indeed, no positive evidence has been hitherto accessible, so far as I am aware, of Sir Walter Raleigh's being beholden to Hakluyt for any services in aid of his Western discovery and voyage ; certainl}'^ for any so valuable as contributions, either memorial or discourse, in that behalf. The first indication hitherto known even of any honorable acknowledg- ment of Raleigh's services in the Western discoveries, on the part of Hakluyt, is that found in his Dedication to Raleigh, 1st May, 1587, of his translation of Lau- donniere's History of the Florida Settlement. His " Divers Voyages," published in 1582, was dedicated to Sir Philip Sidney, and contains no mention of Sir Walter Raleigh. In these two interesting letters written from Paris, he represents himself as expected to supply information to Walsingham and Carlyle, and as sparing no pains in sending them whatever 4 ^-^ INTRODUCTION. XXXI ilishmcnt r himself IS ho had ni)loy Jill jrence in ar to be less, with )ii-iii-law, lention of if his hav- le, though ters were hitherto ir Walter y services certainly ineniorial indication aiowledg- scoveries, )edication a of Lau- ent. His Icdicated on of Sir tr letters expected Carlyle, whatever might be useful. But there is no mention of his liaving rendered a similar service to Raloigli, or of his having stood in any relation to him whatever. There is certainly a probability that the great actor in this enterprise of Western discovery would have looked to the diligent student for instruction and in- formation, but this probability has not been hitherto supported by a scrap of historical evidence. On the first coming to light of this Discourse, the claim on its title-page, to have been written in Lon- don, by Richard Ilakluyt, in the smnmer of 1584, at the request and direction of Mr. Walter Raleigh, could not be substantiated by any authority, after a diligent search by myself and others, with the best possible op})ortunity for finding whatever niiglit exist. But in a letter written 7th April, 1585, now for the first time published, we have clear and unexpected evidence from the pen of Ilakluyt himself, not only of his being occupied in his position at the embassy in sending Raleigh information, and printed and written discourses respecting his voyage, but of his having written for him a Discourse, corresponding in its objects, time, and other circumstances with the manuscript which has come into our possession. This letter Avas found, soon after this Discourse came into my hands, among the State Papers, by Mrs. Green, while looking for docimients for the Addenda to the Calendar of the reign of Elizabeth ; and, seeing at a glance the conclusive evidence furnished by it for the elucidation of our inquiries, she- kindly sent me a copy of it in advance of its publication in her Calen- •I XXXll INTRODUCTION. 11! !1 I dar. It is printed below, and a facsimile of the first page of the original nuinuscript is given in the Appendix.^ ^ Richard Hakluyt to Sir Francis WaisingUam. Public Record Office. Dom. Ellz. Addenda. Vol. XXIX. No. 9. Yo' Honor's goodnesa extended diverse wiiyes unto niee at my being in England the last sonier, doth much encourage mee at tliis present to crave yo' favour in a matter more then reasonable. Y' pleased her Ma"* twoo dayes before my dispach, upon the siglit of a couple of books of myne in writinge, one in latine upon Aristotle's politicks, the other in english concerning M' Rawley's voyage (the copie whereof I purpose to send yo' honor immediately after Kster) to grant mee the ne.\t vacation of a prebend in Bristol, wch is a thinge of very small valewe. The words of my graunt are, that I shold enjoy yt next, whether yt be by death, vacation, resignation, or any other way howosoever. And yet since my cominge out of England I am advertised that one Mr. Sanders, a prebend of that place, ether hath or meaneth to resigne his roome to another, wch if yt be not hindered by yo' honor's favour, my reversion wil not be worth the money that the scales did stand mee in, for if these resignations be permitted, I may be these sevne and sevne yeares before I shal be placed. Therefore I am humbly to beseech yo' honor that yo wold not suffer my grante to be frustrated by any such dealing. How careful I have bin to advertise S' Walter Rawley from tyme to tyme, and to send him discourses, both in printe and written hand, concerninge his voyage, I had rather you shold understand of him then of myselfe. I was loath to trouble yo' honor w"" those by matters consideringe the busines of the tymes. And to raedle in other matters that appertayne not unto mee without commission, I cold not tel howe y* wold have bin taken. Notwithstanding since these newe Grisons tumults, I have bin more vigilant and careful to seoke howe things goe then heretofore, and what I can lerne amonge them of the religion I alwayes bring unto my lord, wch can judge of reports, and ad- vertise y"" of the truth. One thing I note, that the Spanish ambassadour, the Pope's nuncio, and the Jesuits, if any thinge fal out in any parte of Christendome on their side, they blase yt abroade by their swarmes of spies, to the uttermost in every corner. And if matter fayle them, they cease not every second day to coyne newe rumors and false limits, wch, notwith- standing, they be most untrue and vayne, yet I find by experience that they worke very great and strange effects. On the other side if any thinge fal out against them, they seeke a thousand devises and shifts to suppresse yt. As they covered conningly a good while their overtlirowe in Februarie last amonge the Grisons : and nowe of late w** terrible othes they deny their defeyt upon the river of Andwerpe ; wch we cannot urge soe farr foorth as we wold, unlesse wee had certayne advertisement thereof out of England. Notwithstanding I have bin advertised by men of good intelli- gence that whereas the Prince of Parma had purposed to have ayded INTRODUCTION. XXXlll le of the 'en in the t my being in sunt to crave er Ma"' twoo ;8 of iiiync in er in cnglish pose to send vacation of a ; words of my atli, vacation, y cominge out of tliat place, ti if yt bu not rth tlie money rmitted, I may Micrefore I am grante to be I to advertise lurses, botli in her you shold lie yo' honor nies. And to ,t commission, g since these :o seeke howe them of the lorts, and ad- anibassadour, any parte of rmos of spies, hey cease not Iwch, notwitli- perience that if any thinge to suppresse in Februarie ■s they deny rge soe farr liereof out of good intelli- have ayded The chnplaln of the embassy, not content with keeping Walsingham, Carlyle, and Sidney well in- formed regarding the Western enterprises, had also been careful, I repeat, to advertise Sir Walter Raleigh from time to time, and to send him discourses, both printed and written, concerning his voyage. As these are spoken of as sent from Paris, and not furnished in London, they may have been contributions of Ilak- luyt to the memorial above referred to, by means of which Raleigh's patent was procured. It appears also by this letter that " two dayes before Guise with fifteen hundred footemen and three hundred Albaneses Horse- men, upon tlicse nowe accidents at Ostcnd and on tlie river, lie hath been con- strayned to send a countermaund to stay them at home ; wch matter of And- wcrpe if yt be wel followed wil frustrate Guise of his forces that he hoped for out of the Lowe countrcys and constrayne him and his faction to sur- cease his troubling of them of the religion, and to growe more willingly to composition with the King. Yt viras told mee in secret that tlie King had sent by Marseilles a messenger to Constantinople within lesse than this moneth. Yo' honor may gesse why wee hear that here is looked for shortly a legate from Rome. I wold have sent yo' honor diverse I'ami)lilets both in writing and printed but that I knowe Mr. Wade hath them al for yo' Honor. Therefore for the present I surcease, beseeching the Almightie to blesse and prosper yo" . Paris the 7** of April 85, yo' honor's humble to command. Richard Hakluyt. The rumor of S' Walter Rawle's Fleet, and especially the preparation of S' Francis Drake, doth soe much vexe the Spaniard and his fautors as nothing can doe more ; and therefore I cold wysh that although S' Francis Drake's journey be stayed, yet the rumor of his setting forward might be continued. They have sent some to enquire of that action in conning manner of my Lord himself, as he told me. They have given out here within these three dayes even in the French Courte, that diverse my Lords in England were up in amies, and the Catho- licks with them, and that they had taken an Hand yea Creith, yo' man was diverse tymes demanded thereof. [Addressed] To the right honorable [Endorsed] S' Francis Walsingham 7 Ajiril. principal Sccretarie to From M. Hackluyt. her Ma"' give these at the Courte. « 15S5 ■^ XXXIV INTRODUCTION. his dlspach," — that is, before his return toPiiriH, evi- dently in the early part of the autumn of 15S4, — he exhibited to the Queen a manuscript book in PiUglish concerning " Mr. Rawley's voyage," — a book tiius agreeing with the purport of the title-page of our Discourse to have been written before the return of the two barks, which happened about the middle of September, and with the evidence within its pages that it was still in hand after August of that year. It will perhaps be considered as sufficiently proved, therefore, that a discourse answering in a general way to our manuscript, as to its author, contents, time and place of composition, was written by ITak- luyt, and presented to the Queen, say in September, 1584. But how can we know that that discourse was identically the same one here published for the first time ; or that it might not have been another discourse quite different from this, which, having served its purpose, was like this permitted to fall into oblivion ? This question is satisfactorily answered by another paper found in the Rolls Office, and indicated in Mr. Lemon's Cidcndar of State Papers of the reign of Elizabeth, 1581-90, Vol. CXCV., Art. 127, by the following notice : " Copy, probably in the handwriting of James Lancas- ter, the navigator, of the 20 Heads of Chapters contained in the book of Sir Walter "Raleigh's Voyage to the West Indies, wliich is offered for the rareness of the matter, and for that few or none (her Majesty excepted) hath seen the same. The bearer and author, Mr. Hakluyt, will present the book to the Secretary." INTRODUCTION. XXXV iiris, evi- U, — he English ook thus e of our return of midtllo of its pages ,t year. y proved, a general contents, I by Hak- eptember, iourse was )r the first r discourse served its > oblivion ? )y another ted in Mr. e reign of 7, by the Tlie same paper is indicated in Mr. Sainsbury'a Calendar of tlie Colonial Series, East Indies, placed there on account of the head of the 17th chapter, while the other nineteen heads refer to the West Indies : — " Heads of the Chapters contained in the book of Sir Walter Raloigli's voyaj^fe to the West Indies. In the 17th it is argued tliat by these Colonies [proposed to be planted] the North-west passage to Cathay and China may be easily, quiokl}', and perfectly searched out, as well by river and overland as by sea, and proofs are quoted from testimonies out of the three volumes of voyages, gatliered by Kamusius and other great authors." ^ — (1513-1016, p. 94.) Tills entry had already been copied for me by Mr. Sainsbury, among other extracts, from the Calendars ; and, without attracting particular attention, had become familiar to my eye. Accordingly, when I read in the title-page of the manuscript of Sir Thomas Phillipps that the " Discourse is divided into twenty-one chapters, the titles whereof follow," this entry was vaguely recalled to my recollection, and a surmise suggested that this Discourse might be the lost book of Sir Walter Raleigh's vo^^age to which it refers. This surmise was strengthened by ill 1 In the above abstract from Mr. Sainsbury's Calendar, he does not give the important information from tlio foot-note of tlio Heads of Chapters that Mr. Hakluyt was the autlior of tlie book of Sir Walter Halei^h's Voy- age, as Mr. Lemon had done in the abstract quoted from his Calendar. Hakluyt's name seems also to have escaped Mr. St. John, in liis Life of Raleigh (1809, p. 2:3), who appears to have consulted those Heads of Chap- ters, or the abstracts in the Calendars, as he attributes the lost book to Sir Walter Raleigh. XXXVl INTUODUCTION. noticing that the title of the scvcntoontli chapter given by Mr. Suinshury agrees literally with the title of the Hcvonteenth chapter in the manuscript. It was accordingly with a .strong presmnption of the truth of my conjecture that I repaired to the Pul)lie Record Office, and, working again with the assistance of Mrs. Green, obtained access to the original paper ; and on comparing with her the 20 heads of chapterff, with the titles of the 21 heads of chapters into which the Discourse is divided, obtained not an absolute agreement, but an agreement in which the very differences only prove more clearly that they were copies of a common original. To make this more obvious, a facsimile of the original paper is here presented, followed by a literal copy of two or three of the heads of chapters, in which the words and parts of words torn away, or effaced from the original, by time or accident, are supplied, not by conjecture, but from the titles of our Discourse. The supplementary words and letters drawn from the titles of the Discourse tally exactly, in every instance, with the fragmentary parts of the Heads of Chapters. (See Appendix.) The 21st chapter of the Phillipps manuscript is of the nature of an appendix, and was subsequently added. Its title is, " A note of some thinges to be prepared for the voyadge, which is sett down rather to drawe the takers of the voyadge in hande to the presente consideration, then for any other reason," &c. ; and the heading of the concluding part of that chapter is, " Things forgotten may here be noted as they come to mynde," &c. INTRODUCTION. XXXVll But a very important and interesting foot-note is written underneath the Heads of Chapters in the niaim.script in the Record Ollice, of which the follow- ing is a copy, in modern .spelling : — " These twenty severnl titles are the heads of tlie chap- ters contniiied in the hook of Sir Walter Raleigh's Voyage to the West Indies, which, hecause of the rareness of matter therein contained, and also for that few or none (her Majesty excepte) hath seen, I thought it hest to offer your Worship my lahor therein as one who hest deserveth the same, and therefore have sent you the titles to know whether you like of the same or no. This hearer and author of the foresaid work, Mr. Ihikluyt, d< ' From the Records of the Chapter Books of the Bristol Cathedral, it appears that on ^4th May, 1585, Richard Hakluyt exhibited the Queen's maTidate for tlie next vacant prebend. Tliis i.s the statement of John Le Neve in his " Fasti Ecclesiic An;;!." In Browne Willis's " Survey of Cathe- drals," II. V88-! the statement is that he obtained, 24th May, 1585, the Royal mandate, wliicli seems to be incorrect, as Hakluyt in his letter represento himself as havinfi obtiiined it, and paid money for the seals, at the close ot liis vacation in England, the previous year. It would seem probable that m INTRODUCTION. XXXIX lich had )efore he -note wc or of the it to Mr. I to alter nstead of nns to be the next should be L prebend mting, it the copy uut upon ime ; and Dug after py to Mr. ,nd again is con- rom the ;ol Cathe- I, Richard the next not con- Cathedral, it tlie QiR'on'3 of John Le fey of Cathe- l85, the Royal ler ropresentd It the c'Uise ot Lrobable that tent with having invoked the aid of Walsingham to prevent benig frustrated by the dealing of Mr. Sand- ers, he thought it best, perhaps on the suggestion of the Secretary, and doubtless by the permission of the Ambassador, to visit England again, and exhibit in person before the Chapter of Bristol Cathedral the Queen's mandate, which he had received the previous year before his " dispach " from England, and which was already signed and sealed. It may then be safely inferred that Mr. Hakluyt presented the book to Secretary Walsingham not far from the time when he purposed to send it ; that is, soon after Easter, 1585. Having thus in duty bound presented the first copy to Walsingham, who would be thought of by him as best deserving the next ? wdio sooner than his old fellow- student at Oxford, the steady friend of the Western planting, to whom he had himself dedicated his first work on the Divers Voyages (1582), whom he had almost persuaded the last smnmer to join in this voyage of Raleigh, the worthy and virtuous son- in-law of Walsingham, to whom in all his letters to he exhibited this mandate in person, having some anxiety about the deal- ing of Mr. Sanders, and having his old friends the Aldworths to see, and desiring to learn something about the Western Navigations in that seat of niiirilinie enterprise. It seems he did not have to wait " for seven and seven years before he should be placed," as be feared ; for, befor*? the close of the year 1585, the coveted vacancy occurred by the death of the Rev. Arthur Sawle, and lie was admitted in 158(), and held it, together witli his other ])refernu'nts. till the time of his death in ]C16. (Compare Biog. Brit., Vol. iV. 1757.) "Notwithstanding this preferment, he did not, as he informs us himself, give up his post of chaplain to the British Embass}', at Paris, nntil 1588, when he returned tc England with Lady Slieffleld, sister to his early patron, the Lord Aiimiral Howard, after a residence m France of five years." (Jones's Introd. to Divers Voyages.) xl INTRODUCTION. the Secretary he sent his personal compliments, — Sir Philip Sidney ? What more natural than that, having made a copy of the titles of the Heads of Chapters, with a view of offering it to him, he should then and there write a note at the end of the extract, offering that first extract, and more if he desired it ? ^ At the time of the presentation of this Discourse to Walsingham, and when the author made the copy of the Heads of Chapters for another person, the book could iiot have been wholly finished in its present form. Certainly an additional chapter (No. 21) was subsequently added, as a sort of appendix. The title-page which the Discourse now bears could not have been prefixed to the copy presented to the Queen, if we may suppose that she received it not long after it was written, — that is, " before the com- ing home of the two barks," in September, 1584, — inasmuch as " Mr. Walter Rayhly, nowe Knight," was not knighted till some months later, — between the 19th December, 1584, and the 24th February, 1585. In Hakluyt's letter from Paris referred to, he speaks of this book presented to the Queen, as " Mr. Rawley's Voyage in English " ; and in the foot-note to the heads 1 The copy of tlie twenty Heads of Chapters in the Record Office, with the note written underneiitli, evidently originating with Haliluyt, appears not to be in liis handwriting. At least, Mrs. Green thinlcs it cannot be his, unless he had two hands differing considerably from each other. Mr. Lemon believed the document to be in the handwriting of Sir James Lan- caster, the celebrated navigator, which is not confirmed. Hakluyt's original paper may have been subsequently transcribed by another, as there is subjoined to the Record Office copy, in the same hand, some " particulars of the embassy from the King of Japan to Pope Gregory XIII., with the oration of tlie ambassador, aiul tlie answer of the pontiff." Pope Gregory gave audience to this embassy on the 23d March, 1685, as we learn from Purchas (Pilgrimage, ed. I(il4, p. 533J. f4 INTRODUCTION. Xli exits, — in that, [eads of > should extract, edit?^ iscourse he copy !on, the i in its ter (No. ipendix. rs could 1 to the d it not the com- 1584,— ht," was k^een the y, 1585. i speaks lawley's le heads •llic'o, with |yt, appears c'iinnot be |)tlier. Mr. Ilanies Lan- rt's original [IS tiiore is Ipiirtifiiliirs ., with tiio lie Gregory 1 learn from ;i of chapters, " as the booke of S' Walt : Raighleyes viage to the West Indies." Quite hkely the present title-page was prefixed to the Discourse at the time the 21st chapter was added, concerning which we have no positive data. It would appear from the foregoing that at least three, if not four, copies of this Discourse, were made by Hakluyt, besides the original, which he would naturally retain for himself. The first was presented to the Queen, as it was written for her own eye, and for those to whom she might choose to show it. It was not written for the press. The second was made for her chief secretary, Walsingham, who had heard of the book, perhaps had seen the Queen's copy, and now desired a copy for himself. A third may have been made for his " Worship," to whom the Heads of Chapters were sent; and the fourth, Sir Thomas Phillipps's copy, which alone contained the 21st chapter, or appendix. How many of these copies were in Hakluyt's own handwriting we have no means of knowing, nor whether any other copies are now in existence. It is certainly not improbable that others may be hidden away in some royal chamber, buried in the dust of ages, or in some private collection ; and that they may yet be brought to light by accident, or rescued from their hiding-place by some plodding antiquary. A manuscript so large as this, written by so renowned an author, under such distinguished auspices, relat- ing to a subject more vital than any other to the welfare of England, could hardly, after its immedi- / if '1- n •M xlii INTPODUCTION. ate use, have been treated with neglect or allowed to perish by the illustrious personages into whose hands it came, or, one would think, by their heirs and assigns. At the time when this Discourse purports to have been written, in the summer of 1584, Raleigh, though only thirty-two years old, had already earned his position and entered upon the career as the founder of the transatlantic colonies of Great Britain. Every thing in the circumstances of his birth, his early education and subsequent experience, had contributed to qualify him for this position and work. Descended on his mother's side from the Champernouns, a family equally distinguished for rank and for public services, he had inherited a noble nature, instinct with loyalty, patriotism, and the spirit of honorable enterprise. These gifted powers had received an early bias in the direction of maritime adventure. He lived in the county of Devon, bordering easterly upon the sea, and saw the ships depart for the new-found lands^ and, when they returned, heard the stories of the captain and sailor, of the wonders they had witnessed and the exploits they had performed. In his boyhood, he read the tales of Spanish discovery, conquest, and possession in the New World, and conceived a youthful admiration for the heroism in danger, and fortitude and patience in suffering, which he had occasion enough to remember in his own subsequent fortunes, and which he expressed in the review of his life, from the outlook of the Tower, in his History of the World. 1 INTRODUCTION. xliii But as he grew up, and began to enter into the great conflict of the age and of the country, his ad- miration for Spanish heroism was supplanted by a detestation for Spanish aggressions. During the five or six years of his service in France for the Hugue- nots, under Coligny, he had learned the fate experi- enced by the Huguenot Colony in Florida at the hands of the Spaniards, and at the same lime had listened to the story of the beauty and richness and extent of the country, stretching far away to the north ; and had seen them drawn in lively colors by Le Moyne, whom he had brought to London and maintained at his own charges at Blackfriars, with a view to his own projects. He seems thus early to have resolved that those fair regions beyond the seas should not be so easily al)andoned to the Spanish power, but that the ex- periment of an English colony should be tried, by which Spain could bo confronted on this new sphere, and this Land of Promise be wrested from her grasp, with all its beauties and treasures, and added to the domain of the sovereign Lady of Brit- ain. His eyes were now turned to the West ; and he saw, by faith, future colonies planted there in de- fiance of Spain, and could not be contented till he was engaged in the work. Soon after his return from France, in 1576, he accordingly enlisted in the projects of his step- brother. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, who for more than twenty years had employed himself by successive petitions, and at length by an elaborate discourse, in 1^ ■ i-v; m ft * It I xliv INTRODUCTION. recommending to the Queen and the government to prosecute the Western discovery and colonization, but with no other effect tlian to set on foot the gold- hunting expeditions of Frobisher. These had nearly run their course, ending in disappointment and mor- tification, when Raleigh brought to the aid of Gilbert the enthusiasm and energy of his character, and im- pressed a new st«amp upon the cause. There is some reason for thinking that the views of Raleigh differed in some respects from those originally advocated by Gilbert, and that, although he was younger by thir- teen years, he exerted a strong influence in giving force and direction to the subsequent enterprises of Sir Humphrey. He enlisted in the projects of his step-brother, and went Avith him on his first expedition, — from Novem- ber, 1578, to June, 1579, — under the Royal Charter, which ended, indeed, in disaster, but at the same time, it is plausibly conjectured, furnished him that personal knowledge of the state of the Spanish pos- sessions in the New World, so useful to him, and by which his future course was directed. About the same period, for three or four years, he was employed in various military and diplomatic ser- vices in Ireland, and in the Netherlands, by which, if he was diverted temporarily from his favorite mari- time enterprises, he was engaged in contending against the same omnipresent enemy, and gained that knowledge of the whole field of action and of the great actors in it, and that favor of the Queen and the Council, by which he became eminently INTRODUCTION. xlv gained and of qualified for the great part he was soon to act, and was enabled to accomplish with such efficiency. Relieved at length from these engagements, he returned to his more congenial projects, and early in 1584 aided his brother Adrian Gilbert in pro- curing a patent, and in fitting out an expedition for the discovery of the North-west Passage; having, in the previous year, assisted his brother Humphrey in setting forth his second and fatal expedition, under his patent of 1578. Though he did not embark in person, he spared no expense in equipping a ship, which bore his own name, but which, however, soon returned to port, either through the breaking out of some infectious disease, as reported, or by the treachery of the captain, as conjectured by Hayes. On the 9th of September, 1583, the bark of Sir Humphrey Gilbert foundered, and this gallant adven- turer went down. But the cause did not sink with him. When t he news of his fate reached England by the return of the " Golden Hind," 22d September, it was resolved by the adherents of Gilbert that the cause should be prosecuted. There were many as- pirants for the leadership ; but Raleigh distanced all competitors, and obtained, 25th March, 1584, a patent from the Queen, renew* i>g to him all the privileges granted to Sir Humphrey Gilbert. On the 27th of the next month, he sent out two barks mth directions to explore the coast, and awaited their return and the report they should bring, before sending forth the first English colony. To Raleigh's hands was now intrusted the work of ^ m i\ <• 1 :' * xlvi INTRODUCTION. planting the English race on the shores of the New World. Under this grant of Elizabeth, till its for- feiture by the attainder of James in 1C03, all that was done in this honorable service, during this twenty years, was under Raleigh's title. What he did has been often told, and has left nothing to be desired, and does not concern us here. The reason which controlled his action, and the policy out of which this effort grew, have not been so fully exhibited. This policy was slowly developed by his experiences in France, in Ireland and the Nether- lands ; as also in his reading, and in his intercourse with Coligny, William of Orange, and other distin- guished statesmen of the time. Though Raleigh's Virginia enterprise failed, and he has not the honor of planting the English race in America, " his hopes were strong enough to with- stand the failure of nine several expeditions, and the natural discouragement of twelve years' imprison- ment. Just on the eve of his own fall from outward greatness, he had written : ' I shall yet live to see it an ExGLisii Nation.' That faith remained with him to the Tower, and he did live to see his pre- diction realizf'd. . . His Virginia enterprise had failed, but his perseverance in it had sown broad- cast the seeds of eventual success. . . Raleigh is the virtual founder of Virginia, and of what has grown thereout." (Edwards's Life of Raleigh, I. 91, 93.) Having now assumed this great work of coloniza- tion, he felt its responsibility, and employed the in- INTRODUCTION. xlvii and terval in making ready to avail himself of the report of liis captains, when they should return. Tiie diil'crcnt interests of those who had schemes of their own, and had heen superseded, were to be conciliated. New adherents were to be gained. Ilis grant was to be confirmed by Parliament.^ The general reasons for engaging in this worlc were to be stated, and the particular reasons in the existing state of things were to be given. While the great public were to be influenced with the prospect of gold, the Queen and Council were to be informed of the necessity, arising out of the political condition of England, for immediate action. A text-book for the English Statesman, now that the nation was at length starting upon this great work, was to be prepared, which should embrace a summary of the reasons for this enterprise scattered through the Discourses of Carlyle, Peckham, and Hayes, already written, and which should include a statement of those additional reasons which had been suggested to himself : some- thing which, if it could not be made puljlic as a whole, might serve to confirm the faith and define ' With diplomatic skill, TJak'iiih bound to liis interest the parties who encli had separate suhenies of his own to prosecnt^e after the death of Gilbert. This was aceoniplished, in part, by liis bringing about a marriage between liobert Sidney, the younger brother of Philip Sidney, and his lovely cousin Rarbara Gainage, the heiress of large estates, by which Philip Sidney and his father-in-law, Walsinghani, and the hitter's step-son, Cliristopher Carlyle, and Sidney's uncle Leycester, were bound by family ties to his enterprise. And it is not, perhaps, ascribing too much to beauty and wealth, and the family ties resting on them, to suppose that Barbara had something to do in bringing about that accord which was witnessed in Parlia- ment a few months later, when Walsingham and Sidney were on a committee to whom was referred the application for a confirmation of Raleigh's patent. (Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, by James Augustus St. John, 1869, pp. 87, 88.) m l:' H- !. .1 i I a i -i-i xlviii INTRODUCTION". the views of those interested ; so that this might not prove as evanescent an interest as some of the pre- ceding, — that Froljisher's quest of gold and Adrian Gilbert's search for the North-west Passage might not be the only motives, — but that a broad, compre- hensive, national policy might be adopted. Much of this work might be done by himself, but some of it, perhaps, might be better done by others. While the great policy had formed itself in his own mind by his far-reaching views, by his wide experi- ence, the exhibiting it with the literary finish and the learned illustrations desirable might well be thought too much for one immersed in the practical business of fitting out this great colonial expedition. With few exceptions, the works by which Raleigh's fame as an author is established were not written until he was confined in the Tower. There were points of history, questions of title, theological and moral argumentations to be pursued, in which liter- ary assistance might be wanted. Dr. Dee, who was a kind of literary secretary of this whole enterprise, and had often been consulted by navigators, was now absent in Germany. To whom should Raleigh look for assistance but to the young preacher, Richard Hakluyt. Though still a young man, he had obtained a high reputation, and had made great proficiency in maritime studies. As has already been observe:!, he does not seem to have been previously in the confidence of Raleigh, or to have known his plans. As late as April, 1584, he did not know of Raleigh's having superseded Car- INTRODUCTION. xlix ^lit not lie pre- Adrian might !ompre- iclf, but others, liis own experi- ish and well be practical sedition, laleigh's written re were ical and ch liter- vho was erprise, ,vas now u e but to gh still ion, and ies. As to have h, or to 584, he ed Car- lyle. All his relations appear to have been with Walsinghani, Carlyle, and Sidney, lie must how- ever, soon niter this, have l«>arned the turn matters had taken, and that all other schemes were now merged jnto the one voyage of Mr. Kaleigh ; and he doubtless held himself at the service of the new enterprise. We have already noticed that he was sent to Paris in the latter part of 1583, as chaplain of the embassy ; and from his letters to Walsingham, written in January and April of the following year, from the embassy, quoted above, it is obvious what was the chief object of his mission, lie avowed his readiness to hold himself and all his talents at the service of the cause of Western planting. What more natural than that Ilakluyt should be sent for in the emergency to aid the new enter- prise ? Such a hint he can hardly fail to have re- ceived from her Majesty's principal secretary, in Raleigh's behalf ; and, having obtained leave of the Ambassador, he placed himself for the time under the direction of his new patron, henceforth the great leader in the goodly work of Western planting. He was first of all to learn the aims and objects of Kaleigh in his projected colony ; and he himself has said, in the Dedication of his edition of Navigations, 1589, that Raleigh was one of those from whom he had received the " chief est light " into the Western Navigations ; implying that he had got some light here, which, with all his studies, he had not received before. Having gained this new light and taken these in- (I 4 i ^ I -;^l 1 INTRODUCTION. structions, he is soon found in London, actively en^nged in advocating the new entor[)ri.so, striking high, and aiming to gain over tlie leading men of the times. He does not pass hy his fellow-student at Oxford ; but after Sidney had surrendered a part of the large '"^oresthe had obtained to Sir George Peck- ham, and id liimseK to England by marrying the daughter ot Walsingham, Ilalduyt endeavors to per- suade him to join in this new enterprise. In a let- ter from Sidney to Stafford, of 21st July, 1584, he says, " We are half persuaded to enter the journey of Sir Ilum[)hrey Gilbert very eagerly, whereunto your Mr. Ilakluyt hath served for a very good trumpet." (Sidney Papers, I. 389.) " The journey of Sir Humphrey Gilbert " can be no other than the continuation of the enterprise by Raleigh, Gilbert having pei ' bed at sea the year before, and his patent having e: d on the 11th of June, 1584. It thus a|j|jears that, while he was " trumpeting " the cause in the ears of the great men of the nation, he was at the same time writing a book for the eyes of the Queen and her councillors ; doing thus for his new patron what Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Sir George Peckham, and Christopher Carlyle had each done with his own hand for his own enterprise. Raleigh had in Hakluyt a scribe well instructed in the matters of the Western Navigation, and able from his own treasures to bring forth things new and old in the enforcement of the views of his oracle. It should not detract from the merit of this book, as an expo- nent of the views of Raleigh, that his own pen was I INTRODUCTION. li not employed in its profluction, inasmuch as it appears from all the ciroumHtanceH to have been not, indeed, from his dictation, but irom his HUf^gestion and by his inspiration. It might be supposed, from the title-page of this Discourse, reciting that it was written at the request and direction of the Right Worshipful Mr. Walter Raleigh, before the coming home of his two barks, that it would have for its object to advocate the pu; - pose of settlement on those more southern regions afterwards taken possession of by him, — the so-called Virginia voyage, — thereby associating it with the particular expedition on which these vessels Avere sent ; but it will be seen that Raleigh's name is not mentioned in it, neither does the Discourse advocate the scheme of any particular person or party. It recommends the colonization of Norumbega, and draws special attention to the region of Cape Breton, or the tract near by, as offering superior advantages for the beginning of the enterprise. The writer contends that England has a just title to all that firm land of America, from Florida northward to 67*, and not yet in any Christian prince's actual possession, as being first discovered by Sebastian Cabot at the cost of King Henry VII. ; and that Eng- land should consummate this title by taking possession by colonization. And in the third chapter he gives a particular description of the soil, climate, and pro- ductions of the whole coast from 30* of latitude north- ward, so far as he is able to find such a description ; beginning mth Ribault, and citing Verrazzano, Gomez, I* i: ft l\ If rr-'MM lii INTRODUCTION. Cartier, Peckham and many others, whose published reUitions had come under his eye ; showing the wealth that may be derived to England from that part of A.merica, " if by our slacknes we suffer not the French or others to prevente us." The term "Norumbega," which Hakluyt employs, had a different significance at different periods. There was the fabled city of that name, seated on a large rivei on the coast of Maine, — the Penobscot. Then there was the country of Norumbega, of wider extent, sometimes embracing Nova Scotia and New England, and at one time covering the whole coast from Cape Breton to 30° in Florida.^ (See in Ra- musio, III. 423, " Delia terra cU Norumbega^) Sub- sequently, it receded to narrower limits, and em- braced only the region on botii sides of the river to which reference has been made. Haklu_yt appears here to apply the term to a considerable extent of country, beginning at Cape r^eton on the south-west, and extending along the coast in that direction without definite limit. And while it was evidently associated in his mind with the more northerly section, which was better known to navigators of that period, it might not have ex- cluded the more southerly region, v.'ith which geog- raphers were then le^s acquainted. In his " Divers Voyages," published in 1582, — ^ The name of " Florida " seems to have been reatricted by Hakluyt, itt its northern honnihiry, to a region a little north of the territory which now bears that name, and south of what was called " Wingandacoa," or Vir- ginia, after the return of Raleigh's barks, in September, i684. See note in Appendix to " p. 19 " of Discourse. INTRODUCTION. liii dedicated to Sir Philip Sidney, and no doubt written in aid of the Gilbert enterprise, which was favored by Sidney and his father-in-law, Walsingham, — ho desig- nates, by its running title, the voyage of Verrazzano along the greater part of our east coast, as •'• The dis- covcrie of Morumbega," * as he also does, perhaps owing to the printer's eiTor in continuing the head- line, the account of the uncertain regions visited by the brothers Zeni. And Captain John Smith, as late as 1620, in the first edition of his " New Englands Trials," says, — " These fourteene ye res I haue spared neither pains nor money, according to my abilitio, in the discouery of JSforumhcfja, where %vith some thirty seuen men and boyes, the remainder of an hundred and fine, against the fury of the saluages, I began that plantation now in F/r^'mirt." It should be said that neither the maps of Ilakluyt's time, including that of Lok published in the " Divers Voyages," nor those of an earlier or later period, give so wide a lati- tude to the name as this would seem to indicate. But Raleigh's voyage and schemes of colonization should not be regarded as in opposition to the general plan of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, or of Gilbert's assigns. They all had one purpose, that of colonizing the country. After the return of the " Golden Hind," in September, 1583, bringing the news of the " heavy success" of that expedition, and of Gilbert's bark having foundered at sea, those interested in his pa- tent, by having assignments of land under it, or in esolved to prosecute the ei !i ' .^dM i I. «ri)at tills westerne discoverie will be grcately for thinlargo- mente of the gospell of Christc, •wliereunto the princes of the rcfonnned relligion are chefely bounde, amongest whome her Majestic ys principall. II. That all other Englishe trades are growen bcggcrly or daun- goroiis, especially in all the Kinge of Spayne his domynions, where our men are dryven to Hinge their bililes and prayer liookes into the sea, and to forsweare and renounce their relli- inge, which is the ^trengthe of our reahne, and for the supportation of all those occupations that depende upon the same. That spedie plantinge in divers fitt places is moste necessarie upon those luckye wcsternc discoveries, for fe.ire of the daunger of being ])revented by otiier nations whicli have the like inten- tions, with the order thereof, and other reasons therewithall allcaged. jVI. jMeanes to kepe this enterprise from overthrowe, and the enter- prisers from shame and dishonour. SVII. That by these colonies the Northwest Passage to Cathaia and CnixA may easely quickly and perfectly be searched oute, as well by river and overlande as by sea, for proofe whereof here arc quoted and alleaged divers rare testymonies oute of three volumes of voyadges gathered by Ramusius and other grave authors. svm. That the Queene of Englands title to all the West Indies, or at the leaste to as moche as is from Florida to tlie circlo articke, is more la\\'full and righte then the Spauiardes, or any other Christian Princes. XIX. An aunswer to the Bull of the Donation of all the "West Indies graunted to the Kinges of Sjiaine by Pope Alexander the Vlth, who was himsclfe a Spaniarde borne. iXX. A brefe collection of certaine reasons to induce her Majestie and the state to take in liande the westerne voyadge and the plantinge there. I XXI. A note of some thinges to be prepared for the voyadge, which is sett downe rather to drawe the takers of the voyadge in hande to the presente consideration thenfor any other reason, for that divi rs thinges require preparation longe befoi'e the voy- adge, with ;ute which the voyadge ys niaymed. n fr( de po ph mc it; It[ an 50 ai< on pc till wi wl in{ thi £l)at this Westerne discoverie will be greately for tliinlargemente of the gospell of Christe, whereunto the princes of the Refourmed Relligiou are chefcly bounde, amongeste wUorae her Majestic ys principall. Cap. I. i] 5cin(je that the people of that parte of America from 30. degrees in Florida northewarde unto 63. degrees (which ys yet in no Christian princes actuall possession) are idolaters ; and that those which Ste- phen Gomes broughte from the coaste of Norum- BEGA in the yere 152J:. worshipped the sonne, the moone, and the starres, and used other idolatrie, as it ys recorded in the historie of Gonsaluo de Ouiedo, in Italian, fol. 52, of the third volume of Ramusius ; and that those of Canada and Ilochelaga in 48. and 50. degrees worshippe a spirite which they call Cudru- aigny, as we reade in the tcnthe chapiter of the sec- onde relation of Jaques Carticr, whoe saieth: This people bcleve not at all in God, but in one wliorae they call Cudruaigny ; they say that often he spcakcth with them, and telleth them what weather shall followe, whether goodd or badd. Sec, and yet notwithstand- inge they are very easie to be pcrswadcd, and doe all that they sawe the Christians doe in their devine ser- I is i> I. M i t 8 DISCOURSE CONCERNING vice, with like imitation and devotion, and were vciy desirous to become Christians, and wouldc fiiine have been baptized, as Verarsanus witnesseth in the laste wordes of his relation, and Jaques Cart'^^r in the tenthe chapiter before recited — it remayneth to be thoroughly weyed and considered by what meanes and by whome this moste godly and Christian work may be perfourmed of inlarginge the glorious gospell of Christe, and reducinge of infinite multitudes of these simple people that are in errour into the righte and perfecte way of their saluation. The blessed Apostle Paule, the converter of the Gentiles, Rom : 10. writeth in this manner : Whoesoever shall call on the name of the Lorde shall be saved. But howe shall they call on him in whom they have not bcleved ? and howe shall they beleve in him of whom they have not hearde ] and howe shall they heare withoute a preacher] and howe shall they preache excepte they be sente ? Then it is necessary for the salvation of those poore people which have sitten so longe in darkenes and in the shadowe of deathe, that preachers should be sent unto them. But by whome shoulde these preachers be sente "? By them no doubte which have taken upon them the protection and defence of the Christian faithe. Nowe the Kinges and Queenes ihc Prvnccs of England have the name of Defendours of the Faithe. By which title I thinke they are not onely chardged to mayneteyne and patronize the faithe of Christe, but also to inlarge and advaunce the same. Neither oughte this to be their laste worke, but rather the principall and chefe of all others, accordinge to the callcil the (It't'eiuk'rs of the faithe. WESTERNE PLANTING. 9 comaimdemcntc of our Saviour, Christc, Mathcwe 6, Ffirstc scekc the kingdomc of God and the rightcous- nes thereof, and all other thinges shalbe mynistrcd unto you. Nowe the mcanes to sonde suche as shall labour effectually in this busines ys, by i)lantinge one or twoo rinnJinKe , . f • ' 1 /• IVrste iieces- colonies ot our nation upon tliat tyrine, where they sane. may remaine in safctic, and firste learne the language of the people nere adjoyninge (the gifte of tongues bcinge nowe taken awaye), and by little and little acquainte themselves with their manner, and so with discretion and myldenes distill into their purged myndes the swctc and lively liquor of the gospel. Otherwise, for preachers to come unto them rashly with oute some suche preparation for their safetic, yt were nothinge els but to ronne to their appa- raunte and certaine destruction, as yt happened unto those Spanishe ffryers, that, before any plant- inge, withoute strcngthc and company, landed in Fflor- ida, where they were miserablye massacred by the savages. On the other side, by meane of plantinge firste, the small nation of the Portingales towardcs the Southe and Easte have planted the Christian faithe accordinge to their manner, and have erected many bisshoprickes and colledges to traine iipp the youthe of the infiidells in the same, of which acte they more vaunte in all their histories and chronicles, then of anythinge els that ever they atchieved. And surely if they had planted the gospell of Christe purely, as they did not, they mighte justly have more rejoyced in that deede of theires, then in the conqueste of 2 i; II II I' \ 5 „ i; >• 1* ' II 10 DISCOURSE CONCERNING f!i I ^'' > i»i m^ the whole contrie, or in any other thinge whatsoever. The hkc may be saied of the Spaniardcs, wlioe (as yt is in the preface of the last edition of Osorius de rebus gestis Emanuelis) have established in the West Indies three archebisshopricks, to witt, Mexico, Luna, and Onsco, and thirtene other bisshopricks there named, and have builte above CC. houses of relligion in the space of fyftie yeres or thereaboutcs. Now yf they, in their superstition, by meanes of their jdant- inge in those partes, havo don so grcatc thinges in so shorte space, what may wee hope for in our true and synccre relligion, proposiugc unto ourselves in this action not filthie lucre nor vaine ostentation, as they in dcede did, but principally the gayninge of the soules of millions of those wretched people, the re- ducinge of them from darkcncs to liglite, from falsc- hoodde to truthe, from dombe idolls to the lyvinge God, from the depe pitt of hell to the highest heav- ens. In the 16. of the Actes of the Apostles, when Paule soughte to preache in Asia and to goe into Bithinia, the Holy Ghoste suffered him not. But at Troas a vision appered unto him by night. There stoode a man of Macedonia and prayed hym, sayenge : Come into Macedonia and helpe us. And after he had scene the vysion, ymmediatly he prepared to goe into Macedonia, beinge assured that the Lorde had called him to preache the gospell unto them. Even so wee, whiles wee have soughte to goe into other countries (I woulde I might say to preache the gos- pell), God by the frustratinge of our actions semcth to forbydd us to folio we those courses, and the people of "WESTERNE rLANTIXG. 11 Amerka cryc outc unto us, their ncxtc ncighboiiros, to come and hclpe them, and brinj^e unto them the gliidd tidinges of the gospell. Unto the prince and people that shalhe the occasion of this worthic worko, and shall open their cofers to the furthoraunce of this most godly enterprise, God shall open the bottomles treasures of his riches, and fill them with aboundaunce of his hidden blessinges ; as he did to the goodd Que "^ Isabella, which beinge in extreme necessitie, lie., r^. cwne Jewells to gage for money to furnishe out ^olumbus for the firste discovery of the West Indies. And this enterprise the princes of the relligion (amonge whome her Majestic ys principall) oughte the rather to take in hande, because the papistes con- firine themselves and drawe other to thcire side, shew- ingc that they are the true Catholicke churche because they have bene the onely converters of many millions of infidells to Christianitie. Yea, I myselfc have bene dcmaunded of them, how many infidells have Amiost of tuti ai been by us converted ? Whereunto, albeit I alleaged w'O the example of the mynisters which were sentc from Geneva with Villegagnon into Bresill, and those that wente with John Ribault into Florida, as also those of our nation that went with Ffrobisher, Sir Fraunces Drake, and Ffenton ; yet in very decde I was not able to name any one infidell by them converted. But God, quoth I, hath his tyme for all men, whoe calleth some at the nynthe, and some at the eleventh houer. And if it please him to move the harte of her Majes- tic to put her hclpinge hande to this godly action, she inn ttdver- y:i< 11 I' i II II I I' i> >i r I' I J! if 5 12 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 1 bIkiII fmdo as willingc snbjcctcs of all sortcs as any other prince in all Chiist(>n(loinc\ And as for the boustiugc of your conversion of such multitudes of iiitidells, yt may justly be comi)ted rather a perver- sion, seeingc you have drawen them as it were oute of Sylla into Charibdis, that is to say, from one error into another. Nowe therefore I truste the time ys at hande when by her Majesties forwardnes in tiiis en- terprise, not only this objection and suchc like shalbe aunswered by our frutefuU labor in (iodds harvest amonge the infidells, but also many inconveniences and strifes amongcst ourselves at home, in matters of ceremonies, shalbe ended. For those of the clergyc which by reason of idlenes here at home are nowe alwayes coyninge of ncwe opynions, havinge by this voyadge to set themselves on worke in rcducingc the savages to the chefc principles of our faith, will become lesse contentious, and be contented with the truthe in rclligion alrcadie established by authoritie. So they that shall bcare the name of Christians shall shewe themselves worthye of their vocation, so shall the mouthe of the adversaric be stopped, so shall contention amongcst brethren be avoyded, so shal tlie gospell amonge infidells be published. "WESTERN E PL ANTING. 13 i UljiU all other Englishe trades nrc growen boggcrly or daiingcrons, cap. II. especially dnungcrous in all the Kinge of S|myiio his do- mynioiis, where our men are dryvea to Hinge their bililea and i)rayer bookes into the sea, and to forsweare and renounce their reliigiou and conscience, and consequently their obedience to her IMajesty. si.: Witt arc nowe to consider the quiilitic and condi- tion of all the trades which at this day are frequented by onr nation. And firste, to begynne southwardc, and so come to the nortlie; leavinge IJrcsill and Gny- nea where wee have httle to doe, let us firsie speake Buriaiy. of our trade in Barbaric. If any of c r shij)pcs tradinge thither be dryven upon the coaste of S[)aine, and that proofe may be made that wee have bene there, they make it a very sufficient cause of confisca- tion of ship])e and goodds, and so they thruste our men into the Inquisition, chardginge them that they bringe armour, munition, and forbidden merchandize to strengthen the infidells againste these partes of Christendome ; which thingc is comitted to printe and confessed by all our marchants tradinge thither. And thoughe our men escape the Spaniardes tyrannic, yet at the dcathc of the prince in Barbary, all our mennes goodds there are subjecte to the spoile, the custome of the contrie permitting the people to robbe and rifle until another kinge be chosen, withoute raakinge ii II . i> r (' M JM tl It r ! i 1 rw 14 DISCOURSE CONCERNING The Domvn- ions of i.''! Kinni! of Spa^ne. Tho trade of Turky. any kinde of restitution. Besides that inconvenience, the trr-fficque groweth daily to worse termes then heretotore. I omytt to showe here howe divers have bene undon by their servauntes which have become renegadoes, of whome by the custome of the contrie their masters cun have no manner of recoverv, neither call them into justice. In all the Kingc of Spain es dumynions our men are either inforced with wounded consciences to playe the disscmblingc hipocrites, or be drawen to mislJKe with the state of relligion mainteyned at home, or cruelly made away in the Inquisition. Moreover, he being our mortall eneniye, and his empire of late beinge increased so aiightely, and our nccessitie of oiles and of coulours for our clothingc trade beinge so greate, he may arreste almoste the one halfe of our navye, our traficque and rocourae beinge so greate to his domynions. For the new trade in Turky, besides the greate expences in mayneteyninge a kind of embas- sador at Constantinople, and in sendinge of pre- sentcs to Selym the Graunde Scgnior, and to divers of his insatiable bassoes, our marchantes are faine with large rewardes to gratifie the Knightes of Malta, in whose daunger their shippes must often passe. Moreover that trade is so moche to the dctrymente of the State of Venice, and all the other States of Italic, that they are dayly occupied in seekinge howe they may certhrowe the same. Neither is it the leaste incomoditie that our shippes are contynually assaulted by the corsaries and pirates and gallies of Algiers, by WESTERN E PLANTING. 15 which they had a rich shippe, called the Mary Martin, sonckc this yere ; and the last yere another was taken at Trypoly in Barbary, and the master with another hanged, and the reste made slaves. Besides, the barke Reynoldes war, arrested at Malta, and at lengthe with moche adoe delivered. To leave the Levant and to come to France, the France, traficqne there of myne owne knowledge is growen to such decaye, partely by the impositions and taxes which are daily devised by the kinge, partely by their subtil sleights and devices to confiscate our clothes for insufficient v/orkemanshippe, and partely by their owne labour in makinge more and better clothe then hereto- fore they were accustomed, that our men for the moste parte are wearye of the contrie, and some of them utterly undoii by their subtill and imconcionablc wranglinge. As for all Flaimders and the liOwe Fiaundera Contries, these cighteno ycres moste cruell civill warres have so spoiled the traticque there, that there is nothinge but povertie and perill, and that which is worse, there is no hope of any spedy amendeniente. To come to the Esterlinges and the trades with the Estiande. cities \vitliin the Sounde of Denmarke, they bcinge deprived of the olde priviledgcs of the Stilliarde here in Londcin, have not only ofFred our men at home many injuries in their cities, but seeke all the meanes thoy can devise wholy to cutt of all our occupienge that way ; and to the same purpose have lately cloane debarred our men of their accustomed and auncient priviledges in all their greate townes. Also !f| ilt 4 : ''. !' ^iilii I 16 DISCOURSE CONCERNING Denmarke. the Gxactions of the Kinge of Denmarke at our passage in and oute by the Sounde to Lubccke, Danske, Elvingo, Rye, llcvell, and the Narve, besides the power that he hath to arreste all our shippes within the Sounde at his pleasure, are twoo no small inconveniences and myschcfes. Russye. Our trade into Muscovye ys the laste, which was so cluirdgcable in the begynnynge, what with the coste of the discoverie, what with presentes to the Empcrour, together with the disorderly dealinge of their factors, that it stoode them in fourscore thousande poundcs before they broughte it to any goodd passe. And nowe after longe hope of gayne, the Hollanders, as also the men of Diepe, are entred into their trade by the Empcrours permissiori ; yea, whereas at the firste our men paid no custonie, of late yeres, contrarie to their firste priviledge, they have bene urged to pay yt. Also the chardges of bringinge the Empcrours embassador hither, and mayneteyninge him here, and the settinge furthe of her Majesties embassadour thither with presentes to the Empcrour, lycnge all upon the poore marchantes neckes, is no easie burden unto their shoulders. And to encrease the same, the Kinge of Denmarke requireth a tribute of them, thoughe they touc''j not upon any of his domynions. And nowe the Emperour of Russia beingo late deade, yt is greately feared that the voyadge wilbe utterly overthrowea, or els become not worthe the contynu- aunce. Thus havinge regarde imto the premisses, yt be- hovcth us to seeke some newe and better trade, of WESTERNE PLANTING. 17 lesse daunger and more securitie, of lesse damage, and of more advamitage ; the rather to avide the wil- full peijurie of suche of our EngUshe nation as trade to Spaine and other of Kinge Phillipps domynions, where this oathe followinge ys usually ministrcd unto the master of our shippes. Firste, he willeth the master to make a crosse with his fore finger and his thorabe, layenge one over the other crosswise. This beinge don, he saieth these wordes followinge : You shall sweare to speake the truthe of all thinges that shalbe asked of you, and yf you doe not, that God demaundc yt of you ; and the Englishe master muste saye, Amen. You shall sweare by that crosse that you bringe no man in your shippe but suche as are goodd christians, and doe beleve as our Catholicke Churche of Home dotlie boleve. Nexte, that you bringe no manner of bookes but suche as are allowed by our Catholicke Churche of Home ; and that you use no manner of prayers but suche as are allowed by our Churche of Home. What marchandize bringe you ; suche and suche. We will and comaundc you and your companie to come on land to masse every Sonday and holy day, upon paine of discommunication. Then they open their chestes, and looke if the master and maryners bringe any bookes with them in their chests. This don, the officers that come with the prcestcs aske of the master and maryners chese, butter, befe, bacon, and candles, as beggars, and they give it to them for feare they have of them, and so they goe from the shippes with their walletts full of victualls. The master dotli pay foiu* ryalls of plate for (i II i< ii i> I' m «i I' «) ■r 18 DISCOURSE CONCERNmO the barke that bringeth them aboorde to visite them. Thus is wilfull perjurye permitted by the governours if they knowe it. Thus the covetous march ante wil- fully sendeth headlonge to hell from day to day the poore subjectes of this realme. The marchant in England crmethhere devoutly to the communyon, and sendeth his sonne into Spaine to here masse. These thinges are kepte secrete by the marchantes, and suche as depende upon the trade of marchandize are lothe to utter the same. WESTERNE PLANTING. 19 Mm (Cljflt tliif- westerne voyadgo will yelde unto us all the commodities of Europe, AfFrica and Asia, as far as wee were woate to travell, and supplye the wantes of all our decayed trades. 'E^t VLtXtt thinge ys that nowe I declare unto you the comodities of this newe westerne discoveric, and what marchandize are there to he had, and from thence to be expected ; wherein firste you are to have regarde unto the scituation of the places which are left for us to be possessed. The contries therefore of America where unto we have just title, as bcinge firste discovered by Sebastian Gabote, at the coste of that prudente prince Kinge Henry the Seaventh, from Florida ncrthewarde to 67. degrees, (and not yet in any Chrestian princes actuall possession,) beinge aimswerable in clymate to Barbary, Egipte, Siria, Persia, Turky, Greece, all the islandes of the Levant sea, Italic, Spaine, Portingale, Fraunce, Flaunders, Highe Almayne, Denmarke, Estland, Poland, and Muscovye, may presently or within a shorte space afforde unto us, for little or nothinge, and with moche more safetie, eyther all or a greate parte of the coni- odities which the aforesaid contries do yelde us at a very dere hande and with manifolde daungers. Firste, therefore, to begyn at the southe from 30. degrees, and to quote unto you the leafe and page of the printed voyadgcj of those which personally have Cap. III. In the first volume of Rmiuisius, fol.y74, pag. 2. i; II II i> I' I' I' I' I ll « m •«t P Jl a It Hi 71 20 DISCOURSE CONCERNING Ilony, Venison, Palme trees, Ce.kTs, Cii'resses, Vynes. with diligence searched and viewed these contrics. JohnRibauit. Johu Ribault writcth thus, in the firste leafe of his discourse, extant in printe bothe in Frcnche and Enghshe : Wee entred (saieth he) and viewed the contrie which is the fairest, frutefullest, and pleas- auntest of all the worlde, aboundinge in honye, waxe, venison, wilde fowle, flforrcstcs, woodds of all sortcs, palme trees, cipresses, cedars, bayes, the highest and greatest, with also the fairest vines in all the worlde, Avith grapes accordinge, which naturally withoute arte or mans helpe or trymmynge will growe to toppes of oakes and other trees that be of wondcrfull greatness and hcighte. And the sighte of the faire meadowes is a pleasure not able to be expressed with tongue, full of herons, curlucs, bitters, mallardes, egriphts, woodcockes, and all other kinde of small birdes, with hartes, hinds, bucks, wilde swyne, and all other kj-nd of wilde beastes, as wee perceaved well bothe by their footinge there, and also aftcrwardes in other places by their crye and roaringe in the nightc. Also there be conies and hares, silkewormes in marvelous nom- ber, a great deale fairer and better then be our silke- wormes. Againe, in the sixte leafe and scconde page ; They shewed unto us by signes that they had in the lande golde and silver and copper, whereof wee have broughte some home. Also leade like unto ours, which wee shewed them. Also turqueses and greatc aboundaunce of perles, which as they declared unto us they tooke oute of oysters, whereof there is taken ever aloi.ge the rivers side and amongest the reedcs and in the marishes, in so marvelous aboundaunce as it Herons, Curliies, liitturs, Mallardes, Egriphtea. Sylke worines exfeilinse faire, t'ol. 6, pag. 2. Gol.le, Silver, Copper. Tiirquo?:es, Perles in aboundaunce. WESTERNE PLANTING. 21 have is scante credible. And wee have perceaved that there be as many and as grcate perles founde there as in any contrie in the worlde. In the seaventh leafe it followeth thus: The scituation is under 30. degrees, aodcgrcea. a good clymate, healthfull, and of goodd temperature, marvelous pleasaunte, the people goodd and of a gentle and amyable nature, which willingly will obey, Thpgenticncs 1 1 11 ■ 1 1* of the people. yea be contented to serve those that shall with gentle- nes and humanitie goe aboute to allure them, as yt is necessarie for those that be sente thither hereafter so to doe. In the eighth leafe : It is a place wondorfull fertile and of stronge scituation, the grounde fatt, so that it is like that it would bringe forthe wheate and Han-esttwise . yn tliu yere. all other corne twise a yere. In the nnitli leafe yt followeth : Wee founde there a greate nomber of pepper trees, the pepper beinge yet greene and not Topper ready to be gathered. In the tenth leafe : There wee y '« 'o"b'e •' "^ jjopper. sawe the fairest and the greatest vines with grapes accordinge, and younge trees and small wooddes very well smellinge, that ever weare sene. Thus have you brefely the some of the comodities which were founde by John Ribault and his companye on the coaste of America from 30. to 34. degrees. INIoreover, Doctor Monardus, that excellent phisi- tion of Civill, wri tinge of the trees of the West Indies in his booke called Joyfull Newes out of the New founde worlde, maketh mention of a tree called Sassafras, which the Frenchmen founde in Florida, Sassafras. fol. 46 of his booke, in manner followinge : From the Florida they bringe a woodde and roote of a tree that groweth in those partes, of greate vertues and (I' II i> (I ii ^«! I I m It If '• I I I i I r 22 DISCOURSE CONCERNING excellencies, healinge therewith grevous and variable deseases. It may be three yeres paste that I had knowledge of this tree, and a Frenche man that had bene in those partes shewed me a pece of yt, and tolde me marvells of the vertues thereof, and howe many and* variable diseases were healed with the water which was made of it, and I judged that, which nowe I doe finde to be true and have scene by experience. He tolde me that the Frenchemen which had bene in the Florida, at the time when they came into those partes had bene sicke the moste of them of grevous and variable diseases, and that the Indians did shewe them this tree, and the manner howe they shoulde use yt. Sec ; so they did, and were healed of many evills ; which surely bringeth admira- tion tliat one onely remedy shoulde worke so variable and marvelous eifectes. The name of this tree, as the Indyans terme yt, is called Pauame, and the Frenche- men call it Sassafras. To be brefe, the Doctor Monardus bestoweth eleven leaves in describinge the sovercinties and excellent properties thereof. The nature and comodities of the reste of the coaste unto Cape Briton I will shewe unto you oute of the printed testymonies of John Verarsanus and Stephen Gomes, bothe which in one yere, 1524. discovered the said contries, and broughte home of the people ; Verarsana into Ffraunce, and Gomes into Spaine. Verarsana, fallinge in the latitude of 34. degrees, describeth the scituation and commodities in this manner: Beyonde this wee sawe the open contrie risinge in heighte above the sandie skoare, with many •WESTEHNE PLANTING. 23 faire feeldcs and plaincs full of mightie grcatc wooddcs, some very thicke and some very thynne, replenished with divers sortes of trees, and pleasaunte and delect- able to beholdc as ys possible to yraagine. And your Majestie may not thinke that these are like the wooddes of Hyrcinia, or the wilde desertes of Tar- taria, and the northerne coastes, full of fruteles trees ; but full of palrae, date trees, bayes, and highe cy- presses, and many other sortes of trees to us unknowen iu Europe, which yelde mostc swete savours farr from the shoare ; neyther doe wee thincke that they, par- takinge of the easte worlde rounde aboute them, are altogether voyde of drugs and spicerye, and other Dmpgs, Snvccrv riches of golde, seinge the colour of the lande dotlic ci^'U';- altogether argue yt. And the lande is full of many bcastes, as redd dere, fallowe dere, and hares, and Ukcwise of lakes and pooles of freshe water, with greate plentie of fowles convenient for all pleasaunte game. This lande is in latitude of 34:.degrees with 34 degrees. goodd and holesomc ayre, temperate, betwenc bote and colde ; no vehement windes doe blowe in these re gions, &c. Againe, in the fourth leafe as it is in Eng- lishe, speakinge of the nexte contrie, he saieth : Wee sawe in this contrie many vines growinge naturally, vynes excei- which springinge upp tooke liolde of the trees as they doc in Lumbardye, which, if by husbandmen they were dressed in goodd order, witlioute all doubte they woulde yelde excellent wynes ; for havinge often- tymes scene the frute thereof dryed, which was swete and pleasaunte and not differinge from oures, wee tliinke they doe esteme of the same, because that in lent. • I .1 s ll <• Violt'tts, l.vllk's, Corn, Wviie, Oyle. These apples >.Ti'we ill Iinly, niul are yullowe like' a pipon. 41 depjees and 2 terces. Copper. Stephen Gomez. 24 DISCOURSE CONCERNING every place where they growe, they take away the un- der hraunches growinge roundc ahoute, tliat the frute thereof may ripen the better. AVce fonndc also roses, violetts, lyllics, and many sortes of herhcs and swete and odoriferous flowers. And after, in the sixte leafo, he saicth : Wee were oftentimes within the lande v.or vj. leagues, which wee foundc as pleasaunte as is possible to declare, a[)te for any kinde of husbandrye of cornc, wine, and oilc. For therein there arc plaines 25. or 30. leagues broadc, open and withoute any impedymcnte of trees, of suche frutefulnes that any secde beinge sowen therein will bringc furthe moste excellcnte frute. Wee entred after wardcs into the wooddes, which wee foundc so greate and thicke, that an armye (were it never so greate} mightc have h\dd it sclfe therein, the trees whereof w?re oakes, cy- presses, and other sortes unknowen in Europe. Wee foundc pomi appij, ploiues, and nuttcs, and many other sortes of frutes to us unknowen. There are beastcs in greate aboundaunce, as redd dere and fallowc dere, leopardes and other kindes, which they take with their bowes and arrowcs, which are their chefeste weapons. This lande is scituate in the parallcle of Kome in 41. degrees and 2. terces. And towardes the ende he saicth : Wee sawe many of the people weare caringes of copper hanginge at their eares. Thus farr cute of the relation of Verarsana. Nowe to come to Stephen Gomes, which by the commandemcnte of the Emperor Charles the Fyfte discovered the coaste of Norumbega. These are the wordes of Gonsaluo dc Ouiedo in his summarve of the WESTERNE PLANTING. 25 Westo Indies, translated into Italian, concerningo liim, fo. 52 : Dapoi die vostra jS[acst.\ c in questa cittii di Toledo, avriuo qui ncl mcsc di Nouembrc il piloto Stcphano Gomez, ilquule nel' anno passato del 15'24. per comandamento di vostra Maesta, nauigo alia parte di Tramontana, et trouo gran parte di terra continouata a quella clie si cliiama dellos Bachallaos, discorrendo i\ Occidentc, et giace in -lO. ct 41. grade, et cosi poco piu et meno ; del qual luogo menu alcuni Indiani, et ne sono al presente in questa citta, li quali sono di maggior grande/za di quelli di terra ferma, sccondo che communcmcnte sono, perclic anchora il detto piloto disse hauer visto molti, clic sono tutti di quella medesima grandezza, il color vcramente e come quelli di terra ferma ; sono grandi arcicri, et vanno coperti di pellc d'animali saluatichi, et d' altri animali. Sono in questa terra eccellenti martori, et Mnrtirnes, zibcllini, et altre ricclie fodere, delle quali ne porto itkhc iurres, iSilverand alcune pelle il detto pilotto. llanno argento et rame, cv.pper. et secondo clie dicono questi Indiani, et con segni fanno intcndere, adorano il Sole et la Luna, anche hanuo altre idolatrie et errori, come quelli di terra forma. Another Frenche capitaine of Diepe, which had a cnpitaine .of Diupe. bene alonge'it this coaste, gevcth this testymonie of the people and contrie from -16. to 47. degrees, as it is in the thirde volume of viages gathered by Ramusius, fol. 423. pag. secunda : Gli habitatori di questa terra sono genti trattabih, amicheuoli, et piaceuoli. La terra e abbondantissima d'ogni frutto ; vi nascono omnRes, aranci, mandorle, vua saluatica et molte altre sorti Grapes. ; >' ' M I iri ^^ y\^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) y fe V 4, C^^ i/x fe 1.0 I.I 1.25 w!ia III25 "- IIIM |4 12.0 1.4 1.8 1.6 6" m w ^7- 'm. %^ #^ 9% V (9^ /A Photographic Sciences Corporation ^^\ '^o^ ^1.^^^ ^*%\ %' >^ '^^ 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 145S0 (716) 872-4503 %^ c% y 4k Q, >c9 ^ r i i ■' 26 DISCOURSE CONCERNING Stephen Bel- linger. IL §m: d'arbori odoriferi ; la terra e detta da paesani suoi Norumbega. This coaste, from Cape Briton CC. (200) leagues to the south west, was again discovered at the chardges of the cardinall of Burbon by my frende Stephen Bellinger of Roan, the laste yere, 1583. whoe founde a towne of fourscore houses, covered with the barkes of trees, upon a rivers side, about C. leagues from the aforesaid Cape Briton. He reporteth that the contrie is of the temperature of the coaste of Gas- coigne and Guyafi. He broughte home a kinde of mynerall matter supposed to holde silver, whereof he Muske, called gavc me somo ; a kynde of muske called castor ; divers beastes skynnes, as bevers, otters, marternes, lucernes, scales, buffs, dere skynnes, all dressed, and painted on the innerside Avith divers excellent colours, as redd, tawnye, yellowe, and vermillyon, — all which thinges I sawe ; and divers other marchandize he hath which I saw not. But he told me that he had CCCC. and xl. crownes for that in Roan, which, in trifles bestowed upon the savages, stoode him not in TheMnrquea fortic crowncs. And this yere, 1584. the Marques de la Roche, *' ^ 1684. de la Roche wente with three hundreth men to inhabite in those partes, whose voyadge was over- throwen by occasion that his greatest sjiippe of CCC. tonnes was caste awaye over againste Burwage, and so the enterprize for this yere ceseth. The nature and qualitie of thother pai'te of Amer- ica from Cape Briton, beinge in 46 degrees unto the lat- itude of 52. for iij. C. leagues within the lande even to Hochelaga, is notably described in the twoo voyadges Excellent colours for dyenge. WESTERNE PLANTING. 27 of lacques Cartier. In the fifte chapiter of his sec- onde relation thus he writeth: From the 19. till the 28. of September wee sailed upp the n vev, never loos- inge one houre of tyme, all which space wee sawe as goodly a contrie as possibly coulde be wisshed for, full of cdl sortes of goodly trees, that is to say, oakes, elmes, walnut-trees, cedars, fyrres, asshes, boxe, willoughes, and greate store of vynes, all as full of grapes as coulde be, that if any of our fellowes wente on shoare, they came home laden with them. There are likewise many cranes, swannes, geese, mallardes, fesauntes, partridges, thrusshes, black birdes, turtles, finches, redd brestes, nightingales, sparrowes, with other sortes of birdes even as in Fraunce, and greate plentie and store. Againe in the xi*.'' chapiter of the said relation there ys mention of silver and golde to be upon a ryver that is three monethes saylinge, navigable southwarde from Hochelaga ; and that redd copper is yn Saguynay. All that contrie is full of sondrie sortes of woodde and many vines. There is greate store of stagges, redd dere, fallowe dere, beares, and other suclie like sorts of beastes, as conies, hares, marterns, foxes, otters, be- vers, squirrells, badgers, and rattes excedinge greate, and divers other sortes of beastes for huntinge. There are also many sortes of fowles, as cranes, swannes, outardes, wilde geese, white and graye, duckes, thrussh- es, black birdes, turtles, wilde pigeons, lynnetts, finches, redd brestes, stares, nightingales, sparrowes, and other birdes even as in Fraunce. Also, as wee have said before, the said ryver is the plentifullest of fyshe that ever hath bene seene or hearde of, because laques Car- tier. Vynes. Cylver, G.Jde, Ked copper Staggs, Dere, Beares, Conyes, Hares, Marterns, Foxes, Otters, Bevers, Squirrells, Badgers, Cranes, Swannes, Outardes, Wild geese Mallardes, Thrushes, Blackbirds, Turtles, Wilde Pigeons. 1." 'ft' ■ i ) i: m m It i; H I' !i < I Golde, and Redd copper. A Bea of freshe water. CjTQaraon, Cloves. Vasques de Coronado. Ceuola, a towne of CC houses. 28 DISCOURSE CONCERNING that from the heade to the mouthe of yt you shall findc all kinde of freshe and salte water fyshe, accord- mge to their season. There are also many whales, porposes, sea horses, and adhothuis, which is a kinde of fishe which wee have never scene nor hearde of before. And in the xii^? chapiter thus : Wee under- stoode of Donaconna and others that . . . there are people cladd with clothe as wee are, very honest, and many inhabited townes, and that ihey had greate store of golde and redde copper ; and that within the land beyonde the said firste ryver unto Hochelaga and Saguynay, ys an iland envyroned rounde aboute with that and other ryvers, and that there is a sea of freshe water founde, and, as they have hearde say of those of Saguynay, there was never man hearde of that founde oute the begynnynge and ende thereof. Finally, in the postscripte of the seconde relation, wee reade these wordcs: They of Canada saye, that it is a moones sailinge to goe to a laiide where cynamonde and cloves are gathered. And no we, because hitherto I have spoken of the outwarde coaste, I will also alledge the comodities of the inland, in the latitude of 37. degrees, about the citie of Ceuola, usinge the very wordes of Vasques de Coronado, in the thirde chapter of his Relation, writ- ten to Don Antonio di Mendoza, Viceroy of Mexico, which sente him thither with many Spaniardes and iiij. C. horses and a thousande Indians to discover those contries. He, speakinge there of the citie of Ceuola, procedeth in this manner : In questo done io sto hora alloggiato possono esserui qualche dugento 11 WESTERNE PLANTING. 29 case tutte circondate di muro, et parmi che con 1' altre die non souo cosi possono arriuare a cinquecento fuo- chi. V e vn' altra terra vicina, che e vna delle sette, ct e alquanto maggior di qucsta, et vn' altra della mede- sima grandczza di questa, et I'altre quattro sono al- quanto minori, et tutte io le mando dipinte a vostra Signoria con il viaggio, et pergamino doue va la piitura si trouo qui con altri pergamini .... hanno mantelli dipinti della maniera che io mando a vostra Signoria, non raccolgono bombaso . . . pero ne por- tano mantelli, come ella vedra per la mostra ; et e vero che si ritrouo nelle lor case certo bombaso filato : . . . et hanno delle turchine pcnso in quantitu, ... si trouaron in vna carta dne punte di smeraldi, et certe picciole pietre rotte, che tirano al color di granate, . . et altre pietre di cristallo ... si trouaron galline . . son buonissirae et maggiori che quelle di Messico. . . Si trouo buonissima herba ad vn quarto di legha di qua. . . . INIangiano le migliori tortelle che io habbia veduto in alcuna parte. . . . Hanno buonissimo sale in grano, che leuano da vn lagume che e lunghe vna giornata di qua. . . . Vi sono di molti animali, orsi, tigri, leoni, et porci spinosi, lepri, conigli, et certi castrati della gran- dezza d' un cauallo, con corni mr'to grandi et code pic- ciole. . . . Vi sono delle capr*^ saluatichc, delle quali ho veduto le teste, . . et lepclli do i cingiali. Visono cacciagioni di cerui, pardi, caurioli molto grandi . , . fanno otto giornate verso le campagne al mare di set- tentrione. Quiui sono certe pelli ben concie, et la concia et pittura gli dan doue vccidon le vncche. In Mando a vostra Sig- Bombase, Turchine, Smeraldi. Excellent salle. Shepe. excedinge proate. Apes. The Northe Sea. Oxen. If the last chapiter he addeth J .It 30 DISCOURSE CONCERNING i Hi R illpt noria vna pelle di vacca, certe turchine et duoi pen- denti d'orecchie delle medesime, et quindici pettini de gl'Indiani, et alcune tauolette guarnite di queste turchine, &c. And for a conclusion he endethe say- Goideand cnge : In questo luogo s'e trouato alquanto oro et Syiver. argcuto, chc quei che s'intendon di miniera non 1' han reputato per cattiuo. And Franciscus Lopez de Gomera, in his Generall Historic of the Indies, fol. 297. and 298. in treatinge of the seconde voyadge of Franciscus Vasques de Coronado from Ceuola to Tigues, from Tigues to Cicuic, and from Cicuic to Quiuira, saieth firste of the contrye about Tigues : Ci sono in quel paese melloni, et cottone bianco et rosso, del quale fanno piu larghi mantelli, che in altre bande delle Indie. And of Quiuira he saieth: e Quiuira in quaranta gradi, e paese temperato de bonissime acque, di molto herbatico, prugne, more, noci, meloni et vue che matu- rano benissimo ; et vestono pelle di vacche e caprioli ; uiddero per la costa navi che portavano arcatrarzes di oro et argento per le proe, con mercantie, c cre- dettoro ch'erano del Cataio et China : per che accen- navanO; che havevano nauigato trenta di. Touchinge Newefounde lande, because no man hath better searched it oute, and all the comodities thereof, then those that were there the laste yere, 1583, the space of eightene dales on lande, with Sir Humfry Gilbert, I will make rehersall thereof, as I finde it comitted to printe in a learned discourse, intituled A Trve Reporte of tlie late Discoueries and Possessyon taken in the Righto of the Crowne of England, of the L ill, WESTERNE PLANTING. 31 Newfounde Landes, &c. The wordes are these in the firste leafe: Then Sir Humfry wente to viewe the contrye, beinge well accompanied with moste of his capitaines and souldicrs. They founde the same very temperate, but somwhat warmer then England at that time of the yere, replenished with bcastes and greate store of fowle of divers kyndes, and fisshes of sondrye sortes, bothe in the salte water and in the freshe, in so greate plentie as mighte suffice to victuall an armye, and they are very easely taken. And in the fifte chapter of the said discourse I reade in this manner : But let us omitte all presumtions, ho we vehemente so- ever, and dwell upon the certentie of suchc comodities as were discovered and founde by Sir Humfry Gilbert and his assistantes in Newfoundelande, in Auguste laste ; fFor there may very easely be made pitche, tarr, rosen, sope asshes, in greate plentie, yea, as it is thoughte, ynoughe to serve the whole realme of every of these kindes r and of trayue oyle suche quantitie as if I shoulde set downe the value that they doe esteme it at, which have bene there, yt woulde seme incredible. To this in effecte agreeth that which one Stepha- nus Parmenius, a learned Hungarian, borne in Buda, and lately my bedfelowe in Oxforde, wrote unto me cute of Newfounde lande, beinge of Sir Humfryes cornpanye : Piscium (saicth he, writinge in Latin) iuex- hausta copia, inde hue commeantibus magnus quoestus. Vix hamus fundum attigit, illico insigni aliquo onus- tus est. Terra universa montana et syluestris ; arbo- res vt plurimum pinus et abietes. Herbae omnes ritcho, Tarr, Kosen, Sopo Asshes. Trayne Oyle. Stephaniis Parmenius, of liuda. Letters the last yere, in Latin, out of Ne^7i'ounde hmde. ^1 i' II II II ii C ffl , ■ > '\: m w » ■I ii ; ' f ji ' ; 1 ■• ., . • _ f (1 ■ 1 '1 at' I 82 DISCOURSE CONCERNING PyncB and Fyrres. Afterwardes they sett the woodds on fire, which bunite three weekes to- gether. Create heate in New- fouude lande in sommer. Jasjier Corte- reallR. procerae, sed raro a nostris diuerste. Natiira videtur velle niti etiam ad gcneraudum frumentum. luueni enim gramina et spicas in similitudinem secalis. Et facile cultura et satione in vsuni humanum assuefieri posse videntur. llubi in siluis vel potius fmga arbo- rescentia magna suauitate. Vrsi circa tuguria non- nunquam apparent et conficiuntur. . . . Ignotura est an aliquid metalli subsit montibus, . . . etsi aspec- tus eorum mineras latentes prte se ferat. Nos Ad- miralio authores fuimus syluas incendere, quo ad inspiciendam regionem spatium pateret ; noc displice- bat illi consilium, si non magnum incommodum alla- turum videretur. Confirmatum est enim ab idoneis hominibus, cum casu quopiam in alia nescio qua sta- tione id accidisset, septennium totum pisces non cora- paruisse, exacerbata maris vnda ex terebinthina, quae conflagrantibus arboribus per riuulos defluebat. Cce- lum hoc anni tempore ita feruidum est vt nisi pisces qui arefiunt ad solem assidui inuertantur, ab adus- tione defendi non possint. . . . Aer in terra medi- ocriter clarus est. Ad orientera supra mare perpetuae nebulae, &c. Nowe, to passe from Newfoundelande to 60. de- grees, I finde it beste described by Jasper Corterealis, in the thirde volume of the voyadges gathered by Kamusius, fol. 417. There I reade as followeth: Nella parte del mondo nuouo che corre verso Tramon- tana et maestro all' incontro del nostro habitabile dell' Europa, v' hanno nauigato multi capitani, et il prime (per quel' che si sa) fu Gasparo Cortereale Porto- ghese, die del 1500. v' ando con due carauelle, pen- WESTERNE TLANTING. 33 sando di trouar qualclie stretto di marc, donde per viaggio piu brcue, die non e 1' andare attorno I'AfF- rica, potesse passarc all' Isole dcllc Spicerie. Esso nauigo tanto auanti, che venne in luogo, done erano grandissinii freddi, et in gradi GO. di latitudiuc trouo oo degrees. vn flume carico di neue, dalla quale gli dctte il nome, chiamandolo Rio Neuado, ne gli bast() I'animo di pas- itioXovad.). sar pill auanti. Tutta questa costa, che corre dal detto Rio Neuado insiu' al porto di Maluas leglie 200. ilqual c in gradi 56. la vidde plena di genti, et molto habitato : sopra laqual dismontato prose alcuni per menargli seco, scoperse. anclio molte Isole per mezo la detta costa tutte populate, a ciascuna dclle quali diode il norae. Gli liabitauti sono huomini grandi, ben proportionati, ma alquanto bcrrettini, et si dipin- gono la faccia, et tutto il corpo con diuersi colori per Dwers cou . . . . ours. galanteria. Portano manigli d' argento et di rame, siUer. ct SI cuoprono con pelli cucitc nisieme di martori et Manori et d' altri animali diversi ; il verno le portono col pelo iiiversi. di dcntro, et la state di fuoii. II cibo loro per la niaggior parte e di pesce piu che d'alcuua altra resce. cosa, massimamente di salmoni, che n'hanno gran- Salmon. dissima copia: et anchora che vi siano diuersi sorti d'vccelli, et di frutti, nondimcno non fanno conto se non del pesce. Le loro habitationi sono fatte di Icgname, dclquale hanno abbondantia per esserui jrigiitie an.i grandissimi, ct infiniti boschi, et in luogo di tegole le cuoprono di pelli di pesci, che ne pigliano grandis- MigiitiuCishe. simi, et gli scorticano. Vidde molti vccelli, et altri animali, massimamente orsi tutti bianchi. H\H\ II •I •I . I' (^ P jmh . ! 84 DISCOURSE CONCERNING I- The reste of this coaste from 60. to 63. ia described by Frobisher, and in freshc mernorye, so that I shall not nede to make repetition thereof. Thus, havingc aileagcd many printed tcstymonies of these credible persons, which were personally betwene 30. and 63. degrees in America, as well on the coaste as within the lande, which affirmed unto the princes and kinges which sett them oute, that they founde there goldc, silver, copper, leade, and perles in aboundnunce; precious stones, as turqueses and emrauldes ; spices and druggs, as pepper, cynamon, cloves, rubarb, mnske called castor, turpentine ; silke wormcs, fairer then ours of Europe ; wliite and redd cotten ; infinite multi- tudes of all kinde of bcastes, with their tallowe and A siiisuUr hides dressed and undressed ; cochenilio, founde laste (or iiyiMi^'e of ycrc by the men oi St. John de Luze, and many other kindes of coulours for clothinge ; millions of all kindes of fowles for foode and fethers ; salte for fissh- inge ; excellent vines in many places for wines ; the soile apte to beare olyves for oile ; all kindes of frutes, as oranges, almondes, filberdes, figges, plomes, mul- beries, raspis, pomi appij, melons ; all kinde of odorif- erous trees and date trees, ci presses, cedars, bayes, sapines, hony and waxe; and in New founde lande aboundaunce of pynes and firr trees, asshes, and other like, to make mastes and deale boordes, pitche, tarr, Thiiipcs inci- rosen ; and hempe for cables and cordage ; and, upp navy. witliiu the Gv .uudc Baye, excedinge quantitie of all kynde of precious furres (whereof I sawe twentie thousande French crownes worthe the laste yere broughte to Paris to T^aleron Perosse and Mathewe ckifiie. rinucks for shipps. Dares. WESTERNE PLANTING. 35 Graincr, the kingcs skynners) ; also, suche aboun- daunce of trayne oile to make sope, and of fishe as a Sope ashes, third part of Europe ys furnished therc^' li, — I may well and truly conclude with reason and autlioritie, that all the comoditics of all our olde decayed and daungerous trades in all Europe, Africa, and Asia haunted by us, may in shorte space for little or noth- inge, and many for the very workemanshippe, in a manner be had in that part of America which lieth betwcne 30. and 60. degrees of northerly latitude, if by our slacknes we suffer not the Frenche or others rrovontinn to ho taken to prevente us. tede of. ( II 1 1 II l> »l C ii ; I: i I . e«| Hi 86 DISCOURSE CONCERNING I Cap. IV. Qll]ai tliia eutorprizo will be for the manifoldo ymploynicnt of nom- bers of idle men, and for bredingo of many sufRcient, and for utteraiuico of tho greato quantitlo of tbo comoditios of our roalmo. It is well worthe the observation to see . d con- sider what the like voyadges of discovcrye and plant- inge in the Easte and Weste Indies hath wroughtc in the kingdomes of Portingale and Spayne ; bothe which rcalmes, bcinge of themselves poore and bar- ren and hardly able to susteine their inhabitaunts, by their discoveries have founde suche occasion of employmcnte, that these many yercs we have not herde scarcely of any pirate of those twoo nations ; whereas wee and the Frenche are moste infamous for our outeragious, common, and daily piracies. Againe, when hearde wee almoste of one theefe amongest them 1 The reason is, that by these, their newe discoveries, they have so many honest wayes to set them on worke, as they rather wante men then meanes to ymploye them. But Avee, for all the stat- utes that hitherto can be devised, and the sharpe execution of the same in poonishinge idle and lazye persons, for wante of sufficient occasion of honest employmente, cannot deliver our commonwealthe from multitudes of loytercrs and idle vagabondes. Truthe it is, that throughe our longe peace and sel- WESTEIINE PLANTING. 37 dome sicklies (twoo singulcr blossingcs of Alniiglitie God) wee are growcn more populous than ever here- tofore ; 80 that rowe tliere are of every arte and science so many, that they can hardly lyve one by another, nay rather they are readie to catc upp one another ; yea many thousandes of idle persons are mip porsons miitj'iioiifi, within this realme, which, havinge no way to be sett "!"' '''?'■■«. ' '-' •' altt'ratiua in on worke, be either mutinous and seeke alteration ^''^s'^'a. in the state, or at leaste very burdensome to the com- mopwealthe, and often fall to pilfcringc and thevinge and other Icwdnes, whereby all the prisons of the lande are daily pestred and stuffed full of them, wliere either they pitifully pyne awaye, or els at lengthe are miserably hanged, even xx*'. at a clappe oute of some one jayle. Whereas yf this voyadge were put in execution, these pety theves miglite be Aromcdvto ^ . all these in- condempncd for certen yeres in the westerne partes, couvoincuccs. especially in Newefounde lande, in sawingc and fcll- inge of tymber for mastes of shippes, and deale boordes ; in burninge of the firrcs and pine trees to make pitche, tarr, rosen, and sope ashes ; in beatinge and workinge of hempe for cordage ; and, in the more soutlierne partes, in settinge them to worko in mynes of golde, silver, copper, leade, and yron ; in dragginge for pcrles and currall; in plan tinge of suger canes, as the Portingales have done in Madera; in mayneteyn- aiince and increasinge of silkc wormes for silke and in dressinge the same ; in gatheringe of cotton whereof there is plentie ; in tillinge of the soilc there for graine ; in dressinge of vines whereof there is greate aboun- daunce for wyne ; olyves, whereof the soile ys capable, :.i II ) I II • < c (! I > I ' ,»!.' * !Ji« •jtv M'. M M m t fi ^ « a 38 DISCOURSE CONCERNING for oyle ; trees for oranges, lymons, almondes, figges, and other frutes, all which are founde to growe there already ; in sowinge of woade and madder for diers, as the Portingales have don in the Azores ; in dress- inge of raw hides of divers kindes of beastes ; in maki ige and gatheringe of salte, as in Rochel and Ba}'^n, which may serve for the newe iande fissh- inge ; in killingc the whale, scale, porpose, and whirlepoola for trayne oile ; in fisshinge, saltinge, and dryenge of linge, codde, salmon, berringe ; in makinge and gatheimge of hony, waxe, turpentine ; in hewinge and shapinge of stone, as marble, jeate, christail, freestone, which will be goodd balaste for our shippes homcwardes, and after serve for noble buildinges ; in makinge of caske, oares, and all other manner of staves ; in buildinge of fortes, townes, churches ; in powdringe and barrellinge of fishe, fowles, and fleshe, which will be notable provision for sefi and Iande ; in dryenge, sortinge, and packinge of felher ., whereof may be had there marvelous greate quantitie. Besides this, such as by any kinde of infirmitie cannot passe the seas thither, and now are chardge- able to the realme at home, by this voyadge slial be made profitable members, by empioyinge them in England in makinge of a thousande triflinge thiuffes, which will be very goodd marchandize for those contries where wee shall have moste ample vente thereof. And seinge the savages of the Graunde Baye, and all aloiige the mightie ryver that ronneth upp to I! WESTERNE PLANTING. 39 Canada and Hochelaga, are greately delighted with any cappe or garment made of course Avollen clothe, their contrie bcinge colde and sharpe ''n the winter, yt is manifesto wee shall finde greate uttcraunce of our clothes, especially of our coursest and basest northerne doosens, and our Irishe and "VVelshe frizes and rugges ; whereby all occupations belongingc to clothinge and knittinge shalbe freshly sett on worke, as cappers, knitters, clothiers, wollmen, carders, spyn- ners, weavers, fullers, shoremen, dyers, drapers, hat- ters, and such like, whereby many decayed townes may be repaired. In somme, this enterprice will roynistei matter for all sortcs and states of men to worke upon ; namely, all severall kindes of artificers, husbandmen, seamen, niarchauntes, souldiers, capitaines, phisitions, lawyers, devincs, cosmographers, hidrographers, astronomers, historiographers ; yea, olde folkes, lame persons, 'vomen, and younge children, by many mcanes which hereby shall still be mynistred unto them, shalbe kcpte from idlenes, and be made able by their owne honest and easie labour to finde themselves, withoute surchardginge others. For pro-)fe of the laste parte of my allegation I v/ill use but onely this one ex- ample followinge. In the yere of f^m Lorde 1564. at what tyme the Flemishe nation were growen, as yt were, to the fulnes of their wealthe and to the heighte of their pride, and not remembringe what wonderfull gaine they had yerely by the woUes, clothes, and comodities of Eng- land, beganne to contempne our nation and to rejecte '('3 f ■ tyj' ?^ 40 DISCOURSE CONCERNING our clothes and comodities, a subjocte of the then twoo Erles of Emden, a man of gieatc observation, wrote a notable discourse to the younge erles, to take occasion of that present tyme by offer of large privi- ledgcs in Emden to the Englishe men. In which dis- course, the said subjecte, for the better inducemente of the said twoo younge erles, dothe write of his owne knowledge, as he in his discourse affirmeth, and as also by his reporte appcreth in the 2'2d booke of Sleydans Comentaries, that, anno 1550. Charles the Fifte, then Emperour, would have had the Span- ishe Inquisition broughte into Andwerpe and into the Nethcrlandes ; whereaboute there was moche adoe, and that neither the sute of the towne of Andwerpe, nor the requeste of their frendes, could perswade the Emperour from it, till at the laste they tolde him playnely, that if the Inquisition came into Andwerpe and the Netherlandes, that the Englishe marchantes woulde departe oute of the towne and oute of his contrics ; and upon declaration of this suggesuon, searche was made what profite there came and comoditie grewe by the haunte of the Englishe mar- chantes. Then was it founde by searche and enquirie, that within the towne of Andwerpe alone, there were fourtcne thousandc persons fedde and maynetcyned oncly by the workinge of Englishe commodities, besides the gaines that marchantes and shippers with other in the said towne did gott, which was the great- est parte of their lyvinge, which were thoughte to be in nombcr halfe as many more ; and in all other places of his Netherlandes by the indrapinge of Englishe WESTERN E PLANTING. 41 woll into clothe, and by the workinge of other Eng- lishe comodities, there were thirtie thousande per- sons more mayneteyned and fedd ; which in all amoiintcth to the nomber of Ij.M. persons. And this was the reporte that was gcven to this mightie Em- perour whereby the towne of Andwerpe and the Ncthcrlandes were saved from the Inquisition. And in the ende of the 45th article of the same discourse, also, he setteth down by particuler accompte howe the Gubjectes of the same Emperour in the Nether- landes dyd gainc yerely onely by the woll and wollen six hundred thousand clothe that came echo yere oute of England, almoste pounde '' _ " f^ayned yere- vi. C. M" I say almoste sixe hundreth thousande \Y}^y ^^"s- •' lishe wolles. poundes sterlinge, besides the gaines thev had for sondry other thinges, that were of marvelous somcR. No we if her Majestic take these westerne discov- eries in hande, and plante there, yt is like that in shorte time wee shall vente as greate a masse of clothe yn those partes as ever wee did in the Nether- landcs, and in tyrae moche more ; which was the opinion of that excellent man, Mr. Iloberte Thorne, 4 extante in printe in the laste leafe savinge one of his discourse to Doctor Lea, embassador for King Henry the Eighte, in Spaine, with Charles the Emperour, whose wordes are these : And althoughe (saieth he) wee wente not' into the said ilandes of spicerye, for that they are the Emperours or Kinges of Portingale, wee shoulde by the way, and comynge once to the lyne equinoctiall, finde landes no lesse riche of golde and spicerie, as all other landes are under the said lyne equiaocticall ; and also shoulde, yf wee ma/ «i 41 ii I' r 1, I n « lii w^ i 42 DISCOURSE CONCERNING passe under the northe, enjoye the navigation of all Tartarye, which shoukl be no lesse profitable to our comodities of clothe, then those spiceries to the Emperour and Kinge of Portingale. This beinge soe, yt coiueth to passe, that whatso- ever clothe wee shall vento on the tracte of that firme, or in the ilandes of the same, or in other landes, ilandes, and territories beyonde, be they within the circle articke or withoute, all these clothes, I say, are to passe oute of this realme full wroughte by our naturall subjectes in all di ^'rees of labour. And if it come aboute in tyme that wee shall vente that masse there that wee vented in the Base Contrics, which is hoped by greate reason, then shall all that clothe passe oute of this realme in all degrees of labour full wroughte by the poore naturall subjectes of this realme, like as the quantitie of our clothe dothe passe that goeth hence to Russia, Barbaric, Turkye, Persia, &c. And then consequently it followeth, that the like nomber of people alleaged to the Emperour shal be sett on worke in England of our poore subjectes more then hath bene ; and so her Majestic shall not be troubled with the pitefull outecryes of cappers, knyt- ters, spynners, &c. And on the other side wee are to note, that all the comodities wee shall bringe thence, wee shall not bringe them wroughte, as wee bringe now the comodi- ties of Fraunce and Flaunders, &c., but shall receave them all substaunces unwroughte, to the ymploymente of a wonderfull multitude of the poore subjectes of this realme in returne. And so to conclude, what in WE8TERNE PLANTING. 43 the nomber of thinges to goe oute >vi'oughte, and to come in unwroughte, there node not one poore creature to steale, to starve, or to bcgge as they doe. And to answer objections ; where fooles for the Objection, swarminge of beggers alleage that the realme is too populous, Salomon saieth, that the honour and Aunswer. strengthe of a prince consisteth in the multitude of the '*' people. And if this come aboute, that worke may be had for the multitude, where the realme hath nowe one thousande for the defence thereof, the same may have fyve thousande. For when people knowe howe to live, and howe to mayneteyne and feedc their wyves and children, they will not abstaine from mariage as nowe they doe. And the soile thus aboundinge with come, flesho, mylke, butter, cheese, herbcs, rootes, and frutes, &c., and the seas that envyron the same so infynitely aboundinge in fishe, I dare truly afhrme, that if the nomber in this realme were as greate as all Spaine and Ffraunce have, the people beingc indus- trious, I say, there shouldc be foundc victualls ynoughe at the full in all bounty to suffice then all. And takinge order to cary hence thither our clothes made in hose, coates, clokes, whoodes, &c., and to returne thither hides of their owne bcastcs, tanned and turned into shoes and bootes, and other skynnes of goates, whereof they have store, into gloves, &c., no doubte but wee shall sett on worke in this realme, besides sailers and suche as shalbe seated there in those westerne discovered contries, at the leaste C. M. sub- joctes, to the greate abatinge of the goodd estate of subjectes of forreine princes, enemies, or doubtfull f i: «> It It if I' (! '■]: fjik. '^'^: ^ I" « r 1. i «' 'M 1' 1 < » 1 1 « 1 * ■ l> T T^ i 1 m 46 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 1 i 1 1 1 1 k 1 ' twoo yeres past, as Mr. Jenynges and Mr. Smithe, the master and master's mate of the shippe called the Toby, belonginge to Bristowe, infourmed me, and many of the chefcst merchauntes of that citie, whereof they had particuler advertisement at Cadiz in Spaine a little before by them that were in the same flete the selfe same yere, and were in person driven upon the same coaste, and sawe the people, which they re- ported to be bigge men, somewhat in makinge like the Hollanders, and lighted on a towne upon a ryvers side, which they aihrmcd to be above a quarter of a mile in lengthe. Besides the current, it is also a thinge withoute controversie, that all southerne and south esterne windes inforce the Spanishe flete return- inge home nere or upon the aforcsaide coaste, and consequently will bringe them into our daunger, after wee shalbe there strongly setled and fortified. Wee are moreover to understande that the savages of Florida are the Spaniardes mortall enemyes, and wilbe ready to joyne with us againste them, as they joyned with Capitaine Gourgues, a Gascoigne, whoe beinge but a private man, and goinge thither at his owne chardges, by their aide wonne and rased the three small fortes, which the Spaniardes aboute xx" yeres agoe had planted in Florida after their traiter- ous slaughter of John Ribault ; which Gourgues slewe, and hanged upp divers of them on the same trees whereon the yere before they had hanged the Frenche. Yea, one Holocotcra, brother to one of the kinges of the savages, leapingc upp on an highe place, with his owne handes slewe a Spanishe canon- WESTERNE PLANTING. 47 ier as he was puttinge fire to a peco of ordynaunce ; which storye is at large in printe sett furthe by Mon- sieur Poplynier in his book intituled Trois Mondes. Also, within the lande on the northe side of Nova Hispania, there is a people called Chichimici, which arc bigg and stronge men and valiaunte archers, which have contynuall warres with the Spaniardes, and doe greately annoye them. The Spanishe histories which I have reade, and other late discourses, make greate mention of them. Yea, Myles Phillipps, whoe was xiiij. yeres in those partes, and presented his whole travell in writinge to her Majestic, confesseth this to be moste certaine. Nowe if wee (beinge thereto provoked by Spanishe injuries) woulde either joyne with these savages, or sonde or give them armor, as the Spaniardes arme our Irishe rebells, wee shoulde trouble the Kinge of Spaine more in those partes, then he hath or cai> trouble us in Ireland, and holde him at suche a bay as he was never yet helde at. For if (as the aforesaide Miles Phillipps writeth) yt be true, that one negro which fledd from his cruell Spanishe master is receaved and made capitaine of multitudes of the Chichimici, and daily dothe grcvously afflicte them, and hath almoste enforced them to leave and abandon their silver mynes in those quarters, what domage mighte divers hundreds of Englishe men doe them, beinge growen once into familiaritie with that valiaunte nation. And this is the greatest feare that the Spaniardes have, to witt, our plantinge in those partes and joyn- 1 1 tl a 1 1 %\ II >l !■ 1 <: 1 1 1 t r 1. J •I m 1 1 t^ it « 1 1 ^ T ii 48 DISCOURSE CONCERNING I inge with those savages, their neighbours, in Florida, and on the northc side of Nova Hispania. Which thinge an Enghshe gentleman, Capitaine MufFett, whoe is novve in Fraunce, tolde divers tymes this laste winter in my hearinge and others of credite, namely, that when he was in Spaine, prisoner, not longe since, he hearde the threasurer of the West Indies say, that there was no suche way to hinder his master, as to plante upon the coaste nerc unto Florida, from whence by greate ryvers any man mighte casely passe farr upp into the lande, and joyne with his encmyes, whereof he stoode in contynuall fcare ; and said moreover, that that was the occasion why suche crueltie was used towardes John llibaulte and his companie upon his seekinge to settle there. Fynally, if wee liste not to come so nere Florida, this is a matter of no small momente, that if we Thebenefite fortifio oursolves abouto Cape Briton, nere Newfounde ai)(>ute Capo land, partcW by the strengthe of our fortification, and lirvton or n n m Newfounde partely by the aide of our navye of fnshermen, winch are already comaunders of others there, havinge our double forces thus joyned together, wee shalbc able upon every soudden to cease upon one or twoo hun- dretli Spanishe and Portingale shipps, which for tenne wcekes or three monethcs are there on fisshinge every yere. This I say will be suche a bridle to him and suche an advauntage unto us, as wee cannot possibly ymagine a greater. And thus the Frenche served them in the time of Mounsieurs beinge in Flaundeis, caryenge awaye oute of some harborowes three or foure Spanishe and Portingale shippes at ones; and WE8TERNE FLAMING. 49 more they wouldc have taken, if our Englishmen, and, uanicly, one of myne acquaintuunce of Ratclife, had not defended them. And hither of necessitic they muste yerely repaire, beingc not able to make their provision for land and sea of fishe in any place els, excepte on the coaste of Ireland, and at Cape Blanckc in Africa, which twoo are nothinge worthe in com- parison of this thu'de place. So shall wee be able to crye quittaunce with the Kinge of Spaine if he shoulde goe aboute to make any generidl arreste of our navye, or rather terrific him from any such enterpryse, when he shall bcthincke himself that his navye in Newfounde lande is no lesse in our duunger, tlieu ours is in his domynions where- soever. *?' H I < ! * « j, i •• tM li * It *i 60 DISCOURSE CONCERNING Cap. M. QTIjflt tlio miscliefo tliat tlio Iiidinn trcftsiire wronglito in time of Cliiirlos tiic lato Einpciror, fatiier to tlio Spmiisho kiiiije, is to be liad in considonition of tho Qiioens niosto excellent ]Muje8tie, leasto tho contynuall coinyngo of tho like treasure from thence to his sonne, worke tho unrecoverable annoye of this realrae, whereof already wo have had very daun^er- 0U8 experience. It is written in the xxx'l" article of the discourse before specified, dedicated to the twoo youngo Erles of Emdcn, as foUoweth, verbatim : With this grcate treasure did not the Emperour Charles gett from the French Kinge the Kingdome of Naples, the Duke- dome of Myllaine, and all other his domynions in Italy, Lombardy, Pyemont, and Savoye? With this treasure did he not take the Pope prisoner, and sack the sea of Rome ? With this treasure did he not take the Frenche Kinge prisoner, and mayneteyne all the greate warres with Fraunce since the yere of our Lorde 1540.to the yere of our Lord 1560. as is declared in the 12.and 13. article of his booke ? With this treas- ure hath he not mayneteyned many cities in Italic, as well againste the Pope as againste the Frenr-he Kinge, as Parma, Florence, and such other? With this treasure did he not overthrowe the Duke of Cleave, and take Gilderland, Groyningelande, and other domynions from him, which oughte to be a goode warninge to you all, as it shall be most plainely WESTEnNE PLANTING. 51 and truly declared hereafter ! With this treasure did he not gett into his handes the Erldomc of Lingen in Westfalia ? With this treasure did he not cause the Eric of Esones, your subject, to rebel! againste your Graces father and againste you? The cause you knowc best. And what worke this treasure made amongest the princes and townes in Germany, when the Duke of Saxony and the Launtzgrave Van llessen were taken, Sleydan, our owne countryman, by his Chronicle dcclareth at large. And did not this treasure, named the Burgundishe asse, walke and ronne in all places to make bothe warr and peace at pleasure i And tookc he nothinge from the Emph'c then ? Yes, truly, to moche, as you shall heare. When the Emperor Charles was firste made Emperour, what were the townes and contrics in the Netherlandes that justly or properly came to him by birthe and inhoritaunce ? There was Brabant, Flaunders, Holland, Zcland, Artoys, and Ilenego. And yet there is a greate question concerninge Holland, howe the Emperour Charles nud his progenitors came by yt, anl what homage and duetic they oughte to doe for the same ; because thereby the house of Burgundy hath the mouthe of the lliver of llhenc at their commaundc- mentc, which is to the greate losse, domage, and daun- ger of Germanye, as hereafter shalbe declared. Here be all the contries that belonged to the house of Burgundio when the Emperour Charles was made Em- perour. But howe moche hath bene added to the Netherlandes since by him, contrary to his oathe made] That are these townes and contries, as yt appereth in m <; II • ' .1 i » (1 > •' M 1^ ■ r *< mrrr 52 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 1 1 Slcydans Chronicle ; viz., Lutzenburge, Lymcburgo, Geldorlande, the Erldome of Sutphen, the Citie and Straite of Vtiight, with all the landes in Over Isel, West Frizeland, the Citie of Groninge, and Groininge lande. And, as before it is saied, he hath by pollicie gotten into his handes the Erldome of Lingen, stand- inge in Westfalia ; and by the like pollicie, with money, he ie become the defender of the Erledome of Esons, which is parcell of your Graces countrie of East Frize- land. All these contries and townes, with the treasure of the Netherlandes, hath he taken from the Empire. Thus farr proccdetb this excellent man in describ- inge howc Charles the Emperour employed his treas- ure to the afHictinge and o})pressiagc of moste of the greatest estates of Christendomc. The effecte of these treasures which he had oute of the West Indies, Peter Martir of Anglcria, in the epistle dedicatory of his Decades to the said Errperour Charles, truly prog- nosticated in the begynnynge, before hande, where he writeth <^hus unto him : Come therefore and embrace this newe vorlde, and suffer us no longer to consume in desire of your presence. From hence, from henc3 (I say), moste noble yoo.nge Prince, shall instrumentes be prepared for you whereby all the worlde slialbe under your obeysauuce. And in very deedc it is moste apparaunte that riches are the fittest instrumentes of conqueste, and that the Emperour turned them to that use. To leave the father and to come to the sonne, hath KinfreDiii- not Kiugc Plullippe employed his treasure as injuri- o't?mi'";y ws ously to all princes and potentates of Europe ? Is it treasures. WESTERNE PLANTING. 53 not he that with his Indian treasure corruptc "■ he Qubi- queviri in Portingale, that in the interregnum wore appointed overseers of the comon wealthe, and so hath joyned that kingdome to his, with all the ilandes, townes, and domynions bclonginge to that crowne? Is it not he that with his treasure hath gon aboute to liier some ungodlye murderer to m.ake away with Don Antonio, one while by open proclamation, and another while sotto capo, under hande ? Is it not ho that by his treasure hatlie hired at sondry times the sonncs of Ecliall to bereve the Prince of Orange of his life ? And hath he not suborned by hope of rewarde other moste ungodly persons to lay violent handes upon otl)or Christian princes'' Hath not he these many yercs geven large pensions to nomber3 of Englishe unnatuvall rcbelles ? Dothe he not supporte the semynaries of Rome and Ilhemes to be thorncs in the sides of their owne comon wealthes] Hath not he divers tvmes sente forren forces into Ireland, furnished with money, armor, munition, and victunlls? Hath not he sente rounde somes of money into Scotland, bothe to the Kingo and those that are aboute him, to alter the estate there and to trouble euros ] And is it not knowen that this Spanishe fsse rometh upp and downe laden throughe all Frauncc, and, when it coulde not enter into the papistcs g.ites, yt hath soughte to enter into the courtes of the princes of the Kolligion, to renewe the late intermitted civile warres ? What it hath done and nowe dothe in all the Empire and the Lowe Contries, and is like to worke in other places unlesse speedy order be taken to hinder it, { I M^ 1 1 1 1 c 1 1 i; % II* «; ! [ 1 ,- 1 It i* 1 1 ii 1 ! M • ' I n 4^1 rr i 54 DISCOURSE CONCERNING is described at large by Mounsieur de Aldegonnde, a Germaine gentleman, in a pithie and moste earnest exhortation (extant in Latine, Italian, Frenche, Eng- lishe, and Duche) concerninge the estate of Chris- tendome, together with the meanes to defende and preserve the same, dedicated to all Christian kinges, princes, and potentates. i WESTERNE PLANTING. 55 mi ,M ]^ H tUI]Clt speciall meanes may bringe Kingo Pliillippe from his higlie Cap. VII, throne, aud make liim equall to the princes his neighboures ; wherewithal! is shewed his weakenes in the West Indies. SitBtt, it is to be considered that his domynions and teiritorics oute of Spaine lye fan* distant from Spaine, his chefest force; and farr distante one from another ; and are kepte by greate tyrannic ; and quos metuunt oderunt. And the people kepte in subjection desire nothinge more then freedome. And like as a little passage given to water, it maketh his owne way; so give but a small mcane to suche kepte in tyranie, they will make their owne way to libertie ; which way may easely be made. And entringe into the considera- tion of the way how this Pliillippe may be abased, I mcane firste to begynne with the AVest Indies, as there to laye a chefe foundation for his overthrowe. And like as the foundation of the strongest holde undormyned and removed, the mightiest and strongest wallcs fall flatt to the earthe ; so this prince, spoiled or intercepted for a while of his treasure, occasion by lacke of the same is geven that all his territories in Europe oute of Spaine slide from him, and the Moores enter into Spaine it selfe, and the people revolte in every forrein territorie of his, and cutt the throates of the proude hatefull Spaniardes, their governours. For this Phillippe already owinge many millions, and of w*' r:* ii' '-'^ " i '\'r.%'i %.■ f In <;■' i <;■ ^ \ « t II 1 1 • I • ■ c *- m til A. III 66 DISCOURSE CONCERNING late ycrcs empaired in credite, bothe by lacke of abilitie of longe tyme to pay the same, and by his shameful losse of his Spaniardes and dishonors in the Lowe Gentries, and by lacke of the yerely renewe of his revenewe, he shall not be able to wage his severall garrisons kepte in his severall frontiers, terri- tories, and places, nor to corrupte in princes courtes, nor to doe many feates. And this weyed, wee are to knowe what Phillip ys in the West Indies ; and that wee be not abused with Spanish braggs, and made to beleve what he is not ; and so, drawcn into vain fcare, suffer fondly and childishly our owne utter spoile. And therefore wee are to understande that Phillippe rather governeth in the West Indies by opinion, then by mighte ; ffor the small manred of Spainc, of itself beinge alwaycs at the best slenderly peopled, was never able to rule so many regions, or to kepe in sub- jection such worldes of people as be there, were it not for the error of the Indian people, that thincke he is that he is not, and that doe ymagine that Phillippe hath a thousande Spaniardes for every single naturall subjccte that he hath there. And like as the Romaynes, allured hither into Britaine, porced the Hand, and planted here and there in the mouthes of rivers and upon straites, and kepte colonies, as at Westchester upon the River of Dee, at York upon the River of Owse, and upon the Rivers of Thames and Severne, and yet in truthe never enioyed more of the contries rounde aboute then the Englishe, planted at Bulloine and Calicc, did of the Frenche soile adjoyninge, nor in effecte had the Brittishe nation at comaundement ; even WESTERNE PLANTING. 57 so hath the Spaniarde perced the Indies, and planted here and there very thinlye and slenderlyc, witho;ite havinge the Indian multitude in subjection, or in their townes and fortes any nomber to holde any of them againste the meanest force of a prince ; so as in truthe the Spaniarde ys very weake there. And it is knowen to Sir Fraunces Drake, and to ]Mr. Hawkins, and Miles Phillipps (which Miles lyved xiiij. yeres in Nova Spania), and to dyvcrs others of her Majesties sub- jectcs besides that have been there, that the ilandes there abounde with people and nations that rejecte the proude and bluddv government of the Spaniarde, and that doe mortally hate the Spaniarde. And they also knowe that the Moores, and suche as the Span- iardcs have broughte thither for the mynes and for slavery, have fledd from them into the inlandes, and of them selves maineteine in many places frontier warres againste the Spaniarde, and many tymes so prevaile, and especially of late, that the Spaniardes have bene inforced to sonde the Spanishe marchauntes them selves into the warres, althoughe yt be againste the special privledges graunted by Charles, the late Empcrour, to the marchauntes, as may plainely appere by Spanishe marchauntes letters taken by Sir Fraunces Drake passinge in the sea of Sur towarde Panama, to be conveyed into Spaine. And it is thoughte that Sir Fraunces Drake and some other Englishe are of so greate credite with the Symerons and with those that mayneteyne those frontier warrs, that he mighte, bringinge thither a fewe capitaines and some of our meaner souldiers late trayned in the Base Gentries, !"|lf •1 : 1 ' 'i 1 1 1 1 II c »> ■u^ m . M M 58 DISCOURSE CONCERNING iii 'it with archers and lighte furniture, &c., bringe to passe that, joyninge with those inland people, Kinge Phil- lippe mighte cither be deprived of his governemente there, or at the leaste of the takinge of his yerely benefite of the mynes. Thus with small chardgc and fewe men, nowe and then renewinge this matter by a few sailes to be sent thither for the comforte of suche as shalbe there resident, and for the incouragemente of the Symerons, greater effecte may followe then by meetinge with his golden flcte, or by takinge of his treasures once or twisc at the sea ; for by this meanes, or by a platforme well to be sett downe, England may enjoye the benefite of the Indian mynes, or at the leaste kepe Phillippe from possessinge the same. Hereunto yf wee adde our purposed westerne dis- coveries, and there plante and people ryally, and for- tifie strongly, and there builde shippes and maineteine a navy in special porte or portes, wee may by the same either encounter the Indian fleete, or be at hande as it were to yelde freshe supplye, courage, and comforte, by men or munition, to the Chichimici and the Syme- rons and suche other as shalbe incited to the spoile of the mynes ; which in tyme will, if it be not looked to, bringe all princes to weake estate, that Phillippe, either for relligion or other cause, dothe hate ; as the aforesaide Monsieur de Aldegond, in his pithie and moste earneste exhortation to all Christian kinges, princes, and potentates to beware of Kinge Phillipps ambitious growinge, dothe wisely and moste provi- dently forwame. To this may be added (the realme swarming with WESTERN E PLANTING. 59 lustie youthes that be turned to no profitable use), there may be scnte bandes of them into the Base Con- tries in more rounde nombers then are sente as yet. lYor if he presently prevaile there, at our doores, farewell the traficque that els wee may have there (whereof wise men can say moche). And if he settle there, then let the realme saye adewe to her quiet state and safetie. If these enter into the due consideration of wise men, and if platformos of these thinges be sett downe and executed duelye and with spede and efFecte, no doubte but the Spanishe empire falles to the grounde, and the Spanishe kinge shall be lefte bare as Aesops proude crowe ; the peacocke, the perot, the pye, and the popingey, and every other birde havinge taken home from him his gorgeous fethers, he will, in shorte space, become a laughinge stocke for all the worlde ; with such a mayme to the Pope and to that side, as never hapned to the sea of Rome by the practise of the late Kinge of famous memory, her Ma- jesties father, or by all the former practises of all the Protestant princes of Germanic, or by any other advise layde downe by Monsieur de Aldegond, here after by them to be put in execution. If you touche him in the Indies, you touche the apple of his eye ; for take away his treasure, which is nenms belli, and which he hath almoste oute of his West Indies, his olde bandes of souldiers will soone be dissolved, his purposes defeated, his power and strengthe dimin- ished, his pride abated, and his tyranie utterly sup- pressed. i I » > <: c il m « « 8» 60 DISCOURSE CONCERNING Cap. VIII. (2[!l]CU the lymites of the Kiiigo of Spuinos flomynions in the "West Indies be notliingo so largo as is generally ymagined and surmized, neither those partes wliieh he holdeth ho of any such forces as is fal.sly geven oute by the Popisho clergie and others his fautors, to territie the princes of tlie relligiun and to abuse and blynde them. ^S tfjC Secretary of Don /Vntonio, Kingc of Portin- gale, called Custodio Etan, toldc me lately at Paris, that the Portingales never had in Guinea, Bresill, and all the Easte Indies above twelve thonsande Portin- gale souldiers whensoever they had moste, which was confirmed by one of the Kinges capitaincs borne in Goa, then presente ; and that they governed rather by gevinge oute of greate rumors of power and by secre- cie, then by any greate force which they had in deedc ; so the like is to be proved of the Kinge of Spaine in his West Indies ; ffor he beinge in those partes ex- cedinge weake hath nothinge such nombers of people there as is geven oute, neither doe his domynions stretche so far as by the ignoraunte ys ymagined ; which hereby easely may appere, seinge he hath no one towne or forte in actuall possession in all Nova Hispania to the northe of the Tropick of Cancer, which standeth in 'J3. degrees and an halfe, excepte the towne of St. Helen and one or twoo small fortes in Florida ; ffor as it is in the mappe of Culiacan, sett oute twoo yeres paste with all diligence by Ortelius, II "m WESTERNE PLANTING. 61 Saiuctc Michael ys the furthest townc nothwarde on the backside of America, and Panuco and Villa Sancti Jacobi are the moste northerly colonies upon the Bay of Mexico that the Spaniardcs inhabite ; as the aforcsaide Ortelius witncsseth in his mapp of those i)artcs sett oute this prcsente yere, 1584 ; which three towncs above named are under or within the Tropicke of Cancer. And so the Kinge of Spaine liath no footinge bevonde the said troi)icke ; which is contrary to the opinion of the vulgar sorte, which ymagine, and by some are borne in handc, that all is his from the equinoctiall as farr as the landc stretch- eth towardes tlie pooles. Againe, that parte from the equinoctiall to the southe ys not inhabited by the Spaniarde any further then unto the Tropicke of Capricorne, as ys to be scene by the mappe of Peru this presente yere, 1584. published by Ortelius ; neither is it peopled by the Spaniardes to any purpose savinge oncly alonge the sea coaste. And howe weake they are there, and what simple shippinge they have, and howe daily they be afflicted by tlie inhabitauntes. Sir Fraunces Drake can tell, and the letters by him intercepted doe declare. One Peter Benzo de INlillano, which was fourtene yeres in those partes, writeth, that they holde greate townes, some with tcnne, some with sixe, some with foure, and some with twoo souldiers, and that they comaunded that all the Italians, whome they called Levantines in contempte, shoulde dcparte those contries, fearinge they shoulde reveale their nakednes to the worlde, and encourage others to sett in foot- inge there. 'tij ;' m M m ? •I « pr 62 DISCOURSE CONCERNINO l!H 11 )' N tl « The example of Autigonus. Seinge then they suffer no people of Europe to in- habite there savinge onely Spauiardes, any reasonable man that knowcth the barcnes, desolation, and wantc of men in Spainc, together with these eightene yores civill warres that hath wasted so many thousandes of them in the Lowe Gentries, muste nodes confosse that they have very simple forces there. The prov- inces which he holdcth are indeedo many, yet more denuded than ever was any empire since the creation of the worlde. Some of his contrics are dis])eopled, some barron, some so far asondcr, also hcldc by ty- ranie, that in dccde upon the due consideration of the matter, his mighte and grcatcncs is not suche as prima facie yt may seme to be. And wearc yt not that he doth possesse suche a masse of treasure oute of the Indies, -the Frenche kinge, of one onely kingdome, with his onely people of Fraunce, were able to drive him oute of all his domynions that he hath in the worlde. It is written that Antigonus, beinge to fighte againste certaine of his enemyes, they appered a farr of to be so huge and mightie, that his souldiers were halfe afraied to encounter them ; but, beinge incour- aged by his valour, they eascly overthrewe them in a conflicte ; whereof he stripped one or twoo, which, beinge turned oute of their bombasted and large apparcll, were in deede but very weakclingcs and shrimpes ; which, when he had shewed unto his soul- diers, they were ashamed of themselves that ever they had bene afraied of suche wretches. So when wee shall have looked and narrowly pried into the WESTERN^ TLANTINO. 68 S|)anishe forces in America, wee shalbe doubtles asluimcd of ourselves, that wee have all this while bene afraied of those dissemblinge and fcble scarr Crowes. This which I say concerninge the weakonos of the Spaniardes in America may more easelie appcre by this note followinge, gathered by an excellent Frencho capitaine moste expcrte and privie to the state and force of the islandcs, havens, townes, and fortes of all that parte of America which lieth upon our ocean ; which cxccdinge large coastc beinge so rarely and eimply manned and fortified, wee may well assure our- selves that the inlande is moche more weake and unmanned. m r. j M I a. I) 70 DISCOURSE CONCERNING heade ; I answer, that those contries beinge so farr of, and suche naturall malice beinge betweene the Portingale and the Spaniarde, as greater cannot be, that it is not possible for him to holde those partes no more than the other, wantinge the treasure of the West Indies to supporte his garrisons both there and in Christendome againste his manifolde and mightie enemyes. WESTERNE PLANTING. 71 I i '' ^' I i : (Iljat tlie .Spaniardes have exercised moste outragious and more then Turkishe cruelties in all the West Indies, whereby they are every where there become moste odious unto them, whoe woulde joyne with us or any other moste willinglye to shake of their moste intollerable yoke, and have begonne to doe yt already in divers places where they were lordea heretofore. $0 lUclUg and so monstrous have bene the Span- ishe cruelties, suche straunge slaughters and murders of those peaceable, lowly, milde, and gentle people, together with the spoiles of townes, provinces, and kingdonies, which have bene moste ungodly perpe- trated in the West Indies, as also divers others no Icsse terrible matters, that to describe the leaste parte of them woulde require more then one chapiter, especially where there are whole bookes extant in printc, not onely of straungers, but also even of their owne contrymcn (as of Bartholmewe de las Casas, a bisshoppe in Nova Spania) ; yea suche and so pass- iiige straunge and excedinge all humanitie and mod- eration have they bene, that the very rehersall of them drave divers of the cruel Spanishe, which had not bene in the West Indies, into a kinde of extasye and maze, so that the sayenge of the poet miglite therein well be verified : — Qnis talia fando, Myrmidonum Dolopninuc aut duri niilcs Vlissis, Toinpurct a ladiriniis ? Cap. XI. 1 • It i\ -' w i\ 'I m ' il r sn i ■ ! \ t i » t At ) f At 1 1 k} 1 « <: ¥ 1 1 m 1 m r m )R i « 1 ' '» 1 1 1 ' .% 1 • « 1 < it fil f 72 DISCOURSE CONCERNING Nevertheless I will repeate oute of that mightie masse and huge heape of massacres some fewe, that of them you may make an estymate of the rest, and consider what cause the small remainder of those moste afflicted Indians have to revolte from the obe- dience of the Spaniardes, and to shake of from their shoulders the moste intollerable and insupportable yoke of Spaine, which in many places they have already begonne to do of themselves, withoute the helpe of any Christian prynce. This being« so, I leave i\ to the depeVonsideratii n ofVythe wise, \Viat greate matters may V? broughte aboVte by ourViation, if l\r Majestic Vbeinge a mighVe prince at Va) woulde ]\t in a footV in that enterprise, and assXte the revolted Indians ,\Sy me- lons, an\ Chichimici^fter one oiVwoo yeres Vant- and c:rowiu":e into ac\uaintaunce \nd familiaritie Nvith those oViressed nations. Nowe because these moste outeragious and infinite massacres are put downe by Don Bartholmewe de las Casas, the bisshoppe above mentioned, and dedicated to Kinge Phillippe that nowe ys, which author testi- fieth that to his inspeakeable grcfe he was an eye wit- nesse of many of them, therefore it semeth best unto me to bringe him in, which in his firste chapiter de- scribeth the same in manner followinge : — Upon these lambcs (meaninge the Indians), so mekc, so qualified and endowed of their Maker and Creator, as hath bene said, entred the Spanishe, incontinent, as they knew them, as wolves, as lyons, and as tigres moste cruell, of longe tyme famished ; 'wpii* " mi m WESTERNE TLANTING. 73 de- and have not don in those quarters these forty ycres be paste, neither yet doe at this presente, onghte els then teare them in peces, kill them, martir them, afflicte them, tormente them, and destroye them by straunge sortes of cruelties, never either seene or rcade or hearde of the like (of the which some shal- be sett downe hereafter) ; so farr forth e as of above three millions of soules that were in the He of His- paniola, and that wee have seene there, there are not nowe twoo hundreth natives of the contrie. The He of Cuba, which is as farr in lengthe as from Valla- dolid untill Home, ys at this day, as it were, all waste. St. John's He, and that of Jummaica, bothe of them very greate, very fertile, and very f\iire, are desolate. Likewise the lies of Lucayos nere to the He of Hispaniola, and of the north side unto that of Cuba, in nomber beinge above three score ilandes, together with thoLio which they call the Isles of Geant, one with another gveate and little, whereof the very worste is fertiler then the kingcs garden at Civill, and the contrie the hclthsomest in the worlde. There w'ere in some of these isles more then five hundred thorisande soules, and at this day there is not one only creature ; for they have bene all of them slaine, after th^t they had drawen them oute to labor in their mynenlls in the He of PHspaniola, where there were no more lefte of the inborne natives of that iland. A shippe ridinge for the space of three yercs betwixte all these ilandes, to the ende that after the wyninge of this kinde of vintage to gleane and cull the remainder of these folke (for there was a 10 C « < I ! • I « ! 1 I <; I > • > n I' m • ' M <: l» 1 ' •t 1 « 1. 31 I ( ' >i M u DISCOURSE CONCERNING rn goodd Christian moved with pitie and compassion to convcrte and wynne unto Christe suche as mighte be founde), there were not found but eleven persons, which I sawe. Other iles, more then thirtie, nere to the He of St. John, have likewise bene dispeopled and. massacred. All those iles conteyne above twoo thousande leagues of lande, and are all dispeopled and laid waste. As touchinge the mayne firme lande, wee are certaine that our Spaniardes, by their cruelties and cursed doinges, have dispeopled and made desolate more then tenne realmes greater then all Spaine, comprisinge therein also Arragon and Portingale ; and twise as moche or more lande then there is from Civill to Jerusalem, which are above a thousand leagues ; which realmes as yet, unto this presente day, remaine in a wildernes and utter desolation, havinge bene before time as well peopled as was possible. We are able to yelde a goodd and perfecte ac- compte, that there is, within the space of forty yeres, by these said tyranies and develishe doinges of the Spaniardes, don to deathe unjustly and tyranously more then twelve millions of soules, men, Avomen, and children. And I verely doe beleive, and tliinke I doe not mistake therein, there are deade more then fiftene millions of soules. Thus havinge hearde of the multitudes of soules slayne, you shall heare the manner of their slaughter. In the chapiter of Hispaniola it thus followeth : — Nowe after sondry other forces, violences, and "WESTERNE I'LANTING. 75 tormcntes which they wroughte ngainste them, the Indians perccaved that those were no men descended from heaven. Some of them, therefore, hidd their victualls, others hidd their wives and their children. Some other fiedd into the mountaines to seperate themselves afarr of from a nation of so harde natured and ghastly conversation. The Spaniardes buffeted them with their fistes and bastianadoes, pressinge also to lay their handes on the lordes of the townes. And these cases ended in so greate an hazarde and despcratnes, that a Spanishe capitaine diirste adven- ture to ravishe forcibly the wife of the greatest kinge and lorde of this ile. Since which time the Indians began to searche meanes to caste the Spaniardes oute of their landes, and sett themselves in arms. But what kinde of armes ! Very weake and feble to with- stande or resiste, and of lesse defence. Wherefore all their warres are no more warres, then the play- cnge of children when as they playe ntjofjo de cane or reedes. The Spaniardes with their horses, speares, and launces, began to comitt murders and straunge cruelties. They entred into townes, burroughes, and villages, sparinge neither children nor olde men, ney- ther women with childe, neither them that laye in ; but they ripped their bellies and cutt them in peces, as if they had bene openinge of lambes shutt upp in their folde. They laied wagers with suche as with one thruste of a sworde woulde paunche or bowcll a man in the middest, or with one blowe of a sworde moste readily and moste deliverly cut of his heade, or that woulde best perce his entrails at one stroke. nl I : t I <; « r tl t1 m M I) m 31 M 76 DISCOURSE CONCERNINO They tookc the little soulcs by the heelcs, rarapinge them from their mothers brestes, and crusshcd their headcs againste the cliftes. Others they caste into the rivers, laugh inge and mockinge ; and when they tomblcd into the water, they saied : Nowe sbifte for thy selfe suche a one's corps. They put others, to- gether with their mothers, and all that they mett, to the edge of the sworde. They made certcn gibbetts longe and loughe, in such sorte that the feete of the hanged one touched in a manner the grounde ; every one enoughe for thirtene, in the honour and wor- shippe of our Saviour and his twelve apostles (as they used to speakc), and settinge to fire, burned them all quicke that were fastened. Unto all others, whome they used to take and reserve alive, cuttinge of their twoo handes as nere as mighte be, and so lettinge them liange, they saied : Go you with those letters to cary tydinges to those which are fled by the mountaines. They murdrcd commonly the lordes and uobilitie on this fasshion : they made ccrten grates of perches laid on pitchforkes, and made a little fire underneathe, to the intente that by little and little, yellinge and despairinge in these tormentes, they mighte give up the ghoste. One time I sawe foure or five of the principall lordes roasted and broyled upon these gredyrons ; also I thinke that there were twoo or three of the said gredyrons garnished with the like furniture. And for that they cried oute pite- ously, whiche thinge troubled the capitaine that he coulde not then slepe, he comaunded to strangle them. The serjeant, which was worse then the WE8TERNE rLANTINO. 77 hangman, that burned them, (I knowc his name and frondes in Civill,) wouldc not liave them strangled, hut hymsclfc putting bulletts in their mouthes, to the ende they shoulde not crye, put to the fire, until they were softly roasted after his desire. I have seene all the aforesaidc thinges, and others infinite. And foras- niuche as all the people that coulde flee, hidd them- selves in the mountaines and, mounted on the toppes of them, fledd from the men, so, withoute all man- hodde, em])tie of all pietie, behavinge themselves as sav.ge beastes, the slaughterers and murderers of numkinde, they taughte their houndes, fierce doggs, to teare them in peces at the firste vicwe ; and, in the space that one mighte say a credo, assailed and devoured an Indian as if it had bene a swine. These doggs wroughte greate destructions and slaughters. And forasmoche as somtymes (thoughe seldome) the Indian put to death some Spaniardes upon goodd righte and lawe of due justice, they made a lawo betwene them, that for one Spaniarde they had to slaye an hundred Indians. And thus farr outc of the large volume of Don Bishop Bar- , . „ tholmewe de Bartholmewe de las Casas, bissho])pe of the citie of las casas, an eye wytiies Chiape in the West Indies, where he lyved many oi' these cmei yeres. Will you nowe heare one testymonie of Johannes Johannes i^rctciius INIetcllus Sequanus, whoe was a Papiste and favoured Sequauus. the Spanishe superstition ; yet he writes as followeth in the prefiice of the Historic of Osorius de rebus gestis Emanuelis, fol. 16: At vero vt semel intelli- gatur quid Indos toties ad res nouas contra Hispanos m i-sy* II I 'JN !' « «' 1 r i \ \ i 7' ! 1 1 ; 1 1 78 DISCOURSE CONCERNINO molicndas, ot soditioncs tanta pcrtinacia foucnclas impiilcrit, ct quid causic fuerit cur duo ilia Christians Reipublicic summa capita ludicrc nationis libertatom, frcmcntibus quibusdam ct inuitis dubio procul mili- tibus Ilispanis, sauctissimo suo calculo comprobariut, paucis nouorum dominorum in miscros immanitatcni, dcindo quorundam incxi)lcbilcm auaritiam, et ex his grauiorcs (piosquc tumultus, vndc noui orbis pcne totius nunquam satis deploranda vastitas est sequuta, perstriugam. Principio quidcm illud apud plcrosque militcs His- panos, pcssimo sane cxcmplo, in more positum fuit, vti ab oculatis et fide dignis testibus perscriptum est, vt scruos suos grauissime punirent, si merccdem diur- nam aut non attulissent, aut pensum in auro argentoue efFodiendo non absoluisscnt, aut si (piid Icuioris denique delicti perpctrassent. Etenira vespcri reduces, cccntie loco, primiim vestimentis cxucbant, manibus dein pcdi- busque in transuerso p; o reuinciebant : mox chorda bubaloue ncruo dirissime "rbcrabant. Sic tractates, pice oleoue feruenti guttatiui [)erfundebant ; salita post aqua corpus abluebant, et in mensa tamdiu relinque- bant, quanidiu dolorem ferre posse putarentur. Qui mos auimaduertendi ipsis etiam in Christianos seruos domi familiaris esse dicitur. Post carnificinam huius- modi, si durior dominus illis contigerat, viuos in totam noctem collo tonus defodiebant, presentissimum illud ad plagas rcmedium esse ludibrio dictitantes. Si quis ex illis prae dolore moreretur, id quod non raro accidit, dominus singula seruorum capita regi in occisoruni lo- cum sufficiens, ab homicidij poena liberabatur. Hanc WESTERNE PLANTINO. 79 criulclitatcm lego Baionir, qimm die iint, qnidcm excu- Bunt ; sed omnibus impia mcrito vidotur, tiinqiiam oniiiis pietiitis cxpcrs. Qmimobrem diiibolictp uomcn inter Indos iure quidem obtinuit. Ad liunc autcm im- nianitatcm in miscros Indos cxcercendam nonnullos ingenita qiiiedam naturro stcuitics, multis iam bellis cx- asperata, plcrosquc habendi sitis, impulit. Mine His- panus miles, quasi ad aucupium aut venationcm, sic ad pra^das hominum agendas, iam indo ab inucnto nouo orbe feni ca:pit. Aut igitur bello ca})tos in seruitutem abripiebat, aut ex eorum mancipio mag- nam sibi pecunitc vim conflabat, aut eos ad diurnas operas mittebat, quarum mcrccdem ab ijs quotidic perqnam importunus exigebat. Fuere qui seruos fodinis manciparint, in quibus insolito labore fractre, multje seruorum myriades pericre. Alij mercibus illos permutare soliti sunt, alioue modo distrahcre. Idquc tam inclemcnter et auare nonnulli fecernnt, vt Christianas omnis humanitatis prorsus obliti, e contincnte abreptos vtriusque sexus homines, nulla nee ietatis nee valctudinis habita ratione, nauibus in vieinas insulas transportarent. Eorum non pauci qui mari non assueuerant, et in sentinam abdebantur, et fame, fa^tore, et squallore crudoHter absorpti sunt. Quid? quod freminaj complures ex Hispanis graui- da?, vna cum innoxio fcetu pro ancillis sunt venditse ? Atque his quidem modis, militum aliqui ad summas opes peruenerunt. Alij magnas dignitates domi forisque sunt consequuti. Alij rem pecuniariam plurimorum damnis sic auxerunt, vt inuenti sint, qui octo pecudum millia possiderent. Hanc tam in- n, . ! i t, 80 DISCOURSE CONCERNING signcm nostrum hominum iniustitiam atque tyranni- dcm fieri non potuit, quin magni statim motus et bclla, tam ab ipsis inter se, quam ab incolis in illos excitata scquerentur. After a longe beade roll of raoste monstrous cruelties of the Spanishe nation in every place of the West Indies moste heynously com- mitted, he concludeth yt thus : Tantu ergo fuit liis- pani militis in India tyrannis, vt ea non solum Indos, vcruiii etiam seruorum Maurorum animos ad rcbclli- onem impulerit. Dicuntur enim in exigua quadara insula ad septem millia dcfccisse. Quos Hispani initio secures et incautos facillime trucidassent, nisi suo malo vigilantiores factos precibus et pacifica legatio- ne expugnare potius quam armis frustra tcntassent. Multi denique fugitiui Mauri in Nominis Dei provin- cia3 siluis habitant ; qui inita cum incolis amicitia, ferro, flammaque Hispanos vbicunque pcrsequuntur, et inuentos frustatim dilacerant. This, therefore, I gather of the prcunsses, that those contries whereof the Spaniarde ys lorde are partely ruinated, dispeopled, and laid waste by their incredible, and more then barbarous, and savage, endeles cruelties, and partely grevously infested by the Indians, Symerons, Moores, Chichimici revolted ; and consequently;' he is easie to be driven thence, and turned out of all with moche lesser force then is commonly ymagincd : for. Nullum violentum est diu- turnum ; et mains diuturnitatis custos est metus. TheSpnnishc Aud surcly the more I thinke of the Spanishe mor- iiioniiri'hy is i • ^ i-ii'-ti i ■ e like lint.) the archie, the more me thinketh it is liku the empire oi monnrchy of Aicxniidor Alexander the Greate, which grewe upp sooddenly, wm WESTERNE PLANTING. 81 and sooddenly \\\,on his deathe was rente and dissolved for faulte of lawfull yssue. In like manner the Kir.ge of Spaine, nowe 59.yeres of age, as beinge borne in the yore of our Lorde 1526. in the moneth of May, and bciiige subjecte to the fallinge sicknes, in common reason can be of no longe life ; and leavinge no fitt yssue to wealde so greate : governcmente, and a question risinge, whether his younge weako sonne, by his sister's daughter, be lawfull heire, they are like upon his deathe to fall together by the earcs amongest themselves ; and then, as men moste odious, not onely to the people of the West Indies, but also to all Christcndome, and all the worlde beside, ys it not likely that every province will seke their libertie? And, to say the truthe, what nation, I pray you, of all Christcndome loveth the Spaniarde, the scourge of the worlde, but from the teethe forwarde, and for advaun- tage ? The Italians, which sometime were lordes of the earthc, in greate parte nowe broughte under his vile yoke, doe many wayes shewe the utter mislike of their satanicall arrogancie and insolencies, and in all their playes and comedies bringe in the Spanishe souldicr as a ravisher of virgins and wives, and as the boastinge Thraso and 7mles gloriosus ; notinge to the worlde their insupportable luxuriousncs, excessive pride, and shamcfull vaine glorie. The citie of Rome, beinge sackte by Charles the Empcrour, the Pope and Cardinalls taken and ymprisoned, cannot brooke their doinges in their hartes. The Venecians stande daily in feare of them, almoste as moche as of the Tmke, and doubte that, if they be not with spede restrained, 11 <: 1 . w ; ' « t I 1 -^ rrw 82 DISCOURSE CONCERNING they will inclose them and use them at their pleasure, beinge on bothe sides become almoste lordes of the mouthe of the Straites of Giberaulter. The Frenche, remembringe the takinge of their kinge prisoner, their crueltie in Florida, the late overthrowo of Strozzi and their fleete, their takinge of Tercera, and other dis- graces, hate them for the moste parte worse then scorpions. The Princes of Germanic, the Duke of Saxonie, the Lantsgrave of Hassia, the Duke of Cleve, the Duke Cassimere, have susteyned wronges sufficient to make them his mortall enemies. His innumerable outrages in the Netherlandes have in- forced the Flemynges to those termes which nowe they stande at. Their manifolde practises to sup- plant us of England give us moste occasion to be- thincke ourselves, howe wee may abate and pull downe their highe myndes. Tlie poore oppressed prince and people of Portingale doe watche nighte and day when to finde a convenient occasion of defection. In fine, there is almoste no nation of Europe that may not say againste the Spaniarde with the poet: Dis- tuleratque graues in idonea tempera pccnas ; and so, Eum multos metuere necesse est quern multi metu- u it ; and, Multorum odijs nulla respublica stare diu potest. "'■';'fPl "VVESTERNE PLANTING. 83 ®l)at the passage in this voyadge is easie and shorte, that it cutteth Cap. XII. not nere the trade of any other raightie princes, or nere tlieir contries, that it is to be perfourmed at all times of the yere, and nedeth but one kinde of winde ; that Ireland, beinge full of goodd havens on the southe and weste side, is the nerest parte of Europe to yt, which by this trade shalbe in more securitie, and the sooner drawen to more civilitie. In tljiS voyadge wee may see by the globe that wee are not to passe the burnte zone, nor to passe throughe the frozen seas, but in a temperate dimate unto a contrie muche like to those partes of Gascoigne and Guyen, where heretofore our nation for a longe tyme have inhabited. And it requireth not, as longe voyadges doe, the takinge in of freslie water by the way in divers places, by reason it may be sailed in five or sixe weekes. "Whereby the marchante nede [not] to expecte twoo or three yeres for one returne, as in the voyadge of Sir Fraunces Drake, of Fen- ton and William Hawkins ; but may receave twoo returnes every yere in the selfe same shippes, I saye, and well repose themselves at their arryvalls ; which tliinge I myselfe have scene and understoode in Ffraunce this presente yere don by the FrcncheMen ; whoe, settingc furthe in January, broughtc their banke fishe which they tooke on the Bancke, forty or three- score leagues from Newfoundelande, to Iloan, in greate quantitie, by the ende of May, and afterwarde returned this yere againe to the fisshinge, and are looked for at ■<: 1 1 • t 1 1 1| • > :4i 1 «i C: ti * . !i M « il 1* t ' « i !; i 1 I 'M 1' m r •!■ i( M • 1 1 • t) m 84 DISCOURSE CONCERNING m : home towardes the fifte of November. To the spedy perfourmaunce of which voyadge this is a speciall fur- theraunce : that whereas moste of our other voyadges of Hke lengthe require twoo or three sortes of windes at the leaste, one onely winde suffiseth to make this ; which was no doubte the cause of the quicke returne of my frende Stephen Bellinger of Roan, whoe departed from Newhaven in January was twelve monethes, ar- ryved at Cape Briton in xx" daies space, and from thence discoucred very diligently CC. leagues to- w^ardes Norumbega, and had traficque with the people in tenne or twelue places ; founde a towne conteyn- inge fourescore houses, and returned home, with a diligent description of the coaste, in the space of foure monethes, with many comodities of the contrie, which he shewed me. Moreover this passage is neither by the Straites of Giberaulter, nor on the coastcs of Spaine, Portingall, Fraunce, nor Flanders, neither by the Sounde of Denmarke, nor Wardhouse in Norwey ; so as in takinge our course on the liighe seas wee shall not be in daunger of the corsaries in the Levant, nor of the gallies of Barbaric, nor of the Turke, nor of any state of Italic, neither of the Spaniarde, the Frenclic, nor the Dane, nor of any other prince nor potentate Avithin the Sounde in the northe, or in the northeaste partes of the worlde. Wee may also travell thither and perfourme the same at all times of the yere, Avith the like facilitie as our marchantes of Bristowe, Weymouthe, and other partes of the West Contries travell for woade to the ^i^mm. m WESTERNE PLANTING. 85 lies of St. Mighcll and Tercera (which are halfe the way thither) all the yere longe. For this coaste is never subjecte to the ise, which is never lightly seene to the southe of Cape Razo in Newfounde lande. Besides this, in our way as wee passe to and froe, wee shall have in tempestes and other necessities the portes of Ireland to our aide, and no nerer coaste of any enemye. Moreover by the ordinary entercourse wee may annoye the enemyes to Ireland, and succour the Queens Majesties faithfull subjects, and drawe tlic Irishe by little and little to more civilitie ; and in shorte tyme wee may yelde them from the coastes of America whatsoever comodities they no we receave at the handcs of the Spaniardes. So the Spaniardes shall wante the ordynarye victualls they receave every yere from thence, whereby they cannot contynue traficque, nor fall so aptly to practize againste our governcmente there as heretofore by their trade thither they have don and doc daily, to the greate expences of her Majestic, and no small indaungeriuge and troublinge of our state. And to conclude : in tradinge to these contries wee shall not nede, for fcare of the Spanishe bloudy Inquisition, to throwe our bibles and prayer bookes over boorde into the sea before our arryvall at their portes, as these many yeres wee have don and yet doe, nor take suche horrible oatlies as are exacted of our men by the Spanishe searchers, to suche dayly wilful! and highc offence of Almightie God, as we are driven to continually iu foUowinge our ordinary trafficque into the Kinge of Spaines domynions ; whereof at large wee have spoken before in the seconde chapiter. i .'■ \ 4* 1 1 l{: « r 1 !; •'! M 1; W «i; K « 1 i: n m 1 ' w r I) 1 m tt li. 1 1 1 !: 'M i\< 1 > W « ' «1 8 86 DISCOURSE CONCERNING Cap. XIII. QTIjat lierehy the revenewes and customes of her Majestic, bothe outewarde and inwarde, shall mightely be inlarged by the toll, excises, aud other dueties which withoute oppression may be raysed. C!)0 manifolde testimonies, verbatim alleaged by me in the thirde chapiter, of John Ribault, John Vcrar- samis, Stephen Gomes, Vasqiies de Coronado, Jaques Cartier, Gasper Corterialis, and others, which all were the discoverers of the coaste and inland of America betwcne 30 and 63 degrees, prove infallibly unto us that golde, silver, copper, perles, pretious stones, and turqueses, and emraldes, and many other commodities, have bene by them founde in those regions. To which testimonies I shoulde have added many more yf I had not feared to be tedious. Nowe the fyfte parte of all these aforenamed comodities cannot choose but amounte to a greate matter, beinge yerely reserved unto her Majestie, accordinge to the tenor of the patent graunted by King Henry the Seaventh in the xj*.*" yere of his raigne to John Gabote and his three sonnes, Lewes, Sebastian, and Sancius ; the wordcs whereof it shoulde not be amisse here to sett downe, as they are printed in my booke of voyadges. These are the wordes : Ex omnibus fructibus, proficuis, emolu- mentis, commodis, lucris, et obuentionibus ex huius- modi nauigatione prouenientibus, prcfatus Joannes ct filij ac heredes et eorum deputati teneantur, et sint obligati nobis pro omni viagio suo, toties quoties ad WESTERNE PLANTING. 87 ill: portura nostrum Bristolliee applicuerint (ad quern omnino applicarc teneantur ot sint astricti), deductis omnibus sumptibus et impensis necessary's per eos- dem factis, quintam partem capitalis lucri facti, siue in mercibus, siue in pecuniis, persoluere. What gaines this imposition may turne unto the Crovvne of England in shorte tyme wee may more then gesse, havinge but an eye to the Kinge of Spaines revenewes, which he no we hath oute of all his do- mynions in all the West Indies. The like in all respectes may be saied of the revenewes of the Crowne of Portingale, which, bcinge of itselfe one of the smallest and poorest kingdomes of all Christendome, became in shorte space so riche and honourable soone after their entringe into their southesterne discoveries, traficques, and conquestes, that, before the deathe of their late youngc kinge Sebastian, their embassadors woulde strive and chal- enge for the chefest place with the embassadores of the greatest kinges of Christendome ; as I have hearde it dyvers tymes spoken at Paris at my lordes table by men of greate honour and experience, in which citie moste princes and states of Christendome have their embassadors comonly resident. To leave them and to come to our nation, I say that amonge other meanes to encrease her Majesties customes this shalbe one, especially that by plant- inge and fortifieinge nere Cape Briton, what by the strengthe of our shipps beinge harde at hande, and beariiige the sway already amongest all nations that fishe at Newfoundelande, and what by the fortes that * I • * r^ M m 3j M l> 11 'l|!|i| 88 DISCOURSE CONCERNING }|li :. t I ; -' -t I there may be erected and heldc by our people, wee shall be able to iuforce them, havinge no place els to repaire unto so convenient, to pay us suche a contynual custome as shall please us to lay upon them ; which imposition of twoo or three hundred shippes laden yerely with sondry sortes of fishc, trane oyle, and many kyndes of furres and hides, cannot choose but amountc to a greate matter, bcinge all to be levied upon straungers. And this notonely wee may exacte of the Spaniardes and Portingales, but also of the Frenchc men, our olde and auncient enemyes. What shoulde T speake of the customes of the greate mul- titudes of course clothes, AVelshe frise, and Irishe ruggs, that may be uttered in the more northerly partes of the lande amonge the Esquimawes of the Grande Bay, and amonge them of Canada, Saguynay, and llo- chelaga, which are subjccte to sharpe and nippiuge winters, albeit their somers be hotter moche then cures. Againe, the multitudes of small yron and copper workes, wherewith they are exceedingly de- lighted, will not a little cncrease the customes, beinge transported oute of the lande. I omitt the rehersall of a thousande othel* trifiinge wares, which, besides they may sett many women, children, and ympotent persons on worke in makinge of them, woulde also helpe to the encreasinge of the customes. Lastly, whatsoever kind of commodyties shoulde be broughte from thence by her Majesties subjectes into the realme, or be thither transported oute of the realme, cannot choose but inlargc the revenewes of the Crowne very mightely, and inriche all sortes of subjectes in generally. ' I WESTERNE PLANTING. 89 (2Ii]at this action will be for the greate increase, mayneteynannce, and Cap. XIV. safetie of our navie, and especially of greate sliippinge, which is the strengthe of our realme, and for the siipportation of all those occupations that depends upon the same. Ill tt)C Statutes moste providently ordeyned for increase and maineteynannce of our navigation in the raignes of Kinge Ilicliarde the Secondc, Kinge Henry the Seaventh, Kinge Henry the Eiglith, and her Majestie that nowe ys, tlioughe many and sondry rewardes were proposed to incourage our people unto the sea, yet still I fynde complaintes of decaye of the navye, notwithstandinge so many goodly privi- ledges to mayneteine fisshermen, the ordeyninge of Wendisday to be a newe fishe day for the better utter- aunce of their fishe that they shoulde take at sea, yea, albeit there hath bene graunted a certen proportionable allowaunce oute of the exchequer to suche as woulde builde any shippes of burden to serve the prince in tyme of warr, yet very little hath bene done in that behalfe. For, settinge the Citie of London aparte, goe your way into the west parte of England and Wales, and searche howe many shippes of CC. tonnes and upwardes those partes can afForde, and you shall iiude (God wottcth) no such nomber as at the firste you did ymagine. At this day I am assured there are scarce twoo of CC. tonnes belonginge to the whole 12 ♦ » I .- tli I 1 1 < * jtt m M t) 90 DISCOURSE CONCERNINO 71 citic of Bristowc, and very fewe or none of the like burdf n alonge the channcll of Severne from Gloces- tcr to tlie Landes Endc on the one side, and Milfordc Haven on the other. Nowc, to rcmedie this greate and imknowcn wante, no enterprise possibly can be devised more fitt to increase our greate shippingc then this Westerne fortificnge and planting. For in this action wee are not to cutt over the narrowe seas, in a day or a nighte, betwene Flaunders, Fraiince, or Ireland, in small barkes of xx. or xxxV tonnes ; but wee are to passe over the breste of the maine ocean, and to lye at sea a moneth or six weekes together, whereby wee shall be constrayned of our selves, withoute chardginge of the Prince, to builde greate shippes, as well to avoide the daunger of tempest as also for the commoditie of portage, whereunto the greater shippes in longe voyadges are moste conven- iente, which the Povtingales and Spaniardes have founde oute by longe experience, whoe for that cause builde shippes of v. vj. vij. viij. C. and a M. tonnes, to sende into their Easterne and Westerne Indies. The like whereof wee shalbe the rather invited to doe, since by this voyadge wee shall have many thingcs for little or nothinge, that are necessarie for the fur- niture of greate shippinge. For beinge possessed of Newfounde lande, which the laste yere was seazed upon in her Majesties name, wee may have tarr, rosen, mastes, and cordage for the very workeman- shippe of the same. All which comodities cannot choose but wonderfully invite -our men to the build- ! WESTERNE TLANTING. 91 ingc of grente shippingc, especially liavinge store of the best shipwrights of the worldc, whereof some, for wante of employmentc at home, have bene driven to fiyo into forren partes, as into Denmarke. Moreover, in the judgemente of those that are experte in sea causes, yt will breede more skilfull, connynge, and stowte pilotts and maryners then other belonginge to this lande. For it is the longe voyadges (so they be not to excessive longe, nor throughe intemperate cly- matcs, as those of the Portingales into their West Indies) that harden seamen, and open unto them the secretes of navigation ; the natures of the windes ; the currentcs and settinge of the sea ; the ebbinge and flowinge of the mayne ocean ; the influence of the Sonne, the moone, and of the rest of the celestiall plimetts, and force which they have at sondry seasons upon that mightie body : whiche skill in sea causes the Emperour Charles the Fyfte, knowinge howe moche yt did ymporte his state, to the intente it mighte better encrease amongest the Spaniardes, in greate providence erected a lecture of the arte of a lecture of the arte of navigation in Civill, and ordeyned that no man navigation. shoulde take chardge to the West Indies that had not hearde the Reader of the same for a certaine space, and, upon due examynation, were allowed as suffi- cient by him, and others adjoyned unto him as assist- antes to examyn matters of experience ; which order, if it had bene established in England, such grosse and insufficient felowes as he that caste awaye the Admirall of Sir Humfryes company, with an C. persons in her, to the west of Newfounde lande, this 1 1 I r 1 ■": I t I I M lit 01 « « 93 DISCOURSE CONCERNINO I tymc twelve nionoths, luul not bene admitted to take 80 grcate a chui(l<,'C. But to returne to the increase and mayncteynaunco of our sliippcs and shippmen ; I aay this is not as the voyadjj;e to Muscovy, which is open not paste fouro nioncthcs, but may be passed and repassed at our pleasure at all tymes of the yere, and so our maryners may be sett on worke all the yere longe. Neither is the trade likely to prove so small as that of Muscovy, wherein not past tenne 8hip])es at tlie moste are employed ones a yere. For here there is a greatc hope, the contrie beinge as bigge as all Europe, and nothinge in frutefulnes inferior to yt, as I have proved before at large in the thirde chapiter, that wee shall have twoo Hcctes as biggc as those of the Kinge of Spaine to his West Indies, imployed twise in the yere at the leaste, especially after our fortificng in the contrie, the certen place of our factory beinge there established ; whereby yt muste nodes come to passe that our navye shalbe mightely increased and mayne- teyned, which will not onely be a chefe strcngthe and suertie in tyme of warres, as well to offende as defende, but will also be the mayneteynaunce of many masters, maryners, and seamen, whereby they, their wyves and children, shall have their lyvingcs, and many cities, townes, villages, havens, and creekes nere adjoyninge unto the sea coaste, and the Queencs subjectes, as brewers, bowchers, smithes, ropers, ship- wrights, tailors, shoemakers, and other victuallers and handicraftes men, inhabitinge and dwellinge nere thereaboutes, shall also have by the same greate parte V^jTSi ^fl WE8TERNE PLANTING. 98 of their lyvinge. For proofc hereof wee ncde not to seeke any further then unto our neij^hhourcs of Spaine and Portingiilo ; whoo, since the firstc discov- ciic of their Indies, have not onely mightely inhirged their domjuions, marveilously inriched themselves and their subjectes, but have also by juste accompte trebled the nomber of their shipijos, masters, and iiiaryners, — a matter of no small momente and im- ])nrtance ; insomoche that nowe, of late, Kinge Phil- lil)[)e hath made the Marques de la Cruz, which laste Marqimsdn rt^ A-i 1 4 1 • 11 /• 1 /"v la Cruz, All- ycre wonne iercera, drraunde AdmiruU oi the Ocean myrniiorihe Sea, and Prince d' Oria of Genoa, Admirall in the Levant. A taste of this increase wee have had in our owne selves, even by our trade of fisshinge in Ncwfoundelande ; which, as yt is well knowen, hath bene occasion, that in sondry places of this realme divers tall shippes have bene builte and sett furthe even of late dales ; and more woulde be if, whereas nowe havinge but twoo moneths or tenne weekes of fisshinge, by this newe plantingc they mighte be drawcn more south-westerly, where the speciall fissh- inge places arc, bothe for plentie and greateness of fishe ; and beinge oute of daungcr and ympedimente of yse, they mighte fishe there safely the greatest parte of the yere, and by their nerenes unto our fortes there, builte aboutc Cape Briton, they mighte yelde succour unto them, and likewise by their neighbour- hoode be themselves in more securitie. Fynally, their shippes, their goodds, and their Amoaneto 111 1 1 • 1 -1 Bvoide the persons shoulde not be subjecte to soodden arrestes wkMuh ar- "" _ rests of our ot straungers, as they are in all other trades of "a^y- ', ti 11, II at m « « a II M I) 94 DISCOURSE COKCERNINO Christendome ; but shpulde enjoye as greate free- dome, liberti*^, and securitie as they usually doe in their native contrie ; the havens, tovvnes, and villages in those partes beinge occupied and possessed by theix fellowe subjects ; which freedome and liberty will greatly incourage them to contynewe constantly in this newe traficque. mmm WE8TERNF, PLANTING. 95 iil)rtt spedie plantinge in clivers fitt places is moste necessarie upon these laste luckye westerne discoveries, for feare of tlie danger of beinge prevented by other nations which have tlie like intention, with the order thereof, and other reasons there withall alleaKed. Cap. XV. 5l?abincjC by Gods goodd giiidinge and merciful! direction atchieved happily this presente westerne dis- coverye, after the seekinge the advauncement of the kingedome of Christe, the seconde chefe and princi- pal! ende of the same is traficque, which consisteth in the vent of tlie masse of our clothes and other comodities of England, and in receaving backe of the nedeful! comodities that wee nowe receave from all other places of the worlde. But forasmoche as this is a matter of greate ymportiunce, and a thinge of so greate gaine as forren princes will stomacke at, this one thinge is to be don, withoute which it were in vaine to goe aboute this ; and that is, the matter of pliiutinge and fortificacion, withoute due consideracion Avhereof in vaine were it to think of the former. And therefore upon the lirste said viewe taken by the sliippes that are to be sente thither, wee are to plante upon the mouthes of the greate navigable rivers which are there, by stronge order of fortification, and there to plante our colonies. And so beinge firste setled in strength© with men, armour, and mu- 96 DISCOURSE CONCERNING lii' nition, and havinge our navy within our bayes, havens, and roadcs, wee shall be able to lett the entraunce of all subjectes of forrcn princes, and so with our freshe powers to encounter their shippes at the sea, and to renewe the same with freshe men, as the soodden feightes shall require ; and by our fortes slialbe able to holde faste our firste footinge, and readily to annoye suche weary power of any other that shall seke to arry ve ; and shalbe able with our navye to sende advertisemente into England upon every sood- den whatsoever shall happen. And these fortifications shall kepi, the naturall people of the contrye in obe- dience and goodd order. And these fortes at the mowthes of those greate portable and navigable ryvers may at all tymes sende upp their shippes, barkcs, barges, and boates into the inland with all the comodities of England, and returne unto the said fortes all the comodities of the inlandes that wee shall rcceave in exchange, and thence at pleasure convey the same into England. And thus settled in those fortes, yf the nexte neighboures shall attempte any annoye to our people, wee are kepte safe by our fortes ; and wee may, upon violence and wronge oflFred by them, ronne upon the rivers with our shippes, pynnesses, barkes, and boates, and enter into league with the petite princes, their neighboures, that have alwayes lightly warres one with an other. and so entringe league nowe with the one, and then with the other, wee shall purchase our owne safetie, and make ourselves lordes of the whole. Contrarywise, withoute this plantinge in due tyme, UESTERNE PLANTING. 97 our liter ires, me, wee shall never be able to have full knowledge of the language, manners, and customes of the people of those regions, neither shall wee be able thoroughly to knowe the riches and comodities of the inlandes, with many other secretes whereof as yet wee have but a small taste. And althoughe by other meanes wee mighte attaine to the knowledge thereof, yet beinge not there fortified and strongly seated, the French that swarme with multitude of people, or other nations, mighte secretly fortifie and settle them- selves before us, hearinge of the benefite that is to be reaped of that voyadge : and so wee shoulde beate the bushe and other men take the birdes; wee shoulde be at the chardge and travell, and other men rcape the gaine. To make this plaine by example, in the sixte leafe of the Italian edition of the Historic of Fernando Cortes, written by Franciscus Lopez de Gomera, is lively described the folly of John Grijalua for his not inhabitinge that goodd and riche contrie of lucaton ; which ymmediately after he had neglected, the same Fernando Cortes tooke in liande and perfourmed, and gott all the honour and comoditie from him, leav- inge greate wealthe and honour to his posteritie, and to himself an everlastinge name. The story is thus : Giouan di Grijalua se n'ando a Yucatan, combattete con quelli Indiani di Ciapoton, et se ne ritorno ferito ; entro nel fiume di Tauasco, die per qucsto si chiama ora Grijalua, nel qual riscatto o cambio per cose di poca valuta molto oro, robbe di cottone, et bcllissime cose di penne ; stette in San Giouauni di Vlhua, pig- is "It 98 DISCOURSE CONCERNING lio possessione di quel paese per il Ee, in nome del Goucrnatorc, Diego Velasquez ; et cambio la sua mer- ciaria per pezzi di oro, coperte di cottone et penne ; et si haucsse conosciuto la uentura sua, haueria fatto populatione iu paese cosi ricco, come lo pregauano li suoi compagni et lui saria stato quello che dipoi il Cortes. ]\Ia tanta uentura non era riseruata per chi non la conosceua ancora che si scusaua che lui non andaua ])cr populare, se non per riscattare o per- mutare le cose che leuaua del Gouernatore ; et disco- prire se quella terra di Yucatan era isola o terra ferma. And if any man liste to knowe what inter- tainement he haa of his uncle at his returne for not inhabitinge upon the present occasion, yt followeth in the ende of the same chapiter in these wordes : Et quando arriuo non lo uolse uedere il Gouernatore suo zio, clie li fece quello che lui meritaua. The like story wee have, fol. 298. of Franciscus Lopez di Gomera his Generall Plistorie of the West Indies, of Vasques de Coronado, which, after exced- inge greate chardges bestowed for his royall furnish- inge furthc upon his voyadge to Ceuola and Quiuira, for "/ante of courage and for other private respectes, neglected plantinge there, had as colde welcome, at his dastardly and unconsidcrate returne, of Don Anto- nio di Mendoza, viceroy of Mexico, as Grijalua had of his uncle above mentioned. It is written thus of him after his returne from Quiuira : — Casco del cauallo in Tiguez Francisco Vasquez, e con il colpo usci di ceruello et disuariaua ; questo caso alcuni credettero che fusse finto, altri n'hebbero IL.^. WESTERNE TLANTING. 99 grandissimo dolore ; quelli che I'mtendeuano a mala parte stauano male con lui pei che non si metteua a popolare. And a little afterwarde : molto dispiacque a Don Antonio di Mendoza che fusero ritornati, per che haueua speso piu di sessanta milla pesi d'oro in quella impresa. . . molti uolsero restare la, ma Fran- cesco Vasquez di Coronado, che ricco era et nuou- amente maritato con vna bellissima donna, non volse, dicendo che non si poteriano sustentarsi ne difendere iu cosi povero paese et tanto lontani del soccorso ; caminarono presso a tre milla miglia di longo in questa giornata. Notwithstandinge these colourable excuses and dispraisinges of the contrie, yt is described by rela- tion of his owne companions in this manner in the same leafe : e Quiuira in quaranta gradi e paese temperato, di bonissime acque, di molto herbatico, prugne, more, noci, et melloni, et vue che maturano benissimo ; non c e cottone, et vestono pelle di vac- che e caprioli. The greate inconvenience of the delaye and neg- lecte of plantinge with spede of goodd contrics newe discouered, beinge well weyed and forcseone by John llibault, made him to plante and fortifie at his iirste voyadge, thoughe it were but with thirtic men ; which, that you may the better understande, together with the wise course and choice of place which oughte to be had in plantinge and seatinge at the iirste, I will allcage his owne wordcs which are in tli(> laste leafe of his fiiste printed voyadge : Where- fo e (my lorde), saith he, I truste you will not thincke The rhofost piiiiitc in all newt; discov- eries. 4 100 DISCOURSE CONCERNING it amisse (consitlcringo the comoditios that may be broughte thence) yf wc leave a nomber of men there, which may fortifie and provide themselves of thinges necessarie ; for in all newe discoveries it is the chefest tliinge that may be don, at the begynnynge to fortifie and people the contrie. I had not so soono set fur the this to our com panic, but many of them ofFred to tary there ; yea, with suche a goodd will and jolly courage, that suche a nomber did offer themselves as wee had moche to doe to stay their iiiiportunitie ; and namely, of our sliippe masters and pilotts, and suche as wee woulde not spare. Howebeit, wee lefte there but to the nomber of 30 men in all, gentlemen, souldiers, and maryners, and that at their owne sute and prayer, and of their owne free willes, and by the advise and deliberation of the gen- tlemen sent on the behalfe of the Prince and yours. And I have lefte unto them for heade and ruler, fol- io winge therein your pleasure, Capitaine Albert de hi Pierria, a souldier of longe experience, and the firste that from the begynnynge offred to tary ; and further, by their advise, choice, and will, inscaled and forti- fied them in an iland on the northe side thereof, a place of stronge scituation and commodious, upon a river which we named Chenonceau, and the habi- tation and fortres, Charles Forte. After wee had in- structed and duely admonished them of that they shoulde doe (as well for their manner of procedinge, as for the goodd and lovinge behaviour of them), the xj*!" day of the raoneth of June last paste wee de- parted from Porte Royall, Sec. '-am WESTERNE PLANTING. 101 tyine. Nowe, to leave the Spaniardes and Frenche and to come to ourselves ; scinge it hath pleased Almightie God at this instant to reveale unto her Majestic and the realm* ''hat once aguinc afreshe wliich was in ])arte discovered by Sebastian Gabote and other the subjectes of this lande to her moste famous grand- father, Kinge Henry the Seaventh, and was then The cause lefte of and caste aside and not sufficiently reijarded disi'iviriis * '-' went not lor- bv occasion of the warrcs of Scotland, as Sebastian y:'.""'' "U himself writes, and so hath bene intermitted for the '•'^'^^^"^'^'"''^ space of aboute foure score and sixe yeares — if nowe the Queene, her Counsell, and other subjectes shall never so little delaye the throughe managingo of the cause and entringe effectually into the action, let them assure themselves that they will come to late, and a day after the faire ; ffor, as the wise man saieth, Post est occaslo calva. For, to spcake nothinge of the laste yeres preparation of the Marques de la Roche to inhabite and i)lante in those partes nowe discov- ered by our men, which preparation was luckely Gverthrowne in respecte of us, by reason that his greatest shippe was cast away upon the trauers of liurwage, the men of St. John de Luze sent the laste yere to sollicite the Frenche Kinge and his Counsell to plante there. And nowe our ncigliboures, the men of St. Maloe in Brytaine, in the begynnynge of Au- guste laste paste, of this yere loS-l. are come home with five shippes from Canada and the contries upp the Bay of St. Lawrence, and have broughte twoo of the people of the contrie home, and have founde suche swete in that newe trade that they are prepar- ■>*i •I m w ») m ai III u « i ■ 1 102 DISCOURSE CONCERNING itt inge tcnne shippcs to returne thither in January ncxte, as one John de la IMarche and Mr. Pryliouse of (iarncsey affirme ; which Mr. Pryhouso, beingo yet in London, was at St. Blalowe within these five weekcs, and sawe the twoo savages, the five shippcs, and the riche comodities, and understoode of the greatc preparation, and lieth nowe at London, in Philpott lane, at the stone house there. And that it may be knowen that not oncly the Frenche afFccte this enterprise, but even the Duche longe since thoughtc of yt, I can assure you that Abraham OrteUus, the greate geographer, told me, at his laste beinge in Engliind, 1577. that if the warres of Flaundcrs had not bene, they of the Lowe Gentries had meant to have discovered those partes of America, and the north west straite, before this tyme. And yt semed that the chefe cause of his comynge into England was to no other ende, but to prye and looke into the secretes of Ffrobishcrs voyadge ; for yt Was even then, when Ffrobisher was preparinge for his firste returne into the north west. To conclude : yf wee doe procrastinate the plant- inge (and where our men have nowe presently discovered, and foande it to be the best parte of America that is lefte, and in truthe more agreablc to our natures, and more nere unto us, than Nova Hispania), the Frenche, the Normans, the Brytons, or the Duche, or some other nation, will not onely prevente us of the mightie Baye of St. Lawrence, where they have gotten the starte of us already, WESTERN E PLANTING. 103 thoughe wee had the same revealed to us by bookcs published and printed in Englishe before them, but also will depriue us of that goodd lande which nowc wee have discovered. Which if they doe (as God (lefcnde they shouldc), then it falleth oute that wee shall have our enemyes or doubtfuU frcndes roandc aboute us, and shall not oncly loose a singuler com- oditie and inestymable benefite, but also incurr great daunger and inconvenience in sufFcringe Papistes, by plantinge rounde aboute us, to take from us all succours, and to lett them inriche themselves under our noses, to be better able to supplant or over- ronne us. ii m «« « M H 101 DISCOURSE CONCERNING Cap. XVI. illcatlCS to kcpo tliis enterprise from overthrowe, and the enter- prisers frum shame and dislionour. « 1 (I! n ISucrg ncwe enterprise is in the begynnyinge bur- denous, chardgcablc, and heavie, and moste comonly hath many grcate enemies ; which i^ ♦^^he t '"o that many goodd men, much affected to ^r v^JL-.ti' - in wittie excellent enterprises, sinckc i. d faiuie under their burden. And because that this enteri)rise "vhich wee have in hande or in purpose (besides that it is much maliced, specially by our mightie faction of the Papistes), is an entcrprize that re(piireth, beside the favour of the Prince, no small chardge ; therefore wee are to devise howe the burden may leste tyme reste on the backe of the bearer of the same, that he sincke not under the same, but that he maye stande upp in full strengthe, and goe throughe with ease, fame, and profitt, withoute shame of all the bymedlers and fauters of the same. And entrcd into considera- tion hereof, this cometh to mynde : that the firste chardge of the navye to be admitted as for the pres- ent deade chardge for the tymc, howe supply of the chardges followinge may be mayneteyned and borne ; for in that standeth one greate matter that ymporteth honour, credite, profite, and the whole sequele of the enterprize. Wee are induced by late plaine examples of the Frenche, that have traficqued in those partes with WE8TERNE PLANTING. 105 grciitc profile, to bclove that upon our plantingc wee shall as yt were defraye as well the firsto chardges as the chardges followingc, by the comodities in traf- ficcjue that wee shall rcceave by passingc into the iiiliind by river and otherwise. But admittinge the worse, that the people will neither reccave our com- odities nor yelde us theirs againe, then wee are to devise of ourselves howe wee may otherwise at the firste countorvaile our chardges, and become greate gayners, will or nill the naturall inhabitantes of those regions or others ; and that is, by enjoyingc certaine uiiturall comodities of the landes infinitely aboundinge, in no accompts with them and Avith us of greate piice, which is this way to be broughte aboute. The soilcs there upon the seacoaste, and all alongo the tracte of the greate broade mightic ryvers, all alonge many hundreth miles into the inland, are infi- nitely full fraughte with swetc wooddes of fFyrr, cedars, cypres, and with divers other kindes of goodly trees ; and settinge upp myllcs to sawe them, suche sawe miiies. as be common in Poland and in all the north easte regions, wee may with spede possesse infinite masses of boordes of these swete kindes, and these frame and make ready to be turned into goodly chestes, cupboordes, stooles, tables, deskes, &c., upon the returne. And consideringe the present wante of tymbor in the realme, and howe derely the cipres chestes are soldo that come from the ilandcs of the Levant seas, and lately from the Azores, to BristoU and the westerne havens, these may be bothe amply and derely vented in all the portes of the realme and 14 ■11 P> . FF" S •4 tl 106 DISCOURSE CONCERNING i of the roiilmcs ndjoyningc, considcringo that in this ngc every man desireth to till liis house with all man- ner of goodd furniture. So that were there no other peculiar comodities, this onely, I say, were ynougho to defraye all the chardges of all the hegynnyngc of the cnterprizo, and tiiat oute of hande ; for suche myl- wrightcs may casely be procured from suche places Avhere they ahoundo, and some suche (possible) be in England ; for I have herde of a frendc of myne, that one suche mill within these xxx" yeres was sett upp in Worcestshere by a knighte of that contrie. And one man onely were able to directe a thousande of our common milvvrightcs in that trade ; and carpiu- ters and joyners, the realrae may spare thousandes for a nede. And with like ease and shortenes of time wee may make of the wooddes there pitche and tarr, which arc thingcs fitt for our navie, and marchandizes of goodd ventc and of comon needc. And with like ease wee may make of the wooddes there plcntie of sope asshes, a comoditie very dere and of greate and ample vent with us, and elswhere in forrcn kingdomes of Europe. Also wee may there prepare for pikes, chasinge staves, oares, halberts, and the like for cullen clcftes for sundry uses, &c. And also wee may there, withoute payenge for tlie same, have tymber to builde greate navies, and may bringe them into this realme, and have goodd sale of the same. All this, I say, may be broughte to passe if wee wisely plante, upon our arryvall, aboute the mouthes WE8TERNE PLANTING. 107 of grcatc rivers find in tho ihiiulcs of the same ; aiul so wee sluiU liiive the sturtc before the Freiuhe juul nil others ; and onr people, sente thither for tho pnr- ])oses nfore[siiide], shall be ready to man our shii)pe3 to give repulse at the firste to all suche as shall (omo thither to sett footc to our annoyc. Thus all thingcs removed that mightc bringe dis- couragemcnte, the firste that tookc the enteri)ri.se in liunde have wonne greatc honour and highc cstyma- tion with all degrees in England, and, havinge by these former meancs wonne to defrayc all the chardgcs of the brunte of thentorprise, they stande full able to followe the same withoute cravinge aide of the ling- ringe marchaunte, and have the possibilitio onely to themselves of the trades of trafic(pie with the people, which they may bringe aboute eyther with curtesie, or b\ pollicie and force, as by joyninge nowe with this petite kinge, and nowe with that, Sec. And this once plaincly founde and noted in Eng- land, what noble man, what gentleman, what mar- chante, what citezen or contryman, will not offer of himselfe to contribute and joyne in the action, for- •^^ccinge that the same tendeth to the ample vent of our clothes, to the purchasingo of richo comodities, to the plantinge of younger brethren, to the cmi)loy- ment of our idle people, and to so many noble endes ? And greate joyninge in contribution upon so hap])y begynnynges geveth abilitie to fortifie, to defende all forrcn force in divers comodious places even at the firste. M h •I « 108 DISCOURSE CONCERNING V^' •A •' C'.p. XVII. QLI)at by tliese colonies ti.e north west passage to Cutliaio ami Cliina may easely, quickly, an.l perftrctly be s<'arche(l onto as well by river and overlan'lo as by sea ; for proofo wIutc- of here are (juoted ami alleaged divers rare tcstyinonies ont(! of the thre(! volumes of voyadges gathered by Kamusius, and other "rave authors. •l-:-1*r--^ In tljc thirde volume of Xauigations and Voy- adgcs, -jjatbcrcd and translated into Italian by ^Ir. John Baptista llanuisins, fol. 417. pag. 2, 1 readc oi" John Verarsanus as folio weth : This unhappy cndc had this valiaunte gentleman, whoe, if this misfor- tune had iiot appencd unto him /"witli the singuler knowledge that he had in sea matters and in the arte of navigation, beinge also favoured "with the greatc liberalitie of Kingc Frannces), woulde have discov- ered and opened unto the- worlde that parte also of lande even to the poole. Neither woidde he have contented himselfe Avith the outcside and sea coastc onely, but woulde have passed further ui)p within the lande so farr as he coulde have gon. And many that have knowen him and talked witli him have told me, that he saied he had in mynde to ])erswiide the Frenche Kinge to sonde onto of Fraunce a gooch nomber of people to inhabite certaine ])laCi's of the said coaste, which be of ayre temperate, and of soile moste fertile, with very fairc ryvers, and havens able to receave any navic. The inhabitants of v/hich • ^^^^rf■• WESTERNE PLANTING. 109 s to Cathaio and be scarc'Iied onto for proof'e wlu'it- e testyinonies onto by Kainiisius, ami ons and Voy- talian by Mr. 2, X rcadc of Linhappy cndc if this misfor- 1 the singuler md in the arte th the greatc have discov- parte also of ulde ho have nd sea coastc iipp within And many lim have told )orswadc the mce a <^ood(. )lac<'s of the and of soile 1 havens able its of v*diic'h places mighte be occasion to bringe to passe many goodd efFcctes ; and, amongcst other, to reduce those poore, rude, and ignorannte people to the knowledge of God and true relligion, and to she we them the maimer of husbandrie for the grounde, transportinge of the beastes of Europe into those excedinge largo iind champion contrics ; and in time mighto discover the partes within lande, and see if, amongest so many ilandcs there be any passage to the Southe Sea, or whitlier the firme lande of Fflorida contynewe still oven to the pole. Upon occasion of these laste wordv^s I thi.ike it not aniisse to alleage those testimonies tendingc to the ])roofe of this longe desired north west passage, which, with no small care these many yercs, I have observed ill .ny readinges and conferences concerninge the same matter. 1. My firste authoritie is in the seconde volume of Kamusius, in the discourse of the discoverie of the iiiindcs Freseland, Iseland, Engroneland, Drogeo, and Icaria, made in the northe by Sir Nicholas Zeny, Knighte, and Mr. Anthony, his brother, in the yere 1:580, In which discourse, amonge many other tliinges tendinge to the proofe of this passage, I finde this recorded : Scoprirono vna isola detta Estotilanda ])osta in ponente lontana da Frislanda piu di mille niiglia ; whereof I gather, that whereas still he calleth Estotiland an ilande, and that it is distant westwarde from Frislande more then a thousande miles, that the sea is open above five himdreth miles fui'ther then Frobisher and his conipanie discouered. Ffor m M l> «1 M 31 CI If »l v' 110 DISCOURSE CONCERNING he himself confcsscth that he never sailed paste five or sixe hundreth miles to the weste of Ffrisolande ; and here is mention made, that those fishermen that dis- couered the iland of Estotiland founde it to be more then a M. miles to the weste of the same. 2. The seconde testimonie to prove this north west passage is in the preface of the aforesaide Ramnsius before his thirde volume, where he alleageth, in manner followinge, that which Sebastian Gabote wrote unto him concerninge this matter : Many yeres paste I was w^ritten unto by Sebastian Gabote, our contryman, a Vcnccian, and a man of greate experi- ence, and very singuler in the arte of navigation and in the knowledge of cosmo'^- aphie, whoe sailed alonge and bcyonde Nova Francia, at the chardgcs of Kinge Henry the seaventh, Kinge of Lngland ; and he signi- fied unto me, that havingc sailed a longe tyme west and by nortlie beyonde those ilandes unto the latitude of 6 7. degrees and [an half] under the north pole, on the xj"' day of June, and findinge the sea open and withoute any manner of ympcdymente, he thoughte vcrely that he mighte have passed by that way unto Cathaia, which is in the easte : and he woulde have done yt, if the rnutinie of the shipmaster and unruly mariners had not inforced him to rcturne honic- wardes from that place. But it semcth (saith llamu- sius), that God doth yet reserve to some greate prince the discoverie of this voyadge to Cathaio by this way, which, for the bringinge of the spicerie from India into Europe, woulde be the moste easie and shortest of all others hitherto founde oute. And surely this mn^ntm WESTERNE PLANTING. Ill enterprize woiilde be the mostc glorious and of moste importaimce of all other that any coulde ymag'ne, to make their name moche more cternall and ymmortale amonge all ages to come, then these so greate tu- multcs and troubles of warres, which are to be scene contynually in Europe amonge the miserable and unhappy Christians. 3. Thirdly, the reporte which the people of Hoche- laga made to Jaques Cartier, in the viij'.'* chapter of his seconde relation, of the river three moncthes navi- gable to the southewarde, dothe not a little confirme the same. 4. Fourthly, the relation of the people of Canada in the xij'!* chapiter, foUowinge on this manner: More- over they tolde us, and gave us to understande, that tlicre are people cladde with clothe as wee are, and that there are many inl.abited ^ownes and goodd peo- ple, and that they have greate store of golde and redd co])per, and that upp into the lande, beyonde the river firste above mentioned, even to Ilochelega and Snguynay, there is an ile environed aboute with that and other rivers, which beyonde Sagucnay entreth into twoo or three greate lakes ; also that there is founde a sea of freshe water, the heade and endo whereof there was never man founde that liad throughly searched, as farr as they have hearde say of them of Saguenay, for they (ds they signified unto us) had not bene there themselves. 5. Fyftly, in the ende of that seconde relaiion this postscripts is added as a speciall pointe, to witi : that they of Canada say that it is the spr.ce of a moone n CI *! « Ij •I •I ft) 112 DISCOURSE CONCERNING (that is to say a moncth) to saile to a lande where cynamon and cloves arc gathered ; and in the Frenchc originall which I sawe in the Kingcs liibrary at Paris, in the x\bbay of St. Martines, yt is further put downe, that Uonnaconna, the Kinge of Canada, in his barko had traveled to that contrie where cynamon and cloves are had ; yea, and the names whereby the sava- ges call tliosc twoo spices in their owne language are there put downe in writinge. 6. Sixtly, this passage is likewise proved by the double rcporte of Vasques do Coronado. For firstc, he beinge at Ceuola, which standeth in 37. degrees and an halfe of northerly latitude within the lande, he had this informacion of the people of that place : Fanno otto giornate verso le campagne al mare di scttcntrione ; whereby I gather that some parte of the northernc sea ys within viij. dales journey of Ceuola. Againe, when he was aftcrwardcs at the towne of Quiuira, which is scituated by the sea side in the latitude of 40. degrees, he founde there shi})pGS with maryners, which had the pictures of a birdc, called Alcatrazzi, in silver upon their bonnetts and on the forepartes of their shippes ; which signified that they were thirtie dales sailingc to that place ; whence it is saied that they muste nodes be of Cathaio or China, seinge there is none but Spanishe shippinge upon all the coaste of the backside of Ivioua Spania. 7. Seaventhly, the people of Florida, at the River of May, in 30. degrees, signified to John Ribault and his company, that they mighte saile in boates from thence through the contrie by ryver to Ceuola in xx'.' WESTERN E PLANTING. 113 daies. These are the wordes, viz. : As wee no we de- maunded of them concerninge the towne of Ccuola (whereof some have written that it is not fiirr from thence, and is scituated within the lande, and towardcs tiie sea called Marc del Sur), they shewed us by signes, which wee undcrstoode well ynoughe, that they mighte goe thither with their boates, by rivers, in xx" daies. 8. Eightiy, Don Antonio di Castillo, embassador to her Majestic from Henry the Kinge of Portingale, toldc me here in London, the yere before his departure, that one Anus Corteriall, Capitane of the He of Tcr- ccra, in the yere 1574:. sente a shippe to discover the northwest passage, which, arryvinge on the coaste of America in 51. degrees of latitude, founde a greate entraunce very dope and broade, withoute impedy- mente of ise, into which they passed above xx*? leagues, and founde it alwayes to tende towardes the southe. The lande lay lowe and plaine on either side. They woulde have gon further, but their victu- alls drawinge shortc, and beinge but one shippe, they returned backe, with hope at another tyme to make a full searcho of the passage, whereof they sawe not small likelyhoode. 9. Nynthly, Don Antonio, Kinge of Portingale, shewed me in Paris this present somor, a greate o de rounde carde (out of which Postellus tooke the forme of his mappe), that had the northwest straite plainely sett downe in the latitude of 57. degrees. 10. Tenthly, there is a mightie large olde mappe in parchemente, made, as yt shoulde seme, by Verar- sanus, traced ail alonge the coaste from Florida to 16 »t Jl* m m m .4 H 114 DISCOURSE CONCERNING • 1 V Cape Briton, with many Italian names, which laioth oute the sea, makinge a little necke of lande in -ti). degrees of latitnde, much like the streyte necke or istmus of l)ariena. This mappe is nowe in the cus todie of ^[r. Michael Locke. 11. Eleventhly, there is an olde excellent gloho in the Qneenes privie gallory at Westminster, which also semeth to be of Verarsanus makinge, havinge the coaste described in Italian, which laieth oute the very selfe same streite necke of lande in the latitude of 40. degrees, with the sea joynninge harde on bothe sides, as it dothe on Panama and Nombre di Dies ; which were a matter of singuler importaunce, yf it shoulde be true, as it is not unlikely. 12. Twelvethly, the judgemente of Gerardus "Mcr- cator, that excellent geographer, which his sonne, Rumolde ^lercator, shewed me in a letter of his, and drewe oute for me in writinge, of wise men is not lightly to be regarded. These were his wordes: Magna tametsi pauca de noua nauigatione scribis, quam miror ante multos annos non fuissc attentatam. Non enim dubium est quin recta et breuis via pateat in occidentem Cathaium vsque. In quod regnum, si recte nauigationem instituant,nobilissimas totius mundi merces colligent, et raultis gentibus adhuc idololatris Christi nomen communicabunt. You write (saieth he to his Sonne) greate matters, thoughe very brefely, of the newe voyadge, ^^hereat I wonder that it was not these many yeres heretofore attempted : fFor there is no doubte but there is a streighte and shortc waye open into the west, even to Cathaio. Into which WESTERNE PLANTING. 115 kini?(lomc, if they governe their voyadgc well, they shall gather the moste noble marehandize of all the worlde, and shall nake the name of Christe to be knowcn to many idolaters and heathen people. 1;}. Hereunto agreeth the relation of Monsieur de Lcau, an honest gent of Morlcux, in Britaine, which toldc me this springe, in the presence of divers Eng- lishe men at Paris, that a man of St. Malowe this laste yere discovered the sea on the back side of 1 iochelaga. 14. Moreover, the relation of David Ingram con- iirmoth the same ; for, as he avowcheth and hath put it downe in writinge, ho traveled twoo daies in the sightc of the North Sea. 15. Againe, the prohibition which Kingc Phillippe hath made, that none of his pilotts shall discover to the nortlie wardes of 45. degrees, may seme chefely to j)iocede of these two causes : the one, leaste passinge further to the northe, they mighte fall upon the open passage from Mare del Sur into our Northerne Sea ; the other, because they have not peoi)le ynoughe to posscsse and kepe the same, but rather in tyme shoulde open a gappe for other nations to passe that wayc. IG. Lastly, I will ende with the earnest petition and constant assertion of llamusius, in his tirste volume, fol. 374. where, speakingc of the severall waies by which the spicery, bothe of olde and of late yercs, hath bene broughte into Europe, he useth these spcaches in the person of another : AVhy doe not the princes (saieth he), which are to deale in these affaires, sonde SI. I) 116 DISCOURSE CONCERNING furthe twoo or three colonics to inliabite tlic contric, and to reduce this savage nation to more civilitie, considcringo what a battle and frutefuU soile it is, how replenished with all kinde of graine, howe it is stored with all kinde of birdes and bcastes, with such faire and mightie rivers, that Capitaine Carticr and his conipanie in one of them sailed upp an C and fi|j. leagues, findingc the contrie peopled on bothe sides in greate aboundaunce ; and, moreover, to cause the goucrnours of those colonies to sonde furthe men to discouer the northe landes aboute Terra de l-a- brador, and west north west towardes the seas, which are to sailc to the contric of Cathaio, and from thence to the ilaudcs of ISlolucka. These are enterprises to purchase ymmortal praise, which the l^ord Antony de Mcndoza, viceroy of Mexico, willinge to put in execution, sente furthe his capitaines, bothe by sea and landc, upon the northwest of Nona Spania, and discovered the kingdomcs of the seaven cities aboute Ceuola ; and Franciscus Vasques de Coronado passed from INlexico by lande towardes the northwest 28;3(). miles, in so moche as he came to the sea which licth betwcne Cathaio and America, where he mett with the Cathaian shippes ; and, no doubte, if the Frcnche men, in this their Nova Francia, woulde have discov- ered upp further into the lando towardes the west noi'thwest partes, they shoulde have founde the sea and have sailed to Cathaio. Thus farr Ilamusius. God, which doth all thinges in his due time, and hath in his liande the hartes of all Princes, stirr upp WESTERNE PLANTING. 117 the myndc of her Majcstie at length ♦^o assistc her moste willinge and forwardc subjcctes to the per- fourmaunce of this moste godly and proiitable action ; which was begonne at the chardges of Kinge Ilcnry tlie vij*!' her grandfather, followed by Kinge Ilcnry the Eighte, her father, and leftc, as it scmeth, to be accomplished by her (as the three yercs golden voy- adgc to Ophir was by Salomon), to the makingc of her realme and subjcctes moste happy, and her solfe moste famous to all posteritic. Amen. I- M it' M m •I' M l> 118 DISCOURSE CONXERMNO Cai'.XVIU. ffiljat the Queeno of Eiiglnndes titlo to all tlio West Indies, or nt the leuste to U8 nioclio as is from Florida to tlie Circle articke, is more lawfidl and riglite then tiie Spaniardes, or any other Christian Princes. Co confute the gcncrall claime and unlawfull title of the insatiable Spaniardcs to all the West Indies, and to prove the justenes of her jNIajesties title and of her noble progcnitours, if not to all, yet at leaste to that ])arto of America which is from Florida bcyonde the Circle articke, wee are to sett downe in true order, accovdinge to the juste observation of tynie, when the West Indyes, with the ilandcs and continent of the same, were firste discoured and inhabited, and by what nation, and by whome. Then arc wee to answer in generall and particulerly to the moste in- jurious and unreasonable donation grauntcd by Pope Alexander the Sixte, a Spaniarde borne, of all the West Indies to the Kinges of Spaine and their suc- cessors, to the greate prejudice of all other Christian Princes, but especially to the domage of the Kirgcs of England. Ffor the firste pointe, wee of England have to she we very auncient and auctenticall chronicles, writ- ten in the Welshe or Brittishe tongue, Avherein wee finde that one ^Sladock ap Owen Guyneth, a Prince of North Wales, beinge wearye of the civill warres and domesticall dissentions in his contrie, made twoo WESTKHNE PLANTING. Ill) voyadgcs outc of Wiilos, ami discoveiod and pluiitcd large coutrics which he fouiide in the niayne ocean south wcstwarde of Ireland, in the yero of onr Lorde 1170. This historic is also to be scene in Knglislie in itiintc, in the booke sett furthe this ycre of the l*iiuces of Wales, dedicated to Sir Henry Sidney. And this is confirmed by the language of some of those ])eople that dwell t^pon the continent i)etweno the I Jay of Mexico and the Grande Bay of New- foundelande, whose language is said to agree with the Welshc in divers wordes and names of places, by experience of some of our nation that have bene in those partes. By this testimonie it api)ereth, that the West Indies were discovered and inhid)ited :J'2'J. ycrcs before Columbus made his lirstc voyadge, which was in the yere 141)2. Secondly, the acceptation of Columbus his offer of the West Indies by Kinge Henry the Seaventh, at the very firste, maketh nioche for the title of the Kinges of England, althoughc they had no former iutorcst ; which I will here putt downe as I finde it in the eleventh chapiter of the historic of Ferdinan- dus Columbus of the relation of the life and doinges of his father : This practise, saieth he, of tlie Kuige of rortingale (which was secretly to deprive him of the honour of his enterprise), bcinge come to the knowledge of the Admyrall, and havinge lately buried his wife, he conceavcd so greute hatred againste the citie of Lysbone and the nation, that he detcrmyned to goe into Castile with a younge sonne that he had by his wife, called Diego Colon, which m iti n m w IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // V .<" «?. y ^ // €^. fc :/j 1.0 I.I « ** IIIIIM 1.8 1.25 1.4 1.6 •< 6" ► v] i9 ■^2 ^^^ e% /a %' W /A vj^ .V r ^ '/ Photographic Sciences Corporation ^v f^ ^N rm4> N> 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14S80 (716) 872-4503 i^ m~<'.^ -^ 1^ ?■■■ 120 DISCOURSE CONCERNING « I « I » 1 * I I' - I I after his fathers deathe succcded in his state. But fearinge, yf the Kinges of Castile also shoulde not consente unto his enterprise, he shoulde be con- strayned to begynne againe to make some nevve offer of the same to some other Prince, and so longe tyme shoulde be spente therein, he sente into England a brother of his which he had with him, named Bar- tholmcwe Columbus. Novve Bartholmewe Columbus beinge departed for England, his fortune was to fall into the handes of pyrates, which robbed him, and his other companions that were in his shippe, of all that they had. By which occasion and meanes of his povertie and sicknes, which cruelly afflicted him in a strange contrie, he deferred for a longe space his embassage, till, havinge gotten upp a little money by makinge of seacardes, he began to practize with Kingo Henry the Seaventhe, the father of Kinge Henry the viij"' which nowe reigneth ; to whome he presented a general carde, wherein these verses were written, which I will rather here put downe for their antiquitie then for their elegancie : Terraium quicunque cupis fuelicitcr oras Noscere, cuncta decens doct^ pictura docebit Quam Strabo affirmat, Ptoloma'us, Pliiiius ati"«'' "•"••y f ' the Seav- I was no sooner arryved but I founde greate troubles *""''* *>' of the people, that were upp in armes by reason of the warres in Scotland ; whereby the voyadgc to those partes was laide aside for that time, and had in no further consideration. Upon this relation. Monsieur Popiliniere, beinge a Frenclieman, in his seconde booke, Des Trois IMondes, infcrreth these speaches : This, then, was that Gabote which firste disroverod Florida for the Kinge of England, so that the ]*]nglishe men have more righte thereunto then the Span- iardes, yf, to huve righte unto a contrie, it sufficeth to have firste scene and discovered the same. Howbeit, Gabota did more then see the contrie, for he wente on lande on divers places, tooke possession of the same accordinge to his patente, which was graunted to his father, John Gabot, to Lewes, himself, and San- cius, his brethren, beinge to be sene in the Holies and extant in printe ; and, moreover, he broughte home three of the savages of the Indies, as Fabian, in his ancient Chronicle, dothe write, declaringe their ap- parell, feedinge, and other manners, which, he saieth, he observed himselfe in the Courte at Westminster, where he sawe twoo of them, twoo yeres after they were broughte into England, in Englishe apparell. Nay, that which is more, Gabota discovered this longe 4 ^) A4 •1 ■Ml •1 M 1 1^ J' 1 ' 126 DISCOURSE CONCERMNG N f land discoverd. tracte of the firmc lande twoo yeres before Columbus ever sawc any parte of the continentc thereof. For the firste parte of the firme lande, called Paria, and Bocca di ])ragone, that is to say, the Dragons Mouthe, bcmge to the southe of the iland of Ilispaniola, was discovered by him in his thirde voyadgc ; which, as Peter Martir de Angleria, which was one of the coun- ccll of the West Indies, wryteth, was in the yere 1498 ; which is confirmed by Ferdinandus Columbus, his owne Sonne, which was with his father in the voy- adge (as Oviedo confcsseth, libr. 19. cap. 1.), and wrote a journall of that voyadge, shewinge, in the 67. chapi- ter of his historic, that his father firste sawe the firme lande the firste of Auguste in the yere 1-198. But Gabote made his greate discoverie in the yere 1496. as he testificth in his relation above mentioned. And the day of the moncth is also added in his owne mappe, which is yn the Queenes privie gallorie at Westminster, the copye whereof was sett oute by Mr. Clemente Adams, and is in many marchantes houses in London. In which mappe, in the chapiter of Newfouudelande, there in Latyn is put downe, besides the yere of our Lorde, even the very day, which was the day of St. John Baptiste; and the firste lande which they sawe they called Prima Visa or Prima Vista ; and Mr. lloberte Thorne, in his discourse to Doctor Ley, Kinge Henry the Eights embassador to Charles the Emperour, afhrmeth that his father and one Hughe Elliott, of Bristoll, were the firste persons that descried the lande. This case is so clere that the Spaniardes themselves, thoughe full sore againste their willes, are ' •'■■f I WESTERNE PLANTING. 127 constrained to yioldc unto us therein. For Francis- rus liOpcz de Gomera, in the l.chapitor of his secondc booke of his Generull Historic of the Indies, confesscth that Sebastian was the lirste discoverer of all the coasto of the West Indies, from 58. degrees of northerly lati- tude to the hcighte of 38. degrees towardes the equi- noctiall. He whiche broughte moste certeine newcs of the contrie and people of Baccalaos, saietli Gomera, was Sebastian Gabot, a Venesian, which rigged up ij. shippcs at the costc of Kinge Henry the Seavcnth of England, havinge greate desire to trafic(pie for the spices as the Portingales did. He carried with him CCC. men, and tooke the way towardes Island from beyondc the Cape of Labrador, untill he founde him- selfe in 58. degrees and better. He made relation that, in the moneth of July, it was so colde and the ise so greate, that he durste not passe any further ; that the daies were very longe, in a manner withoute any nighte, and for that shorte nighte that they had it was very clere. Gabot, feelinge the colde, turned towardes the west, refreshinge himselfe at Baccalaos ; and afterwardes he sailed alonge the coaste unto 38 degrees, and from thence he shaped his course to returnc into England. Moreover, this Fraunces Lopez de Gomera ac- knowledgeth, in his firste booke and xxj'^ chapiter of his Generall Historic of the Indies, that Columbus, on liis thirde voyadge, sett outc from St. Lucar of Buramcda, in Spaine in the endc of May, anno 1-497. In which thirde voyadge, at lengthc, after many greate dangers by the way, he arryved in the firme i' •1 t) ir 128 DISCOURSE CONCERNING liindo of the Indies, towardes the province called Paria, whicli all the Spanishc authors ronfesse to have bene the firste of the continent that waj dis- covered for the Kinges of Spaine. So to conclude ; whether wee belevc the testimoinc of Peter Martir and Ferdinandus Columbus, whidi affirnie that Christopher Columbus discovered tlu; firme firste in anno 1498. a greate and large tracte of the contincnte of the Indies was discovered by Gabot and the Englishe above tvvoo yeres before, to witt, in the yere 1490, in the moncths of June and July; or whether wee be contcnte to yelde to Gomcra, which saietli Columbus sett furthe of the discovery of the firme lande, 1497 ; yet wee of England are the firste discoverers of the continent above a yere and more before them, to witt, 1496. or, as Clement Adams saieth, 1494. in the chapiter of Gabotts mapp De terra nova, which is above three yeres before the Spaniarde, or any other for the Kinges of Spaine, had any sighte of any parte of the firme lande of the Indies. At leaste wise, by Gomera his owne con- fession, from 58. degrees of northerly latitude to 38. towardes the equinoctiall, we have beste righte and title of any Christian. As for the discovery of John Ponce of Leon, beinge in anno 1512. yt cannot be prejudicial! to our title, as beinge made sixtene yeres after Gabotes voyadge. • fill III WESTERNE PLANTING. 129 Qln aunSUJCr to the Bull of tho Donation of all tlio West Indies Cap. XIX. graunted to the Kingcs of Spaine by Popo Alexander the Vlth, whoo was himselfe a Spaniarde borne. It t 1 f SlimijcrcaS Fraunces Lope/ tie Gomevii, in the 19. chapiter of his firsto booke of his Gcncrall Historic of the Indies, puttcth downc that Pope Alexander the YIth, of his proper will and of his ownc mere motion, with the consente of his Cardinalls, gave of his free grace to the Kinges of Spaine all the iles and firme landes which they shoulde discover towardes the west, and there withall alledgeth the Bull itselfe ; I auuswer, that no Pope had any lawfull aucthoritie to give any such donation at all. For proofe whereof, I say that, if he were no more then Christes vycar, as Gomera calleth him in that place, then he muste needes graunte that the vicar is no greater then his Master. Nowe, our Saviour Christe, beinge requested and intreated to make a lawfull devision of inherit- aunce betwene one and his brother, refused to do yt, saycnge, Quis me constituit judicem inter vos "? Whoe made me a judge betwene you '? What meaneth, then, the Pope, not beinge spoken to nor entreated, of his owne proper will and of his owne mere motion, to meddle in those matters that Christe in no wise, no, not beinge thereunto instantly requested, woulde not have to deale in ? Againe, our Saviour Christe con- 17 Ml t 130 DISCOURSE CONCERNING I ! • 1 fesscd openly to Pilato, that his kingdomc was not of this woildo. Why, then, doth the I'opc, that vvonlde be Christos servaunte, take upon him the dcvisiou of 80 many kingdomes of the worlde 1 If he had but remcmbred that which he hath inserted in the cndc of his owne Bull, to witt, that God is the disposer and distributer of kingdomes and empires, he wouldo never have taken upon him the devidinge of them with his line " partition from one ende of the heavens to the other. The historic of the poore boye wliome God stirred upp to confounde and deride the Span- iardes and Portingales, when they were devidinge the worlde betwene themselves alone, is so well knowen as I node not stande to rcpcatc it. But it is the Popes manner alwayes to meddle, as in this matter, so in other thinges, where they have nothinge to doe, and to intrude themselves before they be called. They mighte rath(3r call to mynde the counscll of the goodd apostle, who tolde godly Tymothe, the Bisshoppe of Ephcsus, that no man that warreth intanglcth him- self with the affaires of this presente life, because he woulde please Ilim that hathe chosen him to be a souldier ; and then they woulde learne to kepc them- selves witliin the lymites of that vocation and ecclesi- astical! function whereunto they are called ; whiche ecclcsiasticall function hath nothinge to doe with ab- solute donation and devidinge of mere temporalties and earthly kingdomes. St. Chrisostome, in his dia- logue De dignitate sacerdotali, saieth that the mynis- terie is a chardge geven by God to teache withoute armes or force, and that the same is no power to give WESTERN E PLANTING. 131 or to take kingdomcs, nor to make lawcs for the poli- tique govcrnenioute. St. Hillary writes as moche to the Knip(>rour Constuntinc againsto Auxentius, 13isshoi)po of Milan. Our Saviour Christe hinisolfe saietl" t^ his desciplcs, that, while they were in the workle, they shouldc he hroughte before kingcs and polliticiue magistrates for his names sake. So then they shoulde not bo judges and magistrates themselves, especially in the devisions of kingdomcs ; and, to leave all spir- ituall men an example, he paid tribute and toll for himselfe and Peter, and submitted himselfe and his apostles under the civill magistrate and politique go\ernemente ; yet the Pope, whoe saieth he is Peters successor, will be a disposer of civill causes and tem- poral! domynions. The Apostle saieth, Komaines the 13 : Let every soule be submitted unto the higher powers. Nowe, if the Popes will not beleve the worde of God withoute the exposition of the Fathers of the Churche, at leaste let them beleve St. Chrisostome, and give eare to that which he hath written u[)ou this place : That these thinges be comaunded to all men, saieth he, botlie to prestos and monckes, and not onely to secular or laymen, the Apostle declareth, even in the very begynnynge, when he saieth in this manner : Let every soule be subjecte unto their higher powers, thoughe thou were an apostle, thougho thou were an evangeliste, thoughe thou were a prophet, or thoughe thou were any other whatsoever. For obe- dience dothe nothinge hinder godlines. But the Popes woulde prove that they may give and bestowe kingdonies upon whome they please, by Sam- i Vi 51 |l ,i J ir 132 DISCOURSE CONCERNING uels example that annointed David and deposed Saul, of Elyas that annoynted Hazaell Kinge of Siria instead e of Benhadad, and Jehu Kinge of Israeli insteade of Jehoram ; as, also, by the example of Jehoida, the highe preste, that put the Queenc Athalia to deathe, and placed Joas, the younge sonne of Ochosias, in the kingdome. All those examples make nothinge at all in the worlde for them ; for neither jSamuell, nor Elias, nor Elizeus did any thinge in that matter witboute an expresse comaundement and all circumstances from the mouthc of God himselfe, as appereth rnoste evidently by their severall histories in the Bible. Samuell also did his comission full sore againste his will ; and EJias and Elizeus, -with greato fearc of their lyves. As for Athalia, she was an usurper, and had cruelly murdered as many of the lawfull inheritours of the kingdome as she coulde possibly lay handccs on; a'^d therefore Jehoiada, the highe preste, not of his owne absolute aucthoritie, but by the helpe of the Kinges officers and joyfull consente of all the people, caused her moste justcly to be deposed and put to deathe. He was also uncle to the younge Kinge. by manage of his wife, Jeho- sheba, which was sister to Ahasai, the father of the younge kinge, and therefore bounde, in conscience and affinitie, to helpe him to his righte and succour him in his mynoritie. Nowe, when the Popes have the like excellent spirite of prophesie, and the like chardgcs and expresse comaundementcs from Gods owne mouthe, in the bchalfe of some one bv name againste some one which God by name woulde have tWu WESTERNE PLANTING. 133 deposed, then they may ymitate them in pronouncinge unto them that God will rente t'leir kingdomes from this or that kinge for his synnes. But none of the Prophetts made bulls or donations in their palaces, under their handes and seales and dates, to bestowe many kingdomes, which they never sawe nor knewe, nor what nor howe large they were, or, to say the truthe, whether they were extant ^"n rerum mdiira, as the Pope hath done in gevinge all the "^ 7est Indies to the Kinges of Spaine. He shoulde firste have don as the prophetts dyd ; that is, he shoulde firste have gon himselfe and preached the worde of God to those idolatrous kinges and their people ; and then, if they woulde not, by any meanes, have repented, he mighte have pronounced thu severe and heavie judgemente of God againste them, shewinge oute of the worde of God that one kingdome is translated from another for the sinnes of tne inhabitantes of the same, and that God, in his justice, woulde surely brins^c some nation or other upon them, to take vengcaunce of their synnes and wickednes. And thus moche not onely Popes, but also any other godly and zealous bisshoppe or myr.ister, may doe, beinge called thereunto by God extraordinarily, or havinge the ordinarye warranto of his worde. Yea, but the Popes can she we goodd recordes that they have deposed Emperors, that they have trans- lated empires from one people to another, as that of the Easto unto the Germaines, and that they have taken kingdomes from one nation and geven them to another. In deede, in some respectes, they have done m w M 31 :;< w ^r 134 DISCOURSE CONCERNING ' I SO. But how t. They never gave that which was in their actuall possession, yf by any meanes possible they might have kepte it themselves. It is an easie matter to cutt large thonges, as wee say, of other men's hides, and to be liberall of other men's goodds. Neither ys it any marvai^e thoughe (as Gomera saieth) the Pope gave all the West Indies of his free grace to the Kinge of Spaine, for they never coste him a penye. But he that will be in deede and truthe liberall, ho muste give of his owne, and not of other mens. For to take from one that which is his, to give it to another to whome it is not due, ys plaine injurie and no liberalitie, thoughe the gifte were be- stowed upon him that were in nede. For as one saieth : Eripere altcri fraudulenter quod alteri des misericorditer, iniustitia quidem est et non eleemos- yna — to take from one fraudulently to give to an other mercifully, is no almes nor charitie, but plaine iniquitie. The Pope shoulde rather have sent into the West Indies store of godly pastors of his owne coste freely, then to have geven them and their gooddes wrongfully to be eaten upp and devoured of such insatiable and gredy wolves. He shoulde have remembrcd the worde of our Saviour, whoe saieth : Beatius est dare quam accipere — it is a blessed thinge to give rather then to receave. The Popes say they gave Ireland to Kinge Henry the Scconde and his successors ; and indeede they have don it in wordes. But when gave they that unto him ? Forsoothe after he had faste footinge in it, and when Uerniutius, the King of Leynester, had firste f WESTERNE PLANTING. 135 ofFred to make the Kinge his heive. And for all their donation, yf the Kinge had not by his force more then by their gifte, holpe himselfe, the Popes donation had stoodc him in small stede ; neither did the Kinges of Ireland admitt and allowe of the Popes donation. If they had, they woulde never have rebelled so ofte againste the Crowne of Eng- land. To conclude this pointe, thoughe wee confesse that the Popes have don this or that, yet yt is no goodd ai-gumentc to say they did it, and therefore it is lawfull, unlesse they coulde shewe they did it right- fully. De facto constat, de jure non constat. And they themselves are driven to confess, that their niedlinge on this sorte with kingdomes ys not direct- ly, but indirectly. But suche indirecte dealinge is warranted neither by lawe of God nor men. Nowe to come to the donation itselfe, wee are firste to consider, whoe it was that was the author thereof; secondly, unto whome it was made ; thirdly, what were the causes and inducementes that moved the Pope thereunto ; fourthly, the fourme and manner of the donation ; fyftly, the inhibition of all other Christian Princes, and the penaltie of all them that shoulde doe the contrarye ; lastly, the recompence of the Kinges of Spaine to the Sea of Home for so greate a gifte. 1. Touchinge the firste, the author hereof was Pope Alexander the vj"/ whoe, as Platina and Onu- phrius and Bale doe write, was himselfe a Spaniarde, and borne in Valencia, of the familie called Borgia, and therefore no marvell thoughe he were ledd by - 1 ♦ ^ ;r * :|' a; I m I* «1 ■» HI SI. 136 DISCOURSE CONCERNING IM parcialitie to favour the Spanishe nation, thoughe yt were to the prejudice and domage of all others ; whiche foule faulte of his may hereby appeare, that havinge in all the time of his Popedome created sixe and thirtie Cardinalles, of those xxxvj. he made xviij. to witt the one halfe, Spaniardes, as Bale dothe tes- tifie, vvritinge of his life. Nowe let any man be judge, whether that were extreame parcialitie and ambition, to make Spaine equal in that pointe with all the reste of Christendorne. No marvaile therefore, thoughe as in this, so in his donation, he was be- yonde all reason caried away with blynde affection to his nation ; which faulte of his had bene more to be borne withall, yf it had bene in a private or small matter. But in this so generall and comon cause, yt cannot choose but be altogether intollerable. If any man liste to see this man painted oute further in his colours, let him reade John Bale in his Eighte Cen- tury, where he shall finde so many of his badd partes, as a man woulde thinke he coulde not be a fitt man to make a goodd and uprighte judge in so weightie a matter as this. 2. The persons to whome he made this donation were Ferdinando and Isabella, Princes of Spaine, to whome, and to their heires and successors for ever, he confirmed the same, excludinge all other Christian princes. These princes, thoughe otherwise very ver- tuous and comendable, yet, at the time of the makinge of this donation, were more unable then divers other Kinges of Christendome to accomplishe and bringe the same to effecte, as beinge greately ympoverished with WESTERNE PLANTING. 137 the warres of Granadae, so farr furthe that they were constrained to soke for helpe of Kinge Henry the Vir.'' of England, to subdue the Moores in their owne contrie. Yea, Queene IsabeUa was so poore and bare that she was faine to offer her owne Jewells to gage, to borowe money to sett furthe Columbus in his firste voyadge, as it is to be seene in the 14.chapi- tcr of the Historye of Ferdinandus Columbus, his owne Sonne. It is also well knowen that the Span- iardes, for wante of people of their owne contrie, have not bene able no we, in the space of f^y and xij. yeres, to inhabite a thirde or fourthe parte of those excedinge large and waste contries, which are as greate as all Europe and Africke. 3. The inducementes that moved his Ilolines to graunte these unequall donations unto Spaine were, firste, (as he saieth) his singuler desire and care to have the Christian religion and Catholicque faithe exalted, and to be enlarged and sprcdd abroade throughoute the worlde, especially in his daics, and that the salvation of soules shoulde be procured of every one, and that the barbarous nations shoulde be subdued and reduced to the faithe, &c. To this I aunswer that, if he had ment as in deede he saieth, he shoulde not have restrayned this so greate and generall a worke, belong! ngc to the duetie of all other Christian princes, unto the Kingcs of Spaine onely, as choughe God had no servauntes but in Spaine ; or as thoughe other Christian kinges then lyvinge had not as greate zeale and meanes to advaunce Gods glory as they ; or howe mente he that every one shoulde 18 II IM W l» «t ■I fl »{ »[ Ml' «< t> 138 DISCOURSE CONCERNING » 1 put their helpinge hande to this worke, when he de- fended all other Christian Princes, in paine of his heavie curse and excomunicatyon, to meddle in this action, or to employe their subjectes, thoughe yt were to the conversion of thinhabitauntes in those partes. And whereas, to colour this his donation, he addeth, that the Kinges of Spaine had bene at greate chardges in that discoverie, in respecte whereof he was induced to deale so franckly with them, yt is evident that the Bull was graunted in the yere 1493. the iiij'.'' of the moneth of May, at what time Columbus had made but one voyadge, wherein he was furnished onely with one small shippe and twoo little caravells, and had, in all his companie, but foure score and tenne men, and the whole voyadge stoode the Kinge of Spaine in 2500. crownes only. So these 2500. crownes were the greate chardges that the Pope speaketh of, that induced him to graunte so large a donation ; for that was the uttermoste that Columbus desired, as is to be redd in the l-l.chapiter of his owne sonnes historic. Moreover, where the Pope confesseth he was in- formed, before the donation of his Bull, that the Kinges of Spaine had purposed, by the aide of God, to subdue and reduce unto the faithe all those landes and ilandes, with their inhabitants, whiche Columbus had founde in his firste discovery, in comendinge highly of this their intention, he semeth to confesse that they mighte have pursued that godly action very lawfully withoute makinge of him privy to their en- terprice, which they did not in their firste sendinge WESTERN E PLANTING. 139 furthe Columbus. And with what righte he builded and lefte men in Hispaniola at the firste, before the Popes donation, with the sclfe same rigtite he mighte have subdued all that he shoulde afterwardes discover. So, then, the Popes gifte was of no more force, then of that which they mighte have chalenged by their former righte and interest of discoverie. And as for their former zeale and resolution to publishc the Christian faithe in those quarters, which the Pope confcsseth to have bene in them before his donation, whoe seeth not that he stirres them uppe to nothinge, but to that which he acknowledgeth to have bene in them already ; and so he did nothinge but actum agere. Againe ; in that he saieth, that in no other respccte, but moved onely by his mere and francke liberaltie, and for cerie'me secrete causes, he gave unto them all the ilandes and firme landes which already have bene founde, and which shoulde afterwardes be founde, which were then discovered or afterwardes to be discovered, towardes the West and the Southe, drawinge a straighte line from the pole articke to the pole antarticke, whether the ilandes or firme landes founde or to be founde were towardes the Indies or towardes any other quarter ; intendinge, nevertheles, that this line be distant an hundred leagues towardes the West and the Southe from the iles which are comonly called the Azores, or those of Cape Verd: to this wee aunswer, that here wee are firste to consider that yt was no marvell that his Holi- nes, beinge a Spaniarde borne, sett aparte all other respectes of justice and equitie, and of his mere JUI 41 1^*1 h^ X 4M IX l» !l •I SI' uo DISCOURSE CONCERNING motion and francke liberalitie was ready to raise and advaunce his owne nation, with doinge secrete wronge and injurie as moche as in him hiye, and more, unto all other Princes of Christcndome. For what els can those wordes importe, that he did it also for ccr- ten secrete causes, but give us juste cause to suspect that there Avantcd uprighte, indifferent, and sincere dealinges? And surely, if he had ment uprightly, he woulde have dcltc more plaincly ; for truthe seketh no secrete corners. But if you will have me to rcveale those secrete causes, to say as the thinge was, they vi'ere nothinge else but the feare and jelousie that he had, that Kinge Henry the vij'.^ of England, with whome Bartholmewe Columbus had bene to deale in this enterprice, and even aboute this time had con- cluded with the Kinge upon all pointes and articles, whoe even nowe was readie to sende him into Spaine to call his brother Christopher into England, slioulde put a foote into this action ; which, if he had don, he shoulde bothe have share with the Spaniardes in the profitt, and greatly ecclips their honour and glorie. Also, he coulde not choose but be privie to the longe conference that Christopher Columbus had before time with the Kinge of Portingale, and offer which he made firstc of all to the said Kinge of this dis- covery, whoe thoughe at the firste delte doubly with Columbus, and sent other to finde oute that thinge which Columbus offered, yet, they missinge of their purpose, the Kinge of Portingale woulde have em- ployed Columbus, and delte effectually with him to that ende ; but he conceavinge a greate displeasure *^^WPP rr and WESTERXF, rLANTDJO. Ul againsto the Kingo and his nation for his secrete seekinge to defraude him of liis honour, and henofite of his offer, stole prively oiitc of his rcalme into Cas- tile. But the Pope, feariuge that either the Kinge of I'ortingale mighte be reconciled to Columbus, or that he mighte be drawen into England, by interposingo of his usurped aucthoritie, thoughte secretly, by his unlawfull division, to defraude England and Portin- galc of that bcnefite. Loe, these were indeede those secrete causes, sodenly, withoute makinge the other Kinges privie, to make his generall and universall donation of all the West Indies to the Kinges of Spaine, by drawingc a lyne of partition from one pole unto another, passingc a hundred leagues west- warde of the lies of A/ores ; -which division, howe God caused to be deryded by the mouthe of a poor, simple cliilde, Fraunces liOpez de Gomera, one of the Spaniardes owne historiographers, dothe speci- ally note in manner followinge : Before I finishe this chapiter (^aieth he), I will recite, to recreate the i oader, that which happened, upon this part- lion, to the Por- tingalcs. As Fraunces de Melo, Biego Lopes of Scqueria, and others, came to this assembly, and passed the river by Quidiana, a little infant that kepte his mothers clothes, which she had washt and honge abroade to drye, demaundcd of them, whether they were those that shoulde come to dcvide the worlde with the Emperour ; and as they answered yea, he tooke up his shirte behinde and shewed them his but- tocks, sayenge unto them : Drawe your lyne throughe the middest of this place. This, saieth the author, i ^ SI' 7! 142 DISCOURSE CONCERNING was published in contemptc all abroade, bothc in the towne of Badayos and also in the assemblye of these committics. The Povtingales were greately angrie therewithal!, but the rest turned yt to a jest and laughed yt oute. But what wise man seeth not that God by that childc laughed them to scornc, and made them ridicu- lous and their partition in the eyes of the worlde and in their owne consciences, and caused the childe to reprove them, even as the dombe beaste, speakingo with mans voyce, reproved the foolishnes of Balam the Prophett ! 4. The fourthc pointe which I purpose to toucho, is the forme and manner of the stile of the donation itsclfe, after a largo preface and connynge preamble ; and that begynneth in this manner : "NVee therefore, by the aucthoritie of God Almightic, which is gevcn to us in the person of Saincte Peter, and which wee enjoye in this worlde as the vicar of Jhesus Christe, give unto you all the ilandes and firme landes, with their seigniories, cities, castells, &c. In which repe- tition of his donation the seconde time for failinge, he woulde shewe unto the worlde by what aucthori- tie and warrant he gave away from all the Indians their landes, contries, seigniories, cities, castells, places, villages, righte, jurisdictions, and all other appurtenaunces and thinges belonginge to the same, to the Kinges of Spaine onely, and to their heires and successours for ever. This usurped aucthoritie, as I have plainely confuted and denied in the begynnynge, so nowe, in a worde or twoo, I will shewe, that God ^^ WE8TERNE PLANTING. 143 never gave unto the Popes any snclie aucthoritie. The chefost and greatest aucthoritie that ever was gevcn by Christe to Teter, is mentioned in the 16. Matth.io. cliapiter of St. Mathewe, where Christe saicth unto him: I will give unto thee the keyes of the King- dome of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalte binde in earthe shalbe bounde in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalte loose in earthe shalbe loosed in heaven. St. Ilieromc, cxpoundinge of this place, saieth, that the priestes or bisshopps duetie and aucthoritie of the keyes, to binde or loose, is to knowe and declare by the holy Scripture, and by the judgementc of the Catholicque Churche, where and whoc he is that hath offended againste the will of God, and whoe bcinge once a Christian is fallen from the socictic, or gone astraye outc of the pathe and waye of the Churche. These are the trewe keyes and twoo swordes which God hath put into prestos handes. And Peter Lom- barde, the Master of the Sentences, one of their owne doctors, is of St. Ilieromes opinion. And what auc- thoritie in the place above recited Christe comitted unto Peter, the same gave he also unto all the rest of his Apostles, John 20. verse 21. sayenge to them all: Whoesoever synnes yee remitte, they are remitted unto them ; and whoesoever synnes yee retaine, they are retained. But that either Peter or any of the Apos- tles did teache or affirme, that they had aucthoritie to give awaye kingdomes of heathen Princes to those that were so farr from havinge any interest in them, that they knewe not whether there were any suche contries in the worlde or noe, I never reade nor m i' 1 • «i ^^ 144 DISCOURSE CONCERMNO ' I -4 If heardo, nor any mane else, as I vcrely bclcve. Which moste injustc and wrongful! dealingc of the Pope was notably confuted by Atabalipa, beinge an infidell. For after Fryer Vincent of Valverde, of the conipunic and traine of Pi9ar, had made an oration to him, the some whereof was that he shoulde become a C'hris- tyan, and that he shoulde obey the Pope and the Em- peror, to whome the Pope had geven his kingdome, Atabalipa, bcinge greutely insensed, '"eplied, that, sce- ingc he was nowe free, he woulde not become tribu- tarye, nor thincke that there was any greater lot Jo then himsclfe ; but that he was willingc to be the Emperor's frcnde and to have his acquaintaunce, for that he muste nedes be some grcate lorde that sente so many armies abroade into the worldc. Ho aunswcrcd, moreover, that he woulde not in any wise obey the Pope, seinge he gave away that which be- longed to another, moche lesse that he woulde leave his kingdome, that came unto him by inheritaunce, to one which he had never scene in his life. And whereas Fryer Vincent, beinge displeased at his re- plye, was gladd to seeke any waye to wreake his anger upon him, insomoche as when Atabalipa lett his portesse fall to the grounde, he was so testyc that he sett Pi9ar and his souldiers forwardes, cry- enge, Vengeaunce, Christians, vengeaunce ! give the chardge upon them; whereby many Indians, withoute resistaunce, or any stroke stricken on their partes, were moste pitefuUy murdred and massacred, and Atabalipa himselfe taken, and afterwardes trecher- ously put to deathe ; this Frier himselfe, by Gods \ ..^t T^ WE8TERNE PLANTING. 145 justo judf^omonto, was aftcrwardos boaton to (Iratlio with c'lubbcs by the inhabitantcs of Puna, as ho Ht'dd from Don Diogo de Almnp;ro, as Frauncos liOpoz do Gomera precisely and of purpose noteth, libro 5. cap. 85. of liis (Jlenerall Historic of the Inihes ; and, besides iiim, all the reste of the chefo that were the executioners of his rashe counsell, and of the Popes Donation, came to mostc wretched and unfortunate endes, as the aforesaide author there set- tcth downe in twoo severall chapiters of Considera- tions, as he calleth them. Moreover, since the fourmc of the donation ronneth not absolutely, but with this condition and chardge moste straightly enjoyncd, viz., that the Kinges of Spaine shouldc sonde thither sober and godly men, and cause the inhabitantcs of tlioso contries dis- covered or to bu discovered to be instructed in the Catholicque faithe, and noseled in goodd manners, and that they shoulde carefully applye themselves thereunto ; wee answer, that these conditions have bene wonderfully neglected, and that neither the peo- ple have bene carefully instructed in relligion nor manners, and consequently that the conditions beinge not perfourmed the donation oughte of righte to be voide. For the Kinges of Spaine have sent suche helhoundes and wolves thither as have not converted, but almoste quite subverted them, and have rooted oute above tiftene millions of reasonable creatures, as Bartholmewe de Casas, the Bisshoppe of Chiapa in the West Indies, a Spaniarde borne, dothe write at large in a whole volume of that argumente. And 19 \ m hi • P il SI. 146 DISCOURSE CONCERNING » 1 I ( Gonsaluo de Oiiiedo, another of their owne histori- ographers, and Capitaiiie of the Castle of Sancto Do- mingo ia llispaniohi, affirmeth the like : For there hath Spaniardes come into these contries, saieth he, which, havinge lefte their consciences and all feare of God and men behinde them, have plaicd the partes not of men, but of dragons and infidells, and, havinife no respccte of humanitie, have bene the cause that many Indians, that peradventure mighte have bene converted and saved, are deade by divers and sondrie kindes of deathes. And althoughe those people had not bene converted, yet if they had bene lett to live, they mighte have bene profitable to youv Majestic and an aide unto the Christians, and certaine partes of the lande shoulde not wholy have bene disinhabited, which by this occasion are altogether in a manner dispeopled. And they that have beuL' the cause of suche f^-^struction call this contrie thus dispeopled and wasted, the conrie conquered and pacified; but I call it, quoth Gonsc,^lo, the contrie which is destroyed and ruyncd ; yea, so farr have they bene of from drawinge the Indians to the likinge of Christianitie and true llelligion^ that the sentence of the Apostl? may moste truly be verified of them, vvhoe saieth : The namo oi God is blasphemed amonge the Gen- tiles throughe you ; ffor proofe whereof you shall not nede to reade but that which Peter Benzo of Milan hath written, whoe remayned in these Indies, and served in the warres with the Spaniardes againste the Indians for the space of fourtene yeres. This Benzo saieth chat the Indians, not havinge studied logicke. f'^'r'f^ WESTERNE ILANTING. m concluded very pertinently and catagorically, that the Spaniardes, which spoiled their contrie, were more dangerous then wilde bcastes, more furious then lyons, more fcarefull and terrible then fire and water, or any thinge that is moste outeragious in the worlde. Some also called them the fome of the sea, others gave them names of the bcastes which are moste cruell and lyvinge of praye which they have in their contrie. There were some likewise that called them Tuira, as one would say, the Denlls goodd grace. Those thinges bcinge thus, whoe seeth not that the Pope is frustrated of the ende which he intended in his Donation, and so the same oughte not to take effecte? 5. Ffiftly, yf yt be true and that the Pope mente goodd earnest, that all Empcrours and Kinges which shoulde sende their subjectes or others to discover withoute the Kinge of Spaines leave shoulde be ex- communicated by him, why did he not firste excom- municate Kinge Henry the Seaventh for sendinge furthe Sebastian Gabota with three hundred Eng- lishemen, whoe, by Gomera his owne confession, dis- covered from 58. degrees in the northe to 38. degrees towardes the equinoctiall ? Why did he not the like to Kinge Henry the Eightc for sendinge to discover wcstwarde, in the xix*.'' yere of his reigne, while he was yet in obedience to the Churche of Rome ? ^V'hy was he not offended and incensed againste Qucene Mary, whoe suffred her subjectes, in the yere 15o(). to scke oute, by the northcaste, the way to Cathaio and China, which are bothe within the pretended lymites 'II m m •1 SI' •I 148 DISCOURSE CONCERNING of his donation, as John Gaetan and other Spaniaidcs doe write? Why did he not exercise his censures ecclesiasticall againste the Kinge of Ffraunce, Fraun- ces tlie Firste, for sendinge furthe Verarsanus twise or thrise, laques Cartier twise, and llobervall once, to- wardcs the southwest and northwest? Why was not Ilenrv the Seconde of Fraunce excommunicated for sendinge ^"illcgagnon to inhabite in Brasill under the tropicke of Capricorne ? Or Charles the IX*?* for aid- ing Ribault firste, and after Ladoniere, and a thirdc tyme Ribault, to fortifie and inhabite in Horida ? Or why did he not thunder againste Emanuell, Kinge of Portingale, for suffringe Gasper Corterealis twise to seeke to finde oute the northweste passage, and one of his brothers another time afterwarde ? Or where- fore did he not openly rebuke the Kinge of Den- marke for suffringe his subjccte, John Scolno, a Dane, in the yere 1500. to seke the Straighte by the northweste, of whome Gemma Frisius, and Hicro- nymo Giraua, a Spaniarde, make mention ? Or what shoulde be the reason that all these kingres of Ens:- land, F>auncc, Portingale, and Denmarke, beinge otherwise all at these times in obedience of the Churche of Home, shoulde, withoute consente as yt were, disanuU and never make accompte of this Bull of the Pope ? which thinge doubtles they woulde never have don, yf they had bene fully perswaded in their consciences, that if any Prince or Fimperour, of what estate or condition soever, shoulde attempte the con- trary, as it is in the conclusion of the said Bull, he shoulde be assured to incurr the indignation of f"'"'f in WESTERNE PLANTING. 149 beinge Almightie God and of the Apostles St. Peter and St. Puwle. But no\ve, scinge all the kinges aforesaide sente all their subjectes to discover beyonde the Popes partition lyne withoute the leave or permission of the Spaniarde, they seme with one accorde to tes- tifie unto the worlde, that they made no reconynge of the breache of that Bull, as of an acte moste unjuste, moste unreasonable, and moste prejudiciall to all other Chiistian princes of the worlde. Againe ; yt were small charitie in the Popes to curse those Princes that have bene or are willinge to employe their treasures and people in advauncinge the honour and glory of God, and the lawfull enrich- inge and benefite of their people. And whatsoever Pope shouldc excommunicate or curse any Christian prince for seekinge to reduce to the knowledge of God and to civill manners those infinite multitudes of infidells and heathen people of the West Indies, which the Spaniardes in all this time have not so moche as discovered, moche less subdued or con- verted, his curse woulde lighte upon his owne heade, and, to those which he cursed undeservedly, woulde be turned to a blessinge. To be shorte ; thoughe Pope Alexander the vj'!' by his unequall division, hath so puffed upp and in- flamed with pride his moste ambitious and insatiable contrymen, that they are growen to this high conceite of themselves, that they shall shortly attaine to be lurdes and oncly seigniors of all the earthe, inso- moche as Gonsaluo de Ouiedo sticketh not to write to Charles the Emperour, sayenge : God hath geven il m si HI 150 DISCOURSE CONCERNING kiili'' " you these Indies accio che vosira Males fa sia uniuer- sale et unico monarcha del mondo — to the intente that your Majestie shoulde be the iiniversall and onely monarch of the worlde ; yet God that sittcth in heaven laugheth them and their partitions to scorne, and he will abase and bringe downe their proude lookcs, and humble their faces to the duste ; yea, he will make them, at his goodd time and pleasure, to confesse that the earthe was not made for them one- ly ; as he hath already shewed unto the Portingalcs, which, not longe since, takinge upon them to dcvide the worlde with lynes, doe nowe beholde the line of Gods juste judgemente drawen over themselves and their owne kingdome and possessions. And nowe, no doubte, many of them remember that the threat- eninge of the prophet hath taken holde upon them, whoe pronounceth an heavie woe againste all suche as spoile, because they themselves shall at length be spoiled. 6. Finally, to come to the sixte and laste pointe, yf you consider what recompcnce the Kinges of Spaine have made to the Popes for this so greate a benefite bestowed upon them, you shall easely see and acknowledge with me, that they were either moste ungrateful, or, which is moste likely, that they never thoughte that they helde the Indies as the Popes gifte unto them, or that their title unto those regions depended upon his francke almes or libertilitie ; ffor, if they had don soe, they coulde have done no lesse but have geven him the presentation of all arche- bisshopricks and bisshoprickes, and other greate Tl WESTERN E PLANTING. 151 ecclesiastical promotions in recompence of their for- mer and large curtesie, wherein they have don the flatt contrary, reservinge onely unto themselves the presentation and patronage of all the archebisshop- ricks and bisshopricks that they have erected in the West Indies ; ffor, as Gomera saieth in his 6. booke and 23. chapiter of his Generall Historie of the In- dies, the Kinge of Spaine is patrone of all the arche- bisshoprickcs, bysshoprickes, dignities, and benefices of the West Indies, and so he onely appointeth and presenteth them, so that he is absolute lorde of the Indies. This argueth that the Kinges of Spaine never made any greate accompte of the Popes' Donation, but onely to blinde the eyes of the worlde with the sea of Rome ; ffor doubtles, if they had acknowledged their tenure to depende, as I saied, of the Popes mere lib- eralitie, they woulde have don otherwise, and woulde have requited them farr otherwise then by excludinge them quite oute, and makinge themselves absolute patrones of all ecclesiasticall dignities whatsoever. M If "■ hi at *l i' »i #1 ■ft »i It 152 DISCOURSE CONCERNING Cap. XX. % bvclc collection of certaine reasons to induce her Majestie and the state to take in hande the westerne voyad) m m •I I I. 'I: !■:!! { I • r t : 1^!! 154 DISCOURSE CONCERNING upon the roalme, without breache of peace or sworde drawcn agaiuste this realme by any forreine state ; and not offer our auncient riches to scornefuU neighboures at home, nor sell the same in effecte for nothinge, as wee shall shortly, if presently it be not provaided for. The increase of the wolles of Spaine and America is of highe pollicie, with greate desire of our ovcrthrowe, endevourcd ; and the goodnes of the forren wolles our people will not enter into the consideration of, nor will not beleve aughte, they be so sotted with opin- ion of their owne ; and, yf it be not foresene and some such place of vent provided, farewell the goodd state of all degrees in this realme. 6. This enterprise may staye the Spanishe Kinge from flowinge over all the face of that waste firme of America, yf wee seate and plante there in time, in tymc I say, and wee by plantinge shall lett him from makingc more shorte and more safe returnes oute of the noble portes of the purposed places of our plantinge, then by any possibilitie he can from the parte of the firme that nowe his navies by ordinary courses come from, in this that there is no comparison betwene the portes of the coastes that the Kinge of Spaine dothe nowe possesse and use, and the portes of the coastes that our nation is to possesse by plant- inge at Norumbega, and on that tracte faste by, more to the northe and northeaste, and in that there is from thence a moche shorter course, and a course of more temperature, and a course that possesscth more contynuaunce of ordinary windes, then the present course of the Spanishe Indian navies nowe '^'Tfl^] M WESTERNE PLANTING. 155 iiowe dothe. And Engliind ]iosscssingo the purposed ])l.icc of plantinge, her Miijcstio may, by the bcne- fete of the scute, havinge wonne goodd and royall havens, liave pknitie of excellent trees for mastes, of goodly timber to buildc shippes and to make greate navies, of pitche, tarr, hempe, and all thinges inci- dent for a navie royall, and that for no price, and withoute money or request. Howe easie a matter may yt be to this realme, swarminge at this day with valiant youthes, rustinge and hurtfull by lacke of em- ployment, and havinge goodd makers of cable and of all sortes of cordage, and the best and moste con- nynge shipwrights of the worlde, to be lordes of all those sees, and to spoile Phillipps Indian navye, and to deprive him of yerely passage of his treasure into Europe, and consequently to abate the pride of Spaine and of the supporter of the greate Antechriste of Home, and to pull him downe in equallitie to his neighbour princes, jmd consequently to cutt of the common mischcfes that come to all Europe by the peculiar aboundaunce of his Indian treasure, and thiss withoute difficultie. 7. This voyadge, albeit it may be accomplished by barke or smallest pynnesse for advise or for a neces- sitie, yet for the distaunce, for burden and gaine in trade, the marchant will not for profitts sake use it but by shippes of greate burden ; so as this realme shall have by that meaue shippes of greate burden and of greate strengthe for the defence of this realme, and for the defence of that newe seate, as nede shall require, and withall greate increase of perfecte sea- i 11.1 ml 156 DISCOURSE CONCERNING K: ; I ; » I men, which grcate princes in time of warres wante, and which kindo of men are neitlier nourished in fewc daics nor in fewe yeres. 8. Thisnewc navie of mightie ncwe stronge shijjpes, 80 in trade to that Norumbega and to the coastes there, shall never be subjccte to arreste of any prince or potentate, as the navic of this realme from time to time hath bene in the portes of thempire, in the portes of the Base Contries, in Si)aine, Fraunce, Por- tingale, &c., in the tymes of Charles the Emperour, Fraunces the Frenche kinge, and others ; but shall be alwayes free from that bitter mischeefe, withoutc grefe or hazarde to the marchaunte or to the state, and so ahvaies readie at the comaundement of the prince with mariners, artillory, armor, and munition, ready to offcnde and defende as shalbc required. 9. The greate masse of wealthe of the realme im- barqued in the marchantes shippes, caried oute iu this newe course, shall not lightly, in so farr distant a course from the coaste of Europe, be driven by windes and tempestes into portes of any forren princes, as the Spanishc shippes of late yeres have bene into our portes of the Weste Contries, &c.; and so our marchantes in rcspecte of private state, and of the realme in respecte of a generall safetie from venture of losse, are by this voyadge oute of one greate mischefe. 10. No forren commoditie that comes into England comes withoute payment of custome once, twise, or thrise, before it come into the realme, and so all forren comodities become dercr to the subjectes of this p lll'f»'ll im "WESTERNE PLANTING. 157 re.ilmo ; and by this course to Nonimbrfra fnrrrn princes customcs arc avoided ; and the forren coinodi- tics choapely purchased, thty become cheapo to the Bubjectes of iMigland, to tlie common bcnefite of the people, and to the savinge of greate treasure in the reahne ; whereas nowe the reahne becometho pooro by the purchasingc of forreine comodities in so greate a masse at so excessive prices. 11. At the firste traficcpie with the people of those partes, the subjectes of this real me for many yeres shall chaunge many cheape comodities of these partes for thinges of highe valor there not estemcd ; and this to the greate inrichinge of the realme, if common use faile not. I'i. By the greate plentie of those regions the mar- chantcs and their factors shall lye there cheape, buye and rcpaire their shippes cheape, and shall returne at pleasure withoute staye or restrainle of forreine prince ; whereas upon stales and restraintes the mar- chaunte raiseth his chardge in sale over of his ware ; and, buycnge his wares cheape, he may mainteine trade with smalle stocke, and withoute takinge upp money upon interest ; and so he shalbe riche and not subjecte to many hazardes, but shalbe able to afforde the comodities for cheape prices to all subjectes of the realme. 13. By makinge of shippes and by preparinge of thinges for the same, by makinge of cables and cord- age, by plantinge of vines and olive trees, and by makinge of wyne and oyle, by husbandrie, and by thousandes of thinges there to be done, infinite nom- i SI il $1* 4i' 158 DISCOURSE CONCERNINQ 1 » i 1 I 1 i i r r liilHl iii— ■■ i i r T r i' bci's of tlic Enj^lisho Uiitiou may bo set on worko, to the luibunlcuyuf^c of tlie realmc with many that nowc lyve chardf^'cable to the state at home. 14. If the sea coste serve for makinge of salte, and the inland for wine, oiles, oranges, lymons, tigges, &c., and for makinge of yron, all which with moche more is hoix'd, withoute sworde drawen, wee shall cutt the combe of the Frenche, of the Spanishe, of the Portingale, and of enemies, and of doubtfull frendes, to the abatinge of their wcalthe and force, and to the greater savinge of the wcalthe of the rcaltne. 15. The snbstannces servinge, wee may onto of those ])artc8 reccave the masse of wronght wares that now wee receave out of Fraunce, Flaunders, Germunye, &c, ; and so wee may daunte the pride of some enemies of this realmc, or at the leaste in parte purchase those wares, that nowe wee buye derely of the Frenche and Flemynge, better clica[)e ; and in the ende, for the parte that this rcalme was wonte to receave, dryve them oute of trade to idlenes for the settinge of our people on worke. 16. Wee shall by plantinge there inlarge the glory of the gospell, and from England plante sincere rel- ligion, and provide a safe and a sure place to receave people from all partes of the worlde that are forced to liee for the truthe of Gods worde. 17. If frontier warres there chaunce to aryse, and if thereupon wee shall fortifie, yt will occasion the trayninge upp of our youthe in the discipline of warr, and make a nomber fitt for the service of the "VW rn WESTERN E PLANTING. 159 warrcs and for the defence of our peoi)lc tlicrc and at home. IH. The Spaniardes fi;ovcrnc in the Indies with all pride and tyranie ; and lii I ROOTKS AND Lettis. Endiffe. HERBES. Alexander. Orege. Tynie. Rosemary. Mustard Seede. Feniic'll. Anny Scedes, newe and freshe to be sowen. ^m ^VESTERNE PLANTING. 16a THE ENCRKASE, REXEWE, AND THE CONTINEWE OF VICTUALL AT THE PLANTINOK ri.ACES, AND MKX AXI> TIIINGKS INCIDENT AND TEND- INGE TO THE SAME. Bores, Sowcs. Conies, Biieke and Dowe. Doves, male and female. Coekes, Ilemies. Dtukes, male and female, for lowe soiles. Turkies, male and female. >Vheat, Rye, Barley. Bigge, or Barley Bere. Oatcs, Beanes. Pease, Ffacclies. Three square Graine. To sowo to vittell by breacle and ilrinke, Suger cane planters with the plantes. Vyne planters. Olyve j)lanter3. Gardiners for herbcs, rootes, and for ail earthe frutes. Graders for frute trees. Hunters, skilfull to kill wilde beasts for vittell. Warryners to breede conies and to kill vermyn. Fowlers. Si'a Fisshcrs. Fresh water Fisshers. Knytters of netts. Butchers. Suiters and seasoners of vittell. Suite makers. C'ookes. Bakers. Brewers. Greyhoundes to kill decre, &c. Mastivcs to kill he.tvie beastes of ravyne and for nighto watches. Bloudo houndes to recover hurte dere. Ml «l •M PROVISIONS TENDINGE TO FORCE. Men expcrte in the arte of fortification. Plat formes of many formes redied to cany with you by advise of the best. I'apituines of longe and of greate exr;'^rieiic(;. Siiiddiirs well trayned in Fllauuders to joyne with the younger. llar([ubussliiers of skill. Archers, stronge bowmen, Bowyers. Ftletchers. Arrow head makers. Bow stave preparers. M ^ip 164 DISCOURSE CONCERNING Glow makers. Morryce pike makers and of halbert staves. Makers of spades and shovel's for pyoners, trentcht. s, and forte makers. Makers of basketts to cary eartlie to fortes and rampiers. Pioners and spaJemen for fortification. Salte peter makers. Gonne powder makers. Targett makers of homes, defensive againstc savages. Oylethole doublett makers, defensive, iighte and gentle to lye in. Turners of targetts of ehne, and of other toughe woodds Iighte. Shippes, 1 ^ *" ' • furnished with experte Seamen. Barkes, Busses with flatt botoms, Swifte boates and barges to passe by windc and oare, covered with quilted canvas of defence againste sh(^tt from the shoare, to perce ryvers for discoverie, and to passe to and froe, offensive and defen- sive againste savages, devised by Mr. liodenham of Spaine. Shipwrights in some nomber to be emi)loyed on the timber. Oare makers, and makers of cable and of cordage. PROVISIONS INCIDENT TO THE FIRSTE TRAFICQUE AND TRADE OV MARCUAXDIZE. Grubbers and rooters upp of cipres, cedars, and of all other faire trees, for to be employed in coffers, deskes, &c., for traficque. Mattocks, narrowe and longe, of yron, to that purpose. Millwrights, to make millcs for spedy and cheape sawinge of timber and boardes for trade, and firste traficque of suertie. Millwrights, for corne milles. Sawyers, for comon use. Cai-pinters, for buildingos. Joyners, to cutt oute the boordes into chests to be imbarqued for England. Blacksmithes, to many greate and nedefull uses. Pitclie makers. Tarr makers. Burners of asshes for the trade of sope asshes. Cowpers, for barrells tc inclose those asshes. Tallow chandlers, to prepare the tallowe to be incasked for England. Waxechandlers, to prepare waxe in like sorte. Diers, to seeke in that firme that riche cochinilho and other thinges for that trade. Mynerall men. WESTERNE PLANTING. 165 ARTESANES, 8ERV1NGE OUU FIBSTE PLANTERS, NOT IN TKAKICQL'E BUT FOR BUILDINOE8. Brick makers. Tile makers. Lyme makers. Bricklayers. Tilers. Thachers with recile, russbes, broome, or strawo. Syiikers of wallcs and finders of springes. (iiiarrcllers to digge tile. Roiighe Masons. Cai'pinters. Lathmakers. AKTESANES, SERVINGE OUR FIRSTS PL.VNTERS, .OfD IN PARTE 8ERV1NGB FOR TRAl'lCQUE. Barbors. Launders. Tailors. Bdtcbers. Paile makers. Burcaebiomakers. Botflemakers of London. Shoemakers, coblers. Tanners, white tawyers. ]5iifle skynne dressers. Sliamew skynne di'essers. A PRESENT PROVISION FOR liAISIXGE A NOT.UiLE TRADE FOR THE TIME TO CO.MK. The knitt wollen cappe of Toledo in Spaine, called honetfo riir/io colkrado, so infinitely solde to the ]M()e carlicftt date on which he is found oflic .styled Sir Walter is '24th February, l.'')85. (iJ'Ewes' .Jo .nal, p. .'J5(); and T'lirleigh's Orders to know tho force of the Stainiaries, hi St. John's Ualeigh, p. 1)1, ed- 1809.) The time at which he was knighted must have been between these dates. It is aflirnied by .1. Payne Collier, Esq., that, in the title to his cojty of llaleiglTs Patent, he is styled already Knight; and it is hence argued by him that ho was knighted at least a year before tho time usvuiUy assigned to that event. (Areho3- ologia, Vol. XXXIV. j)p. 115, 14(;, ISS'i.) It is sufficient to answer that the original Patent Poll, bearing date 25th March, 1584, has no title or caption (20 Eliz., Pt. I.), .and that tho titles or captions found prefixed to tho several reprints or Copies of tlii iginal Patent are the work of the several editors or copyist ' stand entirely on their authority ; that tho cai)tions pren... .i to Ilakluyt's reprints of this T'atent in his edition of 1589 (p. 725), and in that of 1000 (III. 24:}), were added by himself. In both these editions, the title is the same ; viz., " The Letters Patents graunted by tho Queenes IM.ajestio to M. W.alter Ralegh, now Knight," &c. And it signifies, as in our title-page, only this : that, whereas, in the body of the original I'atent, the Patentee is styled Walter llalegh, Esq., he had now, viz., at the time when this caption was pre- fixed, been made Knight. The copy of Raleigh's Patent, which Collier speaks of as /*«.■*, can hardly have been made from these well-known reprints of Ilakluyt, with his caption prefixed. It was probably taken from that preserved in tho Record OtHce, and referred to in Dom. Eliz., Vol. CLXIX. No. 37. To this copy the following title is prefixed, viz. : "Letters Patent, from Qu. Eliz. to Sir Walter Rawleigh, entitled The Lfes Patents granted by the Queene's Majestic, to Mr. Walter Raleigh, Ifl NOTES TO IIAKLUYT8 DISCOURSE. 173 Tviit.," Sn'. Hilt this copy, as Wf nro aHsiirod by Mr. SaiiiHlmry, w!iH iiiaili' by a very inaccurate ck-rlx <>t' Sir Joscpii Williamson, in tlic time of Cliarics II. Tiic caption was duulitlcss prclixoil by the dork. It is needless to say that it cannot justify tlio conclusion drawn from it by Mr. Collier, or any conclusion, cxcejit that, in the opinion of the clerlv who wrote the cap- tion, the Walter IImIcIl;!!, Kscp, of (he orij^inal Patent, had been sul»se(piently kiiiijfhted. It mii^ht bo added, if it were wortli while to urgtie this jjoint further, that not only in the orii^inal Patent, but in the State Papers referring to it, up to th(f time of its confirmativ.n by Parliament, the Patentee Ls always styled Walter Jialeigh, Escp (See Dom. Eliz., Vol. CLXIX. Nos. 85, 80.) " Before the- coinyiuje home of his two b>tr/:e.'i" — Tlic two barks were those which left England *27tli April, 1584, under the connnand of Captains Aiiiiidiis and IJarlow, and returii('(l "about the middest of September" of the same year. (llak. III. t»4G, '250.) " Ami is devided info rxi chapiters, the titles inhcrcof fol- loioa in the iiexte leaf:.'''' — The original manuscript of this Discourse, written in 1584, and the first (and )ierh;i])s the second) copy of it made in 1585, were divided into <»/v ?(/■// chap- ters only, to which were prefixed only twenty titles or heads, "orrcsponding to those of our copy. The twenty-first chapter and its title were added aflerwards, though exactly when is not known. It thus appears that this title-page could not have been jirefixed to the original Discourse. That was presented to (iueen Elizabeth by the author two days before his dis))atch to Paris, after his summer vacation in London; whereas this title- ])age could not have been written until after the miildle of September, 1584, when the two barks had returned ; nor until afler the lOtli December of that year, when Ifaleigh had not yet been knighted ; nor until after Easter of 1585, when as yet the Discourse was divided into only twenty chapters. The original Discourse was called by its author '• Mr. Tiawley's Voyage," and probably bore this title when presented to the Queen. The first copy, made for Walsingham, ami pre- sented to him in 1585, was called "Sir Walter Ilaleigh'a lii 174 APPENDIX. Voyage to the West Indies," and ])robal)ly was so designated on its title-page. It would be interesting to know at Avliat time and on what occasion our more full and descriptive title- page was substituted. w. r I I ; I r : 1 1 1 I \ 1 ■■ f 1 NOTE ON THE HEADS OF CHAPTERS. A copy of the Heads of Chapters of this Discourse, to which the twenty-first Head had not yet been added, and which hence r.iust have been earlier than oi'rs, is preserved in the Public Record Ottice (Doni. Eliz., Vol. CXCV. No. 1-J7), and is pub- lished in full in this Appendix, m f-.tc-simiJe. It appears from the foct-note subjoined to that earlier copy that it was a transcript mar ociates in a manner 5'o. XI. in- thc power n to tliis ihaps had Luring land and Discourse, occupied penly ad- I pq rd f« j^UBUic JIecord OpFrcE. See pp. xxxiv-xl. 'Z J. r J' z_ ^^ «- (-V*^ ^^ ^^l_ .^ c y)<3viv*^ f^^'^,^ r^'"*'^ ^ '^^^ o^ c^-^^»#- ^ -^/rt>^yT^^ "^ „r«^;^ '§f'^^'*^ y^vo-y^y^ -^ ^ "^ >^-^»-^, ^^^Ay/ ..*L ^^ ^^o- ^u^ ^J- , ^„^..» — /o^y,— »«jSl. ^>,»^-**»v// cfe'»r*->*«>- ^-"^"•jsr^ -^^^/^ y^S^ y^^-»^ ^ r*-v-^ /sP"^ "f-^r*^ ■^>- <^H/^ -/^ A- -i- 1 'k ^ 'k \\ '01 oq cn 3 pi ^-3 Si H -7 / -T'i yLj- a^. 'mt; /»oa«#- -A/ ^ ..^^^A ..^ ^ ^^^.^ _^ ^^ ^^^ -^^"^ 0. 2^ ^^^ ^o^Y- /^^ 4^ ...j,..^ ^ 4— ^ yX-^-^vt/^/; •c^> >T«^tl^ J. A ^ £>- • /' tV ^ - ■ "^ '^■^-^ '^^^ '^-*~*~-*7M Tt- /TOW *^ / ^ *_>,..-»-*. ^ci^^Sw- 7* ^^»— «»-3-A>— '"^/^'^Z^, (J^^e-^^-^ >->«W?>^ "^^^ / '^^/ f_^ T- - rr J w f ;^4#^ ^4 fi il^-^ti^l t' Si-- -V S o 06 pi ^ 'xr /"^'fcS'"^'^'!^'^ t:OtLa^^^Ji^ 4 W» Ry>r^ yi^ ■» » «>< •»< 0^Ci^9^ F^"*"*^' ^^3-7- cj/ "inf ^*- ^,^^ •(J JT •>y*'«>*,' /7 i" ^ ^ 7^ — .j.^^., !: r»grce; and the reader who has a curiosity to compare the remaindtr of the heads of chapters in tho two lists, will find a like agreement as far as to the twentieth chapter. I. That this wcsterne di.scourye will be g[reately for thinlarge- mente of the gospell] of Christe, whereuuto tho princes of tho [refourmed relligion aro chefely] bound, among whomc her Ma"® : is principall. II. That all other Englisho trades are gi'owen beggcrlyc or dan- g[erous,] especially in all the Kinge of Spayne his dumynions, where [our] men aro dryvcn to flingo their bibles & prayer bookes into the sea, and to forsweare & renounce their relli- gion & conscience & consequently theyr obedycnce to her Ma"» : [X. A brefe decla]racon of the chefe Ilandes in the bay of IMkxico [being u]nde[r] the Kinge of Spaine with their havens & fortes, & what comodities they yeeld. w. ^ii "li F-i a ■ ffill! 176 APPENDIX. NOTES ON THE TEXT OF THE DISCOURSE. Page 7. The people " which Stephen Oomes hroughte from the coaste of N^orumhega in the yere 1524 [1525J." Estavan Gomez was a Portuguese pilot, who, about 1518, entered the service of Spain. He sailed with Magellan on his famous voyage in 1519, as pilot of one of the vessels, the " San Antonia"; but he did not accompany the cominander through the strait whicii now bears his name. With his ship and crew, Gomez deserted Magellan and returned home, reporting the strait as too dangerous for passage. On the return of the remaining vessel, in 1522, having for the first time made the voyage round the world, Gomez proposed to lead an expedition for the discovery of a north-west jiassage. The rival claims of Spain and Portugal to the division of the newly discovered regions delayed the sailing of his expedition. The council of Badajos was convened in 1524, and Gomez was sent as commis- sionc. That council settled nothing. On its dissolution, his preparations were completed; and he sailed from Corunna in February, 1525. Nothing from his own pen or that of his companions relating to this voyage lias come down to us ; and the accounts in Peter Martyr, Oviedo, Gomara, Herrera, and Galvano, are fragmentary and unsatisfactory. It is not certain where he made his l;ind-fall : whether he sailed up or down our coast. The authorities conflict. Dr. Kohl, wlio has given an excellent summary of the evidence, in the first volume of our "Documentary History," at pages 271-281, is of opinion that he sailed along the coast of Newfoundland to the south as far us 40° or 41* N. Failing to find the passage sought for, he tooK on board nf his vessels, probably at this place, a number of Indians and carried thera to Spain. He was absent ten months. An interesting memorial of his voyage exists on the map of the Spanish cosmog-apher Ribero, of 1529. On a large section of the map, representing apjiarently the territory ol' New England and Nova Scotia, is inscribed in large letters, /\ NOTES TO HAKLUYTS DISCOURSE. 177 ', the coaste ♦'Ticrra de Eslevan Gomez," continued in Spanish in smaller cliaracLcrs, "which he fliscovcrcd at tlie command of his Majesty, in 'viie year 1525. There are here many trees and fruits similar to \,hose in Spain ; and many walrusses, and salmon, and fish of all sorts. Gold they have not found." In the text of Ilak- luyt cited above, he says that Gomez brought these idolaters from " the coast of Norumbega." On page 25 of this Discourse, Hakluyt quotes the passage about Gomez from the Italian of Ramusio, Vol. III. Tiie original Spanish is here given from the "Sumario" of Oviedo, fjl. xiiii., followed by the English version of Richard Eden. It will be seen that the writer does not mention " Norum- bega" by name: — Despues que V. M. esta enesta cibdad de Toledo llego aqni enel mes de Nouiembre, el piloto Esteuan gotnez, el qual enel ano passado de mil y quinientos y veynte y quatro : por miidado de V. M. sue ala ])arte d'l norto, y hiillit mucha tierra continuada con la que so llama delos Bacallaos, 8 Gomara t inclined 1 ignorant jad" (see froni that Lluyt of a )lished by ranslated the mean NOTES TO HAKLUYTS DISCOURSE. 179 |l4!^5, and If voyages in 15C)0, entitled "Primn Volume delle Navigation! et Viaggi," &c. The second volmne was published in 1550, after the deatli of the Editor ; and the third, which relates wholly to America, in 1560, the year before Ramusio's death. lie was diligent and successful in collecting original materials for his work, and was a correspondent, among others, of Oviedo and Cabot. Page 7. « (kiiedor Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Vahles was born at IMadrid, in 1478. lie was educated at the Court of Spain, and was page to Prince Juan. In 1514, he was sent out to the New World as supervisor of gold-smcltiiigs, and lived at Darien in Tierra Firme. He subsequently established liimself at llis- paniola. He lived in America nearly forty years, including occasional visits to S|>ain. In 15l26, he ])ublished at Toledo his Sumario, entitled " Ouiedo do la natural hystoria de las Indias." Mr. Ticknor, in liis "History of Spanish Literature" (3d ed. II. 33), errs in assigning 1528 as the date of this publi- cation, and also in saying that the work is a "summary of the History of tlie Spanish Conquests in the New World." A copy is in Harvard CoHege Library. It contains, mainly, an account of the West Indies, tlieir geography, climate, tlie races who inliabited them, together with tlieir animals and vegetable productions. Oviedo wrote a larger and more im- ))nrtant work, entitled "Lahistoria general de las Indias,'' on whicli he was employed when he ]uiblis]ied his "Sumario." It originally consisted of fifty books, divideil into three parts. Tiie first part, consisting of nineteen books, an\>. ll)-'J7 ; Marshall, Christian IMissions, Vol. II. j». 1<1"J ; Walsh, Notices of IJrazil, Vol. I. p. 1.^)3; Kidder and Fletcher; Soiithey, History (f Brazil ; Thevet, Cosmographie, Singularitcz, tfcc. w. Page 11. " And those [^nif/nlstcrs'] that loente with John Itihault into There is no evidence "that ministers went with Pihault into Florida," either in Ribault's own account of his first ex- pedition, in 15(3'2, or in Laudoiinit-re's account of that and the subsequent expeditions, in 1504-65. In the first of these accounts (the (jnly one to which Ilakluyt had access when ho wrote this Discourse), it is represented th.-xt Coligny Iwul been stirred u]> to promote this ex])edition, not only by his ])atriotic piu'poses, but by the hope he had "that a number of brutish people, and ignorant of Jesus Christ, might by his grace come to some knowledge of his holy laws and onlinances." And hence it may have been carelessly taken for granted by Ilak- luyt that ministers went with Ilibault. But if the plans of Coligny embraced the founding of a Protestant .asylum and the conversion of the heathen, as ultimate objects of his colony in Florida, it did not suit his policy to enter upon tlie imme- di.ate execution of these ]ilaiis in the very inception of his enterprise. And he could hardly have sent out Genevan min- isters to the exclusion of C.atholic priests, without stam])ing the enterprise with a tyi»e of religious character whiarous jteople, trained up in Paganisme and infidelitie, might be reduced to the knowledge of true religion, and to the hojje of salvation in Christ our Itedeemer." (Ilak. III. 34.) It w.as probably in ))ursuance of this feeling that among the orders for th(( third expedition (ir)7>«), which was intended to eilect a settlement, one is found (added in the liandwriting of Lord Dnrghley), to the ettect that a minister or two should go this journey to ad- minister divine service according to the Church of England. (Sainsbury's Calendar of the East Indies, p. B(i.) And hence a certain "Maister Wolfall, a learned man, was appointed by her Majestie's Councell to be their Minister and Preacher." " This Maister Wolfall, being well seated and settled at home in his owne countrey, with a good and large living, having a good honest woman to wife, and very towardly children, being of good rej)utation among the best, refused not to take in hand this painful voyage, for the onely care he had to save soules, and to reforme those Infldells, if it were possible, to Christianitie." (Ilakluyt, III. 8 {.) No settlement was eflected in this expedi- tion, and no opjjortunity for the worthy minister to enter upon liis labors for the conversion of the Es(piimaux. Even the natives, who Avere taken captive and carried to England, in the first and second voyages, are not known to have been " reformed to Christianitie." A report on the death of the man brought over in the second voyage, "the woman being yet alive," is found in Cal. Domestic Ellz., Vol. CXVIII. No. 40. Large NOTKS TO IIAKIA'YTS DISCOURSE. 189 nnd small iiic'tiiri.'R wore iiiadf of (licin for the Queen and the e()mi)any, at priees varying from €■! to £21. (MSS. of Sir Thomas Philiiiips, No. HT'Jl.) An amnsing account is given of tlie ert'ect prcxhiceil on one of the captives by seeing the portrait of anotlier. (See Hak. III. (57.) w. #1 Paoe 11. "With ,Si'r Fmnois Brake." It wouM seem froui (he (estimony of Tiiomas Fuller, wlio was on (ernis of iiUiuiacy with several of Drake's kinsmen, tliat u minister, whose name is not given, went with Drake in his first adventure (in laOT-GS), in his little bark "Judith," when he lost every tiling at St. Juan ile Ulloa. It is stated by him (Holy State, eil. 1G42, p. i:i3) (liat, after this loss, "Drake Avas persuaded by the Minister of his sliip that he might law- fully recover in value of the King of Spain, ami rejiair his losses upon him." And it is farther represented by Fuller, (hat it was in pursu'^nce of this piece of "sea iJivinity" taught him by his minister, that Drake undertook to •eveiige himself upon that Mighty ^lonareh, — an midcrtaking in which he persevered unscru|)uIously, until after his capture of the Cacafuego in the South Sea, in 1578, when he declared himself "sutHciently satisfied and revenged." (World Encompassed, Ilakluyt Soc. ed., p. 1>4-J.) It is probable, however, that the minister here referred to M'as one who went with Drake in his voyage round the world in 1577-80. His name was Francis Fletcher ; and his Notes (republished by the Ilakluyt Society, in 1854) are one of the principal sources of information regarding that voyage. This minister is represented by Mendoza, the Spanish Ambassador, (quoted by Froude, Vol. XI. p. 373), as having been sent at the instance of a councillor of the Queen, a great rascal and a terrible Puritan (r/randisimo helhico y Pitrltnno terrible) be- cause he could speak the Spanish language, and who, being thus able to disseminate the Puritan heresy (jjestilencia) in the Spanish colonies, was hence regarded as a most dangerous person. Of this same Mr. Fletcher it is reported that, having on one 190 APPENDIX. 0CC.1' on been wanting in his duty, ho was brought to tlie fore- castle, where Drake, representing on his own deck the person of his Sovereign, as liead of Ciinrch as well as State, pronounced him exconiinunicated, cut off from the Churcli of Goil, and giv'jn ove;' to the Dcvii, ami loft him chaiin'(l by the ankle to a rng-bolt. Tills punishnieut, ho.vever, having been inflicted h.ilf in jest, was not of lo»;g duration, and after a day or two the ofll'ndiiig chaplain was absolved, and returned to his duty. (Fronde, Vol. XI. p. 3*J(3; World Encompai^ded, as above, p. 176). w. Page 13. " Our trade in Barbcmer The dangers of the English trade in Barbary had arisei Trom its very beginning, in 1551, not so much from the IMohamuiedan powers on the southern coast of the Meiliterranean, as from the Christian powers on the northern coast. The English trade had from the first been regarded by the several Stat' j of Barbary with peculiar fiivor, and had been })laced on a footing more fi,dvantageous than that of any other Christian state. 1'he neigh- bo"ing Christian powers, on the contrary, though contending with each other for the exclusi\ e possession of the trade of the Levant, were luiited in oj»|)osing the intrusion of the Engiis!., regarding them both as outsiders and as heretics. " The Port- ugals," says James Thomas (wlio went in the second iMiglish voyage to Barbary, in 1552), "were much oftended witl; this our new trade into Barbaric, and both in our voia_;e tlie yeere before, and also in this, they gave out in Eiighnd by their mer- chants, that if they took us in those partes, they would use us as their mortall enemies, with great threates and menaces." (TTak. II. Pt. % p. 9.) On the attemjit of the English to confirm this trade by establishing an embassy in Morocco, in 1577, they eacounti rod, in like manner, the opposition of the Christian powers. The English Ambassador, Edmund llogan, reports to Quean Eliza- beth, that, on his landing in Morocco, although he was reci ived with diplomatic civili'y by the representatives oi' the Ciiristian -- \ .. ^i-x.^; NOTES TO IIAKLUYTS DISCOURSE. 191 )ught to the fore- deck the person itato, i)ronouuceil roll of God, and l>y the ankle to a ig been inHicted fter a day or two rned to his duty, abded, as above, w. ' had ariser ^Vora he Mohammedan iiean, as from the KngUsh trade had tat' J of Barbary I a footing more tate. The neigh- lugh contoiurmg the trade of tlie of the Fngi !;rincipal adventurer, is also found consulting Dr. Dee. 1582, July 16th. — "A meridie hor. 8^ cam Sir George Peckhani to me to know the tytle for Norombega in respect of Spain and Portugall parting the whole world's destilleryes." Purchas (IV. 1812, 1813) has a lonir dissertation on the title to thi- part of the New World, and on "the English right by discovery, Possession," priescription," «5:c. Page 20. "tTo/in Hihanlt toriteth thus in the Jirst hap of his discovrse^ extant in print both in Frenche and Snglis/te." The Discourse of Jean Ribault liere referred to is that which first ajipeared in English in If^GS, under this title: "The whole and true discouerye of Terra Florida (englished the Flourishing lande) Conteyning aswel! the wonderl'ull slraunge natures and maners of the peojile, with the merveylous connnodities and treasures of the country. . . . Never founde out before the last yere 1562. Written in Frenche by Captaine Ribauhl, the fyrst that whollye discoured the same. And nowc newly set fortlie in Englishe the xxx of May. 1563. Prynted at London by :Wk'¥ 196 APPENDIX. Rouland Hall for Thomas ITacket." A copy of this rare tract is in the British Museum. Ilakluyt reprintt'd it in 158'2, in his " Divers Voyages," under this heading : " The true and last dis- couerie of Florida m.»dc by Captaine Jolin Ribault in the yeere 15G2. Dedicated to a great noble man of JFnmnce, and translated into Englishe by one Thomas Ilackit." Near the close of his " Epistle Dedicatorie " to the " Divers Voyages," Ilakluyt says : "The last treatise, of John Ribault, is a thing that hath been alreadio printed, but not nowe to be had, vnless I had caused it to be printed againe." In a note by the learned editor of the " Divers Voyages," rej)rinted by the Ilakluyt Society, at page 94, he says, " The French original [of Ribault's voy- age] is not known to exist, and it is doubtful if it ever was printed." It will be noticed that Ilakluyt says, in the text above cited, that this discourse is " extant in jmnf, bothe in Frenche and Englishe." Pages 21, 22. ** Doctor MonardusP Nicholas Monardes was a learned Sjiaiiish physician, born about the beginning of the sixteenth century, and died in 1578. He published at Seville, in 15G5, 15G9, and 1571, various trea- tises relating to the rare and singular virtues of the plants discov- ered in the New World ; and, in 1574, embodied these in one vol- ume, entitled " Ilistoria medicinal de las cosas que se traen de nuestras Indias occidentales, que sirven en medicina," &c. The greater part of this volume was translated into English by John Frampton, and published in London, in 1577, entitled " Joyful! Newes out of the newfound world," «fcc. A second edition was published in 1580, and a third in 159G, containing an additional fourth book, " which treateth of two medicines ex- cellent against all venom, which are the Bezaar stone, and the Herbe Escuerconera^'' also a dialogue on Iron, and a treatise on Snow. This work of Monardes was also translated into Latin and Italian. On fol. 4G (the fol. cited by Ilakluyt in the text) of the English translation of 1580 is the passage quoted here by him ; the last sentence is from fol. 48. NOTES TO IIAKLUYT8 DISCOURSE. 197 Page 22. " Yerarsana, f<(lUnije in tne latitude of 34 degrees, describeth the scittiation,^'' cbc. Tlie narrative following is taken from the author's version, as jiublished in }iis " Divers Voyages." 1582, translated from the Italian in liamusio, III. 420-22, Venice, 155G. Page 25. " Another Frenche ccqntaine of Diepe, which hud bene alonr/est this coaste, geveth (his teati/monie , . . as it is in the thirde volume of oiages gathered by Ilatnnsius^'' The passage in Italian quoted on this page is only found in liamusio: "The inhabitants of this country are a very pleas- ant, tractable, and peaceful people. The country is abounding with all sorts of fruit. There grow oranges, almonds, wild grapes, and many other fruits of odoriferous trees. The coun- try is named by the inhabitants Nurumbega." The French captain here referred to is supposed, by Estan- celin, to be the famous Jean Parmentier of Diejipe ; and M. D'Avezac considers the author of die " Discourse " in Kamusio to be Pierre Crignon, Parmentier's friend and companion. (See IntTOduction to the Bref Ilecit of Cartier, )). vii., Tross, Paris, 18G3; INIurphy's Voyage of Veri'azzano, pp. 85, 80; Major's Introduction to the " Early Voyage to Terra Australis," p. vi. ; Kohl's Documentary History of Maine, pp. 227, 228, and 231 ; compare Brevoort's " Verrazano the Navigator," j). 107.) I» Pages 26, 101. '■'• And this yere, 1584, the Marques de la Roche . . . xcas caste av:aije over againste Burvuge" " Was cast airag upon the trauers of Hurwage." Not improbably the old seaport of " Brouage," not fir from Rochelle, once considered the "second harbor in France," but now deserted, was here intended, leavers, or moi'e properly d traversy means opjwsite, or over against. Ilakluyt may have ,. 1 ll 198 APPENDIX. Itocti quoting from some French flocumont, and used the word "trfivers" inadvertently in tlie second jiassage quoted above. This notice of an expedition of the Marquis de la Roche, in 1584, has never before met oui eye. In 1577 and 1578, commissions were issued by Henry III, to the Marquis de la Uoche, a\Uhorizing settlements in the terres-neuDes, and the arcfa('t' to "A Discourso and Discovery of Newlijundland," London, 10:20, says, — " In ii voyage to tliat countrc; aliout 30 yeeros since, I had the conunand of ii worthy Sliip of liliO Tun, set forth by one Master Crooko of South-hainpton : At that time Sir Ilunifrey (lilhert, a Devonshire Knii^lit, eame thither witii two . k ^N^ rV % "*i" 23 WES ..;AIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 %^ I: I , ll Hi 202 APPENDIX. used by Hakhiyt in this Discourse, and he must occasionally have drawn from it. The same may be said of the Discourse of Captain Carlyle, written in April, 1583, in advocacy of the voyage of Gilbert, before the sailing of that expedition on the 11th June of that year, and published soon after. This was also printed by Hakluyt in his folios as above. Some considera- tions relating to trade and merchandise, urged by Carlyle, of which a great advantage was predicted for England by this scheme of colonization, were adopted by Hakluyt m this Dis- course. Mention should also be made of the Report of Edward Hayes, captain of the "Golden Hinde," on "the voyage and suc- cesse thereof," of Sir H. Gilbert, written evidently after the Report of Sir George Peckham was penned, and after the fate of Gilbert was made certain. This also finds a place in Hakluyt's volumes. Pages 31, 32. Letter of Stephen Parmenius. He was in one of Gilberts ships, thz " Delight^'' which foundered at sea. The letter dated " In Newfound land, at Saint Johns Port, the 6th of August, 1583," is printed in Hakluyt, III. 161-163, with an English translation. The following is his rendering of the passages he quotes in the text: — " Of Fish here is incredible abundance, whereby great gaine growes to them that travell to these parts. The hooke is no sooner throwne out, but it is eftsoones drawne vp with some goodly fish. The whole land is full of hilles and woods. The trees for the most part are Pynes, and of them some are very olde, and some yong : all the grasse here is long and tall and little differeth from ours. It seemeth also that the nature of this soyle is fit for come, for I found certaine blades and eares in a manner bearded, so that it appeareth that by manuring and sowing they may easily be framed for the vse of man. Hero are in the woodcs bush berries, or rather straw berries growing up like trees, of great sweetnesse. Beares also appeare about the fishers stages of the countrey. . . . " It is unknowne whither any mettals lye vnder the hilles . . . the very colour and hue of the hilles seeme to have some niynes in them. We mooued our Admirall to set the woods a fire so NOTES TO HAKLUYTS DISCOURSE. 203 r that wee might h.aue space and entrance to take view of the Countrcy, which motion did notliiiig displease him, were it not for feare of great inconucnience tliat might thereof insue : for it was reported and confirmed by very credible persons, that when the like liappened by chance in another Port the fish neuer came to the place about it for the space of 7. whole yeeres after, by reason of the waters made bitter by the Turpen- tine, and Rosen of the trees, which ran into the riuers upon the firing of them. The weather is so hote this time of the yeere, that except the very fish, which is layd out to be dryed by the sunno, be every day turned, it cannot possibly bee preserued from burning. . . . The ayr ujjon land is indifterent cleare, but at 8<.a towards the east there is nothing els but perpetuall mists," &G. A memoir of Parmenius, with an English translation of his Latin poem, in Ilakluyt, addressed to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, before the writer intended to embark with th.at navig.ator, will be found in 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. 8oc. IX. 49-75. They are by the Rev. Abiel Holmes, D.D. Pages 32, 33. '• To passe from NeiofoiiiKManch to 60 degrees, I Jinde it beste described by Jasper Corterealis^'' The passage cited from Ramusio, III. 417, was not written by the navigator himself, as would be inferred from the language of Ilakluyt. No account of the voyages of either of the brothers Corterial exists, written by the navigators themselves. Ample memorials of them, however, are preserved, and we can do no better service to the reader than to refer him to the note of Dr. Kohl in the first volume of our " Documentary History," pp. 1G4-173, who cites largely from the work of the learned Kunstnmnn, entitled "Die Entdcckung Amerika's, Miinchen, 1859." See also Biddle's Cabot, pp. 237-244. The following is an English translation of the passage in the Discourse: — "INIany captains have sailed to that part of the new world which runs towards the north and north-west, over against our habitable part of Europe ; but the first (so far as is known) was Gasparo Cortereale, a Portuguese, who went there in 1500 with nl'. ■II! Ill -U- III m ': T ! i' t t. * i 204 APPENDIX. two caravela, thinking to find some strait through which he could get to the Spice Islands by a shorter route than going around Africa. He sailed so far that he came to a place where there was very great cold, and in the sixtieth degree of latitude he found a river covered with snow, from which he gave it the name, Rio Nevado [Snowed River], and he hadn't the courage to go farther. All this coast, which runs two hundred leagues from the said Rio Nevado to the pori of Malvas, on the fitly- sixtli degree, was seen to be full of people and well inhabited ; and landing he captured some of the natives to carry off with him. He also discovered many islands along the coast, all inhabited, and he gave a name to each one. The inhabitants are tall, well-proportioned men, but somewhat crafty ; and they paint their flices and their whole bodies with different colors for ornament. They wear silver and copper bracelets, and cover themselves with skins of martens and various other animals sewed together; in the winter they wear them with the fur inside, in the summer with the fur outside. For the most part their food is fish rather than any thing else, and especially salmon, of which they have a great abundance ; and although there are many kinds of birds and of fruits there, yet they make no account of any thing but fishes. Their dwellings are made of timber, of wliich they have plenty, as there are mighty and huge woods ; and in place of tiles they cover them ith the skins of fishes, which they catch very large and skin them. He saw many birds and other animals, especially bears entirely white." Page 34. " T/ie reste of this coastefrom 60 to 63 is described by Fro- bisher^ Sir Martin Frobisher, an eminent naval hero, was a native of Yorkshire. In 1576, he was sent out by Queen Elizabeth, with three vessels, to search for the North-wi-st Passage. He dis- covered a cape on the northerly coast of America, to which he gave the name of "Elizabeth's Foreland," and also the strait which bears his own name. He was prevented by ice from entering the strait, but he entered a bay in latitude 63'^ N., WW] NOTES TO HAKLUYTS DISCOURSE. 205 and sailed many leagues. He landed somewhere to the north- ward of Labrador, and kidnapped one of the natives. A piece of black stone which he brought home with him Was pro- nounced by the London goldsmiths to be richly impregnated with gold. This only served to inspire hopes which subse- quent experience proved delusive. Next year, with one ship and two barks, he sailed again for the north-west coast; and, landing near Frobisher'a Straits, he brought away more natives and more ore, which latter finally proved but "dross." In 1578, Frobisher set sail with fifteen ships, for the purpose of making a settlament in the coimtry. But the design proved a failure. Soon after landing, a violent storm separated t!ie fleet; and, although every ship returned to England, forty persons died on the voyage. The ships were freighted with the pretended gold-ore from the mines, " which proved worse than good stone, Avhereby many were deceived to their utter undoing." In 1577 was published "A true report" of the voyage of that year, written by Dionyse Settle, one of the company. In the follow- ing year was published " A True Discourse of the late voyages of discoverie," &c., written by George Best, who sailed with Frobisher, giving an account of the three voyages. This has been reprinted by the Hakluyt Society, with ample notes. i 1 Pages 39, 40. " In the yere of our Lorde 1564, ... a subjecte of the then twoo Erlea of Emdon . . . wrote a notable discourse^'' &c. See also p. 50. We have not been able to find f.ny other reference to this discourse or its author. It is very well known that the English merchants residing in Antwerp, in consequence of the jealousies fomented against them, the restrictions laid upon their trade, and the bringing in there of the inquisition, re- moved this year (1564), with all their efltjcts, to Embden. In the latter part of the previous year, negotiations had been entered into between the English Government and the Coun- tess of East Friseland (of which Embden was the capital), and her sons the Earls, in relation to this movement, which was 206 APPENDIX. brought about through the intervention of Utonhovius, the cliief member of the Dutch Church in London, a man well known to the Countess, and held in high esteem by her and Archbishop Grindall. A full account of it may be seen in Strype's History of the Life of Grindall, Oxford, 1821, chap, ix. The husband of the countess-mother, who now governed the country, was Enno IL, born 1505, died 1540 ; married, in 1530, Ann, daughter of John IV., of Oldenburg, born 1501, died 1575. Their children were : 1. Ezhard, born 24th June, 1532, died 1st March, 1599; 2. Christopher, born 1536, died 15G6; 3. John, born 1538, died 19th Setember, 1591. The second son was lame and feeble, and took no part in public affairs, and soon after died. (See Anderson's Royal Genealogies.) It is not improbable that some member of the Dutch Church in St. Austin Friars, London, — perhaps Utenhovius himself,— was the author of the discourse to which Ilakluyt here refers. ■• .1 Page 40. « In the 22(7 booke of Sleydans ComentariesP The edict of Charles V., 1550, appears in Sleidan's Commen- taries (Cap. XXII. p. 678 et seq.., first published in Latin, in 1555), in a summary of its provisions for the detection and punishment of the Lutherans and Bucerons, The following passages relating to the city of Antwerp are taken from the English version, published in London in 1560, "translated by John Daus." " When this decre was proclaimed, many were sore aston- ished, especially the high duch and English marchants, which occupy the trafiick of marchandise in themperors townes & countries, especially at Andwarpe, a great nobre. Wherefore they wer of this mind, y' vnles the decre wer mitigated, thei \vold remoue to another place : yea mani of the sluitting vp their shops purposed to depart, for thauoyding of y" dftger. The Senate of Andwarp also, & thother citezens ther, which saw what a Avoderful losse this wold be to thS, wer in a great perplexity : & '.vhg thinquisitors came thither, they w«stode the withal theyr indeuor, & riding to the Lady reget, declare ipflpi NOTES TO HAKLUYTS DISCOURSE. 20' vnto her, wlmt a losse it shuM bo not to tliC only, but also to the whole region, if this decre take place. Wherefore the matter was, in the same city, for y' which the decre was chiefly made, by reaso of sodry natios & people there, ap- peased for y" time." (Fol. cccxlvii,) " For Mary Queene of Hungary, Regent of Flaunders, was come thither [to Augusta], booth for other matters and also for this cause chiefly, that the proclamation lately set forth in Flauders and those parties might be mitigated. For vnless it were so, she sayde it would come to passe, that Andwerpe, which is nowe the beste frequented marte toAvne in the whole worlde, shoulde fall in decay and lose her former beautie. Moreover that ther was great daunger in all places of an insur- rection, in case the thinge should be put in execution. The Emperour very hardly acconsented at the laste, and altering those ihingos that concerned marchauntos straungers, taketh away the name of inquisitione abhorred of all men, the residue he cora- mauudeth to take place and to be observed." (Fol. cccxlix.) Page 41. " The opinio7i of that excellent man, Mr. JRoberte Thoriie, extante in printe in the laste leafe savinge one of his discourse to Doctor Xea" (&c. Hakluyt refers to the place in his own " Divers Voyages," 1582, where this letter is printed, as per a copy of the original edition now before us. Page 47. " Chichimici — Myles PhillippsP Miles Phillips was one of John Hawkins's sailors, who, with David Ingram (see p. 115 and note) and one hundred and twelve others, was set on shore on the coast of Mexico, in 15G8. Phillips's narrative follows Ingram's in Ilakluyt's folio of 1589, and is reprinted in his larger work (III. 469-87), followed there by an account wn-itten by another of the sailors. Job Hortop. These two went to the city of Mexico, while Ingram went north. 208 ArrENuix. The " Chicliimici" described by Phillips were native Indians of the country. Gomara devotes a brief cha])ter to them in liis " Ilistoria de Mexico." The following is Thomas Nicholas's quaint rendei-ing of him: — "In the lande nowe called new spayne are dyvers and sundry generations of people : but they holde opinion that the stocke of most anticpiitie, is the people nowe called Chicldmecan., whiche proceeded out of the house of Acidhtiacan, wliich standeth beyond Juilixo^ about tiie yeare of our Lorde 720. Many of this generation did inhabite aboute the lake of Temichtitlan, but their name ended by mixture in marriage with other peojile. At that time they hadde no King, nor yet did builde eyther house or Towne. Their only dwellings was in caues in the Moutaynes. They went naked, they sowed Uo kind of graine, nor vsed bread of any sorte. They did maintayne themselves with rootos, hearbes, and siluoster fruites : and beeing a peojdo cunning in shooting with the bowe, they kylled deare, hares, connyes, and other beastes and foule, which they eate also, not sodden or rosted, but rawe, and dryed in the sunne. They eate also Snakes, Lizardes, and other filthye beastes, yea and at this day there are some of this generation that vse the same dyet. But although they lined such a bestiall life, & b(.'ing a people so barbarous, yet in theiv deuelish religion they were verye deuout. They worshipped 'he Sunne, unto whome they vsed to offer Snakes, Lizards, and such other beasts. They likewise offered vnto their God a'l kinde of foule, from the degree of an Eagle, to a little Butterflie. They vsed not sacri- fice of miislaughter, nor had any IdoUes, no not so rauche as of the Sunne, whome they helde for the sole and only God. They married but with one woman, &: in no degree of kindred. They were a stout and a warlike people, by reason whereof they were the Lordes of the land." (" The Pieasant Historie of the Conquest of the Weast Indii\," &c., London, 1578, pp. 378, 379.) 1' n NOTES TO HAKLUYT8 DISCOURSE. 209 Pages 47, 125. " Monsieur Pophjnier?^ The work of L. V. tie la Poiiclliniere was piiblislied at Paria in 1582, in the French language. On folio 34 et seq. of the Second Book will be found the "storye" to which he hero refers. Although published four years before the account of Gourgues's voyage to Florida was issued by Basanier, his narra- tive will be found to include that voyage. The work i)ubli8hed by Basanier, principally written by Laudonniere, giving a his- tory of the attempts of the French Huguenots to establish a colony in Florida, "had been concealed many years" in manu- script. It was published in Paris in 1580, dedicated to Sir Walter Raleigh ; and in the following year was translated into English by Hakluyt. It is included in his third volume of voyages, 1600. Page 53. " Hath hired at sowlry times the sonnes of Beliall to bereve the Prince of Orange of his life^ The life of William of Nassau was several times attempted by the hired assassins of Philip. In March, 1582, he was dan- gerously wounded by a ball, and barely escaped. Two years later, in July, 1584, while Hakluyt was in London writing this Discourse, another attempt was but too successful. (See Froude's England, XI. 16, 17, 561, 566, XII. 13.) Pages 54, 58. " Mbunsiettr de Aldegonnde.^'' This author's name was Marnix de Sainte-Aldegonde. He was born in Brussels, in 1538, and died in 1598. He was a cele- brated writer, diplomat, and Calvinistic theologian. He was burgomaster of Antwerp, and at one time minister to England, where Hakluyt probably knew him. "There were fuw more brilliant characters than he in all Christendom," says IMotley, in an interesting notice of this remarkable man, in his United Netherlands, I. 145 et seq. Meursius, who gives a list of his publications, says of him : — 27 210 APPENDIX. t|'d^ " How great a mfister of politics and history ho was, appears from tliat tract of liis wherein he treats of the Desvpis of the Spaniards, who, aiming at universal monarchy, lell nothing unattempted. In that i)iece, like a Prophet, he foretold many political events, which have actually haj)pened in Great Britain, Poland, and France." (IJayle's Diet. IX. 27.) The work to which Ilakluyt refers in this Discourse, " extant in Latin, Italian, French, English, and Dutch," was published not long before the time at which lie is writing. The only co|>3' of it we have seen is a reprint of the Latin edition of 1584, included in the collected writings of Marnix, printed at Brusseles in 1856-GO. Its title is, "Ad potentissiinos ac serenissimos reges, principea, reliquosque amplissimos christiani orbis ordines, seria de reip. Christiana) statu ejubipie salute at^''o\ving: "The book which has been declared to be ' one of the most puzzling in the whole circle of literature,' will henceforth be no puzzle at all." A resiim*', of Mr. Major's essay may be seen in the Proceed- ings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for October, 1874, prepared by the author at the request of the Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D., tiie President of the Society. A heliotype facsimile of the original maj) is published with it. Pages 60, 113. ^^ As the Secretary of D^... Antonio, Kinge of Portiugale, called Custodio Etan^ tolde me lately at J^aris." " Do?i Antonio, Kinge of Portinyale, shewed me in Paris this present somer, a greate olde rounde carde^'' ttc. Don Antonio, the " Prior of Crato," one of the pretenders to the crown of Portugal after the death of Henry, in 1580, was : I? NOTES TO HAKLUYT8 DISCOUFISE. 215 chosen king by the people of that kingdom, but was soon driven off by the suporior force of the Spanish power under Philip II., and Portugal became a j rovince of Spain. Don Antonio took refuge in Paris, whi'.e Hakluyt often saw him. He also visited England, and obtained, some aid in fitting out a fleet against Terceira ; and in 1589 ho induced the Queen to fit out a naval expedition against Philip, with a view to his reinstatement on the throiie of Portugal, in which Drake was one of the commanders. But tlie object was not accomplished. The career of this illegitiiMi.le son of one of the royal family of Portugal is too well known in the histo.y of chat period to be dwelt upon here. After spending fifteen year? ,n tiie vain hope of obtaining effectual assistance in his cause, he died miserably at Paris, in 1595. M. Ferdinand Denis, in his "History of Portugal," p. 29;', thus speaks of his parentage : — " Le prieur de Crato etait fils de I'infant don Luiz (et jiar consequent petit-fils d'Eminanuul) ; il I'avait eu de Violanto Gomes, 8urnomm6e la Pelicaua — dame humble par la nais- sance, mais d'une rare b' into, dit Castro, et qui mourut professe dans le monast^ro d'Almoster." See Froude's England, Vol. IX., passim; "Fevue des Deux Mondes," Jan. 1, 1866, Vol. LXI. p. 68. Whether " Custodio Etan " was intended to describe an oflice held by Don Antonio's Secretary, or was a pcsonal name, it is not clear Page 113. " Don Antonio di Castillo, embassador to her Majestie from Henry the Kinge of Portingale, tolde me h:rc in London, the yere before his departure, that one Anus Corteriall" cGc. The passage liere is substantially the same as that given by Hakluyt in his "Divers Voyages," though he says there that his informant was a " singularly grave and experienced man of Portugal," without giving his name. Mr. J. Winter Jones, the editor of the "Divers Voyages," for the Hakluyt Society, truly Bays that " Hakluyt was a man of easy faith, and too apt to repeat accounts as he received them, without stopping to verify or correct them " ; and he exj)resses a regi'ct that he had not 216 APPENDIX. 1' 'i ^■' i given his authority as to this voyage of Anus Cortereal. The authority is now suppHed, and would certainly seem to be suffi- cient, if Ilaklnyt's report can be relied on. It will be noticed that the account in this Discourse and that in the " Divers Voyages" differ by one degree as to the latitude reached. In the latter it is fifty-eight degrees. (See Biddle's Cabot, p. 286.) Don Antonio is described above as ambassador from Henry, King of Portugal. Henry died in 1.580, when Portugal came under the yoke of Philip. But the ambassador was still in London in the following year, when Hakluyt saw and con- versed with him, and wrote of him as "by office, keeper of the records and monuments of their discoveries," &c. (III. 303.) In the Calendar of State Papers, Dom. Eliz. Adden. XXVII. 74, April, 1582, is a letter from Antonio di Castillo to Walsing- ham, in which he says, " I shall leave to-morrow if the ship sails." Pages 113, 114. " A mif/htie large olde rnappe in parchemetite, made as yt shoxdde seme by Verarsanus . . . nowe in the custodie of Mr. Michael Locked " An olde excellent globe in the Queenes prime gallery at Westminster," dbc. In the " Epistle Dedicatorie " to Hakiuyt's " Divers Voyages " lie speaks of this map as having been given to King Henry VIII. by Verrazzano. In this Discourse, the map, " made, as yt shoulde seme, by Verarsanus," is more particularly described as being " traced all alonge the coast from Florida to Cape Briton with many Italian names " ; and the globe, also, which " semeth to be of Verarsanus makinge, having the coast described in Italian," &c. Hakluyt probably had never heard the voyage of Verraz- zano called in question. In the chapter in which the map and globe are mentioned, he is pointing out the probability of a " north-west passage to Cathaio and China " ; and, among his other authorities, he cites these as having a narrow neck of land, in latitude 40° north, delineated upon them, dividing the two seas. Of course, he cites them on the authority of Ven-azzano, not as a compiler of maps, — for that was not his vocation, — buJ. NOTES TO HAKLUYTS DISCOURSE. 217 as a discoverer. The authority must have had that significance in Iljvkhiyt's mind. And Lok, who made his own map in some of its features from " Verarzanus plat," to accompany and ilhis- trate the letter of Verrazzano, must have been satisfied that this " mightie large olde raappe" was made in part to repre- sent that navigator's discoveries. But what may have been authority to Hakluyt, receiving all the documents relating to Verrazzano as genuine, may not have the same weight with us in discussing a question of fraud. If this map, or the globe, can in any way be directly con- nected with Verrazzano himself before his death, one i)oint would be gained. Following this, if it can be shown that either of them was made to indicate the alleged discoveries of Verrazzano, another point would be gained. No one sup- poses, in this inquiry, that Verrazzano himself attempted to impose a discovery upon the world which he never made, but that the idea and attempt originated with another after his death. Now Ilakhiyt says, unqualifiedly, that the map, which in 1582 was in the custody of Lok, was presented by Verraz- zano to Henry VIII. What evidence the map bore to show this we do not know. This must have been before 1527, if Mr. Murphy is right as to the year of the navigator's death. Now, what was the significance of this gift to the sovereign of England? Is it probable that such a map would have been one compiled throughout from the ordinary sources of informa- tion already published to tlie world ? That is to say, would not its most interesting features have consisted in its delineations of some new discoveries? If tlie map was not made on the authority of Verrazzano, who else could have made it before the year 1526 or 1527? Hakluyt says in this Discourse — and the information is now published for the first time — that this map, presented to the king by Verrazzano, was " traced all along the coast from Florida to Cape Briton with many Italian names," and to him it seemed to have been made by Verrazzano. If Hakluyt, therefore, is to be relied on, our first point would seem to be made probable; namely, that the map was not only given by Verrazzano to the king, but that it was a map made by him, or on his authority. Secondly, that the map was intended as a memorial of Verrazzano's visit to our coast, would 28 m 218 APPENDIX. -:! I J I. !'■] ri ii '"I I! f. fH seem to be made probable, if not historically certain, by the recent discovery of a map in Rome, made by Jerome Vorraz- zano, a kinsman of the navigator, which bears these indications upon it; which map appears similar to the one Hakluyt de- scribes. Indoed, were it not for the date in the legend on the map in Rome, indicating that it was compiled in 1529, we might conjecture that it was the identical map. Perhaps it was copied from Ilakluyt's map. When a more particular description of the map in Rome is published, and it is found to contain Italian names all along our coast, as Hakluyt's map did, the argument will be strengthened. The want of accuracy in the Verrazzano map, in describing our whole coast line, should not necessarily militate against its genuineness, nor the fact that Hakluyt relied upon his copy as representing discoveries never made by Verrazzano, and never intended to be so understood. It is a map of the world, and therefore principally compiled from foreign sources. It could only represent Verrazzano's discoveries to a certain extent, on our coast : every thing else would be from other authorities, or be laid down by conjecture. The narrow i3thmus dividing the two seas, which Hakluyt thought of so much importance, may not have been intended to represent what the navigator him- self saw. The latitude of the coast has serious errors, hardly to be explained ; but perhaps that isthmus was intended to be south of his landfall. In the map of Agnese, 1536, this isthmus is laid down, and a pricked line, representing the route of " el viages de France " to " Cataia provintia," runs through it ; and Dr. Kohl concludes that the existence of such an isthmus was at this time the prevailing opinion in France and Italy. Such may have been the opinion when this map was made, though the representation of the isthmus and the voyages was a fallacy. If the Carli letter, with the accompanying documents, is a forgery, no connection has yet been traced between its author and the author of the map, also alleged to be a forgery. It becomes necessary to impugn the editorial integrity of Ramusio, and to make him morally a party to the conspiracy. Mr. Murphy has set up an alibi for Verrazzano, which, if fully proved, would render the shedding of any more ink on this question unnecessary. He truly says that " it is impossible for Verrazzano to have been on the coast of North America, or on NOTES TO HAKLUTT8 DISCOURSE. 219 his return from Newfoundland to France, and at the same time to have taken a ship on her way from the Indies to Portugal, coming as she must have done by tlie way of the Cape of Good Hope." (Voyage of Verrazzano, p. 1-45.) The story, said to liave been brought by a courier of the King of Portugal to Spain, is told by Peter Martyr, in a letter from Valladolid, dated 3d of August, 1524, — less than a month after the alleged return of Verrazzano to Die])pe from his voyage of discovery. No date is given as to when the transaction took place, nor where on the ocean the vessel was taken. The identity of " Florin, the French pirate " witli Verrazzano would seem to be well estab- lished, but the story may have been a mere rumor and not an official report of a well-known fact. If such an act of piracy had taken place, it may have been by a mere suspicion that Verrazzano was connected with it. We hear nothing further of it. Mr. Murphy is quite right in putting in this piece of evidence as a make-Aveight in the case which he has so skilfully drawn up. If the act alleged could have been established, nothing else, as we have already said, need have been written. Verrazzano could hardly have concluded his voyage of dis- covery with an episode of this nature. Mr. Murphy, on the authority of the late Buckingham Smith, has shown that Ven-azzano, under the name of Juan Florin, was executed by order of the emperor, near Puerto del Pico, in Spain, 13 Oct. 1527. Of course, the conjecture of Mr. Bid- die, that this navigator accompanied the expedition under John Rut, which sailed from Plymouth in June of that year for Norum- bega, and that on the coasts of North America he was killed by the natives, as reported also by Ramusio, must be set aside. Rut's only surviving vessel returned home in October of the same year. (Biddle's Cabot, p. 272, et seq. ; Ilakluyt, III. 129 ; Purchas, III. 809.) Page 114 " Gerardus Mercator . . . you write greate matters . . . of the neice voyadge.^^ The extract from the letter of Mercator to his son was also pub- lished in " The Epistle Dedicatorie " to the " Divers Voyages," 1582 •, but it there reads " nova FfohWuri navigatioue," the reference being to the new discovery of Frobisher. ffl , 11 M ! 1 220 APPENDIX. Page 115. " The relation of David Ingram conf/rmeth the same."" David Ingram, of Barking, in the county of Essex, was a sailor in one of John Hawkins's slave expeditions, in the year 1567 and 1568. In the month of October, 1568, being on the coast of Mexico during a violent storm which destroyed some of the vessels, he and one hundred and thirteen others were set on shore at "about five leagues to the west of the Rio de Minas." A jiart of the company, including Myles Phillips, set out toward the west, some of them reaching Mexico. Fifty- three of the number, including Davitl Ingram, went north. If his story is true, he must have travelled the whole length of what is now the United States, on its southern and eastern borders, arriving finally at the head of a river called Garinda, sixty leagues west from Cape Breton, where he and his only two remaining companions embarked in a French ship for New Haven in France, and " from thence they were transferred into England, Anno Dom. 1569." Ingram's " Relation " was published by Haklnyt in his folio of 1.589, at pp. 557-62. To the heading there given, the fo!!v;"lng may be added from a manuscript copy of the "Relation" in the British Museum, Sloane Manuscripts, No. 1447, fol. 1-18; "w""" he reported vnto S' Frauncys Walsinghiii, Knight, and diners others of good judgment and creditt, iu August and Septenibar, A° Dili, 1582." Ingram's narrative is here cited as evidence of the existence of the long-sought passage through to the Pacific. His descrip- tion of the country through whicli he passed, with his account of the manners and customs of the natives, &c., has all the air of a romance or fiction ; and it is somewhat significant that Ilakluyt, who is rarely critical in accepting statements of travellers, omits the narrative in his larger work. And Pur- chas, in his account of the voyages of Hawkins, Drake, and others to divers parts of America, says (IV. 1179), "As for David Ingram's perambulation to the north parts. Master Hak- luyt, in his first edition, published the same ; but it seemeth some incredibilities of his re^jorts caused him to leaue him out in the w NOTES TO HAKLUYT8 DISCOURSE. 221 next impression, tlie rewanl of lying being not to be beleeued in truths." Ingram was examined by Walsiiigluim and others at the time tlie voyage of Sir Iluinphrey Gilbert, of the follow- ing year, 1583, was in preparation, at which time his story was reduced to writing. He may have traversed the country from the point in Mexico where he was put on shore to the coast of Maine, in which case he and his companions are the first Englishmen of whom we have any record who ])laced their feet on the soil of New England ; unless, according to the con- jecture of Dr. Kohl, those on board the Mary of Guilford, in Rut's expeo of liis y Mr. Richard Henry Major, a high authority, entitletl " The True Date of the English Discovery of the American Continent under John and Sebastian Cabot," communicated to the Archicologia, Vol. XLIII. i>p. 17-42, 1870. In this ])appr, 3Ir. Major, with his usual .ability, discusses the ques- tion of the Cabot map, and the different views of Dr. Kohl and M. D'Avezac respecting it, in Vol. I. of " Documentary History of Maine" ; and the conclusion to which he has arrived is, that Sebastian Cabot originally drew a map, with legends, or in- scriptions, upon it, in Spanish only, and that the date of the discovery, 1497, was there expressed in Roman capitals ; that the letter V in the numerals VII. was carelessly drawn, and not well joined at the base, so that a reader might well take it NOTES TO HAKLUYTS DISCOURSE. 227 a high "[iseovery Cabot," [•2, 1870. j,ho ques- [ohl and History is, that ., or iii- |e of the Is ; that |tvn, and take it for II; that this might moro easily occur in a manusoriiit, CHpccially on |mrchment, than on an engravcil map cfii papor ; that tliis manuHcript map of Cahot waH C(»|)i('tl ami engraved by others; that the map in the National Library in Paris was one of those copies, the Latin inscriptions upon it being added by the compiler of that map, some of which had no Spanish originals on the manuscript nuip of Cabot; and that the copyist erred, for reasons given above, in inserting the year of discov- ery as 149-4, in Section VIII. of the inscriptions. So also of the copy made by Clement Adams from the Spanish original, which Hakluyt used. He made an independent translation of the inscriptions into Latin, which accounts for the two Latin ver- sions, and also made the same error, for the same reason, in giving the date of discovery 1494, instead of 1497. We will add liere that some hints towards the same explanation offeretl above, as to the alleged error in the copies taken from Cabot's map, were suggested to the writer jiersonally by his frieiul, Mr. Henry Stevens, some years ago, antl they are briefly stated by Mr. Stevens in a little book, entitled "Sebastian Cabot — John Cabot . . . Boston, March, 1870," p. 13, As evidence that the Paris map, which Dr. Kohl thinks was made in Germany, or Belgium, was copied from a Spanish manuscript map, Mr. Major cites the instance of the name Laguna de Nicaragua being remlered into "Laguna de Nica- xagoe." Instead of an r there is an a;. The Spanish manu- script r being in the form of our northern x, the transcriber showed his ignorance by substituting the one letter for the other. Page 123. " These be the very wordes of this gent, which he uttered to certen noblemen of Venice" ct'c. This translation of Ramusio's report of the conversation at the house of Fracastor, in Venice, is different from that subse- quently inserted by Hakluyt into his folio of 1589, at pp. 512-13, which was taken from Eden, fol. 255. The words " as far as I remember," preceding the date " 1496," in this latter version, and retained by Hakluyt, furnished one of tht occasions for Mr. Biddle's onslaught on our author. 2-28 APPENDIX. li ' \ < r i: ! iilM ! . ' f I I I I It may well be an object of surjirise that so much importance should have been attached to a conversation, coming by a route BO circuitous, as to its affording any definite historical data. Its value cannot rise much above that of tradition. The story comes through two persons, a long time occurring before the first repetition of it; the original narrator being Sebastian Cabot. It is difficult to see on what authority Eden, whom TIakluyt follows, connects Butrig.arius with this conversation. Ramusio does not mention his name. He reports what was said a few years before at the house of Fracastor, by a cer- tain learned mnn, not named, who relates an interview he had formerly had with Cabot. The conversation took place between 1518 (the year in which the work of Jacobus Tevius, mentioned by the principal interlocutor, was issued) and its publication in the first volume 01 Ramusio. That volume was first published in 1550. '\Ve have never seen a copy of it, and do not know if this Discorso was inserted in it. But it certainly was printed in the second edition of that volume, published in 1554. Eden inserted an English translation of part of it, in his "Decades," in the folloAving year. Galeatius Butrigarius, of Bo'ogna, was the Pojie's legate in Sjiain, m.ore than thirty-five yea:-', before this conversation ^ook place. Peter Martyr, in beginning his second Decade, addressed to i ne Leo, written in 1513 or 1514, speaks of having met Butrigarius in Spain, and being much in his company. That part of this same conversation, on pp. 115 and 116 of our Discourse, is also not from Eden's version, who, by the way, has omitted a large part of the "Discorso sopra li Viaggi delle Spetiere," in Ramusio, Vol. I. pp. 371-375. Page 125. ^^ Ferdmandns Cohanbus . . . which was with his father in the [^/nW] voyage,''' Oviedo m.ikes this statement, as Hakluyt truly asserts, but Ferdinand was then a child, only ten or eleven years old, and was a page at court. lie, however, accompanied his father on his fourth voyage, in 1502, when he was fourteen or fifteen years old. NOTES TO HAKLUYTS DISCOURSE. 229 Page 127. " Gomara.^' Tins writer, so often quoted in this Discourse, was bora at Seville in 1510, and was for some time professor of Rhetoric at Alcala. He resided for a period in Italy, and eidareod his knowledge beyond that of his contemporaries by acquaintance with distinguished men of the time. On the return of Cortes to Spain, Gomara became his Secretary, and on his patron'i death continued in the service of his son. At this time, he wrote his Chronicle of the Conquest of Mexico, from informa- tion largely gathered from the conqueror. This work and his General History of the Indies were published in 1652-53, at Saragossa. They have been often reprinted, and have been translated into Italian and French, and the former into English. For an estimate of his writings, see Prescott's Histories of Mexico and Peru and Ticknor's Spanish Literature. The various editions of the two Histories are enumerated by IJartlett, in his luxurious catalogue of books in the John Carter Brown Library, so rich in works relating to North and South America. See also Brunet. way, delle Page 127. ^^ Franciscus Lopez de Gomera, in the 4 chapiter of his seconde booke of his Generall Ilistorie of the Indies^'' t&c. The passage quoted from Gomara is in Cap. XXXIX. of the Spanish original. A French version by Fumee had been pub- lished in 15G9, and in this the matter is distributed into Books. Hakluyt made his English version of this passage from that, and it is the same which he subsequently incorpoi-ated into his folio of 1589, at page 514. There is a singular rendering of one sentence, in which he says that Cabot " took the way towards Island [Iceland] Irom beyond the Ca})e of Labrador," itc. Even the French version does not authorize such a translation. The original Spanish reads, "camino la buelta de Islandia sobre cobo del Labrador," whir'' Eden, with whom Hakluyt was familiar, render.^, he "directed his course by the tracte of Is- lande vj)pon the cape of Laborador," tfec. (fol. 318; Biddle's I 1 230 APPENDIX. Cabot, pp. 20, 21 ; La Historia General de las Indias, ed. of 1554, fol. 31.) See note on Fumee's version, pp. 236, 237. On the same page of this Discourse is a citation from the same author, where he gives the erroneous date of 1497, instead of 14i)8, as the year in which Columbus sailed on his third voyage. Page 128. " The discovery of John Ponce of Leon., beinge in anno 1512." Most writers, from Hakluyt's time to our own day, have given the above-named year as that of Ponce de Leon's discovery of Florida. Tlie true date is 1513. The error probablj'^ occurred by not noting the variation wliich prevailed in the mode of reckon- ing time. This navigator sailed from Porto Rico 3d March, and discovered the land of Florida on the 27th of the same month. It should not be forgotten that there are some indications that this peninsula was seen a few years before by other naviga- tors. On Peter Martyr's map, printed at Seville in 1511, "isla de beimeni " is inscribed on land situated near where Florida should be. " Bimina " is a name which one or more small islands of the Bahama group now bears. (Stevens's Hist, and Geogr. notes, p. 36, and Martyr's map ; Brevoort's Verrazano the Navigator, p. 69; Kohl, Doc. Hist, of Maine, I. 240). On page 22 of our Discourse, Hakluyt speaks of the voyage of Gomez to our coasts as taking place in the same year as that of Verrazzano, 1524. Gomez sailed ip February, 1 ."'-'5, reckon- ing the year as beginning January 1. Page 137. " In the space of ""^ and xij ycres." That is, " in the space of 4 times 20 and 12 years," or 92 years from the time he is writing (1584), which gives the date 1492. NOTES TO HAKLUYTS DISCOURSE. 231 Pagb 141. " Which division^ hoice God caicsed to be deryded by the mouthe of a poor, simple c/ttVcZe," cCc. The incident liere related from Gomara,' which Hakhiyt ren- ders from the French of Fumee, and whicli Eden, fol. 242, trans- lates from the Spanish, belongs to the year 1524, at the assembling of the Congress of ^adajos. The following summary of the points discussed in that assembly, by the learned editor of the Hakluyt Society's edition of the "Divers Voyages," is laKen from pp. 47, 48 of that work. After the treaty of Tordissillas, vexed questions constantly arose between the two powers, owing in part to later discoveries, and to the alleged impracti- cal)ility of settling the terras of that agreement. "In the year 1524, a serious effort was made to settle these differences; and commissioners from both crowns met at the boundary between 13;ulajoz and Yelves. It had been previously agreed [by the treaty of Tordesillas, 1494] that the Portu- guese should be allowed the three hundred and seventy leagues, . . . and the points to be discussed were — 1. Upon what medium the line of demarcation should be made, whether upon the marine chart or upon the s])herical map; 2. How they should fix the proper situation of the Cape Verde Islands ; and, 3. From which of the Cape Verde Islands they should com- mence the measurement of the three hundred and seventy leagues, for the line of demarcation. Difficulties immediately arose. There was found to be a difference of seventy leagues between the situation of places as laid down in the ma])s pro- duced by the Spaniards and the Portuguese. Again, the Portu- guese wished to measure the three hundred and seventy leagues from La Sal, the most eastern of the Cape Verde Islands; the Spaniards, from San Antonio, the most western : the distance between the two being not 'ess than seventy leagues. The Portuguese rejected both the marine charts and maps of the Spaniards, and endeavored to confine the inquiry to the question of actual possession of the Spice Islands ; the Spanish commis- sioners, on the other hand, insisted upon fixing the line of demar- cation, affirming that the line of partition for the three hundred mm 232 APPENDIX. and seventy leagues must commence at the Island of San An- tonlo, and that the Mnluccas, Sumatra, Malacca, tlie Philii)i)ino Islands, and also China, fell within the line of demarcation for Castille, by many degrees, and that their situation was not in the longitude affirmed by the Portuguese. In the midst of these discussions, the term for which the commission was appointed expired, and the commissioners ultimately came to the decision that they could decide nothing ; and, not knowing what better to do, left the matter to be settled by their re- sj)ective sovereigns. — Ilerrera, JUxtoria cle la EHjmiia, torn. i. Descripcion, p. 2, Dec. III., lib. vi. Cap. 3-8; Navarrete, Collec- cion, torn. iv. p. 310 et seq." i: I Pages 138, 142. " The Bull was graunted in the yere 1493, the iiif^ of the moneth of MayP '•'■In which rejyetition of his donadoti the seconde time,^^ t&c. What is known as the bull of " concession " was d.-.Led the 3d of May ("quinto nonas Mali"), 1493, and the bull of "par- tition," the more famous one, was dated the following day, the 4th of May (" quarto nonas Mail " ). On tiie differences between these two papal mandates (including also a notice of the bull of " extension," of the 25th of Se])tember of the same year), see Humboldt's "Examen. crit." III. 52-54; also "Cosmos," II. 655-658, ed. Bolin. Both these bulls may be seen in "Na- varrete," II. 28-35. That of the 4th of May is in Gomara, " La Ilistoria," Cap. XIX., and also in Eden, " Decades," fol. 167-70, followed by an English version ; and a more exact rendering may be seen in Si)Otorno's " Memorials of Colum- bus " (English ed.). Doc. xxxviii. The two bulls are literally the same in the first half; after which, in the second bull, the divergence begijis where the line of demarcation is first laid down. Irving, in his "Life and Voyages of Columbus," Chap. VIII., and Jones, in his edition of the "Divers Voyages" (Ilak- luyt Society), p. 42, refer to these bulls as dated the 2d and 3d of May. The dates in the 7iones of the Roman Calendar are given above. There were really two bulls of " concession " NOTES TO HAKLUYT8 DISCOURSE. 233 issued on the 3<1 of May. One of these, much more brief than tlie oilier, is published in Raynaldus's continu.ation of Baronius, IX. 1213, 214. See also Spotorno, as above, p. Ixvii. The bull of "concession" ceded "to the Spanish sovereigns the same rights, privileges, and indulgences, in respect to the newly discovered regions, as had been accorded to the Portu- guese with regard to their African disco\erie8, under the same condition of planting the Catholic faith." But, in order to guard against any conflicting claims between these two powers, the bull of "partition," on the following day, was issued, " con- taining the famous line of demarcation, by which their terri- tories were thought to be permanently defined. This was an ideal line drawn from the north to the south pole, one hundred leagues to the west of the Azores and the Cape de Verde Islands. All land discovered by the Spanish navigators to the west of this line, .and which had not been t.aken possession of by any Christian power befo:\, the preceding Christmas, was to belong to the Spanish crown." (Irving, Book V. Chap. VIII.) Portugal is not mentioned in this last document, but a reserva- tion in her favor of all land discovered in the contrary direction is understood to be implied in it. The Portuguese were dissatisfied with this division, as they did not think it equitable to be obliged "to confine their navi- gation on the wide ocean to such narrow bounds, which pre- vented their shij)s from sailing a hundred leagues westward of their )iossessions." (Munoz, B. IV., section 28.) The Cape of Good Hope had not tlien been circumnavigated. But all ajjpeals to the Pope for a revision of his partition in their favor were without eifect. Finally, in the following year, on the 7th of June, 1494, tl;e famous treaty between the two powers, known as the " Capitulation of Tordesillas," was ratified. Its purpose was to secure to Portugal all that might be discovered within a line of demarcation to be drawn from the north to the south at three hundred and seventy leagues to the west of the islands of Cape de Verde. (Ibid.) The history of the struggles between the Spaniards and the Portuguese relative to the new discoveries, and of the agreements and negotiations respecting the same, since the establishment of the line of demarcation by the Po])e, shows how little regard 30 •234 APPENDIX. was paid to the authority by which that line was drawn. Of course any " concessions " from that source would be accepted by the party in whose favor they were made for what they were worth. Its moral support was somethiii!;;. But we have seen tnat the Portuguese early rebelled against the original partition, and it was set aside by the treaty of Tordesillas. In process of time, it became evident that the sole reliance of the powers must be in their own skill in maritime art, and in their ability to maintain their rights by force, or by successful negotiation. When the Spanish sovereigns first sought the sanction of the Pope to their claims, they intimated to him that they had been advised by learned men that their title to the newly discovered lands did not require his sanction, but, as pious princes and loyal subjects of the papal power, tlioy asked for the concession. Thus early we see the forcsliadowing of a theory which finally became incorporated into the law of nations, viz., " that discovery (of heathen countries, or of unoc- cupied lands) gave title to the government by whose subjects or by whose authority it was made, against all other European governments, which title might be consummated by possession." (Chief Justice Marshall, in Johnson and Graham v. Mcintosh.) The other great powers of Europe, including France, which had little respect for the Pope's donation, and England, which derided it, becoming interested in Western discoveries, it be- came necessary, to prevent collision, to establish some rule of general recognition. " The King of France sent word to our great emperor," writes Bernal Diaz, in relating the incidents of the capture of some Spanish treasure-shijis by Juan Florin, the French corsair, " that as he and the King of Portugal had divided the world between themselves, without oifering hira any part of it, he should like them to show him our father Adam's will, that he might convince himself whether he had really constituted them the sole heirs of these countries. As long as they refused to comply with this, he would consider himself justified to possess himself of every thing he could on the high seas." Ilistoria Verdadera, 1632, fol. 161, and Lock- hart's tr. II. 135. After it had become known that the new lands were not the eastern coast of Asia, and did not consist wholly of islands, NOTES TO HAKLUYTS DISCOURSE. 235 it be- rule of to our ents of ill, the al had iig hi in filth er ic had los. As onsider ould on Lock- not the islands, but were substantially a large unbroken continent, questions would naturally arise as to how much of this great territory one power could lay claim to by the landing of a few of its Bailors upon the coast, and setting up there the arms of the sovereign. This became a practical question, that had finally to be settled by the common sense of the civilized world ; and, though the strongest power usually gave the law for the time in all ques- tions involving international claims, the parties interested were so numerous that it became essential that all should unite on some equitable principle of agreement. It was regarded as preposterous that the mere discovery of a small part of a great continent should give a claim to the whole ; and it also seemed unreasonable that a mere discovery should constitute a claim, with no intention of taking possession, for colonization or settle- ment. Spain continued for many years the leading power in Europe, and her claims were unbounded. Those which were based on discovery and settlement were unquestionable. Be- sides her settlements in the West India islands, she established colonics on the north and west coasts of South America, and on the coast of lower California. In 1577, Sir Francis Drake sailed on his voyage round the world. He entered the PaciKc through the Straits of Magellan, and, following the coast to the north, pillaged the Spanish ships moored in the harbors along the shore. Fearing to return the way he came, with his large treasure, he still went north, in hopes of finding a j)assage through to the Atlantic corresponding to that by which he came, in which he was disappointed. Entering a harbor in latitude 38°, or 38° 30' N., be there took possession of the coast in the name of her Majesty, and called it "New Albion." He returned home by way of the Pacific, and completed the circumnavigation of the globe. Arriving in England in 1580, the Spanish minister protested against the conduct of Drake. The two countries were then at peace. He demanded that the ill-gotten treasure should be restored, and contended, likewise, that the English were infringing the Spanish claim by sailing in those seas. The English government, in their answer to the latter claim, made this important declaration, namely, that they could not acknowledge the Spanish right to all that country, either by 236 APPENDIX. H ;! If donation from the Pope, or from their having touched here and there upon those coasts, built cottages, and given names to a ihw places; that this, by the Law of Nations, could not hinder other princes from freely navigating tliose seas, and transports ing colonies to those parts where the Spaniards do not inhabit ; that prescription without possession availed nothing. (Cam- den's History of Elizabeth, English translation, 1G88, p. 255 ; Purchas, IV. 1180, 1181.) We here see the principle contended for by England, who was soon to enter upon her career of colonization in the new world. This was four years before Hakluyt penned this Dis- course, in which he is urging the government to take possession of the unoccupied wastes, and colonize. And the same plea he had made two years before, in the dedication of his " Divers Voyages." Page 139. " But moved onely by his mere and francke Uberaltle^ and for certeine secrete causes" cfcc. We have not been able to find in the Pope's bull, either in that of concession or of partition, any language or phrase of which this last clause cited is an equivalent ; nothing like the act being inspired by " secret causes." The language of the oi'iginal in both these instruments is, " Sed de nostra mera liberalitate, et ex certa scientia," &c. ; literally, " but of our own mere liberality and certain science," or knowledge. The same or similar language is generally used by sovereigns in making grants to their subjects, and appears in nearly all our royal charters for settlements in North America. In Sir Hum- phrey Gilbert's Patent of 1578, the Queen proceeds, " Know ye that of our special grace, certain science and meer motion, we have given and granted," &c. (Navarrete, II. 25, 32 ; Hakluyt, III. 135.) But Hakluyt evidently had before him, when he wrote this chapter, the imperfect French transl.ation of Gomara's General History, by Fum6e, in which the bull of partition is given, who thus renders this passage : " mais suelement esmeuz par nostra pure, et fniclie liberalite, Qt pour quelques secrettes causes^'' «&c., NOTES TO HAKLUYTS DISCOURSE. 237 of whicli Ilakluyt gives the English version at tlie head of this note. If lie had consulted the Spanish Gomara, or Richard Eden's Decades, who both give the bull in Latin, and the latter an English version of it, he would have been spared the writing of a number of pages of this chapter. In the Italian translation of Goniani's General History, awkwardly puhlislied as the sec- ond part of Cieza, by Giordan Ziletti, in Venice, in 15G5, this particular passage reads correctly thus: "ma di nostra libera- litii, et per certa soientia," &c. (Fumee, as above, ed. 1606, fols. 27, 28 : Ziletti's Gomara, as above, fol. 28.) Fumc'c's translation was first published in 1569, issued by two publishers, under different title-pages. A fifth edition of it appeared in 1584, in the preface to which the translator says that the first edition of the work was so hastily or badly exe- cuted that he thought it would have fallen still-born from the press ; but, having learned to his surprise that it had reached the fourth edition, he took pity upon it and corrected it as far as in his power. On the title-page of the fifth edition is added : " Augmentee en ceste cincpiiesme edition de la description de la nouuelle Espagne, et de la grande ville de Mcxicque, autrement nommee Tenuctilan." Accordingly we find, included in the "Livre Second," and forming the larger part of that book, a resume of Gomara's " Historia de Mexico," or Life of Cortes, enlarging this fifth edition by more than one quarter. The work of Fumee, in all the editions, is a wretched affair. Page 144. " Which moste injuste and wrongfull dealinge of the Pope was notably confuted by Atab^ .? J^*/<^ -C^rS^ (^t:^f^ /^n^J^'bcHr ^n-w^J^^*r.r^ ^<^. /^t%j« •"Of 4 u' r. i/^'^ ^Tlh,>^ ^2j^ ^^^ •-^ -^ »u*^t^ ^ nj^iy^KH/^^ /?\ ♦ti-V^v*— ' -J:^ <-<>. "ir**-^^ 0> >-/<^n-. ^-yyyy^.^ /"• «»» /f^^o/o/^/^v^*- «^*hA^W<_ '6 «»» ^ /^ ui^o-^o- ^^,^^ ^H^Xj C_^**^ j^^^ ^/w-w»n^^/^«'>>7''>^ '**'C**^c^ **■ ^^ ^O^^^ r^^^^^.A C^v^^ ^>^>y«>^|ir^ ^J^^--^. »..,^ 6jV-T-^ o/t ^'^^^-cr. ^i. y^^yv-'^X s-:f»v~<<'>xi_i I ! INDEX. ''.•A The Index to this volume was made by my "f liend Mr. George Dexteh, of Cambridge ; and I wish to add, that, to his excellent taste, judgment, and scholarship, I have been often indebted while the volume was preparing for the press. C. D. INDEX. A. Adams, Clement, his copy of Cabot's map, 120, 128, 22;)-227. Apit'su, Battista, map of, 218. Ahnmada, IVdro, 18;]. Al(U;ron(le, Sainte, see " Marnix." Aidvvortli, Thomas, xxxviii n. Aldwortli family, tlie, xxxviii n. Alexander the Great, m. Alexander VI., J'ope, 118, 13.5, 149, 183 ; Ilakluy t's answer to tlie Bull of,r29-151 ; notes on the Bulls of, relating to America, 2;J2-230. Almagre, Don Diego de, 145. Alva, Fernando Alvarez, Ihde of, lix. Amadas, Vapt. Pliilip, 173, lys. • America, names of towns in, belong- ing to Spain, (J4-07. American Antiquarian Society, " Proceedings " of the, cited, 22;}. "American Quarterly Church Re- view," 182. Anderson, James, his " Royal Gen- ealogies " cited, 206. Anghiera, Tietro JMartire d\ 52, 126 128, 176, 1!)3, 21!», 228, 230. Ann, nf Oldenhtmj, 20(5. — ntigonus, anecdote of, 62. Anticpiaries, Society of. London, XXIX. Their " Archa^ologia " cite > , , " Riographia Britannica " cited, xxxviii n. Birch, Thomas, D.D., his "Life of Sir Walter Raleigh" cited, xxvii, n. Rodenham, Roger, 164. Rohn, Henry G., xv n., 232. Bourbon, Charles de, Cardinal, 26. Bourne, H. R. B'ox, his " Memoir of Sir Philip Sidnej " cited, Iviii n. 1 24G INDEX. Brnzil, ITiipupnot Colon}'in, 181-187. IJrt'Voort, John (Larson, iiiti " Vlt- rn/iiiio tlic Navigator " cited, 182, 107, -230. Bristol, Kill/land, smnllncsg of the sliips iisL'il at, 80 ; rwords of tlie eiiapter of tlie Catiiedral at, cited, xxxviii. Britlsli Museuiii, London, xvi, xxiil, I'JO, 220, 221. Brown, AVu. I-Vcdoriek, xvli. Brown, John Carter, library of, 213, 22!), 238. Brnco, John, F.R.S., xviii, xix. Bruni't, Jac(|ues Chark-a, his, " Man- uel du Librairo " cited, 229, 238, 231). Bry, Theodore de, 186, 193. " Bulletin de la Societe de Geogra- phie," Paris, cited, 222. Bulls of Concession and Partition, notes on the, 2;52-23{3. Biirhorowate, (34. Burleigh, see " Cecil." Butrigarius, Galeatius, 228. c. Cabot, John, xxvi, 122, 125, 194, 211, 223, 224, 220, 227; extract from the patent of, 80. Cabot, Louis, 8(i, 12.5. Cabot, Sancho, 80, 125. Cabot, Sebastian, li, liv, 19, 86, 101, 110, 122, 123, 125-128, 147, 179, 192-194, 222-229; note on the Mappe-Monde of, 223-227. " Calendar of State Papers " cited, xxix, xxxii, xxxiv, XXXV, 172-174, 188, 216. Calvin, John, 184-186. Camden, William, his " Annals of Elizabeth " cited, 236. Camden Society, the, 195. Canada, expedition to, from St. Malo, France, 101. Cancell, Luis, 183. Caradoc of Llancarvan, 119, 221. Carakas, 64. Carli, Fernando, 218. Carlyle, Christopher, xxx, xxxiii, xlvii-1, liv, 175, 202. Carthagena, 05. Cartier, Jacques, li, 7,8,86, 111, 116, 148, 180 ; extract from his account of his voyage, 27-28; his "Bref- Kecit" cited, 197. Casas, Bartolome de las, Bp. of C/iiapa, 71, 72, 77, 145, 210. Cassimir, .John, Ditke, 82. Castillo, Don Antonio dl, 113, 215, 210. Castro, Joiio Bnufista de, 215. Cathay, northwest passage to, 108- 117. Catherine di Medici, lix n. Cayley, Arthur, 171. Cecil, William, Lord Burleigh, ix, Ix, 172, 188, Cevola, 112. Clmnipernoun family, the, xlii. Chancellor Hichard, 226. Charles IL of Kni/laiid, 173. Charles V. 'Emperor, 24, 40, 41, 50- 52, 57, 81, 91, 120, 144, 149, 166, 183, 200, 207. Charles IX. of Fnwrc, 148, 187. Clharlewood], Jlohn],201. Chartier. William, 184, 180. Chichimici /nilidits, the, 47, 208. China, see " Cathay." Christopher, Prince of Emden, 200. Chrysostoni, John, l^ninl, 130, 131. Churchill, John, his " Collection of Voyages " citi'd, 222. CliytraMis, Nathan, his " Variorum in Europa Itinerum Deliciuj," 225, 220. Cieza de Leon, Pietro, his " Ilistorie del Peru," 237. Clarke, Uichard, 211. Clement VII. Pope, 50. Cleves, William, Duke of, 50, 82. Cointa, Jean, 185. Coligny, Gaspard de.. Admiral, xliil, xlvi, 184, 185, 187. Collier, John Payne, xxix, 172, 173. Colonization, importance of, 95-103. Columbus, Bartholomew, 120, 121, 140. Columbus, Christopher, 11, 119,121, 122, 124, 126-128, 137, 138, 140, 195, 222, 228, 230. Columbus, Diego, 119, Columbus, Ferdinand, 120, 128, 228 ; his Life of 'he Admiral cited, 119, 120, 137, 222 ; see also " Ilar- risse, H." Congress of Jladajos, 231. Constantius II., Emperor, 131. Coro, 04. Coronado, Francesco Vasquez de, 28, 30, 86, 98, 99, 112, 116, 198, 200, 212. Cortereal, Anus, 113, 215, 210. Cortereal, Gaspar, 32, 80, 148, 203, 204, 238. Cortes, Hernando, 97, 98, 211, 212, 229. Cravaliz, Augustino, 211. Crignon, Pierre, 197. INDEX. 247 Cronke, J//-. , uf Smkihamnion, 201. Crux, Mdnjiiis de la, see " Santa Crux." Culm, idlnud of, 08, 73. CudruiiiKiiy, Indian deity, 7. Cuiuuuu, G4. D. ■Paus, Jolin, 200. Davis, Joliii, 11)5. Deaiio, Charles, /./"../)., Editor's pri't'atory noto si^tiicl by, xiii, xiv; his " lU'inarks on Cabot's Mappe- Mondf " cited, 226. De Hry, see " Hry." Do Costa, llti: Uiiijamin F., 182. Dee, /'i: John, xlviii; "JHary of," cited, I'Jo. De Lcau, Mr. ,of Morlaix, France, llo. De l-ery, sec "Lory." " Deli),'ht," .-(/)//», 202, 211. Denis, Jean Ferdiiiaiid, his " Portu- gal, Uistoiru et description " cited, 216. Denmark, English trade with, 15. Derniot Mac Morough, Kiix/ of Lein- sla; 134. De Soto, Fernando, 183, 184. D'Ewes, Sir Sinionds, his" Journal" cited, 172. Diaz del Castillo, Bernal, his " Ver- dadera Historia " cited, 234. Dibdin, Thomas Frognall, his " Ty- pographical Anti(iuities of Great Britain " cited, 183. Donnacona, Imlian, 28, 112. Doria, .lohn Andrew, Prince, 93, Drake, Sir Francis, xx.vii h., lix, 11, 67, 01, 83, 15'J, 18'.l, I'JO, 215, 220, 235, 239 ; " The world encomi)assed by" cited, 189,190; "Sir Francis Dral.£).. his "Memoir of Parmenins" cited, 203. llolocotiira, Indian, 40. Honduras, 00. llortop. Job, 207. Howard, Charles, Earl of Notling- ham, xxxviii n. Huguenot colony in Florida, 187. Humboldt, Alexaniler \'nn, his "Examen Critique" cited, 232; his " Cosmos " cited, ib. n^" INDEX. 249 I. InKrnni, Dnvid, llo, 207 ; IiIh "Rf- liitioii." '22*)--2-2\. IrviiiK', H'lisliiiiKton, 2:;2 ; his" Lift- (if Colimiliiin " citud, 2;iL', 'iliB. Isniicllii tlio (,'iitliolic, 11, 121, lot) l:!7. IhIiiikIs ill till' (Jiilf of Mexico, 08-70. Ivan IV. ifliHuniii, 10. J. .Tnmnicii, island of, (18, 73. Jniiu',s I. nf Eiiiihtml, xlvi, 194. ".Iiiiii/iulos," il)l. .Iiiimii, KiiifTof, xl It. tleii,vn>rc's (Ji'iiiiiriKN), , 40. JiTdnu' (S()]ihr(miii.s Kiiseiiius Ilior- iiiiymiis), Siiiiit, 1|:!. .Tolm, /■;«//■/ o/' Emiliii, 20ti. .lolili, Kliiii «)/■ lJ,-i,mnrh, 1 18. .folm I, n/ /',„-tii,/fil, 11!(. Joliii II.' (i//'(,iiiii/(il, 110, 141. .lolin IV.'ofO/di'iiliiin/, 200. Jdhii Frederick, Elcclur of Saxon i/, Joluison & Oralmm v. Mcintosh, m.^p o/\ citiMJ, 2:i4. Joiiiard, KdiiH- Francois, his " ftfonu- nicnis dc la (it'o-iraiihiu," 223. Jones, John Winter, xxix, 2ir); Ids inlroduciion to the Unkliivt' .So- ciety's Kd. of tile "Divers Voy- ages " citeil, .xxxviii n., 2.'il, 232. "Jouriinl of tlie House of Lords" cited, 17-_'. " J wW'h," Uirk; 189. Juan, Prince of Spain, 179. Lancaster, Sir James, xxxiv, xl n. Langiiet, Iluhert, Iviii. Las Casas, see " Ca.sas." Laudonniere, Keue' Goulaine de, xxx 148, 187, 209. ' Lea, Edward, D.D., 41, 120, 207. Leicester, see " Dudley." Lemon, Hohert, xxxiv, xxxv n. xl n. ' Lemovne, .hinic.s, xliii. Lf Neve, .loliii, his "Fasti Eccleslto AiiKJicaniu " cited, xxxviii h. I-co .\. (Giovanni di Medici), Jane, 182. 228. ' Lery, J,,in de, 185, 180. Lescarhot, Marc, his " Ilistoiro de la Notivflle France" cited, l'.l«. I^loy.l, Ilmnphrey, his " llistorlo of ( aniliria," 221. Lockhart, J(din Ingram, his transla- tion of Menial Dinz cited, 2;i4. Lok, Micliael, liii. 111, 21(1, 217. Lonil>ard, I'eter, 143. London, see " Anti(iiMrie8," "Austin _ Friiirs," " Hriiisli .Museum," &e. London Geographical Magazine," 1 82. Loi>c/, Diego, of Sequeriit, 141. i-oi(l.s, Il.ui.se of. Journal of the, cited, 172. Lowndes, William Tliomas, xv n. xxiii n. ' Llliz, I'rilirr n/- Porlil,/ii/, 216. Lutlicr, iMartin, 182,' 183. 82 M. Mclnto.sh, William, 234. ''^'Tis""2''i' *"'"'"' ^'^•>'"^*''' P''"". Madrid, Hoyjd Academy of, 179 Magellan, Fernando il,; 170. Maimlioiirg, Louis, 187. Maire Historical Society, extract trom the records of the, viii ; I'uh- lications of the, xxv ; their " Docu- mentary History of Maine," xxv M, cited, 17(j, 197,203,223,225* fb 230, 238; sec also, "Kohl," Major, Richard llonrv, F.S.A m>- his " Early Voyage; to Terra' Airs- tralis cited, 107 ; his " \'ovages ot the Zeno Hrothers," 214; Ids paper on the Zeno voyages iii the Mass. Hist. Society's IVoceedings, >l>.: his "True Date of the Discov- ery of the American Continent," Malta, Knights of, 14. IMarche, Jean de la, 102. Jlarcidini, Francesco, 213. iAIargarita, island of, 08. Jlarnix r,/« Sainte Aldegonde, Filing I «», 54, 68, 69, 209. ^ 250 INDliX. MiirNlmll, (^hi)f JuMirt John, lii* opinion in tlu* ciiho of iIoIiimoii nnd Uraliani v. Mcliilosli uitoil, Marilmll T. \V. M., liiN " Cliriiitian Mlisions " citcil, 187. " Martin, Mary," nhip, gunk by Algo- rini' piriitcH, 15. Martyr, I'utcr, Hoe " An({liiora." Mary, Qmin nf Kmilaml, 147. " Mary of Guiidfonl," .v/*//., 221. Mary, (^luvn nf' //nwiiiri/, 207. Mary, Qunn o/.Sfnin, Ivil. " Mary Martiii," 1////1, 15. Ma»Hai;liuwc'ttH Historical Society, "Collections" of tin-, cited, 2();1 ; " I'rocecdiiijts " of tlio, citi'd, 21 1. Mather, Cotton, /). I)., hit) " Mag- iiaha " cited, 1K(5, 1H7. Metlici, Catherine di, lix n. Mei'ici, Giovanni di, see "Leo X." Melo, Francis ile, 141. Mondoza, bm Antonio de, 28, 98, 99, IIG, IW, 212. Mendoza, l)on Hernanlino de, 189. Menendez. I'edro, 07, l'J2. Mercator, (u-rardus, 111,219. Mercator, lluniold, 114. Mcnrsius, Johannes, cited, 209, 210. Mollineiix, I'jneric, 194. Monardus, Niciiolas, M. />., extracts from his " Joyful newes out of tiic New founde Worlde," 21, 22 : ac count of, 196. Motley, Jolin Lothrop, LL.D., Ids " United Netiierlands " cited, lix n., 171, 209. Muffett, Vapt. , 48. Munoz, Juan Baiitista, his " Historia del Nuevo Mundo " cited, 2:!;j. Murpliy, //oh. Henry C, 217, 218; liis " Voyage of Verrazzano " cited, 182, 197, 198, 219. Murray, Jolin, ids " Ilund-book of Gloucestersliire " cited, xv n. N. Napier, Macvey, Ins article on Sir Walter Haleigli cited, xxvii n. Navarrete, Martin Fernandez rfe. Ins " Coleccion de los Viages " cited, 232, 230. Nicaragua, 66. Nicliols, John, F.S.A., his "Liter- ary Anecdotes " cited, xxiii n. Nichols, Tlioinas.his " Pleasant His- toric of tiie conquest of the Weast India " cited, 208, 211. Nombro di Dios, 66. Northwest pannag" to China, 109-117. Northwick, Jolin Kiisliout, Lord, XV II. Norund)egR, xxl ; extent of the name, Hi ; rca^ions why the Fnglisli nhould luidertake the planting of, ir.2-ioi. Nottingham, Charles Howard, Earl of, xxxviii, n. o. Oath demanded of English mer- chants trading in Spanish domin- ions, 17. OldvH, William, 171, 172; his "Life of Uali'igh " cited, xxvii n. Oiniphrius, sec " I'anvinius." Orange, William of, see " William of Nassau." Ortelius, Abraham, 60, 01, 102. Osorio Hieronymo. 10; his " De rebus gestis Fnninuelis " cited, 77, 2;i9 ; extract from Seiiuanus's pref- ace to, 240-241. Oviedo y Valdcs.Gonzalo Fernandez (A', 7, 120, 14'!, 149, 170, 17H, 179, 228; extract from an Italian trans- lation of his " Suinario," 24-25; his " Suinario " cited, 177 ; ac- count of his writings, 179. P. Packard, Alpheus S., /)./)., note of the Standing Committee signed by, vii-xi. Palfrey, John Gorham, LL.D., xviii, xxi. Panvinins, Onuphrius, 185. Paris, Fram-i', Bulletin of the Geo- graphical Society of, cited, 222 ; National Liltrary at, 22.S, 225, 227. Parkman, Francis, his " Pioneers of France in the New World " cited, 184, 187, 198. Parma, Alexander, Princeof, xxxii «., Ivii, lix. Parmenius, Stephen ; extracts from a letter of, 31-32, 202. Parmcntier, Jean, 197. Peckham, Sir George, xlvii, 1, lii, liv, 171, 175, 195; his "True Keport of the late Discoveries," 30, 201. 202. Perosse, Valeron, 34. Plnlip IL of Spam. Ivi, 17, 49, 52, 55, 50, 68, 7^, 81, 93, 116, 156, 174, 176, 183, 191, 209, 216, 216. INDEX. 251 riiillipn, Milon, 47, r>7, 207, 208, 220. Pliillipps, iS(V ThoiimM, xiv, xvi-xix, xxi-xxiii, xxvi, xxxv, xli ; Ciitii- loKUO of liii« colluctlun of MMS. cilcd, XV H, IH'.I. I'icrriii, r,,/,/. All)ort !ii-, nunibur of their soldiers in till- Iiiilic's, (10. roati'l, (iuiiiauiiu'. 113. Powei, Diiviil, />./>., 2'21. Pri'scott, Willium H., L^.D., 220; lii» " C., his " History of Spanish Literature " cited, 179, 229. Timber, scarcity of, in England, 105. " Toby," »■/;//>, 40. Trade, state of English, in 1584, 13-10. Tres Has, see " Honduras." Trinidnda, inland of, 07. Tross, Edwin, 180, 181, 197. Turkey, English trade with, 14. tr. Ulloa, Alfonso, 222. Utenhovius, Joannes, 206. V. Valentia, George Annesley, Lord, XV n., xvi n , xxiii-xxv. Valverde, Father Vincent de, 144, 237. Var, see " Vraga." Velasquez, Diego, 98, 212. Vera Crux, 00. Verrazzitno, Jean, li, liii, 8, 22, 86, 108, 113, 114, 148, 197, 230; ex- tract from tlie account of his voy- age, 22-24; account of, 181-182; the voyage and map of, consid- ered, 210-210; Mr. Hrevoort's " Verrazano the Navigator "' cited, 182, 197, 230; Mr. Muri)liy'8 " Voyage of Verrazzano " cited, 182, 197, 198, 219. Verrazzano, Jerome, map made by, 218. Villegagnon, Nicolas Durand de, 11, 148, 184-180. Vincent, Fatltrr, see " Valverde," Vir^'i::ia, extent of the name, 193, 1114. Voisin, Henri Lancelot, see "Popel- lini"re." Vraga, 05. w. Waad (WadeK William, xxxii n. AValsii, /iVc. K')bL"-t, his " Notices of Brazil" cited, 18^. WaUingliam, Sir Francis, ix, xxix, xxx, xxxiii, X txvii, xxxix-xli, xlvii ;;., xlix, 1, liii, Iv, Ix, Ixi, 173, 195, 201, 21(5, 220, 221; letter of Hakluyt to, xxxii i:. Western iilanting, list of articles to be carried for, 102-107. West Indies, extent of the Spanish donunion in the, 00-03 ; cruelty of the Spaniardc to the natives of the, 71-80. Weston, riowdon Charles .Tennett, his " Documents connected with INDEX. 253 the History of Soutli Carolina" cited, 221. Weymouth, George, 194. "VVliitbourne, 6Viy//. Kidiard, his " Discovery of Newfoundland " cited, 201. William of Nassau, Prince ofOranne xlvi, ivii, 63, 209. Williamson, Sir Joseph, 173. Willis, Browne, his " Survey of Eng- ., i,r*'.' <^-""'edrals " cited, xx.xviii „ Wiltshire Magazine of Arelueolixry and Natural History " cited, xvli XX. ' Winthrop, Robert C, LL.D., 214 Wolfall, A'ey , Frubislier's chap. lain, 188. Woods, Leonard, f).D., Prof".ce signe(l l.y, xv-xxiv; Introduction signed hy xxv-lxi. Wool tra 'e, state of the English. 163. Wyttiiet, Cornelius, 194, 238. z. , Zeno, Antonio, 109. ^'"oi'l ^l"""""'*' I'i' ; voyages c he, ^lo— 214. Zeno, NiccoRi, 109. Zichmni, .see " Kinclair, Henry." Ziletti, Giordan, his edition of Go- mani's General History cited, 237. Cambridge: Press oi John Wilson & Son.