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SCJe UitoersiiJe lliterature Series 
 
 CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES 
 
 THE SPEECH BY EDMUND BURKE 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 ROBERT ANDERSEN 
 
 UASTBR OV BNOLUH IM THB EPISCOPAL ACADBMT, PHILADHlPHJi 
 
 BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO 
 
 HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANl 
 
/ 
 
 to 
 
 I?? 
 
 Copyright, 1896, 
 By HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & 00 
 
 All rights reserved. 
 
 B:^¥.z;> 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The importance attaching to the study of the Speech on 
 Conciliation is indicated by the fact that the Committee 
 have assigned it for study in the years 1897-1908. 
 
 In this edition, the editor, in addition to preparing the 
 notes explanatory of the text, has aimed at exhibiting its 
 logical form and structure. Such a plan of editing and 
 of study gives an excellent opportunity of impressing, by 
 the force of Burke's example, some of the fundamental 
 processes of composition — and it is to be remembered 
 that the most persistent demand which the colleges are at 
 present making of the teacher of English is the demand fo/ 
 skill in this art — for " clearness and accuracy of expres. 
 sion." The Speech is valuable as a model : it is commonly 
 accepted as a masterpiece: it is constructed on such a 
 definite, orderly plan ; its various parts are so nicely articu- 
 lated; it is, indeed, such a finely developed organism, — 
 that the study of its details cannot fail to impress the pupil 
 with the importance of the rhetorical principles upon which 
 it is constructed. What claimed Burke's attention in the 
 construction of his work will impress the pupil in the con- 
 struction of his own. 
 
 The method of study proposed is indicated or pages ix- 
 xiv — i. e., in the careful reading of groups of paragraphs 
 as they express successive units of thought ; in the construc- 
 tion of the skeleton analysis ; in the study of appropriate 
 rhetorical notes, together with such of the exercises as the 
 teacher finds time for. The teacher will see on examina- 
 tion that some of the work appointed m xy be omitted ; but, 
 according to the idea and purpose of the editor, the con- 
 struction of the skeleton outline is an essential. It is not 
 
iv PREFACE. 
 
 sufficient for the pupil to attempt to follow- the outline 
 mentally, without writing it out. To do that much is, so 
 far, good ; but to construct it in detail, preserving the rela- 
 tive rank of the thought in the manner indicated, will force 
 the pupil, as he sees it growing under his hand, to appre- 
 hend the truth that this great literary work is wrought out 
 in accordance with steady, consistent purpose, with definite 
 plan and method, — a truth that will appear more clearly in 
 the carefully constructed analysis than it cart possibly ap- 
 pear from a mere reading of the Speech, however careful. 
 Let the pupil apprehend that truth and he will have made 
 a great, practical gain. Purpose, plan, method, are the 
 foundations of all goo(' composition. 
 
 With the reading of the Speech, and the construction of 
 the analysis, there should go as much synthetic work — 
 composition — as possible. The study of Burke's theme ; 
 of his paragraph structure ; of his outline, or plan, wiU 
 naturally suggest that the pupil be given practice in finding 
 definite themes under general subjects ; in writing j ira- 
 graphs upon narrowly limited themes ; in making skeleton 
 outlines of compositions on these themes. The importance 
 of this work cannot be overrated : it is in the highest de- 
 gree formative : to require it of the pupil is to help him to 
 value and attain the power of direct and definite thought. 
 Help in this work is given occasionally at the foot of the 
 page, where, under the general term Exercise, the editor has 
 grouped a variety of suggestions, which may, according to 
 the teacher's opportunity, prove valuable. It is well to 
 have the exercises, as far as possible, written, so as to guard 
 against the looseness that sometimes occurs in oral recita- 
 tions. Such constructive work may, of course, take the 
 place of the ordinary class compositions. The exercises 
 are intended to be suggestive only : the teacher who is in 
 sympathy with the purpose of the present study may make 
 his own exercises. 
 
 The Episcopal Academy, Philadelphia, June 12, 1896. 
 
EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. 
 
 Edmxjnd Burke was born in Dublin, probably in Jan 
 uary, 1729, although the precise date is in question. At 
 fifteen he entered Trinity College, Dublin, where he re- 
 mained five years, and in 1750 went to London to study 
 law, — the profession for which his father, an attorney, had 
 destined him. Finding the law dry and irksome, he aban- 
 doned its pursuit, and was compelled, by the withdrawal 
 of his father's allowance, to devote himself to literature 
 and politics. His two works, " A Vindication of Natural 
 Society " and " A Philosophical Inquiry into the Origin of 
 our Ideas on the Sublime and Beautiful," soon gained him 
 marked distinction as a writer. In 1765 he was elected to 
 Parliament, holding his seat throughout the exciting and 
 critical times that culminated in the American Revolution 
 and the recognition of American independence. From 
 1765 till 1794, when he retired from Parliament, his ex- 
 traordinary genius and political wisdom made him one of 
 the most conspicuous of the able men with whom he was 
 associated. He died at Beaconsfield, England, July 9, 1797. 
 
 His appointment as private secretary to Lord Rock- 
 ingham, and his election to Parliament a few months 
 after, brought him into immediate touch with the mightiest 
 problems of the day. He became the active opponent of 
 the king's policy, which was to concentrate all power in 
 the king's hands ; the ministers were to be nominees of the 
 court, carrying out his plans and answerable to him alone. 
 Backed up by Parliament, the king had determined to 
 force America into submission. They contended, inasmuch 
 as English law was supreme in the colonies as well as in 
 
n EDMUND BUHKE. • 
 
 England itself, that Parliament had a rif/ht to tax America. 
 Estahlishing themselves in the notion of their right, they 
 proceeded to enforce tlie right by the Stamp Act and other 
 acts of taxation, regardless of the claims and petitions of 
 the colonies. America could be kept in. subjection only by 
 the employment of an army. To silence the demand for 
 constitutional rights by the employment of the military was, 
 in Burke's judgment, a most serious menace to the cause of 
 liberty in England itself. Since the struggle between Amer- 
 ica and Parliament was on a demand for a constitutional 
 right, the victory of the army over the Americans miglit in 
 the end be the downfall of liberty in England itself. To 
 him this was i real fear: the idea runs through several 
 of his speeches and writings. His efforts, however, were 
 unavailing, — king and Parliament persisted. Fortunately 
 for JCngland, the colonies were successful, and the royal 
 policy of coercing the people in their demand for a consti- 
 tutional right received its death-blow. 
 
 Shortly after the conclusion of the American Revolution, 
 I Burke was stirred up by what he believed to be the cruel 
 
 and unjust policy of Warren Hastinrjs in India, and by the 
 fact that he believed the East India Company to be exert- 
 ing a corrupt influence among members of Parliament. 
 Acting upon this belief, he made probably the most strenu- 
 ous effort of his life, — the impeachment of Hastings. Dur- 
 ing the proo codings — which lasted for fourteen years — 
 Burke labored incessantly. At the end of this period 
 Hastings was acquitted, the question of his guilt being 
 viewed in different lights. The probability is that the pol- 
 icy of the East India Company was blamable for much 
 that was charged upon Hastings. "Never," says Lord 
 John Russell, "ha he great object of punishment — the 
 prevention of crime — been attained more completely than 
 by this trial. Hastings was acquitted, but tyranny, deceit, 
 and injustice were condemned." To Burke more than to 
 any other belongs the credit of this achievement. 
 
 His views on the French Revolution have brought against 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. vii 
 
 him the charge of inconsistency. As was said, he had 
 been the boldest, tlie most generous advocate of liberty in 
 1776, and yet thirteen years after, he had nothing but exe- 
 cration for those miserable subjects who in France were 
 suffering from far greater wrongs than the Americans. It 
 was charged that he had no sympathy but for the misery of 
 kings or queens, and that he forgot the suffering millions 
 of the wretched common people. Whatever the explana- 
 tion, his passionate denunciation of revolutionary leaders 
 and principles became in the end a sort of frenzy. As the 
 horrors of the Revolution increased, they excited him to 
 such a degree as to render him incapable of judging the 
 case dispassionately. The Revolution was a " foul, mon- 
 strous thing, wholly out of the course of moral nature," — 
 " generated in treachery, frauds and falsehood, hypocrisy, 
 and unprovoked murder ; " the revolutionists were mere 
 " quacks and impostors," " a nation of murderers," " mur- 
 derous atheists," etc. All this may have been more or less 
 true, but the fact remains that his denunciation was one- 
 sided and intemperate. His temper in this exciting crisis 
 was quite unlike the calm wisdom of his treatment of the 
 American question. His violence has been attributed by 
 some of his biographers, in part, to the effect on his mind 
 of the death of his only son, — a youth for whom he had a 
 most passionate affection, — and in part to the fact that his 
 intense love for the established order of things was shocked 
 oeyond measui" by the utter license into which the revolu- 
 /ionists were betrayed. It is probable, too, that he had not 
 formed an adequate notion of the corruption and incompe- 
 tency of the French government and society. His pam- 
 phlet, " Reflections on the Revolution in France," made 
 him the most popular man of his day among the sovereigns 
 of Europe, although it was the occasion of his losing many 
 of his friends in Parliament. 
 
 His sense of right and justice made him careless of re- 
 sults to himself. He accompanied Willipm Gerard Hamil- 
 Jpn when the latter was made Secretary to Ireland, and on 
 
Vlll 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 his return received through the influence of Hamilton a 
 pension of three hundred pounds. It soon appeared, how- 
 ever, that the pension was intended as a bribe to bind him 
 to a slavish devotion to the will of his patron. Burke in- 
 dignantly resigned the pension. In those days no man 
 might oppose the king and hope for preferment. And yet, 
 knowing. this, Burke was for years the head and front of 
 opposition to the king's policy ; so that in spite of his 
 acknowledged ability he was never in the ministry, nor 
 indeed in any other considerable ofl&ce. When in 1778, it 
 was proposed in Parliament to relax some of the trade re- 
 strictions imposed upon Ireland, Bristol, the city for which 
 Burke was at that time sitting in Parliament, with other 
 trading cities, raised a violent opposition. Burke, however, 
 had the courage to speak and vote in favor of the bill. His 
 ytction in this particular, together with his advocacy of Cath- 
 olic toleration, gave offence to his constituents. Two years 
 after, he lost his seat in Parliament. 
 
 Literature and literary men had always been his delight : 
 it was this love that had turned him aside from the study of 
 the law ; it was this that, in the midst of the most engross-' 
 ing parliamentary responsibilities, made him seek the com- 
 panionship of that famous club that included Reynolds, 
 Garrick, Goldsmith, Gibbon, Johnson, and Boswell. His 
 speeches have become of greater influence in the literary 
 world than they ever were in the political. His intensity 
 of purpose, his high sense of justice, impressed him pro- 
 foundly with the responsibility of his work as a pleader : 
 hence the whole of his genius, his enthusiasm, energy, ima- 
 gination, were poured into the volume of his eloquence. 
 
 The best recent accounts of Burke are by Mr. John 
 Morley, "Edmund Burke : 'English Men of Letters ; " and 
 •Edmund Burke, A Historical Study." The student will 
 also find an excellent sketch by the same author, article 
 " Burke." in the " EncyclopaBdia Britannica ; " and he may 
 p/ofitably consult Leslie Stephen's " English Thought in 
 the Eighteenth Century," volume ii., chapter ix. 
 
LOGICAL FORM OF THE SPEECH^ 
 
 THE STRUCTURE OP THE INTRODUCTION. 
 
 In the Introduction, the author proposes that Parliament originate 
 measures looking towards concession .or conciliation with the colonies. 
 
 Read the Introduction, —i. e., to the end of paragraph 
 13. 
 
 Show the logical structure oi the Introduction by making 
 a skeleton analysis of the thought. The following is given 
 as a s|»ecimen of the method of arranging divisions and 
 subdivisions: — 
 
 I. Renewed opportunity is given for deliberating 
 upon a plan for governing America. 
 
 1. We are therefore called upon to attend to 
 the matter. 
 
 II. The awfulness of the subject so oppressed me 
 that 
 
 1. I instructed myself in everything that re- 
 ^! 1 lated to the colonies. :/ s 
 
 2. I formed fixed ideas as to the general policy 
 , ; ; V r of the British Empire. V;; i ? 
 
 State accurately and clearly in a single sentence the 
 essential thought of the whole Introduction. 
 
 Study Notes I.-V. of Rhetorical Principles, page xv. 
 
 What is the exact meaning of the word ''partaker', 
 occurring in par. 2 ? 
 
 EXERCISES ON THE INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Express in single sentences the essential thought of the 
 following paragraph groups : Paragraphs 1 and 2 ; 3, 4, 
 and5; 6,7,and8; 9 and 10 ; 11, 12, and 13, 
 
X THE STRUVTURE OF THE DEVELOPMENT. 
 
 THE STRUCTURE OF THE DEVELOPMENT. 
 
 In the Development, the author sets forth the arguments in favor of 
 conciliation under the two general heads of (A) Whether Parliament 
 ought to concede, and (B) What Parliament's coacession ought to be. 
 
 Study Note VI. of Rhetorical Principles, page xx. 
 
 Remembering, then, that the one purpose for which the 
 author is contending is that Parliament should adopt a 
 policy of Conciliation, read par. 14. 
 
 Read pars. 15 and 16, and continue the construction of 
 the skeleton analysis. Designate the main divisions by 
 Roman numerals, subdivisions by Arabic, minor divisions 
 by italic letters, according to the following specimen : — 
 
 ■'^•v'' '■■■ A --V:- -m^' 
 
 WHETHER PARLIAMENT OUGHT TO CONCEDE. 
 
 I. The Population of the Colonies. 
 
 1 1- Two millions of Europeans with 500,000 
 
 others. (Par. 15.) 
 :<■/,■: 2. Burke's reasons for putting the population 
 in the forefront. (Par. 16.) 
 r i K ; ;• a. No narrow system will be applicable. 
 
 L Care is needed in dealing with such 
 an object. 
 
 Read pars. 17-30 inclusive. Here the author gives 
 another reason for concession, viz. : II. The Industries of 
 tlie Colonies. Add this to the analysis, and show the form 
 and structure of the thought by continuing the skeleton an- 
 alysis, thus : — 
 
 II. The Industries of the Colonies. 
 
 1. The Commerce. (Pars. 17-28 inclusive.) 
 
 Express in your own words the idea contained in the sen- 
 tence (par. 10), " Refined policy ever has been the parent of 
 confusion." 
 
THE STRUCTURE OF THE DEVELOPMENT, xi 
 
 a. Two comparative statements of export 
 . trade. (Pars. 19-24 inclusive.) 
 
 ' h. Reflections upon the wonderful increase. 
 
 (Par. 25.) 
 
 c. Increase in the case of Pennsylvania, 
 and reference to imports. (Pars. 26, 27, 
 and 28.) 
 
 2. Agriculture. (Par. 29.) 
 
 a. At the beginning of the century, colo' 
 nies imported corn. 
 
 h. For some time past the Old World has 
 been fed by the New. 
 
 3. Fisheries. (Par. 30.) 
 
 % ' a. The energy with which they have been 
 
 prosecuted. 
 !■ ; h. It has been due not to the constraints 
 
 of our government. 
 
 Read pars. 31-35 inclusive. Here the author has paused 
 in his direct argument to answer those who contend that, 
 if America is so important, it is worth fighting for. Burke's 
 retort is that America certainly is worth fighting for, if 
 fighting a people be the best way of gaining them, but that 
 he \z in "avor of more prudent management. The teacher 
 may p. -^ vide for this thought in the outline, by making 
 a fourth subdivision, " Objections to the Employment of 
 Force," under II., The Industries of the Colonies. After 
 this digression or negative argument, the author returns 
 (in par. 36) to his direct argument. 
 
 Read pars. 36-46 inclusive. Here the author assigns 
 another reason for Conciliation, viz. : — 
 
 III. The Temper and Character of the People. 
 
 Add this to the analysis, together with the six subdi- 
 visions. 
 
 Study Note VII. of Rhetorical Principles, page xx. 
 
 Read carefully pars. 47-64 inclusive, remembering that 
 in this argument the details or subdivisions come first, as 
 shown in Note VII. of Rhetorical Principles. 
 
xii THE STRUCTURE OF THE DEVELOPMENT. 
 
 Add the followiug to the analysis : — 
 
 1. Three ways in which (pars. 47-64) Parliar 
 ment may procetd relative to this rebellious spirit 
 of the colonies, — to ch.inge it, to prosecute it as 
 criminal, to comply with it as necessary. 
 
 I'v. But to change it is impossible ; to prosecute 
 it is inexpedient ; therefore 
 IV. Compliance is a necessity. (Par. 64.) 
 See Note VIII. of Rhetorical Principles, page xxi. 
 Read pars. 65-68. Continue the construction of the 
 analysis, thus : — 
 
 WHAT parliament's CONCESSION OUGHT TO BE. 
 
 I. The Nature of the Concession demanded 
 by the Colonies. •: ; 
 
 1. They are taxed by a Parliament in which 
 they are not represented. (Par. 65.) 
 
 • M • a. Burke limits himself (pars. 66, 67) to 
 
 the policy of the question. 
 
 2. Burke's idea is, therefore, to admit the colo- 
 nists to an interest in the Constitution. (Par. 68.) 
 
 Read pars. 69-76 inclusive. They contain objections to 
 Burke's idea, together with his answer. Add to the an- 
 alysis the words (a) " Objections to the idea," as a minor 
 division, under 2, Burke's idea. 
 
 Read pars. 77-90 for the third subdivision under the 
 Nature of the concession and continue the analysis with 
 proper subdivisions. 
 
 See Note IX. of Rhetorical Principles, page xxi. 
 
 Read par. 91 and continue the analysis. This paragraph 
 gives the second main division under B, viz. : — 
 
 II. The Actual Concession proposed by Burke. 
 Read pars. 92-112, arranging the thought as sub- 
 divisions and minor divisions under II., The Actual Con- 
 cession proposed by Burke.^ Express the meaning of each 
 
 ^ To do this may make the outline too long, and it may, at the dis* 
 oration of the teacher, be omitted. 
 
 / 
 
 . 
 
THE STRUCTURE OF THE DEVELOPMENT, xiu 
 
 resolution as briefly as is consistent with clearness and ac- 
 curacy. 
 
 See Note X. of Rhetorical Principles, page xxii. 
 
 EXERCISES ON THE DEVELOPMENT. 
 
 What is the precise meaning of the word "circum- 
 stance " in par. 14 ? 
 
 What are abstract ideas of right ? (Par. 14.) 
 
 Commit to memory par. 25. 
 
 What is a seminal principle ? (Par. 25.) 
 
 Give an accurate statement of Burke's objections to 
 Force as a means of governing a people. (Pars. 32-35 in- 
 clusive.) 
 
 What does the word " restive," par. 37, mean ? Do not 
 assume that you know. Look it up. 
 
 Commit to memory par. 38. 
 
 Amplify the statement contained in par. 45, " Obedience 
 is what makes government, and not the names by which it 
 is called." 
 
 Write a brief abstract of pars. 47-64. 
 - Restate carefully the idea (in par. 61) contained in the 
 sentence, "Sir, these considerations have great weight 
 . . . that very litigation." 
 Commit to memory par. 88 
 
 y^-'-- 
 
 /r 
 
xiy THE STRUCTURE OF THE AUTHOR'S PLAN 
 
 THE STRUCTURE OF THE CONCLUSION. > 
 
 Read j)ar. 113 to the end. The thought contained in the 
 
 Conclusion may be arranged under four main divisions : 
 
 I. Resolutions proposed by Burke. (Pars. 113-122.) 
 II. Objections Answered. (Pars. 123-127.) 
 
 III. Burke's Objections to Lord North's Plan. (Pars. 
 
 128-136.) 
 
 IV. Comparison of the Two Plans. (Pars. 137-141.) 
 V. T}ie Peroration. 142 to the end. 
 
 Complete the analysis by adding the above with proper 
 subdivisions and minor divisions of the thought. 
 
 Study Note XI. of Rhetorical Principles, page xxii. ' 
 
 THE STRUCTURE OF THE AUTHOR's PLAN. 
 
 For the study of this subject, see Note XII. of Rhetori- 
 eal Principles, page xxiii. 
 
 THE PARAGRAPH STRUCTURE OF THE SPEECH. 
 
 See Note XIII. of Rhetorical Principles, page xxvii. 
 
 Exercise. Give a Summary of the rhetorical principle? 
 illustrated by the author's Introduction ; by the Develop 
 ment ; by the Conclusion ; the Plan ; Paragraph Structure- 
 
 EXERCISES ON THE CONCLUSION. 
 
 Express in your own words the argument in par. 126. 
 What is the author's Theme in the Peroration ? 
 In a single sentence give the essential idea of the whole 
 Speech. 
 
TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE SPEECH.^ 
 
 The Speech consists of three well defined parts : 
 
 The Introduction — to the end of Paragraph 13. 
 The Development — Paragraphs 14-112 inclusive. 
 The Conclusion -— Paragraph 113 to the end. 
 
 The Introduction. 
 
 I. Renewed opportunity to consider the question. 
 
 II. The awfulness of the subject. 
 
 III. The demand for a fixed policy. 
 
 IV. Burke's proposition is peace. 
 
 V. Parliament has already granted that conciliation is 
 admissible. 
 
 The Development. " -, 
 
 ! A. Whether Parliament ought to concede. 
 B. What Parliament's concession ought to be. 
 
 -'' Whether Parliament ought to concede. 
 
 The argument of the author is that Parliament ought to ooncede, 
 because of — 
 
 I. The population of the Colonies. 
 II. The industries. 
 
 1. The commerce. 
 
 2. The agriculture. 
 
 3. The fisheries. 
 
 ' To those who are not disposed to study the speech with the minuteness sug- 
 gested in the Looioal Fobm of the Sfbeoh, page ix, the topical outline will b« of 
 service. 
 
'\ I 
 
 III. 
 
 I 
 
 1. 
 
 xvi TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE SPEECH. 
 
 4. Objections to the employment of force in over- 
 coming the opposition of the Colonies. 
 
 a. It is temporary. 
 
 b. It is uncertain. 
 
 c. It impairs the object. 
 
 d. Parliament has had no experience. 
 The temper and character of the people (which is de- 
 termined by — ) 
 
 1. Descent. 
 
 2. Their form of government. 
 
 3. The form of religion in the North. 
 
 4. The haughty spirit in the South. 
 6. Education of the people. 
 ,6. Their remoteness. ' ' 
 
 (Here the author changes the form of his argument, 
 giving the details of his arg jment first, and from 
 these draws a conclusion : ) 
 The three ways of dealing with this spirit are, 
 to change it by removing the cause ; to prose- 
 cute it as criminal ; to comply with it as a 
 necessity. 
 But to change it is impossible ; to prosecute it 
 '^^ as criminal is inexpedient and impossible. 
 <. -' The author concludes therefore that nothing 
 is left for Parliament to do but to comply 
 with the demand for concession. It is this 
 conclusion which becomes the last argument 
 in favor of concession, viz. : 
 IV. Compliance with the demand for concession is h 
 necessity. 
 
 B. 
 
 What Parliamenfs Concession should he. 
 
 I. The nature of the concession demanded : 
 
 1. The Colonies are taxed without representation. 
 
 2. Burke's idea is that the people should be a^. 
 
 mitted to an interest in the Constitution. 
 
 2. 
 
TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE SPEECH, xvii 
 
 3. Precedents for conciliatiou. 
 
 a. Ireland. 
 
 b. Wales. 
 
 c. Chester. 
 
 d. Durham. ) 
 
 IL The Actual Concession proposed, — to pass a resolu- 
 tion acknowledging that — 
 
 1. The Colonies have no representation in Parlia- 
 
 ment. 
 
 2. They have therefore been touched and grieved 
 
 by taxation. 
 
 3. No method has yet been devised for giving 
 
 them representation. 
 
 4. The Colonies have legal assemblies — capable of 
 
 raising taxes. 
 
 5. These assemblies have in times past granted 
 
 " aids" to his majesty. 
 
 6. Experience shows that these " aids " have been 
 
 more profitable than the measures for taxing 
 the Colonies. 
 
 The Conclusion. 
 
 I. Resolutions proposed by Burke. 
 
 1. To repeal the acts that interfere with the local 
 
 courts and legislatures. 
 
 2. To order that judges shall hold their offices 
 
 during good behavior and be removed for 
 good cause only and by due process of law. 
 
 3. To make the Courts of Admiralty more conve- 
 
 nient. 
 II. Burke's answer to the objection that — • 
 
 1. If the concession be made to the Colonies in the 
 
 matter of taxation, they will make further 
 demands. 
 
 2. The plan will destroy the unity of empire. 
 
xviii TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE SPEECH. 
 
 III. Burke's objections to Lord North's plan. 
 
 1. The plan is a mere project. 
 
 2. It would be fatal to the Constitution. 
 
 3. It will not give satisfaction to the Colonies. 
 
 4. It will bring in greater difficulties. 
 
 IV. Comparison of the two plans. 
 Vi The peroration. 
 
 The safety of the kingdom lies in the devotion ot 
 the people of the Colonies to the Constitution and 
 in their affection for the Mother Country. 
 
 I 
 
RHETORICAL PRINCIPLES ILLUSTRATED BY 
 
 THE SPEECH. 
 
 THE INTRODUCTION. 
 
 I. 
 
 In an argument, the Introduction may have an important 
 function. What it is in the Speech on Conciliation will 
 now be considered. 
 
 The Introduction contains, as has been seen, various con- 
 trasts of the plan pursued by Parliament with the one pro- 
 posed by Burke. He tells them that he has a definite plan, 
 — they have not ; that his opinions have been steadfast, — 
 theirs wavering; under Parliament's government "things 
 have been hastening to an incurable alienation of the colo- 
 nies, " — Burke's plan proposes to restore " the former un- 
 suspecting confidence in the mother country." By reason 
 of the plan pursued by Parliament — or, rather, by reason of 
 their frequent change of plan — " America has been kept 
 in continual agitation ; " the one advocated by Burke means 
 to give peace. ' " 
 
 The, contrasts are not, of course, arranged as above : to 
 have done so would probably have offended his hearers, 
 whereas his desire, as will be seen hereafter, was quite the 
 reverse of this. Nevertheless, without placing the two 
 
 EXERCISE. 
 
 Find other points of contrast in the two plans. 
 
XX RHETORICAL PRINCIPLES ILLUSTRATED. 
 
 methods of government in offensive contrast, the author has 
 ^o skilfully arranged the points of diti'erence, that his own 
 plan stands out with j)roniinence. Without giving details, 
 he sets forth clearly and unmistakahly what he intends to 
 show. " I mean," he says, " to give peace ; " and again, " I 
 make no difficulty in affirming that the proposals of concili- 
 ation and concession ought to originate from us ; " i. e., 
 he means to show that Parliament, abandoning its policy of 
 coercion, should give the colonies peace by originating pro- 
 posals of concession and conciliation. 
 
 The author has thus a definite object in view, and has 
 given it an exact statement in the Introduction. This, 
 indeed, is the first common function of the Introduction. 
 
 But if the above — L e., to give an exact statement of 
 his object — had been his only purpose, the author would 
 probably have made his Introduction shorter. For the sim- 
 ple purpose of stating his meaning clearly, the single sen- 
 tence, " I make no difficulty in affirming that the proposals 
 of concession should originate from us," would have been 
 sufficient. It will be seen, however, that to have introduced 
 his theme so bluntly might have excited only disgust and 
 opposition, instead of the interest, attention, and coopera- 
 tion which he desired. Hence that another reason existed 
 for the long Introduction may easily be inferred. A fur- 
 ther examination of the Speech will show what the rea- 
 son is. 
 
 Occurring with such frequency as to give a distinct tone 
 to what the author says, are expressions of the same general 
 nature as the following : "I had no sort of reason to rely 
 upon the strength of my natural abilities for the proper 
 execution of that trust ; " he assures them that he " bows 
 under the high authority of the House ; " he does not haz- 
 ard " a censure upon the motives of former Parliaments ; " 
 he looks upon their present opportunity to reconsider the 
 subject as " a providential favor ; " he admonishes them 
 that they are called upon to attend to America as by a 
 
RHETORICAL PRINCIPLES ILLUSTRATED, xxi 
 
 " superior warning voice." " It is," he says, " an awful 
 subject, or there is none this side of the grave." * 
 
 III. 
 
 In spite, however, of all that he had done to conciliate 
 their favor, and to centre their thought upon the gravity of 
 thp ' iect, Burke could not be certain that his efforts thus 
 fa ' VI induce Parliament to give his plan calm, un- 
 ppt^ iced consideration : he might find that the House did 
 not regard their opportunity " as a providential favor ; " he 
 might find their prejudice stronger than their reason ; and 
 consequently that some further effort might still be nc "essarjf 
 before it would be safe to trust the details of his plan to 
 their judgment. He proceeds, therefore, to argue that his 
 plan commends itself to their consideration in the fact that 
 the House, by accepting the resolution moved by Lord 
 North, had thereby declared conciliation {i. e., the plan he 
 was urging) to be admissible ; he reminds them also that 
 they had gone further, — that they had declared conciliation 
 to be admissible previous to any submission on the part of 
 America ; and, still further, that the House had gone " a 
 good deal beyond even that mark," and had admitted that 
 the " complaints of the former mode of exerting the right 
 of taxation had not been altogether unfounded." 
 
 The author has kept this argumei:*; as the climax in his 
 effort to conciliate their favor. It is easy to see, if he could 
 show the plan for which he WtS contending to be based upon 
 a principle which Parliament had already admitted and acted 
 upon, that he had presumably done much to overcome 
 prejudice, to awaken interest in his plan, and thereby to 
 lessen the labor of persuading Parliament to adopt it. 
 
 * What sentiments does the author desire to arouse to- 
 wards himself and his subject by the employment of these 
 and similar expressions ? 
 
 Find other expressions indicating the same general poiv 
 pose. 
 
1 
 
 ■;■''! 
 
 
 xxii RHETORICAL PRINCIPLES ILLUSTRATED. 
 
 To arouse interest, to overcome prejudice, to gain favor- 
 able consideration for his project, appears therefore to have 
 been the author's serious purpose, — a purpose that he has 
 endeavored to effect by his respectful attitude towards the 
 high authority of the House, by directing their minds to the 
 gravity of the subject, and by showing that the principle for 
 which he was contending, they had already admitted. 
 
 It appears, therefore, that the twofold purpose ^ for which 
 the author employs the Introduction is, as has been shown, 
 first, to sei; forth clearly the purpose for which the Speech 
 was written ; second, to gain for his plan — and for himself 
 in urging it — the goodwill of his auditors, their favorable 
 consideration beforehand. 
 
 ^ This twofold purpose may be taken as governing the construction 
 and employment of prose Introductions. From the study of the Speech 
 thus far certain inferences may be drawn : — 
 
 First. When the subject is easily understood, when its meaning is 
 clear from its mere statement, when the minds of the hearers are favor- 
 ably disposed ti, the speaker's views, viie Introduction may be dis- 
 pensed with altogether, or at most made only so long as to prevent 
 inartistic or inelei/ant bluntness. 
 
 Second. Where the subject is complex, difficult to understand ; 
 where, on account of its importance, it needs a full and careful state' 
 ment ; or where, on the other hand, prejudice and indifference are to be 
 encoiutered, — the Introduction affords the opportunity of explaining 
 the one and of overcoming the other. In such caseo the Introduction 
 is of vital consequence. 
 
 Third. The Introduction existing simply as an aid to the Develop- 
 ment, it follows that nothing may properly form part of it but what is 
 essentially connected with the author's purpose in the Development. 
 However interesting in itself, matter that does not in some way bear 
 upon the discussion has no right in the Introduction. Cicero's dictum 
 expresses the true idea : " Nor is the exordium of a speech to be 
 Bought from without, or from anything unconnected with the subject, 
 but to be derived from the very essence of the cause." 
 
 Fourth. The Introduction should not be written until the Develop- 
 ment has been written, or at least definitely planned. This is for 
 the obvious reason that, unt^l the author has determined upon the latter, 
 the question as to how his sul ject shall be most successfully introduced 
 Mumot be intelligently settled. 
 
RHETORICAL PRINCIPLES ILLUSTRATED, xxiii 
 
 IV. 
 
 When the author (par. 13) states that he means to give 
 peace, and affirms that, in order thereto, Parliament should 
 originate a policy of conciliation and concession, he states 
 what is known in Rhetoric as the Theme. The Theme is 
 the definite statement of the purpose for which the work is 
 written. In the present case, and generally in arguments, 
 the Theme is a proposition, a statement to be proved. It is 
 a clear-cut, definite statement : it may be expressed in a 
 single sentence. Thus it serves as a limit to the subject and 
 to the speaker. Everything admitted to the Development 
 must in some way bear upon the truth of the one definite 
 Theme which the author has proposed. How well the au- 
 thor keeps to this requirement will be seen as the thought 
 is studiw J . 
 
 ',-"■■■'' ^' :.'■■: ' ' y\'^ ?■ 
 
 There is a great difference between the Theme and the 
 Subject. The Subject is general, under which a number 
 of specific Themes may be suggested. A Theme is fixed 
 upon only when the general subject is limited to a par- 
 ticular line of discussion, thus ; under Jhe general subject, 
 "American Affairs," Burke might huve proposed several 
 themes, for instance : " The Americans should be allowed 
 to govern themselves ; " " Parliament's misgovernraent is 
 directly responsible for the condition of affairs in the colo- 
 nies ; " *' The Americans should be restrained by force of 
 arms;" " 'he resti'ictive measures should be made more 
 severe ; " " Parliament should originate proposals of conces- 
 sion to the colonies." In each of these cases the general 
 topic, American Affairs, is limited to a particular line of dis* 
 cusssion, and hence each becomes a Theme.^ 
 
 £Xii(HCIS£j« 
 
 State other Themes under the general topic, Ameripaq 
 
xxiy RHETORICAL PRINCIPLES ILLUSTRATED. 
 
 THE DEVELOPMENT. 
 
 The Introduction has prepared the way for the most im- 
 poitant part of the Speech, — the Development. The latter, 
 in fact, is not so much a part of the Speech as that it is the 
 Speech. It sets forth the Development of the author's pur- 
 pose, und his purpose is to convince the House of the truth 
 of his Theme, viz., that Parliament, abandoning its policy 
 of coercion, should make proposals of concession and con< 
 ciliation to the colonies. This is the single Theme that the 
 author sets before his hearers. Thus limited, he will natu- 
 rally keep from the Development everything that does not 
 bear upon the Theme under discussion ; and, by a natural 
 inference, will endeavor to exhibit his Theme completely 
 and fully. The study of the author's thought will show 
 ^w successfully he meets both requirements.^ 
 
 After the third argument, " the Temps. :id Character of 
 ihe people," the fourth might naturally be expected. But 
 \t is not immediately given. The reason is, that the author 
 (in pars. 47-64) has changed the form of his reasoning. 
 The arguments given thus far are known in rhetoric as 
 Deductive, i. e., arguments in which the general truth or 
 
 ^ The editor's purpose is not to discuss the Development from the 
 standpoint of a technical argument. Throughout the Speech evi* 
 dences of the technique of the trained reasoner and pleader are found., 
 but they are of such special application that they might prove to 
 the preparatory student unprofitable in themselves, and serve only 
 to divert the mind from lessons that are plainer and of wider scope. It 
 is rather the purpose, by directing attention to the thought, to show 
 that thv. Development has been constructed upon a skilfully laid plan, 
 — a plan that will appear clear and direct as the Theme was definite 
 and single. The more closely Burke's work is analyzed, the more 
 clearly will appear his es'imate of singleness of purpose and definite- 
 teas of method. 
 
RHETORICAL PRINCIPLES ILLUSTRATED, xxv 
 
 principle is stated first, while particulars and details come 
 afterwards. 
 
 In pars. 47-64, however, the author, changing the form of 
 his argument, gives the details first, and from these draws 
 a conclusion ; and the conclusion is the fourth main argu- 
 ment. This mode of reasoning is called Inductive. The 
 author leads his hearers from point to point towards a 
 conclusion that he has had in mind from the beginnings 
 The skill and art he shows in changing the form of hie 
 argument at this point will be discussed in Note XII. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 The last point in the author's argument was, that com- 
 pliance was a necessity. He has thus proved that Parlia- 
 ment ought to concede, first, because of the Population ; 
 second, because of their Industries ; third, because of the 
 Temper and Character of the people ; fourth, because com- 
 pliance is a necessity, — Parliament has no other course left : 
 it is driven to concession and conciliation by the necessity 
 of the case. This finishes the first leading division of the 
 author's argument, given in par. 14. The author then pro- 
 ceeds to answer B, What Parliament's Concession ought 
 
 to be. 
 
 -■— ■ 
 
 It will be observed that thus far the author has not stated 
 the actual cone jsion that he has in mind, but simply the 
 Nature of the Concession. Citing the examples of Ireland- 
 Wales, Durham, and Chester, he shows the authority of the 
 crown to have been acknowledged and respected just in pro 
 portion to their enjoyment of the benefits of the English Con 
 stitution. As shown, therefore, by the appeal to the British 
 Constitution, the Nature of the Concession demanded for 
 the colonies is an extension of their rights and privileges 
 as English subjects. " Why not apply these principles to 
 America," asks the author, " especially as America is in- 
 finitely greater ? " (Pur. 88.) 
 
cxvi RHETORICAL PRINCIPLES ILLUSTRATED. 
 
 « 
 
 This is really the end of the author's direct argument. Ht 
 haa answered the second of the leading questions into v^hich 
 he divided the Development, and is now ready for the third 
 part of the Speech, — the Conclusion. This extends from 
 par. 113 to the end of the Speech. " The question now is," 
 says the author, " whether you will abide by experience or 
 by a mischievous theory." 
 
 THE CONCLUSION. 
 
 XI. 
 
 An examination of the Conclusion, particularly pars. 113~ 
 122, shows that, — 
 
 First, it bears strict relation to what has formed the sub- 
 ject of discourse. It comes in consequence of the ideas 
 worked out in the Development ; it comes as a direct in- 
 ference from the truths of the Development. If the Develop- 
 ment be true, then the Conclusion must follow. This arrange- 
 ment is part of the author's plan : the thought is so arranged 
 as to lead the hearer to the Conclusion which the author has 
 had in mind from the beginning. Thus Burke argues that, 
 inasmuch as Conciliation has been proved to be the proper 
 course of action, every law that has been passed to uphold 
 a contrary system should be repealed. Accept the truth of 
 the argument and you must accept the reasonableness of the 
 Conclusion. Burke's Conclusion, therefore, as far as pars. 
 113-122, comes as a necessary consequence of what he has 
 shown in the Development. Fiom an artistic point of view, 
 this is the end of the Speech : i^urke himself says, " Here I 
 should close." 
 
 But, second, an argument addressed simply to the under- 
 standing, particularly if, as in the present case, the hearers 
 be prejudiced and obstinate, may sometimes fail to effect the 
 desired object. Hence the speaker labors to overcome objeo< 
 iions. Moreover, orators and pleaders have recognized tho 
 
kaETORICAL PRINCIPLES ILLUSTRATED, xxvii 
 
 occasional necessity of an appeal to the feelings and emotions- 
 Burke employs this method of appeal in the Peroration, par 
 l43 to the end. Here he dwells with earnestness upon the 
 love of the people, upon their attachment to the English 
 Constitution, as the sure basis of all service to the empire. 
 The purpose of the appeal is to stimulate the hearers to take 
 the action desired. Burke's knowledge of his hearers per 
 haps led him to this final effort.^ 
 
 THE author's plan. 
 
 XII. 
 
 The Plan upon which the Speech is constructed presents 
 features that require careful study. It is desirable, for this 
 study, that the student have before him the outline which he 
 has been directed to construct throughout the reading. 
 
 First. It is evident that the Development proceeds ac- 
 cording to a clearly defined Plan. Evidences of this orderly 
 an-angement of thought occur throughout the course of the 
 Speech It is simple in its parts and definite in its methods. 
 
 Secoud. We shall consider more in detail the Plan of the 
 Development, — the essential part of the Speech. The 
 Development has kept to the one Theme proposed m the 
 Introduction, viz., that Parliament should make proposals 
 of concession. As was suggested in the Introduction and 
 Development, the author, having limited himself to a Definite 
 Theme, has kept from the discussion everything irrelevant. 
 Looking over the outline or plan of the thought, it will be 
 
 1 The Conclusion does not exist for itself independent of the De« 
 velopment. Its purpose is simply in line with the Development : 
 whatever is effective in this line is in place ; whatever is not thus in 
 line has no place in the Conclusion. 
 
 The same general considerations that govern the construction and 
 use of the Introduction govern the Conclusion, — it must be long enough 
 to effect its legitimate purpose ; i. e., to enahle the pleader to set forth 
 any consequences that may flow from the truths which he has urged 
 Ui the Development. 
 
li rh 
 
 xxyni RHETORICAL PRINCIPLES ILLUSTRATED. 
 
 seen that nothing there presented may be omitted without 
 impairing the argument. Every division and subdivision 
 of the argument has its part in effecting the one purpose of 
 the author. Besides, the study of the thought will shovr 
 how complete and conclusive the argument is. The Develop 
 Inent, therefore, has Unity and Completeness. V 
 
 j Third. The Arrangement of thought is made with th* 
 studied purpose of gaining the best effect. Evidences ol 
 this purpose are found in the fact that attention is centred 
 upon one thought at a time. The author does not distract 
 the mind by any confusion or overlapping of the arguments : 
 the lines between the arguments are distinctly marked ; and 
 yet, while this is true, the different arguments are made to 
 fit each other so nicely that they make a chain of reasoning. 
 Thus, out of No. I., Population, there naturally grow the 
 next two ; while from the Temper and Character of the 
 people there naturally grows No. IV. The hearer is thus 
 made to follow the speaker in a series of logical, natural 
 steps. Again, evidence of the author's studied arrangement 
 of thought is found in his continued effort after Climax. 
 Climax consists in arranging thought in the order of strength, 
 with a view to increasing the force of the presentation. 
 Numerous evidences of this occur. It is found in the In* 
 troduction, where, in his effort to gain favorable considera- 
 tion for his Flan, the author finally shows that what he is 
 contending for the House has already admitted. It is found 
 again in his leading divisions of the Development : the ques< 
 tion as to whether Parliament ought to concede is naturally 
 preparatory to what Parliament ought to concede. It is 
 found in the arrangement of arguments under A. Observe 
 the increasing strength of the arguments : first, the Popular 
 tion — 2,600,000. This number, great as it is, might not 
 have appealed to the prejudiced Englishman : the question 
 of their commercial interest might, however. Hence the 
 author places their Industries as an argument of additional 
 «treugth. This in turn is followed by the Temper and Char 
 
 k 
 
RHETORICAL PRINCIPLES ILLUSTRATED. xxlX 
 
 acter of the people: they are not men of slavish spirit,-— 
 there prevails among them a fierce and intractable spirit of 
 liberty. The Climax is evident when in pars. 45 and 47 the 
 author asks, What shall we do with this spirit ? There are 
 only three things they can attempt, — to change the spirit, 
 to prosecute it as criminal, to comply with it as a necessary 
 evil. But they can't change it, — unalterable conditions are 
 against the change : they can't prosecute it as criminal, be« 
 cause they can't bring a prosecution against a whole nation. 
 Consequently there is only one thing left, and that is to 
 comply with the spirit, to submit to it as to a necessary evil. 
 
 It was doubtless with the purpose of making this Climax 
 still more forcible that the author (pars. 47-64) changed the 
 form of his argument from the Deductive to the Inductive, 
 because the latter proceeds from particulars to an inference ; 
 and the inference finally given, which the hearers themselves 
 have been led to draw, forms an argument the most forcible 
 of all. The last argument would have lost much of its force 
 if it had been arranged as the others were. , . ^ , ^, ■ ; 
 
 Finally, the studied effort of the author after the best 
 effect in the arrangement of thought is shown in the em- 
 ployment of the principle of Suspense. Everything in the 
 early part of the Speech points towards a concession which 
 Burke is going to propose, but it is not until the final para- 
 graphs of the Development that the actual concession is 
 set forth. Had the author stated the actual concession 
 in the beginning, interest in it, as may easily be seen, would 
 have gradually waned, and, by the time the Speech were 
 finished, the proposed concession might, perhaps, have been 
 forgotten. According to the arrangement of the author, the 
 mind is kept looking on and on towards a concession to be 
 proposed, but only after the mind has been stimulated by 
 arguments in favor of concession is the concession actually 
 given. This arrangement of thought is the Principle of 
 Suspense. It seems clear from these particulars that the 
 Plan shows a studied effort after the best attainable effect. 
 
XXX RHETORICAL PRINCIPLES ILLUSTRATED, 
 
 Fourth. The author writes under strong feeling. He 
 appears to be thoroughly in earnest, to be completely undex 
 the sway of the idea which he is urging. One has only to 
 read to be impressed with this characteristic of the Speech. 
 Take it at almost any point, and the deep onward sweep 
 of its thought carries our sympathies with it. Paragraphs 
 (taken at random) that show this depth of feeling are thf 
 following: 25, 30, 38, 40, 45, 79, 88, 142. 
 
 The features that have been touched upon as characteris 
 tic of this Speech are among those from which language 
 acquires in great degree " clearness, precision, fitness, and 
 effectiveness."* 
 
 ^ There are two steps in composition-writing which, to untrained 
 minds, are especially irksome and difficult, — the selection of a defiuite, 
 narrowly limited Theme, and the construction of a Plan ; and yet, of al!. 
 its processes, Composition gains most from the selection of the one anc! 
 the construction of the ocher. In this Speech the student has followed 
 the plan of a Master in the Art of Composition, has observed the defi- 
 niteness of his Theme, the skill shown in the plan. To the common 
 testimony of literary men regarding the importance of earnest, pains< 
 taking arrangement of thought, it may be added that the study of every 
 work of serious purpose shows it to proceed according to a plan carefully 
 constructed. Even to trained minds, thought does not always occur 
 in logical sequence and proportion. For the best arrangement, labor 
 even to these is essential. It is of still greater importance to those who 
 are beginners in the Art. To construct a plan with a logical, effective 
 irrangement of parts, means labor, but it is labor that must be borne. 
 It is when the thought lies before us in an outline or plan that we can, 
 as it were, see it in its force or weakness ; see it in its various relations ; 
 see it to be proper or improper in arrangement and proportion. We 
 can, in a word, criticise it, and put to ourselves the question whether oui 
 thought and our method are the best suited to effect our purpose. For 
 the beginner in composition the plan is a necessity. 
 
 The observations made upon the plan of Burke's Speech have a 
 general application to the student's work and composition. 
 
 1. The Development should keep to a single definite Theme. 
 
 2. The Development should proceed according to a definite plan. 
 8. The Thought should be arranged with a view to the best effect. 
 
 4. The student should write with earnestness. 
 
 5. In making the outline the mind should be occupied with th« 
 masses and an-angement of though' . 
 
RHETORICAL PRINCIPLES ILLUSTRATED, xxxi 
 
 THE PARAGRAPH STRUCTURE OF THE SPEECH. 
 
 , XIII. 
 
 Clearness and Force are aided by the Structure of the 
 author's Paragraphs. A Paragraph is a chain of sentences 
 leading to the development of the single thought that forms 
 its topic. An unsystematic, haphazard collection of sen- 
 tences, without unity of purpose, does not therefore conform 
 to the definition. Since its purpose is to develop a single 
 idea or theme, the place and number of Paragraphs will be 
 determined in part by the divisions under which the thought 
 is logically gi'ouped. Each important thought will have 
 its Paragraph; each Paragraph its thought. Constructed 
 according to this plan, they add to the effectiveness of the 
 work by indicating precisely the thought under discussion. 
 The theme will be more or less clear according to the 
 nature of the composition. In Narrative and Descriptive 
 writing, it is frequently difficult to express the Paragraph 
 theme in words ; but in works of a formal kind, such as the 
 Speech on Conciliation, the difficulty does not exist. 
 
 In the Construction of the Paragraph three general qnali 
 ties are essential, — Unity, Proportion, and Sequence. 
 
 Unity requires that everything admitted to the Paragraph 
 be directed to one end, — the development of the single idea 
 that forms the Paragraph subject. In fact this requirement 
 is simply an extension of the idea of Unity that governs 
 the construction of the discourse as a whole. As to the Unity 
 of the Paragraph, while authors of Burke's day were not 
 so particular as those of recent times, yet the study of the 
 Speech will show with what earnestness the author has ad 
 hered to its essential requirements. 
 
 Proportion requires that, the thought best suited for de 
 veloping the idea having been deteimined upon, a propel 
 relation be maintained between the principal and subordinate 
 parts, — that what is important be given importance, both h 
 
xxxii RHETORICAL PRINCIPLES ILLUSTRATED. 
 
 the position it occupies in the Paragraph and in the space it 
 occupies ; and that what is of subordinate importance be 
 correspondingly subordinated. 
 
 Sequence requires that the thoughts of the Paragraph fol- 
 low each other in natural logical order. This order should 
 be towards a climax in interest and importance. This quality 
 of Burke's plan of work has been pointed out : it appears 
 in the Speech as a whole and in its several parts. 
 
 EXERCISE. 
 
 Test these requirements in paragraphs taken at random. 
 Do the same with pars. 30-40. 
 
 Show the sequence of thought in par. 66 by making a 
 ^^hain of short sentences expressing the successive ideas. 
 
 
 ', ! 
 
 * \ 
 
 ■ > <.:' 
 
 ■ ■■;, ^ ',v' . 
 
EDMUND BURKE'S SPEECH 
 
 ON MOVING HIS RESOLUTIONS FOR CONCILUTTOy 
 WITH THE AMERICAN COLONIES. HOUSE OF COM 
 MONS, MARCH 22, 1775. 
 
 HISTORICAL NOTE. 
 
 Incensed at the violent proceedings in the colonies, and partlo 
 nlarly at those in the city of Boston, Parliament proceeded t« 
 retaliate. First, they passed the Boston Port Bill, forbidding 
 all vessels to leave or enter Boston harbor. The hope was, oi 
 course, to punish Boston by crippling its trade. As is well known, 
 other cities in the vicinity offered the use of their ports to the 
 Boston merchants. But this — much as it showed sympathy for 
 Boston — could not save the latter from serious inconvenience 
 and loss. The act failed, however, to effect all that Parliament 
 had designed. The second act in retaliation was the Massachu- 
 setts Bill, which took the government of the colony from the 
 hands of the people and gave it into the power of the King or 
 his agents ; third, the Transportation Bill, which directed that 
 Americans committing murder in resisting law should be sent 
 for trial to England. The effect of all these laws was to lead to 
 a still closer union than ever among the colonies in their pur' 
 pose of resisting English encroachment. The outgrowth of this 
 purpose was the first Continental or General Congress, which 
 met in Philadelphia, September, 1774. They at once agreed 
 upon a Declaration of Rights, commended the people of Massa- 
 chusetts for their brave resistance, demanded the repeal of va- 
 rious Acts which they regfarded as infringements of their rights, 
 and issued a call for another Congress to meet in the May fol' 
 lowing. The union of the American Colonies in the sentiment 
 and purpose of resisting the invasion of their rights was now 
 general. By this time the English statesman had begun to real- 
 ize that this united resistance was a source of great danger. 
 Chatham, a warm friend of the colonies, more than once, in violent 
 
EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 deniinciati'^n of the Acts of Purliament, praised the colouies for 
 their boldness ; and, dechiring that effectual opposition to America 
 was under the circumstances impossible, iirged that the obnoxious 
 laws be repealed. Throughout the discussions, Burke, who had 
 entered Parliament about the time of the repeal of the Stamp 
 Act, had been ou the side of liberal and fair treatment of the 
 colonies. 
 
 In the midst of the stormy debates that occurred. Lord North, 
 nho had been offensively active in urging the King's and Parlia- 
 ment's policy of coercion, brought into the House what he called 
 a plan for conciliating the differences with the colonies. It pro- 
 vided, in brief, that when any of the colonies should propose to 
 make provision, according to its " condition, circumstances, and 
 situation," for contributing to the common defense and for the 
 support of the civil government, Parliament would refrain from 
 laying any taxes upon such a colony, except such as were neces- 
 sary for the regulation of commerce. 
 
 Burke charged that the Ministry knew this to be a mere trick 
 for the purpose of disuniting the colonies. Since Parliament 
 was to be the judge of what was the proper proportion for each 
 colony to pay, according to its " condition, circumstances, and situ- 
 ation," he represented that the scheme would prove a sort of auc- 
 tion in which Parliament would give the exemption from taxes 
 to the colonies bidding highest for the privilege. Moreover, he 
 urged that the plan was likely to produce greater disorders than 
 before, because, under the eonditiors of the plan, neither the 
 amount »f th tax nor the purpose to which it was to be applied 
 was in the hands of the colony. 
 
 Nevertheless, the word Conciliation had been used, and shortly 
 after, March 22, 1775, Burke brought in his scheme of concilia- 
 tion, which in his judgment would be effective in removing the 
 ground of difference between Parliament and the colonies. This 
 scheme is set forth in the Speech on Conciliation. 
 
 Meantime stirring events were occurring in the colonies : the 
 Provincial Congress, which now governed Massachusetts, had 
 ordered the enrollment of 20,000 minute-men ; provisions, arms, 
 and ammunition were being purchased and collected : General 
 Gage, alarmed at the threatening aspect of affairs, had begun to 
 erect fortifications for his defence; and within a month of the 
 time when Burke delivered his Speech on Conciliation, Lexington 
 was fought. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 
 
 EDMUND BURKE'S SPEECH. 
 
 1 HOPE, Sir, that notwitlistanding the austerity * of the 
 Chair, your good nature will incline you to some 
 
 degree of indulgence towards human frailty. You duction 
 
 ... §§ 1-13. 
 
 will not think it unnatural that those who have an 
 object depending, which strongly engages their hopes and 
 fears, should be somewhat inclined to superstition. As I 
 came into the House full of anxiety about the event ^ of my 
 motion, I found, to my infinite surprise, that the grand 
 penal bill,^ by which we had passed sentence on the trade 
 and sustenance of America, is to be returned to us * from 
 the other House. I do confess I could not help looking on 
 this event as a fortunate omen. I look upon it as a sort of 
 providential favor, ])y which we are put once more in pos- 
 session of our deliberative capacity upon a business so very 
 questionable in its nature, so very uncertain in its issue. 
 By the return of this bill, which seemed to have taken its 
 flight forever, we are at this very instant nearly j Renewed 
 as free to choose a plan for our American Gov- J^t^*}oj"f)e. 
 ernment as we were on the first day of the session, liberation. 
 
 ^ austerity, i. e., your dignity as Chairman of the House. 
 
 2 event ^ outcome or result. 
 
 " grand penal bill, i. e., " an Act to restrain the trade and 
 commerce of the Provinces of Massachusetts Bay and New 
 Hampshire and the colonies of Connecticut and Rhode Island 
 and Providence Plantation in North America, to Great Britain, 
 Ireland, and the British Islands in the West Indies; and to 
 prohibit such Provinces and colonies from carrying on any fish- 
 ery on the Banks of New Foundland and other places therein 
 mentioned under certain conditions and limitations." The latter 
 p^rt of this bill was especially hateful to the colonies, in view 
 ot what Burke says about the importance of the fisheries. 
 
 * is to be returned to us, i. e., the bill had, according i 
 English parliamentary procedure, been sent to the House of Lords 
 for consideration ; but failing of approval, it had been returned 
 with an amendment to the House in which it had originated. 
 
1^ 
 
 # '^ : EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 If, Sir, we incline to the side of conciliation, we are not at 
 all embarrassed (unless we please to make ourselves so) by 
 any incongruous mixture of coercion and restraint. We 
 are therefore called upon, as it were by a superior warning 
 We are voice, again to attend to America; to attend to 
 toattendto *^^ whole of it together ; and to review the sub- 
 America, ject with an unusual degree of care and calmness. 
 2. Surely it is an awful subject, or there is none so on 
 
 this side of the grave. When I first had the 
 II. The . . 
 
 "Awful- honor of a seat m this House, the affairs of thai 
 
 U6BS ^' of 
 
 the Sub- continent pr'^'-'?ed themselves upon us as the most 
 important and most delicate ^ object of Parlia- 
 mentary attention. My little share in this great delibera- 
 tion oppressed me. I found myself a partaker in a very 
 high trust ; and, having no sort of reason to rely on the 
 strength of my natural abilities for the proper execution of 
 that trust, I was obliged to take more than common pains 
 to instruct myself in everything which relates to our colo- 
 nies. I was not less under the necessity of forming some 
 fixed ideas concerning the general policy of the British 
 Empire. Something of this sort seemed to be indispensa- 
 ble, in order, amidst so vast a fluctuation of passions and 
 opinions, to concentre my thoughts, to ballast my conduct, 
 to preserve me from being blown about by every wind ^ of 
 fashionable doctrine. I really did not think it safe or 
 manly to have fresh principles to seek upon every fresh 
 mail which should arrive from America. 
 , 3. At that period ' I had the fortune to find myself in 
 My Senti- perftJct concurrence with a large majority in this 
 b^e^^UnY* House. Bowing under that high authority, and 
 viating. penetrated with the sharpness and strength of 
 that early impression, I have continued ever since, without 
 
 ^ delicate, i. e., requiring care in its treatment. 
 * ty every wind. See Ephesians iv. 14. 
 B At that period; referring to the repeal of the Stamp Ad 
 early in 1766. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 6 
 
 the least deviation, in my oiiginal sentiments. Whether 
 this be owing to an obstinate perseverance in error, or to a 
 religious adherence to what appears to me truth and reason, 
 it is in your equity to judge. 
 
 4. Sir, Parliament, having an enlarged view of objects, 
 made during this interval more frequent changes Parliament 
 in their sentiments and their conduct than could F*gf^a* 
 be justified in a particular person upon the con- cimugea. 
 tvacted scale of private informrtion. But though I do not 
 hazard anything approaching to a censure on the motives 
 of former Parliaments to all those alterations, one fact is 
 undoubted — that under them the state of America has 
 been kept in continual agitation. Everything administered 
 as remedy to the public complaint, if it did not produce, 
 was at least followed by, an heightening of the distemper ; 
 until, by a variety of experiments, that important country 
 has been brought into her present situation ^ — a situation 
 which I will not miscall, which I dare not name, which I 
 scarcely know how to comprehend in the terms of any 
 description. 
 
 6. In this posture. Sir, things stood at the beginning of 
 the session. About that time, a worthy member '^ of great 
 Parliamentary experience, who, in the year 1766, filled the 
 chair of the American committee with much ability, took 
 me aside ; and, lamenting the present aspect of our politics, 
 told me things were come to such a pass that our former 
 methods of proceeding in the House would be no longer 
 tolerated : that the public tribunal (never too indulgent to 
 a long and unsuccessful opposition) would now scrutinize 
 our conduct with unusual severity : that the very vicissi- 
 
 1 her present situation. At the very time Burke was 
 speaking, the people of the colonies were preparing for war in 
 earnest, collecting powder, weapons, and provisions, recruiting 
 and arming the " minute-men." General Gage, alarmed at the 
 threatening aspect of affairs, had begun to erect fortifications^ 
 Lexington was fought within a mouth. 
 
 ^ -wrorthy member; Mr. Rose Fuller. 
 
e 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 tudes and shiftings of Ministerial measures, instead of 
 fioiivicting their authors of inconstancy and want of system, 
 would be taken as an occasion of charging us with a prede- 
 termined discontent, which nothing could satisfy ; whilst 
 we accused every measure of vigor as cruel, and every 
 proposal of lenity as weak and irresolute. The public, he 
 said, would not have patience to see us play the game out 
 with our adversaries ; we must produce our hand. It would 
 III. The ^® expected that those who for many years had 
 forTFfxed ^®®" active in such affairs should show that they 
 Policy. had formed some clear and decided idea of the 
 principles of colony government ; and were capable of 
 drawing out something like a platform ^ of the ground 
 which might be laid for future and permanent tranquillity. 
 
 6. I felt the truth of what my honorable friend repre- 
 sented ; but I felt my situation too. His application might 
 have been made with far greater propriety to many other 
 gentlemen. No man was indeed ever better disposed, or 
 worse qualiiied, for such an undertaking than myself. 
 Though I gave so far in to his opinion that I immediately 
 threw my thoughts into a sort of Parliamentary form, I 
 was by no means equally ready to produce them. It gen- 
 erally argues some degree of natural impotence of mind, or 
 some want of knowledge -f the world, to hazard plans of 
 government except from .* seat of authority. Propositions 
 are made, not only ineffectually, but somewhat disreputa- 
 bly,^ when the minds nf men are not properly disposed for 
 their reception ; and, for my ])art, I am not ambitious of 
 ridicule ; not absolutely a candidate for disgrace. 
 -~ 7. Besides, Sir, to speak the plain truth, I have in gen 
 eral no very exalted opinion of the virtue of paper govern- 
 ment ; nor of any politics in which the plan is to be wholly 
 separated from the execution. But when I saw that anger 
 
 * platform = plan. 
 
 ^ disreputably, i. e., the maker of the proposition falls into 
 disrepute or discredit. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 7 
 
 and violence prevailed every day more and more, and that 
 things were hastening towards an incurable alienation of 
 our colonies, I confess my caution gave way. I felt this 
 as one of those few moments in which decorum yields to a 
 higher duty. Public calamity is a mighty leveller ; and 
 kihere are occasions when any, even the slightest, chance of 
 doing good must be laid hold on, even by the most incon 
 siderable person. 
 
 8. To restore order and repose to an empire so great 
 and so distracted as ours, is, merely in the attempt, an 
 undertaking that would ennoble the flights of the highest 
 genius, and obtain pardon for the efforts of the mean 
 est understanding. Struggling a good while with thesd 
 thoughts, by degrees I felt myself more firm. I derived, 
 at length, some confidence from what in other circum- 
 stances usually produces timidity. I grew less anxious, 
 even from the idea of my own insignificance. For, judging 
 of what you are by what you ought to be, I persuaded 
 myself that you would not reject a reasonable proposition 
 because it had nothing but its reason to recommend it. 
 On the other hand, being totally destitute of all shadow of 
 influence, natural or adventitious, I was very sure that, if 
 my proposition were futile or dangerous — if it were 
 weakly conceived, or improperly timed — there was nothing 
 exterior to it of power to awe, dazzle, or delude you. You 
 will see it just as it is ; and you will treat it just as it 
 deserves. 
 
 9. The proposition is peace. Not peace through ♦he 
 medium of war ; not peace to be hunted through jy jj 
 the labyrinth of intricate and endless negotia- fj„°P^^*' 
 tions ; not peace to arise out of universal discord Peace, 
 fomented, from principle, in all parts of the empire ; not 
 peace to depend on the juridical determination of perplex- 
 ing questions, or the precise marking the shadowy bounda- 
 ries of a complex government. It is simple peace ; sought 
 \n its natural course, and in its ordinary haunts. It if 
 
EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 peace sought in the spirit of peace, and laid in principles 
 purely pacific. I propose, by removing the ground of the 
 difference, and by restoring the former unsuspecting con- 
 fidence^ of the colonies in the Mother Country, to give 
 permanent satisfaction to your people ; and (far from a 
 scheme of ruling by discord) to reconcile them to each 
 other in the same act and by the bond of the very same 
 interest which reconciles them to British government. 
 
 10. My idea is nothing more. Refined policy ever has 
 been the parent of confusion ; and ever will be so, as long 
 as the world endures. Plain good intention, which is 
 as easily discovered at the first view as fraud is surely 
 detected at last, is, let me say, of no mean force in the 
 government of mankind. Genuine simplicity of heart is 
 an healing and cementing principle. My plan, therefore, 
 being formed upon the most simple grounds imaginable, 
 may disappoint some people when they hear it. It has 
 nothing to recommend it to the pruriency of curious ears. 
 There is nothing at all new and captivating in it. It has 
 nothing of the splendor of the project ^ which has been 
 lately laid upon your table by the noble lord in the blue 
 ribbon.' It does not propose to fill your lobby with squab- 
 bling colony agents,* who will require the interposition of 
 your mace, at every instant, to keep the peace amongst 
 them. It does not institute a magnificent auction of 
 
 ^ unsuspecting confidence. This expression was used by 
 the Congress at Philadelphia to express the state of feeling in 
 the colonies after the repeal of the Stamp Act. 
 
 2 the project. See Historical Note — referring to Lord 
 North's project. 
 
 ' lord in the blue ribbon ; referring to Lord North — 
 a Knight of the Garter. The badge of the order was a blue 
 ribbon. 
 
 * colony agents. Since the colonies had no direct repre- 
 sentatives in Parliament they engaged some particular member 
 to look after their interests. Burke was such an agent for a 
 short time for New York. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 9 
 
 finance, where captivated provinces come to general ransom 
 by bidding against each other, until you knock down the 
 hammer, and determine a proportion of payments beyond 
 all the powers of algebra to equalize and settle. 
 
 11. The plan which I shall presume to suggest derives, 
 however, one great advantage from the proposition and 
 registry of that noble lord's project. The idea of y pariia- 
 conciliation is admissible. First, the House, in ment has 
 
 alieady 
 
 accepting tlie resolution moved by the noble lord,^ granted tha. 
 
 *^ ° T 1 • Coiiciliatioi 
 
 has admitted, notwithstanding the menacing is Admis- 
 front of our address,*^ notwithstanding our heavy 
 bills of pains and penalties — that we do not thmk our 
 selves precluded from all ideas of free grace and bounty. 
 
 12. The House has gone farther ; it has declared con- 
 ciliation admissible, previous to any submission on the part 
 of America. It has even shot a good deal beyond that 
 mark, and has admitted that the complaints of our former 
 mode of exerting the right of taxation were not wholly 
 unfounded. That right thus exerted is allowed to have 
 something reprehensible in it, something unwise, or some- 
 thing grievous ; since, in the midst of our heat and resent- 
 ment, we, of ourselves, have proposed a capital alteration ; 
 and in order to get rid of what seemed so very exception- 
 able, have instituted a mode that is altogether new ; one 
 that is, indeed, wholly alien from all the ancient methods 
 and forms of Parliament. 
 
 13. The principle of this proceeding is large enough for 
 
 1 resolution moved by the noble lord ; referring to 
 Lord North's scheme of conciliation. 
 
 2 menacing front of our address. Lord North had moved 
 that an address be presented to his Majesty, thankiug him for 
 submitting papers relating to disturbances in America; declar- 
 ing that Massachusetts Bay was in a state of rebellion; beseech- 
 ing his Majesty to take effectual measures to enforce obedience ; 
 and finally assuring him of their fixed determination to stand by 
 his Majesty at the risk of their lives and property against aL 
 rebellious attempts. 
 
10 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 
 my purpose. The means proposed by the noble lord for 
 carrying his ideas into execution, I think, indeed, are very 
 indifferently suited to th^ end ; and tliis I shall endeavor 
 to show ^ you before I sit down. But, for the present, I 
 take my ground on the admitted principle. I mean to give 
 peace. Peace implies reconciliation ; and where there has 
 been a material dispute, reconciliation does in a manner 
 always imply concession on the one part or on the other. 
 In this state of things I make no difficulty in affirming 
 that the proposal ought to originate from us. Great and 
 acknowledged force is not impaired, either in effect or in 
 opinion, by an unwillingness to exert itself. The superior 
 power may offer peace with honor and with safety. Such 
 an offer from such a power will be attributed to magnanim- 
 ity. But the concessions of the weak are the concessions 
 of fear. When such an one is disarmed, he is wholly at the 
 mercy of his superior ; and he loses forever that time and 
 those chances, which, as they happen to all men, are the 
 strength and resources of all inferior power. 
 
 14. The capital leading questions on which you must 
 ThbDevel- *^^s ^^y decide, are these two : First, whether 
 ?I14^12 y°^ ought to concede ; and secondly; what your 
 Whtther concession ought to be. On the first of these 
 
 you ought , ° . i t i • 
 
 to concede f questions we have gained, as I have just taken 
 
 What your , *,., p i • ^ i 
 
 concession the liberty 01 observing to you, some ground. 
 oug e g^^ J ^^ sensible that a good deal more is still 
 to be done. Indeed, Sir, to enable us to determine both on 
 the one and the other of these great questions with a firm 
 and precise judgment, I think it may be necessary to 
 consider distinctly the true nature and the peculiar circum- 
 stances of the object which we have before us ; because 
 after all our struggle, whether we will or not, we must 
 govern America according to that nature and to those cir- 
 cumstances, and not according to our own imaginations, 
 nor according to abstract ideas of right — by no means 
 
 * I shall endeavor to show. See page 69. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 11 
 
 according to mere general theories of government, the 
 resort to which appears to nie, in our present situation, no 
 better than arrant trifling. I shall therefore endeavor, 
 with your leave, to lay before you some of the most mate- 
 rial of these circumstances in as full and as clear a manner 
 as I am able to state them. 
 
 15. The first thing we have to consider with regard tc 
 the nature of the object is the number of people ^ ^,j^ 
 in the colonies. I have taken for some years a "^^^ ^o" 
 
 >> OUGHT TO 
 
 good deal of pains on that point. I can by no concede? 
 calculation iustify myself in placing the number popula- 
 below two millions of inhabitants of our own Euro- 
 pean blood and color, besides at least five hundred thousand 
 others, who form no inconsiderable part of the strength 
 and opulence of the whole. This, Sir, is, I believe, about 
 the true number. There is no occasion to exaggerate 
 where plain truth is of so much weight and importance. 
 But whether I put the present numbers too high or too low 
 is a matter of little moment. Such is the strength with 
 which population shoots in that part of the world, that, 
 state the numbers as high as we will, whilst the dispute 
 continues, the exaggeration ends. Whilst we are discuss- 
 ing any given magnitude, they are grown to it. Whilst we 
 spend our time in deliberating on the mode of governing 
 two millions, we shall find we have millions more to man- 
 age. Your children do not grow faster from infancy tc 
 manhood than they spread from families to communities, 
 and from villages to nations. 
 
 16. 1 put this consideration of the present and the grow 
 ing numbers in the front of our deliberation, because, Sir, 
 this consideration will make it evident to a blunter dis- 
 cernment than yours, that no partial,^ narrow, contracted, 
 pinched, occasional system will be at all suitable to such 
 
 * partial system. Observe how the author characterizea 
 Parliament's system. He desired to give permanent tranquil' 
 lity. 
 
12 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 i 
 
 dttstribs, 
 1. Com- 
 
 MKRGE* 
 
 an object. It will show you that it is not to be considered 
 as one of those minima ^ whidi are out of the eye and 
 consideration of the law ; not a paltry excrescence of the 
 state ; not a mean dependant, who may be neglected with 
 little damage and provoked with little danger. It will 
 prove that some degree of care and caution is required in 
 the handling such an object ; it will show that you ought 
 not, in reason to trifle with so large a mass of the interests 
 and feelings of the human race. You could at no time do 
 so without guilt ; and be assured you will not be able to 
 do it long with impunity. 
 
 17. But the population of this country, the great and 
 n. TmtiN- growing population, though a very important 
 
 consideration, will lose much of its weight it 
 not combined with other circumstances. The 
 commerce of your colonies is out of all proportion beyond 
 the numbers of the people. This ground of their com- 
 merce indeed has been trod ^ some days ago, and with great 
 ability, by a distinguished person at your bar. This gentle- 
 man,^ after thirty-five years — it is so long since he first 
 appeared at the same place to plead for the commerce of 
 Great Britain — has come again before you to plead the same 
 cause, without any other effect of time, than that to the fire 
 of imagination and extent of erudition which even then 
 marked him as one of the first literary characters of his 
 age, he has added a consummate knowledge in the com- 
 mercial interest of his country, formed by a long course of 
 enlightened and discriminating experience. 
 
 18. Sir, I should be inexcusable in coming after such e 
 person with any detail, if a great part of the members wh<' 
 
 ^ minima = things of trifling consequence. 
 
 ^ ground has . , been trod = the matter has been treate«i 
 or presented. 
 
 ' this gentleman^ Mr. Glover — author of the two epics 
 Leonidas and the Athemad, and the tragedies Boadicea and 
 Medea 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 13 
 
 now fill the House had not the misfortune to be absent 
 when he appeared at your bar. Besides, Sir, I propose to 
 take the matter at periods of time somewhat different from 
 his. There is, if I mistake not, a point of view from 
 whence, if you will look at the subject, it is impossible that 
 it should not make an impression upon you. 
 
 19. I have in my hand two accounts ; one a comparative 
 state ^ of the export trade of Engla id to its colonies, as it 
 stood in the year 1704, and as ii stood in the year 1772 ; 
 the other a state of the export trade of this country to its 
 colonies alone, as it stood in 1772, compared with the wholo 
 trade of England to all parts of the world (the colonies 
 included) in the year 1704. They are from good vouchers ; 
 the latter period from the accounts on your table, the ear 
 lier from an original manuscript of Davenant, who first 
 established the Inspector-General's office, which has been 
 ever since his time so abundant a source of Parliamentary 
 information. 
 
 20. The export trade to the colonies consists of three 
 great branches : the Afiican — which, terminating almost 
 wholly in the colonies, must be put to the account of their 
 commerce, — the West Indian, and the North American. 
 All these are so interwoven that the attempt to separate 
 them would tear to pieces the contexture of the whole ; 
 and, if not entirely destroy, would very much depreciate 
 the value of all the parts. I therefore consider these three 
 denominations to be, what in effect they are, one trade. 
 
 21. The trade to the colonies, taken on the export side, 
 at the beginning of this century, that is, in the year 1704, 
 stoodthus: — 
 
 Exports to North America and the West Indies £483,265 
 To Africa 86,665 
 
 £569,930 
 
 ' comparative state = statement. 
 
14 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 22. In the year 1772, which I take as a middle year 
 between the highest and lowest of those lately laid on your 
 table, the account was as follows : — 
 
 To North America and the West Indies . . 
 
 To Africa 
 
 To which, if you add the export trade from 
 Scotland, which had iu 1704 no existence . 
 
 £4,791,734 
 866,398 
 
 364,000 
 £6,022,132 
 
 m 
 
 23. From five hundred and odd thousand, it has grown 
 to six millions. It has increased no less than twelve-fold. 
 This is the state of the colony trade as compared with 
 itself at these two periods within this century ; — and thii 
 is matter for meditation. But this is not all. Examine 
 my second account. See how the export trade to the colo- 
 nies alone in 1772 stood in the other point of view ; that 
 is, as compared to the whole trade of England in 1704 : — 
 
 The whole export trade of England, including 
 
 that to the colonies, in 1704 £6,509,000 
 
 Export to the colonies alone, iu 1772 . . . 6,024,000 
 
 Difference, £485,000 
 
 24. The trade with America alone is now within less 
 than £500,000 of being equal to what this great commercial 
 nation, England, carried on at the beginning of this century 
 with the whole world ! If I had taken the largest year of 
 those on your table, it would rather have exceeded. But, 
 it will be said, is not this American trade an unnatural 
 protuberance, that has drawn the juices from the rest of 
 the body? The reverse. It is the very food that has 
 nourished every other part into its present magnitude. 
 Our general trade has been greatly augmented, and aug- 
 mented more or less in almost every part to which it ever 
 extended ; but with this material difference, that of the six 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 15 
 
 millions which in the beginning of the century constituted 
 the whole mass of our export commerce, the colony trade 
 was but one-twelfth part ; it is now (as a part of sixteen 
 millions) considerably more than a third of the whole. 
 This is the relative proportion of the importance of the 
 colonies at these two periods ; and all reasoning concerning 
 our mode of treating them must have this proportion as its 
 basis ; or it is a reasoning weak, rotten, and sophistical. 
 
 25. Mr. Speaker, I cannot prevail on myself to hurry 
 over this great consideration. It is good for us to be here.' 
 We stand where we have an immense view of what is, and 
 what is past. Clouds, indeed, and darkness, rest upon the 
 future. Let us, however, before we descend from this 
 noble eminence, reflect that this growth of our national 
 prosperity has happened within the short period of the life 
 of man. It has happened within sixty-eight years. There 
 are those alive whose memory might touch the two extrem- 
 ities. For instance, my Lord Bathurst might remember all 
 the stages of the progress. He was in 1704 of an age at 
 least to be made to comprehend such tilings. He was then 
 old enough acta parentum jam legere, et quce sit poterit 
 cognoscere virtus.'^ Suppose, Sir, that the angel of this 
 auspicious youth, foreseeing the many virtues which made 
 him one of the most amiable, as he is one of the most 
 fortunate, men of his age, had opened to him in vision that 
 when in the fourth generation" the third Prince of the 
 House of Brunswick had sat twelve years on the throne of 
 that nation which, by the happy issue of moderate and 
 healing counsels, was to be made Great Britain,* he should 
 
 * It is good for us to be here. See Mark ix. 5. 
 
 * acta parentum jana legere, etc. = " to read the deeds of 
 his forefathers and to know what manly worth is." From 
 Virgil's Fourth Eclogue, 26, 27. 
 
 ' fourth generation ; George III. was the grandson of 
 George IL 
 
 ^ made Great Britain ; Scotland was united with England 
 in 1707. 
 
16 
 
 ' EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 ill 
 
 geo his son, Lord Chancellor of England, turn back the 
 current of hereditary dignity to its fountain, and raise him 
 to a higher rank * of peerage, whilst he enriched the family 
 with a new one — if, amidst these bright and happy scenes 
 of domestic honor and prosperity, that angel should have 
 drawn up the curtain, and unfolded the rising glories of his 
 country, and, whilst he was gazing with admiration on the 
 then commercial grandeur of England, the genius should 
 point out to him a little speck, scarcely visible in the mass 
 of the national interest, a small seminal principle, rather 
 than a formed body, and should tell him : " Young man, 
 there is America — which at this day serves for little more 
 than to amuse you with stories of savage men, and uncouth 
 manners ; yet shall, before you taste of death, show itself 
 equal to the whole of that commerce which now attracts 
 the envy of the world. Whatever England has been grow- 
 ing to by a progressive increase of improvement, brought in 
 by varieties of people, by succession of civilizing conquests 
 and civilizing settlements in a series of seventeen hundred 
 years, you shall see as much added to her by America in 
 the course of a single life ! " If this state of his country 
 had been foretold to him, would it not require all the san- 
 guine credulity of youth, and all the fervid glow of enthu- 
 siasm, to make him believe it? Fortunate man, he has 
 lived to see it! Fortunate, indeed, if he lives to see no- 
 thing that shall vary the prospect, and cloud the setting 
 of his day ! 
 
 26. E^ me, Sir, if turning from such thoughts 1. 
 
 resup^' omparative view once more. You have seen 
 
 it ( fcC scale ; look at it on a small one. I will point 
 
 out ^our attention a particular instance of it in the single 
 province of Pennsylvania. In the year 1704 that province 
 called for £11,459 in value of your commodities, native 
 and foreign. This was the whole. What did it demand 
 in 1772 ? Why, nearly fifty times as much ; for in that 
 
 t hl|i;her rank ; Bathurst was made Earl in 1772- 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 17 
 
 year the export to Pennsylvania was £507,909, nearly 
 equal to the export to all the colonies togethei' iit the first 
 period. 
 
 27. I choose, Sir, to enter into these minute and partic- 
 ular details, because generalities, which in all other cases 
 are apt to heighten and raise the subject, have here a 
 tendency to sink it. When we speak of the commerce 
 with our colonies, fiction lags after truth, ^ invention is 
 unfruitful, and imagination cold and barren. 
 
 28. So far, Sir, as to the importance of tht object, in 
 view of its commerce, as concerned in the exports from 
 England. If I were to detail the imports, I could show 
 how many enjoyments they procure which deceive 2 the 
 burthen of life ; how many materials which invigorate the 
 springs of national industry, and extend and animate every 
 part of our foreign and domestic counnerce. This would 
 be a curious subject indeed ; but I must prescribe bounds 
 to myself in a matter so vast and various. 
 
 29. I pass, therefore, to the colonies in another point of 
 view, their agriculture. This they have prose- 2. Agei- 
 cuted with such a si)irit, that besides feeding plen- cultubb. 
 tifuUy their own growing multitude, their annual export of 
 grain, comprehending rice, has some years ago exceeded a 
 million in value. Of their last harvest I am persuaded 
 they will export much more. At the beginning of the 
 century some of these colonies imported corn " from the 
 mother country. For some time past the Old World has 
 been fed from the New. The scarcity which you have felt 
 would have been a desolating famine, if this child of youi 
 old age, with a true filial piety, with a Roman charity, had 
 
 ^ fiction lags after truth — three clauses in which the 
 author amplifies and enforces the idea that imagination cannot 
 suggest anything more wonderful than the real facts of the 
 case. 
 
 * deceive = beguile. . 
 
 • corn = grain- i ' 
 
18 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 I -A 
 
 3. Fish- 
 eries. 
 
 not put the full breast ^ of its youthful exuberance to tht 
 mouth of its exhausted parent. 
 
 30. As to the wealth which the colonies have drawn from 
 the sea by their fisheries, you had all that matter 
 fully opened at your bar. You surely thought 
 those acquisitions of value, for they seemed even to excite 
 your envy ; and yet the spirit by which that enterprising 
 employment has been exercised ought rather, in my opin- 
 ion, to have raised your esteem and admiration. And 
 pray, Sir, what in the world is equal to it ? Pass by the 
 other parts, and look at the manner in which the people of 
 New England have of late carried on the whale fishery. 
 Whilst we follow them among the tumbling mountains ^ of 
 ice, and behold them penetrating into the deepest frozen 
 recesses of Hudson's Bay and Davis's Straits, whilst we 
 are looking for them beneath the arctic circle, we hear that 
 they have pierced into the opi)osite region of polar cold, 
 that they are at the antipodes, and engaged under the 
 frozen Serpent ' of the south. Falkland Island,* which 
 seemed too remote and romantic an object for the grasj) of 
 national ambition, is but a stage and resting-place in the 
 progress of their victorious industry. Nor is the equinoc- 
 tial heat more discouraging to them than the accumulated 
 winter of both the pcles. We know that whilst some of 
 
 1 Put the full breast ; an allusion to the story of the 
 Roman, who, condemned to death by starvation, was nourished 
 by his daughter from her own breast. 
 
 2 tumbling mountains ; a picturesque epithet of the authoi 
 referring to a phenomenon seen occasionally by sailors; i. e., 
 icebergs having melted away under water, or being honeycombed 
 by it, become heavier above than below and hence " tumble " 
 over. 
 
 ' frozen Serpent of the South ; a constellation of the ant- 
 arctic region. The word " frozen " is Burke's picturesque 
 touch. 
 
 * Fg^lkland l8le.nd. 250 miles northeast of Terra del 
 Puego 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 19 
 
 them draw the line and strike the harpoon on the coast 
 of Africa, others run the longitude ^ and pur rae their 
 gigantic game along the coast of Brazil. No sea but what 
 is vexed ^ by their fisheries ; no climate that is not witness 
 to their toils. Neither the perseverance of Holland, noi 
 the activity of France, nor the dexterous and firm sagacity 
 of English enterprise ever carried this most perilous mode 
 of hardy industry to the extent to which it has been 
 pushed by this recent people ; a people who are still, as it 
 were, but in the gristle, and not yet hardened into the 
 bone of manhood. When I contemplate these things ; 
 when I know that the colonies in general owe little or 
 nothing to any care of ours, and that they are not squeezed 
 into this happy form by the constraints of watchful and 
 suspicious government, but that, through a wise and salu- 
 tary neglect, a generous nature has been siuffered to take 
 her own way to perfection ; when I reflect upon these 
 effects, when I see how profitable they have been co us, I 
 feel all the pride of power sink, and all presumption in the 
 wisdom of human contrivances melt and die away within 
 rae. My rigor relents. I pardon something to the spirit 
 of liberty. 
 
 31. I am sensible, Sir, that all which I have asserted ip 
 my detail is admitted in the gross ; but that quite a differ 
 ent conclusion is drawn from it. America, gen- 
 tlemen say. is a noble object. It is an object tions to 
 well worth fighting for. Certainly it is, if fight- mbn'^ of 
 ing a people be the best way of gaining them. 
 Gentlemen in this respect will be led to their choice ot 
 means by their complexions ® and their habits. Those who 
 understand the military art will of course have some pre- 
 
 1 run the longitude ; an expression the precise meaning of 
 which, as used by Burke, is difficult to determine. It is not 
 current among nautical men of this day. 
 
 2 vexed = agitated. 
 
 ' complexions = temperament 
 
20 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 dilection for it. Those who wield the thunder of the state 
 may have more confidence in the efficacy of arms. But I 
 confess, possibly for want of this knowledge, my opinion is 
 much more in favor of prudent management than of force ; 
 considering force not as an odious, but a feeble instrument 
 for preserving a people so numerous, so active, so growing, 
 80 spirited as this, in a profitable and subordinate connec- 
 tion with us. 
 
 32. First, Sir, permit me to observe that the use of 
 force alone is but temjporary. It may subdue for a 
 moment, but it does not remove the nec.essity of subduing 
 again ; and a nation is not governed which is perpetually 
 to be conquered. 
 
 33. My next objection is its uncertainty. Terror is not 
 always th^ effect of force, and an armament is not a vic- 
 tory. If you do not succeed, you are without resource; 
 for, conciliation failing, force remains ; but, force failing, 
 no further hope of reconciliation is left. Power and 
 authority are sometimes bought by kindness ; but they can 
 never be begged as alms by an impoverished and defeated 
 violence. 
 
 34. A further objection to force is, that you impair the 
 object by your very endeavors to preserve it. The thing 
 you fought for is not the thing which you recover ; but 
 depreciated, sunk, wasted, and consumed in the contest. 
 Nothing less will content me than whole America. I do 
 not choose to consume its strength along with our own, 
 because in ^ll parts it is the British strength that I con- 
 sume. I do not choose to be caught by a foreign enemy 
 at the end of this exhausting conflict ; and still less in the 
 midst of it. I may escape ; but I can make no insurance 
 Rofainst such an event. Let me add, that I do not choose 
 wholly to break the American spirit; because it is the 
 apirit that has made the country. 
 
 35. Lastly, we have no sort of experience in favor of 
 force as an instrument in the rule of our colonics. Their 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 21 
 
 growth and their utility has been owing to methods alto- 
 gether different. Our ancient indulgence has been said to 
 be pursued to a fault. It may be so. But we know, if 
 feeling is evidence, that our fault was more tolerable than 
 our attempt to mend it ; and our sin far more salutary than 
 our penitence. 
 
 36. These, Sir, are my reasons for not entertaining that 
 high opinion of untried force by which many gentlemen 
 for whose sentiments in other particulars I have great 
 respect, seem to be so greatly captivated. But there is still 
 behind a third consideration concerning this object which 
 serves to determine my opinion on the sort of m -pg^ 
 policy which ought to be pursued in the manage- J^d^c^h^h. 
 ment of America, even more than its population actkr or 
 and its commerce — I mean its temper and char- pm. 
 acter. 
 
 37. In this character of the Americans, a love of free- 
 dom is the predominating feature which marks and distin- 
 guishes the whole ; and as an ardent is always a jealous 
 affection, your colonies become suspicious, restive, aud 
 untractable whenever they see the least attempt to wrest 
 from them by force, or shuffle from them by chicane, what 
 they think the only advantage worth living for. Thia 
 fierce spirit of liberty is stronger in the English colonies 
 ])robably than in any other people of the earth, and this 
 from a great variety of powerful causes ; which, to under- 
 stand the true temper of their minds and the direction 
 whicli this spirit takes, it will not be amiss to lay open 
 somewhat more largely. 
 
 38. First, the people of the colonies are descendants of 
 
 Ensrlishmen. England, Sir, is a nation which 
 
 .,", T 1 t p 1 1 1 1 !• Descent. 
 
 stul, I hope, respects, and tormerly adored, her 
 freedom. Tlie colonists emigrated from you when this 
 part of your character ^ was most predominant ; and they 
 
 ^ part of your character, i. e., in the times leading up to 
 the establishment of the Commonwealth. 
 
22 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 took this bias and direction the moment they parted from 
 your hands. They are therefore not only devoted to lib- 
 erty, but to liberty according to English ideas, and on 
 English principles. Abstract liberty, like other mere ab- 
 stractions, is not to be found. Liberty inlieres in some 
 sensible object ; * and every nation has formed to itself 
 some favorite point, which by way of eminence becomes the 
 criterion of their happiness. It happened, you know. Sir, 
 that the great contests for freedom in this country were 
 from the earliest times chiefly upon the question of taxing. 
 Most of the contests in the ancient commonwealths turned 
 primarily on the right of election of magistrates ; or on the 
 balance among the several orders of the state. The ques- 
 tion of money was not with them so immediate. But in 
 England it was otherwise. On this point of taxes the 
 ablest pens, and most eloquent tongues, have been exer- 
 cised ; the greatest spirits have acted and suffered. In 
 order to give the fullest satisfaction concerning the impor- 
 tance of this point, it was not only necessary for those who 
 in argument defended the excellence of the English Con- 
 stitution to insist on this privilege of granting money as a 
 dry point of fact, and to prove that the right had been 
 acknowledged in ancient parchments and blind usages to 
 reside in a certain body called a House of Commons. 
 They went much farther ; they attempted to prove, and 
 they succeeded, that in theory it ought to be so, from the 
 particular nature of a House of Commons as an immediate 
 representative of the people, whether the old records had 
 delivered this oracle or not. They took infinite pains to 
 inculcate, as a fundamental principle, that in all monarchies 
 the people must in effect themselves, mediately or immedi- 
 ately, possess the power of granting their own money, or 
 no shadow of liberty can subsist. The colonies draw from 
 you, as with their life-blood, these ideas and principles. 
 
 ^sensible object = an external object, — an object that 
 may be perceived by the senses. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 23 
 
 fheir love of liberty, as with you, fixed and attached on 
 Lhis specific point of taxing. Liberty might be safe, or 
 might be endangered, in twenty other particulars, without 
 their being much pleased or alarmed. Here they felt its 
 pulse ; and as they found that beat, they thought them- 
 selves sick or sound. I do not say whether they were right 
 or wrong in applying your general arguments to their own 
 case. It is not easy, indeed, to make a monopoly of the- 
 orems and corollaries. The fact is, that they did thus 
 apply those general arguments ; and your mode of govern- 
 ing them, whether through lenity or indolence, through 
 wisdom or mistake, confirmed them in the imagination that 
 they, as well as you, had an interest in these commor. 
 principles. 
 
 39. They were further confirmed in this pleasing error 
 bv the form of their provincial legislative assem- 
 
 , , . rr^i • 11- 2. Form of 
 
 blies. Their governments are popular* m a Govern, 
 high degree ; some are merely popular ; in all, 
 the popular representative is the most weighty ; and this 
 share of the people in their ordinary government never 
 fails to inspire them with lofty sentiments, and with a 
 strong aversion from ^ whatever tends to deprive them of 
 their chief importance. 
 
 40. If anything were wanting to this necessary operation 
 
 of the form of government, relirjion would have 
 
 1 i. ir ^ o r • 1 3- Religion 
 
 given it a complete ettect. Keligion, always a mthe 
 
 . , ,. . ,1 • 1 • North. 
 
 principle ot energy, in this new people is no way 
 worn out or impaired ; and their mode of professing it is 
 also one main cause of this free spirit. The people are 
 Protestants ; and of that kind which is the most adverse 
 to all implicit submission of mind and opinion. This is a 
 persuasion not only favorable to liberty, but built upon it. 
 I do not think, Sir, that the reason of this averseness in 
 
 ^ governments are popular, i. e., controlled by the people. 
 ^ aversion fro:n. A precise etymological form which wa^ 
 once insisted on- 
 
r^ 
 
 ! i 
 
 • wli 
 
 : iii ; ! 24 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 I i I : I the dissenting churches from all that looks like absolute 
 
 ■ I government is so much to be sought in their religious 
 
 i tenets, as in their history. Every one knows that the 
 
 Roman Catholic religion is at least coeval with most of the 
 governments where it prevails ; that it has generally gone 
 hand in hand with them, and received great favor and 
 every kind of support from authority. The Church of 
 III j England too was formed from her cradle under the nursing 
 
 care of regular government. But the dissenting interests 
 have sprung up in direct opposition to all the ordinary 
 powers of the world, and could justify that opposition only 
 on a strong claim to natural liberty. Their very existence 
 depended on the powerful and unremitted assertion of that 
 claim. All Protestantism, even the most cold and passive, 
 is a sort of dissent. But the religion most prevalent in 
 our northern colonies is a refinement on the principle of 
 resistance ; it is the dissidence of dissent,^ and the pro- 
 testantism of the Protestant religion. This religion, under 
 a variety of denominations agreeing in nothing but in the 
 communion of the spirit of liberty, is predominant in most 
 of the northern provinces, where the Clmrch of England, 
 notwdthstanding its legal rights, is in reality no more than 
 a sort of private sect, not composing most probably the 
 tenth of the people. The colonists left England when 
 this spirit was high, and in the emigrants was the highest 
 of all ; and even that stream of foreigners which has been 
 constantly flowing into these colonies has, for the greatest 
 part, been composed of dissenters from the establishments 
 of their several countries, who have brought with them a 
 temper and character far from alien to that of the people 
 with whom they mixed. 
 
 41. Sir, I can perceive by their manner that some gen- 
 tlemen object to the latitude of tiiis description^ because in 
 the southern colonies the Church of England forms a large 
 
 ^ dissidence of dissent = dissent of dissent; dissent carried 
 to its utmost. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 25 
 
 body, and has a regular esta1)Usliment. It is certainly true. 
 There is, however, a circumstance attending these 4 r^^ 
 colonies which, in my opinion, fully counterbal- g^\"fun 
 ances this difference, and makes the spirit of lib- ti'^ South, 
 erty still more high and haughty than in those to the 
 northward. It is that in Virginia and the Carolinas they 
 have a vast multitude of slaves. Where this is the case in 
 any part of the world, those who are fi'ee are by far the 
 most proud and jealous of their freedom. Freedom is to 
 them not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rank and privi- 
 lege. Not seeing there, that freedom, as in countries where 
 it is a common blessing and as broad and general as the 
 air, may be united with much abject toil, with great misery, 
 with all the exterior of servitude ; liberty looks, amongst 
 them, like something that is more noble and liberal. I 
 dci not mean, Sir, to commend the superior morality of this 
 sentiment, which has at least as much pride as virtue in it ; 
 but I cannot alter the nature of man. The fact is so ; 
 and these people of the southern colonies are much more 
 strongly, and with an higher and more stubborn spirit, at- 
 tached to liberty than those to the northward. Such were 
 all the ancient commonwealths ; such were our Gothic an 
 cestors ; such in our days were the Poles ; and such will be 
 all masters of slaves, who are not slaves themselves. In 
 such a people the haughtiness of domination '•o nbines with 
 the spirit of freedom, fortifies it, and renders it invincible. 
 
 42. Permit me. Sir, to add another circumstance in our 
 colonies which contributes no mean part towards 5 Educa- 
 the growth and effect of this untractable spirit. *'°"' 
 I mean their education. In no country perhaps in the 
 world is the law so general a study. The profession itself 
 is numerous and powerful ; and in most provinces it takes 
 the lead. The greater number of the deputies sent to the 
 Congress were lawyers. But all who read, and most do 
 read, endeavor to obtain some smattering in that science. 
 I have been told by an eminent bookseller, that in no 
 
26 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 Ill 
 
 !■ rA 
 
 ■: ■!' 
 
 it! \ 
 
 I 
 
 branch of his business, after tracts of popular devotion, 
 were so many books as those on the law exported to the 
 Plantations. The colonists haye now fallen into the way 
 of printing them for their own use. I hear that they have 
 sold nearly as many of Blackstone's Commentaries in 
 America as in England. General Gage marks out this dis- 
 position very particularly in a letter on your table. He 
 states that all the people in his government are lawyer's, or 
 smatterers in law ; and that in Boston they have been ena- 
 bled, by successful chicane,^ wholly to evade many parts of 
 one of your cai)ital penal constitutions. The smartness 
 of debate will say that this knowledge ought to teach them 
 more clearly the rights of legislature, their obligations to 
 obedience, and the penalties of rebellion. All this is 
 mighty well. But my honorable and learned friend ^ on 
 the floor, who condescends to mark what I say for animad- 
 version, will disdain that ground. He has heard, as well 
 as I, that when great honors and great emoluments do not 
 win over this knowledge to the service of the state, it is a 
 formidable adversary to government. If the spirit be not 
 tamed and broken by these happy methods, it is stubborn 
 and litigious. Aheunt studia in mores} This study ren- 
 ders men acute, inquisitive, dexterous, prompt in attack, 
 ready in defence, full of resources. In other countries, the 
 people, more simple, and of a less mercurial cast, judge of 
 
 1 by successful chicane, i. e., trickery, sharp practice. 
 When the order was issued forbidding the holding of town meet- 
 ings after August, 1774, the last meeting held prior to that date 
 was adjourned to meet at a definite time. By the rule of Par- 
 liamentary practice, an adjourned meeting is a continuation 
 of the original meeting; hence by this legal fiction these ad- 
 journed meetings could not be regarded as called after August 
 1, 1774, and were therefore not illegal. 
 
 2 learned friend ; Attorney-General Thurlow — who was 
 making notes of points on Burke's Speech. 
 
 ' abeunt studia in mores ; a quotation from Ovid which, 
 freely translated, means " pursuits pass into character," 
 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 27 
 
 
 an ill principle in government only by an actual grievance ; 
 here they anticipate the evil, and judge of the pressure of 
 the grievance by the badness of the principle. They augur 
 misgovernment at a distance, and snuff the approach of 
 tyranny in every tainted breeze. 
 
 43. The last cause of this disobedient spirit in the colo- 
 nies is hardly less powerful than the rest, as it is g Remote 
 not merely moral, but laid deep in the natural °®^*- 
 constitution of things. Three thousand miles of ocean lie 
 between you and them. No contrivance can prevent the 
 effect of this distance in weakening government. Seas roll, 
 and months pass, between the order and the execution ; and 
 the want of a speedy explanation of a single point is enough 
 to defeat a whole system. You have, indeed, winged min- 
 isters of vengeance, who carry your bolts in their pounces ^ 
 to the remotest verge of the sea. But there a power steps 
 in that limits the arrogance of raging passions and furious 
 elements, and says, So far shalt thou go^ and no farther. 
 Who are you, that you should fret and rage, and bite the 
 chains of nature ? Nothing worse happens to you than 
 does to all nations who have extensive empire ; and it hap- 
 pens in all the forms into which empire can be thrown. In 
 large bodies the circulation of power must be less vigorous 
 at the extremities. Nature has said it. The Turk cannot 
 govern Egypt and Arabia and Kurdistan as he governs 
 Thrace ; nor has he the same dominion in Crimea and 
 Algiers which he has at Brusa and Smyrna. Despotism 
 itself is obliged to truck and huckster. The Sultan gets 
 such obedience as he can. He governs with a loose rein, 
 that he may govern at all ; and the whole of the force and 
 vigor of his authority in his centre is derived from a pru- 
 dent relaxation in all his borders. Spain, in her provinces, 
 is, perhaps, not so well obeyed as you are in yours. She 
 complies, too ; she submits ; she watches times. This is 
 the immutable condition, the eternal law of extensive and 
 detached empire. 
 
 1 pounces = claws or talons. 
 
28 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 i^' 
 
 44. Then, Sir, from these six capital sources — of de- 
 acent, of form of government, of religion in the northern 
 provinces, of manners in the -southern, of education, of the 
 remoteness of situation from tlie first mover of government 
 — from all these causes a fierce spirit of liberty has grown 
 up. It has grown with the growth of the people in your 
 colonies, and increased with the increase of their wealth ; a 
 spirit that unhai)pily meeting with an exercise of power in 
 England which, however lawful, is not reconcilable to any 
 ideas of liberty, much less with theirs, has kindled this 
 flame that is ready to consume us. 
 
 45. I do not mean to commend either the spirit in this 
 excess, or the moral causes which produce it. Perhaps a 
 more smooth and accommodating spirit of freedom in them 
 would be more acceptable to us. Perhaps ideas of liberty 
 might be desired more reconcilable with an arbitrary and 
 boundless authority. Perhaps we might wish the colonists 
 to be persuaded that their liberty is more secure when held 
 in trust for them by us, as their guardians during a perpet- 
 ual minority, than with any part of it in their own hands. 
 The question is, not whether their spirit deserves praise or 
 blame, but — what, in the name of God, shall we do with 
 it? You have before you the object, such as it is, with all 
 its glories, with all its imperfections on its head. You see 
 the magnitude, the importance, the temper, the habits, the 
 disorders. By all these considerations we are strongly 
 urged to determine something concerning it. We are 
 called upon to fix some rule and line for our future conduct 
 which may give a little stability to our politics, and prevent 
 the return of such unhappy deliberations as the present. 
 Every such return will bring the matter before us in a still 
 more untractable form. For, what astonishing and incredi- 
 ble things have we not seen already ! What monsters have 
 not been generated from this unnatural contention ! Whilst 
 every principle of authority and resistance has been pushed, 
 upon both sides, as far as it would go, there is nothing eo 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 29 
 
 solid and certain, either in reasoning or in practice, that 
 has not been shaken. Until very lately all autliority in 
 America seemed to be nothing but an emanation from 
 yours. Even the i)opular jjart of the colony constitution 
 derived all its activity and its first vital movement from 
 the pleasure of the crown. We thought, Sir, that the 
 utmost which the discontented colonists could do was to 
 disturb authority ; we never dreamt they could of them- 
 selves siij)ply it — knowing in general what an operose 
 business it is to establish a government absolutely new. 
 But having, for our purposes in this contention, resolved 
 that none but an obedient Assembly should sit, the humors 
 of the people there, finding all passage through the legal 
 channel stopped, with great violence broke out another way. 
 Some provinces have tried their experiment, as we have 
 tried ours ; and theirs has succeeded. They have formed 
 a government sufficient for its purposes, without the bustle 
 of a revolution or the troublesome formality of an election. 
 Evident necessity and tacit consent have done the business 
 in an instant. So well they have done it, that Lord Dun- 
 more * — the account is among the fragments on your table 
 — tells you that the new institution is infinitely better 
 obeyed than the ancient government ever was in its most 
 fortunate periods. Obedience is what makes governn)ent, 
 and not the names by which it is called ; not the name of 
 Governor, as formerly, or Committee, as at present. This 
 new government has originated directly from the people, 
 and was not transmitted through any of the ordinary artifi- 
 cial media of a positive constitution. It was not a manu- 
 facture ready formed, and transmitted to them in that 
 condition from England. The evil arising from hence is 
 this ; that the colonists having once found the possibility 
 of enjoying the advantages of order in the midst of a strug- 
 
 ^ Lord Dunmore ; Governor of Virginia. His testimony 
 was the more important because he was regarded as a bitter 
 enemy of the colonies. ' 
 
30 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 i 
 
 ■i.i:: , 
 rill ■ 
 
 gle for liberty, such struggles will not henceforward seem 
 so terrible to the settled and sober j)art of nuiiikind as they 
 had a[)peared before the trial. 
 
 46. Pursuing the same plan of punishing by the denial 
 of the exercise of government to still greater lengths, we 
 wholly abrogated the ancient government ^ of Massachu- 
 setts. We were confident that the first feeling, if not the 
 very pros])ect, of anarchy would instantly enforce a com 
 plete submission. The experiment was tried. A neWj 
 strange, unex])ected face of things appeared. Anarchy is 
 found tolerable. A vast province has now subsisted, and 
 subsisted in a considerable degree of health and vigor for 
 near a twelvemonth, without Governor, without public coun- 
 cil, without judges, without executive magistrates. How 
 long it will continue in this state, or what may arise out of 
 this unheard-of situation, how can the wisest of us conjec- 
 ture? Our late experience has taught us that many of 
 those fundamental princijJes, formerly believed infallible, 
 are either not of the importance they were imagined to be, 
 or that we have not at all adverted to some other far more 
 important and far more powerful principles, which entirely 
 overrule those we had considered as omnipotent. I am 
 much against any furtlier experiments which tend to put to 
 the jn'oof any more of these allowed opinions which contrib- 
 ute so much to the public tranquillity. In effect, we suffer 
 as much at home by this loosening of all ties, and this con- 
 cussion of all established opinions, as we do abroad ; for in 
 order to prove that the Americans have no right to their 
 liberties, we are every day endeavoring to subvert the 
 maxims which preserve the whole spirit of our own. To 
 nrove that the Americans ought not to be free, we are 
 obliged to depreciate the value of freedom itself ; and we 
 
 ' abrogated the ancient government. In 1774, Parlia- 
 ment forbade the people of Massachusetts to hold town meet- 
 ings, changed the charter of the colony, and gave the appoint- 
 ment of judges into the hands of the King or his agents. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES, 31 
 
 never seem to gain a paltry advantage over them in debate 
 without attacking some of those princiijles, or deriding 
 some of those feelings, for which our ancestors have shed 
 their blood. 
 
 47. But, Sir, in wishing to put an end to pernicious 
 t'Xperinients, I do not mean to preclude the fullest impiiry. 
 Far from it. Far from deciding on a sudden or partial 
 view, I would patiently go round and round the subject, 
 and survey it n)inutely in every possible aspect. Sir, if 
 I were capable of engaging you to an equal attention, I 
 would state that, as far as I am capable of dis- „, 
 
 ' ^ _ Three Ways 
 
 cerning, there are but three ways of proceeding of Denii-.f? 
 
 , • . . 1 , ..•',.,' ., .* with this 
 
 relative to tins stubl)orn spirit wincli prevails in Rebellious 
 your colonies, and disturbs your government. 
 These are — to change that spirit, as inconvenient, by re- 
 moving the causes ; to prosecute it as criminal ; or to com- 
 ply with it as necessary. I would not be guilty of an 
 imperfect enumeration ; I can think of but these three. 
 Another has indeed been started, — that of giving up the 
 colonies ; but it met so slight a reception that I do not 
 think myself obliged to dwell a great while upon it. It is 
 nothing but a little sally of anger, like the forwardness of 
 peevish children, who, wiien they car lot get all they would 
 have, are resolved to take nothing. 
 
 48. The first of these plans — to change the spirit, as 
 inconvenient, by removing the causes — I think is the most 
 like a systematic proceeding. It is radical in its principle ; 
 but it is attended with great difficulties, some of them little 
 short, as I conceive, of impossibilities. This will appeal 
 by examining into the plans which have been proposed. 
 
 49. As the growing population in the colonies is evi« 
 dentlv one cause of their resistance, it was last session 
 mentioned in both Houses, by men of weight, and received 
 not without applause, that in order to check this evil it 
 would be proper for the crown to make no further grants 
 of land. But to this scheme there are two objections* 
 
B!2 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 ';! I 
 
 < I 
 
 The first, that there is already so much unsettled land in 
 private hands as to afford room for an immense future 
 population, although the crown not only withheld its 
 grants, but annihilated its soil. If this be the case, then 
 the only effect of this avarice of desolation, this hoarding 
 of a royal wilderness, would be to raise the value of the 
 possessions in the hands or the great private monopolists, 
 without any adequate check to the growing and alanning 
 mischief of population. 
 
 50. But if you stopped your grants, what would be the 
 consequence ? The peojjle would occupy without grants. 
 They have already so occupied in many places. You can- 
 not station garrisons in every part of these deserts. If 
 you drive the people from one place, they will carry on 
 their annual tillage, and remove with their flocks and herds 
 to another. Many of the people in the back settlements 
 are already little attached to particular situations. Already 
 they have topped the Appalachian mountains. From 
 whence they behold before them an immense plain, one 
 vast, rich, level meadow ; a square of five hundred miles. 
 Over this they would wander without a possibility of 
 restraint ; they would change their manners witl the habits 
 of their life ; would soon forget a government by which 
 they were disowned ; would become hordes of English Tar- 
 tars ; * and, pouring down upon your unfortified frontiers 
 a fierce and irresistible cavalry, become masters of your 
 governors and your counsellors, your collectors and comp- 
 trollers, and of all the slaves that adhered to them. Such 
 would, and in no long time must be, the effect of attemj)t- 
 ing to forbid as a crime and to suppress as an evil, the 
 command and blessir.g of providence, Increase and mul- 
 tiply. Such would be the happy result of the endeavor 
 to keep as a lair of wild beasts that earth which God, by 
 
 ' English Tartars ; alluding probably to the host of Mon- 
 gol and Tartar warriors, who under Jeugis Khan swept over 
 Asia iu almost irresistible force. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 33 
 
 an express charter, has given to the children of men. Far 
 different, and surely much wiser, has been our policy hith- 
 erto. Hitherto we have invited our people, by every kind 
 of bounty, to fixed establishments. We have invited the 
 husbandman to look to authority for his title. We have 
 taught him piously to believe in the mysterious virtue of 
 wax and parchment.^ We have thrown each tract of land, 
 as it was peopled, into districts, that the ruling power 
 should never be wholly out of sight. We have settled all 
 we could ; and we have carefully attended every settlement 
 with government. 
 
 51. Adhering, Sir, as I do, to this policy, as well as for 
 the reasons I have just given, I think this new project of 
 hedging-in population to be neither prudent nor practicable. 
 
 52. To impoverish the colonies in general, and in partic- 
 ular to arrest the noble course of their marine enterprises, 
 would be a mjre easy task. I freely confess it. We have 
 shown a disposition to a system of this kind, a disposition 
 even to continue the restraint after the offence, looking on 
 ourselves as rivals to our colonies, and persuaded that of 
 course we must gain all that they shall lose. Much mis- 
 chief we may certainly do. The power inadequate to all 
 other things is often more than sufficient for this. I do 
 not look on the direct and immediate power of the colonies 
 to resist our violence as very formidable. lu this, how- 
 ever, T may be mistaken. But when I consider that vre 
 have colonies for no purpose but to be serviceable to us, it 
 seems to my poor understanding a little preposterous to 
 make them unserviceable in order to keep them obedient. 
 It is, in truth, nothing more than the old and, as I thought, 
 exploded problem of tyranny, wiiich proposes to beggar its 
 subjects into submission. But remember, when you have 
 feompleted your system of impoverishment, that nature still 
 proceeds in her ordinary course ; that discontent will in- 
 
 ^ Tvax and parchment == the observance of legal ^oruis and 
 modes of procedure. 
 
u 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 I ,1 
 
 crease with misery ; and tha'. there are critical moments 
 in the fortune of all states when they who are too weak 
 to contribute to your prosperity may be strong enough to 
 complete your ruin. Spollatis arma sitpersunt} 
 
 53. The temper and characl.er vvhicli prevail in our colo- 
 nies are, I am afraid, unalterable by any human art. We 
 cannot, I fear, falsify the pedigree of this fierce people, 
 and i)ersuade them that they are not sprung from a nation 
 in whose veins the blood of freedom circulates. The lan- 
 guage in which they would hear you tell them this tale 
 would detect the imposition ; your speech would betray ' 
 you. An Englishman is the unfittest person on earth to 
 argue another Englishman into slavery. 
 
 54. I think it is nearly as little in our power to change 
 their republican religion as their free descent ; or to sub- 
 stitute the Roman Catholic as a penalty, or the Cburch of 
 England as an improvement. The mode of inquisition 
 and dragooning is going out of fashion in the Old World, 
 and I should not confide much to their efficacy in the New. 
 The education of the Americans is also on the same un- 
 alterable bottom with their religion. You cannot persuade 
 them to burn their books ^ of curious science ; to banish 
 their lawyers from their courts of laws ; or to quench the 
 lights of their assemblies by refusing to choose those per- 
 sons who are best read in their pr"viloges. It would be no 
 less impracticable to think of wholly ainiihilating the popu- 
 lar assemblies in which these lawyers sit. The army, by 
 which we must govern in their place, would be far more 
 chargeable to us, not quite so effectual, and perhaps in th€ 
 iud full as difficult to be kept in obedience. 
 
 55. With regard to the high aristocratic spirit of Vii 
 
 ^ Spoliatis arma supersunt ; a quotation from Juvenal, 
 VIII. 12t, meiuiing "to tlic despoiled, their anus remain," 
 
 ^ language vrould betray ; a probable allusion to Matthew 
 ttxvi. 73, or to Judges xii. 6. 
 
 ' burn their books. See Acts xix. 19. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 35 
 
 ginia and the southern colonies, it has been proposed, 1 
 know, to reduce it by declaring a general enfranchisement 
 of their slaves. This object has had its advocates and 
 panegyrists ; yet I never could argue myself into any 
 opinion of it. Slaves are often nmch attached to their 
 masters. A general wild offer of liberty would not always 
 be accepted. History furnishes few instances of it. It is 
 sometimes as hard to persuade slaves to be free, as it is tc 
 compel freemen to be slaves ; and in this auspicious scheme 
 we should have both these pleasing tasks on our hands at 
 once. But when we talk of enfranchisement, do we not 
 perceive that the American master may enfranchise too. 
 and arm servile hands in defence of freedom ? — a measure 
 to which other people have had recourse more than once, 
 and not without success, in a desperate situation of their 
 affairs. 
 
 bOt. Slaves as these unfortunate black people are, and 
 dull as all men are from slavery, must they not a little 
 suspect the offer of freedom from that very nation which 
 has sold them to their present masters — from that nation, 
 one of wliose causes of (piarrel with those masters is their 
 refusal to deal any more in that inhuman traffic ? An 
 offer of freedom from Elngland would come rather oddly, 
 shipped to them in an African vessel which is refused an 
 entry into tlie j)()rts of Virginia or Carolina with a cargo 
 of three hundred Angola ^ negroes. It would be curious to 
 see the Guinea captain attempting at the same instant 
 to i)ublisli his proclamation of liberty, and to advertise his 
 sale of slaves. 
 
 57. But let us suppose all these moral difficulties got 
 over. The ocean remains. You cannot pump tliis dry ; 
 and as long as it continues in its present bed, so long al' 
 the causes which weaken authority by distance will cor 
 tinue. 
 
 * Angola ; on the west coast of Africa, noted for its activit; 
 in the slave trade. 
 
Ilil if- 
 
 36 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 1! 
 
 "Ye gods,^ annihilate but space and timu. 
 And make two lovers happy ! " 
 
 was a pious and passionate prayer ; but just as reasonable 
 as many of the serious wishes of grave and solemn poli 
 ticians. 
 
 58. If then, Sir, it seems almost desperate to think of 
 any alterative course for changing the moral causes, and 
 not quite easy to remove the natural, which produce preju 
 dices irreconcilable to the late exercise of our authority — 
 but that the spirit infallibly will continue, and, continuing, 
 will produce such effects as now embarrass us — the second 
 mode under consideration is to prosecute that s})irit m its 
 overt acts as criminal. 
 
 59. At this proposition I must pause a moment. Tlie 
 thing seems a great deal too big for my ideas of jurispru 
 dence. It should seem to my way of conceiving such 
 matters that there is a very wide difference, in reason and 
 policy, between the mode of proceeding on the irregular 
 conduct of scattered individuals, or even of bands of men 
 who disturb order within the state, and the civil dissensions 
 which mr.,y, from time to time, on great auestions, agitate 
 the several communities which compose a great empire. It 
 looks to me to be narrow and pedantic to a])i)ly the ordinary 
 ideas of criminal justice to this great public contest. I do 
 not know the method of drawing up an indictment against 
 a whole people. I cannot insult and ridicule the feelings 
 of millions of my fellow-creatures as Sir Edward Coke in- 
 sulted ^ one excellent individual (Sir Walter Raleigh) at 
 the bar. I hope I am not ripe to pass sentence on the 
 gravest public bodies, intrusted witli magistracies of p-reat 
 authority and dignity, and charged with the safety of their 
 
 1 Ye gods ; of uncertain origin. 
 
 2 Sir Edward Coke insulted ; referring to Raleigh's trial, 
 when Coke, then attorney-general, assailed him with bitter in- 
 justice denouncing him in the words : — 
 
 " Thou haat an English face, but a Spanish heart." 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 37 
 
 fellow-citizens, upon the very same title that I am. I really 
 think that, for wise men, this is not judicious ; for sober 
 men, not decent ; for minds tinctured with humanity, not 
 mild and merciful. 
 
 60. Perhaps, Sir, I am mistaken in my idea of an em- 
 pire, as distinguished from a single state or kingdom. But 
 my idea of it is this ; that an empire is the aggregate ol 
 many states under one common head, whether this head be 
 a monarch or a presiding reijublic. It does, in such con- 
 stitutions, frequently happen — and nothing but the dismal, 
 cold, dead uniformity of servitude can prevent its happen- 
 ing — that the subordinate parts have many local privileges 
 and immunities. Between these privileges and the supreme 
 common authority the line may be extremely nice. Of 
 course disputes, often, too, very bitter disputes, and much 
 ill blood, will arise. But though every privilege is an 
 exemption, in the case, from the ordinary exercise of the 
 supreme authority, it is no denial of it. The claim of a 
 privilege seems rather, ex vi termini,^ to imply a superior 
 power ; for to talk of the privileges of a state or of a per- 
 son who has no superior is hardly any better than speaking 
 nonsense. Now, in such unfortunate quarrels among the 
 component parts of a great political union of communities, 
 I can scarcely conceive anything more completely impru- 
 dent than for the head of the empire to insist that, if any 
 privilege is pleaded against his will or his acts, his whole 
 authority is denied ; instantly to proclaim rebellion, to beat 
 to arms, and to put the oifending provinces under the ban. 
 Will not this, Sir, very soon teach the provinces to make 
 no distinctions on their part ? Will it not teach them that 
 the government, against which a claim of liberty is tanta- 
 mount to high treason, is a government to which submission 
 is equivalent to slavery ? It may not always be quite con- 
 venient to impress dependent communities with such ar 
 idea. 
 
 ' Bx vi termini = by the meaning of the term. 
 
38 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 II 
 
 
 61. We are, indeed, in all disputes with the colonies, by 
 the necessity of things, the judge. It is true, Sir. But 1 
 confess that the character of judge in my own cause is a 
 thing that frightens me. Instead of filling me with pride, 
 I am exceedingly humbled by it. I cannot proceed with a 
 titern, assured, judicial confidence, until I find myself in 
 sometliing more like a judicial character. I must have 
 these hesitations as long as I am compelled to recollect 
 that, in my little reading upon such contests as these, the 
 sense of mankind has at least as often decided against the 
 superior as the subordinate power. Sir, let me add, too, 
 that the opinion of my having some abstract right in my 
 favor would not put me much at my ease in passing sen- 
 tence, p.nless I could be .sure that there were no rights 
 which, in their exercise under certain circumstances, were 
 not the most odious of all wrongs and the most vexatious 
 of all injustice. Sir, these considerations have great weight 
 with me when I find things so circumstanced, that I see the 
 same party at once a civil litigant against me in point of 
 right and a culprit before me, while I sit as a criminal 
 judge on acts of his whose moral quality is to be decided 
 upon the merits of that very litigation. Men are every 
 now and then put, by the complexity of human affairs, into 
 strange situations ; but justice is the same, let the judge 
 be in what situation he will. 
 
 62. There is. Sir, also a circumstance which convinces 
 me that this mode of criminal proceeding is not, at least in 
 the present stage of our contest, altogether expedient ; 
 which is nothing less than the conduct of those very persons 
 who have seemed to adopt that mode by lately declaring 
 a, rebellion in Massachusetts Bay, as they had formerly 
 addressed ^ to have traitors brought hither, under an Act 
 of Henry the P]ighth, for trial. For though rebellion is 
 declared, it is not proceeded against as such, nor have any 
 steps been taken towards the apprehension or conviction of 
 
 ^ addreaaed = petitioned. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 39 
 
 any individual offender, either on our late or our former 
 Address ; but modes of public coercion have been adopted, 
 and such as have much more resemblance to a sort of 
 qualified hostility towards an independent power tlian the 
 punishment of rebellious subjects. All this seems rather 
 inconsistent ; but it shows how difficult it is to apply these 
 juridical ideas to our present case. 
 
 63. In this situation, let us seriously and coolly pondePe 
 What is it we have got by all our menaces, which have been 
 many and ferocious ? What advantage have we derived 
 from the penal laws we have passed, and which, for the 
 time, have been severe and numerous ? What advances 
 have we made towards our object by the sending of a force 
 which, by land and sea, is no contemptible strength? Has 
 the disorder abated ? Nothing less. When I see things 
 in this situation after such confident hopes, bold promises, 
 and active exertions, I cannot, for my life, avoid a suspicion 
 that the plan itself is not correctly right. 
 
 64. If, then, the removal of the causes of this spirit of 
 American liberty be for the greater part, or rather entirely, 
 impracticable ; if the ideas of criminal process be inapplica- 
 ble — or, if applicable, are in the highest degree jy. com- 
 inexpedient — what way yet remains ? No way ^''^e'^gg ." 
 is open but the third and last — to comply with "ty. 
 
 the American spirit as necessary ; pr, if you please, to 
 submit to it as a necessary evil. 
 
 65. If we adopt this mode, — if we mean to conciliate 
 
 and concede — let us see of what nature the con- b. What 
 
 cession ought to be. To ascertain the nature of 
 
 our concession, we must look at their complaint. 
 
 The colonies complain that they have not the *"'" °^ *'»® 
 
 >■ >' Conces- 
 
 characteristic mark and seal of British freedom, sion. 
 They complain that they are taxed in a Parliament in 
 which they are not represented. If you mean to j Taxed 
 satisfy them at all, you must satisfy them with Repl.e"en, 
 regard to this complaint. If you mean to please tation. 
 
 YOUR Con- 
 cession 
 
 OUGHT TO 
 
 BE. I. Na~ 
 
40 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 I i I 
 
 any people, you must give tliem the boon which they ask j 
 not what you may think better for them, but of a kind 
 totally different. Such an act may be a wise regulation, 
 but it is no concession ; whereas our present tJieme is the 
 mode of giving satisfaction. 
 
 66. Sir, I think you must perceive that I am resolved 
 this day to have nothing at all to do with the question of 
 the right of taxation. Some gentlemen startle — but it is 
 true ; I put it totally out of the question. It is less than 
 nothing in my consideration. I do not indeed wonder, 
 nor will you, Sir, that gentlemen of profound learning are 
 fcnd of displaying it on this profound subject. But my 
 consideration is narrow, confined, and wholly limited to 
 the policy of the question. I do not examine whether the 
 giving away a man's money be a power excepted and 
 reserved out of the general trust of government, and how 
 far all mankind, in all forms of polity, are entitled to 
 an exercise of that right by the charter of nature ; or, 
 whether, on the contrary, a right of taxation is necessarily 
 involved in the general principle of legislation, and insep- 
 arable from the ordinary supreme power. These are deep 
 questions, where great names militate against each other, 
 where reason is perplexed, and an appeal to authorities 
 only thickens the confusion ; for high and reverend author- 
 ities lift up their heads on both sides, and there is no sure 
 footing in the middle. This point is the great 
 
 " Serbonian hog^ 
 Betwixt Damiata and Mount Casius old, 
 Where armies whole have sunk." 
 
 I do not intend to be overwhelmed in that bog, though in 
 such respectable company. The question with me is, not 
 whether you have a right to render your people miserable, 
 but whether it is not your interest to make them happy. 
 
 ^ great Serbonian bog ; a quotation from Paradise Lost, 
 11.592-594. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 41 
 
 It is not what a lawyer tells me I may do, but what human- 
 ity, reason, and justice tell me I ought to do. Is a politic 
 act the worse for being a generous one ? Is no concession 
 proper but that which is made from your want of right 
 to keep what you grant ? Or does it lessen the grace or 
 dignity of relaxing in the exercise of an odious claim 
 because you have your evidence-room full of titles, and 
 your magazines stuffed witii arms to enforce them ? What 
 signify all those titles, and all those arms ? Of what avail 
 are they, when the reason of the thing tells me that 
 the assertion of my title is the loss of my suit, and that I 
 could do nothing but wound myself by the use of my own 
 weapons ? 
 
 67. Such is steadfastly my opinion of the absolute neces- 
 sity of keeping up the concord of this empire by an unity 
 of spirit, though in a diversity of operations, that, if I were 
 sure the colonists had, at their leaving this country, sealed 
 a regular compact of servitude ; that they had solemnly 
 abjured all the rights of citizens ; that they had made a 
 vow to renounce all ideas of liberty for them and their 
 posterity to all generations ; yet I should hold myself 
 obliged to conform to the temper I found universally prev- 
 alent in my own day, and to govern two million of men, 
 impatient of servitude, on the principles of freedom. I 
 am not determining a point of law, I am restoring tranquil- 
 lity ; and the general character and situation of a people 
 must determine what sort of government is fitted for them. 
 That point nothing else can or ought to determine. 
 
 68. My idea, th'^refore, without considering whether wt 
 yield it as a matter of right or grant as matter of 2. Burke's 
 favor, is to admit the people of our colonies into ^^^^ 
 
 an interest in the Constitution ; and, by recording that 
 admission in the journals of Parliament, to give them as 
 strong an assurance as the nature of the thing will admit, 
 that we roean forever to adhere to that solemn declaratior 
 »f systematic indulgence. 
 
42 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 69. Some years ago the repeal of a revenue Act, upon 
 its understood principle, might have served to show that 
 we intended an unconditional abatement of the exercise of 
 a taxing power. Such a measure was then sufficient to 
 remove all suspicion, and to give perfect content. But 
 unfortunate events since that time may make something 
 further necessary ; and not more necessary for the satisfac- 
 tion of the colonies than for the dignity and consistency 
 of our own future proceedings. 
 
 70. I have taken a very incorrect measure of the dis- 
 position of the House if this proposal in itself would be 
 received with dislike. I think, Sir, we have few American 
 financiers.* But our misfortune is, we are too acute, we 
 are too equisite'' in our conjectures of the future, for men 
 oppressed with such great and present evils. The more 
 moderate among the opposers of Parliamentaiy concession 
 freely confess that they hope no good from taxation, but 
 they apprehend the colonists have further views ; and if 
 this point were conceded, tliey would instantly attack the 
 trade laws. These gentlemen are convinced that this was 
 the intention from the beginning, and the quarrel of the 
 Americans with taxation was no more than a cloak and 
 cover to this design. Such has been the language even of 
 a gentleman of real moderation,^ and of a natural temper 
 well adjusted to fair and equal government. I am, how- 
 ever, Sir, not a little surprised at this kind of discourse 
 whenever I hear it ; and I am the more surprised on 
 account of the alignments which I constantly find in com- 
 pany with it, and which are often urged from the same 
 mouths and on the same day. 
 
 71. For instance, when we allege that it is against rea- 
 son to tax a people under so many restraints in trade as the 
 
 * American financiers = financiers skilled in dealing with 
 a£Fairs in America. 
 
 ^ too exquisite := too careful, over-careful, over-anxious. 
 ^ a gentleman of real moderation; a Mr. Rice. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 43 
 
 Americans, the noble lord in the blue ribbon shall tell you 
 that the restraints on trade are futile and useless — of no 
 advantage to us, and of no burthen to those on whom they 
 are imposed ; that the trade to America is not secured by 
 the Acts of Navigation,^ but by the natural and irresistible 
 advantage of a commercial preference. 
 
 72. Such is the merit of the trade laws in this posture of 
 the debate. But when strong internal circumstances are 
 urged against the taxes ; when the scheme is dissected ; 
 when experience and the nature of things are brought to 
 prove, and do prove, the utter impossibility of obtaining an 
 effective revenue from the colonies ; when these things are 
 pressed, or rather press themselves, so as to drive the advo- 
 cates of colony taxes to a clear admission of the futility oi 
 the scheme ; then, Sir, the sleeping trade laws revive from 
 their trance, and this useless taxation is to be kept sacred, 
 not for its own sake, but as a counter-guard and security of 
 the laws of trade. 
 
 73. Then, Sir, you keep up revenue laws which are mia~ 
 chievous, in order to preserve trade laws that are useless. 
 Such is the wisdom of our plan in both its members. 
 They are separately given up as of no value, and yet one 
 is always to be defended for the sake of the other ; but I 
 cannot agree with the noble lord, nor with the pamphlet ' 
 from whence he seems to have borrowed these ideas con- 
 cerning the inutility of the trade laws. For, without idol- 
 izing them, I am sure they are still, in many ways, of great 
 use to us ; and in former times they have been of the 
 greatest. They do confine, and they do greatly narrow, 
 the market for the Americans ; but my perfect conviction 
 of this does not help me in the least to discern how the 
 
 * Acts of Navigation, by which every other nation was 
 forbidden to bring to England or to its colonies anything but 
 the actual products of that country. Hence the greater amount 
 of the carrying trade was in the hands of England itself. 
 
 * the pamphlet ; written by Dr. Tucker, of Gloucester, 
 
' » 
 
 44 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 revenue laws form any security whatsoever to the com« 
 luercial reguhitions, or that these commercial regulations 
 are the true ground of the quarrel, or that the giving way, 
 in any one instance of authority, is to lose all that may 
 remain unconceded. 
 
 74. One fact is clear and indisputable. The public and 
 avowed origin of tins quarrel was on taxation. This 
 quarrel has indeed brought on new disputes on new ques 
 tions ; but certainly the least bitter, and the fewest of all, 
 on the trade laws. To judge which of the two be the real 
 radical cause of quarrel, we have to see whether the com- 
 mercial dispute did, in order of time, precede the dis])ute 
 on taxation? There is not a shadow of evidence for it. 
 Next, to enable us to judge whether at this moment a dis- 
 like to the trade laws be the real cause of quarrel, it is 
 absolutely nesessary to put the taxes out of the question by 
 a repeal. See how the Americans act in this position, and 
 t!ien you will be able to discern correctly what is the true 
 object of the controversy, or whether any controversy at all 
 will remain. Unless you consent to remove this cause of 
 difference, it is impossible, with decency, to assert that the 
 dispute is not upon what it is avowed to be. And I would. 
 Sir, recommend to your serious consideration whether it be 
 prudent to form a rule for punishing people, not on their 
 own acts, but on your conjectures ? Surely it is prepos- 
 terous at the very best. It is not justifying your anger by 
 their misconduct, but it is converting your ill-will into their 
 delinquency. 
 
 75. But the colonies will go further.^ Alas ! alas ! 
 when will this speculation against fact and reason end ? 
 What will quiet these panic fears which we entertain of 
 the hostile effect of a conciliatory conduct ? Is it true that 
 no case can exist in which it is proper for the sovereign 
 to accede to the desires of his discontented subjects ? Is 
 
 ^ the colonies will go further, i. e., the objection of the 
 npponeuts of fiurke's scheme. 
 

 CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 46 
 
 there anything peculiar in this case to make a rule for 
 itself ? Is all authority of course lost when it is not i)ushed 
 to the extreme? Is it a certain maxim that the fewer 
 causes of dissatisfaction are left hy government, the more 
 the subject will be inclined to resist and rebel? 
 
 76. All these objections being in fact no more than sua 
 picions, conjectures, divinations, formed in defiance of fact 
 and experience, they did not, Sir, discourage me from 
 entertaining the idea of a conciliatory concession founded 
 on the principles which I have just stated. 
 
 77. In forming a plan for this jmrpose, I endeavored to 
 put myselt in that frame of mind which was the most 
 natural and the most reasonable, and which was certainly 
 the most probable means of securing me from all error. 
 I set out with a perfect distrust of my own abilities, a total 
 renunciation of every speculation of my own, and 3. prece- 
 with a profound reverence for the wisdom of our condiia- 
 ancestors who have left us the inheritance of so *'°"' 
 happy a constitution and so flourishing an empire, and, 
 what is a thousand times more valuable, the treasury of the 
 maxims and principles which formed the one and obtained 
 the other. 
 
 78. During the reigns of the kings of Spain of the Aus- 
 trian family, whenever they were at a loss in the Spanish 
 councils, it was common for their statesmen to say that 
 they ought to consult the genius of Philip the Second. 
 The genius of Philip the Second ^ might mislead them, and 
 the issue of their affairs showed tliat they had not chosen 
 the most perfect standard ; but, Sir, I am sure that I shah 
 not be misled when, in a case of constitutional difficulty, I 
 consult the genius of the English Constitution. Consulting 
 at that oracle ^ — it was with all due humility and piety — 
 
 ^ Philip the Second, 1556-1598. 
 
 2 consulting at that oracle ; referring, of course, to the 
 ancient practice of appealing to the oracle of a god for guid* 
 ance as to a proposed course of action. 
 
46 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 '\B 
 
 I found four capital examples In a similar case before me \ 
 those of Ireland, Wales, Chester, and Durham. 
 
 79. Ireland, before the English conquest, though never 
 governed by a despotic power, had no Parliament. How 
 far the English Parliament itself was at that time modelled 
 according to the present form is disputed among antiqua 
 ries ; but we have all the reason in the world to be assured 
 that a form of Parliament such as England then enjoyed 
 she instantly communicated to Ireland, and we are equally 
 sure that almost every successive improvement in constitu- 
 tional liberty, as fast as it was made here, was transmitted 
 thither. The feudal baronage and the feudal knighthood, 
 the roots of our primitive Constitution, were early trans- 
 planted into that soil, and grew and flourished there. 
 Magna Charta, if it did not give us originally th^ House of 
 Commons, gave us at least a House of Commons of weight 
 and consequence. But your ancestors did not churlishly sit 
 down alone to the feast of Magna Charta. Ireland was 
 made immediately a partaker. This benefit of English 
 laws and liberties, I confess, was not at first extended to 
 all Ireland. Mark the consequence. English authority 
 and English liberties liad exactly the same boundaries. 
 Vour standard couid never be advanced an inch before 
 your privileges. Sir John Davis ^ shows beyond a doubt 
 that the refusal of a general communication of these rights 
 was the true cause why Ireland was five hundred years in 
 subduing ; and after the vain projects of a military goverii- 
 ment, attempted in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, it was 
 soon discovered that nothing could make that country 
 English, in civility and allegiance, but your laws and your 
 forms of legislature. It was not English arms, but the 
 English Constitution, that conquered Ireland. From that 
 time Ireland lias ever had a general Parliament, as she had 
 before a partial ParHament. You changed the people ; you 
 
 ^ Sir John Davis (or Davies). In 1603 lie was solicitor- 
 general to Ireland, and in 1612 published a work on the politi< 
 cal state of that country. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 4? 
 
 ditered the religion ; but you never touched the form or the 
 vital substance of free government in that kingdom. You 
 deposed kings ; you restored them; you altered the succeS' 
 sion to theirs, as well as to your own crown ; but yoi 
 never altered their Constitution, the principle of which was 
 respected by usurpation, restored with the restoration of 
 monarchy, and established, I trust, forever by the glorious 
 Revolution. This has made Ireland the gx^eat and flourish 
 ing kingdom that it is, and, from a disgrace and a burthen 
 intolerable to this nation, has rendered her a principal part 
 of our strength and ornament. This country cannot be 
 said to have ever formally taxed her. The irregular 
 things done in the confusion of mighty troubles and on the 
 hinge cf great revolutions, even if all were done that is 
 &aid to have been done, form no example. If they have 
 any effect in argument, they make an exception to prove 
 the rule. None of your own liberties could stand a mo- 
 ment, if the casual deviations from them at such times 
 were suffered to be used as proofs of their nullity. By the 
 lucrative amount of such casual breaches in the constitu- 
 tion, judge what the stated and fixed rule of supply has 
 been in that kingdom. Your Irish pensioners would 
 starve, if they had no other fund to live on tha^i *^"vxes 
 granted by English authority. Turn your eyes to those 
 popular grants from whence all your great supplies are 
 come, and learn to respect that only source of public wealth 
 in the British Empireo 
 
 80. My next example is Wales. This country was said 
 [o be reduced by Henry the Third. It was said more truly 
 to be "> by Edward the First. But though then conquered, 
 it was not looked u})on as any i)art of the realm of England. 
 Its old Constitution, wliatever that might have been, was 
 destroyed, and no good one was substituted in its place. 
 The care of that tract was put into the hands of Lords 
 Marchers ^ — a form of government of a very singulav 
 
 ^ Lords Marchers = the lords of the marches, or borders ol 
 a territ' v . they had kingly authority. 
 
48 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 kind ; a strange heterogeneous monster, something between 
 hostihty and government ; perliaps it has a sort of resem- 
 blance, according to the modes of those terms, to that of 
 Commander-in-chief at present, to whom all civil power is 
 granted as secondary. The manners of the Welsh nation 
 foUov/ed the genius of the government. The people were 
 ferocious, restive, savage, and uncultivated ; sometimes com- 
 posed, never pacified. Wales, within itself, was in perpet 
 ual disorder, and it kept the frontier of England in per 
 petual alarm. Benefits from it to the state there were 
 none. Wales was only known to England by incursion and 
 invasion. 
 
 81. Sir, during that state of things, Parliament was not 
 idle. They attempted to subdue the fierce spirit of the 
 Wolsh by all sorts of rigorous laws. They prohibited by 
 statute the sending all sorts of arms into Wales, as you 
 prohibit by proclamation (with something more of doubt 
 on the legality) the sending arms to America. They dis- 
 an^'^d the Welsh by statute, as you attempted (but still 
 with more question on the legality) to disarm New Elngland 
 by an instruction. They made an Act to drag offenders 
 from Wales into England for trial, as you have done (but 
 with more hardship) with regard to America. By another 
 Act, where one of the parties was an Englishman, they 
 ordained that his trial should be always by English. They 
 made Acts to restrain trade, as you do ; and thej^ prevented 
 the Welsh from the use of fairs and markets, as you do 
 the Americans from fisheries and foreign ports. In shorty 
 when the Statute Book was not quite so nmch swelled as it 
 is now, you find no less than fifteen ac*;s '^f penal regulation 
 on the subject of Wales. 
 
 82. Here we rub our handso — A fine body ^ of prece- 
 dents for the authority of Parliament and the use of it ! — 
 I admit it fully ; and pray add likewise to these precedents 
 
 * A fine body ; the exclamation of one who is in favor ot 
 ooeroiou 
 
 III 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 49 
 
 that all the while Wales rid this kingdom like an incubus, 
 that it was an unprofitable and oppressive burthen, and that 
 an Englishman travelling in that country could not go six 
 yards from the high road without being murdered. 
 
 83. The march of the buman mind is slow. Sir, it was 
 not until after two hundred years discovered that, by an 
 eternal law, providence had decreed vexation to violence, 
 and poverty to rapine. Your ancestors did, however, a^ 
 length open their eyes to the ill-husbandry of injustice. 
 They found that the tyranny of a free people could of all 
 tyrannies the least be endured, and that laws made against 
 a whole nation were not the most effectual methods of 
 securing its obedience. Accordingly, in the twenty-seventh 
 year of Henry the Eighth the course was entirely altered. 
 With a preamble stating the entire and perfect rights of the 
 Crown of England, it gave to the Welsh all the rights and 
 privileges of English subjects. A political order was estab- 
 lished ; the military power gave way to the civil ; the Marches 
 were turned into Counties. But that a nation should have a 
 right to English liberties, and yet no share at all in the 
 fundamental security of these liberties — the grant of their 
 own property — seemed a thing so incongruous, that, eight 
 years after, that is, in the thirty-fifth of that reign, a com- 
 plete and not ill-proportioned representation by counties and 
 boi'oughs was bestowed upon Wales by Act of Parliament. 
 From that moment, as by a charm, the tumults subsided ; 
 obedience was restored ; peace, order, and civilization fol- 
 lowed in the train of liberty. When the day-star ^ of the 
 English Constitution had arisen in their hearts, all was 
 harmony within and without — 
 
 — " sinml alba nautis ' 
 Stella refulsit, 
 
 1 day-star. See 2 Pet. i. 19. 
 
 ^ simul alba nautis ; a quotation from Horace, Ode 1. 
 12-27-32. Freely translated it means : As soon as the bright 
 star has gleamed forth to the .sailors, the troubled water recedes 
 
I '' ' 
 
 50 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 Defluit Aaxis agitatus humor ; 
 Concidunt venti, fugiuntque nubes, 
 Et minax (quod sic voluere) ponto 
 Unda recuTiibit." 
 
 84. The very same year the County Palatine * of Chestei 
 received the same relief from its oppressions and the same 
 remedy to its disorders. Before this time Chester was lit- 
 tle less distempered than Wales. The inhabitants, without 
 rights themselves, were the jfittest to destroy the rights of 
 others ; and from thence Richard the Second drew the stand 
 ing army of archers with which for a time he oppressed 
 England. The people of Chester applied to Parliament in 
 ■\ petition penned as I shall read to you : — 
 
 36. " To the King, our Sovereign Lord, in most humble wise 
 shewen unto your excellent Majesty the inhabitants 
 of your Grace's County Palatine of Chester : (1) That 
 where the said County Palatine of Chester is and hath 
 been always hitherto exempt, excluded, and separated 
 out and from your High Court of Parliament, to have 
 any Knights and Burgesses within the said Court ; by 
 reason whereof the said inhabitants have hitherto sus- 
 tained manifold disherisons,^ losses, and damages, as 
 well in their lands, goods, and bodies, as in the good, 
 civil, and politic governance and maintenance of the 
 commonwealth of their said county ; (2) And foras- 
 much as the said inhabitants have alwaj's hitherto been 
 boupf* ^'■, the Acts and Statutes made and ordained 
 by your said Highness and your most noble progeni- 
 tors, by authority of the said Court, as far forth af 
 other countieii, cities, and boroughs have bca, that 
 
 trom the rocks, the winds die away, and the clouds scatter. And 
 because they [the gods] have so willed, the threatening wave 
 subsides upon the deep. 
 
 ' County Palatine =. a county in England in which the 
 count or owner had within his domain the power of a king. The 
 word Palatine is the English form of the Latin " Palatinus," be- 
 longing to the king, or to the Palatine Hill. 
 
 '^ disherisons = disinheritance. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 5l 
 
 have had their Knights and Burgesses within youx* said 
 Court of Parliament, and yet have had neither Knight 
 ne * Burgess there for the said County Palatine ; the 
 said inhabitants, for lack thereof, have been often- 
 tiuies touched and grieved with Acts and Statutes 
 made within the said Court, as well derogatory unto 
 the most ancient jurisdictions, liberties, and privileges 
 of your said County Palatine, as prejudicial unto the 
 commonwealth, quietness, rest, and peace of youi 
 Grace's most bounden subjects inhabiting witb'a the 
 same." 
 
 86. What did Parliament with this audacious address ? — 
 Reject it as a libel ? Treat it as an affront to government ? 
 Spurn it as a derogation from the rights of legislature? 
 Did they toss it over the table ? Did they burn it by the 
 hands of the common hangman ? — They took the petition 
 of grievance, all rugged as it was, witb.oiit softening or tem- 
 perament,'^ unpurged of the original bitterness and indigna- 
 tion of complaint — they made it the very preamble to their 
 Act of redress, and consecrated its principle to all ages in 
 the sanctuary of legislation. 
 
 87. Here is my third example. It was attended with the 
 success of the two former. Chester, civilized as well as 
 Wales, has demonstrated that freedom, and not servitude, 
 is the cure of anarchy ; as religion, and not atheism, is the 
 true remedy for superstition. Sir, this pattern of Chester 
 was followed in the reign of Charles the Second with re« 
 gard to the County Palatine of IJirham, which is my fourth 
 example. This county had long lain out of the pale ^ of 
 free legislation. So scrupulously was the example of Ches* 
 
 ^ ne = an A,-S. conjunction meaning nor. 
 2 temperament ; used in the sense of " modifieauon." 
 • out of the pale. The English pale was that part of Ire* 
 land in which English law was recognized and administered 
 What does the author mean, therefore, by the metaphor " oui 
 ^ the pale of free legrislatiou " V 
 
62 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 ter followed that tlie style of the preamble is nearly the 
 same with that of the Chester Act ; and, without affecting 
 the abstract extent of the authority of Parliament, it recog 
 niees the equity of not suffering any considerable district in 
 which the British subjects may act as a body, to be taxed 
 without their own voice in the grant. 
 
 88. Now if the doctrines of policy contained in these 
 preambles, and the force of these examples in the Acts of 
 Parliaments, avail anything, what can be said against ap- 
 plying them with regard to America ? Are not the people 
 of America as much Englishmen as the Welsh ? The pre- 
 amble of the Act of Henry the Eighth says the Welsh 
 speak a language no way resembling that of his Majesty's 
 English subjects. Are the Americans not as numerous ? 
 If we may trust the learned and accurate Judge Barring- 
 ton's account of North Wales, and take that as a standard 
 to measure the rest, there is no comparison. The people 
 cannot amount to above 200,000 ; not a tenth }>art of the 
 number in the colonies. Is America in rebellion ? Wales 
 was hardly ever free from it. Have you attempted to gov- 
 ern America by penal statutes ? You made fifteen for 
 Wales. But your legislative authority is perfect with re- 
 gard to America. Was it less perfect in Wales, Chester, 
 and Durham ? But America is virtually represented. 
 What ! does the electric force of virtual representation 
 more easily pass over the Atlantic than pervade Wales, 
 which lies in your neighborhood — or than Chester and 
 Durham, surrounded by abundance of representation tha* 
 is actual and palpable ? But, Sir, your ancestors thought 
 this sort of virtual representation, however ample, to be 
 totally insufficient for the freedom of the inhabitants ot 
 territories tliat are so near, and comparatively so inconsid- 
 erable. How then can I think it sufficient for those which 
 are infinitely greater, and infinitely more remote ? 
 
 89. You will now, Sir, perhaps imagine that I am on the 
 point of proposing to you a scheme for a representation of 
 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 
 
 53 
 
 the colonies in Parliament. Perhaps I might be inclined 
 to entertain some such thought ; but a great flood stops me 
 in my course. Opposuit 7iaturaJ — I cannot remove the 
 eternal barriers of the creation. The thing, in that mode, 
 I do not know to be possible. As I meddle with no theory, 
 I do not absolutely assert the impracticability of such a rep- 
 resentation ; but I do not see my way to it, and those who 
 have been more confident have not been more successful, 
 However, the arm of public benevolence is not shortened,'' 
 and there are often several means to the same end. What 
 nature has disjoined in one way, wisdom may unite in an- 
 other. When we cannot give the benefit as we would wish, 
 let us not refuse it altogether. If we can lot give the prin- 
 cipal, let us find a substitute. But how ? Where ? What 
 substitute ? 
 
 90. Fortunately I am not obliged, for the ways and 
 means of this substitute, to tax my own unproductive in- 
 vention. I am not even obliged to go to the rich treasury 
 of the fertile f ramers of imaginary commonwealths ' — not 
 to the Republic of Plato, not to the Utopia of More, not to 
 the Oceana of Harrington. It is before me — it is at my 
 feet, 
 
 " And the rude swain * 
 Treads daily on it with his clouted shoon.*' 
 
 I only wish you to recognize, for the theory, the ancient 
 constitutional policy of this kingdom with regard to repre- 
 sentation, as that policy has been declared in Acts of Parlia* 
 ment ; and as to the practice, to return to that mode which 
 
 * Opposuit natura = nature has opposed. Juvenal, X. 152. 
 2 arm is not shortened. An allusion to Isaiah lix. 1. 
 
 ' imaginary common-wealths ; three works of fiction, de- 
 scribing a state of society, laws, morals, government, altogether 
 perfect and harmonious. 
 
 * and the rude s^jwain ; a quotation from Milton's Comus^ 
 lines 634, 63r», "and the dull swain treads on it daily with his 
 '•Iputed shoon," 
 
54 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 a uniform experience has marked out to you as best, and in 
 which you walked with security, advantage, and honor, 
 until the year 1763. 
 
 91. My Resolutions therefore mean to establish the equity 
 [I. thk ^^^ justice of a taxation of America by grant^ 
 CoNCKsl ^^^ "®* ^y i'niposition ; ^ to mark the legal corth- 
 sioN. petency of the colony Assemblies for the support 
 of their government in peace, and for public aids in time 
 of war ; to acknowledge that this legal competency has 
 had a dutiful and beneficial exercise ; and that experience 
 has shown the benefit of their grants, and the futility of 
 Parliamentary taxation as a method of supply. 
 
 92. These solid truths compose six fundamental proposi- 
 tions. There are three more Resolutions corollary to these. 
 If you admit the first set, you can hardly reject the others. 
 But if you admit the first, I shall be far from solicitous 
 whether you accept or refuse the last. I think these six 
 massive pillars will be of strength sufficient to support the 
 temple of British concord. I have no more doubt than I 
 entertain of my existence that, if you admitted these, you 
 would command an immediate peace, and, with but tolera- 
 ble future management, a lasting obedience* in America. 
 1 am not arrogant in this confident assurance. The propo- 
 sitions are all mere matters of fact, and if they are such 
 facts as draw irresistible conclusions even in the stating, this 
 i» the power of truth, and not any management of mine. 
 
 93. Sir, I shall open the whole plan to you, together with 
 such observations on the motions as may tend to illustrate 
 ihem where they may want explanation. 
 
 ' by grant, i. e., by the grant of the colonial Assemblies 
 themselves. 
 
 * by imposition, i. e., by means of a tax imposed on them 
 by Parliament. 
 
 3 lasting obedience. Observe how frequently throughout 
 the Speech the author impresses the idea of the importance of a 
 lasting obedience, a permanent peace. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 56 
 
 94. The first is a Resolution : 
 
 ••That the Colonies and Plantations of Great Britain in North 
 America, consisting of fourteen separate Governments, and 
 containing two millions and upwards of free inhabitants, 
 have net had the liberty and privilege of electing and send- 
 ing any Knights and Burgesses, or others, to represent tnem 
 in the High Court of Parliament." 
 
 95. This is a plain matter of fact, necessary to be laid 
 4own, and (excepting the description) it is laid down in the 
 language of the Constitution ; it is taken nearly verbatim 
 from Acts of Parliament. 
 
 96. The second is like unto the first — 
 
 '* That the said Colonies and Plantations have been liable to, 
 and bouuden by, several subsidies, payments, rates, and 
 taxes given and granted by Parliament, though the said Col- 
 onies and Plantations have not their Knights and Burgesses 
 in the said High Court of Parliament, of their own election, 
 to represent the condition of their country ; by lack whereof 
 they have been oftentimes touched and grieved by subsidies 
 given, granted, and assented to, in the said court, in a man- 
 ner prejudicial to the commonwealth, quietness, rest, and 
 peace of the subjects inhabiting within the same." 
 
 97. Is this description too hot, or too cold ; too strong, or 
 too weak ? Does it arrogate too much to the supreme legis- 
 lature ? Does it lean too much to the claims of the peo- 
 ple? If it runs into any of these errors, the fault is not 
 mine. It is the language of your own ancient Acts of Par 
 liament. 
 
 " Non meus hie sermo,^ sed quae prfecepit Ofellus, 
 Kusticna, abnormis sapiens." 
 
 It is the genuine produce of the ancient, rustic, manly^ 
 homebred sense of this country. — I did not dare to rub 
 
 1 Non meus hie sermo ; a quotation from Horace, Lib. H 
 Sat. II. 2-3, meaning, " This language is not mine, but that whici 
 Ofellus taught : rustic, but wise beyond what is usual." 
 
66 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 'M \ 
 
 off a particle of the venerable rust that rather adorns and 
 preserves, tlian destroys, the metal. It would be a profa- 
 nation to touch with a tool the stones which construct the 
 sacred altar of peace. I would not violate with modern 
 polish the ingenuous and noble roughness of these truly 
 Constitutional materials. Above all things, I was resolved 
 not to be guilty of tampering, the odious vice of restless and 
 unstable minds. I put my foot in the tracks of our fore- 
 fathers, where I can m ither wander nor stumble. Deter- 
 mining to fix articles of peace, I was resolved not to be 
 wise beyond what was written ; ^ I was resolved to use 
 nothing else than the form of sound words, to let others 
 abound in their own sense, and carefully to abstain from 
 all expressions of my own. What the law has said, I say. 
 In all things else I am silent. I have no organ but for her 
 words. This, if it be not ingenious, I am sure is safe. 
 
 98. There are indeed words expressive of grievance in 
 this second Resolution, which those who are resolved always 
 to be in the right will deny to contain matter of fact, as 
 applied to the present case, although Parliament thought 
 them true with regard to the counties of Chester and Dur- 
 ham. They will deny that the Americans were ever 
 *' touched and grieved " with the taxes. If they consider 
 nothing in taxes but their weight as pecuniary impositions, 
 tliere might be some pretence for this denial ; but men may 
 be sorely touched and deeply grieved in their privileges, as 
 well as in their purses. Men may lose little in projierty 
 by the act which takes away all their freedom. When a 
 man is robbed of a' trifle on the highway, it is not the two- 
 pence lost that constitutes the capital outrage. This is not 
 confined to privileges. Even ancient indulgences, with- 
 drawn without offence on the part of those who enjoyed 
 such favors, operate as grievances. But were the Ameri- 
 cans then not touched and grieved by the taxes, in some 
 measure, .merely as taxes ? If so, why were they almost 
 
 ' V7hat Tvas written. See 1 Cor. iv. 6. 
 
 ii 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 67 
 
 all either wholly repealed, or exceedingly reduced ? Were 
 they not touched and grieved even hy the regulating duties 
 of the sixth of George the Second ? ^ Else, why were the 
 (hities first reduced to one third in 17(54, and afterwards to 
 a third of that third in tlie year 1766 ? Were they not 
 touched and grieved by the Stamp Act ? I sliall say they 
 were, until that tax is revived. Were they not touched and 
 grieved by the duties of 1767, which were likewise repealed, 
 and which Lord Hillsborough tells you, for the Ministry, 
 were laid contrary to the true principle of commerce ? Is 
 not the assurance given by that noble person to the colonies 
 of a resolution to lay no more taxes on them an admission 
 that taxes would touch and grieve them ? Is not the Reso- 
 lution of the noble lord in the blue ribbon, now standing on 
 your Journals, the strongest of all proofs that Parliamentary 
 subsidies really touched and grieved them ? Else why all 
 these changes, modifications, repeals, assurances, and reso- 
 lutions ? 
 
 99. The next proposition is — 
 
 *' That, from the distance of the said Colonies, and from other 
 circumstances, no method liath hitherto been devised for 
 procuring a representation in ParUament for the said 
 Colonies." 
 
 100. This is an assertion of a fact. I go no further on 
 the paper, though, in my private judgment, a useful repre- 
 sentation is impossible — I am sure it is not desired by 
 them, nor ought it perhaps by us — but I abstain from 
 opinions. 
 
 101. The fourth Resolution is — 
 
 "That each of the said Colonics hath within itself a body, 
 chosen in part, or in the whole, by the freemen, freeholders, 
 or other free inhab-tants thereof, commonly called the Gen-, 
 eral Assembly, or General Court ; with powers legally to 
 raise, levy, and assess, according to the several usage of 
 
 * the Sixth of George the Second, i. e,, the sixth Act. 
 
^. 
 
 
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58 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 such colonies, duties and taxes towards defraying all sorts 
 of public services." 
 
 102. This competence in the colony Assemblies is car- 
 Cain. It is proved by the whole tenor of their Acts of 
 Supply in all the Assemblies, in which the constant style of 
 granting is, " an aid to his Majesty ; " ^ and Acts granting 
 to the crown have regularly for near a century passed the 
 public offices without dispute. Those who have been 
 pleased paradoxically to deny this right, holding that none 
 but the British Parliament can grant to the crown, are 
 wished to look to what is done, not only in the colonies, 
 but in Ireland, in one uniform unbroken cenor every session. 
 Sir, I am surprised that this doctrine should come from 
 8om3 of the law servants of the crown. I say that if the 
 crown could be responsible, his Maiesty — but certainly 
 the Ministers, — and even these law officers themselves 
 through whose hands the Acts passed, biennially in Ireland, 
 or annually in the colonies — are in an habitual course of 
 committing impeachable offences. What habitual offenders 
 have been all Presidents of the Council, all Secretaries 
 of State, all First Lords of Trade, all Attorneys and all 
 Solicitors-General ! However, they are safe, as no one 
 impeaches them ; and there is no ground of charge against 
 them except in their own uriounded theories. 
 
 103. The fifth Resolution is also a resolution of fact — 
 
 " That the said General Assemblies, General Courts, or other 
 bodies legally qualified as aforesaid, have at sundry times 
 freely granted several large subsidies and public aids for 
 his Majesty's service, according to their abilities, when re- 
 quired thereto by letter from one of his Majesty's principal 
 Sfccretaries of State ; and that their right to grant the 
 same, and their cheerfulness and sufficiency in the said 
 
 V 1 aid to his Majesty ; aids were originally grants of money 
 made by tenants to their lords of their own free will, and on 
 particular occasions. They afterwards became real taxes. The 
 word is here used in its original sense. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 69 
 
 grants, have been at sundry times acknowledged hy Parlia- 
 ment." 
 
 104. To say nothing of their great expenses in the Indian 
 f^ars, and not to take their exertion in foreign ones so high 
 as the supplies in the year 1695 — not to go back to their 
 public contributions in the year 1710 — I shall begin to 
 travel only where the Journals give me light, resolving to 
 deal in nothing but fact, authenticated by Parliamentary 
 record, and to build myself wholly on that solid basis. 
 
 105. On the 4th of April, 1748, a Committee of this 
 House came to the following resolution : 
 
 " Resolved : That it is the opinion of this Committee that it is 
 just and reasonable that the several Provinces and Colonies 
 of Massachusetts Bay, New Hampshire, Connecticut, and 
 Rhode Island, be reimbursed the expenses they have been 
 at in taking and securing to the Crown of Great Britain the 
 Island of Cape Breton and its dependencies." 
 
 106. These expenses were immense for such colonies. 
 They were above £200,000 sterling ; money first raised and 
 advanced on their public credit. 
 
 107. On the 28th of January, 1756, a message from the 
 King came to us, to this effect : 
 
 " His Majesty, being sensible of the zeal and vigor with which 
 his faithful subjects of certain Colonies in North America 
 have exerted themselves in defence of his Majesty's just 
 rights and possessions, recommends it to this House to take 
 the same into their consideration, and to enable his Majesty 
 to give them such assistance as may be a proper reward and 
 encouragement." 
 
 108. On the 3d of February, 1756, the House came to a 
 suitable Resolution, expref sed in words nearly the same as 
 those of the message, but with the further addition, that the 
 money then voted was as an encouragement to the colonies 
 to exert themselves with vigor. It will not be necessary to 
 go through all the testimonies which your own records have 
 
60 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 m 
 
 given to the truth of my Resolutions. I will only refer you 
 to the places in the Journals : 
 
 Vol. xxvii. — 16th and 19th May, 1757. 
 
 Vol. xxviii. — June 1st, 1758; April 26th and 30th, 1759; 
 
 March 26th and 31st, and April 28th, 1760 | 
 
 Jan. 9th and 20th, 1761. 
 Vol. xxix. — Jan. 22d and 26th, 1762 ; March 14th and 17th 
 
 1763. 
 
 109. Sir, here is the repeated acknowledgment of Par- 
 liament that the colonies not only gave, but gave to satiety. 
 This nation has formally acknowledged two things : first, 
 that the colonies had gone beyond their abilities, Parlia- 
 ment having thought it necessary to reimburse them ; 
 secondly, that they had acted legally and laudably in their 
 grants of money, and their maintenance of troops, since the 
 compensation is expressly given as reward and encourage- 
 ment. Reward is not bestowed for acts that are unlawful ; 
 and encouragement is not held out to things that deserve 
 reprehension. My Resolution therefore does nothing more 
 than collect into one proposition what is scattered through 
 your Journals. I give you nothing but your own ; and 
 you cannot refuse in the gross v/hat you have so often 
 acknowledged in detail. The admission of this, which 'will 
 be so honorable to them and to you, will, indeed, be mortal 
 to all the miserable stories by which the passions of the 
 misguided people have been engaged in an unhappy system. 
 The people heard, indeed, from the beginning of these 
 disputes, one thing continually dinned in their ears, that 
 reason and justice demanded that the Americans, who paid 
 no taxes, should be compelled to contribute. How did that 
 fact of their paying nothing stand when the taxing sys- 
 tem began ? When Mr. Grenville ^ began to form his 
 system of American revenue, he stated in this House that 
 the colonies were then in debt two millions six hundred 
 
 ^ Mr. Qrenville ; George Grenville, said to be the author of 
 the Stamp Act. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 61 
 
 thousand pounds sterling money, and was of opinion they 
 would discharge that debt in forr years. On this state,^ 
 those untaxed people were actually subject to the payment 
 of taxes to the amount of six hundred and fifty thousand 
 a year. In fact, however, Mr. Grenville was mistaken. 
 The funds given for sinking the debt did not prove quite 
 so ample as both the colonies and he expected. The 
 calculation was too sanguine ; the reduction was not com 
 pleted till some ye«rs after, and at different umes in differ- 
 ent colonies. However, the taxes after the war continued 
 too great to bear any addition, with prudence or propriety ; 
 and when the burthens imposed in consequence of former 
 requisitions were discharged, our tone became too high to 
 resort again to requisition. No colony, since that time, 
 ever has had any requisition whatsoever made to it 
 
 110. We set the sense of the crown, and the sense of 
 Parliament, on the productive nature of a revenue by 
 grant. Now search the same Journals for the produce of 
 the revenue by imposition. Where is it ? Let us know 
 the volume and the ps-ge. What is the gross, what is the 
 net produce ? To what service is it applied ? How have 
 you appropriated its surplus ? What ! Can none of the 
 many skilful index-makers that we are now employing find 
 any trace of it ? — Well, let them and that rest together. 
 But are the Journals, which say nothing of the revenue, as 
 silent on the discontent ? Oh no ! a child may find it. It 
 is the melancholy burthen and blot of every page. 
 
 111. I think, then, I am, from those Journals, justified 
 in the sixth and last Resolution, which is — t 
 
 " That it hath been found by experience that the manner of 
 granting the said supplies and aids, by the said General 
 Assemblies, hath been more agreeable to the said Colonies, 
 and more beneficial and conducive to the public service, 
 than the mode of giving and granting aids in Parliament 
 to be raised and paid in the said Colonies." 
 
 ^ on this state = statement. 
 
i^' 
 
 62 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 I 
 
 OLUSION, 
 
 S 113 to 
 end. 
 
 112. This makes the whole of the fundamental part of 
 the plan. The conclusion is irresistible. You cannot say 
 that you were driven by any necessity io an exercise of 
 the utmost rights of legislature. You cannot assert that 
 you took on yourselves the task of imposing colony taxes 
 from the want of another legal body that is competent to 
 the purpose oi supplying the exigencies of the state with- 
 out wounding the prejudices of the people. Neither is it 
 true that the body so qualified, and having that compe-" 
 tence, had neglected the duty. • 
 
 113. The question now on all this accumulated matter, 
 The Con- is : whether you will choose to abide by a profit- 
 able experience, or a mischievous theory ; whether 
 you choose to build on imagination, or fact ; 
 
 whether you prefer enjoyment, or hope ; satisfaction in your 
 subjects, or discontent ? 
 
 114. If these propositions are accepted, everything which 
 
 has been made to enforce a contrary system must, 
 tioM '°^"' I take it for granted, fall along with it. On that 
 b'*'Buriw ground, I have drawn the following Resolution, 
 
 which, when it comes to be moved, will naturally 
 be divided in a proper manner: r 
 
 ** That it may be proper to repeal an Act made in the seventh 
 year of the reign of his present Majesty, entitled, An Act 
 for granting certain duties in the British Colonies and Plan- 
 tations in America ; for allowing a drawback ^ of the duties 
 of customs npon the exportation from this Kingdom of 
 coffee and cocoa-nuts of the produce of the said Colonies 
 or Plantations ; for discontinuing the drawbacks payable 
 on china earthenware exported to America ; and for more 
 effectually preventing the clandestine running of goods in 
 the said Colonies and Plantations. And that it may be 
 proper to repeal an Act made in the fourteenth year of the 
 reign of his present Majesty, entitled, An Act to disoou- 
 
 * dra^v^backa were sums of money allowed tc a merchant on 
 the re-exportation of goods upon which duties had been paid. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 63 
 
 tinue, in such manner and for such time as are therein 
 mentioned, the landing and discharging, lading or shipping 
 of goods, wares, and merchandise at the town and within 
 the harbor of Boston, in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, 
 in North America. And that it may be proper to repeal an 
 Act made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his present 
 Majesty, intitled, An Act for the impartial administration 
 of justice in the cases of persons questioned for any acts 
 done by them in the execution of the law, or for the sup- 
 pression of riots and tumults, in the Province of Massachu- 
 setts Bay, in New England. And that it may be proper 
 to repeal an Act made in the fourteenth year of the reign 
 of his present Majesty, intitled. An Act for the better 
 regulating of the Government of the Province of the 
 Massachusetts Bay, in New England. And also that it 
 may be proper to explain and amend an Act made in the 
 thirty-fifth year of the reign of King Henry the Eighth, 
 intitled, An Act for the Trial of Treasons committed out of 
 the King's Dominions." 
 
 115. I wish, Sir, to repeal the Boston Port Bill, because 
 —independently of the dangerous precedent of suspending 
 the rights of the subject during the King's pleasure — it 
 was passed, as I apprehend, with less regularity and on 
 more partial principles than it ought. The corporation of 
 Boston was not heard before it was condemned. Other 
 towns, full as guilty as she was, have not had their portp 
 blocked up. Even the Restraining BilP of the present 
 session does not go to the length of the Boston Port Act. 
 The same ideas of prudence which induced you not to 
 extend equal punishment to equal guilt, even when you 
 were punishing, induced me, who mean not to chastise, but 
 to reconcile, to be satisfied with the punishment already 
 partially inflicted. 
 
 116. Ideas of prudence and accommodation to circum- 
 stances prevent you from taking away the charters of Con> 
 
 ^ Restraining Bill. See note on grand penal bill, para- 
 graph 1. 
 
' 
 
 64 
 
 BPMUND BURKE. 
 
 necticut and Rhode Island, as you have taken away that oi 
 Massachusetts Colony, though the crown has far less power 
 in the two former provinces than it enjoyed in the latter, 
 and though the abuses have been full as great, and as 
 flagrant, in the exempted as in the punished. The same 
 reasons of prudence and accommodation have weight with 
 me in restoring the Charter of Massachusetts Bay. Be- 
 sides, Sir, the Act which changes the charter of Massachu- 
 setts is in many particulars so exceptionable that if I did 
 not wish absolutely to repeal, I would by all means desire 
 to alter it, as several of its provisions tend to the subversion 
 of all public and private justice. Such, among others, is 
 the power in the Governor to change the sheriff at his 
 pleasure, and to make a new returning officer for every 
 special cause. It is shameful to behold such a regulation 
 standing among English laws. 
 
 117. The Act for bringing persons accused of commit- 
 ting murder, under the orders of government to England 
 for trial, is but temporary. That Act has calculated the 
 probable duration of our quarrel with the colonies, and is 
 accommodated to that supposed duration. I would hasten 
 the happy moment of reconciliation, and therefore must, on 
 my principle, get rid of that most justly obnoxious Act. 
 
 118. The Act of Henry the Eighth, for the Trial of 
 Treasons, I do not mean to take away, but to confine it to 
 its proper bounds and original intention ; to make it ex- 
 pressly for trial of ti'easons — and the greatest treasons 
 may be committed — in places where the jurisdiction of 
 the crown does not extend. 
 
 119. Haying guarded the privileges of local legislature, 
 I would next secure to the colonies a fair and unbiased 
 judicature, for which purpose, Sir, I propose the following 
 Resolution : 
 
 " That, from the time when the General Assembly or General 
 Court of any Colony or Plantation in North America shall 
 have appointed by Act of Assembly, duly confirmed, a set- 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 65 
 
 tied salary to the offices of the Chief Justice and othei 
 Judges of the Superior Court, it may be proper that the 
 said Chief Justice and other Judges of the Superior Courts 
 of such Colony shall hold his and their office and offices 
 during their good behavior, and shall not be removed there- 
 from but when the said removal sh?ll be adjudged by his 
 Majesty in Council, upon a hearing on complaint from the 
 General Assembly, or on a complaint from the Governor, 
 or Council, or the Kouse of Representatives severally, or 
 of the Colony in which the said Chief Justice and other 
 Judges have exercised the said offices." 
 
 120. The next Resolution relates to the Courts of Ad' 
 miralty.^ It is this : 
 
 " That it may be proper to regulate the Courts of Admiralty 
 or Vice-Admiralty authorized by the fifteenth Chapter of 
 the Fourth of George the Third, in such a manner as to 
 make the same more commodious to those who sue, or are 
 sued, in the said Courts, and to provide for the more decent 
 mainteLance of the Judges in the same." 
 
 121. Theue courts I do not wish to take away ; they 
 are in themselves proper establishments. This court is one 
 of the capital securities of the Act of Navigation. The 
 extent of its jurisdiction, indeed, has been increased, but 
 this is altogether as proper, and is indeed on many ac- 
 counts more eligible, where new powers were wanted, 
 than a court absolutely new. But courts incommodiously 
 situated, in effect, deny justice ; and a court partaking in 
 the fruits of its own condemnation is a robber. The Con- 
 gress complain, and complain justly, of this grievance. 
 
 122. These are the three consequential propositions. I 
 have thought of two or three more, but they come rather 
 too near detail, and to the province of executive govern- 
 ment, which I wish Parliament always to superintend, 
 never to assume. If the first six are granted, congruity 
 wrill carry the latter three. If not, the things that remain 
 
 ^ Admiralty Courts had jurisdiction in maritime cases^ 
 
66 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 unrepealed will be, I hope, rather unseemly incumbrances 
 on the building, than very materially detrimental to its 
 strength and stability. 
 
 123. Here, Sir, I should close ; but I plainly perceive 
 
 some objections remain which I ought, if possible, 
 tionB an- to remove. Tlie first will be that in resorting to 
 
 flwfirod 
 
 the doctrine of our ancestors as contained in the 
 preamble to the Chester Act, I prove too much ; that the 
 grievance from a want of representation, stated in that 
 preamble, goes to the whole of legislation as well as to taxa- 
 tion ; and that the colonies, grounding themselves upon that 
 doctrine, will apply it to all parts of legislative authority. 
 
 124. To this objection, with all possible deference and 
 humility, and wishing as little as any man living to impair 
 the smallest particle of our supreme authority, I answer, 
 that the words are words of Parliament and not mine, 
 and that all false and inconclusive inferences drawn from 
 them are not mine, for I heartily disclaim any such infer- 
 ence. I haye chosen the words of an Act of Parliament 
 which Mr. Grenville, surely a tolerably zealous and very 
 judicious advocate for the sovereignty of Parliament, for- 
 merly moved to have read at your table in confirmation of 
 his tenets. It is true that Lord Chatham considered these 
 preambles as declaring strongly in favor of his opinions. 
 He was a no less powerful advocate for the privileges of 
 the Ame 'leans. Ought I not from hence to presunje that 
 these preambles are as favorable as possible to both, when 
 properly understood ; favorable both to the rights of Par- 
 liament, and to the privilege of the dependencies of this 
 crown ? But, Sir, the object of grievance in my Resolu- 
 tion I have not taken from the Chester, but from the 
 Durham Act, which confines the hardship of want of repre- 
 sentation to the case of subsidies, and which therefore falls 
 in exactly with the case of the colonies. But whether the 
 unrepresented counties were de jure or de facto bound, the 
 preambles do not accurately distinguish, nor indeed was it 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 67 
 
 necessary ; for, whether de jure or de facto, the Legisla- 
 ture thought the exercise of the power of taxing as of 
 right, or as of fact without right, equally a grievance, and 
 equally oppressive. 
 
 126. I do not know that the colonies have, in any gen- 
 eral way, or in any cool hour, gone much beyond the 
 demand of immunity in relation to taxes. It is not fair to 
 judge of the temper or dispositions of any man, or any set 
 of men, when they are composed and at vest, from thei/ 
 conduct or their expressions in a state of disturbance and 
 irritation. It is besides a very great mistake to imagine 
 that mankind follow up practically any speculative prin- 
 ciple, either of government or of freedom, as far as it will 
 go in argument and logical illation. We Englishmen stop 
 very short of the principles upon which we support any 
 given part of our Constitution, or even the whole of it 
 together. I could easily, if I had not already tired you, 
 give you very striking and convincing instances of it. This 
 is nothing but what is natural and proper. All govern- 
 ment, indeed every human benefit and enjoyment, every 
 virtue, and every prudent act, is fr anded on compromise 
 and barter. We balance inconveniences ; we give and 
 take ; we remit some rights, that we may enjoy others ; 
 and we choose rather to be happy citizens than subtle dis- 
 putants. As we must give away some natural liberty to 
 enjoy civil advantages, so we must sacrifice some civil 
 liberties for the advantages to be derived from the com 
 nuinion and fellowship of a great empire. But, in all fair 
 dealings, the thing bought must bear some proportion to 
 the purchase paid. None will barter away the immediate 
 jewel ^ of his soul. Though a great house is apt to make 
 slaves haughty, yet it is purchasing a part of the artificial 
 importance of a great empire too dear to pay for it all es- 
 sential lights and all the intrinsic dignity of human nature. 
 None of us who would not risk his life rather than fall 
 
 1 Immediate je^ tl. See Othello, III. 3, line 156. 
 
68 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 under a government purely arbitrary. But although there 
 are some amongst us who think our Constitution wants 
 many improvements to make it a complete system of lib- 
 erty, perhaps none who are of that opinion would think 
 it right to aim at such improvement by disturbing his coun- 
 try, and risking everything that is dear to him. In every 
 arduous enterprise we consider what we are to lose, as well 
 as what we are to gain ; and the more and better stake of 
 liberty every people possess, the less they will hazard in 
 a vain attempt to make it more. These are the cords of 
 wan} Man acts from adequate motives relative to his 
 interest, and not on metaphysical opeculations. Aristotle, 
 the great master of reasoning, cautions us, and with great 
 weight and propriety, against this s})ecies of delusive geo- 
 metrical accuracy in moral arguments as the most fallacious 
 of all sophistry. 
 
 126. The Americans will have no interest contrary to 
 the grandeur and glory of England, when they are not 
 oppressed by the weight of it ; and they will rather be 
 inclined to respect the acts of a superintending legislature 
 when they see them the acts of that power which is itself 
 the security, not the rival, of their secondary importance. 
 In this assurance my mind most perfectly acquiesces, and 
 I confess I feel not the least alarm from the discontents 
 which are to arise from putting people at their ease, nor do 
 I apprehend the destruction of this empire from giving, by 
 an act of free grace and indulgence, to tw^ millions of my 
 fellow-citizens some share of those rights upon which I have 
 always been taught to value myself. 
 
 127. It is said, indeed, that this power of granting, 
 vested in American assemblies, would dissolve the unity of 
 the empire, which was preserved entire, although Wales, 
 and Chester, and Durham were added to it. Truly, Mr. 
 Speaker, I do not know what this unity means, nor has it 
 ever been heard of, that I know, in the constitutional policy 
 
 ^ cords of man. See Hosea vi. 4. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 69 
 
 i>f this country. The very idea of subordination of parts 
 excludes this notion of simple and undivided unity. Enej- 
 land is the head ; but she is not the head and the members 
 too. Ireland has ever had from the beginning a separate, 
 but not an independent, legislature, which, far from dis- 
 tracting, promoted the union of the whole. Everything 
 was sweetly and harmoniously disposed through both islands 
 for the conservation of English dominion, and the communi- 
 cation of English liberties. I do not see that the same 
 principles might not be carried into twenty islands and with 
 the same good effect. This is my model with regard to 
 America, as far as the internal circumstances of the two 
 countries are the same. I know no other unity of this em- 
 pire than I can draw from its example during these periods, 
 when it seemed to my poor understanding more united than 
 it is now, or than it is likely to be by the present methods. 
 
 128. But since 1 speak of these methods, I recollect, Mr. 
 Speaker, almost too late, that I promised, before „, ^ , , 
 
 ^ , . * \ _ III. Burke's 
 
 I finished, to say something of the proposition of objections 
 the noble lord on the floor, which has been so North's 
 lately received and stands on your Journals. I 
 must be deeply concerned whenever it is my misfortune to 
 continue a difference with the majority of this House ; but 
 as the reasons for that difference ai'e my apology for thus 
 troubling you, suffer me to state them in a very few words. 
 I shall compress them into as small a body as I possibly 
 can, having already debated that matter at large when the 
 question was before the Committee. 
 
 129. First, then, I cannot admit that proposition of a 
 ransom by auction ; because it is a mere project. It is a 
 thing new, unheard of ; supported by no experience ; jus- 
 tified by no analogy ; without example of our ancestors, 
 or root in the Constitution. It is neither regular Parlia- 
 mentary taxation, nor colony grant. Experimentum in 
 corpore vili ^ is a good rule, which will ever make me adverse 
 
 * Experimentum in corpore vili : " The experiment should 
 fje in a worthless body." 
 
70 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 to any trial of experiments on what is certainly the most 
 valuable of all subjects, the peace of tliis empire. 
 
 130. Secondly, it is an experiment which must be fatal 
 in the end to our Constitution. For what is it but a scheme 
 for taxing the colonies in the ante-chamber of tlie noble lord 
 and his successors ? To settle the quotas and proportions 
 in this House is clearly impossible. You, Sir, may flatter 
 yourself you shall sit a state auctioneer, with your hammer 
 in your hand, and knock down to each colony as it bids. 
 But to settle, on the plan laid down by the noble lord, the 
 true proportional payment for four or five and twenty gov- 
 ernments according to the absolute and the relative wealth 
 of each, and according to the British proportion of wealth 
 aiid burthen, is a wild and chimerical notion. This new 
 taxation must therefore come in by the back-door of the 
 Constitution. Each quota must be brought to this House 
 ready formed ; you can neither add nor alter. You must 
 register it. You can do nothing further ; for on what 
 grounds can you deliberate either before or after the propo- 
 sition ? You cannot hear the counsel for all these prov- 
 inces, quarrelling each on its own quantity of payment, 
 and its proportion to others. If you should attempt it, the 
 Committee of Provincial Ways and Means, or by whatever 
 other name it will delight to be called, must swallow up all 
 the time of Parliament. 
 
 131. Thirdly, it does not give satisfaction to the com 
 plaint of the colonies. They complain that they are taxed 
 without their consent ; you answer, that you will fix the 
 sum at which they shall be taxed. Tliat is, you give them 
 the vary grievance for the remedy. You tell them, indeed, 
 that you will leave the mode to themselves. I really beg 
 pardon — it gives me pain to mention it — but you nmst be 
 sensible that you will not perform this part of the compact. 
 For, suppose the colonies were to lay the duties, which 
 furnished their contingent, upon the importation of your 
 manufactures, you know you would never suffer such a tas 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 71 
 
 to be laid. You know, too, that you would not suffer many 
 other modes of taxation ; so that, when you come to explain 
 yourself, it will be found that you will neither leave to 
 themselves the quantum nor the mode, nor indeed anything. 
 The whole is delusion from one end to the othor. 
 
 132. Fourthly, this method of ransom by auction, unless 
 it be universally accepted, will plunge you into great and 
 inextricable difficulties. In what year of our Lord are the 
 proportions of payments to be settled ? To say nothing of 
 the impossibility that colony agents 'ihould have general 
 powers of taxing the colonies at their discretion, consider, I 
 implore you, that the communication by special messages 
 and orders between these agents and their constituents, on 
 each variation of the case, when the parties come to contend 
 together and to dispute on their relative proportions, will be 
 a matter of delay, perplexity, and confusion that never can 
 have an end. „ ,.• .s^^,.:^: ::'..<■: 
 
 133. If all the colonies do not appear ut the outcry, what 
 is the condition of those assemblies who offer, by them- 
 selves or their agents, to tax themselves up to your ideas 
 of their proportion ? The refractory colonies who refuse all 
 composition ^ will reir.ain taxed only to your old impositions, 
 which, however grievous in principle, are trifling as to pro- 
 ducticn. The obedient colonies in this scheme are heavily 
 taxed ; the refractory remain unburdened. What will ycu 
 do ? Will you lay i-ew and heavier taxes by Parliament on 
 the disobedient ? Pray consider in what way you can do iK 
 You are perfectly convinced that, in the way of taxing, you 
 can do nothing but at the ports. Now suppose it is Vir- 
 ginia that refuses to appear at your auction, while Maryland 
 and North Carolina bid handsomely for their ransom, and 
 are taxed to your quota, hovr will you put these colonies on 
 a par ? Will you tax the tobacco of Virginia ? If you do, 
 
 ^ oompositioii. Our word compounding is more familiar. 
 It is an allusion to the practice of agreeing upon a sum to be 
 paid by an insolvent debtor to 8 creditor. 
 
HIM 
 
 72 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 jrou give its death-wound to your English revenue at home, 
 and to one of the very greatest articles of youi' own foreign 
 trade. If you tax the import of that rebellious colony, 
 what do you tax but your own manufactures, or the goods 
 of some other obedient and already well-taxed colony ? 
 Who has said one word on this labyrinth of detail, which 
 bewilders you more and more as you enter into it ? Who 
 has presented, who can present you with a clue to lead you 
 out of it ? I think. Sir, it is impossible that you should not 
 recollect that the colony bounds are so implicated in one 
 another, — you know it by your other experiments in the 
 bill for prohibiting the New England fishery, — that you 
 can lay no possible restraints on almost any of them which 
 may not be presently eluded, if you do not confound the 
 innocent with the guilty, and burthen those whom, upon 
 every principle, you ought to exonerate. He must be 
 grossly ignorant of America who thinks that, without fall- 
 ing into this confusion of all rules of equity and policy, 
 you can restrain any single colony, especially Virginia and 
 Maryland, the central and most important of them all. 
 
 134. Let it also be considered that, either in the present 
 confusion you settle a permanent contingent, which will 
 and must be trifling, and then you have no effectual reve- 
 nue ; or you change the quota at every exigency, and then 
 on every new repartition you will have a new quarrel. 
 
 136. Reflect, besides, that when you have fixed a quota 
 for every colony, you have not provided for prompt and 
 punctual payment. Suppose one, two, five, ten years' 
 arrears. Yoxjl cannot issue a Treasury Extent * against the 
 failing colony. You must make new Boston Port Bills, 
 new restraining laws, new acts for dragging men to Eng- 
 land for trial. You must send out new fleets, new armies. 
 All is to begin again> From this day forward the empire 
 
 ^ Treasury Extent ; a severe kind of execution for debts 
 due the crown, by which the body, land, and goods of the debtoi 
 might be taken. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 73 
 
 is never to know an hour's tranquillity. An intestine fire 
 will be kept alive in the bowels of the colonies, which one 
 time or other must consume this whole empire. I allow 
 indeed that the empire of Germany raises her revenue and 
 her troops by quotas and contingents ; but the revenue of 
 bhe empire, and the army of the empire, is the worst 
 revenue and the worst army in the world. 
 
 136. Instead of a standing revenue, you will therefore 
 have a perpetual quarrel. Indeed, the noble lord who pro- 
 posed this project of a ransom by auction seems himself to 
 be of that opinion. His project was rather designed for 
 breaking the union of the colonies than for establishing a 
 revenue. He confessed he apprehended that his proposal 
 would not be to their taste. I say this scheme of disunion 
 seems to be at the bottom of the project ; for I will not 
 suspect that the noble lord meant nothing but merely to 
 delude the nation by an airy phantom which he never 
 intended to rerlize. But whatever his views may be, as 1 
 propose the peace and union of the colonies as the very 
 foundation of my plan, it cannot accord with one whose 
 foundation is perpetual discord. 
 
 , 137. Compare the two. This I offer to give you is plain 
 and simple. The other full of perplexed and intricate 
 mazes. This is mild ; that ha?sh. This is found by expe- 
 rience effectual for its purposes ; the other is a new project. 
 This is univei'sal ; the other calculated for certain colonies 
 only. This is immediate in its conciliatory operation ; the 
 other remote, contingent, full of hazard. Mine is what 
 becomes the dignity of a ruling people — gratuitous, uncon- 
 ditional, and not held out as a matter of bargain and sale. 
 I have done my duty in proposing it to you. I have indeed 
 tired you by a long discourse ; but this is the misfortune of 
 those to whose influence nothing will be conceded, and who 
 must win every inch of their ground by argument. You 
 have heard me with goodness. May you decide with wis- 
 dom ! For my part, I feel my mind greatly disburthened 
 
¥ 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 by what I have done to-day. I have been the less fearful 
 of trying your patience, because on this subject I mean to 
 spare it altogether in future. I have this comfort, that in 
 every stage of the American affairs I have steadily opposed 
 the measures that have produced the confusion, and may 
 bring on the destruction, of this empire. I now go so far 
 as to risk a proposal of my own. If I cannot give peace to 
 my country, I give it to my conscience. 
 
 138. But what, says the financier, is peace to us without 
 money ? Your plan gives us no revenue. No ! Bat it 
 does ; for it secures to the subject the power of Refusal, 
 the first of all revenues. Experience is a cheat, and fact 
 a liar, if this power in the subject of proportioning his 
 grant, or of not granting at all, has not been found the 
 richest mine of revenue ever discovered by the skill or by 
 the fortune of man. Tt does not indeed vote you 152,750Z. 
 lis. 2|c?., nor any other paltry limited sum ; but it gives 
 the strong box itself, the fund, the bank — from whence 
 only revenues can arise amongst a people sensible of free- 
 dom. Posita luditur area. * Cannot you, in England — 
 cannot you, at this time of day — cannot you, a House of 
 Commons, trust to the principle which has raised so mighty 
 a revenue, and accumulated a debt of near 140,000,000 in 
 this country ? Is this principle to be true in England, and 
 false everywhere else ? Is it not true in Ireland ? Has it 
 not hitherto been true in the colonies ? Why should you 
 presume that, in any country, a body duly constituted for 
 any function will neglect to perform its duty and abdicate 
 its trust ? Such a presumption would go against all gov- 
 ernments in all modes. But, in truth, this dread of penury 
 of supply from a free assembly has no foundation in nature ; 
 for first, observe that, besides the desire which all men have 
 naturally of supporting the honor of their own government, 
 that sense of dignity and that security to property which 
 
 '^ Posita luditur area ; a quotation from Juvenal (Satire I. 
 89-90) : " The chest itself is staked." 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 75 
 
 ever attends freedom has a tendency to increase the stock 
 of the free community. Most may be taken where most is 
 accumulated. And what is the soil or climate where expe- 
 rience has not uniformly proved that the voluntary flow of 
 heaped-up pie \ty, bursting trom the weight of its own rich 
 luxuriance, has ever run with a more copious stream of 
 revenue than could be squeezed from the dry husks of 
 oppressed indigence by the straining of all the politic 
 machinery in the world ? 
 
 139. Next, we know that parties must ever exist in a free 
 country. We know, too, that the emulations of such par- 
 ties — their contradictions, their reciprocal necessities, their 
 hopes, and their fears — must send them all in their turns 
 to him that holds the balance of the State. The parties 
 are the gamesters ; but Government keeps the table, and 
 is sure to be the winner in the end. When this game 
 is played, I really think it is more to be feared that the 
 people will be exhausted, than that government will not be 
 supplied ; whereas, whatever is got by acts of absolute 
 power ill obeyed, because odious, or by contracts ill kept, 
 because constrained, will be narrow, feeble, uncertain, and 
 
 precarious. 
 
 " Ease would retract 1 
 Vows made in pain, as violent and void." 
 
 . 140. I, for one, protest against compounding our de- 
 mands. I declare against compounding, for a poor limited 
 sum, the immense, ever-growing, eternal debt which is due 
 to generous government from protected freedom. And so 
 may I speed in the great object I propose to you, as 1 
 think it would not only be an act of injustice, but would be 
 the worst economy in the world, to compel the colonies to a 
 sum certain, either in the way of ransom or in the way of 
 compulsory compact. 
 
 141. But to clear up my ideas on this subject : a revenue 
 
 * ease ■would retract. Paradise Lost, IV. 96, 97. 
 
 " ease would recant 
 Vows made in pain, as violent and void." 
 
76 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 from America transmitted hither — do not delude your- 
 selves — you never can receive it; no, not a shilling. We 
 have experience that from remote countries it is not to be 
 expected. If, when you attempted to extract revenue from 
 Bengal, you were obliged to return in loan what you had 
 taken in imposition, what can you expect from North 
 America ? For certainly, if ever there was a country 
 qualified to produce wealth, it is India; or an institution fit 
 for the transmission, it is the East India Company. Amer- 
 ica has none of these aptitudes. If America gives you 
 taxable objects on which you lay your duties here, and 
 gives you, at the same time, a surplus by a foreign sale of 
 her commodities to pay the duties on these objects which 
 you tax at home, she has performed her part to the British 
 revenue. But with regard to her own internal establish- 
 ments, she may, I doubt not she will, contribute in mod- 
 eration. I say in moderation, for she ought not to be 
 permitted to exhaust herself. She ought to be reserved to 
 a war, the weight of which, with the enemies that we are 
 most likely to have, must be considerable in her quarter of 
 the globe. There she may serve you, and serve you essen 
 tially. 
 
 142. For that service — for all service, whether of reve- 
 nue, trade, or empire — my trust is in her interest 
 in the British Constitution. My hold of the col- 
 onies is in the close affection which grows from common 
 names, from kindred blood, from similar privileges, and 
 equal protection. These are ties which, though light as air, 
 are as strong as links of iron. Let the colonists always 
 keep the idea of their civil rights associated with youi 
 government, — they will cling and grapple to you, and no 
 force under heaven will be of power to tear them from 
 their allegiance. But let it be once understood that your 
 government may be one thing, and their privileges another, 
 that these two things may exist without any mutual rela- 
 tion, the cement is gone — the cohesion is loosened — and 
 
 IV. The 
 Pororation. 
 
 /^^^ 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 77 
 
 iverything hastens to decay and dissolution. As long as 
 you have the wisdom to keep the sovereign authority of this 
 country as the sanctuary of liberty, the sacred temple con- 
 secrated to our common faith, wherever the chosen race 
 and sons of England worship freedom, they will turn their 
 faces towards you. The more they multiply, the more 
 friends you will have ; the more ardently they love liberty, 
 the more perfect will be their obedience. Slavery they can 
 have anywhere — it is a* weed that grows in every soil. 
 They may have it from Spain ; they may have it from 
 Prussia. But, until you become lost to all feeling of your 
 true interest and your natural dignity, freedom they can 
 have from none but you. This is the commodity of price 
 of which you have the monopoly. This is the true Act of 
 Navigation which binds to you the commerce of the colo- 
 nies, and through them secures to you the wealth of the 
 world. Deny them this participation of freedom, and you 
 break that sole bond which originally made, and must still 
 preserve, the unity of the empire. Do not entertain so 
 «veak an imagination as that your registers and your bonds, 
 your affidavits and your sufferances, your cockets* and 
 your clearances, are what form the great securities of your 
 commerce. Do not dream that your letters of office, and 
 your instructions, and your suspending clauses, are the 
 things that hold together the great contexture of the myste^ 
 rious whole. These things do not make your government. 
 Dead instruments, passive tools a? they are, it is the spirit 
 of the English communion that gives all their life and 
 efficacy to them. It is the spirit of the English Constitu- 
 tion which, infused through the mighty mass, pervades, 
 feeds, unites, invigorates, vivifies every part of the empire, 
 even down to the minut* member. 
 
 1 Cockets , . . clearances. These are terms relating to 
 the routine business of the Custom House. A cocket is a docu- 
 ment certifying that merchandise has been duly entered ; a 
 clearance is a permit for a vessel to ^eave port. 
 
78 
 
 EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 143. Is it not the same virtue which does everything foi 
 us here in England ? Do you imagine, then, that it is the 
 Land Tax Act which raises your revenue ? that it is the 
 annual vote in the Committee of Supply which gives you 
 your army ? or that it is the Mutiny Bill which inspires it 
 with bravery and discipline ? No ! surely no ! It is the 
 love of the people ; it is their attachment to their govern- 
 ment, from the sense of the deep stake they have in such a 
 glorious institution, which gives «you your army and your 
 navy, and infuses into both that liberal ^ obedience without 
 which your army would be a base rabble, and your navy 
 nothing but rotten timber. 
 
 144. All this, I know well enough, will sound wild and 
 chimerical to the profane herd of those vulgar and mechan- 
 ical politicians who have no place among us ; a sort of 
 people who think that nothing exists but what is gross and 
 material, and who, therefore, far from being qualified to be 
 directors of the great movement of empire, are not fit to 
 turn a wheel in the machine. But to men truly initiated 
 and rightly taught, these ruling and master principles 
 which, in the opinion of such men as I have mentioned, 
 have no substantial existence, are in truth everything, and 
 all in all. Magnanimity in politics is not seldom the truest 
 wisdom ; and a great empire and little minds go ill to- 
 gether. If we are conscious of our station, and glow with 
 iceal to fill our places as becomes our station and ourselves, 
 we ought to auspicate all our public proceedings on Amer- 
 ica with the old warning of the church, Sursum corda ! ^ 
 We ought to elevate our minds to the greatness of that 
 trust to which the order of providence has called us. By 
 adverting to the dignity of this high calling our ancestors 
 have turned a savage wilderness into a glorious empire, and 
 have made the most extensive and the only honorable con- 
 
 ^ liberal ; this word is used in its strict etymological sense of 
 frfe, not grudgingly or of compulsion. 
 ' Sursum corda = Lift up your hearts. 
 
CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES. 79 
 
 quests — not by destroying, but by promoting tlie wealth, 
 the number, the happiness, of the human race. Let us get 
 an American revenue as we have got an American empire. 
 English privileges have made it all that it is ; English priv 
 ileges alone will make it all it can be. 
 
 145. In full confidence of this unalterable truth, I now, 
 luod felix faustumque s'lt,^ lay the first stone of the Tempk 
 )f Peace ; and I move you — 
 
 146. " That the Colonies and Plantations of Great Britain ir. 
 
 North America, consisting of fourteen separate gov- 
 ernments, and containing two millions and upwards 
 of free inhabitants, have not had the liberty and 
 privilege of electing and sendir^ any Knights and 
 Burgesses, or others, to represent tuem in the High 
 Court of Parliament." > , ^ 
 
 * auod f eiis^ faustumque ait — - and may it be ha-ppy and 
 (vrtuoate. 
 
. • 
 
 V--".; 
 
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 Arnold's Sohrab and Rustum, etc. Paper, .15 ; linen. .25. 
 Schurz's Abraham Lincoln. Paper, .15. Nos. l,'i.'t. :V2, one vol.. linen, .40. 
 Scott's Lay of the Last Minstrel. Paper, .ai. Aho, in Rolj'c's Simlents' .Series, to 
 
 Tencliern, net, .53. 
 Chaucer's Prologue. Paper. .15 ; linen, .2,5. 
 Chaucer's Thf Knight's Tale, and The Nun's Priest's Tale. Paper, 15. 
 
 Nos. l.'io. 1,'iO, one vol.. linen, .40. New Library Bmiliwi, ..50. 
 Bryant's Iliad. Books I, VI, XXII. and XXI V! Paper, .15 ; Imen. .25. 
 Hawthorne's The Custom House, and Main Street. Paper, .15. 
 Howells's Doorstep Acquaintance, and Other Sketches. Paper, .1,5. 
 Thackeray's Henry Esmond. Linen, .75. 
 Higeincon's Three Outdoor Papers. Paper, .15. 
 Rusklii's Sesame and Lilies. Paper. .15 ; linen. .'25. 
 
 Plutarch's Life of Alexander the Great. North's Translation. Paper, 16. 
 Scudder's The Book of Letrends. Paper, .15 ; linen, 2.5. 
 Hawthorne's The Gentle Boy, etc. Paper, .15 ; Imen, .'2.5. 
 Longfellow's Giles Corey. Paver, .15. 
 Pope's Rape of the Lock, etc. Paper, .15 ; limn, .'25 
 Hawthorne's Marble Faun. Linen, .<»). 
 Shakespeare's Twelfth Night. Paper. .15 : linen. .2.5. 
 Ouida's Dog of Flanders, and The Niirnberg Stove. Paper. J5 ; 
 Swing's Jackanapes, and The Brownies. I'aper, .15 : linen, .2* 
 Martineau's The Peasant and the Prince. I'aper, :,W -. linen, .40 
 Shakespeare's Midsummer Night's Dream. I'ape,-, 15; linen, .25. 
 Shakespeare's Tempest. Paper, .15 ; linen, .'25. 
 Irving's Life of Goldsmith. Paper, .45 ; linen, .50 
 Tennyson's Gareth and Lynette. etc. Paper. .15 ; linen, .25 
 "The Song of Roland. Translated by IsAnei. Buti.kr. Paper. ..Ifl : linen. .40. 
 Malory's Book of Merlin and Book of Sir Balin. Paper. .15 : linen, 25 
 Beowulf. Translated by C. O. Child. Paper, .15 : linen, .25 
 
 Spenser's Faerie Queene. >Book I. Paper, ..30 : linen, .40. \ew Library Rimling, .SO. 
 Dickens's Tale of Two Cities. Paper. ,45 ; linen, ..50. 
 
 Prose and Poetry of Cardinal Newman. Selections. Paper, .30 ; linen, 40 
 Shakespeare's Henry V. Paper. .15 ; linen. .'25. 
 
 -De Quincey's Joan of Arc, and The English Mail-Coach. Paper, .15 ; linen, .25, 
 Scott'p Quentin Durwnrd. Paper, ..50 tlinen, .00. 
 Carlyle's Heroes and Hero-'Worship. Paper, .43i linen, .50. .\ew Library Bind- 
 
 ma, .60. 
 ZionKiellow'a Autobiographioal Poems. Paper, .IS i linen, .'25. 
 Shelley's Poems. Selected. Paper, .45 1 linen, .50. 
 
 linen, .2.1. 
 
4 
 
 tii\}tt^iht literature M>tm^ — continued 
 
 1B9. Lowell's My Garden Acquaintance, etc Pufi'-r. Art. 
 
 170. Lambs JtHsu.VH of Elia. Seltcled. t'liiifi: M ; hifii, AO 
 
 171. ira. ISviiei'aoii's Kpsays. .^electL•(i. In two part.-^, eucli, / if/'f/ , .l.<. No8. 171, 1."'.', 
 
 one vol.. Inn II, .Ml. 
 
 173. Kate Dougl.'vH Wii-'ein's Plae-Raislng. fn/.c;. .I.". ; limn, .'i:, 
 
 174. Kate Doiii^las Wi^'ein's Pinding a Home. I'ni fi: .1 • ; huni, .'<!.'>. 
 17.1. Wliittiei''8 Au'obiotiraphieal Poems. /'«/"-;. .1,") ; ltiiii,,.M. 
 li''i. BurrougtiBH Aloot aud Atlout. J'n/t r, .1.".: Inn n. .V.'i 
 
 177. Bacon's Es^ayH. I'lipi i\ :.'m : luini, ,h(). .\iir Lihimii /liinliiin. .W. 
 
 178. Selection^ i-oiu the VVotkb o< Jolin Hus<tin. /'a/jfi . .i:i;liiitii,.M. Sew Lihn-iij 
 
 liiinhnij. .DIP. 
 17!t. King Arthur Stoi'ies tVom Malory. I'ni'ir, .'iU: Uhku, .H). • ' 
 IM). Palmer's Odys.se.v Ai'iniaul l-Jihiiiin. i.iin n 
 
 1«1, iv.'. 
 
 Goldsmith s Thp Good-Natured Miin, and Slie StoopB to Conquer. 
 
 fiil/ifi-, .1.'. ; 111 ollf vol.. Inn, I, .111. .\ii;- l.iljKi'i/ lii :,:i iini. .Mi 
 
 Eacli, 
 
 ■.h 
 
 , .^||. .\f 
 
 l.iliiunj /^iiidiinj, .Vi 
 
 . .l.'i ; Ititfii. .2.'i. 
 l^"^, one vol., Iiiifii, 
 I nil' II, .'-' 
 
 .\<»' 
 
 /•«- 
 
 AfU' Librai'j 
 
 In two [larts, 
 
 l"". Old finelisli and Seottish Ba, lads. y'li/.. r. ..'ji : 
 
 l^4. Sliakespeare's Kintr Lear I'li/: i . .l."i : ///k k, .a.'). 
 
 \H.'i. iVloorPs'H Abraham Lineoli'. /'n/n r. .\.'i -. Inn n, .■2: 
 
 isti. 1'horec.u's Camping 111 the Maine Woods, /'ii//*-; 
 
 1.S7 l-iu-Kley's Autobiotiraphy. fti', /'iiii'i,.\.',. 
 
 ItJH. Hu.'iley's Essays, .selcctfd. I'lii er, .l.'i. Nos l>-7 
 
 l.ihiuiil Hiiulhni, ..'id. 
 
 1«9. Byron's Chi Ide Harold, Canto I'V, etc. /'nn»'/-, .l." 
 
 1;h». WashinKton'ri Farewell Address, and 'Webster's Bunker Hill Oration. 
 
 //<■;•, .1.") ! illt'll, .'2'i. 
 
 r.il. Second ShepJiord's Flay, Everyman, etc. /'uj>er, .M ; liiun, AO. 
 
 /liiiiliiit;, .60. 
 iy2. Mrs. Gaskell's Cranford Pii/ier, MO; linen. .Hi. 
 I'.i.'!. Williams's .iEneid /.nmi, .7:,. 
 
 1!M. Irving's Braeebridge Hall. J'iii>er. .Vi : liinii. .'-',■). , . ; ' 
 
 I'.ij. Thoreau's Walden. J'n/iei; .1; -. limn, ..")<>. 
 ]!»;. Shcridaix's The ."Rivalb. I'ai" r. .1.". : linen, .'.'.i 
 1117. Parton'3 Captains of Industry. I'liier, .Vt ; hneu,. 2't. 
 Wm, nil. Maoauiay's Essays on Lord Clive and 'Warren Hastings. 
 
 fucli, /Ki/ier, .l."i; in out' vol.. linen. .411. 
 2iMt. HowoUb's The Rise of Silas Lapham. /'.(;.(-/■... .11 -. I nun. .01 
 'Jill. Harris's Little Mr. Thimblertn^er Stories, /''i/-. , , .mi ; /kh-h. .41.. 
 lity. Jewett's The JS!if;ht Before Thanksgiving, A White Heron, and Selected 
 
 Stories. J'n/ier. .1.) ; linen, .'.'."i. 
 'ilUi TheJNibcluneenliod. /,!//(■», .7.1. ,." '.<•;> 
 
 2114. Sheffield's Old Testament Narrative, rinili. .:-,. ■• ^'^ -' 
 
 20.5. Powera'8 A Dickens Header. I'lijn r, ."11 -, Imen, .W. '' ^."''. . ,* ... • 
 
 2iH>. Goethe's PniiHt. I'iirt I. /.men, .T:>. .i .';'. - ' ■ > /.'* 
 
 207. Cooper's The Spy. I'lijier, .Mi \ linen. .rM. '' ■ » • ■.. 
 
 lios Aldriehs Slory ol'a Bad Boy. J.nnui. .:*i. . ■ i i '- ; , '. 
 
 'JOH. 'Warner's Beinp a Boy. l.in- n. .w. 
 
 2111. Kate Dou'ias Wigr in's I'oilv O.iver's I'-.oblem. t.inen. .40. 
 '.'11 Milton's Of Education, etc. I'nrir, A.i : //«.;,, .,"iii. .\'e r l.ihmry Jlinding, .60. 
 2I'J. Shakespeare's Romeo an J Juliet. I'liin , . .\.;; liinn.:i.'i. 
 
 \>y\. Hemingway's Lo Morte Arthur. /'"/"'■, .^io; /"»'•//. .40. ","•, ■ ■ ,,' ■. 
 
 L'l+ Moores'8 Life of Columbus. I'niier. .\:i; Imen, .2:1. ■^' . ■ 1 '• ; 
 
 21.'>. Bret Harte's Tennessee's Partner, tto. /'n/er, .].'>: linen, .■>.'•. . '■ ,' 
 
 'JM. Ralph Roister Doister. J'iii>ei, ,:i»). Sen' Lihniiii iiimliini, .:*i. '"■:"• 
 
 217. Gorbodue. < /n /'leiiintitinli.) 
 
 21^. Selected Lyries from Wordsworth, Keats, and Shelley I'lipei-, .l.l; linen, .2."». 
 'Jill. Selected Lyrics from Dryden, Collins, Gray, Cowper ai.d Lun.s J'ajjer, 
 
 .1.1 i linen, .'2.'i. 
 220. Southern Poon s. P't/ier, .1,5 ; linen, .'J.'t 
 'J2l Macaulay's Speeches on Copyright ; Lincoln's Cooper Union Address. (In 
 
 Piejiaifiliiiii.) 
 
 KATRA Xl/.r/BEKS (.SELECTED LIST) 
 
 f Warriner's The Teaching of English Classics m the Gra s. I'aijer, .13. 
 
 / Thomas's How to Teach Fnplish Classics. I'n/jer, .i.'i. •' 
 
 J Hoibrook's Northland Heroes, /.men. .r/t. - /, 1 
 
 L The Riverside Sone Book. /'(i/>(=, , .■'in ; 6of(*</.<, .40. 
 
 M Lowell's Fable for Critics. I'niier, .\r,. ''"'''•„' :''■ 
 
 P Hoibrook's Hiawritha Primer, /.men, .i(\ '• '- 
 
 r Hoibrook's Boo 'c of Nature Myths. I.iuen, .i'l. 
 
 W Brown's In the D.iys of Giants Linen. ..Ml, 
 
 .V Poems for the Study of Language. /'(»/»/■, .;i(i! //«<'«. .40. Aluo in three parts, each, 
 
 /lO/ier, .1."). 
 CC Selections for Stud,y and Memorizing. For Cradcs I III. J'o/ier, .1.) ; Imen, .25. 
 
 jVEI^y LIBRARY HINDI NC 
 
 lliS-l.'Ki. Chaucer's Prologue, The Knight's Tale, and Tlie Nun's Priest's Tale. 50 
 
 ceiitB. 
 I»i0. Spenser's Faerie O.ueene. Book I. .lOceiitB. 
 imi, Carlyle's Heroes and Hero- Worship, lio cents. 
 17". Bacon's Essa.ys. ineentH. 
 
 178. Selections fi'om the Works of John Ruskin. tJicpiifs. 
 
 1H1-1.S2. Goldsmith's The Good-Natured Man, and She Stoops to Conquer. 50 centg. 
 l."*.'!. Old English and Scottish Ballads. M centH. 
 1K7-18S. Huxley's Autobiography and Selected Essays. 50 cents. 
 l!)l. Second Shepherd's Play, Everyman, etc. fOueuts, 
 i211 Milton's Areopagltica, etc. 60 cents. 
 Kltt. Balph aoister Doiater. WoanU.