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artn&oit |«ss Bnita 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OP 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 GRESWEIL 
 
■■ 
 
 HENRY FROWDE 
 
 Oxford Ui-.ii^ersity Press Warehouse 
 Amen Corner, E.G. 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 BY 
 
 THE REV. WILLIAM PARR GRESWELL, 
 
 M.A. (OXON.), F.R.C.I. 
 
 Late Scholar of Brasenose College 
 
 Sometime Classical Lecturer at the Cape University 
 
 Author of 'A History of South Africa,' a Prize Essay on • Imperial Federation ' 
 
 <5-c„ <5-c., ^c. 
 
 UNDER THE AUSPICES OF 
 
 THE ROYAL COLONIAL INSTITUTE 
 
 AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 1890 
 
 lAll rights reserved'] 
 
Ojcfotb 
 
 PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 
 BV HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 This short study of the History of the Dominion of 
 Canada may be regarded as the first of a series designed 
 to ilhistrate the progress of our three great self-governing 
 groups of Colonies in North America, South Africa, and 
 Australasia. It is intended primarily for educational 
 purposes, and to be put into the hands of the higher 
 classes of public schools ; but it may also be found useful 
 to the general reader. It has been supervised throughout 
 })y members of the Educational Committee of the 
 Council of the Royal Colonial Institute, a public body 
 with a membership of 3564 Fellows, 2259 of whom 
 reside in the Colonies. The Educational Committee 
 consists of the following gentlemen : Sir Henry Barkly, 
 (x.C.M.G., K.C.B., late Governor of Cape Colony ; Mr. 
 F. P. de Labilliere ; Mr. C. Washington Eves, C.M.G. ; 
 Lieut. -General R. W. Lowry, C.B. ; Sir Charles Mills, 
 K.C.M.G., C.B. ; Mr. Peter Redpath ; Dr. Rae, F.R.S., 
 and Sir Frederick Young, K. C.M.G. 
 
 The History of the Dominion provides us with a 
 somewhat wide and diversified study. In its early 
 stages it cannot be understood without a continual 
 reference to the character and general progress of 
 French, Spanish and British colonisation in the South. 
 In fact, up to 1783, the date of the Independence of the 
 thirteen United States, it forms part of the general histoiy 
 
VI 
 
 Preface. 
 
 of the whole North American Continent. What was 
 (lone in the Ohio and Mississippi valleys, and along the 
 whole eastern sea-board from Maine to Florida, in the 
 sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, affected 
 closely the fortunes of the colonists of the valley of tho 
 St. Lawrence. It must be remembered, also, that the 
 line of Continental exploration was pushed southwards to 
 the Gulf of Mexico from advanced mission-posts on tho 
 western lakes, as tho voyages of Joliet, Marquette and 
 de la Salle prove. First westwards by the Ottawa and 
 French River, and then southwards from Green Bay to 
 the sources of the Mississippi, the line of adventurous 
 enterprise was carried from a Canadian base. 
 
 It must also bo borne in mind that in these centuries, 
 and indeed for some period in the nineteenth century, 
 we are dealing with the old and now thoroughly 
 effete Colonial System, the bare outlines of which it 
 requires an effort of the imagination to realise. The 
 introduction of old forms, old ideas and a cumbrous 
 machinery of Government into a new country, perplexes 
 rather than enlightens the student. The bitter contro- 
 versies of Roman Catholics and Protestants are trans- 
 ferred to the New World. The plans and projects of 
 kings, cardinals, adventurers, refugees and illustrious 
 patentees, confuse boundaries, in the days of primitive 
 geographical definitions, and furnish a picturesque rather 
 than an intelligible and straightforward narrative. The 
 Canadian historian has to take into account parallel 
 developments going on in many places at once, from 
 the ice-bound shores of Hudson's Bay to the warmer 
 regions around the Gulf of Mexico. New England was 
 a very definite centre of activity, confined within clear 
 
Preface. 
 
 vu 
 
 geographical limits, and added to the early history of the 
 North American Continent a most characteristic and 
 unmistakeable chapter. This was not the case with 
 New France, which was a geographical term written 
 loosely over many degrees of longitude and latitude, but 
 never meaning a long-sustained enterprise or mission. 
 Had the Protestant Coligny's efforts been strongly 
 ))acked up by the French nation at the end of the 
 .sixteenth century, or had de la Salle's magnificent 
 acquisition of Louisiana been filled up with some 
 thousands of Huguenot refugees from old France at the 
 end of the seventeenth century, the history of the North 
 American Continent might have read very differently. 
 But these Protestants of France were compelled by the 
 force of circumstances to build up prosperity for other 
 nations, to the detriment of France. 
 
 The French Court, although subject to occasional fits 
 of enthusiasm, often lapsed into carelessness or forgetful- 
 ness. Louis XIV, after having encouraged the colony of 
 de la Salle in Louisiana, neglected it, and suffered it to 
 go to ruin. Champlain, de Frontenac, d'Iberville were 
 all enthusiastic workers in the cause of colonisation, but 
 they were not sufficiently supported, and Montcalm at 
 last was left almost alone to maintain a doomed cause. 
 Moreover, the feudal institutions of Old France trans- 
 planted to the valley of the St. Lawrence were destined 
 to fail. Freeholds were nearly impossible under the 
 Seigneurs, and arbitrary restrictions and mandates of 
 a paternal Government, combined with the demoralising 
 feudal custom, checked the chivalry of New France, and 
 called into existence the roving Coureurs des Bois, who 
 were trading adventurers rather than hona fide colonists. 
 
Vlll 
 
 Preface. 
 
 New England filled up far more rapidly than New 
 France, and the test of population was always against the 
 French, generation after generation. Little by little 
 France's dream of Transatlantic Empire faded away. 
 
 After 1783 it might have been supposed that the 
 llistoiy of Canada would be simplified when the History 
 of North America parts into two distinct channels. 
 But such is not the case. The continual quarrels of the 
 French and British colonists north of the intornutional 
 boundary, sometimes on questions of race and sometimes 
 on religion, obscure the narrative and interfere with the 
 plain course of material progress. The settlement of 
 the United Empire Loyalists in Ontario complicated the 
 pages of histoiy, whilst it created a Province. Two 
 nationalities were facing one another, and Lord Durham 
 observed in his Report (1838) that their antagonism was 
 bitter, strong and thoroughly uncompromising. The Pax 
 Britannica has settled down long ago upon French and 
 English, Roman Catholics and Protestants, and the 
 countiy, since the Confederation Bill of 1867, seems to 
 have entered upon a long untroubled era of prosperity ; 
 but this end was not gained without much delay and 
 many misunderstandings. Even now we seem to hear 
 the echoes of the old strife. For many years it was the 
 policy of the Home Government to act upon the prin- 
 ciple of Divide et impcra, and to keep the Canadian settle- 
 ments as distinct as possible from one another, fearing 
 rather than favouring the idea of political union. Traces 
 of this policy were discernible. Lord Durham remarks, 
 up to 1 81 7. 
 
 Moreover, to attain to a complete knowledge of 
 Canadian History, it seems almost necessary to follow 
 
Preface. 
 
 IX 
 
 seriafhn the natural development of the River, Maritime 
 and I^rairio Provinces, not forgetting the annals of the 
 Hudson's Bay Territories and Newfoundland. In tlie 
 following work, necessarily veiy brief and compendious, 
 such a minute survey is impossible. I have been unable 
 to devote as much space as they deserve to Nova 
 Scotia and New Brunswick, both of which Provinces 
 have a character and political history of their own. The 
 gallant efforts of British sailors to solve the fascinating 
 problem of the north-west passage— a tale throughout of 
 thrilling heroism, lasting from the days of Cabot and 
 Frobisher to the present time — have only been glanced 
 at in a cursory way. 
 
 The general history of Canada is not without its 
 doubtful points and disputed interpretations. Mr. 
 Kingsford, the latest Canadian historian, vindicates the 
 character of the usually maligned General Braddock, and 
 assigns to Champlain, the founder of New France, a still 
 higher position than that usually given him. He poses 
 as the eulogist of the latter and the apologist of the 
 former. In answer to the knotty question who first 
 saw and described the Rocky Mountains, Mr. Kingsford 
 is inclined to let the honour rest w^ith the American 
 explorers Clarke and Lewis (1803). Mr. Bryce, the 
 historian of Manitoba, claims the distinction for the 
 Verendryes (1742-3). The materials of early Canadian 
 History are found chiefly in Champlain's own account 
 of his voyages, and, after him, in the Jesuit relations. 
 The Fathers also were the earliest cartographists of the 
 country. Father Hennepin (1680) is regarded as an 
 untrustworthy witness, but Charlevoix (1720) has left 
 behind him some valuable sketches of colonial life in 
 
X Preface. 
 
 his letters to the Duchesse de les Diguiferes ; and Peter 
 Kalm, the Swedish traveller and naturalist, throws a 
 useful side-light upon the state of Oar.ada in 1749-50. 
 I have quoted largely from the Centenary Edition of 
 Bancroft's History of he United States. The venerable 
 author, who for forty years has had the opportunity of 
 correcting and revising his own work, still has, I be- 
 lieve, the privilege of a seat in the Senate, a living 
 personification of the spirit of North American History. 
 I have also drawn largely upon Macmullen's History of 
 Canada (Brockville, 1868) for an account of the Consti- 
 tution, and upon the picturesque pages of Parkman for a 
 description especially of the Indians. 
 
 As far as space has permitted, I have dealt carefully 
 with the various steps by which the fullest political liberty 
 was won by the Canadian colonists. The Union Bill of 
 1 840-1 dates the era of Colonial Emancipation, and is 
 of interest to all colonists. Then, and not before, the 
 logical sequel of the gift of Representative Government 
 to the Colonies was acknowledged. Permanent and 
 irremoveable Executive Councils were proved to be an 
 anomaly and obstruction in a country governed theoreti- 
 cally by the popular vote. The fact has been brought 
 home to myself after a residence of several years in 
 a self-governing Colony, that the sense of a common 
 political Pinfranchisement and the achievement of a 
 common political ideal under the Crown of England 
 must always constitute a very strong and important link 
 between all British colonists. Common institutions 
 promote as much sympathy between the branches of 
 our race as a common language. 
 
 The Dominion of Canada must naturally be regarded 
 
Preface. 
 
 XI 
 
 as an advanced and fully developed type of colonial life. 
 From the Constitutional point of view it may serve as a 
 great example and precedent for other communities, the 
 problem of Federalism under the Constitutional Monarchy 
 of Great Britain being there so successfully solved. My 
 standpoint, therefore, is not simply that of the Canadian 
 colonist, but that of one who regards British North 
 America as one of the most notable portions of a vast 
 Colonial Empire, between all parts of which knowledge 
 and sympathy should exist. Reciprocity of knowledge 
 between England and her self-governing Colonies, and 
 also between the groups themselves, must be a prelude 
 to any other kind of closer union that may be contem- 
 plated. I have done my best in these pages to promote 
 such knowledge among the generation who will feel 
 its importance for themselves. In conclusion, I must 
 express my thanks to Dr. Rae for his help and advice on 
 the subject of Arctic exploration and the geography of 
 the Polar Seas, to Lieut.-General Lowry and to Mr. Peter 
 Redpath for many valuable suggestions, and to Mr. J. S. 
 O'Halloran, the Secretary of the Royal Colonial Institute, 
 for his general supervision and kind assistance. The Pro- 
 ceedings of the Royal Colonial Institute, representing as 
 they do the opinions and ideas of residents in the Colonies 
 expressed in the most public manner in London, and 
 criticised freely by open discussions at the readings of the 
 various papers, have proved a mine of wealth. The con- 
 tents also of the valuable library of the Institute have 
 been fully placed at my disposal by the Council, and 
 every facility for reference has been given me by Mr. 
 J. R. Boose, the Librarian. The maps, eleven in number, 
 which accompany this History, are compiled from the best 
 
xu 
 
 Preface. 
 
 authorities, and in many instances are of a special 
 character. In addition, a geographical and descriptive 
 Hand-book dealing with the Provinces separately will be 
 shortly issued with seven maps, so that the whole work 
 on the Dominion will be illustrated altogether with 
 eighteen maps. I have to express my thanks to the 
 gentlemen of the High Commissioner's Office in London 
 for the general assistance they have given me ; also to 
 Mr. Justice Pinsent for his notes and suggestions on the 
 History and Geography of the Island of Newfoundland, 
 a colony which, although politically distinct from the 
 Dominion of Canada, is nevertheless so closely connected 
 with it historically and otherwise that it cannot be 
 treated as a separate study. 
 
 WILLIAM GRESWELL. 
 
 DODINGTON : 
 
 January 27, 1890. 
 
LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES 
 QUOTED AND REFERRED TO. 
 
 -♦-♦- 
 
 i. 
 
 3- 
 4- 
 
 5- 
 
 8. 
 9- 
 
 10. 
 
 II. 
 
 12. 
 
 13- 
 
 14. 
 
 15- 
 16. 
 
 17- 
 
 18, 
 
 The History of Canada, from its first discovery to the present 
 
 time. By John Macmullen. Brockville, 1868. 
 Bancroft's History of the United States of America. Centenary 
 
 Edition. Boston, 1879. 
 Voyage du Pere Marquette, 1681. 
 Travels into North America. By Peter Kahn, 1770. 
 A History of the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus. 
 
 By Washington Irving, 1828. 
 Edwards' Life of Sir Walter Raleigh. Macmillan, 1868. 
 The Geography of Hudson's Bay, from the remarks of Captain 
 
 Coates, between the years 172 7-1 751. 
 A journey from Hudson's Bay to the North Ocean in 1769-177.'. 
 
 By Samuel Hearne. 
 Voyages through the Continent of North America. By 
 
 Alexander Mackenzie, 1801. 
 A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean, 1 790-1 ';;;>5. 
 
 By Captain George Vancouver, 3 vols., 1798. 
 Heniy Hudson the Navigator. Documents published by the 
 
 Hakluyt Society, i860. 
 A Narrative of a Voyage performed by Captain Cook and Captain 
 
 Clerke in 1 776-1 780. 
 Narrative of a Journey to the shores of the Polar Sea in iSiy - 
 
 1822. By John Franklin, Captain R.N. 
 Lord Durham's Report. London, 1839. 
 The Quarterly Review, Nos. 121, 156, 217, 249, 263. 
 Colonial Policy and History. By the Right Hon. Sir C. B. 
 
 Adderley, 1869. 
 The Canadian Dominion. By Charles Marshall. Longmans, 
 
 1871. 
 The Colonial Policy of Lord John Russell's Administration. 
 
 By Earl Grey. Bantley, 1853. 
 
XIV 
 
 List of Authorities. 
 
 Parkman's Historical Works. 8vo. 1878-9 and 1884. 
 
 The Proceedings of the Royal Colonial Institute. 
 
 Professor Seeley's Expansion of England, 1883. 
 
 An Official Hand-book of Information relating to the Dominion 
 of Canada. Published by the Government of Canada (De- 
 partment of Agriculture), October, 1888. 
 
 The Colonial Office List. 
 
 Silver's Hand-book to Canada. 
 
 General Sketch of the Province of Quebec. By the Hon, 
 Honore Mercier, Premier of the Colony. Quebec, 1889. 
 
 26. The History of Canada. By William Kingsford, vols, i-iii. 
 
 Trubner and Co., 1886. 
 
 27. Lectures on Colonisation and the Colonies. By Herman Meri- 
 
 vale, 1 861. 
 
 19 
 20 
 21 
 22. 
 
 23 
 24 
 
ANALYSIS OF CONTENTS. 
 
 — — M 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 British Colonisation. Its Methods and Results. 
 
 I'ARAGRAPH PAGE 
 
 (i) The three groups of self-governing Colonies in North 
 
 America, South Africa, and Australasia . . . i 
 
 (2) England's vantage-ground 2 
 
 (3) British colonisation contrasted with Portuguese. . 3 
 
 (4) Spanish . 4 
 
 (5) Dutch 5 
 
 (6) French 6 
 
 (7) German . 7 
 
 (8) The Victorian epoch of colonial expansion . . . 7 
 
 (9) British methods essentially different from Roman . 8 
 
 (10) From Greek. England an oceanic not a thalassic 
 
 power 8 
 
 (11) The independence of Greek settlements ... 9 
 (^12) England on the highway between two Continents; 
 
 London taking the place of Corinth, Venice, and 
 Byzantium 10 
 
 (13) The daring vigour of England's explorers, such as 
 
 Franklin, Cook, Bass, Flinders, Livingstone and 
 many others . . 11 
 
 (14) The British Empire a Pax Britannica. Bishop 
 
 Berkeley's Transatlantic ideal . . . . .13 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 The Awakening of Europe (i 200-1500 a.d.). 
 
 (1) The Norsemen in North America . . . . 
 
 (2) The voyages of Beorn, Leif and Thorwald . 
 
 (3) The silence of history for 400 years . . . . 
 
 16 
 
XVI 
 
 Analysis of Contents. 
 
 Tho prosperity of Venice 
 
 PARAGRAPH 
 
 (4) The era of Byzantine art. 
 
 and Genoa 
 
 (5) The riches of the East. Voyages of Carpini, Ruys 
 
 broeck, Nicolas a ad Mafifeo Polo. Marco Polo 
 
 (6) Invention of the compass ..... 
 
 (7) Influences of the age upon Columbus . 
 
 (8) Rumours of land in the Atlantic .... 
 
 (9) Voyages of the Portuguese and Spaniards down the 
 
 west coast of Africa. Diaz. Vasoo di Gama . 
 (10) Columbus at San Salvador, 1492 . 
 
 PAOK 
 
 16 
 
 17 
 18 
 
 19 
 
 20 
 20 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Cabots and Bristol (1497). 
 
 (i) John and Sebastian Cabot. The Charter of Henry VII 2 1 
 
 (2) Religious aspect of early discoveries. The fervent 
 
 piety of Columbus 22 
 
 (3) The fabled land of Cipango 23 
 
 (4) Discovery of Labrador and Newfoundland by Cabot 
 
 (1497) 23 
 
 (5) The landfall of Cabot 24 
 
 (6) Henry Vir , second Charter, 1498 .... 25 
 
 (7) Purchas and Sir William Monson on the exploits of 
 
 Cabot . . . . . . . . .21; 
 
 (8) The English navy in the reigns of Heniy VII and 
 
 Henry VIII 26 
 
 (9) Robert Thorre's expedition in search of a North- West 
 
 Passage. William Hawkins. Ho re. Rut . . 27 
 
 (10) Sir John Hawkins, Sir Francis Drake . . .28 
 
 (11) Newfoundland Fisheries. The Code of the Fishing 
 
 Admiral 30 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Jacques Caktier and French Exploration. 
 
 (i) First voyage of Jacques Cartier. The peninsula of 
 
 Gaspe . -30 
 
 (2) His second voyage. Stadacona. Hochelaga . . 31 
 
 (3) His third voyage. Sieur de Roberval and the Vice- 
 
 royalty of Canada 31 
 
Analysis of Contents. 
 
 xvii 
 
 PAOK 
 
 I'AKAORAPH 
 
 (4) English apathy in the St. Lawrence "Valley accounted 
 
 for 32 
 
 (5) The attraction of the North-West Passage. Sir M. 
 
 Frobisher 33 
 
 (6) Sir Walter Raleigh's Virginian settlements. . . 34 
 
 (7) The Protestant colony of Coligny in Florida de- 
 
 stroyed by Spain (1564) 36 
 
 (8) The progress of Spain in the South. Cortes and 
 
 Pizarro ......... 37 
 
 (9) Spanish explorers and geographers. Juan Ponce de 
 
 Leon, ' "13 ; Francisco Fernandez, 15 17 ; Francisco 
 de Garay, 1519 ; Stephen Gomez, Cabeza de Vacca, 
 
 1536; Ferdinand de Soto 3S 
 
 (10) The character of the natives in North and South 
 
 America . 40 
 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 The Native Races. 
 
 (i) Origin of the term Indian 
 
 (2) Division of the North American Indians, (a) Eskimo 
 
 (b) Algonkins ; (c) Iroquois ; {d) Mobilian groups 
 
 (3) Migration of the Eskimo tribes . 
 
 (4) Rink's classification ..... 
 
 (5) The Beothuks of Newfoundland . 
 
 (6) The Tribal system of the Indians 
 
 (7) How they differ from the Kaffirs of South Africa 
 
 (8) The distribution of the Algonkin tribes 
 
 (9) The Hurons or Wyandots .... 
 
 (10) The Iroquois or Five Nations 
 
 (11) Conquests of the Iroquois .... 
 
 (12) Contrasted with Peruvians, Mexicans. 
 
 (13) Description of the life of an Ojibwa native by Park- 
 
 man . . . 
 
 (14) The Indians of the Peninsula of Florida. The con- 
 
 federacies (a) of Salouriana; (6)Thimagoa; (c) King 
 Panaroo 
 
 40 
 
 41 
 41 
 
 42 
 
 4.^ 
 
 44 
 46 
 
 47 
 4S 
 48 
 50 
 .50 
 
XVlll 
 
 Analysis of ContenU. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 Champlain and the Rule of the Hundred Associates. 
 
 PARAGRAPH PAOK 
 
 (i) The commission of the Marquis de la Roche. Its 
 
 failure ......... 53 
 
 (2) Expedition of Chauvin and Pontgrave, 1600 . . 54 
 
 (3) Samuel Champlain, the father of French colonisation 54 
 
 (4) De Monts the Protestant colonist . . . .55 
 
 (5) De Monts' Patent and the Acadian Stctlement . 55 
 
 (6) The founding of Quebec by Champlain, 1608 . . 56 
 
 (7) Champlain and the Prince of Conde . . . -57 
 
 (8) Discovery of Lakes Champlain and George. The Al- 
 
 gonkin alliance . . . . . . -57 
 
 (9) Champlain explores the river Ottawa, Lake Nipissing, 
 
 French River, Lakes Huron and St. Clair, 16 16 . 58 
 
 (10) Slow progress of French colonisation . . . • 59 
 (li) Cardinal Richelieu. Extent of New France. The 
 
 Hundred Associates 59 
 
 (i 2) Misfortunes of New France. Death of Champlain . 60 
 
 (13) Character and aims of Champlain . . . . 61 
 
 (14) The Jesuits and the Huron Mission . . . .61 
 
 (15) Sufferings of the missionaries. Brebeuf, Lallemand, 
 
 Jogues 62 
 
 (16) Successors of Champlain. Ailleboust, de Lauson, 
 
 M. de Argenson, M. de Avaugour . . . .63 
 
 (17) Peaceful proposals, of English to French colonists, 
 
 1660 64 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 New France and New England. 
 
 (i) New France from 1535 to 1635 
 
 (2) The English Settlements on the coast .... 
 
 (3) Character of English colonisation in North America. 
 
 Sir Humphrey Gilbert's Charter, June, 1578 . 
 
 (4) The Raleigh Charter, 1584. Roanoke Charter of 
 
 James I, 1606 
 
 (5) The second and third Virginian Charters . 
 
 (6) The self-government of the Virginian colonies . 
 
 65 
 66 
 
 66 
 
 68 
 69 
 
 TO 
 
Burk 
 
 Analysis of Contents. 
 
 PARAGRAPH 
 
 (7) The Calvert Patent 
 
 (8) Tlie Pilgrim Fathers, 1620. Their Compact 
 
 (9) Character of the Colony of New Plymouth . 
 
 (10) New England an asylum for illustrious political 
 
 refugees ....... 
 
 (11) Influx of immigrants. Remarks of Edmund 
 
 and Adam Smith ..... 
 
 (12) The inherent weakness of French colonisation 
 
 (13) Wars at home between Protestants and Roman 
 
 Catholics ....... 
 
 (14) The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, 1689 
 
 (15) The Puritanism of New England a help to the mother 
 
 country ........ 
 
 (16) England and Holland. Victories of Admiral Blake 
 
 (17) The continuity of England's Colonial policy, and the 
 
 two great forces (a) of the Reformation, (6) the 
 attraction of the New World 
 
 XIX 
 
 PAGK 
 70 
 
 71 
 
 n 
 
 74 
 
 7.'^ 
 
 75 
 76 
 
 76 
 
 78 
 
 78 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 France and the Mississippi (i 663-1 688). 
 
 (i) France under the new rule. The policy of Jean 
 
 Baptiste Talon ........ 79 
 
 (2) The Order of the Jesuits ...... 80 
 
 (3) Their learning and zeal 81 
 
 (4) Fathers Claude Allouez, Dablon, M.'.rquette . . 82 
 
 (5) Explorations down the Mississippi oy Marquette . 82 
 
 (6) Discoveries along the Wisconsin, Missouri, Wabash . 83 
 
 (7) De la Salle. Expedition down the Mississippi. Tonti 
 
 Louis Hennepin. Louisiana claimed for Louis XIV 83 
 
 (8) Character of La Salle 84 
 
 (9) English colonisation a true occupation of territory . 85 
 
 (10) High-minded Patentees. Lord Baltimore. William 
 
 Penn 85 
 
 (11) The peaceful message of 'the Quaker King,' 1682 . 86 
 
 (12) French colonists sometimes thwarted by parties at 
 
 home 86 
 
 (13) The Great Trading Companies. The Mississippi 
 
 Company. The Hamburgh, Russia, Eastland, 
 Turkey or Levant Companies 87 
 
 b2 
 
XX 
 
 Analysis of Contents. 
 
 ••ARAORAPH PAGE 
 
 (14) The South Sea, East India, Hudson's Bay Companies. 
 
 The Dutch and French Companies .... 88 
 
 (15) Power and privileges of these great Companies. 
 
 Verdict of Adam Smith .88 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Border Feuds between English and French 
 
 (1690-1713). 
 
 (i) The French outposts at Frontenac, Mackinaw, and 
 on the Illinois. Their weakness. Massacre at 
 Montreal 91 
 
 (2) The test of population. England's twelve Colonies . 91 
 
 (3) The Governorship of Frontenac. Massacre of Sche- 
 
 nectady 92 
 
 (4'! The raids of de Rouville 93 
 
 (5) The Congress at Rhode Island. Determination of 
 
 the colonists to conquer Canada. French successes 93 
 
 (6) Power of Frontenac and extent of French influences . 94 
 
 (7) The murderous attack on Haverhill, a village near the 
 
 Merrimac 95 
 
 (8) Exasperation of the English colonists. Border ven- 
 
 detta . .96 
 
 (9) The expedition of Hovenden Walker. Its failure. 
 
 Treaty of Utrecht and cession of Nova Scotia, New- 
 foundland and Hudson's Bay Territory, 1 71 3. . 96 
 
 (10) Hudson's Bay Territory. Its geography. Voyages of 
 
 Frobisher and Davis 97 
 
 (11) Hudson, Button, Hall, Baffin, James, Gillam. The 
 
 North-West Passage . . . . . .98 
 
 (12) Claims of French and Portuguese to Hudson's Bay 
 
 Territory 100 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Newfoundland and Nova Scotia. 
 
 ( I ) Review of Newfoundland history. Lord Bacon's verdict 
 on the Fisheries. Description by Captain Richard 
 Whitbourne loi 
 
Analysis of Contents. xxi 
 
 TARAORAPH PAOfc 
 
 (2) Tho strategic importance of the Island . . . lo^ 
 
 (3) The Avalon Peninsula and the Calvert Settlement . 103 
 
 (4) The unsettled government of the Island till 1728 , 104 
 
 (5) Rivalry of French and English fishermen . . .106 
 {6) Nova Scotia. Its climate and natural advantages 106 
 
 (7) The orchards and pastures of Acadia . . . .108 
 
 (8) Founding of Port Royal, 1605 ..... 109 
 
 (9) The policy of de Monts and Poutrincourt . . .110 
 
 (10) Sir William Alexander's Charter, 1621, and the 
 
 Knights Baronets of Nova Scotia. The I? troces- 
 sion of 1632 no 
 
 (11) Cromwell's policy. Nova Scotia retaken . . .111 
 
 (12) Treaty of Breda, 1667. Nova Scotia given back to 
 
 France . . . . . . . . .112 
 
 ( 1 3) Final conquest by England and surrender of Subercase, 
 
 1710 112 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 Events between 17 13-1758. 
 
 (1) The question of boundaries between English and 
 
 French 114 
 
 (2) The French policy to keep the English colonists behind 
 
 the Alleghanies, and ' to seize every Englishman in 
 
 the Ohio Valley ' 115 
 
 (3) Capture of Louisburg, * the Dunkirk of North America,' 
 
 174.S i>5 
 
 (4) D'Anville's Expedition. Its failure . . . .116 
 
 (5) The struggle for the outposts. Activity of George 
 
 Washington. The line of Forts . . . • 1 1 7 
 
 (6) Braddock's Field, 1755 118 
 
 (7) Foundation of Halifax, 1749 119 
 
 (8) Of Dartmouth, 1750 ; of Lunenburg, 1753 . . .119 
 
 (9) Expulsion of Acadian farmers, 1755. A stern necessity 
 
 of war . . . . . . ' . . . 1 20 
 
 (10) Exploration in the North -West by Verendrye, a French 
 
 oflScer 121 
 
 (11) Discovery of Lake Winnipeg (Ouinipigon). The 
 
 Assiniboine (St. Charles). The Souris (St. I'ierre) 122 
 
XXll 
 
 Analynis of Contents. 
 
 PARiVnRAPH l-AOK. 
 
 (12) First glimpH(» of the Rocky MountainH. Tho valley of 
 tho Saskatchowan. Tim Athabasca and Peactt Riv«^rH 
 discovered. Fort Chippewyan erected. Further 
 exploration of Hudson's Bay regions by Middleton 123 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Montcalm and Wolfe (i 758-1 763). 
 
 (1) Montcalm's verdict, 'New Franco needs peace' . • 125 
 
 (2) Victory declares itself at first for the French. Failure 
 
 of Lord Loudon and Admiral Holborne in an attack 
 upon Louisburg . . . . . . -125 
 
 (3) Expedition of Amherst. Conquest of Capo Breton 
 
 and Prince Edward Island . . . . .126 
 
 (4) The war around Lake George. Ticonderoga. Fall of 
 
 forts Frontenac and Du Quesne. Braddock's Field 
 revisited . . . . . . . . .126 
 
 (5) The final struggle. Quebec the ' objective ' . .128 
 
 (6) Fall of Niagara 129 
 
 (7) Wolfe's ax'my and fleet. Investment of Quebec 
 
 (8) Wolfe resolves to strike a blow. His well-planned 
 
 surprise. The fight on the Plains of Abraham and 
 death of Wolfe and Montcalm, 1759 
 
 (9) The end of French rule at hand ..... 
 (10) A last attempt to recover Quebec, 1 760 
 
 (n) Treaty of Paris, 1763. England's great gains 
 
 129 
 
 130 
 
 132 
 132 
 
 A 
 
 1 
 
 ? 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 England's Colonial Policy (i 763-1 783). 
 
 (i) The well-founded grievances of American colonists . 134 
 
 (2) The taxes and the tax-gatherers . . . . -135 
 
 (3) Lord Sheffield's opinion on the sole use of colonies. 
 
 The American cry of 'Liberty, Property, and No 
 Stamps!' 135 
 
 (4) Efifect of the Stamp Act upon home industries . .136 
 
 (5) The two poles of opinion in England. Charles 
 
 Townshend and Isaac Barre 136 
 
Analysis of Contents. 
 
 XXlll 
 
 PAOE 
 
 I'ARAnHAPH 
 
 {(>) Tlio dispute hctweon England and Pi-nnsylvania on 
 
 the siihjoct of the military command . . . 138 
 
 1 7) The claim of the Governor of South Carolina to ad- 
 minister oaths . ....... 138 
 
 (8) Too littlo conccdod to the argument for liberty 
 
 gathered from natural surroundings in the Colonies 139 
 
 (9) Edmund Burke's six capital sources of colonial liberty 140 
 
 (10) Difficulty of gauging colonial sentiment always pre- 
 
 sent in England . . . . . . .141 
 
 (11) The argument of military expenditure for defence 
 
 purposes put forward by England . . . . I41 
 
 (12) The counter-argument of a vastly increasing trade 
 
 and commerce. Burke's calcu.' itions . . .142 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 The Development of Canada (i 783-1 809). 
 
 (1) The United Empire Loyalists . . . . .143 
 
 (2) Separation of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick . . 144 
 
 (3) Settlements of the Loyalists in Ontario and growth of 
 
 the two river Provinces, Quebec and Ontario . .145 
 
 (4) Tht Constitutional Act of 1 79 1 147 
 
 (5) Seigneurial Tenure. The habitans . . . .148 
 
 (6) The Clergy Reserves . 149 
 
 (7) The conservatism of the French Canadian population 150 
 
 (8) Sympathy between British Government and French 
 
 Canadians on matters of principle . . . -150 
 
 (9) French colonial policy was secondary to European 
 
 policy 151 
 
 (10) An era of tranquillity and expansion . . . .151 
 
 (11) First steamers on the Hudson River . . . • i.S.^ 
 
 (12) Exploration in the Great North- West. Alexander 
 
 Mackenzie 153 
 
 ( 1 3) His journey to the Polar Sea from Fort Qhippewyan, 
 
 1789 154 
 
 (14) His journey to the Pacific Ocean in 1792 . . . 155 
 
 (15) Voyages along the north-west coasts of America by 
 
 Cook, Clarke, and Vancouver 156 
 
XXIV 
 
 Analysis of Contents. 
 
 ^ 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The War of 1812. 
 
 PARAGRAPH PAOK 
 
 (i) The strange alliance of the United States with Im- 
 perial France. Berlin and Milan decrees . -1.5^ 
 
 (2) Causes of irritation between England and the United 
 
 States 159 
 
 (3) The population of Canada compared with that of the 
 
 United States , . . . . . . • i.'^y 
 
 (4) Declaration of war. Three invasions of Canada . 160 
 
 (5) Successful night attack upon the Americans l)y 
 
 General Vincent . . . . . . .161 
 
 (6) The duel between the Shannon and Chesapeake . 162 
 
 (7) Defeat of the British forces at Moravianstad. Death 
 
 of their Indian ally Tecumseh . . . .16.:^ 
 
 (8) Privateering in the Bay of Fundy. Capture of Wash- 
 
 ington and burning of the Capitol .... 163 
 
 (9) Last scene of the war at New Orleans . . . .164 
 
 (10) Battle of Lundy's Lane. Heroism of Mrs. Secord . 164 
 
 (11) The historian's verdict upon the war. No glory to 
 
 the United States 16^ 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Events from 18 14-1 837. The Papineau Revolt. 
 
 (i) The warlike »nd turbulent feeling of the country 
 
 calmed by peace . . . . . . .167 
 
 (2) Immigration and local improvements. The Lachine 
 
 and Welland Canals. John Young. Samuel Archi- 
 bald. Thomas Haliburton . . . . .167 
 
 (3) Progress of education. Founding of M<=Gill College 
 
 and Dalhousie College, 1821. Origin of Ottawa . 168 
 
 (4) The disastrous Miramichi Fire, 1825 .... 169 
 
 (5) The commercial crisis of 1837. Ability shown by Sir 
 
 Francis Head . . . . . . . . 1 70 
 
 (6) Disloyalty in the St. Lawrence Valley at the time 
 
 of Queen Victoria's accession. Lord Gosford's 
 report . . . . . . . . . J70 
 
 (7) The grievances of the Clergy Reserves . . • 171 
 
Analysis of Contents. 
 
 XXV 
 
 PARAORAPH PAGE 
 
 (8) Sir Francis Head and the thirty-seven Rectories . 172 
 
 (9) The Constitutional difficulty the real stumbling-block 173 
 (jo) Outlines of the Constitutional Act of 1791 . . -173 
 
 (11) The colonists deprived of control over their fiscal 
 
 policy 174 
 
 (12) Complaint against the government of the few . -175 
 V13) The Canadian revolt had no connection directly or 
 
 indirectly with the French Revolution . . .176 
 
 (14) The anomalous position of the French seigneur . .176 
 
 (15) The Rising crushed. Mackenzie and Papineau 
 
 outlawed 178 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Lord Dukham's Eeport. 
 
 (i) Lord Durham's three main suggestions . . .180 
 
 (2) The Union Bill. Its provisions . . . . .181 
 
 (3) Continued friction between the Executive and the 
 
 Assemblies . . . . . . . .182 
 
 (4) The echo of the great Reform Bill, 1832, heard in 
 
 Canada. Lord John Russell's despatch . . .183 
 
 (5) The old Colonial system doomed. Policy of Holland 184 
 
 (6) The lesson taught by the revolt of New England . 1 84 
 
 (7) The Canadian Revolt stirred home sentiment very 
 
 deeply . . . . . . . . .185 
 
 (8) A new era in Canadian history. The first Parliament 
 
 of June, 1841 . . • . . . . .186 
 
 (9) An era of territorial expansion and increased prois- 
 
 perity 186 
 
 (10) The Ashburton Treaty, 1842, defining the Maine 
 
 boundary .187 
 
 (11) Internal improvements. Schools, post-offices, rail- 
 
 ways. Canada at the Exhibition of 185 1 . . 187 
 
 (12) Reciprocity Treaty between Canada and. the United 
 
 States 188 
 
 (13) The Fisheries Convention of 18 18 . . . .189 
 
 (14) First Atlantic cable 190 
 
 (15) Visit of the Prince of Wales, i86d . . . .191 
 
XXVI 
 
 Analysis of Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The Constitutional Question. 
 
 PARAGRAPH PAGE 
 
 (i) Unsettled state of politics between 1841-1867, owing 
 
 to growing political inequalities .... 192 
 
 (2) The various elements in Upper and Lower Canada . 193 
 
 (3) The influence of the tide of immigration upon social 
 
 and political life -194 
 
 (4) The idea of Federalism forwarded by race diversities . 195 
 
 (5) The position of a Governor-General of Canada . . 196 
 
 (6) The type of a successful constitutional Governor was 
 
 developed slowly . . . . . . -197 
 
 (7) Diversities of administration in the British Empire . 197 
 
 (8) The colonial Governors of England a class sui generis . 198 
 
 (9) The Canadian Governors between 1 840-1 850 . '199 
 
 (10) The influence of Lord Sydenham and Canadian 
 
 politics 200 
 
 (11) His predecessors. Sir John Colborne. Sir Francis 
 
 Head 201 
 
 I 
 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 The Constitutional Governors of Canada. 
 
 (i) Lord Sydenham succeeded by Sir Charles Bagot, 1842 ; 
 Lord Metcalfe, 1 843 ; Earl of Cathcart, 1 846 ; Lord 
 Elgin, 1847 
 
 (2) Lord Elgin the most distinguished of these. The 
 
 Constitutional crisis in Nova Scotia, and high- 
 handed proceedings of Sir John Harvey . 
 
 (3) In Lord Elgin's Governorship the Canadians obtain 
 
 control over Civil List, 1847, and Post Office. The 
 Bill of Indemnification 
 
 (4) Final settlement of the Clergy Reserves difficulty 
 
 (5) The Seigneurial Tenure Act ...... 
 
 (6) Lord Elgin succeeded by Sir Edmund Head, 1854 
 
 (7) Formation of the Volunteer Force, 1855. The prin- 
 
 ciple of self-defence laid down by Mr. Gladstone in 
 
 1859 
 
 202 
 
 203 
 
 203 
 204 
 205 
 206 
 
 206 
 
 "1 
 
Analysis of Contents. 
 
 XXVll 
 
 PAGE 
 
 rARAORAPH 
 
 (8) Canadian colonists servo in the Crimean War with 
 
 distinction. Captain Parker, Major Welsford, and 
 General Fenwick Williams 207 
 
 (9) The Legislative Council made elective in 1 856 . . 208 
 
 (10) Ottawa chosen by Queen Victoria as the seat of Govern- 
 
 ment, 1858 208 
 
 (11) Progress of Canada during Sir Edmund Head's term 
 
 of office 208 
 
 (12) Lord Monck succeeds Sir Edmund Head, 1861. His 
 
 constitutional attitude towards Canadian parties . 209 
 (13' He introduces the idea of Confederation of the Pro- 
 vinces in i?^^ . . . . . . . . 209 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Confederation. 
 
 (1) The Charlottetown Convention .... 
 
 (2) The meeting at Quebec, February, 1865. The adop 
 
 tjon of Union resolutions .... 
 
 (3) The delegates in London and the British North 
 
 America Act, July i, 1867 .... 
 
 (4) The two classes of opponents to Confederation . 
 
 (5) Brief outline of the constitution of the Dominion of 
 
 Canada ........ 
 
 (6) The four units of the Government 
 
 (7) The Provincial Governments of Quebec, Ontario, Nova 
 
 Scotia and New Brunswick .... 
 
 (8) The sphere of Federal and Provincial Governments 
 
 (9) Verdicts of Mr. .John Bright and Lord Carnarvon 
 
 (10) Burke's prophetic language in his speech on Con 
 
 ciliation with America. ..... 
 
 (11) Possible development of the Federal system in the 
 
 British Empire ...... 
 
 (12) Retention of the Privy Council in colonial constitu 
 
 tions ........ 
 
 (13) The Dominion Act carried with it power of expansion 
 
 Admission of Manitoba, 1870 ; British Columbia, 
 187 1 ; Prince Edward Island, 1873 
 
 210 
 
 212 
 
 213 
 213 
 
 214 
 214 
 
 215 
 
 215 
 216 
 
 216 
 
 217 
 
 2x8 
 
 219 
 
 |"i 
 
i 
 
 XXVlll 
 
 Analysis of Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Federalism in the United States and South Africa. 
 
 PARAGRAPH PAGK 
 
 (i) The example of United States Federalism of use to 
 
 Canadians . . . . . . . .219 
 
 (2) A defect in the United States constitution . . .220 
 
 (3) Revision of the Canadian constitution rests with the 
 
 Crown ......... 220 
 
 (4) The relation of the States of the Republic and the 
 
 Provinces of the Dominion to the Central Govern- 
 ment 221 
 
 (5) The question of 'States' subsidies .... 222 
 
 (6) The railway bribe . . , . . . .222 
 
 (7) The possible friction between Dominion Legislation 
 
 and Provincial Rights 223 
 
 (8) The British North America Act contrasted with Lord 
 
 Carnarvon's South Africa Act 223 
 
 (9) The Boer ideal of Government opposed to Federalism 225 
 
 (10) The question of religious tolerance in the two coun- 
 
 tries 225 
 
 (11) The Boer dislike of foreigners. Their inaptitude for 
 
 trade and commerce . . . . . .226 
 
 (12) Canadian Confederation hastened by the action of the 
 
 Republic on the South 227 
 
 (13) The sympathy of Canadians with England as a Mari- 
 
 time Power. The English navy a bond of strength 227 
 
 (14) The nativig element in South Africa introduced limi- 
 
 tation on provincial and federal jurisdiction . . 228 
 (is") The anomalous character of the office of High Com- 
 missioner in South Africa . . . . .229 
 
 (16) British immigration to South Africa not to be com- 
 
 pared with that to Canada 229 
 
 (17) The importance of introducing Confederation at the 
 
 right moment . . . . . . . .230 
 
 (18) The whole topic approached differently in the two 
 
 countries. ........ 231 
 
 (19) The Confederation Bill regarded in Africa as an 
 
 exogen 231 
 
 .1 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 it- 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 I 
 
Analysis of Contents. 
 
 XXIX 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 The Great North- West. 
 
 PARAGRAPH 
 
 (i) Prince Rupert's Charter ..... 
 
 (2) The opening up of the vast ' No Man's Land ' 
 
 (3) The trade tariff of the Hudson's Bay Company . 
 
 (4) Lakes and rivers of the Great North-West. The 
 
 Mackenzie Valley ...... 
 
 (5) Three prairie levels and three classes of soil in the 
 
 North-West 
 
 (6) The isolated forts and factories of the country . 
 
 (7) The Hudson's Bay Territory annexed to Canada 
 
 (8) The Company's rights. Their monopoly attacked 
 
 (9) Compensation given. The new Government 
 
 (10) The Selkirk settlement and beginnings of Manitoba, 
 
 Causes of migration from Scotland . 
 
 (11) The hardships of the first colonists 
 
 (12) Devotion of the Highlanders to Lord Selkirk 
 
 (13) A period of Arctic exploration. Captain John Frank 
 
 lin, Doctor Richardson, George Back, 1820 
 
 (14) Exploration from Point Separation to the Coppermine 
 
 River, 1825-7 
 
 (15) Further explorations by Back. 1833-4. Dease and 
 
 Simpson, 1837-9 
 
 (16) By Parry, 1819-23. John Rae, 1846-54 
 
 (17) The revolt of Lepine and Louis Riel. Colonel 
 
 Wolseley's expedition ..... 
 
 ( 1 8) Causes of the Rebellion. Mr. Marshall's verdict 
 
 (19) Two immigrations to the North- West, that of Russian 
 
 and Icelanders ...... 
 
 (20) The Rtiilway Period in the North- West 
 
 {21) Contemplated railway between Lake Winnipeg and 
 Hudson's Bay ........ 
 
 (22) The water-ways of the North-West. Artificial canals 
 
 PAGE 
 232 
 
 233 
 
 235 
 
 236 
 236 
 
 237 
 237 
 237 
 
 238 
 238 
 
 239 
 240 
 
 242 
 
 242 
 243 
 
 244 
 245 
 
 246 
 
 246 
 
 247 
 248 
 
 ¥ 
 
I 
 
 XXX 
 
 Analysis of Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 British Columbia. 
 
 PARAGRAPH PAGE 
 
 (i) The barrier of the Eocky Mountains, Their passes . 249 
 
 (2) Bishop Sillitoe's description of British Columbia. 
 
 Its mineral wealth . . . . . . .250 
 
 (3) The great advantages of the Pacific sea-board. Its 
 
 climate, coast-line ....... 250 
 
 (4) Description of a run from Burrard Inlet. The city of 
 
 Victoria . . . . . . . . -251 
 
 (5) Explorations of George Vancouver. The San Juan 
 
 controversy . . . . . . . -253 
 
 (6) The two separate Governments of Vancouver Island 
 
 and the mainland united in 1866 .... 
 
 (7) The history of British Columbia divided into four 
 
 periods ......... 
 
 (8) Railway Period a fifth Period. Begun in 1870. 
 
 Rapid progress of the work . . . ' . 
 
 (9) The engineering difficulties in British Columbia. The 
 
 famous loops of the railway ..... 
 
 (10) Commercial and strategic advantages of the railway. 
 
 An alternative route to the East .... 
 
 (11) A new world opened up for travellers and sportsmen. 
 
 The Park at Banff 
 
 (12) The mileage of the railway. Its cash subsidies. 
 
 Grants of land ....... 
 
 ( 1 3) A survey of the vast expanse of country the railway 
 
 traverses for 3000 miles ...... 
 
 ( 1 4) The actual and prospective advantages of the Province 
 
 of British Columbia 
 
 2.54 
 
 255 
 
 256 
 
 257 
 
 2.59 
 
 2.59 
 260 
 
 260 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 The Canadian Dominion and the United States. 
 
 (i) The fusion of races in the Canadian Dominion. The 
 
 migration across the international boundary . .261 
 
 (2) The Prairie Provinces, owing to natural and climatic 
 
 causes, the granary of the Continent . . ,262 
 
Analysis of Contents. 
 
 XXXI 
 
 PAGE 
 
 PARAGRAPH 
 
 (3) A comparative table showing the admixture of nation- 
 
 alities 262 
 
 (4) What will be the future of the Dominion ? Three 
 
 courses open to it — («) Absorption into the Re- 
 public on the South ; (b) Independence ; (c) A con- 
 tinued political connection with the mother- 
 country 263 
 
 (5) Causes of friction between the Dominion and the 
 
 United States. The affiiir of the Trent. The Philo 
 Parsons and Island Queen ..... 264 
 
 (6) Stimulating effect of the termination of the Reciprocity 
 
 Treaty upon Canada 265 
 
 (7) The Fenian invasion of 1866 . . . . .266 
 
 (8) The Washington Treaty, 1871. The adjustment of 
 
 four international disputes . . . . .266 
 
 (9) Recapitulation. Chateaubriand's regret. Why the 
 
 history of Canada is interesting . . . .268 
 
 (10) The materialist triumph of the British Empire. 
 
 How it is leavened. The heroes of the race . . 270 
 
 (11) The evangelising spirit of Berkeley. Colonists co- 
 
 partners of the Imperial heritage . . . .272 
 
 (12) John Locke and his Paper Constitution . . . 273 
 
 (13) The stain of convictism. Edmund Burke. A Canadian 
 
 poetess ......... 274 
 
 (14) England's second Colonial Empire. An amphictyonic 
 
 council . . . . . . , .276 
 
 (15) The influence of the submarine cable. Wordsworth's 
 
 Sonnet on ' British Freedom ' . . . -277 
 
LIST OF MAPS. 
 
 II. 
 III. 
 
 IV. 
 V. 
 
 VI. 
 
 VII. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 IX. 
 
 X. 
 
 XI. 
 
 The Highways of Commerce (with distances), 
 
 with wanderings of Marco Polo 
 The track of Vikings, Columbus, and Cabot to 
 
 the New World 
 
 Acadia and Newfoundland, 1534-1745 
 
 The Huron Mission, 1640 
 
 Boundary wars between French and British, 
 
 1740-1763 
 
 Showing also 
 
 (a) Bancroft's classification of native races 
 
 east of the Mississippi. 
 (6) The East Coast Settlements — English, 
 Dutch, Swedish. 
 
 (c) New France and Spanish Florida. 
 
 (d) Part of Louisiana and the Mississippi 
 
 Valley. 
 Nova Scotia, 1755 ) 
 
 r • • • • ■ 
 
 Siege of Quebec, 1759 » 
 The War of 181 2. The Niagara Frontier ) 
 ,, „ Lake Champlain ) 
 
 A Ciroumpolar Map, showing the progress of 
 
 Arctic discovery 
 
 (See pp. 98, 124, 156.) 
 A Railway Map, with distances from Montreal 
 westwards 
 
 PA(!K 
 
 To face 1 1 
 
 56 
 62 
 
 115 
 
 130 
 
 160 
 
 240 
 
 246 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 British Colonisation. — Its Methods and Results. 
 
 I M. 
 
 (i) There are three methods by which a country usually 
 acquires colonial possessions, — by conquest, by cession, 
 and by occupancy. Great Britain acquired the Canadian 
 Dominion by the first method, taking it from the French 
 in 1763; South Africa by the second in 1814, when 
 the Dutch finally ceded it to her; and Australia by 
 the third in 1788, when a batch of English settlers was 
 planted at Port Jackson. These three portions of her 
 Colonial Empire are by far the most interesting, from 
 the fact that they are peopled mainly by Europeans 
 and men of our own kith and kin, governed in the 
 same way, and situated, for the most part, in temperate 
 regions where emigrants can develop to the utmost their 
 energies of mind and body. In each case they form 
 genuine states in political union with Great Britain. 
 They have achieved a distinct life and character of their 
 own, and within a marvellously short period have in- 
 creased greatly in w^ealth and population. Their future 
 should in each case be a grand one, from the physical 
 fact that they possess unlimited room for 'expansion. 
 The Dominion of Canada holds a territory nearly as 
 large as Europe, extending over an area of 3,400,000 
 square miles, with a population of over 5,000,00c. In 
 the North- West Territories the finest wheat-fields in the 
 
 B 
 
II ■■■ m i 
 
 Britwh Colonisation. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 world are to bo found. The South African colonists 
 look to the watershed of the Zambesi as their northern 
 limit, thus including a vast area from 34*^ to 18° south. 
 The Australian colonists claim for themselves the fee 
 simple of the South Pacific, and assign no limit to their 
 legitimate influence. The white population in these 
 three quarters of the globe numbers about 10,000,000 
 souls. These groups are as distinct as possible from the 
 Crown colonies which are governed directly from home, 
 such as Mauritius, Hong KOng, or Ceylon, and also from 
 Natal and Western Australia, which are within a short 
 distance of Aill enfranchisement. In the case of Natal 
 the presence of a large native element and the unsettled 
 aspect of politics in the south-east of Africa liave de- 
 layed the gift of Responsible Government. In Western 
 Australia the paucity of the colonists themselves and the 
 undeveloped condition of a huge territory have induced 
 the Crown to retain its hold over the executive powers'. 
 In course of time the reasons for keeping these two 
 colonies in a state of nonage will have disappeared, and 
 they will be classed with their neighbours as Respon- 
 sible Colonies, with an executive removable at will. 
 Such colonies to a great extent hold their destinies in 
 their own hands. As homes of the great English-speaking 
 race they have preserved the laws, customs, literature, 
 and constitution of the parent countiy. 
 
 (2) Great Britain lost her earliest Colonial Empire in 
 1783, when the American colonies on the eastern sea-board 
 of the Atlantic raised the flag of independence. This 
 empire dated from the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and was 
 founded partly by religious refugees, Puritans or Roman 
 Catholics, and partly by merchant-venturers and persons 
 who obtained patents and charters from the Crown. 
 
 ' A Bill to introduce Responsible Government in this colony is 
 now before the Imperial Parliament. 
 
[Ch. 
 
 lists 
 
 lern 
 
 uth. 
 fee 
 
 their 
 
 these 
 
 D,ooo 
 
 n the 
 
 lome, 
 from 
 
 short 
 
 Natal 
 
 settled 
 
 ve tle- 
 
 estern 
 
 ncl the 
 
 iiduced 
 
 >\vers'. 
 
 je two 
 id, and 
 lespon- 
 
 Lt will. 
 
 lilies in 
 leaking 
 irature, 
 
 Ipire in 
 la-board 
 This 
 iind was 
 I Koman 
 [persons 
 I Crown. 
 
 jcolony is 
 
 I.] 
 
 Its Methods and Residts. 
 
 m 
 
 \ 
 
 When this domain passed out of her power Great Britain 
 set to work to build up a second. The colonisation of 
 Australia began five years (1788), and that of Soutli Africa 
 twelve years (1795) after the date of American inde- 
 pendence. This second empire is before us now, and will 
 repay the closest study and attention. Its whole area 
 is about ten millions of square miles, its population 315 
 millions. It is a complex study, and must be approached 
 in detail. India is a problem in herself, so is Malaya. 
 The Crown colonies, wherever they are situated, present 
 a diversified picture of Crown rule in numerous parts of 
 the globe. But the three great groups of colonies in- 
 cluded under the Canadian Dominion, the Cape Colony, 
 New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, 
 Tasmania, and New Zealand, command our first attention 
 as colonies in the strictest sense of the word. They 
 represent, as Professor Seeley puts it, the ' overflow of 
 the British nation into distant lands.' England, therefore, 
 is in no vain sense the * mother of nations. ' Her insular 
 position has given her unrivalled opportunities for ex- 
 tending her rule, of which she has availed herself to the 
 uttermost. Although part and parcel of the European 
 system, she has been enabled to look on or take part in 
 continental wars without the sense of deadly, imminent 
 risk to her national liberties. She has held a vantage- 
 ground of observation, as it were, and profited by her 
 neighbours' wrangles. When the Mediterranean ceased 
 to be the highway of nations and the paths of the 
 Atlantic were open, England and Holland took a leading 
 position. 
 
 (3) To understand more precisely wdiat British colonisa- 
 tion is, we may contrast it with that of other European 
 nations, such as Spain, Portugal, Holland, and France, who 
 have founded Colonial Empires. As a colonising power 
 Portugal may be said to have long since become effete. 
 
 B 2 
 
British Colonisation. 
 
 [Cir. 
 
 Excepting a few trading and commercial ports, with a 
 nominal suzerainty extending over some area around 
 them, she has no possessions at all. Madeira is a Portu- 
 guese possession lying outside Europe, but the very 
 mention of this beautiful island calls up a picture of 
 a nerveless and languishing colonial life. Portugal's 
 claims to parts of Africa on the Congo (somewhat sum- 
 marily disposed of at the Berlin Conference of 1883), and 
 to the country round Delagoa Bay and along an extended 
 littoral both on the south-east and south-west of Africa, 
 are shadowy and unreal. She has no genuine colonising 
 energy, and her officials sit at the receipt of custom and 
 live on the industry of other nations. Moreover her 
 possessions lie chiefly in tropical and subtropical countries 
 where Europeans cannot thrive. Once she boasted of 
 a magnificent American empire in Brazil, but this was 
 lost to her in 1822. Contrary to general rule, this em- 
 pire long presei"ved the monarchical principle, and was 
 governed by a constitutional sovereign of the house of 
 Braganza. The Portuguese colonial policy was the same 
 as that which prevailed amongst their European neigh- 
 bours, and the fact that the monarchical principle sur- 
 vived was in reality an accident and brought about 
 by affairs in Europe. Brazil became the home of the 
 royal family of Portugal and an integral portion of 
 the * United Kingdom of Portugal, Algarves, and Brazil ' 
 (181 5). The separation between the European and 
 American parts of this united kingdom took place 
 seven years later. In every sense of the word Brazil 
 is a greater Portugal. 
 
 (4) The greatness of Spain as a colonising power has 
 long since passed away. She left ruined cities and broken 
 dynasties in Mexico and Peru during the period of her 
 first conquests. Spain governed South America for the 
 good simply of Spaniards at home. At one time she 
 
 ir 
 
 Mil 
 
I.l 
 
 Its MetliOih and liCsvUt*. 
 
 soomotl to uphold a * Munroe doctrine ' for South America. 
 The whole continent was regarded as an integral i)ortion 
 of the Spanish monarchy, whither it could import all its 
 ciimhrous and stately methods of govcjrnment. i]very 
 iip[)ointnient in South America was filhnl up from Madrid, 
 to the exclusion of colonial - born Spaniards. At the 
 same time the Madrid government raised up a colonial 
 aristocracy which, when it came to the point, and Si)ain 
 was embarrassed by European comi)lications, headed a 
 revolution and created Kepublics. From Upper Peru 
 or Bolivia arose Simon Bolivar, the hero of Spanish 
 colonial emancipation. The example of the United States 
 in throwing off the British yoke in 1780-90 was con- 
 t.igious. For many years, however, the Spanish Colonial 
 Empire remained in chaos and disorder, difiering greatly 
 from the orderly progress of Brazil under constitutional 
 monarchy. Thus the days of the magnificent Spanish 
 viceroyalties, with all their intrigues, nepotism, corrup- 
 tion, and court favouritism, passed away never to return. 
 Spain never learned the art of maintaining free depend- 
 encies. She had no chance of learning her lesson twice 
 as England has learnt it after bitter examples. 
 
 (5) Holland colonised in North and South America and 
 in the Indian Archipelago. Her most valuable possessions 
 at one time were Berbice and Demerara. But in North 
 America the Dutch settlements at Fort Nassau in New 
 Jersey, the Isle of Manhattan, and along the Delaware, 
 were almost immediately swallowed up by the New 
 England colonists. At the beginning of this century 
 she had a strong position at the Cape of Good Hope, 
 but England supplanted her here in 1795. In reality 
 the Cape of Good Hope was governed directly by the 
 Netherlands East India Company, which discouraged 
 genuine colonisation and ruled despotically and by privi- 
 lege. When Englishmen came to the Cape greater local 
 
„^:^ 
 
 Brit Ish Colon i sat Ion. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 freedom and fuller municipal power followed in due time. 
 In the east, and especially in Java, where they have faced 
 a native problem, the Dutch have been more fortunate. 
 The Island Continent of Australia (once called New 
 Holland), New Zealand, and Tasmania (first known as 
 Van Diemen's Land) are proofs of Dutch enterprise in 
 the southern seas, and of their explorations from 1606 
 to 1642. 
 
 (6) At present the two chief colonising powers in 
 Continental Europe are France and Germany, and of the 
 former it has been said that they have colonies but no 
 colonists, and of the latter that they have colonists but 
 no colonies. Since thoy lost their North American pos- 
 sessions the French have ceased to be successful colonists. 
 There is no room or opportunity for a second Acadian 
 life. All that is left them of their magnificent Canadian 
 dominions are two small fishing islands, St. Pierre and 
 Miquelon, off the coast of Newfoundland, where the 
 Breton and Biscayan fishermen salt their cod and recruit 
 their fleets. It is a pitiful remnant of a great trans- 
 atlantic empire which appealed so often to the imagina- 
 tion of such men as Coligny, Eichelieu, and Montcalm. 
 Algeria is at present France's chief colony, but, like 
 Hindostan, it will never be a country adapted for Euro- 
 pean colonisation. There is a curious admixture there of 
 Eastern and Western nationality ; but a Frenchman can 
 never become an Algerine, as British imuigit-jts, when 
 they reach our colonies, become Canadians or Australians. 
 The country has proved a good training-ground for French 
 generals, and militarism flourishes better there than trade, 
 husbandry or agriculture. Colonial life, pure and simple, 
 seems distasteful to the modern Frenchman. Conquest 
 by force of arms is hardly more to his liking, as the 
 expeditions to Madagascar, Tonquin, and the East have 
 lately proved ; for he has failed even here, and the French 
 
[Ch. 
 
 I.l 
 
 Its Methods and Results. 
 
 colonial policy stands at this moment discredited, the 
 mol)ilisation of a colonial army interfering with their 
 military system at home, and resulting in nothing 
 tangible. Their recent plantations of convict settle- 
 ments in the Pacific at New Caledonia and in South 
 America at Cayenne, seem, like some of our own early 
 experiments, to show an inadequate estimate of colonial 
 life. 
 
 (7) The Germans have scarcely come into the field, 
 though within the last few months we have witnessed 
 isolated attempts to build up a German Colonial Empire. 
 There have been annexations on the west coast of Africa 
 (1883-4), and a protectorate along the east (1887-8) ; 
 while in the Pacific Ocean the German flag has been 
 hoisted in New Guinea and the islands on its flank, 
 known originally as New Britain and New Ireland, to 
 the west of the Solomon groups. But of colonies in the 
 true sense of the word Germany has none. The millions 
 of Germans who have emigrated from the Fatherland 
 within the last generation have gone to build up the 
 prosperity of the United States. There is no German 
 colony reproducing under the German flag the laws, 
 manners, customs, and polity of the Fatherland. Prince 
 Bismarck declares that Germany cannot imitate England, 
 and the most the German Government can do is to 
 follow and protect German merchants. 
 
 (8) England, therefore, stands to-day without a rival as 
 a colonising power. With her vast Eastern possessions 
 and the great new centres of British activity at Mel- 
 bourne, Montreal, Sydney, Quebec, Capetown, and scores 
 of other cities rising in wealth and numbers every day, 
 the affairs of the Continent seem far less important than 
 they were in the days of Queen Anne and the Georges. 
 The Victorian epoch is an epoch of colonial expansion, 
 the effects of which upon our national thought and life 
 
 ;!l 
 
British Colonisation. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 are scarcely yet perceived to their full extent. Ancient 
 history furnishes neither precedent nor clue. England 
 has been likened to a greater Carthage or a Venice 
 doomed to sudden decay. But as no empire, commer- 
 cial or other, has ever been built up like our own, we 
 can hardly compare its conditions with any other or 
 guess its fate. We know that it is essentially different 
 from the Phoenician, Greek and Roman polities, and the 
 historian or economist cannot prophesy securely what 
 its future will be. 
 
 (9) It is clear that the Phoenicians and Romans colonised 
 very differently from the Greeks and from ourselves. 
 At a very early date Tyre, Sidon, and Carthage were 
 great exchanges of wealth and the emporia of the world. 
 But they lived on commerce without ' homing off ' and 
 colonising in distant or unoccupied lands and carrying 
 the machinery of the state with them. The power of the 
 Phoenicians seems to have been localised from time to 
 time in some particular region allowing no independence 
 or growth to offshoots. The Romans regarded their 
 colonies principally as military outposts. All along the 
 valley of the Padus and elsewhere, as the tide of conquest 
 rolled on, their hold over Italy was strengthened by 
 legionaries placed as armed garrisons in the subject cities 
 and kept under the discipline and surveillance of superior 
 officers. Such colonial posts broke the strength of Han- 
 nibal and brought about his ultimate defeat in the Car- 
 thaginian wars. The English have occasionally planted 
 military colonies in such places as Kaffraria and along 
 the eastern frontier of the Cape Colony to overawe the 
 Kaffirs ; but our general system of colonisation in motive, 
 origin, and conception has been as different as possible 
 from that of Rome. 
 
 (10) In many ways the British race resembles that of 
 Greece, with this important exception, that it possesses an 
 
I.] 
 
 Its Methods and Residts. 
 
 ' oceanic ' instead of simply a ' tlialassic ' power. The 
 Greeks obtained a supremacy in the Mediterranean, whilst 
 the British fleet boasts that it can sweep the oceans of the 
 world. The influences of language, literature, tradition, 
 games, and customs were very strong amongst the 
 Greeks ; they are equally strong with the British race. 
 The love of out-door exercise and athletic superiority is 
 predominant in both. But the supreme diff'erences 
 appear in the causes which prompt colonisation and 
 in the methods by which it has been carried out. In 
 the first instance, until taught by experience, England 
 governed her colonies and legislated for them simply 
 from an English stand-point, not a colonial. This 
 was the old heresy which lost Spain and Portugal their 
 magnificent possessions, and it was common throughout 
 Europe. The supposition at the bottom of the whole 
 was that no Briton could put off' his citizenship by 
 colonisation. He carried the State with him wherever 
 he went, and was subject to its power and control. He 
 might be compelled to leave his country by the pressure 
 of bitter religious persecution, which no Greek was forced 
 to do, but he was still to be loyal and dutiful to the 
 powers that be. In their darkest and gloomiest hours the 
 Pilgrim Fathers would profess obedience to the British 
 Government, and they expressed it in the covenant they 
 drew up on board the Mayflower before landing in 
 New England. 
 
 (ii) Amongst the Greeks the mother city did not claim 
 to rule her colonies by inherent right. There was no 
 assertion of official authority on the one side nor any 
 feeling of dependency on the other. The colonists 
 treated visitors from the parent state on all imblic occa- 
 sions with an excess of respect : but beyond these feel- 
 ings of affection each state was independent of the other. 
 The colonies regulated their own trade, made peace and 
 
10 
 
 British Colonisation. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 war upon their own responsibility, and gave or withheld 
 assistance to the mother-city in her wars according to 
 their own discretion ; and even sent forth colonies of their 
 own. From Miletus in Asia Minor a large number of 
 colonies were settled along the shores of the Mediterranean. 
 Corinth founded Corcyra, and Corcyra in her turn founded 
 Epidamnus. The Greek colonists would not bear the 
 strain of any formal or obligatory tie. One of the com- 
 plaints against the Athenians brought forward by her allies 
 and dependencies at the time of the Peloponnesian war, 
 was that she forced them to try cases of law at Athens 
 before an Athenian dikastery. The idea of a Supreme 
 Court of Appeal such as we have in our Privy Council 
 and the Americans have in their Supreme Tribunal 
 under the Federal Government, never came home to 
 the Greeks. The Confederacy of Delos was a short-lived 
 effort to unite the Hellenes in a formal way; but it 
 sprang from the sense of a common danger from Persia, 
 and was scarcely a lasting compact agreed to by con- 
 senting states. 
 
 (12) Again, we have colonised on an infinitely greater 
 scale than the Greeks, our geographical position helping 
 us enormously. The British Islands from their position 
 in the rough northern seas are suited to produce a race 
 of sailors, colonists, and explorers. In the first place, 
 their situation with reference to the land-sui*fiice of the 
 globe is a central one. If we take London as the 
 centre of a circle and draw an imaginary circumference 
 with a diameter of 6000 miles, it will be seen that 
 almost every important position in the Eastern and 
 Western hemispheres is included. A journey of 6000 
 miles south from London will bring the traveller to the 
 Cape of Good Hope ; a similar journey westwards, by 
 steamer and railway, brings him to British Columbia and 
 the Pacific slope ; and within the same radius the main 
 

To face Page 11 . 
 
 H'.i. 
 
 60 
 
 Aatarctic 
 
 XII 
 
 Orde 
 
 i 
 
 N 
 
 I 11 I 
 
 R 
 
 !t=JL 
 
 Ttei 
 
 VI VII = 
 
 180 165 150 135 120 lOS 90 75 
 
 HI 
 180 
 
 ilarcoTolo's wandmrrngj t?mj ..v. - i . i. Caray an. Routes Submarine 
 
 SeWgovtnvmg CoLmies colouredi red, . 
 
XofacePaaell. 
 
 THE HIGHWAYS OF 
 
 -with distances , andvmndeii 
 
 180 165 150 135 120 105 90 75 
 
 60 
 
 45 30 Iong.l5We5t.. O lo 
 
 MarcoTolo's yfandjerings ^ulb ..^ im - CaravatLRoutes . 
 SeWQOvermjig Colonins coloured- red. . 
 
 Sulmuirint Cables - 
 
 OocfbrcL Urvwers 
 
GHWAYS OF COMMERCE , 
 
 aiLces , and wanderings of Marco Folo. 
 
 Ii?l. 
 
 30 45 60 75 
 
 90 105 120 135 150 165 100 
 
 n 
 
 30 Long.l&Weat. O longlS Eaat. 30 45 
 
 60 
 
 75 
 
 90 105 120 135 150 
 
 (kEfori. JJiw/ersi^frtai. 
 
I.l 
 
 Its Methods and Results. 
 
 II 
 
 arteries of the Eastern world and the nations of the 
 Mediterranean will be included. With the increased 
 facilities of travel afforded by steam it is an inestimabh^ 
 advantage to have an extensive sea-board, and the value of 
 an insular position is at once apparent. In the general 
 migration of nations from east to west the British Islands 
 stand on the very highway of progress. There can be no 
 better centres for distributing goods and commerce to the 
 various parts oi the world than the marts of our native 
 land. London occupies the same position now that 
 Corinth, Venice, and Byzantium did formerly ; but it has 
 a far nobler outlook. It lies midway, as it were, between 
 east and west ; and the fact that the Czar's functionaries, 
 who govern his eastern provinces in Asia, come through 
 London to reach the North Pacific, is a proof not only of 
 the immensity of the Kussian empire, but also of the 
 wonderful facility of travel afforded from London over 
 open seas to every part of the world. Add to this the 
 fact that our northern climate has produced a race of 
 sailors and adventurers from the days of the Vikings to 
 the present, inured to all the perils of the sea and the 
 rigour of climate ; and we see before us a nation which 
 has in its physical robustness and daring spirit every 
 element of greatness. Their only rivals are found in 
 similar latitudes in the fiords of Norway and on the 
 Biscayan sea-board. It is a well-known fact that the 
 physical constitution of the Teuton is able to endure ex- 
 tremes of climate better than any other race. In the 
 fifteenth century the Spanish and Portuguese led the 
 way, but once upon the track of exploration our sailors 
 were foremost. The perils of the Northern Sea were 
 familiar to them, from the fact that they had. long carried 
 on a traffic with Iceland for fish. 
 
 (13) From the earliest times to the present the his- 
 tory of British exploration and colonisation has been 
 
 I 
 
 I ^ 
 
 Hi 
 
la 
 
 British Colonisation. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 a record of chivalry and heroic stod fastness. Wo have 
 every reason to be proud of the deeds of our forefathers. 
 The type of the manly Achilles and of the nuich-on- 
 during Ulysses has been reproduced again and again in 
 our national annals. The efforts to solve the problem 
 of the North- West Passage tested the skill of our sea- 
 men and the daring vigour of our captains to the utter- 
 most. Many of them, like the gallant Franklin, lost 
 their lives in those distant and ice-bound regions. In 
 the South Pacific the voyages of Cook, Bass, Flinders 
 and Anson read like romances. Yet the main object of 
 such men was not a lust of empire, but a desire to 
 lead the van amongst nations and solve a geographical 
 point of interest to all mankind. And not only by sea 
 but by land the first object of British exploration has 
 l)een to open up the dark places of the world. Men 
 of the type of Livingstone, who lies in Westminster 
 Abbey, are not uncommon. In speaking of the enter- 
 prise of the hardy British stock in New England 
 Burke said (1775), 'Pass by the other parts and look 
 at the manner in which the people of Now England 
 have of late carried on the whale fishery. Whilst we 
 follow them amongst the tumbling mountains of ice, 
 and behold them penetrating into the deepest frozen 
 recesses of Hudson's Bay and Davis' Straits ; whilst we 
 are looking for them beneath the Ai'ctic Circle, we hear 
 that they have pierced into the opposite region of polar 
 cold, that they are at the Antipodes, and engaged 
 under the frozen serpent of the south. The Falkland 
 Islands, which seemed too remote and romantic an 
 object for the grasp of national ambition, are but a 
 stage and resting-place in the progress of their victorious 
 industry. Nor is the equinoctial heat more discourag- 
 ing to them than the accumulated winter of both the 
 poles. We know that whilst some of them draw the 
 
I.] 
 
 Its Methods and Results. 
 
 13 
 
 line iukI strike the liarpoon on the coast of Africa, 
 others run the longitude and ])ursue tlieir gigantic game 
 along the coast of Brazil. No sea but what is vexed 
 by their fisheries ! no climate that is not witness to 
 their toils ! ' 
 
 (14) Broadly speaking the British Empire means a I\u' 
 Britannica, in spite of numerous small campaigns which 
 are, for the most part, surface indications of a settling- 
 down process. For some time past, as our possessions 
 have become assured to us, the sense of moral obliga- 
 tion and responsibility has become quickened and in- 
 tensified, especially since the Emancipation Act, and the 
 dream of such an idealist as Bishop Berkeley has been 
 partly accomplished, who foresaw, long ago, that the 
 savage, whether Carib or Indian, whether a dweller 
 on the Atlantic islands or a rover in the vast forests 
 of the continent, could be taught and instructed in 
 better things, and that this function of teaching ought 
 to rest with Britons. 
 
 ' The Muse, disgusted at an age and clime 
 Barren of every glorious theme, 
 In distant lands now waits a better time, 
 Producing subjects worthy fame : 
 
 Then shall bo sung another golden age, 
 
 The rise of empire and of arts, 
 The good and great inspiring epic rage, 
 
 The wisest heads and noblest hearts. 
 
 Not such as Europe breeds in her decay ; 
 
 Such as she bred when fresh and young, 
 When heavenly flame did animate her clay, 
 
 By future poets shall be sung. 
 
 Westward the course of empire takes its way. 
 
 The four first acts already past ; 
 A fifth shall close the drama with the day, 
 
 Time's noblest offspring is the last.' 
 
 In these lines Bishop Berkeley struck upon a great his- 
 torical truth. The westward movement begun long ago 
 
 
"14 The Aivakening ofE 'rope (i20o-\^oo a.d.). [Ch. 
 
 is still going on in Danacla and the United States. The 
 last stanza of his magnificent lyric is immortalised in a 
 painting on the walls of the Natioi:al Capitol at Wash- 
 ington. The signs of material progress are visible every- 
 where in the New World, both in the great Kepublic 
 and in the great Dominion. 
 
 -»- 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Aiuakening of Euroi^e (1200-1500 a.d). 
 
 (i) The beginnings of the magnificent Canadian Domi- 
 nion—which stretches now from the Atlantic to the 
 Pacific Oceans, from Halifax to Vancouver, for a space of 
 3000 miles across the continent of North America — were 
 laid in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Long 
 ago, at least 500 years before the celebrated expedition of 
 Columbus in 1492, Northmen from Greenland had reached 
 the coast of North America. Being bold and fearless 
 sailors, they had crossed the stormy North Sea from their 
 native fiords and made colonies in Great Britain and Ire- 
 land, whence they sailed to the Faroes and Iceland. When 
 in the ninth century the great feudalising movement had 
 reached Norway, and Harold Harfager was forcing the 
 allodial gentry to do him service, the Vikings broke 
 away in wild freedom. They looked to the sea as a 
 refuge, and in the spirit of true colonists turned their 
 prows to lands where the new laws and organisation 
 were not established. So from their settlements in the 
 
1^ ' I 
 
 I ! i 
 I 
 
 
 : ill 
 
 ■-('" 
 
 
 
 ). 
 
 
 
 : '^H 
 
 * 
 
 
 1 
 
II.] The Aivakeniriff of Europe {j 200-1^00 A.D.). 15 
 
 British Isles they passed further north and settled in the 
 Faroes and Iceland. This was the beginning of the Faroic 
 and Icelandic Commonwealths. The Icelandic Sagas or 
 Stories preserve a picture of the daily lives as well as a 
 record of the adventures of these early colonists. The Sag.as 
 were the product of the age following upon and attending 
 the days of colonisation. They are an interesting part of 
 the native literature of our race, which owes so much of 
 its hardihood and enterprise to the admixture of northern 
 blood. From Iceland the Northmen found their way to 
 West Greenland, and the runic inscriptions discovered in 
 that country and brought to Copenhagen in 1831, con- 
 firmed the truth of the Icelandic writings relating to the 
 early voyages of the Noi'semen. 
 
 (2) The Book of the Settlement of Iceland, compiled 
 by Are the historian in Iceland (c. 1 1 30), records how 
 a reef was discovered north-west of Iceland known as 
 Gunnbeorn's Keef (probably islands or rocks on the East 
 Greenland coast), and how, later, Greenland was dis- 
 covered, and afterwards its west coast settled by Eric 
 the Eed from Iceland (c. 985). This Greenland colony 
 extended from the South Cape of Greenland along the 
 west coast in two long groups of settlements, as far north 
 as latitude 75°. On a western voyage, Beorn, son of a 
 Greenland settler, was driven by a north-east gale far to 
 the west, when he sighted, but did not land on, three 
 New Lands lying a few days' sail from each other and 
 from Greenland (the coast of British North America). 
 Leif the Lucky, son of Eric the Red, followed up this 
 by an expedition to view the New Lands {c. 1030). He 
 named Beorn's New Lands Stone-land, Bush- land, and 
 Wine-land (Labrador, and the country north and south of 
 the St. Lawrence estuary). He landed, built a homestead 
 called Leif's booths, and brought back good report of the 
 country. Several expeditions followed. Thorwald, Leif s 
 
1 6 The Awakening of Europe {1200-1^00 h.T).). [Ch. 
 
 1 r 
 
 I ill 
 
 brother, built a ship there, and laid up the old one on a 
 pr(.montory to which they gave the name of Keelness. 
 Shortly afterwards Thorwald, whilst fighting with the 
 Scraelings [Eskimo], received a wound from which he 
 died. According to Viking fashion he would be buried 
 on a headland looking seawards in the stout Norwegian 
 ship that had carried him thither, and there they may 
 still be lying, the Viking captain and his ship. Should 
 Thorwald's barrow ever be discovered and the ribs of his 
 ancient ship bared to view (as has happened with the 
 Sea-king's ship in Norway), a story of romantic enter- 
 prise and travel will be doubly proven. 
 
 (3) For 400 years, however, there is silence, and not 
 even tradition tells of discovery. We hear that, about 
 1400, the icy barriers round Greenland had increased so 
 much that intercourse by this way to the west was com- 
 pletely cut off. The nations of Europe were looking else- 
 where for war and adventure, and a new generation of 
 Vikings turned their prows southwards. The ' gorgeous 
 East ' with its wealth and opulence entranced the European 
 imagination. European mariners attempted the open 
 waters of the Great Atlantic, not with a view of conquest 
 or colonisation, but from a desire to reach the Indies 
 from the West. For centuries the only means of com- 
 munication between East and West had been the Caravan 
 routes. The terminus of this trade was naturally found 
 in Eastern Europe. 
 
 (4) Silks, muslins, ebony, ivory, oil, palm-wine, gesa- 
 mum, gems such as rubies, sapphires, topazes, amethysts, 
 together with gold and spices and all the countless pro- 
 ducts of the East, reached Constantinople overland. This 
 was the time of Byzantine art, this the era of Byzantine 
 magnificence. The warmth and glow of the East were 
 being filtrated along this channel, as it were, into the 
 veins of the sluggish nations of Europe. The Italian 
 
II.] The Awakening of Euroj)e (1200-1500 a.d.). 17 
 
 republics felt this glow first of all. It was the traffic with 
 the East which made them rich, and gave them the title 
 of the merchants and money-changers of the world. 
 Their geographical position favoured them. The Venetians 
 and Genoese occupied a position, mid-way, as it were, 
 between the two worlds, the old and the new, where they 
 could receive and distribute every kind of ware and 
 faljric. They had stepped into the place of the Phoeni- 
 cians and the Greeks of old, and the magnificent palaces 
 by the canals of Venice show how great their wealth 
 and magnificence once were : — 
 
 * Her palaces are crumbling to the shore, 
 And music meets not always now the ear ; 
 These days are gone — but beauty still is here. 
 
 Little could the prosi^erous merchants of the Italian 
 Republics guess how quickly the turn in their fortunes 
 would come. Not as in the present age, when a now 
 discovery is flashed upon the world almost instanta- 
 neously, the daring deeds of explorers and the tidings of 
 a successful voyage came slowly to the ears of these 
 merchant princes. They scarcely realised that they were 
 falling before they fell. 
 
 (5) A passion for travel and adventure had long been 
 asserting itself, and the eyes of all were bent upon the 
 wonders and riches of the East. In 1245, a Minorite 
 Friar, Carpini, despatched by Pope Innocent IV to the 
 Mongols, was the first Euroijoan to publish a rational 
 account of that nation. He also brought back news 
 of China and of the celebrated Prester John. In 1253 
 another Minorite Friar, Ruysbroeck by name, starting 
 from Acre, reached Karakoram, the residence of the 
 great Khan. He first gave a description of arrack or 
 rice-spirit, and of the yak, and he also proved that the 
 Caspian was an inland sea, and not connected with the 
 Northern Ocean as had been hitherto supposed. In 1254 
 
 c 
 
 ' 3 
 
 i 
 
i8 The Aiuakening of Europe {1200-1^00 A.B.). [Ch. 
 
 Nicolas and MafFeo Polo, Venetians, the father and uncle 
 of Marco Polo, who had establishments at Constantinople 
 and the Crimea, took a journey into Tartary and came to 
 the Court of Kublai Khan. Marco Polo himself was the 
 Herodotus of these ages. He revealed to the western world 
 regions they had never heard of before. He describes 
 China and the towns of Hang-chow and Chincheu, and 
 hears from the sailors of those regions the wonderful de- 
 scription of the great island of Cipango or Japan. Gold 
 was so plentiful there, that the roof of the prince's palace 
 was covered with it. The opulence of this island tempted 
 the rapacity of Kublai Khan, who, with a vast fleet and 
 army, attempted in vain to annex it to his empire. In his 
 wonderful journeyings, the archipelagoes of the Indian 
 Ocean unfolded themselves to Marco — Cochin China with 
 its ebony, Borneo with its spices, Cambodia with its 
 elephants and gold, and the riches of fruitful Java and 
 Sumatra. From Sumatra Marco Polo sailed to the Nicobar 
 and Andaman islands, to Ceylon and the Coromandel 
 coast, and found the commerce of India stretching from 
 the territories of Kublai Khan to the shores of the Persian 
 Gulf and the Ked Sea. 
 
 (6) At last, in the 15th century, there was a general 
 awakening of the western nations. Portugal, Spain and 
 Holland bestirred themselves, and envious of the enor- 
 mous wealth of the Italian Eepublics, strove to take away 
 their monopoly. This could only be done by finding a new 
 way to the East by the open sea, as they could none 
 of them compete with the Italian merchants in the close 
 waters of the Mediterranean. With the revival of learn- 
 ing and the invention of the compass their opportunity 
 came. The knowledge of the magnetic needle certainly 
 came from the East. Marco Polo brought back a know- 
 ledge of it from China in 1290, but probably without 
 practical results : whilst others say that Flavio da Melfi, 
 
II.] The AiuaJcening of Europe (i 200-1500 a.d.). 19 
 
 a Neapolitan, invented it, and hence the Principato 
 (part of the kingdom of Naples) had the compass as its 
 arms. In the hands of the mariners of Europe it became 
 a most potent instrument of discovery. Its trembling 
 finger led men to dare the deeps of ocean in a way they 
 never ventured to do before. 
 
 (7) The art of map-making was in its rudest infancy, 
 and the bounds of the Eastern continent were absolutely 
 unknown in Europe ; but everywhere there was a struggle 
 for greater freedom and more light. The continuous 
 efforts made by the crusaders from 1096 (the date of the 
 first crusade under Walter the Penniless) to 1290 (the 
 time of the last crusade) did not end with personal adven- 
 tures. The struggle with the infidel over the sacred city 
 made the Western nations, Goth, Frank, Swabian, and 
 Saxon, ponder and reflect : and now the mind of Chris- 
 topher Columbus, well constituted to think and act, 
 was stirred with all the wonder and poetry of this 
 age. Born probably in Corsica, he was a citizen of Genoa, 
 and therefore able to learn all that was known of 
 science and geography in those days. His own country- 
 men naturally did not wish him to adventure far afield, 
 as the opening of a western route io the Indies would 
 have destroyed their trade. So Columbus offered his 
 services to Ferdinand and Isabella, king and queen of 
 Aragon and Castile. 
 
 (8) There were not wanting traditions of a western con- 
 tinent even at that time. The Portuguese settlers in the 
 Canaries actually declared they had seen land far down 
 in the west. More than one expedition had set out 
 with solemn ceremony and with the prayers of priests to 
 find it, but none had succeeded. Columbus knew all 
 this, he knew too that the world was round, and that to 
 sail west was to reach India. Although Columbus was 
 set down as a visionary and enthusiast, he was entrusted 
 
 c 2 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 ' 
 
 * UJ 
 
 
 { 
 
 ! ('■■ 
 
 w 
 
 w 
 
20 The Aiuukening of Europe (i2CO-i^co A.D.). [Ch. 
 
 at List with a vessel and crew by the Queen of Castile. 
 But many of his sailors were criminals let loose upon 
 this desperate chance, as it was thought, of saving them- 
 selves ; and when they set sail from the harbour of Palos 
 in Portugal their friends took a sad farewell of them, 
 never expecting to see them again. 
 
 (9) Long voyages had already been made down the 
 African coast, and explorers had reached the tropics after 
 many thousand miles of travel, but land was never left far 
 distant. Little by little the Portuguese and Spaniards 
 had been creeping down the coast of Africa on the 
 western side past Morocco, Senegambia, Liberia, to the 
 Gulf of Guinea and the regions of the tropics, until at 
 last Bartolomeo Diaz, a Portuguese captain, sighted the 
 Cape of Good Hope in i486, and found an open sea 
 before him. Then came Vasco di Gama, who sailed from 
 Lisbon in July 1497, rounded the Cape, reached Natal, 
 and, keeping along the eastern coast, arrived at Melinda, 
 where he found Arab pilots acquainted with the naviga- 
 tion of the eastern seas. With their help he reached 
 Calicut on the Malabar coast, and returned to Lisbon in 
 September 1499, with crews reduced from a total of 160 
 to 55. Such were the risks of explorers in these days, 
 chiefly arising from malaria, scurvy, and bad food. In 
 Mid-Atlantic all was unknown, and the waves and winds 
 were far more terrible there than h he Mediterranean. 
 
 (10) Columbus altogether miscalcui d the earth's size. 
 How greatly he did so may be gather d from the fact, 
 that when he touched first at San Salvador in the Bahamas 
 (October 12, 1492), he thought he had reached India, and 
 those Japanese and Malayan archipelagoes of the far East 
 which Marco Polo had described. Columbus visited Cuba 
 and a few of the neighbouring islands and sailed back to 
 Europe. To the Spaniards the returning discoverer 
 seemed as one risen from the dead, and a most enthu- 
 
 iMil! 
 
III.] 
 
 The Cahots and Bristol (1497), 
 
 21 
 
 siastic reception was given to him by the queen and 
 nation. 
 
 The spell was broken, and mariner after mariner 
 followed Columbus' track westward. True it is, that the 
 key to the East and the wealth of the Indies was not 
 found on these Atlantic voyages. But the wealth of 
 u new world lay at the feet of the old. Spaniards, 
 Portuguese, Dutch, French and English all rushed to 
 have a share in the new discoveries beyond the Atlantic. 
 
 In 1497, while Vasco, Camoens' hero, was rounding the 
 Cape, the mainland of North America was discovered, 
 and thus that memorable date saw two great geographical 
 secrets solved. To the south Africa could be circum- 
 navigated, and India reached by sea, and to the west it 
 was now known that a vast Continent, not a mere shadowy 
 Atlantis, lay across the track of sailors. But could the 
 East Indies be reached by the north-west ? This was 
 still a secret locked away in the snowy north. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Cahots and Bristol (1497). 
 
 (i) Amongst the numerous adventurers who were fired 
 by the example of Columbus were the two Cabots — John 
 and Sebastian. Their family, named in its native form 
 Gabato, came from Venice, but, crossing over to England, 
 settled at Bristol, at that time a most enterprising sea- 
 port. John Cabot, being a skilled geographer and a keen 
 merchant, possibly instigated explorations from Iceland 
 
 W 
 
22 
 
 The Cahots and Bristol (1497). 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 further to the west, following along the line of the Scan- 
 dinavian advonturers who, as already stated, had sighted 
 Labrador and the great American Continent many years 
 before. John Cabot got a charter from Henry VII con- 
 ferring privileges upon himself and his three sons — Lewis, 
 Sebastian, and Sanctus. His object and purpose are 
 thus quaintly described by an Italian — Raimondo di 
 Soncino — writing to the Duke of Milan on the sub- 
 ject. He says : ' The Englishmen, Cabot's partners, say 
 that they can bring so many fish that this kingdom 
 will have no more business with Islanda [Iceland], 
 and that from this country there will be a very great 
 trade in the fish which they call stock-fish. But John 
 Cabot has his thoughts directed to a greater undertaking, 
 for he thinks of going, after this place is occupied, along 
 the coast further towards the east, until he is opposite the 
 island called Cipango, situate in the equinoctial regions, 
 where he believes all the spices of the world grow, and 
 where there are also gems. And in the spring he says 
 that his Majesty will arm some ships, and will give him 
 all the convicts, so that he may go to this country and 
 plant a colony there, and in this way he hopes to make 
 London a greater place for spices than Alexandria. And 
 the principals of this business are citizens of Bristol, 
 grea , mariners, who now know where to go. They say 
 that the voyage will not take more than fifteen days, if 
 fortune favour them, after leaving Ibernia [Ireland]. And 
 I believe some poor Italian friars will go on the voyage, 
 who have the promise of being bishops. And I, being 
 a friend of the admiral, if I wished to go, could have an 
 archbishopric. ' 
 
 (2) All these early expeditions had a religious aspect. 
 It will be remembered that Columbus, when he found the 
 New World, looked upon the natives as heathen who would 
 be converted and become believers in Christianity, and so 
 
III.] 
 
 The Cahots and Bristol (1497). 
 
 ^3 
 
 extend the power of the Church all over the world. The 
 love of gold and wealth was certainly not the only- 
 motive in the enthusiastic breast of Columbus. After 
 winning the New World and converting it to the true 
 faith, his ambition was to use all its resources for the 
 deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre. If Columbus could 
 find this region of Cipango, he thought that the Spanish 
 sovereigns would be able to undertake another Crusade. 
 To use his own words : ' For so I protested to your 
 Highnesses [Ferdinand and Isabella] that all the gain of 
 this my enterprise should be spent in the conquest of 
 Jerusalem, and your Highnesses smiled, and said that 
 it pleased you, and that without this you were well dis- 
 posed to the undertaking.' 
 
 (3) The land of Cipango [Japan], to which allusion 
 has been made, exercised a wonderful fascination upon 
 the minds of all geographers and explorers. Here the 
 wealth of the East lay, according to report, in the greatest 
 profusion ; the palaces of the princes were as richly 
 furnished as Solomon's temple ; here was the Eldorado 
 and treasure-house of the world. Now when Columbus 
 had discovered Hispaniola, the natives told him of a 
 region further away which they called Cibao, the 
 cacique or ruler of which had banners of wrought gold. 
 This Cibao Columbus thought must be Cipango, and the 
 cacique the magnificent prince described by Marco Polo. 
 The great Pacific Ocean and the enormous continent of 
 America were never known to Columbus. Nor was the 
 Pacific discovered and its size ascertained until many 
 mariners, following in the track of Magelhaens (Novem- 
 ber, 1520), burst into these seas by the portals of the 
 stormy south, and explored the Pacific from end to end. 
 
 (4) But John Cabot was not destined to discover this 
 golden region of Cipango ; he was destined (at least so 
 tradition has it) to chance upon an island which, although 
 
34 
 
 The Cahots and Bristol (1497). 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 cradlt'd in rough storms and surrounded by a stern 
 and gloomy sea, was yet to be a treasure-house of 
 inexhaustible wealth. Coasting along the shores of 
 Labrador, John Cabot came to Newfoundland. Baca- 
 laos, or the land of codfish, was the name once given to 
 Newfoundland generally, and oven to parts of Labrador. 
 Here fisheries were discovered infinitely richer than those 
 of Iceland ; here was a new world of trade and enterprise 
 opened up to the sailors of Great Britain, which has lasted 
 from the date of the Cabots' discoveries up to the present 
 day. The annual value of the Canadian Fisheries is 
 enhanced every year by new methods of fishing. A gold 
 or diamond mine may be exhausted, but the harvest of 
 the sea goes on and is renewed every year. Such was the 
 substantial Eldorado which John Cabot and the Bristol ad- 
 venturers chanced upon. With them also rests the honour 
 of first seeing the American continent \ Columbus' 
 explorations were in the Caribbean seas, and amongst the 
 lovely sub-tropical regions of the south. An old writer 
 has thus described Newfoundland : * The new land of 
 Bacalaos (a name still preserved in Bacalhao Island in 
 Notre Dame Bay) is a cold region whose inhabitants are 
 idolatrous, and pray to the sun and moon and divers 
 idols. They are white people, very rustical, for they eat 
 flesh and fish and all other things raw. Sometimes, 
 also, they eat man's flesh. The apparel of both men and 
 women is made of bears' skins, although they have sable 
 and martens. Some of them go naked in summer, and 
 wear apparel only in winter.' 
 
 (5) On the subject of the exact point of land seen first by 
 'Cabot, there have been many controversies. Some say 
 that Cape Bonavista, in Newfoundland, was first seen by 
 
 ^ It may be noticed here that, according to some, Sebastian, the 
 son of Sir John Gabota, whose portrait was painted by Holbein as 
 ' inventor terrae novae,' was in command. 
 
III.] 
 
 The Cabots and Br idol (1497). 
 
 25 
 
 him, and was originally called Prima Vista ; that the 
 harbour of St. John's, lat. 47° 33', long. 52*^ 45' W, the 
 capital of Newfoundland, was entered l)y him on his 
 patron's day, June 25, 1497. Some again maintain that 
 the northern point of the Island of Cape Breton was his 
 land-fall, and that Prince Edward's Island — once known 
 as the Island of St. John — in the Gulf of the St. Law- 
 rence, was so named by him. Others maintain, perhaps 
 with more show of reason, that Cabot steered a north and 
 west course from Bristol, as the Bristolian sailors were 
 in the habit of doing, and continued until he sighted 
 land on the coast of Labrador, about latitude 56^ N. In 
 old maps there appeared a small island named St. John's, 
 opposite Cape St. Mark, and here the explorer probably 
 unfolded the royal banner of England. 
 
 (6) Upon his return to England John Cabot got a 
 second charter from Henry VII in 1498, giving him 
 authority to trade and colonise. On a second expedition 
 Cabot got as far as Hudson's Straits, where he was turned 
 back by the huge floes of ice which come down every 
 year from the frozen Arctic regions, and cause the 
 terrible fogs off the banks of Newfoundland. In Henry 
 Vlllth's reign, John's son, Sebastian, procured a royal 
 charter, and with Sir Thomas Pert again attempted the 
 north-west passage to India by Hudson's Straits. 
 
 (7) Cabot returned to Spain, and served there for many 
 years, but in the end came back to England, where he be- 
 came the governor of a company of merchant-adventurers, 
 and receiving a pension from the Crown, died at a ripe 
 old age. The place of his burial is unknown. His name 
 should have been handed down in Labrador and Newfound- 
 land, but it has only recently been given to a barren group 
 of islands on the east coast of Newfoundland. Purchas, 
 who has done so much for historians during this era, goes 
 so far as to say that America should not have been so 
 
 1-Pi 
 
 ; 
 
26 
 
 The Cahots and Bristol (1497). 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 called from Americus Vesputius, but rather ' Cabotiana ' or 
 ' Sebastiana,' from the discoveries of John and Sebastian 
 Cabot. Sir William Monson has paid a tribute of praise 
 to the name of Cabot. He writes : * To come to the 
 particulars of augmentation of our trade, of our plan- 
 tations, and our discoveries, because every man shall 
 have his due therein ; I will begin with Newfoundland, 
 lying upon the main continent of America, which the 
 King of Spain challenges as first discoverer. But as we 
 acknowledge the King of Spain the first light of the west 
 and south-west parts of America, so we and all the world 
 must confess that we were the first that took possession 
 for the Crown of England of the north part thereof, and 
 not above two years' difference betwixt the one and the 
 other. If we deal truly with others, and not deprive 
 them of their right, it is Italy that must assume the 
 discovery to itself, as well in the one part of America as 
 in the other. If Sebastian Cabot had done nothing more, 
 his name ought surely to have been transmitted to future 
 time with honour.' Sir William Monson, in giving him 
 credit for the discovery of Newfoundland, says he was 
 ' the author of our maritime strength, and opened the 
 way to those improvements which have made us since 
 so great and flourishing a people.' 
 
 (8) In the reign of Henry VII, England could scarcely 
 be said to possess a royal navy. But it was dis- 
 covered that no nation could now maintain its proper 
 position without j)aying attention to trade and commerce. 
 King Henry was himself a merchant, and was always 
 ready to undertake a new trade, or set up a new manu- 
 facture, provided he had a share in the profit. Like 
 his predecessor, Edward IV, he was popular with the 
 London merchants, and accepted the freedom of the Mer- 
 chant Taylors' Company, dining with them and ' doing 
 the honours of their table as if he were their Master.' 
 
III.] 
 
 Tlie Cahots and Br idol (1497). 
 
 Henry conferred a substantial benefit upon his country 
 when he concluded a favourable commercial treaty 
 with the King of Denmark, whereby he secured to 
 his subjects, and especially the citizens of Bristol, the 
 trade to Iceland. Bristol was a favoured sea-port at that 
 time, and four years after John Cabot's first voyage. 
 Henry VII granted a charter to Hugh Eliot and Thomas 
 Ashurst, merchants of this city, for settling colonies in 
 newly-discovered countries. The Great Harry, w^hich 
 cost £14,000 to construct, may be regarded as the first 
 ship of the new Royal Navy. The idea of a permanent 
 naval force had scarcely yet occurred to the English, and 
 when their kings wished to carry on a war on the Con- 
 tinent they hired transports. For some years past the 
 necessity of building larger ships had been growing upon 
 the English merchants who had ventured southward to 
 the west coast of Africa, and encountered there the 
 well-armed and swift galleys of roving Algerine pirates. 
 
 (9) In Henry Vlllth's reign (i 509-1 547) the impulse 
 given to maritime adventure and exploration was not 
 allowed to die out. Mr. Robert Thorne, a merchant 
 of Bristol, addressed a letter to the King, and pointing 
 out the great advantages which Spain and Portugal drew 
 from their colonies, exhorted him to undertake dis- 
 coveries towards the north. In answer to this request 
 the King placed two ships Svell manned and victualled * 
 at his disposal, and the expedition set out to disco vei- 
 the North- West Passage; but, in spite of the courage 
 and perseverance of the crew, no results accrued. In 
 1530, Mr. William Haw^kins, of Plymouth, father of 
 the famous Sir John Hawkins, fitted out a stout tall 
 ship at his own expense, of 250 tons, called The "Paul 
 of Plymouth, and made three voyages to the coast 
 of Brazil, touching also on the coast of Guinea and 
 opening up a lucrative trade there. Another expedition, 
 
28 
 
 The Cahots and Bristol (1497). 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 inaugurated by a Mr. Hore, a merchant of London, was 
 equipped at private expense, and sailed on the track of 
 the Cabots' discoveries in North America. Two ships, 
 called The Trinity and Minion, were fitted out, and 
 sailed from Gravesend on April 30, 1536, and arrived 
 on the coast of Newfoundland. There they were reduced 
 to great straits, and being nearly starved, some of the 
 crew when on shore killed and ate their companions. 
 Fortunately they seem to have been saved by the arrival 
 of a French vessel, 'well furnished with vittaile, and 
 such was the policy of the English that they became 
 master of the same, and changing ships they set sail for 
 England.' One of the gentlemen named Butts, so Hak- 
 luyt writes, was so changed by the hardships he had 
 gone through on this voyage that his relations could only 
 identify him by a large wart he had on one of his knees. 
 In the same reign a less noteworthy expedition was 
 equipped in the year 1527, and sailed for Newfoundland. 
 It was under the patronage of Cardinal Wolsey, and a 
 Canon of St. Paul's went with it and reported to the 
 King and the Cardinal. A certain Captain Rut was 
 placed in command, and writing from St. John's re- 
 lates that he found there eleven sail of Normans, one 
 Breton, and two Portuguese barks engaged in fishing, 
 proving how valuable at this time the fisheries were, 
 not only to ourselves but also to the ' French and 
 Biscanies. ' 
 
 (10) The age of the Tudors was an age of naval pro- 
 gress, and it was not long before the British Navy was to 
 assume goodly proportions and earn for itself a world-wide 
 fame. In 1578 the Royal Navy consisted of no more 
 than twenty-four ships of all sizes, the largest being the 
 Triumph of 1000 tons. At the time of Queen Eliza- 
 beth's death (1603) there were forty-two ships, amongst 
 which are such time-honoured names as The Dread- 
 
III.] 
 
 The Cahots and Bribtol (1497). 
 
 29 
 
 nought, Swiftsure, Antelope, Swallow, Merlin, Cygnet. 
 Amongst the ships arrayed against the Spanish Armada 
 (1588), a large number were equipped by corporations 
 and private individuals. Out of the total of 143, no 
 fewer than forty-two were provided by the nobility, 
 gentry and commoners of England, ten by the merchant- 
 adventurers, sixteen by the City of London, three by 
 Bristol and Barnstaple, two by Exeter, and seven by 
 Plymouth. The spirit of enterprise and adventure was 
 thoroughly awakened, and the masterful strength of 
 our intrepid captains asserted in many remote places 
 of the world before the supreme national struggle in 
 1588. Sir John Hawkins and Sir Francis Drake may 
 be regarded as typical leaders of the age. Corsairs 
 themselves, British sailors often adopted the role of 
 guardians and protectors of the sailors and fishermen 
 of other nations against corsairs. An old chronicler, 
 describing the cod fishery of Newfoundland in 1578, says, 
 ' The English are commonly lords of the harbours where 
 they fish, and help themselves to boat-loads of salt and 
 such, in return for protection against Kovers and other 
 violent intruders, who do often put them (the foreign 
 fishermen) from good harbours.' All this was in keeping 
 with the methods of the times. The Law of Nations 
 was lost sight of beyond the immediate boundaries of 
 Europe. The French were always jealous of the fisheries 
 of North America, and disputes connected with them 
 have lasted to the present day. When Newfoundland 
 became a home of British Colonists and a genuine Plan- 
 tation, the quarrel between them and the fishing fleets 
 of France was sure to be aggravated. At first the French 
 based their claims on an annexation made in 1524, when 
 Verrazano, sent out by the King of France, had sailed 
 along the coast of North America from Carolina to the 
 Gulf of St. Lawrence, naming the country New France. 
 
30 Jacques Cartier and the French explorers. [Ch, 
 
 These shadowy annexations were not worth the parch- 
 ment upon which they were written. 
 
 (i i) The law that prevailed off the Banks of New- 
 foundland was the rough and ready code of the Fishing 
 Admiral, as the master of the first fishing vessel from 
 England, Wales or Berwick that entered a harbour on 
 the opening of the fishing season was termed. Such law 
 would correspond to digger-law which has prevailed 
 in Australia and South Africa at the Gold and Diamond 
 Mines, and is simply introductory to a more settled state 
 of things. Moreover, in matters relating to Fisheries, 
 rights are extremely hard to define and uphold. Some 
 attempt at a regular settlement in Newfoundland was 
 made in 1610 by John Guy, afterwards Mayor of Bristol, 
 who founded a Plantation at Cupid's Cove, in Conception 
 Bay, one of the first patentees of Guy's grant being the 
 famous Sir Francis Bacon. But this Plantation was 
 soon broken up, and John Guy determined to return to 
 England. The interest shifts from the stormy Island of 
 Newfoundland to the valley of the great St. Lawrence, 
 which offered superior attractions to the fur trader and 
 agriculturist. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Jacques Cartier and the French explorers. 
 
 (i) It was during Henry Vlllth's reign (in 1534-5), 
 whilst Francis I was reigning in France, that North 
 American exploration was boldly carried on by Jacques 
 
IV.] Jacques Cartier and the French explorers. '^i 
 
 Cartier. The French king, thinking that his country 
 should have some share in the New World's riches, sent 
 out this noted navigator on voyages of discovery. He 
 sailed three times from France, making fresh explora- 
 tions every time. First of all he visited Newfoundland, 
 and sailing through the Strait of Belle Isle entered 
 Bay Chaleur, and landed on the Peninsula of Gaspe, 
 south of the St. Lawrence. As a sign of possession he 
 set up a wooden cross with the fleur-de-lis, and an in- 
 scription asserting his claim to the land. This method 
 of annexation now seems curious to us, but it was 
 constantly receiving illustration in the early days of 
 geographical discovery. When Diaz first rounded the 
 Cape in i486, he set up a cross on the lonely island of St. 
 Croix in Algoa Bay on the South African coast, in token 
 of possession. 
 
 (2) Jacques Cartier whilst on the Peninsula of Gaspe 
 heard from the Indians whom he met a wonderful account 
 of the St. Lawrence. The next year he fitted out a 
 second expedition, and sailing up the river, discovered, 
 where the city of Quebec now stands, the Indian village 
 of Stadacona. There an old chief named Donacona, who 
 ruled over the Algonkins, welcomed him, and treated 
 his crew kindly. Further up the river Cartier found a 
 larger Indian town called Hochelaga, belonging to the 
 Hurons. Here also he was welcomed by the natives, 
 who had never seen Europeans before, and attributed 
 to them divine and supernatural gifts. Cartier spent 
 u winter near Stadacona, but not being prepared for the 
 extreme rigour of the climate, both he and his crew 
 suffered greatly from scurvy. In the spring he sailed 
 for Europe, taking with him Donacona and many Indian 
 warriors (1536). 
 
 (3) Cartier did not revisit the St. Lawrence for five 
 years. The King of France was unwilling to let such 
 
 1 i 
 
 '"i 
 
 
32 Jacques Cartier and the French explorers. [Ch. 
 
 a promising country slip from his possession, and when 
 Cartier came out for the third time, he was associated 
 with Sieur de Koberval, nominated by the king Viceroy of 
 Canada and of the colonies to be established there. But 
 Cartier and Roberval were unable to act together. The 
 native tribes were less friendly than they had been be- 
 fore, their chiefs who had sailed to Europe with Cartier 
 having died meantime, and given them occasion to sus- 
 pect treachery. So Cartier and the little band of colonists 
 for a while led a miserable existence at a place called 
 Cap Rouge, near Quebec, and then returned to France. 
 It was nearly fifty years before the French again made 
 any serious attempt to colonise the great St. Lawrence 
 Valley. 
 
 (4) It may be asked why the English nation did not 
 at once occupy a field of exploration abandoned tem- 
 porarily by the French during so large a portion of the 
 sixteenth centuiy. Any general reluctance to interfere 
 with the Bull of Pope Alexander, which had influenced 
 Henry VII as a good Catholic, had disappeared in the 
 reign of Henry VIII. It has been remarked that ' the 
 repudiation of Catherine of Aragon by Henry VIII, sun- 
 dering his political connection with Spain, opened the 
 New World to English rivalry.' The political reason 
 therefore had little or no weight in explaining English 
 apathy in the task of St. Lawrence exploration. This 
 apathy may be partially explained by the fact that the 
 English sailors were too much engrossed with the mar- 
 vellous wealth of the Fisheries off Newfoundland and 
 Cape Breton to care to undertake serious settlements 
 along the Gulf of the St. Lawrence, and the climate of 
 Labrador, Anticosti and the Bay of Gaspe was not re- 
 garded as favourable for the beginnings of an infant 
 colony. When Cartier wintered at Cap Rouge it was 
 under circumstances of extreme discomfort and privation. 
 
IV.] Jacques Cartier and the French explorers. 33 
 
 Both Mr. Here's and Mr. John Guy's plantations in New- 
 foundland itself had been broken up, and presently we 
 shall read of French settlements in Sable Island and 
 Tadousac having a brief and ignominious history. The 
 cause of failure lay primarily in the climate, and it 
 was a long time before the St. Lawrence could really be 
 regarded as useful for anything else than providing 
 forts and depots for the fur-trade. 
 
 (5) Moreover, during this century the English mariners 
 were especially occupied with adventurous cruises in search 
 of the North-East and North -West Passages. Robert 
 Thome of Bristol, who had helped the Cabots in their 
 first voyage, had expressed a general feeling when he said 
 ' if he had faculty to his will, the first thing he would 
 undertake ever to attempt would be, if our seas north- 
 ward be navigable to the Pole or no.' Sir Francis 
 Drake, the first Englishman to pass the Straits of 
 Magellan, sailed up the west coasts of the American con- 
 tinent as far as latitude 43° N., intending to return to 
 the East by the supposed North- West Passage, but was 
 stopped by what appeared to him, after the tropics, the 
 intolerable cold of the Californian climate. Sir Martin 
 Frobisher, one of the boldest of the Elizabethan captains, 
 regarded ' the North -West Passage as the only great thing 
 left undone in the world,' and made three voyages in 
 search of it himself. By geographers the strait connect- 
 ing the North Atlantic and North Pacific was taken for 
 granted, and in old maps it is delineated and made to 
 correspoiid with Magellan's Straits. On the far side lay 
 Cathay, separated only by the narrow * Straits of Anian,' 
 and a somewhat mythical rumour has it that the Greek 
 sailor Jean de Fuca, thirteen years after Drake's voyage, 
 wished to go there and fortify it against the possible 
 inroads of the English. Frobisher's enthusiasm was 
 shared by the Court and nation, and as his expedition of 
 
 
 I ill 
 
 M 
 
34 Jacques C artier and the French explorers. [Ch. 
 
 three small vessels of twenty-five, twenty, and ten tons, 
 dropped down the Thames (June 8, 1576), Queen Eliza- 
 beth waved her hand in token of favour, and gave them 
 God speed. Twenty-three years before this the young 
 King Edward VI (July 6, 1553) had cheered on the 
 Willoughby-Chaneellor expedition to the North-East, 
 causing his attendants to carry him in his last sickness 
 to the window of his palace at Greenwich ' so that he 
 might watch their departure and receive their last 
 salute.' In 1587 Davis, working under the patronage 
 chiefly of Secretary Walsingham, made three voyages in 
 search of the North-West Passage, and reached the high 
 latitude of Davis's Strait. The idea was a life project 
 with the well-known navigator, Henry Hudson (16 10), 
 inherited through a line of celebrated mariners from the 
 great Cabot. Baffin (16 16) in a letter to John Wolsten- 
 holme, a patron of Arctic exj)loration, says : 'And to 
 speak of no other matter than of the hopeful passage to 
 the North-West ; how many of the best sort of men 
 have set their whole endeavours to prove a passage that 
 way, and not only in conference, but also in writing and 
 publishing to the world : yea, what great sums of money 
 have been spent about that action, as your worship has 
 costly experience of.' This passion for North-West ex- 
 ploration certainly helped to withdraw the eyes of the 
 English from the St. Lawrence Valley and set them, if 
 anywhere, in the direction of Hudson's Bay. 
 
 (6) It must be remembered also that the share which 
 the great Sir Walter Raleigh took in the colonisation of the 
 mainland of North America largely influenced and turned 
 the direction of English enterprise. Virginia seemed to 
 him, and to others, the best country for 'plantation.' Sir 
 Ralph Lane, the Governor of the Virginian colony of 
 1585, thus wrote of the country : ' It is the goodliest soil 
 under the cope of heaven ; the most pleasing territory in 
 
 age, 
 
 Virgi] 
 liave 
 and o 
 FrencJ 
 
 gatewj 
 
IV.] Jacques Cartier and the French explorers. 35 
 
 the workl ; the continent is of a huge and unknown great- 
 ness, and very well peopled and towned, though savagely. 
 The climate is so wholesome, that wo have not one sick 
 since we touched the land. If Virginia had but horses 
 and kine, and were inhabited with English, no realm 
 in Christendom were comparal)lo with it.' IJaloigh 
 enlisted in his enterprises the sympathy and personal 
 co-operation of some of the best men of the ago, the brave 
 Sir Richard Grenville, the hero of an heroic age. Caven- 
 dish, who circumnavigated the globe, Hariot, the learned 
 mathemfitician, who, fired with a holy zeal for evangelisa- 
 tion, displayed and explained the Bible in every Indian 
 town he entered, thus doing what the Jesuits and Fran- 
 ciscans did later on in a different w^ay in New France. 
 The life of Raleigh was devoted to schemes of North- 
 American colonisation, and, to show the strength of his 
 faith in them, he sacrificed first his property and then 
 his life to them. For many years he w\as the brightest 
 star of that galaxy of great men who lived in the stirring 
 times of Queen Elizabeth. In addition to that bull-dog 
 courage which characterised the bold sea-captains of that 
 age, he possessed in more than an ordinary degree light, 
 knowledge, and enthusiasm. Had he turned his atten- 
 tion to the St. Lawrence Valley and to the great inland 
 Lakes of North America as eagerly as he did towards 
 Virginia and Guiana, English colonists would probably 
 liave cultivated Lower Canada, explored the Mississippi, 
 and opened up the North- West regions long before the 
 French who, for so many years, seemed to halt at the 
 gateway of the continent. 
 
 Lastly, a more general reason to account for the 
 apathy of the English nation in schemes of Cana'dian 
 colonisation during this unoccupied interval may be 
 found in the great national perils of the age (i 558-1 588). 
 Sir Edward Creasy in his * Fifteen Decisive Battles ' has 
 
 D 2 
 
36 Jacques Cartier and the French explorers. [Crf. 
 
 pointed out th.it previously to the dispersion of the great 
 Armada it was hard to reaiif.e the comparative weakness 
 of England side by side with Spain. * We had then no 
 Indian or Colonial Empire, save the feeble germs of our 
 North American settlements which Ealeigh and Gilbert 
 had recently planted. Scotland was a separate kingdom, 
 and Ireland a worse nest of rebellion than she has been 
 in after times. Queen Elizabeth had found an encum- 
 bered revenue, a divided people and an unsuccessful 
 foreign war, and she had also a Pretender to her Crown 
 favoured by all the Eoman Catholic Powers.' England's 
 hands were indeed full at home. 
 
 (7) In 1564 Coligny planted a colony of French Cal- 
 vinists in Florida, on the banks of the river May, near 
 St. John's Bluif. They were led by a skilful seaman, 
 Laudonni^re by name, who had before sailed off the 
 American coast. Coligny had long wished to establish 
 a Protestant French empire in America, and procuring 
 an ample concession from Charles IX, he sent an 
 expedition thither under John Kibault of Dieppe, 
 discovered the St. John's River, and gave the names 
 of Seine, Loire, and Garonne to American rivers. The 
 whole country was named Carolina, after Charles IX. 
 ' But the worst evil in the new settlement was the 
 character of the emigrants. Though patriotism and 
 religious enthusiasm had prompted the expedition, the 
 inferior class of the colonists was a motley group of 
 dissolute men. Mutinies were frequent. The men were 
 mad with the passion for sudden wealth, and a party, 
 under the pretence of desiring to escape from famine, 
 compelled Laudonniere to sign an order permitting their 
 embarkation for New Spain. No sooner were they pos- 
 sessed of this apparent sanction of their chief, than they 
 equipped two vessels, and began a career of piracy against 
 the Spaniards. Thus the French were the aggressors in 
 
IV.] Jacques Cartier and the French explorers. 37 
 
 the first act of hostility in the New World : an act of 
 crime and temerity which was soon avenged. The pirate 
 vessel was taken, and most of the men disposed of as 
 prisoners and slaves. A few escaped in a boat ; these 
 could find no shelter but at Fort Carolina, where 
 Laudonnifere sentenced the ringleaders to death '.' This 
 attempt of French Protestants to found colonies in 
 America, occurring as it does fifty-eight j'^ears before 
 the voyage of the Pilgrim Fathers and the beginning of 
 New England, has sometimes been contrasted with it. 
 But the expeditions of Coligny diff'ered widely from 
 the Puritan exodus both in the motives which prompted 
 colonisation, in the character of the emigrants them- 
 selves, and their methods of colonisation. The settle- 
 ment was short-lived, as it incurred the hostility of the 
 Spaniards, who, even in a foreign country, could not 
 brook heretics. An expedition was sent out under the 
 ruthless Pedro Menendez, and came to the Huguenot 
 settlement. When the French colonists enquired his 
 name and mission, he said, 'I am Menendez of Spain, 
 sent with strict orders from my king to gibbet and behead 
 all the Protestants in these regions. The Frenchman who 
 is a Catholic I will spare ; eveiy heretic shall die. ' The 
 French colony was barbarously destroyed, and Philip II 
 of Spain proclaimed monarch of all North America. The 
 Spanish power was firmly established around Hispaniola. 
 Porto Kico was the centre, and the Gulf of Mexico their 
 mare clausum. From the furthest cape of the Caribbean 
 along the shores to the Cape of Florida she was undis- 
 puted mistress of sea and land. 
 
 (8) The progress of Spain in the south was, as we learn 
 from their annals, one of rapid conquest, animated by the 
 lust of empire. The prizes of victory were gorgeous and 
 great. The wealth of despoiled Mexico and Peru was 
 
 ^ Bancroft, vol. i. p. 56. 
 
 m 
 
 lii« 
 
 1 1 i ^ki 
 
 S j :?fPft: 
 
 
38 Jacques Cartler and the French explorers. [Ch. 
 
 almost fabulous. In many instances English explorers 
 dreamed like the Spaniards rather of gold mines and 
 jewelled palaces than of the rewards of husl)andry. Sir 
 Walter Raleigh's voyage up the Orinoco was made in 
 quest of some fabled Eldorado. From the mind of the 
 Spaniards at the very beginning all thoughts of sober and 
 steady colonisation were banislied. Broken adventurers 
 and bankrupt noblemen went to South America to recruit 
 their shattered fortunes by a lucky enterprise. The brave 
 and avaricious Ferdinand Cortez (1518), marching into 
 Mexico, pillaged the rich capital of the Aztecs, and 
 treacherously laid hands upon the aged monarch Monte- 
 zuma. Further south Pizarro (1527-30) conquered Peru, 
 the rich empire of the Incas. The whole American con- 
 tinent from Mexico to the Straits of Magellan was at their 
 feet, and it seemed as if Pope Alexander's bull, which 
 gave all the world west of the Azores to Spain, was to be 
 literally carried out. When Bilbao, a Spaniard, crossed 
 the Isthmus of Panama and saw the waters of the great 
 Pacific Ocean, he rushed forward and, plunging into the 
 waters, took possession of the ocean in the king's name. 
 Ultimately both Spain and Portugal, like Great Britain, 
 after gaining an American colonial empire for themselves, 
 lost it by their ignorance in the art of governing depend- 
 encies so as to keep them in union with the mother- 
 country. But there remain a splendid series of free 
 states from Chili to Mexico, and from the Argentine 
 Republic to the Brazilian Provinces, which in different 
 degrees of prosperity and civilisation attest the courage, 
 the knowledge, the piety and the zeal of the two great 
 generations of Conquistadores and Liberadores. 
 
 (9) Together with the first conquests of Spain came 
 the triumphs of geographical discovery. In 15 13 an 
 adventurous Spaniard, Juan Ponce de Leon, searching for 
 the fabled fountain of youth, discovered Florida on Easter 
 
IV.] Jacques Cdrtier and the French explorers. 39 
 
 Day. Here he became governor, under the condition of 
 colonising his magnificent province, but ho failed to do 
 this, and perished afterwards in an attack made upon 
 his position by the Indians. In 151 7, Francisco Fer- 
 nandez, of Cordova, sailing from the port of Ilavanna, 
 discovered the peninsula of Yucatan and the Bay of 
 Campeachy, and next year his pilot explored the whole 
 coast from Yucatan towards Pauuco, bringing l)ack much 
 gold and rumours of the empire of Montezuma. In 
 1 519, Francisco do Garay, a companion of Columbus on 
 his second voyage, and Governor of Jamaica, explored the 
 west of Florida and discovered the Mississippi, called in 
 tlie first instance the Espiritu Santo. From the Bahamas 
 northward to Carolina, and even to the Bay of Dela- 
 ware, called in Spanish geography St. Christopher's, the 
 Spaniards conducted their explorations, and in January, 
 1525, Stephen Gomez, an able Portuguese explorer, sailed 
 as far north as the Hudson in an attempt to find the 
 northern pass.age to Cathay. But the Spaniards were 
 content to leave the frozen regions of the north to the 
 French and British, whilst they carried on their ex- 
 ploration for rich kingdoms in the warm south. One of 
 their most persevering and intrepid pioneers was Cabeza 
 de Vacca, who, like the Frenchman Champlain, lived 
 amongst the natives, learned their ways, and became a 
 skilful path-finder. He reached Texas, travelled as far 
 north as the Canadian River, lat. 36", long. 104° W., 
 and wandered on westward till in May, 1536, he drew 
 near to the Pacific Ocean. The narrative of Cabeza de 
 Vacca aroused the enthusiasm of Ferdinand de Soto of 
 Xeres, Pizarro's favourite comrade, who, after terrible 
 wanderings and sufferings in the valley of the Mississippi, 
 died and was buried in the waters of the mighty river 
 itself, bequeathing the honour of discovery and explora- 
 tion to the Spaniards. 
 
 M 
 
 ( i^^i. 
 
 iill^ 
 
 
 i 
 i 
 
 
Ilf' 
 
 40 
 
 The Native Races. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 (10) In the north the story of conquest and colonisa- 
 tion reads diiferently. The native tribes, such as the 
 Iroquois or the Five Nations, were of sterner stuff 
 than the Mexicans in the south. The climate of the 
 north favours natural hardihood and endurance, and 
 more resembles our own ' rough-cradled ' homes in the 
 north of Europe. The annals of northern exploration 
 are full of never-ceasing conflict with the natives, unlike 
 those of the ravaging bands of Pizarro, who had only to 
 put out their hands to hold and keep. In both instances 
 the course of conquest had its moral effects. In the 
 north every energy of body and mind was called into 
 requisition to subdue the natives and to till the soil. 
 Frontier life along the Alleghanies and lakes is a con- 
 tinuous record of harrowing cruelties and terrible re- 
 venges on both sides. 
 
 -M- 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Native Races. 
 
 (i) The name of Indian given to the tribes of the 
 North American continent seems at first a contradiction 
 of the term, the races of the Indus and of the East being 
 very far removed from the aborigines of America. 
 Searchers after the kingdoms of the East along a North- 
 West Passage tnought that in the Caribbean Sea or 
 along the valley of the St. Lawrence they were sKirting 
 the fringe of some great Asiatic empire. The name, 
 however, has remained to the inhabitants of the New 
 World. They must be distinguished from the Af'Ican 
 natives who, being imported into the West Indies and the 
 
IHI 
 
 v.] 
 
 The Native Baces. 
 
 41 
 
 United States during the days of slavery, constitute a very 
 large portion of the population now existing. 
 
 (2) The following general division of the tribes of the 
 North American continent, with whom the European 
 colonists were brought into contact, includes, first, the 
 fishing Eskimo, always found near the coast, and pur- 
 suing in their canoes the seal and walrus to the very out- 
 side verge of civilisation ; second, the roving hunters and 
 warriors from the shores of Hudson's Bay to the Gulf 
 of Mexico, keeping the valley of the Mississippi as the 
 western boundary, known as (i) the Algonkins, (ii) 
 Iroquois, (iii) Mobilian groups. 
 
 It is just probable that the very first aborigines seen by 
 Cabot were Eskimo. The name, derived from a compound 
 ' Ashkimai, ' means those u'ho eat raw flesh, and the three 
 natives brought to the court of Henry VII by the Bristol 
 adventurer were described as fully acting up to their 
 name and reputation in this respect. The Eskimo call 
 themselves ' Innuit,' which means the people. They do 
 not offer such a distinct study in ethnology as the Bush- 
 men for instance in South Africa, who are a remnant of 
 a former archaic stratum ; but their customs, habits, and 
 general way of living are all marked enough to invest 
 them with peculiar interest. 
 
 (3) Some maintain that their first home was in Asia, that 
 they crossed Behring Strait, and pursuing their occupation 
 as se.il-hunters and fishermen from island to island in the 
 Aleutian group, found their way to the American main- 
 land, across the north of which they spread. Another sup- 
 position (Kink's) is that the original Eskimo inhabited the 
 interior of Alaska, while an offshoot of them spread north 
 to Behring Strait and colonised the opposite shores of Asia. 
 The principal tribes, however, following the great rivers 
 in Alaska, as the Athna, Yukon, Selawik, and Colv'lle, 
 settled at their mouths and proceeded around Point 
 
 11. 
 
42 
 
 The Native Races. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 Barrow to the east, to the great Mackenzie river, over 
 the Central Kegions or Arctic Archipelago, and finally to 
 Labrador, where our explorers may have met them, and 
 to Greenland. This dispersion may have taken thousands 
 of years, and its direction was from west to east, over 
 3200 miles from south-east to north-west. It is supposed 
 that they reached Greenland by Grinnell Land and 
 Smith's Sound, which affords a kind of bridge of com- 
 munication \ 
 
 (4) The Eskimo are now an exclusively maritime and 
 arctic race, being rarely found south of 55*^ N. latitude. 
 They have no literature or records of their wanderings, 
 and to fix their original habitat it is necessary to study 
 the evidence of their dialects, fishing implements, dwell- 
 ings and customs. Smk observes that 'the further we 
 go back towards their supposed original country (Alaska), 
 the more of what may be considered their original habits 
 we find still preserved.' Their settlements are few and 
 scattered over an enormous tract of country, and although 
 a singularly homogeneous race, there is little or no real 
 social and political coherence amongst them. Explorers 
 in Labrador and Baffin's Land have recorded that they 
 recognise the distinction of tribes, the leaders of which 
 are experts in fishing and sailing, and are called Pim- 
 mains. The Labrador Eskimo call their chiefs Anga- 
 jorkak (conjurers), and their authority is confined to the 
 bay or fiord where each group lives. If there are any 
 grades of civilisation amongst the Eskimo, the advantage 
 lies with the western offshoots in Alaska. They have 
 been arnuiged into the following divisions by Kink : — 
 
 I. Western Eskimo, consisting (a) of soithern tribes, 
 numbering about 8300 ; {h) northern, numbering 2900; 
 {c) Asiatic, numbering about 2000. 
 
 See Appendix i. 
 
v.] 
 
 The Kative Races. 
 
 43 
 
 II. Maclxcnzic Eivcr Eskimo. Thesft are separated from 
 the western by an uninhabited coast-line of 300 miles, on 
 which they meet together every summer for the sake of 
 bartering. 
 
 III. 'Tribes of Central Bcg'wn, beginning at Cape 
 Bathurst, long. 128° W., and living in regions explored 
 by Franklin, Parry, Ross, Richardson, Rae, McClintock, 
 and Back, numbering about 4000. 
 
 IV. The Lahradorians, separated from the former by a 
 difficult sound. Upon the east coast of Labrador the 
 Eskimo number 1500, of whom iioo are Christianised. 
 
 V. 'The Greenlanders and tribes around Smith's Sound. 
 The character of the Eskimo is well known to us through 
 the numerous descriptions of our arctic explorers, but 
 they have nothing to do with the making of European 
 history in North America. 
 
 (5) Besides the Eskimo, the aboriginal inhabitants of 
 Newfoundland, called the Beothuks, deserve a passing 
 notice. It has been ascertained from a comparative 
 study of North American languages, that these Beothuks 
 constitute a separate aboriginal race. Their language is 
 different from Innuit [Eskimo], and is not the same as 
 that of the neighbouring Red Indian tribes. Being an 
 island tribe they did not mix freely with the tribes of the 
 continent. They were on friendly terms with a Labrador 
 race called the Shaumanuncs, and both combined in 
 despising the Eskimo. Unlike the latter, who were gener- 
 ally of a small and dwarfed appearance, the aborigines 
 of Newfoundland were physically a fine race\ It has 
 been suggested that they were driven over originally 
 from Nova Scotia and Cape Breton by the Micmacs, an 
 Algonkin tribe. According to the testimony of Captain 
 Richard Whitbourne, who went on the lumous expedition 
 
 ■II-". 
 
 
 ' Nineteenth Century, December, 1888. 
 
 I ill 
 
44 
 
 The Native Races. 
 
 [Cn. 
 
 to Newfoundland in 1583 with Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 
 the Beothuks had free intercourse with the French fisher- 
 men, and did not hide in terror, as they did afterwards, 
 from the European. They were never numerous, and in 
 Cartwright's voyage and explorations through Newfound- 
 land in 1768 they are represented as a scattered race not 
 exceeding 500 individuals. More provident than many of 
 their continental neighbours, they made provision for the 
 winter, and the vast number of Cariboo with which the 
 island abounded gave them abundance of venison. This 
 they stored away late in the autumn, and preserved as 
 frozen meat during the long winter, anticipating in their 
 primitive way the method of food supply now prevalent 
 throughout the world. In a somewhat similar way, it 
 may be remarked that the Kaffirs of South Africa, in 
 storing their corn in mealie-pits, have known and 
 practised from time immemorial the principle of the silo. 
 The Beothuks are described as using a primitive vapour 
 bath, a custom prevalent among the Eskimo of the 
 American arctic regions and the Ked Indians, and they 
 used to ruddle their bodies with red ochre. They seem to 
 have been treated with great cruelty by the Newfound- 
 land fishermen, who drove them for refuge either to the 
 inhospitable marshes and lagoons of the interior of New- 
 foundland, or across the straits of Belle Isle to the coast 
 of Labrador. The last instance of a Beothuk being seen 
 alive by Europeans was in 1828. 
 
 (6) The North American tribes best known in Canadian 
 history are the Algonkins, Hurons, and Iroquois. There 
 is not a page of early records or an incident of Jesuit 
 travel or adventure but contains some reference to these 
 natives. The Huron Mission was in itself a distinct epoch 
 of colonisation (1640-50). For an historical purpose they 
 may be distinguished from the Chickasaws, Choctaws and 
 Cherokees of the regions further south, now occupied by 
 
"IT 
 
 v.] 
 
 The Native Races. 
 
 45 
 
 the United States, and also from the more recently-known 
 tribes of the western prairies and of British Columbia. 
 The history of Canada was at one time simply a narrative 
 of continual warfare and hostility with these tribes, who 
 guarded the entrance westward to the prairie regions. 
 The Algonkins took the side of the French and the Iro- 
 quois that of the British, generally speaking ; but the real 
 nature of the warfare, underlying all partisanship, was 
 civilisation against barbarism, and European rule and law 
 against the untutored regime of the wild nomads. Not 
 till Pontiac's conspiracy of 1763^ was crushed did the con- 
 flict really cease. All these natives were hunters who lived 
 almost entirely by the proceeds of the chase, and developed 
 a hardiness of frame and a physical endurance unsur- 
 passed by any other nation. Amongst them all there 
 prevailed a distinct organisation. ' Each tribe was split 
 into families, and these tribes, by the exigencies of the 
 hunter's life, were again subdivided into sub-tribes, bands, 
 or villages, often scattered far asunder over a wide extent 
 of wilderness. They all abhorred restraint, and were 
 endued with wild notions of liberty. Each tribe had a 
 sachem or civil chief, whose office was in a certain sense 
 hereditary and descended in the female line. This office 
 was no enviable one, as there were no laws to administer 
 and no power to enforce commands. The councillors 
 were the inferior chiefs and principal men of the tribe. 
 The sachem never set himself in opposition to the popular 
 will, which is the sovereign power of these savage de- 
 mocracies. His province was to advise, not to dictate. A 
 clear distinction, however, was observed between civil 
 and militaiy authority, and the Indian village was kept 
 together by mutual self-controP.' Indian communities, 
 independently of local distribution into tribes, are com- 
 posed of distinct clans related by blood through female 
 
 ^ See Appendix ii. * Parkman's Conspiracy of Pontiac. 
 
 : |> :| 
 
 I i- 
 
46 
 
 The Native Races. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 descent. Each clan has its emblem or crest, some adopt- 
 ing the bear, others the otter, others the wolf, etc., 
 and these emblems are known by the name of ' Totems.' 
 Members of the same clan cannot intermarry, and there 
 exists a blood-feud or vendetta obligatory upon all mem- 
 bers of the same Totem. The North American aborigines 
 were never very numerous, and it is calculated in Ban- 
 croft's History of the United States, that there were, 
 two hundred years ago, no more than 180,000 distributed 
 over the vast spaces of country reaching from the shores 
 of Hudson's Bay to the Mississippi Valley. 
 
 (7) It will be easily seen how utterly different the 
 aborigines of British North America have been from 
 such a power, for instance, as that of the Bantu race 
 in South Africa. In Zululand the dynasty of Chaka 
 and Cetywayo, handed on in the male line, was kept 
 together by the sternest military discipline. The king, 
 as paramount chief with a solid army of 40,000 war- 
 riors, was acknowledged by all, and his ' word ' was law 
 absolutely and finally. The Kaffirs have met the British 
 as a highly organised and effective force, strong in num- 
 bers and discipline, bold in battle and reckless of life to 
 an extreme, hurling themselves in battalions upon well- 
 armed European troops. They were never, as a race, 
 mean, cruel, or vindictive. They were either open 
 enemies or loyal friends. When once conquered there 
 was an end of all ambuscades and treacheiy, and they 
 proved themselves to be willing learners from their con- 
 querors. The North American Indian was very difl'erent. 
 His arts were especially those of craft, cruelty, and dis- 
 simulation, relieved only here and there by acts of 
 chivalry and courtesy. In his defiance of pain and 
 physical suffering he had no equal, but the tortures he 
 inflicted on others were diabolical. He has proved him- 
 self almost incapable of Western civilisation, and as the 
 
v.] 
 
 The Native Races. 
 
 47 
 
 game has disappeared he has gone with it. In the 
 desolate regions of snow and ice he has been a great 
 auxiliary to the European and half-breed as hunter and 
 trapper. In the history of the Hudson's Bay Company 
 he holds a conspicuous place. 
 
 (8) The Algonldns numbered about 90,000. It was 
 an Algonkin that Cartier met on the St. Lawrence, and 
 Algonkins that the early explorers along the maritime 
 regions first saw. Their language was heard from the 
 Bay of Gaspe to the valley of the Des Moines, from Cape 
 Fear to the land of the Eskimo, from Kentucky to 
 the southern bank of the Mississippi, that is over 60' 
 of longitude and 20° of latitude. They constituted in 
 themselves half of the whole estimated population. 
 
 Some of their numerous tribes were (i) the Mic- 
 macs, who lived around the Bay of Gaspe and along the 
 shores of Nova Scotia ; (2) The Abenakis, who inhabited 
 the banks of the Penobscot ; (3) the Massachusetts, the 
 original inhabitants of the bay that bears their name ; 
 (4) the Narragansetts, who held dominion over Rhode 
 Island and part of Long Island ; (5) the Pequods, with 
 whom the New Englanders were first brought into con- 
 tact ; (6) the Manhattans, on New York Island ; (7) the 
 Shawnees, in the basin of the Cumberland River ; (8) the 
 Miamis, whose home was first at Detroit, then along the 
 Ohio to Lake Michigan ; (9) the Ottawas, or Traders, in 
 the basin of the great river that bears their name ; (10) 
 the Illinois occupied the country between the Wabash, 
 Ohio, and Mississippi : it is calculated that the Indians 
 scattered through the country now included in the states 
 of Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, and Kentucky, did 
 not exceed more than 18,000 at the time of the discovery 
 of America ; (11) the Ojibways occupied the country 
 from the north of Green Bay to the head-waters of Lake 
 Superior; (12) the Sacs and Foxes roamed over the 
 
 
 ■rif: 
 
 ! 
 
48 
 
 The Native Races. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 country between the Wisconsin and the upper branches 
 of the Illinois, and held the passes from Green Bay and 
 Fox River to the Mississippi ; (13) on the prairies east of 
 the Mississippi lived the Sioux or Dakotas. Their range 
 was from Saskatchewan to lands south of the Arkansas, 
 but with the early history of Canada they have little 
 to do\ 
 
 (9) Ilurons or Wyandots. These tribes spoke a kin- 
 dred language with the Iroquois, and inhabited the pen- 
 insula between Lakes Huron, Erie, and Ontario. Thither 
 the Franciscans and Jesuits travelled at a very early 
 period. They resembled the Iroquois in their dwelling- 
 houses, their palisaded forts, and clan system, although 
 they were not confederated. Their numbers were about 
 20,000. They were conquered in 1649 by the Iroquois, 
 who invaded them in the depth of winter, and by attacks 
 and surprises scattered their clans, some finding refuge 
 with the French near Quebec, where their descendants 
 still live at a place called Lorette, others retiring along 
 Lake Superior. From the west they were driven back 
 by the fierce buffalo hunters and roving tribes of the 
 west, and found their way to Detroit about 1680, where 
 they made a permanent settlement. 
 
 (10) The Iroquois or Five Nations, viz. Mohawks, 
 Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas, stretched from 
 Lake Ontario to the sources of the Ohio, Susquehannah, 
 and the Delaware. We hear of the Iroquois or Five 
 Nations more than any other native tribes in the conflict 
 between French and English. When the Tuscaroras, a 
 tribe of North Carolina, became merged with them, 
 they were known as the Six Nations (17 14). 
 
 The Iroquois were, according to Parkman, foremost in 
 war, foremost in eloquence, foremost in savage acts, and 
 extended their depredations from Quebec to the Carolinas, 
 
 ' See Appendix iii. 
 
v.] 
 
 The Native Races. 
 
 49 
 
 and from the wostorn prairies to the forests of Maine. 
 On the south they forced tribute from the Delawaros, 
 and pierced to the fastnesses of the Cherokees, who 
 lived in the ui)per valley of the Tennessee Eiver and 
 the highlands of Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama. On 
 the north they uprooted the ancient settlements of 
 the kindred tri))es of the Ilurons, living between Lakes 
 Huron, Erie, and Ontario; on the west they exterminated 
 the Eries and Andastes, and spread destruction amongst 
 the Illinois. They were the con([ueri ng trilx) of North 
 America, and they owed their triumphs partly to their 
 advanced organisation, partly to their indomitable courage, 
 and partly to the geographical position of the country 
 they lived in. They dwelt within the present limits of 
 the state of New York, where there is easy access to 
 other parts of North America by means of lakes and 
 rivers. The era of their confederacy was about 1500, just 
 100 years before the Dutch founded New York (1609), 
 and they do not boast of a history before this. The 
 mainstay of Iroquois polity was the system of Totems. 
 There were eight Totem clans which ran through the five 
 confederate tribes, constituting a double bond between 
 them. Each tribe had a sachem, who managed its in- 
 ternal afl'airs ; but when foreign affairs were dealt with a 
 general council was held in the Valley of Onondaga. The 
 Iroquois had few positive beliefs, but many traditions 
 and superstitions. They believed in a Great Spirit, in a 
 God of the Waters, who descended to the world to teach 
 people. Under the Falls of Niagara they believed that the 
 Spirit of Thunder dwelt in company with his giant brood, 
 and in the forests they conjured up terrible forms of wild 
 boasts, monsters, and serpents. In Lake Ontario there 
 existed a horned serpent of portentous size and power. 
 Once a two-headed serpent, so the myth ran, ravaged 
 tlie land and destroyed the people till killed by the 
 
 I 
 
5° 
 
 The Native Races. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 magic arrow of a child. Tho poet Longfellow has de- 
 scribed ii ' Ilinwathu' the life, ideas and romance of the 
 race, their stern courage and occasional tenderness, their 
 mysticism, religion, and strange personification of nature. 
 The life of the Iroquois was one of sharp excitement and 
 sudden contrasts. In the chase, on the war-patli, at the 
 festival, with games of hazard, dances and orgies, they 
 practised and exhausted their native energy. They cul- 
 tivated maize, and in 1696 Count Frontenac, the Governor 
 of Canada, found miles of cultivated fields extending 
 from their villages. Notwithstanding their widespread 
 victories it is calculated that the Iroquois warriors never 
 exceeded 4000. 
 
 (11) Such, however, was the desolating activity of 
 the Iroquois bands that it took them only twenty-five 
 years (1^)50-1675) to utterly destroy the clans of the 
 Hurons, Neutrals, Andastes and Eries. After conquest 
 they made no attempt at re-organisation or a military 
 system. They were the worst of conquerors, and left 
 behind them the most complete ruin and devastation. 
 The Iroquois formed an island, as it were, in the vast 
 expanse of the Algonkin population, which extended from 
 Hudson's Bay to Carolina. 
 
 (12) The North American Indians were entirelv dif- 
 ferent from the natives of Mexico and Peru, with whom 
 the Spaniards were brought into contact. The Peruvians 
 were a civilised nation with a central worship. The 
 Temple of the Sun, their deity, at Cuzco, was their 
 national shrine ; the Inca or king, their hereditary ruler 
 of divine origin, to whose support one third of the land 
 was devoted. The Mexican empire, with its capital 
 of 60,000 people, and cultivated territories extending 
 in the reign of Montezuma 500 leagues from east to 
 west, and more than 200 leagues from north to south, 
 was no less wonderful. Yet both these kingdoms fell 
 
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v.] 
 
 The Native Races. 
 
 51 
 
 before the Spaniards almost at the first blast of the 
 trumpet. TIk) Iroquois M'cro unwearying foes, their 
 ' braves ' acting singly or in small parties, unlike the 
 Zulu ' impis ' or regiments. In craft they were superior, 
 in endurance equal to the Zulus. For Ijotli, hardihood was 
 the first virtu<' ; for Ijoth, the simple diet of m(;alies or 
 Indian corn sufficed ; for both, the council (in Kaffir 
 land the Pitso) gave opportunities for stirring eloquence 
 to chiefs and elders, and over both the sorcerer or witch- 
 doctor exercised his weird power. In Ijoth races a 
 strange Spirit-worship, amongst Indians the Manitou- 
 worship, prevailed. The Manitou might bo a bird, a 
 buffalo, a feather, a skin. 
 
 (13) The Indian warrior is not only idle at intervals, 
 — when not on the chase or foray, — but he is proud of 
 this idleness. Woman is the labourer, and bears the 
 burden of life and dies in hardship, arj Wordsworth has 
 described her in his poem on the ' Complaint of a For- 
 saken Indian Woman.' His picture is to a great extent 
 true, only the Indian woman, being left behind to die from 
 exhaustion, would not have complained. That would 
 have been undignified. During the mild season there was 
 little suffering, but thrift was wanting, and winter came 
 upon them unprepared. This is a picture of the winter 
 and of the summer life of these North American tribes : — 
 ' In the calm days of summer the Ojibwa fisherman 
 pushes his birch canoe upon the great inland ocean of the 
 north, and, as he gazes down into the pellucid depths, he 
 seems like one balanced between earth and heaven. The 
 watchful fish- hawk circles above his head, and below, 
 further than his line will reach, he sees the trout glide 
 shadowy and silent over the glimmering pebbles. The 
 little islands on the verge of the horizon seem now start- 
 ing into spires, now melting from the sight, now shaping 
 themselves into a thousand fantastic forms with the 
 
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 strange mirage of the waters ; and he fancies that the 
 evil spirits of the lake lie basking their serpent forms on 
 those unhallowed shores. Again, he explores the watery 
 labyrinths where the stream sweeps amongst pine-tufted 
 islands, or runs, black and deep, beneath the shadows of 
 moss-bearded firs ; or he drags his canoe upon the sandy 
 l)each, and while his camp-fire crackles on the grass-plat, 
 reclines beneath the trees and smokes and laughs away 
 the sultry hours in a lazy luxury of enjoyment. 
 
 ' But when winter descends upon the earth, sealing the 
 fountains, fettering the stream, and turning the green- 
 robed forests to a shivering, naked wilderness, then, 
 bearing their fragile dwellings on their backs, the Ojibwa 
 family wander forth into the wilderness, cheered only on 
 their dreary track by the whistling of the north-east wind 
 and the hungry cry of wolves. By the banks of some frozen 
 stream, women and children, men and dogs lie crouched 
 together around the fire. They spread their benumbed 
 fingers over the embers, while the wind shrieks through 
 the fir-trees like the gale through the rigging of a frigate, 
 and the narrow concave of the wigwam spartles with the 
 frost-work of their congealed breath. In vain they beat 
 the magic drum and call upon the guardian Manitou — 
 the wary moose keeps aloof ; the bear lies close in his 
 hollow tree, and famine stares them in the face. And 
 now the hunter can fight ^^o more against the nipping 
 cold and blinding sleet. Still and stark, with haggard 
 cheek and shrivelled lips, he lies amongst the snow-drifts ; 
 till with tooth and claw the famished wild cat strives in 
 vain to pierce the frigid marble of limbs. Such harsh 
 treatment is thrown away on the Indian ; he lives in 
 misery as his father lived before him ^'. 
 
 (14) In the peninsula of Florida in the sixteenth 
 century there were three Indian confederacies of the 
 ^ Parkinaii's Conspiracy of Pontiac. 
 
'l' 1 
 
 VI.] 
 
 Rule of the Hundred Associates. 
 
 53 
 
 Mobilian group : (i) th.at of Saloiiriana ; (ii) of Thimagoa 
 under a chief named Outina, living in forty villages ; (iii) 
 that of king Panaroo, .all at de.adly enmity with one 
 another. Their social state was more advanced than that 
 of the wandering tribes of the north, and around their 
 villages, made of huts thatched with palmetto, could often 
 be seen the fertile fields of maize, beans, and pumpkins. 
 Here the climate was milder and the conditions of life 
 easier. In the midst of this village, protected occasionally 
 by palisades and approached by devious avenues, dwelt the 
 chief of the tribe, holding hereditary office ; diifering in 
 this respect from the wild hunting tribes of the north. 
 Although these tribes and coniederacies existed in the days 
 of Rene de Laudonniere, the great French explorer an<l 
 colonist (1564), they are all extinct now. The attack 
 of the Spaniards coming from Pensacola upon the 
 village of Mobile (1540), in which 2500 Indians were 
 slain, suffocated or burnt, w.is one of the most murderous 
 Indian fights ever known on North American soil \ 
 
 -M- 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Champlain and the Rule of the Hundred 
 
 Associafes. 
 
 (i) In the reign of Henry IV of France (1598), about 
 fifty years after Cartier's last expedition, a commission 
 was given to the Marquis de la Roche, a nobleman of Brit- 
 tany. He was styled Viceroy of Canada, Acadie and the 
 
 ' Parkman's Pioneers of France. 
 
 ii 
 
 ■fl 
 
 I :--■ 
 
54 
 
 Cham2J>lain and the Rule 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 adjoining territories, with sole right to carry on the fur- 
 trade within the bounds of his domain, or rather Empire as 
 we might almost term it. Searching for a suitable place 
 for settlement, the Marquis left forty of his crew, who 
 were convicts and gaol-birds, on Sable Island, an island 
 off the coast of Nova Scotia. He himself, however, 
 encountered such tempestuous weather that he was 
 driven away from the coast and forced to return to France, 
 leaving his wretched followers on Sable Island. Exposed 
 to tremendous privations they all died with the exception 
 of a miserable remnant of twelve, vrho managed to find 
 their way back to France and tell their piteous tale of 
 suffering. The Marquis who had set out with such 
 remarkable promise, was upon his return thrown into 
 prison, where he lingered for many years. 
 
 (2) In 1 599 another expedition was organised by Cliau- 
 vin of Kouen, a naval officer, and by Pontgrave a sailor 
 merchant of St. Malo, who oljtained a monopoly of the 
 Canadian fur-trade from King Henry, and undertook to 
 establish a colony of 500 persons. Two vessels were 
 equipped in the spring of 1600, and a party of settlers 
 landed at Tadousac. It was found impossible for the 
 whole party to winter there, so a small remnant of 
 sixteen colonists was left behind. Being unprepared in 
 food or clothing to face the rigours of a Canadian winter, 
 they were reduced to great straits, and were obliged to 
 throw themselves upon the charity and hospitality of the 
 Indians. Not long afterwards, during a third voyage to 
 Tadousac, Chauvin himself, the leader of the expedition, 
 was taken ill and died. 
 
 (3) He was succeeded in his enterprise, which was in 
 reality a very lucrative fur-trade with the Indians, by 
 de Chaste, the Governor of Dieppe. De Chaste prevailed 
 upon several wealthy merchants to take the matter up, and 
 enlisted in his service a most valuable auxiliary, Samuel 
 
VI.] 
 
 oj the Hundred Associates. 
 
 55 
 
 Champlain, who may be termed the father of French 
 colonisation in Canada. He explored the country up the 
 St. liawrence as far as the Sault St. Louis, where he 
 was stopped by the rapids. He thus followed in the 
 wake of Cartier, who had in 1535 described the Huron 
 village of Hochelaga, and had given the name of Mount 
 Royal (Montreal) to the mountain behind the village. 
 From the summit of this mountain the eyes of the first 
 explorers must have been greeted with a most wild and 
 magnificent view. On all sides spread miles of intermin- 
 able forests, between which the great St. Lawrence flowed 
 majestically, showing the paths to a vast and unexplored 
 region in the distant west, whence it gathered its mighty 
 flood. 
 
 (4) Upon his return to France, Champlain found that 
 de Chaste, the patron of the enterprise, had died, and 
 that the Company had broken up. He was determined, 
 however, not to lose the fruits of his enterprise, and went 
 to Paris and laid before King Henry a chart of the 
 country he had seen. He was graciously received, and 
 the scheme of de Chaste was taken up by de Monts, a 
 Calvinist gentleman of great wealth, who was in favour 
 at the Court of Henry. There was toleration at this time 
 for both Catholics and Protestants in France. De Monts 
 was allowed the free exercise of his Calvinistic faith, with 
 instructions, at the same time, to forward the Eoman 
 Catholic religion amongst the natives. This kingly 
 toleration, contrasted with what had gone before and 
 with what was to follow afterwards, was like a gleam of 
 light on troubled waters. 
 
 (5) The Sieur de Monts was given great powers and 
 large concessions. His patent included all the country 
 between the fortieth and forty-sixth degree of latitude, 
 namely, from Philadelphia to Montreal, with a mono- 
 poly of the fur-trade and supreme governing powers. 
 
 ! ., I, 
 
 11 
 
56 
 
 Champlain and the Rule 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 De Monts set sail with a larger expedition than had ever 
 yet gone to Cana<la (March, 1604), and after examining 
 the coast of Nova Scotia, wintered on tlio Island of St. 
 Croix, near the month of a river of that name. In the 
 spring of 1605 de Monts removed to Port Royal on tlu* 
 Bay of Fundy, where a Frenchman named Poutrincourt 
 had already formed a settlement. In later times Port 
 Royal and the Harhonr of Annapolis were destined to b<* 
 the scene of many conflicts J>etween French and English. 
 In 1605 de Monts explored the country to the south, and 
 claimed the rivers, especially the Merrimac, and the bays 
 as far as Cape Cod, for France, but no French colony 
 within the borders of what is now United States territory 
 was founded until 16 15. On the eastern shore of Mount- 
 desert Isle, a fort was raised at St. Sauveur by a French- 
 man of the name of de Saussaye. This was meant to be a 
 missionary outpost rather than a colony, and had the suj)- 
 port of Mary de Medicis. ' The conversion of the heathen 
 was the motive of the settlement ; the natives venerated 
 Biart, the Jesuit Father, as a messenger from heaven ; 
 and under the summer sky, round a cross in the centre of 
 the hamlet, matins and vespers were reguk .y chanted '.' 
 (6) It was the object of de Monts to develop the resources 
 of Acadia, but Champlain advocated the claims of Canada, 
 as the basin of the St. Lawrence was then called. There 
 was a prevalent idea in the minds of the explorers of 
 that age, that Asia could be reached by a short water route 
 across the American continent, and the Lachino rapids 
 were so named from the belief that beyond them was the 
 way to China. With Champlain lies the honour of found- 
 ing Quebec. * On the 3rd of July, 1 608, he fixed upon a 
 promontoiy covered with a luxuriant growth of vines and 
 shaded by some noble walnut-trees, called by the natives 
 Quebio or Quebec, not far distant from the spot where, 
 
 ' Bancroft, vol i. 20. 
 
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VI.] 
 
 of the Hundred Associates. 
 
 57 
 
 sixty- seven years before, Curtier had erected a fort and 
 passed a winter. Kude buildings of wood were first 
 erected on the high grounds to offer shelter to his men, and 
 when these were completed an embankment was formed, 
 above the reach of the tide, on which the houses and bat- 
 tery were built '.' 
 
 (7) For many years from this date the history of French 
 colonisation is mainly a record of Champlain's life. The 
 partnership, if it may be so called, between him and de 
 Monts ended in 161 1, when the latter, upon the occasion 
 of his appointment to the Governorship of Saintonge, 
 excused himself from North American adventures. He 
 committed everything in his power to Champlain, and 
 advised him to seek some powerful patron. He found 
 such a patron in the Count de Soissons, who obtained the 
 title of Lieutenant-General of New France, and then 
 delegated the functions of this high office to Champlain. 
 The Count dying shortly afterwards, Champlain found a 
 still more powerful patron in the Prince of Conde. 
 Practically speaking, the energetic Champlain had a free 
 hand to act as he pleased in North America. 
 
 (8) In 1 61 3, Champlain undertook a new work of 
 exploration to the north of the St. Lawrence. He had 
 already done much on the south. In 1 609 he had diverged 
 into the Kichelieu River, after traversing Lake St. Peter, 
 and discovered Lake Champlain and Lake George, in 
 what is now the State of Vermont. In this expedition 
 he had been greatly assisted by the Algonkins, who were 
 at deadly enmity with the Iroquois or Five Nations. 
 Like other successful explorers, Champlain had the 
 power of gaining the confidence of the natives with 
 whom he was brought into contract. His friends the 
 Algonkins had imparted to him much valuable informa- 
 tion respecting the geography of the continent. They 
 
 ' MacmuUen's History of Canada, p. 12. 
 
 I' 
 
 M: 
 
 
 H 
 
 ■ ■ 
 
58 
 
 Champlain and the Rule 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 seem to liave ])eon acquuintod with the genoral character 
 of the country down the valley of the Mississippi, as far 
 south as the Gulf of Mexico. 
 
 (9) His expedition to the north was prompted chiefly by 
 the report of a man named Vignau, who had lived among 
 the Indians, and had accompanied Champlain on his 
 travels. Far to the north ho said the Ottawa (the river 
 of the Algonkins) issued from a lake connected with the 
 North Sea. On the shores of this sea Vignau reported 
 having seen the wreck of an Englisli vessel. The crevv, 
 eighty in number, had reached the land, but had all been 
 killed and scalped by the natives, excepting a boy who 
 was kept by them. Champlain was induced to believe 
 this story as he had heard that some English vessels had 
 been wrecked on the coasts of Labrador, and there 
 appeared to be no great reason for Vignau's propagation 
 of a false rumour. Champlain accordingly set out upon his 
 Ottawa expedition, and after suffering great hardships was 
 compelled to return with the conviction that Vignau had 
 deceived him. The journey, however, was not without 
 its results, and was the prelude to a far more fruitful and 
 important one in 16 15. In this year he followed the 
 course of the Ottawa for a long distance, and then 
 taking advantage of numerous small lakes and portages 
 reached Lake Nipissing. From this point Champlain 
 followed the course of the French River to Georgian Bay. 
 which he crossed near the Great Manitoulin Island, and 
 entered Lake Huron, described by himself as ' a fresh- 
 water sea, 300 leagues in length by 50 in breadth.' 
 He coasted this lake for several leagues, and turning a 
 point ne£ r its extremity, struck into the interior with a 
 view of reaching Cahiaqua. Thence he found his way to 
 Lake St. Clair, near the site of the present city of Detroit. 
 This was the furthest point of exploration. But the 
 geographical results gained were very important. The 
 
VI.] 
 
 of the Hundred Associates. 
 
 59 
 
 way to the west by the Ottawa, Nipissing Lake and Lake 
 Huron had been opened up, and the existence of these 
 vast sheets of fresh water confirmed. Champlain liad 
 obtained the key to the Far West. But it was not gained 
 without infinite risk and trouble. He was compelled to 
 take a part in the eternal feud l)etween the Algonkins 
 and Iroquois: at Lake St. Clair he was twice wounded 
 in the leg in a conflict with the latter, and during the 
 return journey, which was little better than a flight from 
 them, was carried a great distance, and with agony and 
 pain to himself, as a wounded and disabled man. He 
 returned to Quebec in July, 1616. 
 
 (10) For ten years after this expedition Samuel Champ- 
 lain, nothing daunted by the difficulties of his task, which 
 arose quite as much from the apathy or open opposition 
 of his countrymen as from the natural obstacles of the 
 country, prosecuted his projects of Canadian exploration 
 and colonisation. There was no overflow of population 
 from France to the new country, and towards the close of 
 162 1 the European settlers of Canada are said to have 
 numbered only forty-eight souls. 
 
 (11) In 1627 the former Charters given by the kings 
 of France were cancelled, chiefly through the advice of 
 Cardinal Richelieu, and the fortunes of the French Empire 
 in North America handed over to a Company of a Hundred 
 Associates, of which it was natural that Samuel Champ- 
 lain should be the leading spirit. The Associates held 
 power over a vast extent of country from Florida to 
 Hudson's Bay, claiming the sole right of trading and 
 fishing, except the cod and whale fisheries ; and, in 
 return for this huge commercial monopoly, were bound 
 to settle 6000 colonists within fifteen years, and pro- 
 vide them with a sufficient number of clergy. A new 
 era was to begin. The Association was partly com- 
 mercial and partly missionary in its objects, and included 
 
 1 1- 
 
6o 
 
 Chuniplain and the Rule 
 
 [Cm. 
 
 VI.J 
 
 ( 
 
 [ 
 
 f , 
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 amongst its monibers, not only Curdinal Rlcheliou and 
 Chaniplain, but many nolilomon and rich morchantH. 
 New Franco, according to the Charter of Louis XIII, 
 meant tho basin of the 8t. Lawrence and of such other 
 rivers as flowed directly into the sea. It also included 
 Florida, by virtue of Coligny's attempts to plant a 
 Huguenot colony there (1564). This new Company, 
 whose main object was genuine colonisation and settle- 
 ment, undertook definitely to send out 300 tradesmen 
 first of all, and to find them with tools and food and all 
 the necessaries of life for three years. This clause in the 
 Royal Charter enjoining upon the Company colonisation 
 in most express terms, indicates the weak point in the 
 French system. The French people had not followed in 
 the wake of explorers ; they had not migrated willingly 
 and in large numbers ; they had not shown the desired 
 attributes of a colonising people, and this Company was 
 formed to inaugurate and guide a national exodus. It was 
 in fact an Emigration Society with most ample means 
 and under the best patronage. For each settlement three 
 priests were * established ' in the technical sense. They 
 were to receive and to be endowed with cleared lands, 
 and the Catholic Church in New France became a State 
 Church. The office of Viceroyalty, which had existed for 
 eighty-six years (1541-1627), was abolished, and Champ- 
 lain was made Governor. 
 
 (12) Misfortunes, however, overtook New France at the 
 very beginning. In 1628 Sir David Kirke with an English 
 squadron captured the first ships laden with stores for 
 the emigrants, and in 1629 the English took Quebec and 
 held Canada until 1632, when by the treaty of St. 
 Germain- en-Laye, Canada (meaning the valley of the 
 St. Lawrence), Acadia and Cape Breton were restored to 
 France. This was the time of domestic embarrassment 
 in England during the reign of Charles I, and France 
 
 ins 
 
VI.] 
 
 of lite IJandreil Associates. 
 
 6i 
 
 profited by it, but only for a tiiiu'. Tho Commoinvoaltb 
 was destined to Ijiing a more active imi)erial spirit and 
 develop, under the faniouH Kolnrt Blake, England'.s mari- 
 time power. In New France Chamidain was reinstated 
 with full powers as Governor of Canada, and it seemed 
 as if, now at last, he was destined to carry out his lifelong 
 l)rojects, and build up a colonial empire in North America. 
 Immediately ui)on h's appointment he began io address 
 liimself seriously to i. task before lilm, and in the follow- 
 ing year he came to Queljec with stores and a number of 
 settlers. But on Christmtts Day, 1635, he died. 
 
 (13) Chami)lain was, perhaps, tho most intrepid of 
 the French explorers of North America. lie carried with 
 liim in his great task a spirit of enthusiasm and devotion. 
 His religious zeal, like that of many of the men of his 
 day, was extreme, and he is said to have ' esteemed the 
 salvation of a soul worth more than tho coii'-piest of an 
 empire.' Chamjdain utilised the services of the Francis- 
 cans, an order noted for their simple and austere hal)its, 
 and he regarded them as fitting instruments to send as 
 pioneers into a new country, as * they M^ere free from 
 ambition.' But afterwards the task of converting the 
 Indians and spreading the light of the Gospel among the 
 great lakes was entrusted to the Jesuits solely as being 
 better instruments. Perhaps the main feature of the 
 Associates' rule is the impulse given to inissionary 
 enterprise. 
 
 (14) Within thirteen years (1634-1647) the Huron 
 country was visited by forty-two missionaries, members 
 of the Society of Jesus, all fired with zeal and ready to lay 
 down their lives for the cause. Two or three times a year 
 they all met at St. Mary's, their central station, upon the 
 banks of a river now called Wye. In 1640 Montreal, 
 the site of which had been already indicated by Champ- 
 lain in 161 1, was founded, that there might be a nearer 
 
62 
 
 Chawplain and the Rule 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 rendezvous than Quebec for the converted Indians. At 
 its occupation a solemn mass was cek^brated under a tent, 
 and in France itself the following Februaiy a general 
 supplication was offered up that the Queen of Angels 
 would take? the Island of Montreal under her ^ rotection. 
 In the A ust of this year a general meeting of French 
 settlers and Indians took place at Montreal, and the 
 festival of the Assumption was solemnised at the island. 
 The new crusading spirit took full possession of the 
 enthusiastic French people, and the niece of Cardinal 
 Richelieu founded a hospital for the natives between the 
 Kennebec and Lake Superior, to which young and nobly- 
 born hospital nuns from Dieppe offered their services. 
 Plans were made for establishing mission posts, not only 
 on the north amongst the Algonkins, but to the south of 
 Lake Huron, in Michigan and at Green Bay, and so 
 on as far as the regions to the west. The maps of the 
 Jesuits prove that before 1660 they h.id traced the 
 waters of Lake Erie and Lake Superior and had seen Lake 
 Michigan. The Huron mission embraced principally 
 the country lying between Lake Simcoe and Georgian 
 Bay, building its stations on the rivers and shores. 
 
 (15) But the French missionaries, however much they 
 might desire it, could not keep outside the intertribal 
 strifes of the natives around them. Succeeding to Champ- 
 Iain's policy, they continued to aid the Algonkins and 
 Hurons against their inveterate enemies the Iroquois. 
 The Iroquois retaliated by the most horrible cruelty and 
 revenge. There was no peace along the borders of this 
 wild country, and missionaries and colonists carried their 
 lives in their hands. In 1648 St. Joseph, a Huron mission 
 town on the shores of L.ake Simcoe, was burned down 
 and destroyed by the Iroquois, and Pere Daniel, the 
 Jesuit leader, killed under circumstances of great atrocity. 
 In 1649 St. Ignace, a station at the corner of Georgian 
 
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VI.] 
 
 of the Hundred Associates. 
 
 63 
 
 Bay, was sacked, and there the pious Brebeiif met his 
 end, after having suffered the most horrible tortures the 
 Indians could invent. Brebeuf, after being hacked in the 
 face and burnt all over the body with torches and red-hot 
 iron, was scalped alive, and died after three hours' suffering. 
 His companion, the gentle Gabriel Lalleraand, endured 
 terrible tortures for seventeen hours. Two missionary 
 heroes, Charles Raymbault and Isaac Jogues, desei-ve men- 
 tion as men who were willing to sacrifice themselves for 
 their great cause. These men passed on westward over the 
 clear waters and amongst the beautiful islands of Lake 
 Huron, to the Straits which form the outlet of Lake Supe- 
 rior. There they met savages who had never seen Euro- 
 peans, and there they heard of the famed Sioux who dwelt 
 beyond the Great Lake. Jogues was taken captive by the 
 Mohawks, and lived amongst them and acquired a kind of 
 ascendancy over them. But for some time the French 
 were excluded from Lakes Ontario and Erie owing to the 
 hostility of this tribe. Their way to the West was by 
 the Ottawa and French River, and so by Lake Huron. 
 
 (16) The French Governors who succeeded Champlain 
 were men of probity and worth, but they lacked his 
 courage and enthusiasm. His immediate successor, M. de 
 Montmagny (1637), was fortunate enough to win the 
 respect of the colonists, Indians, and the French Court as 
 well. For a long time he was held up as the model of a 
 Colonial Governor. But the usual limit assigned to the 
 office was only three years, and in the midst of his good 
 work M. de Montmagny was recalled, and the threads of 
 his polic)'^ given into the hands of M. de Ailleboust. This 
 Governor had already some knowledge of Canada, us he 
 had been military commandant at Three Rivers. One 
 of his chief desires was to form a perpetual alliance with 
 the New England colonies on the coast, and with this 
 object in view he despatched an agent to Boston. But 
 
 M 
 
 m' 
 
64 
 
 Rule of the Hundred Associates. 
 
 [Ciu 
 
 a 
 
 ' ( 
 
 
 • 
 
 ml 
 
 iii 
 
 * 'il 
 
 ^ 
 
 as one of the terms of the alliance was a combination 
 against the ' Five Nations,' the negotiations, which were 
 conceived in a selfish spirit, fell through. This attempt 
 to crush them aroused the wrath of the Iroquois, and 
 made them more bitter foes to French rule than they 
 were before. M. de Ailleboust was succeeded by M. de 
 Lauson (i65i\ M. de Argenson and M. de Avaugour, the 
 last under the regime of the Hundred Associates. As 
 a trading and a colonising Company, the Associates, in 
 spite of good Governors and large concessions, had been a 
 failure. We cannot but contrast it and its meagre results 
 with the Hudson's Bay Company (i66o), which in a 
 measure succeeded it. No doubt there were strong and 
 sufficient reasons for its failure. It had exasperated the 
 natives with a mistaken poli(;y, and it had demoralised 
 them Math brandy, — Fire-water, as the Indians called it, 
 — to the righteous indignation of the clergy. Chiefly 
 at the suggestion of Bishop Laval, the king of France 
 cancelled the Charter of the Company, — which had 
 dwindled down to less than half its original number, — 
 and brought the whole territory under direct Crown rule. 
 (17) Just before their reign expired (1660), the English 
 colonists proposed to the Governor of French Canada that 
 the colonies of France and England should take no part in 
 the quarrels of the mother-countries, but should live and 
 trade in peace. Beyond the seas the hatchet was to be 
 buried, and the emigrants of the two great Western Powers 
 of Europe were to approach, hand in hand. Catholics as 
 well as Protestants, the work of reclaiming the Continent. 
 This suggestion was far wiser and more reasonable than 
 that of De Ailleboust, whose main object was the subjec- 
 tion of the Iroquois. But it was impossible on the face of 
 it, and a colonial policy could never, in those days, be 
 dissociated from a home policy. Canada was destined to 
 be one of the chosen battle-fields of England and France. 
 
VII.] 
 
 New France and Neiu England. 
 
 65 
 
 Above all others there was the great question of the 
 supremacy of the seas, which was ever a sore point 
 between the two countries. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 New France and New England. 
 
 (i) At the time of Champlain's death the French popu- 
 lation consisted of several small settlements extending 
 from Tadousac to Lachine, the most important of which 
 were at Quebec and the Three Eivers. In Acadia, in- 
 cluding the provinces now called New Brunswick and 
 Nova Scotia, there were only a few ports along the 
 coast, or at the mouths of rivers. This was the extent 
 of New France in 1635, exactly a hundred years after 
 the expedition (1535) of Jacques Cartier up the St. 
 Lawrence. Not a very great result for a hundred years, 
 although kings and ministers had from the beginning en- 
 tertained magnificent ideas of what their North American 
 empire should be. Was it really fated to be only a 
 magnificent dream after all, and was the ' Viceroyalty of 
 Canada, Acadie and the adjoining territories,' as given to 
 De La Eoche in 1598 by Royal Charter, to dwindle down 
 to a few outposts ? Although the French have been 
 successful colonists along the valley of the St. Lawrence, 
 especially since they were freed from the control and 
 government of their officials from the mother-country 
 (1763), still it must be acknowledged that they were slow 
 and unprogressive at first. 
 
 F 
 
 U' 
 
 lit'i 
 
'r 
 
 ■ntaoa 
 
 'i \ 
 
 
 66 
 
 New France and New England. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 i 1^' 
 
 (2) We have only to contrast their position at Champ- 
 Iain's death with that of the English further south. 
 We find the following: Virginia, 1607; Massachusetts, 
 settled by the ' Pilgrim Fathers,' 1620 ; New Hampshire, 
 1623 ; Maine, 1625 ; Bhode Island, settled from Massa- 
 chusetts in 163 1 ; Maryland, settled under Lord Baltimore, 
 1634 ; Connecticut, settled from Massachusetts, 1635. Of 
 the others, Neiv York was settled by the Dutch in 1609, 
 and New Jersey and Delaware founded by Dutch and 
 Swedes in 1627. Here was a group of bona fide Planta- 
 tions rooted in the soil, and not simply trusting to fur- 
 trading with the natives, but developing the soil by hard 
 work. It may be truly said that within thirty years the 
 English had done far more to colonise the country in 
 the true sense of the word than the French had done in 
 a hundred years. The latter were often dependent upon 
 the mother-country for supplies. 
 
 (3) British colonisation in North America began first 
 of all, as we have seen, with private em x'prise. Indi- 
 viduals set out on voyages of discovery at their own cost 
 and peril. Frequently they held in their hands ample 
 Charters from the Crown, but the power as well as the 
 opportunity lay in private hands alone. Sir Humphrey 
 Gilbert's Charter (June, 1578) empowered him 'from time 
 to time and at all times for ever hereafter to discover . . . 
 such remote heathen and barbarous lands . . . not actually 
 possessed of any Christian prince or people, as to him, his 
 heirs, and assigns . . . shall seem good, and the same to 
 have, hold, occupy and enjoy to him, his heirs and assigns, 
 for ever, with all commodities, jurisdictions and royalties 
 both by sea and land.' Many private gentlemen asso- 
 ciated themselves under this ample Charter with Sir 
 Humphrey Gilbert, and the result of it was, in 1583, the 
 formal possession of Newfoundland. It was on August 5 
 that Sir Humphrey Gilbert, in the presence of the 
 
VII,] 
 
 New France and Neio England. 
 
 6^ 
 
 assembled merchants and fishermen of all nations, opened 
 and read his Commission. By virtue of it he assumed 
 possession of the government of St. John's and the ad- 
 joining shores to the extent of 200 leagues. He required 
 from all present in token of submission the ancient 
 symbols of turf and twig; he granted several lots of 
 land in consideration of rent and services, laid a tax upon 
 shipping, established the Church of England, and declared 
 the general supremacy of British law. Offences against 
 the name and rule of Queen Elizabeth were severely 
 punished. It was enacted that if any person should 
 utter words sounding to the dishonour of Her Majesty, 
 he should lose his ears and have his ship and goods con- 
 fiscated. In the port of St. John's there were no fewer 
 than forty sail of fishing ships of all nationalities, French, 
 English, Portuguese, and Spanish. The vessels of Sir 
 Humphrey Gilbert's expedition were the Delight, the 
 Golden Hind, the Swallow and the Squirrel. The flag 
 of England waved over the newly-acquired land, and 
 a wooden pillar was erected on which were attached 
 the arms of England engraved on lead. There were 
 two notable companions in the enterprise who were 
 witnesses of the ceremony, Captain Hayes, of the Golden 
 Hind, and Captain Richard Whitbourne, of Exmouth in 
 Devonshire. Sir Walter Raleigh, who was half-brother 
 of the admiral, adventured £2000 towards the expedition. 
 It was on his return voyage that the gallant Sir H. 
 Gilbert went down in a heavy sea with all hands in the 
 Squirrel, a small vessel of ten tons ; his last recorded 
 utterance being those well-known words, which he 
 spoke sitting abaft with a book in his hand, 'Be of good 
 heart, my friends, we are as near to heaven by sea as by 
 land.' Sir Walter Raleigh was nothing daunted by his 
 kinsman's death. By reason of his heroic character and 
 courageous attempts to colonise Virginia, he has not un- 
 
 111 
 
 I 
 
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 F 2 
 
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 . ■ : ^, 
 
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 ! 
 
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 68 
 
 Neiv France and New England. 
 
 [Cm. 
 
 justly been termed the ' father of British colonisatioi .' 
 He is to England what Champlain was to France in 
 North America, a traveller, explorer, ;,nd persistent 
 founder of settlements. Sir Walter Raleigh could count 
 upon Court favour in his early attempts. Queen Elizabeth 
 took the deepest interest in the idea of transatlantic 
 empire, and had given to Sir H. Gilbert, on the occasion 
 of his last memorable voyage, an anchor as a token of 
 encouragement, and her best wishes, desiring 'as great 
 goodness and safety to the ship as if herself were there 
 in person.' 
 
 (4) Within six months of his half-brother's death 
 Raleigh took up the enterprise, obtained a new Charter in 
 1584, and sent out his two well-known captains, Philip 
 Amadas and Arthur Barlow, who in July of that year 
 took possession of Roanoke. Between 1587 and 1602 
 Sir Walter Raleigh fitted out at his own charges no less 
 than five Virginian expeditions. Notwithstanding many 
 disappointments and failures Raleigh's faith in Virginia 
 was strong. * I shall yet live to see it an English 
 nation,' were his prophetic words. Virginia v^a,^ destined 
 to be planted successfully in 1606, more than twenty 
 years after Raleigh's first attempts. Many gallant men, 
 whose enthusiasm was aroused and their energies called 
 forth by the stirring times of Queen Elizabeth, were now 
 bent on large schemes of permanent colonisation. Little 
 by little the motives for adventurous exploration had 
 changed. The ambitious search for the North- West 
 Passage and the quest for Eldoradoes had given way to 
 a desire to found colonies in the true sense of the word. 
 To the best minds the Transatlantic ideal was a perma- 
 nent Christian state, where loyal men might thrive and 
 flourish undisturbed. Chivalrous men of all kinds threw 
 themselves with ardour into the scheme of American 
 colonisation. There was John Smith, 'an adventurer of 
 
1 ■■ f 
 
 VII.] New France and New England. 
 
 69 
 
 rarest qualities/ Edward Wingfield, a rich merchant cf 
 the West of England, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Sir John 
 Popham, Lord Chief Justice of England, Gosnold, an 
 explorer who had seen with his own eyes the country and 
 its fertility, Hakluyt, 'the industrious historian,' and 
 others. When these men applied to James I for leave 
 'to deduce a colony into Virginia,' the answer was a 
 magnificent patent (1606). It was on December 19 of 
 this year, 109 years after the discovery of the American 
 Continent by Cabot, that the squadron of three ships set 
 sail. Michael Drayton, the poet, cheered them on in the 
 following well-known lines : — 
 
 * Go, and in regions far 
 
 Such heroes bring ye forth 
 As those from whom we came : 
 And plant our name 
 Under that star 
 Not known unto our north.' 
 
 (5) The date of the Second Charter of Virginia is May 
 13, 1609, and contains a far larger number of illustrious 
 names. The name of Eobert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury, 
 appears at the head of a distinguished crowd, amongst 
 whom were the Earl of Southampton, Shakespeare's 
 friend, the Earls of Lincoln and Dorset, Sir Oliver 
 Cromwell, uncle to the future Protector, and Sir Francis 
 Bacon. Sir Walter Raleigh, the great author of this 
 Virginian project, was languishing in prison at this 
 time. Lord Delaware was made governor of the New 
 Plantation. The third patent for Virginia was signed in 
 March, 16 12, and still further extended the area of the 
 colony \ The colonists met with great difficulties and 
 privations during the first few years of their sojourn 
 in the country, especially when they lost the services 
 
 ^ In Henry VIII, Act V. so. v. 52 (1613), Shakespeare speaks of 
 ' new nations.' . . 
 
 \m 
 
'' •! »^ 
 
 llli 
 
 70 
 
 New France and New England. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 i^l 
 
 of the enterprising and indomitable John Smith, the 
 hero of romantic exploration. They became embroiled 
 also in quarrels with the natives who resented their in- 
 trusion. But more peaceful relations sprang up between 
 them when Pocahontas, the beautiful daughter of a chief 
 Powhatan, who was taken captive by the colonists, was 
 sought in marriage by John Rolfe, one of the colonists, 
 and converted by him to the Christian faith. This is one 
 of the most romantic episodes of a romantic age, and its 
 'immediate fruits were a confirmed peace to the colony'.' 
 
 (6) When Lord Delaware died Sir George Yeardley 
 (1619) was appointed Governor of Virginia, and during 
 his regime the planters were given certain powers of 
 self-government and an elective assembly to manage their 
 own affairs. Two burgesses were elected from each Plan- 
 tation, the number of Plantations being, in 1 6 1 9, eleven. 
 The Church of England was confirmed as the Church of 
 Virginia, and stringent laws and regulations were passed 
 on the subject of religion and Sunday observances. The 
 colony increased at the rate of iioo every year, and soon 
 attracted the attention of every one. ' Lord Bacon, who 
 at the time of the first voyage with emigrants for Vir- 
 ginia had classed the enterprise with the romance of 
 Amadis de Gaul, now said of the Plantation, ''Certainly 
 it is with the kingdoms of the earth as it is with the 
 kingdoms of heaven, sometimes a grain of mustard-seed 
 proves a great tree. Who can tell ? " " Should the Plan- 
 tation go on increasing, as under the government of that 
 popular Lord Southampton," said Gondomar, the Spanish 
 ambassador in London, " my master's West Indies and 
 his Mexico will shortly be visited, by sea and by land, 
 from these planters in Virginia " ^' 
 
 (7) Maryland, further north, is the scene of another 
 scheme of colonisation. Sir George Calvert, Lord Balti- 
 
 nor 
 
 to 
 
 was 
 
 in 
 relig 
 
 ^ Bancroft, vol. i. p. 114. 
 
 Ibid. p. 125. 
 
VII.] New France and New England. 
 
 7^ 
 
 more, was the patentee. He was a noble and distin- 
 guished man, and hud first of all (1623) obtained a patent 
 for Avalon on the Island of Newfoundland. By faith he 
 was a Roman Catholic, but in spite of all the natural 
 l)rejudices of the day, always esteemed a most loyal 
 subject and liberal-minded Christian. The ocean, the 
 fortieth parallel of latitude, the meridian of the western 
 fountain of the Potomac, the river itself from its source 
 to its mouth, and a line drawn due east from Watkin's 
 Point to the Atlantic, formed the boundaries of the pro- 
 vince ^ which was called Maryland, from Henrie<^ta Maria, 
 the daughter of Henry IV and wife of Charles I. He 
 was the absolute lord and proprietary of the province to 
 be holden by the tenure of fealty only, paying a yearly 
 rent of two Indian arrows and a fifth of all gold and 
 silver found there. This colony was handed on from 
 ffvther to son, and became a most lucrative patrimony 
 to the family of Baltimore. It was on November 22, 
 1633, that the emigrants for Maryland set sail in two 
 ships, the Ark, 300 tons, and the Dove, 50 tons. The 
 emigrants were helped by the Virginian colonists, and 
 advanced as quickly in six months as the mother settle- 
 ment had in six years. To this Plantation, as to that 
 of Virginia, certain measures of local government and 
 internal liberty were conceded. 
 
 (8) In April, 161 4, John Smith, when President of 
 Virginia, had sailed on a voyage of discovery to the 
 northern shores, and examined the coast from Penobscot 
 to Cape Cod, calling it New England, a title which 
 was confirmed by Prince Charles. To this land the 
 'pilgrims,' in the Mayflower and the Speedwell, turned 
 in 1620. Leaving their native land as the victims of 
 religious persecution they held no charter, concession, or 
 warrant, but were simply adventurers. On November 9 
 
 * Bancroft, vol. i. p. 181. 
 
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 72 Neiv France and New Ewjland. [Ch. 
 
 they cast anchor in tho harbour of Cape Cod. Before 
 they landed the following document and compact was 
 drawn up by them, which shows clearly their spirit and 
 intention: — * In the name of God, Amen; we whose 
 names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread 
 sovereign King James, having undertaken, for the glory 
 of God and advancement of the Christian faith, and 
 honour of our king and country, a voyage to plant the 
 first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do by 
 these presents, solemnly and mutually, in the presence 
 of God and of one another, covenant and combine our- 
 selves together into a civil body politic, for our better 
 ordering, and preservation, and furtherance of the ends 
 aforesaid ; and, by virtue hereof, to enact, constitute, and 
 frame such just and equal law^s, ordinances, acts, constitu- 
 tions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought 
 most convenient for the general good of the colony. Unto 
 which we promise all due submission and obedience.' 
 This instrument was signed by forty-one men, represent- 
 ing one hundred and two souls, the whole colony of that 
 time. The colonists, after some difficulty, landed at New 
 Plymouth, at a spot still marked by posterity. Here 
 was the beginning of Now England. Next year the 
 Bay of Massachusetts and Boston Harbour were ex- 
 plored, and other settlements followed on the Kennebec 
 and along the banks of the Connecticut Kiver. 
 
 (9) It will be seen that the Colony of the Pilgrim 
 Fathers differed essentially from all others in its origin 
 and conception. The main idea of the colonists was to 
 secure for themselves a place in the world where they 
 could worship God in the way that seemed best to them. 
 They were not rebellious or disloyal, as the wording of 
 their Compact proves. They trusted to themselves and 
 their own enterprising spirit for success, and leaned 
 neither upon privilege nor chartered rights. They had 
 
VII.] 
 
 Neil) France and New Ewjland. 
 
 n 
 
 gone to Holland where they had heard there was tolera- 
 tion for all, and conducted themselves with i)iety and 
 honesty whilst sojourning there. But they desired to 
 live under the British flag, and thought they could do 
 that best by crossing the Atlantic. Nothing could be 
 more dill'erent from their methods than that of the 
 Council of Plymouth (in England) who, two months 
 after the Mayflower sailed, obtained from King James 
 a most wonderful Charter, which gave them absolute 
 power over all the land contained between the 40th and 
 48th degrees north latitude, extending from the Atlantic 
 to the Pacific. This block of land comprised nearly all 
 the inhabited British possessions of that time. The grant 
 was absolute, and gave eveiything to the Corporation. 
 
 (10) New England was reinforced from time to time 
 by fresh arrivals from the old country, who were driven 
 out for political opinions or persecuted for their re- 
 ligion. In May, 1638, the Privy Council interfered to 
 stay a squadron of eight shii)s which were in the 
 Thames prej^aring to sail for the New World. Both 
 Hampden and Cromwell were said to have been on board. 
 During the summer of this year no fewer than 3000 
 emigrants went over in twenty ships. The disturbed 
 state of politics at home, and the events which ended in 
 the execution of King Charles and the establishment of 
 the Protectorate, left the New England colonists at 
 liberty to go forward as they pleased for nearly twenty 
 years. By 1641 the Government of Massachusetts had 
 established itself in its liberties and laws. Harvard 
 College had been founded (1638) and public education 
 was provided for all classes. It has been pointed out by 
 Professor Seeley that * now for the first time the New 
 World reacted upon the Old by actual personal influence. 
 New England was itself the child of Puritanism, and of 
 Puritanism in that second form of Independency to 
 
 riiji 
 
 i W5 
 
 ■ », I 
 
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 1 ,1 
 
fif^mmmmm 
 
 mi^ 
 
 74 
 
 Kew France and New England. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 i|i 
 
 PI 
 
 11^^: 
 
 
 wliich Cromwell himself adhered. Accordingly it took a 
 very direct part in the English Eevolution. Several 
 prominent English politicians of the time may be men- 
 tioned who had themselves lived in Massachusetts, e. g. 
 Sir Henry Vane, George Downing, and Hugh Peters, 
 Cromwell's chaplain. ' 
 
 (ii) In 1642 the colony of New Hampshire was incor- 
 porated with the earlier settlement on equal terms. In 
 1643 there was a union effected between Massachusetts, 
 Connecticut, Plymouth, and New Haven. Within the first 
 fifteen years it is calculated that there came over to 
 Puritan New England 21,200 persons or 4000 families. 
 Their descendants in 1834, about 200 years afterwards, 
 mustered nearly 4,000,000. In character the settlements 
 were chiefly agricultural communities planted near the 
 seaside from New Haven to Pemaquid. As early as 1675 
 it was an easy task for Massachusetts, Plymouth, and 
 Connecticut to raise a force of 1000 troopers to deal with 
 the natives. Both to the north and the south, from 
 Virginia on the one hand and Massachusetts on the 
 other, British colonists were making their way. Along 
 the coast of the eastern sea-board, from Maine to South 
 Carolina, a young nation was arising. To their force 
 of character and indomitable vigour, ' their fierce spirit 
 of liberty,' the great Edmund Burke gave ample testi- 
 mony in 1775 in his well-known speeches on Conciliation 
 with America. Adam Smith, in his estimate of the 
 American character, lays stress upon their inborn virtues 
 and native hardihood. * In what way, therefore, has the 
 policy of Europe contributed either to the first establish- 
 ment or to the present grandeur of the colonies of 
 America ? In one way and in one way only it has con- 
 tributed a good deal. Magna virum mater ! It bred and 
 formed the men who were capable of achieving such 
 great actions and of laying the foundation of so great an 
 
VI!.] 
 
 New France and Neiu England. 
 
 75 
 
 Empire : and there is no quarter of the world of which 
 the policy is capable of forming, or has ever actually 
 and in fact formed such men. The colonies owe to the 
 policy of Europe the education and great views of their 
 active and enterprising founders : and some of the greatest 
 and most important of them, so far ps concerns their 
 internal government, owe to it scarce anything else '.' 
 
 (12) It is difficult to understand the nature and scope 
 of French colonisation, especially in the seventeenth 
 century, without a broad survey of the policy of their 
 kings and ministers. Their intentions and designs 
 appear great and far-reaching. An explorer like Cham- 
 plain easily gained audience at the court, and the si^iritual 
 regeneration of the natives of the American Continent 
 was, as we have seen, a real motive with princes and 
 nobles. The crusading and evangelising spirit of the 
 old explorers who hoped to bring unknown races of men 
 and new kingdoms of the world under the influence 
 of Kome was not yet extinct. But somehow or other the 
 great vice-royalties were failures, settlements were still- 
 born. A few general reflections may serve to prove 
 that French failures in North America were owing to 
 a number of collateral influences acting and re-acting 
 upon one another in Europe. 
 
 (13) The history of France in the seventeenth centuiy 
 was that of an ambitious nation, which endeavoured on 
 the one hand to obtain and keep a supremacy amongst 
 the nations of Europe, and, on the other, to form and 
 consolidate a transatlantic empire. They were terribly 
 liindered, however, in this wide j)olicy by the reli- 
 gious wars and dissensions which prevailed between 
 Roman Catholics and Protestants. Henry IV, a wise 
 and pacific king, in 1598 granted the celebr:.ted Edict of 
 Nantes, which was a great boon to all Protestants within 
 
 * Wealth of Nations, p. 465. 
 
 iilH 
 
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76 
 
 New France and Neiv England. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 VIL] 
 
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 his realm, and ushered in the principle of religious toler- 
 ation. He was at the head of a League which was to 
 check the pretensions of the Holy Roman Empire, when 
 in 1 608 he fell by the hand of the assassin Ravaillac ; 
 and this century, which was inaugurated so fairly, was 
 soon marked by all the old violence and injustice which 
 had distinguished its predecessor. Religious wars broke 
 out again, and blood was shed freely on both sides until 
 the Edict of Nantes was confirmed again in 1628. The 
 evils of intestine warfare were immeasurable for France. 
 She became a nation divided against herself, with her arms 
 paralysed and her chivalry disunited. It is calculated 
 that these religious wars had cost the country 1,000,000 
 lives and a sum of 150,000,000 livres, besides causing the 
 wanton destruction of 9 cities, 400 villages, 2000 churches, 
 and 2000 monasteries. This national waste must have 
 been a serious hindrance to plans of colonisation. 
 
 (14) It was a century, however, of magnificent ideas 
 and projects, gathering their inspiration probably from 
 the more thrilling and roinantic incidents of that which 
 had just preceded it. The most prominent figure is, 
 firstly, that of Cardinal Richelieu during the reign of 
 Louis XIII, and then that of Colbert in the reign of Louis 
 XIV. They were both fired with an ambition to extend 
 the industries and commerce of France and create a 
 transatlantic empire. But the revocation of the Edict 
 of Nantes (1685) was one of the chief means of ruining 
 their colonial policy. In the first place, this relapse into 
 the religious intolerance and fanaticism of the last cen- 
 tury rallied against them not only England but other 
 powers of Europe, and William III became not only 
 a champion of English nationality, but of the territorial 
 freedom of Europe, which appeared to be menaced. 
 
 (15) In her defence of Protestantism England could 
 count also upon the hearty suj)port and co-operation of 
 
-m 
 
 w!irr 
 
 VII.] Xew France and New England. 
 
 n 
 
 the New England colonists, now increasing in numbers 
 and prosperity along the eastern sea-board of North 
 America. The colonists were an important factor in the 
 American wars, when the fact is taken into consideration 
 that the French census of 1688 showed only a total of 
 11,249 whilst that of the English population was twenty 
 times as much. Another result of the revocation of the 
 Edict of Nantes was to drive skilled Huguenot artisans 
 and mechanics into other countries, and make them 
 competitors and rivals of their mother-country. Many 
 sought an asylum in England and Hollaiv^ and a large 
 number of refugees sailed as far south ;. the Cape of 
 Good Hope, then a commercial port of the Dutch East 
 India Company, and became a nucleus of a young and 
 strong nationality which has assisted to people not only 
 the Cape Colony itself, but, in later times, the Dutch 
 inland republics. They took with them their native 
 vines, and developed the wine industry of South Africa. 
 Thus in France religious fanaticism drove the colonists 
 beyond the pale and influence of the French State. In 
 England a persecution for faith and principles did not 
 make aliens of the English exiles. The Pilgrim Fathers 
 were always loyal to the Crown, and staunch supporters 
 of the national cause in America. Louis XIV was the 
 champion also of legitimacy in Europe, but in his con- 
 test with England this advocacy won him no renown 
 or credit. By the Treaty of Ryswick (i<)9y) he was 
 compelled to recognise the revolutionary sovereign of 
 England. Perhaps, however, the true nature of that 
 tremendous struggle, which was closed for a time by the 
 Treaty of Utrecht, may best be described as a duel between 
 England and France for commercial monopolies and 
 colonial supremacy. The very terms of the treaty show 
 in themselves the objects for which both parties had 
 been contending. 
 
 li ii 
 
 
78 
 
 Keiu France and New England. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 !l 
 
 (i6) In this century England profited not only at the 
 expense of France, but also of Spain and Holland. 
 Holland was great at its beginning, and more powerful 
 than England by sea. During the reign of James I 
 the Dutch traded to England with six hundred ships, 
 England to Holland with sixty only; and Sir Thomas 
 Overbuiy says that the Dutch possessed three times 
 more shipping than the English, although their ships 
 were of inferior burden. The cruel torture and murder, 
 during this reign, of certain English factors by the 
 Dutch on the Island of Amboyna, which the govern- 
 ment at home were compelled at the time to over- 
 look, indicates the powerlessness of the English fleet. 
 During the Commonwealth, 1649- 1660, the position 
 of aff'airs was reversed, and in spite of de Ruyter and 
 Tromp, the Dutch fleet was driven off the seas by 
 Admiral Blake. Their whole Channel commerce was 
 cut off : even that to the Baltic was much interfered with 
 by English privateers. Their fisheries were totally sus- 
 pended, and more than 1600 of their ships fell into the 
 hands of the English ^ 
 
 (17) The policy of England during this century had a 
 continuity unaffected by political events or religious 
 considerations. The fleet which was used to such effect by 
 the great Commonwealth admiral had been put into good 
 order by the late king. So it mattered not who reigned 
 in England as long as a commercial and colonial policy 
 was vigorously pursued and new territories were added 
 to the empire. Spain had ceased to be formidable, and her 
 empire in South America had perhaps helped to demoralise 
 her. Under the Treaty of Utrecht England, in her greed 
 for commercial monopolies, sullied her hands with the 
 slave-trade, and by the Assiento secured the monopoly 
 of transferring slaves from Africa into Spanish America. 
 
 ^ Hume, viii. 238. 
 
 lil 
 
 i:| 
 
VIII.] France and the Mississippi, 1663-1688. 79 
 
 No Frenchman, or Spaniard, or any other person might 
 introduce a single negro into the West Indian Islands, 
 and the sovereigns of Spain and England, reserving the 
 profit arising from the sale of human beings to them- 
 selves, became the largest slave-dealers in the world. It 
 has been pointed out (Professor Seeley, ' Expansion of 
 England ') that during this century there were two great 
 forces at w^ork : ( i ) that of the Reformation ; and ( 2 ) the 
 attraction of the New World. Little by little religious 
 wars cease, and the struggle between the European nations 
 is for commercial superiority. It is to the progress of 
 affairs in the New World, and to the great duel between 
 English and French for the best vantage-ground there, 
 that the student of history turns with interest if he 
 wishes to gain a true insight into the history of the age. 
 In the Far West is for once found the key to European 
 politics. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 France and the Mississippi, 1663-1688. 
 
 (i) In 1665 the Colony of New France, which had now 
 passed out of the control of the One Hundred) was 
 defended by a Royal regiment, and governed by three 
 principal officers, a Governor, Bishop, and Intendant. The 
 first Governor of the new regime was M. de Mesy, the first 
 Bishop, Laval, and the first Intendant, whose position was 
 
 I ^1 
 
 3 
 
 ii 
 
'liiHi 
 
 m 
 
 I 
 
 j 
 
 i 
 
 i, 
 
 • f 
 
 80 France and the Missis8ip2)h 1 663-1 688. [ch. 
 
 more permanent than that of the Governor, Jean Baptiste 
 Talon. The hitter was a wise and ambitious officer. 
 Seeing that true colonisation was best shown in the 
 cultivation of the soil, he encouraged the emigrants to 
 follow the example now set to them by the New England 
 on the coast, and make themselves entirely self-support- 
 ing. He prepared the way for coming colonists by 
 clearing their plots and building their huts for them, 
 thus tiding them over the most difficult part of their 
 career. He even encouraged the manufacture of linen 
 and woollen stuffs amongst the colonists. Talon, also, 
 had ambitious views of the French Empire in North 
 America. He wished to make the French power supreme 
 to the very skirts of the Continent, and as far south as 
 the Gulf of Mexico. 
 
 (2) In this work he was materially assisted by the 
 Jesuits, to whom the task of North American exploration 
 had already become an honourable tradition, to be handed 
 on from one generation to another. The pathway to the 
 West, by way of the Ottawa, had been pointed out by the 
 great Champlain, and from time to time the Jesuit Fathers 
 followed on his track to the congenial mission-field of the 
 Huron country. For fifteen years Jean de Brebeuf had 
 laboured in the Huron country, enduring infinite perils 
 and exhibiting 'an absolute pattern of every religious 
 virtue.' He converted an Indian warrior called Aha- 
 sistari, who was baptized himself and enlisted a troop of 
 converts, exclaiming, ' Let us strive to make the whole 
 world embrace the faith in Jesus.' To the Jesuit Fathers 
 the whole world was indeed their mission-field. This 
 peaceful and devoted order was founded by a Spanish 
 soldier, Ignatius Loyola, at the time of the Eeformation, as 
 a new militant order with spiritual weapons. The Jesuits' 
 training was of the most careful kind. The best teachers 
 of the day were in their ranks. They had to lay aside all 
 
VIII.] France and the Missisdppi, 1 663-1 688. 81 
 
 thoughts of worldly advancement, and could never become 
 prelates in the Church. They vowed, like Koman soldiers, 
 implicit obedience to their superior officers. Without 
 home ties, and freed from the control of the cloister, their 
 ambition was solely directed to swaying the minds and 
 opinions of men. Here was the kingdom in which they 
 sought preferment, here the realm in which they loved to 
 chronicle their triumphs. Evangelisation was with them 
 an over-mastering passion. Whether their convert were 
 a polished gentleman of an European Court or a savage 
 in uncultivated regions, their zeal was the same. They 
 l)enetrated everywhere — to the Moluccas, to China, to 
 Japan, to India and Tibet. They explored the ancient 
 Christian kingdom of remote Abyssinia, they sailed on 
 the track of Diaz and Vasco di Gama, and rounded the 
 Cape and set up stations amongst the Kaffirs ; they were 
 to be found in the plains of California, in the forests of 
 the Amazon, and on the west coast of Africa. 
 
 (3) In fact, wherever a daring foot could venture, there 
 were the disciples of Ignatius Loyola to be found. With 
 all their fervour they did not lack worldly tact and good 
 sense. Nothing was thought so small or insignificant 
 as to be passed over and neglected. Every kind of know- 
 ledge, practical or theoretic, was made to subserve their 
 great purpose. They were the best linguists and ethno- 
 logists and cartographers in the world. They learnt how 
 to plant, build and reap, and were skilful agriculturists, 
 diligent craftsmen, and learned men of science. They 
 have enriched bot.any, contributed to the science of 
 medicine, added to the knowledge of languages and opened 
 the avenues of commerce. They were, in fact, an irresist- 
 il)le army of enthusiasts who walked with light and 
 knowledge, and, whilst engaged on mission work, seldom 
 forgot the duties of their high calling. There was never 
 lacking a Jesuit Father to go to the most remote districts 
 
 G 
 
 ii, 
 
 ^ 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 I ' 
 
 
 
 • 1 
 
ill- 
 
 ill 
 
 82 France and the Mississippi, 1663-1688. [Ch. 
 
 of the Lakes and to the lonely spaces of the prairie to lay 
 his faith and teaching before the Indian braves. Their 
 roll of North American explorers eclipses all others. 
 
 (4) In August, 1665, Father Claude Allouez embarked 
 by way of the Ottawa to the Far West, passing beyond 
 the Great Manitoulin or Sacred Island to where the waters 
 of the Upper Lakes rush into the Huron. He carried 
 on his explorations for two years, founded a mission 
 amongst the Chippewas, and saw the regions north of Lake 
 Superior, where scattered bands of Hurons and Ottawas 
 lived. He claimed the country for France, and in the 
 name of Louis XIV and his Viceroy assumed the role 
 of mediator between the Chippewas and the Sioux. 
 Keturning to Quebec, he was the first explorer who 
 brought back information of the vast prairie to the west 
 of Lake Superior. In his subsequent work and explora- 
 tions he was assisted by D.iblon and Marquette, who ex- 
 tended French influence from Grreen Bay to the head of 
 Lake Superior. In June, 1671, a congress was held at the 
 Falls of St. Mary, between Lakes Huron and Superior, by 
 the French officials, who summoned envoys from every 
 tribe within 100 leagues to meet there, and hear that they 
 were taken under the protection of the French monarch. 
 In the primeval forest of maple and pine, a cross of cedar 
 was erected as a sign of peaceful Christian annexation, and 
 by its side a cedar pillar with the lilies of the Bourbons, 
 But very little was destined to come of this ceremony. 
 
 (5) It was in 1673 that Marquette, accompanied by a 
 few Frenchmen and Algonkins, set out to discover the 
 great Mississippi, of which he had heard rumours. His 
 was a double commission. He set out ' as an envoy of 
 France to discover new countries, and as an ambassador 
 from God to enlighten them with the Gospel.' Accord- 
 ing to all accounts the country was inhospitable and the 
 natives hostile, but Marquette and his companions. 
 
VIII.] France and the Mmissippi, 1663-1688. 83 
 
 supported by that wonderful and undoubting faith of the 
 early religious explorers of the continent, were nothing 
 daunted. When reminded of the dangers before him, 
 this brave Jesuit Father simply said, 'I shall gladly lay 
 down my life for the salvation of souls.' Setting out 
 from Lake Michigan, the explorers made their way up 
 the Fox Kiver in canoes, and carrying them across the 
 narrow portage that divides the Fox River from the 
 Wisconsin, embarked upon its bosom, and floating down 
 for seven days found themselves at last upon the Missis- 
 sippi, or The Father of Waters. This was, in truth, 
 a magnificent river, and for league after league the 
 adventurers sailed down to unknown regions, reaching 
 warmer climat s and more luxuriant plains. 
 
 (6) About 180 miles below the mouth of the Wisconsin, 
 they discovered the tribe of the Illinois. Thence south- 
 wards past the mighty and swiftly-flowing Missouri, and 
 past the Wabash or Ohio, they came to the Arkansas. 
 Here was the limit of their explorations. Marquette had 
 indeed opened up a new and wonderful country to the 
 south, and had made the geographical discovery that the 
 Father of Waters emptied itself neither into the ocean 
 east of Florida, nor yet into the Gulf of California, but 
 flowed southward towards the Gulf of Mexico instead. 
 How far this Gulf was distant he still left uncertain. 
 
 (7) The explorations of Marquette were further carried 
 out by another Frenchman, Robert Cavalier de la Salle, 
 who had established himself as a fur-trader along the 
 Lakes Ontario and Erie. He was the first to launch a 
 vessel on the Upper Niagara river. He named Lake St. 
 Clair, planted a trading post at Mackinaw, and explored 
 Illinois, and early in 1682 descended the Mississippi to the 
 sea. His companions in adventure were Tonti, an Italian 
 veteran, and the celebrated Franciscan Louis Hennepin. 
 He claimed the country for the French King Louis XIV, 
 
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 84 France and the Mississippi, 1663-1688. [Ch. 
 
 and called it Louisiana after him. When La Salle re- 
 turned to Europe with the news of his magnificent dis- 
 covery, he was received with groat enthusiasm. Colbert, 
 who had always favoured schemes of exploration and 
 colonisation in North America, was dead, but his son, 
 Soignelay, the Minister for maritime affairs, listened 
 eagerly to La Salle's account of the New Empire. In 
 1684, four vessels with 280 colonists left Rochelle for 
 Louisiana. The expedition was amply provided with 
 stores and equipments of every kind, and its magnificence 
 reads strangely, and perhaps instructively, in contrast 
 with the poverty and hardships of our own first struggling 
 settlers in New England. Louis XIV had taken a 
 deep interest in the undertaking. But he shamefully 
 neglected it afterwards, and La Salle himself, who had 
 been lured into Northern Mexico by the reports of the 
 rich mines of Saint Barbe, and had left the settlement to 
 itself, was cruelly murdered after his return by his own 
 fellow colonists Duhaut and Liotot (1687). 
 
 (8) Thus fell La Salle, who was one of the most 
 gallant and intrepid pioneers of the French Empire in 
 North America. From Upper Canada to the mouth 
 of the Mississippi he had carried on the most arduous 
 tasks of discovery. His last exploit was the greatest, 
 by which he gave Louisiana and Texas to Louis XIV. 
 More than any other explorer he was able through his 
 influence with Louis XIV and Colbert to fire the French 
 with the zeal of colonisation. The power of France in 
 North America was never greater than at this time. 
 This power was of a peculiar kind. It did not rest so 
 much upon the numbers and prosperity of the colonists 
 themselves, as upon the zeal of religious enthusiasts, 
 contending almost single-handed amongst native tribes. 
 The Court and Grovernment of France were willing 
 officially to do all they could to develop an immense 
 
VIII.] France and the Miasiasipin, 1663-1688. 85 
 
 Empire in North America, and to fight on the never- 
 ending question of commercial monopolies with England. 
 But when the French Government became embarrassed 
 with wars and difficulties at home their colonists were 
 naturally left to themselves. 
 
 (9) In the case of the English settlements along the 
 east coast, the Home Government had at first done little 
 or nothing to help them. If a * Plantation ' was not 
 the pet project of a few patentees, who looked upon 
 it in the light of an individual enterprise likely to 
 bring in money, it was the result generally of religious 
 intolerance at homo. The shores of North America 
 were to such emigrants a welcome refuge and a future 
 home. The Imperial Government left them to them- 
 selves generally, thus giving them opportunities of self- 
 development. The colonists availed themselves of the 
 liberty of self-government, not foolishly or intemper- 
 ately, but in a wise and judicious manner. The laws 
 they framed for themselves in New England for local 
 government, education, and village management, are a 
 proof of their sincere determination to create a new and 
 sound society in foreign lands \ The North American 
 colonists took with them the letter and spirit of the 
 Magna Carta, as well as their Bible. 
 
 (10) It was the good fortune also of the British colonists 
 to have amongst their patentees such high-minded men 
 as the Catholic Lord Baltimore and the Quaker William 
 Penn, who founded, respectively, Maryland and Penn- 
 sylvania. The Friends' influence on American life and 
 thought has always been most marked. When Harrington 
 and Shaftesbury and Locke thought government must 
 rest on property, *Penn did not despair of humanity, 
 and, though all history and experience denied the 
 sovereignty of the people, dared to cherish the noble idea 
 
 * See Appendix iv. 
 
 i ! 
 
 r 
 
 ill-, 
 
(I 
 
 86 France and the Mmisslppi, 1663-1688. [di. 
 
 of man's capacity for self-government. Conscious that 
 there was no room for its exercise in England, the pure 
 enthusiast, like Calvin and Descartes, a voluntaiy exile, 
 came to the ))anks of the Delaware to institute "The 
 Holy Experiment ' ".' The example of the Quaker enthu- 
 siasts has touched our own poets and thinkers of a later 
 time. Their teaching and example had an effect upon 
 Coleridge, Wordsworth, and Southoy in 1780-90, and it 
 may be recollected that they too, disgusted with politics at 
 home, discussed, if they did not seriously carry out, a pro- 
 ject of instituting a Holy Experiment on the banks of the 
 Busquehanna. Their plans fell to the ground and the 
 vision of a Pantisocracy faded away, fortunately for the 
 cause of poetry and literature in England ; but this little 
 incident illustrates the power which Transatlantic society 
 has exercised from time to time upon ourselves. 
 
 (11) Penn, 'the Quaker King,' invested with supreme 
 power in Delaware, landed in Newcastle in 1682, and 
 was received by a crowd of English, Swedes, and Dutch. 
 He addressed the assembled multitude on government, 
 recommended sobriety and peace, and pledged himself to 
 grant liberty of conscience and civil freedom. To the 
 Indians Penn held forth the right hand of fellowship, 
 and professed the same simple message of peace and love 
 which George Fox had professed to Cromwell. 
 
 (12) Contrast for a moment the methods of colonisation 
 as employed by a Jesuit mission in Canada. The Fathers 
 attracted the Indians by their impressive services, and in 
 the role of missionaries and travellers were great, but as 
 colonists, building up a society of colonists, were little. 
 The Jesuit teaching could not allow political equality 
 and political progress. In the history of French Canada 
 the priests were often found at variance with their own 
 governors, and thus hampered the national cause. Now 
 
 ^ Bancroft, ii. 121. 
 
 m 
 
VIII.] France and the Mlssimppiy 1663-1688. 87 
 
 juitl tlion there are indications that the French Court, 
 enthusiastic as it was during the seventeenth century for 
 the spiritual welfare of the natives under Jesuit guidance, 
 suspected their methods and influence. In the governor- 
 ship of do Frontenac (1682) there were two parties, that of 
 the Intendant du Chesneau working with the Jesuits, and 
 of the Governor himself, both with partisans at the 
 French Court, showing the disunion to which the bureau- 
 cratic government of France by Church and State in 
 Canada was occasionally liable. 
 
 (13) The Chevalier de la Salle had obtained the sanc- 
 tion and support of the French government for wide 
 schemes of colonisation in Louisiana and Texas. The 
 Mississippi Company was first established in 1684 in his 
 favour, but his privileges did not produce many results, 
 owing to his premature death. In 1 7 1 2 the Company's 
 business in Louisiana became a vast monopoly in the 
 hands of Anthony Crozat, who held it for five years. 
 The plan of colonisation by means of companies, which 
 was practised by the Dutch, French, and English during 
 this century, deserves some consideration. In England 
 the oldest trading company was the Ilamhitrgh Company 
 (1296), which was better known in the reign of Henry 
 VII under the title of ' Merchant Adventurers to Calais, 
 Holland, etc.,' and in the reign of Queen Elizabeth as 
 ' The Merchant Adventurers of England. ' The Hiissia 
 Company was first projected in the reign of King Ed- 
 ward VI, and their charter was confirmed in the reign 
 of Queen Elizabeth as ' The Company of Merchants for 
 discovering New Trades.' It had its rise in the effor s 
 of our sailors, to find out the north-east passage to.China, 
 notably Willoughby and Chancellour, who explored 
 the White Sea and opened up Archangel (1553). This 
 Company had the exclusive privilege of trading with the 
 ports of Muscovy. The charter of the Eastland Company 
 
 
m^ 
 
 88 France and the Mississippi, 1663-1688. [Ch. 
 
 dates 1597 ; the Turkey or Levant Company, 1581 ; the 
 Company of Merchant Traders to Africa, 1750. 
 
 (14) To these must be added the joint-stock companies : 
 the South Sea Company, whose first operation was that 
 of supplying the Spanish West Indies with negroes, 
 in accordance with the Assiento contract granted by the 
 Treaty of Utrecht (1713) ; the East India Company, first 
 established by charter from Queen Elizabeth in 1600, 
 and not a joint-stock company at first. This Company 
 possesses a most chequered and interesting history, and 
 has helped to lay the foundations of our Indian empire ; 
 the Hudson's Bay Company {16 "jo), which consisted origin- 
 ally of nine persons, who held the monopoly of trade 
 with Hudson's Bay. The Dutch possessed two great 
 trading companies — the East Indian, 1597, ^^^ ^he West 
 Indian, 162 1. The French had also an East Indian 
 Company, 1664, and West Indian Company, 1664 ; the 
 charter of the latter giving them 'the property and 
 seigniory of Canada, Acadia, the Antilles Islands, Isle 
 of Cayenne, and the terra firma of America from the 
 river of the Amazons to that of the Orinoco. ' 
 
 (15) These companies, with their vast and exclusive 
 privileges, were regarded as great national levers of 
 political and commercial power, and no doubt greatly 
 forwarded trade and commerce. They have seemed to 
 arrogate to themselves the sovereign powers of the Staie. 
 Adam Smith has given us one view of the subject not 
 justified entirely by events: 'These companies, though 
 they may, perhaps, have boen useful for the first intro- 
 duction of some branches of commerce, by making, at 
 their own expense, an experiment which the State 
 might not think it prudent to make, have in the long 
 run proved, universally, either burdensome or useless, 
 and have either mismanaged or confined the trade they 
 undertook.' He draws the distinction between those 
 
 i ;i 
 
■ 
 
 ^. 
 
 VIII.] France and the Mississippi, 1 663-1 688. 89 
 
 companies who trade upon the joint-stock principle and 
 divide proportionately according to the whole amount, 
 and those companies which are obliged to admit any 
 person, properly qualified, upon paying a certain sum, 
 and agreeing to submit to the regulations of the com- 
 pany, each member trading upon his own stock and 
 at his own risk. The Hudson's Bay Company was a 
 joint-stock company with a very small number of pro- 
 prietors, and is instanced as a successful company. The 
 nature of the trade and the character of the country 
 have prevented private adventurers intruding upon their 
 domain when no exclusive privileges were granted origin- 
 ally. For some of these companies had exclusive privi- 
 leges, others not. Wherever they existed in countries 
 and on a soil where European colonisation was possible and 
 desirable, they seemed to conflict with colonial freedom 
 and liberties. The Dutch East India Company held the 
 Cape of Good Hope for 150 years (i 652-1 795), but they 
 held it in the spirit of close monopolists and of commercial 
 and territorial autocrats. The Council of Seventeen was 
 absolutely supreme over all the Company's posts. The 
 Dutch Governor of the Cape, with his clerical adviser and 
 merchant officials of high and intermediate grades, formed 
 a ruling clique who never admitted the political equality 
 of their colonists. Such men were indeed occasionally 
 admitted into the country, and ' allowed as a matter of 
 grace to have a residence on land of which possession 
 had been taken by the sovereign power, there to gain 
 a livelihood as tillers of the earth, tailors, and shoe- 
 makers'.' When the English took the Cape over from 
 the Dutch Company at the beginning of this century, 
 they introduced what was then a new idea to the op- 
 pressed Dutch burghers, viz. that of colonial liberty and 
 self-government. Later on the Hudson's Bay Company 
 ' See Judge Watermeyer's Essays on Cape History. 
 
 Hi' 
 
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 90 France and the Mississippi, 1 663-1 688. [Ch. 
 
 is found in conflict with the Canadian colonists, although 
 on other grounds and in another way. It was not a 
 political liberty that the Canadians contended for, it was 
 the right to trade and hunt in the forests and along the 
 rivers of their country. Until the administration of the 
 Hudson's Bay Territory was transferred from the Com- 
 pany to the Canadian Government in 1858, a cause of 
 friction was always at hand on the eastern and western 
 borders of their huge territory. Still, in spite of Adam 
 Smith's condemnation and the manifest objections which 
 exist against large trading companies holding privileges 
 and monopolies, it cannot be denied that they have, in 
 the case of England, wonderfully helped to develop her 
 resources. In North America the Hudson's Bay Company 
 was noted for its humane and generous treatment of the 
 aborigines ; and in the Indian peninsula the great East 
 India Company, when brought into contact with the 
 natives and their rulers, rescued them from anarchy and 
 disorder, and, by judicious administration, laid the founda- 
 tions of that magnificent empire which is our present 
 heritage. Not that the East India Company's servants 
 have always been blameless in the matter of peculation, 
 as the need for Cornwallis' reforms proves. But here, as 
 in the case of the slave question and the South Sea Com- 
 pany, the national conscience awoke, in a fit of penitence 
 and remorse redeemed itself, and was justified in the 
 eyes of the world. The age of great trading companies is 
 not yet over. In North Borneo, and, quite recently, in 
 south-east Africa, British companies are extending British 
 trade and influence to the manifest good of the inhabitants 
 and natives themselves. Where the Company rules it 
 is clear that, sooner or later, the State will rule directly, 
 and new parts of the world be thus brought under the 
 spread of the Pax Brltannica. 
 
IX.] 
 
 Border Feuds (1690-1713). 
 
 91 
 
 
 :■ If 
 
 i 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Border Feuds hehveen English and French, 
 
 1690-1713. 
 
 (i) For more than 150 years France had now been en- 
 gaged in colonising and settling North America, yet the 
 results were few. The French census of 1688 showed 
 only 11,249 colonists in the country. The villages of 
 Acadia were the most promising spots of their empire, as 
 they were the most genuine reproduction of home life. 
 The Catholic peasantry, brought up under the old feudal 
 system, flourished in such quiet valleys as that of Grand 
 Pre in Acadia. But along the St. Lawrence and west of 
 Montreal, the French had only a few scattered and rather 
 inconsiderable posts at Frontenac, Mackinaw, and on the 
 Illinois. There was no permanent post at Niagara. 
 Their garrisons were weak, and the official determination 
 to make their magnificent vice-royalties a reality, waver- 
 ing and uncertain. The savages still held in their own 
 hands the keys of the great West, and proved themselves 
 the bitter foes of the French. One enterprise alone will 
 prove their hostility. In August, 1689, a band of 1500 
 Iroquois fell upon the Isle of Montreal at Lachine, in the 
 early morning, put to death 200 colonists, and took captive 
 200 more. They held the island unchallenged for two 
 months, so that the French had scarcely a single post of 
 safety west of Three Rivers. The French could hardly 
 protect themselves against the Indians, still less could 
 they crush the growing power of the British colonies and 
 coop them up to the east of the AUeghanies. 
 
 (2) The best test of colonisation is population, and in 
 
 W 
 
9^ 
 
 Border Feuds (1690-17] 3) 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 1688 the following is calculated to have been the popula- 
 tion of the twelve oldest English colonies in the south : — 
 
 m 
 
 Massachusetts, with Plymouth and Maine 
 
 ) . 44,000 
 
 New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Providence 1 8,000 
 
 Connecticut ..... 
 
 . 20,000 
 
 N(^w York ...... 
 
 . 20,000 
 
 Now Jersey 
 
 . 10,000 
 
 Pennsylvania and Delaware . 
 
 . 12,000 
 
 Maryland 
 
 . 25,000 
 
 Virginia ..... 
 
 . 50,000 
 
 The two Carolinas and Georgia 
 
 . 8,000 
 
 Total 
 
 207,000 
 
 This sum total of 207,000 colonists was extremely power- 
 ful, both relatively and in itself. Population means 
 strength and wealth, and power of resistance or aggres- 
 sion. Mere weight will tell, and the victory went here 
 as elsewhere to the heaviest battalions. 
 
 (3) The history of the next seventy years is little more 
 than an account of a succession of strifes, massacres, and 
 petty wars between French and English. In the end vic- 
 tory was destined to declare itself for England. Frontenac 
 was at this time Governor of Canada, and he was an active 
 and enterprising officer ; with the exception, perhaps, of 
 Champlain, the greatest of French Canadian Governors. 
 He managed to keep the Indians in check, and with this 
 object in view had built a fort, called at first Cataraqui 
 and afterwards Frontenac, on the site of the present city 
 of Kingston, to guard the entrance to the St. Lawrence 
 against the Iroquois. After the massacre of Lachine, 
 when no fewer than 200 French colonists lost their lives, 
 the prospects of France seemed to be very dark. Fronte- 
 nac saw that the real bar to the progress of his country 
 was New England. When, in 1689, commissioners from 
 New England held a conference with the Mohawks at 
 Albany, the Indians said, * We have burnt Montreal, we 
 
IX.] 
 
 between English and French. 
 
 93 
 
 are allies of the English ; we will keep the chain iin- 
 In'oken.' Frontenac determined to act on the offensive, 
 and to enlist the services of all the natives he could 
 persuade to join him. Three descents were made upon 
 English settlements. The first was from Montreal, when 
 a party of no, composed of French and Christian Iro- 
 quois, under the leadership of De Mantel, Sainte Helene, 
 and D'Iberville, a French explorer of Hudson's Bay fame, 
 fell upon the settlement of Schenectady at midnight. It 
 was in the winter, and the wretched inhabitants, wrapped 
 in slumber, had no notice of the approach of their deadly 
 enemies, as they stole upon them silently over the snow. 
 Sixty were massacred in cold blood, and a miserable 
 remnant, half-clad, escaped across the snows to Albany. 
 
 (4) Another party, led by Hertel de Kouville, consist- 
 ing of fifty-two, fell upon the settlement at Salmon Falls, 
 on the Piscataqua, killing many and taking captive 54 
 souls, chiefly women and children. No age or sex was 
 spared, and the prisoners, in the terrible hardships and 
 cruelties to which they were exposed, suffered the terrors 
 of death a hundred times over. Here is an account 
 given of this border atrocity : — ' The prisoners were 
 laden with the spoils from their own homes. Robert 
 Rogers, rejecting his burden, was bound by the Indians 
 to a tree, and dry leaves kindled around him, set in sucli 
 heaps that they would burn him slowly. Mary Ferguson, 
 a girl of fifteen, burst into tears from fatigue and was 
 scalped forthwith. Mehetabel Goodwin lingered apart in 
 the snow to lull her infant to sleep, lest its cries should 
 awake the savages; angry at her delay, her master struck 
 the child against a tree and hung it among the branches. 
 The infant of Mary Plaisted was thrown into the river, 
 that, eased of her burden, she might walk faster.' 
 
 (5) A third foray was made successfully in the same 
 way as the preceding ones, upon the settlement in 
 
 
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 maammm 
 
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 I 
 
 94 
 
 Border Feuds (1690-17 13) 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 mm 
 
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 ilili 
 
 Casco Bay. Such were the ferocities of border warfare, 
 till in March, 1690, the New England colonists, exasper- 
 ated to the utmost pitch, called a Congress at Rhode 
 Island ' to advise and conclude on suitable methods in 
 assisting each other for the safety of the whole land.' 
 It was resolved to attempt the conquest of Canada by 
 sending an army over Lake Champlain to Montreal, 
 whilst Massachusetts should attack Quebec with a fleet. 
 The fleet consisted of thirty-four saJ, manned by 2000 
 colonists, under the command of Sir William Phipps. 
 The land forces were commanded by General Winthroj). 
 The colonial fleet succeeded in an attack upon Port Royal 
 but failed to take the stronger fortress of Quebec, the 
 news of their coming having put Frontenac on his guard. 
 General Winthrop had got as far as Lake George, but 
 small-pox broke out amongst his men, his Indian allies 
 failed to come, and the expedition broke up. Misfortune 
 followed upon misfortune. The Massachusetts fleet was 
 overtaken on its return by storms off the Island of Anti- 
 costi, and many ships and lives lost. The French colonists, 
 overjoyed at their success, built a church of our Lady of 
 Victory, and struck a medal at Quebec. 
 
 (6) In England these disasters were received with 
 great dismay, and it was resolved to retrieve them. A 
 fleet designed for the conquest of Canada set sail, but 
 met with no better fortune than the Massachusetts 
 squadron. They w^ere repulsed at Martinique, and 
 heightened the character of their defeat by bringing with 
 them the scourge of the yellow fever, which destroyed 
 two- thirds of the mariners and soldiers on board. Mean- 
 time Indian raids were being carried on, and the town 
 of York and the village at Oyster River, in New Hamp- 
 shire, were visited by roving bands of savages, and 
 destroyed with the usual accompaniments of ruthless 
 barbarity. Our empire in North America was indeed 
 
IX.] 
 
 between Engllah and French. 
 
 95 
 
 sown in blood. The chiefs of the Micmacs brought to 
 Frontenac the scalps of English colonists killed on the 
 Piscataqua. The French were never more formidable 
 to the English than under the Governorship of Frontenac. 
 In 1696 the fort of Pemaquid (Fort William Henry) 
 was taken by D' Iberville, and the French frontier thrust 
 far into Maine. By the Treaty of Ryswick (1697) France 
 retained all Hudson's Bay, and all the places of which 
 she was in possession at the beginning of the war. In 
 fact the whole country from Maine to beyond Labrador 
 and Hudson's Bay, besides Canada and the Valley of the 
 Mississippi, was hers. Frontenac had partially subdued 
 and greatly awed the Indians of the West, and so kept 
 the mastery of the Lakes. At this time the Jesuit 
 missions exercised a great political influence with the 
 Iroquois, while in New York the exasperated legislature 
 (1700) made a law for 'hanging every popish priest that 
 should come voluntarily into the province.' 
 
 (7) The year 1708 was marked by a French-Indian 
 border raid exceeding, if possible, in atrocity any which 
 had preceded it, the scene of which was laid at Haver- 
 hill. * Haverhill was, at that time, a cluster of thirty 
 cottages and log-cabins embosomed in the primeval 
 forests near the tranquil Merrimac. In the centre of 
 the settlement stood a new meeting-house, the pride of 
 the village. On the few acres of open land the ripening 
 Indian corn rose over the charred stumps of trees, and 
 on the north and west bordered on the unbroken wilder- 
 ness, which stretched to the White Mountains and beyond 
 them, and, by its very extent, seemed a bulwark against 
 invasion. On the twenty-ninth of August, evening 
 prayers had been said in each family, and the village had 
 resigned itself to sleep. That night the band of invaders 
 slept quietly in the near forest. At daybreak they 
 assumed the order of battle : Rouville addressed the 
 
 
 '11 
 
 , 
 
 jf ' 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 • 
 
 L 
 
 'HI 
 
ilHi' 
 
 ii^i t' 
 
 i 
 
 96 
 
 Border Feuds (1690- 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 soldiers, who, after their orison' /ched against the 
 
 fort, raised the shrill yell, anu .spersed themselves 
 through the village to their work of blood. The rifle 
 rang ; the cry of the dying rose. Benjamin Wolfe, the 
 minister, was beaten to death ; one Indian drove a 
 hatchet deep into the brain of his wife, while another 
 caught his infant child and dashed its head against a 
 stone. Thomas Hartshorne and two of his sons, attempt- 
 ing a rally, were shot : a third son was tomahawked. 
 John Johnston was shot by the side of his wife : she fled 
 into the garden bearing an infant ; was caught and mur- 
 dered ; but, as she fell, she concealed her child, which 
 was found after the massacre clinging to her breast . . . 
 The day was advanced when the battle ended. The rude 
 epitaph on the moss-grown stone tells where the inter- 
 ment of the villagers was made in haste. . . . Such were 
 the sorrows of that generation \' 
 
 (8) Such cruelties as these sank deep into the minds 
 and memories of the New England colonists. From 
 henceforth there could be no peace with French or In- 
 dians. A bounty was offered for every Indian scalp, and 
 the woods and forests were scoured from end to end by 
 colonists, who in their desire for vengeance spared no 
 pains to follow their enemies down. They became 
 skilled backwoodsmen and keen hunters of human prey, 
 excelling even the Indians in woodcraft and cunning. By 
 sea the colonists did all the harm they could to the French. 
 An old seaman, named Ben Church, led a fleet of whale- 
 boats manned by sturdy New England fishermen, and 
 struck terror into every French settlement from Passama- 
 quoddy Bay to Cumberland Basin. 
 
 (9) The peace made by the Treaty ofByswick, in 1697, 
 was only a breathing spell. In a short time war was 
 declared. In England it was felt that the French must 
 
 ' Bancroft, vol. ii. p. 376. 
 
IX.] 
 
 letiueen English and French. 
 
 97 
 
 be driven from Canada at all costs. War-ships and 
 transports were sent over, and Queen Anne gave money 
 from her own private purse to equip four New England 
 regiments. In September, 17 lo, General Nicholson, with 
 thirty-five vessels and 3500 men, sailed up the Anna- 
 polis Basin. Subercase, the French governor, was too 
 weak to defend his position, and Port Eoyal passed 
 finally into British possession and its name changed to 
 Annapolis. In 1 7 1 1 an expedition was sent against 
 Quebec, commanded by Sir Hovenden Walker, with 
 whom were some of the veterans who had won for Eng- 
 land great victories on the battle-fields of Europe. This 
 expedition failed most miserably. Sir Hovenden Walker 
 proving himself blind and incompetent. The fleet being 
 steered too close upon the north shore, eight vessels 
 and 844 men were lost. Meanwhile an army of men 
 from Connecticut, New Jersey, New York, with 600 
 Iroquois, was mustered at Albany ready to burst upon 
 Montreal, and in the West the English had obtained 
 the alliance of some Fox Indians. But on the news 
 of the failure of Sir Hovenden Walker's expedition 
 these colonial efforts collapsed. However, events in 
 Europe were shaping affairs in North America. The 
 French had suffered blow after blow at the hands of 
 Marlborough and Eugene in a series of great battles, 
 and were compelled to make peace. By the treaty of 
 Utrecht (17 13), Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, and Hud- 
 son's Bay Territory were ceded to Great Britain. But 
 the disputes between French and English colonists were 
 destined to go on for another fifty years. 
 
 (10) By the cession of Hudson's Bay Territory, the 
 French had parted with a vast portion of the North 
 American continent, how vast few at that time knew 
 and appreciated. Great misapprehensions existed for a 
 long time with regard to the character of that land, 
 
 H 
 
9« 
 
 Border Feuds (1690-1 713) 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 ikm 
 
 which lay on the border of tlio Arctic Circle and sloped 
 towards the Polar Seas, with the Pacific as its boundary 
 on the Far West. Bold mariners had during the space of 
 more than 250 years skirted the eastern shores of North 
 America seeking for a North-West Passage — England's 
 great national ambition — to India and China. In 157O, 
 Martin Frobisher had sailed from Gravesend and got as 
 far north as Frobisher's Straits. His imagination was 
 excited and his cupidity aroused by the prospect of gold, 
 in the very centre of arctic snows and the islands of 
 Hyperborean seas. In 1577, during a second voyage, 
 in which ho reached Anne Warwick's Sound, he loaded 
 his vessel with a promising ballast of shining sand and 
 mica, which he thought to be gold. So great was the 
 credulous enthusiasm of the age that, in 1578, fifteen 
 vessels sailed from Harwich for Frobisher's Straits, in 
 hopes of the golden mountains. In 1585, John Davis 
 sailed from Dartmouth with two barks to discover the 
 North-West Passage, getting as far as N. Lat. 66"^ 40'', 
 and giving the name of Raleigh to a high mountain 
 north of Cumberland Strait. He has left his name to 
 Davis's Strait, which he explored in two subsequent 
 voyages, 1586 and 1587, reaching N. Lat. 72° 4 1'^ 
 
 (11) Then there came an interval in arctic exploration, 
 until the great Hudson sailed into the bay that bears 
 his name. In old maps one may see his curious geo- 
 graphical nomenclature, such as Desire Provokes, The 
 Isle of God's Mercies, north of the Bay of Cumberland, 
 showing the pious hopes and fears of the venturesome 
 explorers. Hudson's end was sad and tragic. He was 
 compelled to pass a winter (1610-1611) in those terrible 
 regions, his ship's crew ' forced his cabin and took him 
 and his son, and putting them M'ith seven more in 
 a chalop, committed them to the mercy of the sea.' 
 The old chronicler adds, * I cannot in this place pass by 
 
IX.] 
 
 between Eiujlish and French. 
 
 99 
 
 in silence the generosity of one Philip Staf, who being a 
 carpenter and a good seaman, would not stay l)ehin(l with 
 those villains, though they pressed him earnestly to it, 
 but rather chose to go along with his captain in the 
 chalop than to tarry amongst these perfidious wretches. 
 What is become of them is unknown, though it bo prob- 
 able that they either perished for want of food, or else 
 were murdered by the savages.' This tale of the sea is 
 one which will never be unravelled. In 1611, Sir 
 Thomas Button passed Hudson's Strait, came to the 
 west shores of Hudson's Bay, and wintered at Port 
 Nelson. He has left his name to a bay north of the 
 Churchill River and Factory, and also to a group of 
 islands known as Cape Chidley or the Button Islands, on 
 the southern entrance of Hudson's Strait. In 16 12, Hall 
 and Baffin discovered Cockin's Sound, N. Lat. 65° 2'''; and 
 still under the delusion that gold existed in large quan- 
 tities in those regions, tried the mine at Cunningham's 
 river, but found it to be worth nothing. In 161 5, Baffin 
 made another expedition to the north of Davis's Strait, 
 and gave his name to the bay. In 16 16, he entered 
 Smith's Sound in N. Lat. 78"^, and satisfied himself that 
 there was no passage to the north-west by this way. He 
 had done a great deal, however, in deciding the geo- 
 graphical fact that up to this latitude the coasts of Green- 
 land and North America were separated. In 1631, 
 Captain James sailed to the north-west, and entering a 
 bay near Port Nelson, called the country west of Hudson's 
 Bay * New South Wales.' He gave names to the follow- 
 ing places — Cape Henrietta Maria, Lord Weston's Island, 
 Earl of Bristol's Island, Sir Thomas Roe's Island, Earl of 
 Danby's Island ; also to James' Bay. He wintered in N. 
 Lat. 52" 3'', having well explored these seas and made a 
 considerable advance upon the discoveries of Hudson, 
 Button, and Baffin. In 1667, Zachariah Gillam, in the 
 
 H 2 
 
 
 j 
 
 1 
 
 -9K 
 
 
 
 . 1 
 
 
 1 T 
 
 
 i 
 
100 
 
 Border Feuds (1690-1713). 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 |i I, 
 
 \h 
 
 l«MIM 
 
 Nonsucli kotch, passed through Iliulson's Strait, and sail- 
 ing down to tho Prince Rupert's liivor, soutli of Jamoa' 
 Bay, l)uilt a fort there called Charles' Fort, and founded a 
 trade with the natives. In 1670 the Charter was given 
 to tho great Iludstm's Bay Company. 
 
 (12) The EnglisJi wore not allowed a monopoly, how- 
 ever, of the Hudson's Bay Territory, just as they were 
 given no monopoly of explorations in Labrador. Tho Por- 
 tuguese Cortereal had carried on many explorations in the 
 wake of Cabot. A Genoese map by Visconti di Maillo in 
 1527 gives a very accurate description of the eastern and 
 western shores. Newfoundland was called Terra Nova, 
 and the early resort to the fisheries by the Portuguese 
 is shown by tho cape (now St. Francis) being called Capo 
 de Portogesi, the neighbouring cove being called to this 
 day Portugal Cove'. The whole of the region here 
 was once c.illed after Cortereal. The French name for 
 Labrador was Nouvelle Bretagne. During tho struggle for 
 the supremacy along the St. Lawrence, the French under 
 D'Iberville in the spring of 1687 captured all the trading 
 posts of the English in Hudson's Bay with the exception 
 of Port Nelson. It was seven years before the English 
 could recapture them, but they lost them again in 
 Queen Anne's wars, recovering them finally by the terms 
 of the Treaty of Utrecht. 
 
 ^ Judge Pinsent's Puper on Newfoundland ; Proceedings of 
 Royal Colonial Institute, vol. xvi. 
 
 -M- 
 
X.] 
 
 Neicfoundiand and Nova Scotia. 
 
 101 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Kewfoundland and Nova Scotia. 
 
 (i) The final cession of Newfoundland and Nova Scotia 
 to England in 17 13 compels a separate notice of their 
 history up to this date. Newfoundland, as our oldest 
 colony, claims our especial attention. At the commence- 
 ment of North American exploration it was associated, 
 as we have : en, with such names as Cahot, Gilbert, 
 and the great Raleigh. Lord Bacon, who, with a number 
 of other noblemen and gentlemen, had obtained a large 
 grant of it from James I, had given it as his opinion 
 that the fisheries of Newfoundland were more valuable 
 than all the mines of Peru. Mineral wealth might be ex- 
 hausted and gold mines become a snare to the diggers, 
 but the cod-fisheries were absolutely inexhaustible, and 
 provided from year to year a healthy and profitable trade 
 to the hardy fishermen of the North. The island itself 
 was bold and romantic, and well fitted to be the home 
 of the northern races. It lay across the entrance to the 
 Gulf of the St. Lawrence, and commanded, therefore, 
 the approach to Canada and the Far West. Old chroni- 
 clers, such as Captain Whitbourne, who was sent out in 
 1615 to control the island, were loud in its praises. 
 'What,' exclaims Whitbourne, 'can the w^orld yield to 
 the sustentation of man which is not to be 'gotten 
 there ? Desire you wholesome air, the very food of life ? 
 It is there. What seas so abound with fish ? What 
 shores so replenished with fresh and sweet water ? How 
 much is Spain, France, Portugal and Italy and other 
 
||ii||!f? 
 
 103 
 
 Xevjfoundland and Kova Scot' a. 
 
 ""Ch. 
 
 places beholden to this noble part oi the world for fish 
 and other commodities? Let the Dutch report what 
 sweetness they have sucked from thence by trade. The 
 voices of them are as trumpets loud enough to make 
 England fall more in love with such a sisterhoo 1 '.' Be- 
 fore the greater attractions of the continent we: j fully 
 known, this island seemed delightful, fair, and jirofitable. 
 If it is not now thickly inhabited and fully developed 
 from an agricultural point of view, this may be explained 
 hy the exuberant profit of one engrossing industry, rather 
 than by any great and marked poverty of the soil. The 
 endless Fisheries disputes have for nearly 200 years hin- 
 dered both agricultural and mining occupations. 
 
 (2) More than any other British colony, Newfoundland 
 is instinct with past history, from the days when the 
 Vikings coasted along its shores in remote ages, finding 
 their way as far south as the Bay of Chaleur, down to 
 the more prosaic days of its later settlement. Over and 
 over again ^he battles of Europe have been fought in 
 miniature around its rocky coasts and uj) its countless 
 bays and inlets. As it has borne foi' ages the brunt of 
 those arctic floes and ice-currents from the north, so it 
 has borne the brunt and heard the din and tumult of 
 human warfare. Around its sentinel rocks there was 
 seldom peace between the French and British. Mac- 
 gregor, the historian of British America, has written 
 thus : ' For two centuries and a half after its discovery 
 by Cabot, Newfoundland was of more mighty importance 
 to Great Britain than any other colony, and it is doubt- 
 ful if the British empire could have risen to its great 
 and superior rank among the nations of the earth if any 
 other Power had held possession of Newfoundland. ' Un- 
 doubtedly this island was of the utmost value strategically 
 
 ^ A Discourse and Discoverie of Newfoundland, by Capt. Whit- 
 bourne. 
 
X.] 
 
 Neivfoundland and Nova Scotia. 103 
 
 to England as the outpost of America, the key to the 
 St. Lawrence, and the nursery of the Colonial marine. 
 
 (3) Tlie first attempt at organised settlement was made 
 in 1624, when Lord Baltimore (Sir George Calvert) ob- 
 tained a special patent for the southern promontory of 
 the island, to which it is said he gave the name of Avalon, 
 after that hallowed spot in the West of England where, 
 according to the legend, Joseph of Arimathea took refuge, 
 carrying with him the Holy Grail. Lord Baltimore's 
 principal settlement in Avalon was called Ferryland '. 
 Here he lived for several years with his family and 
 numerous followers. He built storehouses, granaries, 
 and a fort, and it seemed as if prosjDerity would quickly 
 come to the little colony. Unfortunately Lord Baltimore 
 was exposed to the ravages of the French privateers who, 
 in the days of Charles I, occupied very largely the coasts 
 of the island. At the time of the Treaty of St. Germain- 
 en-Laye British colonisation was naturally at a low ebb, 
 owing to disturbances and political unrest at home. 
 Subsequently Lord Baltimore obtained a grant of land 
 further south, and, as has been already noticed, founded 
 the state of Maryland. Sir David Kirke became grantee 
 of the Newfoundland settlement, and lived and died 
 there. During the Civil War he offered King Charles an 
 asylum in Newfoundland, of which he might have availed 
 himself, and, like King Arthur in the island valley of 
 Avalon, 'healed himself of his grievous wounds,' if 
 Cromwell had spared his head. Prince Kupert actually 
 
 ' ' I doubt if Lord Baltimore did give, as it is said, either the 
 name Avalon or Verulam to the peninsula and town respectively. 
 I find that he dated Jiis letters from " Feryland," but it is not im- 
 probable that both the names, Avalon and Verulam, had been given 
 before he received his grant, at the time of the previous adventure 
 promoted by Lord Bacon, who was Baron Verulam and Viscount 
 St. Albans.' (Judge Pinsent on Newfoundland —our oldest Colony; 
 Proceedings of Royal Colonial Institute, vol. xvi.) 
 
 
 1 
 
 ' ■ t: 
 
 
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 ;« .; 
 
 1; j 
 
 11 
 
 
 f ' 
 
 1 
 
 > : , 
 
104 
 
 JSfeivfouncUand and Nova Scotia. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 
 I 
 
 did, upon Kirke's invitation, set sail for Avalon to re- 
 cruit his fleet there from amongst the hardy fishermen, 
 but he was compelled to abandon his intention, as a 
 fleet of the Commonwealth was sent to intercept him. 
 The Commonwealth declared the late king's grant to 
 Kirke null and void, and confiscated his property, which 
 however, with the exception of the ordnance and forts, was 
 restored to him. Notwithstanding many and harassing 
 interruptions, the British trade grew rapidly. In the 
 middle of the sixteenth century there were only fifty 
 British vessels employed out of a total fleet of 400 com- 
 posed of all nationalities; but in 1674 the Newfoundland 
 fisheries were represented by the Lords Commissioners 
 of Trade and Plantations as employing 270 ships and 
 nearly 11,000 seamen'. 
 
 (4) The early conditions of Newfoundland were not 
 favourable to agricultural prosperity, self-development, 
 and civic enfranchisement. The fashionable theory at 
 home was simply to regard it as 'an out-station for fishing, 
 and a nursery for the boldest sailors ^. ' The Government, 
 although patents were occasionally granted to private in- 
 dividuals, discouraged pojjular immigration. Cultivation 
 within six miles of the shore was prohibited, and every 
 fisherman was compelled to return every year to Great 
 Britain. The object was to secure all the gain for the 
 merchants at home. In 1660 the Star Chamber declared 
 that ' No master or owner of any ship should transport 
 any persons to Newfoundland who were not of the ship's 
 company. ' An Act passed in the reign of William and 
 Mary vested almost absolute authority in Fishing Ad- 
 mirals, viz. the commanders of those ships which were 
 first to arrive in any harbour, and who, according to the 
 
 ^ See Judge Pinscnt's Paper on Newfoundland in Proceedings of 
 Royal Colonial Institute, vol. xvi. 
 * See Lord Norton's Colonial History and Policy, p. 67. 
 
'■ 
 
 mi^il.^ 
 
 X.] 
 
 Newfoundland and Nova Scotia. 105 
 
 order of their nrrival, were admiral, vice-admiral, and 
 rear-admiral of the port. These rude and illiterate ad- 
 mirals were the creatures of the merchants who sent 
 them out, and held power over the residents. All this 
 was in accordance with the monopolist principles which 
 were popular at that time. In 17 15 a representation 
 to the Home Government stated that * the admirals 
 prove generally the greatest knaves, and do most preju- 
 dice, being generally judge and party in having suits for 
 debt : and when they have served themselves they will 
 do justice to others. So it will be requisite to have a civil 
 government, and persons appointed to administer justice 
 in the most frequented places, that we may be governed 
 as Britons, and not live like banditti or forsaken people 
 without law or gospel.' The fiist of the regular series 
 of Governors was not appointed till 1728. But these 
 Governors did not advance the cause of the colonists very 
 heartily. They preserved better order, and gave licences 
 of occupation occasionally to a certain number of settlers. 
 Still the prevalent idea was that the island and the 
 colonists existed solely for the benefit and advantage of 
 the mother-country. The rule that prevailed was similar 
 to that of continental nations, and is at variance certainly 
 with the policy observed in the British settlements 
 further south. When the fisheries of Newfoundland 
 were, at one time, freed from French and American 
 competition, princely fortunes were realised in England, 
 but none of the money was spent in the island. Perhaps 
 it was the veiy nature of the industry which was the 
 cause of a policy which was exceptionally severe on the 
 Newfoundland colonists. The fishing population, espe- 
 cially in some places, is roving and migratory, and the 
 proceeds of their toil are bought and sold in distant 
 markets where there is no convenient interchange of 
 goods. 
 
 Im: 
 
 n 
 
 K 
 

 i 
 
 n 
 
 
 I 
 
 In 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 llllllll 
 
 1 06 Neirfoundland and Nova Scotia. 
 
 [Ch 
 
 (5) The continual rivalry of the French in the fisheries 
 constituted also a great bar to social and civil progress. 
 By the Treaty of Kyswick, in 1697, various places on the 
 south coast, of which Placentia was the French cajjital, 
 were kept in possession of the French. In 1702 they 
 held nearly the whole of the island in their own hands. 
 Placentia was almost as firm a stronghold of the French 
 as Port Eoyal in Nova Scotia. The Treaty of Utrecht 
 secured the complete sovereignty of England, but it 
 conceded certain 'fisheries rights' which have been a 
 continual source of trouble. The French sailors were 
 allowed the right of catching fish and diying them on 
 land, from Bonavista to the eastern coasts of Newfound- 
 land, and thence northward to Point Kiche on the western 
 shore. These rights have been left much as they were 
 then defined. The Treaty of Versailles in 1783 and the 
 Treaty of 18 14 touched them but did not alter them 
 materially. The anomaly still remains that, although 
 England's sovereignty is acknowledged, the French still 
 claim exclusive rights along the shore. The presence 
 of this political difficulty still provokes an ill-feeling 
 between our colonists and Frenchmen. 
 
 km 
 i 
 
 :i;l; »TB,r,i 
 
 1 
 
 Bl 
 
 
 in 
 
 I 
 
 ) 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 Nova Scotia. 
 
 (6) Shortly after the expedition of Sir Humphrey 
 Gilbert to Newfoundland the lYench attempted to found 
 a colony in Nova Scotia. The name they gave to the 
 country was Acadia, said to be an Indian word meaning 
 'abundance,' and it included at first not only the pen- 
 insula of Nova Scotia, but the territory now forming part 
 of New Brunswick and a part of the State of Maine. 
 The king of France gave the Marquis de la Roche, as 
 already noticed elsewhere, the title of 'Viceroy of Canada, 
 Acadie, and the adjoining territories.' To many explorers 
 
X.] 
 
 Neu'foundland and Nova Scotia. 
 
 10' 
 
 the peninsula of Nova Scotia seemed to be the garden 
 of the North American Continent. Its climate was 
 superior to that of Newfoundland and Labrador, the 
 chilling effects of the Arctic current from Baffin's Bay 
 not being experienced here. The more genial waters 
 of the Gulf Stream, flowing along close to its southern 
 shores, brought warmth and consequent fertility. As 
 an extra safeguard against the climate of the north, an 
 almost continuous belt of mountains and high hills shut 
 the peninsula oif from the cold winds of the St. Law- 
 rence valley and Quebec. The climate is of an insular 
 kind, and is subject to no such extremes as prevail in 
 the distant regions of the continent. It bojists of a 
 most convenient coast-line, broken up into numerous 
 bays and inlets, affording shelter to a maritime and fish- 
 ing population. There was no more convenient bay for 
 the small craft of early explorers than the Bay of Fundy. 
 Owing to the wonderful rise and fall of the tidal waters 
 in this narrow neck, where the curious phenomenon of 
 a bore or tidal wave is seen at its highest, it was possible 
 to careen and refit the weather-beaten ships. There was 
 many a place which served the purposes of a dry dock 
 for vessels and afforded most convenient shelter. Her 
 shores teemed with fish, and the inhabitants, who chiefly 
 came as fishermen from Great Britain, Scandinavia, and 
 the north of France, found a land exactly suited to their 
 tastes. In the interior were vast forests with an in- 
 exhaustible supply of timber, which gave abundant 
 occupation to the woodsman and lumberer. It was not 
 a land eminently fitted for agriculturists or likely to 
 be occupied by them, as long as there was better land to 
 be found in the West and beyond the Lakes. But it 
 was well adapted to the fruit grower and horticulturist. 
 On the west side of the island, on the shores of the Bay 
 of Fundy, lay the Basin of Mines and the Annapolis 
 
 
 V. 
 
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 m^ 
 
 
 
 
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 » 
 
 1 
 
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 1 1 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 il 
 
 
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fsaum 
 
 BWMia'ti 
 
 I 
 
 io8 
 
 Newfoundland and Nova Scotia. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 11*1 
 
 Basin, which afforded easy access to a wonderfully fertile 
 valley. The Annapolis orchards are famous throughout 
 the Atlantic sea-board. 
 
 (7) Here, with better reason than on the eastern shores 
 of Newfoundland, might the name of Avalon have been 
 reproduced. Here indeed were happy orchard lawns, 
 here the garden of the peninsula, and here in the spring 
 it is said that the traveller can ride, literally speaking, 
 fifty miles under avenues of apple blossoms. Here the 
 refugees and exiles from Europe could find a quiet and 
 suitable home, the ' toilers of the sea ' pursue their usual 
 avocation with profit, and the thrifty fruit-growers from 
 the provinces of France improve their orchards in a new 
 country and under even a more favourable sky than in 
 Europe. What the French colonists at the Cape did to 
 improve the industry of wine-growing by introducing 
 slips of the best kinds, the Nova Scotian peasant farmers 
 did in Acadia to improve the growth of the best apples, 
 the nonpareil, ribston pippins, golden russets, pomme- 
 grise, and others. The scene of Longfellow's ' Evange- 
 line ' is laid here, which has made the ground classic : — 
 
 * 111 the Acadian Land, on the shores of the Basin of Mines, 
 Distant, secluded, still, the little village of Grand Pro 
 
 Lay in the fruitful valley. Vast meadows stretched to the 
 
 eastward, 
 Giving the village its name, and pasture to flocks without 
 
 number.' 
 
 And again : — 
 
 * In the fisherman's cot the wheel and the loom are still busy, 
 Maidens still wear their Norman caps and their kirtles of 
 
 homespun. 
 And by the evening fire repeat Evangeline's story. 
 While from its rocky caverns the deep-mouthed neighbouring 
 
 ocean 
 Speaks, and in accents disconsolate answers the wail of the 
 
 forest.' 
 
X.] 
 
 Neivfoundland and Nova Scotia. 109 
 
 Elsewhere the Basin of Mines has been thus de- 
 scribed : — 
 
 * Swirling round Cape Split, and pressing through the 
 narrow passage like a mill-si ream, the turbid waters peace- 
 fully expand into the Basin of Mines. The broad basin 
 reposing at your feet looks like a wide-opened hand, 
 sending out long beneficent fingers all round into the 
 heart of a grateful country. One of these fingers touches 
 the valley of the Cornwallis, and into its tips stream the 
 tidal rivers dyked by the old Acadians. On these fat 
 and dyked lands dwells another race, with other customs 
 and language — in large modern farm-houses ombow^ered 
 in roses and honeysuckle. In fancy you can rebuild the 
 old thatched cottages beside ancient apple-trees, with 
 tall poplars and young willows branching widely out 
 from decaying roots - sure signs of former habitation — 
 at Grand Pre ; the first person you meet points out where 
 the sturdy blacksmith's shop stood, and the village 
 church, and the wells, and the once filled cellars, now 
 only grass depression on the face of green fields. Away 
 to the north, across the Basin of Mines, grand old 
 Blomidon uplifts to the sky his dark forehead.' 
 
 (8) It was these shores which exercised such an 
 attraction upon the Protestant Frenchman Sieur de 
 Monts. As Viceroy of Canada, and holding Henry IV's 
 commission, he had set sail from Havre with four 
 vessels in 1604. De Monts held enormous privileges 
 under the terms of his Charter. His followers were 
 men of all classes and descriptions, from the titled noble- 
 man to the humble mechanic, but the general character 
 of the settlement was in the main Protestant. De Monts 
 held the exclusive control of the soil, government, 
 and trade, and freedom of religion for Huguenot emi- 
 grants. The tangible result of his enterprise was the 
 founding of Port Eoyal (1605) by Poutrincourt, as already 
 
no 
 
 Xev'foundland and Nova Scotia. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 Ifiii 
 
 .iSlS.i'', 
 
 1 1 
 
 noticod. In his desire to strengthen French rule along 
 the eastern littoral of North America, De Monts surveyed 
 those sites and positions which were occupied shortly 
 afterwards by New England. 
 
 (9) The possessions of Poutrincourt were in 1607 con- 
 iirmed by Henry IV, the Pope gave his benediction to 
 many French families who colonised the country with a 
 view to evangelising the heathen, and two illustrious 
 Catholic ladies, Mary de Medici and the Marchioness de 
 Guercheville, gave money and support to the missions. 
 In 1 6 10 the order of the Jesuits, those most important 
 l)romoters of colonisation schemes, was confirmed in some 
 })rivileges by De Biencourt the son of the proprietor 
 Poutrincourt. In 16 12 De Biencourt himself and a 
 Jesuit named Father Biart, whose zeal has already been 
 alluded to, ascended the Kennebec and converted some of 
 the Canibas, who were Algonkins, and hostile to the 
 English colonists. Whilst Samuel Champlain (1608) 
 was engaged in opening up the St. Lawrence and found- 
 ing Quebec, De Monts and his successors were developing 
 Nova Scotia and the adjacent mainland. Perhaps it 
 would have been wiser on the part of the French to have 
 founded on a secure and durable basis coast colonies from 
 the St. Lawrence to the Penobscot. In the end the con- 
 tinent was destined to belong to those who held a strong 
 position in the maritime provinces. But De ]\ nts and 
 his successors were unable to carry out any | tical 
 schemes of colonisation. A few Indians were convt ted, 
 and the fur-trade was only taken up to be carried on in a 
 desultory and half-hearted way. Owing to the representa- 
 tions of rivals at home, who had the King's ear, De Monts 
 was recalled and deprived of his office and charter. Here, 
 again, home politics in France interfered with schemes 
 of Transatlantic colonisation. 
 
 (10) In 162 1, during the reign of James I, Englishmen 
 
X.] 
 
 Xevfoundland and Nova Scotia. 
 
 Ill 
 
 T' 
 
 made an attempt to succeed where Frenchmen had failed. 
 Sir William Alexander, a Scottish knight, well known 
 at the Court, obtained from the king a Charter granting 
 him the whole of the jieninsula, first named in this 
 document as Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and the 
 Gaspe Peninsula. The territory thus granted was to be 
 held *at a yearly quit-rent of one penny Scots, to be paid 
 on the soil of Nova Scotia on the festival of the Nativity.' 
 Four years after this Charter was issued Charles I, who 
 had now succeeded James I, ere ited a remarkable order 
 of knights called the 'Knights Baronets of Nova Scotia.' 
 They numbered 150, and each of them was entitled to 
 receive a large grant of land on the condition that he 
 would settle immigrants on it. The English were not 
 allowed to try for a very long time the experiment begun 
 by Sir W. Alexander. Colonial matters were at the 
 mercy of European complications, and by the Treaty of 
 St. Germain-en-Laye between the English and French, 
 signed in 1632, Canada, Nova Scotia, and Cape Breton 
 were handed back to France. This was disappointing to 
 the settlers, as the English under Sir David Kirke, the 
 Newfoundland settler, had practically expelled the French 
 from Nova Scotia, conquered Port Koyal, and even de- 
 stroyed Tadousac, their fur-trading station on the St. 
 Lawrence, and held Quebec. 
 
 (11) The French, however, kept their possessions for 
 twenty-two years undisturbed. England was in the 
 throes of Civil War, and had little time to turn her eyes 
 abroad upon her distant settlements. But in 1654 
 Oliver Cromwell held the reins of government, and in 
 his hands England's foreign and colonial policy was 
 firm and decisive. The Protector, urged on by the Puri- 
 tans both in New England and in the mother-country, 
 who had always protested against the surrender of 
 Nova Scotia, resolved to retake the country. This was 
 
 'dSRT' 
 
 ^: i'i 
 
 I »■ 
 
 ■ 
 
 f 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 . ! 
 
 i 
 
 I ■ 
 
 1 
 
 1 • 
 
 1 
 
 r 
 
^^ 
 
 112 
 
 Newfoundland and Nova Scotia. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 done with little difficulty, and the English flag was 
 again hoisted at Port Royal. Sir Thomas Temple was 
 made Governor, and ruled the settlement from 1654 to 
 1667. 
 
 (12) In 1667 Nova Scotia again changed hands in 
 virtue of the Treaty of Breda. But the French and 
 English settlers never agreed cordially. They were con- 
 stantly disputing about the fisheries or the fur-trade, 
 and intriguing with the Indians ; and until the Treaty 
 of Utrecht, there was one long- continued series of petty 
 strifes. At one time the colonists waged war formally 
 with the French. A night raid in midwinter by French 
 and Indians upon the border colonies of New York, New 
 Hampshire and Maine, had made the settlers rise as one 
 man. As already noticed, two expeditions, one by sea 
 against Port Royal and Quebec, and one by land against 
 Montreal, were equipped by colonists and entrusted to 
 the command of colonial leaders. The attack on Port 
 Royal succeeded, but those on Montreal and Quebec failed. 
 In the desultory warfare which followed, there were 
 not wanting adventurers on both sides, both on the 
 mainland and the peninsula, who maintained the strife 
 with unusual means and with extraordinaiy cruelty. 
 Villebon, the French Governor of Port Royal, retired 
 from his post as being too exposed, and entrenched him- 
 self in a forest retreat at the mouth of the St. John's 
 River. He kept large packs of dogs, with which he 
 hunted down his enemies, and did not scruple to use the 
 aid of bands of savage Indians. With Villebon lived a 
 noted pirate, Baptiste by name, who sallied forth and 
 plundered all who were so unfoi-tunate as to come in his 
 way. The deep woods and the wide estuaries of Fundy 
 Bay gave every opportunity to pirates for successfully 
 carrying on their nefarious occupation. 
 
 (13) All the devices and stratagems of the border feuds 
 
X.] 
 
 Newfoundland and Nova Scotia. 
 
 113 
 
 of the inland provinces and settlements were reproduced 
 alonj^ the maritime provinces. The English were destined 
 to win the day in North America, and tliey won it here 
 in the islands and peninsulas first of all. Subercase, the 
 brave French commander, was compelled to surrender 
 Port Eoyal, after a gallant resistance, in September, 17 10. 
 When the French flag was hauled down, one of the 
 greatest and most important bulwarks of French power 
 in the country was destroyed, and in honour of Queen 
 Anne its name was changed to Annapolis. Shortly 
 after the Treaty of Utrecht, the French built a town at 
 Louisburg, in Cape Breton, which was still left to them, 
 and made it the centre of their power. Thither many 
 of the French colonists from Newfoundland and Nova 
 Scotia retreated, the place itself occupying a command- 
 ing position with regard to the Gulf of St. Lawrence. 
 It was built on a tongue of land stretching down be- 
 tween the harbour and Gabarus Bay, and was protected 
 on all sides by fortifications. Seaward, there lay a rocky 
 islet called Battery Island, and on the north-east, about 
 ii mile distant, was built the fort called the Grand Bat- 
 tery. This place was for many years a standing menace 
 to the British colonists and to British power. A glance 
 at the map will show the strength of its natural position, 
 and it was not long before the final struggle for the 
 Island of Cape Breton took place between English and 
 French colonists. 
 
 .':' + 
 
 l if 
 
 liMi 
 
^m 
 
 114 
 
 Events Lehceen 1 713-1758. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Events letiveen 17^3-175^. 
 
 (i) By tho Treaty of Utrecht the question of yjoundarit's 
 on the continent of America was left unsettled. The 
 Island of Newfoundland and the Peninsula of Nova 
 Scotia were clear geographical expressions, but no one 
 could say what was really meant by Acadia. In tlic 
 various French Charters the word was always used very 
 vaguely. In this instance it might mean not only New 
 Brunswick but much more besides. Moreover, it was 
 agreed in the Treaty that France should never molest 
 the Five Nations, subject to the Dominion of Great 
 Britain. A door was left open for endless disputes. 
 If England assumed a kind of protectorate over the 
 Iroquois, she protected a vast region over which these 
 savages had roamed in unrestricted freedom for centuries. 
 The Iroquois held also the gates towards the west and 
 the command of the Lake Country. The honours of 
 exploration clearly rested with the French, and by right 
 of their mission and trading stations they would be 
 brought into conflict with any claims the British might 
 advance. Canada comprised the whole basin of the St. 
 Lawrence, and over this France still held sway. But 
 Upper Canada meant another distinct geographical area. 
 By a strained interpretation the British might have 
 advanced that, when Fort Frontenac was razed and 
 Montreal was in the possession of the Mohawks, Upper 
 Canada was by the Treaty of Ryswick a part of the 
 domain of the Iroquois, and therefore under British 
 protection. 
 
T^ 
 
 si 
 
 
 :;IJ 
 
 m 
 

 Hill 
 
 BOUNDARY WARS BETWEEN FRENCH & BRITISH, 1740-63. 
 
 showing also diatribution of Native tribes ( Bancroft,), VaJley ofMisaiasippt 
 and part of Louisiana., Coaat Settlements, French aiid Spanish Florida, 
 n OireFUS part of Louisiana. and the Mississippi as first explored. 
 
 N?5 
 
 ig W of Creemwich . 80 
 
 OccfbrcU UhLversi^ hess , 
 
-jr- 
 
 XI.] 
 
 Events lehceen 171 3-1 758. 
 
 II 
 
 130 
 
 (2) The policy of the French was to shut up the British 
 colonists behind the Alleghanies, and to keep them from 
 the trade of the interior. On both sides rival fortresses 
 arose. In 1722 Governor Burnet built Oswego on the 
 southern shore of Lake Ontario, and in 1724 the Govern- 
 ment of Massachusetts established Fort Dummer on the 
 site of Brattleborough. As an answer to this the French 
 built in 1726 Fort Niagara, and in 1731 established them- 
 selves in a strong position on Lake Champlain. The line 
 of their forts stretched from Lake Erie to the Ohio River. 
 George Washington, the Virginian planter, when a young 
 man of twenty- one, was sent on to remonstrate with the 
 French advances. He executed his perilous mission in the 
 winter time, and was nearly drowned in the Alleghany 
 river by the breaking up of the raft on which he was cross- 
 ing it. The French officers told him, in answer, that 
 their orders were to seize every Englishman in the Ohi(^ 
 Valley. If we consider the relative strength of the 
 French and British colonists, it was not doubtful for whom 
 victory would in the long run declare itself. At the time 
 of the Accession of George I (17 14) the continental 
 colonies numbered 375,750 white inhabitants and 8850 
 blacks, increasing with great rapidity; the value of their 
 imports from England was ^2,000,000 and of their 
 exports ^1,700,000. The population of French Canada 
 was about this time 26,000, of which Quebec had 7000 
 and Montreal 3000. 
 
 (3) One of the most notable exploits of the New 
 England colonists was the capture of Louisburg in 1745. 
 Colonel Pepperell took command of 4000 volunteers from 
 Massachusetts, and early in the spring reached Canso. 
 As Gabarus Bay, on which Fort Louisburg was built, 
 was still blocked with ice, he had to wait. Here he was 
 joined by Commodore Warren and several British men- 
 of-war. After an interval of three weeks the combined 
 
 I 2 
 
m^ 
 
 III 
 
 ii6 
 
 Events between 17 13-1758. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 forces approached Louisburg. The landing was most 
 difficult, and the Massachusetts men had to struggle 
 through the surf to a difficult and precarious beach, the 
 French disputing every inch of ground. The defenders 
 had a great superiority in artillery. The walls of the 
 fortress were mounted with i o i cannon, 7 6 swivels, and 6 
 mortars. The harbour was defended by an island battery 
 of 30 twenty-two pounders, and by a royal battery on the 
 shore armed with 30 large cannon, behind a moat and 
 l)astions. The garrison consisted of 600 regular soldiers and 
 1 000 Breton militia. The American colonists were daring 
 and courageous, and displayed the greatest perseverance in 
 investing the fort, though as a body of troops they knew 
 little of discipline. But the garrison were not able to take 
 advantage of their inexperience by making sortie ; for their 
 commander Duchambon was ignorant of his duties. When 
 the Vigilant, a French ship of 64 guns laden with supplies, 
 was decoyed into the harbour by the English fleet and cap- 
 tured after some hours' fighting, the hearts of the besieged 
 failed them. On June 1 7th the city, fort and batteries con- 
 stituting ' the strongest fortress of North America ' capitu- 
 lated to the New England levies, consisting chiefly of 
 mechanics, farmers and fishermen. The French soldiers 
 were sent home on condition that they would not bear 
 arms for twelve months against Great Britain. The news 
 of the fall of Louisburg, the Dunkirk of America, was 
 received with the greatest joy in Boston and London. 
 
 (4) In 1 746 the French determined to revenge the fall of 
 Louisburg. A powerful fleet was fitted out at Eochelle 
 with the object not only of recovering Louisburg and 
 Nova Scotia, but of chastising the New England colonies. 
 Boston might indeed tremble at the fate in store for it. 
 The command was given to D'Anville; but never was 
 there a more unlucky expedition. Its fate was that of 
 the Spanish Armada. Two of the ships were taken whilst 
 
 Tl] 
 Ai 
 
r 
 
 XI.] 
 
 Events hetiueen 17T3-1758. 
 
 117 
 
 on the coast of France, some which had crossed the 
 Atlantic were doomed to destruction on the inhospitable 
 reefs of Sable Island, south-east of Nova Scotia, others 
 were driven by storms far out of their course ; and after a 
 three months' voyage D'Anville reached Chebucto Harbour 
 with a miserable remnant of the greatest fleet that had 
 ever sailed for the New World. Disease was rife amongst 
 his crews after their long voyage, and D'Anville, dis- 
 heartened and sickened, fell ill, and in a frenzy killed 
 himself with his sword. A body of French soldiers under 
 Ramezay was sent from Quebec to co-operate with 
 D'Anville's squadron. They distinguished themselves 
 chiefly by a murderous and treacherous attack upon a 
 ))ody of New England colonists under Colonel Noble. 
 Indians and French, advancing quickly over the snow 
 in the depth of winter, burst unexpectedly upon the 
 Massachusetts men, who were quartered at Grand Pre in 
 Nova Scotia, and killed eighty of them in their sleep. In 
 1748, Cape Breton, by the terms of the Treaty of Aix-la- 
 Chapelle, was restored to the French in exchange for 
 Madras. But the boundaries between the possessions 
 of France and England were as shadowy as ever on the 
 continent itself. Neither party acknowledged the right 
 of the other to the basin of the Penobscot or Ohio. 
 
 (5) To guard the route to the Ohio Valley the English 
 began to build a fort at the junction of the Alleghany 
 and Monongahela rivers. But they were driven off by 
 the French, who seized the position and built on it Fort 
 (lu Quesne. George Washington erected further south 
 another fort called Fort Necessity. In Nova Scotia the 
 French strengthened their position by building* Fort 
 Beausejour, and a second at the head of Bay Verte. 
 The English under Major Lawrence built Fort Lawrence 
 ahout a mile from Beausejour. In every part of North 
 America the French and English were facing one another 
 
 hlllli 
 
i .\ 
 
 118 
 
 Events between 17 13-1758. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 from behind entrenched positions. It was a struggle for 
 the outposts. The time for the final fight for the citadel 
 had not come just yet. The increase of population in 
 the English colonies must be considered here again as a 
 most powerful factor. In 1754, it was calculated that 
 the colonists numbered 1,165,000 souls. Any one of the 
 six American settlements was more populous than all 
 Canada, and the aggregate of our American settlements 
 exceeded that of Canada fourteen-fold. 
 
 (6) In 1755, four expeditions against the French were 
 planned by General Braddock at Alexandria as follows. 
 Lawrence, the Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, was to 
 drive the French from disputed territories there, Johnson 
 was to enroll Mohawk warriors, and lead them against 
 Crown Point on Lake Champlain, Shirley was to attack 
 Niagara, and Braddock himself was to recover the Ohio 
 Valley and the North-West. Braddock expected an easy 
 progress from one end of the country to the other. 
 Forts Du Quesne, Niagara and Frontenac, he thought, 
 would fall in easy succession. Benjamin Franklin, with 
 his ripe experience, warned him of the skill of the Indians 
 in laying ambuscades, but Braddock answered, ' The 
 Savages may be formidable to your raw American Militia ; 
 upon the King's Regulars and discij^lined troops it is 
 impossible they should make any impression ;' showing 
 that self-sufficing spirit and fatal complacency which was 
 to cost him as dear as it has many of our generals 
 in later wars, especially in African border campaigns. 
 Washington joined the expedition with some trained 
 militiamen, and asked for the post of honour, but was con- 
 temptuously ordered to the rear. 
 
 General Braddock then led his troops into an ambuscade, 
 where they were shot down helplessly, without being 
 able to see their foes and return their fire. Of 86 officers, 
 26 were killed and 37 wounded; of privates, 714 were 
 
11.] 
 
 Events behceen 17 13-1758. 
 
 119 
 
 killed or wounded. The French and Indians lost only 
 ;\ officers and 30 men. In this action Washington fought 
 bravely, ever in the thick of the struggle, and seemed 
 to bear a charmed life. Braddock fell mortally wovmded 
 after having had five horses shot under him. 'Who 
 would have thought it?' cried the dying general, un- 
 deceived at last ; and his last words to Dunbar, his friend 
 and comrade, were, ' We shall know better how to deal 
 with them another time.' 
 
 (7) In Nova Scotia the power of England was riveted 
 by two acts, one of them of colonisation and settlement 
 and the other of expatriation. In 1749 on the waters 
 of Chebucto Harbour, where D'Anville's shattered fleet 
 had sought refuge three years before, a British fleet 
 lay at anchor. It carried on board a large number of 
 emigrants from the old country, who had been tempted 
 out by the free grants of land, a year's provision, farming 
 tools and other gifts from the Government, which resolved 
 to found a colony at Chebucto Harbour, to be at once a 
 {)ermanent sign of British occupation and a bulwark 
 against all enemies. More than 2500 colonists were 
 planted here at the expense of the Government, and the 
 new city was called Halifax, in honour of Earl Halifax, 
 the President of the Board of Trade and Plantations. 
 Tlie formation of the settlement was entrusted to Governor 
 Cornwallis. 
 
 (8) In addition to Halifax, the town of Dartmouth was 
 founded during the following year ; and in 1753 no fewer 
 than 2000 Germans came out and settled near Halifax, at 
 Lunenburg. The Indians proved dangerous neighbours, 
 and harried the colonists whenever they had the chance. 
 The loyalty also of the French Acadians, who numbered 
 in all about 15,000, was questionable. The struggle 
 between French and English all over the New World 
 had been of a desperate character. Forts had been 
 
 
 
m 
 
 m 
 
 ii I' 
 
 ]20 
 
 Events behveen 1 713-1758. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 captured and recaptured many times over, frontier 
 disputes regarding the fur trade were continual, and 
 boundary difficulties, whether in the Peninsula of 'Nova 
 Scotia or in the valleys of the Ohio, were never really 
 settled. For the present it was felt that English and 
 French could not live together as neighbours, especially 
 when the latter would not own allegiance'. 
 
 (9) The year 1755 is noted for the expulsion of the 
 Acadians from Nova Scotia. Since the Treaty of Utrecht 
 the French settlers had lived in quiet seclusion. The 
 poet Longfellow has created by his Evangeline a deep sym- 
 pathy for the simple Koman Catholic peasantry of Grand 
 Pre and the valleys along the Annapolis basin. In the 
 villages and hamlets the priests had the greatest influ- 
 ence, and when they saw^ the British settlers surrounding 
 them and threatening to overwhelm them, said, 'Better 
 surrender your meadows to the sea and your houses to 
 the flames than, at the peril of your souls, take the oath 
 of allegiance to the British Government.' The British 
 officials were stern and unbending, and Earl Halifax the 
 Governor said to a band of memorialists, ' You want your 
 canoes for carrying provisions to the enemy. Guns are 
 no part of your goods, as by the laws of England all 
 Roman Catholics are restrained from having arms, and 
 are subject to penalties if arms are found in their houses.' 
 It must be remembered how bitter the quarrel was in 
 Europe and America between Protestants and Eoman 
 Catholics, and how stern the spirit of religious intoler- 
 ance on both sides. Moreover, the English colonists 
 could not forget that the Roman Catholic priests, in the 
 valleys of the Kennebec and of the Penobscot, had been 
 leagued with those Indian bands which had carried fire 
 and sword amongst their scattered settlements. At Grand 
 Pre 418 unarmed Acadians were summoned to the church 
 
 ' See Appendix v. 
 
•"<iffpif 
 
 XI.] 
 
 Events hehveen 1 713-1 758. 
 
 121 
 
 to hear an official order. Winslow, the American com- 
 mander, stood in their centre and said, ' You are convened 
 together to manifest to you His Majesty's final resolution 
 to the French inhabitants of this his province. Your 
 lands and tenements, cattle of all kinds, and live stock 
 of all sorts, are forfeited to the Crown, and you yoiu'- 
 selves are to be removed from this his province. I 
 am, through his Majesty's goodness, directed to allow 
 you liberty to carry off your money and household goods, 
 as many as you can without incommoding the vessels you 
 go in.' The men were then made prisoners and the stern 
 order of expatriation carried out to the letter, 7000 in 
 all being driven on board ship to be taken southward 
 and scattered amongst the New England colonies from 
 New Hampshire to Georgia, 1020 to South Carolina 
 alone, where their descendants are still to be found. 
 
 (10) Whilst these international quarrels and disputes 
 were being carried on in Lower Canada and in the Maritime 
 Provinces, the task of North-West exploration was being 
 boldly grappled with by a distinguished Frenchman of the 
 name of Verendrye. The voyages and journeys of such 
 great path-finders in North America form an agreeable 
 divergence from the uniform story of massacres and cruel- 
 ties in the eastern regions of Canada. Verendiye began 
 life as a French officer. He served his country both in 
 Europe and in New France. In 1 704 he is heard of as 
 one of the band of frontier marauders who at unexpected 
 places and times hurled themselves upon the New 
 England colonists in their isolated hamlets. In 1706 
 he served his country more honourably in the Low 
 Countries, and gained distinction at the bfittle* of Mal- 
 plaquet (1709), where he was left for dead upon the field. 
 After this he held for seventeen years the post of 
 Governor of Three Eivers, when, attracted partly by 
 hopes of gain and partly by the romance of the adventures 
 
 rl*!*' ) 
 
 h 1}; 
 
 I; I 
 
 i 
 
 i ' 
 
ii 
 
 122 
 
 Events between 17 13-1 758. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 nm i 
 
 I 
 
 
 to ])e experienced in those regions, he conducted Ji 
 series of explorations in the Far West. The knowledge 
 of geography was not very great in those days. There 
 was still a prevalent idea that the great southern sea or 
 the west could be reached by means of some river or 
 waterway running through the continent. Long after 
 Champlain's theory about the St. Lawrence was proved 
 to be wholly inaccurate, other explorers had the same 
 idea about the Ohio and Mississippi, and at one time the 
 Chicahominy in Virginia was guessed to be this western 
 river. Some again thought that America and Asia would 
 be found to be really one vast continent. 
 
 (11) On May 19, 1731, Verendrye set out on his ad- 
 venturous journey, and the following is the description 
 given : — 
 
 ' With father Messager, a Jesuit missionary, he left 
 Michillimakinac, and on August 26 he was ready to 
 cross the Grand Portage, at a point forty-five miles further 
 along the coast than the present site of Fort William 
 on the Kaministiquia. From this point he was to 
 adventure himself in a region perfectly unknown to 
 Europeans. His goal was Lake Winnipeg [Ouini- 
 pigonj. This was the destination named by the In- 
 dian guide, and to this point he was bound in his 
 agreement with the Governor to go, but whether it was 
 a hundred or a thousand leagues distant, no one could 
 tell. The traveller, who in late years has passed over 
 the Dawson route, can have no difficulty in following the 
 pioneer who opened the way — a way of some 450 miles 
 of canoe route and portage. ... In the second year of 
 Yerendrye's journey (1732), the Lake of the Woods was 
 crossed, bearing then the Indian name Lake Minitie, and 
 receiving the French name Des Bois. On its shores, in 
 honour of their patron Beauharnois, Fort St. Charles was 
 erected. Now, leaving what is known as the Dawson 
 
XI.] 
 
 Events hetiveen 17 13-1758. 
 
 123 
 
 route, thoy followed the line taken by the Red River 
 expedition, under Colonel Wolseley, in 1H70, and de- 
 scended from the Lake of the Woods the difficult but 
 picturesque river Winnipeg, calling it after the Frencli 
 Minister Maurepas, until they reached Winnipeg — the 
 "Ultima Thule" even of Indian hearsay. And now 
 the Rocky region that we have learned in later years to 
 call the Laurentian — extending through from Labrador 
 to Lake Winnipeg — ceases, and the explorers ascend 
 from Lake Winnipeg the Red River at a point where 
 to-day stands the city of Winnipeg. With what a look 
 of wonder would the daring Frenchman now gaze upon 
 the city of Winnipeg, with its smoking manufactories 
 and lofty church steeples ! The Assiniboine he named 
 8t. Charles after the Governor, and to a branch of this 
 river, the Souris, he gave the name of St. Pierre, the 
 favourite location of new settlers arriving in the north- 
 west \' 
 
 (12) Verendrye and his sons did an immense deal of 
 exploring in the north-west. One of these sons was 
 surprised and murdered by the Sioux. Their greatest 
 exploit was the discovery of the Rocky Mountains in 
 1 742-3, sixty years before the expedition of the Americans 
 Clarke and Lewis. The Verendryes explored not only 
 the sources of the Missouri, but the region further north 
 in the valley of the Saskatchewan. The furthest point 
 reached was Bourbon. They also gave a name to the 
 Forks up the river, calling it Poskoiac. An immense 
 region was thus opened up, and fur traders and explorers 
 followed quickly in their wake. Beyond the Saskatchewan 
 the Athabasca was discovered flowing from the Rocky 
 Mountains into a lake bearing its name ; and further 
 north the Peace or Unjigah river — described afterwards 
 
 * Rryce. Manitoba: its infancy, growth, and present condition, 
 
 1SS2. 
 
 r - ■ 
 
 lii- 
 
l'} 
 
 11^ 
 
 124 
 
 Events beticeen 1713-1758. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 in Sir W. Butler's 'Wild North Land' as rising on the 
 west side of the Rockies, and rushing eastwards through 
 an immense gorge. At the junction of the Athal)asca 
 and Peace rivers Fort Cltippeinjan was erected, holding 
 a natural vantage-ground for further discoveries to the 
 Arctic Sea and to the Pacific Ocean. About the same 
 time further explorations of the Hudson's Bay littoral 
 were carried on by the English. In 1741 Captain 
 Christopher Middleton, with His Majesty's ships Furnace 
 and Discovery, sailed from England for Churchill Kiver 
 in Hudson's Bay, with a view of discovering a passage from 
 this bay to the South Sea direct. Ho named Cape 
 Dobbs, latitude 65^ 10' N. and longitude 86^ 06' W., 
 and the river Wager after Sir Charles Wager, first Lord 
 Commissioner of the Admiralty. His extreme point was 
 reached on Sunday, August 8, 1742, in latitude 65'' 41', 
 longitude 85^ 22'. In his log the explorer writes: 'We 
 saw very high land fifteen or twenty leagues to the 
 southward of our station, which I take to run towards 
 Cape Comfort, being the furthest that Bylot w^ent ; and 
 the bay which Fox named Lord Weston's Portland, in 
 part of Hudson's North Bay, about north-west from the 
 west end of Nottingham, by comparing our longitude 
 made with Fox's and Bylot's. As this last-mentioned 
 bay and strait is quite full of ice not likely to be thawed 
 this year, at least till very late, so as to allow time for 
 a discovery, it was resolved in council to make the best 
 of our way into Hudson's Bay homewards \' 
 
 These explorations were scarcely within the Arctic 
 Circle, and were confined entirely to the north-west 
 extremity of Hudson's Bay. 
 
 * The Geography of Hudson's Bay ; by Captain W. Coats. 
 
XII.] 
 
 Montcalm and iVulfe (1758-1763). 
 
 12 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Montcalm and Wolfe (1758- 1763). 
 
 (i) In Europe the Great Powers were entering upon 
 that hmg and fierce struggle known as * The Seven Years' 
 War.' William Pitt in 1758 was at the head of the 
 Government, called there by the popular voice. He 
 entertained magnificent ideas of England's position not 
 only in Europe, but in the world. In America, Pitt was 
 determined to win and to carry on the colonisation of the 
 continent under the auspices of Protestantism, rather than 
 that of France leagued with the Koman Catholics. Pitt 
 pursued a popular policy with the colonists, and rejecting 
 the coercive policy of his predecessors invited the willing- 
 co-operation of all. England was to provide arms, am- 
 munition and tents, the colonists were to levy, pay and 
 clothe the men. Montcalm wrote in 1758 in a de- 
 spondent frame of mind, ' New France needs peace, 
 or sooner or later it must fall ; such are the numbers of 
 the English, such the difficulty of our receiving supplies.' 
 
 (2) At first, however, victory declared itself for the 
 French. Montcalm destroyed Oswego on the south 
 of Lake Ontario, and Fort William Henry on Lake 
 George. In his expeditions he was assisted by Indians, 
 who committed atrocious cruelties. Lord Loudon and 
 Admiral Holborne, who came over with a Idrge force 
 from England to attack Louisburg, ignominiously failed, 
 and the French still held the entrance to the St. Lawrence. 
 But the campaign in North America was soon taken 
 up in earnest. Three expeditions were set on foot. 
 
 l;^.!< 
 
 
 I ' 
 
Tsmm 
 
 1 1 
 ii 
 
 126 Montcalm and Wolfe (1758-1763). [Ch, 
 
 Amherst aiul Wolfe were to join the fleet under Admiral 
 Boseuwen, for the second siege of Louisburg ; the con- 
 <iuest of Ohio was entrusted to Forbes, and Al)orcrombie 
 and Howe were to attack Ticonderoga and Crown Point. 
 
 (3) In June, 1758, Amherst invested Louisburg, which 
 had again passed into the hands of the French by the 
 Treaty of Aix-la-Chai)elle (1748). The smaller works 
 were soon carried, and the British cannon brought to bear 
 upon the defences ; the French ships in the port were 
 taken and burnt, and in a month's time the capture of 
 liouisburg was complete. Halifax being England's naval 
 station, Louisburg was left in ruins, and all signs of this 
 bulwark of Franco on the coast disappeared entirely. 
 With this fort fell Cape Breton Island and Prince 
 Edward Island. The garrison of 5637 became prisoners 
 of war, and were sent to England. 
 
 (4) The next point was Lake George. Here there 
 were gathered 9000 colonist?} from New England, New 
 York, and New Jersey, and 6300 regulars. This was the 
 largest army that had yet been assembled on American 
 soil. Unfortunately this expedition miscarried. The 
 gallant young Lord Howe was killed, and the command 
 devolved upon the incompetent Aber^rombie. After a 
 great deal of costly fighting the British withdrew, leaving 
 2000 dead. Montcalm had proved his skill as a general, 
 fighting against great odds, and still held Ticonderoga. 
 But the French lost Forts Frontenac and Du Quesne, two 
 most important posts. Bradstreet at the head of 2700 
 men, all Americans, crossed Lake Ontario, and landing 
 w^ithin a mile of Fort Frontenac, took it and destroyed 
 the militaiy stores and vessels they found there. Forbes, 
 with Washington at the head of 1900 Virginians, pene- 
 trated to the Ohio Valley, and the English flag was 
 soon waving over Fort Du Quesne, whence the dis- 
 heartened French garrison of about 500 had fled at the 
 
XII,] Montcalm and iFolfe (175^-1763). 127 
 
 approach of the overwhelming force. The fort was re- 
 named Pittsburg, after the great statesman, and is one of 
 the most hinting memorials of his fame. Whilst the troops 
 were here they revisited the fatal Braddock's field to see 
 the vestiges still left of the terrible carnage of three years 
 before. This is the description given by Bancroft of th«^ 
 ghastly horrors of the place : — 
 
 ' Here and there a skeleton was found resting on tlu' 
 trunk of a fallen tree, as if a wounded man had sunk 
 down in the attempt to fly. In some places wolves and 
 crows had left signs of their ravages : in others the 
 blackness of ashes marked the scene of the revelry of 
 cannibals. The trees still showed branches rent by 
 cannon, trunks dotted with musket balls. Where the 
 havoc had been fiercest, bones lay whitening in confusion. 
 None could be recognised, except that the son of Sir 
 Peter Halket was calked by the shrill whistle of a savage 
 to the great tree near which his father and his brother 
 had been seen to fall together ; and while Benjamin 
 West and a company of Pennsylvanians formed a circle 
 around, the Indians removed the leaves, till they bared 
 the relics of the youth lying across those of the elder 
 officer. The remains of the two, thus united in death, 
 were wrapped in a Highland plaid, and consigned to one 
 grave, amidst the ceremonies that belong to the burial of 
 the brave. The bones of the undistinguishable multitude, 
 more than four hundred and fifty in number, were in- 
 disciiminately cast into the ground, no one knowing for 
 whom specially to weep. The chilling gloom of the 
 forest at the coming of winter, the religious awe that 
 mastered the savages, the grief of the son fainting at the 
 fearful recognition of his father, the groups of soldiers 
 sorrowing over the ghastly ruins of an army, formed a 
 sombre scene of desolation. How is all changed ! The 
 banks of the broad and placid Monongahela smile with 
 
 •!l 
 
HPCTI 
 
 128 Montcalm ami Wolfe (1758-1763). 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 * 
 
 orchards and teeming harvests and gardens, with work- 
 shops and villas ; the victories of peace have eifaced the 
 memorials of war : a railroad, that sends its cars over the 
 Alleghaiiies in fewer hours than the army had taken 
 weeks for its unresisted march, passes through the scene 
 where the carnage was the worst ; and in all that region 
 no sound now prevails but that of life and activity \' 
 
 Here it will be remembered Washington was in the 
 midst of the fighting, and escaped almost miraculously. 
 But he was reserved for a great and brilliant destiny. 
 After five years of active service he now resigned, and 
 was chosen by the people of Fredericton as their repre- 
 sentative. In the House of Representatives he was 
 puljlicly and deservedly thanked for his valour. 
 
 (5) In 1759 the final struggle was to come. The 
 condition of Montcalm was desjjerate, and after Cape 
 Breton was taken and the southern forts fell, his 
 troops at the St. Lawrence were a beleaguered garrison, 
 rather than an army capable of taking the offensive. 
 England was bent on conquering the French in North 
 America, and Parliament voted twelve millions of money 
 that year, and such forces as should l)e required. The 
 campaign was ai-ranged as follows. In the west, Stanwin 
 was ordered to complete the conquest of the forts beyond 
 Pittsburg and in the direction of Lake Erie ; Amherst 
 was to advance upon Lake Champlain from Virginia ; 
 while the most important command was given to General 
 Wolfe, who was placed at the head of the troops along 
 
 the St. Lawrence, and 
 
 and the fleet. The 
 
 supported by Admiral Saunders 
 objective, to use a military phrase, 
 
 ' Bancroft's Hici. of tho United States, vol. iii. ch. xiii. Readers 
 will remember Tacitus' fine terse description of the Eoman army 
 under Tiberius coming upon the field where Varus and his legions 
 had six years before been massacred by Arminius and the 
 Cheruscans ; Annals, I. 61-62. 
 
m 
 
 XII.] Montcalm and Wolfe (1758-1763). 129 
 
 was Quebec, the last great stronghold of the French 
 in Canada. The colonists, used to warfare for many 
 years, and regarding the struggle in the light of an 
 hereditary feud, handed down to them from the very 
 foundation of their settlements, when they had to fight 
 for bare life and existence against French and Indian, 
 rushed into* the campaign with enthusiasm. Massa- 
 chusetts sent 7000 men into the field, nearly one-sixth of 
 all those who could bear arms. Connecticut, as in the 
 previous year, raised 5000 men. New Jersey had lost 
 1000 men, yet she raised willingly 1000 more, and 
 the amount she spent on military purposes amounted to 
 an annual tax of five dollars for each inhabitant. 
 
 (6) Montcalm gained little assistance from France, 
 and the king told him that he relied on his zeal and 
 obstinacy of courage. But he could do nothing against 
 great odds. The whole population of New France was, 
 according to the census, not more than 82,000, of whom 
 7000 were available as soldiers. The English were 
 thought to have nearly 50,000 troops under arms in 
 1759. The first post to fall was Niagara. Commanding 
 the portage between Lakes Ontario and Erie, it was a 
 most important place and controlled the western fur 
 trade. The French, 1200 strong, under General D'Aubry, 
 marched to its relief, but they were defeated with great 
 slaughter. The garrison at Niagara, consisting of 600 
 men, capitulated, and all the forts westward as far as Lake 
 Erie fell into British hands. 
 
 (7) Amherst, the Commander-in-chief, met with some 
 success along Lake Chaniplain, but the real interest of the 
 whole campaign was centred at Quebec. Wolfe's army 
 consisted of eight regiments, two })attalions of royal 
 Americans, three companies of rangers, and a brigade of 
 engineers, about 8000 in all. The fieet under Saunders 
 numbered 2 2 ships of the line, and as many frigates and 
 
 K 
 
 1 
 
130 Montcalm and Wolfe (1758-1763). [Ch. 
 
 i 
 
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 n i 
 
 armed vessels. There were many distinguished British 
 officers in the attacking force. On board one of the 
 ships was Jervis, afterwards Earl St. Vincent, and 
 James Cook, the great navigator who explored the 
 southern seas. Amongst the soldiers were Robert 
 Moncktbn, afterwards conqueror of Martinique, George 
 Townshend, elder brother of Charles Townshend, soon 
 to succeed to the title, and Sir William Howe. The 
 siege lasted from June 26th to September 13th. Wolfe 
 had closely invested Quebec. Landing on the Island 
 of Orleans, he had made this his headquarters. Before 
 him, on the northern bank of the St. Lawrence, rose 
 the Castle of St. Louis, 200 feet above the water. The 
 mouth of the St. Charles on the east, and the river 
 Montmorency on the North-East, had been fortified with 
 the greatest skill by Montcalm. The place was almost 
 inaccessible by nature, and behind the defences was an 
 army of 13,000 Frenchmen. Wolfe gained possession of 
 Point Levi, a promontory on the south bank of the 
 St. Lawrence, where the current narrows into a deeji 
 stream of only a mile in breadth. General Monckton 
 occupied this with four battalions, and shelled the lower 
 town across the river, but the citadel was beyond their 
 reach. 
 
 (8) The season was getting late, and Wolfe was 
 determined to strike a desperate blow before it ended. 
 Wolfe was ill himself, and four days before his death he 
 wrote, 'My constitution is entirely ruined, without the 
 consolation of having done any considerable service to the 
 state, and withv^at any prospect of it.' The following is 
 the description given of his last heroic effort : — 
 
 'In the meantime, Wolfe applied himself intently to 
 reconnoitring the north shore above Quebec. Nature 
 had given him good eyes, as well as a warmth of temper 
 to follow first impressions. He himself discovered the 
 
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XII.] Montcalm and Wolfe (1758-1763). 131 
 
 cove which now bears his name, where the bending 
 promontories almost form a basin with a very narrow 
 margin, over which the hill rises precipitously. He saw 
 the path that wound up the steep, though so narrow that 
 two men could scarcely walk abreast, and he knew, by the 
 number of tents which he counted on the summit, that 
 the Canadian post which guarded it could not exceed a 
 hundred.' 
 
 Here he resolved to land his army by surprise. To 
 mislead the enemy, his troops were kept far above 
 the town : while Saunders, as if an attack was intended 
 at Beauport, set Cook, with others, to sound the water 
 and plant buoys along that shore. 
 
 The day and night of September 1 2 were employed in 
 preparation. The autumn evening was bright ; and the 
 general, under the clear starlight, visited the stations to 
 make his final inspection and utter his last w^ords of 
 encouragement. As he j^assed up the river to the place 
 where he was to land, he spoke to those in the boat with 
 him of the poet Gray and * The Elegy in a Country 
 Churchyard.' 'I,' said he, Svould prefer being the 
 author of that poem, to the glory of beating the French 
 to-morrow ; ' and, while the oars struck the river as it 
 rippled in the silence of the night air under the flowing 
 tide, he repeated — 
 
 'The boast of Hei*aldry, tho pomp of Power, 
 
 And all that Beauty, all that Wealth e'er gave, 
 Await alike the inevitable Hour ; 
 
 The paths of Glory lead but to the Grave.' 
 
 The ascent was made in the night, and at daybreak 
 Wolfe stood on the Plains of Abraham. Montcalm was 
 astoni, id, and exclaimed when he first heard tho news 
 of the assault, 'It can be but a small party come to 
 burn a few houses and retire.' But he soon saw that the 
 position was lost, and proceeded to give battle. The 
 
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 133 Montcalm and Wolfe (i 758-1 763). [ch. 
 
 ojiposing forces were evenly matched, and the battle was 
 hotly contested, until at last Wolfe at the head of the 
 28th and the Louisburg grenadiers charged with bayonets. 
 The enemy gave way before the line of steel, but 
 Wolfe foil mortally wounded. Assured in his dying 
 moments of the complete rout of the enemy, he exclaimed, 
 'Thank God, I die happy.' Montcalm also fell. Know- 
 ing that he must die within a few hours, he said to 
 De Ramsay, the governor of the citadel, ' To your keeping 
 I commend the honour of France. As for me, I shall 
 pass the night with God, and prepare myself for death.' 
 He died at five o'clock the next morning. 
 
 (9) The end of both these men, who had been fighting 
 as it were a duel for the dominion of Canada, was great 
 and heroic. Montcalm had displayed extraordinary skill 
 in his defence of the French possessions ; but when Louis- 
 burg, the Forts of Niagara, Crown Point, Du Quesne 
 were taken, the end could not be far off. Little by little 
 he became isolated and cut off on the St. Lawrence, the 
 British holding the command of the seas. No more 
 could a Transatlantic Empire arise at the bidding of the 
 French kings, though on many subsequent occasions her 
 rulers, and amongst them Napoleon I and Napoleon III, 
 dreamed of another France across the seas in South 
 America. 
 
 (10) In 1 760 the French under De Levi made a desperate 
 attemjDt to recapture Quebec. Their army numbered 
 7000, and General Murray, imprudently risking a battle, 
 was defeated and forced to take refuge in the city. 
 But relief came by sea to the British, and De Levi re- 
 treated. Meantime the Bi'itish forces, numl)ering from 
 15,000 to 20,000, now closed around Montreal, and the 
 French Governor Vaudreuil surrendered. 
 
 (11) By the Treaty of Paris, 1763, France ceded to Great 
 Britain, Canada, Cape Breton, St. John's Island, and all 
 
*m 
 
 XII.] Montcalm and Wolfe (1758-1763). 133 
 
 the islands along the coast-line, excojit Miqiiclon and 
 St. Pierre, which were retained as fishing stations. The 
 French Canadians, w^ho numbered about 65,000, became 
 British subjects. They obtained honourable terms, and 
 were secured in the possession of their property and the 
 free enjoyment of their religion. King George was 
 overjoyed at the terms of the peace; 'England,' he 
 exclaimed, ' never signed such a peace before, nor, I 
 believe, any other power in Europe.' Grenville jiro- 
 fessed, * The country never saw so glorious a war or 
 so honourable a peace ; ' and Bute declared, ' I wish 
 no better inscription on my tomb than that I was 
 its author.' But this peace carried with it the germs 
 ol other events. Far-seeing men understood that when 
 he French power at the St. Lawrence was sufficiently 
 humbled the colonists of New England would assert 
 their independence. Vergennes the French ambassador 
 at Constantinople observed, 'The consequences of the 
 cession of Canada are obvious. I am persuaded England 
 will ere long repent of having removed the only check 
 that could keep her colonists in awe. They stand no 
 longer in need of her protection : she will call on them 
 to contribute towards supporting the burden they have 
 helped to bring upon her, and they will answer by 
 striking off all dependence.' England has indeed some- 
 what rashly been called the Transient Trustee of North 
 America, commissioned to transfer it from France to a 
 new nation. The victory of Wolfe carried with it the 
 seeds of other and greater events. 
 
 -♦-♦- 
 
134 England's Colonial Policy (1763-1783). [ch. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 England's Colonial Policy (1763-1783). 
 
 (i) After 1763 the history of North America assumes 
 a completely different aspect from that which it had borne 
 hitherto. From the very beginning the fight had been be- 
 tween Great Britain and her colonies on the one side, and 
 France and her allies on the other. The islands, promon- 
 tories, rivers and lakes of North America had been the 
 scene of almost incessant warfare for 150 years. Now 
 that the rivalry of France was removed, the struggle 
 became a fratricidal war between Great Britain and her 
 colonists who had always helped her. In 1776 a Con- 
 gress of colonial delegates met at Philadelphia and de- 
 clared the independence of the Thirteen Colonies ; and 
 after a sanguinary struggle lasting until 1783, the United 
 States of America became an independent nation. The 
 war cost the mother-country £100,000,000 and fifty thou- 
 sand lives. The most prominent cause of this costly 
 and unprofitable struggle was the grievance of the 
 American colonists that their commerce was confined by 
 arbitrary legislation. They could not export the chief 
 products of their industry — sugar, tobacco, cotton, indigo, 
 ginger, molasses, peltry, ore, raw silk, hides, etc. — to any 
 place but Great Britain ; nor might any foreign vessel 
 enter a colonial harbour. 'Lest the colonies should 
 multiply their flocks of sheep and weave their own cloth, 
 they might not use a ship, nor a boat, nor a carriage, nor 
 even a pack-horse to carry wool, or any manufacture of 
 which wool forms a part, across the line of one province 
 
I^fw 
 
 w\ 
 
 XIII.] EmjlaniVs Colonial Policy (1763-1783). 135 
 
 to another. They could not land wool from the nearest 
 islands, nor ferry it across a river, nor even ship it to 
 England. A British sailor finding himself in want of 
 clothes in their harbours might not buy there more than 
 forty shillings' worth of woollens. "Where was there a 
 house in the colonies that did not cherish, and did not 
 possess the English Bible ? And yet to print that Bible 
 in British America would have been a piracy.' 
 
 (2) America abounded in iron ores of the best quality, 
 as well as in wood and in coal, but steel furnaces and 
 plating forges were prohibited. In addition to this check- 
 ing of free labour and crushing of native industries, direct 
 and indirect taxes were to be levied and stamj) duties 
 were to be enforced everywhere. As smuggling went 
 on largely, naval and military officers weie converted 
 into excisemen, and given powers to search every ship 
 they susi:)ected. Nothing could have been more unwise 
 and impolitic than to make the Services assist in such 
 a thankless task as collecting an unpopular revenue. It 
 made the colonists detest the sight of the British 
 uniforms. To us, by the light of modern times, this 
 policy seems unexampled in its folly and shortsighted- 
 ness, but we must take into consideration the temper 
 of the age. 
 
 (3) The colonial system of those days was simple and 
 dogmatic. Stated in Lord Sheffield's words : ' The only 
 use of the American colonies is the monopoly of their 
 consumption and the carriage of their produce.' Even 
 Pitt the great Commoner, who sympathised greatly with 
 the colonists in many ways, said that ' They had no right 
 to manufacture even a nail for a horse-shoe.' In those 
 days no one dreamed of a colony possessing full respon- 
 sible Government, and developing its own industries 
 and trading. By the provisions of the Stamp Act 
 (1763) an easy revenue seemed to be assured to che 
 
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 136 EncjlancVs Colonial Policy (1763-1783). [ch. 
 
 Imp(!rial Government. But this was by its very nature 
 a vexatious impost. Without stamps, marriajL^os would 
 be null, notes of hand valueless, ships at sea prizes 
 to the first captors, suits at law impossiljle, transfers of 
 real estates invalid, and inheritances irreclaimable. In 
 every relation of life the stamp obtruded itself as a visible 
 grievance. American colonists, from one end of the 
 country to the other, rose up in angry protest against it. 
 The popular cry was 'Liberty, property, and no stamps.' 
 
 (4) To remedy the obnoxious character of the Act, the 
 clumsy expedient was adopted of employing colonists as 
 collectors. In Virginia and elsewhere these officers were 
 compelled by an angry mob to resign. In England the 
 outburst of passionate feeling was received with some 
 surprise. The possibility of an ultimate appeal to arms 
 was discussed. There were in North America at this 
 time about 300,000 white men between the ages of 16 
 and 60. It would not be difficult for them to put 
 150,000 fighting men in the field. In the last wars 
 against the French the colonists had raised, clothed and 
 paid for a force of 25,000 men who had learnt the art of 
 war from disciplined troops. Pennsylvania alone had 
 disbursed £500,000. The British forces in the country 
 at that time did not exceed 5000 men, scattered about 
 over enormous tracts of country. If there was a rupture 
 between England and her colonists it was certain that 
 France and Spain would assist the Americans. In case 
 of hostilities, trade would be dislocated and the colonists 
 learn to manufacture for themselves. Already the diffi- 
 culty of this Stamp Act had stopped one-third of the 
 manufactures of Manchester, and thrown out of employ- 
 ment thousands of workmen. Well might England's 
 ministers halt in their proposal to enforce the tax. 
 
 (5) Moreover, a number of zealous and eloquent 
 members of Parliament condemned the measure and the 
 
•«?r 
 
 XIII.] EnrjlamVs Colonial Policy (i7<^3-i783). 137 
 
 policy, Init it w.is hard to get out of the old grooves and to 
 surrender the point. Pitt pronounced for the repeal, but 
 
 G 
 
 ill( 
 
 in( 
 
 :oral»lo. In Fel> 
 
 1766, the Act was 
 
 enviJ 
 repealed in Pailianient by a majority of 275 to 1O7. i^or 
 a time the American colonists were pacified. They had 
 won their point, but England's ministers had not learned 
 the lesson. When the attempt was again made to tax 
 the colonies by imposing a tax on tea the flames of re- 
 bellion burst forth. The opposite poles of sentiment 
 were fairly represented in the British House of Commons 
 when the question of taxing America was before the 
 House. Charles Townshend, who had been engaged in 
 Wolfe's expeditions, and was sujiposed to understand the 
 whole subject, said, 'Will these American children, 
 planted by our care, nourished by our indulgence to a 
 degree of strength and opulence, and protected by our 
 arms, grudge to contribute their mite to relieve us from 
 the heavy burden under which we lie ? ' To this appeal 
 Isaac Barre, w^ho had been the friend and companion of 
 Wolfe and had fought at Louisburg and Quebec, protested 
 with vehemence. 
 
 ' They planted by your care ! No : your oppressions 
 planted them in America. They fled from your tyranny 
 to an uncultivated, inhospitable country, where they 
 exposed themselves to almost all the hardships to which 
 human nature is liable : and, among others, to the 
 cruelties of a savage foe. . . . They nourished by your 
 indulgence ! They grew by your neglect of them. As 
 soon as you began to care about them, that care was 
 exercised in sending persons to rule them in one depart- 
 ment and another, who were, perhaps, the 'deputies 
 of deputies to some members of this House, sent to sjjy 
 (Hit their liberties, to misrepresent their actions, and to 
 prey upon them ; men whose behaviour on many oc- 
 casions has caused the blood of these sons of Liberty to 
 
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 recoil within them. . . . They protected by your arms ! 
 They have nobly taken up arms in your defence : have 
 exerted a valour, amidst their constant and laborious 
 industry, for the defence of a country whose frontier was 
 drenched in blood while its interior parts yielded all its 
 little savings to your emolument.' 
 
 (6) In 1763 there had been a dispute about military 
 command between England and Pennsylvania. This State 
 was willing to levy, keep, and pay a force of 700 colonists 
 on its own account to act against the Indians, but refused 
 to place them under the orders of the British General. 
 This policy proved the friction of the times. Quite 
 recently a similar case arose in South Africa. In 1 879 the 
 war against the Kaffir clans of the Gaikas and Galekas was 
 being carried on. The conduct of the war was vested in 
 General Sir Arthur Cunynghame, the Commander-in-chief, 
 but the colonists refused to serve under his orders. The 
 matter ended in the dismissal of the colonial ministry by 
 Sir Bartle Frere, and the choice of a new cabinet who were 
 willing to subordinate their troops to imperial officers. 
 It is clear that a divided command on the frontier, 
 whether in fighting against Indiiins in 1763 or Kaffirs 
 in 1879, is an evil, nay, almost an impracticable -hing. 
 
 (7) Again, with the exception of New York, the New 
 England Governments were formed on Eepublican prin- 
 ciples, and these principles were zealously inculcated 
 in the minds of the rising generation. It was part of the 
 policy of the Board of Trade, which at that time had the 
 control of colonial affairs, to add to the importance of 
 New York at the expense of the others, for the very 
 reason that its Government was framed more exactly 
 after the model of the British Constitution. In South 
 Carolina there was friction in another matter. The 
 Governor claimed the exclusive right of administering 
 the oaths to the members of their Assembly, and became, 
 
•9 
 
 w 
 
 XIII.] England's Colonial Policy (i 763-1783). 139 
 
 therefore, the sole judge of elections. Against this 
 prerogative the people of South Carolina protested. All 
 these incidents should have made our statesmen at home 
 trebly cautious in dealing with colonial rights and 
 privileges. To a certain extent England had allowed her 
 colonies to develop in their own way, and then she put 
 the curb on. The line between colonial right and im- 
 perial privilege was very wavering and indistinct. There 
 was a contradiction in the whole position which was 
 not discernible in the French or Spanish methods of 
 colonisation. With them colonial freedom, to the extent 
 to which the New England settlements had felt it and put 
 it in practice in local matters, was unknown. The New 
 Englanders had tasted the sweets of self-government, 
 but were denied the logical outcome of this concession. 
 To give representative institutions, and to uphold such a 
 despotic act as that of the Governor of South Carolina, 
 was like ' lighting a fire in a room where the chimney was 
 stopped,' to use Gibbon Wakefield's simile. 
 
 (8) Then there was the strong argument for liberty 
 gathered from the forests, lakes, and wide rivers of a vast 
 country. Coleridge has said of Liberty : — 
 
 *And there I felt thee !— on that sea-cliff's verge, 
 Whose pines, scarce travelled by the breeze above, 
 Had made one murmur with the distant surge. 
 Yes, while I stood and gazed, my temples bare, 
 And shot my being through earth, sea, and air, 
 O Liberty ! my spirit felt thee there ! ' 
 
 In this way colonists have felt the spirit of liberty. It is 
 engendered by the very circumstances of a free colonial 
 life. It is felt by the Australian as he looks over the 
 illimitable spaces of his magnificent island continent ; 
 it is felt by the New Zealander as he roams over the wide 
 expanses of the Canterbury plains and views in ecstasy 
 the wild cliffs and precipices- of his Southern Alx)s ; it is 
 
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 140 England's Colonial Policy (1763-1783). [Ch. 
 
 felt by the South African colonist who, whether Boer or 
 British, sees the veldt and the desert-like expanses of a 
 boundless country before him, inviting him as sole white 
 pioneer to assume sovereign rights over all. The Boers 
 in fact looked upon themselves as a chosen people called 
 by Providence to occupy a Canaan. In like manner it was 
 felt by the lumberer, farmer, fisherman, and voyageur of 
 Canada or the United States, as he became a path-finder 
 through tall and silent forests, hunted as he chose along 
 lake or river, and followed the buffalo over a prairie bound- 
 less as the ocean. Too little perhaps has been allowed 
 by home-staying politicians to this ever-present sense of 
 liberty coming from the face of nature to the pioneers and 
 settlers of our race. To the sportsman and explorer it 
 became an instinct. In England a man looks round upon 
 a carefully tilled and cultivated expanse of land with everj?^ 
 right of way jealously guarded. On the frontiers of our 
 colonies men were not 'cribbed, cabined, or confined.' 
 There was no fence or law of trespass, and each man's 
 natural instincts were given full play. 
 
 (9) Burke has traced American liberty to six capital 
 sources, (i) Descent ; the colonists were Englishmen, 
 and the worst agent to dragoon an Englishman into 
 submission was an Englishman. (2) Form of Govern- 
 ment. (3) Keligion in the northern provinces. (4) 
 Manners in the southern ; — observing, truly, that where 
 a white population is either slave-owning, or if not 
 this an aristocratic minority in the midst of an inferior 
 native race, there is the most uncompromising and un- 
 bending spirit. (5) Education. Burke reminded the 
 House of Commons that in no country in the world was 
 the law so general a study as in these colonies. The 
 greater number of the Deputies sent to the Congress were 
 lawyers. (6) Remoteness of situation from the first 
 mover of Government. . 
 
XIII.] EnglamVs Colonial Policy (i 763-1783). 141 
 
 (10) There is no page of ancient or modern history 
 fraught with more interest than these twenty years. 
 Under entirely new conditions in the history of the world 
 a nation was destined to arise which, after 100 years has 
 increased her population by twenty-fold (from 3,100,000 
 to more than 6 o, 00 r, 000), reclaimed the greater part of 
 a continent, and still looks forward to a great and 
 thrilling future. Nor has there ever been a short period 
 of history so disputed and discussed as this. It has been 
 the battle-ground of rival theorists, constitutionalists, 
 philosophers and historians. There was nothing like 
 the struggle before, and it was in reality a precedent 
 in itself. As in all disputes, whether small or great, 
 there were faults on both sides. In the first place it has 
 always been extremely difficult for Englishmen at home 
 to gauge correctly colonial sentiment. This arises chiefly 
 from ignorance of colonial facts and history. It is still 
 quite possible in these days of railways and telegraphs 
 to show how ill-educated public and even official opinion 
 is on affairs in our largest colonies. 
 
 (11) With regard to defence the colonists had spent a 
 great deal proportionately to their numbers, but the 
 mother-country was always a tower of strength. England 
 with her command of the seas secured the safety of the 
 maritime settlements, and made the fall of Montreal and 
 Quebec inevitable. England's soldiers had fallen by 
 hundreds to win an empire in the West and secure a wide 
 field for her colonists. She might well ask some return for 
 the blood of Marlborough's veterans. In the matter of 
 defence the American colonies owed a very heavy debt 
 to the mother-country. She might have recovered it 
 and obtained more than their 'mite' of contribution from 
 her colonies. But the difficulty lay in the method 
 of taxation. The colonists never denied at first the 
 sovereign rights of the British Parliament, but they 
 
 ',|f 
 
 I Mill' 
 
I I 
 
 142 EnglancVs Colonial Policy (1763- 1783). [Ch. 
 
 wished to control their own taxation. Many men wished 
 to give parliamentary representation to the colonists. In 
 moving his resolutions for conciliation with the colonies 
 (March, 1775), Burke drew attention to the fact that 'The 
 colonies and plantations of Great Britain, consisting of 
 fourteen separate Governments, and containing two 
 millions and upwards of inhabitants, have not had the 
 liberty and privilege of electing and sending any Knights 
 and Burgesses or others to represent them in the High 
 Court of Parliament.' 
 
 (12) Burke also showed in comparative tables the 
 growing value of American trade. He took the value 
 of the export trade of England to her colonies as it stood 
 in 1704, and .again as it stood in 1772. 
 
 In the year 1 704. £ 
 
 Exports to North America and the West Indies , 483,265 
 To Africa 86,665 
 
 569,930 
 In the year 1772. 
 
 To North America and the West Indies . . . 4,791,734 
 
 To Africa 866,398 
 
 Exports from Scotland, which in 1 704 
 
 had no existence 364,000 
 
 £ 6,022,132 
 
 * From five hundred and odd thousand the trade has 
 grown to six millions. It has increased no less than 
 twelve-fold. This is the state of the colony trade, as 
 compared with itself at these two periods, within this 
 centuiy : — and this is matter for meditation. But this is 
 not all. Examine my second account. See how the 
 export trade to the colonies alone in 1772 stood in the 
 other point of view, that is, as compared to the whole 
 trade of England in 1704— 
 
 The whole Export Trade of England, in- £ 
 
 eluding that to the Colonies, in 1704. . 6,509,000 
 
 Export to the Colonies alone, in 1773 . . 6,024,000 
 
 Diflference ^6485,000 
 
MM 
 
 XIV.] The Development of Canada (i 783-1 809). 143 
 
 The trade with America alone is now within less than 
 £500,000 of being equal to what this great commercial 
 nation, England, carried on at the beginning of the 
 century with the whole world \' 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 The Development of Canada (1783-1809). 
 
 ( i) It is more than a hundred years ago since Lord Corn- 
 wallis, a British commander from whom much was ex- 
 pected, surrendered to General Washington at Yorktown, 
 and Great Britain acknowledged the independence of the 
 thirteen United States by the Treaty of Versailles in 
 1783, when the boundaries of British America were re- 
 duced to their present dimensions. After this pacification 
 one of the first difficulties on both sides was how to deal 
 with the United Empire Loyalists. The evils of a civil 
 and intestine war are always worse than those of an 
 ordinary campaign. Friends, brothers and relations had 
 taken different sides on the great question of imperial 
 prerogative, which had been fought out so sternly and 
 obstinately. In spite of all her faults and mistakes 
 there were many who said of the mother-country, 
 'England, I love thee still.' It was the duty of the 
 mother-country to respond. She had asked Congress to 
 treat them leniently, and Congress sent down recom- 
 mendations to the various State Governments to show 
 
 * Burke's Speech on Conciliation with America, 1775. 
 
 IP) I 
 
 § 
 
144 The Development of Canada (1783-1809). [Ch. 
 
 I'! I; 
 
 % 
 
 kindness and forbearance ; but in the nature of things it 
 was impossible for them to settle down comfortably in 
 the United States. There was fortunately abundance of 
 land elsewhere, and on the same continent, where England 
 could find a home for them. West of the river Ottawa 
 lay a fertile and noble country inclosed by the St. 
 Lawrence and the Lakes. In 1784 Governor Haldimand 
 sent surveyors to lay out in lots the countiy along the 
 St. Lawrence and Bay of Quinte, and around Niagara 
 and Amherstburg. A list of the Loyalists was made, 
 i' 4, 000, 000 of public money voted for them, and land given 
 on a generous scale. Field-officers were allotted 5000 
 acres, captains 3000, subalterns 2000, and private soldiers 
 200 each. Upon the occasion of a son coming of age or 
 of a daughter marrying 200 extra were added. These 
 were generous terms and they were gladly accepted by 
 the refugees, who deserved every possible care and 
 attention from the mother-countiy for their devotion to 
 her cause. 
 
 (2) These men were ready to suffer anything, even 
 death and the surrender of all their property, rather than 
 betray England, the land of their birth and origin, and 
 break up her magnificent empire in America. It is 
 estimated that 20,000 went to Nova Scotia and about 
 10,000 to Canada. A very large number migrated to 
 Port Razoir on the Atlantic coast of Nova Scotia ; and in 
 1783 Governor Parr visited the town, which had sur- 
 passed even Halifax in population, and gave it the name 
 of Shelburne, which it still bears. Many of the Loyalists 
 also settled at the mouth of the St. John river in New 
 Brunswick, arriving in St. John Harbour May i8th, 1783. 
 In hcnour of Governor Parr they called the place Parr- 
 town, afterwards changed to St. John. The Loyalists 
 were slightly dissatisfied with their position in New 
 Brunswick, as they claimed the privilege of sending a 
 
XIV.] The Development of Canada (1783-1809). 145 
 
 member to the Assembly at Halifax, in Nova Scotia, but 
 were disallowed on the grounds that the Governor could 
 not add to the number of legislators. In order to 
 remedy this and to obtain government for themselves, 
 the Loyalists petitioned the Home Government for the 
 separation of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, and easily 
 gained their object on account of their known intelligence 
 and loyalty. In 1784 the province of New Brunswick 
 was separated from Nova Scotia, and in 1788 Fredericton, 
 formerly called St. Ann's, was made the capital of the 
 province. Since then the two provinces have remained 
 separate. 
 
 (3) But the greatest political change was to come from 
 the settlement of the Loyalists in Ontario or Western 
 Canada. It must be understood that the Home Govern- 
 ment, after the conquest of Canada, had made great 
 efforts to pacify the French colonists, who were, generally 
 speaking, industrious, conservative, and law-abiding men. 
 They were regarded as likely to arrest and stay revolu- 
 tionary tendencies, and to help the Home Government in 
 their task of administration. They seemed to be the 
 champions of Monarchical Government in America as 
 against Kepublican innovations. Being for the nrost 
 part Roman Catholics, they were opposed to the Pro- 
 testant spirit of the New England settlers. After 
 Wolfe's decisive victory the whole of Canada had passed 
 under military rule. This lasted from 1760 to 1774. In 
 1774 the Quebec Act was passed, and according to its 
 provisions French Law became the Law of the land. 
 The reason for this concession was that the French 
 population, amounting to 65,000, were many times more 
 numerous than the English, and could therefore claim 
 a continuance of their laws and customs, although 
 Canada had been conquered by the English. But, in 
 many ways, the English settlers did not like French 
 
«ap 
 
 <i!p 
 
 I i 
 
 ! I 
 
 1$ 
 
 :,1 
 
 I! I: 
 
 146 The Bevelopmeid of Canada (1783-1809). [Ch. 
 
 Law, and they were constantly petitioning the Home 
 Government for the repeal of the Quebec Act. When 
 the United Empire Loyalists were added to their number 
 their requests were made with greater force and frequency. 
 The Home Government were at a loss what to do, and 
 determined to sift the whole matter and find out the 
 state of Canadian society and politics by means of special 
 committees, over which Lord Dorchester presided. One 
 committee had to gather all the information they could 
 about the agriculture and commerce of Canada, another 
 investigated the subject of the Militia, another that of 
 Education, another that of the Courts and the Administra- 
 tion of Justice. In fact an exhaustive enquiry into the 
 whole state of Canadian politics was inaugurated. It 
 was doubtless possible at this early period of the British 
 conquest to convert Canada into a purely British colony. 
 It was the prize of conquest, and had cost England an 
 immense deal of blood and treasure. To blot out the 
 French life and character was not, however, the wish or 
 desire of British statesmen, and William Pitt the younger 
 declared in the House of Commons, in a debate on Canada, 
 that his object was distinctly to create two colonies 
 separate from and jealous of each other, so as to guard 
 against a repetition of the late unhappy rebellion which 
 had separated the thirteen colonies from the Empire. 
 Unconsciously, therefore, by defining the area of pro- 
 vincial action, William Pitt introduced into the countiy 
 the germ of a future Federal Government. For the time 
 being his motto was Divide et impera, and the presence 
 of a relatively large French population was regarded 
 as an important political factor which might tend to 
 induce, if it could not compel, the loyalty of British 
 colonists. The experience of the American revolt had 
 been this, that the colonists had asserted independence as 
 soon as the French power in Canada was broken for ever 
 
time 
 
 jence 
 
 irded 
 
 d to 
 
 itish 
 
 had 
 ce as 
 
 ever 
 
 XIV.] The Development of Canada (1783-1809). 147 
 
 in the continent. In Canada it might be advisable, 
 therefore, to retain a French deterrent against revolt as 
 long as possible. At the best this colonial policy was short- 
 sighted and inadequate, for if colonial loyalty was to be 
 assured simply by a series of makeshifts and equipoises, 
 it was artificial and not worth wooing or keeping. But 
 the idea of free colonists working harmoniously under 
 their own executive in consonance with colonial opinion 
 and loyal to the Crown, was abhorrent to the times. No 
 political party could then foresee the development of colo- 
 nial governments, although Burke emphatically predicted 
 it. After his magnificent peroration on the value of 
 'Conciliation with America,' in times when parliamentary 
 eloquence and fervour had its best sway in England, only 
 seventy-eight members were found to agree with him. 
 
 (4) The Act which divided Canada into two Provinces, 
 the Lower and the Upper, with the boundary of the 
 Ottawa, was called in England the Constitutional Act 
 (1791). A census of the whole country taken about this 
 time showed the population to be 1 50,000, of which 20,oco 
 only belonged to Upper Canada. Each Province was to 
 have a Governor of its own and a Parliament consisting 
 of two Houses, namely an Assembly elected by the people, 
 as now, and a Legislative Council. In Lower Canada 
 the House of Assembly was to have fifty members and 
 the Legislative Council fifteen ; in Upper Canada the 
 former was to have sixteen members and the latter 
 seven. On the 17th December, 1792, the first Parliament 
 of Lower Canada was held, and one of the first subjects 
 which excited discussion was the language in which the 
 business of the House should be conducted. It was finally 
 decided that the Journals of the Proceedings should be 
 printed in both languages, in French and English ; a rule 
 which is followed also in the Cape Colony, where mem- 
 bers in Parliament may speak either Dutch or English. 
 
 L 2 
 
 i 
 
 m 
 
 i' 
 
 111 
 
 ■! 
 
'filf 
 
 il 
 
 148 The Develoimient of Canada (1783-1809). [Ch. 
 
 Tho most Important difference between the two Pro- 
 vinces of Upper and Lower Canada related to tho question 
 of land-tenure. The French had a peculiar system of 
 their own which requires a few words of explanation. 
 
 (5) At first, all the land settled by the French in 
 Canada was held by Feudal tenure^ that is, the king 
 always kept his right to it. Those who lived thereon 
 had to fulfil certain duties, and if they neglected these 
 they forfeited their lands and rights, which might be given 
 away to others. There was little encouragement for 
 colonists to come and settle in tho country and improve 
 it under these terms. When Qi dinal Richelieu took up 
 the subject of American colonisation he changed the law 
 and introduced 'Seigneurial tenure,' which means that the 
 land of Canada was divided into portions and given to 
 seigneurs or clerics, noblemen and gentlemen, in favour 
 with the Court. For instance. La Salle received the 
 seignuery of Cataraqui or Frontenac, Joliette the Island 
 of Anticosti, and the Island of Montreal was given to 
 M. de Lauson in 1635. This island afterwards passed 
 to the religious order of St. Sulpice in 1664. The 
 French colonists held their land of these seigneurs, and 
 paid them in many ways. The power of the seigneur 
 was almost absolute, and although friendly and ' clan ' 
 relationships might spring up between landlord and 
 tenant, the law was practically powerless to compel 
 the seigneurs to fulfil their duties and do justice \ The 
 peasantry were called hdbitans, and were in reality 
 serfs, under the control of a strong territorial aristo- 
 cracy and the power and influence of the Roman Catho- 
 lic priests. The rule of the latter was generally very 
 benevolent and beneficial, and in Longfellow's Evan- 
 geline we have a charming picture of the simple and 
 trustful relations between priests and peasants in Acadia. 
 
 ■ See Appendix vi. 
 
msmn 
 
 XIV.] The Develoimient of Canada (1783-1809). 149 
 
 But this system of tenure was not suited to the Britisli 
 immigrant, whether he came from New England or Old 
 England. He wanted absolute freehold tenure, and dis- 
 liked the notion of tribute or payment in any form to 
 a seigneur. He wished to be master of his own craft and 
 allotment, and make his own improvements and go his 
 own way, contributing certainly to the public revenue, 
 in the regular way of ta^-paying, but not to the private 
 ^urses of a territorial aristocracy set over him, whose 
 protection he neither asked for nor needed. Moreover, 
 the British immigrants were generally Protestants, and 
 they disliked holding land under Roman Catholics. It 
 cannot be wondered, therefore, that there was an agita- 
 tion for Provincial Government in Upper and Lower 
 Canada. 
 
 (6) The Act of 1791 provided for the support of 
 a Protestant Clergy in Upper and Lower Canada, by 
 setting apart a large extent of wild lands for their en- 
 dowment. These lands were called Clergy Reserves, and 
 were afterwards a source of great irritation. No doubt 
 the object of the Home Government was to protect and 
 encourage the Protestants of Canada, who found them- 
 selves outnumbered on all sides by the French Roman 
 Catholics. The Constitutional Act of 1791 recognised 
 the fact that there were, practically speaking, two 
 separate races or nations in Canada, which could not 
 at first unite. The result of the early recognition of 
 this cardinal fact, and all it involves, is apparent. The 
 fusion of the two races promises, in course of time, 
 to be fully brought about. French Canadians have 
 long been regarded amongst the most loyal of Her 
 Majesty's subjects. As a body of colonists, they possess 
 a most instructive history. Their very presence is a 
 monument of those magnificent aspirations of the French 
 nation to found a Transatlantic Empire, an object they 
 
 m 
 
 % 
 
 { 
 
 \ : 
 
 1, 
 
 M 
 
150 The Development of Canada (i 783-1 809). [Ch. 
 
 I ^'^■ 
 
 
 iiJjl 
 
 & 
 
 pursued, as already shown, with the most romantic and 
 heroic ardour. According to the ideas of the Jesuits, and 
 of Cardinal Richelieu, the Church and the colony were 
 to advance together. Both, however, were to be subject 
 to the higher powers at home. And the French Court 
 was supreme in the colonies, in the first instance by the 
 prerogative of the Crown exercised directly, and then by 
 the specially granted privileges of the seigneurs. 
 
 (7) But when the British conquered at Quebec, it was 
 soon discovered that feudal ideas implanted from home as 
 a costly exogen could not flourish in North America, es- 
 pecially when brought into direct contact with ideas of 
 liberty and political freedom, amongst the Protestant 
 communities of New England and elsewhere. Feudalism 
 disappeared, but much more slowly than we should have 
 expected. The French Canadians have always been very 
 conservative in their manner of life and in their habits of 
 thought. They are, moreover, a deeply religious com- 
 munity. The great social upheaval, caused by the French 
 Revolution, was scarcely felt by them in their remote 
 valleys, and with Republican excesses they never had any 
 sympathy at all. At the present moment there cannot, 
 perhaps, be two sections of people more unlike than the 
 Parisians and the French Canadians. The dissimilarity 
 was still more marked at the beginning of this century, 
 between a French Jacobin of the nineties and a French 
 Canadian of the St. Lawrence Valley. 
 
 (8) The British Government in 1790 (shocked at the 
 proceedings of revolutionary France, which seemed to 
 have strengthened, if not imbibed, some of her doctrines 
 of the inherent rights of man from the writings of Otis, 
 Franklin, and Jefferson, British colonists in America) 
 began to regard the French population of Lower Canada 
 and New Brunswick as a conservative and stable element 
 in the midst of confusion. The influences of the Old 
 
XIV.] The Development of Canada (i 783-1 809). 151 
 
 World upon the New, and the New upon the Old, were of 
 an intricate and somewhat puzzling character. As far 
 as empire in America was originally concerned, the 
 struggle of course lay between England and her colonies 
 against the French. Immediately the French were con- 
 quered, the signal was given for colonial independence, 
 and England was faced by another danger. Strangely 
 enough, in the chaos and conflict of principles which 
 ensued, the Government of England seemed to lean upon 
 the French Canadians for moral, if not actual, support. 
 For once, principles seemed to be stronger than race 
 sympathy. But the result was good. The Canadians 
 were treated with the utmost consideration, and they 
 owe tc England a deep debt of loyalty. 
 
 (9) From another point of view the French Canadians 
 are interesting to us. They have proved that men of 
 French extraction can become successful colonists, a fact 
 we are apt to forget in these days, when we see before 
 us the ill-planned attempts of the French Government 
 to set up a Colonial Empire in tropical and semi-tropical 
 countries, in Madagascar, Tonquin, Algeria, Africa, 
 and elsewhere. The ideas of Cartier, La Salle, 
 Richelieu, Colbert, were not visionary. The valley of the 
 St. Lawrence and the regions of the Lakes might, if 
 destiny had so willed it, have been swarming with 
 millions of French subjects, who would have swayed 
 the continent from Athabasca to the Mississipji Valley. 
 But the colonial policy of France was always secondary, 
 and her position as a European power too exacting to 
 allow .f colonial expansion. Sea-girt England has stepped 
 in and gathered the fruits of empire. 
 
 ( I o) After the political difiiculties of Upper and Lower 
 Canada were adjusted in 1791, and peaceful relations 
 were established between French and British settlers, 
 Canada prospered. The historian has written of this 
 
1^2 The Development of Canada (i 783-1 809). [Ch. 
 
 period, 'All classes of the community were contented. 
 The inhabitants of British origin felt they had all they 
 could reasonably expect in a House of Assembly and 
 a Legislative Council, while the population of French 
 descent, in the full enjoyment of their language, their 
 customs and their religion, lived on an easy and good- 
 natured existence, which nothing disturbed. Meantime, 
 the province was steadily progressing in population and 
 w^ealth.' This era of tranquillity was in striking contrast 
 to the state of Europe, where the most terrible wars were 
 being waged, and great issues fought out by sea and land. 
 An echo of the great strife was heard now and then in the 
 land of lakes and forests. The colonists contributed 
 money in Parliament to Great Britain to enable her to 
 carry on her wars, a worthy precedent of help and assist- 
 ance, which has been often repeated from that date to 
 the recent Sudan campaign, where loyal Canadian voya- 
 geurs went with Lord Wolseley up the Nile. Again we 
 hear a note of sympathy with England's triumphs, and 
 her imperial expansion, when we read in the Proceed- 
 ings of the Parliament of Lower Canada (1807), that 
 congratulations were sent to the Home Government 
 upon the acquisition of Cape Colony and the grand 
 vantage point of Table Bay and Simon's Town, the 
 Gibraltar of the South Atlantic. The first English 
 Governor of the Cape was Sir James Craig (1795), 
 and this same officer assumed the duties of Governor 
 General in Canada in 1807. Although not very brilliant 
 himself, Craig was one of that race of world-wide 
 colonial administrators, whose existence is impossible 
 outside the British Empire, who have held wider and more 
 impoiiant powers than Roman proconsuls, and have, 
 generally speaking, strengthened British rule by their 
 cautious wisdom and powers of administration. During 
 liis Governorship, a Militia Act was passed for the safety 
 
■MMM 
 
 — m f fl 
 
 XIV.] The Development of Camida (i 783-1809). 153 
 
 of Canada, and the Governor himself received every as- 
 surance of loyalty from the colonists. 
 
 (11) About this time the trade of the world was to 
 receive a great impulse from the use of steam in naviga- 
 tion, and Canada, the country par excellence of lakes and 
 rivers, was not slow to avail herself of it. The first 
 steamboat of which there is any record was built in 
 1802 by a Scotchman, named Lymington, and it was 
 used on the Forth and Clyde canal. The second and 
 third were launched upon the Hudson Eiver by Fulton 
 in 1805 and 1809. The following is the account given at 
 the time: — 'The steamboat Accommodation has arrived 
 with ten passengers. She is incessantly crowded with 
 visitors. This steamboat receives her impulse from an 
 open-spoked perpendicular wheel on each side, without 
 any circular band or rim ; to the end of each double 
 spoke is fixed a square board which enters the water, 
 and by the rotatory motion of the wheels acts like a 
 jjaddle. No wind or tide can stop her.' 
 
 (12) It is clear that when once steamboat communica- 
 tion was opened up on the gi'eat lakes it would lead 
 to wonderful results. It would bring these vast prairies 
 and rivers nearer to Montreal and Quebec and display a 
 new world to the colonists. For some time past explora- 
 tion and discovery had been going on in the North- West. 
 The example of Champlain (1615-35) was not forgotten 
 by the French trappers and colonists. He had led the way 
 to Lake St. Louis, Nipissing, Huron and Ontario, as has 
 already been pointed out. In 1680 Louis Hennepin had 
 travelled to the furthest sources of the St. Lawrence, and 
 in 1742-3 the Verendryes had pushed exploration to the 
 Rockies. 
 
 But the greatest explorer of the North- West was a Scotch- 
 man of the name of Alexander Mackenzie, who was born 
 in the Highlands of Scotland and came as a fur-trader to 
 
 riJM 
 
w 
 
 I \ 
 
 !P 
 
 
 ; 8 r 
 
 rl' 
 
 
 1 HHH ;' 
 
 11, 
 
 154 The Develo]p7)ient of Cmiada (i 783-1 809). [ch. 
 
 Canada in the service of the North- West Company. ' He 
 was of an inquisitive mind and enterprising spirit, was pos- 
 sessed of a strong constitution and great powers of endur- 
 ance, and, moreover, had the ambition to cross through the 
 continent by some new way, hitherto unexplored by the 
 white man His first ye,irs were spent in the Lake Supe- 
 rior region, or in regions further to the east : and here he 
 soon rose to the position of leader among the bold spirits 
 of adventure. The wild life he led during these years was 
 more congenial to him than would have been the charms 
 of society in the crowded city. Frequently in the wilds 
 of the West men are met whose chief happiness it is to 
 struggle with the difficulties of travel and to overcome 
 them. To this class belonged Mackenzie. What the 
 trials of gach a life are, he himself tells us. "I had to 
 encounter perils by land and perils by water, to watch 
 the savage who was our guide, or to guard against those 
 of his tribe who might meditate our destruction. I had 
 also the passions and fears of others to control and subdue. 
 To-day I had to assuage the rising discontents, and on 
 the morrow to cheer the fainting spirits of the people 
 who accompanied me. The toil of our navigators was 
 incessant, and oftentimes extreme : in our progress over 
 land we had no protection from the severity of the ele- 
 ments, and possessed no accommodations or conveniences 
 but such as could be contained in the burden on our 
 shoulders, which aggravated the toils of our march and 
 added to the wearisomeness of the way " '.' 
 
 ( 1 3) Mackenzie's voyage and journey was a most adven- 
 turous one. He plunged into the terrible regions of the 
 North towards the Polar basin, hundreds of miles away 
 from his base at Fort Chippewyan, itself a fur-traders' 
 post, where summer rushes through the skies swiftly 
 and is succeeded by an eight months' night of winter. 
 ' See Bryce's Manitoba : its Growth and Present Position. 1882. . 
 
XIV.] The Development of C'tnada (1783- 1809). 155 
 
 He left the Fort on June 3, 1 789, in a canoe made of birch- 
 bark. The Fort is situated on Lake Athabasca, whence 
 various routes lie along the Athabasca River on the 
 south, the Peace River on the west, and the Slave River 
 on the north. Mackenzie followed the course of the 
 Slave River into the Great Slave Lake, and thence he 
 explored northwards along the river that bears his 
 name and empties into the Polar Sea. About the end 
 of July Mackenzie reached the Polar Sea, and returned 
 to Fort Chippewyan by September 12. The distance 
 traversed was more than 2000 miles. If we consider 
 the scanty means at his disposal and the shortness of 
 the time wherein it is possible to travel in these regions, 
 this is one of the most remarkable voyages ever known. 
 The whole expedition consisted altogether of four canoes. 
 (14) But Mackenzie was not content with this 
 exploit. On his journey towards the Polar Sea he had 
 experienced a difficulty in finding his whereabouts by 
 scientific calculation. He left Canada and returned 
 to London, determined to acquire the requisite mathe- 
 matical knowledge. After gaining this, he resolved 
 to explore the country westwards of Fort Chippe- 
 wyan along the Peace River to its source in the Rockies. 
 Thence he purposed to reach the Pacific Ocean. On the 
 loth of October, 1792, he again left Chippewyan, and, 
 reaching Peace Point, was the means of adjusting a quarrel 
 between the Crees and Beaver Indians. From this cir- 
 cumstance the river gained the name of Peace River. 
 Journeying upwards he reached a place called Deer 
 Mountain, where he wintered in readiness to start for 
 the Pacific. 'His crew for the present voyage was 
 chosen with care from the best materials at his disposal. 
 They were Alexander Mackay, Joseph Landry, and Charles 
 Ducetti, two voyageurs of the former expedition. Baptist 
 Bisson, Francois Courtois, Jacques Beauchamp, and 
 
 — "II! 
 
 
 m 
 
 i;P'' 
 
 
 
 ■ 1 
 
 ! 
 
 i 
 
 Hi 
 'I 
 
156 The Development of Canada (i 783-1 809). [ch. 
 
 ■M. 
 
 1 
 
 
 '■ f.'i 
 
 Francois Beanlieu, the last-named of whom died so late 
 as 1872, aged nearly a hundred years, probably the oldest 
 man in the North-West at the time. Two Indians com- 
 pleted the party, one of whom had been so idle a lad 
 that he bore to his dying day the unenviable name of 
 " Canere," the Crab.' The expedition started on June 12, 
 1793, and crossing the Rockies descended by a stream 
 which flowed to the South-West. After incredible diffi- 
 culties the Pacific Ocean was reached about the mouth of 
 what is now known as Simpson's River. * Their destina- 
 tion being now reacned, the over-joyed travellers deter- 
 mined to commemorate the event, and having mixed up 
 some vermilion in melted grease, they inscribed in large 
 characters on the face of the rock, " Alexander Mackenzie 
 from Canada by land, the twenty- second of July, one 
 thousand seven hundred and ninety-three." After per- 
 forming this great exploit the travellers returned over 
 the Rocky Mountains to Fort Chippewyan, which they 
 reached on the 24th i\ August.' Thus Mackenzie, the 
 intrepid Scotchman, had the honour of reaching both the 
 Polar Sea and Pacific Ocean by routes hitherto unknown. 
 (15) Before the eighteenth century had closed there 
 were several attempts in other quarters to throw light 
 upon the geography of North-West America. Captain 
 Cook, who had distinguished himself at the siege of 
 Quebec, and Captain Clarke, received instructions to ex- 
 plore the coasts of Behring Strait in the Resolution 
 and Discovery, and to search for a North-West Passage 
 from the Pacific Ocean ( 1 7 7 6-1 7 80). Captain Cook passed 
 through Behring Strait and reached the ice limit in the 
 Polar Seas. He named Icy Cape and examined the coasts 
 as far as Cape Blanco, latitude 43*^ N. ; in his map the 
 New Albion of Sir Francis Drake is placed about latitude 
 40"^^ N. In 1790 Captain George Vancouver was sent 
 with the Discovery and Chatham to assail once more the 
 
XIV.] The Development of Canada (i 783-1809). 157 
 
 problem of the North-West Passage. His instructions were 
 'to ascertain whether there existed any navigable com- 
 munication between the North Atlantic and North Pacific 
 Oceans.' Europeans were quickly becoming acquainted 
 with the character of the wonderful Pacific slope which 
 lay between the Eockies and the sea. Sir W. Butler in 
 his ' Wild North Land ' writes thus of it : ' North of 
 California and south of British Columbia, there lies a vast 
 region rich in forest, prairie, snow-clad peak, alluvial 
 meadow, hill-p ^tures and rolling table-land. It has all 
 that nature can give ; its peaks are as lofty as Mont 
 Blanc ; its meadows as rich as the vales of Somerset. 
 The Spaniard knew it by repute and named it Oregon, 
 after the river which we call the Columbia.' It had long 
 been a mystic land, a realm of fable — a land whose 
 * shining mountains' were visible far out at sea, and threw, 
 so the sailors said, a glorious lustre upon the waves from 
 their eternal snows. In 1792 a Boston ship entered the 
 mouth of the Oregon River, and the captain named it 
 Columbia. In 18 10 Jacob Astor, an American, planted 
 a factory on its banks and induced some servants of the 
 North- West Company to join him, and thus established 
 a claim, after the war of 1 8 1 2, to * the fairest State of the 
 American Union.' 
 
 r 
 
 I ! 
 
m 
 
 i/;8 
 
 The War of 1813. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 1 
 
 The War of 1812. 
 
 (i) It was a strange war which drove the United States 
 into an alliance with France and the Emperor Napoleon. 
 Freedom and liberty were assured in the New World, 
 but they were threatened in the Old ; and Europe was 
 being deluged with blood from end to end by a conqueror 
 whose aim was to destroy nationalities and efface con- 
 stitutional rights. The successes of Bonaparte on land 
 were commensurate with his ambition. Victory after 
 victory crushed Austria, and the Prussians were over- 
 thrown at the battle of Jena. England alone stood in his 
 way, and he determined to annihilate her. With this view 
 he attacked her commerce, and by the well-known Berlin 
 and Milan decrees closed all the continental ports against 
 her ships. These islands were declared in a state of 
 blockade, and the seizure was authorised of all vessels 
 bound from British harbours. England retaliated by her 
 Orders in Council, which declared all the ports of France 
 and her allies from which the British flag was excluded, 
 in a state of blockade, and * that all trade in articles the 
 produce and manufacture of the said countries or colonies 
 should be deemed unlawful, and all such articles declared 
 good prize.' On both sides it was war to the knife, and for 
 Great Britain a most terrible struggle for very national 
 existence. Should she be cast down from her sovereignty 
 of the seas, the prospect was indeed dark for the rest of 
 prostrate Europe. She alone stood between the conqueror 
 and his insatiable lust of conquest. 
 
mr 
 
 XV.] 
 
 The War of 1812. 
 
 159 
 
 i« 
 
 (2) Naturally, this commercial war pressed heavily 
 upon neutrals, and especially u; on the Americans, who, 
 in the turmoil of Europe, had gradually obtained a large 
 amount of the carrying trade of the world. The English 
 also claimed the right of searching for British deserters 
 in American ships, which increased the existing irritation. 
 It must likewise be recollected that the War of Inde- 
 pendence had left behind it a large heritage of hatred and 
 prejudice, which had not yet had time to exhaust itself. 
 Washington and his friends, when their great work was 
 effected, strove to repress the anti-British feeling which 
 pervaded the democracy, and by so doing incurred at 
 first a good deal of obloquy. Not even the excesses of the 
 French jacobins and revolutionists could at first impair 
 the sympathy between the two countries. Protests were 
 certainly heard here and there, and certain delegates from 
 the county of New York protested at Albany against the 
 war, saying that it was repugnant for a free people to ally 
 themselves with the Emperor Napoleon, ' every action of 
 whose life demonstrated a thirst for universal empire 
 and the extinction of human freedom.' But the war was 
 a popular one, and the conquest of Canada appeared 
 a simple matter. 
 
 (3) At this time the population of Upper Canada was 
 less than 80,000, and that of Lower Canada 220,000; 
 that of the United States was about 8,000,000. The 
 frontier between the two countries was about 1 000 miles 
 long, and practically undefended. The regular troops in 
 both provinces of Canada amounted to barely 4000 men. 
 The United States had the advantage of attacking where 
 they pleased, with an unlimited supply of troops and 
 provisions behind them. It was expected also that the 
 Canadian people themselves would welcome * Brother 
 Jonathan,' and consent to form other provinces of the 
 Republic. But the attachment of the Canadians to 
 
 
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 The War 0/1812. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 constitutional mon.archy was strong, and their sympathy 
 with the States very small. They rallied in both 
 provinces boldly and loyally round England. The United 
 Empire Loyalists, and emigrants from New England 
 and New York, were amongst the staunchest militiamen 
 who rolled back the tide of invasion. The north-west 
 Indians, also, who cordially disliked the Americans, or, 
 as they termed them, 'Long-knives,' gave most important 
 aid to Canada at the beginning of the campaign. In Lower 
 Canada the feeling of the French colonists was strong to 
 fight against England's enemies. Since 1774 they had 
 learned to trust to England's promises ; and since the 
 Quebec Act of 1791 they had experienced the sweets of 
 political liberty, which they were loth to surrender. As 
 for their sympathising with the murderous campaigns of 
 Napoleon and a rampant Imperialism, it was not to be 
 thought of. The political and conservative feelings 
 of the French Canadian had become hardened and 
 ciystallised at the sight of the desolation of Europe and 
 the destruction of old land-marks. 
 
 (4) The United States Congress declared war on the 1 8th 
 of June, 181 2, and during this year three great attempts 
 were made upon Canada. On the 12th of July General 
 Hull, the Governor of Michigan, crossed the Detroit River 
 with 2500 men, and attacked Fort Maiden near Amherst- 
 burg, which was garrisoned by 300 British regulars under 
 Colonel St. George. The attempt failed, and Hull was 
 compelled to retreat to Detroit, where he surrendered to 
 General Brock. The British got large quantities of stores 
 and provisions, and obtained possession of the whole 
 State of Michigan. This success strengthened the allegi- 
 ance of the Indians, who proved most useful allies. On 
 the 13th of October the United States troops, under 
 General van Rensselaer, crossed the Niagara River and 
 attacked Queenston. After a severe struggle, in which 
 
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WAR OF 1812 - THE NIAGARA FRONTIER. 
 
 Toface page 160. 
 
 WAR OF 1812 - LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 
 
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 The War 0/1813. 
 
 161 
 
 hiP :: 
 
 two gullant officoi's, General Brock and Colonel Macdonell, 
 were killed, the United States trooi)s were driven back, 
 and 9;")© compelled to surrender. An attempt also to 
 invade Canada by way of Lake Champlain, conducted by 
 General Dearborn in October, failed, and the British 
 claimed a vict cy at Lacolle Kiver. The Americans kept 
 up the contest during the winter, and threatened the 
 Canadian frontier with three armies, one on the west 
 under General Harrison, one along the Niagara River 
 under General Dearborn, and a third near Lower Canada 
 commanded by General ILunpton. The war was waged 
 with groat determination on both sides, winter and 
 summer. Canada is a country which, in the depths of 
 winter, allows of transport by means of sleighs and snow- 
 shoes across its frozen surface. We hear of a march 
 overland of the 104th British regiment from New Bruns- 
 wick to the scene of operations in the winter ; also of a 
 sudden attack upon Ogdensburg by a force marching 
 across the ice on the St. Lawrence. England had her 
 hands full, and could give little assistance. Sir James 
 Yeo, a naval officer, arrived with reinforcements, but they 
 only consLited of 450 seamen and a few officers who were 
 sent out for the purpose of manning the British vessels 
 on the Lakes. The position which they were sent to 
 guard, viz. the peninsula between Lakes Erie and Ontario, 
 \vas most valuable from a strategic point of view. 
 
 (5) One of the most important incidents of the war 
 was the night attack of the British commander. General 
 Vincent, upon the Americans. After the capture of 
 Toronto and Fort George, he had been compelled to 
 retreat before a superior force of nearly 4000 Americans. 
 The latter, confiding in their numbers and prestige, 
 guarded their camp carelessly, a fact which did not escape 
 the notice of Colonel Harvey, a vigilant officer who had 
 been sent out by General Vincent for the purpose of 
 
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 The War of 1812. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 reconnoitring. A night surprise was planned and carried 
 out on the 5th of June, 181 3, at a place called Stony Creek. 
 The troops at General Vincent's disposal consisted of the 
 49th Eegiment and a part of the 8th, mustering altogether 
 only 704 men. The enemy were taken completely by 
 surprise, and though some of them stood their ground 
 and fought bravely, large numbers ran away. Harvey cap- 
 tured four cannon and 1 20 prisoners, including both the 
 American generals. Winder and Chandler. When day broke 
 the fugitives returned to their camp, destroyed their stores, 
 and retreated hastily to the mouth of Forty-mile Creek. 
 
 (6) During this year (1813) a celebrated duel between 
 an American and British man-of-war took place, a com- 
 bat which has become a household tale. Captain Broke, 
 of the British frigate Shannon, brought up before Boston 
 harbour, where the Chesapeake was lying, and challenged 
 her commander, Captain Lawrence, to meet him in the 
 oi)en sea ; and it is thus described : ' The two ships were 
 followed from the harbour by a fleet of sailing-boats filled 
 with the citizens of Boston eager to see the battle, and 
 take part in the expected triumph. As the Chesapeake 
 drew near there was great excitement among Broke's 
 men. " Don't cheer," said Broke, "but go quietly to your 
 quarters." In fifteen minutes after the first shot was fired 
 the Chesapeake was in the hands of the British : on her 
 masts floated the British flag above the stars and stripes ; 
 seventy of her men lay dead, and her captain was dying 
 of a mortal wound. "Don't give up the ship," were the 
 words addressed to his men by this brave officer as he 
 fell. On S-inday, June 6, the Shannon with her prize 
 sailed into Halifax Harbour \ Captain Lawrence was 
 buried in Halifax with military honours. Broke, who was 
 severely wounded in the engagement, was rewarded by his 
 Sovereign with the title of baronet.' 
 
 * See Appendix vii. 
 
XV.] 
 
 The War 0/1812. 
 
 163 
 
 and 
 
 your 
 fired 
 
 L'lpes 
 
 las ne 
 prize 
 le was 
 lio was 
 by his 
 
 (7) The great Indian ally of the British was the 
 Sliawnee war-chief Teeumseh, who fell fighting for thoni 
 against the Americans, in the campaign on Lake Erie. 
 In September, 1813, the British arms had siiff'ered a 
 severe defeat on the Lake, when Commodore Perry with 
 nine American vessels captured six vessels under Captain 
 Barclay. The British commander, General Proctor, with 
 whom Teeumseh was co-operating, was compelled to 
 retreat into Canada before an American force under 
 General Harrison outnumbering them by four to one. 
 They were hotly pursued, and compelled to make a stand 
 at Moravianstad, on the river Thames east of Lake St. 
 Clair, and in the conflict which ensued the British were 
 defeated, and Teeumseh their faithful ally killed. 
 
 (8) In Nova Scotia, and along the maritime provinces, 
 much privateering was done, and damage inflicted upon 
 the ships engaged in fishing. Chester was attacked 
 several times, and Hall's Harbour, on the coast of the 
 Bay of Fundy, was the headquarters of a l^and of pirates 
 who made raids upon the Cornwallis Valley. An exciting 
 scene was witnessed in Mahone Bay. A privateer, named 
 the Young Te.azer, ran up the bay, closely pursued by two 
 British war- vessels. When its capture was imminent, 
 the privateer suddenly blew up, and out of thirty-six men 
 on board only eight remained alive. Fi'om these it was 
 learned that the destruction of the vessel was caused by 
 a British deserter who, to save himself from being 
 captured, threw fire into a powder magazine. The British 
 were able also to carry the war into the enemy's country. 
 Sir James Yeo and General Drummond captured the fort 
 of Oswego in the State of New York. Sir John Sherbrooke, 
 the Governor of Nova Scotia, sailing from Halifax, took 
 possession of a district on the coast of Maine between the 
 Penobscot and the St. Croix, which was held by the 
 British till the end of the war. A British force under 
 
 M 2 
 
164 
 
 The War of 1812. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 I I 
 
 Admiral Cochrane and General Ross captured Washington 
 and burned the Capitol. 
 
 (9) Meanwhile Napoleon had been defeated in Europe, 
 and greater attention was given to American affairs. 
 Sixteen thousand veteran troops were sent to Canada 
 and placed under the command of Sir George Prevost ; 
 but unfortunately this splendid force was miserably 
 mismanaged at Plattsburg on Lake Champlain, and a 
 reverse inflicted on the British arms. The last scene of 
 the war was enacted at New Orleans, where, towards 
 the end of the year, the army and fleet which had taken 
 Washington arrived at the mouth of the Mississippi and 
 attacked the city, which was strongly fortified by breast- 
 works of sand-bags and cotton-bales. The British were 
 unsuccessful here also, and retired after a loss of 2000 
 men, the Americans, it is said, only losing eight 
 men. Although towards its end the British troops 
 suffered these sudden and unexpected reverses, the war, 
 generally speaking, had been long, cruel, and desul- 
 tory. In fighting the Canadians, the Americans always 
 had the advantage of numbers, and were able to replenish 
 their supplies of cannon, arms, ammunition and clothing 
 from a convenient basis. The Canadian militia were 
 comparatively raw and undisciplined, especially at first, 
 and were scarcely ever fully armed. 
 
 (10) The most important and sanguinary battle of the 
 whole campaign was fought in July, 1 8 1 4, at a place called 
 Lundy's Lane, where Generals Drummond and Riall, 
 at the head of an inferior force, met the Americans under 
 Generals Ripley and Scott. The battle, which was fought 
 out within sound of the falls of Niagara, commenced at 
 five o'clock in the afternoon, and lasted till midnight, 
 when the Americans withdrew with a loss of 1200 men. 
 The British lost 900, and General Riall was taken 
 prisoner. During the conflict many acts of individual 
 
*9m 
 
 XV.] 
 
 The War of 1812. 
 
 165 
 
 ten 
 iual 
 
 daring and many deeds of heroism were performed, not 
 only in the ranks, but by individuals. The women, we 
 are told, were not a whit less brave than the men. A 
 lady of the name of Mrs. Secord, whose husband had 
 been wounded at the battle of Queenston, and her house 
 plundered and destroyed by the Americans, was the 
 means of warning a British outpost at a place called 
 Beaver-dams, by undertaking alone through the forest 
 a journey of twenty miles. The Americans often carried 
 on the war with great cruelty ; and on the loth of 
 December, 181 3, ov of the very coldest nights of the 
 Canadian winter, .0 village of Niagara was burned, 
 the wretched inhabitants only receiving half an hour's 
 notice to quit their homes. The British retaliated by 
 burning a village called Lewiston, on the American side. 
 It was time, however, that this wretched war ended. 
 The United States had gained no glory or fame by it, 
 and had learnt that the Canadians were brave antagonists, 
 willing to sacrifice everything in the extremities of war 
 for their country and their cause. 
 
 (11) Peace was restored by the Treaty of Ghent (1814) ; 
 and the Americans, who had lost forts and territory 
 during the war, received them back again. This is the 
 brief and pregnant verdict of the Canadian historian 
 Macmullen : ' From first to last the course pursued by 
 the United States presents few grounds for justification. 
 They had commenced an unrighteous war, by the inva- 
 sion of an unoffending and harmless people. When 
 they found they could not seduce them from allegiance 
 to their Sovereign, their generals burned their villages 
 and farm-houses, and plundered them of their property. 
 But, by a righteous dispensation of Providence, they were 
 most deservedly punished. Nothing had been gained 
 by all the lavish expenditure of American blood and 
 treasure. Not one solitary dollar had been added to the 
 
li ■■ 'i; 
 
 1 66 
 
 The War 0/ 1812. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 r lii 
 
 A 
 
 wealth of the people of the United States, nor one inch 
 to their territory. On the other liand, their export trade 
 had dwindled down in 181 4, from twenty-two millions 
 sterling, to less than one and a-half millions ; and their 
 imports, from twenty-eight million pounds sterling, had 
 been reduced to three. Nearly three thousand of their 
 merchant-ships had been captured, their entire sea-board 
 insulted ; two-thirds of the mercantile and trading classes 
 of the whole nation had become insolvent, and the 
 Union itself was threatened with dissolution, by the 
 secession of the New England States. Then, if Canada 
 suffered much misery — if many of her gallant sons were 
 laid low — the war was a real benefit to her. The lavish 
 expenditure of money enriched, more or less, all classes of 
 her small population, and thus gave a vast impulse to 
 the general prosperity of the country. Nor did this ex- 
 penditure add much to the burdens of the people, being 
 chiefly borne by the mother-country, while the inhabitants 
 of the United States were grievously oppressed by taxa- 
 tion, and thus directly punished for their eagerness to 
 engage in war, and coveting their neighbours' lands, 
 whilst millions of acres of their own territory lay waste. ' 
 
 El t 
 
IHMI 
 
 mm 
 
 XVI.] 
 
 Events from 1814 to 1837. 
 
 167 
 
 1 ^ifi 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Events from iH 1 4 to 1837. The Papineau Rebellion. 
 
 I' 
 
 (i) It was not easy for those passions to subside which 
 had been aroused during the late war. For three years 
 the colonists had been in a state of fever and unrest. 
 The enemy might be expected at any moment to swoop 
 down upon their farms and homesteads, whether along 
 the lakes of the interior or the sea-coast of Nova Scotia, 
 and along the Bay of Fundy. Throughout the countiy a 
 warlike and turbulent feeling had prevailed, which had 
 naturally checked peaceful expansion. The mother- 
 country showed her care for her loyal colonial children, 
 by granting small pensions to those who had been dis- 
 aljled by the war, and giving gratuities to the widows and 
 orphans of those who had been killed. The paper money 
 was redeemed at its full value without delay. The popu- 
 lation increased rapidly by immigration from Europe, 
 and settlers were encouraged to take up their abode in 
 the country by offers of free passage, grants of land, and 
 provisions for a year. This at a time when England, 
 wearied and exhausted with her tremendous struggle 
 in Europe, was bleeding, as it were, at every pore. 
 
 (2) For some time after the war, settlers from the 
 United States were regarded with suspicion, and were 
 allowed to remain only as aliens, liable to be expelled at 
 any time. But these regulations against them were 
 gradually allowed to fall into disuse, and many Americans 
 came across the border and settled in Canada. The era 
 into which the country had now entered was a peaceful 
 
'U 
 
 i68 
 
 Events from 1814 to 1837. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 one. In 181 7 the first banking institutions were estab- 
 lished in Canada — the Banks of Montreal and Quebec. 
 In 1 82 1 the Lachine canal, for overcoming the rapids 
 of the St. Lawrence, was commenced, and this work 
 gave a great deal of employment to the colonists and 
 the immigrants. Previously to the opening of this canal 
 produce M'^as brought down the St. Lawrence in flat-l)oats 
 or Durham batteaux, which could not be taken back 
 against the rapids, but were sold at the ports. Three 
 years later the Welland canal, for connecting Lakes Erie 
 and Ontario, was commenced. In Halifax a Provincial 
 Agricultural Society, with the Earl of Dalhousie at its 
 head, and a clever Scotchman, John Young by name, as 
 secretary, was formed, and an impetus given to scientific 
 farming. In the province of Nova Scotia able men 
 were arising, who by their talents and energy helped 
 forward the prosperity of the country. Amongst these 
 must be mentioned Samuel Archibald, a lawyer of 
 great talents and distinction, and Thomas Chandler Hali- 
 burton (Sam Slick), known as an author and a judge. 
 For many years he represented the county of Annapolis, 
 and, removing afterwards to England, held a seat in the 
 House of Commons. 
 
 (3) Education was rapidly being pushed forward in 
 all parts of the Colonies. In 1825, M^Gill College was 
 made a University; and in Nova Scotia the corner stone 
 of Dalhousie College was laid by the Earl of Dalhousie 
 in 1 82 1, the funds employed in the erection of the build- 
 ing being derived from duties collected on the coast of 
 Maine, seized during the recent war by Sir John Sher- 
 brooke. In 1826 the village of By town, now Ottawa, 
 the capital of the Dominion of Canada, was founded. 
 The origin of this beautiful city was this : Colonel By, 
 an officer of the Royal Engineers, came to survey the 
 country with a view of making a canal to connect the 
 
!-^ 
 
 XVI.] 
 
 The Paplneau Rebellion. 
 
 169 
 
 tidal waters of the St. Lawrence w^ith the great lakes of 
 Canada. After various explorations, an inland route up 
 the Ottawa to the Rideau affluent, and thence by a ship 
 canal to Kingston on Lake Ontario, was chosen. Colonel 
 By made his headquarters where the projiosed canal w^as 
 to descend by eight locks, a steep declivity of ninety feet 
 to the Ottawa River. * The spot itself was wonderfully 
 beautiful. Less than a mile above, the noble Ottawa 
 narrows into picturesque rapids, and then plunges down 
 the Falls of the Chaudiere in a cloud of mist and spray. 
 Grassy dells where the parasitical wild vine clung to the 
 forest tree, and hills covered with the stately and solemn 
 white-pine, under which the wild deer bounded, and 
 where the notes of the whip-poor-will re-echoed plain- 
 tively through the solitude,' were the site of the future 
 capital of the Dominion. It was the centre of a vast 
 lumber-trade, and had expanded by 1858 to a large town. 
 (4) Amongst the chief calamities which overtook the 
 Canadians in this period (18 14-1837) was a destructive 
 fire, called the Miramichi Fire, which swept over the 
 eastern portion of New Brunswick in 1825. The season 
 had been remarkable for heat and drought, which con- 
 tinued till late in the autumn. On the night of October 7 
 the fire, which had been raging in the neighbouring 
 forests, burst upon Newcastle and other flourishing settle- 
 ments on the Miramichi river with such suddenness 
 and power as to sweep everything before it. Many 
 persons were burned to death, and a still larger number 
 were left homeless and destitute at the approach of 
 winter. Aid was sent to the sufferers from the other 
 Provinces, the United States, and Great Britain. In 
 1832 the Asiatic cholera passed through all the large 
 towns and villages. It was brought over to America 
 by the passengers of the crowded and ill-ventilated emi- 
 grant ships. With the first days of spring it established 
 
mm 
 
 iill 
 
 170 
 
 Events from 1814 to 1837. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 itself in Quebec and Montreal, and thence passed up the 
 St. Lawrence and round the shores of Ontario and Erie, 
 carrying death and dismay everywhere. 
 
 (5) In 1837 a severe commercial crisis passed over the 
 United States. A seeming prosperity suddenly collapsed, 
 merchants became insolvent, and banks refused to pay coin 
 and cash their own notes. The two Provinces of Canada 
 were affected by this crisis, and in Lower Canada the 
 banks followed the example of repudiation set by the 
 United States. But in Upper Canada bankers adopted a 
 different course, redeemed their own notes, contracted 
 their business and boldly met the hard times. Sir Francis 
 Head was Governor of Canada at this time, and helped 
 greatly to guide the country through this dangerous period. 
 But these calamities interfered very little with the real 
 jjrogress of the country, and were as nothing compared 
 with the great national confusion which ensued upon 
 what was known as the Papineau Rebellion. 
 
 (6) When Queen Victoria ascended the throne in 1837 
 joyful Te Deums were sung in the churches of Canada ; 
 l>ut along the valley of the St. Lawrence the congrega- 
 tions, which were composed principally, if not entirely, 
 of French Canadians, walked out of church. What 
 were the causes which led to this separatist movement 
 amongst these people and caused them to show their hos- 
 tility to England in such a marked way ? Up to the time 
 of Papineau's leadership there had been no systematic 
 attempt to arouse the French against the British. After 
 the conquest of Canada the people had been treated with 
 exceptional leniency. They had been allowed to retain 
 their own laws and religion and feudal customs, and were 
 admitted, as far as the ideas of the times would admit, 
 into the partnership of government. It was impossible 
 to give the 'habitans' self-government for a long time 
 after their absorption into the British Empire. They 
 
■!<«■ 
 
 mi 
 
 XVI.] 
 
 The Papiixeau RehelUon. 
 
 171 
 
 were certainly unfitted for it by their previous French 
 training. It was enough for them to live quietly under 
 the broad flag of England in their secluded valleys and 
 bays w^ithout courting the risks and responsibilities of 
 empire. Their defence, a very important matter, was 
 undertaken for them by the British Government, and 
 they were consequently relieved of naval and military 
 expenses. Or was it a sympathy with the liepublic of 
 the United States urging them to rebel ? Were the prin- 
 ciples of Republicanism finding their way across the 
 border and leavening the mass of Canadian Frenchmen ? 
 This does not api^ear to have been the case. The in- 
 vasions of Canadian territory by the Republicans in the 
 war of 1 81 2-14 were still remembered, and the numerous 
 acts of cruelty and molestation recorded as a legacy of 
 dislike. They hated the Republicans more than they 
 did the British, and the clergy, the strongest influence 
 in the land, were bitterly opposed to Republicanism and 
 its principles. They carried their opinions as teachers 
 and instructors to every river-village and Acadian hamlet. 
 Whatever the Rebellion might have meant to the pea- 
 santiy, it seems to have implied with the leaders ideas 
 of nationality. Such at least was the impression of 
 Lord Gosford, Governor of Quebec in 1837, who was of a 
 conciliatory nature himself and bore to Canada a con- 
 ciliatory message. Writing to Lord Glenelg, on the 
 occasion of his request to be recalled from a difficult and 
 thankless post, he observed : ' It is evident that the 
 Papineau faction are not to be satisfied with any con- 
 cession that does not place them in a more favourable 
 position to carry into effect their ulterior objects, 
 namely, the separation of this country from England and 
 the establishment of a Republican form of government. ' 
 (7) It is necessary, however, to discover and point out 
 some real grievances which might have prompted a 
 
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 1 
 
 1 
 
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 JS 
 
 H 
 
I I \ 
 
 17a 
 
 Events from 1814 to 1837. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 I! 
 
 
 
 dissatisfied spirit amongst the French Canadiaas, apart 
 from those which might have been inherited from their 
 history and traditions. First of all there was the 
 chronic grievance of the Clergy Reserves common both 
 to British and French, to Upper and to Lower Canada. 
 In Upper Canada these reserves amounted to 2.500,000 
 acres, being one-seventh of the lands in the Province. 
 Three objections were made against continuing these 
 Reserves for the purpose for which they had been set 
 apart. The first objection arose from the way in which 
 the Executive Council wished to apply the revenues 
 accruing from these lands. According to the Act they 
 were to be applied for 'maintaining the Protestant 
 religion in Canada ; ' and the Executive Council inter- 
 preted this as meaning too exclusively the Church of 
 England which was established by law in the mother- 
 country. But the objectors claimed a right for all 
 Protestant denominations to share in the Reserves. The 
 second objection was that the amount of these lands was 
 too large for the purpose in view : and the third referred 
 to the way in which the Reserves were selected. These 
 2,500,000 acres did not lie in a block, but, when the early 
 surveys were made, every seventh lot was reserved ; and 
 as these lots were not cleared for years the people com- 
 plained that they were not utilised, and so became incon- 
 venient barriers to uniform cultivation. 
 
 (8) With the Roman Catholics, both priests and pea- 
 santry, the Clergy Reserves were naturally unpopular. 
 They might not unreasonably complain that the act of re- 
 servation was a special act, and directed against themselves 
 and their religion. Any act that seemed to affect their 
 Church would bo resented by the pious peasantry who, 
 by character and tradition, were very deeply attached 
 to it. The missionary zeal and fervour of the seventeenth 
 century, which founded churches, schools and seminaries, 
 
\ 
 
 XVI.] 
 
 The Pcqrlneau Rebellion. 
 
 ^73 
 
 had lasted well into these days, and Church life in Lower 
 Canada was a living and moving influence. With 
 the constantly increasing immigrant population, wluther 
 they were lioman Catholics from Ireland or Presby- 
 terians from Scotland, the general and particular ai>pli- 
 cation of the profits of the Reserves would be distasteful. 
 To the Scotch population that well-known act of Sir 
 Francis Head in setting aside thirty-seven Rectories for 
 the Church of England was an irritating pi-ocedure, and 
 savoured of the old spirit of Prelacy in a new country. 
 Thus from different motives and in different ways the 
 French 'habitans,' the Scotch Presbyterians, and the Irish 
 immigrants would join hands over a common grievance. 
 
 (9) But the Constitutional difficulty was, after all, the 
 great one, and it lay at the bottom of the whole 
 dispute. Both French and British were living in the 
 days of half-enfranchisement and in the atmosphere of 
 political unrest. The Canada Act of 1791 was only the 
 first instalment of civic rights. So far as it went it was 
 a gracious concession to local feelings and prejudices, and 
 gave the two Pi-ovinces an opportunity through their 
 electorate of airing and discussing their grievances ; but 
 it was partial and illogical. It might suit the times, but 
 it was a mere shadow of freedom after all ; and the more 
 restless spirits of Upper Canada, especially the immigrants 
 who had passed through the Constitutional struggle in 
 England and had been enfranchised by the great Reform 
 Act orf 1832, felt and knew this. It was the Crown 
 nominee system struggling against the elective system, 
 and matters had come to an absolute dead-lock in the 
 administration of Government. 
 
 (10) To understand this better, it is necessary to give an 
 outline of the features of the Canadian Constitution, as left 
 by the Canada Act of 1 7 9 1 . Generally speaking, the model 
 of the British Constitution was closely adhered to, and 
 
 !■ 
 
w 
 
 r 
 
 m 
 
 174 
 
 £ cent 8 from 1814 to 1 837. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 "ffrfnHII 
 
 n 
 
 'i I,* 
 
 there were two Houses, the Lepfisl.itivo Assembly, re- 
 semblinjif the ITouso of Commons, nn<l tlie Le<j;islntive 
 Council, resembling the House of Lords. The Assembly 
 was chos(*n by the people; })ut us there were no hereditary 
 Peers in Cunuda, the Council was ai>[)ointed by tlie Crown. 
 The Executive Council stood in the place of the Privy 
 Council which advises the monarch in Enjijland. But 
 there was this difference : — the Ca])inet in England was 
 generally chosen from the House of Commons, and could 
 be changed if their policy failed, while the Executive 
 Council in Canada was more independent, and could 
 act without any reference to the House of Assembly. 
 There was no w.ny at first in the colonies by which the 
 will of the people could be felt, in the last resort, by the 
 Executive. This was really the cause of contention 
 between the Home and Imi)erial Governments, and this 
 particular epoch of colonial history in Canada is very 
 interesting to us, because from it we can mark the date of 
 full civic enfranchisement and responsible government in 
 the British colonies. What was done now in Canada was 
 done also in the numerous Australian colonies, and after- 
 wards in the Cape colony. The principles of colonial 
 self-government w^ere established in our Colonial Empire 
 from 1 840-1. 
 
 (11) Fui"ther, the Canadian people complained that 
 the British Government levied the duties on imports 
 into Canada, and took away from the colonists the 
 control of their fiscal policy. The Governor and his 
 Council held the revenue at the ports, and so possessed 
 a power which made them independent of the Assembly, 
 as long as the expenses of government did not exceed 
 these revenues. They also held the control of another 
 large and growing source of revenue, namely, that arising 
 from the sale of timber — which was a most important 
 industry in Canada — on the Crown lands. The jurisdic- 
 

 XVI.] 
 
 The Papineau Relell'ion. 
 
 J 75 
 
 tion of the colonists did not extend beyond the sphere 
 of their iniiniuliiite occupation and tlie settled country. 
 The control thus reserved by the Crown over the vast 
 and unexi)lored regions of the north-west was final an<l 
 absolute. Later on this jjolicy was completely reversed. 
 The Crown lands were handed over with a perhaps too 
 prodigal generosity to the colonists, and huge spaces, 
 adai)ted in the future for purposes of inipisrial immigra- 
 tion and colonisation, given to a comparatively few colo- 
 nists in North America, Houth Africa, and Australia. 
 
 (12) An additional source of complaint was found in the 
 fact that the government of Upi>er and Lower Canada 
 iiad found its way into the hands of a few powerful 
 families banded together by a Family Compact. In Upper 
 Canada the colonial oligarchy had some reason for its exist- 
 ence. As has already been pointed out, it had its origin 
 in the patriotic exodus of Americans from the south, and 
 in the gradual immigration of well-to-do settlers and able 
 men from the mother-country. In Lower Canada the 
 governing clique, or oligarchy, was not indigenous to the 
 Province to the same extent. 'The sunny France of 
 their fathers was still the cherished country of the 
 Canadians' memory. Thither their young men who 
 sought distinction made summer pilgrimages, and there 
 they drew inspiration or instruction from the pages of 
 its literature. The men of the ''habitans" took their 
 mental impress from their priests or their leaders ; but 
 all the intellect of Lower Canada was French exclu- 
 sively \' Naturally, therefore, the French aristocracy 
 of Lower Canada could not, undei the circumstjinces, 
 lend themselves as parties to the British governing 
 clique. Such a course would seem to obliterate too 
 quickly their nationality, and reduce them to a dead 
 level of political existence, to which the glowing 
 ^ See Macmullen's History of Canada. 
 
176 
 
 Events fronn 1814 to 1837. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 memories of Old France and the colonial life of New 
 France had not accustomed them. 
 
 (13) Another consideration is, how far the feelings, 
 passions and ideas of France influenced at this time 
 the valleys of the St. Lawrence. The doctrines of liberty, 
 equality and fraternity had not found any great response 
 in Quebec in 18 10. But did the country now abound 
 with colonists from Old France, eager and willing 
 to carry far afield with them, as propagandists, the 
 doctrine of the ' Eights of Man ' ? The French Eevolu 
 tion does not appear to have strengthened at any 
 time, directly or indirectly, the colonial enterprises of 
 the nation. In England, Oliver Cromwell took up a 
 strong colonial policy as part of the people's heritage 
 — not so with the French Jacobin leaders and Revolu- 
 tionists. They, least of all men, desired to found colonial 
 empires, or to exchange France for Canada, or any other 
 region of the world. And Canada, least of all countries, 
 was likely to become the 'Alsatia' of desperate and 
 revolutionary spirits. The pious Roman Catholics and 
 the simple and obedient peasantry heard with horror oi 
 the massacres in France, and shuddered at the fanatica 
 excesses of the time. Religion was everything to them ; 
 it was nothing to the makers of the Revolution. II 
 legitimacy could have a home any^vhere, it was here in 
 these transatlantic colonies. So the breaking of the tie 
 of sentiment and patriotism was mp le eirry 'u Lowei 
 Canada by the state of politics in France. For French 
 colonists, and especially the seigneurs, the political idea 
 was France of tho old regime, not France of the new. 
 
 (14) It was probably with very mixed feelings that 
 a French representative of the old seigneurs approached 
 the question of Canadian Reform. In the first place 
 he could not place himself in the position of the 
 British immigrant, who had learned his lesson in Con- 
 
XVI.] 
 
 The Papineau Rebellion. 
 
 177 
 
 oi 
 
 ace 
 the 
 lon- 
 
 stitutional History during the stirring times of the 1832 
 Eeform Bill. Possibly the phrase conveyed to his mind 
 blurred images of riot, ruin and revolution, the con- 
 templation of which would horrify his mind so long 
 accustomed to privilege and power in the quiet valleys 
 of Acadia. Then, supposing that success had crowned 
 rebellion against British rule, what would follow then? 
 A new French nationality in Canada. But in what 
 position would a privileged seigneur find himself in such 
 a Commonwealth? Just that of an ordinary citizen, 
 nothing more, with a compulsion to enter the arena 
 of public life shorn of hereditary titles and all he 
 had been accustomed to value most. For a successful 
 Papineau Kebellion could never have meant the rule 
 of an oligarchy at Quebec. The teaching of the United 
 States and the South would always have provided an 
 example against the government of the few, and, closer 
 still, in Ontario the rough frankness of the British 
 immigrants, in love with freedom, freeholds, and the 
 franchise, would have constituted a menace to Family 
 Compacts and governing cliques just outside their own 
 boundaries. No, the seigneur was completely lost under 
 British rule, and presently doomed to die a slow and 
 perhaps a stately and decorous death. In reality he was 
 an anachronism, and an anachronism of little use against 
 the new commercial vigour of the British. He might 
 have been jealous of the signs of British rule and felt all 
 the pangs of wounded pride, for who could forget the 
 glorious days of French colonisation and French vice- 
 royalties? Still he felt nearer to the British official, 
 whether civil or military, than to his own fellow colonists 
 who might be supposed to be clamouring for a share in 
 the government and a place in a reformed Constitution. 
 There was little or no opportunity for the seigneurs in 
 this rebellion, and the leadership lapsing from theui 
 
 N 
 
mmm^mOiiUtMamm mi^' 
 
 178 
 
 Events from 1814 to 1837. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 i\ 1. 
 
 M 
 
 fell into doubtful and intriguing hands. To give it real 
 force and life one strong simple cry should have come 
 from the hearts of the people, and this cry was wanting. 
 Altogether the issues were very complicated in the St. 
 Lawrence Valley Provinces and the Maritime Provinces. 
 One influence was constantly found to counteract another 
 in some unexpected way, and so it is not to be wondered 
 at that some should interpret the rebellion as a class, and 
 perhaps semi-religious, contest rather than a race-conflict. 
 The constitutional dead-lock, however, was tolerably clear 
 to those who looked beneath the surface. All colonists, 
 whether in the two Canadas, and especially in Upper 
 Canada, or Nova Scotia, or New Brunswick, were fighting 
 out a constitutional question, side by side. Other in- 
 fluences of course were at work, but the main desire 
 of all was to be freed of the burden of Executive Councils, 
 nominated at home and kept in office with or without 
 the wish of the people. In Upper Canada, William 
 Lyon Mackenzie, and in Lower Canada, Louis Papineau 
 and Dr. Wolfred Nelson, agitated for independence. 
 
 (15) The first disturbance occurred in the streets 
 of Montreal on November 6th, 1837. Warrants were 
 issued for the arrest of the leaders, but they escaped, 
 and Papineau fled to the United States. In December 
 about 400 rebels gathered near Toronto, and endeavoured 
 to gain possession by night of the arms which were 
 stored in the City Hall ; but the alarm bells were nmg, 
 and their attempts were frustrated. As the rising spread. 
 Sir Allan M^Nab hastened to Toronto, and at the head of 
 the loyal militia defeated the rebels in a pitched battle 
 with heavy loss. Mackenzie was outlawed, and ^1000 
 offered for his head. This leader of the insurrection had 
 taken possession of Navy Island in the Niagara River, 
 and held it with a force of 1000 men, who termed them- 
 selves the Patriot Army and boasted of a flag with two 
 
mr~ 
 
 XVI.] 
 
 The Papineau Hehelllon. 
 
 179 
 
 111- 
 
 stars, one for each of the Canadas. Mackenzie issued a 
 Proclamation declaring Canada a Republic. In Lower 
 Canada the rebels, with the aid of adventurers from 
 the United States, boldy proclaimed their independence. 
 The rebellion lasted through the year 1838, but it was 
 destined to come to a speedy termination. On all sides 
 the insurgents were crushed, jails were filled with their 
 leaders, and 180 were sentenced to be hanged. Some of 
 them were executed and some were banished to Van 
 Dieman's Land, while others were pardoned on account of 
 their youth. But there was a great revulsion of feeling 
 in England, and, after a few years, pardons were extended 
 to almost all. Even Papineau and Mackenzie, the leaders 
 of the rebellion, were allov/ed to come back, and, strange to 
 say, both were elected to seats in the Canadian Assembly. 
 ' As the Canadian rebellion differed in all respects 
 from the American war of independence, so was the im- 
 passioned, prejudiced and imprudent Louis J. Papineau 
 the antipodes of the sober, impartial and prudent George 
 Washington. One loved himself, the other loved his 
 country. The Canadian advocate, whose battles had ever 
 been of w^ords, regardless of his countrymen, desired to 
 raise himself to supreme power in the state : the American 
 soldier, who had faced many a danger by flood and field, 
 sought only the happiness of his countrymen. . . . Papi- 
 neau appeared to be formed by nature for the eloquent 
 agitator, but not for the wise and prudent legislator— to 
 net upon the passions and prejudices of his ignorant and 
 unreflecting countrymen, not to make them happier, 
 wiser or better. In height he was of the middle size, 
 with features of a Hebrew cast ; whilst his large dark 
 eyebrows shaded, in a higher arch than common, keen, 
 histrous eyes, quick and penetrating. Deeply read in 
 general literature, familiar with the old Canadian lore of 
 Hennepin, Charlevoix, and the other learned Jesuit 
 
 N 2 
 
 '1 
 
 
 :i1 
 
 
i8o 
 
 Lord Durham s Report. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 Fathers, who had written of La Nouvelle France in 
 bygone days, he appealed to all the feelings and prejudices 
 of his countrymen with irresistible effect, and carried 
 them captive by the force of his oratorical and conver- 
 sational powers.' 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Lord Durharti's Report. 
 
 I 
 
 (i) One of the most important documents ever written 
 on colonial affairs was the Report sent in by Lord 
 Durham on the state of Canada in 1838. He was a 
 distinguished Liberal statesman, and his object was to 
 conciliate the colonists and to adopt a mild course. He 
 held great powers from the Crown, and was invested with 
 the double office of Governor-General and High Com- 
 missioner. This is part of his proclamation : — ' People 
 of British America, I beg you to consider me as a friend, 
 and as an arbitrator ready at all times to listen to your 
 wishes, complaints and grievances, and fully determined 
 to act with the utmost impartiality. If you, on your 
 side, will abjure all party and sectarian animosities, 
 and unite with me in the blessed work of peace and 
 harmony, I feel assured that I can lay the foundation of 
 such a system of government as will protect the rights 
 and interests of all classes, allay all dissensions, and 
 permanently establish, under Divine Providence, the 
 
XVIl.] 
 
 Lord Durham^s Report 
 
 i8i 
 
 wealth, greatness and prosperity of which such inex- 
 haustible elements are to be found in these fertile lands. ' 
 Although Lord Durham did not remain long in the 
 country he examined most fully into the prevalent abuses, 
 especially those connected with the sale of Crown lands 
 and the treatment of political prisoners. On the subject 
 of the general political situation he was very emphatic. 
 He wrote in his Report that * in each and every Province 
 the Representatives were in hostility to the policy of the 
 Government, and the administration of public affairs was 
 permanently in the hands of a ministry not in harmony 
 with the popular branch of the Legislature.' Amongst 
 other suggestions Lord Durham recommended (i) a 
 Federal union of all the Provinces, (2) an inter-colonial 
 Railway, and (3) an Executive Council responsible to the 
 Assembly. The members of the * Family Compact ' of 
 Upper Canada strongly opposed his scheme, especially that 
 part which related to the union of the Provinces ; but 
 public opinion at home was greatly in favour of it, and, 
 as the Family Compact prided themselves upon their 
 loyalty, their motives for resistance were partly taken 
 away. 
 
 (2) The British Government sent out the Hon. C. P. 
 Thompson, Lord Sydenham, to carry the union scheme, 
 and it came into effect on February loth, 1841. The Bill 
 provided for the union of the two Provinces under the 
 name of the Province of Canada, with one Legislative 
 Council and one Legislative Assembly. The members 
 of the former were not to be fewer than twenty, to be 
 appointed by the Crown for life : those of the Lower 
 House were to be elective, forty-two being sent by each 
 Province. The sum of £75,000 was to be granted 
 annually for the working expenses of government, and 
 the control of all the revenues was granted to the 
 Assembly. The Executive Council was to be composed 
 
■nw 
 
 511: 
 
 182 
 
 Lo7xl Durham s Report. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 il 
 
 of eight members who should be responsible to the 
 Assembly. Everything, therefore, for which the Assem- 
 blies had fought during some years past was conceded, 
 with the exception of elective Legislative Councils. This 
 was a great advance upon the Constitutional Act of 1791. 
 The will of the Assemblies could now be expressed fully 
 and clearly through their officers, and legislation could be 
 carried on in harmony with the majority. It was still 
 felt that the Legislative Council might baulk and check 
 legislation by throwing out measures already passed in 
 the Lower House ; but the main outworks were carried 
 by the reformers and the chief difficulties removed. 
 
 (3) It was many years, however, before the liberties 
 given were actually enjoyed to the full. The will 
 of the Canadian people on local matters had sought and 
 won expression through its proper channel ; but the 
 will of the Governor, and behind him the Legislative 
 Council, appointed by the Governor, and the Crown 
 of England itself, might still strongly sway Canadian 
 politics. As a matter of fact, they did so for many years, 
 and Lord Elgin's (1847) excuses for it were, that the 
 long-standing quarrels between the Executive and the 
 Assemblies, the struggle amongst the Canadians them- 
 selves on such burning questions as the abolition of 
 Clergy Reserves, of seigneural tenures and of feudal rights 
 and duties in the Lower Province, had rendered a too 
 sudden withdrawal of imperial influence inadvisable, if 
 not impossible. It is not easy in any country to alter at 
 a blow, and by the mere passing of a Constitutional act, 
 the position of the governing classes. In our own 
 political history it is evident that reforms, which involve 
 a change of political power, are very slow and gradual. 
 So in Canada, even after responsible government was 
 conceded, it was partially suppressed and kept under 
 cover of the will of the Crown. 
 
If! 
 
 XVII.] 
 
 Lord Diirhanis Report. 
 
 183 
 
 (4) The echo of the great Reform Bill of 1832 was 
 heard in Canada, and the principles of popular re- 
 presentation, enunciated during the political crisis in 
 England, found ready application across the Atlantic. 
 British statesmen were beginning fully to recognise the 
 claims of colonists to full civic enfranchisement. The 
 following extract from Lord John Russell's despatch, Oc- 
 tober 14, 1839, indicates clearly the views of ministers : 
 ' The Queen's Government have no desire to thwart 
 the representative Assemblies of British North America 
 in their measures of reform and improvement. They 
 have no wish to make those Provinces the resource for 
 patronage at home. They are earnestly intent on giving 
 the talent and character of leading persons in the colonies, 
 advantages similar to those which talent and character em- 
 ployed in the public service of the United Kingdom obtain. 
 Her Majesty has no desire to maintain any system of 
 policy among her North American subjects which opinion 
 condemns.' At the same time Lord Russell counsels 
 mutual toleration and forbearance. In the trying cir- 
 cumstances of the country, the only wise policy was ' a 
 give and take ' policy. As Lord Sydenham observed, 
 ' Mutual sacrifices were undoubtedly required, mutual 
 concessions would be demanded ; but 1 entertain no 
 doubt that the terms of the union' (i.e. the union of 
 Lower and Upper Canada) 'would be fairly adjusted 
 by the Imperial Parliament.' How different in spirit 
 and intention this colonial policy from any which had 
 preceded it, either in England or on the Continent ! 
 How different from the original colonial policy of 
 France herself ! When kings and cardinals dreamed of 
 transatlantic empires, and drew their vague and shadowy 
 boundaries on the maps before them, they never thought 
 of a self-contained nation in political union with them- 
 selves, or a generation of colonial administrators. The 
 
.^, 
 
 184 
 
 Lurharti's Report. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 
 ■A 
 
 rii 
 
 
 I 'B')| 
 
 only Burea' jy knew were at the imperial head- 
 
 quarters in iS. 
 
 (5) Holland in the seventeenth century entertained 
 similar ideas of the subserviency of a colonial life. The 
 haughty representatives of the Dutch East India Com- 
 pany, ruling at the Castle in Capetown, with a hard 
 and rigid exclusiveness, regarded immigrants, at the 
 beginning of this century, as practically inferiors and 
 dependants. The French Huguenots, who came there as 
 refugees in 1687, were placed upon a lower plane of 
 society at once, in spite of their industry, heroism and 
 zeal for the Protestant faith. The French language was 
 stamped out by Dutch legislation so effectually, that 
 in less than 150 years after the first landing of the 
 refugees not a single descendant of theirs could speak it. 
 It is doubtful whether the Dutch colonial policy has 
 ever undergone much change since the beginning of this 
 century. From the Dutchmen, who had been trained in 
 a totally different school of thought and politics from the 
 French and Spaniards, an enlightened and tolerant colonial 
 policy might have been expected. But the hard and stub- 
 born men who, in the old religious wars with the Eoman 
 Catholic powers, were such sticklers for freedom of thought 
 and political action, could not, when it came to colonial 
 life, see the application of freedom and liberty. Colonies 
 were to them so many commercial posts and trade centres 
 to be managed for the sole benefit of the mother-country. 
 Englishmen were to a great extent tainted with the same 
 heresy for a long time, and it was not until Lord 
 Durham's term of office that they finally abandoned it as 
 a cardinal point in their policy. 
 
 (6) The revolt of the New England colonies should 
 have given British statesmen a lesson in colonial con- 
 stitutional history. They saw that they had made 
 a grievous error, but still they misplaced the source of 
 
Iff 
 
 XVII.] 
 
 Lord Durham's Report. 
 
 185 
 
 of 
 
 error. The New Englanders had, as we know, been 
 allowed to exercise at first a certain amount of local 
 liberty. They revolted because the gift was not carried 
 to its logical conclusion. If it had been final and com- 
 plete, ending in full civic enfranchisement, with absolute 
 control over their internal affairs, England's first colonial 
 empire might still have been in political union with her. 
 But British statesmen thought the evils of disaffection, 
 rebellion and separation arose from the small local con- 
 cessions already made, and, to use the words of Lord 
 Norton, they * impounded freedom altogether.' 
 
 This was the second and most critical period of colonial 
 constitutional histoiy, and it ended disastrously. 
 
 (7) The Canadian rebellion, with its manifold issues, 
 had attracted wide and universal attention. The 
 colonists had refused to take the surplus convict popu- 
 lation, now drafted off into the southern seas, and in 
 more ways than one asserted the equality of colonial 
 life. Matters were looking serious for England. Here was 
 the last remnant of her North American Empire honey- 
 combed with sedition, and disloyal to the core. Emigra- 
 tion had become more popular than ever in England, and 
 the 'best blood and sinew' of the mother-country was 
 crossing the ocean in shoals. The bare mention of a cry 
 for nationality was enough to arouse the fears of England, 
 with the spectacle of the United States Republic before 
 them as the living evidence of what a cry for nationality 
 could mean. The crisis awakened the sympathy as well 
 as the fears of some of England's best men. When 
 Lord Durham went across the Atlantic he went as the 
 emissary of peace and reconciliation. His report, there- 
 fore, on the state of Canadian society and politics is 
 justly regarded as a most important document, and as 
 constituting in itself a landmark in imperial and colonial 
 history. 
 
-^t^ 
 
 en 
 
 li 
 
 M 
 
 u 
 
 i^. 
 
 ■m 
 
 186 
 
 Lord Durhmn^s Report. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 (8) Henceforth then we have to deal with a new era in 
 Canada. When the union of the two Provinces became 
 an accomplished fact, Kingston was selected as the seat of 
 government. The first Parliament met on June 13th, 
 1 84 1, and was opened with great ceremony. One of the 
 most important Acts of this first session was the found- 
 ing of the municipal system, by which each township, 
 county, town, village or city manages its own local 
 affairs, and has power to levy taxes for local improve- 
 ments and local government. This Act was an ad- 
 ditional proof in Canada that, in the domain of local 
 and domestic policy, each part of the Canadian com- 
 nmnity was expected to carry out its duty unfettered 
 and unhampered. It was a wise Act, as it gave, both to 
 the British element in the Ujiper Province and to the 
 French Canadians in the Lower, the opportunity of legis- 
 lating in the way they thought best. Naturally there 
 always existed and there still must exist certain local 
 peculiarities and race distinctions ; but a nation's cha- 
 racter is illuminated rather than spoilt by these diver- 
 sities. Moreover, on the ground that a municipal train- 
 ing is the best possible for enfranchised citizens con- 
 stituting in themselves the repository of all political 
 power, the Act was a wise one. 
 
 (9) The era of political enfranchisement became in 
 Canada an era of territorial expansion and prosperity. 
 That wealth which Lord Durham foretold would follow 
 upon the settlement of political difficulties quickly came. 
 Taking increase of population as a sign of material 
 prosperity, we find that, during the three decades which 
 succeed the passing of the Union Bill in 184 1, the 
 increase of Canadians was very remarkable. The fol- 
 lowing is a table of Census returns from 1806 : — 
 
 .!i) 
 
*mm 
 
 XVII.] 
 
 In 1806 
 1825 
 1831 
 1851 
 1861 
 1871 
 1881 
 
 Lord DurJiam's Report. 
 
 187 
 
 Tnhahitants. 
 
 476,000 
 
 581,920 
 
 1,069,000 
 
 2,482,000 
 
 3,090,561 
 
 3.833,000 
 4,500,000 
 
 Increase. 
 
 24,000 per annum. 
 70,000 „ 
 
 70,000 „ 
 
 67,000 „ 
 
 This rapi'l growth is largely owing to the influx of British 
 immigrants. Between 1850-1878, a period of 28 years, 
 684,542 strangers settled in Canada. Such immigration 
 was the sign of an orderly and progressive government 
 in the country. 
 
 (10) At the same time the country was defining its 
 position by measures of foreign policy. In 1842, 
 during the Governorship of Sir Richard Bagot, the 
 famous Ashburton Treaty was made between the United 
 States and England. This treaty removed a long stand- 
 ing grievance, and it concerned 12,000 square miles of 
 territory lying between the State of Maine and New 
 Brunswick. Lord Ashburton negotiated on the part of 
 England, Mr. Daniel Webster on that of the United 
 States. The treaty gave 7000 square miles to the 
 United States and 5000 to England, and it fixed the 
 boundary line along the forty-fifth parallel of latitude 
 as far as the St. Lawrence, and from that point traced 
 the dividing line up the river and through the great 
 lakes as far as the Lake of the Woods. The tenth 
 article of the treaty provides for the extradition of 
 criminals, charged with the crimes of murder, assault 
 with intent to murder, piracy, arson, robbery or forgery, 
 upon sufficient proof of their guilt. 
 
 (11) With regard to domestic affairs, the progress of the 
 country was marked by educational and financial reforms. 
 In 1848 the school system of Upper Canada or the 
 
■5S 
 
 B 
 
 i88 
 
 Lord Durhanis Report. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 ■ 1 
 
 f; 
 
 Western Province was remodelled entirely; in 1851 the 
 Canadian Government received the Post Office depart- 
 ment from the British Governor, and adopted a uniform 
 rate of postage at three-pence per half-ounce ; and in the 
 same year the Normal School and Trinity Colh-v^e were 
 founded at Toronto. The Northern and Great Railways 
 were begun at this time, and the Parliament granted aid 
 to the building of the Grand Trunk. For Railways there 
 was a great future in store throughout Canada. Now 
 that we see the continent linked from end to end 
 with a magnificent system for a distance of 3000 
 miles, it is almost impossible to imagine that the be- 
 ginnings of it were laid only a little more than thirty 
 years ago. In 1851 the Great Exhibition was held in 
 London, which gave a great encouragement to Canadian 
 products ; and here, in the vision of ilas * Great World's 
 Fair,' some prophetic eyes saw the coming grandeur of 
 England's Second Colonial Empire. 
 
 (12) Lord Elgin took a prominent part in the negotia- 
 tions that led to a Reciprocity Treaty between Canada 
 and the United States in 1854, which lasted for ten years. 
 This treaty formed a new era in her commercial history. 
 To the United States, Canada conceded free imports of 
 natural products, inshore fisheries chiefly of mackerel and 
 herring, and the opening of the St. Lawrence and its canals 
 to their trade. At the same time they gained many 
 counter-concessions, and in the first year the value of 
 Canadian commerce with her neighbour rose from 
 c£i, 600,000 to £4,400,000. The United States closed the 
 treaty themselves in 1864, hoping to ruin Canada and 
 cause her to ask for annexation ; but Canada quickly 
 rallied, and with the aid of her mercantile marine 
 opened up for herself new markets in the West Indies, 
 both British and Spanish, and also in Brazil. The 
 Reciprocity Treaty itself was the first instance of a 
 
 :;jt»i**>.«v.«*Y»'* 
 
mmmm 
 
 XVII.] 
 
 Lord Durham's Report. 
 
 189 
 
 ne 
 
 es, 
 'he 
 a 
 
 British colony negotiating a trade treaty witli a foreign 
 power independently of the mother-countiy. The most 
 important concession to the United States was that of 
 the inshore fisheries. The mackerel, it is said, is now 
 rarely caught on the shores of the United States, while 
 cod, herring and other valuable fish never go south of 
 the cold waters surrounding the coasts of the Dominion 
 Provinces. 
 
 (13) According to the convention of r8i8 the terms are 
 briefly these: 'American fishermen have liberty to fish on 
 certain coasts of Newfoundland, of Labrador, and some 
 islands expressly defined ; but are debarred for ever any 
 liberty, heretofore enjoined or claimed, to take, diy or cure 
 fish, on or within three marine miles of any of the 
 coasts, bays, creeks or harbours of the British dominions 
 in America not included in the specified limit.' By the 
 terms of the Keciprocity Treaty, United States fishermen 
 were placed on the same footing as Canadian ; but when 
 the Washington Government terminated the treaty in 
 1864, the Canadians fell back upon the Convention of 
 181 8. It must be noted that in 1865 the Canadian 
 Government, adopting a conciliatory policy towards the 
 United States Government, allowed them temporarily the 
 privileges of the Reciprocity Treaty just expired, upon 
 the nominal licence fee of fifty cents per ton. This was 
 simply a provisional arrangement, and could not be inter- 
 preted as a surrender of rights. The dispute between the 
 Imperial Government and the United States has been at 
 times somewhat acrimonious, as all 'Fisheries' disputes 
 are between nations. In 1870 the disagreement was 
 limited to a single point, viz. that of the ' Three Mile ' 
 boundary : the Canadian Government contending that 
 the prescribed limits of three marine miles, as the 
 line of exclusion, should be measured from headland 
 to headland; and the United States Government con- 
 
IQO 
 
 Lord r i^rkani's Report. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 :i5 
 
 ;{ 
 
 ■! 1 
 
 1 1 
 
 1 I :■ 
 
 f! 
 
 m 
 
 tending that it should be mcatiiired from the interior 
 of the bays and the sinuosities of the coast (Marshall, 
 Canadian Dominion, p. 213). Kecently there has been 
 an agitation in Canada for reciprocity with the United 
 States, the wheat farmers of Manitoba and the North- 
 West territories being desire .is to form closer commercial 
 connections with the American States bordering on Lake 
 Michigan and elsewhere. This question has created 
 two parties in Canada, one of them asserting that such a 
 reciprocity would in course of time mean a peaceful 
 absorption of Canada by the great overshadowing Re- 
 public on the south ; the other denying that this would 
 be the result, and maintaining that great benefits would 
 accrue from the interchange of natural products between 
 all parts of the North American continent. The whole 
 question is a very difficult and puzzling one, and deeply 
 interesting to all statesmen. Were recij)rocity allowed 
 between Canada and the United States, it has been 
 advanced by some that it might be the beginning of Free 
 Trade in the continent itself from Athabasca to the Gulf 
 of Mexico, but protection against the rest of the world. 
 
 (14) The year 1858 was remarkable for the laying of 
 the Atlantic submarine cable. In August of this year 
 Ireland and Newfoundland were connected by wire, and 
 Queen Victoria and the President of the United States 
 exchanged messages of congratulation. This cable failed 
 to work immediately after the first message had passed 
 along it, but enough was done to prove the possibility of 
 communication. In 1866 the 'Great Eastern' steam- 
 ship successfully laid another cable. The story of 
 the progress of submarine telegraphy is connected first 
 of all with Newfoundland. The first project was to 
 reduce the period of communication between Europe 
 and America by two or three days, by erecting a line 
 of telegraphy across the Island of Newfoundland, and 
 
■w^ 
 
 XVII.] 
 
 Lord Durham^s Report. 
 
 191 
 
 of 
 
 so connecting with Cape Breton by a short submarine 
 cable. With this view the Newfoundland Electric 
 Telegraph Company was, at the instance of Mr. F. N. 
 Gisborne, its projector, established in 1852 under 
 charter from the Newfoundland Legislature. This 
 Company was succeeded by the New York, Newfound- 
 land and London Telegraph Company, which took up 
 the work and associated with it the idea of an Atlantic 
 cable. About this time a United States naval expedition 
 (1853) surveyed the bed of the Atlantic. Commander 
 Berryman reported thus: 'This line of sea sounding 
 seems to be decisive of the question as to the prac- 
 ticability of a submarine telegraph between the two 
 continents as far as the sea is concerned. From New- 
 foundhand to Ireland (1640 miles) the bottom of the 
 sea is a plateau which seems to have been placed there 
 specially for the purpose of holding the wires of a sub- 
 marine telegraph and keeping them out of harm's way.' 
 Between America and Europe there are now six cables, 
 along which the news of the world is continually being 
 Hashed. On the eastern side, the bed of the great Pacific 
 has been surveyed with a view of connecting Canada with 
 Australia. 
 
 (15) In the year i860 the Prince of Wales visited 
 Canada on behalf of Queen Victoria to take part in two 
 great ceremonies, viz. to lay the corner-stone of the New 
 Parliament buildings at Ottawa and to be present at the 
 opening of the great Victoria Bridge by which the Grand 
 Trunk Railway crosses the St. Lawrence at Montreal. 
 On his way he called at Newfoundland. He then visited 
 Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island and 
 Canada. It was not the first time that a member of 
 the English Eoyal Family had visited North American 
 colonies. Prince William Henry, afterwards William 
 IV, when in the British navy, had commanded a ship 
 
 I 
 
192 
 
 The Constitutional Question. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 at the Newfoundland naval quarters, and had adminis- 
 tered justice as a Newfoundland magistrate. The Queen's 
 father, Edward, Duke of Kent, was in the Dominion for 
 more than five years. The Prince of Wales was well 
 received there, and after leaving Canada visited the 
 United States, where he was hospitably entertained. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The Constitutional Question. 
 
 I' 
 1] 
 
 
 (i) The period between the Union Act of 1841 and the 
 Confederation Act of 1867 was somewhat unsettled and 
 turbulent in Canada. The political equilibrium between 
 the two Canadas had not yet been satisfactorily adjusted, 
 and time brought out growing inequalities. The popula- 
 tion of the Upper Province increased more rapidly, by 
 means of immigration, than the Lower, and caused the 
 existing scheme of representation to be, both for the resi- 
 dent colonists and the flood of newly-arrived settlers, 
 inadequate and unfair. It was clear that a wider con- 
 federation was destined to follow, and with it an expan- 
 sion of the idea of Provincial Legislatures. The formation 
 of two or more local governments, with some joint 
 authority over all, seemed to be the coming political 
 necessity for British North America. There was a 
 natural reason for local autonomy, and an elastic system 
 of provincial government, in regions differing, geo- 
 graphically and otherwise, so widely from one another, 
 as the Maritime, River and Lake Provinces. In Upper 
 
ftitT'^l 
 
 XVIII,] 
 
 The Constitutional Question. 
 
 193 
 
 
 and Lower Canada, there was a distinct cleavage of races 
 as wide almost as nationality and religion could make it. 
 As we have seen, these Provinces had furnished, from 
 the very beginning, a separate political development, and 
 almost a separate study of history. It was impossible, 
 however, that the streams of Canadian colonisation 
 could flow in isolated channels: they were destined to 
 unite and form, in 1867, one great homogeneous flood. 
 To the mother-country politicians the field of Canadian 
 politics was particularly perplexing. From a distance it 
 was hard to tell what was the mere froth of popular 
 agitation, and what the full deep wave of public opinion. 
 The rebellion was over, and the two Provinces, which 
 had made much of common grievances, were united and 
 many concessions given to them : what more could they 
 desire? Yet there were evidently some differences be- 
 tween the two Canadas which had a deep root in history, 
 character and tradition. In spite of all that had been 
 done, the French and British were obviously ill-matched 
 yoke-fellows. 
 
 (2) In Upper Canada the reform party desired to acquire 
 administrative influence, with a view of encouraging 
 immigration, making local improvements, and settling 
 townships and placing their international policy on a 
 broad and liberal basis. The French Canadians discour- 
 aged immigration, as it neutralised their influence, and 
 becoming exclusive, clung with the utmost tenacity to 
 old abuses and old prejudices. 'They disliked the 
 American even more than the British, and courted the 
 former merely to escape from the dominion of the 
 latter.' It was clear, however, that the valley of the St. 
 Lawrence could only hold one nation. But while the 
 confusion lasted the 'signs of the times' were hard to 
 read. Another political element was rapidly claiming 
 close attention, and that was the immigrant population 
 
194 
 
 The Constitutional Question. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 VA 
 
 li 
 
 l^ 
 
 '■ i 
 
 '1 
 It 
 
 III 
 
 i'T'^^H'-' ' 
 
 II ^^^^P 
 
 from the British Islands into Upper Canada. It was 
 hard to calculate the direction of their political bias 
 when transplanted into the colonies. One thing was 
 certain, they were effecting a quiet revolution and trans- 
 ferring the balance of power to Upper Canada. This is 
 evident from three decennial returns : — 
 
 In 1841 Upper Canada numbered 465,000. 
 
 ,, Lower ,, „ 691,000. 
 
 In 1 85 1 Upper Canada ,, 952,000. 
 
 ,, Lower ,, ,, 890,000. 
 
 In 1 861 Upper Canada ,, 1,396,000. 
 
 ,, Lower „ „ 1,111,000. 
 
 For home politicians the Family Compact was originally 
 a clear and definite landmark in Canadian politics in 
 Upper Canada. It had strong features, a definite policy, 
 a monopolist spirit, and a decided bias towards keeping 
 the British connection absolutely unimpaired. Further 
 back in the history of Upper Canada the United Empire 
 Loyalists were a well-known band of immigrants, 10,000 
 in number, who during and after the revolutionary war 
 left New England and built up Ontario, preferring the 
 British connection and Monarchical rule, rather than the 
 United States and Democracy. There could be no doubt 
 about the loyalty of these voluntary exiles. 
 
 (3) The thousands of fresh immigrants introduced a new 
 party, new ideas, and a fresh political situation. The 
 Family Compact was a past landmark, and whatever influ- 
 ence it possessed and position it occupied, all this was 
 more and more flooded out of sight by the rising tide of 
 new settlers. Moreover, the influence of the neighbour- 
 ing Republic of the United States insensibly affected 
 the judgment of British settlers. They saw that the 
 logical outcome of colonial life was an indepondent 
 national existence. The theory and practice of a colonial 
 
<mm 
 
 XVIII.] 
 
 Tfie Constitutional Question. 
 
 195 
 
 constitutional government had not yet been worked 
 out. It was an entirely new conception in politics to 
 frame a system of government which should give the 
 utmost possible play to local feelings and prejudices, and 
 yet keep the component parts in union with the Crown. 
 There was no precedent in ancient or modern history for 
 such an union and such a colonial empire. Federalism 
 in the United States was already a familiar idea to all, 
 but a Federal State or St.ates under the British Crown 
 was an untried experiment. 
 
 (4) In an indirect manner the presence of the large 
 French-Canadian population — a Latin race by the side of 
 a Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxon— furth< red the idea of 
 Federalism. Had the whole of the popui ion of British 
 North America been homogeneous in their character and 
 unanimous in their agitation for political reform, moving 
 forward as a solid phalanx, the idea of a sei:)arate and in- 
 dependent nationality, or possibly of an amalgamation 
 with the great Republic of the south, would have gained 
 ground and, perhaps, have been worked out. But in 
 many ways the French Canadian element served as a 
 drag upon the consummation of either alternative. The 
 very fact of their dissimilarity disconcerted those political 
 idealists who might treasure up visions of an independent 
 North American State, north of latitude 45°, living under 
 its own flag ; and, as far as amalgamation with the Re- 
 public of the south was concerned, the very structure of 
 society in Lower Canada, resting as it did upon French 
 laws and customs, and moulded in all its details by the 
 subtle influences of the Roman Catholic priests, was 
 opposed to this idea. How could the habitans of the 
 St. Lawrence valley, with their separate and distinctive 
 traditions, — some of them feudalistic, and kept and pre- 
 served most carefully in the villages and farm-houses, — 
 associate heartily with the Protestant and Puritan States 
 
 02 * 
 
 m.^ 
 
'7m 
 
 ! I 
 
 196 
 
 The Constitutional Question. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 ? \ 
 
 ■i I 
 
 
 i; 
 
 
 iiiih 
 
 of the south? It was clear, therefore, that if neither 
 amalgamation nor independence was possible or desirable, 
 the proper modus vivencU under the ample folds of the 
 British flag was to be discovered. A great deal was 
 destined to depend upon the class of administrators who 
 handled this great question. 
 
 (5) In the gradual evolution of the national problems 
 of the day, the position of a Governor-Genenal or 
 Governor in Canada was of a highly responsible cha- 
 racter. If the colonial office could not understand 
 colonial questions it was imperative that their vicegerent 
 should. He must be a man of tact, sense, knowledge 
 and perseverance. In the good old days, any rough and 
 ready officer might have done for the post of colonial 
 Governor. Very often the post was a lucrative sinecure 
 for a younger son of a good family, or for even a mere 
 titled adventurer who desired an honourable exile for 
 a time. The parting of Lord Bathurst to a colonial 
 Governor was, * Joy be with you, iny good fellow, and let 
 us hear as little of you as possible.' He was sent out 
 with large powers, and a discretion to act pretty well as 
 he chose. Occasionally a hint came from the colonies 
 that the selection was not always judicious. In the 
 annals of New South Wales it is recorded 'that the 
 English Government spoiled an excellent seaman to 
 make a very inefficient Governor ' when they appointed 
 Captain Bligh in 1806. At the Cape in 1821, Lord 
 Charles Somerset was chiefly known as a sportsman 
 and horse-racer, and a stickler for class privileges. Not 
 untruly an old-fashioned Governor may be described as 
 being a wayward index of home opinion of the time 
 being, and home opinion was often crude and hasty. 
 Now, however, a free press, telegraphs and a keener 
 official oversight have altered the Governor's position. 
 
 (6) It was a long time before the proper type of consti- 
 
XVIII.] 
 
 The Constitutional Question. 
 
 197 
 
 . as 
 
 3ti- 
 
 tutional Governor could be moulded. The traditions of 
 the old satrapic and proconsular functions were long in 
 dying ; and it was only when an occasional Governor 
 was gifted with superior sagacity, broader humanity and 
 a keener sense of the political movements around him, 
 that the requisite progress towards the type was made. 
 The difference between the old-fashioned autocrat and 
 the present Governor has been humorously described 
 by Sir Hercules Robinson, himself a constitutional 
 Governor of the most approved and ordinary modern 
 kind. 'The colonial Governor of the present day is,' 
 he observes, ' like the little figure in a Dutch weather- 
 glass, which only comes out. under an umbrella when 
 the barometer points to stormy.' On ordinary occa- 
 sions Lord Dufferin describes him as resembling the 
 fustian-clad man we see tending some complicated 
 piece of machinery, going about with a little tin 
 can having a long spout to it, and pouring in a drop 
 here and a drop there to secure the easy working of the 
 machinery. 
 
 (7) In an empire like that of Great Britain, including 
 a subject population of 320 millions, there are neces- 
 sarily diversities of administration, and to meet them 
 satisfactorily, diversities of gifts in the rulers and 
 Governors are required. Colonial training is in great 
 measure different from the Indian and Oriental. To 
 deal with subject and inferior races requires one kind 
 of administration ; to rule and guide British colonists, 
 with a passion for freedom and a jealous and sensitive 
 spirit, requires another. In the public service of this 
 country the demand for administrative talent has occa- 
 sionally been very heavy, and the same men have been 
 entrusted with the control of Indian and colonial affairs. 
 A generation or so ago, the blending of what should 
 naturally have been two distinct provinces and orders of 
 
 1 
 
j'T 
 
 W^ 
 
 198 
 
 IVie Const itutlonal Question. 
 
 [Ch, 
 
 ■ 1 ' 
 
 i I : 
 
 •r • ■ 
 
 
 service was more frequent than at present. Sir Bartle 
 Frere was one of the latest examples of an Indian ad- 
 ministrator holding a post as Governor of a colony. 
 But in South Africa, where Sir B. Frere performed his 
 duties, the presence of the countless native races intro- 
 duced a problem, somewhat similar to those experienced 
 in India and the East. He was compelled to adopt 
 a two-fold character, that of High Commissioner of the 
 Crown in extra-colonial territories, as well as that of 
 a constitutional Governor in Capetown at the beck and 
 call of a colonial cabinet. No European nation has ever 
 sent out colonial Governors to administer colonial affairs 
 according to the wish and desire of the colonists them- 
 selves. The Dutch govern Java and their Eastern pos- 
 sessions with tolerable success, but the problem there is 
 comparatively easy. The style of government is of the 
 good, old-fashioned, patriarchal and paternal description, 
 differing toto each from such an administration as the 
 English aim at in the self-governing colonies. 
 
 (8) The colonial Governors of England, according to the 
 venue of their administration, are compelled to vary the 
 method and spirit of their rule. Leaving India out of sight 
 for a moment, it is only necessary to mention the West 
 Indies, Natal, the Cape Colony, Australia and Canada, in 
 order to call up a separate nnd distinct sphere of duties 
 in each case. Nay mori he spheres of duties are 
 constantly shifting and pre Hng new aspects. In 
 one generation, a military GoNcrnor, pure and simple, 
 may bo required to check rebellion, as it might seem to 
 lift its head against sovereign rule, now in the St. 
 Lawrence valley, and now in South Africa, now in 
 New Zealand and Jamaica ; in the next, a suave, polite 
 and ingratiating ruler, wearing the kid glove of office 
 rather than the steel gauntlet of war, may be the right 
 person. More than any other administrators of foreign 
 
i 
 
 XVIII.] 
 
 The Constitutional Question. 
 
 199 
 
 and colonial affairs, British Governors have been required 
 to change their temper and vary their role of office. In 
 the annals of British colonisation, compared with those 
 of other nations, the wonder is not that our colonial 
 Governors made so many errors, but that they made so 
 few. Far from being universally despotic, instances have 
 been known of Governors standing up as champions of 
 constitutional privileges for the colonies, both against the 
 Home Government and against the colonists themselves, 
 when, at a crisis, local jealousies and passions have run 
 high. 
 
 (9) In the Canadian Dominion the Governors, especially 
 in 1840 and 1850, exercised a vast amount of influence, 
 and are in themselves and in their policies an instructive 
 study. Like the kings of Israel and Judah, some are good 
 and some are bad. Some again are colourless, and their 
 administration simply marks time, like that of an archon 
 of Athens or a nominal consul of later Rome. The 
 influence of the good administrators, men who were in 
 sympathy with colonial feeling, and were just and fair 
 interpreters of colonial sentiment, is very great and 
 far-reaching. Lord Durham has won himself lasting 
 renown in Canada. Mr. Powlett Thompson, elevated to 
 the peerage as Baron Sydenham of Kent and Toronto, is 
 another Governor who has left his indelible mark upon 
 transatlantic soil. He, above all others, was fitted to 
 stand as a mediator between conflicting parties. In 
 the stirring times of 1 839-1 841, he had 'to contend 
 alike against lingering Tory prejudice on the one hand, 
 and extreme reform expectations on the other.' Origin- 
 ally a merchant and man of business, he proved himself 
 alive to the financial difficulties of the time, and did 
 much to remedy them. He introduced Bills for revising 
 the customs laws, for regulating the currency, promot- 
 ing education, creating an efficient board of works, and 
 
 ' 1 
 
 m 
 
200 
 
 The Constitutional Question. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 iM 
 
 it: 
 
 erecting municipal corporations or district and county 
 councils. At the same time he did much to heal party 
 feeling, and to cause the Government of Canada to 
 unite on all matters of common good. The functions 
 of a colonial Governor, now that the political system 
 of our self-governing colonies is arranged and in working 
 order, may be simply to lubricate and supei-vise, as Lord 
 Dufferin observes ; but in the building and constructing 
 of the political machinery at first, the hand and judgment 
 of an expert were necessary. 
 
 (lo) The influence of Lord Sydenham has thus been 
 described by a Canadian historian^ : — 
 
 'Short as his administration had been (1839-184 1), his 
 wise and vigorous policy had effected an immense improve- 
 ment in the condition of these provinces. He found them 
 suffering from recent intestine rebellion and foreign law- 
 less aggression, their exchequer empty, their inhabitants 
 mistrusting one another ; and left them in enjoyment of 
 peace, mutual confidence in a measure re-established, 
 restored credit and the possession of a system of govern- 
 ment which promised the most beneficial results ; while 
 the union with the mother-country was placed on the 
 broad and secure basis of mutual interest and mutual 
 affection. The name of Wolfe is a great one in Canadian 
 annals ; the memory of Sydenham, the merchant pacifi- 
 cator of Canada, is equally worthy of reverence and 
 honour. His reputation was a Canadian and not an 
 English one, and when he desired to be buried at 
 Kingston, he felt that he was about to lay his ashes 
 amid a people with whose history he must be ever 
 associated.' 
 
 Lord Sydenham's popularity and sterling merits were 
 thrown into bolder relief by the unwisdom and careless- 
 ness of some of his predecessors. Neither Sir Peregrine 
 ^ See Macmullen's History of Canada, p. 496. 
 
It' 
 
 XVIII.] 
 
 The Constitutional Quedlon. 
 
 201 
 
 Maitland, Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada (iSiy), 
 and afterwards military Governor at the Capo (1844), nor 
 Sir John Colborne (1^29) w^ere successful Canadian ad- 
 ministrators. Their stern unbending manners were little 
 adapted to win favour with a community verging towards 
 democracy. 
 
 (i i) Sir John Colborne, however talented and clever 
 a manipulator of men and forces, could not gauge and 
 command colonial sentiment. He was recalled by the 
 Home Government, and his departure from Canada resem- 
 bled a flight (1838). A plot was made to assassinate him 
 had he travelled overland to Halifax, and he was com- 
 pelled to change his route and go by New York. Sir 
 Francis Head's own narrative condemns him as a flighty 
 and superficial person, and unfit to hold the reins of 
 government, when sympathy and sagacity were espe- 
 cially needed. His despatches to Lord Glenelg, who 
 was then presiding at the Colonial Office, convey an im- 
 pression of the author's light self-sufficiency at times of 
 gravity and peril. * It is out of my power,' he writes, * to 
 describe the joy and gladness expressed to me by all parties 
 at the constitutional resistance I have made. But there 
 is one question in every one's mouth, will the Lieutenant- 
 Governor be supported by the Home Government ? On 
 your Lordship's decision rests our possession of Canada.' 
 The facts being that although Sir Francis Head had 
 snatched some temporary advantages from the indiscre- 
 tion of his more extreme opponents, he had altogethei 
 failed to understand the general movement amongst sober 
 and orderly citizens towards constitutional reform, and in 
 his despatches had succeeded in baffling rather than in 
 enlightening the Colonial Office. 
 
 H 
 
 n 
 
 H 
 
^^ 
 
 ! 
 
 ■ ! 
 
 202 The Condi tut lonal Governors of Canada. [Ch. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 I'he Condltutional Governors of Canada. 
 
 ( I ) Lord Sydenham was succeeded by Sir Charles Bagot 
 ill 1842, Lord Metcalfe in 1843, the Earl of Cathcart in 
 1846, and Lord Elgin in 1847. The last-named was the 
 most distinguished of Lord Sydenham's successors. The 
 constitutional question continued to be the question of 
 the hour in Canada, and on its final adjustment rested 
 the decision of all other questions. Sir Charles Bagot's 
 brief administration was, in Lord Grey's words, * a much 
 nearer approach to the establishment of a really constitu- 
 tional system,' but his early death prevented him from 
 carrying out his ideas. Lord Metcalfe was personally 
 extremely popular with all classes of Canadians, but he 
 used this popularity to obscure political issues and to 
 assert his own high prerogative. On one occasion he 
 was brought into conflict with his Council on a question 
 relating to patronage. His ministers retired, supported 
 by a majority of the Assembly. Ultimately he triumphed, 
 and by means of a dissolution brought the Legislature 
 into harmony with his views. His ideas on the functions 
 of a colonial Governor are best expressed in his own 
 words, that 'while he recognised the just power and 
 privilege of the people to influence their rulers, he re- 
 served to himself the selection of the executive.' This 
 was giving with one hand and taking away with the other, 
 and Lord Norton has quoted as an illustration of this 
 theory Strafford's idea of a Parliament : ' By no means 
 
massm 
 
 XIX.] The Cont^t it ut tonal Governor's of Canada. 203 
 
 abolish a Parliament ; as a well-governed Parliament 
 was the best instrument tor managing the people.' 
 
 (2) In Lord Elgin's Governorship a constitutional 
 crisis occurred in Nova Scotia. Sir John Harvey, upon 
 assuming the Lieutenant-Governorship, had several va- 
 cancies in his Council to fill up. He at once deserted the 
 existing ministry, and put himself in communication 
 with the opposition. They advised him to dissolve the 
 Assembly, in the hope of securing a majority. And 
 this he did, though it is clear that, according to proper 
 constitutional principles, nothing but inmiinent national 
 danger or an adverse vote of the Assembly should turn 
 out the ministry. According to Sir John Harvey's idea, 
 his own ijjse dixit was equivalent to a vote of want of 
 confidence of the House of Assembly. These instances, 
 as well as many others, prove the nature of the constitu- 
 tional struggle then going on in Canada. There was no 
 doubt that in course of time the constitutional procedure 
 would be assimilated to that of England, but the progress 
 was slow. 
 
 (3) In Lord Elgin's Governorship, the Canadian Govern- 
 ment gained entire control over the Civil List (1847) and 
 Post Office ; and other departments, generally filled by im- 
 perial nominees, were afterwards thrown open to colonists. 
 Lord Elgin was compelled to confront a phase of the race- 
 (piestion between Upper and Lower Canada. For a long- 
 time there had been a desire to indemnify those who, 
 being drawn unwillingly into the vortex of civil war, 
 had suffered in Lower Canada. A large jDarty in Upper 
 Canada denying the necessity of the indemnification and 
 twitting the sister Province with past disloyalty were 
 furious, and the watchword of the Conservatives as well 
 as of the Eeform party in that Province was ' No pay to 
 rebels.' Some of them went so far as to sign an address 
 for annexation to the United States, rather than con- 
 
 !*! 
 
 ,t 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 ^ 
 
I 
 
 I 
 
 
 1' 
 
 *: * 
 
 I! 
 
 204 The Constitutional Governors of Canada. [Ch. 
 
 tribute to such an obnoxious subsidy. In spite of such 
 strong gusts of popular feeling a Bill of Indemnification 
 was passed. It was a wise and generous proceeding, 
 and was approved of by the Queen and her ministers. 
 The measure raised a great debate in the House of Com- 
 mons, and Mr. Gladstone, condemning it, argued that it 
 .affected imperial honour, and should not have been 
 allowed to come under colonial discussion till the Home 
 Parliament had considered it. Lord Russell replied that 
 the best judge of the questions to be referred home was 
 the colonial Governor, and in this case his judgment had 
 been good^ Doubtless the matter was purely a colonial 
 one, and the right attitude of the Governor and Home 
 Government was that of neutral spectators. Gradually 
 the province of strictly colonial affairs and local adminis- 
 tration was becoming more clearly defined. 
 
 (4) It was about this time that the Clergy Re- 
 serves question received its final settlement. These 
 lands were sold, and the proceeds handed over to the 
 municipalities for purposes of education or local im- 
 provement. This act of the colonial Legislature proved 
 more conclusively that colonial affairs had now passed 
 almost unreservedly into colonists' hands. If there was 
 any question upon which the Imperial Government would 
 have been inclined to take a very firm and strong stand 
 it was upon this endowment question. But the theory 
 and practice of subsidising any religious denomination in 
 the colonies was found now to be impossible. According 
 to some historians, the Episcopalians, especially in the 
 days of the Family Compact and Bishop Strachan, had 
 weakened their position by being too pronounced political 
 partisans. The people of Upper Canada, especially at 
 Toronto, remembered with soreness that Sir John Col- 
 borne had provided 57 rectories for the use of the 
 ' Lord Norton, Col. Policy, p. 31. 
 
^mr> 
 
 XIX.] The Constitutional Governors of Canada. 205 
 
 Church of England, from the Clergy Reserves. This was 
 one of the proximate causes of the rebellion ; though 
 from a constitutional point of view, he had not gone 
 beyond the Act of 1791. What was now done by the 
 Canadian Legislature was done elsewhere. In South 
 Africa, where the Dutch Reformed Church and the 
 Episcopalians were largely subsidised by the State, this 
 support was withdrawn, and all denominations were 
 placed upon an equality by the Act of 1875, known as 
 'The Voluntary Act.' All our self-governing colonies 
 wherever situated have adopted the principle of equality, 
 following the Canadian precedent. In Canada the en- 
 dowments were dealt with in a tolerably fair manner. 
 Those Reserves already in the possession of incumbents 
 were to be set aside to form a small permanent en- 
 dowment. The life-interests of existing incumbents were 
 respected, and the rectories, according as they fell vacant, 
 were to become dependent upon the voluntary system. 
 
 (5) The Seigneurial Tenure Act, passed at the close 
 of Lord Elgin's regime, took away the chief grievance 
 of Lower Canada. The rights of the seigneurs or land- 
 lords dated back to the early days of French occupation, 
 when Richelieu formed the Company of ' One Hundred 
 Associates.' The French Crown had been anxious to 
 establish an aristocracy in Canada, and had granted, as 
 we have seen, large tracts of land to younger members of 
 ancient families, and given them many privileges which 
 had belonged to the ' noblesse ' of old France. This was 
 importing a cumbersome piece of feudalism into a new 
 country. The seigneurs themselves could not transfer 
 their property without paying excessive fines as aliena- 
 tion, and the tenants and occupiers were vexed by 
 numerous imposts, such as 'milling' and many other 
 annoying taxes on farming and agricultural industries. 
 Unlike the British colonist, they could not claim and 
 
 ft ! 
 
 » 
 
2o6 The Constitutional Governors of Canada. [Ch. 
 
 cultivate a 'freehold.' The French colonists, therefore, 
 were accustomed to rely upon their seigneurs, and allowed 
 them to take the whole management of public affairs. 
 But this system did not work well. Farmers ;ot no 
 compensation for improved lands and buildij . and 
 therefore had few motives for making the best of their 
 farms. The only course left was for the State to buy 
 out the seigneurs and give them an adequate sum for 
 their vested rights and privileges. This was done, and 
 the value of them fixed by a Commission. Part of this 
 valuation was paid by the occupant of the land and 
 part by Government. The Seigneurial Tenure Act was 
 therefore a kind of Landlord's Compensation and En- 
 franchisement Act. Freehold tenure became the rule 
 throughout the country. 
 
 (6) In 1854 Lord Elgin was succeeded by Sir Edmund 
 Head, a gentleman-commoner of Oriel College, Oxford, 
 and tutor at Merton College ; he had been an assistant 
 Poor Law Commissioner in England, when he attracted 
 the attention of the Marquis of Lansdowne and Sir 
 James Graham. During his Governorship the Canadian 
 constitution was placed upon a popular and elective 
 basis. The first question which engaged his attention 
 was one which followed directly from political emanci- 
 pation and the weakening of the direct influence of the 
 Crown, viz. that of colonial self-defence. It was impos- 
 sible for colonists to claim self-government and then 
 ignore the first duty of a self-governing community. 
 
 (7) An Act passed in 1855 led to the formation of the 
 first Volunteer Force, and the attention of the colonists 
 turned to the organisation of their defences. Mr. Glad- 
 stone, in giving evidence before a Committee of National 
 Defence, fairly laid down in 1859, that 'No community, 
 which is not primarily charged with the ordinary busi- 
 ness of its own defences, is really or ever can be in the 
 
XIX.] The Constitutional Governors of Canada. 207 
 
 full sense of the word a free community. The privileges 
 of freedom and the burdens of freedom are absolutely 
 associated together.' This principle is an import.' nt one 
 and its logic is unanswerable. In Canada the law now 
 requires that every able-bodied man between 16 and 60 
 be enrolled for the defence of the colony. The militia 
 numbers 700,000 men. The shores of the Maritime 
 Provinces, both east and west, would furnish, if occasion 
 arose and the sailors were trained, a strong transatlantic 
 wing to the imperial navy. The Colonial Conference, 
 w^hich met in London in 1887, was summoned chiefly 
 to consider schemes of colonial co-operation in naval and 
 military defence. In Canada the colonists have always 
 been ready and willing to accept their responsibilities. 
 In Sir Edmund Head's time the Koyal Canadian loctli 
 regiment of the line was raised in Canada, the first 
 colonial contribution to the British army. Strong sym- 
 pathy was shown towards England during the Crimean 
 war, and the victory of Alma furnished an occasion for 
 both Houses of the Canadian Legislature to forward 
 congratulations to England, along with two drafts of 
 £10,000 each for the relief of the widows and orphans 
 of the soldiers and sailors of England and France slain 
 in the war. 
 
 (8) In the Crimean War three Nova Scotians distin- 
 guished themselves. Captain Parker, Major Welsford and 
 General Fenwick Williams. The first two were killed 
 at the final storming of the Redan, Welsford's head being 
 carried away by a cannon ball as he led his men over 
 the parapets. A monument in memory of these heroes 
 was erected by the colonists in i860 at Halifax. The 
 third bravely defended Kars in Asia Minor, the Queen 
 conferring on him the honour of a Baronetcy under the 
 title of Sir Fenwick Williams of Kars, the British House 
 of Commons voting him a pension of £1000, and the 
 
 :i» 
 
 M 
 
 1 
 
 li 
 
2o8 The Constitutional Governors of Canada. [Ch. 
 
 'I :? 
 
 Legislature of Nova Scotia presenting him with a costly- 
 sword. Sir Fenwick was the first native Governor of 
 Nova Scotia, an office afterwards filled by two distin- 
 guished Nova Scotians, the Hon. Joseph Howe (1873) 
 and the Hon. Sir A. G. Archibald, who had done good 
 service in Manitoba previously. 
 
 (9) The session of 1856 settled that the members of 
 the Upper House or Legislative Council who, according 
 to the Act of 1 841, had been nominated by the Crown, 
 were to be now chosen by the vote of the Canadian 
 electors. Those who had already been appointed by the 
 Crown were to retain their seats during life ; but twelve 
 new members were to be elected every second year to 
 serve for eight years, and the whole country was divided 
 for the purposes of election into forty-eight electoral dis- 
 tricts. An elective Upper House had been the dream of 
 Louis Papineau, but his motive for desiring it was that 
 of securing French domination and perhaps French in- 
 dependence in Lower Canada. 
 
 (10) There was a constitutional crisis during the 
 Governorship of Sir Edmund Head in 1858, when the 
 Queen was asked to decide upon a seat of Government 
 in Canada. No fewer than five cities (Quebec, Toronto, 
 Montreal amongst them) claimed the distinction. But the 
 Queen chose Ottawa (Bytown). There was some dissatis- 
 faction at this choice, but, as time went on, the wisdom 
 of it became apparent. By its geographical position the 
 town commanded both steamboat and railway traffic, and 
 was removed equally far from the jealousies of Upper 
 and Lower Canada. 
 
 (11) During Sir Edmund Head's term of office sub- 
 stantial progress had been made. In 1861 the population 
 of all Canada amounted to 2,506,000. The terrible 
 struggle that was going on in the United States between 
 North and South had indirectly benefited Canada. In 
 
 liill 
 
XIX.] Tlie Constitutional Governors of Canada. 309 
 
 the fisheries she was relieved from American competition, 
 and her agriculturists and farmers found a ready market 
 for their produce in the war-exhausted regions across 
 the border. Canada herself was on the eve of greater 
 things. The outlines of a wider confederation, which 
 should pacify all parts and unite all parts, were more 
 clearly seen. It was the time for wise men and for 
 wise measures. Parliamoutary and public life in the 
 colonies, during these times of the struggle for emanci- 
 pation, was a splendid training-ground for men of genius, 
 faith, and imagination. Those who have contended for 
 the freedom of their province and colony, and not for- 
 gotten the claims of the empire at large, are worthy of 
 honour and respect from every quarter of it. 
 
 (12) Lord Monck succeeded Sir Edmund Head (October, 
 1 861), and it was during his administration that the true 
 relation of the colonial Governor to the colonial con- 
 stitution was discovered and acted upon. Contending 
 parties in Canada were equal, and the balance was so 
 slight that the result was practically a dead-lock between 
 the Upper Canadian Reformers and the Lower Canadian 
 Conservatives. Lord Monck was, to use Lord Norton's 
 words, the first Governor- General to hold a perfectly 
 neutral constitutional-monarchical attitude towards con- 
 tending parties. He so calmly confronted them, without 
 fear or favour, that a coalition took place between the 
 Brown Reformers and Cartier Conservatives on the policy 
 of a federal vmion. This coalition included the names 
 also of Tache, Alexander Gait, and John A. Macdonald. 
 
 (13) This question now before the country was expressed 
 in Lord Monck's speech upon the occasion of the opening 
 of Parliament in 1865. 'It remained with the public 
 men of British North America to say whether the vast 
 tract of country which they inhabited should be con- 
 solidated into a State, combining within its area all the 
 
 p 
 
 i}'. 
 
 f\ 
 
 
■'■ illf 
 
 m\ 
 
 2IO 
 
 Confederation. 
 
 [Ch, 
 
 elements of national greatness, providing for the security 
 of its component parts, and contributing to the strength 
 and stability of the empire, or whether the several 
 provinces of which it was constituted should remain in 
 their present fragmentary and isolated condition, com- 
 paratively powerless for mutual aid, and incapable of 
 undertaking their proper share of imperial responsibility. ' 
 The answer to this is the Confederation Bill of 1867. 
 It is instructive to read that the politicians of the great 
 Republic across the border had just previously introduced 
 a Bill into Congress, providing for the admission of British 
 North America into the American Union as four separate 
 States, and the assumption of their public debt by the 
 Federal Government. 
 
 -M- 
 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Confederation. 
 
 * . . i; 
 
 .Vt ill 
 
 m4 
 
 (i) In 1864 the Governments of Nova Scotia, New 
 Brunswick and Prince Edward Island appointed delegates 
 to arrange the terms of a legislative Union of the three 
 Provinces. The delegates met at Charlottetown in 
 Prince Edward Island on September i, and amongst 
 them were Charles Tupper, W. A. Henry, R. B. Dickey, 
 Jonathan M^Cully, and Adams G. Archibald from Nova 
 Scotia; Samuel G. Tilley, J. M. Johnson, J. H. Gray, 
 E. B. Chandler, and W. H. Stevens from New Bruns- 
 wick ; Colonel Gray, E. Palmer, W. H. Pope, G. Coles, 
 and A. McDonald from Prince Edward Island. The 
 Coalition Government, which had been considering the 
 
mm 
 
 XX,] 
 
 Confederation. 
 
 211 
 
 question of the union of the two Provinces of the St. 
 Lawrence valley, asked permission to join the Charlotte- 
 town Convention, and accordingly John A. Macdonald, 
 George Brown, Alexander Gait, George E. Cartier, 
 Thomas D'Arcy Magee and William M^^Dougall came 
 down the St. Lawrence in the Government steamer 
 Victoria, to join the rest. Out of the common needs 
 and difficulties of the Kiver and Maritime Provinces a 
 representative Council had arisen. The equally divided 
 representation of 42 members each for the two Kiver 
 Provinces (1841) was becoming unfair in the presence of 
 a very rapidly increasing immigrant British population 
 in Ontario, and by its even balance was destroying 
 Ministries and rendering a strong party government im- 
 possible. The inhabitants of both Provinces, the pro- 
 gressive British element in Ontario and the Conservative 
 French in Quebec, welcomed confederation as giving 
 them, by means of provincial autonomy, the right of 
 remedying local grievances arising from different laws, 
 customs and religion, now denied them by the very 
 position of parties. The colonists of the Maritime Pro- 
 vinces had stood apart too long as four separate Govern- 
 ments, to be blind to the obvious advantages of political 
 amalgamation now more than ever forced upon them. 
 The Conservatives and Liberals (or, as they were called, 
 ' The Tories ' and ' The Grits ') were able to join hands 
 on the momentous issue before them, which was nothing 
 more nor less than the re-construction of their machinery 
 of government. The arrival of the delegates from the 
 River Provinces had widened the character, aim and 
 scope of the Charlottetown Convention, and the delegates 
 of the Maritime Provinces were not authorised at first to 
 discuss the larger Union. It was clear that an effort 
 should be made in every province to make the idea of 
 confederation popular, and with this object in view the 
 
 p 2 
 
 ii 
 
 ^ 
 
212 
 
 Confederation. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 ■■ :,1 
 
 first convention rlecided to make an appeal to the various 
 centres and sound the constituencies. At the same time 
 the delegates made arrangements for another meeting at 
 Que])ec, and the result was the Quebec Scheme (Oct. lo, 
 1864). 
 
 (2) The Canadian Legislatures of the Upper and Lower 
 Provinces met in Quebec in February, 1865, and adopted 
 the Union resolutions by a large majority. The subject 
 had, practically speaking, been a familiar one with them 
 for some years, and upon its satisfactory solution de- 
 pended a release from an embarrassing political dead-lock. 
 With the Maritime Provinces the case was different. 
 There was a storm of opposition in New Brunswick and 
 Nova Scotia, Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island. 
 In New Brunswick a general election took place and 
 an anti-union Government came into power ; in Nova 
 Scotia the subject of confederation was shelved, and the 
 chances of the success of the Quebec meeting seemed very 
 remote. The main objection of the Nova Scotians was 
 that they did not receive enough of the Dominion revenue 
 to meet the expenses of government. But there was 
 suddenly a great revulsion of feeling in New Brunswick. 
 The Lieutenant-Governor and a majority of the Legislative 
 Council had always been strongly in favour of Union, and 
 in a speech from the throne the Lieutenant-Governor, in 
 opposition to his constitutional advisers, recommended 
 Union, and spoke as emphatically on it as Lord Monck, 
 the Governor-General. There was a constitutional crisis 
 and the Ministry resigned ; a general election took place, 
 an Unionist majority was returned, and a Ministry formed 
 under the leadership of the Hon. S. L. Tilley. This change 
 of views in the one Maritime Province influenced public 
 opinion in the other. The Government of Nova Scotia 
 again approached the subject, and upon their representa- 
 tions some essential alterations were introduced into the 
 
XX.] 
 
 Coyifederation. 
 
 313 
 
 Quebec resolutions which seemed to safe-guard more 
 completely the separate interests of the Maritime Pro- 
 vinces. 
 
 (3) The scene was now shifted to London, and sixteen 
 delegates, representing Upper Canada, Lower Canada, New 
 Brunswick and Nova Scotia, immediately proceeded to 
 arrange the basis of a federal Union. An opposition party, 
 calling themselves 'The People's Delegates,' followed 
 them to London, and endeavoured to thwart the whole 
 scheme, their three chief leaders being Howe, Annand, 
 and Hugh M'^Donald. The federal movement, however, 
 was too strong to be stayed by mere local and sectional 
 opposition, and colonial opinion was backed up by the 
 powerful advocacy and wisdom of such statesmen as Lord 
 Csirnarvon in the Upper House and Mr. (afterwards Lord) 
 Cardwell in the Lower. The ' Dominion of Canada ' 
 became an accomplished fact on July i, 1867, and this 
 day, called ' Dominion Day,' is kept as a public holiday in 
 British North America from end to end. The Act by 
 which the various parts are consolidated into one self- 
 governing and constitutional whole is known as the 
 'British North America Act\' 
 
 (4) The Unionist had had to contend with two classes 
 of opponents : ( i ) those few politicians who would like 
 to keep the provinces weak and disunited, and therefore 
 individually and collectively more dependent upon the 
 mother-country; (2) those who, according to their United 
 States sympathies and their theories about manifest 
 destiny, would incorporate the Canadian Dominion with 
 the United States. These last, probably Republicans at 
 heart, undervalued the depth of Canadian loyalty and the 
 strength of that national sentiment, which prefers to live 
 in honourable connection with the oldest monarchy in 
 Europe, rather than sink great part of their individuality 
 
 * See Appendix viii. 
 
 A 
 

 tl 
 
 1 ' 
 
 I 
 
 214 
 
 Confederation. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 and local interests in the federal bond of the United 
 States, in political subservience to a huge and overwhelm- 
 ing Republic. 
 
 (5) The constitution of the * Dominion of Canada,' as 
 the whole confederation was termed, imitates that of the 
 mother-countiy. The authority of the Sovereign is repre- 
 sented by a Governor-General, in whom are vested the 
 executive powers by which laws are carried out. He 
 appoints the Lieutenant-Governors of the Provinces and 
 the judges of the courts. He is the Commander- 
 in-chief of all the military and naval forces '^f the 
 Dominion, and no Act can become law unless he gives 
 his assent. He can commute the sentence of a court of 
 justice. He is advised on all points by a Cabinet of 
 thirteen members of Parliament, who are responsible 
 ministers and hold the confidence of the country. He 
 is, in a constitutional sense, the fountain of justice and 
 honour, with the power and patronage of the Queen. 
 His salary is £10,000 a year, paid by the Dominion 
 Government. 
 
 (6) The Senate consists of life-members nominated by 
 the Crown, — the experiment of electing members to the 
 Upper House having failed, — and numbers 72, 24 sitting 
 for Ontario, 24 for Quebec, 12 for Nova Scotia, and 12 for 
 New Brunswick. A Senator must be a British subject, 
 a resident of the province for which he is elected, and an 
 owner of debt-clear property of the value of ^4000 (£800). 
 The Senate, roughly speaking, has the powers of the 
 British House of Lords. The Canadian House of Com- 
 mons originally numbered 181 members, namely, 82 for 
 Ontario, 65 for Quebec, 19 for Nova Scotia, 15 for New 
 Brunswick. A member of the House of Commons must 
 be a British subject and own debt-clear property worth 
 $2500 (£500). There are thus in the Government of the 
 Dominion four units : (i) the Governor-General ; (2) the 
 
XX.] 
 
 Covfederation. 
 
 315 
 
 Executive Council or Cabinet; (3) the Senate; (4) the 
 House of Commons. 
 
 (7) A federal government requires that there should 
 be a number of provincial governments working in their 
 own sphere and legislating on certain classes of sul)JGcts. 
 The limbs which formed the Canadian Dominion in the 
 beginning were (i) Quebec or Lower Canada; (2) Ontario 
 or Upper Canada ; (3) Nova Scotia ; (4) New Brunswick. 
 Each of these Provinces M^as governed by a Lieutenant- 
 Governor and a Legislature consisting of one or two 
 branches according to its choice. All the Provinces 
 except Ontario ohose to have two branches, viz. an 
 Assembly elected by the people and a Legislative Council 
 named by the Crown. Ontario chose to have only an 
 Assembly, which consisted at first of eighty-two members. 
 In all the Provinces the Assemblies are elected for four 
 years. Each of the Lieutenant-Governors is aided by 
 an Executive Council or Ministry responsible to the 
 Legislature, and through it, to the Province, for all 
 measures and acts of government. 
 
 (8) When any fresh Province wishes to enter the Do- 
 minion, the majority of the inhabitants must express their 
 willingness, after which the Legislatures of that Province 
 and the Dominion Parliament pass the necessary Acts, 
 which must also receive the sanction of royal authority. 
 This confederation of the Provinces did not take from 
 them the great boon of responsible government, but 
 only secured it to all in a more complete form. To the 
 federal Government at Ottawa was given the charge of 
 those matters which concerned all the Provinces collectively, 
 such as (i) Trade and Commerce; (2) the Postal Service ; 
 (3) the Census ; (4) the Military and Naval Defence of 
 the Country; (5) Navigation ; (6) Fisheries ; (7) Coinage ; 
 (8) Banking and issue of Paper-Notes ; (9) Indian and 
 Native Questions ; (10) Criminal Law. Appeal Suits, etc. 
 
 
 i 
 
 1^ 
 
 f 
 
 i . 
 
mm 
 
 216 
 
 Confederation. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 ! r 
 
 I'ili'JHl 
 
 liH. 
 
 The provincial LogisUituros had their own work ap- 
 pointed for them also. They could (i) levy direct 
 taxes within the province, and (2) regulate their own 
 municipal institutions; (3) issue licences; (4) control 
 their own public works ; (5) provide for education ; (6) 
 for the primary and local administration of justice. 
 
 (9) In the constitutional history of the English people 
 here was an important departure. The experiment was 
 being made of interweaving federal principles with 
 monarchical institutions. To many politicians the only 
 lasting and durable type of federalism seemed to be that 
 of the Swiss Confederation or the United States. Could 
 a monarchy, with its ideal of a supreme head and centre 
 of society, be compatible with the working of such demo- 
 cratic institutions as prevailed in the Dominion ? In the 
 discussions upon the Dominion Act, speakers in the 
 British House of Commons argued that the compromise 
 underlying the whole question was an impossible one. 
 a grafting of a new growth upon an old stem, doomed 
 to failure. Mr. Bright (Feb. 19, 1867) having stigmatised 
 as ' a germ of malady ' every part of the new constitution 
 which differed from the American model, Lord Carnarvon 
 answered, ' We are in this measure setting the crown to 
 the free institutions which we have given to British 
 North America.' More than twenty years have elapsed 
 since the jjassing of the great Canadian Union Act, antl 
 there are no signs as yet of a germ of malady having 
 developed into a fatal head. The constitutional link 
 between the Dominion and the mother-country is hardly 
 perceptible to the outward eye, but nevertheless it is a 
 strong one. 
 
 (10) Burke, in his immortal speech on 'Conciliation with 
 America,' has rightly described the nature of our hold 
 upon the colonies, and the political relations that might be 
 entered into between a colonial government on one side 
 
\. 
 
 XX.] 
 
 Confederation. 
 
 217 
 
 iind the mothor-countiy on tho other. The passage is 
 worth quoting, as it is historical : ' My hold of tho colonies 
 is in the close affection which grows from common names, 
 from kindred blood, from similar privileges, and equal 
 protection. These are ties which, though light as air, 
 are as strong as links of iron. Let the colonies always 
 keep the idea of their civil rights associated w^th your 
 government, they will cling and grapple to you, and 
 no force under heaven will be of power to tear them from 
 their allegiance. But let it be once understood that 
 your government may be one thing and their privileges 
 another ; that these two things may exist without any 
 mutual relation ; the cement is gone ; the cohesion is 
 loosened, and everything hastens to decay and dissolu- 
 tion. As long as you have the wisdom to keep the 
 sovereign authority of this country as the sanctuary of 
 liberty, the sacred temple consecrated to our common 
 faith, wherever the chosen race and sons of England 
 worship freedom, they will turn their faces towards 
 you. . . . Deny them this participation of freedom and 
 you break that sole bond, which originally made and 
 must still preserve the unity of the empire. . . . Do 
 not dream that your letters of oifice and your instructions 
 and your suspending clauses are the things which hold 
 together the great contexture of the mysterious whole. 
 These things do not make your government. Dead 
 instruments, passive tools as they are, it is the spirit 
 of the English communion that gives all their life and 
 efficacy to them. It is the spirit of the English constitu- 
 tion, which, infused through the mighty mass, pervades, 
 feeds, unites, invigorates, vivifies every part of the emjiire, 
 even down to its minutest member.' 
 
 (11) The Canadian confederation was a great political 
 act which carried into actual practice the burning words 
 of Burke. It has become a great precedent for the 
 
 J!1 
 

 - . r ■ 
 
 Ill 
 
 1 It :i 
 
 
 2l8 
 
 C 01} federation. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 imitation of other parts of our colonial empire. Inter- 
 colonial federation has already been discussed in the 
 Pacific colonies, and the time cannot be far distant 
 when a United Australasia will arise like a United 
 Canada. In our South African colonies confederation 
 was attempted ten years after the Canadian Act, but failed 
 owing to certain exceptional reasons. But South Africa 
 must inevitably become politically one in course of time. 
 In the British West Indies a Caribbean confederation 
 may follow. If so, the Britons of the future may behold 
 upon the face of the earth three, if not four, great colonial 
 federal Britains, in North America, the West Indies, 
 South Africa, and Australia. Such a grouping of free 
 federal colonies could never have been foreseen or even 
 guessed at a hundred years ago, though even then the 
 ' spirit of the English constitution ' was working out 
 its wonderful results with a hidden and subtle povv^er, 
 only detected by the keen eyes of such statesmen as 
 Burke. 
 
 (12) There is one feature of the British constitution 
 which was reproduced in the Canadian Dominion, and 
 which may contain within itself the germ of a great Federal 
 Council of the empire, and that is the Canadian Privy 
 Council. The members of this Council, being nominees 
 of the Crown, represent in a peculiar and most forcible 
 way the influence of the monarchy of England in the 
 midsL of democratic institutions. The Privy Council is 
 constitutional in its origin, representative in its character, 
 and supreme in its decisions. It was a wise, far-reaching 
 policy that retained this most ancient Council in colonial 
 constitutions. In course of time there may be not only 
 a Privy Council of Canada, but one also of Australia and 
 of South Africa. If any way of fusion with the Home 
 Privy Council is discovered, these colonial Priv^ Councils, 
 all appointed in the same way and elected on similar 
 
mm. 
 
 XXI.] Federalism in the United States, etc. 219 
 
 principles, might become a grand cons'-.ltative Federal 
 Council of the empire. 
 
 (13) The Dominion Act carried with it a power of expan- 
 sion. In 1870 the Manitoba Act defined the limits of the 
 Prairie Province; in 1871, British Columbia with Van- 
 couver Island was admitted within the federal pale ; and 
 in 1873 the Prince Edward Islanders overcame their first 
 scruples, and threw in their lot with the Dominion under 
 certain conditions. It was impossible, however, that the 
 British North America Act should work smoothly at 
 once. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Federalism in the United States and 
 South Africa. 
 
 (i) This movement, ending in the confederation of 
 British North America, naturally recalls the kindred 
 Union of the Thirteen States in 1783. Canadian states- 
 men availed themselves of the example before them, and 
 Sir John Macdonald, in moving the resolution in favour 
 of the Union in the Legislative Assembly of Canada, ob- 
 served : ' We can now take advantage of the experience 
 of the last seventy-eight years during which the United 
 States constitution has existed, and I am strongly 
 of belief that we have in a great measure avoided, 
 in this system which we propose for the adoption 
 of the people of Canada, the defects whicn time and 
 events have shown to exist in the American con- 
 
 * 
 

 220 
 
 Federalismii in the United States 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 stitution.' In each case the framers set out from a 
 different stand-point. The federalists of the United 
 States, in breaking away from the sovereignty of England, 
 were compelled to cre.ite in some of its main aspects an 
 Instrument of government deferring always to the will 
 of the people, who were the depositoiy of supreme power. 
 In Canada all power is supposed to descend down from 
 the Crown, and so in the Dominion Government ' all the 
 powers not delegated to the Provinces are held by the 
 Crown. In the United States all the powers not dele- 
 gated to the Federal Government by the States are held 
 by the States.' To the Canadians it seemed wise to re- 
 strict the power of the Provincial liegislatures. It was 
 largely a question of state-rights which had brought 
 al^out the terrible war of 1861. The Canadian Provinces 
 have no separate militia, the whole of the naval and mili- 
 tary defence resting entirely with the central Executive. 
 
 (2) In the United States a President is elected every 
 four years, in the Canadian Dominion a Governor-General 
 is sent out from England for a term of five years, but 
 this period of office is only assured to him on condition 
 of successful administration. In the Ignited States the 
 President and his Ministers and Congress are practi- 
 cally independent for four years, in Canada the Governor- 
 General, acting by the advice of a Ministry responsible to 
 the Canadian Parliament, is a constitutional ruler through 
 whom the turns of public opinion can be immediately 
 expressed. The Executive, therefore, represents more 
 quickly what is generally needed, affairs are brought 
 to a direct issue, and if there is a dead-lock an appeal is 
 at once made to the country. Canadians point out that 
 the want of responsibility in the dead-lock between the 
 Senate and House in the United States is a defect in 
 tlieir constitution. 
 
 (3) Again, the revision of the United States constitution 
 
XXI.] 
 
 and South Africa. 
 
 221 
 
 a 
 
 rests with their Legislature and their Supreme Court, 
 and it is safe-guarded against undue interference and 
 tampering by a condition which requires from all prac- 
 tically an unanimous assent. The Canadians cannot re- 
 vise their constitution or amend it unless they appeal 
 to the Crown. The Crown is, in fact, the head of theii* 
 constitution. In the Dominion the Central Government 
 pays subsidies to the Provinces, the amount so paid in 
 1886-7 reaching j£ 800, 000. For instance, when Prince 
 Edward Island joined the confederation in 1873, one of 
 the conditions was, that in consideration of the transfer 
 of the powers of taxation and of their own comparative 
 freedom from a public debt, the Island should receive 
 certain payments in money from the Dominion Govern- 
 ment. Further, as it was clear that the Islanders could 
 not enjoy such a revenue from Crown Lands as the inland 
 Provinces with their immense areas, pecuniary compen- 
 sation was given on this score also. They were also 
 promised a railway as one of the inducements to join 
 the Union. In the case of British Columbia the promise 
 of the Canadian Pacific Railway was by far the strongest 
 inducement of all to join the confederation. 
 
 (4) The greatest differences between the two govern- 
 ments, however, will appear if we consider ' the States ' 
 of the Republic and ' the Provinces ' of the Dominion in 
 their relations to the Central or Federal Legislature. In 
 Canada the Provinces have no power of final legislation, 
 every act being subject to Dominion revision and vote. 
 In the United States greater powers of independent 
 action are conceded. From tlie very nature of their first 
 alliance, which was eminently one of ' pares cum paribus.' 
 this freedom could be inferred. In carrying out the 
 details of a federal govern'^ient at first, the rule would 
 appear to obtain that the closer th< equality of the con- 
 federating members the greater their individual freedom. 
 
\ 
 
 t 
 
 if 
 
 222 
 
 Federalism in the United States 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 The contracting States being equal, the give-and-take 
 methods will be easy to see and apply. But if in point 
 of numbers, progress, wealth, and credit there is such a 
 disparity as that which existed at first between Manitoba 
 or British Columbia, or Prince Edward Island on the one 
 hand, and Quebec and Ontario on the other, then pro- 
 vincial freedom must surely be lessened, and a cor- 
 responding increase of federal control take place. It is 
 clear however that in time, with immigration and natural 
 causes at work, this inequality will disappear, and things 
 will mend themselves : the Central or Dominion Govern- 
 ment will cease to be the nurse of weakling Provinces 
 when these weaklings become sturdy adults. 
 
 (5) In the United States any system of 'States' sub- 
 sidies, railways, and allowances is objected to as ' certain 
 to lead to State demoralisation, and tending directly to 
 undermine its dignity and importance. ' The States should 
 not be pensioners of the Central Government. But 
 surely the cases are veiy different. In the case of the 
 Dominion the principle of compensation was rendered 
 necessary by circumstances, the ' Provinces ' being so com- 
 pletely different from one another in area, fertility, 
 climate, natural resources, and development. Placing 
 Ontario side by side with Prince Edward Island, New 
 Brunswick with Manitoba, or Quebec with British 
 Columbia, it is clear that their confederation could not 
 follow upon the exact lines of Maine, Massachusetts, Con- 
 necticut, Pensylvania, and the rest, being a group of 
 neighbouring self-contained maritime settlements. 
 
 (6) Further, it is said that the confederating Canadian 
 Provinces were originally bribed to enter the Union 
 by railways and subsidies, a drfect which does not 
 exist in the United States, which were originally held 
 together by some sentiment stronger than that arising 
 from participation in a common public work. But the 
 
XXI.] 
 
 and South Africa. 
 
 223 
 
 railway factor is a very strong one and peculiar to our 
 own times. It is a necessary link in cementing the 
 union of two such provinces as Nova Scotia and British 
 Columbia. Nor were the considerations of public debts, 
 incurred for works of progress, likely to cause such nice 
 adjustments in the United States as in the Dominion. 
 In the one case the compensatory principle is almost 
 demanded, in the other it did not arise from the exi- 
 gencies and geographical circumstances of the confede- 
 rating members. Borrowing largely in the colonies for 
 colonial improvements is a new feature in political 
 economy. Here, also, it may be noticed that the State 
 subsidies are becoming, relatively to the progress of the 
 whole Dominion, small and insignificant amounts, and 
 ultimately they may all be redeemed. 
 
 (7) Much has been made of the actual and possible 
 friction between ' Dominion ' Legislation and Provincial 
 Rights in British North America, and the recent deter- 
 mination of the Manitoba farmers to develop their own 
 trade by means of a railway to the United States border, 
 in spite of the monopoly of the Canadian Pacific Railway, 
 has been cited as an instance. In this, as in all other 
 matters of dispute, the Canadian Confederation possesses 
 in the supreme appeal to the mother-country a guarantee 
 of an absolutely fair decision, the Crown and Govern- 
 ment of England being too far removed to be prejudiced 
 or biassed judges of the suit. Generally speaking, the 
 Union of the Republican States has been cemented by the 
 bloodshed of tw^o great wars, while that of the Canadian 
 Dominion has been a work of peace and the result of 
 administrative ability. It is yet to be proved that the 
 shedding of blood in fratricidal war is a necessary 
 l)reliminary to a complete soldering of voluntary civil 
 compacts. 
 
 (8) The British North America Act also suggests the 
 
— ^-4i' 
 
 224 
 
 Federalism in the United States 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 confederation scheme placed before the South African 
 states by Lord Carnarvon in 1874-5, and known as the 
 'South Africa Act.' Just as the French and British 
 settlers of British North America had been welded to- 
 gether into a fairly homogeneous whole by a great and 
 comprehensive policy, so it was thought that, in South 
 Africa, Dutch and British could be similarly treated. It 
 is well known that the South Africa Act, which thus 
 followed the precedent of the British North America Act, 
 failed in its purpose. The causes are not far to seek. 
 The country, the peoples, and the political circumstances 
 of South Africa are all greatly different from those of 
 North America. To begin with — the physical features 
 of South Africa have, as already pointed out, always 
 thrown great obstacles in the way of easy communica- 
 tion, quick transit, and social intercourse. The Boer 
 population, 'trekking' away over enormous expanses of 
 'veldt,' have clustered together as isolated clans in lonely 
 mountain ' kloofs ' or combes, and in sequestered river 
 valleys. The Free State and the Transvaal have, until 
 quite lately, been remote and exclusive communities out 
 of touch with the rest of South Africa, ignorant of Euro- 
 pean civil life. The shores of South Africa are singu- 
 larly inhospitable, and there is scarcely a natural harbour 
 worth the name along the whole littoral, both east and 
 west, from Walvisch Bay to Zanzibar. The plains are 
 vast and monotonous, and only at rare intervals afford 
 good pasturage, with the priceless boon of ' fonteins ' and 
 mountain rivulets. Naturally, therefore, the civil and 
 religious life of other nations has been to the South 
 African colonist for several generations nothing but a 
 faint rumour and tradition. Being more than 6000 miles 
 distant from Europe, the play of European ideas and the 
 current of contemporary European history found no en- 
 trance into their still desert-like existence. How different 
 
 J:. I 
 
XXI.] 
 
 and South Africa. 
 
 225 
 
 from the case of Canada, which coukl be reached from 
 the Old World in a comparatively few days, and where 
 nature had done everything, both in winter and summer, 
 to promote quick intercourse, and to bring together, in a 
 social and commercial sense, the scattered settlements of 
 the great St. Lawrence valley. Moreover, the natural 
 outlet of Europe has always seemed to be from east to 
 west. In South Africa, the railway alone can unite the 
 villages, and even there along those vast expanses it is 
 only like a thin line of civilisation. 
 
 (9) The very geographical surroundings of the Boer 
 population, w^ho were really the most important factor in 
 the situation, had its natural effect upon character. For 
 the descendants of the old Voertrekkers or pioneers the 
 federal notion was far too much of a modern product to 
 grasp. The structure of their society was simple, the 
 machinery of their government of a rudimentary de- 
 scription. They liked a governing power they could see, 
 and a President they could speak to face to face. To be 
 part of a federal government meant a Bureau at Capetown 
 hundreds of miles away. Their ideal life is a patriarchal 
 and pastoral existence, with a well-known man such as 
 the late President Brand of the ' Free State ' to rule 
 them. 
 
 (10) The French in Lower Canada had always associated 
 British rule with religious liberty from the very beginning, 
 and, although Roman Catholics in their profession, had 
 felt perfectly safe in the possession of their churches and 
 church property and educational endowmonts, safer indeed 
 than a similar body of Christian believers in the mother- 
 country, for French Canadians had never broken with 
 their past by revolution nnd massacre as Old France had. 
 But the Dutch and French Huguenots of the Cape had 
 not quite the same historical memories to fall back upon. 
 They had from the veiy first days of the final cession of 
 
226 
 
 Federalism in the United States 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 Cape Colony to England enjoyed religious liberty, but 
 they took the boon as a matter due from a Protestant 
 State like England to Protestant colonists like themselves, 
 and so were not, nay, perhaps could not be, so grateful as 
 the Roman Catholics of the Quebec valley. The only 
 grievance of the Established Dutch Church at the Cape 
 has been found by its 'predikants' and deacons in the 
 liberal Act of 1875, which, on the motion of a progressive 
 English section, introduced the voluntary system and put 
 all sects on the same level. In Canada the spirit of 
 toleration contained in the Constitution of 1791 fell upon 
 the French colonists as an unexpected gift from heaven. 
 During those days of religious fanaticism in Europe 
 and of Roman Catholic Disabilities Bills in England 
 the act api^eared almost unaccountsible. Nevertheless 
 they received it as a definite measure of grace, and 
 the kindly memories of Imperial generosity sank deep 
 into their hearts. 
 
 (11) It is true that the Dutch had not fraternised very 
 cordially with the British settlers of Natal and the Cape 
 Colony, but this was not on account of religion, the Scotch 
 Presbyterian immigrants often taking important posts 
 as ministers in their Church. The opposition was on 
 other grounds. Being chiefly employed in pastoral and 
 agricultural pursuits, they distrusted the ' uitlanders ' or 
 foreigners with their keen business faculties and commer- 
 cial instincts. As regards Europe, they had no link or 
 continuous tradition with it, but this fact perhaps threw 
 them back upon an African nationality. The Dutch 
 Boers were not a ' federalising ' people, and probably 
 never will be so of their own free will. If they ever Jire 
 a part or portion of federal South Africa, it will be because 
 they are swamped by the Anglo-Saxon race. Perhaps 
 federalism rests upon a common commercial policy, and 
 a common trade development more than anything else ; 
 
 
 r 
 
I' In 
 
 XXI.] 
 
 and South Africa. 
 
 227 
 
 but tho Protestant refugees of the Cupe Colony forgot the 
 sea after that one perilous quest in 1687, have disliked 
 trade and traders, and discouraged railways as a new- 
 fangled notion interfering with the ox-wagon and the 
 trade of transport-riding or carrying. 
 
 (12) Again, the Canadian population had at their very 
 doors the successful example of a federal form of govern- 
 ment, which was so strong that even a cruel and disastrous 
 civil war could not impair it. Judging from the Kepublic 
 on the south, a federal form of government with its 
 local rights and its provincial freedom was a veiy suitable 
 instrument in a new world. The abrupt termination of 
 the Reciprocity Treaty with the United States drove 
 the Canadians back uj^on themselves and their country, 
 and a certain number of border raids and a Eepublican 
 ' spread-eagleism ' made them more determined than ever 
 to preserve an individuality of their own, both in character 
 and government. All these motives and inducements 
 were wanting in South Africa. 
 
 (13) In the Canadian Dominion, and especially along 
 the Maritime Provinces, there has been a strong sympathy 
 with England's maritime strength and naval powers. 
 The hardy Scotch fishermen and crofters, recruited by 
 Scandinavians and Icelanders, have reproduced the adven- 
 turous spirit of the old country. As a proof of this, 
 Canada can boast of a mercantile marine ranking fourth 
 in order amongst the nations of the world. In the 
 ' Fisheries' disputes England's navy has always seemed 
 a tow^er of strength to them. The fishing and nautical 
 population of the Cape consists almost entirely of half- 
 breed Hottentots and imported Malays. It would be 
 impossible to recruit for the navy at Simonstown or Port 
 Elizabeth in South Africa, whilst at Halifax, St. John's, 
 and Esquimault able seamen would abound. Three 
 adventurous burghers from the Free State constructed a 
 
 Q 2 
 

 !'l 
 
 I 
 
 
 228 
 
 FcdevalUm in the United S/ates 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 small boat and sailed from Durban to En<:^land in 1887, 
 a most adventurous voyage of ten months ; but they 
 were Scandinavians, two of them born at Bodo in the 
 north of Norway, recently come into the country, and 
 the boat they sailed in, The Homeward Bound, was built 
 entirely of imported American pitch-pine. 
 
 (14) Furtht^r, the native element was an entirely new 
 feature in South Africa. The thousands of Kaffirs on the 
 east and north of the South African states made the theory 
 and practice of government more complicated than in 
 British North Amei'ica, where the Red Indians, originally 
 few in number, had been separated off and confined in 
 well-known reserves and locations. There was a native 
 difficulty in the one country and not in the other, and in 
 order to meet this difficulty successfully the Imp. al 
 Government, in their 'South Africa Act,' were com- 
 pelled to make important limitations on provincial and 
 federal jurisdiction. In all cases they reserved to them- 
 selves the right of a veto upon native legislation, being 
 afraid in great measure of the Boer and perhaps, in some 
 respects, the colonial theory of native administration. 
 To begin with, here was a never-ending source of friction. 
 Evidently, if the South African States were really ready 
 for the federal form of government, they should have 
 been trusted fully on nsitive administration as well as on 
 any other branch. The native question ran through the 
 whole of South African policy both in great and small 
 things. Municipalities or provinces might have to 
 legislate on the native location just outside the borders of 
 their towns, or on the pass system for natives, or 
 education, or labour missions, or prison discipline ; yet at 
 any moment the Imperial Government might step in and 
 veto their regulations. In Canada there was no such 
 difficulty in general and particular legislation rising up 
 as a spectre on all occasions. 
 
XXI.] 
 
 cmd South Africa. 
 
 229 
 
 (15) Moreover, the distribution of governing i)ower 
 amongst the heud officials in North America and South 
 Africa was and continues to be different. In tlie first 
 place there exists in South Africa the office of * High 
 Commissioner,' by virtue of wliich the Governor of the 
 Cape Colony holds extraordinary powers, and controls 
 measures relating to the native policy of the colonists, 
 throughout the length and breadth of South Africa. 
 There is in this country a problem within a problem, 
 and a mixture of civil and military authority which 
 recalls the familiar features of the methods of oriental 
 administration, and is repugnant to true colonial liberty 
 and the workings of Responsible Government. 
 
 (16) In British North America the confederating states, 
 e. g. Upper and Lower Canada, New Brunswick, and 
 Nova Scotia, had for many years been accustomed to 
 an almost identical form of government — of a Governor, 
 Cabinet, and, generally speaking, two Houses elected by 
 the people. The British North America Act involved 
 no great disarrangement of this existing machinery, 
 and left to the Provinces all the liberty they required 
 with all the familiar features of the administrative 
 centres. In South Africa the various communities 
 agreed to differ both in the form of their government 
 and the manner of administration. Cape Colony en- 
 joyed a Kesponsible Government, Natal was still a 
 Crown colony, ' The Free State ' was a Eepublic 
 governed by a President and a Volksraad, altogether 
 independent of British rule, ' The Transvaal ' was a 
 Republic also, and the native territories in the Transkei, 
 Basutoland, Pondoland presented various phases of ad- 
 ministration according as they came directly or indirectly 
 under Imperial control. In Canada the form of govern- 
 ment had become stereotyped, in South Africa it was 
 constantly fluctuating in accordance with the exigencies 
 
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 Federalism in the United States 
 
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 of the times. In Canada there has always been a strong 
 steadying influence introduced by large numbers of 
 British immigrants who came into the countiy of their 
 own free will, not as persecuted exiles or dissatisfied 
 subjects, but in many cases as well-to-do men desirous 
 of increased prosperity. In South Africa the stream of 
 immigration has been slow and sluggish, the govern- 
 ments of the countiy discouraging free passages and 
 reserving Africa for the Afrikanders. 
 
 (17) Lastly, with regard to the fitting time and mo- 
 ment for introducing schemes of political union to the 
 South African States, if confederation under the British 
 Crown was to have fair play there, it ought not to have 
 been introduced under circumstances of peril to British 
 sovereignty. Lord Carnarvon's Act (1874-5) suffered indi- 
 rectly from the untoward circumstances of the time ; it 
 received a check in the Gaika-Galeka wars (1877-8), when 
 the Home and Colonial authorities quarrelled on the sub- 
 ject of the divided command, for colonial sentiment was 
 irritated here ; it was discredited by the terrible Isand- 
 Iwana disaster, January, 1879, for Home sentiment de- 
 clared itself outraged ; and it received its final blow after 
 the ignominious Boor campaign, when British Imperial 
 l)olicy underwent a completely new and unexpected 
 change. It would appear, therefore, that the Australasian 
 colonies are from their political circumstances more lik«^1y 
 than the South African to be the next to follow the 
 Canadian example. Their form of government more 
 closeiy resembles that of the Canadian previous to Lord 
 Carnarvon's Act of 1867, and there is no desire to ques- 
 tion England's sovereignty in the South Pacific. The 
 Boer element is undoubtedly the recalcitrant factor in 
 South Africa, and the federalism they desire at present 
 is the federalism of the two Boer Republics — the Free 
 State and the Transvaal. 
 
 
 Hi I 
 
XXI.] 
 
 and South Africa. 
 
 231 
 
 (18) The manner of approaching the great question offi- 
 cially was different in the two countries. In Canada the 
 jireliminaries were discussed amongst the colonists them- 
 selves at Quebec, and formed the subject of so many 
 distinct resolutions which furnished a basis for the great 
 scheme in London. In South Africa, confederation as 
 between the various provinces had scarcely been touched 
 upon locally. In the Cape Colony there had been for 
 some time a jealousy between east and west, between ihf^ 
 older Dutch population in the vicinity of Capetown and 
 the newer stratum of British colonists who, since 1820, 
 had made Port Elizabeth and Algoa Bay a kind of social 
 and political centre. In 1874-5 the notion of a Con- 
 federated Dominion would have gained ground with 
 many men of the Eastern Province, because they wished 
 for greater provincial autonomy and a dissolution of the 
 close political partnership with the slow and unprogres- 
 sive Dutch of the western districts. The question of the 
 separation of these two Provinces was not unlike that of 
 the Upper and Lower Provinces in Canada, As the 
 keen and progressive British settlers of Ontario found 
 the Conservative and Roman Catholic French hahitans of 
 Quebec uncongenial yoke-fellows, so the business men of 
 Port Elizabeth and enterprising farmers of Albany found 
 the partnership of the obstructive Boer element, wedded 
 to an old custom and a rigid form of life, inimical to the 
 progress of the colony. Federalism, by delegating pro- 
 vincial autonomy, would have eased the bonds they felt at 
 Capetown. 
 
 (19) Still, the question of confederation had never been 
 regarded as one of indigenous growth in South Africa, as 
 it may be said to have been regarded in Canada — cer- 
 tainly since the time of Lord Durham's Report. It was 
 looked upon by the South Africans as an ' exogen,' and 
 the politicians of the day determined that it should not be 
 
 i IJI!Xli7. 1 
 
! i 
 
 iMlf 
 
 ly 
 
 l; 
 
 232 
 
 The Great North- Weet. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 allowed a chance of growing in the soil. The very idea 
 of a Conference, which was suggested by Lord Carnarvon 
 as a convenient opportunity for personal intercourse 
 and the discussion of the subject in London, was nega- 
 tived in the Assembly at Capetown (May, 1875). The 
 ' South Africa Act ' fell still-born upon the country and 
 never had a hearing. The Cape colonists said that the 
 idea of inter-colonial federation should originate with 
 themselves, and not with the mother-country. The op- 
 position encountered in South Africa to the Imperial 
 policy was completely different in kind and degree from 
 that experienced from Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. 
 In South Africa the idea of confederation was summarily 
 rejected from the very beginning ; in North America the 
 tendency of public opinion had been in favour of it for a 
 long time. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIL 
 
 The Great Ncrth-West. 
 
 (i) As a landmark in Canadian history the British 
 North America Act served as a beginning and an end. 
 It noted the final amalgamation of the River and Mari- 
 time Provinces, and at the same time laid the germs for 
 future development westward. Beyond the limits of the 
 Lake of the Woods and the sources of the St. Lawrence 
 there were other Provinces, destined to be the homes of 
 thousands, perhaps millions of immigrants. They lay 
 well within the wheat-bearing zone, and gave absolutely 
 
XXII.] 
 
 The Great North-West 
 
 233 
 
 limitless range to 'ranchers' and farmero. Gallant 
 explorers and * path-finders ' had made their way from 
 point to point, over creek and river, through forest and 
 valley, till the great polar seas were descried and the 
 outlines of the Rockies unfolded little by little to the 
 cartographer's view. The ' Great North-West, ' destined 
 to furnish many confederating Provinces, had a history 
 of its own since the days of the Stuarts and the founding 
 oi The Hudson's Bay Company. In 1670 Prince Rupert 
 obtained from Charles the Second a Charter which made 
 him and the Hudson's Bay Company nominal monopolists 
 of an extent of country stretching from Lake Superior 
 to the Rocky Mountains, from Manitoba to Athabasca. 
 Its area was nearly as large as Europe. It was thinly 
 inhabited and almost entirely unexplored. Roving tribes 
 of Indians found their way there as fur-hunters, and here 
 and there a few traders' posts were set up. But to the 
 European explorer and first trader, these regions of 
 Canada seemed a howling and unproductive desert of 
 ice and snow, where winter reigned supreme for eight 
 months of the year. 
 
 (2) Over this boundless region of the North-West, 
 Prince Rupert and his colleagues, a company of 
 English noblemen and gentlemen, exercised proprietary 
 rights. The Company held their courts and exercised 
 jurisdiction. The right to appropriate the country was 
 often questioned, the French explorers and concession- 
 naires having been first in the field. Fur-traders from 
 France are said to have penetrated, in 1706, as far 
 as the Assiniboine Valley, and in 1784 the Montreal 
 North-West Company was formed, but the Hudson's 
 Bay Company held its own for exactly 200 years. In 
 reality this was a vast * No man's land, ' for a long 
 time tenanted by the buffalo, beaver, and moose. The 
 Company aided materially in opening up the land. Ex- 
 
 ;! 
 \ ii. 
 
234 
 
 The Great North-West 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 n 
 
 1 
 
 ! ■ 
 
 
 ;( A 
 
 
 
 ; 
 
 I . 
 
 
 
 
 I ' 1 
 
 H«t ' 
 
 
 
 ploration in the Far "West was carried on by means of 
 light canoes, which could be carried from one point to 
 another by the Indians and voyageurs, the most being thus 
 made of the countless rivers and lakes. A trade route was 
 made in many places along the numerous ' portages ' or 
 carrying-places between river and river, and lake and 
 lake. 
 
 (3) The South African explorer, like the United 
 States western emigrant with his prairie schooner slowly 
 passing westward over the vast central plains, takes 
 with him a large waggon, many draught oxen, horses, 
 and a whole retinue of native drivers and attendants. 
 The difficulty there is, in many regions, to find water, or 
 ' salt pans ' as they are called. The huge canvas- covered 
 ' buck-waggon ' is like the * Ship of the Desert,' moving 
 slowly and laboriously along with struggling teams of 
 oxen. How different the ways and methods of Canadian 
 travel ! It is the land of the canoe, the sleigh, and 
 the snow-shoe ; the one useful in summer, the others 
 in winter. The Hudson's Bay Company established their 
 posts from point to point on the huge continent, and, 
 in leading the way to exploration, developed a peculiar 
 class of men exactly fitted for the task. Many Orcadians 
 from the islands of Scotland were engaged as storesmen 
 and voyageurs, and French half-breeds, natives, and ad- 
 venturers of every nation hunted the vast preserves of the 
 Company. The endurance of the voyageur and fur-dealer 
 is proverbial. The great Fur Company liked to keep half 
 a continent to themselves as a hunting-ground, and long 
 discouraged emigration. At one time they employed 
 3000 agents, traders, and voyageurs, and many thousands 
 of Indians. They divided the whole territory into four 
 departments, thirty- three districts, and 152 posts. The 
 value of the fur-trade from the commencement up to 1870 
 was calculated at between £20,000,000 and £30,000,000. 
 
^gp- 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 xxri.] 
 
 The Great North-West. 
 
 235 
 
 Trade with the Indians was carried on by barter. The 
 skin of the beaver was the unit of computation. Four or 
 five beavers were equal to one silver fox, two martens to 
 a beaver, twenty musk-rats to a marten. If an Indian 
 wished to purchase a gun he had to give twenty beaver 
 skins for it. The tariff was one of Yevy old standing, and 
 was well known amongst the Indians. Under the Com- 
 l)any's management the Indians were well cared for ; 
 they were not allowed to buy Fire-water, and quarrels 
 between them and the Europeans were of the rarest occur- 
 rence. The regime of this Company was generally bene- 
 ficial to the tribes and profitable to themselves, as long 
 as the beaver, musk-rat, otter, fox, racoon, and badger 
 continued to yield to the hunters their valuable skins in 
 the well-known hunting-grounds. 
 
 (4) Rupert's Land meant what is now included under 
 Manitoba, Kewatin, Assiniboia., Saskatchewan, Alberta. 
 Athabasca \ But much of it was hidden from the ken 
 of men. Here was another system of vast lakes and 
 deep rivers which dwarfed the floods of the Old World. 
 The Mackenzie, from its rise in the Rocky Mountains to its 
 mouth in the Arctic Ocean, is 2000 miles long, and the 
 Saskatchewan runs a course of 1 300 miles before it mixes 
 its waters with those of Lake Winnipeg. Great Bear Lake 
 was found to be 180 miles long and 105 broad, Atha- 
 basca was 200, Great Slave Lake 280 miles long. Lake 
 Winnipeg 280, the Lake of the Woods 60 miles long 
 and 32 broad. In addition, there were minor lakes, as 
 Deer Lake and WoUaston Lake. Most of the region 
 lav outside the Arctic Circle, and when the brief warm 
 summer came it seemed to call forth in an extraordinarily 
 short time the gifts of nature. It has long been dis- 
 covered that the country between Winnipeg and the 
 Rocky Mountains is the finest wheat-field in the world. 
 
 * See Appendix ix. 
 
 ilrj t 
 
m 
 
 
 I r- 
 
 St:: 
 
 'it'- ;: 
 
 ij 
 
 • V 
 
 ' fi 
 
 -■■, 
 
 
 :i $ 
 
 i 
 
 n < 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 236 
 
 T/ie Great North- West. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 (5) There are said to be three classes of soil in this 
 region. There is the great plain of the lied liiver, a vast 
 countiy with great fertility of soil, boasting of the beet 
 climate both with regard to the length of summer and the 
 temperature of winter. There is the second jyrairie level 
 round licgina forming a splendid wheat country; and 
 there is a third prairie level west of Moose Jaw, lately 
 discovered to be useful for grazing purposes chiefly. But 
 in 1670 the country was looked upon simply as a region 
 for the hunter and fur-trader. No one had yet explored 
 as far westward as the Rocky Mountains. Winter sets 
 in over the regions about the middle of November, and the 
 husbandman cannot sow his seed till April. Summer 
 comes quickly and rushes through the sky. Haytime is 
 in June and July, harvesting in August and September, 
 and in October the roots are pulled ; so the farmer must 
 not lag behind in the brief space allowed him. The 
 atmosphere is clear and bracing, the number of cloudy 
 days in the year being seldom more than sixty or seventy, 
 and the golden grain is ripened quickly. The native 
 population is sparse and scattered over enormous regions, 
 and it is calculated that between the Red River and the 
 Rocky Mountains there were never more than 50,000 
 souls, the principal tribes being the Crees, Blackfeet, 
 Saulteaux, and Swampies. 
 
 (6) It was impossible under the old regime for settle- 
 ment and colonisation to go on quietly. Here and there 
 were lonely settlements or factories, as at Forts York and 
 Moose Factory on the Hudson's Bay shore, Fort Chippe- 
 wyan on the Slave River, Forts Resolution and Provi- 
 dence on the Slave Lake, Forts Macleod and Vermilion on 
 the Peace River, and Forts Edmonton and Carleton House 
 in the Saskatchewan Valley, Forts Alexander and Pelly 
 in the Winnipeg Lake district, and Fort Macleod on the 
 extreme south near the Kootany Pass over the Rockies. 
 
nr 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 XXII.] 
 
 The Great North-Wed. 
 
 m 
 
 Each one of these forts or factories constituted a little 
 centre of industry, to and from which, for many genera- 
 tions, the hunters and trappers of the Great North-West 
 came and went. 
 
 (7) In course of time, however, the loose tenure of a 
 proprietary, especially as it was coupled with the duties 
 of government, was found to be altogether inadequate. 
 From the State of Minnesota there was at one time an 
 overflow of population, and the gold discoveries north of 
 latitude 45" attracted a digger population. In 1863 the 
 rights of the old Company were sold to a new proprie- 
 tary, of which Sir Edmund Head was the chairman, and 
 in order to connect the Far West with the Maritime 
 Provinces and with England, a scheme of telegraphic 
 communication was set on foot. Under the provisions of 
 the Union Act, the Canadian Legislature made an appli- 
 cation to the Crown for the annexation of the Hudson's 
 Bay Territory. 
 
 (8) The Company had for a long time taken their stand 
 upon their old charter of 1670 and their original pro- 
 prietary rights, and in 1849 had declined to refer a 
 question raised upon the subject of their trade and 
 territory to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. 
 But the time for the exercise of their rights was rapidly 
 passing away as the country ceased to be a mere hunters' 
 preserve ; and in 1857, the law officers advised that, though 
 the Crown could not fairly contest the Company's charter 
 or proprietorship, yet the Company could not be allowed to 
 establish monopolies of government or trade. This was 
 the principle ultimately adopted in 1870. 
 
 (9) In 1870 the Hudson's Bay Company parted with 
 their monopoly of government. The North- West Terri- 
 tory was transferred to the Dominion of Canada. The 
 Company received £300,000 compensation, retaining their 
 posts and trade, and a right to the twentieth part of lands 
 
/ 
 
 ■■ t 
 
 
 :*I 
 
 It 
 
 1 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 ' It 
 
 ! 'r 
 
 1 
 
 1 ,1s ■ :^ 
 
 ill 
 
 238 
 
 The Great NoHh-West. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 surveyed for future settlements, and a guarantee against 
 exceptional taxation. The Company's governors became 
 chief agents at trading posts. Their system of government 
 was divided thus: (i) Commissioners-in-chief of Rupert's 
 Land, (2) Commissioners and Councils of Districts, (3) 
 Sheriffs, and (4) Magistrates. Those officials still retained 
 their position and influence. As a result of the handing over 
 of their territory to the Dominion, the natives were placed 
 in Prairie Reserves, and the amount given to half-breeds 
 was 1,200,000 square miles. Since 1867, the Dominion 
 Government has set aside in Manitoba and the North- West 
 no less than 616,400 square miles of territoiy for the 
 natives. Both natives and half-breeds are gradually 
 adapting themselves to European customs and usages, 
 and one half-breed was Premier of Manitoba for some 
 years. 
 
 (10) But it is from the date of the Selkirk settlement 
 that the colonisation of the Far West and the prosperity of 
 Manitoba may be said to have begun. It was a romantic 
 enterprise in the first instance, and was conducted for the 
 relief of distressed Highlanders by Thomas Douglas, Earl 
 of Selkirk, who had become chairman of the Hudson's 
 Bay Company and acquired 116,000 square miles of 
 land. The project had the warm sympathy of the great 
 poet and novelist Sir Walter Scott, who, in a letter 
 written some years afterwards to the founder (loth June, 
 1819), testified to his 'generous and disinterested dis- 
 position,' and also 'his talents and perseverance,' in 
 carrying out wise schemes of national colonisation. The 
 cause of their migration was the prostration which fell 
 upon all classes after the terrible Napoleonic wars, and 
 was felt more particularly by those who could least 
 afford it. 
 
 (11) They set out from the little fishing village of 
 Helmsdale, once a settlement of the Northmen in 
 
[Ch. 
 
 XXII.] 
 
 The Great North- Wed. 
 
 239 
 
 etter 
 line, 
 
 dis- 
 ,' in 
 
 The 
 I fell 
 , and 
 least 
 
 Sutherland, in vessels manned by hardy Orkney islanders, 
 and after rounding the north of Scotland touched at 
 Sligo in Ireland, and then faced the terrors of the 
 Atlantic in their small vessels. They followed the tem- 
 pestuous course of those early mariners who tried to 
 discover the north-west passage, threading their way 
 through the drifting icebergs of Davis's Bay and entering 
 Hudson's Bay in the autumn. They landed at Fort 
 York, th.3 trading port of the great Company, antl 
 prepared to pass the long and terrible winter there 
 before going south along the valley of the Nelson River 
 to Winnipeg. It was a bold venture and it had to be 
 carried through, not only in face of the difficulties of the 
 climate, but in spite of the Fur Company of Montreal, 
 which was opposed to the Hudson's Bay Company. Al- 
 though they set out in 181 1, the Highlanders did not 
 reach their destination till 1812. The prospect seemed 
 so bad that they very nearly abandoned the project 
 of colonisation, but, in 18 16, Lord Selkirk appeared 
 with a fresh band of emigrants, and they resolved to 
 remain. 
 
 (12) The name of 'Selkirk ' is preserved in the North- 
 West, the metropolitan county of Manitoba being named 
 after the Earl. Fort Daer (situated at the angle of the Red 
 and Pembina Rivers) and Fort Douglas both preserve the 
 honourable name of ' Thomas Douglas, fifth Earl of Sel- 
 kirk, and Baron Daer.' He deserves to be ranked with 
 Lord Baltimore, who took a settlement to the Peninsula 
 of Avalon in Newfoundland, t fterwards removing to Mary- 
 land in the United States, and also with William Penn, 
 founder of Pennsylvania. Lord Selkirk conceived larger 
 projects than either of these, and aspired to founding 
 another Highland Province in the heart of North America. 
 The attachment between himself and the Highlanders 
 was deep and strong, and he moved amongst them as 
 
. 
 
 i 
 
 Hi 
 
 i* 
 
 I n 
 
 :';« !! 
 
 t,i 
 
 240 
 
 r/ie Grea< North- West. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 a great chief. Lord Selkirk thus describes the scene on 
 Prince Edward's Island in 1 803, when he took a body of 
 no fewer than eight hundred emigrants there in three 
 ships. * I arrived at the place late in the evening, and it 
 had a very striking appearance. Each family had kindled 
 a large fire near their wigwams, and around these were 
 assembled groups of figures whose peculiar national dress 
 added to the singularity of the scene. Confused heaps 
 of baggage were everywhere piled together before their 
 wild habitations, and by the number of fires the whole 
 wood was illuminated. Ai the end of this line of en- 
 campment I pitched my own tent, and was surrounded in 
 the morning by a numerous assemblage of people, whose 
 })ehaviour indicated that they looked to nothing less than 
 the h.appy days of clanship \' 
 
 (13) About the time of the Selkirk settlements, there 
 was a passion in England for Arctic adventure and ex- 
 ploration, encouraged by the Admiralty at home and to 
 some extent by the Hudson's Bay Company in Canada. 
 Captain John Franklin, one of England's greatest heroes, 
 who had sailed with David Buchan (18 18) in the 
 direction of the North Pole by way of Spitzbergen, 
 undertook a series of voyages across the north-west of 
 Canada, with a view especially of determining the 
 character of the coast-line of the Polar Sea. On the 
 occasion of his first reaching Norway Point on the 
 peninsula which separates Play Green and Winnipeg 
 Lakes, Franklin mentions in his Narrative that he met 
 there a detachment of Lord Selkirk's colonists. * These 
 poor people,' he writes, 'were exceedingly pleased at 
 meeting us again in this wild country : having accom- 
 panied them across the Atlantic, they viewed us in the 
 light of old acquaintances.' The task Franklin had set 
 himself to do required the greatest possible fortitude and 
 
 ' See Appendix x. 
 
 
 
 
 
 '3 
 
 } f 
 
 
 :, ?. 
 
 'iV 
 
 , . 
 
 
 
 
 
j 
 
■^^^ 
 
 lb Hrr pmtr 'i*lli»l«o '.nMm BB.l'i4*lM 
 
 A CIRCUMPOLAR MAP SHOWING THE PR 
 
 
MOWING THE PROGRESS OF ARCTIC DISCOVERY. 
 
 MB 
 
I 
 
 XXII.] 
 
 The Great North -West. 
 
 241 
 
 endurance, when we take into consideration the nature 
 of winter- travelling in these bleak regions of cold and 
 famine, where even the hardy Indian often succumbed. 
 But the geographical problem of the Polar Sea was a 
 fascinating one. This sea wjis known to exist, as Hearne 
 had caught a glimpse of it from the mouth of the Copper- 
 mine Eiver (1769-72), and Mackenzie had reached it 
 by the Mackenzie River in 1789, and Captain Cook on 
 board the Discovoiy (1778), passing through Behring's 
 Strait, had seen it covered with ice in latitude 71' N. 
 Captain Franklin's first instructions from Earl Bathurst 
 (18 19) were to explore the coast from the mouth of the 
 Coppermine River eastwards. His companions in this 
 memorable voyage were Doctor Richardson, George Back 
 and Robert Hood, Admiralty midshipmen, and that noble 
 specimen of a British seaman, John Hepburn, whose 
 pluck and sterling qualities Franklin himself attested. 
 Their route was by York Factoiy on Hudson's Bay, thence 
 by Cumberland House on the Saskatchewan River, north- 
 west of Lake Winnipeg, a distance of 700 miles. Ten 
 rivers and nine lakes were veiy carefully described by 
 Hood and Back along this first section of their journey. 
 From Cumberland House Franklin travelled to Carlton 
 House, and thence nortJiwards to Isle a la Crosse, at the 
 sources of the Missinnippi (Churchill) River and the 
 Athabasca (Elk). Thence his way led him across the 
 Methy Portage to Fort Chippewyan, a distance of 857 
 miles. To gain an idea of the immense distances in this 
 countiy, it may be observed that from the Great Slave 
 Lake to the mouth of the Mackenzie it is, according to 
 Franklin, 1045 miles. Passing down the Slave River 
 and across the Slave Lake, Franklin wintered at Fort 
 Enterprise, 550 miles from Fort Chippewyan. In 1820 
 he had travelled along the Coppermine River to the sea, 
 and saw the shores of Coronation Gulf. 
 
 K 
 
242 
 
 The Great North -West. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 (14) In 1825-7 Franklin and Richardson undertook 
 a second journey to the Polar seas. Their instructions 
 were to jiroceed down the Mackenzie River to the sea, 
 and then to part comi)any, Franklin to explore westwards 
 as far as Icy Capo, long. 161° 42' W., whore Captain 
 Beechey, sailing in H.M.S. Blossom byway of Behrings 
 Strait, was to meet him, and Richardson to go eastwards 
 as far as the Coronation Gulf and the Coppermine River. 
 The results of '.'oth these expeditions were very great, 
 and threw light upon the geography of these Polar seas. 
 Franklin's journey took him through 2048 miles, of 
 which 610 was along unexplored coast. Where the 
 extreme end of the Rocky Mountains abuts on the Polar 
 seas, Franklin describes it as 'one of the most dreary, 
 miserable, and uninviting portions of sea-coast that could 
 be found.' The extreme point of Franklin's journey was 
 Return Reef, lat. 70" 24' N., long. 149 W., and he only 
 missed meeting the Beechey explorers by 160 miles. 
 Richardson explored from Point Separation to the 
 Coppermine River, a distance of 902 miles. His voyage 
 altogether was 1988 miles. 
 
 (15) In 1833-4, Back, starting from Fort Reliance on 
 the eastern arm of the Great Slave Lake, discovered and 
 descended the Fish or Back River, to its mouth in 
 latitude 67° ii'N. and longitude 94° 30', about thirty- 
 seven miles more south than the mouth of the Copper- 
 mine River, and nineteen miles more south than that of 
 Back's River, at the lower extremity of Bathurst's Inlet. 
 In 1837-39 Bease and Simpson, two officers of the Hud- 
 son's Bay Company, surveyed the western part of the 
 coast left by Franklin in 1826, from his Return Reef to 
 Cape Barrow, and on the east from Point Turnagain, 
 north of Bathurst's Inlet, to the Castor and Pollux River, 
 long. 94° W., a part of the coast unexplored by Back '. 
 
 ^ See Appendix xi. 
 
[Ch. 
 
 XXII.] 
 
 The Great North -Wed. 
 
 243 
 
 The result was that the northern shores of the Polar 
 Sea from the Boothia Peninsula to Icy Cape, i. e. from 
 longitude 94*^ W. to longitude 165° W., were fairly 
 well known. 
 
 (16) On the north and east, the task of exploration was 
 grappled with by many other brave sailors whose names 
 are a household word. In 1819 Parry entered Lancaster 
 Sound, and in 182 1-3 coasted along the eastern shores 
 of Melville Peninsula, wintering at Winter Island on 
 the Arctic Circle, and at Iglookik on its north-east ex- 
 tremity. In 1824-5 the same explorer was in Prince 
 Regent's Inlet. The expedition of the Hudson's Bay 
 Company under Rae in 1846-7, by sledge journeys of 
 more than 1200 miles, united the surveys of Boss on 
 Boothia with those of Parry at Fury and Hecla Strait. 
 His expedition is described as *a fine example of how 
 much may be accomplished with very limited means.' 
 Kae passed the winter of 1846-7 in Repulse Bay, selecting 
 a sheltered site, and building a small hut. He was a 
 most persevering Arctic explorer, inured to hardship, and 
 a first-rate sportsman. He kept his party supplied with 
 venison and fish, his sporting book for Septeml)er alone 
 showing a total of 63 deer, 5 hares, 172 partridges, and 
 116 salmon and trout. In his long sledge journeys he 
 adopted the Eskimo custom of building a snow-hut as a 
 refuge every nigh b, thus saving the encumbrance of a tent, 
 a great economy in Arctic travelling. In 1848 Rae ac- 
 companied Richardson in his search for Franklin, from 
 the Mackenzie to the Coppermine River. In i8-)i, by 
 desire of the Government he searched thoroughly the 
 southern shores of Wollaston and Victoria Lands, tracing 
 about 700 miles of previously unexplored coast. In 1853 
 he named and explored the Quoich River for 200 miles. 
 By a long sledge journey in 1854, he united the survey 
 of Dease and Simpson with that of Sir James Ross west 
 
 B 2 
 
f; 
 
 "' V 
 
 244 
 
 The Great North -West. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 of Boothia, a now survey of about 400 miles, proving 
 also that King William's Land was an island. He like- 
 wise l)rought homo the first authentic intelligence of the 
 fate of Franklin's expedition. 
 
 ( 1 7) When Manitoba was created a Province in 1870, and 
 the Dominion Government proceeded to take possession of 
 the North-West Territory, a rebellion of half-breeds took 
 place under Lepine and Louis Kiel. The latter formed a 
 provisional government, and proceeded to banish people 
 and confiscate property. The height of his offence, how- 
 ever, was t'j put to death, after a drum-head court martial, 
 Thomas Scott, a Canadian militia officer. The excite- 
 ment throughout the Dominion, especially in the Province 
 of Ontario, was very great. Colonel Garnet Wolseley 
 was sent to put down the rising, at the head of 1200 
 men, regulars and volunteers, and proceeded by way of 
 the great lakes to Fort William on Thunder Bay, and 
 thence by a canoe route of nearly 500 miles along lakes, 
 streams, and portages. On their arrival at Winnipeg, 
 Eiel and his associates fled hurriedly to the valleys 
 of the Assiniboine River. The rebellion might possibly 
 have been checked at first if a score or so of resolute 
 men had held Fort Garry. The chief difficulty of the 
 expedition lay in providing commissariat along the then 
 inaccessi])le and desolate regions. The leaders of the 
 rebellion were punished, Lepine banished from the 
 Dominion, and Kiel declared an outlaw. The latter, 
 however, was elected in 1874 to the Canadian House of 
 Commons by the constituency of Provencher in Mani- 
 toba, though as a fugitive from justice he was excluded 
 from his seat. His subsequent fate is well known. In 
 1885, he again headed a rebellion in the distant valleys 
 of the Saskatchewan, inducing a Cree chief named Big Bear 
 and others to join him, but he was captured, and after 
 being imprisoned suffered the extreme penalty of the law. 
 
MM 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 XXII.] 
 
 The Great North-West 
 
 245 
 
 (18) The causes of the first Kiel rebellion are not hiird to 
 understand. When the North-West and Manitoba changed 
 hands and came under the rule of the Dominion, the 
 settlers .around the Red River thought that their wishes 
 had not been sufficiently considered in the transfer, and 
 they objected ' to be the colony of a colony.' The popula- 
 tion at the time was about 12,000, consisting of 2000 pure 
 whites, English-speaking Protestants ; 5000 English half- 
 breeds, Protestants ; 5000 French half-breeds, Catholics. 
 But there were other causes which contributed to the 
 confusion and dissatisfaction of the time. * First must be 
 named differences of race, dividing the little community 
 with natural rivalries ; next, the difference of religion ; 
 then must be considered the separate interests of the 
 powerful Hudson's Bay Company . . . then the divergent 
 interest of a number of energetic American residents, 
 and their sympathisers within and without the settle- 
 ment, who covertly or openly avowed a policy of an- 
 nexation to the United States. Add still the influences 
 of a restless Fenian party, whose aim was to establish a 
 separate Republic. It was no secret that the Government 
 at Ottawa were themselves divided as to the policy to be 
 adopted in Manitoba. The Quebec party were naturally 
 for increasing their own influence, perpetuating the 
 Catholic religion and strengthening the French interests 
 in the new country. The Ontario party were equally 
 determined to prevent the growth of a second Quebec 
 in the Dominion, and set themselves in unreasoning 
 haste to secure Protestant and English ascendancy. Here 
 there were rivalries of race and of creed : Orangeism, 
 Ultramontanism, Red Republicanism, Monopolies, Fenian- 
 ism, Spread-eagling and Annexation, and, not least active, 
 Ishmaelism, the natural sentiment of the country ^' 
 Since the rebellion the country has been settled from all 
 * Marshall's Canadian Dominion, p. 171. 
 
 1, 
 
 ) -> 
 
m 
 
 246 
 
 The Great North-West. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 quarters, and the germs of disaffection long since de- 
 stroyed. 
 
 (19) There have been two immigrations to it of a 
 peculiar and exceptional character — that of the Russian 
 Mennonites in 187 1-2, and that of the Icelanders, who 
 have settled on or near their present Reserve of Gimli, 
 and number nearly 10,000 in this Province. The Men- 
 nonites are German Protestants, who reject infant bap- 
 tism, and refuse to bear arms or take an oath of allegi- 
 ance. In these respects they resemble the Quakers. The 
 military condition of Prussia, their native land, would 
 not allow of their residence there, and so they sought 
 and gained an asylum near the Sea of Azoff under the 
 Russian Government. In 1871, however, they had to 
 choose whether they would submit to the conscription or 
 leave the country, and they chose the latter alternative. 
 Some settled in Nebraska and Kansas, in the United 
 States, others went to Brazil. Most of them finally came 
 to Canada, and occupied two settlements, one on the east, 
 and the other on the west of the Red River. They are a 
 thrifty and economical community, numbering about 
 9000, and make very good colonists. All work with 
 their hands, and when farm-work has to be done, every 
 man, woman, and child, irrespective of rank and station, 
 has to help. They are well educated, and keep together 
 as closely as a Scotch clan. The Mennonites occupy 
 twenty-five districts or reserves, embracing 512,000 acres, 
 of which 300,000 are in cultivation. Niverville is their 
 largest settlement. 
 
 (20) In this Province, as in the North-West generally, 
 there is an historical period which may be termed the 
 Railway Period. The Canadians themselves have built 
 within a comparatively few years 13,000 miles of railway, 
 at a cost of over .£17,000,000 of public money. In 1844, 
 there were only fourteen miles of railway in the country. 
 
N-? 11. 
 
TbIkoT'MT" 246 . 
 
 OxfofA Uiviversvty J'ress . 
 
N? 11. 
 
 RAILWAY MAP 
 
 WITH DISTANCES. 
 
 Knifliiili MilM 
 9 " 190 tep iqo 
 
 J t<^ "« ^i^urmt attxuhsd to &tM ttrwns 
 
 . ^^ , ^*^ (l«rurfv fhmr thttufu:* ^v*J4antrttit . 
 
 yj*. royulmium 
 
 Stuppti^Statialira. 
 
 Digby 
 Haliihr 
 
 ntrrmbpro 
 
 flU:tou 
 
 SKmlhumt 
 
 
 1^00 
 1.100 
 
 stpoo 
 xooo 
 1,000 
 
 too 
 
 ■MOO 
 Ifion 
 l,50a 
 
 SffOO 
 
 *2,000 
 19,000 
 ntflOO 
 
 ia,soo 
 
 IStiOOO 
 190,000 
 
 v.ooo 
 
 to.tai 
 
 *A,IOO 
 
 l.fe.isi 
 
 »S,t47 
 
 i»,7*3 
 
 148, Ott 
 173, <«» 
 
 i,ota,ut 
 7tn»e 
 
 413,331 
 
 906,704- ►^ 
 
 cP 
 
 »9#ff mapa of 0x0 Pt-Qvit\£mB 
 
 .v^ 
 
 itud« Vest 90 from Greenwich. 
 
 tP 
 
 i» 
 
 80 
 
 'ord, Uhxversv^ Press . 
 

 liH^H^'' 
 
 
 
 i 
 1 
 
 HI 
 
 \ 1 
 
 ! 1 
 
 ■i 1 
 
 ■ '^^HI 
 
 : 
 
 '"*'fi! ' ''' "') 'f- 
 
 1 
 i 1 
 
 
 1 ' ! 
 
XXII.] 
 
 The Great North-West 
 
 247 
 
 
 In Manitoba the result of railway construction has been 
 first and foremost to fill the country, and to bring 
 Winnipeg into the line of communication with British 
 Columbia on the west, and the River and Maritime 
 Provinces on the east. In no part of the British Empire 
 is the process of filling up and developing the resources 
 of a country going on so quickly as in Manitoba and the 
 neighbouring divisions of the North- West. In Manitoba 
 itself the railways are now being extended in many 
 directions both towards the north and west, and also 
 towards the United States frontier. From its geo- 
 graphical position, the Province would seem to be well 
 placed as a distributing centre. The flat treeless prairies 
 seem exactly fitted for rails, which can be laid down 
 with almost marvellous celerity. Macadamised roads 
 are difficult to keep up in a land where the virgin soil is 
 so many feet deep, and in the wet weather the deep 
 greasy ruts and mud holes .ilong this track have long 
 tried the patience of the pioneer and traveller, and made 
 locomotion of heavy goods almost impossible. 
 
 (21) To the north of the Canadian Pacific Railway 
 another line is being contemplated, which will link the 
 North- West Territories with the shores of Hudson's Bay. 
 This route is well known, as it was used by the Hudson's 
 Bay Company for 200 years. The Nelson River connects 
 Lake Winnipeg and Hudson's Bay, and everywhere there 
 are an infinite number of lakes and streams along which, 
 by means of ' portages,' communication could be carried 
 on over thousands of miles of countiy. The distance from 
 Lake Winnipeg to Hudson's Bay is 370 miles. The 
 objection to this route is that Hudson's Bay is closed by 
 ice for seven months of the year. But a railway could 
 be of great service in transferring Canadian produce to 
 the shores of this great inland sea during the prevalence 
 of the frosts, and storing it either at Port Nelson 
 
1 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 ll!!F'' 
 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 h 
 
 248 
 
 T/ie Gre«^ North-West. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 or Fort Churchill in readiness for transportation. The 
 distance from Port Nelson to Liverpool is 100 miles less 
 than that from Liverpool to New York. The water- 
 ways of the Far West are here unrivalled. The navigable 
 rivers are calculated to cover a distance of 11,000 miles, 
 of which only 4000 have been utilised. 
 
 (22) It has been recently pointed out that a system of 
 artificial canals can wonderfully enhance the value of the 
 lakes and rivers of the North-West as water-ways. At 
 present a steamboat can ply from Winnipeg to Edmonton, 
 almost to the foot of the Kocky Mountains, a distance of 
 more than a thousand miles. ' The great river and lake 
 system of North America follows a semicircular course 
 from the mouth of the St. Lawrence to the mouth of the 
 Mackenzie Kiver, between 3000 and 4000 miles in length. 
 The parting of the waters is near the Yellowhead Pass 
 of the Kocky Mountains ; the one huge volume of water 
 finding its way into the Arctic Ocean by the Mackenzie 
 River, and the other into the Atlantic by Hudson's Bay 
 and the river St. Lawrence respectively. The whole of 
 this enormous stretch of water-way, longer than the 
 continent is broad at its broadest part, can be made 
 navigable, except for a distance of some 70 miles between 
 the head-w.iters of the Upper Saskatchewan and the 
 head- waters of the Athabasca. Over this portage a wagon 
 road has been or is about to be constructed, and as 
 steamers of a shallow draft already ply on the Sas- 
 katchewan from Lake Winnipeg to the portage in ques- 
 tion, it will be quite possible to place steamers on the 
 rivers and lakes of what is called the Great Mackenzie 
 Basin without sending them round by Behring's Sea \' 
 
 * See Appendix xii. 
 
 -M- 
 
 (■: I, 
 
[Ch. 
 
 XXIII.] 
 
 British Columbia. 
 
 249 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 British Columbia. 
 
 1 > 
 
 (i) When the grant of a considerable part of a con- 
 tinent was given to the great Hudson's Bay Company, 
 little notice was taken of natural boundaries. Royal 
 patrons were prodigal of what was out of sight, and signed 
 away vast kingdoms in their patents and charters. The 
 British merchants, whether in Far East or Far North, in 
 India or in America, have repaid the Royal prodigality 
 with good sense and sound administration, upon the 
 whole. Without being in appearance an invading host, 
 they have, nevertheless, achieved the material results of 
 an army of occupation. Invariably they have been the 
 forerunners of Imperial rule. At first the Hudson's 
 Bay monopolists were in supreme ignorance of the 
 geography of their possessions. They did not even 
 know of the Rocky Mountains which bisected their 
 domain unevenly. Beyond the great rolling plains 
 and prairies of the centre of the continent, the solemn 
 and isolated peaks raised their lofty crests covered 
 with eternal snow. These peaks and the mountain 
 range appeared to interpose a formidable and almost 
 insuperable barrier to explorers and traders from the 
 eastern prairie. Here and there the hardy pioneers 
 crossed the range either through one of the Southern 
 Kootenay Passes or further north at the Crow's Nest, and 
 still further north at Kicking Horse or Vermilion Pass, 
 or by the Yellowhead Pass, or by the way of the Peace 
 River running through a gap in the Rocky Mountains. 
 When the Pacific slope is reached, the traveller will be dis- 
 appointed if he pictures plains and valleys such as greeted 
 Hannibal's eyes when he crossed the Alps and looked 
 
250 
 
 British Colwnihia. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 ii 
 
 I 
 
 down upon the plains of Lombardy. The Pacific slope 
 is in reality a series of plateaux, or natural terraces, 
 descending to the water's edge with broken and escarped 
 sides. 
 
 (2) British Columbia has been described as a sea of 
 mountains. It is so in all soberness, apart altogether from 
 poetic exaggeration. ' From the Rocky Mountains, which 
 form its eastern boundary, to the coast, there is nothing 
 which can be called a plain or prairie. Over range after 
 range, in continuous succession, the iron horse plunges 
 and climbs on his way to the sea. And these ranges are 
 torn and cleft by thousands of creeks rushing down to 
 swell the magnificence of the two great water-courses 
 of the country, the Fraser and the Columbia \' Here 
 is a vast country abounding in every kind of mineral 
 wealth. When its valleys are more carefully worked, 
 gold and silver may be discovered in even greater quan- 
 tities than hitherto — the formation of the rocks being 
 similar to that further south in Colorado, California, and 
 Nevada, where the yield from 1870 to 1886 was — gold, 
 £123,400,000; silver, £116,400,000. Along its shores, 
 which are broken up into interminable bays and inlets, 
 some of the finest fisheries in the world exist, and in the 
 valleys of the northern rivers is abundance of room for 
 countless flocks and herds of cattle. Over a great part 
 of its surface vast forests of trees extend, which are of 
 incalculable w^ealth and provide occupation for the wood- 
 cutters and lumbeiers. In Vancouver Island coal is pro- 
 duced at 1 6s. a ton at the pit's mouth, of such excellent 
 quality that the United States Government, although 
 they possess mines of their own on Puget Sound, pro- 
 cure their supply from British Columbia. 
 
 (3) Within comparatively recent times this magnificent 
 
 * See Proceedings of Royal Colonial Insitute, vol. xviii., Bishop 
 Sillitoe's Paper. 
 
 !,:i 
 
[Ch. 
 
 XXIII.] 
 
 British Columbia. 
 
 251 
 
 and 
 
 province of the British Empire has been brought into 
 direct communication with the rest of the world, both 
 east and west, by means of railways and steamers. Janus- 
 like it looks both ways, and sees on either side a bound- 
 less prospect of development. Its capital must ultimately 
 become, like San Francisco, a great Pacific city trading 
 with the wealthy East. Even now, large supplies of tea 
 are shipped to the North American continent by British 
 Columbia in preference to other routes. The vast prairies 
 of the North- West and the spreading valleys of the Peace 
 and Athabasca rivers, nay, even the Mackenzie river, 
 may, in course of time, look upon British Columl^ian sea- 
 ports as their natural harbours. And these vast grain- 
 growing provinces may be filled with a large and ever- 
 increasing population. Nor will the wealth of the Indies 
 find its way over the Rocky Mountains by one route only. 
 The shortest North- West passage will be probably con- 
 structed by way of the Yellowhead Pass along the Fraser 
 Valley and northward to Portland Inlet, thence to Japan 
 and the East, north of Charlotte Island. The climate of 
 British Columbia and the Pacific sea-board, being tem- 
 pered by sea breezes from the Pacific, admits of ocean 
 communication being carried on at a far higher latitude 
 than on the Atlantic side of North America. Hudson's 
 Bay is blocked by ice for seven or eight months of 
 the year. In Victoria, the capital of Vancouver, the 
 temperature rarely falls below forty degrees Fah., and 
 from March to November it is like a perpetual spring- 
 time. Houses are built with large open windows and 
 verandahs, and the gardens flourish with semi-tropical 
 vegetation. 
 
 (4) Here is a description of the run by steamer from 
 the mainland and Burrard Inlet to Victoria : — ' We 
 pass out of Burrard Inlet and the grey mountains of 
 Vancouver Island are seen rising in front of us, and the 
 
t ' 
 
 i' 
 
 ,K 
 
 252 
 
 British Columbia. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 prow turns southward through the Strait of Georgia. 
 As we steam along, these bold shores rise prominently 
 on the right hand, while to the left are the great 
 forest-covered mountain ranges of the British Columbian 
 coast, running down to the water's edge, and having 
 between them an extensive series of deeply indented 
 inlets and sounds. Behind them are the still higher 
 peaks of the Cascade Eange, stretching northward as 
 far as eye can see. But to the southward the land 
 gradually falls away to the level at the delta caused 
 by the double out-fall of the Fraser River and the low 
 but fertile islands it encloses. To the south-east is 
 seen the magnificent peak of Mount Baker, in the States, 
 just below the boundary, rising far away, a perfect gem 
 of a mountain, entirely covered with snow, upon which 
 the western sun shines brightly. The fertile delta of the 
 Fraser River, to which I have above referred, is a region 
 of great agricultural richness, capable of sustaining a 
 much larger population than now occupies the land. 
 The yield of fruits and vegetables is prodigious, and 
 there is steadily poured upon it the rich soils scoured out 
 by thousands of miles of mountain torrents. . . . Having 
 passed this rich delta the steamer sets over towards 
 Vancouver Island, and is soon threading a maze of 
 smaller islands of all shapes and sizes w^ith the most 
 beautiful channels between them. They generally have 
 high rocky shores and are covered with trees, settlers are 
 few, there being an occasional cabin of an Indian, or an 
 eccentric white man who prefers solitude, broken only by 
 the company of a few sheep. We thread this maze for 
 miles, and finally get between the archipelago and the 
 Vancouver shore which rises as a dark grey threatening- 
 mountain ridge, tapering off as the southern end is 
 approached/ The city of Victoria, which numbers about 
 12,000 inhabitants, is in many respects an American 
 
[Ch. 
 
 XXIII.] 
 
 British Colunnhia. 
 
 253 
 
 town. United States money is the universal currency, 
 and the types of character found there resemble those 
 of San Francisco, and are, if anything, more diversified ; 
 amongst them all the Chinese are, perhaps, the most 
 conspicuous. 
 
 (5) The history of British Columbia is of a compara- 
 tively recent date. George Vancouver, who had served as 
 a midshipman under Captain Cook in his Pacific voyages, 
 was the chief explorer of the coast-line. He went thither 
 in 1792 to receive from the Spaniards the surrender of 
 their jDOSsessions near Nootka Sound. Afterwards, he 
 spent several years in exploring the intricate channels 
 along the coast for 2000 miles, from 30'^ north latitude to 
 the Russian possessions. But there were little practical 
 results from these discoveries. The island, called Van- 
 couver after the explorer, and the multitudes of smaller 
 islands remained in their pristine solitudes, and were the 
 hunting-ground of the great Fur Company of the North- 
 West. In 187 1-2 the rocky island of San Juan, which 
 lies to the eastward of the lower end of Vancouver, came 
 into notoriety as a disputed possession between England 
 and the United States. The island was used as a sheep 
 pasture by the Hudson's Bay Company, and the herders 
 kept a few pigs. An American came over from Oregon and 
 set up an establishment on a point of the island called 
 Hubb's Point. A pig belonging to one of the servants of 
 the Company trespassed upon the American's garden and 
 was shot by him. A dispute arising between the 
 American and the Company, the latter threatened to 
 eject him. But the American responded by asking for 
 military protection from the adjacent territory of Oregon. 
 Some American soldiers came over and claimed part of 
 the island as American possession. Two British war 
 vessels went over to shell them out, and matters looked 
 threatening, but ultimately the dispute was referred to 
 
254 
 
 British Columbia. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 ^"11 
 
 ''I 
 
 the German Emperor, who decided in favour of the 
 Americans and awarded the island to them \ This was 
 the famous San Juan controversy, which is chiefly to 
 be noticed because it was one of the few instances of an 
 international dispute being referred to arbitration. 
 
 (6) Originally there had been two separate govern- 
 ments of Vancouver Island and the mainland, Victoria 
 being the capital of the one, and New Westminster of 
 the other. The Hudson's Bay Company had in 1846 se- 
 lected Victoria as their port and capital. But in 1851 Sir 
 James Douglas, the Governor of the Company, reported 
 great discoveries of gold on the mainland, then called 
 New Caledonia, around the Fraser Kiver. In consequence 
 of these finds, the British Government revoked an exclu- 
 sive trade-licence which they had given to the Company 
 and established regular government in both places, keeping 
 Victoria as the official head-quarters. This state of things 
 was found to be very inconvenient, and in 1866 the whole 
 of the territory now known as the Province of British 
 Columbia was united under one provincial government. 
 The wisdom of this union was soon apparent, for no two 
 territories lying together are more necessary to one 
 another than Vancouver and the mainland. For some 
 time there was a coquetting on the part of some of the 
 inhabitants of Vancouver with the United States officials 
 about the purchase or annexation of the island by the 
 American Government. From its position, the country 
 was frequently the resort of American speculators and 
 adventurers, and the influence of San Francisco was 
 and still is very strong. But the Canadian Government 
 have proved themselves eager to preserve their line of 
 communication from east to west, as the occupation of 
 Vancouver by the Americans would have been a deadly 
 blow to her future prosperity, and would have largely 
 
 * See Appendix xiii. 
 
TIT 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 XXIII.] 
 
 Britwh Culumbia. 
 
 ^^55 
 
 affected Imperial interests. In 1871 British Columbia 
 threw in lier lot with the Dominion, and stands now 
 as the Pacific bulwark of British North America. When 
 she was admitted to the Union she stipulated with the 
 Dominion Government that they should undertake, within 
 two years of the union, the construction simultaneously 
 of the Canadian Pacific Railway from the east and also 
 from the west, to be completed within ten years. 
 
 (7) The history, therefore, of British Columbia may for 
 clearness' sake be divided into four periods : ( i ) That of 
 the reign of the great Fur Trading Company, which ob- 
 tained in 1838 a practical monopoly of all North America 
 lying north and west of the United States. In 1849 the 
 British Government granted them t' e Island of Van- 
 couver with royalties in free-socage. (2) The Gold 
 Period, when in consequence of the discovery of the 
 mines along the Fraser Valley and the enormous influx 
 of gold-diggers, the separation of the government of the 
 mainland and the island was found necessary. This 
 lasted from 1 858-1866. (3) The Union Period, when 
 these two governments were united — 1866-187 1. (4) 
 The Dominion Period — 1871 — when Vancouver and 
 British Columbia became one of the Confederating Pro- 
 vinces of the Canadian Dominion. A fifth period, which 
 we may call the Railway Period, has brought about many 
 and great social and economic changes. The history of 
 the Canadian Pacific Railway deserves a separate notice. 
 The idea of connecting the eastern and western provinces 
 by means .of a railway over the Rocky Mountains was 
 conceived many years ago. 
 
 (8) It was to be begun in 1873 ; but after some 
 delay, caused by the vast difficulties of the under- 
 taking and the conflict of interests involved, the railway 
 was commenced in 1880 under contract to be finished 
 in 1 89 1. But, as a matter of fact, it was finished in 
 
 . >' 
 
I I 
 I I 
 
 '- 
 
 «! I'M, 
 
 M I i si 
 
 i 
 
 SI I ; 
 
 2r,6 
 
 British Columbia. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 half the stipulated time, owing to the co-operation of 
 the Government, the zeal of the engineers and workmen, 
 and the favoura))le character of the ground along the 
 prairies. 
 
 * I have taken great interest in the rapid comi)letion of 
 that undertaking,' said Mr. Stavely Hill, M.P., "of which 
 I have witnessed the advance across the prairie at the 
 rate not only of a mile and a half in a day, but at such a 
 pace that between the time that I sat down to eat my 
 dinner and the end of a two hours' visit, I had to go 
 back a mile and a half to pick up my waggon at the 
 place where I had picketed my horse on my arrival.' It 
 was in November, 1885, that Sir Donald Smith drove the 
 last spike that finished the railway by connecting the two 
 ends which had been working on towards one another 
 from both oceans. The place was at a little station 
 called Craigellackie, alongside of the Eagle River in the 
 Rocky Mountains, 2569 miles west from Montreal. This 
 was quietly done and modestly celebrated. Sir Donald 
 Smith and his small company spending the day after- 
 wards in fishing amongst the mountains. 
 
 (9) The greatest engineering difficulties were experi- 
 enced at the western or British Columbian side. Across 
 the prairies that stretch from Winnipeg eastward the 
 ascent is very gradual. At Winnipeg the railway is 736 
 feet above the sea-level, at Calgary it is 3380. Thence it 
 follows up the valley of the Bow River until it crosses the 
 Rockies at an elevation of 5560. The distance from 
 Calgary to the summit is 123 miles, in which distance the 
 railway climbs 1 900 feet. The descent on the other side 
 is much steeper, and in the 6 1 miles between the summit 
 of Calgary the railway falls 2778 feet. Along the Kicking 
 Horse River the route is constructed in a canon of great 
 depth and steepness. Here the scenery is wonderfully 
 wild and beautiful, and the road is often led high above 
 
[Ch. 
 
 XXIII.] 
 
 British Colurtihia. 
 
 257 
 
 tion of 
 fkmen, 
 iig the 
 
 ation of 
 I which 
 
 at the 
 ; such a 
 eat my 
 1 to go 
 
 at the 
 ral.' It 
 I'ove the 
 the two 
 another 
 
 station 
 V in the 
 il. This 
 I Donald 
 ly after- 
 
 experi- 
 Across 
 rard the 
 y is 736 
 lence it 
 >sses the 
 ce from 
 ance the 
 her side 
 summit 
 Kicking 
 of great 
 derfully 
 h above 
 
 some perilous abyss with mountain tops rising thousands 
 of feet above and a raging torrent beneath. For 600 
 miles the lino runs through mountainous country, and it is 
 not until Yale is reached that level country can bo said to 
 be touched. After the main ridges of the Rockies the 
 subsidiary eminences of the Selkirks and of the Coast 
 Range have to be crossed. The greatest mountain of the 
 Selkirk Range rises to the height of 11,000 feet above the 
 sea, and is called Mount Sir Donald. Near it is a great 
 glacier which forms the head-waters of the Illecillewaet 
 River, and along the neighbouring caiions and defiles the 
 engineers have met with the greatest obstacles. ' The 
 line by repeated double loops runs for six miles, descends 
 600 feet, and accomplishes just two miles of actual 
 distance. Here is an achievement of engineering that 
 it took a railway genius to conceive and successfully 
 execute. First the line runs southward along the side of 
 the gorge towards the glacier, then it crosses a high 
 bridge and curves back on the other side, coming out 
 near where it started, only at a lower level. Next it 
 curves round into the second ravine, swings across it, and 
 comes back again at 120 feet lower level, yet only 130 
 feet further down the pass. Then it doubles upon itself 
 and crosses the river, immediately recrossing again. 
 Here are six almost parallel lines of railway in full view, 
 each at a lower stage and each made up largely of huge 
 trestle bridges. These are the loops of the Canadian 
 Pacific, whose fame as a railway feat has gone abroad ; 
 and when we look down at them from the top of the 
 strange construction, it looks as if the railway was being 
 twisted into the bottom of a great abyss ^' 
 
 (10) By this railway British Columbia, although 
 6000 miles distant from London, can be reached in 
 fourteen days, whereas recently it could only be ap- 
 
 ' See the London Times Correspondent, September, 1886. 
 
 S 
 
 s 
 
 V 
 
I 
 
 m II 
 
 258 
 
 British Columhla. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 proac'hod by Sun Francisco, or Panama, or round the 
 stormy Cape Horn. For a sailinjj^ vessel, tliis last route 
 would mean a voyage of several months. For the Pro- 
 vince itself the immediate advantage is that it is put 
 into direct communication with the markets of Eastern 
 Canada and tlie great North-West Territories. But this 
 is only a small part of the advantages given ]>y this rail- 
 way. The ports of Vancouver and British Columbia are 
 no longer the ends of a blind alley, as it wore, but they 
 have become important links in a chain of communica- 
 tion linking East and West. From an Imperial point of 
 view the railway gives an alternative route to the East. 
 Estimating Vancouver City, the Pacific terminus of the 
 Canadian Pacific Railway, at fourteen days' distance from 
 Liverpool, then Japan will be within twenty-four or 
 twenty-five days of Liverpool, Hong-kong thirty to 
 thirty-one, Australia thirty-one to thirty-two, Calcutta 
 thirty-seven to thirty-eight. There is every reason to 
 believe that the Pacific steamers will increase their rate 
 of speed and reduce the above estimate of days. As a 
 military road, it would be of the greatest service in case 
 the Suez Canal route broke down, and 'as if to bear 
 immediate testimony to the value of this trans-con- 
 tinental railway as a military line, the first loaded train 
 that passed over its entire distance from east to west 
 was freighted with stone from the VV^ar Dej^artment, 
 transferred from Quebec to Vancouver. ' Moreover, as an 
 entrepot for naval and military stores British Columbia 
 holds forth unrivalled advantages. The line connects 
 the sea -ports with the ranches of Alberta and the 
 corn-fields of Manitoba, from which unlimited stores 
 could be procured at short notice. The broken sea- 
 coast also presents favourable natural conditions for 
 rearing a race of seamen and fishermen who, like their 
 brethren of Newfoundland and Nova Scotia on the east. 
 
XXIII.] 
 
 Bi'ltlfh Columbia. 
 
 259 
 
 would roprotluco the virtues and valour of tlioir British 
 ancestors. 
 
 (11) To the traveller and spoitsnian a new world ot* 
 wonders has been opened x\\^, full of enchanting heij^hts 
 and noble Alpine scenery. 'Within the boundary of 
 the Kocky Mountains are hills and lakes, waterfalls and 
 fishing l)laces, that have never been seen since tlie 
 world be^an : your Indian has never dared to wandei' 
 so far from the trail into those mountains ; but let 
 your explorin<jf holiday-party get there a])out August 
 20, wlien the mosquito and the bull-Hy have been killed 
 by the frost, and they will enjoy a bright sun, the 
 clear dry air, the glorious mountain scenery, and the 
 sport to be found there ; and I believe that on account 
 of these attractions, no less than for others, they will 
 find British Columbia a place to be sought after, not 
 for its gold or silver or iron, not even for that mica, 
 which is so useful to us in our telegraphic work, but also 
 as a place where to spend most pleasantly that which 
 will ever remain so dear to us — our long vacation holiday.' 
 Another attraction on the line of this railway is the 
 Government Park at Banff, where hot medicinal springs 
 are found. Invalids here will reap benefit both from the 
 healing waters and the pure air of the mountains. 
 
 (12) The whole length of the Dominion railway from 
 Montreal to Vancouver is 2909 miles, or 362 miles less 
 than the United States railway from New York to 
 San Francisco. From Liverpool to Vancouver by the 
 Canadian Pacific route is 5160 miles, while from Liver- 
 pool via New York to San Francisco by the Union and 
 Central Pacific Railways it is 5880 miles, the Canadian 
 route being shorter by 720 miles. The Canadian Govern- 
 ment, to get this magnificent railway quickly finished, 
 gave §25,000,000 (£5,000,000) as a cash subsidy, and in 
 order to attract the flow of immigration, handed over 
 
 s 2 
 
!!' 
 
 a6o 
 
 British Columbia. 
 
 [Cii. 
 
 Hi 
 
 if 
 
 rt I 
 
 4 i 
 
 t:- I 
 
 25,000,000 acres of land along the route west of Winnipeg 
 to the Rockies, as successive short sections of the line 
 were completed. In addition to this, 712 miles of 
 completed railway were thrown in, and the Company was 
 granted a twenty years' monopoly of the territory between 
 its lines and the United States. 
 
 (13) In making a railway journey of 3000 miles from 
 Montreal to New "Westminster, the traveller passes 
 through diversified scenery and widely differing tracts 
 of country. From Montreal to Lake Nipissing, a dis- 
 tance of 350 miles, the line runs through an old and 
 comparatively well-developed country, and commands 
 the immense timber traffic of the Ottawa River Valley. 
 The next 1000 miles reaches the centre of the North 
 American Continent, and brings the traveller to the 
 edge of the western prairies at Winnipeg. Along this 
 section the country is only partially developed. For 
 900 miles west of Winnipeg, lies one of the most 
 fertile tracts of country in the world, the rich soil 
 extending almost as far as the Rockies, where the 
 country changes gradually from an agricultural to a 
 pastoral character. Thence for from 600 to 700 miles 
 the railway climbs through the mountain scenery of the 
 Rockies, Selkirks, and Cascades, where there is little 
 attempt at agriculture, until Kamloops and the Lower 
 Fraser River Valley are reached, 
 
 (14) The Province of British Columbia, therefore, pos- 
 sesses many and great advantages. Its wealth in forests, 
 minerals, and fisheries is surpassed by no other Province, 
 and there is abundance of room for development. In 
 Vancouver Island alone there are fully 2,000,000 acres 
 of land available for general agricultural purposes. In 
 the districts of Kamloops, Lilloet and Kootenay, there is 
 also a considerable quantity ; whilst in the northern dis- 
 tricts of Cariboo and Chilcotin there are about 50,000,000 
 
XXIV.] The Canadian Dominion, etc. 
 
 ".61 
 
 fertile, untilled acres, a realm in itself, extending up into 
 the Peace liiver district. As an exporting country, 
 British Columbia exports about £9 or £10 a head, whilst 
 the Provinces of Ontario export only £5, and Manitoba 
 only i'3 '. It is the most thinly populated of all the 
 Provinces, as there are only 80,000 inhabitants on an area 
 of 350,000 square miles, and so the room for development 
 in this England of the Pacific is unlimited. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 The Canadian Dominion and the United States. 
 
 (i) In the Canadian Dominion, as in the United States, 
 the process of the absorption of many races from Europe 
 so as to produce one nation and a dibtinctive ethnological 
 type is going on rapidly, especially in the Far West. It 
 will have been noticed that well-nu\rked nationalities, 
 e. g. the French in Lower Canada, the Scots in Ontario, 
 the German Mennonites and Icelanders have a tendency 
 to dwell apart; b:";t more complete fusion always comes 
 about in th-r tiM^, mJ the grandchildren of German, 
 Scandinavian or Highland settlers are proud of being- 
 Canadians. The immigrants are year by year adding 
 fresh blood, and in certain parts of the country form 
 mixed settlements. Occasionally there is a drift of 
 French Canadians to New England, and of Ontario Pro- 
 testants into the adjoining 'States,' whilst in the West 
 
 ' See Proceedings of Royal Colonial Institute, vol. xviii, Britibh 
 Columbia. 
 
 i 
 
i 
 
 ■ ( 
 
 263 
 
 Tlie Canadian Dominion 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 there is a tendency of United States ranchers to migrate 
 up from Washington and Montana to Alberta and Atha- 
 basca, where there is more abundant pasture and the 
 winters are less severe. Upon the whole, however, it is 
 probable that the flow backwards and foi-wards across 
 the International Boundary does not materially aff^ect 
 either the Republic or the Dominion. If the French 
 Canadians, for example, cross over into the States of 
 Maine, Vermont, and New York in large numbers, attracted 
 by the higher scale of wages, they return in due course 
 of time to the land of their birth. It is reasonable 
 to suppose that in the future the division between the 
 two countries will follow the natural one, which is on a 
 divide sloping one way to the Arctic Regions, the other 
 way to the Tropics. Out of the 3,470,257 square miles 
 of the area of Canada, 3,000,000 are said to have a 
 northern slope. 
 
 (2) There is another difference destined to influence the 
 future of the two countries north and south of latitude 45°. 
 The wheat hinds of the Dominion show an average yield 
 of twenty bushels per acre, those of the United States 
 not more than nine or ten. Even in Ontario, where the 
 ground is said to be partly exhausted, the yield averages 
 about nineteen bushels. The prairie soils of Manitoba 
 averaged in 1887 thirty bushels of wheat to the acre, 
 thirty-six of barley, and fifty of oats. The valley of the 
 Saskatchewan alone is capable of containing easily a 
 population of thirty millions. Wheat ripens best at a 
 certain summer temperature (60^-65'^) which is found 
 north of latitude 45'. This is an advantage which is 
 inherent in the country, and makes the Prairie Provinces 
 the granary of the continent. 
 
 (3) Some idea of the admixture of nationalities in the 
 Western Provinces may be gathered from the arrivals at 
 the port of Quebec. 
 
XXIV.] 
 
 and the United States. 
 
 263 
 
 Kationnlities. 
 
 1882. 
 
 1883. 
 
 1887. 
 
 1S88. 
 
 p]nglish . 
 
 20,881 
 
 21,897 
 
 16,034 . 
 
 13,211 
 
 Irish 
 
 8,195 . 
 
 12,095 
 
 3,128 . 
 
 1,809 
 
 Scots 
 
 4,617 . 
 
 3,980 
 
 3,094 • 
 
 3.752 
 
 (rermans . 
 
 1,024 • 
 
 1,434 
 
 576 . 
 
 403 
 
 Scandinavians 
 
 8,279 . 
 
 4,763 ■ 
 
 7,659 • 
 
 8,038 
 
 Frencli and Belgian 
 
 50 
 
 306 
 
 147 . 
 
 255 
 
 Icelanders 
 
 129 . 
 
 1,413 
 
 1,766 . 
 
 686 
 
 Russians ' 
 
 270 
 
 56 
 
 234 • 
 
 169 
 
 From this table ^ it may be gathered that the northern 
 types strongly prevail, as might be expected in such a 
 congenial country as British North America. The ad- 
 mixture of these Northern Celt and Teuton immigrants 
 must produce a strong nation, and judging from the 
 effect of climate upon race, it is reasonable to suppose that 
 north of latitude 45' a nation will arise, with character 
 and lineaments distinct from those of the Texas, Cali- 
 fornia, Carolina and Montana ranchers and settlers. The 
 valley of the Mississippi is producing one breed of men, 
 the valleys of the St. Lawrence and Saskatchewan will 
 produce another. Since July, 1776, the history of the 
 British and other colonists in the continent of North 
 America has parted into two separate channels. 
 
 (4) Will they ever become one again? Or will tiiere 
 be a second Declaration of Independence on the part of 
 British lolonists in North America, and a new political 
 power arise in Canada differing both from England and 
 the United States? There are three alternatives before 
 the Canadian people: (i) Incorporation with the neigh- 
 bouring Republic ; (2) Independent existence ; (3) con- 
 tinued political partnership with Great Britain and the 
 other Colonies. All those who lov9 and honour the 
 
 ' See British Association in Canada, Proceedings of Hoyal Colonial 
 Institute, vol. xvi, 1884-5. 
 
 '* See Mr. H. F. Moore's paper, ' Canadian Lands and their Develop- 
 ment,' 1888-9, Proceedings Royal Colonial Institute. 
 
pp 
 
 m 
 
 V^M 
 
 - 
 
 I^^^Hj 
 
 , 
 
 I^^^^^^Hl 
 
 
 ^^^H 
 
 1 
 
 p^^^^H 
 
 ■ i 1 
 
 I^^^^^^^^hI 
 
 
 fl^^^^BI 
 
 
 ^^Hl 
 
 
 w^^^K^^^Km 
 
 1! 
 
 1 f I^^^^^^^^^^H 
 
 \-- 
 
 
 
 264 
 
 The Canadian Dominion 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 British name and British influence must desire the last 
 consummation of Canadian destinies. It may be assumed 
 that the United States are satisfied with their magnificent 
 boundaries and their assured position amongst the nations 
 of the world. The introduction of the Canadian factor 
 would alter and disturb existing political conditions, and 
 there is no real call or clamour for it. The Monroe 
 doctrine, by which the unquestioned predominance of 
 the United States is claimed in North America, cannot 
 apply to the Dominion, and is not imperilled by the 
 peaceful political partnership of the Dominion with Great 
 Britain. The lesson which American Republicans desire 
 to teach the world is not one of Napoleonic and Imperial 
 aggression. 
 
 (5) Now and then there have been serious causes of 
 friction between the two countries. During the American 
 Civil War (i 861-1865), Captain Wilkes of the United 
 States war-vessel Jacinto, took by force the Confederate 
 Commissioners Mason and Slidell from the British mail 
 steamer Trent, plying between Vera Cruz and Southamp- 
 ton, in defiance of the law of nations and the rights of 
 neutrals ; but after negotiation, the commissioners were 
 surrendered and the danger passed away. Up to this 
 point there had been a strong sympathy on the part of 
 Canadians with the United States, but the Trent diffi- 
 culty and the boastful attitude of the more unscrupulous 
 American papers turned much of this sympathy into 
 dislike. There was an expectation of war throughout 
 the whole country, and volunteer forces sprang into 
 existence. Steamship after steamship came from the 
 mother-country laden M^th arms and ammunition. In 
 other ways the civil war benefited Canada. Farm stock 
 rose to an abnormally high price, and horses were 
 in great demand as remounts for the United States 
 cavalry and artillery. The conscription which, as tlie 
 
[Ch. 
 
 XXIV.] 
 
 and the United States. 
 
 265 
 
 into 
 n tlie 
 . In 
 
 stock 
 
 war went on, was relentlessly enforced in the United 
 States, forced a number of refugees across the border. 
 Some of them procured Canadians to take their places, 
 and throughout the war it is calculated that 50,000 
 Canadians joined the armies of the North. In September, 
 1863, an incident occurred on Lake Erie which threatened 
 to disturb the peaceful relations of the countries. Two 
 American steam-boats, the Philo Parsons and Island 
 Queen, were seized by Confederate desperadoes, starting 
 from Canada with a view of releasing some Southern 
 prisoners on Johnson's Island and of destroying the Lake 
 shipping ; and in October a body of twenty-three 
 Southern refugees made a raid on the little Vermont 
 town of St. Albans, close to the Canadian frontier, shot 
 an American citizen, and robbed the banks of £46,600, 
 and then retreated into Canada. These raiders were 
 brought up before Judge Coursol of Montreal in December, 
 1863, but they were discharged and allowed to retain 
 £18,000 stolen money. There was more friction now, 
 perhaps, than at any previous time, and a great outlay 
 was incurred for the purpose of keeping order on the 
 frontier. But the war was destined speedily to come to 
 an end. The death-struggle was to terminate shortly, 
 and the slave confederacy of the South was doomed. 
 The War of Secession ended in 1865 by the utter 
 prostration of the Southerners. 
 
 (6) In 1866 the Reciprocity Treaty between the United 
 States and Canada came to an end. Under its pro- 
 visions international commerce had swollen to the sum 
 of £14,000,000 a year. Its termination caused great 
 disturbance of trade, and the United States became the 
 chief sufferers. Their woollen and worsted manufacturers 
 missed the long staple from Canada, and the brewers of 
 New York and Pennsylvania missed Canadian barley. 
 American politicians were puzzled at this result. They 
 
PI 
 
 tt! 
 
 itllfHfi 
 ■if 
 
 f 
 
 1 
 
 ■ 
 
 It 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Hh'' 
 
 ' 1' 
 
 ' 1 li 
 
 i;' 
 
 1! 
 
 
 kiU 
 
 in 
 
 
 ; -'''^ 
 
 266 
 
 The Caiuidian Dominion 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 had believed that Canada could not survive the loss of 
 the Eeciprocity Treaty, and would at once clamour to be 
 admitted within the Union. Instead of that, her pros- 
 perity was scarcely interrupted ; on the contraiy, she was 
 soon opening up new markets, becoming a rival and 
 competitor with the tariff-clogged States. 
 
 (7) During the spring of 1866 there were rumours of an 
 invasion of the Dominion by a body of Irish Republicans, 
 who were a numerous body in the States and eager to 
 strike a blow for the independence of their native country, 
 and on June i a body of 1200 Fenians crossed the border 
 from Black Rock near Buffalo, and took possession of the 
 ruins of Fort Erie and the Railway Depot. They were 
 led by an American officer, General O'Neill. After a few 
 brief skirmishes, they were driven across the frontier by 
 the Canadian Volunteers. The expenses connected with 
 this raid were regarded by the Canadians as a fair claim 
 upon the United States Government, who ought to 
 have exercised stricter surveillance upon their borders 
 in the interests of a friendly nation. Representations 
 were made at Washington by the British Minister, who 
 could not shut his eyes to the fact that war was being 
 made on a friendly country by armed citizens of the 
 United States. A proclamation was issued by the President 
 calling upon the Fenians to disperse. 
 
 (8) But these irritating differences between the United 
 States on the one hand, and Canada and Great Britain on 
 the other, were to be composed in 187 1 by the well- 
 known Washington Treaty. By the terms of this 
 Treaty four separate difficulties were adjusted between 
 the two countries. The first related to the ownership of 
 the island of San Juan ; the second difficulty concerned 
 the boundaiy line between the extreme north-west of the 
 Dominion and Alaska, the country which had recently 
 been bought by the United States from Russia ; the 
 
XXIV.] 
 
 and the United States. 
 
 267 
 
 third difficulty was on the subject of the Fisheries, and 
 now an arrangement was made which was to remain 
 in force for twelve years. It provided that (with the 
 exception of British Columbia) fish and fish-oil should be 
 admitted into either country free of duty ; and that the 
 subjects of either country should have the privilege of 
 fishing in the coast-waters of the other. As the fisheries 
 of British America were more valuable, it was agreed 
 that the United States should pay such make-weight in 
 money as should be fixed by a Commission to be ap- 
 pointed for the purpose. Americans were jjermitted to 
 use the canals of Canada on the same terms as British sub- 
 jects, and to float their timber down the St. John River, 
 and Canadians were allowed to navigate the St. Clair 
 Canal and Lake Michigan. In 1878 the Commission 
 sat, and awarded Canada £1,100,000 as compensation 
 due from the United States on this head. The fourth 
 difficulty arose out of certain money claims made on both 
 sides, Canadians asking for compensation for depredations 
 done by the Fenian raids, and the Americans demanding 
 that England should pay for the damage done to her 
 trade by the celebrated confederate privateer Alabama. 
 At the request of the British Government, the claims 
 of Can<ada on account of the Fenian losses were not 
 brought before the Commission. The Alabama claims 
 were referred to arbitration ; and the arbitrators, who met 
 at Geneva in Switzerland in 1872, awarded the United 
 States .£5,100,000, which was promptly paid by the 
 British Government. 
 
1 i 
 
 268 
 
 Recapitulation. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 RECAPITULATION. 
 
 (9) The history of the Canadian Dominion has been 
 traced, in brief outline, from its earliest beginnings 
 to the present day. Little by little a vast and noble 
 country has been won from savageiy by the indomitable 
 energies of the French and English. The early tasks of 
 exploration were chiefly accomplished by the French 
 voyageurs and travellers Champlain, La Salle, Marquette, 
 and others. But the British eventually won the con- 
 tinent from France by the help of English colonists and 
 through command of the sea. Two small fishing islands, 
 Miquelon and St. Pierre, where the French fishing fleet 
 cure their fish and recruit their sailors, are the sole 
 remains of that vast Transatlantic Empire of which the 
 French kings and cardinals dreamed. There is truth in 
 Chateaubriand's regret : 'We possessed here vast territories 
 which might have afforded a home to the excess of our 
 population, an important market to our commerce, a 
 nursery to our navy . . . We are excluded from the New 
 World, Avhere the human race is recommencing. The Eng- 
 lish and Spanish languages serve to express the thoughts 
 of many millions of men in Africa, in Asia, in the South 
 Sea Islands, on the Continent of the two Americas ; and 
 we, disinherited of the conquests of our courage and our 
 genius, hear the language of Racine, of Colbert, and of 
 Louis XIV . . . spoken under a foreign sway. There it 
 remains, as it were, for an evidence of the reverses of 
 our fortune and the errors of our policy \' The history of 
 Canada is interesting, because the great struggles in 
 Europe were reproduced in the New World and the old 
 questions fought out again. In North America Cavaliers 
 and Roundheads, Prelatists and Presbyterians find homes 
 according to the exigencies of the case. Rupert's Land 
 * Travels in America, vol. ii. 
 
[Ch. 
 
 XXIV.] 
 
 Recapitulation. 
 
 269 
 
 bears the name of the gallant Cavalier who thought to re- 
 cruit his shattered fleet amongst the hardy fishermen and 
 sailors of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland. Charles I, in 
 1625, created an order of knighthood styled the Knights 
 Baronets of Nova Scotia, consisting of one hundred and 
 fifty knights whose duty it was to colonise the New 
 Scotland. Cromwell's hand was visible in the New 
 World when he sent Colonel Sedgwick to capture Port 
 Royal in Nova Scotia from the French under Le Borgne. 
 because the Puritans of the New World had become dis- 
 satisfied with the cession of Nova Scotia to France in 
 1632 by the Treaty of St. Germain- en-Laye. In Queen 
 Anne's reign the Marlborough veterans came fresh from 
 Blenheim and Malplaquet to fight the French anew 
 in a Transatlantic Province. Around Newfoundland, 
 up Fundy Bay and along the banks of the St. Lawrence, 
 the struggle for supremacy was as keen as it had been 
 in the Netherlands. The prizes were great — the St. 
 Lawrence the key to the New World, Newfoundland the 
 sentinel island which guarded the main approach, Port 
 Royal the Dunkirk of North America. The thought of 
 North America and her future acted powerfully upon the 
 imagination of the European nations in the sixteenth and 
 seventeenth centuries, long after the romance of first dis- 
 covery had disappeared. The visible fruits of cultivation 
 along the sea-board were showing themselves everywhere, 
 and the rising power of New England, with its endless 
 possibilities of expansion, appealed to all. Cardinal 
 Richelieu, who bequeathed a kind of policy to others, 
 regarded the new country as a grand appanage to the 
 French Crown, providing a most wonderful field for 
 missionary enterprise and evangelising zeal ; but the 
 notion of a freely-developing Colonial Empire, con- 
 structing its own fortunes, never occurred to any 
 statesman of his day. The magnificent and high- 
 
 l< 
 
270 
 
 Recapitulation. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 ja 
 
 HHI^' 
 
 
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 1 f ^' 
 
 1^'- 
 
 
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 It ^ ^^ 
 
 sounding charters of the Kings of France, dividing the 
 whole countiy up into Large fiefs to the nobility and 
 clergy, prove this. Whether it was the seigneurs or 
 the colonial officials mattered not ; the rule of the 
 parent countiy w.as just as strong and arbitrary in one 
 case as in the other. In the eyes of Frenchmen. 
 Spaniards, Portuguese, and even Dutch, there has been 
 only one stereotyped ideal of colonial government up to 
 the present day. The German system is of f:et purjiose 
 different from our own. In schemes of African or Pacific 
 colonisation. Prince Bismarck disclaims the British model. 
 The French Government still confuses convictism and 
 colonisation in the New Hebrides, and seems to prefer 
 conquest if possible in Madagascar and Tonquin to trade 
 and peaceful settlement. 
 
 (lo) At first sight, the British Empire seems a mere 
 triumph of commerce and trade built up by privileged 
 companies and individuals, and guaranteed by the mari- 
 time prowess of the mother-country. To the foreigner 
 the result appears materialistic ; but throughout it 
 a vein of heroism, chivaliy, and justice is distinctly 
 visible. The good of the subject races, and the ad- 
 vance of Christianity and education, have frequently 
 been real motives forming a strong moral justifica- 
 tion of the material triumph. There have never been 
 wanting men like General Codrington in the West 
 Indies, Bishop Berkeley in New England, the fore- 
 runner of Bishops Selwyn and Patteson in the Pacific, 
 and Bishops Gray, Steere and Hannington in South 
 Africa, together with such men at home as Lawrence, 
 Wilberforce, Clarkson, emancipators of the despised 
 races of mankind, and scores of others who have 
 awakened the moral consciousness of the nation and 
 leavened the Empire. Such men are indeed the salt 
 of the earth. The roll of gallant travellers and explorers, 
 
[Cii. 
 
 XXIV.] 
 
 Mecapitulatlon. 
 
 271 
 
 amongst whom the illustrious David Livingstone is one 
 of the greatest and most typical examples, throws addi- 
 tional light upon the origin and conception of our 
 Empire. Last, and most recent of all, is the picture of 
 Charles Gordon dying at his post at Khartoum, full of 
 fidelity to his Christian faith, of patriotism to his 
 country, and generosity to the native races. It is 
 * defensoribus istis' that the Empire will stand and 
 be a monument to the world. To them empire meant 
 not simply a strong government machinery or a cen- 
 tralised despotism for the benefit of British trade, but 
 the phj^sical and spiritual amelioration of subject races 
 and the maintenance of a high national standard. Some 
 have given their lives, and some their fortunes, to the 
 realisation of such ideas. In 1710 General Codrington, 
 a native of Barbados, bequeathed his property in the 
 island as a private endowment to the Society for the 
 Propagation of the Gospel to found a college there ^ ; 
 and Bishop Berkeley a few years later, carrying on 
 his plan, proposed to found a university at Bar- 
 bados by a charter from the Crown, and actually 
 collected a large sum of money for this purpose, and 
 afterwards bequeathed an endowment to Yale College. 
 Bishop Berkeley did not carry out his original intention 
 in the Barbados, but lived for three years at Newport in 
 Rhode Island in America, where he wrote a brilliant book 
 called 'Alciphron' (1731), and forgot in philosophy his 
 especial purpose at Barbados. But his influence and his 
 enthusiasm at the subject of the New World were great and 
 infectious. When great minds could approach the subject 
 of a Colonial Empire with such wisdom and foresight the 
 stigma and reproach against a colonial life were removed. 
 As Bishop Berkeley himself wrote in his immortal lines, 
 there might yet be room in the New World for 
 
 * See Appendix xiv. 
 
\< 
 
 mm 
 
 II 
 
 « 
 
 'm 
 
 m 
 
 ... 
 
 
 272 
 
 Recapitulation. 
 
 ' Another Golden Ago, 
 The rise of Empire and of Arts.' 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 Tho poot Waller is said to have passed some months 
 
 in Bermuda (1643) ^"<1 described its loveliness, as did 
 
 John Mitchell 200 years later ; ant,, Andrew Marvell 
 
 celebrates the 
 
 * Isle so long unknown, 
 And yot far kinder than our own ; 
 Safe from tho storms, the Prelate's rage.' 
 
 But if these two poets celebrated the tiny islands 
 of 'the still-vexed Bermoothes,' Bishop Berkeley drew 
 attention to the future of a mighty continent, and 
 pointed out in prophetic vision the outlines of that 
 stately empire which was yet to arise. He may not 
 have felt the full force of his words, but time has more 
 than fulfilled them. His vision may have been the 
 dream of an idealist, and hardly more substantial than 
 that of Coleridge, Southey, and Lloyd, who wished to 
 emigrate to the banks of the Susquehanna and found a 
 small community on Socialistic principles ; but it was a 
 dream which it was good to have. Berkeley the idealist 
 seems to have truly caught and interpreted one side of 
 the British character, which, though often grasping and 
 avaricious, has often been chivalrous and enthusiastic. 
 England has often laid herself open to the charge of 
 hypocrisy in her dealings with native races, and in 
 her efforts at their conversion and amelioration, but 
 oftener still she has been sincere and heroic. Some 
 ideal like that of Berkeley's ' Transatlantic ideal ' has 
 been before her, and she has worked upon those lines in 
 a blundering, awkward, but still righteous fashion. 
 
 (11) The evangelising spirit of Bishop Berkeley and of 
 the nation was confined to North America in those days, 
 but it has a wider range now in India, Africa, and the 
 East. The work of the S.P.G. from 1 700-1 888 is perhaps 
 
XXIV.] 
 
 Recapitulation, 
 
 273 
 
 the best testimony of this spirit. Unless the character 
 of an Imperial race is tinged with a certain amount of 
 heroism and chivahy and religious enthusiasm, it will 
 not long contiime to be Imperial. Bishop Berkeley's 
 ideal was — at least so we may conclude— that a king- 
 dom across the seas should be a real reproduction of a 
 national life in every respect. The very fact of this 
 great thinker changing his residence from England to 
 America was a significant one. Europe, in the future, 
 was not to have the monopoly of the world's stores of 
 thought and intellect. His was a practical application of 
 the line ' Caelum non animum mutant, qui trans mare 
 currunt.' The equality of a colonial life was asserted by 
 such enthusiasts as Berkeley as a real definite fact. The 
 l)rogeny of the daughter colonies was to be in all respects, 
 whether in government or religion, equal and not 
 inferior to that of the mother-country. Speaking of the 
 Virginian settlements, Sir Walter Raleigh said : ' They 
 will grow into a nation,' calling up in that very word 
 'nation,' used also by his friend Shakesi)ere, a most 
 important chain of ideas, differing entirely from those 
 connected with 'dependency.' Throughout all political 
 changes there has lurked deep down in the British 
 colonists' hearts the steadfast and ineradicable idea that 
 they were carrying the British flag abroad as worthy 
 and equal co-partners of Britons at home. The blindness 
 and folly of British statesmen have often enraged and 
 repulsed them. 
 
 (12) Even the sagacious John Locke, who was asked by 
 Lord Ashley (1669) to draw up a ready-made Constitution 
 for Carolina, was utterly and entirely deceived by false 
 ideas and Continental methods. His sketch may be thus 
 briefly summarised. The Province was divided carefully 
 into counties, each county with eight seigneuries, eight 
 baronies, and four precincts, and each precinct into six 
 
 :i * 
 
274 
 
 Recapitulation. 
 
 [Cn. 
 
 
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 ^f 
 
 I 
 
 li 
 M 
 
 i 
 
 ^1 >j: 
 
 colonies. Land was to descend from father to son, and 
 every consideration of justice and expediency sacrificed to 
 the purpose of keeping up an hereditary nobility. No 
 manor was allowed to be divided amongst co-heirs, and all 
 the children of leet-men must be leet-men, to all genera- 
 tions. No leot-man could go off his land without his lord's 
 leave. These provisions about ' leet-men ' remind the 
 student of colonial history of the effete ' placaats,' or 
 ordinances of the Dutch East India Company at the 
 Cape of Good Hope, by which it was hoped to keep the 
 grades of society always the same. Again, John Locke 
 hedged in the divinity of the lords-proprietors with the 
 greatest care, and provided for their position by number- 
 less vexatious rules of precedency. By Article XLV a 
 Chamberlain's Court was to have care of all ceremonies, 
 heraldry, and pedigrees, and to have power to regulate 
 all fashions, badges, habits, games, and sports. The 
 bureaucracy of the Constable's Court, Treasurer, and 
 High fSteward was to be of the most rigid kind. The 
 Parliament was to be composed of landgraves, cassiques, 
 and other strangely named office-holders. But this arti- 
 ficial paper Constitution, with its fragments of Dutch, 
 Polish, and German origin, was of course distasteful to 
 the freedom of English colonial life and obviously im- 
 possible in practice. 
 
 (13) In later times the colonies have had to struggle 
 against the stain of convictism, and both at the Cape and 
 in the Pacific colonies the struggle nearly ended in open 
 rebellion. The point at issue was the same in both 
 cases, viz. the determination to assert the equality, and 
 as a consequence the liberty, of colonial life. Burke, 
 in his speeches in Parliament on ' Conciliation with the 
 American Colonies,' over and over again insists upon 
 the truth of this fundamental fact. He says : ' First, the 
 people of the colonies are descendants of Englishmen. 
 
[Ch. 
 
 XXIV,] 
 
 Recapitulation. 
 
 275 
 
 n, and 
 ficecl to 
 y. No 
 and all 
 genera- 
 is lord's 
 ind the 
 ats,' or 
 
 at the 
 :eep the 
 n Locke 
 ,vith the 
 lumber- 
 
 XLV a 
 3monies, 
 regulate 
 :s. The 
 rer, and 
 id. The 
 assiqiies, 
 Ithis arti- 
 f Dutch, 
 
 steful to 
 
 usly im- 
 
 struggle 
 IJape and 
 in open 
 in both 
 |ility, and 
 Burke, 
 I with the 
 Ists upon 
 i'irst, the 
 tlishmen. 
 
 England is a nation which stil], I hope, respects, and 
 formerly adored, her freedom. The colonists emigrated 
 from you when this part of your character was most 
 predominant : and they took this bias and direction 
 the moment they parted from your hands. They are, 
 tlicTf^fore, not only devoted to Liberty, but to Liberty 
 according, to English ideas and on English principles.' 
 And so we are led up t the true idea of Imperial 
 Federation, an idea which is based upon the worthiness 
 and capacity of all British colonists to govern, not simply 
 themselves in each case, but an Empire, spread everywhere 
 over the globe, in conjunction with the present British 
 Parliament. As they must be co-heirs of the heritage, 
 so while they keep the link unbroken and bear their 
 fair share of the common burden, they may be co- 
 administrators. This is what the chief Canadian poetess, 
 Agnes Maude Machar, writes in response to the Laureate, 
 who, in his 'Ode to the Queen' (1887), touched on the 
 loyalty of the ' true North ' : — 
 
 * We thank thee, Laureate, for thy kindly words 
 Spoken for us to her to whom we look 
 With loyal love, aci'oss the inisty sea ; 
 Thy noble words, whose generous tone may sliame 
 The cold and heartless strain that said. Begone, 
 We want your love no longer ; all our aim 
 Is riches — that your love can not increase I 
 Fain would we tell them that we do not seek 
 To hang dependent, like a helpless brood 
 That, selfish, drag a weary mother down ; 
 For we have British heai'ts and British blood 
 That leap up, eager, when the danger calls ! 
 Once and again our sons have sprung to arms 
 To fight in Britain's quarrel — not our own — 
 And drive the covetous invader back. 
 Who would have let us, peaceful, keep our own 
 So we had cast the British name away ; 
 Canadian blood has dyed Canadian soil, 
 For Britain's honour, that we deemed our own, 
 Nor do we ask but for the right to keep 
 
 T 2 
 
f 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 276 Recapitulation. [Ch. 
 
 Unbroken, still, the cherished filial tie 
 That binds us to the distant, sea-girt isle 
 Our fathers loved, and taught their sons to love. 
 As the dear home of freemen, brave and true, 
 And loving Honour more than ease or gold.' 
 
 (14) The history of our Colonies in North America is 
 most interesting and instructive to us as that of the 
 country in which the great issues between England and 
 her colonists were first raised and fought out to th<' 
 bitter end. The old colonial system has long since been 
 doomed. England could not maintain it in the war with 
 the thirteen revolted colonies, and so her first Colonial 
 Empire perished. England now possesses a second and 
 greater Colonial Empire. She is deeply pledged to it not 
 only in matters which affect her honour and good name, 
 but in matters which touch her jmrse and her prosperity. 
 After the Canadian Constitution had been granted, 
 she conceded to the Australians (1850-60) and to Cape 
 Colony (1854) the rights of self-government. In three 
 regions of the globe English colonies are rapidly rising into 
 prominence as great nations. Canada has led the way 
 to political stability by colonial confederation, Australasia 
 and South Africa will probably soon follow. Those who 
 regard the greater destinies and grander mission of the 
 British race, who claim for England an ampler sphere 
 than she has hitherto held, must look forward to the day 
 when by virtue of some political tie, through some repre- 
 sentative and Amphictyonic Council Chamber at the 
 central shrine at Westminster, the voice of the Empire 
 will be heard by millions of free citizens in the four 
 quarters of the world. And this hope may be realised, 
 for the eternal barriers of space and time, which seemed 
 to Burke the only obstacles to complete union, have 
 been practically annihilated by the modern invention 
 of the steam-ship and the telegraph cable. 
 
XXIV.] 
 
 Recapitulation. 
 
 277 
 
 (15) The first submarine cable was laid, as we know, 
 between the island home of England and the island 
 colony of Newfoundland after much doubt and many 
 failures. The first words of sympathy and congratu- 
 lation passed between England and her colonists, 
 between Great Britain and North America, and in a 
 moment boih sides were linked together b> that weird 
 current which defies time and space. May not this 
 subtle sympathy of the fragile strand be symbolical, and 
 suggest those other bonds of race, lariguage, blood, and, 
 us a corollary, political union, which ignore mere physical 
 barriers and make light of the eternal floods ? The 
 age of long-standing grievances and misunderstanding is 
 surely gone by, and British colonists stand forth as fully 
 emancipated freemen exulting in an orderly political 
 liberty, which gives them autonomy at home and an 
 Imperial heritage abroad in the four quarters of the 
 globe. 
 
 'It is not to be thought of that the flood 
 Of British freedt)m, whicli, to the open sea 
 Of the world's praise, from dark antiquity 
 
 Hath fli.wed, "with pomp of waters, unwithstood," 
 
 Roused though it be full often to a mood 
 Which spurns the check of salutary bands, 
 That this most famous stream in bogs and sands 
 
 Should perish : and to evil and to good 
 
 Be lost for ever. In our halls is hung 
 Armoury of the invincible knights of old ; 
 
 We must be free or die, who speak the tongue 
 
 That Shakespeare spake ; the faith and morals hold 
 
 Which Milton held. — In every thing we are sprung 
 Of Earth's flrst blood, have titles manifold.' 
 
 (WoRDSWOKTH, ' Poeuis of the Imagination.') 
 
lit 
 
 u 
 
 : >" 
 
 ST 
 
 'B 
 
HMI 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 1. Notes on the Eskimo (p. 42), by John Rae, M.D., F.R.S. 
 
 2. Pontiac's Conspiracy (p. 45). 
 
 3. Habitat of Sioux (p. 48) . 
 
 4. New England and Public Education (p. Sx,). 
 
 5. The Acadia of Longfellow (p. 120). 
 
 6. Seigneurial Tenure in Canada (p. 14S). 
 
 7. Sir P. W. Wallis, O.C.B. (p. 162). 
 
 8. The British North America Act, 1867 (p. 213), including — 
 
 (a) Quebec Act, 1774. 
 
 (b) The Canadian Constitution of 1791. 
 
 (c) The Constitution from 1840 to 1867. 
 
 9. The North -West Territories (p. 235). 
 
 10. The Selkirk Colony. A South- African parallel (p. 240}. 
 
 11. The Dease and Simpson Route (p. 242). 
 
 12. Navigation on the Mackenzie River (p. 248). 
 
 13. The San Juan Award (p. 253). 
 
 14. The Codrington Trust (p. 271). 
 
 15. Chronological List of the most important Expeditions in 
 
 search of a North-West Passage from the fifteenth to the 
 nineteenth century. Reference — The Circumpolar Map. 
 
mm 
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 Notes on the Eskimo. 
 
 I '! 
 
 n ji 
 
 H 
 
 rl 
 
 I *ii 
 
 By J. Rae, M.D., F.E.S. 
 
 ' From the information I received through an admirable 
 interpreter from the Eskimos of Repulse Bay, and from those 
 at the Coppermine River further to the west, and from the 
 similarity of these curious people to the Mongol race both in 
 feature and form, I consider their original home to be the 
 shores of Siberia, where the remains of their "yourts" or 
 half-underground houses, built up of stones, bones of large 
 marine animals, and possibly drift-wood, are abundantly found 
 on projecting points of land or other places well fitted for 
 getting at the seal, walrus and whale, which form their chief 
 food. The houses or huts at present used by the Arctic High- 
 landers in the neighbourhood of Smith's Sound on the Green- 
 land coast, and also by the East Greenlanders, resemble the 
 ruins above referred to on the Siberian coast, not far from 
 Behring Strait, and continuing a very considerable distance to 
 the west. I believe that the Eskimo migrated from Siberia, 
 forced p "«ssibly by some pressure from enemies. They crossed 
 Behring Strait, as they have a tradition of having crossed water 
 in coming from the setting sun eastward. On reaching the 
 American continent they built their houses of drift-wood, of 
 which there is an abundance drifted down the Mackenzie and 
 one or two other rivers. From Behring Strait eastward to 
 the Mackenzie these wooden houses are in general use ; but on 
 getting some distance east of the Mackenzie the supply of 
 wood fails, as do the whales and walrus, and consequently the 
 large supply of oil requisite for warming an underground hut. 
 The Eskimo then build their winter-houses of snow, which are 
 warmer than the Siberian "yourt." They also discontinue the 
 use of the oo-miak or large woman's boat, no doubt because it 
 is not now required, as the chief food, deer and musk-cattle, 
 are now got on the land, and the salmon, of which there are 
 large quantities, are speared at the mouths of rivers. This 
 
Appendix I. 
 
 281 
 
 kind of life, with the snow-hut as a winter dwelling and with 
 reindeer, musk-cattle, salmon and seals (the last killed 
 in the spring prior to the break-up of the ice without the 
 use of the small canoe or kayak) as their food, extends east- 
 ward for several thousand miles of coast-line until Greenland 
 is reached. Here the Eskimo again resume the half-under- 
 ground winter hut and the 00-miak or woman's canoe, so as 
 to readily transport the oil and meat of the large marine 
 animals, as the whale and walrus. When the Eskimo crossed 
 Behring Strait they no doubt ascended the Yukon and some 
 others of the larger rivers of Alaska, if permitted in each case 
 by their enemies, the North American Indians. They may have 
 fixed their home there for a time, making for themselves bark 
 canoes instead of skin ones. They did ascend the Mackenzie, 
 but were driven back by their more numerous enemies the 
 Indian tribes.' (Those named by Mackenzie between Slave 
 Lake and the sea were Beaver, Strongbow, Mountain and Hare 
 Indians. The Quarrellers occupied the mouth of the river.) ' In 
 the Great Fish River the Eskimo were found by Sir George 
 Back far inland, simply because the Indians did not drive them 
 back. In 1771 Hearne alludes to a terrible massacre of the 
 Eskimo by Indians on the Coppermine River at a place called 
 " The Bloody Fall," a famous fishing station ; on which occasion 
 one poor girl was stabbed to death whilst clinging to the 
 knees of Hearne himself. On the Mackenzie and Yukon 
 Rivers a tribe called the Loucheux or Quarrellers are the 
 next-door neighbours and hereditary foes of the Eskimo. 
 
 ' These Loucheux are a fine and handsome race, and possess 
 certain peculiarities. For instance, the male children have 
 their feet compressed after the fashion of the Chinese high- 
 class women, but not to such an extent as to prevent their 
 walking with ease. The men wear immense " cues," so heavy 
 in some cases with grease and various other additions that the 
 wearers acquire a habit of carrying the head bent foi'ward so 
 as to carry the weight more easily. Their chief wealth is 
 beads, with which the men's coats of skins are profusely de- 
 corated. They also carry about with them a dress suit, which 
 they don sometimes in their own tents, but always when they 
 visit a Hudson's Bay Company Fort, at the open door of which, 
 
 '!* 
 
-H f 
 
 ] 
 
 38a 
 
 Appendix II. 
 
 even in mid-winter, they make a long oration before entering. 
 These Loucheux have always been friendly with the Hudson's 
 Bay Company people, but they have always been fighting with 
 the Eskimo, and sometimes amongst themselves. The Hudson's 
 Bay Company have at least influenced them to keep the peace 
 with their neighbours. 
 
 ' To return to the Eskimo. I should mention that ethnologists 
 have found that the form of the heads of Eskimo living 
 near Behring Strait differs very much from that of those 
 living further east and in Greenland, these latter being much 
 longer. My own impression is that the Eskimo near Behring 
 Strait are of mixed blood, their heads more closely resembling 
 the Indian type. Curiously, an P]skimo brought from Hudson 
 Bay or Labrador can make himself well understood when 
 speaking to an Eskimo of the Mackenzie River or even further 
 west. I do not believe that the Eskimo ever went so far south 
 as the Aleutian Islands, which are in latitude 53° N. and 54° N.' 
 
 APPENDIX II. 
 
 PoNTiAc's Conspiracy, 1763. 
 
 PoNTiAc, originally a Catawba prisoner, and adopted into the 
 clan of the Ottawas, was styled 'the king and lord of all the North- 
 West,' and headed a great confederacy of Indian tribes, includ- 
 ing Senecas, Shawnees, Miamis, Wyandots, and all then living 
 in the country from the Niagara and the Alleghanies to the 
 Mississippi and Lake Superior. The object of the conspiracy 
 was to drive the English out of the country, the savages declar- 
 ing that as the French must go no other nation should rule. 
 After a few months of cruel warfare the conspiracy came to 
 an end, mainly through the instrumentality of the French 
 officers, who exhorted the savages 'to bury the hatchet and take 
 the English by the hand, for a representative of the king of 
 France would be seen amongst them no more.' — Bancroft's 
 Hist, of the United States. 
 
wmmmmmmmp^' 
 
 Aiipendix III — F. 
 
 283 
 
 APPENDIX III. 
 
 Habitat of Sioux. 
 
 *TnE Sioux were specially located south of the boundary 
 line (Lat. 49°), and did not extend north to the Saskatchewan 
 until driven out of the States very recently.' — John Rae, 
 M.D., F.R.S. 
 
 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 New England and Public Education. 
 
 * New England, the poorest of all the colonies, stood far ahead 
 of all colonies, either north or south, in education ; for the 
 settlement of the Puritans had been followed at once by the 
 establishment of a system of local schools. Every Township, it 
 was enacted, after the Lord hath increased them to the number 
 of fifty householders, shall apjjoint one to teach all children to 
 read and write : and when any Town shall increase to the 
 number of a hundred families they shall set up a Grammar 
 School. The result was that in the middle of the eighteenth 
 century New England was the one part of the world where 
 every man and woman was able to read and write.' — Labber- 
 ton's General History, p. 170. 
 
 APPENDIX V. 
 
 The Acadia of Longfellow. 
 
 'The reader of Evangeline views with delight the fruitful 
 valleys that continue to yield abundant harvests and rich pas- 
 turage, and whose productive apple -orchards gladden the eye 
 as in days of yore. The undoubted beauty of Longfellow's 
 poem is unfortunately marred by the false impressions it con- 
 veys in one important respect. Had the author traced to its 
 
284 
 
 Ajypendix VI. 
 
 sources the history of the Acadians, he would have discovered 
 that they were by no means the guileless beings he represents, 
 and that the expulsion became a stern necessity of war.' — Im- 
 pressions of Canada, by J. S- O'Halloran. Colonies and India, 
 December 12, 18S3. 
 
 -M- 
 
 itit^W 
 
 1 
 
 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 Seigneukial Tenure in Canada, 1663- 1763. 
 
 After the close of the Rule of the Hundred Associates, which 
 had lasted from 1627-1663, Canada came under the direct con- 
 trol of the King of France. The change was from an associa- 
 tion of a hundred Merchant-venturers with a monopoly to all 
 North America then explored from Florida to Hudson's Bay, to 
 a supreme council of three officers acting under the Crown. 
 
 The causes of the failure of ' The Associates ' are not far to 
 seek. Louis XIII had granted them their enormous privileges 
 under three main conditions, ^first, that the Company should 
 supply all their settlers with food, lodging, clothing and farm 
 implements for three years, cleared lands and grain to sow 
 upon them ; secondly, that the emigrants should be native 
 Frenchmen and Roman Catholics, and that no stranger or 
 heretic should be introduced into the country ; thirdly, that a 
 certain number of priests should be supported in each settle- 
 ment. 
 
 The first condition presupposed the absence of the prin- 
 ciple of self-help amongst the immigrants, the second was 
 rendered practically impossible by its exclusiveness and 
 illiberality. The scheme was mainly owing to Cardinal Riche- 
 lieu. As we have seen, Sir David Kirk, one of the numerous 
 Protestant refugees of England, aided by de Caen, a Protestant 
 Frenchman and Canadian colonist, tvho had turned against his 
 coiint>'y, destroyed the Quebec settlements under a commission 
 from Charles I. In 1662, the Company of One Hundred Asso- 
 ciates had diminished to forty-five. 
 
 The Seigneurs were supposed, however, to repair the errors 
 of ' The Associates.' Feudalism was to have a new growth on 
 
Ap2)endix VI. 
 
 28--. 
 
 the banks of the St. Lawrence. A true colonial aristocracy was 
 to arifiKi in America, and New France was to be a continuation, 
 politically and socially, of Old France. It would be the era of 
 a true oligarchy of the best men. For instance, Louis XIV 
 gave to the illustrious De La Salle the Seigneury of Cataraqui 
 or Frontenac, and military officers and other persons of good 
 family received grants of land, upon which, under the denomina- 
 tion of Censitaires, soldiers and others were induced to settle. 
 Large tracts of land were given to favourites of the French 
 Court. The seigneuries included from ico to 500 square miles, 
 and they were parcelled out in small lots. The portion 
 allotted to each inhabitant was generally three acres in 
 breadth and seventy to eighty in depth, commencing from the 
 banks of the St. Lawrence and running back into the woods. 
 The Seigneurs exercised a magisterial jurisdiction, and held 
 courts for trials of all offences committed within their terri- 
 tories, treason and murder excepted. When the English intro- 
 duced Trial by Jury the old French gentry grumbled, because 
 labourers and mechanics might sit in judgment upon gentle- 
 men. Education in Canada before the conquest was entirely 
 restricted to the upper classes and clerical orders. Common 
 schools were unknown, and very few of the peasantry could 
 either read or write. This was very different from the case of the 
 New England colonists. Volney, a French traveller who visited 
 Canada at the close of the eighteenth century, was much struck 
 with the ignorance of the peasantry. Under these feudal con- 
 ditions the noblesse became so impoverished that Louis XIV 
 was induced to permit them to engage in trade without social 
 degradation. The colonists were almost entirely Roman 
 Catholics. In May, 1774, General Carleton, in his evidence 
 before a Committee of the House of Commons, estimated the 
 population of Canada at 100,000 Roman Catholics and 400 
 Protestants. Such was France under the Seigneurs. The 
 position is summed up by the Quarterly Review, No. 217 : * New 
 France was colonised by a Government — New England by a 
 people. France founded a State in Canada based upon 
 feudality and supported by the Church : to England the 
 American colonies owed scarcely anything, and they received 
 very little of her attention.' 
 
286 
 
 lippendix VII, VIII. 
 
 APPENDIX VII. 
 
 Sir Provo William Wallis, G.C.B. 
 
 'TiiE " Chesapeake " was carried into Halifax on the 6th of 
 June by Lieutenant Falkner, third of the "Shannon," and Cap- 
 tain Laurence having died on board her on the 4th, his body 
 was taken ashore and buried with full military honours. First 
 fiieutenant Watt of the " Shannon " being killed and the heroic 
 Captain Broke being disabled by his wounds, it was to Second 
 Lieutenant "Wallis, himself a Nova Scotian by birth, that the 
 proud honour fell of carrying the victorious '"Shannon" into 
 Halifax. And now when six and seventy years have gone by, 
 that Lieutenant Wallis still lives, and as Sir Provo William 
 Wallis, G.C.B. , is, in his ninety-ninth year, Admiral of the 
 Fleet in the Royal Navy.' — Extract from the Journal of the 
 R. A. and C. S. of B. Guiana, vol. iii. pp. 105-106. 
 
 APPENDIX VIII. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 B 
 
 t 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 -i ■ 
 
 
 iii.u<L, 
 
 i :-. i 
 
 The British North America Act, 1867. 
 
 The history of the Canadian Constitution may be divided into 
 the following periods : — 
 
 (i) That of Military Kule, 1 760-1774. 
 
 (2) That of the Quebec Act, 1774-1791, 
 
 (3) That of the Constitution of 1791-1840. 
 
 (4) That of the Union Bill of 1840-1867. 
 
 (5) That of the Confederation Bill, known as the British 
 
 North America Act, 1867. 
 
 (i) Military Rule in Canada, 1 760-1 774. 
 
 As soon as the articles of surrender were signed at Montreal 
 in 1760, General Amherst, as the Commander of the English 
 army, became Governor-General of Canada. He divided the 
 country into the three districts of Quebec, Three Rivers, and 
 Montreal. It will be observed that the distinction between 
 
Appendix VIII. 
 
 287 
 
 Upper and Lower Canada, between Ontario and Quebec, had not 
 yet arisen. General Murray was appointed to Quebec, and as- 
 si<^nedthe duties of Lieutenant-(Jovernor over Canada; Colontd 
 Burton was appointed to Three Rivers, and (Jeneral (Jaj^e to 
 Montreal. Each of tliese was assisted by a Council composed 
 of military othcei's which decided all cases brouj^ht before it, 
 subject to the approval of the Lieutenant-Governor. 
 
 All the laws, customs, and judicial forms of the ancient 
 French colony were in a moment overthrown. The English 
 language was the sole medium of official communication; all 
 public offices were conferred on British-born subjects, of 
 whoni there were scarcely 400 in the Colony, exclusive of the 
 military. Many of the highest situations were given away to 
 men of interest in England, who let them out to the highest 
 bidder. There were no regular salaries, as the offices were 
 paid by fees. Trial by Jury was little appreciated by a 
 French peasantry, who could not understand a word of the 
 pleadings. This rough-and-ready administration of Canada 
 could not last. When complaints were sent home and laid 
 before the Attorney and Solicitor General, it was decided, (i) 
 that the compulsory use of English alone as the official lan- 
 guage was, under the circumstances, inadvisable ; (2) that it 
 was unwise to abolish all the French usages and customs, 
 especially those relating to the titles of land, the law of descent, 
 of alienation and settlement; (3) that Canadian advocates, 
 attorneys, and jDroctors should be permitted to practise in the 
 courts. 
 
 (2) The Quebec Act, 1 774. 
 
 'On May 2, 1774, a Bill, usually known as the Quebec Act, 
 was brought into the House of Lords by the Earl of Dartmouth, 
 which passed without opposition, and was sent to the Commons 
 for their concurrence. This Bill repealed all the provisions of 
 the Royal Proclamation of 1763, annulled all the acts of the 
 Governor and Council relative to the civil government and 
 administration of justice, revoked the commissions of judges 
 and other existing officers, and established new boundaries for 
 the Province, which was now declared to embrace all ancient 
 Canada, Labrador, and the countries west of the Ohio and Mis- 
 sissippi. The Quebec Act released the Roman Catholic religion 
 
 ,> 
 
Wr 
 
 288 
 
 Appendix VIII. 
 
 i^ifl 
 
 in Canada from all penal restrictions, renewed their dues and 
 tithes to its regular clergy, but as regarded members of their 
 own Church only (Protestants being freed from their payment), 
 and confirmed all classes, with the exception of the religious 
 orders and communities, in the full possession of their proper- 
 ties. TJie French laws were declared to he the rules for decision 
 relative to propeiij/ and civil rights, whilst the English criminal 
 law was established in perpetuity. Both the civil and critninal 
 codes, however, irere liable to be altered or modified by the ordinances 
 of the Governor and a Legislative Council. This Council was to 
 l)e appointed by the Crown, and was to consist of not more than 
 twenty-three, nor less than seventeen members. Its power was 
 limited to levying local or municipal taxes, and to making 
 arrangements for the administration of the internal atfairs of 
 the Province ; the British Parliament jealously reseriHng to itself the 
 right of internal taxation, or levying duties on articles imported 
 or exported. Every ordinance passed by this Council was to be 
 transmitted within six months, at furthest, after enactment, 
 for the approbation of the king, and if disallowed, to be null 
 and void on his pleasure becoming known in Quebec' — (Mac- 
 mullen, p. 199.) 
 
 Under the provisions of this Act Canada was governed for 
 seventeen years. The Act was a great concession to French 
 Canadians, as it made ' The Custom of Paris ' the Law of 
 Canada. To the present day the French Civil Law prevails in 
 the Province of Quebec. 
 
 (3) The Canadian Constitution 0/1791. 
 
 The Constitutional Act was prepared by the Colonial Secre- 
 tary, William Grenville. and, after being sent to Lord Dorchester 
 for correction, was laid before Parliament by Mr. Pitt in the 
 spring of 1 791. 
 
 Repeal of the Quebec Act. 
 
 This Constitutional Act repealed so much of the Quebec Act 
 as related to the appointment of a Council for the affairs of 
 the Province of Quebec, and the powers given to it to make 
 ordinances for the government thereof. 
 
 m 
 
Appendix VIII. 
 
 289 
 
 Division of the Provinces. 
 
 His Majesty's message expressive of his intention to divide 
 the Province of Quebec into two separate Provinces, viz. Upper 
 and Lower Canada, being recited, it was enacted that a Legis- 
 lative Council and Assembly should be established in each Pro- 
 vince, with power to make laws for the peace, welfare, and 
 good government thereof. 
 
 The Legislative Council. 
 
 The members of the Legislative Council were to be appointed 
 by the King for life, and in Upper Canada to consist of not 
 fewer than seven, and in Lower Canada not fewer than fifteen 
 persons. No person, not being of the full age of twenty-one 
 years, and a natural-born subject of His Majesty or naturalised 
 by Act of the British Parliament, or a subject of His Majesty 
 by the conquest and cession of Canada, could be appointed to 
 it. His Majesty was authorised to annex to hereditary titles of 
 honour the right of being summoned to the Legislative Council 
 in either Province. The Governor had the right of appointing 
 a Speaker to the Legislative Council. 
 
 Hie Legislative Assenibhj. 
 
 Each Province was to be divided into districts or counties, 
 or cities or towns or townships, which were to return repre- 
 sentatives to the Assemblies, the Governor fixing the limits of 
 such districts and the number of representatives to be returned 
 for each. The whole number of members of the Assembly in 
 Upper Canada was to be not less than sixteen, and in Lower 
 Ca-nada not less than fifty, and to be cliosen by a majority of 
 votes. The Countij Members were to be elected by owners of 
 land in freehold or fief or roture, to the value of forty shillings 
 sterling a year, over and above all rents and charges payable 
 out of or in respect of the same. Members for the ton-n or town- 
 ship were elected by persons having a dwelling-house and a lot 
 of ground tbprein of the yearly value of five pounds sterling or 
 upwards, or who, having resided in the town for twelve calendar 
 months next before the date of the writ of election, should bona 
 fide have paid one year's rent for the dwelling-hous;; in which 
 
 ' t 
 
290 
 
 Appendix VIII. 
 
 he should have resided, at the rate of ten pounds sterling per 
 annum, or upwards. 
 
 Disqualifications for the Assemhly. 
 
 No person being a Legislative Councillor, or a clergyman of 
 the Church of England or Rome, or a teacher of any other re- 
 ligious profession, could be eligible to the House of Assembly 
 in either Province, nor any person who was not a natural-born 
 subject or naturalised as aforesaid, or a subject of His Majesty 
 by the conquest. 
 
 *t 
 
 Summoning, Prorogation, and Dissolution 
 of Parliament. 
 
 Power was given to the Governor to fix the times and places 
 of holding the first and every other session of the Legislative 
 Council and Assembly in each province, giving due notice 
 thereof, and to prorogue the same from time to time and to 
 dissolve it ivhenever he deemed such a course expedient. They 
 were to be convoked once at least in every twelve months, and 
 each Assembly was to continue four years from the day of the 
 return of writs for choosing the members ; subject, however, 
 to be sooner prorogued and dissolved, at the pleasure of the 
 Governor. 
 
 The Royal Assent. 
 
 The Governor was authorised to give or withhold His 
 Majesty's assent to all bills passed by the two branches, and 
 to reserve such as he might think fit for the signification of 
 His Majesty's pleasure thereon. Copies of all bills he might 
 assent to were also to be forwarded to the Secretary of State ; 
 and His Majesty might, at any time within two years after 
 receipt by the Secretary, disallow them if he thought fit. Bills 
 reserved by the Governor for His Majesty's pleasure were not 
 to have effect till sanctioned and notice thereof given by 
 message to the two Houses of the Provincial Parliament, or 
 by proclamation ; nor could the Royal assent to bills be given 
 unless within two years next after the day when presented to 
 the Governor for the Royal assent. 
 
 iliKJ 
 
mm ' 
 
 Appendix VIII. 
 
 291 
 
 The Crown Lands and Clergy Beserves. 
 
 Tt was enacted that an allotment of Crown lands, in each 
 Province, should be mad' tor the support and maintenance of a 
 Protestant clergy withii he same, and such allotment was to 
 be, as nearly as circumstances and the nature of the case would 
 admit, equal in value to a seventh pati of the lands granted. 
 
 Church Endowment and Preferment. 
 
 His Majesty empowered the Governors in each Province to 
 erect parsonages and endow them, and to present incumbents 
 or ministers of the Church of England, subject and liable to all 
 rights of institution and all other spiritual and ecclesiastical 
 jurisdiction and authority lawfully granted to the Bishop of 
 Nova Scotia. 
 
 Tlie Provincial Legislature and Church Endoutnent. 
 
 Power was given to the Provincial Legislature to vary and re- 
 peal the provisions relating to such allotments for the sujiport 
 of a Protestant clergy, parsonage and rectories, and presenta- 
 tion of incumbents or ministers ; but it was provided that no 
 bills in this behalf were to be assented to by His Majesty until 
 thirty days after they had been laid before both Houses of the 
 Imperial Parliament, nor was His Majesty to assent to any such 
 bill in case of an address fx-om either of the Houses during that 
 period requesting him to withhold the Royal assent from it. 
 The intent of these privileges was to preserve the rights and in- 
 terests of the Established Church of England in both Provinces 
 from invasion by their respective Legislatures. 
 
 Tenure of Land in Upper Canada. 
 
 All lands to be thereafter granted in Upper Canada were to 
 he in free and common socage, and so in Lower Canada when the 
 grantee required it. 
 
 Duties, Commerce, Navigation. 
 
 The British Parliament reserved to itself the right of pro- 
 viding regulations or prohibitions, imposing, levying and 
 collecting duties, for the regulation of navigation, or for the 
 
 u 2 
 
 J 
 
 I. . ' I 
 
^^m 
 
 m 
 
 292 
 
 Aj^j^encUx VIII. 
 
 ref^ulation of commerce, to be carried on between the said two 
 Provinces, or between either of them or any other part of His 
 Majesty's dominions or any foreio-n country, or for appointinf»- 
 and directing the payment of duties so imposed ; leaving, how- 
 ever, the exclusive appropriation of all moneys so levied, in 
 either Province, to the Legislature thereof, and applicable to 
 public uses therein as it might think fit to apply them. 
 
 Inatt (jurat ion of the Act. 
 
 The Governor, pursuant to the King's instructions, was to fix 
 upon and declare the day when the Act should commence, 
 which was not to be later than the 31st of December, 1791 : 
 nor was the calling together of the Legislative Council and 
 Assembly, in each Province, to be later than the 31st of Decem- 
 ber, 1792. — Macmullen, pp. 217-218. 
 
 The main feature of this 'Constitutional Act' was the division 
 of the two Provinces. It made the third great change in the 
 government of Canada subsequent to 1760. By it parliaments 
 were introduced for the first time into this part of British 
 America. 
 
 It must be recollected that a similar form of government had 
 already been given to Nova Scotia in 1758, and to New Bruns- 
 wick in 1784. 
 
 This Act lasted until 1841. 
 
 Lord Durham's Repoti. 
 The Papineau Rebellion had deeply stirred public opinion 
 at home and had aroused the fears of English statesmen. 
 Martial law had taken the place of ordinary law in Canada, 
 and it seemed as if the last vestige of England's authority in 
 that country would disappear and the rule, jDOssibly, of the 
 United Estates be substituted for it. Canadian loyalty might be 
 conci,' ted but never enforced. At this crisis Lord Durham 
 was sent out by the Queen as ' High Commissioner for the ad- 
 justment of certain important questions depending in the 
 Provinces of Lower and Upper Canada respecting the form and 
 future Government of the said Provinces.' His investigations 
 however were carried out not only in the River Provinces, but 
 also in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. He landed at Quebec 
 
 May 27, 1838, and left again November 
 
 I, 1838. 
 
 His well- 
 
said two 
 t of His 
 pointin'i' 
 ng, how- 
 3 vied, ill 
 cable to 
 
 sras to fix 
 mmence, 
 er, 1 791 : 
 ,ncil and 
 f Decem- 
 
 3 division 
 ge in the 
 I'liaments 
 f British 
 
 pent had 
 w Bruns- 
 
 Append'ix VIII. 
 
 293 
 
 3 opinion 
 atesmen. 
 Canada, 
 lority in 
 of the 
 might be 
 Durham 
 the ad- 
 in the 
 brm and 
 ligations 
 nces, but 
 t Quebec 
 is well- 
 
 known Report is dated London, January 31, 1839. Within a 
 space of six months Lord Durham had carefully examined and 
 mastered the difficulties of the colonists, and his Report is a 
 text-book for colonial constitutional reform. The first part, 
 pp. 1-102, relates to Lower Canada, and is very exhaustive ; the 
 second part to Upper Canada, pp. 103-107 ; the third to the 
 Eastern Provinces and Newfoundland ; whilst a fourth part 
 treats of the important question of emigration and the disposal 
 of public lands. His Report is more useful as laying down 
 principles than as suggesting, seriatim, definite matters of 
 reform. He himself says, p. 204 : ' When I look upon the various 
 and deep-rooted causes of mischief which the past inquiry has 
 pointed out as existing in every institution, in the constitutions 
 and in the very composition of society throughout a great part 
 of these Provinces, I almost shrink from the apparent pre- 
 sumption of grappling with these gigantic difficulties. Nor 
 shall I attempt to do so in detail.' In Lower Canada Lord 
 Durham came to the conclusion that the contest was not one 
 of classes but of races. The only public occasion on which 
 French and British colonists met was in the jury-box, and then 
 they only met to the utter obstruction of justice. No doubt 
 the late war had intensified already existing prejudices. He 
 was also struck with the ignorance of the French hahifans, 
 who were totally wanting in the art of self-government, having 
 been under seigneurial rule so long. The pushing British im- 
 migrant often took up derelict farms and made them pay for 
 cultivation, and British merchants, with their keen business 
 instincts, created trade and bought out the seignieurs. This 
 progressive spirit alarmed and repelled the slow and leisurely 
 French Canadians. There was little education in the Province 
 for the hahitans as a class, but the cleverest of them were 
 brought up at the seminaries as notaries and surgeons, and 
 wherever they went commanded an exaggerated influence, 
 which they often used as demagogues against British rule. But 
 Lord Durham came to the conclusion that the cry of ' La Nation 
 Canadienne,' examined carefully, meant Canadian ruin. In 
 Upper Canada the race question did not api)ear, but there 
 were troubles in the working of the Government. There was 
 a feeling of hostility against the enormous power of the oli- 
 
 l|! l<! 'I 
 
'"■■ I 
 
 i .j '■ i 
 
 li 
 
 294 
 
 Ajypendix VIII. 
 
 garchy known as the ' Family Compact,' which had filled the 
 Bench, Magistracy, and the high offices of the Episcopal 
 Church for a long time. In both Provinces Lord Durham found 
 that the Clergy Reserves question required a speedy settle- 
 ment. In Upper Canada the reformers were anxious to secure 
 the responsibility of the Executive Council and make them 
 amenable to the popular will. In Lower Canada the consti- 
 tutional reformers attacked the Legislative Council, which, as 
 Lord Durham observes (p. 107), was a less diplomatic step. In 
 Upper Canada the largely increasing number of immigrants 
 still further complicated the situation, and formed an evei'- 
 uncertain factor in politics. Lord Durham acknowledged the 
 political deadlock often caused by the Representa,tives of the 
 people stopping supplies in all the Provinces, and says, ' We are 
 not now to consider the policy of establishing representative 
 Government in the North American Colonies. That has been 
 irrevocably done. . . . The Crown must consent to carry the 
 Government on by means of those in whom the representative 
 members have confidence.' Again, ' The mattei's which concern 
 us,' he observes, ' are very few. The constitution of the form 
 of government, the regulation of foreign relations, and of trade 
 with the mother-country, the other British colonies, and foreign 
 nations, and the disposal of the public lands (a very import- 
 ant reservation indeed), are the only points on which the 
 mother-country i-equires a control. Municipal management, 
 local government, and the privileges, carried to their logical con- 
 clusion, of i-epresentative Government will do the rest, and 
 make even the apathetic habitan alert and progressive.' Again, 
 the Imperial policy up to 18 16 (p. 45) had been to isolate the 
 British colonies in Canada and keep them weak and disunited. 
 But this was a short-sighted policy of fear and suspicion, and 
 Lord Durham advises a Legislative Union over all the British 
 Provinces in North America. 
 
 The following is an extract from Lord John Russell's Despatch 
 to the Governor-General of Canada, dated October 14, 1839, on 
 the Constitutional question in Canada : — 
 
 'The Queen's Government have no desire to thwart the 
 representative Assemblies of British North America in their 
 
Appendix VIII. 
 
 295 
 
 measures of reform and improvement. They have no wish to 
 make these Provinces the resource for patronage at home. 
 They are earnestly intent on giving to the talent and character 
 of leading persons in the Colonies, advantages similar to those 
 which talent and character, employed in the public service of 
 the United Kingdom, obtain. Her Majesty has no desire to 
 maintain any system in policy among her Noi'th American sub- 
 jects which opinion condemns. In receiving the Queen's com- 
 mands, therefore, to protest against any declaration at variance 
 with the honour of the Crown and the unity of the Kmpire, 
 [ am at the same time instructed to announce Her Majesty's 
 gracious intention to look to the affectionate attachment 
 of her people in North America, as the best security for 
 permanent dominion. 
 
 ' It is necessary for this purpose that no official misconduct 
 should be screened by Her Majesty's representative in the 
 Provinces : and that no jirivate interests should be allowed to 
 rompete with the general good. 
 
 'Your Excellency is fully in possession of the principles 
 which have guided Her Majesty's advisers on this subject : and 
 you must be aware that there is no surer way of earning the 
 approbation of the Queen than bij maintaining the harmony 
 of the executive trith the legislative authorities. . . . Every 
 political Constitution in which different bodies share the 
 .supreme power, is only enabled to exht by the forbearance of 
 those amongst whom this power is distributed. In this respect 
 the example of England may well be imitated. The Sovereign 
 using the prerogative of the Crown to the utmost extent, and 
 the House of Commons exerting its power of the purse to 
 carry all its resolutions into immediate effect, would produce 
 confusion in the country in less than a twelvemonth. So in 
 a colony : the Governor thwarting every legitimate i^roposition 
 of the Assembly, and the Assembly continually recurring to its 
 power of refusing supplies, can but disturb all political relations, 
 embarrass trade, and retard the prosperity of the people. Each 
 must exercise a wise moderation. The Governor must only 
 oppose the wishes of the Assembly where the honour of the 
 Crown or the interests of the Empire are deeply concerned ; 
 and the Assembly must be ready to modify some of its measures 
 
 f 
 
296 
 
 Aj^pendix VIII. 
 
 
 
 * : 
 
 ■. 
 
 H 
 
 i 
 
 
 , 
 
 i 
 
 b 
 
 m 
 
 for the sake of hannony and from a reverent attachment to the 
 authority of Great Britain.' 
 
 Six Resolutions were adopted by ' The Special Council ' of 
 Lower Canada (November 13, 1839) on the subject of 'The 
 Union Question ' : — 
 
 *(l) That under existing circumstances, in order to provide 
 adequately for the peace and tranquillity, and the good, consti- 
 tutional and efficient government of the Provinces of Upper 
 and Lower Canada, the reunion of these Provinces under one 
 legislature, in the opinion of this Council, has become of indis- 
 pensable and urgent necessity. 
 
 * (2) That the declared determination of Her Majesty, con- 
 veyed in her gracious message to Parliament, to reunite the 
 Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, is in accordance with 
 the opinion entertained by the Council, and receives their 
 ready acquiescence. 
 
 * (3) That among the principal enactments which, in the 
 opinion of this Council, ought to make part of the Imperial 
 Act for reuniting the Provinces, it is exjiedient and desirable 
 that a suitable Civil List should be provided for, securing the 
 independence of judges, and maintaining the Executive Govern- 
 ment in the exercise of its necessary and indispensable 
 functions. 
 
 ' (4) That regard being had to the nature of the i^ublic debt 
 of Upper Canada, and the objects for which principally it was 
 contracted, namely, the improvement of internal communica- 
 tions, alike useful and beneficial for both Provinces, it would 
 be just and reasonable, in the opinion of this Council, that such 
 part of the said debt as has been contracted for this object, 
 and not for defraying expenses of a local nature, should be 
 chargeable on the revenues of both Provinces. 
 
 ' (5) That the adjustment and settlement of the terms of the 
 reunion of the two Provinces may, in the opinion of this Council, 
 with all confidence be submitted to the wisdom and justice of 
 the Imperial Parliament, under the full assurance that provision 
 of the nature of those already mentioned, as well as such others 
 as the measure of reunion may require, will receive due con- 
 sideration. 
 
Appendix VIII. 
 
 297 
 
 * (6) That, in the opinion of this Council, it is most expedient, 
 with a view to the security of Her Majesty's North American 
 Provinces, and the speedy cessation of the enormous expense 
 now incurred by the parent State for the defence of Upper and 
 Fjower Canada, that the present temporary Legishiture of this 
 Province should, as soon as practicable, be succeeded by a per- 
 manent Legislature in which the people of these two Provinces 
 may be adequately represented and their constitutional rights 
 exercised and maintained.' 
 
 (4) The Union Bill of 1840. 
 
 Provides ' (i) for the union under the name of the Province 
 of Canada.' 
 
 ' (2) For the Constitution of one Legislative Council and 
 one Legislative Assembly, under the title of " The Legislative 
 Council and Assembly of Canada." 
 
 ' (3) The Council not to be composed of fewer than twenty 
 natural-born or naturalised subjects of the Queen, ' the tenure 
 of such office being for life, excepting the member chooses to 
 resign, is absent from his duties without cause or permission 
 for two successive sessions, shall become a citizen or subject of 
 any foreign power, or become bankrupt, an insolvent debtor, 
 public defaulter, or attainted of treason, or be convicted of 
 felony, or of any infamous crime.' 
 
 ' (4) The Speaker of the Legislative Council to be appointed 
 by the Governor, who may remove him and appoint another. 
 Ten members to constitute a quorum, including the Speaker. 
 
 ' (5) The Houses of Assembly to consist of members chosen 
 from the same places as heretofore, divided into counties and 
 ridings in Ujiper Canada ; but that the counties of Halton, 
 Northumberland, and Lincoln shall each be divided into two 
 ridings, and return one member for each riding. 
 
 ' (6) That the city of Toronto shall have two members ; and 
 the towns of Kingston, Brockville, Hamilton, Cornwall, Niagara, 
 London, and By town one each. 
 
 ' (7) That in Lower Canada every county heretofore represented 
 by one member, shall continue to be so represented, excepting 
 Montmorency, Orleans, L'Assomption, La Chesnaye, L'Acadia, 
 La Prairie, Dorchester, and Beauce. These to be conjoined 
 
hi- 
 
 298 
 
 Appendix VIII. 
 
 9 
 
 as follows : Montmorpncy and Orleans into the county of 
 Montmorency ; L'Assoniption and La Chesnaye to be the 
 county of Leinster; L'Acadia and La Prairie to be that of 
 Huntingdon ; and Dorchester and Beauce that of Dorchester ; 
 and each of these four new counties to return one member. 
 
 '(8) The cities of Quebec and Montreal to return two members 
 each ; and the towns of Three Rivers and Sherbrooke one each, 
 
 ' (9) The qualifications of a member to be those of bond fide 
 possession of landed estate worth £500 sterling. 
 
 *{io) The passing of any bill to repeal the provision of the 
 19th George III or the acts of the 31st of that reign relating 
 to the government of the Province of Quebec ; and the dues 
 and rights of the clergy of the Church of Rome ; the allotment 
 and appropriation of lands for the support of a Protestant 
 clergy, the endowments of the Church of Kngland, or its internal 
 discipline or establishment, or affecting the enjoyment or exer- 
 cise of any form or mode of religious worship in any way what- 
 ever ; or which mat) affect Her Majesty's prerogative touchituj 
 the waste lands of the Crown, must be first submitted to the 
 imperial Parliament previous to the declaration of the Sovereign s 
 assent ; and that if the Imperial Legislature shall petition the 
 Queen to withhold her assent within thirty days after such 
 act shall have been received, it shall not be lawful to affix 
 the Royal assent thereto. 
 
 '(11) The levying of Imperial and Colonial duties; the 
 appointment of a Court of Appeal ; the administration of the 
 civil and criminal laws ; the fixation of the Court of Queen's 
 Bench within the late Province of Upper Canada ; the regulation 
 of trade ; the consolidation of all the revenues derivable from 
 the Colony into one fund, to be appropriated for the public 
 ser\dce of Canada. 
 
 '(12) Out of this fund £45,000 to be payable to Her Majesty, 
 her heirs and successors, for the purpose of defraying the ex- 
 penses for the administration of the Government and the Laws 
 or the Civil List. This defrayed the expenses of Governor, 
 Lieutenant-Governor, Chief Justices in Upper and Lower 
 Canada, and Puisne Judges and Judges. 
 
 '(13) And a further sum of £30,000 out of the said Consolidated 
 Revenue Fund for defraying other Civil Service expenses. 
 
Appendix VI IT. 
 
 299 
 
 '(14) The total sum of £75,000 thus raised and paid for the 
 Civil List to be accepted and taken by Her Majesty by way of 
 Civil List, instead of all territorial and other revenues then at 
 the disposal of the Crown. 
 
 *(i5) The first charge upon the Consolidated Revenue Fund 
 to be its collection, management, and receipt ; the second, the 
 public debt of the two Provinces at the time of the union ; the 
 fhinl, the pai/ment of the clergy of the Church of Etujland, 
 Church of Scotland, and the ministers of other Christian deno- 
 minations, ayreeabhj to prerious laws and usages ; the fourth 
 charge to be the Civil List of £45,000 ; and the fifth that of 
 £30,000, payable during the lifetime of Her Majesty and for 
 five years after her demise ; the sixth charge to be that of the 
 expenses and charges before levied and reserved by former Acts 
 of the two Provinces, as long as they are payable. 
 
 '(16) All bills for appropriating any part of the revenues of 
 the United Province to originate with the Governor, who shall 
 have the right of initiating the same, as well as of recommend- 
 ing the appropriation of any new tax or impost, and that, 
 having thus been recommended, the Legislative Assembly shall 
 first discuss the same. 
 
 * (17) The formation of new townships to originate with the 
 Governor, as well as the appointment of township officers. 
 
 '(18) The English language only to he used in all written or 
 printed proceedings of the Legislature.' 
 
 The progress towards self-government by the provisions of 
 this Act was very great and far in advance of anything that had 
 been done for the Colonies up to this date. It was a Reform 
 Bill and a Distribution Bill. Still the Governor retained a 
 great deal of real power. He was the nominee of the Crown, 
 and held the right of initiating 'Appropriation' Bills and other 
 important measures in his own hand. His services were paid 
 for out of the Colonial Exchequer. The Judges and Chief 
 Judges also held their briefs direct from the Ci'own, although 
 paid for by the Colonists. The Church and Church property 
 were dealt with very tenderly, the stipends of the clergy being 
 a third charge upon the consolidated revenue. The Imperial 
 Government still retained a tight hold over waste or Crown 
 
 t 
 
 liti 
 
 ,1, 
 
■If 
 
 K 
 
 300 
 
 Appendix VIII. 
 
 lands, a hold tlioy subsequently released, much to their disud- 
 vanta<^e, both in North America and in other parts of our Colonial 
 Kni])ire. 
 
 Tlu! veto on Colonial legislation upon the enactments of 
 (ieorj^e Ill's rei^n was an important one: these enactments 
 covered a great deal of debateable ground. That the English 
 language alone should be the official language was nothing more 
 than could be expected from the circumstances of the time. 
 
 This Bill took effect on February 10, 1841. It was a Ke-union 
 Bill, and lasted until the Confederation Bill of 1867. This was 
 the fourth great change in the government of Canada. 
 
 The Const it lit iuiis of Nora Scotia, 1758, New BrunsivicJc, 1784, 
 and Prince Edward Island, 1770. 
 
 With regard to Nova. Scotia and New Brunswick, it must be 
 recollected that their constitutional histories were slightly dif- 
 ferent from those of the River Provinces. They had both 
 received a Constitution some years before Upper and Lower 
 Canada (Ontario and Quebec). This Constitution consisted of 
 a Governor, representing the Sovereign, and a Parliament com- 
 prising two Houses, the Council and the Assembly. 
 
 The Council was appointed by the Crown, that is, by the 
 Governor acting in behalf of the Sovereign. Its members were 
 usually selected from the most wealthy and influential class, and 
 held office for life. The Bishop of the Church of England and 
 the Chief Justice were ex officio members of the Council. 
 
 ' In Nova Scotia the Assembly was at first elected for no defi- 
 nite period, but continued during the pleasure of the Governor. 
 The House elected in 1770 was not dissolved until 1785, and is 
 known as the Long Parliament of Nova Scotia. In 1792 an Act 
 was passed requiring that a new House should be elected every 
 seven years. In the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada the 
 Assembly was elected for the term of four years (1791). At first 
 Roman Catholics were not allowed to sit in the Assembly of 
 Nova Scotia, or to vote at elections. Indeed, previous to 1783, 
 they could not hold lands or legally celebrate public worshij) in 
 the Province.' — (Calkin's History of British America). 
 
 It must be noticed that this penal and prohibitive spirit was 
 not displayed by the British Government in the River Provinces. 
 
Appendix VIII. 
 
 301 
 
 Both in Nova Scotia and Now Brunswick tho Governor and 
 Council appropriated the public money in the way they thou<,'ht 
 tit, and <,nive little account of the expenditun;. The AHsend)lies 
 were always fightinfj the (fovernor and Council on the score of 
 appr()j)riation. ' In New Brunswick dis])utes between the two 
 Ijranchos of the Lef^'isluture herPiin early, orifjfinatinj,'' in the 
 rejection by the Council of a bill providinjj; for tiie payment to 
 members of the Assembly of 7.S. 6</. per day durin<,' the session. 
 The Assembly then placed the amount with the appropriation 
 for roads and bridfjes and other public services. The Council 
 rejected the whole bill, and for three years no moneys were 
 voted. Thomas Carleton held the office of Governor for twenty 
 j'ears. On his retirement the pfovernment was administered 
 for several years by members of the Council.' — (Calkin.) 
 
 At the period of the union of the two Canadas (1840) con- 
 siderable changes were made in the Nova Scotia Constitution 
 under Lord Sydenham, who temporarily assumed their govern- 
 ment for that purpose. Certain additions were made from the 
 popular party to the Legislative Council and a larger number 
 were taken from the Legislature into the Executive Council, 
 and the tenure of the higher offices was no longer to be for life. 
 But all these reforms totally failed to satisfy even the old 
 loyalists of Nova Scotia, * The progress of events had left but 
 one escape for all the British North American Provinces from 
 being one by one absorbed into the neighbouring States, and 
 that was the confederation of all their various elements of 
 nationality into an aggregate power of sufficient size to stand 
 by itself, to govern itself on large principles, and to be able to 
 defend itself.'— (Sir C. B. Adderley's Tfie Colonial Policy of Lonl 
 John RusselVs Administration.) 
 
 The Provincial Legislatures of Nova Scotia and New Bruns- 
 wick were left undisturbed, excepting so far as they were 
 necessarily altered by the Confederation Bill, which defined 
 the spheres of federal and provincial action. 
 
 The government of Prince Edward Island was separated from 
 that of Nova Scotia in 1770, and in 1773 a Legislative Assembly 
 was constituted, to which the Executive was distinctly recog- 
 nised as responsible. The separate government was granted 
 
302 
 
 Appendix VIII. 
 
 in accordance with the petition of the principal proprietors, 
 and on the understanding that the expense of it should be de- 
 frayed from the quit-rents. 
 
 The Island took its name from the Duke of Kent, the father 
 of the Queen. 
 
 (5) Constitution of the Dominion of Canada. 
 
 The Act of Union, or as it is legally styled, 'The British 
 North American Act, 1867,' provides that the Dominion of 
 Canada shall be divided into four Provinces, viz., (i) Ontario, 
 formerly Upper Canada, (2) Quehec, formerly Lower Canada, (3) 
 JVom Scotia, (4) New Brnnswick, the existing limits of each to 
 remain undisturbed. 
 
 The f]xecutive Government is vested in the Queen, the repre- 
 sentative being the Gorernor-Geneml, whose salary is fixed at 
 .£10,000 sterling, payable by Cana,da, or other chief executive 
 officer for the tinie being. 
 
 Her Majesty has the command-in-chief of all military and 
 naval forces, und the power to remove the seat of Government 
 from Ottawa. 
 
 Under sections 11-12 (The Executive Power) a Privy Council 
 was constituted for Canada. ' There shall be a Council to aid 
 and advise in the government of Canada, to be styled the 
 Queen's Privy Council for Canada; and the persons who are to 
 be members of that Council shall be from time to time chosen 
 and summ'>..ed by the Governor-General and sworn in as Privy 
 Councillors, and members thereof may from time to time be 
 removed by the Governor-General. 
 
 ' 12. All Powers, Authorities, and Functions, which under any 
 Act of the Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain 
 and IrelL 1, or of the Legislature of Upper Canada, Lower 
 Canada, Canada, Nova Scotia or New Brunswick, are at the 
 Union vested in or exercised by the resjiective Governors or 
 Lieutenant Governors of those Provinces with the advice and 
 consent of the respective Executive Councils thereof, or in con- 
 junction with these Councils, or with any number of members 
 tnereof, or by those Governors and Lieutenant-Governors indi- 
 vidually shall ... be vested in and exercisable by the Governor- 
 General with the advice or w^ith the advice and consent of or 
 
Appendix VIII. 
 
 30:^ 
 
 in conjunction with the Queen's Priry Council for Canada, or 
 any members thereof or by the Governor-General individually, 
 as the case requires, subject nevertheless (except with respect 
 to such as exist under Acts of Parliament of Great Britain) to 
 be abolished or altered by the Parliament of Canada.' 
 
 I 
 
 'm 
 
 In his work on Parliamentary Government in the British 
 Colonies Mr. Alpheus Todd writes : — 
 
 * As a rule, all outgoing ministers should resign their seats in 
 the Executive Council or be formally removed from that body. 
 Hitherto, it has not been deemed expedient to retain ex-Cabinet 
 ministers in the list of Colonial Executive Councils, merely as 
 honorary members and in analogy to Imperial practice. An 
 organisation resembling the Imperial Privy Council and liable 
 to be convened on special occasions, or for ceremonial purjoosos, 
 is not ordinarily required in Colonial institutions, which, at the 
 outset at least, should be as simjile and jiractical as possible. 
 
 * But in the Dominion of Canada the practice prevails that 
 the Queen's Privy Council for Canada, the members of which are 
 appointed by the Governor-General to aid and advise the 
 Government and are removed at his discretion, are nevertheless 
 permitted to retain an honorary position in the Council after 
 their retirement from the Cabinet. By command of the Queen, 
 members of the Privy Council not of the Cabinet have a si^ecial 
 precedence within the Dominion and are permitted to be styled 
 Honourables for life.' 
 
 As above hinted, these Colonial Privy Councils may be the 
 germ from which a Federal Parliament of the Emjjire may 
 arise. 
 
 The General or Federal Parliament of Canada consists of the 
 Queen anJ Upper House, styled the Senate and The House of 
 Commons. 
 
 The Senate is composed of seventy-two members, twenty-four 
 from Ontario, tv/enty-four from Quebec, twelve from Nova 
 Scotia, and twelve from New Brunswick. 
 
 Senators are chose a by the Crown for life, are to be subjects 
 of Her Majesty; and to have a property qualification of ^Ciioo 
 
304 
 
 Appendix VIII. 
 
 above all debts and liabilities. The Senator must also be a resi- 
 dent of the Province for w^hich he is appointed. Six additional 
 members may be added to the Senate \>y the Queen, but its 
 whole number is not to exceed seventy-eight at any time. The 
 Speaker of the Senate is appointed by the Crown. 
 
 The House of Commons consists of one hundred and eighty-one 
 members, eighc.y-two from Ontario, sixty-five from Quebec, 
 nineteen from Nova Scot'ia, and fifteen from New lirunswick. 
 The duration of the House of Commons is fixed for five years, 
 unless sooner dissolved by the Governor-General. Quebec is 
 alwaj's to return sixty-five members at least, and should the 
 ratio of increase be greater in the other Provinces, as developed 
 by the Census to be taken every ten years, their parliamentary 
 representation is to be proportionately increased. The Parlia- 
 ment of Canada may increase the representation in the House of 
 Commons, but only in the proportion fixed by the Act. The 
 qualification of its members is £500. 
 
 ■i 
 
 Powers of the General or Federal Parliament. 
 
 It shall be lawful for the Queen, by and with the advice and 
 consent of the Senate and House of Commons, to make laws for 
 the peace, order, and good government of Canada, in relation 
 to all matters not coming within the classes of subjects by 
 this Act assigned exclusively to the Legislatures of the 
 Provinces ; and for greater certainty, but not so as to restrict 
 the generality of the foregoing terms of this section, it is 
 hereby declared that (notwithstanding anything in this Act) 
 the exclusive legislative authority of the Parliament of Canada 
 extends to all matters coming within the classes of subjects 
 next hereinafter enumerated ; that is to say, 
 
 (i) The Public Debt and Property. 
 
 (2) The Regulation of Trade and Commerce. 
 
 (3) The raising of money by any mode or system of taxation. 
 
 (4) The borrowing of money on the public credit. 
 
 (5) Postal Service. 
 
 (6) The Census and Statistics. 
 
 (7) Militaiy and Naval Service, Militia, and Defence. 
 
 (8) Providing the salaries of civil and otheir officers of the 
 Government of Canada. 
 
Appendix VIII. 
 
 3^5 
 
 (9) Beacons, buoys, light-houses, and Sable Island. 
 
 (10) Navigation and Shipping. 
 
 (11) Quarantine and Marine Hospitals. 
 
 (12) Sea coast and inland Fisheries. 
 
 (13) Ferries between a Province and any British or foreign 
 countiy. 
 
 (14) Currency and Coinage. 
 
 (15) Banks and the issue of paper mone3\ 
 
 (16) Savings' Banks. 
 
 (17) Weights and Measures. 
 
 (18) Bills of Exchange and Promissory l\otes. 
 
 (19) Interest. 
 
 (20) Legal tender. 
 
 (21) Bankruptcy and insolvency. 
 
 (22) Patents of invention, 
 
 (23) Copyrights. 
 
 (24) Indians and Indian Reserves. 
 
 (25) Naturalisation and aliens. 
 
 (26) Marriage and divorce. 
 
 (27) Procedure in criminal law. 
 
 (28) Penitentiaries. 
 
 Provincial Constitutions. 
 
 For each Province the Governor-General appoints a Lieutenant- 
 Governor to hold office for five years. 
 
 (l) Ontario. 
 The Legislature of Ontario consists of the Lieutenant-Governor 
 and of one Chamber only, styled the Legislative Assembly, 
 numbering eighty- two members, elected for four years. Property 
 qualification is the same as for the House of Commons. 
 
 (2) Qnehcc. 
 
 The Legislature of Quebec consists of the Lieutenant-Governor 
 and of two Houses, the Legislative Council consisting of 
 twenty-four members appointed by the Crown for life, and the 
 Legislative Assembly, consisting of sixty-five members, elected 
 for four years. The property qualification is the same as for 
 the House of Commons. 
 
 X 
 

 3o6 
 
 Appendix VIII. 
 
 (3) Nova Scotia. 
 The Legislature of Nova Scotia consists of a Lieutenant - 
 TTOvernor and of a Legislative Council of seventeen members 
 and a Legislative Assembly of thirty-seven members. 
 
 (4) New Brnnsicich. 
 
 The Legislature of New Brunswick consists of a Lieutenant- 
 Governor, a Legislative Council of seventeen members, and a 
 Legislative Assembly of forty-one members. 
 
 Exclusive Powers of the Provincial or Local Legislattires. 
 
 In each Province the Legislature may exclusively make laws 
 in relation to matters coming within the classes of subjects 
 enumerated as follows : — 
 
 (i) The amendment from time to time of the Constitution of 
 the Province, exceptas regards the office of Lieutenant-Governor. 
 
 (2) Direct taxation within the Province for revenue for pro- 
 vincial expenses. 
 
 (3) The borrowing of money on the sole credit of the 
 Provinces. 
 
 (4) The establishment and tenure of provincial offices and 
 the appointment and payment of provincial officers. 
 
 (5) The management and sale of the public lands belonging 
 to the Province and of the timber and wood thereon. 
 
 (6) The establishment, maintenance, and management of 
 hospitals, asylums, charities, and eleemosynary institutions in 
 and for the Province other than marine hospitals. 
 
 (7) The establishment, maintenance, and management of 
 public and reformatory prisons in and for the Province. 
 
 (8) Municipal institutions in the Province. 
 
 (9) Shop, saloon, tavern, auctioneer and other licences, in 
 order to the raising of a revenue for provincial, local, or muni- 
 cipal purposes. 
 
 (10) Local works and undertakings other than such as are of 
 the following classes : — 
 
 (a) Lines of steam or other ships, railways, canals, telegi*aphs, 
 and other works and undertakings, connecting the Province 
 with any other or others of the Provinces, or extending beyond 
 the limits of the Provinces. 
 
A'ppeifidix VI IT. 
 
 3^7 
 
 (h) Lines of steam-ships between the Province and any British 
 or foreign country. 
 
 (c) Such works as, although wholly situate within the Province, 
 are before or after their execution declared by the Parliament 
 of Canada to be for the general advantage of Canada or for the 
 advantage of two or more of the Provinces. 
 
 (li) The incoii^oration of companies with provincial objects. 
 
 (12) The solemnisation of marriage in the Province. 
 
 (13) Property and civil rights in the Province. 
 
 (14) The administration of justice in the Province, including 
 the constitution, maintenance, and organisation of provincial 
 courts, both of civil and ci'iminal jurisdiction, and including 
 proceedings in civil matters in those courts. 
 
 (15) The imposition of punishment by fine, penalty, or im- 
 prisonment for enforcing any law of the Province made in rela- 
 tion to any matter coming within any of the classes of subjects 
 enumerated in this section. 
 
 Education. 
 
 The Provincial Legislature may exclusively make laws in re- 
 lation to Education subject and according to the following 
 provisions : — 
 
 (a) Nothing in such law shall prejudicially affect any right 
 or privilege with respect to denominational schools v.'hich any 
 class of persons possess by law in the Province at the time of 
 the Union (1867). 
 
 (&) All the powers, privileges, and duties of the Union by 
 law conferred and imposed in Upper Canada on the separate 
 schools and school trustees of the Queen's Roman Catholic sub- 
 jects shall be and the same are hereby extended to the dis- 
 sentient schools of the Queen's Protestant and Roman Catholic 
 subjects in Quebec. 
 
 ((•) When in any Province a system of separate or dissentient 
 schools exists by law at the Union or is thereafter established 
 by the Legislature of the Provinc i,n appeal shall lie to the 
 Governor-General in Council from any act or decision of any 
 provincial authority affecting any right or privilege of the 
 Protestant or Roman Catholic minority of the (Queen's subjects 
 in relation to education. 
 
 X 2 
 
308 
 
 Appendix VIII. 
 
 (d) In case any such provincial law as from time to time 
 seems to the Governor-rJeneral in Council requisite for the due 
 execution of the provisions of this section is not made, or in 
 case any decision of the Ciovernor-Gleneral in Council on any 
 appeal under this section is not duly executed by the proper 
 provincial authority in that behalf, then and in every such case, 
 and as far only as the circumstances of the case require, the 
 Parliament of Canada may make remedial laws for the due 
 execution of this section, and of any decision of the Governor- 
 General in Council under this section. 
 
 It will be noticed that by these clauses the consciences and 
 religious liberties of both Protestants in Ontario and of Roman 
 Catholics in Quebec are safeguarded. At the same time in all 
 matters of dispute upon the controversial ground of education, 
 the supreme power of the Federal Parliament and of the 
 Governor-General in Council is asserted. 
 
 Umformifij of Lairs in Ontario, Xora Scotia, New Bruiisirick. 
 
 The Parliament of Canada may make pi'ovision for the 
 uniformity of all or any of the laws relating to property and 
 civil rights in Ontario, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, but 
 any Act of the Parliament of Canada providing for this uni- 
 formity shall not have effect in any Province unless adopted by 
 the Legislature of that Province. 
 
 This asserts the supremacy of the Federal Parliament as the 
 only power that can codify and systematise law. 
 
 Agnculture and Immigration. 
 
 The Provincial Legislature may make laws in relation to 
 Agriculture and Immigration within their respective areas, but 
 it must not be repugnant to any Act of the Parliament of 
 Canada on the same subject. Here again the supremacy of the 
 central government is asserted. 
 
 Judicature. 
 
 The Governor-General shall appoint the judges of the 
 Superior, District, and County Courts in each Province, except 
 those of the Courts of Probate in Nova Scotia and New Bruns- 
 wick. 
 
Aijpendix VIII. 
 
 309 
 
 Until the laws relative to property and civil rights in Ontario, 
 Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, and the procedure of the 
 courts in those Provinces are made uniform, the judges of the 
 courts of those Provinces appointed by the Governor-Cieneral 
 shall he selected from the respective bars of those Provinces. 
 
 The judges of the courts of Quebec shall be selected from the 
 bar of that Province. 
 
 The judges of the Superior Courts shall hold office during 
 good behaviour, but shall be removable by the Governor-General 
 on address of the Senate and House of Commons. The salaries, 
 allowances, and pensions of the judges of the Superior, District, 
 and County Courts (except the Courts of Probate in Nova Scotia 
 and New Brunswick), and of the Admiralty Courts in cases where 
 the judges thereof are for the time being paid by salary, shall 
 be fixed and provided for by the Parliament of Canada. 
 
 The Parliament of Canadti may, notwithstanding anything in 
 this Act, from time to time provide for the constitution, main- 
 tenance, and organisation of a general Court of Appeal for 
 Canada, and for the establishment of any additional Courts for 
 the better administration of the laws of Canada. 
 
 Revenues, Debts, Assets. 
 
 All duties and revenuesover which the respective Legislatures 
 of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, before and at the 
 Union had and have power of appropriation, except such por- 
 tions thereof as are by this Act reserved to the respective Legis- 
 latures, or are raised by them in accordance with the special 
 powers conferred upon them by this Act, shall form one con- 
 solidated revenue fund, to be appi"opriated for the public 
 service of Canada in the manner and subject to the charges in 
 this Act provided. 
 
 The consolidated revenue fund of Canada shall be perma- 
 nently charged with the costs, charges, and expenses incident 
 to the collection, management, and receipt thereof, and the 
 same shall form the first charge thereon, subject to be reviewed 
 and audited in such manner as shall be ordered by the Governor- 
 General in Council until the Parliament otherwise provides. 
 
 The annual interest of the public debts of the several Pro- 
 vinces of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick at the Union 
 
3IO 
 
 Appendix VIII. 
 
 shall form the second charge on the consolidated revenue fund 
 of Canada. 
 
 Unless altered by the Parliament of Canada, the salary of 
 the Governor-General shall be £10,000 sterling, payable out of 
 the consolidated revenue fund of Canada, and the same shall 
 form the third charge thereof. 
 
 All stocks, cash, bankers' balances, and securities for money 
 belonging to each Province at the time of the Union, except as 
 in this Act mentioned, shall be the property of Canada, and 
 shall be taken in reduction of the amount of the respective 
 debts of the Provinces at the Union. 
 
 The public works and property of each Province, enumerated 
 in the third schedule to this Act, shall be the property of 
 Canada. 
 
 All lands, mines, minerals, royalties belonging to the several 
 Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick at the 
 Union, and all sums then due or jiayable for such lands, mines, 
 minerals or royalties, shall belong to the several Provinces of 
 Ontario, Quebec, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, in which the 
 same are situate or arise, or subject to any trusts existing in re- 
 spect thereof, and to any interest other than that of the Province 
 in the same. 
 
 All assets connected with such portions of the public debt of 
 each Province as are assumed by that Province shall belong to 
 that Province. 
 
 The assets enumerated in the fourth schedule to this Act 
 belonging at the Union to the Pi'ovince of Canada, shall be the 
 property of Ontario and Quebec conjointly. 
 
 Nova Scotia shall be liable to Canada for the amount (if any) 
 by which its public debt exceeds at the Union seven million 
 dollars, and shall be charged with interest at the rate of five per 
 cent, per annum thereon. 
 
 In case the public debts of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick 
 do not at the Union amount to seven and eight million dollars 
 respectively, they shall respectively receive by half-yearly pay- 
 ments in advance from the Government of Canada, interest at 
 five jjer cent, per annum on the difterence between the actual 
 amounts of their respective debts and such stipulated amounts. 
 
 The several Provinces shall retain all their respective public 
 
Appendix VIII. 
 
 311 
 
 n 
 
 % 
 ii 
 
 property not otherwise disposed of in this Act, subject to the 
 right of Canada to assume any hands or public property required 
 for fortification or for the defence of the country. 
 
 The following sums shall be paid yearly by Canada to the 
 several Provinces for the support of their Governments and 
 
 Legislatures :- 
 
 Ontario 
 Quebec 
 Nova Scotia 
 New Brunswick 
 
 80,000 dollars, 
 70,000 „ 
 60,000 „ 
 50,000 „ 
 
 and an annual grant in aid of each Province shall be made, 
 equal to eighty cents, per head of the population as ascertained 
 by the census of 1861, and in the case of Nova Scotia and New 
 Brunswick, by each subsequent decennial census until the 
 population of each of those two Provinces amounts to 400,000 
 souls, at which rate such grant shall thereafter remain. Such 
 grants shall be in full settlement of all future demand on 
 Canada, and shall be paid half-yearly in advance to each Pro- 
 vince ; but the Government of Canada shall deduct from such 
 grants, as against any Province, all sums chargeable as interest 
 on the public debt of that Province in excess of the several 
 amounts stipulated in this Act. 
 
 New Brunswick shall receive by half-yearly payments in 
 advance from Canada for the period of ten years from the 
 Union, an additional allowance of 63,000 dollars per annum ; 
 but as long as the public debt of that Province remains under 
 seven million dollars, a deduction equal to the interest at five 
 I)er cent, per annum on the deficiency shall be made from that 
 allowance of 63,000 dollars. 
 
 All articles of the growth, produce or manufacture of any one 
 of the Provinces shall, from and after the Union, be admitted 
 free into each of the other Provinces. 
 
 The customs and excise laws of each Province shall, subject to 
 the provisions of this Act, continue in force until altered by the 
 Pai'liament of Canada. 
 
 Where custom dt ' ies are, at the Union, leviable on any goods, 
 wares or merchandise in any two Provinces, those goods, wares 
 or merchandise mtiy, from and after the Union, be imported 
 from one of those Provinces into the other of them, as proof of 
 
312 
 
 Ai^pend'ix Vlll. 
 
 payment of the custom duty leviable thereon in the Province 
 of exportation, and on payment of such further amount (if 
 any) of custom duty as is leviable thereon in the Px'ovince of 
 importation. 
 
 Nothin*,' in this Act shall atfect the rif^ht of New Brunswick 
 to levy the lumber dues provideil in the revised statutes of New 
 Brunswick. 
 
 Such portions of the duties and revenues over which the 
 respective Legislatures of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Bruns- 
 wick had before the Union power of appropriation as are by 
 this Act reserved to the respective Governments or Legislatures 
 of the Provinces, and all duties and revenues laised by them in 
 accordance with the special powers conferred upon them by 
 this Act, shall in each Province form one consolidated revenue 
 fund to be appropriated for the public service of the Province. 
 
 i^ 
 
 Admission of other Colonies. 
 
 Provision was made for the admission of Newfoundland, 
 Prince Edward Island, British Columbia, Rupert's Land and the 
 North-West Territory, in case of application from the Legisla- 
 tui'es of these Provinces. 
 
 The first Governor-General of the Dominion was the Right 
 Honorable Charles Stanley Viscount Monck, and the Honorable 
 John A. Macdonald was entrusted with the formation of the 
 first Ministry, which consisted of: — - 
 
 Hon. (now Sir) John Alexander Macdonald, Prime Minister. 
 
 Hon. George Etienne Cartier, Minister of Militia. 
 
 Hon. (now Sir) Alexander Tilloch Gait, Minister of Finance. 
 
 Hon. William Macdougall, Minister of Public Works. 
 
 Hon. William Pearce Howland, Minister of Inland Revenue. 
 
 Hon. Adams George Archibald, Q.C., Secretary of State for 
 the Provinces. 
 
 Hon. Adam Johnston Ferguson-Blair, President of the Privy 
 Council. 
 
 Hon. Peter Mitchell, Minister of Marine and Fisheries. 
 
 Hon. Alexander Campbell, Q. C, Postmaster -General. 
 
 Hon. Jean Charles Chapais, Minister of Agriculture. 
 
 Hon. Hector Louis Langevin, Q. C, Secretary of State. 
 
 Hon. Edward Kenny, Receiver-GeneraL 
 
Appendix VITL 
 
 313 
 
 After the Confederation of Quebec, Ontario, Nova Scotia and 
 New Brunswick as provided for by the British North America 
 Act of 1867, the rest of the Provinces were admitted in the 
 following oi'der : — 
 
 May 12, 1870. The Province of Manitoba and the North- West 
 Territories. 
 
 July 20, 1 87 1. British Columbia. 
 
 July I, 1873. Prince Edward Island. 
 Jn each case there was opposition to Confederation, but it 
 was overcome, after a mature consideration of theadvantafres of 
 a Dominion policy. Certain minor changes with regard to the 
 constitution of the Cabinet, the number of members in the 
 Senate, the House of Commons, etc. followed, and it will be 
 seen that on the subject of the qualifications for voters, payment 
 of members, and even the form of their Legislature, the seven 
 incorporated Provinces have agreed to ditter. 
 
 Present Administration of Fiihlic Affairs. 
 
 The administration of Public Affairs is at present divided 
 into the following thirteen instead of the original twelve de- 
 partments ; viz. Finance, Justice, Public Works, Railways and 
 Canals, Militia and Defence, Customs, Agriculture, Post Office, 
 Marine and Fisheries, Inland Revenue, Interior, Indian Affairs 
 and Department of Secretary of State ; but provision has recently 
 been made for the amalgamation of the departments of Customs 
 and Inland Revenue, the new department to be known as that 
 of Trade and Commerce, pi'csided over by a Minister designated 
 accordingly, while in the place of the present Ministers of 
 Customs and Inland Revenue, two Comptrollers will be ap- 
 pointed who shall vacate their oftices on any change of Govern- 
 ment, but shall not necessarily have seats in the Cabinet. 
 
 ' I 4 
 
 Present Nurnher of Senators. 
 
 The number of Senators cannot exceed 78 until the admis- 
 sion of Newfoundland, when it may be increased to 82. There 
 are at present 78 members, representing the several provinces 
 as follows: — Ontario, 24; Quebec, 24; Nova Scotia, 10; New 
 Brunswick, 10; Manitoba, 3; British Columbia, 2; Prince 
 P^dward Island, 4; and the North-West Territories, i. Bills of 
 
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 Appendix VIII. 
 
 
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 13 
 
 all kinds, except money hills, can be originated in the Senate. 
 A Senator cannot be elected a member of the House of 
 Commons. 
 
 Number of Members in the House of Commons. 
 
 The original number of members of the House of Commons 
 was i8i, but in accordance with the provisions of the British 
 North America Act, and in consequence of the admission of 
 new Provinces and Territories, this number has been increased 
 to 215, distributed as follows :— Ontario, 92 ; Quebec, 65 ; Nova 
 Scotia, 21; New Brunswick, 16; Manitoba, 5 ; British Columbia, 
 6 ; Prince Edward Island, 6 ; and the North-West Territories, 4. 
 By section 5 1 of the British North America Act it was provided 
 that the number of representatives for Quebec should always b- 
 65, and that the other Province? should be represented in such 
 proportion to their population, as ascertained at each decennial 
 census, as the number 65 would bear to the population of 
 Quebec. 
 
 Qualifications of Voters for Dominion Elections. 
 
 The qualifications for voters at elections for the Dominion 
 Parliament are as follow : — A vote is given to every male 
 subject of the full age of twenty-one years, being the owner, 
 tenant, or occupier of real property of the actual value in cities 
 of $300 (£60), in towns of $200 (£40), or elsewhere of $150 (£30), 
 or of the yearly value wherever situate of not less than $2 
 {10s.) per month, or §6 (30s.) per quarter, or $12 (£3) half- 
 yearly, or 320 (£4) per annum, or who is a resident in any 
 electoral district with an income from earnings or investments 
 of not less than ^300 (£60) per annum, or is the son of a 
 farmer, or any other owner of real property, which is of 
 sufficient value to qualify both father and son, or is a fisherman 
 and owner of real property, which with boats, nets, and fishing- 
 tackle amounts to $150 (£30) actual value. Voting is by ballot, 
 except in the Territories. 
 
 What Indians maij Vote. 
 
 Indians in Manitoba, British Columbia, the District of 
 Keewatin, and the Territories are not entitled to vote. Indians 
 
 Vr'-i- 
 
Appendix VIII. 
 
 3^5 
 
 in other parts of Canada, possessed of land on a reserve, with 
 improvements of not less value than 8150 (£30) and not other- 
 wise disqualified, shall be entitled to vote. 
 
 miat Persons Disqualified. 
 
 The following persons, in addition to the Indians above men- 
 tioned, are disqualified for voting at elections for the Dominion 
 Parliament, viz. the chief justice and judges of the Supreme 
 Court, the chief justices and judges of the Superior Courts, and 
 the judges of all other Courts in the Dominion. Revising 
 officers, returning officers, and election clerks and all counsel, 
 agents, attorneys, and clerks of candidates, who have been or 
 may be paid for their services, are disqualified from voting in 
 the district in which they have been so engaged but not else- 
 where. 
 
 Provincial Qualifications for Voters. 
 
 The qualifications for voters at elections for the Provincial 
 Assemblies are determined by the several Legislatures and 
 vary accordingly. 
 
 Nurr.her of Voters. 
 
 For the General Election of 1887 no less than 938,159 voters 
 were on the list. Of these 659,319 recorded their votes. 
 
 Proportion of Members to Population. 
 
 The proportion of members per 100,000 of the population 
 at the census of 188 1 in the following countries was : — 
 
 Canada 
 
 . . . ^ 
 5 
 
 Victoria 
 
 10 
 
 New South Wales 
 
 14.4 
 
 Queensland 
 
 25.8 
 
 South Australia . 
 
 16.0 
 
 Tasmania . 
 
 27.6 
 
 New Zealand 
 
 . . i6-5- 
 
 Representation. 
 
 The following table gives the proportionate representation 
 of each Province according to the Re-distribution Act of 
 1882 :— 
 
 I 
 
I'fflR 
 
 iii 
 
 Hi'- 
 
 :,P 
 
 tit 
 
 316 
 
 Appendix VIII. 
 
 Ontario 
 Quebec 
 Nova Scotia 
 New Brunswick 
 Manitoba . 
 British Columbia 
 Prince Edward Island 
 The Territories . 
 
 one member to 20,908 of population. 
 „ 20,904 
 
 „ 20,979 
 
 20,077 
 
 » 13.190 
 
 ». 8,243 
 
 18,148 
 
 „ 20,296 
 
 The original numbers of representatives from Manitoba, 
 British Columbia, and Pi*ince Edward Island were especially 
 provided for in the Acts admitting these Provinces into the 
 Confederation. 
 
 Subsequent readjustment will be in accordance with the 
 above-mentioned section of the British North America Act. 
 According to the census of 1886 the representation in Manitoba 
 was one member to 21,728 of the population. 
 
 The forms of the Legislatures vary in the different Provinces. 
 Quebec, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island 
 each have two Chambers (a Legislative Council and a Legisla- 
 tive Assembly) and a responsible Ministry; in Ontario, Manitoba, 
 and British Columbia there is only one Chamber (the Legisla- 
 tive Assembly) and a responsible Ministry. In Prince Edward 
 Island the members of the Council are elected ; in Quebec, 
 Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick they are appointed for life by 
 the Lieutenant-Governor. The following is a complete list of 
 the numbers of Members of the Provincial Legislatures : — 
 
 Lcgihlatures. 
 
 Legislative 
 Council. 
 
 Legislative 
 Assembly. 
 
 Prince Edward Island 
 
 13 
 
 30 
 
 Nova Scotia .... 
 
 »7 
 
 38 
 
 New Brunswick 
 
 17 
 
 41 
 
 Quebec 
 
 24 
 
 66 
 
 Ontario ..... 
 
 — 
 
 90 
 
 Manitoba ..... 
 
 
 35 
 
 British Columbia 
 
 — 
 
 H 
 
 The Territories (N.W. Council) 
 
 — 
 
 ao 
 
 With regard to the pai/ment of Members the rules vary in the 
 different Provinces. In Ontario the allowance is six dollars a 
 day on which the Member attends if the Session does not exceed 
 thirty days; in Manitoba and Neiv Brunswick a sessional allow- 
 
Appendix VIII. 
 
 3^7 
 
 ance has been adopted ; in Prince Edward Island payment 
 depends on an annual vote. In the Cape Colony Constitution 
 Ordinance it was provided that Members of either House 
 residing more than ten miles from the Seat of Government 
 should be paid in addition to the rate of tx-avelling expenses at 
 a shilling a mile, £i a day for any Session of Parliament not 
 exceeding fifty (afterwards increased to ninety) days. It should 
 be remarked that each Dominion Senator receives Siooo (£200) 
 per annum as an indemnity. Members of the House of 
 Commons are paid at the rate of £2 a day if the Session is less 
 than thirty days, and £200 for the Session if over thirty days. 
 
 Naturalisation. 
 
 Any person, an alien, who has resided for three years in 
 this country can, after taking the oath of residence and allegi- 
 ance before a judge, commissioner, or magistrate, and having 
 the same registered, obtain a certificate of naturalisation, and 
 become entitled to the privileges of a British subject. An 
 alien woman, when married to a British subject, becomes 
 thereby a naturalised British subject. 
 
 Governors-General of Canada since 1867 
 Name. 
 
 The Right Hon. Viscount Monck, G.C.M.G. . 
 
 Tho Right Hon. Lord Lisgar, G.C.M.G. . 
 
 The Right Hon. the Earl of Dufiforin, K.P., K.C.B., 
 
 G.C.M.G 
 
 The Right Hon. the Marquis of Lome, K.T., G.C.M.G. 
 The Most Hon. the Marquis of Lansdowne, G.C.M.C. 
 The Right Hon. Lord Stanley of Preston, G.C.B. . 
 
 Date of 
 Appointment. 
 
 June I, 1867. 
 
 Dec. 29, 1868. 
 
 May 22, 1872. 
 Oct. 5, 1878. 
 Aug. 18, 1883. 
 May I, 1 888. 
 
 Local Government. 
 
 In all the Provinces local self-government has been developed 
 to the fullest extent. In Ontario the system is to bo found in 
 the most complete and symmetrical form, towards which the 
 others closely approximate. The organisation is : ( 1 ) Townships, 
 or rural districts of 8 or 10 square miles, with a population of 
 3000 to 6000, administered by a reeve and four councillors. (2) 
 Villages with a population of 750, governed like the Township. 
 
' 
 
 m 
 
 'p 
 
 1 
 
 r 
 
 
 1 
 
 isi 
 
 318 
 
 Appendix IX. 
 
 (3) Towns with a population over 2000, governed by the Mayor 
 and three councillors for each ward if there are less than five 
 wards, and two councillors if more than five. The reeves, 
 deputy-reeves, mayors, and councillors arc all elected annually 
 by the rate-payers. 
 
 Above these stands the County Municipality, consisting of the 
 reeves and deputy-reeves of the townshij^s, villages, and towns 
 within the county, one of these who presides being called 
 " Warden " of the County. 
 
 Alongside the county stands the city with a population of over 
 10,000, governed by a municipal body consisting of a mayor and 
 aldermen (three for each ward), with powers and functions akin 
 to those of counties and towns combined. The councils have 
 powers to levy rates, create debts, promote agriculture, trade, 
 or manufactures, or railways, powers relating to drainage, roads, 
 paupers, cemeteries, public schools, free libraries, markets, fire- 
 companies, etc., etc. 
 
 \< .'1 
 
 -♦-♦- 
 
 APPENDIX IX. 
 
 The North-West Territories. 
 
 By a Canadian Act (38 Vict. cap. 4''' the territories formerly 
 known as Rupert's Land and the North-West Territories are, 
 with the exception of such portions thereof as formed the 
 Province of Manitoba and the district of Keewatin, called and 
 known as the North-West Territories, and were created into a 
 government entirely separate and distinct from Manitoba. . . . 
 The Territories were divided in 1882 into four provisional 
 districts, viz., Assiniboia, Saskatchewan, Alberta, and Athabasca. 
 Regina, the capital of the Provisional Government of the North- 
 West Territories, is in the district of Assiniboia. 
 
 Keewatin, according to the latest maps, is part of the province 
 of Ontario. 
 
 The North-West Territories are presided over by a Lieutenant- 
 Governor, and a council, partly elected by the people and partly 
 appointed by the Privy Council of the Dominion. 
 
 Iffii- :k J 
 
Appendix X, XI. 
 
 319 
 
 APPENDIX X. 
 
 The Selkirk Colony. 
 
 A South-African Parallel. 
 
 In 1820, 4000 British settlers were sent out to Algoa Bay in 
 Cape Colony to cultivate the land and to form a buffer between 
 the Kaffirs on the frontier and the colonists further inland. 
 The Napoleonic campaigns had caused acute distress in many 
 parts of England, and the Government voted £50,000 to help 
 these emigrants out. The Selkirk settlement was owing to the 
 same cause. In the case of South Africa, Colonel Collins in 
 South Africa and Mr. Vansittart at home were the advocates 
 of the experiment. Many of the emigrants chosen were of 
 Scotch extraction. ' The landing at Algoa Bay was a dangerous 
 one, being made by surge boats. . . . But there was one circum- 
 stance which gladdened the hearts of the new arrivals. Many 
 of them were Scotch, and on the shore they could see an old 
 fort and the tents and houses of a division of the 72nd Regiment. 
 Of course the Highlanders came down to meet the colonists and 
 help them, and the poet Pringle says in his narrative ; — " Ap- 
 proaching the Highland soldiers I spoke to them in broad 
 Scotch, and entreated them to be careful of their country folk. 
 Scotch folk, are they? said a weather-beaten corporal with a 
 strong northern brogue. Never fear, sir, but we shall be care- 
 ful of them." There is something affecting in the incident. 
 One touch of Highland nature made the whole little world there 
 kin.' 
 
 APPENDIX XL 
 
 Dease and Simpson Route. 
 
 ' It is but fair to mention that Dease and Simpson's boat 
 voyage from i^^ort Chipev/an to Point Barrow and back to 
 winter quarters at the North-East end of Great Bear Lake, in 
 
I' 
 
 B 
 m 
 
 320 
 
 Appendix XII. 
 
 1837, far exceeded in length that of Franklin in 1826; and 
 also that their voyage from the Coppermine along the coast 
 eastward exceeded Richardson's 902 miles, with the further 
 difficulty that Simpson had to return while Richardson had 
 not.'— J. Rae, M.D., F.R.S., October, 1889. 
 
 ;!■■ ' I 
 
 If 
 
 APPENDIX XII. 
 
 Navigation of the Mackenzie River. 
 
 ' The Mackenzie River is one of the finest water-courses in the 
 world, being navigable for about 1500 miles from its mouth 
 without interruption.' (See official Year-Book of the Church of 
 England, 1887). This remark applies of course to the brief 
 summer period only. Dr. Rae writes (October, 1889), 'The 
 Hudson Bay Company already have two steamers on the 
 Mackenzie waters.' 
 
 
 
 :• 1 
 
 In connection with the Mackenzie basin, it may be well to 
 recall the numerous artificial canals and water-ways already in 
 existence in the South. In United States territory there is, — 
 
 (i) Sault Ste. Marie Canal between Lake Superior and Lake 
 Huron. Open for navigation for 224 days in 1886 and for 216 
 days in 1887. The tonnage that passes through is said to be 
 actually greater than that which goes through the Suez Canal. 
 
 (2) On the St. Latvrence : — 
 
 (a) ' The Welland ' from Port Colborne on Lake Erie to Port 
 Dalhousie on Lake Ontario, 26I miles, with a total rise 
 of 526I feet. 
 
 (6) The Galops, 7f miles in length, with a rise of 15I feet- 
 
 (c) The Rapide Plat, 4 miles, and a rise of iig feet. 
 
 {d) Farran's Point, | of a mile, rise 4 feet. 
 
 {e) The Cornwall, 1I5 miles, rise 48 feet. 
 
 (/) The Beauharnois, ii:^ miles, rise 822 feet. 
 
 [g] Lachine Canal, 83 miles, rise 45 feet. 
 
 (3) The Ottawa, connecting Montreal and the Ottawa. 
 
Ap2)endix XIII. 
 
 321 
 
 The Rideau Canal affords communication between Montreal 
 and Kingston. 
 
 (4) Chamhli/ Canal, passing the rapids between Chambly and 
 St. John's on the Richelieu River, has a rise of 79 feet. By 
 the Lake Champlain Canal, communication is obtained with the 
 Hudson River, and thonce to New York, 330 miles from the 
 boundary line. 
 
 (5) Hie Buiiinyton Bay Canal, half a mile in length, connect- 
 ing Burlington Bay and Lake Ontario, giving access to the Port 
 of Hamilton. 
 
 (6) St. Peter's Canal, Cape Breton, N. S., gives access from 
 the Atlantic to the Bras d'or Lakes ; 2400 feet long. 
 
 (7) Trent River System, the object is to connect Lakes Huron 
 and Ontario. The total distance is 235 miles, of which 155 
 miles is available for light draft vessels. 
 
 (8) Murray Canal, through Isthmus of Murray, giving con- 
 nection westward between the Bay of Quinte and Lake Ontario. 
 It is 4t miles in length, and has no locks. 
 
 At the time of Confederation all the Canals became the 
 property of the Dominion Government. Total expenditure, 
 851,395,550, or €10,000,000 roughly. — Canada, Statistical Abstract 
 and Record, 1887. 
 
 APPENDIX XIII. 
 
 The San Juan Award. 
 
 ' This difficulty arose wholly from an oversight on the part of 
 the Boundary Commissioners, who decided that the boundarj- 
 should be a line running down the middle of the Channel between 
 Vancouver's Island and the Continent, the Channel being full of 
 Islands. The Commissioners should have had two good maps 
 on which the line of division was drawn, of which one should 
 have been sent to each country.' John Rae, M.D., F.R.S. 
 
 Y 
 

 1 
 
 n 
 
 r "F, 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 322 
 
 Appendix XIV. 
 
 APPENDIX XIV. 
 
 j'l ■ 
 
 1^ ' 
 
 m 
 
 \' V 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 ■ 
 
 j 
 
 The Codrington Trust. 
 
 ' Baiibados possesses a college founded by General Codrington, 
 a native of the Island, who died in 1710, and whose name it 
 bears. It was affiliated to Durham University in 1875. It is 
 under the administration of the S.P.G., who are the Trustees of 
 (Jeneral Codrington's will. There are several theological 
 scholarships of the value of £30 per annum from the College 
 funds, and four Island scholarships of the value of .£40 per 
 annum paid from the Colonial Treasury. The latter are confined 
 to natives or sons of natives. There is a good Grammar School, 
 called Harrison College, in Bridgetown, established on an old 
 foundation, endowed many years ago, which has been liberally 
 supported by the Legislature, and promises useful results. It 
 has a staff of seven University men as Masters, a Professor of 
 Chemistry and Agricultural Science, and a Professor of German. 
 The average number of pupils is about 140. 
 
 ' It may be noted also that another First Grade School, " The 
 Lodge," situated in St. John's Parish, to the north-east of the 
 Island, was re-opened in 1882 after being closed for several 
 years. The number of pupils at the close of 1883 was sixteen. 
 There are four Barbados scholarships, established by the 
 Education Board and endowed by the Colony, each of the value 
 of -€175 annually, tenable at Oxford or Cambridge for four years. 
 Besides these scholarships there are grants in aid to the success- 
 ful competitors for the Gilchrist and Pembroke Scholarships of 
 .£75 each per annum, for three or four years respectively. The 
 Gilchrist Scholarship has been gained eight times in nine years 
 by natives of Barbados.' (Colonial Office List, p. 200, 1885.) 
 
 It may be interesting to know that Colonel Christopher 
 Codrington's property consisted of two estates known as Consetts 
 and Codrington's. They comprised 763 acres, three windmills, 
 sugar buildings, 315 negroes, and 100 head of cattle. The 
 Society came into possession in 1812. The main object of the 
 Foundation has been to prepare candidates for Holy Orders. 
 The manner in which an unholy traffic was turned to a holy 
 
Appendix XV. 
 
 ^^3 
 
 use reminds us of the history of the Cathodral at Zanzibar. 
 ' At present the site of the most infamous slave-market in the 
 world, where every year 30,000 human beings were sold, is the 
 Christian settlement of Zanzibar, and its chief ornament is the 
 beautiful Cathedral designed and built by Bishop Steere.' 
 
 APPENDIX XV. 
 
 List op Expeditions in search of the North-West 
 
 Passage. 
 
 Tn the Fifteenth Century. 
 
 1497. John Cabot discovered Labrador and Newfoundland. 
 
 1498. Sebastian Cabot sailed up Davis Strait. 
 
 In the Sixteenth Century. 
 
 1500. Gaspar Co>iereal,a. Portuguese sailor, sailed to Newfound- 
 land and Labrador. He was lost, and Miqnel Cortereal, 
 his brother, went in search of him. He was lost also. 
 
 1524. On behalf of the Spaniards, Gomez sailed in search of 
 the Moluccas by the North- West. 
 
 1524. On behalf of the French, Ve^t'azano sailed to the North- 
 West, but got no higher than latitude 50°. 
 
 1527. Robert Thome of Bristol sailed with two ships in search 
 of a North-West passage. He was lost on the voyage. 
 
 1534-5. Jacques Career explored the St. Lawrence with a view 
 of reaching the Pacific. 
 
 1576. Sir Martin i'VoSi's/ier sailed with three ships to discover 
 
 ' The Straits of Anian.' He reached Meta Incognita at 
 the mouth of Hudson Bay. 
 
 1577. Sir Francis Drake sailed through the Straits of Magellan 
 
 and coasted along the west coast of North America with 
 a view of discovering the North -West passage from the 
 Pacific. 
 
 Y 2 
 
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 324 
 
 Appendix XV. 
 
 1587. Dai'/s reached a high latitude about that of Uppernavik 
 on the Greenland Coast in the Strait named after him. 
 
 In the Seventeenth Centubv. 
 
 1602. George Weymouth was sent out by the Muscovy Company. 
 
 His crew mutinied and he only reached the entrance to 
 
 Hudson Bay. 
 1606. John Knight was sent out by the Muscovy Company. 
 1610. Henry Hudson discovered the Bay that bears his name. 
 1610. Sir Thomas Button explored part of Hudson Bay. 
 
 161 5. Bylot and Baffin were sent out by merchant venturers to 
 examine Hudson Bay. 
 
 1616. Bylot and Baffin were sent up Davis Strai* Baffin's Bay 
 
 named. Lancaster Sound discovered, also Jones and 
 Smith Sound. The passage despaired of by this route. 
 1 63 1. Captain James and Fox explored the Northern littoral of 
 Hudson Bay to discover, if possible, a passage herj. 
 
 In the Eighteenth Century. 
 
 1 719. The Hudson Bay Company fitted out an expedition under 
 
 Knight and Barlow. It was lost on Marble Island. 
 1 741. Captain Middleton was sent out with two vessels to the 
 
 North of Hudson Bay. He named Wager Inlet and 
 
 Repulse Bay. 
 1746. Captain Moore and Smith spent a winter in Wager Bay. 
 1 77 1. Hearne made his land journey down the Coppermine 
 
 River to the Polar Sea. 
 1776. Lieutenant Pickersgill was sent out with a view of acting 
 
 in concert with Captain Cook's Pacific expedition. 
 I yyj. Lieutenant Young was sent out with the same object. 
 1778-9. Captain Cook went in search of the North- West passage 
 
 by the North Pacific and Behring Strait. He named Icy 
 
 Cape. 
 1789. Mackenzie explored the basin of Mackenzie River and saw 
 
 the Polar Sea. 
 These land voyages introduced a new feature in Arctic 
 exploration. 
 
Appendix XV. 
 
 ?^'^5 
 
 )pornavik 
 er him. 
 
 Company, 
 trance to 
 
 any. 
 i name. 
 
 nturers to 
 
 iffin's Bay 
 ones and 
 is route, 
 littoral of 
 her J. 
 
 ion under 
 
 d. 
 
 s to the 
 nlet and 
 
 In thk Nineteenth Century. 
 
 1818. Captain JoJiu Host* was sent out by the Admiralty with the 
 
 Isabella. He reached Lancaster Sound. 
 1819-20. IJeuienat^t Parrij went down Lancaster Sound. 
 1820. Joh}} Frnnlxlin, Hood, Richardson, and Bark undertook a 
 
 land journey to the sources of the Coppermine River 
 
 and eastwards. 
 1845. On the TQth of May Franklin sailed with the Erebus 
 
 and Terror in search of the North-West Passage by 
 
 Lanca&.^jr Sound, and was never seen again. 
 Since he was lost nearly thirty vessels have sailed on his track 
 
 to discover some trace or vestige of him and his ships. 
 In 1847, 1848, 1849, 1851, 1853 and 1854 Rae explored the 
 
 coastline of North America in a series of remarkable 
 
 journeys by boat and sledge. 
 1851. Sir Robert M'Clure in the Investigator went in search of 
 
 Franklin, and going in at Behring Strait came out at 
 
 Lancaster Sound, thus accomplishing the North-West 
 
 Passage. But he had to leave his ship behind. 
 
 Ommanney (185 1 ), Osborne (i85i),Collinson (1850-2), Belcher 
 (1853), ivI^Clintock (1853-8), all contributed their share to the 
 great task of exploring the shores of the Arctic Archipelago. 
 (See Circumpolar Map facing p. 240.) 
 
 Lger Bay. 
 permine 
 
 of acting 
 
 Dn. 
 
 )ject. 
 
 passage 
 amed Icy 
 
 •and saw 
 n Arctic 
 
 llir'\ 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Abenakis, page 47. 
 Abercrombio, 126. 
 Acadia, 53. 60, 65, 88, 106, 108, 
 Acadians, expulsion of, 120. 
 Achilles, 12. 
 Acre, 17. 
 
 Act, the British North America, 
 213, 302. 
 
 — the Constitutional, 147, 170 
 182, 288. 
 
 — the Seigneurial Tenure, 205. 
 
 — the Voluntary, 205, 
 Admiral of fishing fleet, 30. 
 Africa, 4, 90. 
 
 — South, 30, 219-224. 
 Ahasistari, 80. 
 Alabama claims, 267. 
 Alaska, 266. 
 Albany, 93, 97, 159. 
 Alberta, 258, 
 Alciphron, 271. 
 Aleutian Islands, 41. 
 Alexander, Pope, 32. 
 
 — Sir W., III. 
 Algarves, 4. 
 Algeria. 6, 151. 
 Algerine pirates, 27. 
 Algoa Bay, 31. 
 Algonkins, 31, 41, 47. 
 Alleghanies, the, 91, 115. 
 Allouez, Father, 82. 
 Alma, 217. 
 
 Alps, Southern, 139. 
 Amadas, Captain, 68. 
 Am ad is de (faul, 70. 
 Amboyna, massacre of, 78. 
 Amherst, General, 126, 128, 129. 
 Amherstburg, 160. 
 Amphictyonic Council, 276. 
 
 Andaman Islands, 18. 
 Andastes, 49. 
 Angajorkak, 42. 
 Anian, Straits of, 33. 
 Annapolis, 97, 107. 
 Anne, Queen, 97. 
 Anson, 12. 
 
 Anticosti, Island of, 32, 94, 148. 
 Arab pilots, 27. 
 
 Arbitration, international, 254. 
 Archibald, Sir A. G., 208. 
 Arctic Archipelago, 42. 
 - Current, 107, 
 
 — Discovery, 98, 124, 155, 240. 
 323- 
 
 — Sea, 98, 124, 262. 
 Are, the historian, 15. 
 Argentine Republic. 38. 
 Ark, the ship, 71. 
 Arkansas, 83, 
 Armada, Spanish, 29. 
 Army, Colonial, 126, 129. 
 Ashburton, 186. 
 Ashurst, Thomas. 27. 
 Assembly, Colonial, 138, 147, 174, 
 
 181, 182. 
 Assiento. the. 78. 
 Assiniboine River, 123, 233, 244. 
 Astor, Jacob, 157. 
 Athabasca River, 123, 155, 241, 248, 
 
 251. 
 Athna River, 41. 
 Australia, 30, 258. 
 — Western, 2, 3. 
 Avalon, 71, 103, 108. 
 
 B. 
 
 Bacalaos, 24. 
 Bacalhao, Island of, 24. 
 Back, George, 241. 
 
 ;^ 
 
 .:! »r 
 
 
 » 
 
 1 
 
 Ml 
 
 i 
 
 (1 
 
 i 
 
 
 t 
 
 a 
 
 V . 
 
i 
 
 • } 
 
 328 
 
 General Index. 
 
 \ 
 
 -4 
 
 Back River. 242. ' 
 
 Bacon, Sir F. , 30, 69. 
 
 Baffin, 34. 99. 
 
 Bagot, Sir Charles, 187, 202. 
 
 Baltimore, Lord, 70, 85, 103, 239. 
 
 Banff, 259. 
 
 Banks, insolvency of, 170. 
 
 Bantu Rnce, 46. 
 
 Bai)tisto, 112. 
 
 Barbados, 270. 
 
 Barclay, Captain, 163. 
 
 Barlow, 68. 
 
 Barnstaple, 29. 
 
 Barro, Isaac, 137. 
 
 Bass, 17. 
 
 Bathurst, Lord, 196. 
 
 Bathurst Inlet, 242. 
 
 Beauchamp, 155. 
 
 Beaulieu, 155. 
 
 Beauport, 130. 
 
 Beaver Indians, 155. 
 
 Beaverdanis, 165. 
 
 Beechey, Captain, 242. 
 
 Behring Strait, 41, 156, 241, 242, 
 
 248. 
 Belgians, 263. 
 Beorn, 15. 
 Beothuks, 43. 
 Berbice, 5. 
 Berkeley, Bishop, 13, 269, 270, 
 
 272. 
 Berlin Conference, 4. 
 — decrees, 158. 
 Bormoothes, 272. 
 Berryman, Commander, igi. 
 Biart, 56, no. 
 Biencourt, no. 
 Bilbao, 38. 
 
 Bill of Indemnification, 
 Biscayan fishermen, 6. 
 Bismarck, 7, 270. 
 Bisson, Baptist. 155. 
 Blake, Admiral. 61. 
 Bligh, Captain, 196. 
 Blomidon, 109. 
 Blossom, the, 242. 
 Board of Trade, 119, 138. 
 Boers of Africa, 140, 224, 
 Bolivar, Simon, 5. 
 Boothia Peninsula, 243. 
 Borneo Company, 90. 
 Boscawen, Admiral, 125. 
 
 204. 
 
 231. 
 
 Boston, 63, 72, 162. 
 
 Bourbon, 123. 
 
 Bow River, 256. 
 
 Braddock, 118. 
 
 Braddock's Field, 126. 
 
 Bradstreet, 126. 
 
 Brand, President, 225. 
 
 Brattleborough, 115. 
 
 Brazil, 4, 13, 27, 189, 246. 
 
 Brebceuf, 63, 80. 
 
 Breton, Cape, 25,32, 60. 113, 126, 
 
 132. 
 — fishermen, 6. 
 Bright, John, 215. 
 Bristol, 21, 25, 29. 
 Brock, General, 160, 161. 
 Broke, Captain, 162. 
 Buchan, David, 240. 
 Buffalo city, 266. 
 Burgesses, 142. 
 Burke, Edmund. 12, 74, 140, 142. 
 
 147, 217, 274, 276. 
 Burrard Inlet, 251. 
 Bushland, 15. 
 Bushmen, 41. 
 Bute, 133. 
 Butler, Sir W., 124. 
 Button, Sir Thomas, 99. 
 By, Colonel, 168. 
 By lot, 124. 
 Bytown, 168. 
 Byzantium, 16. 
 
 C. 
 Cabot, 21, 24, 102. 
 Cabotiana, 26. 
 Cahiaqua, 58. 
 Calcutta, 258. 
 Calgary, 256. 
 California, 33, 157, 263. 
 Cambodia, 18. 
 Camoens, 21. 
 Campeachy Bay, 39. 
 Canada, 56, 60, 132, 143. 
 
 — Lower, 147, 194, 225. 
 
 — Upper, 114, 147, 175. 
 Canadian River, 39. 
 Canals of Canada, 248, 321. 
 Canaries, 19. 
 
 Canibas, no. 
 C.anso, 115. 
 Canterbury Plains, 139. 
 
General Index, 
 
 329 
 
 113. 126, 
 
 140, 142, 
 
 Cape, the, 5. 
 
 — Bathurst, 43. 
 
 — Blanco, 150. 
 
 — Bonavista, 24. 
 
 — Chidley, 99. 
 
 — Cod, 56. 
 
 — Comfort, 124. 
 ^ Dobbs, 124. 
 
 — Fear, 47. 
 
 — Henrietta Maria, 99. 
 
 — Horn, 258. 
 
 — Primavista, 25. 
 
 — Kouge, 32, 151. 
 
 — Split, 109. 
 
 — St. Mark, 25. 
 Cape Colony, 3, 152. 
 Capetown, 7, 225. 
 
 Capitol, the, Washington, 14, 164. 
 Capo de Portogesi, 100. 
 Cardwell, Lord, 213. 
 Carib, 13. 
 Caribbean Sea, 24. 
 Cariboo, 44. 
 
 — district, 260. 
 Carlton House, 241. 
 Carnarvon, Lord, 213, 216. 
 Carolina, 36, 74, 92, 138, 263. 
 Carpini, Friar, 17. 
 Carthage. 8. 
 
 Cartier, Jacques, 30, 31, 65. 
 Cartwright, Captain, 44. 
 Cascade Rjinge, 252. 
 Casco Bay, 94. 
 Caspian Sea, 17. 
 Castle of St. Louis, 130. 
 Castor, 242. 
 Cataraqui, seigneury of, 148. 
 
 — Fort, 92. 
 Cathcart, Lord, 202. 
 Catherine of Aragon, 32. 
 Catholics, Roman, 226. 
 Cavaliers, 268. 
 Cayenne, 7. 
 Cayugas, 48. 
 
 Celts. 263. 
 
 Cetywayo, 46. 
 
 Ceylon, 2, 18. 
 
 Chaka, King, 46. 
 
 Champlain, Samuel, 55, 56, 57,60. 
 
 61, 153, 268. 
 Chandler, General, 162. 
 Charles I, 103. 
 
 Charles II, 233. 
 
 — IX, 36. 
 
 Charles' Fort, 100. 
 Charlevoix, 179. 
 Charlotte Island, 251. 
 Charlottetown Convention, 211. 
 Charters from Henri IV, log. 
 
 — Henry VII, 25, 27. 
 
 — Henry VIII, 25. 
 
 — James I, 69, 73. 
 
 — Louis XIII, 60. 
 
 — Queen Elizabeth, 66, 68. 
 Chaudiure, 169. 
 Chauvin of Rouen, 54. 
 Chebucto Harbour, 117. 
 Cherokees, 44. 
 Chesapeake, the, 162. 
 Chester, 163. 
 Chickasaws, 44. 
 Chilcotin, 260. 
 
 China, 8, 18. 
 
 Chincheu, 18. 
 
 Choctaws, 44. 
 
 Cholera, Asiatic, 169. 
 
 Church, Ben, 96. 
 
 Church, Dutch Reformed, 205. 
 
 Church in Canada, 150. 
 
 Churchill Factory, 99, 
 
 — River, 99. 
 Cipango, 18, 22. 
 Civil List, 203. 
 
 Civil War in the States, 264. 
 
 Clarke, 123. 
 
 Clarkson, 270. 
 
 Clergy Reserves, 149, 172, 182, 
 
 204. 
 Coats's Geography of Hudson's 
 
 Bay, 124. 
 Cochrane, Admiral, 164. 
 Cockin's Sound, 99. 
 Codrington. General, 270. 
 Colborne, Sir John, 201. 
 Coligny, 6, 36, 37, 60. 
 College, M'-Gill, 168. 
 
 — Dalhousie, 168. 
 
 — Trinity, 188. 
 
 Columbia, British, 219, 249, 250. 
 
 Columbia River, 157, 250. 
 
 Columbus, 19, 20, 23. 
 
 Colville, 41. 
 
 Committees on Canada, 146. 
 
 Commons, Canadian House of, 215. 
 
 I;.; h 
 
 I 
 
 \h 
 

 1 
 
 w 
 
 i 
 
 
 '•'; 
 
 ■ ; 
 
 ; 
 
 '- 
 
 
 ZZ^ 
 
 General Index. 
 
 Vi ■ J 
 
 V 
 
 r 
 
 'If ' : 
 
 r 
 
 lufi 
 
 m 
 uA * 
 
 Compact, Family, 175, 181, 194, 
 
 205. 
 Compact of Pilgrim Fathers, 72. 
 Companies, British and Foreign, 
 
 87, 88. 
 Company of a Hundred Associates, 
 
 59, 64, 205. 
 
 — Dutch East India, 5, 274. 
 
 — North Borneo, 90. 
 
 — South-East Africa, 90. 
 Conception Bay, 30. 
 Conciliation with America, 146. 
 Cond^, Prince of, 57. 
 Confederation, 193, 209. 
 
 — Bill of 1867, 210. 
 Conference, Colonial, 207. 
 Congo, 4. 
 
 Congress, American, 143, 160, 210, 
 
 220. 
 Conquistadores, 38. 
 Constantinople, 16. 
 Constitution of Canada, 145, 146, 
 
 147, 173, 206, 221. 
 Convict settlements, 7, 274. 
 Cook, James, 12, 130, 156, 241. 
 Copenhagen, 15. 
 Coppermine River, 241, 242. 
 Corcyra, 10, 
 Corinth, 10. 
 Cornvvfallis, Governor, 119, 143. 
 
 — Valley of, 109, 163. 
 Cornwallis' forms, 91. 
 Coromandol coast, 18. 
 Coronation Gulf, 241. 
 Corsairs, 29. 
 Corsica, 19. 
 Cortereal, 100. 
 Cortez, Fernando, 38. 
 
 Council, Executive, 174, 178, 181, 
 215. 
 
 — Privy, 174, 219, 237, 302. 
 Councils, Legislative, 147, 182, 
 
 208. 
 Coursol, Judge, 265. 
 Craig, 152. 
 Craigellackie, 256. 
 Creasy, Sir Edward, 35. 
 Crees, 155, 244. 
 Crimea, 207. 
 Crown Lands, 174. 
 
 — Point, 118, 132. 
 Crow's Nest Pass, 249. 
 
 Crozat, Anthony, 87. 
 Crusades, 19. 
 Cumberland Basin, 96. 
 
 — House, 241. 
 
 — Strait, 98. 
 Cunningham River, 99. 
 Cunynghame, Sir Arthur, 138. 
 Cupid's Cove, 30. 
 
 Cnzco, 50. 
 
 D. 
 
 Dablon, 82. 
 
 Daer Fort, 239. 
 
 Daniel, P^re, 62. 
 
 d'Anville, 116. 
 
 Dartmouth, 98, 119. 
 
 Davis, 34. 
 
 Davis' Straits, 12, 98. 
 
 d'Ailleboust, 64. 
 
 d'Argenson, 64. 
 
 d'Avaugour, 64. 
 
 de Chaste, 55. 
 
 de Lauson, 64, 148. 
 
 de Levi, 132. 
 
 de Mantel, 93. 
 
 de Mesy, 79. 
 
 de Monts, 109. 
 
 de Ramezay, 132. 
 
 de Rouville, 93. 
 
 de Ruyter, 78. 
 
 Dearborn, General, 161. 
 
 Dease, 243. 
 
 Defence, Colonial, 141, 207. 
 
 Delagoa Bay, 4. 
 
 Delaware, Bay of, 39, 66, 86, 92. 
 
 Delawai'e, Lord, 69. 
 
 Delight, the, 67. 
 
 Delos, Confederacy of, 10. 
 
 Demerara, 5. 
 
 Detroit, 48, 58, 160. 
 
 Diamond mines, 30. 
 
 Diaz, Bartolomeo, 20. 
 
 D'Iberville, 92, 95, 100. 
 
 Dikastery, 10. 
 
 Dominion of Canada, 213. 
 
 Dominion Day, 213. 
 
 Donacona, chief, 31. 
 
 Dorchester, Lord, 146. 
 
 Dorset, Earl of, 69. 
 
 Douglas, Earl Selkirk, 238. 
 
 Dove, the, 71. 
 
 Downing, George, 74. 
 
General Index. 
 
 33^ 
 
 Drake, Sir Francis, ag, 156. 
 
 Drayton, Michael, 69. 
 
 Drummond, General, 163, 164. 
 
 Ducetti, 155. 
 
 Duchambon, 116. 
 
 Duel, a famous, 162. 
 
 Duflferin, Lord, 197. 
 
 Durban, 228. 
 
 Durham, Lord, 180, 199. 
 
 Durham batteaux, 168. 
 
 Dutch at the Cape, 77, 89, 184, 198. 
 
 E. 
 
 Edmonton, 248. 
 Education, 85, 146. 
 Edward IV, 26. 
 
 - VI, 34. 
 
 Elgin, Lord, 188, 202. 
 
 Eliot, Hugh, 27. 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen, 67, 68, 
 
 Emigration to Canada, 59, 263. 
 
 Emperor of Germany, 253. 
 
 England, 3, 35, 106, 133, 134, 158. 
 
 English language, 268. 
 
 Epidamnus, 10. 
 
 Episcopalians, 205. 
 
 Eric the Red, 15. 
 
 Eries, the, 49. 
 
 Eskimo, 41, 42, 243. 
 
 Espiritu Santo, 39. 
 
 Esquimault ('Squimo), 228. 
 
 Eugene, Prince, 97. 
 
 Europe in 1812, 158. 
 
 Exeter, 29. 
 
 Exhibition, the Great, 188. 
 
 Extradition Treaty, 187. 
 
 F. 
 
 Falkland Islands, 12. 
 Falls of St. Maiy, 82. 
 
 — the Chaudifere, 169. 
 Faroes, 15. 
 
 Federal Council, 218. 
 
 Federal Union of Provinces, 181, 
 
 210. 
 Federalism, 145, 195. 
 Fenians, 266, 267. 
 Ferdinand, 19. 
 Ferguson, Mary, 93. 
 Fernandez, Francisco, 39. 
 Ferryland, 103. 
 
 Feudal tenure, 148. 
 
 Fisheries Rights, 30, 105, 106, 188, 
 
 189, 
 Fishing Admirals, 104. 
 Flinders, 12. 
 Florida, 36, 38. 
 Fort Beausejour, 117. 
 
 — Chippewyan, 124, 154, 155, 241. 
 
 — Dummer, 115. 
 
 — du Quesne, 117, 126. 
 
 — Enterprise, 241. 
 
 — Erie, 266. 
 
 — Frontenac, 91, 92, 126. 
 
 — George, 161. 
 
 — Hudson Bay, 237. 
 
 — Lawrence, 117. 
 
 — Maiden, 160. 
 
 — Necessity, 117. 
 
 — Niagara, 115, 129, 132, 145. 
 
 — of the AUeghanies, 115. 
 
 — Oswego, 115, 125, 163. 
 
 — Reliance, 242. 
 
 — St. Charles, 122. 
 
 — William, 122, 244. 
 
 — William Henry, 125. 
 Forty Mile Creek, 162. 
 Fox the explorer, 124. 
 Fox River, 83. 
 
 Foxes, tribe of, 47. 
 France, Old, 176. 
 Francis I, 30. 
 Franklin, Benjamin, 118. 
 
 — Sir John, 240, 241. 
 Frazer River, 250, 251, 252. 
 Fredericton, 128, 145. 
 Free State, the, 224, 229. 
 Freehold tenure, 149, 206. 
 French Canadians, 145, 150, 206. 
 
 — immigrants, 263. 
 
 — Law, 145. 
 
 — policy, 75, 151, 184. 
 
 — Revolution, 150, i6o, 176. 
 
 — River, 58, 63. 
 
 Frere, Sir Bartle, 138, 198. 
 
 Frobisher, 33, 98. 
 
 Frontenac, Count, 50, 87, 92, 93, 
 
 94. 95. 
 Fuca, Juan de, 33. 
 Fulton, 153. 
 Fundy, Bay of, 56, 107, 112, 163, 
 
 167. 
 Fury and Hetla Straits, 243. 
 
 1/ 
 

 If 
 
 ' i 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 !■ 
 
 < 
 
 u 
 
 m 
 
 33^ 
 
 General Index. 
 
 G. 
 
 Gabarus Bay, 113. 
 
 Gaikas, 138. 
 
 Galekas, 138. 
 
 Gama, Vasco di, 20. 
 
 Garay, Francisco, 39. 
 
 Geneva, 267. 
 
 Georgia, 92. 
 
 Georgian Bay, 58. 
 
 Germans, 6, 261, 263, 
 
 Gilbert, Sir H., 66. 
 
 Gillam, Zechariah, 100. 
 
 Gisborne, 191. 
 
 Gladstone, W. E. , 204. 
 
 Glenelg, Lord, 170, 201. 
 
 Golden Hind, 67. 
 
 Gomez, Stephen, 39. 
 
 Gondomar, 70. 
 
 Goodwin, Mehetabel, 93. 
 
 Gordon, General, 271. 
 
 Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 69. 
 
 Gosford, Lord, 170. 
 
 Gosnold, 69. 
 
 Governor, Lieutenant, 214. 
 
 Governor-General of Canada, 214. 
 
 Governors, British, 138, 139, 152, 
 
 174, 196. 
 Grand Pre, 108, 117, 120. 
 Gravesend, 28, 98. 
 Gray, Bishop, 270. 
 Gray the poet, 131. 
 Great Eastern, the, 191. 
 Great Manitoulin Island, 58, 82. 
 Great Slave Lake, 155. 
 Greek colonists, 8. 
 Greenland, West, 15, 42. 
 Grenville, 133. 
 Grey, Lord, 202, 
 Grinnell Land, 42. 
 Grits, 211. 
 
 Guercheville, M. de, no. 
 Guiana, 35. 
 
 Guinea, Gulf of, 20, 27. 
 Gulf Stream, 107. 
 — of Mexico, 58. 
 Gunnbeorn's Reef, 15. 
 Guy, John, 30, 33. 
 
 H. 
 
 Habitans, 148, 175. 
 
 Halifax, 14, 119, 162, 163, 208. 
 
 Hangchow, 18, 
 Hannibal, 249. 
 Hannington, Bishop, 270. 
 Hariot, 35. 
 Harold Harfager, 14. 
 Harry the Great, 27. 
 Hawkins, Sir John, 27, 29. 
 
 — William, 27. 
 
 Head, Sir Edmund, 206, 209. 
 
 Hearne, 241. 
 
 Hecla, 243. 
 
 Helmsdale, 239, 
 
 Henri IV, 33, 75. 
 
 Henry VII, 25, 26, 27. 
 
 — VIII, 27, 30. 
 Highlanders, 239. 
 Hill, Staveley, 256. 
 Hochelaga, 55. 
 Holbein, 24. 
 Holland, 5, 184. 
 Homeward Bound, the, 228. 
 Hong Kong, 2, 258. 
 Hood, Robert, 241. 
 
 Hore, 28, 33. 
 
 Hottentots, 228. 
 
 Howe, Honoiu'able Joseph, 208. 
 
 Hubb's Point, 253. 
 
 Hi'Json, Henry, 34, 98. 
 
 Hu ison's Bay, 12, 99, 247, 251. 
 
 Hudson's Bay Company, 233, 249, 
 
 254- 
 Hudson's Straits, 25. 
 Huguenots, 60. 
 Huron Mission, 44. 
 Hurons, or Wyandots, 48, 82. 
 
 Iceland, 15, 24, 227, 246, 263. 
 
 Icy Cape, 156, 242, 243. 
 
 Illecillewaet, 257. 
 
 Illinois, 47, 83, 91. 
 
 Inca, 50. 
 
 Indians, name of, 40. 
 
 Indies, West, 188. 
 
 Innocent IV, 17. 
 
 Innuit, 41. 
 
 Institute, Royal Colonial, 100. 
 
 Irish, 263. 
 
 Iroquois, or Five Nations, 40, 48, 
 
 62, 64, 91, 95,97, 114. 
 Isabella, Queen, 19. 
 Island, Earl of Bristol's, 99. 
 
 
General Index. 
 
 333 
 
 Island, Earl of Danby's, 99. 
 
 — Jiord "Weston's, 99. 
 
 — Navy, 178. 
 
 — of Orleans, 130. 
 
 — Sir Thomas Roe's, 99. 
 Island Queen, 365. 
 Italian Rttpublics, 17. 
 
 J. 
 
 Jacinto, 264. 
 
 Jacobins, 150, 176. 
 
 James, Captain, 99. 
 
 James' Bay, 99. 
 
 James I, 69, 73. 
 
 Japan, 18, 251. 
 
 Java, 6, 18, 198. 
 
 Jefferson, 150. 
 
 Jena, battle of, 158. 
 
 Jervis, Earl St. Vincent, 130. 
 
 Jesuits, 6, 81, 86, 87, no, 149. 
 
 Jogues, Isaac, 63. 
 
 Johnson's Island, 265. 
 
 Johnston, John, 96. 
 
 K. 
 
 Kaffirs, 44, 138. 
 Kaft'raria, 8. 
 Kaministiquia, 122. 
 Kamloops, 260. 
 Karakoram, 17. 
 Kars, 208. 
 Keelness, 16, 
 Kennebec River, 72, no. 
 Kentucky, 47. 
 Khan, the Great, 17, 18. 
 Khartoum, 271. 
 Kicking Horse Pass, 249. 
 
 — River, 256. 
 
 King William Land, 244. 
 Kingston, 92, 186, 201. 
 Kirke, Sir David, 60, 103, in. 
 Knights Baronets of Nova Scotia, 
 
 no, 269. 
 Kootenay District, 2G0. 
 
 — Pass, 249. 
 
 L. 
 
 Labrador, 24, 32, 43, 189. 
 Lachine Canal, 168. 
 
 — Rapids, 56, 65, 91. 
 Lacolle River, 161. 
 
 Lake Champlain, 57, 129, 161, 164. 
 
 Lake Erie, 62, 161, 163, 265. 
 
 — George, 57, 94, 126. 
 
 — Michigan, 62, 83, 267. 
 
 — Nipissing, 58, 63, 260. 
 
 — of the woods, 187. 
 
 — Ontario, 63, 83, 129, i6r, 169. 
 
 — Simcoe, 62. 
 
 — St. Clair, 58, 83, 163. 
 
 — St. Peter, 57. 
 Lallemand, Gabriel, 63. 
 Lancaster Sound, 243. 
 Landry, 155. 
 
 Lane, Sir Ralph, 34, 
 
 Language, French and English, 
 
 147. 
 Laudonnil're, 36, 53. 
 Laval, Bishop, 64, 79. 
 Lawrence, 270. 
 Lepine, 244. 
 Lewiston, 165. 
 Leon, Ponce do, 38. 
 Liberadores, 38. 
 Liberia, 20. 
 Liberty, colonial, 139. 
 Lief the Lucky, 15. 
 Lilloet, 260. 
 Lincoln, Earl of, 69. 
 Lisbon, 20. 
 Liverpool, 248, 259. 
 Livingstone, 12, 271. 
 Locke, 85, 274. 
 London, 10. 
 
 Longfellow's Evangeline, 108, 148. 
 Long knives, 160. 
 Lorette, 48. 
 Loudon, Lord, 125. 
 Louis XIV, 83, 84. 
 Louisburg, n3, 115, 125, 126. 
 Louisiana, 84. 
 Loyalists, United Empire, 143, 
 
 146, 160, 194. 
 Loyalty, colonial, 152, 159. 
 Loyola, Ignatius, 80, 81. 
 Lundy's Lane, 164. 
 Lymington, 153. 
 
 M. 
 
 Macdonald, Sir J., 219. 
 Macdonell, Colonel, 161. 
 Machar, Agnes Maude, 275. 
 Mackay, 155. 
 Mackenzie, Alexander, 153. 
 
 -If 
 
 . 1 
 
 , ,4 
 
 * 
 
 ■ 
 
334 
 
 General Index. 
 
 I 
 
 I ;i 
 
 Mackenzie River, 42, 235, 248, 
 
 251. 
 Mackinaw, 83, 91. 
 Macmullen, 165, 
 M^Nab, Sir Allan, 178. 
 Madagascar, 6, g, 151. 
 Madrid, 5. 
 Magelhaens, 23, 38, 
 Magnetic needle, 18. 
 Mahone Bay, 163. 
 Maine, 66, 74, 92, 95, 163, 187, 262. 
 — duties, 168. 
 Maitland, Sir P., 201. 
 Malabar, coast of, 20. 
 Malay Archipelago, 20. 
 Malays, 238. 
 Malplaquet, 121. 
 Manchester industries, 136. 
 Manhattan, Isle of, 5. 
 Manhattans, 47. 
 Manitoba, 190, 219, 238, 244, 247, 
 
 258. 
 Manitou, the Indian, 51, 52. 
 Marlborough, 97. 
 Marquette, 82, 268. 
 Martinique, 94, 130. 
 Marvell, Andrew, 272. 
 Mary de Medici, no. 
 Maryland, 66, 71, 92. 
 Mason, 264. 
 Massachusetts, 47, 66, 72, 73, 74, 
 
 92, 129. 
 Maurepas, 123. 
 Mauritius, 2. 
 May River, 36. 
 Mayflower, the, 9, 71. 
 Melbourne, 7. 
 Melfi, Flavio da, 18. 
 Melinda, 20. 
 Melville Peninsula, 243. 
 Menendez, Pedro, 37. 
 Mennonites, 246, 260. 
 Merchant Taylors, 26. 
 Merrimac, 56, 95. 
 Metcalfe, Lord, 20a. 
 Miamis, 47. 
 Michigan, 160. 
 Michillimakinac, 122. 
 Micmacs, 47. 
 Middleton, Captain, 124. 
 Milan decrees, 158. 
 Miletus, 10. 
 
 Militia, 146, 152, 164. 
 
 Mines, Basin of, 107. 
 
 Minion, the, 28. 
 
 Miquelon, 6, 132. 
 
 Miramichi Fire, 169. 
 
 Mississippi, 39, 41, 82, 83, 164, 
 
 241, 263. 
 Missouri, 83. 
 Mobile, 53. 
 
 Mobilian Groups, 41, 53. 
 Mohawks, 63. 
 Moines, des, Valley of, 47. 
 Moravianstad, 163. 
 Monck, Lord, 209. 
 Monckton, Robert, 130. 
 Mongols, 17. 
 
 Monongahela River, 117, 127. 
 Monroe doctrine, 5, 264. 
 Monson, Sir W., 26. 
 Montana, 263. 
 Montcalm, 6, 125, 13a. 
 Montezuma, 39, 50. 
 Montmagny, M. de, 63. 
 Montmorency, 130, 
 Montreal, 61, 132, 148, 168, 178, 
 
 192, 208, 259, 260. 
 Monts, Sieur de, 55. 
 Morocco, 20. 
 Mount, Sir Donald, 257. 
 Mount Baker, 252. 
 Mount-desert Isle, 56. 
 Municipal Act, 186. 
 Murray, General, 132. 
 
 N. 
 
 Nantes, Edict of, 75. 
 Napoleon I, 132, 158, 160, 164. 
 
 - Ill, 132- 
 
 Narragansetts, 47. 
 
 Nassau, 5. 
 
 Natal, 2, 20, 226. 
 
 Nationalities in Canada, 263, 
 
 Navy, Royal, 27, 28. 
 
 Nelson, Dr. Wolfred, 178. 
 
 Nelson River, 247. 
 
 Neutrals, tribe of, 50. 
 
 New Britain, 7. 
 
 New Brunswick, 65, 144, 145, 161, 
 
 169, 175, 187. 
 New Caledonia, 7. 
 Newcastle, 86, 169. 
 New England, 65, 71, 72, 184. 
 
 ml 
 
General Index. 
 
 335 
 
 Newfoundland, 6, 24, 28, 66, 97, 
 
 loi, 189, ai2. 
 New France, 65, 125. 
 New Guinea, 7. 
 Now Hampshire, 66, 74. 
 New Holland, 6. 
 New Ireland, 7. 
 New Jersey, 5, 66, 9a, 97, 129. 
 New Lands, 15. 
 New Plymouth, 72. 
 Newport, 271. 
 New South Wales, 3, 196. 
 New Westminster, 258. 
 New York City, 248. 
 New York State, 66, 92, 97, 138, 
 
 163. 
 New Zealand, 3. 
 Niagara, Falls of, 49, 164. 
 
 — River, 178, 
 
 — village of, 165. 
 Nicholson, General, 97. 
 Nicobar, 18. 
 Niverville, 246. 
 Nonsuch ketch, 100. 
 Northmen, 14, 239. 
 North- West, the, 233. 
 
 — Company, 233, 253. 
 
 — Passage, 12, 27, 98. 
 Norton, Lord, 185, 203, 209. 
 Notre Dame Bay, 24. 
 Nouvelle Bretagne, 100. 
 
 Nova Scotia, 97, loi, 106, 144, 145, 
 
 163, 167, 175, 203, 208, 213. 
 Nova Scotians, 207. 
 
 O. 
 
 Ohio, 83, 115, 117. 
 
 Ojibways, 47, 51. 
 
 Oneidas, 48. 
 
 O'Neill, General, 266. 
 
 Onondaga, valley of, 49. 
 
 Onondagas, 48. 
 
 Ontario, Province of, 194, an. 
 
 Orcadians, 234, 
 
 Oregon River, 157, 260. 
 
 — State, 253. 
 Orinoco, 38. 
 Otis, 150. 
 
 Ottawa River, 58, 63, 144, 147, 
 168. 
 
 — town of, 169, 208. 
 Ottawas or traders, 47. 
 
 Outina, chief, 53. 
 Overbury, Sir Thomas, 78. 
 Oyster River, 94. 
 
 P. 
 
 Pacific Ocean, 155. 
 
 — slope, the, 10, 249. 
 Padua, 8. 
 
 Palos, ao. 
 Panama, 258. 
 Panaroo, King, 53. 
 Pantisocracy, 86. 
 Panuco, 39. 
 
 Papineau, 165, 178, 179, 208. 
 Parker, Captain, 207. 
 Parkman, 48. 
 Parliament, British, 141. 
 
 — Canadian, first, 147. 
 Parr, Governor, 144. 
 Parrtown, 144. 
 Parry, Captain, 243. 
 Passamaquoddy Bay, 96. 
 Patriot army, 178. 
 Patteson, Bishop, 270. 
 Paul of Plymouth, the, 27. 
 Peace Point, 155. 
 
 — River, 123, 155, 249, 251. 
 Peloponnesian War, lo. 
 Pemaquid fort, 95. 
 
 Penn, 85, 86, 239. 
 
 Pennsylvania, 92, 136. 
 
 Penobscot, 163. 
 
 Pensacola, 53. 
 
 Pequods, 47. 
 
 Perry, Commodore, 163. 
 
 Persian Gulf, 18. 
 
 Pert, Sir Thomas, 25. 
 
 Peru, 38. 
 
 Peruvians, 50. 
 
 Peters, 74. 
 
 Philadelphia, Congress at, 134. 
 
 Philo Parsons, the, 265. 
 
 Phipps, Sir W., 94. 
 
 Phoenicians, 17. 
 
 Pilgrim Fathers, 9, 66, 7a. 
 
 Pinsent, Judge, 100, 103. 
 
 Piscataqua, 93. 
 
 Pitso, Kaffir, 51. 
 
 Pitt, 125, 135, 146. 
 
 Pittsburg, 127. 
 
 Pizarro, 38, 39. 
 
 Placentia, 106. 
 
 1 
 
33^ 
 
 Oeneral Index. 
 
 Ill 
 
 IS 
 
 it 
 
 ri 
 
 Plains of Abraham, 131. 
 Plai.stccl, Mury, 93. 
 I'luntations, 85, 14a. 
 Plattsburg, 164. 
 Plymouth, 29, 74. 
 - Council of, 73. 
 Pocahontas, 70. 
 Point Levis, 130. 
 
 — Separation, 242. 
 
 — Turnagain, 242. 
 Polar Sea, 155, 240. 
 Pollux, 242. 
 
 Polo, Marco, 18, 20. 
 
 — Nicolas and Maffio, 18. 
 Pontiac, 45. 
 
 Popham, Sir J., 69. 
 
 Population, test of, 92, 115, 118, 
 
 159. 187. 
 Port Jackson, i, 
 
 — Nelson, 99, 100, 247. 
 
 — Razoir, 144. 
 
 — Royal, 50, 109, 112, 113. 
 Portgravo of Rouen, 54. 
 Portland Inlet, 251. 
 Porto Rico, 37. 
 Portugal, I, 3, 4, 20, 21, 
 
 — Cove, 100. 
 
 Post Office, Canadian, 188. 
 
 Potomac, 71. 
 
 Poutrincourt, 109. 
 
 President of United States, 220. 
 
 Prester John, 17. 
 
 Prevost, Sir G., 164. 
 
 Prince Edward Island, ia6, 211, 
 
 212, 219. 
 Prince of Wales, 191. 
 Prince Regent's Inlet, 243. 
 Prince William Henry, 192. 
 Principato, the, 19. 
 Proctor, General, 163 
 Protestants, 37, 76, 149, 172, 227. 
 
 240. 
 Provencher, 244. 
 Providence, 92. 
 Provinces, Canadian, 145, 147, 
 
 193, 211, 227. 
 Provincial Government, 215, 220. 
 Prussia, 246. 
 Puget Sound, 250. 
 Purchas, 25. 
 Puritanism in New England, in, 
 
 269. 
 
 Q. 
 
 Quakers, 86, 246. 
 
 Quebec, 7, 31, 56, 94, tit, 129, 
 132, 168, 208, 258. 
 
 — Act, 145, 160. 
 
 — scheme, 212. 
 Queensland, 3. 
 Queenston, 160, 165. 
 Quintc, Bay of, 144. 
 Quoicli River, 243. 
 
 Rae, Dr., 243, 280, 283, 320. 
 Rtiilways of Canada, 188,225, 246, 
 
 255- 
 Rivimondo di Soncino, 22. 
 
 Raleigh, Sir W., 35, 67, 69. 
 
 Raleigh, Mount, 98. 
 
 Ravaillac, 76. 
 
 Raymbault, Charles, 63. 
 
 Rebellion, Canadian, 170, 171. 
 
 Reciprocity Treaty, 188, 265. 
 
 Rectories, the, 37, 173. 
 
 Redan, the, 208. 
 
 Red Indian, 8. 
 
 — River, 239. 
 
 Reform in Canada, 176, 177, 193, 
 204. 
 
 — of 1832, 173, 183. 
 Regiment, the looth, 207. 
 Republicanism in North America, 
 
 138, 145. 171- 
 Repulse Bay, 243. 
 Return Reef, 242. 
 Rhode Island, 66, 92, 94, 271. 
 Riall, General, 164. 
 Ribault, John, 36. 
 Richardson, Dr., 241. 
 Richelieu, 6, 60, 148, 150, 205, 269. 
 
 — River, 57, 76. 
 Rideau, 169. 
 Riel, Louis, 244. 
 Rink, 42. 
 
 Ripley, General, 164. 
 Roanoke, 68. 
 Roberval, Sieur de, 32. 
 Robinson, Sir Hercules, 197. 
 Roche, Marquis de la, 53, 65, 106. 
 Rocky Mountains, 123, 155, 156, 
 
 242, 248, 249, 251, 257. 
 Rogers, 93. 
 Rolfe, John, 70. 
 
 Wk' 
 
General Index. 
 
 337 
 
 Ross, Gonpral, 164. 
 
 — Sir James, 243. 
 Roundhciuls, 268. 
 KajHTt, PriiKHs 103, 233. 
 liiipurt's Laiul, 235, 2b8. 
 Russfll, Lord Joliii, 183, 204. 
 Russians, 246, 253, 263, 267. 
 Rut, Captain, 28. 
 Ruyabroeck, friiir, 17. 
 
 S. 
 
 Sable Island, 33, 54. 
 
 Sachom, 45, 49. 
 
 Sacs, tribo of, 47. 
 
 Sagas, 15.^ 
 
 St. Allan's, 265. 
 
 St. Ann's, 145. 
 
 St. Barbo mines, 84. 
 
 St. Charles River, 123, 130. 
 
 St. Christopher, 39. 
 
 St. Clair Canal, 267. 
 
 St. Croix, Island of, 31, 56. 
 
 St. Croix River, 56, 163. 
 
 St. George, Colonel, 160. 
 
 St. Ignace, 62. 
 
 St. John's Harbour, 67, 
 
 St. John's Island, 25, 13a. 
 
 St. John's River, 144, 267. 
 
 St. John's Tovv^n, 144. 
 
 St. Joseph, 62. 
 
 St. Lawrence, 30, 31, 130. 161, 
 
 168, 169, 170, 248, 263, 269. 
 St. Pierre Island, 6, 132. 
 St. Sauveui, 56. 
 St. Sulpice, 148. 
 Sainte Hel^ne, 93. 
 Saintonge, 57. 
 
 Salle, de la, 82, 84, 87, 148, 268. 
 Salmon Falls, 93. 
 Salouriana, 53. 
 
 San Francisco, 251, 254, 258, 259. 
 San Juan, 253, 266. 
 San Salvador, 20. 
 Saskatchewran, 123, 241, 263. 
 Sault St. Louis, 55. 
 Saunders, Admiral, 128. 
 Scandinavians, 227, 261, 263. 
 Schenectady, 93. 
 Scots, 260, 263. 
 Scott, General, 164. 
 
 — Sir Walter, 238. 
 Sebastiana, 26. 
 
 Secord, Mrs., 165. 
 
 Seeley, Professor, 3, 73, 79. 
 
 Seignelay, 84. 
 
 Seigneurs, 148, 176, 182, 205, 206. 
 
 Seigneiiry of Anticosti, 148. 
 
 — of Catara«jui, 148. 
 
 — of Montreal, 148. 
 Selawik, 41. 
 
 Selkirk Mountains, 257. 
 
 — Settlement, 238. 
 Hehvyn, Bishop, 270. 
 Senate, Canadian, 214, 303. 
 Senecas, 48. 
 Senegambia, 20. 
 Shaftesbury, 85. 
 Shakep'^eare, 69, 277. 
 Shannon, the, 162. 
 Shaumanuncs, 43. 
 Shawnees, 47, 163. 
 Sheffield, Lord, 135. 
 Shelburne, 144. 
 
 Sherbrooke, Sir John, 163, 168. 
 Sidon, 8. 
 
 Simon's Bay, 152, 228. 
 Simpson, 243. 
 Simpson's River, 156. 
 Sioux, or Dakotas, 48, 123. 
 Skraelings, 16. 
 Slave Lake, 242. 
 
 — River, 155, 241. 
 Slick, Sam, 168. 
 Slidell, Mr., 264. 
 Smith, Adam, 74, 88. 
 
 — John, 68, 70, 71. 
 
 — Sir Donald, 256. 
 Smith Sound, 42, 99. 
 Soissons, Count de, 57. 
 Somerset, Lord Charles, 197. 
 Soto, Ferdinand de, 39. 
 Southampton, 264. 
 
 — Earl of, 69. 
 Southey, 86, 272. 
 
 Spain, 4, 35, 36. 37, 38, 39. 
 Spaniards at Nootka, 253. 
 Speedwell, the, 71. 
 Squirrel, the, 67. 
 Stadacona, 31. 
 Staf, Philip, 99. 
 Stamp Act, 135. 
 Stanwin, 128. 
 Star Chamber, 104. 
 Steamships in Canada, 153. 
 
 !l 
 
 n 
 
338 
 
 General Index. 
 
 I ' I 
 
 I' ' 
 
 ir ■ • 
 
 i 
 
 m 
 
 ,-M 
 
 Stooro, Bishop. 370. 
 Stonoliind, 15. 
 Stony Creek, i6a. 
 Strafford, 203. 
 Straits of (»eorgift, 251. 
 Suborcase, 97, 113. 
 SiU!/. Cuiml, 258. 
 Sumatra, 18. 
 SusqiU'hiiniia, 86, 273. 
 Swallow, tlio, 67. 
 Sydonhain, Lord, 183, 199. 
 Sydnoy, 7. 
 
 T. 
 
 Tablo Bay, 152. 
 
 Tacitus, 128. 
 
 Tadousac, 33, 65, iir. 
 
 Talon, Jean Baptiste, 80. 
 
 Tasmania, 3. 
 
 Tea/er, tho Young, 163. 
 
 Tocunisoh, cliiof, 163. 
 
 Tolegrapli, sub-marino, 190, 277. 
 
 Teutons, 263. 
 
 T(ixas, 39. 263. 
 
 Thani. s River, 163. 
 
 Thiniagoa, 53. 
 
 Thompson, Hon. Charles P. (Lord 
 
 Sydenham S 181, 199. 
 Thorne, Rol)ert, 27. 
 Thorwuld, 15, 16. 
 Throe Mik^ Boundary, 190. 
 Thunder Bay, 244. 
 Ticonderoga, 126. 
 Tonquin, 6, 151. 
 Tonti, 83. 
 Tories, 211. 
 Toronto, 161, 178, 208. 
 Totems, 46. 
 
 Townshend, Charles, 137. 
 Trade, Colonial, 142, 188. 
 Trade Routes, 11, 258. 
 Transvaal, 224. 
 Treaty of Aix la Chapelle, 117. 
 
 — Ashburton, 186. 
 
 — Breda, 112. 
 
 — Ghent, 165. 
 
 — Paris, 13a. 
 
 — Ryswick, 77, 95, 96. 106. 
 
 — St. Germain en Laye, 60, 103, 
 III. 
 
 — Utrecht, 77, 78, 97, 100, 114. 
 
 — Versailles, 106, 143. 
 
 Treaty of Washington, a66. 
 Tn^it affair, 264. 
 Trinity, tlus 28. 
 Tromp, Van, 78. 
 'I'uscaroras, 48. 
 Tyre, 8. 
 
 U. 
 
 Ulysses, 12. 
 
 Union Bill, 181. 
 
 United States, 134, 195. 204, 209, 
 
 219, 245, 253, 254, 261. 
 Unjiguh River, 123. 
 
 V. 
 
 Vacca, Cabeza do, 39, 
 
 Van Diemcsn's Land, 6. 
 
 Van R<'nnslaer, General, 160. 
 
 Vancouver, 14, 219, 250, 251, 252, 
 
 253. 259. 
 Vancouver, Captain George, 156, 
 
 253- 
 Vane, Sir Harry, 74. 
 
 Vaudreuil, Governor, 13a. 
 
 Venice, 8, 17. 
 
 Vera Cruz, 264. 
 
 Verendrye, 121. 
 
 Vergennes, 133. 
 
 Vermilion Pass, 249. 
 
 Vermont, 262. 
 
 Verrazano, 29. 
 
 Viceroyalty of Canada, 32, 60, 65, 
 
 106. 
 
 Victoria Bridge, 192. 
 
 Victoria, Colony of, 3. 
 
 Victoria Land, 243. 
 
 Victoria, Queen, 170, 190. 
 
 Vignau, 58. 
 
 Viking, 14, 16, loa. 
 
 Villebon, 112. 
 
 Vincent, General, 161, i6a. 
 
 Virginia, 35, 66, 67, 68, 69, 92. 
 
 Volunteers, Canadian, 207, 266. 
 
 W. 
 
 Wabash River, 83. 
 Wager River, 124. 
 Wakefield, Gibbon, 139. 
 Walker, Sir Hovenden, 97. 
 Waller, the poet, 27a. 
 Walsingham, 34. 
 Walter the Penniless, 19. 
 
General Index. 
 
 .3.39 
 
 Walvisch Bay. 334. 
 Washington, city, 164, 262, a66. 
 
 — Georgt). 115, 1,7, 118, 126, 128, 
 »43. 159- 
 
 Wutltins Point, 71. 
 Webster, Daniel, 187. 
 Wei land Canal, 168. 
 Welsford, Major, 207. 
 Westminster, 276. 
 
 — Abbey, la. 
 
 — New, 254, 260. 
 Wheat in Canada, 262. 
 Whitbourne, Captain R., 43, 67, 
 
 lor. 
 Wilberforce, 270. 
 Wilkes, Captain, 264. 
 William IV, 192. 
 
 Williams, General Sir Fenwick 
 ao8. * 
 
 Winder, General, i6a. 
 
 Wineland, 15. 
 
 Wingfield, 6g. 
 
 Winnipeg, 122, 239, 244. 247, 248, 
 356. 
 
 Winslow, Commander, i8i. 
 
 Winter Island, 243. 
 
 Winthrop, 94. 
 
 Wisconsin River, 83. 
 
 Wolfe, General, 125, 128, 730.200. 
 
 — Benjamin, 96. 
 
 Wollaston Land, 243. 
 
 WolseUty, Colonel, 123. 15a. 
 
 Wolsey, 28. 
 
 Wolstenholme, 34. 
 
 Wordsworth, 51, 86, 277. 
 
 Wye, 61. 
 
 Y. 
 
 Yale, 257, 271. 
 Yeardley, Sir (4., 70. 
 Yt^llow-head Pass. 249. 251. 
 Yeo, Sir .Tames, 161, 163. 
 York, 94. 
 — Factory, 241, 
 Yorktown, 143. 
 Yucatan. 39. 
 Yukon River, 41. 
 
 Z. 
 
 Zambesi River, 2. 
 Zanzibar, 224. 
 Zululand, 46, 
 Zulus, 51. 
 
 THE END. 
 
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