^^^ \fv!i ^. ^ A^A^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) &/ 1.0 I.I 1^128 ■ 50 '"'^" u M 2.2 2.0 1.8 11.25 1.4 1.6 ^ 6" — ► V] c^l <» ^;. '/ /A Photographic Sciences Corporation 4 m ,v \\ 9> V 6^ <^^.^ p <^ 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 ¥ % W- W, CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques ^ .^o' '<^ Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Features of this copy which may be bibliographically unique, which may alter any of the images in the reproduction, or which may significantly change the usual method of filming, are checked below. D D D D D D D Coloured covers/ Couverture de couleur i I Covers damaged/ Couverture endommagde Covers restored and/or laminated/ Couverture restaur^e et/ou peliiculds I I Cover title missing/ Le titre de couverture manque I I Coloured maps/ Cartes gdographiques en couleur Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) I I Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur Bound with other material/ Reli6 avec d'autres documents Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion along interior margin/ Lareliure serr^e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la distortion le long de la marge int§rieure Blank leaves added during restoration may appear within the text. Whenever possible, these have been omitted from filming/ II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajoi't6es lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, mais, lorsque cela 6tait possible, ces pages n'ont pas dt6 filmdes. Additional comments:/ Commentaires suppldmentaires: L'Institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire qu'il lui a dt6 possible de se procurer. Les details de cat exemplaire qui sont peut-6tre uniques du point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une modification dans la m^thode normale de filmage sont indiquds ci-dessous. □ Coloured pages/ Pages de couleur D D D D Pages damaged/ Pages endommagdes Pages restored and/or laminated/ Pages restaurdes et/ou pelliculdes Pages detached/ Pages d^tachees Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ Pages ddcolor^es, tachetdes ou piqu^es n 0Showthrough/ Transparence □ Quality of print varies/ Qualit^ in^gale de I'impression □ Includes supplementary material/ Comprend du materiel suppl^mentaire Only edition available/ Seule Edition disponible Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to ensure the best possible image/ Les pages totalem«nt ou partiellement obscurcies par un ;euillet d'errata, une pelure, etc., ont 6x6 filmdes d nouveau de fapon d obtenir la meilleure image possible. Thee to th Thei possi of th filmii Origi begir the li sion, othai first I sion, or illi The I shall TINU whici Maps differ entiri begir right requi meth This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est film6 au taux de reduction indiqu6 ci-dessous. 10X 14X 18X 22X 26X 30X y 12X 16X 20X 24X 28X 32X The copy filmed here has been reproduced thanks to the generosity of: L'exemplaire film^ fut reproduit grdce d la g6n6rosit6 de: Library. Department of National Defence The images appearing here are the best quality possible considering the condition and legibility of the original copy and in keeping with the filming contract specifications. Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed beginning with the front cover and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All other original copies are filmed beginning on the first page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impression. The last recorded frame on each microfiche shall contain the symbol —^-(meaning "CON- TINUED"), or tl ) symbol V (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Bibliothdque, Ministdre de la Defense Nationale Les images suivantes ont 6x6 roproduites avec le plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition et de la nettetd de l'exemplaire film6, et en conformity avec les conditions du contrat de filmage. Les exemplaires originaux dont la couverture en papiiar est imprimis sont filmds en commen^unt par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la dernidre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par le second plat, selon le cas. Tous les autres exemplaires originaux sont 'ilmds an commandant par la premiere page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la dernidre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparattra sur la dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbols •— ► signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbole V signifie "FIN". Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate H>e method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre filmds A des taux de reduction diffdrents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour §tre reproduit en un seul clichd, il est filmd d partir de Tangle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. 1 2 3 32X 1,. -t,, 2 3 4 5 6 .^l^r*T"^r' '.f LIVE S OF THE A DM I R A L S And other Eminent Britijb SEAMEN. Containing Their Perfonal. Histories, and a Detail of all their Public Services. •" *■ INCLUDING A New and Accurate Naval History from the earlieft Accounts of Time ; and clearly '^ proving, by a continued Series of Fads, our uninterrupted Claim to, and Enjoyment of^ the Dominion of our SEAS. ''^* . ..^ ..' INTERSPERSED With many curious Passages relating to our Dis- coveries, Plantations, and Commerce. The whole fupported by proper Authorities. . By JOHN CAMPBELL, Efq; — ' VOL. I. The Second Edition, carefully levifed, y corredled, and enlarged. LONDON: Printed for T. Waller, at the Crown and Mitre^ oppofite to Fetter- Lane y Fleet -Street. .... ;!■ \ I MD ( QL, :^'^r , ^..•-■- f., ^ V.-i ' <... IPf. •**'/ / ■2 J/ ■ ■ ■ /■ ami.',. ; y PROPERTY or N s H o UaRARY. OTTAWA ■''• ^ ^ 4. A L > <'. , " JUL 1 3 1945 L .J'. •I T r I j/.- ^ •*• vtt / > V. i: ^ ■<'■'■ -v.- I -. ^a t 1 v ^0 0^ wsssfKsams^nisifsmi^ii^im P R E F A C E. i 1 . 1 «... .J HE kind reception this work has already met with, from the puhHc, makes it altogether un- necejf'ary to detain the reader at his entrance, with a needlefs and ceremonious introduction ; and yet it might be ejieemed a kind of rudenefs to de- dine making any application of this fort at all. It may be proper therefore^ to obfervi, that the defire of /hewing a juji gratitude for the approbation hefiowed upon this hijhry, has €x cited the utmoji care in reiifwg, cor reding, and where it feemed expedient^ adding, and illujhating in fome placeSy that the great end tf this defign might be better anfivered. In the compafs of this hiftory^ the principal naval tranfacii- ons are reprefented from thi^ 'n^'UeJi account of time down to theprefent reign ; from whence it appears, that the claim of this nation to the dominion 'f the Jea, is not only as ancient y as any memorial of pa/i time whatever ; but that it has been alfo conjlant and invariable, through a long courfe of ages ; maintained with great fpirit by our ancefiorsy and tranf- mitied by them^ as an invaluable blcffing to their pofterity. As to thefaSfs that are related, they are chiefly colleSfedfrom surbeflhiflariansy andtheauthrities upon which they are ground- ed are carefully cited, fo that nothing is advanced without evidence j and where writers have differed as to the drcum- jfinces of great events, particular notice is taken of thofe variations, that the reader may have it in his power to form a true judgment upon the whole, as alfo to fee what has been tQ7it rover ted, and what not. As foreign authors have alfo recorded many cfthefe tranfaSli" (im^ tneir worh have likewife been cwfuhed', due regard paid t§ iheti ■:T Ml I 1 PREFACE them where they appear to have deferved it, and where either fr*m partiality, or mi/information they have deviated from the truth, no pains have been /pared in pointing out and proving their mijlakes j but with as little acrimony as pojjible, though they have fometimes taken great liberties with //'^Englilh wri' ters they contradiii. This will be found in many refpeffs highly ufeful, not only, as it ferves to fix the credit of particular fa5is J but as it alfo ferves infome meafure tojhewthe real cha- rasters of feveral authors, their views in writing, and the regard due to them upon other occafions, • ' ' ' . ... .^. ,. . ^ Jt the chfe of every reign, there is a brief detail of the progrefs of navigation, commerce, difcoveries, and whatever elfe feems to have a relation to maritime power, that the gradual increafe of it may appear in a proper light, and re- fie^ due honour on the princes, great miniflers, and worthy patriots, who have patronized or fupported thefe national points, and that the confequence of negle£iing them might be alfofeen, which was the more neceJJ'ary, becaufe many errors have prevailed, and become popular upon thisfubje^. The per final hiflc ,'amous feamen, is as fully and fairly reprefented, as was y^jjjible from the hefi materials that could he procured', neither will the reader find in their memoirs any fpirit of party, which indeed would be inexcufable, fince, what' ever a man's party may be, if he has contributed to th( fervice of his country, by defending her interefi, humbling her enemies, or promoting her commerce, his mejnory ought to ba prejerved with the higheji veneration. Thefe are the principal poinds treated of in the following Jheets, and they cannot fail of giving pleafure tofucb as have a due regard, for the glory and profperity of this ifland, Ta fuch alone this work is confecrated, and may the honourable actions of our illufirious feamen, in the prefent andfucceed-^ ing ages,furnijh materials tofome abler pen! And thereby put it in his power to Jhew, that the lefjons which have been taught us by our ancefiors, and the great examples they have left us of public fpirit, and zeal for their country* s good, hcivf tist been lofl on their defendants, * ». - . ■ ■ \ ^ [ozvtng have To \urabk \by put ie been have [, hfiVf LI V E S O F T H E ADMIRALS, ^^. I .. i« Including a new and accurate Naval History, ^c CHAP. I. Tie Naval History of the Britons, he^ • fore they were invaded by the Romans du- ring their continuance in Britain; and ' afterwards, to the coming of the Saxons. Containing the tranfaBions of about one thoU" ^ fandj feven hundred and forty years. , HAT the ancient hiftory of Britain^ or rather of the Britom^ before the coming of Cafar into this ifland, is not a little oB- fcure, as well in refpeft to their exploits by fea, as in regard to the fucceffion of thgir f rinces, and the fettlement of their civil government at Vol. T. ^ home. If: m ,i^ i\ NAVAL HISrORT home» is a point To generally agreed on, that I will not trouble the reader with any difputes about it. fiut this matter is carried much too far, when it is aifi^rted, that the hiftories of thofe times deferve not dther reading, or notice; that they are mere fables, and idle tales, void of all au« thority or probability. I -f^'is true, that this lofty ftile i^ highly taking with cri- tics, who very readily rcje(5t what they cannot underftand, but this may be fometimes too hadily don«, as I conceive it is here. Camden " difliked the Briti/h hiflory of Oeofrey of Monmouth^ and his authority drew others to treat it with contempt. But, fince his lime, through the indefatigable labours of many indudrious men, other ancient authors have been publiflied, which plainly (hew that much true hiftory is to be met with, even in that book, though embarrafled with iidion. Befides, it is now out of difpute, that Geoffrey was no forger, or inventor of that hiftory; but that he really tranllated it out of the Britijh language, in which tongue it is ftili extant ^. From this hiftory, which in many circumftances is fupported by others of better authority^ we have various pafikges in relation to the naval power of the Britons^ be- fore Cafar'^ expedition. Now^ that thefe are not altoge- ther incredible, muft appear from th^ reafon of the thing, on one hand \ and, on the other, from what may be ci-* ted from writers of unqueftionable credit. Two arguments refult from our very lituation ; for, lirft, the people^ whoever thty were, Gauh or Trojans^ ■ who » Britannia, p. 6, 7. Edit. 1594. 4<^. See a Refutation of Cam- den'j Objections in Mr. Thomplon'j copious Preface to his Tran- flation of Geoffrey of Monmouth'/ Hiftory ; and the moft learned Sir Jobo h-ice*s t)efenf. Hift. Britan. «► Uffrrii Britain. Eccl. frimordia. ice aifo Lewis'/ Britilh Hirtory. :i '-M. Of the BRITONS. 3 who planted this country^ mufl have come to it by Tea, and confequently mufl have had fome (kill in maritime af- fairs, even prior to their fettling here. Secondly, the fur- rounding feas, the convenient ports, and the prorpe<^\ of the oppofite (hore, muft, doubtlefs, have encouraged them when fettled here, to oradife, and thereby extend, thnt fkill in navigation, which, as I have faid, they mud have had before they came hither. Hence I think it might have been rationally concluded, that our Britijh ancellors had performed fomething worthy of notice at fea, before the Roman invaiion, even though there had been no records Co atteft their actions. Polybius ' mentions this ifland and its commodities. Lucretius ■* alfo takes notice of it» and thefe were both writers elder than Cafar. • The author of the book de ntuttdffy which goes commonly under the name of Jrijfot/e^ fpeaks of the Britijh iflands, and diftinguifhes between Al- bion and Hierna, that is, betvreen England and Ireland, Jlthenaus ^ tells us, out of Mofchion, that the main-mafl of king Hiertfs great (hip was found by a fwine-herd in the mountains of Britain^ and by Pbileas Tauromenites conveyed into Sidly^ and ^olinui ^ fpeaks of an altar en- graven with Grefk charafters, which Vlyjfes met with in Caledonia, It is not eafy to conceive how fo remote a country Ihould be fo well known in thofe times, if the Britons had not both power and commerce by fea. But, to put this matter out of difpute, the learned Mr. Selden •» owns himfelf convinced, even by Cafar's writings, that B 2 the 'l B' ii « Hift. lib. xi. «* De Nat. Rer. lib. iii. « Ariftot. ope- ra. Tom. ii. p. 206. Edit. Aurel. Allobrog. 1606. * Deipnofo- phift. t Poly hift. cap. 3^. ^ Mare Claufum Lib ii. cap. X. i^' ■ii ^ '4 kAVAL HisroRT the ancient Britons had a confiderable fea force ; which h^ conceives was either weakened, or totally dedroyed in the defeat which Cafar gave to the yeneti, to whofe affiftance it was fent. Having thus (hewn that, for any thing the critics know to the contrary, the fa6ts prefer ved by our Britijh hillorians may be true, I (hall proceed to mention fome of them that arc for my purpofc, infilling on fuch arguments as offer thcmfelves in fupport of thefe tranladlions ; there being, as I conceive, as much honour to be acquired from the retrieving truth out of our fabulous (lories, as in extrac- ting ir from Greek poets, or from oriental authors ; which has, however, been the bulinefsof moft of the great men famed for learning amonglt us. This I fay, not to leflen their repaiaiion, or raife my own, but out of a def fo it (hall be our principal buli- nefs to (hew it has by thehr pofterity never been fincc loft. O N £ of the moft early exploits after this, was that of king Bilinm ", who is faid to have taken the king of Den- mark prifoner, and to have obliged him to become tributa^ ry. Afterwards, f palling with his brother Brennus into Gauly they with the joint forces of that country, and their own, invaded Italy, and facked Ronu ; % after which, Belinus returned home, and reigned here with great glory. That this ftory is liable to fome exceptions muft be owned ; and, indeed, what hiftory of fo great antiquity is not ? but that it is not altogether improbable, appears from hence ; that Paw fanias % a learned Greek author, fpeaking of the expedition of the Gauli under Brennus into Greeee, fays, that they called their order of drawing up fquadrons of horfe, three B 3 ift. iS ■■ ^erl. An- H Pro?m. • CambrJai Defcriptio, cap. 7. apud Camden. Angl. Norman. &c. °> Hift. lib. XV. » Gal. Mon. Hill. Brit. lib. iii. cap 2. Alurcd. Beverl. lib. i. p. 16. Vit, Hift. lib, Iii. + A A. C. 388. % A. A. C. 387. o Lib. t. BCaMiuaBaMlii i'; ii i ji, 6 MAVAL HlSrORr in front, Trimanhia, fichich is pure 5^//r^ ; for 7r/, in that language, fignifies three, and March, a horfe. G^gunti- us p, the fon of Belinus attacked the king of Dtnmark^ (which muft have been by fea) flew him, and conquered his country *, Thefe were the exploits of the inhabitams of the fburthern part of the ifle. As for the Scots, they appear to have had a very conliderable naval force, by which they held in fubjedlion all the adjacent ides, long before the coming c4 Cafar ; and this corroborates the other fa<5ts ftr oogly. The commerce of the Britons could not but be vtiy confiderable, even in thefe early times ; for, befides the trade they drove with the Carthflginkns i in the weftern part of the ifland, they alfo trafficked with the northern nations, as appears by the flight of Brtnnus % when he quarelled with his brother, to a king of Norway ; for it cannot be fuppofed he would retire to an abfolute ftranger ; or, if he had, that he fliould fo foon return with a potent fleet. Their intercourfe with all the maritime provinces ofGauly is indifputable ; nor is it a light argument of their perfeft acquaintance with the arts and fciences then known, that the youth of thofe provinces were fent hither for in- llrudion. But wh-ai is moft to our purpofe, and which clearly demonftrates that, at this time, they had the domi- nion of their own feas in the moft abfolute degree, is what Cafar » himfclf fayn, viz. That he could get no in- formation concerning the country, or ports, of Britain ; becaufe the inhabitants pen.iitted none but merchants to vi- Tw their ifle, and even reftrained thofe from travelling up in-- to the country. The impofing fuch rules, (hews the pow- er of which they were then polTelled. , . ^ It P Hift. Brit. lib, iii. cap. 2. * A. A. C. 37J. "^ Strabo. Gcog. lib. i. ! Hift. Brit. lib. iii. cap. 2. \ Dc Bello Gal- lico, lib. iv. or ^^r BRITONS. 7 1 T is indeed obje^ed, that Ceefar^ and other ancient authors fpeak but in mean terms of the Britipj veflels, tell- ing us> they were made of wicker covered with hides, which, therefore, were very unfit to have oppofcd the Ro^ mak fleet j and this they fuppofe to be the reafon, that the BritoHs never aflayed to grappb with the Romam at Tea,. There is, however, nothing iblid in this, for one of th« reafens why Cafitr inclined to attack Britain^ was, be- caufe it's inhabitants fuccoured the GauU both by land and iea ; the fleets, therefore, that they fent for this purpofe, were certainly ftout (hipr, and not the leathern boats which they ufed in fifliingon their own coails, and to the ufe of which the Remans afterwards confined them. The true caufe why they did not oppofe the Remans by fea, was the lofs of the Wt part of their fleet before, which they hid fent to the afliftancc of the f^fneti \ A$ for the Scots «^, they were engaged in reducing the iiles, which a lictle be- fore had thrown off their yoke, as their own hiftorian telli us : and, after all, Qiidas * feverely reflects upon this very circumftance of their not drawing together a fleet; which would have been abfohitely abfurd, if he had known th^ Brittns at that time had no (hips of war. To fum up all^ Cafin'Bf own relation is fufficient to (hew that there is no- thing preffing in thii objection ; but that the Britcns made fuch a defence as their circumftances would allow, and tho nature of his attempt required. This expedition of Cafar^s may kttti to faM without the limits of this work, fince they contended with him not B4 »( "f^f Strabo. :llo Gal- « De Bello Civfi. lib. i. cap. 54. SoTin. Polyhift. cap. J5. LiW can. Pharfal. lib. iv. ^ SeJden. Mare ClauAim, lib. v<. cap. z. "^ Johan. de Fordun. Scotichron. lib. ii. cap. 14. * £pi;t. de £:tcidio Briun. y De Bello GaJlico> lib: iv. HM # NAVAL nisroRr at fea, bufonfliore. It was, however, a naval expedition on his fide, and undertaken chiefly for the fake of fe- curing thi dominion of the fea to the Romans : wherefore I conceive it will not be thought an unjuftifiable digreffion in me, to touch on fome remarkable circomftances. Ca- /ar*s firft expedition f was with a fleet of eighty (hips, and a few gailies, on board of which be embark'd two legi- ons *. He attempted to land on the oppofite coafl: of Kentj where he found a Briii/h army ready to receive him, who performed their parts fo well, that even thefe Roman VC' terans were aftoniflied, and contrary to their ufual cuftom, betrayed a dillike to fighting : whence we may juftiy infer that this was not the firft time the Britons had to do with invaders. The tm^tor ^ Julian^ a writer of difliinguifli- ed parts, introduces Julius as leaping from his (hip to en- courage his frighted foldiers ; but Cafar bimfelf tells • us, that it was the Standard-bearer of the tenth legion, who., by this defperate adion, encouraged the army to gain the ihore, from which, with much difliculty^ they drove the Bti- ?//?> inba;)itants ^ After this, C Hill. Britan. lib. iv. Cap. 12. 1 Matt. Weftin. ad A. D. 44- * A. D. 45. ' Dio. HiU. lib. Ix. Sueton. in Claud, cap. ;7. • In vit. Claud, cap. 17. ^ InO^via., fTl' .t^^ . Ill ' I WjllHii « Hi r^-T> . iw ll «lll ^' H NAVAL HISTORr En> qui Britannis primus impofuit Jugum, Ignota tantis Claffibus texit freta, JBy himjirji vanqui/h^d^ were the Britons ^/w/r, . v if» ^mity to the language of the authors, from whofe au- thority I write ; and not with any intention of blemifhing the reputation of thefe gallant people, who fo worthily de- ftsnded their liberty agalnft the Romans, In the profecution of this defign, Jgricda advanced farther north, than any of his predeceflbrs had done f; and obferving, that two arms of the fea, almoft cut in funder one part of the ifland from the other, he refolved to fortify this Peninjula^ and theteby &ut out the $cots and Bi^s, which he accord- ingly ^ Tacit, in Agric. ♦ A. G. 72. Hift. lib, iv, y Tacit, in Agric. « Idem. ibid. Vit. t A. C. 85. I •' «n, j6 naval HisroRr ingly performed ». In the Latin tongue, thefe arms of the lea arc called Glota and Bodotria ; which moll of our writers render the friths of Dunbritton and Edinburgh ; but they are with greater propriety ftilcd the friths of Clyde and of Forth, Having thus fecured t^ man province from all dan- ger, he began to make the neceflary difpofitions for inva* ding Ireland, as well as for examining and fubduing the remaining part of Britain, With this view he fitted out a confiderable fleet, and ordered it to fail northwards, looking into all the creeks and bays, in order to gain an exa<5t knowledge of the coaft, while himfelf and the ar- my marched forward by land. This exceedingly alarmed the northern nations, who, as the Roman writers obferve, gave all for loft, now the fecret of their feas was difcover- ed. The Caledonians defended themfelves with great ob- l^inacy againft JgricolHf but with indifferent fuccefs ; and, in the mean time, were terribly harafTed by the fleet, which put now into one port, then into another, and at length furrounded the ifland, and, if we may believe the ^ Roman authors, fubdued the Orcades, or iflands of Ork- ney.' * However, it is certain, that affer having corn- pleated their defign, this navy returned to the Partus Tru- tulenftSy or as it ought rather to be read, Rutupenfts, which is conceived to be Ri(hboroughy near Sandwich, This ex- pedition gained great honour to Julius Agricola, and was looked upon, in thofe days, as a moft heroic adl; the boundaries of Britain being elleemed, by the Romans, the utmoft limits of the world, as appears plainly from tho accounts we have in Tacitus : and if any doubts remain as to his impartiality, fince Jgricola was his near relation, we may Idem, ibid. * Idem, ibid, * A. D. 72. \s of the r writers but they U and of I all dan- for inva- luing the fitted out rthwards, :o gain an d thfe ar- y alarmed •s obferve, s difcover- great ob- cefs; and, the fleet, ,er, and at believe the is of Gra- ving com- ^ortus 7ru^ nftSy which This ex- 7, and was ic a6t; the lomans, the y from the ts remain as elation, we may 72. ■ '. 0/ //j^ B R I T O N S. 17 may put the fadl out of difpute, by citing what Juvenal fays on the fame topic •*. Arma quidem ultra Littora Juvernae promovimus, et modo captas Orcadas, ac minima contentos nofte Br'ttannos. //^, fame, beyond Juverna f have purfWd^ And ev'n the dijlant Orkney's have fubdtCd ; Our forces now rcmotejl Britons /rights In northern climates hardly rtach by ni^'J. History informs us, that this expedition of Agricola was in the fummer, which accounts for the laft line, fince in that feafon the Romans certainly found the days very long in the northern part of the ifle ; whence they concluded, that the inhabitants were content with a llender portion of reft : which feems to be the true ireaning of their being fatisfied with a fliort night. The t^ rant Domitian taking umbrage at the great exploits of this excellent perfon, re- called him to Rome, and there took him off by poifon *. Under the reigns of the fucceeding emperors, Ner- va and Trajan^ there happened little of confequence in this ifland ; but the emperor Adrian, who fucceeded Trajan^ underftanding that the northern nations made frequent in- curlions into the Roman province, came over hither ; and, after gaining frequent advantages over them, he refolved to take the fame method which Agricola had formerly done of bounding the province by a wall, or military entrenchment ; which he accordingly call up, and, as the manner of thofe Vol, I. C times )» Sat. ii. f Ireland. I Tacit in vit Agric, 'l^^mT W 1 . ir/ I- 18 NAVAL HISTORY times was, ftrongly fortified, t This wall is faid to have extended about eighty Italian miles, from Eden in Cum' berland to Tyne in Northumberland-^ though others fay, it was from Gahrofentum^ now Gatejheady or Catefland^ in the biftioprick of Duram to Carli/le, thereby abandon- ing a tra£t of country, feventy miles long and a hundred and forty broad, to the Scots and Pi^s \ yet on his return to Rome^ he caufed a new coin to be ftruck, whereon he is ftiled the reftorer of Britain^, In the reign of Antonius Pius one Lolltus Urbicus, adted as his lieutenant in Britain^ who vvas very fuccefsful in his wars againft the northern nations, * and who having driven them beyond the friths of Clyde and Forth, re-edified Jgricoh\ wall, and reftored the Roman province to its full extent. % About this time, Se- jns Saturninus was Archigubernus of the Roman fleet here,* but whether we are to underftand thereby, that he was ad- miral, or arch-pilot, is doubtful. In fucceeding times, the Scots and Pi^s recovered the country they had loft, and gained fo many advantages over the Romans^ that the em* peror Severus came over in perfon, and with infinite diffi- cidtys repulfed thefe invaders, * lofing no lefs than fifty thoufand men in the war ; and at laft was content to re- edify AdriaiC^ wall, which he fortified with ftrong towen or bulwarks, aflfuming thereupon, the furname of £nViy»»/- tus Maximus', He died at Tori^ and, his body being burnt at Acibam^ there is Hill to be feen a great mount of earth f A. D. I2g ^ Dio hift. lib. Ixix. Spartiao. in vit. Adrian, cap. ii. Bed. lib. i. cap. 5. * Jul. Capitolin in vit. Anton. :}: A. D. 142. ' Pandeft. lib. xlvi. tit ad Se- natus. confult. Trebellian. * A. D. 210. f Herod, lib. iii. Spartian. in Scwro. Dio. Hiitor. lib. Ixxvi. J 0/ fH^e BR IT ON S. 19 earth raifed upon that occafion, and called by the inhabi- lanrs S^ir*3 Hill *. In the fucceeding diftrad^icns of the Roman empire, Britain, like the reft of its provinces, /cIl inio the hands of. various mafters, ftiied by their own party, emperors, and by the reft of the world, tyrants. Amongft thefe, there is one who deferves to be remembred in this hifto- ry ; iince how bad foever his title might be, he made a good prince to the Britons, and, which is ftiil more to our purpofe, carried the maritime power of this country fo high, as not only to vindicate his own independency, but alfo to ftrilce a terror into the whole Reman empire. It is true, many hiftorians treat him as a notorious ururper9 which feems to be a little hard j fince thofe they ftile em- perors had no other title than what they derived from fight- ing on land, which feems to afford him fome colour of right, in virtue of his power by fea. But, be that as it will, his ftory is fufficient to (hew, that the Britons in the Roman provinces were, at this time, remarkable for their (kill in naval affairs, and were able to fet out fuch fleets as made them terrible to their neighbours. DIOCLES IAN and Maximian having (hared the empire between them, the latter, who poffeiTvjd the wef- tern parts, finding the coafts much harraiTed by pyrates of feveral nalions, but chiefly Saxons and Franks, made choice of one * Caitts Carauftus, a man of known valour, to command the Roman fleet, for fcouring the fcas. * Mofl writers fay, that this man was a Menapian by birth, and of very mean defcent: certain Scotijh authors claim him C 2 for ^ Vit. Hift. lib. 5. Orof. Lib. vii. cap. 17. Eutropius, lib. viii. Bed. lib. i. cap. 5. Langhorn's Introdudion to the hiftory of Eng- land, p. 123. * A. D. 288. i Nennius apud Camden, in Rom. Bfitan. Aurcl Vidor. cap, 39. mm k .;-^>;..-^«H^.- 20 NAP'AL HisroRr for their countryman, ^ nnd wilh grent appearance of truth. This ch;uge he executed with equal courage and condudl ; but, as the Roffum hillorians fay, not lb ho- nourably as he ought: yet, if we conlidcr his future aifti- ons, and that thcie writers were the creatures of the em- perors n[>;ainfl: vhom he fought, wc may fafely doubt whtlhct ihr ch.uadcr they give CjrauJJuSy ought to preju- dice liim HI our opinions. They tell us, that, inftead of chaftifuig tlie pyratcs as his duty diret^lcd, he too frequent- ly atiniiitted them to compolition, and finding this policy difcovcrcd, he had recourfc to another, ncgleding to lake them, till they had enriched thcmfeives by a multitude of pr zes, and then feizing them with their ill-got wealth to his own ufc. Maximum being informed of ihefe pradiccs, conceived a fufpicion of his intending to fcl up for himfelf j which fchemc, if tiiis oflicer really had it in his head, he furthered, by endeavouring to privent it. The method he took, was, by commiflioning a perfon to aflaflinaic 6\i- ravfius: which faihng, this cunning commander improv- ed, to his ;ulvantagc j for crofling with a ftrong fquadron of (hips over into Britain^ he there i)crfuaded a great part of the Riiman arnty, and the Britons in general, to cm- brace his party, and io afluming the purple robe, he decla- red himfelf emperor, and maintained that dignity againll all the power that his rivals could oppofe him with. Ue- fidcs this ifland, he held the port of Gefforiacum, now BuU Icigfte in FrufUf\ and the adjacent coaft, whence he fo ha- ralled G*.;/^/, Jidlvj and %;;>/, by his fleets, that, however .^veifc AluximiiVi might be to fuch a partner, he v/as at length compelled to purchafc peace, by owning this man for * Fordnn iicotitiironicon, lib. ii. cap 38. Of the BRITONS. 21 for emperor of Britain: ar.d there arc dill ext.\nt feme of his coins, having on one fide his head, with this inlcrip- tion, IMP. CARAUSIUS. P. F. AUG. On the reverie, the poriraaurcs of two emperors joining hands, alliuling to thL? agreement with Maximinn. This coin is of lilver, and io\\\v\ no where but in Britain '. HowEVKR he acquired the emperor, it is dn all hands agreed, that he held it very worthily ; for he governed the Britons with great jullicc and equity, maintained the do- minion of the lea againll all competitors, with much rcfu- luiion: and, when the northern nations, that is to lay* the Siots and P;r/.f, began to vex his lubjcv-'ls with mcurli- ons, he made war upon them ; and, havino; beat them in many engagements, lie recovered all that the Romans had ever held in Britain y and, as fomc fay, eret'^cd, as a maik of hisconqucll, that celebrated monument of antiquiiy, called Arthurs Oven ; though other affirni this to be a temple of the god TtrmimSy and erc(5lcd by another hand. AVhen he had thus llgnaliicd his courage and condu«ik at their cx- pencc, he made peace with thcfc nations, wifely foiefec- ing that he fliould, fomelime or other. Hand in need of thoir aHillance againll the Roman emperors, who he knew w.utcd only for a favourable opportunity of cxcriinp!; their hatred againll him ■". He took care likewife by all means poflibic to increale his fleet ; and which flicws him to be a very politic prince, he negotiated a treaty with the Franks, and other nations, who were fcatcd on the lira- dan Bofpbarus, and who were become famous for their C 3 power ' F.utropius, lib. ix. Bed. Hill. lib. I. cap 6. Aiircl. Vii'tor in Cjcfario. Speed's Chronicle, p. 354. •" Hill. Brit. lib. v. cip. 5. \'it' Hill. lib. V. Fordun iJcotiv 38, 39. i3cd. lib. i. c»p. 6, Scoticbroiiicon, lib. ii- cap. 3", .m ■ ** " ' f^^iff ff^r^"^ WW I t„ ! m 22 NAVAL HISTORY power at fca ; whereby it was fttpulated, that they fliould fend a ftrong fleet into the Mediterranean y which pafling through the ftrcights of Gibr altar ^ fliould join his navy in the Britijh feas, and a€l in conjundion againft the Romans, This, certainly, is a tranfadtion worthy of being recorded in our naval hiftory i unlefs we have fo far loll the fpirit of our anccftors, as to be proud rather of beir.g flaves to Rome^ than of contefting the fovereignty of the fea, with that haughty people. The Romans^ juftly alarmed at fo formidable a confe- deracy, which in an inftant deprived them of any fafe paf- fage by fea, began to provide for putting a fpeedy end to this war. In order to this, Conjiantim and Maximia'* both applied themfelvcs to railing forces by fea and land. The former undertook to march with an army into the ter- ritory poflefled by the enemy in Gauli while the latt», from the naval magazines on the Rhine, fitted out a fleet of a thuufand fail. While this was doing, Cenjiantius befieged Caraufim in Bulloigney who, having the fea open, defended himfelf without much trouble, and thereby con- vinced his enemies, that while he held this ad^^antage^ of a thoufand fail. While this was doing, Conjiantius having found a way to block up the port by a work of a new contrivance j Qaraufiui had no means of fafety left, but by breaking through the Reman camp, which with a few gallant followers, he performed in a dark night ; and, embarking in a fmall fliip, crofled over to Britain, where he had a flrong fleet, and a powerful army. He ^juickly repented of this wrong ftep, when he was informed, that the very night after his departure, the fea had carried away all the works of the Romans, and left the port open. The next thirty Conjiantius did; was to draw together all the M jr (hould I paffing vy in the Romans, recorded e fpirit of to RomSy mh .that a confe- jr fafe paf- ily end to mia" both and land, to th€ ter- th€ latter, out a fleet 'mjiantius fea open, | ;reby con- jad^'antage, 'onjiantiui work of a Tafety left, lich with a light ; and, im, where He Aiuickly irmed, that lad carritd port open. jtogether all the 0/ /A^ B R I T O N S, 23 the fliips that could be had from every part of his domi- nions; and having ftationed ftrong fquadrons on the coafts of Britain^ Spain, and Gaul, to prevent €araufim from joining his confederates, he failed in perfon with the reft of his fleet through the ftreights of Gibraltery to meet the Franks, whom he defeated fo abfolutely, and purfued his viftory fo clofely, that there was not a man of them left ". In the mean time Caraufius employed his time in preparing the beft he could for the defence of Britain ; but one AlkSfus, a confiderable ofl5cer in his fervice, and whom he had always treated as his bofom-friend ; fuppo- flng that his death would put him in poiTeflion of all his power, trcacheroufly murdered him, when he had reigned feven years, and then aflumed the purple *. This AlkSlus was far from having either the capacity, or the fortune, of his predecefTors ; though all our hiftori- ans agree, that he kept his dominions and his forces. He was for fome time fuperior in power at fea ; but he employed that fuperiority, rather as a pyrate, than as a prince, fend- ing out his fquadrons to fpoil the adjacent coafts of Gaul^ and to interrupt the trade of all the Roman provinces. Con- Jiantius faw this with impatience ; but, at the fame time, took all the neceflary precautions for putting an end to it. At length, he found himfelf fl:rong enough to fight AlleC" tus by fea j and with this view, failed from the coaft of Gaul towards that of Britain, Alle^us, with an navy no way inferior to his, lay then at the Ijle of IVigbt, wlience en the firft intelligence of the departure of the Roman fleet, he ilood to fea, in order to intercept it ; but it lb happened, that Conjiantius, by means of a fog, pafled him, and land- C4 , cd I I I I I itmmmmmmmm\ 1 11 ■ iiii 1 " Eutrop. lib. ix. i3ed. hb. i. cap. o. Oroi. lib vii. cap. 25. Faulus Diac. lib. x. cap. 41. Aurel. Vift. cap. 39. Fordun Scoti- chronicQP. lib. xi. capi 49, ^ A. D. 294. ^^P9(t i/-.U «4 NAVAL HISTORY cd fafely in Britain j which he had no fooner done, than from a forefight that the Britijh fleet would infallibly beat his in a fair fea-fight ; he caufed his (hips to be fet on fire, that his foldiers might have no hopes of efcaping, but by beating their enemies. Alle^us quickly returned to Britain and put himfelf at the head of a fmall body of troops j but perceiving that the hearts of the people were entirely alie- nated from him, and that he was thereby become inferior on lai d, to thofe over whom he had a fuperiority at fea, he grew in a manner diftradted ; and, engaging rafhly with Afilepiodotuiy who commanded a party of Roman troops, his forces were routed, and himfelf having thrown away his purple robe, after a defperate defence was ilain *. He held the empire, or rather bore the title of emperor, about three years ; and there is yet extant a gold coin of his with this infcription, IMP. C. ALECTUS. P. F. AUG. On the reverfe, SALUS AUG °. He feems to have loft himfelf by his ralhnefs ; for he certainly fought before the main body of the troops came up. Thefe confifted of fo- reigners of all nations, drawn to his fervice from the hopes of pay ; and who, as foon as they knew of his misfor- tune, refolved to fatisfy their expedations, by plundering thofe they came to preferve. "^Vith this view they poflef- fcd themfelves of London ; but, as they entered the city, a new miichancc befel them. Part of the Roman army, fe- vered from the grand fleet at fe?, by the mill before men- tioned, landed at the mouth of the Thames^ and entered the city immediately after them. Upon this an engage- ment enfued, wherein th;. foreigners we;«i defeated, and .... ;.• .... .• . . . , , . . cut * A. D. 296. « Aurcl. Viflor. in Cscfarib. Eutropius ubi I'upra. Eu^nen. Paneg. Conftant. Caefdf. Speed's clironicle, p. 25$. Lewis's hiftory of Britaini f. 120. 0/ //j^ B R I T O N S." 2^ cut to pieces ; their commander, whofe name Was Gal/us^ endeavouring to fave himfelf by flight, was pulhed into and drowned in a little brook, called from thence in the Briiijh tongue, Nn fit-Gall, and by the Saxiom, Walkrook^, In fucceeding times, when the government of the Ro- man empire came to be better fettled, proper officers were appointed for maintaining both civil and military govern- ment in Britain ; but above all, due care was taken of na- val affairs, and garrifons were placed in various ports, and particularly thefe which follow, viz. Othona, which Cant' den took to be Hajiings in Suffix : Dubris, which certain- ly was Dover : Lemmnms, which was either Hythe in Kenty or fome place near it ; perhaps Lime-ilill: Brano- dutium, Branchejler in Norfolk, not far from the wafties.* Gariannonum, Tarmouth: Regulbitim, Reculuer in Kent: Rittupis, or Rittupce, Richborough near Sandwich : Ande- ■ ria, Newenden in Kent, and the port of the Adurni, now Alkrington X.0 Ederington, nQTit Shoreham m SuJJex ^, ;:»,-?' CONSTANTINE the great, as he was born in this ifland, fo he was extremely careful of its concerns '. On his death, and the divifion of the empire among his fons, it fell to the (hare of Conjiantine the eldeft. After his murder, his younger brothers, Conjlantius and Cmjlam. were both here, and Gratianus was by them made gene- ral of Britain \ The emperor Julian fent over Lupid-^ nus to reprefs the Scots, in which he was very fuccefsful*. Under p Hift. Britan. lib. 5, cap. 4. Vlt. Hift. lib. v. Camden. De- fcript. Britan. in Trinobant. Speed's chronicle, p. 25c. Lewis's Hiftory of Britain, p« 120. 9 Selden Mare Clauium, lib. ii. cap. 6, 7. ' Sozomen. Europ. Vit. Hift. Jib vi. * Paul- lus Diaconus, lib. xi. cap. 18. Viftor. in Valentin. Amrnian Marcellin, lib. xiv. \ Bed. lib. i. cap. i. Amniianus Mar- cellinus, lib. xx- v'f * I'V i- m\ r T K 26 NAVAL HISTORT Under the emperors FaUntinianus and Valens^ 7heod»ftui perferiped great things in this i/land, and having recovered the country between the two walls, he ere. 047, . 1 ^H. H\i 1 I ' <'M k 28 NAVAL HISTORr till the emperor Honoriui made war againfl, and fubdued him ''. The Britons^ in the mean time, were brought to the lad extiemity by the Scots and Pi^s^ infomuch that the remainder of the Romnm^ giving the country for loft, at lea ft for the prefent ; buried their treafures, and tranf- ported themfelves to other pnrts *=. However, even after this, on their humble application to Honorius, MtiuSy ge- neral of the forces in Gaul^ had orders to fend over a le- gion ; which he did, and repeated the fame favour fome years afterwards ''. This laft legion was commanded by one GalUo, who having repaired, or rather rebuilt the wall, originally raifed by SeveruSy and fortified the coaft againft the fudden invafions of the pyrates, who then in- fefted the Briti/h feas, plainly told the people, that the af- fairs of the empire would not permit them to pafs over any more ; but that for the future they muft think of defend- ing themfelves as well as they could : and after many ex- hortations to behave with conftancy and courage in the caufc of their country, he embarked all the Roman troopa * and left the Britons to their fortunes *. Thus about four hundred and eighty years, according, to the computation of the learned Selden, or four hundred and feventy, as the Saxon chronicle informs us, after the firft invafion of this ifland by Julius Cafar^ the Romans^ quitted it, and all the rights they could pretend to *". For, this being a voluntary abdication, nothing can be plainer, than that they left the Britons as free as they found them. And^ •> Beda, lib. 1. cap. i. Sozom. lib. ix. cap. 13. Orof. lib. vii. cap. 42. ' Cnron. Saxon, ad Ann. 418. ^ Pauli Di- aconi, Hift. Mifcel. lib. xiv. A. D. 430. ^^A. lib. I. cap. 12. Gildas de Excid. Britan. Fordun. Scotichroni -» ton, lib. iii» cap. i2. Zozim. Hill. lib. vi. Chron. Saxon, ad Ann. 435. \ Mare Ciaufum, lib. ii. cap. 9. 0//^^ BRITONS. 29 And, as it is evident that this nation exercifed the domi- nion over the circumjacent feas, before the coming of the Romafis, who Hitewife contended, that the pofleflion of this ifland gave them a title to the like fovereignty j no- thing can be more apparent than that it now reverted to the Britons. I fay, nothing can be more evident, if we admit that the Romans acquired any right by conqueft ; which may feem doubtful, fince they never fubdued the whole ifland : and if fo, the Briti/h title to this dominion, remained un;mpeached. We are next to enquire, what the effc^;| > ^ .11 , : ' |i||; f|PP' III If, jol naval histort mine cnfuod, which, howerer grievous to the Britons in one refpedt, was yet of fervice to them in another ; for it deftroyed multitudes of their enemies compelled the reft to retreat, and fo gave them time to rccolleft themfelves *. The iflue of their deliberationj, was, the fending over the bifliop of London into Armorka^ or Britany, in Frdncif to demand ailiftance of their brethren fettled there ; and the reafon afllgned for this, in the Britifl) hiftory, is very juft and reafonable ; for the bifhop was charged to reprefent the chief caufe of their weaknefs, to be the planting of that country, by the emperor MaKtmus^ and the leaving there the greateft part of the Britiflt navy* This reprcfentation, had a prc^:»er efieft upon the king of Britany; who, though he could not himfelf pafs over to the afliftance of hfs countrymen, yet, he fent over his brother Conjlantint^ with a fquadron of ftout fhips, and, two thoufand men. This Conjlantine was crowned their king by the Britons^ and by them furnamed the Deliverer^ becaufe he fought valiantly and fuccefsfully againft their enemies, a;id, ruled worthily for ten years ^ I KNOW very well, that many of our beft writers re- jeft this Conjiantincy and, would perfuade us, that there never was any fuch prince; but that the whole is a fidtioti of the author of the Britijh biftory. This notion, how- ever, is fo thoroughly refuted by a very learned writer, who long ftudied, and perfedly underftood the Britijb re* cords, that I cannot conceive any impartial critic will cen- furc my following his opinion, when they have carefully perufed. t Hift. Britan. lib. vi. cap. 3. Vit. Kift. lib. vii. Alured. Be- verl. lib. i. Johan. de Fordun. Schoticron. lib. iii. cap. 1 1. »» Hift. Brie Jib. vi. Ciip, 4, 5. Vlt. Hill. lib. vii. Cooper's Chro- nicle, fol. 1 38. ions in ; for iC he reft felves *. »ver the iftce, to and the ery juft efent the of that ng there sntation, ; who, lance of ijiantine, nd men. BntonSf fought id, ruled riters re- hat there afiftion in, how- id writer, Iritijb re* will cen- carefully perufed. M •■^ Of the BRITONS. 31 pcrufcd, and duly weighed his reafons ' : but what chiefly prevailed upon me, to follow the Britijh hiftory in this point, is, the authority of the Saxon annals, publiflied by the late learned bi(hop of London, For thefe annals place the retreat of the Romans in 435 ; and the coming of the Saxons in 443 ; which is the very year after this king Con' Jlantine died ; and though thefe annals do not mention him, yet, as they tell us nothing of what pafled in that interval, I can fee no caufe why we fhould not rather follow the ac- count given us by the Briti/h authors,of things which happen- ed in this fpace of time, than leave fuch a chafm in our hiilory, merely becaufe other writers, who, none of them profefs to write of the fucceflion of the Briti^ kings, fay nothing of this prmce. Efpecially, fince the Scotch hiftorians own him, and there are other convincing proofs, from Briti/h record, of his having really reigned here j though perhaps there may be fome error as to the length of his reign. At the time of his deceafe, he left three fons, Conflans^ Jurelius AmbroftuSy and Uter^ fir-named Pendragon. Con- fians the eldeft, was a very weak man, and by his father, deftined to be a monk ; the other two were children. Vor^ tigtrnj a Britijh nobleman, of great power, took Con/lans out of his monaftry, and, to ferve his own purpofes, made him king. He governed for a time in his name j and, when he thought himfelf ftrong enough to rule without him, he caufed him to be put to death, and then feized the king- dom 5 the children of Conjiantine flying to Britainy f. This Vortigern it was, who, as the Saxon authors tell us, invi- ted their countrymen over into Britain, He was, as all writers llured. Be- li- ar's Chro- ' See Lewis'* Angient Hift. of GrwtBritain, p. 157. tA.D.438. m i.fi'|)A!||i 32 NAVAL IltsrORT writers agree, a very bad prince, who, by his tyrannical government, encouraged the Scots and Pi^s again, to in- vade the foulhern parts of the i/land, and fo alienating the minds of his fubjetts from him, that he durfl not rely on their afliftance, even for the defence of their cuuntry : This is fo rational an account of his ftrong inclination to fo. feigners, for which he is unanimoufly upbraided by all our authentic hiftorians, that I cannot doubt its being truth ''. The firft Saxons who arrived, were Horfa and Hengijl^ two brothers, with their followers ; by whofe aflillance, Vortigern repulfed the Scots and P/V?j, and fettled himfelf effedtually in tiie kingdom. To fix them, without whofe afliftance his fecurity could not continue here, he gave them lands in Kent, where they landed; as alfo in th-; north, after they had beaten his enemies. Thefe Saxons came over in three fliipsj but, having thriven fo well here, Hengijly who was a wife man, prevailed upon the king, firft to give him leave to build a caftle, and then to bring over a frcfli fupply of his countrymen, which he ac- cordingly did, in a fquadron of eighteen {hips. Wirh them, came over Roweny the daughter of Hengifl, a very beautiful and artfi ' woman, whom Vortigern married, quitting for her fake, his former queen, by whom he had thtee fons ; and, inviting over, by her fuggeftion, a vaft number of Saxons^ he thereby fo irritated the Britons, that they refolved to depofe him j which accordingly they did, and fet up his fon '. . The k Hifl. Britan. lib vi. cap. 9. Vit. Hift. lib. vii. Bed. Hift. Ecd lib. i. Gildas de Excidio Britan. G. Malmefb. de geitis Reg. Anr!. iiD. i. * Chronicon. Saxon, ad Ann. Dom. 449. Wi- ti.hin '. dcrcbus Saxon, lib. i, Hift. tiric. lib. iv. cap. lo^ ii, 12. M Of the BRITONS. - 33 The name of this young prince was Fortimer, a brave and worthy man f. He immediately raifed an army, and as fall as he could, equipped a fleet, while his degenerate fiither meanly fided with ftrangers,againft his fubjeas. The Britt/h writcn fay, that Vortimer defeated the Saxom in four battles ; the firft on the river Derwent j the fecond, at jHUs- fordf in Kenty where Horfa was flain j the third was on the fea-fliore, on the lofs of which, they fled to the ipc ofTha' nety where they thought they (hould have been fafe; but Vortimer having now raifed the fpirits of lis fubjefls, and withal got together a confiderable fleet ; the Saxom found themfelves obliged to try their fortune in a naval engage- ment, in which they were beaten for the fourth time, and obliged to fly home, leaving their wives and children behind them in the IJle ofTbanety nor had they ever returned, if Vortimer had lived ; but he was Ihortly after poifoned, by the contrivance of his mother-in-law". It is true, the' Saxon chronicle takes no notice of any of thefe battles, ex-' cept that of Ailesford j wherein they fay, they were vifto- rious ; but acknowledge that Harfa wa? there killed ; which conceflion, with the circumftance of the Saxons never owning they were beat at all, feems to fupport the credit of the Britijh hiftory. '^ ^ ^^ -^^^ '' Af T"B R the death oi Vortimer, the Britons unaccount- ably invited Vortigern again to the throne. He, perfifting in his old fentiments, recalled Hengijiy who foon brought over fuch crowds of SaxonSy that, when the king would have reftrained him, it was not in his power; infcmuch, that after fome fruitlefs ftruggles, he at length fled into Vol. I. - ' , D mies t A. D. 4631. ^ Hift. Brit- lib. iv.cap. 13, 14. Vit. Hift, lib. vii. w. ■Ml I' ik l§ ft.'; l 34. NAVj^L HjIS^rOEiT Wahi and left thjp l^fl pa^t o^ thpiflanc^ t being invite^ by thtiBHutts to profecute bis dw tg th^xrpwi^ beg<;^t together a good flec^, apdj- embarking tl^^e^qn tj^i tl^ipiffi^^ men, landed at Tctftifs \ The firfls thiqg l^fj did, ysjas tfl^ poirfue l^ortiggrn, whom he d^fej^t?d;an4.,^ill|^<^; and ;|?^ turned hi« arms, againft the S^xons^ w^ho^ h^ di^fegte^; ft^^ in. feveral battles j and in ope of th^m, H^ljed, tlys fojCBOi^?: He/i^iJI.^ either in fight, or, as the Br^tj/h hjfto^y, re^^t?,, after he had m^de him p^ilbpcr ". It is tru^j tJp^fc i^^ pQ, notice taken of thi^in the5^r';ff« anna|^; by.\|h5J?,t|i^X;f?y- nothing of what happened in that year^ but tgU u^ i^j|j«^ next, that Efca {\iccttd(fd He/tgi/l, wljichjs.ajdrqum^n^ very favourable lo t^e account vvh^cjl^v^e^^li^v^^g^y^i^ 5 ^^CL as we before obfprved, there, is no inftar^c^^ of tfe^jr 90J551-. memorating any defeat, though in fetting49(\y.P thf^if vij^Qr. ries they are very exa.d. Aft^r this yii^ory, Jft^reluis m^^ a peace with the Saxqm^ and wa?, not long aft(?r, aj \^^\Xi inftigation poifoned. It is very- ri?mark^;^blc, t|)?t ^^^f ^ Diaconui^ mentions this britifh king, aj^KJtsJjj yh:^^ky his valour he fupported his linlfing country. • r^T ••' -r j,'.; UTiJERy Sir-named Pendragctiy that is, d8:;jgP[9*fti head, from his bearing the head of a ^''^fiQP ip lv?5. ^Rni iigns-*, fucceedcd his brother, and carried qn the. \y?i:^-. gainft the Saxons fucccfsfully fometimes, ajDd.^t oth?/s v^??; niuch diitreiTed by them ; fq that he was conftrai.ied ^^.trqat them ♦ A.D. 4Ji'i. Hift. lib. vii. " Hift. Britan. !ib. viii. cap. 5, ^ , 7. Vit. *> Hift. Mifcel. * A. 500. by %j5 and ;ii«p< ^ifjv; ni;a4a at \h^\fii i?t ^^«tte he vv9«:?s.. ed tptr^at them 1 Qf /fe BRITONS. 35 fljBiH ^ th^ ^fflfi' afterwards did the Normam j that is, to ^^I4«t^nii provbces, and cdnteht himtelf with homage, ielte^v Qf abrpiuxe foyereignty ; and therefore, under his t^^l^ \yfe find feyaralS^xv/i. principalities eftabliflied in this liS^X^y Ik Iitewir<^. appears from the Saxon annals, that fc- VfirAliljfttUw ^/ti fought againft the Brims in his reign, though h€ is nevo" mentioned ; becaufe, in thofe annals, tiwsj'fpciafcofrno jBnVt/^princesj except fuchaa. were by them ^(h^ }^Aim or killed. In his reign alio the kingdom was iOiYftde4 from /re/tf/^dij huthy the courage of this prince the. enemy was. rcpulfed,, and the public tranquility reftor- ed;;. to prefer ve whichj he equipt a very confiderahle fieetj and this together with. his. dominiona, he l^ft to his fon the iutiO\X9jArfhm h ;d bj.d :: j...: ^. -rmiJi Wm\x^{ ; .: ,, •:;-/,;; .•,T.Wit$. princ^; wbofe glory like 'that of many other OdtXialmOoarchs, turns, more to his prejudice than advan^ ^gCi by giving an air of, fable to his hillpryi and bring- ifig his.rea' dpydemQnftwtesMQ. be a. truth. W),, pi «»)i, »»'■-■" ri 'liji 1) "i iJj 0' * t 'lit! '«*» 3S NAvA'L 'Hisr'okr The Fhceniddm in thdfe early %s the feVcateft "IrMi^i % th& world, Vifited thefe iflarids for the fake bV their Tlh, which was exceUenl 1h its kind, Vnd of'^hlch ttiejr *M§ great plenty, and for this reafon tliey 8^it6^ed 'it^cft t!Be*A the name of Cajfitmdes % the reader ^ill pertnit 'fife ^ 'giVfe him two inftahces with refpeift t6 the cbmitteftlial fplr'it of thofe ages, which are equally thftriiftiVeaft'dl 'd'hterteflrtfing. It vvas in Spain In which the Pffcenfctan's h^d jtofi^rit colonies arid frtritfcil territories, that they fixed \ht Staple of their trkde with thbfe iflaiids beFbreiftleriiloniei^, and fo jealous it ftems, they Were of having their rdu^b to the Eritijh Mies difcovered, ihat i fllip laden ^ith tftii being chaced by 2 Vioman veflel of greater fbVce, the ca^ tain and owner, Wilfully run her bti Ihorc, that he mf^ht have a chance for drawing bis eager eiiemy Into thfe f^tnfe misfortune, or at leaft, be fecurfe of jpreventihg his rich c^r- go from falling into his hahds, a[hd thereby tempt the Ro- mans to think of opening a pafl^ge to thofe iflands theih- felves. This conduct of his, wd's not only iapprovieci, bUt applauded by his countrymen, who made him ample fatis- fa/-f. '^'tr. exceeding fy follicitoiis ito Intercept fome of thtfe in ih pr. &/)tk Tritons. 3^ 'ms % who alTures us, that the inhabitants of the Cajftteri- -dii WdilW ftot part with their valuable commodities for ■fHUftiy, but inififfed upon having goods for goods ; now this tJcMfti hdt arifc frohi a-fpirit of barbarity, for the ufc of money •WSa krtbl/^h to^he*Br//^«;, thotrgh the metal they made ufe 1^ lor that -piirpoife, SV^ either copper or iron, but flowed -flH6m a Ifpirit bf >>'fl;^^/f, and there is nothing abfdrd in fup- ^"ofing, that th'iij^ eilhei* rc-fex^brted thcfe/oreign commodi- 'te, 16'r intatiiifa^redfonte of t'hem, itid then fold them to ^dtKcr nattohs^j thfere being no igi^eater skill rcfquired for 'i^\, -fl^u Tor extr^ftirig and refitiing ihetals. ' " ' T''^'t goods '^ttd c'oibrtibdities of Britatnm thofe early 'Wtits were dciti, cattle, hides, hounds, pearls, lead, tin, filver, and gold. The two jfirft metals were of their own jgI'6^^ih, but for the twolaft, I '^refulne Ithey had them from t)theriiit^bns in ekicfi^rfjge. In procefe of time, when by Their ihtercotiTfe with the Romans y they were grown more J)bfi^e; the ^rttaihs no doubt extended their trade, and the* 't Dio in Xiphilin, p. 16^. See alfo Eutrop. Epi- tom. Hift. Rom. lib. vii. ^ It is obferved by Tacitus, that it was the great onulejnce of tliefe places which expofed them to the fury of the Britons. ... Hv 'I It!' m. '•in '"M:l 1 1 i : 1 i 'A "'i'l'i; ■1 : ''II ( !■ '"'i:,„ 42 NAVAL HISTORr ligence, and ho lefs (krll, tKe Rdfttitns caufed'td bc'raiftH through all parts of England, We have very leafried, abd very curious differ rations Upon their Infbriptions, cbirls, MA other antiquities, which hive efckped the fliirp tSeth bf •time, and haVe been prefervcd to our dajrsj all Which pithi- ly (hew, that they were a very ingenious atid pb\\k, ks •tvell as a i!;reaf, a wife, and a brave people •*. But ftHl there feems :'o be waiting a political VieW of the ^KbMn •government in Britain^ arid of its eife^ls, towards whiich, as occafion offered, we have giVen fome hih^s in diis chap- 'ter; but, without doubt, the thhig Merves Ho be cdhlider- ied mudh iftorc at l^i'ge ; arid If It ^^s attdiipted by ahjr learned and able perfon, it Woii^d, ii^ithout (Jiieftib'ii, af- ford both ehtertiinment arid inttdion. ■'■ ?'-' "' ' " ' ' This would He now a miiCh 'eafier taflc tiiah fhte'i'- iner times, wHtn ^0 little Was krioWh of thbfe masters, that muft be ^e'vibufly li'ridetftclod, before any tertaihand 'diftinft notJoA* could be formed abod'r it ; tiit when ttiefc matters are tolei'ably well fettled, '^Vi'd when 'there is no longer any difficulty of obtairiiiig a 'ilolerable Ww of the ftate of Britain^ while it femaihe'(3 a Rothan province, it would be much niote ufefol toefid^avbur at toUeiiinga rational view of "their government, civil and military, the number of the inhabitants of their feveral towns diftiri- feuiflied into "proper clafles, the ftrength of their forces maintained here at different times, the ftveral improve- ments that were made while they were in pofleflion of the ifland; for that they did make great improvements, their hif- torlans afiirm, and the monuments Hill remaining prove; all which * See the many difcourfes of our famous antiquaries Camden, Selden, Burtoii, &c. but more efpcciolly Horfeley's Britannia Komana. . .. - *'■ -fl which would contribute to give the generality of readers better Ideas of the Reman power and wifdom, than they ite Mke to iattain from the reading of dry difcourfes, about the difference of letters upon infcriptions, or the ufe of this or that inftrument in facrifices ^ That during the flou- rilhing ftate of the Roman empire, their provinces here, had 'a fiill fh'are of 'this profperity, ^nd that the B/itons, whb liVed ih flibjedlion, copied their manners, till they wire corrupted by their luxury ; which, with the ihare they had frequently taken in the civil wars of thfe empire, rendered them an eafy prey to barbarous invaders, is com- Aionly kntJwn, dnd well enough tmderftdod j btit as tb thfe partWolars before-metitioridd, ^hich wo^ld enable us to lAake a cdftiparifon between the condition df the peo- 0e in this iflatid, thtn, and in fncce'eding times, ^eknbW vfery little, iand our want of knowledge in this re^d^ hais bi?fen the fbiiite cif ^ great variety of erroi-s, that one would ^Ifli t6 fte cenfiitfed'atfd fcJBpofed, as they defcrve 'f ' ft; ■ U A \> * I do hot pretend to dditdeinh thefe ifiqairies, but only to wifli th«r were cortdacicd and applied to fome more mater Jai^pinj^s^, / What gives me concern, is, to fee our Writers, fo enthuftiili- &\]y fbnd 6i Ronian pitxwiir, inid h iiiirek(ditd}Qr fei^re l^oh the incieftt ^r//w. . , i • ( * ...' ,' f-' i;,j GHAR '; .r; ..'. ; |; 'i n li 1 ;vi 44 NAVAL HlSl'ORr t«> n •^tiiuua'j^ arlj aiiu <>» siiM^il/n ' v il.:i,i« "• • ■■•.):■. C H A P. II. Jf'nn/'fi'OmlMo The N^ival Hr/iofy of the SAXONS from their firfi feating themfelves in this ijland^ to their being fub- dued by the DANES ; containing the Space of a^t bout five hundred Tears, • • >;' ■: ; >. ■ ' • f "•'fi n. - ' . h-.in 4.-_i*c', . • ,^1 '■-■■ . • , ., '■!■• .',..-,'» |E have rcry copious accounts of the ancient Saxensy before they tranrporied themfelves out of Germany, as well in other authors, as their own •. They defended themfelves againft the Romans with equal firmnefs and fuccei's, manifeiling the love of liberty, not only by a generous contempt of death in the field i but alfo by (ludiouily avoiding luxury in times of peace ; for which they are, defervedly famous ''. On the declenfion of the Roman empire, they became noted for their pyracies at fea ; Infomuch, that the emperors were forced to create a new officer here in Britain, called the Count vf the Saxon Coajl, purely to repel their invafl- ons *. In fucceeding times, they infefted the coafts of France as well as Britain, and began to threaten greater exploits tlian they had hitherto undertaken ••. We mull, however, * Witichindus de rebus Saxon. Tacit dc vnorlb. German. Si- don. Apoltinar Ammian. Marcellin. Hid. lib. xxviii. Bed. Hill. Ecclef lib. i. cap. 15. ^ Tacit, ubi fupra. Ammian. Mar- cellin. lib. xiv. cap. 3. *^ Notit. Dignitat. Occid. cap. 72. Jofeph Scaligtr. ad Auibn. lib. ii. cip. 6. ic Guliel. Camden, in Bri- tan. p. 96. «* Ethelwfrd. HilK lib. ». Hcnric. Huntingd. lib. ii. Sidon. Apollinar. hb. vlii. l^pill ad Numantium. ■*■ 1 ■^ Of the SAXONS. - 45 however, obfcrvc, that they were ftiled pyrales only by their enemies, who felt the efledts of their arms ; for, as to them- felves, they looked onthiscourfeoflifeasa noble and necef* fary employment, for reafons which will prefently appear. The Saxon writers fay, that they were invited into Britain by king Vortigtrn^ in order to aflift him againft the Scoti and PiSti \ bur as we before oblcrvcd, the Briti/h hif- torians differ from them in this particular, and aflcrt. Hen- giji and Hwfa larding with their forces in Ktnt^ king Vor^ tigern^ who was then at Canterbury fent for them, and received them into his fervice, without any previous invi- tation. This account is very natural, and the circumftan- ces attending it highly deferve the reader's notice. As foon as they were brought before him, fays my author*, ho call hi: Ayes upon the two brothers, who excelled all the jeft both in nobility, and gracefulnefs of perfon ; and hav- ing taken a view of the whole company, alked them of what country they were, and what was the occaiion of their coming into his kingdom ? to whom Hengift (whofe years and wifdom entitled him to a precedence) in the name of the reft, made the following anfwer. Moft noble king, Saxo- ny^ which is one of the countries of Germany^ was the place of our birth, and the occafion of our doming, was to offer our fervice to you, or fome other prince. For we were dri- ven Out of our native country, for no other reafon, but that the eftabliftied ufage of the kingdom required it. It is the cuftom of that place, that, when it comes to be over- ftocked with people-, our princes from all provinces meet together, and command ail the youth of the kingdom to affembJe before them : then cafting lots, they make choice of the flrongeftji, ^"'^ ^\'^^ of them, to go into foreign cli- »-»**^ 'r'^»«»iWW ?■*«»•■*■■ mates, * Hift. Britan. lib. vi. cap. lo. Vit. Hiil. lib. viji. Chron, Saxon ad A. D. 449- m . \ XVst ■'mmm. ■Iif' 46^ NArVA^L til&tORt mates, tq prociue them, a rubiiftaoce« ^^ freeithpir native country fioiu a. fuperfluoua multitiuit of people. Qur le- gion therefore o£ late being a£hially ovet-flsckedy our, pcin- ces me;; and^ aftet lots. cait> made chqice of,' the youth which you fee in your prefeocr , and have obliged us to o- hey the quibom that had been eflabUCbed of oldt And us two brothers^ Hpigift> and Horfa^ they, macje ge.&ralfi ovee them, out o£ refpcA to. our aticcftocs who eojayed the fame honour. la ohedienee, therefore^ ta l(ivVa fo. loQgt held facred, we putout.to fea, and, undsi the happy guidaoge of {Ji^tdvt) Mfrcury^ have arrived, in your kitigdom, -^^ The Saxon annals acknowledge, thdX Htngi/i and Har/d came with no more, than three flbipa; but that the fertility, of the Briti/b fdl^ apd t^e vices of ita inhabitants induced, them to think of fendipg for more of their, cow ottymcn, ia hopes of feating themfclves here ^ Anpther of their hifton rianagives ftillat^rec and a fuller accpynx of this tuui^i TM.Si9f(m^ faysLbe* amde for fqmc timft a qivM return t<» the 5r/V<;f^f foic their, friendftdp; but by. degree?* perccivn ing the country to. be. of a. large extent* the. foil ftuitfuJj^ and.th^ inhabitants. little inclined to fe;it& of arms; con/ir dstiog further^ that themfelves and many of their, brethr^ were defiitute of fettled babitationsy tbe.y beg^a to find fault with their pay, to murmuc at the quantity of ptx>vi> fions that were furnifhed th^.; and, daily, encreafing their, nuoibcrs, they, atlafV, on tbefe frivolous pretences, made peace with the Sats and Pi^s^ and, in, conjundtion with^ them, turned their arms upon the poof Britons s. In or-* der to ha.ve.a juft notion of this matter, the reader muft be j>iOu.j V .. -T vvu! ,♦. n -.ii'.i : fftoiij T infbrmedj -.rn ^ Chron, Saxon, ad A. D. 449. Saxon, lib. ix. cap, 2. 8 Witichindus de rebus near oft and alln ♦U; 'Ofl tbe SAXON 3; ' 47 informed* that two Saxon, chiefsy Ckha and Elnjpiy with forty llout ihips, bad walled the Orkntys^ and afterwardi f«atcd thejpfelves and their followers, in the. wedern illet and coafts of Scotland^ which on th« invitation of HingiJI^ ther quitted, in order to (hare in his fortunes \ Though moft of our writers call thefe invaders by the commoit same of SaxMS ; yet, in truth, there were three Gtrmd/i nation^, whence idvied thc^fe fwarms of foreigners, whd now took poflefTion of this i/land, viz. thd Sa)ians^ Anglei^ and Jutiu The Saxom ere^led here three principalities^ viz. the caft, fput>i, and weft 5jj;^«;. The y/«!^/«' were, for forac time, diftinguilhcd into EaJi-AngUs^ Mii-AngUs^ MircianSy stnd NmhumiMriam, As for the. Jutes^ they fettled in Ktnt^ and in the ifle of Wight \ and, in this lad mentioned place, their poftcrity remained fo long unmix- ed, that, feveral ages after, the weft ^axom called the in- habitants of thai ifland Juin K ^ > 'A^ ^^^^ ^^ ^'Jov J.-j q For fome time after their firft fettlemcnt, they fre>^ quently encouraged frefh fupplies, and fotfictimes whole colonies to come over j but, after they had fecured their poflelTions, and fixed their refpediive principalities, they applied themfelves entirely to tbe care of things at homeV aod very imprudently concluded, that keeping up great ar- mies would fecurc them from foreign Invafion, It wa^ near three hundred years before they became abfolute lords of that part of the ifland, which they called Englani^\ and in this fpace-, one Baxm prince or other entertaining all new comers in his fervice, with a view of defending his * . • ' '^ ^'1 \A *» Nenniu!* Hift. Britan * Chronicon. Saxon, p. 1 2, 13. Gul. Mrtlmefl). de geftis Rep;. Angl. lib. if cap. i. Hfnric. Hunt-' ingdon. Hift. lib, ii, Yit. Hift- lib. viii. ^ Chronicon. Saafon. ad Ann. Dom. 743 i i 48 NAFAL HISrORT awD dominions, or encroaching on thofe of his ncigh- kours, there were few rovers on the coaft. But, in pro- cefs of time, the SaxdHS changed their policy, and, hy iludying to keep the i/Iand ro themfclvcs, created a greater mifchief than that which ihey endeavoured to avoid j for, while they received and employed foreigners in their wars^ tlieir .ntelline divifiors did not tispopulatc their kingdoms, one evil balancing the other. Yet, now, the confequence of this management, and their altering their conduct, l>rought upon them a greater mifchief; for it drew over ilich flioals of Grangers in hopes of employment and fet- (lement, that the £<7Ar0//T, in their own defence, were ob- liged to fortify their coaft. Though they had the example of the Britom before them, they fuffered themfclves to be diftreffed for want of a naval ftrength; not haying learned, a^ yet, that unerring niaxim in policy, that power is btjl prefcrved, by thi uft of thoj^ means, by which it wss 9b- Uined. ■.-t-"nV; - •; .r^^ In one thing, they either followed the old Briti^ mo- del, or bi ought the like cuftom with them from Germany ^ viz. allowing a pre-eminence to one of their princes, who^, while the reft governed only within their refpe^ive domi- nions, had the fuperiority over the whole j and thence^ by way of diftindhon, was ftiled King of the EngHJh Men K This office, in fome fc^t, refembled that of a Diifator^ and, like it, was fometunes ufeful, fometimes detrimental) andv at laft fatal to the people. Offa^ the eleventh Jcing of the AitrcianSy having attained this dignity, began to ihew a difpofition of ruling ablblutely over his neighbours ; for which he was better qualified than any of his predecef- fors, S^ t ->' m " See Speed's Chronicle, in his account of the Saxon government. • -^ Of the SAXONS. 49 Tow, having parta, as well as power, fupcrior to moft oF his contemporaries *. riis ambition, however, united thd ^rit\(h princes in iVaUi^ and the ^aiton kings in England^ in an alliance againft him ; but he baffied their united force, as much by his wifdom,as by the ftrcngth and fuccefs of his arms. To fccure himfclf againft the Incurfions oF Che Britom, he threw up a ftrong entrenchment, which began near the mouth of the river Dee^ and, running a- long the mountains, ended at the fall of the tVyiy neaf BriJioU This i?:uperidous work, the Britons called in their own language', Clawdh Offa^ and the remains of it are Hill known by the names of Ojfa^ Ditch "* ; and having thus fecured himfelf on this lidc, he turned his forces againft his 'Saxon neighbours. They, in their diftrefs, applied them* felves to Charles the great, king of Framty For protcdlon, who wrote letters in a high ftile to Offny exhorting, or ra* thcr commanding, him to defift from his enterprlzes. But thefe, inftead oF producing the defired efFefl, engaged that magnanimous prince to turn his thoughts on the proper means oF Fecuring his dominions From Foreign attempts^ which he Foon Faw could no other way be done, than by keeping up a naval Force. He therefote applied himFelFtd the railing a con/iderable fleet ; which rendered him Fo For- midable, that Charles^ who was already very powerful^ and who became afterwards emperor, and in a manner lord of the continent, was glad to embrace his fi-iendHiip ; and accordingly an alliance was negotiated between them, by JUuinusy or JlbinuSy a pcrfon diftinguifhed For his great learning, and other accomplifhments, oF which we havd Vol. I. E ftill ■i I- ^n ft» made a kind of flavcs of the counn-y peo- ple, obliging them to plow, fow* and reap for them as their mailers. Such was the fituation of things, during the reigns of Etbelwolf, Ethelbert^ and Ethelred-, fo that when Alfred^ or Elfredy came to the throne %•> he had, properly fpeaking, a kingdom without fubje»5ls. The country was Jeftroyod ; E 2 all "1 Ibid, ad Ann. Dom. 833, 83,. Ibid, ad Anr. Dom m. I AD 871. I ^^ \ ii r :!' it y* Uf ^ .' ^■'''4m si NAVAL HISTORr all the feities and great towns demoliflied, and the people worn out by continual fatigue, having been fometiiTies compelled to fighting nine or ten battles in a year. In ihort, their wealth, their ftrength, iheir fpirits were ex- haufted ; and, inflead of attempting > defend themfelves as they were wont, they began every where to fubmit to the Danes, and to embrace rather a fettled flavery, than a precarious freedom, in a country, now become a defart, and where it was a difficult matter to find fubfiftance, c- ven when for a fmall time releafed from the fear of ene« mies. The king, though in this low condition, did not defpair of the public fafety; but with equal vigour and prudence applied himfelf at once to the management of the war, and to the conduft of public afl^irsj fo that, in a (hort time, encouraged by his example, the Saxons be- gan to refume their fpirits, and in many battles defeated the Danes, compelling them, as often as it was in their power, to quit their country j and, when they found this impradlicable, permitting them to live amongft them up- on reafonable conditions, and in a regular way '. There were two maxims which the king fteadily pur- fued, and thereby extricated himfelf from his troubles. The firft was, fighting the enemy, if poflible, at fea ; of which we have frequent inftances in the Saxon chronicle, and almoft always with advantage ; by the fteady purfuit of which method, he had conftantly a fleet, and confider- ' able numbers of experienced failors. But, as it was im- ' poflible to guard all the coafls of his dominions ; and, as the P'' * Afier. Meneven. in vit. Alfrasd. Mag. Gulielm. Malmefb. de Geftis Reg. Ang. lib. ii. cap. 4. Henric Huntingdon. Hift. lib. v. p. 349. Roger. Hoved. p. 416. Ethclwcrdi Chronicon. lib. iv. wp. 3. Chronicon. Saxon, p. 82. Of the SAXONS. 53 the enemies fquadrons were frequently fuperior to hi^ own, he was fbmetimes obliged to fight on fhore ; and, in this cafe, he likewife ufed all imaginable expedition, that the enemy might not have time, either to gain intelligence, or to get refrefliment. His other maxim was, to have al- ways in his court the ablefl: men, not only in the fciences, but alfo in arts; and to converfe with them frequently and familiarly. By this means he came to the knowledge of many things, by a comparifon of informations, of which even thofe, from whom he learned them, were ignorant ; and by his fuperior judgment, fo adapted the intelligence that he received, as to render his fmall force fuccefsful, both at fea and land, againfl his numerous enemies. I N maritime affairs, he was particularly skilful ; and, as we have authentic memoirs of his reign, one cannot but be amazed at the fagacity he difcovered in providing a kind of fliips of a new conftrudtion, devifed by himfclf; which gave him infinite advantages over people continually pradlifed in naval armaments, and whofe experience, there- fore, ought to have rendered them his fuperior^ in this art. He confidered with himfclf, that, as the fleets of thefe in* vaders were frequently built in a hurry, haflily drawn to- gether, meanly provided, in refpe<5l to victuals and rigg- ing, and crouded with men, a few (hips of a larger fize, built in a new manner, of well feafoned materials, tho- roughly fupplied with ammunition and provifion, and manned by expert feamen, mul^ z^ firlt fight, furprize ; and, in the courfe of an engagement, deftroy numbers without any great hazard to themfelves. In purfuance of this projefi, he caufed a certain number of (hips to be built* capable of holding^ eaqh, fjxty rowers, and as in that double, in all other refpedts, to the largeft (hips then in E ^ ufe« -Ml vl \'... -!., . V'V'J.tUrtW'**';'.; * 54 :naval HisroRr life, Thefe he fent to fea, with an cxprefs prohibition, either to receive, or give, quarter ; but to put to death all who fell into their power '. Inftrudlions perfeftly fuited to the defign on which thefs fhips were fitted out ; and to the circumftances the king's affairs were then in. In fejr- ing this, we only copy ancient authors ; who, are ioud iii the praifes of Alfred^ and take abundance of pains to pof- iti^ their readers with high ideas of his wifdom, courage, and other virtues. But it will, perhaps, be more fatisfa- dlory, the nature of this work, efpecially, confidered, to examine this matter a little more clofely ; and thereby con- vince fuch as will pay a proper attention, that things were really as thefe writers have ftated them ; and, that there was fomething highly ufeful, and, at the fame Time, very extraordinary, in this invention ; which, as we have feen, was entirely due to this monarch's fagacity and pene- tration. The learned fir 'John Spelmarty who wrote an accu- rate life of this famous prince, feems to be in much in- certainty on this fubjeft j he is not able to determine, whe- ther ihey were (hips, or gallies ; nor can he well recon- cile the heighth of the veflels to the number of rowers ; but, after having intimated many doubts, and cleared none of them, he leaves the reader in that perplexity into which he brought him ". In the firft place, then, it appears from good authority, that they were gallies j which takes away all difficulty about the rowers, fince, in the Mediterranean^ thefe fott of veflels are common, becaufe they are conve- nient ; * Chronic. Saxcn. pag. 98. Henric Huntind. Hiftor. lib. v. Cul. Malmefbur. de gcftis regum Anglorum. lib. ii. cap. 4. Rog, lloveden. p. 420. " Life of king JEMxz^ the great, p. 150, .0/ the SAXONS. . 55 nient ; for the fame reafon which inclined king Alfred to make ufe of them, the facility of running wicb them clofe into fliore, or up into creeks. That they might be longer, higher, and yet fwifter, than the veiTels in com- ii)on u£e, in a duplicate proportion, which is the true fenfe of what ancient writers fay of them, may be eaiily con- ceived; and thence their great utility arofe. We have iieen that, in point of numbers, the king had no hope of equaling his enemies ; by this contrivance, he removed that difficulty which fecmed otherwife infuperable. For, with a fquadron of tbefefliips, he was not afraid of attacking twice or thrice the fame number of the enemy \ becaufe the force of his fhips rendered thofe on board them, able to de^l with as many as they could grapple with \ and, in cafe of the enemy's having either the weather-gage, or fome other accidental advantage, their fwiftnefs enabled ithem to bear away; as, on the other hand, the ports were all their own. As to their inflrudlions, we cannot call .them cruel ; becaufe, whatever their enemies might think of themfelves, they w«re certainly efteemed by the Sax- ons^ and with good reafon, enemies -to mankind ; incapa- amjh (hips ^ i fo that they were w^iolly ftrange to the vnemy, who for a long time knew not how to board them, though their courage might be great, and themfelves, for the age in which they lived, able feamenV ' "^^'^ But it is now time to defcend to fafls, of which fome are very well worth the reader's notice *. The fame year that few of thefe (hips w'ere firft built *, fix pi- rates of an unufual bignefs, infeftcd the ij^* of Wtghty and the coafts of Devon/hire, The king immediately ordered Dine of his new (hips in queft of them, with inftru6tions to get, if poflible, between them and the fliore. Three pf the pirates, as foon as they perceived them, ran a ground ; but the other three flood out to fea, and boldly engaged the king's (hips. Of thefe; two were taken, and all the men killed: the third, indeed, efcaped; but with Hve men only. They then attacked the (hips whith ran a-ground, and killed a great number of men. At length the tide took them ofF ; but in fo battered and leaky a con- dition, that rt was with much difficulty they reached the coaft of the fouth Saxms, where, again running on (hore twa of their veffels, the men endeavoured to efcape j but wei^ taken, and carried to Winchejier^ and there by order of the king were hanged. The third veflel, though the men in her were grievoufly wounded, efcaped ; and, in thisfingle year, npt lef§ thjvn twenty fhips, with all the men on board <-A * •^trr If • •» Chronic. Saxon. A. D. 897. ^ ^'» Hen. Huntingdon, hill, int. fcript. jaoll Bedanx p. 350, 351. Bog. Hoveden, p.. 420,421. CbroQ Saxon, p. 98. Chrgn. Joan. Bromp^on int. x. hiflor. ad A. D. 897. * A.D. 897. V w 0/ ^i&^ S A X O N S. - 57 board them, were deftroycd; on the fouth coaft only: which fufficiently demonitrates, what mighty advantages were derived from this happy invention of the king's. If the reader ihould enquire how this fuperiority at fea was loft, we muft obferve, that it was very late in the king's life, before his experience fumifhed him with light fuffi- dent for this noble delign, which ray probably his faccef- fors wanted (kill to profecute ; though^ as will be here- after (hewn, they were moved by his example, to make great efforts for prcferving their territories on fhore, by- maintaining the fovereignty of tlie fea. Though this care of his own fleet was very com- mendable, yet the concern he (hewed for the improve- ment of navigation, the extending the commerce of his fubjedls, and the difcovering and defaibing far«di(bnt countries, deferves ftill higher commendation; becaufe the firft might be, in fome meafure, afcribed to necefHty, and ended only in the good of his own kingdom ; where- as the latter was inconteftably the fruit of an heroic ge- nius, and might have been of ufe to air the nations of Europe. It was in order to further thefe views, that he kept conftantly in his court, at a very great expence, the moil eminent men for worth and knowledge of all na- tions, fuch as Gauhy Franks, Germans^ Frifim, ArmorU Britons, befides the inhabitants of every corner of the ^ri//j^ ifles ; of whom he enquired, and from whom he learnt, whatever was known in thofc days, which the fe- quel will (hew, was more than any of the moderns ima- gine. Two inltances have been tranfmitted, with authen- - tic circumftances, from his time to ours. The Hrlt is, his fending perfons to difcover the utmoft extent of the Artie regions, and the poflibility of a paiTage on that fide . to the north-eaft. The other, his correfpondence with •■ • • the H", 1 ,• m • ., ' i ■■'^m ;■ ^ ■ ^-fl l'. '■M ;■■;' '% '■'' ■ > ' if '' ■ i /if ! /i ., ! %^ ' i; I 'x ^■sfe^l- 58 l^AVAL HISrORT the Indies, Fads fo extraordinary in themfelves, of fuch high importance in refpedl to the fubjeds of which this -work treats, and hitherto left in fuch obfcurity, by thofe who ought to have given us a better account of thein# that I prefume my dwelling upon themy will be confidor- ed rather as 2 juft tribute to Alfred's^ glorious memory^ and to the honour of this nation, than as a tedious or un-, neceilary djgreffion. j;^ , . .», 'yvf»*v. .» .«,j ..^, . Si R John ^pilman^ who, as I before obferved, confi- dering the time in which be wrote, hath left us an excel- lent hiflory of this monarch, tells us /, that he had been informed, there was in the Cdtton-Libraryy a memorial of a voyage of one Oifher a Dane^ performed, by this king'* procurement, for the difcovery of a north-eaft pafli^g?. This paper, he fays, he could never fee ; but he judged, and I think with reafon, that it contained nothing more, than the relation of that voyage, printed in the colledli- cns of Hakluyt and Purcbas^ which are in every body's hands ; and, if there had been no better account of t)ie matter, even that would have deferved much attention. There is, however, a much more perfepdman*s lifgof Alfred, pabliihed by'W-alkfr, whence thefe tads are taken. ^ 7 Of the SAXON S. / 59 of the north. He furveyed the coafts of Norway and tapland^ by the dh'eiflion of king Alfnd^ and ptefented him not only with a clear defcription of hofe countries, and their inhabitants, but alfo brought him fome of the horfe-whales teeth, which were then efleemed more valu- able than ivory, and gave him a good account of the whale-fifhhig. This, probably, encouraged the king to fend W^lfflany nn Englijh man, to view thefe northern countries, of which he alfo gave him :\ relation. Both thefe narratives are written with fuch accuracy, in point of geography, fo much plainnefs and probability in refpedl tofadts, and are intermixed with fuch juft and prudent bbfervatidns, that whoever (hall take the trouble of com<< paring them with what the famous Qlaui Magnus^ arch- bifhop of Upfaly wrote many hundred years afterwards ««»# ■j'^,,^ ».>/, «*♦*#; As to the Indian voyage, it was occafioncd chiefly by the king's charily, who, hearing of the diftrefs of the chriftians of St. Ihmas, refolved to fend them relief. The perfon he made choice of, was one Suithtlm^ called in latin Sigelmust a prieft, who honeftJy executed his com- ffiiflion, and was To fortunate as to return back, bringing with him an immenfe treafure of India goods, and a- mongd them precious ftones, perfumes, and other curio- iities, of which the king made prefents to foreign princes: as the reward of fo acceptable a fervice, Sigelmus was made bifhop of Sherburn j and IViUiam of Malme/hury^ in his pontifical hijiory^ gives us a diftindt account of this voyage, and tells us, it not only ftruck with wonder fuch as lived in the time when it was performed, but was con- fjdered with admiration, even in the age in which he lived; adding, that Stgtlmus had left to his church feveral of thefe Indian curioiitics, as unqueftionable evidences of fo extraordinary a thing *". It is true, that AJfer of St. Da^ vid% v/hom we before-mentioned, fays nothing of this Indian voyage, though he is very particular in whatever relates to the power, fplendour, or reputation of that monarch. But it would be a ra(h and unjuft concluiion, to argue from his filence, that no fuch voyage was per- formed, y^r, as appears from a pafiage in his memoirs, wrote them in the year 893, at which time Sigelmus was not returned. But it is very remarkable, that under the year ■'yii ** The lafl edition of this venerable work was printed at Ox- ford, A. D. 1792, 8vo. ^ Gul. Maloielbur degeftispon. tific Angterum, iib. il p. 247, 248. . . . - ^ ■•"■)- , /-^ " Of the SAXON9» r 6i year 887, which was that wherein Sigilmui fet out, 4Ifir celebrates the king's extenfive correfpondence, and the great court that was paid him by princes, and other per- ions of eminence, in ail parts of the world, and he par- ticularly mentions letters from Abel patriarch of Jerufalem^ which he faw and read '' ; and thefe very probably, were the very letters which occasioned the king's fending Sigel" mus. Add to this, that Jffer died foon after the return of this great traveller, who fucceeded him in the bifliopricic of Shirburn " ; fo that the whole of this narration is per- fe£lly clear, and well connected. It may not be amifs to obferve, that thefe chrillians of St. Thomas^ inhabit the peninfula of Indm^ and, that the commodities which Si- gilmui is faid to have brought back, are precifely thofe of their country. Sir John Spelman obferves further upon this fubjedl, that, the value and ufe of thefe curiolities be> ing little known here, the king fought out for artifts of all forts, particularly goldfmiths and jewellers, for the work- ing of them : and fuch were the defers of thofe times, and fo excelling was the faculty of the king in every thing ht turned his hand unto, as that even in thole works alfo» the artificers themfelves, and their arts, received improve* ment from his invention and direction, while they fol- lowed his genius and manufadured that he defigned to them ^ And, as if there was fomething peculiar in the fortune of this prince, we have ftill remaining a proof of what is here advanced ^ I mean, a jewel richly wrought, dug up in the iiland of Athelmy^ which was the king's retreat when he fled from the Danes, in the beginning of his •I "/I ^■••1 i ^ Annal. rer. geftar. i£lfredi magni, p. ;8. Chron. Joao. Bomp* ton. ad A. D. 887. «= Gul. Malmefbttr. ubi fupra. ' Spcl mac's lifeofiSlircd, p. 204. , ^ ; A i>-4 ni 62 NAVAL HJSTORr his reign, and where he afterwards foundfid a monaftcry. This curious relick is yet prefervcd in the A/bmoUan col- Icftion of curiofities* aad, befides its excellent workman- ship, hath a Saxan infcription to this purpofc, i£LFR£- DUS ME JUSSIT FABRICARI, i. i, ALFRED dire£ied this tc bt madi K Having thus* to the titmoft of my ability, cleared and juftiiied thtfr naval expeditions performed near a thoufand years ago, I return now to the thread of ^y hiftory, and to an account of what the Saxons performed at fea, after this wife monarch had (hewn them the ufe and importance of a naval force. ♦ EDWARD fucceeded his father Alfred, and proved a very gt^at prince: however, his reign was di> (Curbed, both by inteftine divifions, his coufin Ethilwald pretending to the kingdom, and by foreign invafions of the Danes, who, at the requeft of this Ethelwald, came in the fourth year of the king's reign, in vaft numbers in-^ to England. King Edward, finding it impofTible to hin-^ der their landing, drew together an army as foon as he could, and followed them into Kent, where he engaged them, and in a bloody battle killed Eric the Danijh king, and Ethelwald who had ftirred up this war. But, find- ing that he was ftill didurbed with new fwarms of thefe northern rovers^ he had recourfe to his fleet ; and, having drawn together a hundred (hips upon the coaft of Kent, he fuccefsfully engaged the enemy, and forced the great- eft part of their fleet on (Yjore ; and then, landing him- felf, defeated their forces in a bloody battle, wherein, tho' he loft abundance of men, yet he entirely defeated his enemies, killing mol^ of their chief commanders upon ■»*>«^.-= ^ft ^ ^mm-r- •• -■ the « Anna!. iEifred. magn. p. 170, 1.7 1. A r. 904^ 'i : Of the SAXONS. 63 the fpot. By degrees he raifed his reputation fo high, nol only by his military exploits, but by his gentle govern- ment and wife provifion for his fubje^ fafety, that all the petty princes throughout Britairty congratulated him of their own accord on his fuccefs. Willingly owned him for their lord, and humbly deiired his prote(5^ion. The yery Dams who were fettled in the ifland, took the fame method of fecuring themfelves againft his arms : but with- in a very (hort fpace after this extraordinary marie 0I good fortune he died ; and in a fliort i'pace after his /ounger brother, who had fucceeded him ''. * ETHE LST A N iwcctc6t^ his brother, and gave early proofs of his being the worthy grand fon of the great Alfred, He difcovered, from his firft afccnding the throne, a great diflike to that policy, which his prcdeceflbrs had ufed, of fufFering the Dane^j and other ftrangers, who, by for£e, had feated themfelves in the ifland, to become legal poflefTors, in coniideration of fome final! acknowledg- ment, and a feigned fubje^ion, which was fure to laft no longer, than they had a fair opportunity of revolting. This was, certainly, a right maxim ; and one may fafe- )y affirm, that this monarch was the greateft politician ; and, at leaft, as great a captain as any of the Saxan kings* He wifely judged, that there was no executing his fcheme without a conliderable force ; and therefore he kept his army, and his fleet in conftart readinefs '*. At the be- ginning of his reign, he made, or rather renewed, the alliance fubfifting between his brethren ; and Conjlantiney then king of Stots^ conceiving that, as their interefts were the ^ Clirop. Saxon, p. 99. • A. D. 92';. *• Chror. Snx. p 3. Gu). M;4lme(biir. de geftis re^. Aoglor. lib. ii. c, 6. Hen Hunciadoo.lib. v. p. 351. Kcgrr Horcden. p. ^12. ^-t':' t-MM l.ii 1 i 'Sii ¥V •11 i Mi i '.'1 HI ^' ,B \ ^5 V) ■ ■• -,( IfcM-l- jm? ' i \ ■ ^f t"!r 1 \ . l; s :♦'• Hi 64 NAVAL HIS7 0Rr the fame, this would bind him to a due performance of the treaty : in which, however, he was miftalcen ; for Cenfiantine fuddenly broke it ; either out of caprice, or from an apprehenfion of Ethelftan*s power. Immediately upon this, the Saxon invaded Scotland with a royal rmy, and wafted its coafts with a mighty fleet j which brought Confiantine to a fubmiifion, much againft his will, as he difcovered fome years after. As foon as Etheljian was retired, the Scot began to intrigue with the Britons on one fide, and with Anlaff, whom moft of our hiftorians ftile king of Ireland^ but who in reality was a Danijh prince, fettled there by conqueft on the other. In confequence of thefe negotiations, the Britons marched northwards, with a great army ; where they were joined by the whole force of the Scots : Anlaff coming at the fame time to their afliftance, with a more numerous fleet than had ever been feen in thofe feas. Etheljiany inftead of being de- jected at the fight of fo many and fo powerful enemies, refolved to decide the quarrel, by attacking them both at f&i and land, at the fame time; which he accordingly performed with equal valour and fuccefs. In this battle, there fell five kings, and feven Dani/h chiefs %, It was the bloodied engagement that, till then, had ever hap< pened in this iiland ; and in the Saxon chronicle, there is a moft elegant account of it. By this grand defeat, king Etheljian effeAually carried his point, and rendered him- feif the moft abfolute monarch that had ever reigned in Britain *. The ufe he made of his vidory, was, effeftu- ally to fecure his Dominions, by taking from the petty princes, fuch places as he judged to be dangerous in their hands i % A, D. 938. » Chron. Saxon, p. H2, 1 13, 114. t c. 7. m tu- |uy leir ' Of the SAXONS. ^ 65 hands; and in all probability he would have efFedlually eftabliQied the Saxon power, if he had long furvived ; but he died about a year after, having fwayed the fcepter, fome foy, fourteen, others, fixteen years. t EDMUND, his brother, fucceeded him in the throne, and found himfelf under a neceflity of conteft- ing the poiTelfion of it with his old enemy Anlajf, and his afibciateS} whom he defeated, and with whom he afterwards made peace; but, finding that there was no dependance upon the faith, either of the Pani/h or Briti^ princes feated in the north, he feized on the kingdom of Northumberland, and added it to his own dominions, giving Cumbtrland to the king of Scots as his feudatory. He had no great occafion for naval armaments, the fame of his brolher*s power preferving him from foreign inva- lions ; fo that, after a (hort reign, he left his crown to his brother Edted^, This prince had fcarce aflumed the regal dignity, before he was aflailed by his old enemies, the Sdits and Danes ; againft whom he had not fo great Ticcefs 2s his brethren ; not through any fault of his, but rather by the ffeafonable pradlices of fome of his pow- erful fubjads. His nephew Edwy, ftept after him into the throne ; and difobliging the monks, they have tranunitted to pofterity an account of nothing but his vices '. It (hould feem, however, that, during the reign of all thefe kings, the naval power of the Saxons was continually increafing, of which we fhallfee immediate proof; and to this we may afcribe their not being plagued with any of. thofe invafions from the nort!:, which had fo much di-' fturbed their predeceflbrs. Vol. I. F + EDGAR, I I 13 « t A. D. 941. ■ ^ Gul. Malmeibur de gfft. reg. An. Ijh., ii. c. 7. ' Speed's Chronicle, p 3i^9- "£ ) '1 rp 4 ,,.# J 1 .f' e6 NAVAL HISrORT f EDG ARy veiy juilly ftiled the great, fucceeded his brother Edwy ; and from his firft afcending the throne, demonftrated nimfrif worthy of bcii.3 the heir of Jlfnd and Etheljian. He thoroughly underftood, and fuccefs- fully purfued their maxims ; for he applied himfelf, from the beginning of his reign, to the raifing a mighty mari- time force i and to the keeping in due fubje£tion all the petty princes. In one thing only he was blameable ; that he gave too much into foreign cuftoms, and indulged the Dams in living promifcuoufly with his own people; which gave them an opportunity of knowing thoroughly the ftate of all parts of ihe nation, of which they made a very bad ufe in fucceeding times. In all probability, he was led into this error by his love to peace, which indeed he enjoyed, much more than any of his anceftors had done. But he enjoyed it, as a king of this iiland ought to enjoy it ; not in a lazy fruition of pleafure, unworthy a prince ; but by afliduoufly applying himfelf to affairs of ftate ; and by an adlivity of which few other king: are ca- pable, even in times of the greateft danger. But it is ne- ceflary to enter into particulars, lince we are now come to the reign of that king, who moft clearly vindicaced his right to the Dominion ci the Sea, and who valued himfelf on his having juftly acquired the title of Pro- tector of Commerce. A s to his fleet, all writers agree, that it was for fuperior to any of his predeceiTors, as well as much more power- ful than thofe of all the. other European princes put to- gether ; but they are by no means of the fame mind, as to the number of ihips of which it was compofed. Some fix it at tliref, thoufand fix hundred"; others, at four ihoufand ii f M ■5 t A. n. 9.7- gorn. ad A. D. 975. "" Roger Hoveden. p. 426. Florent. Wi- red. fc' :r- 0/ r*^ SAXONS. . 67 . thoufand ^ -, and there wants not authority ^.0 carry it fo high, as four thoufand eigtit hundreds However, the £rft feems to be the moil: probable number j and there- fore to it we fhall keep. Thefe fhips he divided into three fleets, each of twelve hundred fail, and kept them con- ftantly Rationed ; one on the eaft, another on the welt» and the third, on the north coaft of the kingdom : nei- ther was he fatisfied with barely making fuch a provifion ; he would likewife fee that it anfwered the ends for which he intended it. In order to this, every year after EaJIer^ he went on board the fleet, ftationed on the eaftern coaft 5 9Qd, failing weft, he fcoured all the channels, looked in- to every creek and bay, frc;.* the Thames mouth to the lands end in Cornwall. Then, quitting thefe fhips, he went on board the weftern fleet, with which, fleering his courfe to the northward, he did the like, not only on the Englifii and Scotch coaft, but alfo on thofe of Ireland^ and the Hebrides J which lie between them and Britain ; then, meeting the northern fleet, he failed in it to the Thames mouth p. Thus furrounding the ifland every fummer, he rendered any invaflon impra(5ticable, kept his failors in continual exercifc, and eff*edlually aflerted his fovereignty ever the fea. As a further proof of this, he once held his court at Chejler ; where, when all his feudatory princes had aflembled, in order to do him hom? , he caufed them to enter a barge j and, fitting four on ^ne fide, and four on the othcK, they rowed, while he fleered the hslmj pafllng thus in triumph on the river Dee^ from his pa- lace to the monaftery of St. John^ where he landed, and F 2 received ^f • * ,t ^m * MI n Ciiron. Joan. Bronnpton. " Matthxus Florile^* P Hen. Muntihgdon. h.il. lib. v. Rou- lioveden. Annal. p. 426, 227. Ala- red. LJfverlac. Annal. lib. viii. Hi' 1.^ ■■ \ ■ ■4 M^ r 68 NAVAL H 13 TORT received their oaths to be his faithful vaflals, and to defend his rights by land and by fea : and then, having made a fpeech to them, he returned to his barge, and pafTed in the fame manner back to his palace. The names of thefe princes were, Kenneth king of Scotland, Malcolm king of Cumberland, Maceufius king of Man, and of the iiles j and live petty kings of the Britons, When the cere- mony was over, the king was pleafed to fay, that his fucceflbrs might juftly glory in the title of kings of the Englijh i fince, by this folemn a6t, he had fet their pre- rogative above all difpute ''. John Fox blames this fpeech, as an inftance of the king's pride and vanity 'j which was owing to a narrownefs of mind ; for furely the king intended no more than to fecure his juft rights,, as his fpeech declared, and thereby to diftinguifh between a wife Z&. of policy, and a mere pompous parade. I N the winter, he travelled by land through all parts of his dominions, to fee that juftice was duly adminifter- ed ; to prevent his nobles from becoming oppreflbrs j and to fecure the meanetl people from fuffering wrong. Thefe were the arts by which he fecured tranquility to him- felf i while he kept foreigners in awe, and his fubje€ts in quiet. By being always ready for war, he avoided it ; fo that, in his whole reign, there happened but one diftur- bance ; and that, through the intemperate fury of the 5r/- tons, who, while he was in the north, committed great diforders in the weft. On his return, he entered their country with a great army ; and, that they might feel the !l t''' *» Gul. M.ilmefbur. hid. lib. li. cap. 8 p. 50. Florent. Wigorn. «d An. Dom. 347. Henr* Huntingd. hift. lib. v. Roger. Hoved. Annal. p 426. Alured. BeverJ. Annai, lib. viii. ' lo his Afls and monuments. . ^ 'Ml iuU r. ' Of the SAX 01^ S. 69 the effe£ls of plundering, fuffered his foldiers to take what- ever they could find : but when he faw the people reduced to extreme mifery, he rewarded his army out of his own coffers, and obliged them to reftore the fpoils } by which he left thofe, whom he found rebels, the molt affedionate of all his fubjeAs •. Well, therefore, might our ancient hidorians boait as they did of this prince ; and fay, that he was comparable to any of the Heroes of antiquity. In truth, he far furpalTcd them j for, whereas many of them became famous by adts of rapine and robbery, he eflabliflied his re- putation on a nobler foundation ; that of reigning fixteen years, without a thief found in his dominions on land, or a pyrate heard of at fea K One thing more I muil mention, as being much to my purpofe, though flighted by many of our modern writers. It is the preamble of a decree of his, made in the fourteenth year of his reign ; wherein his ftile runs thus. Ego Edgarus, totius Jlbivonis Ba/i/eus, necmn Maritimorum feu Infuhmrum Regum ciNumhaiitantium, &c. That is, I Edgar^ Monarch of all Albiortt and fove- reign over all the princes of the adjacent illes, ^c. which plainly aflerts'his naval dominion ". As he lived, fo he died, in peace, and full of glory f. Happy had it been for his fucceflbrs, if, with his dominions, they had inheri- ted any portion of his fpirit. But, alas ! governed by wo- men, and ridden by pjiefts, they quickly broke to pieces that mighty power which he bequeathed them. His fon Edward^ a child, fucceeded him \ but, by that time he had reigned three years, he was, by the contri- F 3 vance rr" '^1 ^m b-i::i P ■■ i^n m ^1 i, fjr iBj '''"^iffil wP I.J v^tn Hk ^ •flH |Kt l^|n '-' '■'■-■■^^^ -/■ » Ranulph. Higden. in Polychr^n. lib. vi. * Roger. H ived. p. 426. Florent. VVigorn. ad A. D. 947. Alured. Beverl. Anual. lib. viii. « Guliel Malmelb. dc gcft. Keg. Ang. lib. ii. c. 8. t A. D. 975. ,.. ' ^ , ,,,, .J } rHM 'I 70 NAVAL HisroR^r vance of his mother-in-law, bafely murdered, to make way for her fon Ethelred^ who mounted the throne after his deceafe ; but who was entirely governed by this dowa- ger queen, his mother *. In fix years after the death of Edgar^ the ftrength of the nation was fo far funk, that a DaniJI) fquadron, confifting of no more than feven ihips, infefted the coaft, and plundered Southampton ^ ; and, in a few y' 'rs aff-" th>3y ravaged and burned all the coaftj in- fomuC '^ In 991, the king, by the advice of SirUus^ archbifti : . mterbury, made a treaty with the Danes, and endeavoured v bribe them by a fubfidy of ten thou- fand pounds, to forbear plundering ; which gave the firft life to that iMfamous tribute, called Danegeld \ This produced an 'jffcd which might have been eafily forefeen, though qui'.e contrary to what was intended; for the Dafj^s corjmitted greater rapines than ever; fuppofing, that the worfe they treated the king's fubjefts, the larger flims they fhoul^ extort, for a promife to be gone. Thus the king was compelled to take that method at laft, to which he fliould have had recourfe at firft, viz. raifjpg an army and fitting out a fleet. And now, when he had done this, his general betrayed him ; whereby the Danes for that lime efcaped, though a little after they returned, and were defeated y. Thefe, however, were but flight mifchiefs, to thofe which followed ; for, when It is once known, that a kingdom is weakly governed, new enemies will daily rife. In 99.3, came Vnhijf, a famous pyrate, with a fleet of ninety-three fliips, to Stanes, and having wafted the country on both fides the TlmmeSy they went * A. D. qy^ "^ Chi^n. Saxon, ad AD. pf?!. pni. C»I. M:»lraen3i)'. de geft. Rpcj. Anjrlor. lib. ii. c. 10. Bcvffl. lib. viii, '' Chron Saxon. A. D. qgi. " Ibid. Alured Of the FAXONS. 71 dow^ the river again, and committed new outrages on the coaft of Ktfit, The king fent an army to oppofe them, which they beat, and killed the general who commanded it. Afterwards, they landed in the mouth of the Humber^ and committed new devaftations. The next year, Anlaff^ duke of Norway^ came before London^ with a fleet of nine- ty-four fail, and endeavoured to burn it ; but the citizens defended themfelves fo well, that, at length, he was forced to delift; then, marching into Kent and Hampjhire^ he compelled the country people to furnifh horfes for his ar- my ; which put it in their power to commit fuch horrid devaftations, that the king, being unable to ">rotedt his fubje6^s, had recourfe to a compolitionj and. ha igfcnt commiflioners to treat with Anlaff^ it was ""ee., .0 give him fixteen thoufand pounds, on conditio! iha . he fliould never again fet foot in England: and. which waj rare a- mongft men of his profeffion, he religiou W.pt his word. In 997, a great fleet of ft rangers enrered the mouth of the Severp-^ Tpoiled all the adjacent countries with fire and fword, «»nd afterwards deftroyed Cornwall^ and Devonjhire \ and, having coll^<^ed an immenfe booty, carried it oft to their Ihips. The next year they committed the like outrages in Dorfftjkire ; where an army was fent to oppole them ; which did little. In 999, they came into the Thames, and, marching through Kent^ the king met them at Can^ terbiiry, with his forces, fo that a battle enfued j wherein, through fome ill management, the king was defeated with great lofs ; this lofs fecms to have roufed the nobility : for, immediately thereupon, it was determined, in a great council, to raife a numerous army, and to fit out a ftrong fleet ; which was accordingly done : but the old manage- • ment continuing, thefe mighty preparations, lays my au- thor, ended, in nothing more than exhaufting the purfcs, F 4 • and Vi ■ Vl n i ' m 1 'i ■ ■» ' '^'l , i \\ r. • i I t"" jt NAVAL HISrORT and breaking the fpirits of the people ; whereby their ene^ mies were encouraged to trample on them more and more* The next year, the fleet were hindered from ailing all the fummcr, by contrary winds, to the great lofs and diilatii^- /adlion of the people. In looi, new diforders of the fame kind happened ; and, one of the king's admirals deferting with a great part of the fleet, he was conflrained again to think of treating, which accordingly he did, and purcha- fed peace for twenty-four thoufand pounds : and yet, the very next year, he found himfelf fo ftreightned, that he had no other way of fetting his people at liberty, than by a general maflacre of the Danes, throughout England, This, however, proved but a temporary as well as barba- rous expedient j for, in a few years, they were in as bad a condition as ever; infomuch, that through the fury of the Danes y and the treachery of his nobility, the king was able to do nothing, but opprefs his fubjedtt, by raifing vaft fums, to be given to their enemies; for, in 1007, the Danes had thirty thoufand pounds at once *. These oppreflions convinced all the honeft, and loyal part cf the nation, of the neceflity of arming ihemfeives, and of exerting their utmoft force to rid them cl( thefe bar- barous guefts. In order thereto, a new,and general tax was hid, for raifing and fupporting a fleet and army. At^iord- ing to this fcheme, every three hundred and ten hides of land were to find a (lout fliip ; and every eight hides a coat of mail, and helmet ; by which a great force indeed was raifed ; and yet, through treachery, however, had little efledl *. It is plain, that this tax, or fubfidy, was impo- » Chron.Stx. p. 127,' — 136. Gulielm. Malmefb. de geft. Rep. Anglor. lib. li. c. iq. Henr. Huntingd. Hid. lib. 5. Alureti Be- v«ri. Annal. lib. viii. p. 1 14. » Q«ron. Saxon. A- D. |oo8. «:?. Of the SAXONS. 73 Ted with judgment, and by common confent ; it grew» therefore, thenceforward, an annual charge upon the peo- ple; and is that tax we fo often meet with, in ancient writers, under the name of Danegtldi and from which Edwardf the Confeflbr, is faid to have freed his fubjedls. The reader muft diflinguifli this fubfidy, raifed upon rbs Englijh nation, from the money occaiionaUy paiu ^j the Danes i though they both go under the fame denomins^ tion. The firft was raifed at fuch times, and in fuch pro- portions, as neceflity required ; and was, properly enough, called Danegeld'y as it was given to pacify thofe invaders. The fecond was, a regular, fettled impoiition, not much unlike our land-tax ; and was properly called, in the Saxen tongue, Heregyld^ i. e. Soldier* s Money ; and received the name of Danegeld ; becaufe it was originally given to raife a force to fight the Danes It mud have amounted to a Vaft fum in thofe days } fince the Saxon chronicle informs us, that by it, when firft impofed, there was a prodigious fleet fet on foot, fuch a one as, till then, had not been feen : now, if we take this in a very limited fenfe, and al- low it to fignify not a greater fleet than Edgar's, but fupc- Yi6r to any of his ftaticnary fquadrons ; even this would be < very great thing \ The confequence of clearing this pointy will appear in the fucceeding part of the work : in the mean time, let it be obferved, that the nation fubmit- ted to this grievous tax, in order to maintain a naval force, /uflicient to have preferved the dominion of the fea; which, queflionlefs, might have been efledled, had the money they gave been faithfully applied. But fuch wer6 the delays, fuch the diforder in all their military prepara- tions. %\ U' : !ii ' -n ■■-»! ■ it * SeldeH. Mare CUufum. lib. ii. c ii- ti- ; I " ,-"' 74 NAVAL HISrORr , tions, that the people were fleeced, the fcrvice neglefted, and the unfortunate king ^thlred^ who, for any thing that appears in hiftory, was a very brave, well-meaning prince ; acquired the furname, or rather was (ligmatized with the opprobrious nickname of The Unready. This is a difagreeable fubjec^ ; which nothing but the love of truth, and the defire of preventing fuch piifchiefs, by fairly expo- fing their caufes, could have prevailed upon me to have dwelt on fo long. It was my duty, as an hidorlan ^ and, how unwillingly foevtr, I have performed it. It would, however, be to no purpofe to fwell this work, with a long detail of the misfortunes which befel this prince, and his fon, the valiant Edmund^ who for his many hardy ad^s in the fervice of his country, was furnamed Ironftdes ; fince thefe are fully related in all our hiftories : and indeed, there is great reafon to fufpedl, that the flories we meet with therein, arc rather amplified than abridged. Two things, however, deferve the readers notice in this great revolution. The firft, that, after once the fpirits of the people had been funk, by railing on them a great fum of money to purchafe peace, they never afterwards could be revived ; but things daily declined, and the chief per-, fons in the realm fought to fecure an inlereft in the con- queror, by betraying thofe whom they ought to have de- fended J fo that the redu<5tion of England was not fo much owing to the number and force of the enemy, though thcfe were very great, as to the treachery of the k^^ the dejedtion of the many, and the difputes of both among themfelvcsi their naval force, even when they were low- ed, being more than fufficicnt to have defended their coafls, had it been properly conduded. But being fome- timcs betrayed by their admirals, at others diftrefled for <*i.t want 0/ /*^ Danes/ i ys wane of provifions, every little accident difcouraged them, and any confiderable lofs difheartened them quite. The conqueft of fuch men could not be hard. The Tecond obfervation I have to make is (his ; that no fooner Swain^ king of Dinmarif found himfelf fuperior at fea, than he let up a title to the kingdom ; which fufHciently ihews, that this ifland is never longer fafe, than while it is the firft maritime power : whence the importance of our navy is made too manifell to be denied, and by which we may b« convinced, that as our freedom flows only from our con- dilution, fo both muft be defended by our fleets. t, A CHAP. III. ^ ' He Naval Hiftory of the DANES, from the peaceable fettkment of CAN'^TXUS on the throne^ to the refioration of the SAXON J" line:, and frofn thence to the death of king HAROLD: containing thefpace of about •^ forty-eight years^ \ .> t,: ■/ -'^':''! ' ^ writers of our ancient hiftory, being many of ihem monks, did not well diftin- guifh between foreign nations, but called all the invaders of this kingdom, from what- ever quarter they came, Danes ; becaufe the firft who troubled the Saxons in this way, were of that na- tion. In like manner foreigners called them Ncrmcm: which feems to be a conlradlion of northern men. Thtir praftice of fcouring the northern feas, and (5'undcring wherever they came, made them infamous in the eyes of other?. VJ ^ i ii... t. : \ .,■«"- i'' m" r 76 NAVAL HisroRr others, though it pafTed among themfelves for an honour* able way of making war. The northern nations were al- ways extremely populous ; and, when they found them- ielves crouded, their cuftom vas to equip a fquadron of ihips, on board of which went fome of their chiefs, fol- lowed by a body of fuch men, as were willing to run their fortunes. At this time they were Pagans ; and it muft be owned, the ftrudture of their religion was very favourable tothefe fort of enterprizes, reprefenting them rather as eflfeds of heroifm, than as adts of robbery. In procefs of time, as they grew more civilized j they began to change their notions, and affefled fettlements, whetever they found themfelves ftrong enough to make them. It ' is not our bufinefs to enter deeply into their hiftory, iince it k evident enough, that they attained their dominion here by their power at fea, which is the only thing that brings them under our notice. But, if it were, there has been lately publiflied at Copenbasetty a very compleat hi- itory of the a£ls of the Danes in foreign countries, parti- cularly in England J Scotland, and Ire/and', all of which they long harafled, made fettlements in all, and were ex- pelled from them all, through their making an ill ufe of their power *. ,v^ i^ *' When Swain, king of Denmark, invaded this coun- try, about the year 1013, it was in revenge of the death of his countrymen j and there were, at that Time, fo many great men here of Danijh extradlion, and the reft were \% * The title of this curious book runs thus, Gefta & V^ftlgia Panorum extra Daniam ; prxcipue in Orientc, Italia, Hifpania, Gallia, Anglia, Scotia, Hibernia, B«lgio, Germania ic Sclavo* nia. Maximam partem ipfii Scriptorum, non Exoticorum mi* n»w, with an army for that purpofe: which fo difgufted him, that he failed with a fquidron of (hips into Flaj lers^ where, like his eldeft brother Swain^ he turnv-d pyratej and began to think of pillaging, by fea, that country, the inhabitants of which would not fufFer him to plunder them on landi In the midft of thefe confufions, king Edward died *, as weakly and irrefolutely as he livedo without fecuring the fucceflion iQ Edgar Athi'hxg^ his in- tended heir, and who had indeed a better title than him- felf; which threw the nation into great confufionj and gave Haroldy the fon of earl Godwin, an opportunity of feizing the crown, to which he had no title at all K An z€t equally fatal to himfelf, and to the peoplej fince it oc- caiioned the Norman invalion, and the abfolute exclufioil of the Saxon line, the monarchs of which had deferred f6 well of their country, by making good laws, encourag- ing arts^ and defending both by their arms. But^ before We prcceed to this revolution^ it will be neceflary to fay fomewhat of the character of Harold^ as well as of his adminiHration 3 for though he was a very ambiiV 3, and confequently a very bad man, yet he wanted Jt fome qualities that were truly worthy of a prince. Vol. L Q The * A. D. 1066 ^ Gul. Miilmefb. dc gefl. Reg. AngI lib. ii. C3p. 13. Henr. Huntingd. hift. lib. vi. p. 365. Roger. Hoveden. Annal- p. 439, Alufc willing obedience, Jk'iliiam duke of N9tmand)\ laid cl&im to his crown, and began 10 raifc an army to fupport that claim. Add to this, that his brother Tojligo^ who had quarrelled with the late king, and with his own father^ -ppearid on the coafts of Yorkjhire and Kirthumberltind^ ,^ with * O.icrn. S.'"on. p. X72. •" Ibid. p. 169. " Ibid. p. 173. '• Ro;^ IJovi.'* hid. hb vi. p. 367. Ingulph. lull . apud fcript. poll Bedair, p. .^a i* Roger. Moved. Annal. prior, p. 447. Oul. MaIrjc'^a de geft. Reg. Ang, iib. ii. cap, ulc. Alurcd. Ikverl. An-, oal. lib. jii- p. 122. _'Q,- ... Of the DANE S. 83' Wrth a fleet of fifty iii7. Earl Edwin encountcted him on his landing, defeated his* army, anO afteirwards def^foy- ed a great part o\ bis fleet ; fo that, with no more than twelve (hips he efcnpod to ^^^//tf/i^ ^ ' O u the firft news of his brother's inraflon) HaroU prepared ro march northwards, in order to prevent, if pof* Able the fiital conre()uences of this man's maiice, whom ht knew to have both courage and ability, confiderable inte* red at home, and ' potent allies abroad : nor did he defifl from his defign on the news of the check he had received by bis late defeat, knowing that his redlefs temper would not fuffcr him to be long before ho endeavoured to revenge this affrontk Indeed, he found an opportunity fooner than he could have expected ; for he was fcarce arrived in SeotUnd^ before he heard of a new pretender to the crown which his brother wore. This was Harold Hdrfagnvy that is, fgfr-haired, king of Norufoy, who fet up a title bjr df fceM, and, to fupport it, put to fea with a fleet of three hundred fai), and a numerous army on board* With hint TofHg9 joined, and both, failing up the Httmbtr^ landed their forces, aind began to direft their march towards York. The two great e;tf Is, Edward and Morktr, inftanl- ly aflembied all the forces they could raile, in order ta to oppofe them. A battel quickly enfued, in which thofe earts were totally routed, and, in confequence whereof, the king of l^rway poflcflcd himfelf of Tofi. King /fo- r§id, no way difcouraged at this ill news, ordered a fkec to be fitted out, and in the mean time marched in per- ibn againd the enemy, who lay in an intrenched camp, G 2 which * Chron. Saxon, p. 172. Roger. Hovcd p 447. tJngd. bift:. lib. vi. Hen. liun- ■J. 'I •f[ Wm ■il' "' t: , • 1 ■ ■^i^w i' ^t KOI 1 ,^i!^fl ■' ; i ■^^S » ; :^>MRnr ■' r^^4 I •li' NAVAL HISIORT which they conceived to be impregnable. But the kihg having firft forced Stanford-Bridge^ ever fince ftiled Battel- Bridge^ attacked them with fuch vigour, that, after a long and bloody difpute, he forced their intrenchments, killed both Harold Harfager and Toftigo upon the fpot ; and bis admirals at Tea having like fuccefs in beating the Norweigian fleet, Olaf the fon of Harold Harfagtr^ was glad to capitulate, and to agree to embark the fcattered remains of his army on board twenty veflels, and to give up all the vaft fpoil they had taken, with the reft of his father's navy, to the conqueror, which agreement or capi- tulation was prcfently put in execution '. This was one of the greateft vidtories that we find recorded by our hiilorians ; for, in the beginning of this expedition, the king of Denmark had conquer'd the Ork- neys: and, indeed, confidering the force with which he invaded it, there was no fmall probabiliry of his reducing England. By this defeat, the king entirely fruftrated that defign, and, befides ridding himfelf of fo formidable an enemy, acquired a vaft treafure, and greatly augmented his fleet } but, as fucocfs generally ihews a man in the trucrt point of light; fo, the king on this occafion, dif- cover ^d fome ill qualities which he had hitherto concealed ; tor, iiiftead of dividing the rich booty he had taken, or- io much as a part of it, amongft hb firmy, i:e laid hands upon the whole ; which greatly weakened their afiedlion- to him, and made his foldiers lefs willjng to hazard their : hves in the fervice of fp hard a mafter. On the other- hand, the duke of Normandy had been labouring, by a^ ^.^J.\'t :ii V variety ' Chron. Saxon, p, 172. Giilielm. Malmcfb. de geft. Reg. Anjjl. ijb. ii* p. 94. Roger. Ilovcdcn, p, ^^48. Irgulph. Jult. p. 900. Of the DANES. ' 85 yaricty of methods, to draw together fuch an army, and fuch a fleer, as might enable him to profecuie the title he had fet up to the Enghjh crown ; which, at Jaft, by dint of mighty promifes to foreigners, as well as his own fub- . jedls, he accompliflied. His forces confifting of Nor-" manty Flemings ^ Frinchmen^ and Bretons ^ he imbarked on board a prodigious number of (hips, few of which were of any great force, though all fit enough for tranfports. Up- . on the 28"' of September 1066, he landed fafely at Peven- fey in Suffex ; and no fooner faw his troops on ihore, than he burned his ufelefs fleet, which be knew was no way able to engage that of the Englijh : and having done this, and raifed a lUong fortification, he bep;an to march farther into the country *. Harold had the news of this expedi- tion quickly tranfmitted to him in the north, whence he marched with great diligence with his forces, fluihed in- deed with their late vidtory ; but, by fo rude a fervice, much diminifhed in iheir numbers, their fpirits alfo abated by difcontent. The king, however, taking council from the prefent fituation of his affairs, behaved towards them more gracioufly than he had lately donej and, by fending for the nobility, and reprefenting to them the danger to which themielvcs and their country, as well as himfelf and his title, were expofed, gained confiderable recruits: fo that, by the time he arrived at l.ondony his army was again become very confiderable ; only his foldiers ftood in need of refrefhmenl. But Harold^ fearing the ill effects of delays, and rejeding the propofitions made him by an cmbaflador, fent from duke IVilliam to meet him at /,(?«- i?;?, continued to move on towards Suffex^ in order to G 3 determine * Chroniq[ucs de Norroandie Ingulpli. hid. Ord. \'iul, &c. :, iV ir. 86 l^AVAL HISTORr determine the fiitc of the kingdom, by t dcciAve bittel } notwithftanding his brother Gritbus ufod many prudent ar- guments to difluade him, •dvifiog him to entruft the army te his care, and to remain at Linden, in order to take proper meafu/es, in caiie things went not To we4 ai they wifted. ^ - Om the 13*^ of OSJoher, the king arrived near He/i' iftgs, where the enemy lay encamped ; and, though fome propofals of peace were again made him, he remained firm to his firft opinion of trading the decifion of alJ to the fworJ. The next day, being 'Saturday, he dilpoTed his forces in order of battel, giving the van to the Ktniijb troops, and referving the Londtntn for the centre, whers he fought in perfon with his two brothers. The duke of Ntrmandy, on his fide, did all that could be expc<^ed from a great captain, and one inured to arms from his verjr youth. The conteft was long and bloody, fuitable to the value of the prize which was to be the reward of tht victor. But the Normans, making ufe of long bows, as ]rel not well known to the Englijh, had thereby a great advantage, which turned the fortune of the day, and gave them a victory every way comrlcat. King Harold draw- ing the choiceft of his troops about his royal llandard, fought it out bravely to the lad, falling by a (hot he re- ceived under the left. eye, which pierced to his brain. With him fell his brothers Grithus and Ltofrick, and of private men 67,974. We need not wonder, that this en- gagement alone fecured the kingdom to duke JVtlliam j ef- pccially, if we refledl on the hard-fought battel in Tork^ Oiirt but a few months before ; for two fuch actions might well exhauft the ftrcngth of a nation, almoft conti- ftually harrafTcd for ibme hundred years bcf^pre by the Dantu ,,f ».*■'< %-f ' 0/ /;6^ DANES. 87 Danei *. Yet the ^atcom^ . if they had been well-united, might have had, at lead another ftruggie, but their inteftine fadtloni contributed as much to their ruin, as the force of the invader. For, one part of the nation adhering to Edgar JthiHngj the undoubted heir of the crown, and another inclining to efpoufe the party of the great earls Edwin and Morkity this divifion difabled both. Thus ended that monarchy which, from the time of Htngifl^ had endured about fix hundred years } and, as it began through perfonal valour, fo the fame fpirit was preferved even in its termination ; for, as a learned writer of thofe times informs us, the lafl king Harold was a man in gentlenefs of nature equalled by few, in martial virtue furpafled by none, having mod of thofe great qualities which render princes glorious, and who, if the event had correfponded with probability, feemed born to repair the decayed (late of his country \ He left behind him four fons. It is very remarkable, that three of thefe, Godwin^ Edmund^ and MagnuSy had interelt enough after the death of their fither, to carry off the greateft part of his fleet ; which enabled them to make many attempts, as we (hall hereafter fee, againft the power of the Normans : but, proving always unfccefsful, they at length retired to Dinmariy where they were kindly received, and where, tormented by a quick fenfe of their misfortunes, they languifhed out the remainder of their lives. I fliould not have taken notice of this circumftance, but that it ferves to explain the fucceeding part of our hiftory, and (hews G 4 how * ChroD. Saxon, p. 172. Gulielm. Malmefb. de gcft. Reg. Angl. Jib. iii. Henr. Huntingdon, hift. lib. vi. Roger. Hovcden. p. 448. Ingulph. hift. p, 5100, 901. » floxcnt. Wigorn. id aA. D. 1066, V . ,1l *..# ^. A. %.>^ - .0. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) /. 1.0 I.I 1.25 tliKA 12.5 ■ 50 '*^^" M^^B 2.0 MS, IB US IM 1.8 1-4 111.6 m % ^> :^5 "■CM -w'^ %^ 9. Photographic Sciences Corporation # !> s^ \ ,v ^\ €^ . 1 >%'i^' ^'■:i go NAVAL HISTORT ftrve, thit \ht very claiteing the fovereignty of Ihe Tea, \5 a plain indicMi6n of o^ drivmg a great trade upon it ; fince thofe only defire this diguity, who know the impor- tance of it ; and, as our claims in this nel^eft, are elder, and more explicit than thofc of any other European na- tion, we muft conclude, that the vriue of this right was earliiey underftood here, than elfewherc. Thefe are gcne- ta] reafons only: I will now offer fome, that are more particular. W E had greater opportunities, of uhderftanding naval affairs in this ifland, than perhaps any other nation ever had; for, before the Roman invalion, the Britms had fome (kill in navigation, and had Htted out conflderable fleets : they, afterwards, improved in this, as in all other arts, by adding the Latin learnitig to their own j whence we find them, under Carauftus, Maximus, and Con/Ian' iiney able to bear up againft all the maritime force of the Roman empire. The Saxor;: were not deftitute of fkill in naval affairs, before their arrival herej for we read, that they diftinguiflied time, by the ebbing and flowing of* tides * ; a kind of knowledge, which, notwithflanding all the boafts of the Greeks, Alexander's feamen had not ac- quired, even when he made his Indian expedition ^ ; and in which it appears, neither Cafar^ or any of his foldiers, were well verfed at the time of his invading this ifland *• It was therefore highly natural, when thefe nations wc»e in fome meafure mixed together j and, by degrees alfo, v\ere blended with the Danes : I fay, it was highly natu- . .... ral ' "i * Sidon. ApolHnar lib. viii. 01. Worm, in Paftis D.inici8. lil)-^. cap. 1. y Arrian. Expod. Alex. Mag. lib. xi. » Dc I^fllg Gallico. lib. v. I " ■■, ' Of the DANES. 91 ral &x theffly to pulh their genius for maritime aiTairS) as far as it would go. And this leuds me to another atsgu^ ment; which, is 6nv9n from the vaft number ot (hips, that it is apparent, we had at aU times, from the ileets fit-^ ted oi^t by the Rcmsti governors, and by the SexM prin- ces, efpecially Alfred^ Bdgar^ and Ethelred: fuice navies cannot be built in a feafon or two; or, if they could^ would prove of litik ufe in a country deftilute of feamen. Laftiy, our coin is a proof of our commerce. There were under the Saxon kings, variety of mints, no left than feven in London ; and the laws relating to coinage are ve- ry numerous. Now, fince filver W3S never a commodity of our own, it follows, that this coinage, mull have ari- fen from the profits, or, to ufe a modern phrafe, from the balance of trade, in our favour. I prefume, t may add to this, a law-made by king Edgar^ for reducing all weights, meafures, 6fr. to one standard. Now, this was to reme- dy an inconvenience, that muft have crept in, by trading with different nations ; and, Co introducing their meafures : and the fcope of the law on the other hand, proves, that the legiilature in thofe days, had a juft refpedt to com- merce; and was inclined to do any thing which might facilitate iti all which, taken together, in my opinion, doth abundantly make good my aflertion; and demon- ftrates, as far as-the brevity of this defign will permit, the commercial genius of our anceftors, the Saxon: j to whom we ftand indebted for the chief prerogatives of our crown, I mean, in comparifon with the other powers of Europe ; and that generous fpirit of freedom, which is the foul of our excellent conftituiion, and which the princes of the i^sman lioe, endeavoured, but la vaio, to extinguiib. SXKCE 11 11 r ^MK?l ,, , ■■ii\ Wf*l «>;;; \i j!''*!! 92 NAVAL HIsrORT Since the publifliing the firil edition of this work, I have heard fome perfons of good fenfe and great judgment coRip'Mn, that in fome places, I have Iludied brevity too much, and that particularly, they would be glad to fee this point of the Saxon navigation and commerce better ex- plained } not that they at all doubt the truth of what I have advanced upon the credit of our moft learned and beft hiftorians, but that being pleafed with the hints given them upon thefe fubjeds, they are inclined to fee them more largely handled, and for the fake of fuch perfons, I (hall take the liberty of adding a few remarks, which, till I knew that it was acceptable to my readers, I judged it a kind of prefumption in me to make. The veflels bull: by king Alfred for refifting the Danes, and which were fo ytry ferviceable in that refpedt, appearing to be a very lingular and material point, fome have wiflied that I had more plainly defcribed them, which I would moft certainly have done, if it had been in my power. Thofe veflels were built, not only by the diredion of the king, but in a new manner which was of his own inven- tion i and the writers who have preferved an account of them, tho' they are certainly competent Witncfles as to the fad:, yet were they very far from being proper judges of the manner. They can tell us what the king did, and what were the efl^efts of his doings, but how, or upon what principles he conftru<5tcd thefe new invented Ihips of his, was out of their way to enquire, and confequently what they could not be expeded to declare. This being fo, it would be a thing prepofterous to pretend to lay it down as a fail that king Alfred's new (hips were built in this manner, or in thaf, all that I meant to fuggeft, wasi •bat the kipc hnAi thefe (hips longer than ufual, and in fuch . Of the DANES. - 93 fuch a proportion, as made them at once ftronger and fwif- ter, than any with which that age were acquainted. The candid and ingenious reader will readily albw* that we had good reafon to commend the fuperior ikill of the king, who made that a Science^ which to others was but a Trade, There were, no doubt, in that age, abun- dance of {hipwrights, who knew how to put veflels toge- ther, fo as to make them found and tight, and good failors too, as things went at that time of the day. Yet it does not appear, that the king a(ked their advice, but on the. contrary, he directed their labours, and commanded that, ihlps (hould be built of a new and very different make, from .thofe that were then in ufe. He was well acquainted with the Danijh {hips, and fa w, that tho' they were very convenient for tranfporting- troops, yet that very clrcum- ftance mi|ht be turned to their difadvantage, by employing againll them veflels of a different make, longer* higher, and ftronger, and <5f a very different proportion in refpeft to. breadth, which is a plain proof, that he had made him- felf mailer of the principles of (hip-building, and knewr- how to vary the form in conflrui5ting veflels fo, as to fie them for different ufcs and fervices, which if the knowledge of thofe times was half fo grofs as modern writers are will- ing to reprefent, it was certainly a very great and wonder- ful difcovery. , -. , __ •>.:.. J. ,>.,.. .'.J 1 I T is alfo highly probable, that tho* the king gave direc- tions to his fhip-builders, and perhaps a model of the form, in which he would have his new veflels built, yet he did, not acquaint them with the principles upon which he wcnt» or explain to them the reafons why veflels built in this new form, were fwifter, and ftronger, than thofe of the ene- my ; but kept that within his own breaft, as a great fecret of ftate. His naval archite£ls might be, and in all proba^ , bility "I '■k%^ ::J.''r.i ■■ 'Hi ,Mi :;.iti, '. i idii iti ' V' ^ ■ -'ill! 94 NAVAL SlSl'ORr biKty were, men of as great (kill, and as cxienfive cipad* ties, as any of their times j but then their knowledge was cf a very different nature from that of the king; they night be great artifts in their way, but they were ftrll me- chanics ; and tho' they knew how to build what were ef- tcemed the beft ihipaf in this part of the world, yet were they far enough from penetrating into the caufes of thingSf or from apprehending cliearly the reafons upon which thofe rules were founded, by which they were guided in their profefHon, and which experience had gradually imro- duced. W E have the more Kkelihood, that this was the tfefe itate of the cafe, from the other drcumftance, that the king made great improvements ih the art of building (hips for trafRck. Hence we plainly (fee, what he contrived, was not the effects of experience, that* is an application of what he had feen, or hej»rd, that others performed to his own afl^irs; or flowec >-.-*? a lucky thought \trhlch was found to aufWer upon .*i ; but arofe entirely from hiis great fagacity, which enabled him to fee to the very bottom of this art, and put It in his power to aflign the ju4t proportions of veflels dellined for any purpofes whate- ver, as his Oiip-wrights were capable of building, and equipping veflelis of any dimenfions, provided they had the fchemc of fuch velTels given them, in cafe they were of a new invention. Thefe trading veflels, were, without doubt, of quite another form, than thofe warlike gallies fitted out againft the Danes, and confequently far \t(s ex* penfive; for broad, large, and roomy veflels, fuch as are fit for carrying moft forts of merchandife, and more efpecial- ly bulky, and coarfe goods, are, in every refpe«ft, far Icfs^ cxpenflve than veflels built for Hrength and fwiftnefs, ' ' ' J SHAtt . Of the DANES. : 95 I s M A t L be extreaxniy well pleaAtd if thefe additional thoughts upo» ft) importaat a point of hjilory give the 1a- tisfa/^ion defired, which I hope it wiiiy nore d'pecialtjr if it be coofiderad, thac I piopo(e to traat thefe^ points as ao. hiftorian, and am therefore concerned to ikt« fa^ clearly, and from good authoritifs, not to writ^ diiTertations upoo fuch fubje^ as may bo foirly prefumed to lie equaUy out of the reach of my ovrn, and the perufer's curiofity.. Whatever Alfred'i GsAi in naval arehitc^ufe might be, there is very little rooHQ to doubt, that the pra^tieai part of it continued long after his deceaie, and proved no in- coniiderable caufe of the maritime force of bis fucceflbrsw' AU this time however, the Dana were exerci^ng them*- felves in naval expeditions, and as their Itrength and cou* rage grew j fo by the introduction of luxury, and its per- petual comparuon, civil diiientions, the power and publick fpirit of the Saxons declined. I T may be however remarked in their fevour, exdu- five of what has been before faid upon tiiat fubje^, that they certainly cultivated the arts of peace and commerce, with equal induftry and fuccefs. AU that part of thia ifland under thdir dominion, was thoroughly peopled, andi full of great towns, adorned according to the mode of thofe times, with l^r churches and great monafteries, which were at once tsftimonies of the piety and wealth of that nation. Their ecclefiaftics and their nobility frequent- ly travelled into foreign pegioa*;, and brought from thence rarities of all forts^ to enrich their own country, the flou^ rifliing condition of wfiich was what principaljy allured the DaneSy who had the fame appetite for riches, though' they took a diff^jent method of procuring them, and fpoi.'ed by force of arms fuch as were gfQwn opuisnt* through the long continuance of peace. We At ■: ■hMi 'lil ;t t ^'h Bm" •a! m iH Br ' V,i,I| "Vi t s-: fU NAt^AL tilSlORT W i ihuft likewife obferve, that the incorporations of cities and boroughs, was the work of the Saxons^ as ma- nifeftly appears from the very terms that are ftill in ufe* and which are not to be underftood or explained^ but from a competent knowledge of their language and biftory* This is at once a clear and & mofl; Confpicuous tcftimony of the true fpirit of that government^ whichj while in its vigour, provided for the fafety and profpcrity of the people^ by fecuring the liberties and ptoperties,- and by encouraging the induftry and integrity of all ranks and degrees of men, which was the true reafon, that thef laws of Edward the Cmfiffhr^ that is, the laws and con- llitutions of his predeceiTors, collected and reflored by him, were fo univerfaliy approved and contended for by the Englijh nation, as their peculiar bleflings and birth- rights after the conqueH, as will be feen in the fuccced-* ingchapters. . ^ ^'t .r-^ • ; - •:; . But above all, traders, artificers, and manufadurers of every kind, were efpecially protefted and encourage(i under the Saxon government. They had their refpedtive guilds or focieties for regulating and promoting their af- fairs, and it is very remarkable, that there was no lefs attention paid to the edablKhment and extension of thefe lefTer fraternities, calculated to maintain order and juftlce amongil fuch as got their living by their labour, than of the larger corporations, which is a truth that all who are! acquainted with our records and ancient hiftories will readi- ly admit ; and therefore it would be very unneceflary for us to infill longer upon this topick, tho* to mention it was highly material. The Danes, after the firft fury of war was over, and when they came to be united to and incorporated with the SaxonSf d P/^/^^ DANES. 97 Saxottt, begai. by degrees to embrace their notions, and to vifit foreign nations, as well in a commercial, as in u hoftile manner ; and tho' their hiftorians are more inclined to preferve the memory of the latter, than the former, yet there is nothing clearer than this matter of faft, by which the fubjedts of the Dani^ monarchs were enabled to pay thofe prodigious taxes that from time to time were levied upon them) and by which the treafury of Canutus the Great was fo ainply fupplied, that when he took a jour- ney to Rome^ he made a more magnificent appear- ance there than any chriftian prince, who in thole fuper- ftitious times had honour *d that capital with his prefence, and is recorded to have fpent and given away fuch im- menfe fums of money, as filled all Eufope with amaze* ment. .•" . But altho* the Darter fettled in Englandy departed from the manners of th?ir countrymen, yet thofe who re- mained at home, retained in a great meafure the martial fpirit of their anceftors) and held in the highlit contempt every kind of trade except that of war* We (hall fee* howcver> that notwithftanding they long kept up a claim to this country, they were never able to recover it; be- caufe after a few difappointments their naval power funk> and they were no longer able to equip fuch numerous fleets as were requiiite for the undertaking fuch expeditions. I mention this circumftance here, that the reader may have an opportunity of obfcrving, how foon a naval force is worn out, when, employed only to ferve the purpofes of ambition ; -and this, notwithftanding all the care and pains that can be taken to keep up the Ipirits of a nation, and to fupport an exaft difcipline j for Canutus the Great^ cn- aded and publilhcd a body of laws for that end, which they would certainly have anfwercd, if the thing had Vol. I. H been 1 1 ■| ?. ,. l,.rt. 'vM -T '.I If-'' 98 NAVAL nisroRT been pofTible in nature. This obfervation will very much confirm what has been before advanced, in rcfpedl to the great fleets that for the courfe of upwards of a century, were maintained by the Saxons for the defence of their coafts. Thefc were certainly fupplied with feamen from the ftiips employed in commerce, the only effedluai and lafling method of maintaining maritime power. .It will not appear any formidable objedion to tl.Is, if that the Danes fettled in Normandy grew fo ftrong, as not only to maintain their pofleflion of that country, but to attempt and fucceed in their fcheme of invading this. For they had in a great degree altered their meafures, and by the conveniency of their ports, had fallen into a confiderable (hare of commerce, as appears both in their hiftory and laws. It is true, that the old martial fpirit reigned amongft their nobility, who ftill difdained any other profeflion than that of arms; yet this did not hinder a great part of their people from betaking themfelves to quite another courfe of life, by which they drew fuch wealth in- to that country, as enabled their dukes to live in fplendor and magnificence, and furniihed them with the means of making fuch powerful armaments, as could never have been fet on foot, but by princes whofe authority upon fuch occafions, could extra<5t out of their fubjeits coffers, thofe treafures that by their induflry they had obtained. The fpoils derived from military excurfions, and the riches ac- cruing from praedatory expeditions are quickly wafted, and from the inftability of fortune, feldom admit of re- cruits ; but in countries bleiled with commerce, tho' the madnefs of princes may occafionaliy lavifli away great fums, yet the returns of peace give their fubjeds an op- portunity of recovering again, and repairing the breaches that have been made by fuch luiilakes. Hitherto nity Of WILLIAM the Conqueror, g^ HiTHBHTo, I have treated things more largety thirt 1 propofcd to do in my accounts of the fubfequent reignsj down to that of Henry VIL becaufe this period hath beert much negledted; and, from an unwillingne(^ to fearch in- to the rccc«rds of antiquity, we have been made to believe* that) before the Reman conqueft, the inhabitants of Bri' tain^ were an inconfiderable people ; which we have /hewn to be very falfe. But, from the time of IVilliami flirnamed the conqueror, our modern hiftories are more fruitful } and therefore, we may indulge a greater brevity here. However, we (hall take notice of every thing that is material* or that may contribute to the reader's having a juft notion of the ftate our naval affairs were in, under the reign of our monarchs, refpeftively, as well as of the remarkable expeditions in their times. ■v^l C H A P. IV* The Na^al Hiftory ^ENGLAND, during the reigns of the princes of the Normart race^ viz* William, filed the co?iquerori William Rufusj Henry Beauclerk; and Stephen : containing the [pace of about ' eighty-eight years, I F all the foreigti princes, who in a coiirfe of ages have afccnded the Englijh throne, William, duke of Ndrmandy, feemed to promife the beft, in re- gard to the maintainance of the honour and dig- nity of the crown v^rhich he afTumed* He was in the H 2 prime loo NAVAL HISTORT prime of his life, if we coniider him as a prince, being a* bout fortj^threc years of age, when he came hither j had been a fovereign fram his very childhood, and maintained his right, in the dutchy of Normandy, againft the king of France^ and other troublefome neighbours, with fuch c©n- ilancy and courage, as, at length, procured him fuccefs, and fixed him in the full enjoyment of the dominions left him by his father '. He had great, opportunities of being acquainted with the Englijh, before his coming hither ; by tbe near relation between king Edward, the confefibr, and his father, duke Robert ; and the long (lay that king made in Normandy, while the power of the Danei fubfifted in England^ This occafioned a great intercourfe between the EngUJh and Normans, during the reign of that king ; who rendered himfelf fufpe^ed to the former, by his extraor- dinary kindnefs to the latter : which might poffibly grow from a mixture - of fear, as well as love ; Hnce he had no other fupport againft the power o^ earl Godwin, This it was, induced him k> invite duke fyilliam hither, in his life-time i and accordingly he did make him a vifit ^ ; and this was undoubtedly, the chief motive to his feeding him with hopes of being his heir. As to the title of king JFil- Ham, it is not rcquifite, that we ihould enter into a mi* nute difcuflion of it ; and therefore, it will be fufiicient to obferve, that he claimed three different ways. Firft, by donation from king Edward; fecondly, by right of arms; whence, in fuccceding times, he was fur-named Thi Con^ qusror; and, thirdly, by election; to which fome have added a fourth title, by grant from the pope -, though this was a Oder. Vital. Guliel. Geraetic. Les Chroniques de Normaodie* ^ Chr( niques de Norinandie, fol. 54. Hum Ida. ' Of WILLIAM the Conqueror, loi was no more than an approbation of the firfl-. However he came by the crown, he certainly condefcended to have his right recognized by the people ; and promifed folemnly at his coronation, to govern as his S.axon predeceflbrs had done ; though he afterwards did not aft quite fo conforma- ble to his oath, as his fubjedts expected. To fay the truth, he was of a ftern and arbitrary difpofition ; which did not very well agree with the temper of this nation ; and from this difcordancy, between the king's humour and his fubjefts fentiments^ as to their own rights, fprung the many diforders which happened during his reign ^ and the miferies brought thereby upon the people ; of which, wc ha vt ample accounts in the hiftories of thofe times *=. H £ was too wife a king, not to difcern the importance of a naval power -, and too high fpirited a prince, to fuffer any of the prerogatives, claimed by hL predccefTors^ |o be at all prejudiced by his conduft. But, in the begbning ot his reign, he found himfelf, as we have before obfervcd, "under great difficulties in this point. He had, at his com- ing from Normandy^ drawn together all the (hipping that could be had, as appears, by his delaying his expedition for feme time, for want of veflels ; as alfo, from the number employed, which was not lefs than nine hundred ; and all thefe, as we have heard he burned. The greatefl part of the Englijh navy, was carried away by the fons of Harold^ and other malecontents, fo that he could hardly bring to- gether even an inconfiderable fleet ; and )et the king re- folved to take fome care of a matter of fo great importance, before his return into Normandy, With this view, he paf- H 3 fed. ]li*l i\T ■f *= Chronic. Saxon. Ingulph. Hiftor. Guliel. Malmefb. Henrlc, Huntingd. Roger. Hoveden. £admcr. Alared Bevesl. Siireoa P'> ■elm. Joan, firompton. I' * - W% -FTW :•' «!P i^sif; il> f 102 NAVAL HlSfORT fed into Kent ; where the natives, having firfl: procured a rerognition of their rights, delivered up to him, the caftle and port of Dtyutr^ which was what he principally want* ed. Here, he placed a ftrong garrifon; ard, having by this time got together fome ihips, appointed a fquadron for a guard of the coafts j and embarked a part of his army, with the chief perfons in Engkndy whom he carried with him, as hoflages for Normandy j intending to return, as he did, with a greater force, to fecure himfelf againft any de- fection of his new fubjefts, as well as from foreign inva- fions, with both which he was threatned *. I N the third year of his reign *, that ftorm, which he had forefeen, burft upon his dominions j and, under any other prince but himfelf, would, in all probability, have been fatal. Our modern hiftorians, efpecially, relate this fo lamelyi that their readers can fcarce form any juft idea of the danger the nation was in ; which is one reafon for our giving a detail of it : and bcfides this, it is of (o great confequence to the fubjeft of which we are treating, and fo fully proves tije impolfibility of keeping Britcin^ with- out having a fuperior force at fea, that it would be inexcu- fable in us, either to omit, or to curtail it. Immediately after his return from Normandy^ the king began to treat the Bnglijh pretty feverely; whereupon, many of the moil confiderable perfons retired out of the kingdom; fon:e one way, fome another. The two great tarls, Ed-- %uin and Marker^ with many others of the nobility, and not a few of the clergy, went into Scotland ^ where Edgar Meling^ ^ Chron. Saxon, ad A. D. 1067. Gul. Malmefb. de geftis Reg. Anglor. lib. iii. Henr. Huntingd. Hib. vii. Ingulpi?,. Hift* p. 90O4 opi, * iV. D. ip6q- v\. *1 1- U J (■" i / Of WILLIAM the Conqueror. 103 Athetingi aod his family, took ilhelter; and from whence, they very foon invaded the north part of England ". O- ther lords fled to Denmark^ to king Swain II. who had al- ways kept up a claim to the Englijh crown ; and wh , thorefore, rsadily yielded credit to their afTurances, that, if he would but fend a force fufficient to give them encou- ragement, the EngUJhy cfpccially in the northern parts, would throw off the Norman yoke, and declare for him. He, therefore, equipped a confiderable fleet; fome copies of the Saxon chronicles fay, 240 ; others make them 300 fail ; and fent them, under the command of his brother- in-law OJborn^ his fons Harold and CanutuSy and fome of the Englijh fugitives ; well provided with all things necef- fary, and with a conflderable body of forces on board : fo that nothing lefs than fubduing the whole kingdom, was the intent of this expedition ^ Few undertakings of fuch confcquence, and wherein fo many perfons of different interefls were concerned, had, in the beginning, fo good fuccefs, as that of which we are fpeaking; for the Dani/h fleet having favourable winds, and fair weather, came fafely into the mouth of the Hum" htr ; and there embarked the forces, about the middle of Auguji 1069, as we are told by Matthew Paris K They Were immediately joined by Edgar Eth^lingy the earls Ed- ward and Morktr^ the famous earl Walthofy and abun- dance of other perfons of diftindtion, with a great army, compofed of Englijb and Scoti ; and then moved diredlly towards York^ which king William had caufed to be ftrong- ly fortified. The governor, whofe name was Mallet^ re- H 4 folved « Chron. Saxon. A. D. 1068. io6g Pontanus. Hiil. Dan. A,D. 1068. *" Chron. Saxon. A. D. g Hift. Angl. vol. i. p. 6 m '1 i jii •*•■ i i 104 NAVAL HISTORr folved to make an obftinate defence. With this view, he ordered part of the fuburbs to be fet on fire, that the Dd?ies might not lodge in them on their approach j but, through fome negligence, the fire caught the city, and* burnt a great part of it before it could be extinguifhed ; which gave the Danes an opportunity of gaining it almoft without a ftrokf : after which, they attacked the citadel, took it, and put three thoufand Normans to the fword; on this fuccefs, as the Danijh writers fay, earl Waltheof was left there with a ftrong garrifon, and the main body inarched direftly towards London \ The king, however, advanced to meet them with a confiderable army, waft- ing and fpoiling the northern countries, which he conceiv- ed well affected to the enemy, and, as fome alledgc, fought with, and gave a check to the invaders j but our gfaveft hiftorians report the faft quite otherwife. They fay, that, finding his troops much inferior to the enemy, he entered into a private treaty with OJborn^ the Dani/b general, and offered him an immcnfe fum of money for himfelf, with free leave to plunder the northern coafts, if he would be content to retire with his forces in the fpring ; which he accordingly accepted : fo the king fpoiling one way to re- venge the infidelity of his northern fubje'fts, and the Danes plundering the other, they, in the beginning of the /lext year, returned to their fleet in the Number, and, embark- ing their forces, returned home K But Swain, king of Denmark, being quickly informed, that his hopes were fruftrated, by the covetoufnefs and treachery of his bro- ther. ■■■ •> Pontan. rer. Danicar. Hift. lib. v. Henr. Huntingdon, Hift. lib. vii. p. 369 Simeon. Danelm. i D. 1069. Chror. Saxon. A. D. 1069. Roger dc Hovedcn. p. 451. 452. Alured. Beverl. Annal. lib. Ix. p. 12^. I Chron. Saxou. p. 174. Pontan. rerum Dan. Hift. m^ Of WILLIAM the Conqueror. 105 ther, rather than by the force of the Normam^ he banifh- ed him> as he well deferved \ Thus ended an expedition which might have produ;;ed another revolution in our af- fairs, if the king's prudence had not been as great as his courage. The next year, the Saxon chronicles tell us, the Danes landed again in the IJIe of Ely^ to which abundance of malecontents had reforted ; but, being able to do little, king Sivain made a treaty with the king of England: but his fleet failing homewards, laden with booty, was, a great part of it, forced into Ireland^ and many of the fhips, with all their treafure on board them, foundered at fea '• But as to this, the Danijh writers are filent. About the fame time *, the fons of the late king Harold came out of Ireland, with a fleet of lixty-five fail, and landed in Somerfet/hire, where they committed great depradations, until Ednoth, who had been an old fervant of their father's, marched againll them, beat their forces, and obliged them to retire ^, They made a fecond at- tempt the year following f, with a fleet of fixty fail, land- ed near Exeter, plundered and burnt the country -, but earl Brien railing forces, and fighting them twice in one day, forced them again to £y, with the lofs of feven hundred men, and fome of the principal nobility of Ireland, which fo broke the fpirits of that nation, as to difcourage them from aHifling the Englijh fugitives any more ^', fo that the fons of HaroU, Godwin and Edmund, retired into Denmark^ where they were kindly jirecelved, and fpent the remainder of their days. m, m These m-i% *■ Adamf. Bremenf. Pontan. 177 ♦ A. D. X068. lib. V. ^ Chron. Saxon, p. " Roger. Hoveden. p. 450. t A. D. 1069. I GiU. Malmelb. de geft. Reg. Anglor. lib. iii io6 NAVAL HISTORr These accidents convinced the king of the neceffity of having a fleet always ready ; and, therefore, to this he turned his thoughts, and having colkfted as many fhips as he was able, he employed them to hinder fuccours from coming to the rebels in the IJIe of Efy, which gave him an opportunity of entering it by land, and reducing to his obe- dience, or deftroying all who had taken (helter there *. In the feventh year of his reign, he attacked Scotland by iea as well as land, in order to be revenged of king Malcolm^ who had conitantly aflifted all the diiturbers of his govern- ment, and quickly brought him to accept a peace, on the terms he thought fit to prcfcribe "*. + In the tenth year of his reign it appears, that his affairs were in better order than they had been at any time before. Yet it was not long, before a great confpiracy was formed in England; and the lords concerned in it, invited the ff^elch to enter the king- dom on one fide, while the Danes invaded it on the other. The king was at this time in Normandy, but, having juft intelligence of what palled in his abfence, he quickly re- turned into England^ feized many of the confpirators, and difappointed them in their intended rifing. The Danes^ how- ever, under the command of Canutus, the fon of king Swain^ came with a fleet of two hundred fail upon the coaft, and even entered the mouth of the I'hames j but, not finding their confederates in the pofture they expedted, and per- ceiving that the king had now a navy, as well as an army, they retired to Flanders, without undertaking any thing p. i 1 .' ■■ i For X t * A. D. IC72. ° Chron, Saxon. A. D. 1072. Alurcd Be. verl. Annal. lib. ix. f A. D. 1075. P Chron. Saxon. p. 183. Hcnr. Huntingd. Hift. lib. vii. p. 369. Of WILLIAM the Conqueror. 107 For nine years after, the king remained quiet, with refpeft to the Dants^ who were involved in fo many troubles at home, that they had no leifure to vex their neighbours. This time the king employed in fecuring his foreign dominions, againft the attempts of the King of France^ in taming the JVelfl>y and in new-modelling affairs in England^ fo as to fuit them to his own intereft and in- clination ; as alfo to the raiHng a better force, than hi- therto he had employed at fea, which in fome meafure he effected *. In the twentieth year of his reign, when he thought to have taken fome reft from his labours, and was employed in fettling his affairs in Normandyy he was alarmed with the profpedl of a new danger, by receiving intelligence, that the Danes were making prodigious pre- parations for the conquefl of England. Our writers are far from giving a good account of this matter ; for, though they tell us, in general, that mighty things were intended, and a vaft fleet drawn together, yet they give us no ratio* nal motives for this attempt: nor are they lefs deficient, in what they fay of the iflue of this delign, viz, that the fleet wiu. obtained two years in tne harbour by contrary Winds ; and, at laft, the enterprize was given over, when they underltood, the mighty preparations made in Eng- land to receive them. But we meet with a much clear-* that he was a diligent and adlive prince, and extremely jealous of his fovereignty, as king of England. Walts he fubdued, and bridled with garrifons, awM Scotland^ pre- ferved Normandy in its full extent zv all the attempts of the French ; and if he had liveu two years longer, would have reduced Ireland^ without employing arms'. In a word, he was, in England^ a great king4 and to his Normans^ a good duke» WILLIAM II. Sur^named Rufus^u e. the red, from the colour of his hair, fucceeded his father, though with« out fo much as a pl^Hble title ; his brother Robert ^ having not only the pretence of birth, but likewife a plea of me* fit much fuperior to bis. William^ however, thought he might well attain by fraud, what his father had both taken, and kept, by force -, and therefore, having the good-will of fome of the clergy, he wifely determined, to procure that of the nation, by diftributing among them his father's treafures. To this end, he made hade to England ^ and going to Wtncheftery where his fetlier*s wealth lay, he fcattered it abroad in fuch a manner, that the pooreft of the people, in every parilh in England^ felt the effe€ls of it ; fo that, on his coming to London^ at CbriJlmaSy he was received with all imaginable tokens of loyalty and affec- tion ^ He eaiily difcerned, that his brother, duke Ro* bert, would not fail to give him difturbance, and that, whenever he inclined to do it, ?. party would not be want* ing " Chron. Saxon, p. igo, 191. Alured. Beverl. AnnaL lib. i;f- « Chron. Saxon, p, 192, Gal. Malmefbur. dc gell Reg. Anglor. lib. iv. Henric. Huntingdon, hill. lib. vii. Of WILLIAM RUFUS. m ing to afBd him in England* He therefore, to fecure himfelf in the fird place, carefTed all the Englijb nobility ; and, contrary to his father's maxinis, preferred them to the Normans ; not out of any love, but becaufe the Nor^ mans were better affedled to his brother. ' But, whatever the motive was, the thing itfelf was very bene>icial to the people ; for it once put arms again into their hands, and thereby gave them a power of obliging their princes to keep their promifes longer than they intended. Another expedient of his, was of no lefs advantage ; he permitted the Englijb to fit out (hips of force, to aft agaaift his ene- mies i and we (hall quickly fee what profit the king reap- ed from this indulgence ". R.0 B E R% the eldeft fon of the conqueror, was in Germany^ when his father diedj whence he quickly re- turned, to take polleflion of the dutchy of Normandy^ in which, he met with no oppofition f. When he was fet- tled there, he turned his thoughts upon England, where his uncle Oda, earl of Kent, had formed a ftrong party to the fupport of his title. They furprized, and fortified feveral caftles ; and, if Robert y who had a good army in Normandy^ and (hips enough to tranfport them, had been as diligent in his own affair, as thofe, who abetted his in- terelt here, he had certainly carried his point, and tranf- ferred the crown, to his own, from his brother's head; but he contented himfelf, with fending a few troops hi- ther ; which, however, landed without oppofition, the king having no navy to oppofe them. But, the £ngl{^^ ^ferving that, after this, they began to pafs the feas care- lefly, ** Roger Hoveden. p. 461, 4<)j, Johar. Brompion. CKron. int. X, fcriptor. f A. D ic88 11 ,1 : i"-!'^- "i| m^m ui IJAVAL HISrORT lefly, attacked them, as occafion offered, took their fhlps* and dedroyed multitudes of men ; fo that In a little time> • Robert was glad to defift from his pretenfions to the king- dom ; and the king, in the fourth year of his reign, in- vaded Normandy^ both by fea and land ; but, by the inter- pofition of friends, their differences were ccmpofed, and, the brothers reconciled J. The year following, the king refolving to be revenged on the Scots ♦, who had invaded his dominions, while he was in Normancfy j prepared to attack them, with a con- fiderable land-force, and, at the fame time, fitted out a great fleet. Duke Robert^ who was then in England^ was intruded with the management of th-s cxpcdilion> which was far from anfwering the expedlations raifed thereby ; for, the fleet not being ready till towarde Mi^ ehaelmds^ there happened fuch ftorms on the Scotti/h coaft» that abundance of (hips were loft, and many more dif- ahled ; the army too fuffered exceedingly, by the feverity of the VkCatherj and, after all, duke Robert was glad, by the interpofition of Edgar jfthding^ to make peace with. Malcolmy king of Scots ; which the king ratified, with- out intending to keep it \ After thi$, there is little oc- curs in his reign, as to naval expeditions ; except frequent invafions of Normandy : which (bews, he was fuperior at fea, and that he might have made a great figure by his maritime power, if he had been fo inclined. But he had other views, and was particularly difpofed to bring the ITilch under fubjeflion j in order to which, he allowed tbt X A. D. 1090. ♦ A. D. icgi. J* Chron. Saxon, p. 197. Alured. Beverl. lib. ix. 0/ WILLIAM RUFUS. if.^ the nobility on the borders, 19 undertake expeditions at their own expence, and for their own advantage. An accident happened in one of thefe expeditions t» which (hews how much maritime afTairs were then neg- lected ; and how imprudent a thing it is, to depend on armies without fleets. Hugh earl of Shrtivsbvry^ and Hugh earl of Chtjltr^ invaded the ifle of Ang\efey\ and cafily fubdued the inhabiunts^ whom the/ plundered, and ufed very cruelly* But, in the midd of their fuccefs, on« ^ Magnus^ a Norwegian pyrate, came from the Orkneys^ which were then fubjeft to the Dants^ /-with a fmall fquadron of fhips, and, lauding in AngUfey unexpcdledly^ defeated thefc infoient invaders \ killed the earl of Shrews- bury upon the fpot, and carried off all the fpoil, that he, , and his alTociates had taken. Not long after ihis, king iVilliam being informed, that the city of Mans was be- iieged, he refolved to go to its relief; and, though his nobility advifed him to ftay, till a fquadron at lead could be drawn together, yet he abfolutely refufed to make any delay; but, going on board a fmall vcflel, obliged the mafter to put to fea in foul weather, for this wife reafon, that he never heard a king of England was drowned ; and fo landing at Barfieur^ with the troops he had in Nor^ mandy^ relieved the place; However fome may com- mend this a^ron, it was certainly neither prudent, nor honourable, as exprefling rather an intemperate courage, than any fober refolution of maintaining his dignity, which Would have been better provided for, by keeping a navy in conftant readinefs ''. This appears alfo to have been the king's own fentlments \ for, on his return to England Vol. 1. - I the t A. D. 1099. lib ix. "^ Roger Hoved. p. 465. AluieU. 6«v. % *■ 1^ I ti-J u£^ll Mil i'lflifS M ■.fl: ttJf. NAVAL HISTORY the next year, his firft care was to put his marine in a better condition ; and, having formed fbme new proje£ls> he drew together a very confiderable fleet, at the fame timt that he raifed a very great army : but before all things could begotn^ady, he was taken off by a fudden and violent death. For going to hunt in Ntw-Forefl^ he was (hot accidentally by an arrow's glancing againft a tree ; fo that, after fetching one groan, he died upon the fpot. The current of our modern hiftories have fixed this fadt on one fir Waiver tyrrtl\ but feveral ancient writers fpeaking of the king's death, do not mention this gentleman ; and a contemporary author affirms, that he had often heard fir Walter declarr, that he wai in another part of the foreil at the time of the king's death, and that he knew not how it happened "t. Thus the ruihourii o£ one age become hi- llory in the next. This accident fell out on the fecond of Auguji, in the year iioo, when the king had reigned al- mod thirteen, and lived fomewhat more than forty-two years. He was certainly a prince of high fpirit, and quick parts ; but had little tendernefs for his fubjedh ; and, tho* he made a better king, than his father, to the Englijhi yfct it was meerly becaufe he had more need of them, as ap- peared by the difference of hjs conduct, in time of diftrefs; and when the fituation of bis affairs were mended, through their afTiftance ; for he was then as carelqfs in performing, as he had been lavifh before in promifing ; fo that his death was looked on as a deliverance, though he left the fuccef* fion uniettlcd, and all things in confufion. HENRti y Aquodam tx fuU fagitta occifui^ fays tbd Saxon Chroi). p. 277. Sugcr. in vita Ludovici Crafli. de gcll. Novor. i>'ii V' ^ Xp « Of HENRY I, JiS HENRTT, the youngeft Ton of the conqueror, from his being bred to learning, fur-named Beauclerk, ftept in- to the vacant thrcne, while his brother Robert was in the Hofy'Lawd f . He had a bad title, yet varniflied with many fair pretences; fuch as his being born after his fa- ther became king ; drawing his firft breath in England^ and having ever (hewn a great afFedion for his countrymen. Yet, the favour of the clergy, and particularly the ^rch- bifhop of Canterbury^ was the chief caufe of his peaceable acceffion ; as his being very rich, and knowing well how to didribute his money, gained him, after his accelTion, many friends. In the very dawning of his reign, he dif- covered an admirable talent for government, doing more good things than his brother had ever promifed. He re- ftorcd in a great meafure, the Saxon laws ; promoted vir- tuous and able men ; eafed the people of their taxes, and provided for the fecurity of the feas j promoting alfo, to the utmoft of his powg*, the trade and navigation of his fubje«^s. Still more to ingratiate himfijif with the coni- mons, he efpoufed Matilda^ the filler of Edgar ^ king cf Scots^ who, was ni«ce to Edgar Etheling, the true heir of the Saxon line. All this he did with great fincerity oi* heart, and not from thofe principles of N$rman cunning, wherein confifttd the fecming wifdom of his brother. Ha carried his affeftion for the Englijh farther ftill, by doing them juftice upon their oppreflbrs ; imprifoning the biftjop of Chjier in the Tower ; who had been the principal ad» vifer of fFilliam Rufus, in all his arbitrary exadions *. In I 2 corifequcnca •f A. D, 1 1 CO. * Chron. Saxon. A.D. noo. Gnl. Malmfftj. de gcll. Reg. Ang. lib. v Matth. Paris, p. 55, Eadmtr. biilor, Novor. lib- iii. Alurcd. Beverl Annul lib i,x. i U'?!' U' : J. J •Isf ■\/} ;': 'li. K-'*! r'f li-J' I''' !f UlltLlliI!:!!!!:!!! Vi '.^.' i ■'''•y'-'fifj; a.: V: n6 NAVAL HIS70RY confequence of all this, he either had, or ought to h%ve had, the entire affedlion of his fubje<^s. But his wifdom would not allow him to truft entirely to that ; and there- • fore, as foon as he underftood his brother Robtrt was re- turned into Normandy, and received there in triumph, he provided for the fecurity of his dominions by the mod na- i rural method ; that of increafing his ftrength at f:;a j and giving directions to his officers, who had the cuf.ody of the coafts, called in the language of thofe times, Butft- tarltSy to be vigilant in preventing all perfons from com> ing out of Normandy, into England*, Time plainly difcovered the wifdom of the king's precaution j for duke Robert, who was returned with a great reputation, and who was a prince endowed with many amiable qualities, quickly renewed his pretenfions to the Englijh crown; preparing both a fleet, and an army, in order to pafs over into England with greater forces, and hopes of better fuccefe than formely. All our hiftorians, however, agree, that, if king Henry^s com- manders at fca had done tfieir duty, he would never have ici his foot in this iiland by force. But it fo happened, that, cither out of hopes of profit, or from the natural levity of their difpofitions, feveral of them inclined to the duke } and, 9S foon as they knew his Beet was at /ea, went over with their (bips, into his fervicej by which means, he landed fafely, at Pertfmotah^ with a gallant army *. King Henry, however, had not been idle j but had a confiderable force about him, when he received this news; upon which, he marched diredtly tp Ha/iingSy where - • I ■ » Roger. Hoved, p 468, 469. Florent. Wigorn. ad A. D. 1 100. • A. D. iioi. «> CI de gell 1106. 'nn '0/ HENRY L^.- ivf where he was joined by many of the nobilitf; though fome of thefe too afterwards wert over to his brother. When things were on the point of being determined by arms, and. a fecond battel of Hajiings feemed to be the oply method of clearing the royal title, the archbi(hop of Canterbury, and fome other great men, interpofed, and brought about an accommodation ; by which, the king- dom was left to Henry, and a penfion of three thoufand marks, was referved to Robert •» j who, after a ftay of fix months in his brother's court, returned hto Normandy^ vtry well fatisfied: though he did not continue fo long; perceiving plainly, when it was too late, that he who wanted relblution enough to contend for a kingdom, was not likely to preferve a dukedom in quiet ; and this jealoufy drew upon him in procefs of time, the very thing that he feared, as our hiftorians relate at large, and as I fhall briefly (hew, fo far as it concerns^ the fubjedt nf which I am treating. After various paflages into Normandy , the king, at lad, determined to make an abfolute conqueft of it, pre- tending, that he was afhamed to fee his brother not able to live upon his revenues, though he had not been afhamed to take from him, as a gift, the penHon of three thoufand marks per ann, which he had forced him to accept in lieu' of the crown. With this view he raifed a great army, and a fleet proportionable, with which he croiTed the fea *, and, in a (hort fpace conquered the greateft part of his brother's dominions. That ftout prince, whofe ipirit v/as always fuperior to his power, refolved to hazard -, - ■ I 3 an »> Chron. Saxon, p. 209. Matth. Paris, p 98. Gul. Malmcfbur. de getl. Reg. Angl, lib.v. Alurcd. B.vcrl. Annal.lib. ix, *A,. B. 1106. ' '~ '. ' ' I :■ 1 i{ .H^H^^K 1 ir 1:! |« Ml 1 VM ''1! "■ ^^^tmH i ri^li! wmi f.M: iii . Kl :: ! ' '? a i ;:»iii all bravely in the field, rather than remain lafe in hU per- ' fonjiiut ftripped of his dominions. Full of this gene- fous refolution, he gave his brother battel, wherein he ihe\^ed all the courage and con^uft of an experienced commander J yet in the end v»^as routed, taken prifoner, > and thence forward never enjoyed either land or liberty more^ The EngUJh writers are fond of remark ing, that ■ this conqueft of Normandy happened that very day forty ■ years, on which his father, by the battel of Hajiings^ ob- tained the crown of England; hut, as to what they re- late further, of AMk^Roberfs having his eyes put out, and' dying of fj)ite, becaufe the king fent him a rcue that was too littlp for himfelf '', they are fafts very doubtful at lea ft, and therefore not haftily to be credited. A s Normandy could not have been conquered! without a confiderable fleet,' fo it would quickly have been loft againj if the king had not been fuperior to his neighbours at fea ; for the king of Franci was very defirous of fett-: ing up tVilIiam, the fon of duke Robert, and nephew to the king, for duke of Normandy. This obliged king' ^enfy to make frequent voyages thtther, and to be at^ great expence, as well in gratifying the French lords, as- in maintaining an army and fleet for its defence, which did riot, however, hinder him from chaicizing the Welch^ when they took up arms againft him, or from fending to the afljftance of the chriftians in the Holy-Land, as great fuccours as any prince of his time *. Indeed, his remar- kable j-».-,i>^t»- « ;;> <= Chronic. Saxon, p 213, 214. Mut. Pari?^ hid. p. 62. Gul. Malmefbur. &c. <* This is indeed affimjed by M Parii, and. foinc other writers of good authority : but the Saxon Chronicle is fileftt ; and Mi!mcl"hjry commends king Henry's kindnefs to his broflier. « Gv\ M^lmeHiur de gelt. Reg. Anglor. lb. v.- licnric, ii.'.ntirg'ioii. hift. lilj. vii« Alured. .Beverl. Annal. lifr ix. - •, 0/ HENRY I. ; 119 dble felicity in attaining almoft every thing he undertook^ put much in his power ; and he had tco elevated a fou) ijjot to to ufe what he poflefled. ^« - ^ ^ ) ,^H£ received, however, in the twenty-firft year of his reign * a very confiderable check. For having fettled every thing in Normandy^ to his good liking, where for that purpofe he had refided for fome years, he refoived to return to Englandy with all the royal family. His only (onM^tlliam^ whom he had made duke of that country^ and who was alike the delight of his father and of ^he na- tion, ordered a new fhip to be built, for the commodious ^carriage of himfelf, and many of his princely relations. Thefe accordingly embarked on the 26"* of November^ the weather fine, and the wind fair. The prince, having made the hearts of the faiU^rs merry, propofed to them a reward, in cafe they could out-fail the veffel in which his father was. In attempting this, they ventured too near the (hore, and unfortunately, juft as it fell dark, ran up- on a (hoal of rocks, then known by the name of Shai' ieras. The boat was prefently put out, and tl"; ^w-ince, with fome few about him got into it, and might have been . yet fafe, if, moved by the cries of his iifter, the countefs of Perchif he had not returned with an intent to take her in } which gave io many an opportunity of crowding in- to the boat, that it funk together with the (hip, every luoul perifhing except a butcher, who very ftrangely efcap- cd, by clinging to the main-maft K There periled by this misfortune about two hundred perfons 5 which en- I 4 ables * A. D. II CO. f Chron. Saxon, p. 2U. Gul. M.'ilmefhur. Henric. Hunlingdon. Matth. Paris, &c. :iii!i;v,:^' m^, mi 1 !|t! mw w. ■ Il I '\P' ! ^'il I 4 120 NAVAL HISrORr nbles lis to give fome guefs at the bulk and burthen of {h\ps ii> thofe days «. ^ Other circ jmflances in this king's reign I find none, . of weight enough to deferve mention ; I fliall, theretbrtv content myfelf with obfervlng, that, by feveral laws re- lating to trade (particularly one, which gave every wreck to the owners, if a living thing was found on board) he manifefted his attention to commerce, »nd his fare of maritime affairs ^ To this we may add, that the Damjb prince of the Orkneys^ made him frequent prefents, as tellimqnies of his veneration and refpeft j and, though Morch.'id king of Ireland, whom the writers of that country llile Murchertus 0* Brian, in the beginning of bis reign, treated the EngUJh but indifferently, yet, on king Henry\ threatening to prohibit all commerce with that ifland, he came to a juft fenfe of his folly, and ever after behaved as became him towards the fubjeds of fo great a prince *, It is in fome mcafure wonderful, that, confider- ing the many and great fatigues this prince underwent, he was not fooner worn out ; but, as he was fortunate in all ^ other things, fo in this, alfo he was happy, that he en- joyed a longer life and rule than his predeceffors ; deceaiing on the fecond of December 1135, having reigned thirty- iive, and lived near fixty-eight yeau ^. He was a mo- narch of great endowments, improved by an excellent education, who fincerely loved the Englijb, and had al- ways a juft regard to the honour of his crown. STEPHEN , i.i'1 :J\:i'\^^ \, J .;---i,.-ji«^:<. :,,'. « Alured. Beverl. Annal. lib. ix. p. 148. Robert of Gloucefter's Chroriii.ie, p. 438. contains a very particular and curious account h Srlden. Jan. A'»fil- i'^t. oper. torn. iv. p' 10^9. ' Gul, Mal- iDiRvir. de gcft. Reg. An^l, lib. v. ^ ^'tiri Matdi. Parris. Gui. Mal.vc-fbjr »Vc. tiran. vSa;^on. p. 237, / : 0/ STEPHEN. 'A I2t STEPHEN tZT\ of BJois, nephew, by the father's fide, to the late king, and, by his mother, grandfon to U^illiam the Conqueror, by cajoling the Englijh lords, promifing wholly to remit Danegeld^ and to eafe them in other particulars, attained the pofleflion of the Englijh crown, to the prejudice of Maud the emprefsj by the fame arts precifely, whereby her father had defrauded his brother duke Robert. This king Stephen was a prince, who, abating his ambition, had few or no vices j brave in his perfon, a good officer, and who, in all probability, had made an excellent king, if he had come to the throne with a better title, and had theoiby fecured a more peace- able pofleflion : but, being involved in wars and difputes, almoft through his whole reign, and, having likewife given up or relinquifhed that tax, by which he (hould have fecured the fovereignty of the fea, which promife he exaftly kept, we need not wonder, that we have lefs to fay of him than of the other Norman princes '. - . -gr*, ?3 I N the third year of his reign, be, with a great fleet, confiderable army on board, invaded Normandy \ and, though Jeffery earl of ^njou ; the hi^and of Maud xhQ emprefs, did all that in him lay to defend it, yet he re- joined that dukedom to the Englijh crown, intending to have beftowed it on his fon Eujiaa, Long, however, his affairs had not this profperous current ; for, after many domeilick troubles, his competitor Maud landed in Eng» land, and laid claim to the crown *. Though her reti- nue was very fmall, fcarce a hundred and fifty in num- ber, » Chron. Saxon, p. 238. Matth. Paris. Hift Angl. p. 74, 75. GwL Malmtfbur hill novel lib. i. * A. D. u^o. i\ "if '1:1 ' i It! 11: f.) •■[ I ''Ma i::, .,'*, ■ i ^ '' ' ^':'''*''i |l''i' I i«' ,"}!! ''; '■' ■ I2«; NAVAL HIS TORT Bcr, yet fhe quickly grew ftrong enough to give the king a great deal of trouble ; nay, at length (he became i"o powerful, that fhe took, him prifoner, and fent him to be Jcipt at BriJJoly where, by her orders, he was put into irons ; yet afterwards exchanged for her baftard brother, Robert earl of Glmcejler, This potent lord, crojTjng over into Normandy y recovered it for his lifter and her fon Henry^ and then returning, is recorded to have invaded the northern parts of the kingdom, with a fleet of fifty- two fail J' which (hews, how low the maritime ftrengih of the nation was then fallen, and what mighty mifchiefs follow from a contefted fucceflion, which, however it may end as to princes, is fure to be fatal to their fub» jcdts™. ^^*.': '*'; Indeed, this reign of king Stephen, if our bell hifto-, ries, and the Saxon chronicle efpecially, be worthy of credit, was moft unfortunate for the people, expofing . them to fuch miferies and misfortune?, as in times paft they had rtever felt, and which would hardly meet with any belief now. Amongft all their grievancto, this was none of the leaft, that there was a total Itagnation of trade, much counterfeit money, and no fecurity for fo- reign merchants; remedies for all -which, arc exprefly provided by the treaty of peace made with Henry duke of Normandy, by king Stephen, in the eighteeiith year of hi» reign, which was confirmed by the king's charter, where- of an authentic copy is preferved in Holingfl)ed*s chroni- cle, and no where elfe "« The king did not live long after ti>»- '»■■>' iw^'t.M " m n f^'ti.i '\i-M ^ Gul. Neubrigen. lib. i cip. 1 3. Nic. Trivet. Anna). Robert of Glouceller's Chronicle, p. 460, " Vol. ii. p. 62. edit. 1 5 87. ^T)is waa given to the editor by Serjeant Fleetwood, then K'cordcr Oi Ltnion, a grtat antiquary. ' Of STEPHEN. . 12J after this fettlement of his affairs; otherwife, he would, in all probability, have done his utn;^o(l to refloce things to a better ftale ; about which, when his mind was employ* cd, he was carried off by a comphcation of dittempcrs,- on the 25'*' of Otlober 1154, when he had reigned near nineteen years. A great captain, fays Matt, Paris^ and • moft of our other hiftorians agree, as to his perfonal qua- hfications, a good king. Only that ancient and venerable book, the Saxon chronicle, which ends will? his reign, fpeaks 9f nothing but calamities and misfortunes which happened therein : and yet this prince had a reputation for piety, and was remarkably kind to the monks ; I mention this particularly, to fhew the impartiality of that authen- tic hiftory, which well deferves to be tranllated from the tongue of our anceftors, into modern Englijhy and would afford fuch as prefer truth to fine language, much fatis- fadtion. According to the method I have hitherto followed, I ought to fpeak now of fuch difcoveries as were made wivhin this fpace of time, or extraordinary adl? performed by private perfons : in refpe«5t to which, however, I (hall not detain the reader long ; becaufe, in the Hrfl; place, we have not much of this kind to note ; and, fecondly, what there is, hath been already examined by Hakluyty and other collectors, and, therefore, may be prefumed fuffici- cntly known already. Such are the travels of j^lured bifhop of ^orcejfer, in the year 1058, to Jerufakm % the journey of Ingulphus, abbot of Croyland, to the fame place i in 1004 ' j both of which are private tranfadtion^. - .. ' - and m P a. ! I: •'»; /I i .1 ^ Roger. Hoved. in parte priore Annal, p. 445. Hakluyt, vcJ. ii. p. 8. P Ingiilph. hittor. ap. ftript. poll JBtda.ii, p 503, 904, Haklnyt, vol li- p- 9. 'r /f" >' . , " ^n ^124 NAVAL HISrORT and only prove, that EngUJh men were as forward as anf in thofe days, in undertaking fuch journies as might con- tribute to the increafe either of. their knowledge or reputa- tion. As to the expeditions of Edgar Atheling^ they are fomewhat of a diflTerent kind, and are, in fonte meafure, of national importance. His high quality, as the true heir of the Englijh crown, made all his adtions very confpi- cuous, during the times in which he lived; and, as he often found it troublefome flaying at home, under the eye of fuch as, to his prcjudic.,, were veiled with fu- preme power, and bore him no good will ; (o he chofe to fignalize his courage abroad, in fuch expeditions as fell in his way. Thus he commanded a body of Normans^ which were fent into 4pulia i, and, returning out of Italy with honour, he then applied himfelf to Robert duke of Normandy, who treated him with kindnefs and rcfped, and, with whom he went to Jerufalem j where he like- wife gained fp great reputation, that, firft, the emperor of Conjlantimpley and then the emperor of Germany^ would willingly have ftaid him in their courts : but he re- turned in 1 102, and was four years afterwards, taken pri- foner with duke Robert in Normandy \ One of our moll famous hiftorians, who was his contemporary, reproaches ^ ' him feverely for his not accepting the offers that were, made him abroad, and for his fond attachment to his own country -, but, if we confider that his filler was married to the king of Scots , and that her daughter by that king ^vas married to king Henry, in whofe reign he returned, one cannot think that cenfure very rc?ronable, or that his ' »...4- _ ■ ^ •.;;..;-,;.: ;*;:.j.i%-,:%' Waftlng ^ GuI. Malmpi^. de g^-ft. rfg, Angl. lib. ill A.D. not * Chron. Saxon. 0/ STEPHEN. . 125 wafting the laft years of his life in fo obfcurc a retire- ment, that we know not where it was % or when, or how he died, appears more diflionourable to his memory, than to the writers of that age, who were fo devoted to power, that they cojuld not fo much as do jufticc to the charader of a man obnoxious thereto, /ithe" iardy a monk of Bath, is faid by Ba/e, to have travel- Jed through Egypt and Jrabia, in queft of knowledge » and that, on his return home, which was towards the latter end of the reign of Henry I. he publjfhed many learned works '. Lelandy a more accurate writer, tells us, he was a great traveller ; but without any mention either of Egypt or Jrabia ; though he informs us, that he tranflated Euclid's Elements out of j^rabie into Latifi ; and, that himfelf had feen another learned work tranfla- ted by the fame monk, from an JrakU treatife, entitled, Erith Elcharmi ; which deferves to be remarked, becaufe, very probably, thefe books were then firll brought to the knowledge of learned men here ; and, therefore, this man might be faid to travel for publick advantage ". IFilliam of lyre ^, and Robert Ketenfii are both mentioned in Halluyt from Bale, for learned men and travellers, as they were *. The former flourilhed under king Henry, the latter under king Stephen \ but, as to any thing farther capable of recommending their fame to |}o{lerity, | fiad not. ti ,, -*'j „ •• .^ .J.-:i ,=.^ *•* ti.\^ • I. % :v*>''V ». ^ ly I11 ■n *■' . !|i"i,|,i!:| » Gul. Malnefbar. de geflis reg. Angl. lib. ill. p. 103. Hakloyt, •vol. if. p 10^ * Baleus dc Script. Britan. p. iS^. Hakluyt, vol, ii. p. 15 ^ Leland Comment, de Script. Brit. vol. i. p. 201. ^ •Bal. de Script Britan. vol. ii.,p. "jo, 150. Hakluyt, vol. 11. p, 16. ' Bai. de Script. Britan. vol. i. p. 191. Hakluyt, ubi fupra. i i. "^■'^W ^^;i .4 f I ,;];■ T .' "fit W ! Jt ' yt 126 NAVAL HISrORT It appears from the renewed charters of the cinque ports, that, as they were firft incorporated by Edward the Confeffor^ fo, during the reigns of the feveral princes men- tioned in this chapter, they were particularly ferviccable upon all occafions; whence it is evident, that there was a flouriffiing trade carried on from this coaft, even in thefe times, and before them. As to the commerce of the river of T5^tfmw,-and of the city of London^ there is an ample leftimony in the works of Wtlliam of Mdmef buryy who flouriflied under king Stephen ; who allures us, it was then frequented by merchants of all nations, and fo ample a Itorehoufe of all neceflaries of life, that, upon any dearth or fcarcity of corn, the reft of the nation was cheaply and conveniently fupplied from thence >". The fame writer obferves as to Bri^oi, that a great trade was driven from thence to Norzuay, Ireland, ^nd other places, ■whence the inhabitants were vaftly enriched *. Without doubt, the acceflion of the Norman dominions was of confiderable ufe, in refpc(fl to trade ; as was our former intercourfe with the Danes, lince it enlarged our corref- ponce with the northern part of the worM, a thing al- ways profitable to a country abounding with valuable commodities or manufactures, 'H'i will more clearly ap- pear, even from our concife accpunt of the fucceeding reigns. ' / The reader will obferve, that we refer any advantages ariHng to the inhabitants of this iiland, from their falling under the fame fovereignty with the dutc^y of Normandy, to the fucceeding reigns ; fince there is nbthing more cer- tain, than that under the government of the princci^ men* tioned y Degeft. poiflif Anglor, lib. ii. Ibid. lib. Iv. ' 0/ STEPHEN. 127 tioDed in this chapter, they fiiffered feverely. fTtlliam the firfl, provoked by frequent infurre^lions in the North, and the afliftance given by the Sects, to fuch as took arms flgainit him, ruined the northern parts of his territories in fuch a manner, that they did not recover during this whole period. On the other hand, his fon and fuccelTor Wiliiam Rufus, demoliflied thirty-fix good towns, in the . faireft and moft fruitful part of England, for the making that, which is ftill called the new Forrefl, What is af- cribed to rage in the one, and wantonnefs in the other, may, perhaps, he juftly ftiled the fruits of the far \t policy in both ; for it looks as If the father had a mind to make war, a thing mcyc difficult to the inhabitants of the North, by preventing iheir joining with the Scots fo eafily, or fubfiiling their forces conveniently when joined, and the fon might poflibly be willing to have that coall le(s popu- k)us, that the inhabitants might not be tempted to aim at preventing his return from Normandy, whenever his af&irs carried bim thither, as otherwife perhaps they might have done. Both thofe monarchs feem to have had no tendemefa at all for this country, but Confidered it as a farm, of ivhich It was wifdom to tnake the moft, while in their polTelfion. Henry had indeed a heart if not entirely, yet in a good meafure, Englijh, under him t>je people began to recover again, and to grow wealthy, as th^ king did likewife j for it was in his timCj that the revenue arifing from the crown lands, was adjufted and fixed to a fettled and certain rate, fo as that it might be paid either in money or in proVifions. As this (h?ws, that the people were beginning t« grow rich, fo by attending his affairs at home, as well as he did thofe abroad, the king grew rich too, 1 j 1 1 1 1 ! 1 ! ■f i II '\\\\ li :1 1! ■:'ii ,,! j 1 'V- ■ ■ \ i i tf i:1 ' ,:■! Kl'-I /-( li 128 NAVAL HISIORT too, infomuch, that at the time of his demife, he a6lual-^ ly left in his coffers the fum of one hundred thoufand pounds in ready money, exdufive of plate and jewelsi This would have coined in our times to thrice that^y In this, is in his other expeditions j though he was fo far fiipe:ior at fea, ih'at his enerties durft not contend with him on that element ''. In the clcVenth year of his reign, he employed both a fleet and army a- gainft the If^elcb f, atid afterwards V^as ehgdged In various difpuits with the king of Framf^ which obliged film to 2 Jong refidence in Normandy «. In the fixteenth ydlr of his reign *, he caxifed hii fon Heftry^ then about fiftenry, to be crowned king in his life-time ' } which, intlead df contri- buting, as he fuppofed ft w6Ufd, to his peace ind profp^ ri7, proved the caufc of Vepy great calamities to hiilifelf and fubje<5ls. . ^ , v , •; 5 • A 6 o u T thfs time, tRe king refumed his grand defign of conquering Irilahd^ to which he had various incit-- ittents. Some pretertflons ^e formed, from its having beeifr anciently fubdued by thfe BritdHs. Attdther motive W^s^ the injuries done to his fiibjcf^s, by the piracies which the Irijh commiited, takirig and felling EngKjfh prifoners into flavcry; but thht which gave him the feircft dccafloft, »> Nic. Trivet. Annal. Vol. i. p. 28. ' Ibid. p. 31 t A' D. 1 1 jQ. •* Gul. Neubrig. lib. ii. c 10, f A. D. 1 165. « Nic. Triver. Annal. Vol. i. p. 46. * H70 [ Gul. ^Jtubr;g. lib. ii. cap. 25. 0/ HENRY II. 135 was, the tyranny of Roderick O'Connor^ who, aflUming the title of mgnarch of Ireland^ oppreflcd the other prin- ces in the iiland, and thereby forced them to feek th^ pro- tcftion of king Henry. One of thefc, whofe name was Dirmot^ king of Ltinjicr^ being driven out of his domi- nions, pafled over into Normanu}\ where the king then was, and entreated his afiiftance ; which was readily gran- ted. But the king, like a politic prince, advifed him ht the prefent, to apply himfelf to fome of his barons, to whom he granted a licence, to undertake an expedition in his favour. Accordingly, Robert Fitz-Stephens^ in the month of May^ in the year 1169, landed at Wexford^ with a very fmall force ; he was immediately followed by Maurice Prtndergaft^ and thefe, by the affiftance of king Dirmoty having gained footing in the iiland, Richard earl of ChepJfsWy called commonly in our hiftorics Richard StrongboWy who was the chief undertaker, wen,t thither in perfon, and landed, the 25th of Augujiy 1170, ziWater- fwdy with a greater force, and in a fliort time reduced Dublin y and many other places. King Henry having ad- vice of their unexpedled fuccefs, began to take umbrage thcrear, and publKhed a proclamation, commanding all hia fubjet'ls to return out of tiiat ifland by a time prefixed, on pain of confifcation of their eftates in England. But they, by alTuring the king of their duty, and fubmiflion to his will, engaged him to revoke that order, and to come to an agreement with them, whereby he referved to himfelf the fea-ports and coafts, and confirmed their inland conquells to the undertakers. The King, however, refulved to go oyer thither in perfon, and, for that purpofe, drew together a confiderable army, which he embarked on board a Heet of four hundred fail, and palfcd therewith from Milford-^Ha- ven to Waterf^rd^ where he landed, 25 OMery 1171. K4 .The iiifiil hi .i!:'l! Ijii in jl III I I II m ! ; ii';! ill,' mW nl 138 NAVAL UlSTORr EvtN after thefe times of confuHon, and notwith* ftanding all the expence they had occafioned, the king {hewed the greatnefs of his mind, by giving extraordinary afliftance to the chriflians, in the holy land ; not only by liccnfing fevcral of his nobility to go thither at their own charges, but alfo, by advancing large Turns of money, and ftirnifhing fliips and arms ". How much there was of pi< rty in thefe expeditions, I pretend not to determine $ yet, certainly, the king's intent was good, and this good efFed followed it ; that his fame, and the reputation of the na- tion was fpread thereby to the mod diftant parts of the world} infomuch, that the crown of JtrufaUm was offer- ed to the king \ who, conHdering the flate of his affairs at home, modellly declined it. Indeed, the troubles he had fo hnppily quelled fome years ago, broke out again in the latter part of his reign, when he was as unfortunate, as, of old, he had been happy ; infomuch, that after under- going a cruel revcrfe of fortune, occaiioned chiefly by his being obliged to end thefe difpules by fighting by fend, where his French and Norman lords often betrayed him ; he was at length compelled to accept fuch terms of peace, as France^ and his rebellious fon Richardy would afford him i which affefted him fo fenfibly, that it threw him in* to a fit of ficknefs, of which he died, on the 6th of Jufy^ 1 1^9, when he had reigned near thirty- five years, and Ifved fexty three ". He was the firft prince of the royal houfe of PldHtdgenety and was poflelled of very extenfive domi- nions. England he held in a fuller and more fettled condi- ■' -' - tion, ■ GuJ. Neubiig. lib. iii. cap. 10. Rojj. Hoveden. Annal. p. 6j^i. o Matih. Paris, hjft. Ang. p. 151. Gul Neubrig. lib. iii. cap. 25, z6. Roger, Hoved. Annal. p. 652, 653. Nic. Trivet. AnnaL Vol- I P 9-f- Robert of GloucdUr's Chronicle, p. 481. ... I a 0/ R I C H A R D 1. 13^ tidn, than his predeceflbrs ; reftoring the anti^nt h>^s, and abblifhing Dantgtld, Scotland he huiilbled mote than any of his predeceflbrs, kept ff^ales in ftn€t fubjeOion) llibdud Iril^nd J and held all the marititne province of l^dftce^ e- ven to the momitains, which divide it from Spain-, fo thd% as a foreign Writer confeflcs, he juftly claimed, and unde- niably maintained his fov^relgniy over thfc (feas »» whith ht ell:eemed thte moft honourable prerogative of his crowh. RICHARD^ furceeded hi^fkth^r king HiHffn ih nil his dohiinions *, as well dn the cohtinem^ M in this Ulandf and having adjuHed all his afl&irs in Franet, amicably, with Philip jfugttjius, who was then kin^, hei caMd over hither, to fettle his donneilick concerns j that he might be a^ liber- ty to undertake that great expedition^ on which he had fet his heart, ^Jtz, of driving the Saracens out of the Hily Landi in which he was to have king Philip of France, and other grdat pirmces for his afibciat^ % Our hiftorians fpeak of this, according to their own notions, and with* out any refpedt had to the then circum (lances of things. Hence fome treat of it with great foletnnity^ and as a thing worthy of imrtiortal honour j while othfcrs again, conllider it as a pure effedt of bigotry, and blame the king exceed- ingly, for being led by the nofe by the pope, and involving himfelf in fo romantic a fcheme, to the great danger oT liis perfon, and to the almoft entire ruin of his fubjcdls. i muft own thai, to me, oeitfaeir opinion feems right ; yet, .-'■:■■<': ' ■. .' ' .-Mr'-' • IfliOuW ^ dULU. ■f f M P P. Daniel, HiKloire (?e la Mil. Franc. Tom. ii. p. 44$. * A. D. 1189. 1 Matth. Paris. Hiftor. Angl. p. 155. Go!.- Neubrig lib. iv. C. i. Nic. Trivet. Anna). Vol. i. p. 97. Galfrid. de VlnD Salvo. Roger. Hovedcn. Annal. Johati. Brompton. Rad. de Diceto. Ran. ttigtfcn. in Polychron. II iiil iiiii III 1 1 m mm liltii . • >' i :)h 140 NAVAL HisroRr I ihould not have exprefled my fcntiments on this fubjc<^, if it did not very nearly concern the matter of this trcatife. The power of the Saracens wa; then exceeding great, and they were growing no Icfs formidable at fea, than they had been long at land j fo that, if the whole force of Chriflendom had not been oppofeu againfl them, in the eaft, I fee very little or no room to doubt of their making an entire conqueft of the weft j for, fince they wei . able to deal with the joint forces of thefe princes, in the Holy handy they would undoubtedly have beat them iingly, if ever they had attacked them. How little foever, there- fore, the popes are to be juftified in their fpiritual charac- ters, in refpedl to thefe CreifadeSy they indifputably ihew'd themfelves great politicians. As to the particular cafe of England, though it might be hard on thofe who lived in thofe times, yet the nation, as a nation, reaped great ad- vantages from it i for it not only excited a martial fpirit, which in that age was necefTary for their prefervation ; but it alfo raifed a much greater naval force, than had ever been fet on foot fince the coming of the Normans^ and, withal, carried the Englijh fame to fuch a height, as aftonifhed the whole world, and was the true fource of that refpe^, which has ever fmce been paid to the Englijb flag. But it is now time to return to the expedition. >» r\ ;_■■: I ■<. The articles of agreement between the two kings, Ri" ebard and Philip, are recorded at large in our own, and in the French hiftorians; as alfo the naval regulations ', with which therefore I fhall not meddle. One thing, however, is very obfervable, that when king Richard appeared with ' Match. Paris. Roger. Hoveden. and in Hakluyt, vol. ii. p. 2a there is a very lagt; Relation in Englifb, dxawn from John Foj^ who had confuUed all our hiftorians. . . - . " ■ \ 595- |.|;, ,.- 0/ HENRY II. ' 141 his fleet before the city of Mejfma in Sicifyy it fo much a- ftonifbed the Fr*mh king, that he, from that moment, conceived fuch a jealoufy of king Richard^ as could ne- ver after be extinguiftied. During the Hay of our king in this ifland, a difference happened between him and king Tancrtd^ which occafioned the attacking Mejfma^ and ta- king it by the Englijh \ which, as our writers fay, gave no fmall umbrage to king Philip \ though the French hifto- rians affirm, that he abetted king Richard^ and had a third part of the money paid him by king Tancred for his pains •. However that was, it is certain, that this laft mentioned prince did, by a treaty of compofition, agree to give king Richard fixty thoufand ounces of gold, four large galleons, and fifteen gallies; by which acceffion of ftrength, the Englijh fleet, when the king left Bicily to fail for Cyprus^ confided of thirteen capital (hips of extraordinary burthen, one hundred and f^^ty flilps of war, and fifty-three gallies, befides vefTels of Ids fize, and tenders. In their paflage to Cyprus f they were forely (haken by a tempeft, in which feveral (hips were loll, and a great number of men drown- ed, among whom were fome perfons of \ery great diftinc* tion. The fhip in which Berengaridy daughter to the king king of Navarre, and who was contradted to king Ri- chardy was, with many other ladies of great quality, was ve-' ry near periihing by their being denied entrance into one of the ports of Cyprus, by the tyrannical king of that ifland, whofe name was I/aaCf and, whom molt of our hiftorians grace with the high title of emperor. This, with the plundering fuch (hips as were wrecked upon his coall, and making ilih • Abregc de rHiftoire dc France^ par Mczeray, Tonu i% 0. 59S- Ill m a fill mmm k 142 NAVAL HISrORT making prifoners of fuch perfons as efcaped drowning, ib provoked king Rithard^ that he made a defcent with all his forces, and, in the fpace of fqurtaen days, reduced the whole ifland, taking the king and his daughter and hsirclSf prifisners. Here he received Gt^^ formerly king of JwU" Jkkm, with feveral other chriftiao princes in the eaft, who fwore fc: ' y to him as their protestor $ and, having left two goveriKxrs, with a coniiderable body of troops in Cjf- prus^ he iailed from thence with a much better fleet than he brought with him ; for it confifted of two hundred an4 fifty4bur ilout (bipa, and upwards of fucty gallies. In his padage to ji(OMy or PtolMtah^ he took a huge veiliel of the Saracit.:,^ laden with ammunition and provifion, bound for thf Tame place, which was then beiieged by the cbrif- tian army. The fize of this (hip was fo extraoni-''^y, that it very highly deferves notice. Mattbiw Paris calls it Pnmunda^ and tells us, that the ihips of the Engl\/b fleet fttticked it brifkly, though it lay like a great floating caftle k\ the fea, and was in a manner impenetrable ^ At length* however, they boarded and carried ir, though defended by no leis than fifteen Jiundred men, of whom the king cau* fed thirteen hundred to be drowned, and kept the remain- ing two hundred prifoners* Another writer iiiys, who were all perfons jf diHindtion. After this victory, the king proceeded to Acon^ which he blocked up 1^ fea, at the iame time that his fore 3s, in conjunction with thofe of other chriftian princes, befieged it by land; fo that at length, chiefly by his means, it was taken, though defend- ed by the whole ilrength of the Saracens^ under their ^• mous prince Sakdine ". The .-m^s^^y , aj"*c" (>■*« tMt 4- ■ « Hift. Angl, p. 163. » Gul. Neubrig. lib iv. cap. 22. Matth. Pirn. Roger Hovcden. Galf de Vino Salvo. Mezeray. -^ €/• RICHARD I. 143 Tut Brtnth tnd EugH/f>* took joint pofidGoa theie- of* ; butt king Philip was To fenfibie of his gkv^ beii^ e- dipibd, by the fuperior merit of king MMktrJ^ that ik>> thing would fatisfy him but fcturniog home, coMiiiy to «U the (lipulariunt that he had made with the king of Mug" iand. To this king Ricimrd^ witli much a^ oonlenteil« upon his taking a ibismn oath, not to invade any of his dominions, till king Richard himfclf ihould be leturned forty days. ICing Fhi^ left behind him the duke of Bur- gundy^ with a body of ten or twelve thoufand men, with orders to obey king Ric/Mtrd as cnptain-general oC the ohrif- tian forces in the Hafy-Laftd -, but with private inllnidk)ns» as our hiftorians furmife, to frudrate, as much as in him lay, all that king's undertakings ; which, if ic be not true, b at leaft very probable, fince that duke a<5lcd as if he real- ly had fuch inftrudtions. But, not with Handing this, JU- (hard took Jlfiahn^ J*PP*h and other places, reduced the greateft part of Syria, beat the Saracens in feveral engage- ments, and, J his confederates had done their duty at well, would infallibly have re^taken Jirufakm^ which was the principal defign of the wjir. That he really intended it, appears from the teltimony of a celebrated Flanch hif- torian, who tells, that the king liad formed a prqieA of acquiring mighty dominions in the eafl, and had for that purpofe, given to Guy of Lucignan^ the kingdom of Qr- prusy in exchange for his title to the crown of Jurufaltm \ fiut, at length, finding himfelf envied and betrayed by hjf confederates in the ea(^, and having intelligence that }n\t brother John fought to ufurp his dominions at home, ho made (i;, <\''H ray. ■»••• • A. D X191. "^ M.uth. Paris Hift. Angl. \\ i6<;. Nic.Trevet. Annal. vol. i p 124. Gul. Neubng.liU iv. c«p. 30 Mtzcrny, p. 598. 144 NAVAL RISrORT made a treaty with Saladine^ and refigned his pretenfions to the kingdom of Jerufaiem, to his near kinl^an Henry carl of Champaigne. Such was the conclufion of this fa- mous expedition, which might have ended better, if that mixture of envy and jealouiy, which it fo rooted in the temper of our ambitious neighbours the Fnmh^ had not inclined them rather to facrifice all regard to honour, and * all refpeft to religion, than fufFer fo great an enterprize, as that of taking Jerufalem would have been, to be atchieved * by an Englijh prince \ The king, hayin^, 'bttled his a^irs in the beft manner be could in the ea(V, endeavoured tamake all poffible hade home, but met with a fad misfortune in his paflage i for being wrecked on the coaft of Iftria *, where, with great difficulty, he faved his life, he thought for ex- pedition-fake, to travel by land through Germany incog- nito, taking the name of HugOy and palling for a mer- chant ; but arriving in the neighbourhood of Vienna^ he was unluckily difccvered, and made prifener, by Leopold * duke of Aujiria^ with whom he had formerly had fome difference in the Hofy-Land^ and who bafely made ufe of this advantage to revenge his private quarrel. After he had ^ kept him fome time, he delivered, or rather fold, him to the emperor Henry VI, a covetous, mercenary prince, who was refolvcd to get all he could by him, before he fet him at liberty y. The injuftice of this proceeding, was vi- fible to all Europe ; but the dominions of the emperor, and of the Aufirian prince, were fo far out of the reach of England^ of » Galfr. de Vino Salvo. Roger. Hoveden. Gul, Neubrig. ♦ A D. I192. ^ Matth. Paris. Hilt. Angl. p. i/z. Roger. Hove deu. Annal. p. 728- Gul Neobbrig. hb. iv. cap. 33. r. 1 m 0/ RICHARD I. 145 England, and withal, the enemies of king Richard were become fo numerous and powerful, that inftead of won- dring it his remaining fifteen months^ a captive, poilerity may ftand amazed, how he came to be at all releafed j ef- p(«.^ially, iince fo large a ranfom was infifted on, as one hundred and four thoufand pounds: which, however, was raifed by the people of England, though with great difficulty, part of it being paid down, and hoftages given for the reft *. In the fpring of the year, 1 194, the king re- turned into England, where he began to redlify all the mUcarrlages which had happened in his abfence, and, per- ceiving that nothing could efFedtually fettle his foreign dominions, but vigorous meafures, and a war with the French^ whofe king a6led as perfidioufly as ever, he fud- denly drew together a conliderable fieet, embarked on board thereof a large body of forces, and, tranfporting them into Normandy, quickly difappointed all his potent enemies views ; and, after five years war, brought him to think in earneft. of peace •• Here, notwithftanding, I muft take notice of one thing, which, however flight in appear- ance, is exceedingly material to my fubje<5t, I mean, the niarriage of Philip Augujius with Ifemherga, the daughter of Canutus the fifth, king of Denmark -^ which match was made with no other view, than to engage the Danes in the intereft of king Philip, who intended to have em- ployed their naval force againfl. that of the Englijh »• ; and fure a ftronger proof than this cannot be offered, of our being mafters of the ballance of Europe, notwithdanding Vol. I. L the "^ M^'tth. Paris, hift Angl. p. 173, 174. Nic. Trivet. Anna!, vol. i. p. 127, Gul. Neubrig. lib. iv. cap. 41. • T. Wnlfing- ha'm, Hypodigm. Neullriac. i^atth. Paris, Rogkr. Hoveden. ^ Gul. N«ubrig. lib, iv. cap. 26. " ; ■;!■? iiiiii fv ■ iti'tf -l-iyW 146 NAVAL HISTORY the perfonal misfortunes of king FJchard^ in virtue of oUs fupcijority at fea. 5 - ' • ^* • ^ '*>'*^ " : "^f^^ ' a> :^j^ t, -t In the courfe of the French war, the king having gained a great vidlory in the neighbourhood of BIm% his troops pofleflcd the enemies camp and baggage 5 whereby all the records, and charters of Franu.^ vhich then were wont to follow the court, wherever it went, came into the hands of the EngHJhy and through careleflnefe, were diffipated and deftroyedf. At laft, when king Rkhard was reconciled to his brother John, and had efFeflually quelled his foreign enemies, he was taken out of this life by an unaccountable accident. A certain nobleman hav- ing found a large treafure, hid in his own lands, fent a part of it to the king, who, thereupon, demanded iht whole J which being refufed him, he preftntly befieged this nobleman in his caftle, and going too near the V^slh to give directions for an alTauIt, he \^ai3 mortally wounded by an arrow : though fome fay, (hat the wound was not mortal in itfelf, but was rendered fo, by the ill manage^ ment of an unfkilful furgeon **. However this might bc» he deceafed on the 6th of Jprily in the year 1*99, in the loth year of his reign, and the 41ft of his age. He was t -rince very juftly fumamed Ceeur de Lion, or Lim'S' hearty iince his courage cairied him through all things ; and his firmnefs was fuch, that it alike bound to him hit friends, and daunted his enemies. A ftrong inftance of which, we have in the meffage fent by PhiHp of F^ame^ to earl John, on the king's being releafed by the empe- *= Hiftoire de France par Ma-'.eray, vol. ii. p. 6oi. f A D. 1 194. '' Matth. Paris, hiit. Angl. p. 195. Roger HovedeA Anna), p. 791. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. p. 134. ^ Of King } OB. N. 147 ror, v'i%, Tlmt the devil was now let loofe again^ and there" fore hejbould take the beji care he could of himfelf^. Of all our princes, none better underftood the value of a naval force, or how to ufe it 5 as appears, not only by the vi- <^ories he gained in time of war, but by his eflablifhi^g the laws of Oleron^ for the regulating maritime affairs, and by the conftant care he took in fupporting the ports and havens throughout the kingdom, and encouraging Xeamen; whereby he drew numbers, from all pi^rts of Europe i into his fervice, and by a like vigilance, in prq- motajg and protedling commerce ^ ••"-■•■ . I '; •' ■ - f ■ ' ' J liN fucceeded his brother, by virtue of his will, and not in right of blood ; for, if that had taken place, the crown would have belonged to his nephew Arthur ^ the ion of his elder brother Jeaffry. From the day of his af- cending the throne, he was perplexed with foreign wars, and domeftic feditionsj and the latter hath had fuch api cfFe^ upon pur hiftorians, that there cannot be a more difficult talk, than even attempting to draw this king's true charad^er. Thofe, who allow him many virtues, are at a lofs how to acoount for feveral of his adlions ; and /thofe, who <;l^ny him any good qualities at all, arc Hill more at a lofs to tender their relations confiftent. That he had very juft np^ons as to maritime force, ]and was jextremely ten4§r pf his fovereignty over the feas, js more authentically recorded of him, than of any of pur piececding kings ; for it appears, that, very early ip^^i^ reign, he, witli the aflent of the peers at //jy?/»^jr,, en- ^V L 2 .^ adled. " Roger. Hoveden. Annal. p. 729. ^ Joan. Selden. indifler- tat. ad fletam p. ix. Matth. Paris, hift. Angl. p. ipi. i!l> iilll.l i Iv M I' u i (, .■.'^y| .M P 'rH'-^^- ;■«! mi .1 'V* B 148 NAVAL HIS7 0Rr a(5led, that if any of the commanders of his fleets, fliould meet with (hips of a foreign nation at fea, the mafters of which refufed to ftrike to the royal flag, then fuch (hips, if taken, were to be deemed a good prize ; even though it fliould appear afterwards, that the ftate, of which their owners were fubjedls, was in amity with England^. It cannot be fuppofed, that this ftriking to the royal flag was now firll claimed ; but rather, that, as an old right, it was, for the preventing unnecefiary difputcs, clearly alTert- ed. If it hfid been otherwife, one would imagine that it would prove more llill ; fmce no prince, who was net confeflediy fuperior at fea, could ever have fet up^ and carried into praftice, fo extraordinary a pretenfion ''• We may, therefore, conclude, that this, together with his warrant for preffing all (hips into fervice, when he had occafion for tranfports, with other things of the like na- ture, were, in confequefice of ancient ufage, founded on the indubitable tights of his predecefibrs. From his entrance on the government, the king of France fliewcd himfelf as much his enemy, as ever he had been his brother's ; invading his territories on the con- tinent f, under pretence of protecting prince y/r//;///-; but, in reality, in order to aggrandize hirnfelf, and to unite I^onnandy, and other provinces, to the French crown. Thefe ftirs obliged king John to pafs frequently into Nor- mandy, with confiderable armies ; where fometimcs he did . great things, and fometimes little or nothing. Our hifto- rians, generally fpeaking, charge the king roundly with negligence, and want of fpirit ' ; whereas the king, in his ' - # days, ? Selden. Mare Claufiim. p. ii c. 26. ^ Ibid. f A.'D. 1 200. * Kogcr. Hovcdcn. Polyd. Virgil. izoil t aJ B Of King JOHN. 149 days, attributed all his lofles, to the want of fidelity in his barons ''. The bell way to learn truth, Is to confult unprejudiced writers j and, in this cafe, it muft be own- ed, that the French hiftorians defcribe king John as a fierce and adtivc prince, and, particularly, afcribe the great vi- ilory he gained at Mirahelly to * his extraordinary expedi- tion, marching night and day with his forces, to the re- lief of his mother '. It feems, therefore, moft probable, that the great men in thefe times, were in fault ; and that they fufFered themfclves to be perfuaded, that the hum- bling of their prince might prove the means of ^.heir own exaltation. This condu6t of theirs loft the king the great- eft part of his French dominions, and was alfo the caufe of the difputes between him and his barons at home j who always thought themfelves well entitled to their privi- leges i and yet feldom faw it convenient to yield the king their obedience. When, by their help, he might have prefervcd his territories on the continent, they denied their afliftance ; and yet, when they were torn from him, they clamoured at the lofs. This fo exafperated the king, who was certainly a prince of a very high fpirit, that he re- folved to conquer them, and to make one experiment more of the fidelity of his fubjedls f. In order to this he aflembled a great army, and provided a numerous fleet, which he never wanted, in order to pafs into Nor- tnandy \ but, when all was ready, and the nobility feem- ed thoroughly difpofed to behave as became them, the archbifliop of Canterbury^ and William Marjhall earl of L 3 -. . - : Pembroke^ ^ See the reign of this prince in Speed's Chronicle. * A. D. 1201. I HiftoJrc de France, par Mezeray, vol. ii. du. t A. O. i2q6. ill III iiiiiii II 1 I'l i'li lijii I ii'!! ||;;.f III I ill i''' 'I I t i *';t: *l I'J^ H: ■ if III |l|M'i'l,il'' ' •■ ■■• m\ m Pimbroke, came, and in the name of the pope, forbad him to proceed ". The king unwillingly obeyed, and yet repenting of this ftep, he the next day put to fea, with a few faithful iubjeds, hoping that the reft, either out of (ear or fhame, would have followed : but in this he was difappointed ; for they not only remained where they were, but by fending after the king's fmall fquadron, prevailed on many to come back ; fo that the expedition was entirely difappointed; which filled the nation with murmurs, and particularly diftafted the feamen, of whom no lefs than fourteen thoufand were come from different parts of the kingdom, in order to ferve on board the loyal fleet ". This, at the fame time that it (hews king John's misfortune, demonftrates alfo, how great our ma- ritime force was in thofe days, and what wife regulations fubfifted, fmce fuch a number of feamen could be fo eafily drawn together. Our bed writers agree, that the con- dudt of the archbifliop, and the earl of Pembroke^ was the efFe«fts of their engagements with France^ and, in all j>robability, the great view of France in this tranfaftion, was, to diftrefs the king in this tender point, and to pre- vent his being able to aiTemble fuch a naval force for the future. But in this their policy failed them ; for the king always kept the hearts of the feamen, and, by doing fo, defeated the attempts of his enemies, though he had the whole force of France to ftruggle with abroad, and was never free from the effefts of their fraud at home. This is an extraordinary faft, and of the higheft importance to n^y fubjeft ; therefore, I fhali endeavour to make it out \ in » Matth. Paris, hift. Angl. " Roger. Hoveden^ Annal. Of King JOHN. 151 in (Uch a manner^ as to leave the reader no colour of doubts and, by fo doing, (ball effedlually prove, that, though a king may be undone by trufling to his army, he cannot but be fafe^ if he is fecure of his fleet. ' The kingdom, or, as it was then properly fliled, the dominion of Inland^ belonged to king yohn^ before he attained the realm of England^ and had remained more obedient to him, than any other part of his territories ; but now troubles began there *, and fuch accounts were tranfmitted of the infolencs of fome of the lords pro- prietors, and of the devaflations committed by the native Irijhy hitherto unfubdued, that the king refolved to go over in perfon and reduce it ". For this purpofe, the king or- dered a great army to be levied, and drew together a pro- digious fleet, little fhort of Ave hundred fail ; with which he pafled, from Pembroke in If^aleSy into Ireland, where he landed the 25*'' of May 1210* The fame of his coming, and the appearance of fo great a force as he brought with him, fo terrified the inhabitants of the fea coafl, and low countries, that they immediately came and fubmitted. On his arrival at Dublirty twenty of the Irijh chiefs came in, and fwore fealty to him ; and, having thus performed much in a peaceable way, he, by force of arms, atchieved the reft, reducing the king of Connaught, befieging and taking the callles of many rebellious lords, and forcing them either to yield, or quit the kingdom. When things were brought to this pafs, he thought of civil eftablifliments ; ordered the whole rea^w to be for the fu- ture governed by the Engltjb laws, and appointed (herifFs, L 4 and m I* m :l«; 1' 1, . HTti 'i i'U ill 'lUi 1 1 1 1 1 w '41 1 1 1 ' ''flBK li i ll 1 *8^^BI i| i!' * A. p. 1209. * Matth. Paris, hift. Angl. p. 230, -<*->'y ^k^i ••ii' 1S2 NAVAL UISrORT and other legal officers in every county. At his departure, conftituting John de Gray, then bifhop of Norwich, go- vernor of Ireland, a very wife and prudent man, who, purfuing the king's plan, brought that nation into a fettled ftate P. This certainly (hewed not only the fpirrt and tem- per of the king, but the utility of his fleet, without which he could not have entered on this expedition with Aich honour, or have finiflied it with fo great fuccefs ; efpccially at a time, when at home things were in fo bad a litua- tion. O N his return, he found the Welch hi rebellion, his barons difaffedled, and the king of France contriving an invafion. His fpirits were far from being broken by thefe croiles ; for, as to the W'Uh, he hanged up their hoftages •», and with a royal army, would have entered into, and fub- dued their country, if he had not been well-informed, that feme of his principal lords intended either to deftroy him in that expedition themfelves, or elfe deliver him up to the enemy \ He, thereupon, firft difmifled his army, and then took hoftages of the noblemen he mcfl: fu- fpedled f. Soon after, the French invafion terrified the nation ; the pope having abfolved the king's fubjefts from llieir allegiance, and given the kingdom of England to Philip Augujiusy of France, This monarch, well pleafed with io noble a prefent, raifed a prodigious army, and brought together,fomc. ly, thirteen hundred j(hips,in order to embark them for this ifland ». On the other hand, king . ' - John P Anna!. Hiberr. ap. CamJ. Nic. Trivet. Arnal. vol. i. p. 154 Matth. Paris, hift. Angl. vol. i. p. 230, 231. Thom. Walfingham. Hypodigm. Neuft. ^ Matth. Paris, hill. Angl. p. 231. R. Wcndover. * Matth. Paris, hift. .Angl. p. 231. f A. I>. MM. » Mfzeray, vol. ii.p. 622. Mailh. Parij. vol. i. p. 232. Ts;ic, Trivet. Aanal. vol. i. p. i ;;. ■'IW ' ' 0/ King JOHN. 153 Jffhn was not flack in his preparations ; he {hewed his dili- gence in collecting a force equal to that of the enemy, und his magnanimity in difmifllng a part of them, that the reft might have the greater plenty of provifions ; yet, after this was done, he incamped flxty thoufand men on Bar' ham-DownSi having a larger fleet riding along the coaft, than had been feen in thofe times j and in this pollure he waited for his foes '. But, the pope's legate coming over, and promiflng to deliver him from this danger, if he would fubmit himfelf and his kingdom to the fee of Rome-, he, to prevent effuflon of blood, and, perhaps, fearing the treachery of his barons, confented thereto, and the pope immediately prohibited king Philip to proceed ". He too, notwithllanding his great power, obeyed, though with an ill-will, yet refolved to make fome ufe of this mighty armament, and therefore turned it againll the earl of FlanderSy fending the befl: part of his fleet to wafte the coafts of that country, while himfelf with a great army entered it by land. King John was no fooner informed of this, than he ordered his navy under the command of his brother the earl of Salijiury, to fail to the afliftance of bis ally *. He, finding the French fleet, part riding in the road, and part at anchor, in the haven of Dam in Flan- ders, firft attacked and deftroyed thofe without, and then, landing his forces, fell upon the French in the harbour by . fea and land, and after an obftinate difpute took them ail, fending home three hundred fail, well laden with provi- iions, to carry the news of the victory, and fetting all the relt on fire. So fortunate was this prince at fea, becaufe his . « Matth. Paris, hill. Angl. p. 234. " Nic, Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 1 57, 158. Matth. Paris, hift. Angl. p. 237. Robert of Glouccfter's Chronicle, p, 507. *A. D. 1213. iPili ■VI ill*;.!' ...» 4 and had reduced their demands into form ; io that the king quick- ly found, that either he muft grant what they a(kec!.> or, if be ventured to refufe them, muft have recourfe to ^he fword. At iirft, he chofe the latter j but he quickly found, that the barons were like to be too itrong for him ; and, therefore, in a meadow between Egbam and Stones^ called Runnemidc, i. e. the Mead of Council^ he granted that charter in the fight of both armies, which iince> from the importance of its contents, and the folemnity with K ■::ii„ ^ Nic Trivet. Anna!, vol. i. p. p. 157. Mezeray, vol.ii. p. 623. Matt. Paris, hill. Angl. p. 258. f A. D. 1214. * Chroni* ^'JCi Abrege de Rois dc Fiance, p. 79. Mezeray, vol. ii. p. 62$. ' Of King JOHN. 155 with which it was made, hath been ftiled Magna Cbarta^ or the Gnat Charter ^, Yet, repenting of this foon after, he endeavoured to fruftrate what he had done ; but, the barons were too llrong for him, and reduced him to fuch freights, that at length he was conftraincd to fly to the JJU of ff^ighty where he lived, in a manner, little diffe- rent from that of his predeceflbr king Mlfred^ when he fled fVom the Danes \ yet in all his diftrefles^ his feamea remained faithful ; and now, when he had not a houfc in which he could fleep with fafety on (hore, he found a fanftuary from all dangers in his (hips, in which he fre- quently chafed the veifels of his diflo3ral fubjedts, and by landing on the coalls, fpoiled their eftates, and thus fub- fiiled the few loyal perfons who (luck to him, at the ex* pence of his and their enemies *. I N the mean time, the barons plainly perceiving thor Want of a head, refolved to invite over Lewh^ fon to the king of France *, who had married king Joht^s niece^ in order to (helter themfelves againft the refentmenk of that monarch, by fetting his crown on the head of this young prince. Not only Lewis^ but king Philip his father, re- Kflied this propofal exceedingly, and, aflembling a fleet of JSx hundred and ten fail at Calais^ the prince, with a nu- merous army landed in Kent * The city of London^ long ahenated from the king in aSe£tion, declared immediate- ly for the invader, received him with joy, and fwtjre alle- giance to him as their fovereign f. In the mean time, king John was by no means idle: he endeavoured to maintain y Matth. Paris, hift' Angl p. 2551 256, &c. ^ R. de Wendo/er. * A. D. 1215. » Matth. Paris, hift. Angl. p. 281. Nx Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 165, i6d Meztrdy, vol. ii. P*629. f A. D. 121$. 'p'li M M Mi *i-*- 1S6 NAFAL HISTORr maintain himfclf in Kenty where he had a confiderable army ; but, finding many of his barons unfaithful, and his forces not ftrong enough to hazard a battel, he garri- foned fome caftles, and particularly that of Dover, that he might be able to protedt his fleet ; and then marched to tyittcheftery where he foon drew together a much greater force than his enemies expedled. Breakmg out from thence like a temped, he laid wafte the edates of his rebellious barons, in fpight of the foreign afliftance they had received j and, having acquired i vail booty, he came with it to Lynn in Norfolk, which had fignalized its loyalty to him in his utmoft diftrefs, as moft of the ports in the kingdom did ; but, marching from thence into Lincoln'- fiire, his carriages were loft in the waflies, and himfelf and his army narrowly cfcaped •». At Swine^s-Head abbey, he was attacked by a diftemper which proved fa- tal to him ; but what that diftemper was is very difficult to fay : fomc affirm, that it was the effi;6ls of grief % others call it a fever •*, others a flux **, and others a fur- feit ^ ; but many of our beft writers, and the moft au- thentic foreign hiftorians affirm, that he was poifoned by a monk, which it is certain his fon « Henry believed. This end had the troubles of king John at Newarky to which place he was carried in a horfe-lilter, on the 18'" of Oao*_ her 1216, when he had reigned near eighteen years ^ W E have already (hewn, how this king vigoroufly maintained liis fovereignty of ^the fea, and left more cx- »» Matth. Paris, hift. An^!. r^. 287. « Johan. dc Walling- ford. Nic. Trivet. AnnaF vol. i. p. 166 Maith. Paris, hift. Angl.p. 288. Robert of Gleu- ccfler's chronicle. •'• 512, 513. ,•• . -• 1 ^^ .v^ -C Of HENRY III. 157 prefs tokens thereof to his fucceflbrs, than any of the kings who reigned before him. To this we mud add» that he was a great encourager of whatever had a ten- dency to the fupport of maridme strength, or to the eafe and increafe of trade, P^e granted more, and larger, charters to cities and boroughs, than any of his predecef- Tors i and by thus (Irengthning the liberties of the people, incurred the hatred of his ambitious barons ^ He fettled the rates of neceflaries, and effeftually puniihed all kind of fraud in commerce''. To him likewife was owing many regulations in refpedl to money, and tlie firil coin- ing of that fort which is called Sterling, One cannot therefore help doubting, when we conlider that he was the author of our bed laws, whether thofs writers do him juftice, who declare that king John was one of the word of our kings. On bad terms he ftood with tlic monks, and at that time they penned our hidories ; which is a fufficient reafon againd his obtaining a good charader, even though he bad dcferved it. So much of his fame, however, as may refult from thp refpefc he had to naval affairs, we have endeavoured to vindicate ; and ihall do the fame good ofHce (as indeed it is our duty to do) to every other prince, in whofe favour authorities may be igaind common opinion. " * ;».!-?; £f!^ \t^:J:? fi\\ HE NR T III. a child between nine and ten years of age, fucceeded his father immediately in his dominions, and in time became alfo the heir of his misfortunes. At fird, through the care of the earl of Ptmbroke his guar- dian, he was very fuccefsful; that wife nobleman (hewing , the ' Spetd's Clironicle, p. 506. ^ Hakluyfs voyages, vol. i. p. 129. Camden, firitrn. in Striveling. Roger. Hovcden. Annal. i ! !!'il! 't^^^ m^4 ■ t' I" ' h I 158 NAVAL HISTORr the barons, that now they had nothing to fear from king yohftf and themfclves alfo by this time well knew> they had very little to hope from king Lewis, who put Fnnch garrifons into aM the caftles that were taken by the EngUJb lords, and gave glaring proo^ of his intention to rule as a conqueror, in cafe he could pofTefs himfelf of the king- dom K In a fhort time therefore, the royalifts grew ftrong enough to look the enemy in the face ; which the French fo little apprehended, that with an army of twenty thoufand men, they had marched northwards, and be^ fieged Lincoln, The city quickly fell into their hands, but the caitle being very ftrong for thofe times, made an obftinate defence ; and while they were engaged before it^ the earl of Pembroke with his forces, came to offer them battel. The barons, who adhered to» king Lewis, and who were certainly beft acquainted with the ftrength of their countrymen, advifed the French general to march out and fight ; but he, fufpicious of their integrity, endea- voured to fecure his forces in the city. The royalifts firft threw a confiderable reinforcement into the caftle, and then attacked the enemy in the town. The ftruggle wad very fhort, the French and their* confederates being quick- ly beat, almoft without bloodfhed, and the victorious army fo exceedingly enriched by their plunder, that they ftiled this battel Lewis-Fair, as if they had not gone to a fight, but to a market *, The confequences of this battel, brought the French prince and his faction fo low, that he was glad of a truce, which might afford him time to go back to France for fuccourss and, this being grant- ed, he paiTed over accordingly to Calais, many of the ba- rons deferting him in his abfence *". He ' Matth. Paris, hift. Anel. p. 292. * A. D. 1317. "" Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i* p. 108. Mat. Paris,hiA. Angl. p. 296. Mcze- ray, vol. ii. p. tf 3 1. -- Cy HENRY III. 159 r He did not ftay long abroad, but, profiding with the titmoft diligence a conriderable recruit, embarked on board a fleet of eighty ftout fhips, befides tranfports, and imme- diately put to fca. Hubert de Burgh, governor of Dwer caftle, affifted by Philip di AlbaniCy and John Marjhd, refolved to encounter bim, with the ftrength of the cin- ^eporfs; and, accordingly, met him at fea with forty fail. The Englijh, perceiving that the French had the advantage of them both in (hips and in men, made u(d of their fuperiority m (kill; fo that, taking advantage of the wind, they ran down many of the tranfports, and funk them with all the foldiers on board ; their long bows alfo did them notable fcrrice .• and to prevent the French hem boarding rhem, they laid heaps of lin:ie upon their ^eck, which the wind, blowing frefli, drove in the faces of their enemies, and in a manner blinded them ; fo that declining the difput^, they as faft as poflible bore away for ftore^ and, landing at Sandwich, Lewis in revenge for the mifchief their (hips had done him, burnt it to the ground \ The EngHJh were every way gainer» by this engagemet:t ; as on the other hand, it entirely ruined the affairs of Lewis, who was now forced to Ihut himfdf up in London, where very foon after he was befieged, the EngUJb fleet in the mean time, blocking up the mouth of the Thames, He quickly faw how great his danger was, and how little reafon he had to to expedl relief. In this iituation, he did all that was left for him to do ; that is to fay, he entered into a treaty with the earl of Pem^ broke, whereby he renounced all his pretended rights to the kingdom of England, and provided the beft he could for :ll III il ^ Annal. Waverl. Thom. Waljingham. hypodigm. Neuftrlae. i6o NAVAL HIS70Rr for himfelf and his ;idherents; which freed the kiogdom • from the plague of foreigners % and remains an inconte-* liable proof, that as nothing but our inteltine divifions can invite an invalion, fo while we retain the fovereignty at fea, fuch attempts in the Qnd mult prove fatal to thofe who undertake them. ' • . •« j~ The importanci^ of this engagement will excufe our dwelling upon it fo long, as well as our taking notice here of fome lelTer circumltances relating thereto. One Eu- Jiaciy who had been in his youth a monk, but for many years had exercifed the trade of a pyrate, and had done the Englijh in particular much mifchief, fell now into their hands, and, though he offered a large fum of money for his ranibm, yet it was refufed, and he put to death. There aire fome diiFerences in our ancient hiiftorians, as to the year, in <- hich this famous fea-Hght happened, which it will be necellary to clear up, becaufe any error therein would aSedt moft of the fubfequent dates. In the firft place, Matthew Paris fixes on the very day, and allures us, that it was gained on the feafl of St. Barthohmew^ 1 2 17 P. 7rivet places it in the fame year, and gives us the reafon why Eu/iace the monk was fo feverely dealt with. He, like an Apoflate as he was, fays my author, went from iide to (ide, and of a wick ?d monk, became a very devil, full of fraud and mifchief. As foon, there- fore, as he was taken, his head was llruck off, and being put upon a pole, Wi!.s carried through a great part of Eng- land \ Yet HoHngfhead places it under the year 121 8 ', and the French hiftorian Mez^ray, in 1216 •. Thfic er- rors » Mezeray, vol. ii. p. 531. p Hift. Angl. p. 298. « Annal. vol. i. p. 169. ' Vol. ii. p. 201. I Abbregcde rHiftoire dc France, vol. ii. p. 631. » ' * ' Innal. loire /^ 0/ HENRY m. " i6i K>Ps however, are cafily reftified, fince it is certain, that thfr treaty of peace followed this viftory, and we find it bore date the eleventh of September ^ 1217 *. The fame wife governors, who had fo happily mana- ged the king's affairs hitherto, and had fo wonderfully deli- vered him out of all his difficulties, fhewed a like diligence in eftablifhing the tranquility of the realm, and cultivating a correfpondence with foreign pVinces ; of which, various tellimonies occur in Mr. Rymer*s collcdion of treaties; hence it is evident, that they were extremely tender of trade, and of the dominion of the fea ". In order, how- ever, to keep up the martial fpirit of the nobility, and, perhaps, to prevent their breaking out into rebellions at home, leave was given them to take the crofs, and to make expeditions into the Holy-Land *'. Thus the earls of Chijier^ Winchejler^ and Arundel^ went at one time % \ the bifliops of Wmchejler^ and Exeter^ at another, with many followers * j fo that by the time they came into ^y- rr J, there were not fewer Englijh there, than forty thou- fand men i of whom, very probably, but few came home *• The defire king Henry had to recover the provinces taken from him by the king of France, and the clear title he thought derived to him from the treaty made with Lewis f who was now king, induced him more than once, to foli- cit that prince to reftore them, and to fend over fmall fupplies of forces into the places which he ftill held. All Vol. I. M this » Rymer's FoeJera, vol. i. p. 222. Edir. 2'*-. " The rea- der may find a multitude of inllances in fupport of this in the firft volume of the Fcedera, and not a few in the fccond volume of Hakluyt. * Matth. Paris. Tham Wallingham. Ann.^l. Waverl. J A. D. 121 8. • A. D. 1227. » Haklujt. vol. ii, p. 31—38. ., ' ■ ', ■ i i I ' i I' I' 1;' till, 111' I l!f ■1 ■m 1 :;■ 11 II!:, ^; ' 'A |i ^ 162 NAVAL HISrORT' this produced nothing confiderable ; fo that at laft the king refolved to go over, as his predeceflbrs had done, with a great fleet and a numerous army. With this view, large fums were demanded, and given by parliament, and fuch a force aiicmbled, as the nation had icarce ever fecn j but when the forces marched, about Micbaeimasy to Porif- meuthy in order to embark, the fleet provided for that pur- pofe, appeared fo infignificant., that it became neceflary to poftpone the expedition, till the next fpring +; a thing highly prejudicial to the king's affairs, and yet more fo to his reputation y. The next year, the king ac- tually invaded France, and might, if he had puflied this war with vigour, have recovered the dominions of his an- ccftors ; but, being entirely governed by his mother, and her fecond huA)and, he confumed both his time and mo- ney t, in pompous entertainments j fo that the French co- ming down with a confiderable body of forces, compelled him, after he had been there from Jpril to O^ober,, to fail home again, without aoJing any thing either to his honour or to his dominions ^ This miftake had terrible effects 5 for ir emboldened fuch of the lords as were difaffefted, and gave the common people a mean opinion of their prince ; which is, generally fpeaking, the confequence of all fuch mifcarriages. His brother, Richard earl of Cornwall, who was natu- rally an adlive prince, and therefore little pleafed with the king's management, refolved, about the year 1240, t9 take upon him the crofs, and to lead a body of fuccours in- to the Holy-Land, With him went the earl of Salijburyj and f A. D. 1229. X A. p. 1230. y Matth. Paris, Hift. Angl p. "^Cy ^ Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 183. i ind "u 0/ HENRY III. 163 and many other perfons of diftindion ; and not long after^ Simon carl of LiicefltTy and John carl of Jlbemarki fol- lowed his example *. Thus, in times of great fupinenefs, in the adminiltration here, the honour of thte nation a- broad, was fupported by the valour and adlivity of private perfons *. Difputei with the barons, continued to embroil the kingdom, and to hinder the king ^m thinking of fo<- reign a^rs; but, in 1242, the king refumed his project of reducing Gafcogny under his dominion. To this, he was chiefly excited by his mother, a high-fpirited, haugh- ty woman, who had contributed much to his father's mif- fortunes.. Accordingly, having with much ado, obtained money of his parliament, for that purpofe^ the king with a fmali force pailed over into France Xi where, fo long af his money lailed, he kept up a l^nd of wml. more detri- mental to himfelf than to the enemy \ f . \' 's ftrange fort of management, the naval force of (*^*^o^ ^m wa» declined to fuch a degree, that the NorM *^ 5» Britont were too hard for the cinque ports, and cci* , em to feek relief from the other parts of the kinf^^' ^^ Oy ia the firft year of this king's reign, had perf(S*^ ndtf'^* traordinary things. One H^tlliam Marjhah^ ^'!e family of Pembroke^ having fome way incuP^ • 1 'fi nA? difpleafure, became a pyrate, and fortifying tP. * .. r--gf -L of Lmdyy in the mouth of Severn, did fo i#^^ ■ ^ .., that at length it became neceflary to fit out a^dadron, to reduce him ; which was accordingly done, and be fufFered by tiic band of juflicc at London « : yet the example did not ♦ M 2 deter * A. D. 1240. » Matth. Paris, Hift. Angl. p. 536. 1 A. D. X242. ^ Nic. Trivet. Anna!, vol, i. p. 194. *■ Mattk Faris, Hift. Angl. p. 584- H Si it'.i I '. • S-' i''*""*i i64 NAVAL HIS TORT deter other difcontented perfons from pradtices of the like nature A N idle defire, of making his fon Edmund king of Si' dfyy drew the king into vaft expences ; and yet produced nothing glorious, in the lead degree to the nation, any more than another expedition he made, for the recovery of NfT" mandy in 1260, which ended in a diihohourable treaty^ whereby, for the /ake of certain fums of money, he re- nounce:! all titi to thofe countries which had been the pa* trimon' ' ^ : ,iiion« of his anceftors; and thence for- ward leli the d %edoms of Normandy and Anjou out oi his titles'*. C>n his i "\rn home, he met with fire(h griefs, and greater difturbances than ever. The barons grew quite weary of a king entirely directed by foreigners, and who thought of nothing but proViding for his favourites, at the expence of >* p<:^ple. The cinque ports, ever fteady in his father's .ucrei% revolted from him. Tided with the ba- rons, and ^ted ouj^ a confiderable fleet for their fervice. But, as thefe were ti ^s of great licence, fo in a very fhort fpace, tie inhabitants of thefe ports, fotgot the motives on whicb they tdoli: arms, and began to conlider nothing but theii private iffkerelli taking, Indiflerentiy, ail (hips that fclji into their ^fands, and, exercifmg an unlimited pyracy Q^. foreignerSylas well as the king's fubjeds. By their ex- ample, ibmething of the fame nature was pradifed on the^ coaft of Limolnjbire ; for certain Mal-contents, having- fclzed the Ip of Ely, plundered all the adjacent countries, and carried it to this receptacle of theirs. At length, how- ever, by the induftry and valour of Prince Edward f, they were •* Gut. Rilhangcr. in condnuat. Matth. Paris, p. 289. Ry- nicr's i'cedsr. vol. i. p. 66S. f A. D. 1266. - Of HENRY HI. i6i were reduced; and the fame worthy perfon, partly by per- fuafion, and partly by force, brought the inhabitants of the tinqui ports to letum to their duty '. T K £ confuiion of the times, however, was fuch, and the king's temper ffnid, irrefolute, and in all cafes fo little to be depended on, that the gallant prince Edward^ with his brother Edmund^ and many other perfons of the firft di(lin£tion, took the crofs, and went againft the Sara- tins *. A ftronger inftance there could not be, of the low, and exhaufteci ftate of the kingdom, than the equi- page with which thefe princes went ; for their fquadron confined of no more than thirteen (hips, i board of which there were embarked above a thoufand k; er ind yet, on his coming into the eaft, the very fame o*^, "'ncv Jdward drew to him a confiderable force, with wK>~.., he perform- ed many noble a6ls, infomuch, that the infiLols defpairing of any fuccefs againft him in the £eld, •'* ^ecourfe to a bafe aflaflination ; which likewife hWed them ^ On his recover^', ihe prince finding that he (hould not be able to dsf any great fervice to the chriilian caufe in thofe parts, fettled his affairs in the beft manner poflible, in order to re- turn home. In the mean time, the king his father, in the laft years of his life enjoyed more peace than he had for- merly done, which was in fome meafure owing to a' change in his conduct ; having learned by experience, that to govern a kingdom was a painful office, and required more application than hitherto he had bellowed upon it. But what feems to have been the chief caufe of this (hort . . ' .; .:\ M 3 •'\:; : ■ « falm. \t "til ^-!^ ly. e Annal. Wavcrl Gul. Riflianger, contin. Hift Angl. p 1004. • A. D. 1269. ' Annal Waverl. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i- D. 232. Gul. Riffianger, in cont. Hiit Angl. p. icxs;* Hakiuyc vol. ii. p. 36. mm i66 NAVAL HlSrORT calm, ifter fo high a dorm, was, the death of hit prind* pal oppdfers, all of whom king Hinry out4ived» and the uneafy circumftances in which they left their heirs j fo that upon the whole, the fre of fedition might m this dife, be faid to extinguifli for want of fuel, and the kitig to ditr in peace, bccaufc the power of difturbing him was ex- haulled. He ended his life on the i6th of Novemler^ J 27 1, when he had reigned fomewhat more than fifty-iix years, and lived fixty-fix *. He was a prince but ef mo- derate endowments, which rendered him unable to govern >vithout affiflancc ; and rendred him alfo too prone to an implicit confidence in fuch as were about him. In the firft years of his reign, while the famous Hubert di Burgh^ earl of Kent^ was at the head of the adminiftration, there fccms to have been great care takeii of commerce, which muft have been very confiderable, to fupply the prodigious expences of his foreign expeditions, or rather journies; in one of which, he carried over no lefs than thirty large calks of fpecie; as alfo the mighty fums employed by the feveral adventurers in the holy wars, who conftantly mort* gaged their lands, at fetting out, and fpent the money they raifed, beyond the feas. Befides all this, we find, that whenever any refpite from troubles would allow it, this \ras a moil luxurious age, and the king's kindnefs fc. fo- reigners, efpecially the PoiSlmni^ enabled them to carry away vaft fums ; and his brother, Richard carl of Corn* walK is i^i<^ to h^ve lavifhed much treafure in attaining the pompous, title of king of the Romans ; which enormous cxpence did not, however, hinder his living and dying a very rich mans fo that fome way or other, vaft fums mufl by , / r : f^fj ■ • ti< t . 6 Nic. Trivet. Anna!, vol. i. p. 236. •: 0/ EDWARD I. ' 167 by the ballance of foreign trade have remained here, other- wife fuch large draughts could not have been fupplied : and yet we are pretty certain, that the policy of this king's time, did not reach to any of thofe refined arts of aeating an appearante of wealth, by altering the value of the cur« rent coin, which have been Hnce found out. Better .argu- ments than thefe, to prove a balance of trade h favour ^A that age, can hardly be produced ; and therefore v»? niuft allow, that fuch a balance there was: though doubtlefs under a better government, and a more fettled ftate of things, it would have been much larger. But the miftakes of former, are, or at lead lliould be, leflbns to later ages. EDWARD I. furnamed Longjhanks^ though at his father's deceafe in the Holy-Lund^ was readily and unani- moufly acknowledged his rucceflbr j nor did there happen any difturbance, netwithltanding he delayed his return to the 25th of July^ \vjif. In his paflage home, he vifited pope Gregory X. and king Philip of France i ftaid fome time at his city of Bourdeatucy and, having thoroughly fettled his affairs abroad, arrived here with an ellabliihed re- putation, as well for wifdom as courage ; which, perhaps, was the principal reafon that all antient animofities feemed buried in oblivion ; and, his barons fiiewed as great alacrity in obeying him, as they had difcovered obftinacy in thwart- ing his father. He, on the other hand, {hewed a great fpirit of forgivenefs, and addreffing himfelf to the govern- ment, with equal fpirit, and diligence, quickly gave a new face to public affairs. The defire he had of fettling the realm in perfedt tranquility, engaged him to fpend fome time in making new laws, and compofing old differences amongft potent families j in regulating affairs with the king M 4 of .It. in m * 1 ■■^'M i68 NAVAL HISrORr of ScfitSf and in providing for the fccurity of the Englifh frontiers towards IVales^ by redrefling the grievances com- plained of by the ff^elehj and heaping favours upon David^ brother to Lhwe/lin, vho ruled over all ff^alfs. Yet thit peace did nut continue long, and the nature of this treatife leads us to (hew» how it was broken, and what were tiie confequences of that breach \ * . f, LLEWELLIN was a wife and wailike princo, more potent than any of his predccelTors ; but withal, exceflively ambitious, iiUing his mind with vain hopes, founded on old prophecies, aqd fiTthered, in all probability, by his intrigues with fp.me of the Englijb barons. Thefe notions Induced him to decline paying homage to king Edward^ and to endeavour to ilrengthen his intereft, by marrying the daughter of Simtn Mountfordy late carl of Lticejler^ that determined enemy of the royal family *. This lady coming to him by Tea, from EranUy for when came mif- chief into this Ifland from another quarter ? was taken at fea by fome ihips from the port of Briftol^ and with her brother, brought to the king, who treated her very kindly. In order to put an end to thefe difputes, Edward entered IVales with a great army, and, at the fame time, harailed the coaft with his fleet, which brought the proud Lkwellin fo low, that he yielded to a peace on very h^rd terms ; in confequencc of which, however, the king, from a roy- al generofity, fent him his wife*. Not long after he broke out again, and in conjunction with his brother Da- ^ Walter. Hcmingford. lUftoria de Rebus geftis Edw. i. Edw. ii. et Edw iii. vol. p. 1,-4. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 237, 258, ?39. Chronicon Godltovianum. M. S p. 100. Mat. Wcftm. Qjron Dunelm. * A, D 1276. ' VValt. licming- ford. vol. p. 5. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 248- 0/ EDWARD I. 169 vid, cotiimitted fuch devaftation ii.\ the EngUJh marches, tha'. the king was obliged to turn 011 him the whole force of the kingdom, and, having flair him in battle, added fVales to his dominions, and declaring his young ion Ed- ward, jufl born at Caernarvo.i, ptince thereof, put an end to the Brittjb line *. His policy in fecuring his conquell, is worthy of obfervation ; for firft, to awe the people, he diftributed the inland parts amongft his nobility ; and next, to prevent their giving in to the IViUh culloms, he ella« bli(hed the Englijb laws, and appointed iheriffs, and other legal officers in thofe parts ; and laftly, for his own fecu- rity, which he judged depended on a naval force, he kept all the ports of the principality in his own hands, encou- raging the inhabitants in their application to inland and fo- reign trade, more than any of their native princes had done V that they might become true fubjeds of an Englijo king, free and rich. In the feventeenth year of the king's reign, fell out the death of Akxattder king of Scots y w^' 'i afforded Ed' ward another opportnnity of difplaying his wifdom, and of excnding his power f. This prince had for his firft wife, Margaret the king's fitter, by whom he had a fon, who died young, and a daughter Margaret^ who was married to the king of Ncrway^ to whom alfo fhe bore a daughter, ca!': ' Margaret likewife, whom the fiotch peers, with the confent of king Edward, acknowledged for the heirefs of their crown. She, in her paflage from Norway^ went on fliorc in the OrkneySy and died there j whereupon, " many ,1 % . in m II. ,8, * A. D. 1282. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 25^,-259 ttbi fupra, f A. D. {289 ^ Walt. Hemlngford, vol i. p. ^ — i Chron. Gcdisovian. ^ m miti 170 NAVAL HTSrORr iminy cOmpetitois for ilic Sc»tt/h diadem ^ippeared, who a- greed to fubmit tl^e dccifion of their refpefti?c titles to king Edtuard. Thcie were, Eric king of Norway^ Fiorenee carl of Holland, Robert k Brui Lord oi jfnandali^ J«hH dc Baliol Lord of Galloway John dt Hi/lings Lord of if- hergavinnyy John Comyn Lord of Badenaughy Patrick Dunbar earl of Marche^ J^hn de Vefci for his father^ M^ iHlai de S^:iles, and ff^iliiam de Ros : and great confequcn- ces king Ednvard drew from this reference, which put the whole ifland into hw power ', and gave him a pretence foi- keeping a ftrong ^uadroh of (hips upon the northern coaft, in right of his fovcrcignty over thofc feas, which, though always claimed, had not been exercifed by fomc of his pre* deceflbrs. After much confultation, and with great folem* nity, the king pronounced his judgment in ftivour of BaJidty rs dcfccndcd from the (Adett daughter of David carl of Huntingdon ♦, notwithftanding Robert k Brut was fomc- what nearer in dcfccnt, though by a younger daughter ; and, therefore, holding himfclf injured, ftill kept up his claim, which perhaps, was not difagreeable to Edzvard, who thought nourilhing diflentions in that kingdom, nc- cefliiry to prcfervc peace in his own ". NoTwiTHSTANniNG thefc arduous affairs at home, ki!ig Edward was far irom negle^ing his concerns on the CoutincHt^ where he ftill preferved the dulchy of Guienne, and fomc other dominions, to which he jxifled over when rccalion required, and, contrary to the ufage of his prede- ceflbrs. ' John, de Fordun. Scotichron. vol. iii. p. 782. Walter He- miii>;»brd, vol i, p. 29. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol.»i. p. 207. * A. D. 1202. '" Walter Hemingford, v. i. p. 37, Tiivrt. Annal. vol. i. p. j-3, z~^. ib xiv. ». P- 37. 3^- Nic. iicclor. Bceetn. Hift. Scot. Tho. VV'alfinphiftn. fee. 0/ EDWARD I. 171 cefTon, took all imaginable care to pr^fsrve the frrcndfliip of frahcif which in the end he found impracticable ; and» that his rights were only to be defended by force *. An extraordinary a£t of Fnmh infolence gave rife to the bloody war which broke out in the twenty-Hrft of king Ed- ward's reign *, and of which I (hall give a dillindt tic- count from proper authorities. The Arft grounds of the quarrel are very differently reported, both by our own, and by foreign hiftorians ; but the relation given us by ff^alt^r of Htmingford^ is more circumflantial> and much more probable than any of the reft, and, therefore from him (efpecially as it has never appeared in Englijh) we (hall give it. '* In the year 1293, a fatal contention happened be- ,** tween the Engli/h mariners of the Cinque-PortSy and ^ the mariners of the French king in Ntrmaudy ; which ^ began thus. An Englijh (hip putting into a Norman ** port, remained there fome days. While they lay at ** anchor, two feamen went to get fre(h water, to a place ^* not for diftant from the (hore, where they were infultcd ** by fomc; Normans of their own profeffion ; fo that co- *• ming from words to blows, one of the Englijbmen was ** killed, and the other flying to the (hip, related what ** had hap{)ened to his fellow failors, informing them, that *• the Normans were at his heels. Upon this they hoifted *• fail, and put to fea ; and, though the Normans follow- •• ed them, they neverthelefs efcapcd, but with fomc diffi- " culty i whereupon, the inhabitants of the Engli/h ports ** fought ailKtancc from their neighbours, and the enemy m r* v'it* " Mczeray, vol. ii. p. 777. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. p. 274, Wallingham, &c. * A. D, 1^93. w iim ■■-vIJk t ^El w |J| % m ^ i ^ Mi %'■ \ 'B %• X Vs' p, t-i4i z «< C4 C< «c << «• •< «c «( <( «c cc 4( <( <( (( <( (( CC «t «c f( t( «i (1 •c %l iC l( 72 NAVAL HISrORr . on the other hrnd, retaining Aill the fame difpoHtion, in- creafcJ their (Irength daily, and chafed all Engli/b (hips. In thefc excurfion!!, having had the fortune to meet fix* and to take two EngUfh veflcl«, they killed the failors, hung up their bodies at the yard-arm, with as many dogs; failing in this manner for fome time on their coails, and Hgnifying to all the world thereby, that they made no difference between an Engli/hman and a dog. This« when it came to the ears of the inhabitants of the Engli/b ports, by the relation of thofc that efcaped, provoked them to take the beft meafurc they could to revenge fo fignal an affront ; and having in vain cruized at Tea, in order to find cut thr enemy, they entered the port of Swyrty and having killed and drowned abun- dance of men, carried of fix (hips : many adts of the like nature fuccccding this on both fides. At laft, wea- ric where a very unlucky accident fell out ; -the fquadron from the cinque ports, quarrelling with the Yarmouth mariners, fudderly fell to blows ; fo that, not^ withftanding the king's interpoiition, a defperute engage- ment followed, wherein twenty ihips of the Yarmouth fquadron were burnt, and moft of the men on board them bft, and three of the largeft fliips in the navy, one of which had the king's treafure on board, were driven out to fea, and with much difficulty efcaped % \ This was an ill beginning, and ind<:cU nothing anfwerable to the force employed therein, was done through the whole expe- dition -, yet, in one refpedt, they were fortunate ; for the French having laid a fcheme for burning the whob Englijh fleet in the harbour of Dam^ it was luckily difcovered, and the Englijh fleet putting to kiiy efcaped *. The king's confederates abroad alfo fell from their promifes, and the FUmiHgiy to whofc affiftance the Englijh came, making a fudden defection, the king was next year obliged to re- turn * A. D. ?96. » Walt. Hemingford, vol. i. p. 90. f A D 1297. * Nic. Trivet. Annal vol. i. p. 304. Walt. Hemi i^ford, vol. i. p. 146. ? Nic Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 30s. I^.^' rn *i 0/ E D W A R D I. 177 turn to Englandy as well on account of thefe mtfcarriagei as to quiet his barons, and to reprefs the Scots^ who, at the inftagation of the French^ took up arms, and invaded the kingdom ^. The king, according to his difpofition of entertain- ing peace on the continent, if poflible, while he had af- fairs of moment to employ him nearer home, was con« tent, notwithftanding the injuries he received, to make a peace with king Philip ; which in the 27*'' year of his reign * was confirmed *= ; and by the mediation of pope Boniface VIII. made more explicit by a treaty, wherein it was ftipulated, that the king of England fhould marry the French king's filter, and his fon, prince Edward, the daughter of the faid king ; and that the dutchy of Aqui- taine, fhould be put into the hands of the pope, until the matters in difference between the two kings, fhould be en- quired into, and fettled ; with many other articles, to be . feen at large in Mr. Rymer's colledtion «*, This truce, in- differently performed on the pare of the French, fubfifted to the 3o"> year of the king f, and then a peace was con- ^ eluded between the two crowns, of which, the third ar- ticle contained a reciprocal engagement, that neither of the contra«Sting parties fhould afford any manner of aid, or affiftance, to the enemies of the other, or fuffer the fame to be given, in any way whatever, in any of the territories or places under thdr power; and that they fhould forbid the fame to be done on pain of forfeiture of body and goods to the offenders, ^c. I mention this ar- VoL. I. ;-nfV)'o.i3 v} N --r c-^ i - r; '-tide ■^P- M p. It. •» Walt. Hemingford, vol. i p. 148 * A. D. 1199. * VValt. Htmingford, vol i. pit68, 169. Anral, Abington. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 314, 2 15. '^ fceJera, torn. ii. p. ^40. f A. D. 1303. > W''"'il ■^' '. 4''': < M i 1,1 178 NAVAL HISTORY ticle particularly, becaufc in confcquence of it, there fell out the cleareft proof of the king of England's abfioJute fovereignty of the fca, that could be defircd or wiflied. A clearer proof, perhaps, than the whole worjd can (hew, in retpedt to tlic prerogative of a prince, with regard to other princes'. It happened thus : miry -xh r^v • whofc name was Rayner Grimbaldi (moft of our writers call him Grimbaltz) to whom he gave the title of ad- miral i and who, under colour of this commiffion, took feveral fhips of different nations, bound for the ports of Flatiikrs^ laden with various kinds of goods. Upon this* complaints were made to the kings of England and Fran($j^ who, jointly appointed commiffioners to hear and deter- mine the matters contained in them. To thefe coramif- miflioners, therefore, a remonftrance wis prefented in the name of the procurators of the prelates and nobles, and of tlwr admiral of the Englijh feas, and of the communi- ties of c irics and towns ; likewifc of the merchants, ma- riners, (trangers re/ident, and all others belonging to the kingdom of England, and other territories, fubjedt to the faid king of England \ as alfo, ihe inhabitants of other maritime places, fuch as Genojy Gfndbnia^ Spain ^ Ger^ rhany^ Zeiand, Holland, Frizeland, Denmark^ Norway^ &c. fctting forth, that whereas the kings of England^ by right of the faid kingdom, have, from time to time. Whereof there is no memorial to the contrary, been in peaceable pofleflion of the fovereignty of the EngViJh feas, and « Ibid. p. 94 1. ^ 0/ E D W A R D L 179 and of the iilands fituate within the fame, with power of ordaining and eftablKhing laws, (latutes, and prohibitions of arms, and of (hips otherwife furniOied than merchant- men ufed to be ; and of taking fecurity, and giving pro- tection in all cafes, where need fliali require, and of or- deiing all other things necelTary for the maintaining of peace, right, and equity, among all manner of people^ as well of other dominions as their own, pafling through the faid feas, and the fovereign guard thereof; and alfo, of taking all manner of cognizance in caufes, and of doing right and jullice to high and low, according to the faid laws, (latutes, ordinances, and prohibitions, and all other things, which to the exercife of fovereign jurifdidlion in the places aforefaid may appertain : and whereas, A. de B^ (lord Cole ^ fays, his name was de Bctetort) admiral of the faid fea, deputed by the faid king of England, and all other admirals, deputed by the faid king of Englandy and his anccftors, formerly kings of England^ have been ia peaceable pofleffion of the faid fovereign guard, with power of jurifdi^ion, and all the other powers beforementioned (except in cafe of appeal, and complaint made of them to their fovereigns, the kings of England^ in default of juftice, or for evil judgment) and efpecially of making prohibitions, doing juftice, and taking fecurity for good behaviour, from all manner of people carrying arms on. the faid lea, or i'ailing in ihips, otlierwife fitted out, and armed, than merchant-fhips ufed to be, and in all other cafes, where a man may have rqafonable caufe of fufpi- cion towards them of pyracy, or other mifdoings. And, whereas the mailers of (hips, of the (aid ki^jgd9m of Eng- ;v.r?:-;-.«i N a landy r*rtj I* t '!■<. * Ir.ftil. lib. iv, c. i.z. .'iy 1 1 Lf ^^■'^ ■^^ mi ^^^^^^^H iSb NAVAL HISIORr land, in the abfence of the faid admirals, have been in peaceable pofleflion of taking cognizance, and judging of all fafts upon the faid lea, between all manner of people, according to the laws, ftatutes, prohibitions, franchifes, and cuftoms. And, whereas, in the firft article of the treaty of alliance, lately made between the faid kings at Paris, the words following are fet down, viz. Firft of all, it is agreed, and concluded between us, the envoys and agents abovementioned, in the names of the faid kings, that they (hall be to each other for the future, good, true, and faithful friends and allies againft all the world, (except the church of Rome) in fuch manner, that if any one or more, whofoever they be, fhall go about to interrupt, hinder, or moled the faid kings in the franchifes,' liberties, privileges, rights or cuftoms of them and their kingdoms, they (hall be good and faithful friends, and aid- ing againft all men living, and ready to die, to defend,' keep and maintain the abovementioned franchifes, liber- ties, rights and cuftoms, Iffc, And that the one (hall not be of counfel, nor give aid or afliftance in any thing whereby the other may lofe life, limb, eftate, or honour. And, whereas Mr. Reyner GriwbaltZy mafter of the (hips of the faid king of France, who calls himfelf admiral of the faid Tea, being deputed by his fovereign aforefaid, in his war againft the Flemings, did (after the above-mention- ed alliance was made and ratified, and againft the tenour and obligation of the faid alliance, and the invention of thofe who made it) wrongfully aflume and exerclfe the office of admiral, in the faid fea of England, above the fpace of a year, by commiffion from the faid king of France, taking the fubje<5ls, and merchants of the king- dom of England, and of other countries, paffing upon the faid fcas, with ;hcir goods, anc} did caft the men fo taken, 7i m 0/ EDWARD I. i8i taken, into the prifons of his faid mader, the Icing ot France, and by his own judgment and award, did caufe to be delivered, 'their goods and merchandizes to receivers edablKhed for that purpofe, in the fea- ports of the faid king, as forfeit and confifcate to him ; and his taking and detaining the faid men with their faid goods and merchan- dizes, and his judgment and award on them as forfeit and confifcate, hath pretended in writing to juIUfy before you, the lords commiffioners, by authority of the afoiefaid commiflion for the office of admiral by him thus ufurped, and againfl: the general prohibition made by the king of Englandj in places within his power, in purfuance of the third article of the before-mentioned alliance, contain- ing the words above-written, and hath therefore required, that he may be acquitted and abfolved of the fame ; to the great damage and prejudice of the faid king of Eng- iand, and of the prelates, nobles, and others before- men- tioned ; wherefore, the faid procurators do, in the names of their faid lords, pray you, the lords commiflioners be- fore-mentioned, that due and fpeedy delivery of the faid men, (hips, goods and merchandizes, (o taken and de- tained, may be made to the admiral of the faid king of England, to whom the cognizance of this matter doih rightfully appertain, as is abovefaid, that fo, without di- llurbance from you, or any one elfe, he may take cogni- zance thereof, and do what belongs to his aforefaid office ; and that the aforefaid Mr. Reyner may be condemned, and conilrained to make due fatisfadion for all the faid dama- ges, fo far forth as he (hall be able to do the fame ; and in default thereof, his faid mailer, the king of Frcnte, by whom he was deputed to the faid office, and that, after due fatisfadtion (hall be made for the faid damages, the faid Mr. Rtyntr may be fo duly punUhed for ilie violation N3 of ^^ wS^-< ^> IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) i /. /. f/, 1.0 I.I 1.25 " lis iio 11= 1-4 11.6 V <^ /i "3 Photographic Sdences Corpordtion A \ ;V \\ % V ;\ "^z ^ 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 "9) ,v ^ <^ 'Si »> r ^1 182 JNAVAL HISrORT of the faid allowance, as that the fame may be an exam-' pie to others, for time to come K Thus far the remonftrance : on which other writers having largely inlifted, let us content ourfelves with ma- king a few obvious reflexions. I. It appears from this paper, that the dominion of the fea had not only been claimed, but exercifed and poflefled by the kings of Eng- landy for time immemorial which is fuflicient to give fome credit to the fafts related from the Briti/h hiftory j for as to the times fince the Roman invafion, they were in an hiftorical fenfe within memory. II. It is clear from hence, what the dominion of the fea was, viz. A jurif- di(5tion over the veflels of all nations palling thereon for the common benefit of all, for the preventing pyracies, the proteftion of commerce, and the decifion of unfore- feen difputes. III. It is no lefs apparent, that this was an exclufive jurifdidlion, in which no other potentate had any fhare, which mud have been founded either in common confent, or in fuperiority of ftrength j either of which afforded a good title. IV, We fee by this remon- ilrance, that the dominion of the fea refting in the king of England, was a point njt only known to, but main- tained by the Genoefe, Spaniards^ Germans, Hollanders^ Danes, and in fliort, by all the maritime pov jrs then in Europe, which is fufficient to evince, that trade was far from being then at a low ebb, and that the prerogative of the crown of England in this refpedt, had been hitherto fo exercifed, as to render it a common advantage. V. We perceive that foreigners were fo jealous of the aflum- 8 Sdden. Mare Claufum, lib. ii. cap. zy, 28. Coke's Iflftit. lib. !V. cap. iz. ifticlib. 0/ E D W A R D I. 183 irig tempter of the French princes, that they would not ad- mit the commander in chief of their naval force, to bear the title of admiral, which they apprehended to include ia title tojurifdidlion, and therefore would have this jRo*- ner Grimbahz ftiled only mailer of the Ihips to the king of France, VI. We mufl: obferve, that the commiffio- ners to whom this remonftrance is addrefled, neither had, nor claimed any naval jurifdidlion whatfoever, but were appointed to hear and determine whether king Edward's prerogative, as fovereign of the fea, had been invaded by this Reyner Grimbahz, in contravention of the fir ft arti- cle of the treaty between the crowns of England and France, whereby, uie contradting parties covenanted to maintain each others prerogatives, and confequently the French king was bound to maintain this prerogative of king Edward, which gave occafion to the commiffion. VII. We owe the knowledge of this whole affair not to our hiftorians, but to our records : whence we ma) fafely de- duce this confcquence, that the want of fads to fupport fuch a iurifdidion throughout preceeding reigns, ought not to be urged as a juft objection j becaufe, as I once before hinted, moft of thofe who applied themfelves to writing hiftory, were very little acquainted with thefe matters. But there is one thing more relating to this affiir which deferves particular attention ; and that is, the plea put in by Reyner Grimbahz, in anfwer to this remon- ftrance. He did not difpute the king of England's fo- vercigntyj he did not plead any power derived to himfelf from the French king's commiffion : but what he infilled upon, was the third article of the treaty before-mentioned, which he would have to be thus underllood: that king Edward having contrailed not to give any aid or uHi- ftance, or to fuffer any aid or affillance to be given to the "'• ' •"' * ■ N 4 enemies -■■'** -d- !l :i h 4 ! I >.• ' 4 'Mi 184 NAVAL HISrORT enemies of king Philip, and having alfo aflually iflued out a prohibition, forbidding any fuch pradlices, it followed, in his opinion, that all fuch, as after this prohibition, re- lieved the Flemings, by merchandize or otherwife, were to be efteemed enemies, of whatfoever nation they were ; and that he having taken none but the perfons and goods of fuch, conceived himfelf to have a permiflion fo to do by vertue of the faid prohibition, whereby king Edward^ according to his interpretation, had fignified that he would not take it as an injury done to him, although the (hips of fuch offenders fhould be taken in his feas by the French king's officers. I fliall not enter into the reafoiiablenefs or validity of this defence, the Ifllie of which is not known, but content myfelf with obferving, that it contains the cleareft conceflion on the part of France that can be de- lired ; becaufe this man derives the legality of his own adlions, if they were legal, not from the commiflion of the prince he ferved, but from the king of England's pro- hibition ; fo that in reality, he afferts himfelf to have aft- ed under the Engli/h fovereignty, and from thence expect- ed his acquittal *. Many other inftances of this king's claiming and ex- crciiing the fovereignty of the fca might be produced, if they were at all neceffary ; but as at that time the title of our kings was no way contelled, it is not neceffary to de- tain the reader longer on this head. The remainder of his life was fpent in fubduing Scotland, on which he had particularly fet his heart, as appears by his diredling his dead body to be carried about that country, till every part of it was brought under hie fon's dominion. In this tem- per t Selden. ubi fupri. MoIIay. de Jure Maritimo. chap, v. Of EDWARD II. i8i per of mind he died in a manner ir the field; for he caufed himfelf to be carried from Carli/Ie^ to a village called Burgh upon Sands, where he deceafed on the fevea- teenth of July 1307, in the thirty-fifth year of his reign, and the fixty-ninth of his age K He was undoubtedly one of the braveft, and moft politic princes, that ever fat on the Englijh throne. He rightly judged, that he could never be formidable abroad, till he had eftablifhed unani- mity at home ; which was the reafon that, at fuch an ex- pence of blood and treafure, he annexed IVales for ever to his dominions, and endeavoured with fuch earneftnefs, to add Scotland to them like wife ; which, if he had lived, he would in all probability have done; and then, no doubt, the French would have felt the weight of his whole power ; for though he was too wife to be diverted from the profecution of his defigns, by any of the arts of his enemies, yet was he a monarch of too great fpirit to bear the injuftice done him by France, longer than the li- tuation of his affairs required. As he fet the flate in order at his firft coming to the throne, fo he left the govern- ment thoroughly eftabliflied at the time of his deceafe, which with a numerous army, and potent fleet, he con- jigned to his Ion, who refembled him very little either in his virtue or his fortune. EDH^ARD II. fucceeded his father in the throne with the general fatisfaftion of the nation. \ lis firft care was to folemnize the marriage concluded for him by his father, with the princefs Jfabellay daughter to the French king; ■ ' I I ' ll 1 k Walt. Hemingford, vol. i. p. 237, 258, 239. Nic. Trivet, y^nnal. p. 346, 347. Chror. Goditovian. p. 104. T Walfing- l^m, Thorn. Sprot. Chrouic. f"! ■%A %. '■*■ ll i *!'■*• 'IV iiiM Ng W: y:m , , 1 *f ^ v > '' • K,' m ■iml ^. iS6 NAVAL HISrORT **■■' king ; and for that purpofe he pa/Ted the feas, and iVe'nt to PariSy where he was very magnificently received, and the ceremony of his nuptials was perform&d with extraor- dinary fplendor. His marriage over, he returned to Eng- land with his new queen, and was crowned on the feaft of St. Matthias^ with all imaginable teftimonies of joy and afFedlion from the people *. But this fair weather was foon 0¥er ; for he fhortly after bringing back his fa- vourite, called by moft of our writers Gavejlon^ but whofe true name feems to have been Piers, or Peter de Gaber- ftm, a Gafcm ; the barons took fuch an offence thereat, and at the extravagant marks of royal favour he after- wards met with, that more than one civil war happened upon his account, and hindered the king from applying himfelf to the care of his concerns abroad, as well as the j nd)ility from rendering him thofe fervices to which they were heartily inclined. Thefe jealoufies and difputes end- fid not but with the death of the king's minion, by whom they were occaiioned, and who falling into the hands of the lords, had his head (truck off*, without any form of juftice. It is highly probable, that the French counfcUors about the queen, were the chief inftigators of this faft, at Jeaft as to the manner of doing it, and yet, after it was done, they inflamed the king's difcontents, and by thus dividing this nation, kept their own quiet '. I N the year 1313, Robert le Brm king of Scotland in- vaded England with a great army, which roufed the king from his lethargy, and obliged him to provide for the na- tion's fafety, and his own honour. The next year, therefore. ■>■*." * A. D. 1308. ' Walter Hemingford, vol. i. p. 24a. Con- tin. Annal. Nic. Trivet, per Adam. Murimuth. vol. ii. p. 5. Tiioro. Walfingh. Mezeray. ^(li- 0/ E D W A R D II. 187 therefore, he aflembled the whole ftrength of the nntion, and marched therewith northward, intending to have re- duced the whole kingdom of Scotland^ according to his fa- ther's diredions upon his death-bed. But the difafters which always attend princes, when on ill terms with their fubjefts, waited on this unfortunate expedition ; fo that in a general engagement on the twenty-fourth of June 1314, the Englijh were entirely defeated, though the king dilcovered much perfonal courage, and was with difficulty prevailed upon to fly. He certainly meant to have at- tempted at leaft the repairing this misfortune, by invading Scotland with a new army j but his reputation was fo much injured by his late defeat, and his nobility were fo unwilling to fight under his banners ™, that all his endea- vours came to nothing, and he had befides the misfortune to fee, not only the northern parts of England ravaged, but Ireland alfo invaded by the Scots, whom his father had left in fo low a condition, and fo little likely to defend thei/ own inllead of offending others. This defign of the Scots upon Ireland, was very deep- ly laid, and nothing lefs was intended than an entire con- queft of the ifland. For this purpofe, king Robert le Brus^ fent over his brother Edward, who took upon him the ti- tle of king of Ireland, and who landed in the north With {^x thoufand men, attended by the earls of Murray and Monteth, lord John Stuart, lord John Campbell, and ma- ny other perfons of diftindion, and by the afliftance of the native Irijh, quickly reduced a great part of the coun- try. This war lafted feveral years, king Robert going over ' there "> Adam. Murimuth. Annal. vol. ii. p- 15. Hedor. Boeth. Hift. Scot. Thom. Walfingham. 'M ,1 ► ■ i88 NAVAL IIISrORT there at lafl in perfon, and in all probability had carried hie point, if it had not been for the hafty temper of his bro- ther. Sir Edmund Butler in the beginning of tfiefe ftirs, ^ad, with the Englijh forces, done all that in a very dif- tradlcd Hate of affairs could be done for the prefervalion of the ijQand, till fuch time as the king fent over lord Roger Mortimer^ with a very fmall force to reprefs the invaders, who engaging Edward le Brus^ in the famous battle of ufr- maghf which the Scots very imprudently fought before they were joined by king Robert and his forces ; the En- glijh gained a compleat vidory ", the pretended king Ed' ward being ilain upon the fpot, his head carried by the lord Birmingham into England, and there prefented to king Edward *. After this, all matters in Ireland were fo well fettled, that the king had thoughts of retiring; thither, when iinking under his misfortunes; and had probably done {Oy if he had remained mailer of the fea. The king drew thefe trouble^ * Hi; 190 NAVAL HISTORT crown in Frame under their tuition, than immediately they began to negotiate a treaty of marriage between him and the daughter of the earl of Hainault^ diredly contrary to his father's inftrudions ; and at the fame time, made ;^ the necefTary difpoHtions for invading England^ as fooot 2£ this marriage was brought about *). The king having intdligence of thefe proceedings, fent pofitive orders io the queen and his fon to return home, and on flicir icfufal, proclaimed them enemies to the kingdom, and at the fame time began to aft vigoroufly agiinft fiance, fending orders to his admiral, to cruize on the French coafts ; particularly to the conftable of Dover-Cajik^ and warden of the cinque ports, who executed his commands fo effeftualiy, that, io a fhort time, a hundred and twenty fail of fhips belong- ing to Normandy^ were brought into the Englijb ports '. This had fuch an effeft upon king CharleSy that, in ap- pearance at leaftj he abandoned his filler ♦; though % Ftench hiftorian intimates, that it was rather occafionqd by her too great familiarity with Roger lord Mortimer* How-* ever it was, the queen retired firft into Guyenney and went thence with her fon the prince to the court of the earl of Hainauk, where flie openly profecuted her defign of at- tacking her hufband, in fupport of which (be had ioxm&i a llrong party in England. The king, on his fide, provi- ded the beft he could for his defence, which, however, did not hinder her landing with three thoufand men at Orewell in Suffhlkj a little before Mkhatlmas. An inconfiderable force, in proportion to the defign j and ycwit is hard ta ■-■- ■- ■ '■' •- coneeivcj *l Adam. Murimuth. vol. ii. p. 6^. Thorn, de la Moor vit. Ed- M«rd II. Thorn. VValfingham. ' Polydor. Vergil lib. xviii. iThom. WaUingham. Hypodigm. Neuftriae. Mcaerav. * A. D. 1326. .'iC^'lj 0/ E D W A R D 11. 191 conceive, how even, thefe were landed without the conni- vance at leaft of fuch a« had the command of the king*s fleet, which may with the greater reafon be fufpededt, fince immediately after her arrival, the earl of Latuajlir^ and moil of the nobility came in to her aiTiftance ; fo that the king finding himfelf deferted, was forced to retire, or rather was compelled to Hy into IVales ; but finding him- felf abandoned by thofe about him, he went on board a fmall Ihip, intending to retire to Ireland ; but after tofling to arid fro a whole week, he landed again in Glamorgan' JhW^t where for fome time he lay hid. At laft being difco- vered, he was carried prifoner to Monmouth y and thence to Kenilworth-Cajik, belonging to the earl of Lamajier^ where he remained till bis queen and the counfellors about her, took a refblutiou of forcing him to refigh his crown, which by authority of parliament was placed on the head of his ion '. After this he furvived not long, but yfn& cojnveyed from place to place, under the cuftody of Gour- my and Mattraven^ who, in the end, brought him to Berkley 'CaJiUy wfe^re he was bafely murdered on the 21ft of September, 1322, when he had reigned twenty years, and with very fmali ceremony was buried al Gloucejler f. With the chara£^er of this prince, we (hall meddle very little ^ his enemies have left us reports enough in relation to his vices, and W£ have alfo fome accounts of him from lefs prejudiced pens* As to maritime affairs, during his reign, they were certainly on the decline, as they will al- ways be, when the,Jta|«: is difcompofed. Yet, as far as .. buMat ,;;:ii ikA. •^'■■'- ' ■ rf KM « Adam. Murimuth. vol. ii. p. 69. Thorn. Walfingham. Th. de k Moor. t €4»ron. Godftoviarn. p. 109. Adam. Murimuth. vol. ii. p. 70. Thorn. Walfingham. Thom. de la ^ocr. Barnes'* Hillory of Ediw. HI. ■ 1' I '*% ^. in 'V ■ ^ iM'' % I'W. ■f ;j'''J ;|f' I i! il'^ Jl. • * I. 192 NAVAL HISIORT the , diftra<5lions in his affairs would give him leave, he (hewed himfelf a friend to trade, and remarkably careful of wool, the ftaple commodity of the kingdom, as appears by his charter granted for that purpofe, and other authentic proofs ". EDWARD III. called, from his birth-place, Edwardrf Wmd/oKy afcended the throne in his father's life- time, be- ing entirely governed by the queen his mother, and her fa- vourite Roger Mortimer * He married, Philippa daughter to the earl of Hainault, who was alfo crowned queen. In the beginning of his reign, there happened many things which were far from promifing fo glorious a government as afterwards followed. For, firft, he made an unfortunate war againft the Scots, which was followed by a difadvanta- gious treaty ; then palling over into Francty he, by the ad- vice of his mother and her counfellors, did homage to Phi- lip fon of Charles de Valois, then ililing himfelf king, to the prejudice of his own title to that crown. We may add to this, the cutting off his uncle Edmund earl of Kenfs head, for a pretended treafon, for endeavouring to fet his brother, king Edward, on the throne again; though it was well known he was dead. But, as by degrees he be- gan to adl according to his own fentiments, he eafily wi- ped off thefe imputations, due rather to the tendernefs of his age, than to any fault of his mind. For,in the fourth year of his reign, when the king himfelf was but twenty years of age, he, at a parliament held at Nottingham, went in per- fon, and at the h?7qrd of his life, feized Mortimer in his mother's bed-chamber f, caufed him to be carried to Lon- don, " Hakluyt*s Voyages, vol. ii. * A. D. 1328 f A. D. 1J30. . .» 0/ E D W A R D III. -93 ihrif y/hircy by his death, he, in fome meafure, attoned for the crimes he had committed in his life-time *". Henceforward, king Edward ruled like a great prince, and one who had his own honour, and the reputa- tion of his kingdom at his heart. He firfl turned his arms againft the ScotSy who had done incredible mifchiefs in the north, and refolving to repair the diflionour he had fudain- ed, during the weak adminiftration of his mother, he pre- pared both an army and a fleet for the inva/ion of that country; and though the latter fulfered grievoufly, by florm on the Scotijh coaft, whereby moft of his great fhipa were wrecked, and the reft rendered unferviceable, yet he perfifted in his defign, of exptWing David Brus^ and ref» toring Edward Balioly which, at length, with infinite la- bour he effefted, and received homage from the faid Ed- wardf as his grandfather Edward I. had from Jchn Ba- liol %. David Brus^ who had fucceeded his father in the kingdom of Scotland, retiring into Francey with his queen, where they were kindly received. In this ftep of fecuring Scotland^ previous to any expeditions beyond the feas, king Edward imitated his grandfather, as he feems to have done in moft of his fubfequent undertakings, havings always a fpecial regard to the maintenance of a ftout fleet, and fe- curing to himfelf the pofleflion, as well as title of lord of the feas, which enabled him to aflert, whenever he thought lit, his rights abroad, and eiFe(5tally fecured him^ from apprehending any thing from the efforts of hia ene- mies at home. While he was laying thefe folid founda- tions of power, he thought it not at all beneath him, to Vol. I. Q make w Adam. Murimuth. vol ii. p. 76. Walter de HeminpforJ. vol. ii. p. 2yi. Chron. Godftovian. p. i ro. Robert de Avefbury, Hift. Edvardi iii. p. 8, 9. X A. D. 1334. 4' t'.-'-r » ,1 it.. t D .)il! ifiS^'I. ^ ' «*if ^!« .*'/ '-I1* X Ml 194 NAVAL HISTORT make ufe of fuch temporary expedients as were proper to " ferve his purpoTe, and to enabie him to maintain his right to the crown of France^ whenever he (hould think fit to claim it ''. A s this war was of great importance to the nation, as as well as to the king, and carried our naval f(M'ce to a greater hdght than ever it arrived at before, it will be ne- ceflary to enter into a di(lin£^, though conciie detail of its caufes as Well as of the circumftances attending it. Phi-' lip the hair^ king of FrantCy left behind him at his deceafe» three fons, who all fwayed the fcepter of that kingdom in their turns. The eldeft of thefe, Lnois X. reigned twen> ty-fix years, leaving his queen big with child, who, after his deceafe, brought forth a fon» called JehH\ but this child died at a week old, and Philips the late king's brother, fuc* ceeded^ who reigned alfo twenty-fix years. On his dt- mife, Charles IV. fur-named the Fairy claimed and enjoy- ed the crown tv/enty-eight years, and deceafing in the year 1328, left his queen 7j«^ pregnant, who was afterwards delivered of a daughter named BUtttehy and immediately thereupon, king Edward fet r?p his title to the fucceffion ; thus, be acknowledged, that the falique law excluded the females ; but he maintained, tha^ che males defcehding from thofe females, were not excluded by that law, be- caufe the reafon wliereon it was founded did not reach them. The Peers of Frame, however, decided againft him, and acknowledged Philip de Falois, coufih to the de- ceafed prince, as the next heir mal^, anr' feated him on the throne. This was in 1328, and king Edward being at that time in no condition to vindicate his rights by force, feemed Ad«in. Murimuth. Robert de Aveibury. Waiter Hcmingford. mn 'iiip (y E D W A R D III. 195 feemed to acquiefce, and afterwards being rummoned to do his homage for the countries he held in Framt^ he made no difficulty, as we before obferved, of complying, and even performed it in perfon with great magnificence y. But afterwards, being better informed as to the validity of his pretenfions, and finding that foreign princes were ready to s^et his claim, he refoived to do himfeif jullice by force of arms, in cafe he could obtain it no other way. With this view, he entered into a treaty with the emperor Ltwii cA Bavariay the earl of Hainault, the duke of Bra* hantj and other princes, and having proceeded thus far, the king next wrote letters to the pope and cardinals, i'et- titig forth the injury that was done him, and his refulution to do himfelf jwftice. At length, thefe previous endea- vours having ferved no othei' purpofe, than that of giving the French king time to (^rengtben himfelf, Edward, by the duke of Brabant, made his claim to the Frencb crown, and fpene the next winter in difpofkig all things for the ob- taii^ing it by force, iflUing his orders for raifing a very nu- merous army, and for drawing together a great fleet -, his allies, in like nranner, fending their defiances to the French king, and making great preparations for the fuIHiling their promifes to the king of England, which nevcrthelefs they did but flenderly \ And thus was this great war begun, in fpeaking of which, we ihall concern ourfe^es ho farther than with the naval expeditions on both fides;. The principal confederate, or at lead, the confederate of principal ufe to our monarch, was James ArteviHe, a brewer of Ghent ; for this man fo well feconded the king's O a endeavours. T Mezeray Abrege de Hiftoire de Franrr, vol. iii. p, 3— -ij. Rob. de Avcibury, Adam. Mi^riwuch. €Cc, i rii "'W I 196 NAVAL HISrORT endeavours, that he drew to him the hearts of the Flem* ingSi whom king Edward had already made fenfible of the importance of the Englijh Friendfhip, by detaining from them his wool •. How5ver5 they durft not ihew their in- clinations till fuch time as the king fent the earl o*" Varhy with a confiderable fore*, who made themfelves mailers of the ifle of Cedfant -, UjX)n which, moft of the great cities in Flanders declared again ft the French, and invited king Edward xhxihtt •*. The French, however, ftruck the fir ft blow at fea ; for, having, under colour of fending relief to the chriftians in the Holy-Land, aflembled a fquadron of large (hips, they fent them over to the Englijh coaft, where they took and burnt Southampton j and yet, in their retrea% they loft three hundred men, and the fon of the king of SUily, vi^ho commanded them *=; fo that, upon the whole, this could fcarce be ftiled an advantage. . In 1338, king Edward, by the middle of July, drew his numerous army down to the coaft of Stffolk, and at Orewell, embarked them on board a fleet of five hundred fail, with which he paflJxl over to Antwerp, On his ar- rival, he was received r/ith great joy by his allies, particu- larly the emperor Lewis ; but the fubfidies he paid them« were excefTive, nor could he immediately make ufe of their afliftance, the French king declining a battle •*. In the mean time, by the advice of the Flemings, he afTumed the arms and title of king of France; but while the king fpent his fi! ^0 m * Chroniques de Flandres par J. Meir. Inventaire gen. de Tiiift. de Franc, par J. de Serres. Mezeray. ^ T. Walfingham. Froiflard. J. de Serres. Mezeray. «= Thorn. Walfingham. The king, in his letters to the pope, takes notice of tne (hips be- ing thofe intended for the Holy Land. ^ Continuat. liic. Trivet, ct Adam. Murimuth. Annai. vol. ii. p. 95. Walter He- mingford. vol. ii. p. 282. Mezeray. li vl'l - 0/ E D W A R D III. 197 his time in marches and counter-marches, in which, how- ever, he gained fome advantages over tlie enemy; the French, and their allies, the Scots, did a great deal of mif- chief on the Englijh coafts with their fleet •*. The town of Hajiings they deftroyed, alarmed all the weftern coaft, burnt Plymouth f and infulted Brijfol *, all which was ow- ing to the king's employing the greateft part of his naval force abroad, and the remainder in the north, to awe the Scots, Yet in two inftances, the Englijh valour and naval force appeared with great luftre. A fquadron of thirteen fail of French fliips attacked five Englijh^ who defended themfelves fo valiantly, that, though they loft the Edward and the Crijiopher^ two of the largeft, yet the other three efcaped, notwithftanding the fuperiority of the enemy ^ The mariners of the Cinque'Ports alfo taking advantage of a thick fog, manned out all their fmall craft, and ran over to Bulloigney where they did notable fervice, for they not only burnt the lower town, but deftroyed four large (hips, nineteen gallies, and twenty lefler veilels, which lay in the harbour, and confumed the dock and arfenal, filled with naval ftores «. In 1340, king Edwurd returned to England^ in the month of February, in order to hold a parlia- ment, to provide for the expences of the war, where- in he fucceeded to the utmoft of hib expectations, and in return for the readinefs exprefled by his fubje<^s to uflift him, he made many good laws, and granted great privi- "i {■>' ''iJ^ O3 leges « Robert de Avcfbury, Hift Edwardi. iii. p. 41. Contin. Nic. Trivet, et Adam. Murimuth. Annal. vol. ii. p. 95. Froifiird. Thorn. Waifingham. * A. D. 1539. ^ Thojn. Wal- fxngham. Froiflard, &c. 8 HolingOicd's Chronicle, vol. ii. P-357- m 0V.^^ A ill! m \ I' 198 NAVAL HlsrORT leges to merchants *. After this, with a ftrong fleet, he palled over into Flandirs, and gave the Fremh a terrible defeat at fea. As this is orie of the mof! remarkable events in this period of our hiftory, and as there are various dtf- cordanccs in the relations thereof, publiihed by modern au- thors, I think it may not be amifs to give the reader that diftin^l and accurate account which is prefervtd in Robtrt a/ Avefl^r^^ who lived and wrote in thofe days, and who, beiides, fortifies what he fays, by annexing the account publi(hed by royal authority, within four days after this battle ; which detail, I am the more mclincd to copy, bc- caufe I find in ft various circumftances, particularly refpec* ting the king's condu<^, which are not to be met with elfe- where. • . ■ r , ..:..^,, ** It happened, fays my author, that on the Saturday •< fortnight before the fcal of St. John Baptijl^ the king *• was at Orewell^ where there were forty (hips, or thcrc- *• abouts, preparing for his paflage into FlanderSy where ** he was going to his wife and children, whom he had ** left in the city of Ghent^ as well as to confer with his ** allies about the meafures necelTary to be taken for carry- ** ing on the war, intending to fail in two days time j but the archbifljop of Canterbury , Tent to give him intelli- gence, that Philip de Valaii^ his competitor for the ** crown of France^ having had notice of his intended ** paflage, with much diligence, and as much privacy as ** ihc nature of the thing would admit, had aflemhled a ** grtat fleet which lay In the port of Sluys, in order to in- tercept him : wherefore he advifed his majelly to provide « himfelf u « *\ ^ Walter. Hemingford, vol. ii. p. 518, 3 19. Contin. Nic. Tri- \;ct ct Adam. Muriinuth. AnnaL vol. ii. p. 96. V - Cy E D W A R D III. I9P «* himfelf with a better fquadron, left he, and thofe who ** were with him : ihould perifh. The king, yielding no *< belief to his advice, anfwered, that he was refolved to ** fail at all events. The archbifhop quitted upon this his *' feat in council, obtaining the king's leave to retire, and ** delivered up to him the great feal. His majefty fent '* therefore for Sir Rabirt de Morley^ his admiral, and one *' Crabbe^ a fkilful feaman, and gave them orders to en- *' quire into the truth of this matter, who quickly return- ** ed, and brought him the fame news he had heard from ** the archbifhop : upon which the king faid, ye have a* *' greed with that prelate to tell me this tale, in order to ** Hop my voyage ; but, added he angrily, I will go with- ^* out you, and you who are afraid, where there is no <* ground .L -vjr y ■ •' -s '.. (hips * Roberc de Aveibury, p. 54, 35, 3 however natural, to the bulinefs of this treatlfe. . In the year 134.2, the war was renewed, on account of the contefted fuccefTiort to the dutchy of Britany^ king Edward fupporting the caufe of John de Montford^ who was owned by the nobility againft Charles de Bhis, de- clared duke by the French king, who was his uncle. On this occafion a confideiable body of Engtijh troops was ient over into that dutchy under the command of Sir IFalter * Stow, Holinglhead, Speed, Brady* ;tionS) count king who , de- On was Df Sir 0/ E D W A R D III. io^ H^aUer de Mannie, who performed many gallant exploits both by land and rea,though to no great purpofe ; the French king having it always in his power to pour in as many French troops as he pleafed, fo that the party of Charles di Bhis prevailed, though againlt right, and the inclination of thofe who were to be his fubjefts •. King Edward on advice thereof, fcnt over a new fuccour under the com- mand of the carls of Northampton and Devon/hire, T H B French king having notice of the intended fup- ply, fent Lewis of Spain who commanded his fleet, which was made up of (hips hired of different nations, dire^*ng that it (hould lie near the ifland of Guernfeyy in order to intercept the Englijh fquadron in its paflage. This fleet conflfted of two and thirty fail, of which nine were very large (hips, and th^ee (lout gallies ; and on board them were three thoufand Genoefe-t and a thoufand men at arms commanded under the admiral by Sir Caroh Grimaldi, and Jntonio Doria, The Englijh fleet confifted of ordinary tranfports, about forty-five fail in all, having on bt ird five hundred men at arms, and a thoufand archers, under the command of the earls of Northamptdn and Devon/hire. The French fquadron attacked them unexpedtedly at fea, about four in the afternoon, and the fight continued till night, when they were feparated by a (torm. The French and Genoefe kept the fea, their veflels being large, with four or five prizes ; but the reft of the Englijh fleet keep- ing clofe to the (hore, found means to land the forces which they had on board, who fliortly after took the city of • Mezeray, vol. iii. p. 17. Hiftoire de France, efcrite par or- dre de M. de Harlcy, P. Prefident du Parlerpcnt de Paris, volf t. p. 494. Froiflkrd, Waifingharo. if* ■ ^' J* :l ■ I ,1 II It « * I ...,; A . - 1 I -V if [vi'&f* 206 NAFAL HISrORr oi Vannti^ 2lnd performed other notable fervices *. To* wards winter the king f>a(red over with a great army into Britany, and befieged three principal places at once, yet without fuccefs; for the duke of Ntrmamfyf the Frtnck king's eldeft Ton, coming with a great army to their re- lief* a negotiation followed, which ended in a ccflation of hoililities foi three years s which, however, was but indif- ferently kept, notwithflanding the pope interpofed as far as he was able, in order to have fettled an efie£laal peace ". In 1345, the war being already broke out with Framt^ ^jt king determined to foil over to Flaifdtrs^ in order to accomplifh his great dcHgn of fixing that country firmly to his inttrcd, either, by obliging the earl to fwear fealty to him as his fovereign, or elfe to deprive him of his do- minions. While therefore he lay in the harbour of Slup^ a council was held of his principal friends in FiamUrs^ on board his great fhip the Catharim* At this council affil- ed Jamii iArttvilU the brewer, who by the ftrength of his natural eloquence ruled all the Netherlands, and ruin- ed himfelf by £ ;ing into the king's project. He, when his countrymen the Flemings demanded a month's time to conlider of the propofitions that had been made to them, undertook that all things ihould go to the king's wiih ; yet finding a great faction raifed againfl; him, by one Gerard Dennis a weaver, he accepted of a guard of five hundred JVeUbmen from the king. This, however, pToved of little i 'ik * Holinglhed^s chronicle, vol. ii. p. 363. We find the con- tinuation of Trivets*s annals cited there in fuppert of thefe fads } yet we meet with nothing relating to this matter, in the conti- nuation publiflied by the reverend Mr. Anthony Hall, printed at Oxford, 1724. " Walt. Hemingford, vol. ii. p^ 3 S9. Con- tin. Nic. Trivet. Annal. voL ii. p. 97. Froiltrd, Thorn. Walfing'* ham, Chronic Godftoviao, of EDWARD HI. ao7 Ifttle figniBcation ; for in a fudden tumult oH the people^ a cobler Inatching up an ax, t>eaC out his braiot. The king was (I ill at ^Utjfi with his floot when this unfortunatg accident happened, at which^ Chough ht mtm OmicIi moved^ yet he was forced to diflemblo his re(ccitmenc» and to accept of the excufes made him by the cities of Fknden ^, Attributing however, all this to the arts ol Che Fremhy he refolved once again to attempt the conqoeft of that kingdom, and to employ therein the utmoft force of his own. Our hiftorians gire us a very copious ac> count of this war ) tliere is, consequently, the lefs need that I ihould infift upon it here : I will therefore oontcfic myfelf with giving a fuccindt detail of the Eng\i/b forces employed in tbib expedition, and a more particular recital of what was remarkable in the Hege of Calais^ which, as it was in part fc^med by a naval force, falls more imme- diately under the fubje^ of this treatife* In the midft of the fummer of the year 134.6, the king drew his n.wy, confifting of a thoufand Hiips to Pmfmauth^ and fhortly after arrived at Seutkamptttt with his army, compofed of 2500 horfe, and 30,000 foot. Thefe he quickly embarked, the fleet failing thither for that purpofe, and on the fourth of June he put to fea^ intending to have landed in Guyenne ; but being driven back by a ftorm on the coaft of Cornwall^ and, the Frgmh writers fay, put back thither a fccond timej he at laft determined to make a defcent on Normandy^ where at la Hogue he fafely debarked his forces, and began very fuccefsfully to employ them in reducing the ftrongeft cities in the neighbourhood j after which he fprcad jfire and fWOT^ "^ Hiftoire At France, vol. i. p. 49;*, 49$. Mezeray, vol. iii. p. 23. Speed, Stowe. Holingfljead. I , ' 'k\ 1 -l:: i' ill 1 ii I'll M I 'ill .?'? ?r? 208 NAVAL HISTORr fword on every fide> even to the very gates of Paris. The French king provoked at fo difmal a fight, as well as with the news that the earl of Huntingdon with the £ttgiijh fleet deftroyed all the coaft, almoft without refi'^ ilancr , he refolved, contrary to his ufual policy, to ha- zard a battel, which he accordingly did on the twenty- fifth of Augujl^ and received that remarkable defeat, which will immortalize the little town of Crejfy, Of this vidlory I chufe to fay nothing, iince my fubjedl will not allow me to fay of it what I could wi(h *. It was fo entire, that tor the prefent it left the king without ene- mies, and fo much the effects of true courage, that though Philip had quickly after an army of 150,000 men on foot, yet they had no ftomach to fight again. After this victory, the king, on the lafl day of Auguft f , appeared before Calaisy and formed a fiege, that lafled eleven months, and which, if we had leifure to dilate on all the circumflances attending it, would appear little inferior to the fabulous fiege of 2r^, or the reduftion of Tyre by Alexander the Great, The king knew that he was to re- duce a place ftrong by nature and art, well fupplied with ammunition and proviilons, furnifhed with a numerous garrifon, full of expediation of relief from king Philips who was not hx from thence with his mighty army be- fore-mentioned. Thefe difficulties, inflead of difcouraging Edward^ inflamed him with a defire of overcoming them. He inverted the place regularly by land, fortified his lines llrongly, and within them erected, as Froiffard a contem- porary writer tells us, a kind of town for the conveniency of "*■ Walter Hemingford, vol. ii. p. 381. Rob. de Avefbury, p. 123. Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adam. Murimutb. Aonal. vol. li. p. 9». froiflard, Thorn. Walfingham. -^ A. D. 1347. iniency of pury, p. )I. li. p. 0/ E D W A R D III. 209 of his foldiers, wherein were not only magazines of all iorts for the fervice of the war, but vaft warehoufes alfo of wool and cloth for fupplying the finews of war, by a conftant trade at two fettled markets ; his troops all the while being exadlly paid, and doing their duly chearfully. As for the fleet which blocked up the place at fea, it con- lifted of feven hundred and thirty-eight fail, on board of which were 14,956 mariners. Of thefe (hips, feven hun- dred fail belonged to his own fubjedts, and thirty-eight to foreigners, fo that there feems to be no reafon for putting us on a par with our neighbours for hiring fhips ; fince it is as evident that we were then able to fit out great fleets from our own ports, as that our enemies were able to do nothing but by the afliftance of the Genoefe, and other fo- reigners. The Fretich king made fome fhew of relieving this place, by approaching within fight of Calais, at the head of -^ mighty army, the lofs of which he was deter- mined however, not to venture. The garrifon of Calais^ and the citizens, feeing themfelves thus deceived, had no other remedy left, than to fubmit themselves to the mercy of a provoked conqueror, which in the moft abjedl man- ner they fought, and were, at the queen's entreaty, fpared. Thus ended this glorious liege, wherein the Englijh mo- narch triumphed over his enemy by land and fea, carry- ing his own, and the nation's fame, to the utmoft height, and forcing even his enemies to acknowledge, that no- thing could equal the courage and condu(fl of himfelf and his renowned fon, the Black Prince^ but the courtefy and generofity of their behaviour ^. Vol. I. P The I y Rob tie Avefbiry, p. 136,-141. Hiftoire de France, vol. i. 503. Mezeray, p, 29. froiflard, vol. i. c. 133. Thorn. VValfing' am, &c. u : '% ill' Iffl 'Si* '' 2IO NAVAL BISTORT The king having carried his point in taking Calais^ was content, at the earneft intreaty of the pope, to make a truce for a year ; and the lirfl: ufe the French made of this, was, to attempt recovering by fraud, what they knew it was in vain to attempt by fotce. The king hacl bellowed the government of Calais on Aymeri de Pavia, whom foon after, fome French noblemen perfuaded to accept of twenty thoufand crowns, and to deliver up this importan': place*. King Edward being informed of the defign, pafled with great fecrecy from Dover to Calais, with three hundred men at arms, and fix hundred archers, and being received by night into the forts, he was ready to repulfe the French troops under the command of the count de Charny, who came with twelve hundred men to furprize the place. The combat was long and doubtful ; but at laft it ended in the total defeat of the French, who, in- ftead of taking the fortrefles, were all either killed or taken prifoners. The king and prince Edward were both in this adlion, and both in fome danger ; efpecially the king, who at length took Sir Eujiace de Ribaumont, the knight with whom he fought, prifoner f , and rewarded him for his valour with a rich bracelet of pearl * ; and thus, as Robert de Avejhury remarks, the deceit of the deceivers proved fatal to themfelves **. In the month of November 1349, a fquadron ot Spa- nijh (hips pafled fuddenly up the Garrenne, and finding many Englijh veflels at Bourdeaux, laden with wine, they cruelly murdered all the Englijh feamcn, and carried ofF tlie ^ Mcz?ray, vol. ill. p. 3 1. J. de Serres, P. Daniel. f A. D. 1349. * Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adam. Murimuthenf. Annal. vol. ii. p. 101 Froiflard, Mezeray, P. Daniel. •> Hift. EJward. iii. p. 181 — 183. ^i 0/ EDWARD III. gii the (hips, though in time of full peace. King Edward having intelligence that a fquadron of Spanijh {hips, rich- ly laden, were on the point of returning from Flanders^ he drew together at Sandwich, a fquadron of fifty fail, on board which he embarked in perfon, about Midfummer *, having with him the prince of Tf^ales, the earls of Lan^ ea/ierj Nartbamptorty Warwick, Salt/bury^ Huntingdon^ Arundel, and Ghuceftery with many other perfons of di- ftindlion. They met with the Spanijh fleet, on the coaft jaezr ff^ncbeljea, which confifted of forty- four very large fhips, ftiled carracks. They were, out of comparifon, bigger and ftronger than the Englijh veflels, and yet the latter attacked them with great boldnefs. The Spaniards defended themlelves refolutely, and chofe at laft death, , rather than captivity, refufing quarter though it was offered them. Twenty-four of thefe great (hips laden with cloth and other valuable goods, were taken and brought into the Englijh harbours, and the reft efcaped by a ij^ee^y flight. To perpetuate the memory of this vidory, the king caufed himfeif to be reprefented on a gold coin, Handing in the midft of a (hip with a fword drawn, think- ing it an honour to have his name tranfmitted to pofterity, as, The Avenger of Merchants S I T would be befide our purpofe, to record all the glo- rious expeditions of this reign, which would require a vo- lume to do them right. In order to connect fuch paf- fages as fall properly under our pen, we Ihall obferve, that on the death of Philip the French king, his fon John fucceeded in the throne, who in the beginning of his • ' 't^'J ''■■;! •! % m : '*ffc P 2 reign * A D 1350. <= Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adam. Murimuth, Annal. vol. i;. p loZ. Rob de Ave/hury, p. i%/i^^ 185. Anony.n, njftor. Edwurd- iii. c. 54. FrcjiiTard, ^c. ..''- if ii 212 NAVAL HISIORT reign, bellowed the dutchy of JguitainCy upcn the Dau- phhy which fo provoked king Edward^ that he gave it, with the like title, to his fon the prince, and fent him with a fmall army of veteran troops to maintain his title. With thefe forces, on the ig"* of September, 1356, he won the famous battel of Poitiers, in which he took the king of France^ and his youngeft fon Philip prifoners, and with them, the flower of the French nobility, with whom, towards the clofe of the year, he landed in tri- umph at Plymouth ; from whence he proceeded to London, where he was received with the utmoft refpedl by the ci- tizens, having at their head, Henry Picard, then lord- mayor, who afterwards entertained the king's of Eng- land, France, Scotland, and Cyprw: at dinner ^. y ■ ^ • The taking of their king brought the French afFairs into great diforder, which was increafed through their own diflentions, and occafioned fuch a terrible fluftuation in their councils, that king Edward, believing himfelf ill dealt with in the negotiations they had fet on foot, for the deliverance of their king, refolved to quicken them, by invading France, with a more potent army than hitherto he had employed againft them j and accordingly embarked at Sandwich, on the 24'** of 05ioher 1359, on board a fleet of eleven hundred fail, and the next lay landed his army on Calaii fands, confiding of near an hundred thoufand men. The Dauphin, with a great army, kept about Parii, but could not be drawn to a battel, which though it loll him fome reputation, yet it certainly preferv- ed M ||K:f; ' i 1 Si ^ Continiiat. Nic. Tiivet. & Adam. Murimuth. Aival. vol. ii. p. J07. Rob. de Ave/bury, p. 210,-252. Anonym, hiil. Edw. iii. c. 56. Mezeray, P. Danie.'. Of EDWARD III. 213 cd France. For king Edward perceiving that, though he was able to take their greateft cities, and to plunder their richeft ptovinces, yet it was by no means in his power to preferve his conquefts, refolved to put an end to fo de- llrudive a difpute; which, though it raifed his glory, ferved only to ruin two great nations, and with this gene- rous view, concluded the peace of Bretagny, fo called from its being figned at that place, May, 8, 1360. By this treaty, king Edward, for himfelf and fucceflbrs, re- nounced his title to the kingdom of France, the dutchy of Normandy, and many other countries ; the French, on the other fide, giving up to him all /fguitaine, with many countries depending thereupon, as alfo the town and lord- (hip of Calais, with a confiderable territory thereto ad- joining ^. By this treaty, king John obtained his liberty, and was conveyed in an Englijh Heet to Calais, in the month of July following. King Edward, who was in England, at the time the French king went away, pafled alfo over to Calais in the month of OSlober, where, upon the 24th, the treaty was folemnly ratified, after the per- formance of divine fervice, and the kings mutually em- bracing, put an end to all their differences : John proceed- ing from thence to Paris, and king Edward returning on board his fleet to EiiglandK This peace lafted as long as the French king lived, who, in 1364, came over into England again, under pre- tence of treating with king Edward, but in reality out of refpedl to an Englijb lady, and died here foon after his ar- rival. His fon, the Dauphin, fucccedcd him, by the P 3 name « Rymer's Fceier. torn. vi. p, 229. Cor.t. Nic. Trivet. & Adam. Murimuth. Anna!, p, 113. Mczcray, P. Daniel. * FroiiTird, Walfmgham, Knighton. *'m !f.t;*« II 214 KIAVAL HISrORT rame of Charles V. fur- named I'he ^/e, and from the inl^ant he mounted the throne, projefted the breach of the late treaty, and the depriving king Edward of the ad- vantages ftipulated thv.i'eby, vi'hich has been always a great point in French vi'ifdom K The war, however, did not break out till the year 1369. The pretence then made ufe of by the French^ was, that the prince of fj^alis had laifed feme illegal taxes in his French dominions, of which, the nobility of thofe provinces were excited to complain to the French king, and to demand redrefs, as from their fovereign lord. The French hiftorians themfelves, admit, that this was mere pretence, and that king Charles had fe- cretly difpofed all things for expelling the Englijh out of France^ and when his mines were ready, diredled the count de Armagnac^ and others of prince Edward's ba- rons, to fpring them, by prefenting their petition ; upon which) he fummoned the prince of IVales to anfwer before his court of peers, at Paris, This was a direft breach of the treaty of Breiigny, whereby the provinces in que- ftion were abfolutely yielded to the king of England, The prince, on receiving this fummons, declared, that he Would come to Paris with his helmet on his head, and 6p,ooo men to witnefs his appearance. The French king, who expe<3:ed fuch a return, immediately declared, that the territories of the king of England in France^ were forfeited for this contempt, of which fentence he gave king Edward notice, by fo contemptible a meflenger as a fcullion •*. To fuch an aft as this, he was prompted by the ? Hiftoire de France, vol. T p. 523. J. de Scrres. Mrtseray. * Mezeray, vol. iii. p p. 78, 79. Hiiftoire de France, vol i. p Cy ED WARD III. 2ii tbe confidence he had in a fcheme of his own, for inva- ding and deftroving England. In order to this, he had been for fome years purchafing (hips all orer Europe, fo that at length he drew together a prodigious fleet, on board of which he was preparing to embark a numerous army, when he had advice, that tbe duke of Lancafler, and the earl of Warwick^ with a coniiderable body of Eng\\fl> forces were landed in the neighbourhood of CalaiSy and in full march towards him. This obliged him to abandon his deflgn, and to make ufe of his forces to defend his own country, which they performed but indifferently, though they were lucky in another refpefl, for the count de St. Pol difappointed a deiign the duke of Lancajler had formed, of burning the whole French fleet in the port of HarfeurK . '':J. King Edward in the mean time, conceiving himfelf by this ferles of unprovoked hofliiities, entirely freed froqi his flipulations in the treaty concluded with king John, re- fumed the title of king of France, and having received great fupplies of money from his parliament, made mighty preparations for invading France, and for the prefent, fe- veral fquadrons were fent to fea to cruize upon the ene- my f. One of thefe, on the coaft of Flanders, took five and twenty fail of (hips laden with fait \ Thefe (hips were commanded by one John Peterfon, and having brought this cargo from Rochelle, thought to (hew their bravery by attacking the earl of Hereford with his fmall fquadron, and fo drew upon themfelves this misfortune. - , P 4 The ^ Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adair. Murimuth. Annul, vol ii. p. 123. Anonym, vit. Edward, iii. cap. 59. Froillard, Walfmgbam. Mezeray. P.Daniel. f A. D. 1371. * Aoonynj. liiftor. Edward, iii. cap. 6o. ProiiTard^ Walfingham. ii! A '^ 'I -AM %.^i r //< i '. '■' %<*) f 2i6 NAVAL HISrORr The fame year the French formed the fiege of Rochelle^ the news of which gave king Edward great difquiet; he therefore immediately ordered the earl of Pembroke, a young nobleman of great courage, to fail with a fquadron of forty (hips, and fuch forces as could be drawn toge- ther on a fudden to its relief. Henry king of Cajlile, having notice of this embarkation, and fearing, if the Englijh fucceeded, that they would again deprive him of his kingdom, which was claimed by the duke of Lancajier in right of his wife, fitted out a ftout fleet, confiding of forty fail of great (hips, and thirteen tight frigates, which "well manned, under the command of four experienced fea-officers, he fcnt to cruize before the entrance of the port of Rocbelky in order to intercept the EngliJ}) fleet ". The earl of Pembroke arriving on Midfummer-^yQ before Rochelle, engaged this fleet, but with indiflferent fuccefs, the Spaniards having (hips of war, and he only tranfports ; however, being parted in the night, he loft no more than two ftore (hips. The next day he renewed the fight, wherein he was totally defeated, all his (hips being taken or funk, and himfelf fent prifoner into Spain. On board one of his (hips were twenty thoufand marks in ready money, which were to have been employed in raifing forces, but by this accident went to the bottom of the fea. French writers pretend that the befieged were not dif- pleafed with this misfortune which befell the Engajh, and as a proof of this, alledge, that they gave them no afli- {lance j the contrary of which appears from our authors, who .n i CJ ' Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adam. Murimuth. AnnaJ. vol. ii. p. 127, 12S. Holingflied, Speed. "> Hiltoirc de France, vol. i I'' 532- Mezeray, vol. iii. p. 89, 90. — •;•• • ■ ■^W^'l ■ Of EDWARD III. 217 who live us a lift or the RochelUn who periflied in this fight ". This lofs was attended with that of RocheUe^ and the greateft part of Poiiiou^ which fo raifed the fplrits of the French, that they befieged the ftrong city of Touarsy which they brought to a capitulation on thefe terms, that if by the feaft of St. Michael they were not relieved by king Edward, or one of his fons, then the place, with all its dependencies, {hould be rendered into the hands of the French. The principal perfon employed by the French in this expedition, was one .Sir John Evans, a native of JVales, who had for .iike^ his country through fome dif- content. This man was an excellent officer both by land and fea, and was now recalled from the ifland of Guernfey^ upon which he had made a defcent, and had almofl: re- duced the place, to perform the like fervice in PoiSiou •. I mention this to (hew, that the French began now to have fome power at fea, which is the natural confequence of their maintaining a lingering war with us. King Ed- ward had all this time been preparing a vaft number of tranfports, and a ftout fleet, in order to tranfport his army to Calais. But now having intelligence of the terms on which the city of Touars had capitulated, he refolved to employ his forces and his fleet for its relief. With this view he embarked a confiderable body of troops on board a fleet of four hundred fail; and to (hew the earneft defire he had of faving fo important a place, he went in perfon with the prince of Wales, the duke of Lancajier, the earl of Cambridge, all three his fons, and many of his nobility, but » Cont. Nic. Trivet. & Adam Murimuth. Annal. vol. ii. p.128. Froiflard, Walfingharo, P. Daniel, Mezeray. ® FroiAar d, vol. i. ch. 105. .-v., . - ... I ii I li! 2i8 NAFJIL BISTORT . but all bis endeavours were to no purpofe * : for embark- ing the beginning oiAuguJiy the fleet was fo tofled by con- trary winds, that, after continuing at Tea about nine weeks, the king found himfelf obliged to return to Eng- landy where as foon as he landed, he difmifled hjs army, by which untoward accident Tduars was loft p. From this inftance it is apparent, that, notwithftanding the ut- moil care and diligence in fitting out fleets, and in fpite (5f all the courage and condudl of the moft accompli(hed' commanders, expeditions of this kind may eafily fail j and in fuch cafes, the confequence generally is the fame which fell out here, the people murmured at the vaft expence, and began to fugged, that now the king grew old, fortune failed him. The king, notwithfta iding thefe repeated difappoint- roents ftill kept up his fpirits, and refolved to make the ut- moft eflforts for reftor'ng his affairs in France ; but being grown far in years, and withal much worn with fatigue, he contented himfelf with fending the duke of Laneajler with a great fleet, and a good army on board, to Calah f. The Fr&nch writers, and indeed moft of our hiftorians, fay that it it confifted of thirty thoufand men j but Froif- Jard, who lived in thofe times, and knew very well what he wrote, aflirms, they were but thirteen thousand, viz, three thoufand men at arms, and ten thoufand archers. They might, indeed, be increafed after their arrival, and proba-« bly they were fo. At the head of thefe forces the duke of Laneajler pafled through the heart of France to Bourdeaux, .1 •, ■ .... I . ,1 ■,.,■. ' ' In * A. D. 1372. P Cont. Nic. Trivet. & Adam. Murimuth. Annal. vol. ii. p. 128. Anonym, hill. Edward III. cap. 60. Both thefe writerrs however hy, this expedidoa was for the relief of Roche). Fioifiirdi Mez^ray, P. Daniel. f A. D. 1372. Of EDWARD III. ii9 in fpite of all the oppofition the French could give him, who made it their buHnefs to harafs him all they could in his march, though they were determined not to fight *>. Thus far the expedition was equally fuccefsful and glori- ous, but in the latter end of it, the army by continual fatigue began to diminifl), and the duke of Lancajier was glad to conclude a truce, which was prolonged from time to time, fo long as the king lived. In thefe lad days of his life he grew feeble in body and mind, and was (as many of our hiilorians fay) governed in a great meafure by a miftrefs and her favourites.. His glorious fon, tbt Black Prince, lingered alfo for feveral years with a dropfy, and complication of dillempers; fo that we need not wonder at the wrong turn the Englijh affairs took in France, if we confider the advantage the French then had, in the art and cunning of Charles V. who was certainly one of the ablefl princes that ever fat upon their thron«. In all probability, the fenfe king Edward had of this great change in bis affairs, and his forefight of the miferies that would attend a minority in fuch troublefome times, might |)offibly haften his death, which happened on the twenty*- firft of June 1377, in the fifty-firft year of his reign '. I N the courie of this reign we have taken notice of the great jealoufy the king expreffed for his fovereignty of the fea J but if we had mentioned every inftance thereof, it would have fwellcd the account of this reign beyond alt bounds : fome fpecial cafes, however, it may not be amils to touch here. In the peace made by him with king vw. : John, 5 Cont. Nic Trivet. & Adam. Murimuth. Annal. vol. ii. p. 129. FroiiTard, vol. i cap. lotf- Thom. Walfingham. ' Cone Nic. Trivet. & Adam. Murimuth. Annal. vol. ii. p. 138. Tiiom. WalfinghaiD, Speedy Barnes in his hillory of this prince. 'i *••!« w ■ • ^- ■ 220 NAFAL HISrORT John, wherein Edward renounced all title to Normandyj he exprefly refervcd all the iflands dependant thereupon, that he might prelcrve his jurii'di»^ion at fea entire •. In his commiflions to admirals and inferior officers, he fre- quently ftiles himlelf fovereign of the EngliJI) feas, aflert- ing, that he derived this title from his progenitors, and deducing from thence the grounds of his inftrudlions, and of the authority committed to them by thefe delegations '. His parliaments likewife, in the preambles to their bills, take notice of this point, and that it was a thing notorious to foreign nations, that the king of Enghfid in right of his crown was fovereign of the feas ". He was alfo, as we have before (hewn, very attentive to trade, and re- markably careful of EngliJI) wool, the ftaple of which he managed with fuch addrefs, that he long held the prin- cipal cities of Flanders attached to his intereft, contrary to the duty they owed to their earl, whom he more than once engaged them to expel ^. Yet for all this, his con- dudl in the laft years of his life was fatal to the naval power of this nation ; for by long wars and frequent em- bargoes, he mightily injured commerce j while on the other hand, the French king was all this while affiduoua in his endeavours to create a maritime force in his domini- ons, in which he fo far fucceeded, rhat he became this way a formidable enemy to the Engly^ •*, as will be feen In our account of the next reign. But before I part with this, I muft take notice, that not only the ftate was ex- ceedingly exhaufted by the king's French wars, but that ,v : iV prince « Thorn. Walfiugham. ad xxxiv. Edvardi III. * Rot. Sco- tis, X Ed. III. Menbran. i6. " Rot. Pari. 46. Ed. III. num. 20. ' "^ Mezeray, vol. iii. p. 86. ^ Hiitoire de la Miiicc Francoife par P. Daniel, tom.ii. p. 448. « -^-.^v* !*-'.'';( u.a */ 0/ RICH ARD II. • 221 prince himfelf alio driven to fuch neceflities, that be thrice pawned his crown, firft in the fevcnteenth year of his reign beyond the feas ^ ; again in the twent-fourth, to lir Joh/i fVefenham^ his merchant *; and again in the thirtieth of his reign, to the fame perfon, in whofe hands it then lay eight years, through the king's inability to redeem it * : neither is this a flight report, or a ftory taken from private memoirs, but appears in our records, and ought therefore to be a caution to all fucceeding monarchs, not to lay too great a ftrefs on their foreign expcdlations, which, though fometimes they feem honourable in appearance, have 1 sen always in effed ruinous to their predeceflbrs. RICHARD II. from the place where he was bom, ftiled Richard of Bourdeaux, the fon of the famous Black Prince^ fuccceded his grandfather in the kingdom with ge- neral fatisfadtion, though he was then but eleven years old. He was crowned with great folemnity, and being too young to govern himfelf, the adminiftration naturally de- volved upon his uncles, and particularly John of Gaunt duke of Lancajier, then ftiled king of Cajlile and Leon \ While the great men in England were employed in ad- juring their interells, and getting good places, the French king's fleet, confifting of fifty fail of ftout (hips, under the command of admiral de Vienne, 'iifefted our coafts, and a body of troops landed in ^uJJeXi by whom the town of Rye was burnt. This v/as in the latter end of V Pat. Parf i. An. 170 Edw. III. * Pat. An. ?4. Mernhnn 21. » Ciaul An. 30. Edw. III. Com. de Term. Hi). 38. Edw. III. ex parte Rem. Regis, ^ Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adam. Murimuth. Annal. vol. ii. p. 140,141. Thorn. Walfingham, &c. <'iS 1 " I ) T i til 722 NAVAL HISTORr of Jw/iff, within fix days after king Edward's dcccafe, of which the French having notice, they thence took courage to attempt greater things. On the twenty-firft of Jugufi^ they landed in the Ifle of Wigbty pillaged and burnt moft of the villages therein, and exacted a thouiand pounds of the inhabitants for not burning the reft j and afterwards paffing along the coaft, they landed from time to time, and deftroyed Port/mouth, Dartmouth^ and Plymoutby to the great dKhonour of the lords about the youn^ king, who were fo much employed in taking care of themfelvcs, that they had little time to fpare, and perhaps as little concern for the affairs of the nation ; fo that, if private perfons had not interpofed, matters had llill gone worfe, for though fir John Arundel drove the French from Southampton with lofs : yet they burnt Ha/lings ^ and attempted Wtnchelfeay which was defended by the abbot of Battel, At Lewes they beat the prior with fuch troops as he had drawn together, and having killed about a hundred men, not without confider- able lofs on their fide, re-embarked their forces, and re- turned home '. In fome meafurc, to wipe off the (hame of thefe mifad- ventures, a confiderable fleet was at length fent to fea, un- der the command of the carl of Buckinghaniy who had with him many gallant ofiicers, and who intended to have intercepted the Spanijh fleet in their voyage to Shy$ ; with which view he twice put to fea, and was as often forced in- to port by contrary winds, fo that his projeft came to no- thing •*. The duke of Lancaftery on a promife to defend the nation againft all enemies for one year, got into his hands f-i ' FroifTird, vol. i. cap. 327. Mezeray, Daniel. •• Contin- Nic. Trivet, if Adam- Muricmch. Annal vol. ii. p. 141. -mm (y R I C H A R D II. zi% hands a fubfidy granted by parliament For Ihdt Jjurpdlit, ytt he executed his truft fo indififertntly, that one Mertn^ a StoUh Privateer, with a ftnaH fijua^ron^ carried away ftvc- ral vefiels from under the walls of Siorborcugh-Cajik^ and afterwards adding fevetal French and Spifnijh (hips to his fleet, began to grow very formidable, and greatly difturb- ed the Englijh commerce *. lid times oi public diftraflion, private virtues arecom- inonly rtoft confpicuous. There was Ex. Joan Evcrfden. Pat. an. 3. E. i. m. 26. » Rot. Clauf. an. 26. H. iii. ^ Rot. Vaf;:oni2e. Anno 22. E. i. m. 8. ' Ex. Hilloria. Joan. Everfden. See Brady's hiftory in that king's reign. «" Rot. Scot. an. 2. E. ii. in. 17. Rot. Scot. an. 12. E. ii. in. 8. Rot. Pat. an. 4. E. ii. Dorf. Clauf. an. 17. E. ii m. 2. " See Brady's Hiftory, Molloy de Jure Maritime, p. z8^. • Uauf. an. I. E. iii. Rot. Scot. eod. an. ^ ry R 1 C H A R D II. 225 13th year of his reign, he obliged the Cinque-Ports to fet out thirty fhips, half at his coft, and half at theirs ; the out-ports furnlfhing fourfcore (hips, and the traders of Lon- don being commanded to furnifli fhips of war at their own expence p. Complaint being made, on account of thefe hardftiips, to parliament ^, no other anfwer could be had, than that the king would »iot permit- things to be other wife than they were before his time ' j that is, would not permit his prerogative to be diminilhed. By thefe methods, he raifed his cuftoms in the port of London _ to a thoufand marks per month •. Thefe were certainly hardftiips, and hardfhips that would not have been borne under any other pretence. But now, under the minority of king Richard II. when things could not be carried with fo high a hand, and yet the neceffity of maintaining a conftant fquadron at fea for the fecurity of the coafts was apparent, a new or- der was taken, equally agreeable to juftice and reafon, for impofing certain duties on all ftiips failing in the north feas, that is, from the mouth of the river of Thames north- wards. Thefe duties were to be levied not only on mer- chants, but on fifliermen, and of thofc belonging to fo- iv ?n nations, as well as of Englijh fubjeds. It confifted in paying 6^. per ton, and only fuch vellels were excufed as were bound from Flanders to London with merchandize, or from London to Calais with wool and hides. Fifliermen, particularly fuch as were employed in the herring-fifliery, were to pay bd. per ton every week, other fifliermen alike duty every three weeks. Ships employed in the coal- trade Vol. I. Q. to i« P Rot. Scot. an. 13. Ed. iii. m. 15. Cont. Nic. Trivet, et Adam. Murimuth. Annal. Vol. ii. p. 143. I '■:'% 0/ R I C H A R D II. 227 however, followed with a greater : the duke of Lancajier^ with a very numerous army, and a very potent fleet, fail- ed to the affiftance of the duke of Bretagne, about mid- fummer, and having fpent near a month in a fruitlefs liege of the town of St. Jldalo, which he miffed taking by his own negligence and ill conduct, he returned to England with little reputation to himfelf j the French fleet in the mean time having fpoiled the coafts of Cornwall '^. The foes of the French court very naturally applied themfelves for afliftance to England, and feldom failed to obtain it, though it was not often that either we, or they were gainers by u in the end. The king of Navarre, who had ihewn himfelf a bitter enemy to the houfe of Fa^ leisy and who had hitherto had but indifferent fucceis, in a great variety of irtrigues and enterprizes into which he had entered, at laft addreffed himfelf to king Richard, and offered to put the fortrefs of Cherburg in Normandy, into his hands ; which was accepted, and with fome difficulty obtained, in the month of O^ioher, 1379. In the latter end of the fame year Sir John Arundel going with a ccnfiderable reinforcement to Bretagne, was (hipwreck'd, part of his fquadron being driven on the coafts of Ireland, fome on the Welch fliore, and others into Cornwall, fo that himfelf, and a thoufand men at arms, perifhed : this lofs, and the uneafinefs following upon it, occafioned the calling of a parliaraent. Thf, next year, however, new fupplies were fent, under the command of the carl of Buckingham, Sir Robert Knollys, and Sir Hugh Caverky, to Calais, and from thence pafled through the heart of France into Bretagne, where the duke employed them in Q, 2 the vllJ i 'I- _ 'h :■ il 1' '1 "t\ * Ibid. p. 144. Walfingham, Stowe, Holinglhcd. &c. m 228 NAVAL HISrORT the fiege of Nante^^ a city which refufed to acknowledge him ; and taking very Utile care to fupply them with ne- ceiTaries, they were by degrees reduced to fuch mifery, that the Englijh foldiers were glad to return in fmall com- panies through France, not in a hoftile way, but beg- ing their bread, which ought to have put an end to all thefe inconfiderate expeditions, that ferved only to waitu the llrength of rhe nation, and to fixpofc us to foreigners ; for in the mean time the French gallies burnt Gravefendy and plundered the whole Keniijh coaft *. In 1383, a new kind of war broke out, which though inconfiderable in its confequences, ought not to be pafled over in filence. There was at this time, a fchifm in the church of Rome j Urban IV. was owned in that city, and Clement VII. was acknowledged for Pope at Avignon, The fcveral princes oi Europe, confulted their own advantage in the choice they made of thefe pontiffs, and as the French had owned Clement, the Englijh grew very warm on the behalf of Urban. He therefore, to ferve his own inte- reft, and to heighten their zeal, proclaims a croifade againft his opponents, and conftitutes Henry Nevily bifliop of Norwich, his general in England, This prelate, a man of noble birth, was of a fit charader for fuch an enterprize, having a high fpirit, a refolute courage, and a very intriguing genius. He knowing that the Flemings were then in arms againft their earl, and that they were naturally inclined to the Englijh, refolved to make ufe of his commiflion, to over-run, if poffible, that country. Pafling over with this view to Calais, he there fuddenly aifembled * Contln. Nic. Trivet. & Adam. Murimuth. A-nnal. vol. ii. p. p 147, 148. Mezeray, vol. iii. p. 109. Froifldrd, Thorn. Wal- iingham. ::i| . 0/ RICHARD II. 219 aflcmbled fifty thoufand foot, and two thoufand horfe, with which, and a good fleet attending, he fuddenly fell into FlanderSy where he cut to pieces a body of twelve thoufand men belonging to the earl, took Dunkirk, Grave- ling, Mardyke, and other places, and at length befieged Ipres ; his fleet proceeding with like good fortune at fea. But the French king nr arching with a great army into Flanders, and the Flemings beginning to fall off*, the bifliop of Norwich was glad to retire, and after all his fliort- lived fuccefles, to return with a handful of men into Eng- land. The next year the French fitted out feveral fqua- drons to infeft the Englijh coaft, in which they were but too fuccefsful, while our inteltine divifions hindred us from taking that due care of our affairs, which our great ftrength at fea enabled us to have done. Yet the inhabi- tants of Port/mouth, to (hew the martial fpirit of this na- tion was not quite extinguifhed, fitted out a fquadron at their own expence, which engaging the French with equal force, took every (hip, and flew all but nine perfons on board them, performing alfo other gallant exploits before they returned into port ^. So very apparent it is, that if our affairs go wrong, this ought to be afcribed to the ru- lers, and not to the people, who are naturally jealous of our national glory, and ever ready enough to facrifice their perfons and properties for its defence. The French \iiT\g, Charles VI. was in the year 1385, perfuaded to revive his father's project, of invading Eng- land, in order to compel the Englijh to abandon the few places they ftill heP in France. With this view, he, at a 0.3 prodigious y Hiiloire de France* vol. ii. j-j 12. Mezeray. vol. iii. p. 125. Stcw^, Hclioj^flied, Sie.d. i^i I! v| 230 NAVAL HISrORr prodigious cxpence, purchafed (hips in different parts of Europe^ and by degrees drew together a very great num- ber; an author of Ciedit who lived in thofe times, fays, twelve hundred and eighiy-feven fail, infomuch that, if it had been neceflary, they might have made a bridge from Calais to Dover ^ On the other hand, king Richard prepared a numerous army, and alfo drew together a powerful navy : yet, after all, there was no great matter done J for the French king's uncles, the dukes of Berry and Burgundy fell at variance upon this head, and the de- iign was fo long prctradled, that at laft they were obliged to lay it afide for that year ". Mezeray feems to attribute this to the duke of Burgundy •» ; but father Daniel afcribes it to the duke of Berry «=. However, it was not entirely given over,but rather deferred till the fucceeding fpring,when the French failed a fecond time, partly through the trea- chery of the duke of Bretagne, and partly through the cowardice of admiral de Fienne, This man had been fent with a fleet of fixty fhips to Scotland, in order to excite and enable the inhabitants of that kingdom, to make a di- verfion ; but he behaved there very indifferently, for he declined fighting the Engltjh, when they deftroyed all the country before them, and entered into an amour with a princefs of the royal blood, which, fays Mezeray, the barbarous Scots, being ftrangers to the French gallantry, took amifs, and ihewed their refentment in fuch a man- ner, as obliged him to leave their country very abruptly. On his return, he reported the Englijh to confift of ten thoufand horfe, and a hundred thoufand foot, which Itruck the "^ Hilloire de Charles VI. A. D. 158c * Froiffard, vol. iii. cap. 2?;. *" Abrege de THiftoire fie France, vol. iii. p. 129. "-' Hiibire de la Milice de France, vol. ii. p. 448. f ' 1 R r ent parts of '' great num- tlmej, fays, Lich that, if bridge from ng Richard together a reat matter es of Berry md the de- e obliged to attribute w>/ afcribes >ot entirely )ring,when the trea- rough the been fent to excite nake a di- y* for he :d all the r with a ^ray^ the ;allantry, a man- ibruptly. 1 of ten h ftruck the vol. iii, p. 129. 0/ R ICHARD II. 231 the French with terror. As for the duke of Bretagne, on fome private diftafte, he clapped up the conftable of France in prifon, who was to have commanded the forces that were to Le tranfported in this mighty fleet ; which new difappointmeit fruftrated the whole delign. Fatler Daniel is juft enough to acknowledge, that it is doubtful whether the duke, by this aft of treachery, did the £«- glijh or the French moft fervice ; fince, if this defign had mifcarried, the greateft part of the nobility of France^ who were embarked therein, muft have neceflarily perifli- ed. As it was a great number of fliips belonging to this huge fleet in failing from the haven of SluySy were driven on the Englijh coaft and taken ; and the year before the earls of Arundel and Nottingham^ with the Englijh fleet, had attacked a great number of French^ Spanijh and Fie- w/}^ merchant-men, and having beat their convoy, took upwards of a hundred fail. Thus this wild fcheme ended in the deftrudlion of the naval power of France^ which as it is in itfelf unnatural, fo when ever it receives a confidera- ble check, it is very hard to be reftored again, as father Daniel tacitly acknowledges; for he owns, that during the remainder of the reign of Charles VI. as aifo during that of Charles VII. which takes in upwards of half a century, they attempted little or nothing by fea, and not yery much in the fucceeding fifty years **. - The expedition of the duke of Lancajier into Spain^ deferves to be mentioned in a work of this nature; for though it be true, that it did not concern the kingdom of England^ yet as the whole naval ftrength of the nation - ' 0,4 was <> Hiftoire de la Milice Francoife, vol. ii. p. 448, Stowe, Hj' lingOied. Speed, Brady, Tyrrel, &C. \\ ) \ *••« ^lE Ij. -jjl m ':l';i !' m '■' w ak.r3 532 NAVAL Hisrorr was employed therein, and as the reputation of the i?«- glijh arms was fpread thereby all over Europe, it would be unpardonable to omit it. The duke's title, notwithftand- ing the flight put on it by fome authors, was in reality a very good one : he claimed in right of his fecond wife Conjfantia, who was the daughter of Peter the cruel king of Cajiiky whereas the pofleflbr of that crown was of a baftard line. The king of Portugal was likewife in his intereft, and fent into England feven gallies and eighteen Ihips, to join the duke's fleet, which was a long time in preparing. At length, about Midfummer 1386, he em- barked with twenty ihoufand men, and the flower of the Englijh nobility, himfelf commanding the army, and Sir Thomas Piercy the fleet. The firfl: exploit they performed was the relieving Brejl, at that time befieged by the French, by which the duke gained great reputation i after this, embarking again with frefli provifions and fome re- cruits, they arrived at the port of Corunna, or as our ftilors call it, the Groin, on the ninth of Augujl^ and there hitXy landed their forces *. The king of Portugal behaved like a good ally, and many of the Spanijb nobi- lity acknowledged the duke for their king. Yet the war at the beginning was not attended with much fuccefs, great ficknefs wafting the Englijb army, and through the precautions of John king of Cajlile, the country was fo deftroyed, that a famine enfued, which proved of ftill worfe confequence to the duke's affairs. By degrees, how- ever, the foldiers recovered their health, and the duke, who had himfelf endured a (harp fever refumed his fpi- lits, and continued the war with fre(h vigour, and with ...... better • Froiflard, Walfingharo, Knighton, Mezeray, P. Daniel. 0/ R I C H A R D II. 233 better fortune. John king of Cajlile^ feeing his domi- nions deftroycd, and the French^ who had promifed him great fuccours very flow in performing, wifely entered in- to a negotiation, which quickly ended in a peace '. By this treaty king John paid the duke about feventy thou- fand pounds for the expcnccs of the war, and afligned him and his dutchefs, an annuity of ten thoufand pounds : the eldeft daughter of the duke married Henry prince of JJiu-- rias, king John*s heir, and the duke's fecond daughter, efpoufed the king of Portugal. „After this agreement made, the duke with the remains of his army, which an emi- nent French writer fays might amount to about a lixth part of the forces he carried abroad «, returned into England towards the end of the year 1389 j and a little after the king was pleafed to honour his uncle with the title of duke of Jquitaine •». I N 1394, an infurredion in Ireland obliged the king to pafs over thither, being attended by the duke of Gloucejlery the earls of Marchy Nottingham, and Rutland. In this expedition he had better fortune than in any other part of his life, reducing moft of the petty princes to fuch freights, that they were glad to do him homage, and to give him hoftages. But at the requeft of the clergy, he returned too haftily, in order to profecute heretics, when he might have fubdued his rebels, and fettled that kingdom. This miftake in his conduft proved afterwards fatal to his crown and life *. The difputes he had with his nobility at home, inclined the king to put an end to all differences abroad, and therefi re, after a long treaty it was I*' '1. :':i i HI m ■'ii , m Ii ! t". ! SI ^ Speed, Holingftied. e Mezeray, vol. ifi. p- 134- ^ Wal- fingham, Stowe, Holingihed Speed. \ Cbroo. Hibern. A D. 1594- >?M,\ n m 4* "I m::'d ^' :'i m V' '.''If 1 ;* M : ! ail 234 NAVAL HISTORr was agreed, that king Richard fliould efpoufe the /V/w^A princefs IJahlla, though but a child between feven and eight years old. On this occafion he pafled over to Ca^ lais, where he had an interview with the French king, and having efpoufed this young princefs on the thirty-firft of O^obtfy he foon after brought her home, and caufed her to be crowned j but very little to the people's fatisfa- £lion, who fancied there was fomething ominous in tb. lofs of part of her portion, in the (hort paflage between Calais and Dover, in a fudden ftorm ''. Some time after he was drawn into a much more unpopular aft, by Civing up the fortrefs of Cherburgh to the king of Na- varre, and the town of Breji to the duke of Britanny j and the difturbances which followed thefe meafures in Ert' ^land, encouraged the Irijfj to rebel '. In the firft fury of thefe people, they cut off Roger Mortimer earl of March, governor of Ireland for king Richard, and prefumptive heir of the crown. The news of this fo much provoked the king, that he determined to pzfs over into that ifland, in order to chaftize the authors of fo black a faft. With this view he drew together a confiderable army, and a fleet of two hundred fail, with which he fafely arrived at Waterford, in the fpring of the year 1399 "*. The king had fome fuccefs in this, as he had in his former expedition, it being the conftant foible of the Irijh to be wonderfully ftruck with the prefence of a prince, and the pomp of a court. But his fuccefs was quickly interrupted by the mortifying news of his coufin Henry of Lancajier*^ being landed in England^ and in open re- bellion. ^ Rymer's Foedera, torn. vii. p. 802. Stowe, Holingflied, Mezeray, P. Daniel. 1 Chron. Hibcrn. A. D. 1395. » Wal- fingham, Knighcon, Stowe. 0/ R I C H A R D IT. 235 bellion. This young nobleman, lliled in his father's life- time, firft earl of Derby, and then duke of Hereford, had ever been of a martial difpofition, and had attained to great military fkill, by ferving in Prujfta under the I'euto* flic knights. He had been very indifferently treated by king Richard, yet had no thoughts of pretending to the crown when he firft returned home ; but finding the people univerfally difaffedled, the king in Ireland, and himfelf furrounded by a number of brifk and active young noble- men, he grew bolder in his defigns, though he ilill a6ted with much caution. The king on the firft advice of this rebellion returned into England, where he no fooner ar- rived, than all his fpirits failed him, infomuch, that the firft requeft he made to the earl of Northumberland was> that he might have leave to refign his kingdom ". The precedent of his grandfather Edward II. was too recent to leave the rebels any f uple of making ufe of the king's pufillanimous temper ; they therefore brought him up pri- foner to London, where he was committed to the Tower ^ and fliortly after, by authority of parliament depofed, when he had reigned twenty-two years, and was in the thirty- third year of his age. After which, his life was of ro long continuance; for being carried from place to place, he at length ended his days at Pomfret'CaJile, in the year 1401, but how, or with what circumftances, is not clearly known to pofterity ; fome fay, that hearing of the misfortunes which attended his friends, who endea- voured to reftorc him, and had miferably loft their lives in the attempt, he refufed fuftenance, and ftarved himfelf; others with greater probability affirm, that with hunger and ^ Chronicon. Godilovian, p. i idi ■' i - >1 m ^^il^" 236 NAVAL HISTORT and cold, and other unheard-of torments, his cruel ene- mies removed him out of their way ** ; and to this opinion Camden inclined, who, in fpeaking of Pomfret-Cajile^ fays, it is a place primipum cade & funguine infamis p. The hiftory of ou. commerce within this period of time would be equally curious and ufeful, if carefully and impartially collected from our records and hiftories. What I have to ofFe^ on this head, is only the Truit of my own refledlons upon fome remarkable paflages, that in the compofition of this hiftory appeared of too great impor- tance, in reference to the fubjedls under my confidera- tion, to be pafled by without notice, amongft a long train of common events. Such obfervations I conceive may be of more ufe; becaufe, generally fpeaking, our writers upon political arithmetick, li.ive very rarely carried their refearches fo high as thefe times, from a notion very probably, that there was not much in them to their pur- pofe, in which, however, I mii,^ confefs myfelf of a ▼cry different fentiment, being fully fatisfied, that many points of the greateft confequencc might be very much enlightened, if due attention were paid to fuch occurren- ces in thefe time?, as any way regard our foreign and domellic trade, the fcarcity and plenty of coin, and the different Hate of the finances of our feveral monarchs j for all which, tho' there may not be fufiicient materials to com- pofe a compleat hiftory, yet there are more than enough to convince us, that the vulgar^opinion of the poverty of our anceftors in part times, is very far from being founded in truth ; but is rather the confequence of an ill-grounded complaifance for our own age. W £ • Thorn. VValfingham. liypodigm. NeuftriK, Harding's chro- r'cle, Stowe, Speed p Pefcript. Brit. p. 383. ^Jl^^^^BKi-.'i: 0/ R I C H A R D II. 237 We have before obfcrved, that Henry I. left behind him a very large fum of money at his deceafc j his grand- fon Henry II. reigned about the fame fpace of time, that is, four months ihort of thirty-five years, as his grand- father reigned four months more than that number of years j their tempers were much alike with refpeft to ccconomy, that is to fay, both of them were inclined to colledt and leave behind them as much wealth as they could J the former for the fake of eftablifhing his family, the latter, that he might make a provifion for the expe- dition into the Holy- Land, which he certainly had very much at heart. But Henry II. at his demife, left in gold and filver, exclufive of jewels and other curiofities, the fum of nine hundred thoufand pounds, which would be a thing altogether incredible, if we had not as good authority for this, as for any hiflorical fadt whatever ^ It is indeed true, that fome writers have reprefented him as an avarl- tious, and even rapacious prince, but the fadls which they ailign to prove this are fu:h, as will fcarce fatisfy an itor partial reader. He levied from time to time, confiderable fums upon the Jews, who were the money'd people of thofe days; he had confiderable aids from his nobility, and he kept bilhopricks and other eccleiiaHical benefices ia his hands for feveral years together. His predecefTors how- ever, had done as much without acquiring any fuch treafure, and therefore we may conclude from this faft, that the nation was become much richer. It ^ The words of Matthew Paris, my author, are thefc, Invenlm funt plura quam nongenta millia Ubrarum itt auro ^ argento^ preeter utcnftUa is! "ocalia cj lapiJes pretiofos The will of this great mo- narch, is prefcrved in the Liber Nij^er Scaccarii, publilhed by Hearne, but in this we And none but charitable legacies. k ^1'i it 4: I J' ■'■■ In''' : ill.- ! .,iil 238 NAVAL HISrORT It is faid, and very truly faid, that coin or money, is the pulse of a ilate ; if it beats high and even, there is no reafon to queftion the health of the body poli- tic ; but if it grows low and intermits, even wife men may be allowed to doubt as to the public fafety. We may therefore fafely colleft, that the trade of this king- dom was very much increafed during the courfe of this reign, tho' we had no other argument to prove it, iince in the fame fpace of time, and without having recourfe to any extraordinary methods, this monarch was able to leave, after bellowing very conP'''^rable fums in ready money for the holy war, a treafure nine times as great as thtit of hi9 gjiand^ther, tho* he was looked upon as the richeft prince of his time. The beginning of king Richard's reign was very fa- tal to the eilates and revenues ef the crown, as the latter end of it was exceflively burthenfome upon his people, yet thofe, who from the difficulty of paying his ranfom would infer, that this kingdom was grown wretchedly poor, and that the wealth of the nation was nothing then, to what it is now, are far from being fo much in the right as they may imagine, as will appear from hence, that Hubert archbifliop of Canterbury^ when he defired the king's leave to withdraw from the adminiftration, gave this as his reafon, viz^ that there had been levied upon the fubjeds in the years 1195 and 1196, the fum of one mil- lion one hundred thoufand marks % which I have the au- thority li ' Rog. Hovedon, p. 767, 768. affures us the fcope of that pre- 1ate*s letter to the king, was to (hew how much the weaith of £ng!and was exhaufled, and as a proof added, ^od infra Biennium proximo prateritunty adquijierai ad opus illius undedes ctntena millia marcarum argenti de regno Anglia^ Robert de Brunnf, in bis chronicle 'm M 0/ RICHARD II. 239 thority of an ingenious and judicious writer to bear me out in affirming, was equal to eleven millions in our times '. So that it was not the poverty of the kingdom which made the impofitions of thofe days feem infupport- ably hc'rd, but the impofitions ihemfelves were (6 excef- five and fo often repeated, as that they really made the nation poor. Another thing to be obferved in regard to this reign, is the tax or rather fubfidy, given in woal^ which is the firft time any thing of that nature occurs in hiflory, tho* without all doubt, wool was long before one of the principal ftaple commodities of this country. If we look into this affair carefully, we (hall find fomething in it very different from what is commonly underftood ; for it was not a tax impofed upon wool for leave to export it, a thing frequent in fucceeding times, and which, for any thing we know, might not have been altogether new even then. It was not a grant to the crown of a certain quantity of wool, which was the land-tax of thofe times* and very commonly granted to his fucceflbrs ; but it was a loaH taken from the Cijitrcian monks, who then exported the wool of this ifland to Flanders and other countries* the chronicle informs us , that tho* the fums levied were large, yet the king^s vifible neceflity, and the bad behaviour of king Philip of France, made the nobility contribute chearfully to their ma- iler's afliftance, as well in their perfons as out of their purfes. • The author referr'd to in the text is Dr. Davenantt who in his difcourfe on grants and refumptions, p. 112, not only fays what I have mentioned, but farther, thit what was given to king Ri- chard was more than was really kvied on the people in any two years of king William's war. If fo, why might not the whole receflary fuppltes have been raifed, which could not (the diffe- rence of times confidered) ha^e been in any degree fo oppreifive as what our anceilors endured, rather than a debt created,, which has proved ever Hnce an accumulating burthen f 240 NAVAL HisroRr the produce of which for that year was received to the king's ufe, in order to compleat his r infom, and was to be repaid ; and perhaps the different accounts we have of the fum to which that amounted, might be owing, in fome meafure, to this manner of raifing it ; but however, thefe things may ftand, there is nothing clearer, t^i-jn that the vaft fums raifed in this reign, muft have bcei: brought into this ifland by foreign trade, that is, by the produce of our commodities and manufactures. The latter without qucftion, were very inconfideralle in comparifon of what they have fince been, and yet not altogether fo incon- jiderable as is commonly thought ; but as for our fhple commodities, we certainly had them then as well as now, and I believe there is fome reafon to think, that they were not only exported in very large quantities, but were alfo vended in foreign markets at very high prices, that is, the proportion of things in thofe times, and in thefe, be- ing duly weighed and confidcred ^ ' ' In the reign of king JOHNyiiwe may believe raoft of our hiilorians, there was nothing but oppreflion and taxes, and immenfe fums of money from time to time levied upon the nation, which however is a proof there was money in the nation, as the great number of feamen he had cor/^antly in employment, fliews there muft have been trade. The Ciftercian monks were ftill the exporters of wool, and that this was no inconfiderable thing, may appear 'I I V' I-,' • Two things principally contributed in thofe days, to turn the fcaleof trade in our favour; firll, we were not given to refined luxury, if we indulged in any extraordinary degree, it was in our native and unpurchafed blcfTings, which made our wants the lefs ; And fecondly, commerce not being fo extenfive, fome of our ilaple commodities were highly valued^ and this brought in the more money i m *• i 0/ R I C H A R D IL 241 appear from hence, that they charge the king with taking from them by violence in the fpace of a few years, fixty- fix thoufand pounds. It may be, he only took by vio- lence what they had before got by fraud ; for why fuch vaft fums were to reft in the hands of religious men, when the public treafury was empty, it will be hard to render a juft reafon. The fame king is faid to have imprifantd an archdeacon of Huntingdony till he extorted Tr5m him twenty-two thoufand marks; this might be injuftice in the king, but public affairs could rot be well regulated, when a clergyman of his rank was able to pay fo much "• If king John had not bore fo hard upon the pricfts and monks, they would have furniflied, or at leaft, they would have allowed him a better charadler in their chronicles, if he had been more indulgent to his nobility, they might poflibly have been more loyal; but if he had not (hewn ihimfelf a lover of trade^ and a kind mafter to the com- mons, he would not have had the feamen, the fea-ports, and the trading towns at his devotion, London only except- ed ; and amongft other provocations given to her, it was no fmall one, that this monarch favoured the out ports, fo that the trade of BoJIon in Lincolnjlnre approached in Vol. I. fl fome ''?r;% I: m * Matthew Paris, R'alph Coggefhale, and John Everfden, are the chief authors of what is reported of king John's exceflive taxations, and the firft of thefe fpcaks of him m a manner fo full of indecency, thn one naturally fufpefls fo an^ry a writer, of fometimes making free with truth. An unmarried cler y im- menfely rich, was equally repugnant to the principles of (ound po- licy and of the gofpel ; the king therefore might well takefome- what from their immenfe revenues for the public fervice, without deferving to be thought either tyrant or infidel, the* thefe chari- table authors have pawned thcif credit with pofterity, that he was both. ■;\'^;i ,rn ' M I "I -^^ 242 NAVAL kisiORr fome degree to that of London^ as appears from the cu- lloms in both, during this reign. It has been hinted, that our manufadures were noC quite fo low at this time as they are generally reprefent- ed, and it looks like a proof of this, that in the ig"* year of HENRTllL there palled a law for regulating fome branches of the weaving bufmefs, and it appears from this very law, that the branches regulated thereby, were diffe- rent kinds of broad cloth. This does not indeed fhew when we began to make cloth ; for without doubt, this could not be then a new manufadurc, but it plainly fliews, that we had it in a good degree of perfection above a hundred years, before moft of our hiftories fpeak of its introdudlion into England «'. In this king's reign arofc the firft complaints about clipping of money, which not only produced a ftandard *, ^ut alfo a new regulation, which tho* ^ Some ci re urn fiances relative to this manufafture, are men- tioned in the reign of Henry II. nor does it then appear to be a new thing, but rather the contrary It was in this reign if not fooner, introduced into Scotland, which put the governirjcnt on contriving methods to prevent woci being carried thither from any of the northern counties, but with very little fucc<;fs. ^ There is fome diverficy in our old hillorians, ani much more amongit our modern critics about this matter, we will give the truth as near, and in as few words as we can* King John is by fome reckoned the author of our ftandard, uut this mult be with regard to finenefs efpecially 5 the llerling, or efterling, which was the name of a penny made of good filver, being introduced in his reign. As to weight, Thomas Rudborn cells us, William the Conqueror ordained, A. D. 1083* that a penny fhould weigh tnirty-two grains of wheat out of the midtl of the ear, and the llatute 55 ti- 3- fays the vtry fame thing. But however, there w.tb 1 dillinftion tho* not a difference. It was found by experi- ence, th.t grains of wheat diff..red in weight, that thofe kept for the kir,_<7,% baUtnce weiv affeded by the weather, and that no cer tainty tuuld anfe while tnis method was continued. It was agreed 0/ RICHARD IT. 243 tho' it proved a remedy for the evil, vi^as accounted almoft as great an evil, as that which it was intended to cure. In (hort, the taking money by tale, as is the cuftom now, and which firll began to grov into a cuftom, then, was prohibited, and people were direded to pay and receive by weighty in the manner that has been before defcribed. There are few princes that have I'at upon this throne, whole behaviour we find reprefenied in a worfe light to pofterity than that of this monarch, for he had the misfortune liice his fatlier, to be upon bad terms with the barons and the clergy, who, not contented with keeping him a beggar all his life, have tranfmitted his memory to fucceeding times, with as heavy a load of infamy upon it as was in their power. It is out of doubt, that king HENRY 6\^ levy large fums upon his people, which Matthew Peris, who lived in his time, and wrote the hiftory of his reign, has very dexteroufly magnified, by reckoning the fame tax fometimcs over and over again ^» Upon the whole he tells us, that in the fpace of forty-one rears (he reigned in the whole fifty-fix) that he had been the fpoiler of the kingdom, he had not taken lefs than nine hundred and fifty ihouiand marks ^ yet the R 2 ■ ' reader P. ■i . E -■ I I^M* agreed agreed therefore, that twenty four pieces of brafs, equal in weight to the thirty two grains of wheat, ftiould be fubiituted, as an e^fy number to divide, and thenceforward the penn, weight was faid to contain twenty-four grains. y When an hiltorian writes wit:\ a vifible leaning to one fide, the reader to fet things llraight mull lean a little to the other. King Henry might have, and to be fure had grent faults, but there was the lefs need to magnify them* Mutliew Paris furnilhes matter for hia own refutation ; he acknowledges the noL'lity were al ways rebellions, and yet blames the king for loving Itrnngers, ha exclaims againit his avarice, and owaa he gave away all he could oDMin. 'P i M '"it ,11 ■ii ^H 1 !l 1 244 NAVAL hist: DRY reader has Teen, that king R^CHJRD levied coii(iJer.i- b!y more than this fum in two years. He might very well want extraordinary fupplies, if what the fame monk in another place * inadvertently tells us was true, that ihc whole ordinary revenue of tlic crown fell confidcrably fhort of fixteen thoufand pounds a year. I F we (hould conclude from thefe clamours, from the meannefs of the king's circumftances, and from the di- (Irefles to which king HENRT was driven, that the na- tion was quite exhaufted, and that the nobility and clergy, who always complained and often rebelled, were plunder- ed and pillaged till they had nothing left to fubfift them, we fliould be extreamly miftaken. The king's brother, Richard earl of Cornwall, laid up out of his eftate near two hundred and fifty thoufand pounds, with a part of which he purchafed the diadem of Germany. We are alfo told, that the lord If^arine, who is Hiid to be the wi- •feft, and yet not affirmed to be the richeft baron in Eng- land, difpofcd by will of two hundred thoufand marks, which he had by him in money " ; fo that private men (if the nobility in thofe times might be fo called) were really very * Ft is in a manner by accident that Matthew Paris lets us into this important point. For inveighing ngainll the papal opprfl- fions he fays, that the revenue of the alien clergy in England, amounted to no lefs than feventy thoufand marks per ann. when the kinj^'s ordinary income came to fcarce a tfiird part o\ that funj, vvhicii confidering the hirgenefs of the king's family, was even in thofe days a pitiful thing. « Mat* Paris, p. 908. n. lo. f cite the place fo particularly, bccaufc Sir Wm. Dugdale in his baronage, rol. i. p. 561. alter making very honourable mention of this Warine de Muntchenfi, and fpeaking particularly of his great riches, fets down what he difpofed of by his will at no more than two thoufand marks, which is vifibly a miilake, as he quotes the very fame author that I dOf and the fame edition. 0/ R I C II A R D II. 245 very rich, tho' their king was often in a ftate of down- right want. In fliort, property was in thofedays ftrange- Jy divided, and tho! by the ballance of trade, vaft fums were brought into the nation, yet a very great part of ihcfe came into the coffers of the monks, and of the jews, and as for the remaining produce of domeftic in- duftry, it was almoft wholly fwallow'd up by the barona and the priefts. ,. • • ! ;'^' i In the glorious reign of EDTP'ARD I. we find many things word obferving, and firft, as to the coin j for tho* the finenefs thereof had been eftablifhed in the reign of his grandfather, and various regulations made in his fa- ther's long adminidration, yet in his time it was, that the matter was entirely fettled, and put into fuch a condition, as that in fucceeding times the manner only has been fuf- ceptible of change. This was done in the feventh year of his reign, when he fixed the weight of his round filvcr penny, at the rate of the twentieth part of an ounce troy, whence our denomination of a penny weight ; as to the finenefs, it remained the fame as before, that is, there were eleven ounces two penny weight of fine filver, and eigh- teen penny weight •* alloy in a pound of filver, v/hich was coined into two hundred and forty pence. However in the twenty-eighth of his reign, he reduced his penny R 3 ' fome- ^ There is now hardly to be hoped, that any clear acconnt ibould be gained of the motives on which this change was made, but by the fniallnefs^of it, there is good reafon to concl-de, that it was rather for the fervice of the Itate than to ferve a turn. But it is time to (hew what this change was. The pound of filver hitherto accounted equal to twenty Ihillings, was now raifed to twenty and three- pence, the (hilling (or rather twelve pence) weighed two hundred fixty-four, inUead of two hundred eighty -eight grains, and in ihort filver was by this means railed from twenty-pence, to twenty-pence farthing an ounce. ^ ^ f" '-v m i I 24<^ N.iyjL HisroRy wh.it, .md this wns the firft variation ol its kind from the Saxdn tinics. It wns the weight and puiity of his coin that tempted the Jm's over hither in greater numbers than ever, lo exercifc their laudable trades of ufury and clipping, for which lall offence he hanged two hundred and eighty of ihcm at once, and havin;; in vain endeavour- ed to moderate the rigour of the former, he at length ba- nillicd them out of his dominions, to the number of fif- teen thoufand, to prevent their preying upon the induftry of his fubjcfts ; having exhorted them more than once by proclamation, to apply themfclvcs to honed labour, or to the exercifc of lawful tr idcs, and to forbear extortion. In 1299, the king fettled as a dowry upon Margaret daughter to the king of B'atice, eighteen thoufand livres per arm. which amounted to four thoufand five hundred pounds Sterling j (o that four French liyres were then worth an EngHjh pound *=, which is a point of great con- fequence towards underftanding the tranfaftions of thofe limeJ. \ »*a. ■*.>•«•:; In this king's reign there were certain filvcr mines wrought in Devonflnre to confiderable profit, in the 22d year of his reign, they prodliced from the 12th of Auguji to the l.lfl of October, three hundred and feventy pound weight of filver, the next year five hundred twenty-one pounds and a half, in the 24lh year, feven hundred and fowT pounds ; they yielded afterwards more, but how much more is not faid, nor ave we any account when they were wore out **. Wc may form fome judgment of the * This comparative valuft of coin, is a fulijeft hitherto hardly confidered, and yet ancient hiflories are unintelligible, without a due ret»nrd being had to it' ^ Thefe mines were open'd again in queen Elizabeth's time, and aifo fincc, but have not anfwered the coil of working. ^lUfcRBTEaWEs 0/ R I C II A R D II. 247 the courfc of trade in his time from hence, that having occafion to borrow a large fum of money for carrying on his wars again ft the UVtchy he took up eight tlioufand marks from the city of LondoKy and one thoufand from the port of Tarmouth, In reference to the wealth of pri- vate men, there is a p«iriicular fiidl recorded that gives us fome light. The judges were found to have been guilty of corruption, and were fined amongft them one hun- dred thoufand marks, of which Sir Edward Stratton paid thirty-four thoufand '. There was in his reign a great cla- mour againft foreign merchants, who now began to keep houfcs and warehoufes of their own in the city of Loti' doriy whereas before they lodged in fome citizen's houfc, who was their broker ; and to this the citizens would very willingly have reduced things again, but the king and his council held, that it was for the public benefit they fhould remain as they were. In the reign of Edward II. we meet with very little to our purpofc, unlefs this (hould be thought fo, that upon the depofing of this unhappy monarch, the allow- ance fettled for liis maintenance in prifon, was one hun- dred marks a month, or eight hundred pounds a year ; yet this monarch had given to the lady Theophama a French woman, who was nurfe to his queen JJaheUoy an eftate of five hundred pounds a year ^ Tlie taxes in his reign were very inconfiderable. In the reign of Edward M\. Anno Domini 1331. the king granted a protedlion to ont'John Kent a cloth-wca- R 4 vcr, ^r PV.T.. %'n\ Ill: 'A n • Mat. Weft, p* 414' n. lO' Koyghton* col. 2466. Thoma* Wayland, who was the moft guilty, loft his whole eflate. ' My author for the firft of thefe fadts is Thomas Walfingham, and f«r the latter Mr. Rymer, both unquellionable in fuch points. n 248 NAVAL HisrORr ver, who came over from Flanders, and at the fame lime invited over fullers and dyers *, from whence it has been fuppofed, thai cloathing was then introduced into this kingdom, which is diredlly contrary to truth, that trade having been here long before, indeed fo long before, that there is no record extant to (hew when it was introduced. As king Edward was a very martial prince in his temper, and his re'gn almofl a continued feries of wars, there were fucccflive impofitions levied upon his fubjcdls,. and thefe amounting to fuch vaft Aims as very clearly prove, that at tbe beginning of his reign, England was far richer than in the times of any of his predeceflbrs. Some attempts have been made, to fettle, by the help of ihe taxes in this reign, the manner in which they were levied, and the produce of them, the value of our wool i and without doubt, fomething very near the truth may be difcovered, if we proceed cautioufly. In the year 1338> the laity ^ granted him one half of their wool, and the clergy nine marks a fack upon their beft wool. We know not what number of facks the king received, but it is faid, that he fent over ten thoufand facks into Brabant , which produced him four hundred thoufand pounds, that is, at the rate of forty pound a fack one with ano- ther ; and from this, (ome writers think ihemfclves war- ranted to compute the produce of ovir wool in foreign markets, E Rymer'i; Fcyder. torn* iv« p. 496* There is very little rcafon to doubr, tiKit the true reafons oi thele encouragements were iirtl cf ail inllru^hng our own people in tke utmoit perki^tion of this capital art, and next, drawing over the workmen here, that as we role in that tnanufadiutr, our aeighbours might alfo gra- cuaily decline- *^ The computations mentioned in the text, are to be fouad iu ih? bJ^^orical account of laxe?, p. io6' ' iHr 0/ R I C H A R D II. 249 markets, at lead at forty pounds a fack, and by the help of this calculation, they eHimate our annual exportations at a very large fum. Wc will fliew firft what this is, and then confider whether it be right, or whether the price fliould not be reduced. When it is faid, that wc know not what quantity of wool the king received by that grant, it is to be underflood, that we know it not from the hiflorians who mention this grant j but it appears from the records, that it amounted to twenty thoufand facks '. Thofe who made the compu- tation of which wc have been fpeaking, compute the ex- portation of wool, that year, at forty thoufand facks, which amounts to one million fix hundred thoufand pounds, and the aid to the king, comes to half that money, which, they fay, is amazing and prodigious, and indeed, well they might. But when a grant was afterwards made to the king of thirty thoufand facks of wool, we find it eflimated far lower, viz, at fix pounds a fack, the very bell, the fe- cond fort at five, and the worft at four pounds a fiick, which, however, was exclufive of the king's duty or cuf- tom. This computation was certainly very fair, and this grant to the king, was in the nature of a land-tax, which is the reafon, that the produce of it, was computed at the rate wool fold here, tho* there is no manner of doubt, that by exporting and felling it abroad, the king made much more of it. We will try, however, if it be not praflica- ble, to extradl fomething more certain out of the fails mentioned by ancient authors, becaufe if it could be done, it would be very faiisfaftory. u ' By this method of receiving taxes in kind, the king became in fome meafure a merchant, and that to his great profit. I ..J. 256 NAVAL HISJORT A CERTAIN writer has preferved the ftate or balance of the Enghjb trade as found upon record in the exche- quer, in the 28th year of this monarch, and there is no reafoa to fufpe^t its authenticity **. in this the export of wool is fet down at thirty one thoufand fix hundred fifty one facks and a half, valued at fix pounds a fack, but then the duty is excluded. It appears alfo from this account, that Mill fcf M ^ffsmm^^^^ :!; 6,073 d o * This account was publifhed in a treatife, intitled. The Chck printed in 1653. After drawing from it the remarks mention*d cier, and render my obfervations more pcrfpicuous, if a place was The balance of the Lnglijb trade in the 28th year of Ed- Exports. One and thirty thoufand fix hundred fifty-one? / facks and a hilf of wool, at fix pounds value > 189,909 each fick, amount to - - - ]j Three thoufand fix hundred fixty five felts atl forty fhilllngs value each hundred at fix > (core, amount to - - - J Whereof the curtom amounts to - - Fourteen laft, feventeen dicker and five hides \ of leather, after fix pounds value the laft 3 Whereof the cuftom amounts to — Four thoufand feven hundred feventy^ four cloths and an half, after forty (hillings value, the cloth is - - - Eight thoufand and fixty-one pieces and an half ) of worded, after 6s. 8d. value, the piece is j Wftercof the cuftom amounts to - A': B. The totals do not anfwer the particulars exadly, but at with any degree of certainty. £1,624 * I 89 s 6 17 6 9.549 6,717 18 4 215 13 7 294,184 17 2 0/ R I C H A R D II. 251 that a conliderable quantity of cloth, both fine and coarfe, and of worfted alfo, was exported. We cannot therefore, doubt, that when the commons granted king Edward thirty thoufand facks of wool, it was at leaft as much as giving him one hundred and fifty thoufand pounds 1.: mo- ney, out of their pockets. But if we are inclined to know what it brought the king, we may, perhaps^ find the means ' - &hi of Commerce ^ p. 1 19, 120, written by Mr. Edvjard Mifeiden^ and in the text, I thought it would be for the conveoiency of the rea- aliowed this curious paper in the notes. nuard III. as faid to be found upon record in the exchequer. ' ^. ,, .-:.. Imports. . , •■ . : ,.."■■-> • } One thoufand eight hundred thirty-two cloths, after fix pounds value the cloth -• Whereof the cuftom amounts to Three hundred ninety-feven quintals and three^ quarters of wax, after the value of 40s. the S hundred or quintal - «. f Whereof the cortom is — One thoufand eight hundred twenty nine tons and a half of wine, after 40s. value ^^r ton AVhereof the cuftom is - — Linnen cloth, mercery and grocery wares, and ) all other manner of merchandize - \ **»943 " 'o Whereof the cuftom is • . 285 18 3 \ /. J. d. 10,992 91 12 759 10 19 \^ 3,659 e i8z Imports 38,970 13 8 Balance 255,214 13 8 ' ■-■ ■» this diftance of time, it is impoffible to aim at correding thtm }Mm i ■■■ 1« :i tr.il 252 N4VAL HISrORY ' means of difcovcring that. In the lafl; year of his reign, the citizens of York *, complained that a German lord, had feized thirty fix furples of their wool, which they valued at one thoufand nine hundred pounds, for a debt due from the king, and according to this reckoning, wool was worth, in that country, thirteen pounds a fack, and fomething more ; fo that the aid granted to the king, could not -produce much lefs than four hundred thoufand pounds, which was a very large fum for thofe days. But we muft not part wiih this account, without drawing from it, fome other obfervations ; we find, the whole imports of that year, computed at fomething lefs than thirty-nine thoufand pounds, whereas the exports a- mounted to above two hundred ninety-four thoufand pounds ; fo that the deal balance in favour of this nation, was above two hundred and ninety-five thoufand pounds. Yet this is not all, we muft confider that in this account, there is no notice taken of lead and tin, probably, becaufe the accounts relating to them, might not be brought into the exchequer, that {^^ not into the exchequer at Wejlmin- Oer^ which will raife the account very confiderably, info- much, that there feems very good reafon to believe, the intrinlic value of the coin in thofe days, bemg compared with ours, the whole balance of trade, fell very little, if at all, fhort of nine hundred thoufand pounds, as our mo- rey is now reckoned, which is, indeed, a very large fum, and very much beyond what thofe who had never looked , into %/m. ' T'his foreign nobleman had ferved the king in his wars, and pretended fo ntucii money was due to liim ; he had alfo fhips in our ports, wich gnt.ds un board, wliich the citiz.'ns thus injured, dcfired vcxinv. be it\7x>i. 0/ RICH ADR 11. . 253 into thefe matters could poflibly have imagined. Yet the pro- bability, at leaft, if not the truth of this computation, might be (hewn in another way, that is, from the confide- ration of the immenfe fums that were confumed by this monarch, in foreign wars and alliances, which it is impofli- ble this nation could have ever furnifhed, if the balance of trade had fallen any thing fliort of what it appears to be from the foregoing computation. That trade was very much the obje'^^ » ■ ik i ',H .1 im m ijil; ' : X hi* 258 NAVAL HISTORT many of both fexes as filled ten (hips, and with thefe he returned to his new plantation ; but neither he nor his people were heard of more '^. It muft be confefled, that there is nothing here which abfolutely fixes this dif- covery to America ; though it muft likewife be owned, that the courfe before fet down, might very polTibly carry him thither. The great point is, to know how far the fa£t may be depended upon, and in relation to this, I will venture to aflurc the reader, that there are authentic «- cords in the Br:*ijh tongue as to this expedition of Ma- dock'sy V I ^rc he \/ent, prior to the difcovery of Ame- rica by L- and that many probable arguments may be offered i lupp ' of this notion, that thefe Britons were the difcoverers of that new world, is alfo true, tho* at prefent we have not opportunity to infift upon them. Some repcrts there are concerning great difcoveries in the north made by a friar of Oxford, one Nicholas de Linna, Of :his man the famous John Dee, who was both a great antiquary and a (kilful mathematician, in- forms us, that in \\t year 1360, being the thirty-fourth of Edward III. he failed in company with feveral of his countrymen to ±e northern iflands, and there leaving his afTociates, he travelled alone, and drew up an exadl d»- fcription of all the northern countries, with their furround- ing feas, which book he entitled, Inventio fortunata, or a difcovery of the northern parts from the latitude of fifty- ' four q Hakliiyr, vol. iii. p. I. Meredith ap Recce, a Cambrian Bard, who died A, D. 1477, compofed an ode in his native lan- guage on this expedition, from which the particulars above-men* ilop.ed are taken ; and this was prior to Columbus's difcovery ; fo that fad couU never have encouraged the framing of this ta- ble, even fuppofing it to* be fo. , ..Q/' ENGLAND. 0.39 four degrees, to the pole, and prefented it at his return to king Edward. However, for the better fettling thcfe dif- coveries, he returned no lefs than five times into thofe northern regions. To render this odd ftory fomewhat more probable, Mr. Dge remarks, that from the haven of Lynn in Norfolit of which this friar was both a native and an inhabitant, to Ifeiand^ was not above a fortnight's fail. and in thofe days a common thing, as appears particularly by a charter granted to the town of Blakeney in Norfolk^ by king Edward III. exempting the iifliermen of that port from attending his fervice, on account of their trade to Ireland '. This is in fome meafure confirmed by the teflimony of that famous geographer Gerard Mercatar^ who confefles that he borrowed his defcription of the or thcrn countries, from one who owned his having hen from this friar oi Oxford, whom he well defcribes, "^o. %h he does not name him. Yet it mull be acknovieij adj, that Leland fpeaks very largely of this Nicholas ' L^nn^ who, according to his account, was a Carmelits, and a great aftrologer ; "".£ in all his elogium, there is not a fyl- lable conrc«ning his travels, though he concludes with fay- ing, that his works fufiicienily praifed him », John Bali tranfcribes this account of Leland's exa<5lly, but gives us a much more copious detail of the friar's writings; and yet even in his lift, we meet with nothing as to this //»- ventiofortunata : though on the other hand we muft allow, that Bait fays he wrote other things which he had not feen *. ' / \\ S 2 Th« ' Haklayt, vol. ii. p. 121. ' Commentar. de Script Bri* tao. vol. i. p. 347. * Scriptor, Britan. vol. i. p. 468. i %r " itfii '," 260 NJVAL HISrORT The difcovery of the ifland of Madera is likewife attributed to one Macham an EngUJhmatiy which is thus reported by fevcral of the Portugueze writers. They fay, that this man having ftolen a lady with whom he was in love, intended to have carried her into Spain ; but being by a (lorm driven out to fea, after much tofling and dan ger of his life, was forced into this ifland, in which the harbour, where he lay at anchor, is to this time called Machico. On his going afhore with the lady and fome of his fervants, the (hip's crew took the opportunity of fail- ing, and got fafe into fome Spanijh Port. In a very (hort time after, the lady who was extremely fea-fick, and not a little fatigued by what (he was forced to undergo on (hore, died -, and her difconfolate lover having firft efe<5led and confecrated a little chapel to the holy J^j, bu- ried her therein. After paying this duty to the lady, whofe love for him coft her the lofs of life, Macham ad- drefled himieif to the contriving his efcape, which he ef- feded, by hollowing a large tree, and making thereof a canoe, in which himfelf, and thofe that were with him, pafled over to the oppolite (hore of Africa^ where being taken prifoners by the MoarSy they were fent by way of prefent to the king of Cajlile, This accident is by fome, placed in the year J344 j but by others, and I think with reafon, fomewhat later. It is remarkable, that we are indebted for this account to foreigners, who can hardly be fuppofed any way prejudiced in our favour againft themfelves ". W E might add here fome accounts of the expeditions made to JerufaUm^ Barbary^ and Prujfia^ by fome fa- mous * Hakluyc, vol. ii. p. ii. p. i. from Antonio Galvano. ;1 0/ HENRY IV. 261 mous Englijhmeu^ as alfo the beginning of our commerce with iht Hanfe Towns: but as to the former, it would fwell our work too much with things already mentioned by others ; and as to the latter, it may with equal pro- priety be referved for the clofe of the next chapter, to which therefore we refer it. ^ . , . , ' C H A P. VI. f/je naval R^pry o/E N G L A N D, duriffg the reigns 0/' Henry IV. Henry V. /zW Henry VI, of the houfe of Lancafter 3 containing the fpace of about fixty years, ENRT IV. called fometimes Henry oj Bolingbroh^ from the place of his birth, and fomei:mes Henry of Lancafter y from his father's dukedom, was crowned on the 13th of OSfober 1399, and his title gene- rally acknowledged. When he came over againft king Richard^ it was from France^ and mod of our hiftorians affirm, that he received confiderable afliftance from thence ; which however, the French writers deny \ Cer- tain it is, that after the death of his unfortunate prede- cefTor, the duke of Orleans^ then direftor of the public affairs in that kingdom, during the lunacy of Cbarlti VI. S 3 treated ; 1 , 'I Vt nil " 'ill 1 » Polydor. Vergil, hift. lib. 21. Iliftoirc de France, par le P. Daniel, torn. v. p. 395 .!li,) ?«r *m ^V mM 1 1=^ F' Ml ill h ^H^^ K.;:;|M 1 iii ' ■±6^ NAVAL HISTORT treated king Henry as a murderer and ufurper, though he had been formerly his friend : yet in all probability this was rather out of policy, than from any motive of juftice ; for all the ufe the French made of it, was to attempt upon the Englijh poflefTions n the continent •». King Richard being born, and for fome time bred at Bourdeaux ; his countrymen the Ga/cons difcovered a ftrong refentment of his ill ufage, and Teemed difpofed to revolt. To footh this humour of theirs, the French put on this appearance of indignation, in hopes that they would immediately have put themfelves under their proteflion «=. But Meze- ray juftly obferves, tl'4* the advantages they drew from the Englijh commerce, hindered them from hallily taking this ftep, and difpofed them to receive the lord Piercy for their governor, who was fent over with that title by king Henry ''. Not long after, king kichard's young queen was fcnt back to France, with the whole of her fortune, and all her jewels; and thereupon the truce between the two nations was renewed for twenty-ftx years, which Ihews how little of reality there was in the concern, ex- |)refled by the French court for the death of king Ri' chard', - '' •• •■ --,■— ^-^. In 1403, the king, who was then a widower, married Joany the daughter of Charles king of Navarre, and very lately widow to John Mmtford duke of Britany, which proved the caufe of great difaftfcrs to this kingdom \ for the inhabitants of that dutchy, conceiving an ill opi- nion of this marriage, and being powerful at fea, they fuddeniy landed in the weft, and burnt Plymouth, at a time •> Abrege de I'hiftoire de France, par Mezeray, vol. iii. p. 140. ^ P. Daniel, torn. v. p. 396. •• Ibid. vol. iii. p. 1 55. * P- Daniel, torn. v. Froifiard* cap. 119. 0/ H E N R Y IV. 263 time when the king*s hands were full, through the con- fpiracy of the earl of Nortbumberlandy and other great great lords ^ This, however, did not remain long unre- venged i for the inhabitants of Plymouth having fitted out a fquadron under the command of fVilliam de ff^lforJf ad- miral of the narrow fcas j he firll :00k forty (hips laden with iron, oil, foap and wine, and then burnt the like number in their harbours, taking the towns of Penmarc'- and St. Matthew, and wafting with fire and fword a great part of the coaft of Britany «. Admiral de Cajiel, who commanded the enemy's fleet, in the mean time, attempt- ed the Ifle of If^ight ; but failing of fuccefs there, he ftecr- ed for Devonjhirey where landing, he bjfkly attacked Dartmouth^ but was defeated by the country-militia, with the lofs of 400 men killed, and 200 taken ; among which were himfelf and two other perfons of dirtind^ion ; yet his fquadron, and the Fleming:, ftill infefted the coaft, took many (hips, and, to (hew their inveterate hatred to the EngUjb nation, hanged all the feamcn who fell into their hands ••. In the mean lime the French, witho"' any re- gard to the treaty fubfifting between the two crowns, in- vaded the dutchy of Guyenne, and fenl an army of twelve thoufand men, with a fleet of a hundred and forty fail, to the afliftance of Owen Glendour. Thefe forces tliev landed fafely in Milford-Haven ; but the lord Berkley and Henry Pay, who rr 1 nanded the fquadron of the Cinque Ports, attacked them in that port, where they took four- teen, and burnt fifteen of the French veflels j which fo frighted thofe on board the reft, that foon after they fled home ^ S 4 About' f Thom. Walfingham, Stowe, Holingfhed. b Tnuni. Walfingham, Stowe, Rapln. " Walfingham. MonftreW \ WalfiDgham, P. Daniel, Mezeray. I I m if; id-.. '''. .■■. ■! . ■"' % ill * !'■ W'M I *ff^ 264 NAVAL HISrORT About the fame time, the carl of Kent failed with a confiderable fleet to the coaft of Flanders^ where be cruifed for fome time upon the enemy, the Flemings be- ing then fubjedl to a prince of the houfe of France. At laft, entering the port of SluySy they found four (hips ly- ing at anchor, took three Gemefe merchant-men of a very large fize, at the entrance of the havon, though not with- out a gallant refiKlance; after which, they fearched all the ports on the Norman coaft, and landing in feveral places, burnt at leaft fix and thirty towns, and then, with an immenfe booty, returned to Rye ■*. Some mariners belonging to the port of Cley in Norfolk, failing on the north-coaft in a (lout bark, took near Flamborough'Head, a Scotch (hip, having on board prince Jamei duke of Ro- ikefay, and heir apparent to that crown, to which he after- wards fucceeded, by the name of Jamei I. Him with his attendants, an earl and a bifhop, they font to king Henry at IFindfir, who kept him as a prifoner indeed, bur during his captivity, ufed him as a prince. The Scots writers treat this as a plain breach of faith ; but the French hiftorians inftruft us better; they acknowledge they had lately renewed their treaties with Scotland, for the ufual pur pofe of annoying England, and in fuch times of public dillurbance, this prince ought to have been furnifhed with letters of fafe condudt, (ince he was going to France, an enemies country, which every day infefted the EngliJ}) coafts with their fleet '. In fupport of Owen Glendour, the Welch maleconient, thry fent another fquadron on the ' coaft V^ t "* Chron. Godflovian. Chroniques de Normand. Holingnicd ' Heft. Boeth. hift. Scot A. D. 1404. P. Danid, torn v p 404, ^20. Stovve, Holingfhcd, Speed - 0/ H E N R Y IV. 26s coaft of fFaleSy of which only thirty arrived, the reft be- ing taken by the EngUJh ; and a (hort time after, the ^- mous Henry Pay, admiral of the Cinqui-Ports^ furprized the Rochillt fleet, confifting of 120 fail of merchant- men, richly laden, and took them every (hip. Thefe exploits fhew that trade in thofe days was not altogether fo inconfi- derable a thing as by raoft of our modern writers we are taught to believe "'. -: . .-'-.■ * . The king, in 1407, narrowly efcaped the fate of the Scots prince ; he had fpent part of the fummer at Leeds- caftle in Kenty and his affairs calling him into Effex, he ventured from the port of ^eenborough with only five fhips. In his pafTage, be was attacked by certain French privateers, who, after a very brilk engagement, took every veilel but that in which the king was, and carried them off to their own coafts ". This taught that monarch by ex- perience, the necelTity of keeping better fleets at Tea, and therefore he ordered a very ftrong one to be fitted out the next year, under the command of the earl of Kent^ who eiiedtually fcoured the narrow feas, and when he had cleared our owii coaft^', flood over to Britany, where he boldly landed in the little ifland of Briehac^ and there attacked a town of the fame name, in which the privateers had taken ihelter, took it by florm, and put them all to the fword ; but in this adtion himfelf received a wound which proved mortal **. In 14 10, an Englijh flc^t of ten fail, under the command of Sir Rohert Umfrevilley went againft the Scots^ and failing up the Forthf fpoiled the coalb on both fides, ravaging the country, burning all the ihips \V' I w\ Vi'^X "> Thorn. Walfingham. " Thom. Walfxngham. " Stowe'ii Chronicle, \\ '^'i,\ '^li Ir:^ 266 NAVAL HISrORT : I fliips in their harbours, and amongft the reft, the largeft thsy had, called I'he Grand Galliot in Blacknefsy carrying off fourteen fliipe, and fuch a vaft quantity of corn, as re- duced the price of that commodity, which was then very high in Englattd ; whence the admiral obtained the fur- name of Robert Mendmarki^ p. Whenever the French affairs were in a tolerable con- dition, they were conftantly forming fchemes to the pre- judice of the Englijh, which were, generally fpeakin^;, defeated by the breaking out of their own domeftic troubles. King Henry wifely held intelligence with both the fadlions in that kingdom, aiding fometimes the one, and fome- tiimes the other; thus he this year fent a confiderable body cJf auxiliaries to the affiftance of the duke of Burgundy^ with Whom they entered Paris. The fervice they did^ made it fb evident, that the king of England's affiftance Was the fure method of turning the balance in favour of any jiarty in France j that the oppofite faction, headed by the dukes of £erry and Orleans, fent their agents to Landon, #here they entered into a treaty with king Henry, by l^hich they acRnowIedgd his right to the dufhy of Guy- i^ne, and promifed their homage for the lands, and caftlcs they held therein ; and the king, on the other hand, un- dfertook to fend them a confiderable fuccour, which he performed 'J. Thefe troops embarked in the month of July, 1412, under the command of iTjomas duke of Clarence, the king's fon. It appears by oar hiftories, that great expectations were raifed by this expedition, info- much, that there was fome talk of recovering France 3 but thefe P Stowe, p. 338. 1 Hiftoire de France, par P. Daoicl, torn. V. p. 500, 501. Mezcny, Stowe, Holingftied, Spc«l. 0/ HENRY IV. 267 thefe notions quickly appeared to be very ill founded; for upon the landing of th; duke of Clarence with hij troops in Normandy^ they were informed that the duke of Orleans^ and the reft of the princes to whofe affiftance they came, had made a treaty with the king and the duke of Burgundy J fo that nothing was left for them but to go home again. The duke of Clarence^ juftly provoked by fuch ufage, firft ravaged lower Normandy^ and Anjou^ and then entering the dutchy of Orleans^ lived there at difcretioni till fuch time as the duke came to an agree* ment with him to pay 320,000 crowns of gold, for the expences of their voyage ; part of which he paid down, and fent his brother into England as a hoftagc for the reft '. This treaty was particular with the duke of Orleans -y for as to the war with France^ it ftill went on, and Sir John Pendergafli who commanded the fleet in the narrow feas, took many French fhips laden with provifion, which, fays ihy author, got him little reputation with the nobles, but much love from the people, who hy this means enjoyed plenty of French commodities at a very cheap rate. T^'s admiral had fome years before, felt the feverc tf[t^ a of that envy which was borne him by the great, ir aving had the command of a fquadron intended to fee >r he feas from pyrates and privateers, which he worthil> ^.jrformedj yet when he returned, a complaint was madcj that him- fslf had taken fuch extraordinary rewards for his fervices, as rendered him little better than a pyrate. Upon this, he took fandtuary at IVeJlmifiJler, where fc: fome time he lay in a tent in the church-porch, but at laft he had ju- llice ■ ■' ' ■ " III I -~^— — ■>» \ 1. Ill I ■ m; . ' ■ '111 '111 ;i! » Hifloire de Franc?, par P. Dani«I, torn. v. p. 505, fyoft Meaeray. m m .'1 -a ^ 26S NAVAL HISfORT ftice done him ; and now, when his country required the ieryice of a (tout and able feaman, he was called again to command •. Things being in this uncertain ftate,king Htnry worn out by continual labours, and not a little grieved by his late difappointmens, deceafed on the twentieth of March 1412-13, in the forty- fixth year of his age, and the fourteenth of his reign ^ He was a prince, as even his enemies allow, of great courage and wifdom, and if he did not promote trade and naval power fo much as fome of his predeceflbrs, it ought rather to be afcribed to the diforders of thefe times, than to any want either of will or capacity in the prittcc ". . .„ ■o> HENRT y. from his birth-place ft iled Henry oi Monmouth, fucceeded his ^ther, and in the beginning of his reign, (hewed a laudable inclination to do every thing that could be expc<5led from him for his people's good ' . It happened that the wealth and ftate, as well as the prir!c: and ambition of the clergy, had raifed a ftrong fpirif of refentmcnt againft him throughout the nation j to divert which, it is generally believed, that the archbifliop of Can- terbury infpired the king with an eager defire of fubdiiing France, to which it was no difficult matter to perfuade him, that he had a clear tight, ^^-idced the cciidition that kingdom was in, mi:;;ht feeir to \i, /ite fuch an attempt. The king was oftner out than in his fenfes ; the whole nation was divided into two fadions, the duke of Bur^ . ' • * gundy > i.f * Thom. de Otterborn. * Thom. de Elmham, p. 13. Chron.' Godftoviaris p. 135. &towe» Holingfhed, Speed. " Hiftoirc dc France, par P.Daniel, torn. v. p. C07. * Thom. deElm- hain vita & gefta Henrici quinti, anglorum regis, cap.xiv. Tit. liv. in vit Hcnr. V. p. 6. Chronicon. Godftovian, p- 13O. m Of H E N R Y V. 269 gundy at the head of one, and the duke of OrUans of the other ; two dauphins died one foon after the oth r by poi- fon, and the third was but a child. However, king liiearj concealed his deHgn for fomc time, and even treated of a marriage between himfelf and the princefs Catherlm, daughter to king Charks VI. In 1415, the French king fent his ambaffadors hither, with very advantagious pro- pofals, who had their final audience of the king an tl e fixth of Ju/y, when, if father Daniel is to be b<'l>eved, Henry would have been content to have concluded a truce for fifty years ; but the archbifliop of Bourges infixed ^- folutely on a definitive peace, and fo thefe negotiations were broke off". Our writers mention a ftrange ftory of the dauphin's provoking the king, by fending him » prefent of tennis-balls ; which, however, is very improbable, con- lidering the youth of that prince, and the apprehenfion all France had oi the Englijh power. The French writers feem to give a belter account of this matter : they cell us, that the firil fiafh of lightning before this dreadful ilofm» was an angry letter written to the French king, with this addrefs : To the mojl ferene prince Charles, our coufm and adverfary of France, Henry hy the grace of God king of England, tf«i^ France, &c. This letter was dated the twenty-eight of July from Southampton, and the Fremb king returned an anlwer in the lame angry ftile, dated the twenty-third of next month, fo that thenceforward the war, though not adlually begun, was looked upon , dc- Jared on both fides y. Wli i . >• KlKO * Hilloire de France, torn. v. p. 536. Tit. I.iv. vit. Henr V p. 6. )' Mezeray, v6l iii.p. 192, Thorn, dc K!m{iam,p. 29, 50. Stowe, Holingfiied, Speed. 270 NAVAL HISTORr Kino Henry a^led with greater caution, and with more military prudence than moft of his predecefTors. The deiign he had formed was not that of ravaging the country, or feizing fome of the prot'inces of France, but an entire and abfolute conqueft of the whole realm ; which he knew was not to be undertskea without a numerous army, a very great fleet, and competent fupplies of money. He therefore drew together fix thoufand men at arms, twenty- four thoufand archers, the reil of his infiintry completing the army, to at leaft fifty thoufand men. That thefe might be tranfported with the greater conveniency, he hired from Holland and Zeland abundance of lari|;,e fhips, which, with thofe belonging to his own fubjejISs, rendez- vouzed in the month of /luguft at Southampton^ where the whole fleet appeared to confift of not lefs than fixteen hundred fail. As to fupplies, his parliament being wrought into a high opinion of this expedition, furniflied him libe- rally ; fo that with all the advantages he could delire, the king imbarked his mighty army, which he landed fafely in Normandy^ without refiftance *. He was attended by hii brothers the dukeS of Clarence and Gloua-'Ier, his uncle the duke of Tork^ and moft of the nobility of England \ It is remarkable, that, though the con ft able of France had a very numerous army, with which he might well have difputed tht landing of the Engli/hy yet he chofe to retire, for which conduct of his, he was afterwards qu^^ftioned in a council of war ; bu'. he juftified himfelf, by producing his orders from court, directing him, not to har.ard a batle! on any te^ as whatfoever, but to leave the EngHJh if ■»!«■■» ■ ' .Cfctwp-f * Chron« Godftoviau, p. 136. acviii. Tit Xiv. p« 7. Stowc, &c. * Thorn, de £lmham,cap. si i ' Of HEN RY V. 271 if they were fo inclined, to wafte their force in loog marches, and tedious fieges.* Would to God, fays my author, this maxim had been as fteidily purfued as it was wifely laid down ^ ! The policy of France therefore is, to cheat us whenever they make peace, and to deftroy us when we break with them by means of a dilatory war ; which, though troublefome to them, becomes foon infup- portable to us : and thus their cunning gives them advan- tages which they never could derive from the force of their arms. The firft enterprize of importance, undertaken by the king, was the fiege of Barjfkur, a fea-port town of great confequence at that juncture 5 well fortified, and in which the French had a numerous garrifon. It was inverted both by land and fea, and though it was defended with great re- folution, it was at laft taken for want of relief. Tte French, however, fucceeded in their policy thus far, that by this fiege xheEngU/h army was exceedingly wafted ; in- fomuch, that by the time the place was taken, one half of it was dellroyed. On due confideration of this, it was refolved in a council of war, to leave a garrifon of Englijb at Harfieury and to march through Picardy to Calais^ with the reft of the army ^, This paflage appeared exlreamly dan- gerous, fince the French army was by this time, not only in the field, but alfo at their heels. The Englijh forces, accord- ing to the French writers, confifted of two thoufand men at arms, and eleven thoufand archers. Our authors fay, there were but nine thoufand in the whole, whereas the French were at leaft three, if not five times their number. To ■■''i» HI '■'r I lih< I ' nil ;)l| ■'I *» Hiftoire de France, Tom. v. p. 538. « Thorn, de Elmham, cap. xxii. & fequen. Tit. Liv. p. 11,-15 Thorn. Walfingham, Stowc, Holinflicd, Speed. V'tl V' « 4 ' .* 1 31 It " ., I. hte Eli'. iitessieKww** 272 NAVAL HJSTORT To fpare the needlefs efiufion of blood, king Htnry was contented to have made a peace on very reafonable terms ; but this was refufcd by the French^ who flattered them- felves, that they fhould be able to make him and all his army prifoners ^» In confequence of this obftinacy of tt:ieirs, a decifive battle was fought on the twenty-fifth of Oifober^ A. D. 1414* in the plains of Jgimourt^ wherein the French were entirely defeated by the Englijhy through the bravery of their troops, fays father Daniel^ and the wife conduct of their oflScers ". There fell in the field fe- ven princes of the blood, and five were made prifoners, the flower of the nobility of France^ no lefs than eight thoufand gentlemen, and about ten thoufand common men; about fourteen thoufand being taken prifoners. The Eng- lljh loft, as our writers fay, about four, the French fay, fixteen hundred, and amongft them the duke of York and the earl of Oxford K A French manufcript of that time mentions a circumftance, no where elfe fo particularly re- corded, viz, that king Henry lol> his baggage, even to his crown and jewels, a great body of peafants having for- ced the Englijh camp during the heat of the engagement s. Father Daniel fays very judicioully, that nothing but arro- gance, imprudence, and temerity, were vifible in the con- dud •* Tit. Liv. p. 15. Mezerayi vol. iii. p. 193, P. Daniel, &c. Stowc, Holing(hed, Speed. «• Hiftoire de France, Tom v. Y 541* 54i- ' Thorn, de Elmhain, cap. xxvii, xxviii, xxix. Tit. Liv. p. 17, 18, 19, 20. The Batiyll of Agynk Com. An ancient MS. in Rhime in the Cotton Library, Vitellius D .-cii. 11. Folio. 214. Mezeray, Stowe, &c. s This MS* is of thofe Times, and is in the Library of the Ahbe Baluzc. It feem« to be a kind of Factum for the Seigneur de Gaucort, againft the Seig- neur de Etouteville. The former of thcfe gentlemen w«s taken in Harfleur, and to procure hi« Liberty, traced out the effcfls be- longing to the king, fo that moA of them were recovered. ''■ O/* H E N R Y V. '. 275 djft of the French, whereas the Eftglijb behaved with che utmoU coolnefs and addrcfs, 9s well as the moll determi- ned valour \ After this vidtory, the king continued his niar'h to CalaiStZiA in a fliort time pafled into England with the » hief of his prifoners. The next year the Fnmb had leifure to recover thenifelves a little, notwiihflanding a new misfortune ?hat befel them, little inferior to that of the lofs of this battle; for the duke of Burgundy pu(hed his refentmcnt fo far, as to make a treaty with king Henry, and to acknowledge him for the lawful king of France, as appears by his letters and treaties, which are preferved in Mr. Rymer*s moft valuable colle<5tion *. , r .- ? The firft attempt of the French for the repair of their late difhonour, was their befieging Harflei^- by land and fca. In order to their undertaking this, they made a trea- ty with the Gemefe, who in confiderati«n of large fubfidies, furniflied them with a very confiderable fleet, in which were many veflels of an extraordinary lizc : by the fame means the French alfo drew confiderable fuccours from the king of Cajlile, and having thus raifed for the prefent a great maritime force, tney attempted Southampton, and the Ijle of Wight, but without fuccefsj after which, their fleet returned again to the ficge, or rather blockade, of Har- Heur. The place was gallantly defended by the earl of Dorfet, whom the king had appointed governor there; but at lall he was brought to fuch ftreights, that without relief, it was evident the town mull have been loft. King Hen" ry caufed therefore an army of twenty thoufand men to be drawn together, and having embarked them on board a fleet of four hundred fail, fent them under his brother John Vol. I. T duke ':v 'i ' '1, ii 1 Hilloire de France, Topi, v p. 546. ' Fa*4era, VqI. ix. I r^*;' a74 NAVAL HISIORr diikc Of Btdftrvt'y to attack the Frtnth navy. Thb fervicc he pmformed with courage and conduA { for havmg gain* td the advantage of the wind, he attacked the Freneh whh fuch vigour, that after a long and bloody difpute, he en> Urely defeated them, either taking or finking five hundred fait, and arhongil them three of thofe large (hips which, had been furmihcd by thie Gemtfe^ and which, by the French^ and their JtaUan allies, it was believed, the Engliji) would not have had courage enough to engage. Not lotig after, the Frenth army retirtd from before Harfleur^ and Che earl of Dwfet with his garrifon, which was now rein- forced, made excurfions throughout all Normandy ''. In 1417, the earl of Huntingdon being fent to fea with a ftrong Ajuadron, met with the united fleets of France and G^noay which he fought and defeated, though they were much fuperior to 'him, not only in number, but in the ilrength and bignefs of their fliips, taking the balhrd of Bourbon^ Who was the French admiral, priioner, with four large GeUoefi (hips, and on board them a quarter's pay for the whole navy. So great in thofe days, and To well di- redted too, was the EngUJh power at fea ' ! There being now fufficient fecurity for the fafe land- ing of troops in France^ the king in the fpring of the year, began to make mighty preparations for palling the fea, with fuch an at my as might decide the fate of this difpute, by giving him the pofleflion of that country, as well as the title of its prince. As he was a more prudent undertaker in thefe matters, than any of his predeceflbrs, and bid in- finitely fairer for both getting and keeping the French crown ^ Thorn, dc F.lmham, cap. xxx. Tit. Liv. p. 29,-51. Thorn. Walfing uin, M zeray, Diniels. * Thorn- dc Elmhain, cap. xxxi'ii. Thorn. WaifingQiim, Holinglhtd. • or H E N R Y V. 275 trown than ihey did ; it will be proper to give a fuccinA detail of this grand expedition, the rather becaufe it has % near conneAion with our fobjedt of the dominion of the fca. His army confided in part of troops in his own im- mediate pay, and in part, of forces raifed by his barons. Of the firit there were fixteen thoufand four hundred men, of the latter nine thoufand one hundred twenty-feven } and of this army a fourth part was horfc. To tranfport them from Dover, a navy was prepared of fifteen hundred fhips ; of which, two were very remarkable. They feem to have been both admirals, and were equally adorned with purple fails, embroidered with the arms of England and France, One was ftiled the Icing's Chamber y the other his Halli from whence it plainly appears, that he aflre<5ted to keep his court upon the fea, and to make no difference between his palace, and his fliips, royal. They embarked on the 28th of Jufyf and landed in Normandy the firft of Auguji '". As foon as the army was fafely debarked, he difmiflcd the fleet, keeping only a ivti fmall vefTels for tranfporting his artillery, which flSewed, that he did not intend to return * haftily, and before his bufinefs was half finiflied, into Eng- land, Before the end of the year, he fubducd Normandy ^ and a great part of the adjacent countries. As fail as he reduced the great cities, he put garrifons into them : fuch of the French as fubmitted, he received into his proteftion } but where he became niafter of countries by force, he be(* • towed the lands in them as he thought fit, for the encou- ragement of his Englijh adventurers, and in the fpace of .two years more, he by a ilow and regular war, reduced the better part of France to his obedience, and at length, T a . forced ■ Thorn, de Eimbara, cap, xxxviii Tit Liv. p. 31, — 33. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I 1.25 UiK» |2.S |J0 ■^" ■■■ «. ..» ■2.0 1.4 11.6 Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14580 (716) S73-4S03 r/i ^ N> ; ^1 i! iT ii! If mm L r'Ift PK Imll f Flig « !^ Irw. H|Pj<') ^Mfj '^^J ImI & n HM Pf 276 NAVAL HISTORY fo 'ced the unfortunate monarch Charles VI. to beg a peace alnioft upon any terms ". A thing that none of his anceftors had been able to accomplifli, and which this king chieliy per- formed by awing his enemies with fleets on their coafts, at the fame time that he invaded their countries by land j as appears in the larger hiftorics of his life, by us often quo- ted, and in the Englijh colle6lions from them publiflied by Godwitiy in his hirtory of the life and reign of this vido- rious king. . , By this treaty, dated the 21ft oi May 1420, king Hen- ry^s title to the crown of France^ was acknowledged by all that kingdom, and on account of his efpoufing the prin- cefs Catherine, daughter to Charles VI. it was ftipulated, that he fliould be declared heir of Francs, after the deceafe of king Charles, and on account of his infirmity, fliould govern the kingdom during his life-time, with the title of regent '. As for the dauphin, he was declared incapable of fucceeding to th« crown j and afterwards on a civil profe- cution, he was attainted and convifled for the murder of the duke of Burgundy, (upon the precedent fet in attainting king John) rendred incapable of all fucccffions, particularly that of the kingdom of France ; and was alfo adjudged to pe*-- petual banifhment p. ^/he two kings, Henry and Charles, with their two queens, and a fplendid court, continued for fome time after thefe regulations made at Paris. From thence, king Fliury \yent into Narmandy, where he held an " Mezeray, Daniel, &c. • Tbom. de Elmham, cap. xc, xci, xcii. Tit. Liv, p. 85 et feq. Meicray. vol. i.i. p. 209. Ry- mer's FosHer, Tom. ix p. 594. Stowe, Hoijngfhed, Speed, p See "Remarks on this Treaty, and on King Henry's caufing Coin to be ftruck, on which he is ftiied Rex Francorum. Hilloire dc Franvc, par Pcre Daniel, Tom. v. p. 583, 585 ' '. to beg a peace e of his anceftors king chieliy per- i their coafts, at ries by land ; as y us often quo- em publiftied by i of this vii^o- 4.20, king Hen- Dwledged by all mfing the prin- was ftipulated, iter the deceafe ifirmity, fliould vith the title of red incipable of a civil profe- e murder of the attainting king articularly that Ijudged topc- 7 and CharleSy continued for Paris. From where he held m mhatn, cap. xc, i.i. p. 209. l\y- Sperd. P See caufing Coin to m. Hilloire dc 0/ H E N R Y V. 277 an aflembly of the ftates, and then pafling through Picar- dy into Calais, he came to Dover, with his new queen, on the fecond of February 142 1 '^. The intent of this journey is very truly ftated by the French hiftorians, who fay, that it was purely to obtain a frefli fupply of treafure and men, his wars having already exhaufted all that before this time had been tranfported thither '. A s foon as the king's defign was anfwered, and he had obtained, notwithftanding the extreme poverty of the king- dom, a very large fum of money, he immediately recruit- ed his army, and having ordered a confidcrable fleet to be drawn together, pafled over into France, leaving queen Catherine behind, big with child. The dauphin had Hill a confiderable party, many flrong towns, as well as fome large provinces under his obedience, and during king Henry\ Hay in England, had acquired both power and repiitation, by defeating a great part of the Englijh army, anrf killing the duke of Clarence, and feveral other perfons of gTiit diftindlion on the fpot ; which moved king Henry at his return, to ufe his utmoft diligence in the profecution of the vrar, that the kingdom might be entirely reduced, and the dauphin compelled to withdraw for his perfonal fafety iiuo Italy \ While he was thus employed, the queen, who was at Windfor, brought him a fon, and as foon as ftje was able to travel, followed him into France^ where (he had an interview with her father at Paris^ in which city both courts continued for fome time. But the king, ever adive, in the month of June, took the field in order to Tj raife a Thorn, de Elmham, cviii, cap. cix. Tu. Liv. p. 91 Ciiron. Godllovian. p. 143. ■" M;zMay, Tom. iii. p. 211. » Tiioai. de-Elmham, caip. cxvii. et feq. Tit. Liir. p. gz. Tnom. VVdliin... ham, M.zeray, P. Daniel. *, iJl V ♦ t-rt !K« v ^ 1^ ' -ii"^ \m M 278 NAVAL HISTORT raife the fiege oiCofne on the L«>^, before which the dauphin lay. In this expedition, he harafled himfelf fo much, that he found a great alteration in his heahh, which hitherto had been unprejudiced by his fatigues. Through his want of reft, and ftill aOiduous application to bufinsfs, an infiammator) fever followed, which proved fatal- to him at Ftncennes; the French writers fay, on the 28th, our authors, on the laft of Auguji, 1422 '. He enjoyed bis fenfes to the very laft, and died with as much glory as he lived, employing his laft breath in giving fuch dire^ions as were neceflary for the fafet^ of both his kingdoms : and experience (hew- ed, that if his rules had been purfued^ his family might have been indebted for the prefervation of Trance to his wif- dom, as they were for the pofleffion thereof to his courage and power. He was indifputably one of the beft and.grea- teft, as well as braveft princes that ever fat on iht Engl{/h throne, and would in all probability have provided effedlu- ally for the peace and profperity of his fubjefts, if he had lived to finifh his wars. As it was, he performed a great deal in fo (hort a reign as nine years and a half, confidering alfo that he was but in the thirty-fourth year of his age when he died. I T muft be fuppofed, that the dominion of the fea was fully maintained under fo enterprising a prince, and one who was fo remarkably jealous of his rights. I fay, this might have been well fuppofed, though there had been no exprefs evidence of it, which however is far from being wanting. He took occafion to have his title and authority in this refped, mentioned in the preambles to adls of par- liament " s he maintained ftrong fquadrons at fea, and on the * I horn, de Elmham. cap. cxxvi. Tit Liv. F- 95- Mezeiay, P Daniel, Stowe, Holmgftied, Speed. » Sddtrfs Mare Qau- fum, lib. ii. cap. 23. OR}" hich the dauphin b much, that he Jiiherto had been is want of reft, inflammatory n at Ftncenttesi authors, on the lies to the very ed, employing Wert nece Jary :perience ihew- famil/ might ^nce to his wif. to his courage beft and.grea- on the £nsl(/h ovided efl^edlu, <^s, if he had ormed a great l^j con/idering ^ of his age >f the fea was nee, and one J %, this had been no • from being ind authority adts of par* iea, and on the s Marc Qau- 0/ H p N R Y V. ^79 the coafts, l^e hymbied aJl the maritirpe powers of Evro^t in his time, on account of the ftjK^courS they gave the French, ^n(^ thereby drew gr^t advantages to his fubk£ts, e/pftciivlly ffom ijhp trade 0/ Flan^Vh wiiiph by a cJoie a|^ liance with ;he xiuke of Murg^tm4y-> hf in a ^la^per i)^io- lately fecured to them. Yet, for all ibis, Uie nation w^s exceffively diftrefled, as well through the interruption of trade, as J^y tj^e irnmenfe taxe^ ievie(;l upon tj^ein for the fi^pport of jl^is war£] infoipqch, |h^t inthe eighth y^ar of hi$ reign, his qhaire, in ma- king pur 9o\mtry, an jljandj the didate of r.eafon, which f^tWi ^p. all fprge is Jeilened b^ an unneceflary exten- T4 . • ^ fionj * Sir Robert Cotton's Apfwerj to Reafpns for Fcrelgo Wapj, u (>' " zto NAVAL Hisrokr '^onj and the leflbn taught us not only by our hiftory in' general, but by the occurrences under every reign : the reader, therefore, tnuft not be furprized to find me fre- quently inculcating what ought always to be remembred, and what at every turn, notwithftanding, we are alas I but too, too, apt to forger. ' •" - ' •" •" "^ " •tr I.- HENRYWl. from the place of his birth, ftiled Henry of IVmdfor^ fucceeded his father before he was a year old, under the tuition of his uncles, all men of = great ex- perience and abilities ^, Of thefe, Humphry duke of Glou- cejier was protedlor of England^ 'thomas duke of Exeter had the cuftody of the king's perfon, and John duke of Bedford was regent of France. It was not long before Henry became king of France^ as well as of England ; for the French king, Charles VI. dying, on the-2ift of OSlo- ber 1422, he was proclaimed at PariSy though' the French immediately owned the dauphin, who was now called Charles VII. ^ In the begintihig of his reign, tWngs went better than could well have been cxpeded, under an infant prince ; Jor Humphry dukd of Gbucejler, took care to fup- ply his brother in France^ both with money and men ; and the 3uke of Bedford on his fide, taking all imaginable care to preferve the friendfliips of the dukes of Burgundy and Britanyy maintained himfelf by their afliftance, in the pof- feflion of all the dominions which were left to his fon by king Henry V. and if the fame union had continued, muft have conftantly preferved them ; for the French king, Charles, was never ftrong enough to have dealt with fuch confe- ■*■ Thoia. de E'mham, cap rxxlx. Tit Liv p. 05 Chron. God- ftoviin. p. 14!;. Thorr. Waianghsm. MoniUclct y Mczrray, Daniel, Stowtr, Hoiinlheti, i-p::cd. * 0/ H E ISTR Y V.^' 28 i confederates : but it was not lortg before this harmony was diflblved, the duke of GlouceJItr, who was protestor of England^ took Jaqtieline^ duchefs of Hainaulty from her hulband the duke of Brabant, married her, and in her right pretended to large dominions in the low countries, which he fought to recover by the help of an EngiiJ)) fleet and army. Thefe meafures difgufled the duke of Biirgun-'^ dy, who was extremely concerned for what had happened to his coufm the duke of Brabant, and refenting his ill u- fage and difhonour, became thenceforward difafFe<5led to the Englijh, and (horily after deferted them ^. On the 6th of November, 1429, king Henry was crowned in England, and in the latter end of 1430, he was crowned king of France at Paris, where he remained for two years ; yet during that fpace, his affairs rather declined than mend- ed, and after his departure, and the death of his uncle the duke of Bedford, which happened in 1435, they fell into a rapid decay, fo that they grew daily worle and worfe *. -- In the fucceeding year, the duke of York was named re- gent of France j but being hated by many of the great men in England, he was fo difappointed in the fupplies which he (hould have carried over into that kingdom, that before his arrival, Path fell into the hands of the French. The duke of Burgundy alfo, in the month of July, laid liege to the city of Calais, with a very great force, which obliged the lord proteftor to think of relieving it from Eng- land-, accordingly he raifed a great army, which he em- barked on board a fleet of five hundred fail, and landing near Calais, marched diredtly to fight the enemy. The Flemings * Mczeray, P. Daniel. Holingihed, Speed. * Thorn. Walfmgham, Stowe, 1 J>- :4 ■-V n Mi ki W^ 282 NAVAL HISJORT Flmmngiy how^V4r» rpifed into £ng' land \ Towards th« Utter end of the year 1437, ^^^ earl of WitrwUk W3s fent r^ent into Francty in the roGqoL of the dutoe of Tork, and, which is very renjark^ble, wa9 fbipptd and uofhipped (even tipi^s before he tpade his voyage j he dying ftiprily afier, the duke of Yi>ri was fent Again in his place, where, notwithftanding thefe fup* plies, the Englifl> affairs continually dpcHned, (q that in 1445, a peace wa^ concluded, and king H^twy was con- tent on very mean conditions to marry a French princ^fs, whofc name was Margarita the ^laughter of the dMke of Jnjcu, much to the difp]ea;fure of the nation, aj^ Wjhich was attended with the word confequences imaginable* A lingering war, and ^n ioqs peace had depriyed the Englijh of all tbeir ooni| /n Frame^ tweptjQ^s, wid; a very few other places ; and though the -natiqn was fcn- iible of the mjghty expence which attended the keeping them, yet they (aw with grief the lofs of cities and pro- vinces purchafed, and fo dearly ! with the b|ood, and the treafure alfo of their ancedors S , j,; ,: jr. ' T j« E Fmth were not contented with this, but hav- jng ftiil in view the reduction pf the FngH/h ponyer, tbey meditated even in a time of peace a defcent ypop this, kingdom, which they executed in ,1547. As thjis is a matter chiefly refpe^ing, the naval hiftoty of Bngl^md^t I think my&lf sot (Ally at libertj:, J)ut even eshliged tp fet ^ it * Meaeray,.P, Daniel. Ilolingfhed. c Chron. Godftovian, Stowe, 0/ HENRY VI. 283 it in rtie cleareft light. The reigrting Fnnch king, Charht VII. was, witiiout queftion, one of the abkll princes of his age. He faw with terror the Engli/b power at fea^ and with (hame, his own incapacity to dilpute therewith. Id order to remedy this, he made a treaty ofieniive and de- fenfive with Chriftiem the firft. Icing of Dinmork^ by vir- tue of which, that prince was obliged to furniih htm oa certain conditions, with at leail forty good (bipSy and be- tween iix and fevisn theuiCand m^n, to be employed. againft England. Yet, by anothw article in this tr«aty, tfeis, for which alone it was made, was entirely d-efcated. The Fnnch ki^ig had engaged, that tbe then king of ^ntt fhould give fatisfadion to the Danes, with wtiom J?c hsi long bad a difference, and not being able to bring this to bear, the Danes refufed to furilHHany Buxiliaries. In the n^ean time, the queen o( Englatid Whs z^ttMt Fuencb v/o- man, had -entered into afecret negotiation with the king of Smsy and finding that he was liks 'to be too. bard prefled by the Efigli/b, ihe thought a /r^ac* inrafion might at once ferve her purpofes, and fave the S£ets. With this view (he applied herfelf to her relations in France, who ealfly prevaikd upon the court to^nter into this meafure. A Beet accordingly was fitted out in. Ncrman^, and in the month of Jttgv^Myj^ ^^Y ^osdcz delcent on the coait of Kent, and lainded eighteen hundred men. about two leagues from Sandwith, whither tbey had orders to march by Idnd, while the.admiral attacked it by fea. We have a very ciroumAantial rekition of this whole affair in father Daniel's biltory, and indeed I think a more di(Un£l ac- count than any I have met of the like nature in our hifto- rians. He owns, however, that the Englijh notwith- ftanding their being furprized, defended themfelves with incom- H'n HV\ I '""ill »WP 2^^. NAVAL HISrORT incomparable valour, and that though the town was burnt and pi'lagcd at laft, yet it coil a great deal of blood, which might perhaps balance the booty acquired by It. The re- flexion he makes upon it, is a little partial. Thus, fays he, a prince whom the Engli/h thirty years before called in contempt king of Bourges, was now pow^crful enough to infult them in their own ifland, and to menace their country with the fame mifchiefs which they had hereto- fore brought upon France ''. As if there had been no dif- ference between furprizing the town of Sandwich^ that was quitted the next day, and the pofleflion of Paris for many years. However, his zeal for his country may well ' excufe a greater error than this. J n i;r..«; .; • i . ;;. :., : Thb French made alfo fome other attempts upon the coaft *, and the Scoti entered and plundered the borders i but thefe accidents far from producing the eflfedts which the queen and her pa;-tizans expected, ferved only to heigh- • ten that general difafFeftion which now began to difcover itfelf, and from whence it was but too vifible, that the ' councils of this French queen would undo the well-mean- ing prince her hufband. The favourers of the houfe of York bad, with infinite pains cuhivated an interefl with the ' fea-faring people, and amongft the inhabitants of Ireland, • The former they perfuaded, that all care of the coalts - was negle6\ed, and into the Utter they infulcd the ftrongeft refentment of their prefent oppreflions and apprehenfions of final deflrudion. The famous earl of fVarwick^ the then ' great fupport of :he houfe of York., had procured him- felf to be made aduiiral, and to fhew his diligence in' - ., .... that ^ Hiflgire de France, par P. Diniel, torn. vi. p. 292, &c. Mezr.ty, Stovw', lloiinglhed, Speed, Rapin. )urnt re O/ H E N R Y VI. . 285 that office, and his care of the EngUJh honour, caufed feveral fquadrons to put to fea, to the officers of which he gave fuch inftrudlions as he thought proper. One of thefc fquadrons on Trinity-Sunday 1458, fell in with the Span^i fleet, who treating them as enemies, they returned their hoftilities, and after a long and fharp difputc, took fix of their (hips laden with iron and other merchandize, and ei- ther funk or drove on fliore twenty- fix more ^ This ex- ploit many of our hiftorians confound with that which follows, and which was fubfequcnt thereto in point of time i though we cannot exattly fix its date, yet by a certain circura (lance it unqueftionably appears, they were dillin<^ enterprizes, the former being performed only by the earl of JVarwick*^ fhips, whereas the latter was by him atchieved in perlbn ^, This great noblema. had by authority of parliament been appointed captain of Calais ; but the queen having with much artifice and flattery drawn him to court, thought to have prevented his going back to his charge, by procuring him to be fuddcnly murdered. An attempt of this fort was adlually made in the palace, from which the earl narrowly efcaped, and flying immediately to a little vcflcl he had in the river, he therein tranfported himfelf to Calais^ where he had a very ftrong fquadron of ftout (hips. With fourteen fail of thefe he fliortly after put to fea, in order to fcour the coafts, and to hinder the queen from receiving any fuccours from France ; as alfo to aid, if occafion (hould fo require, the duke of Tpri and his party. It (o fell out, that failing through the channel, he met ^ with I *'' i 8 Stowr's Annals, p. 404. ^ Compare the accounts given by Mr. Burchet and Echaru with that ut Kapin, arU with ttie /e- lation of the fuceeding ftyf^ in HolingfljJid. i M 486 NAVAL HlSrORT with five very large fliips richly laden. Three of thefe wero Genosfe^ and two Spamjb : he attacked them though they were exceedingly well provided both with men and ammunition, as appeared by their defending themfelves tW6 days; at length however they were beaten, two ef- caping by flight, and the other three falling into his hands Wert carried into Calais^ where their cargoes, valued at upwards of ten thoufand pounds, were difpofed of, to the great profit of the inhabitants of that place. In this en- gagement the earl loft about fifty men, and the enemy near a thoufhnd **. Thenceforward there were fcarce any meafures, kept, the duke of y'ork retiring into Ireland^ and many of fhc principal nobility to Calais, where the earl of fVar^ wick ftill kept a great fleet, and had befides fuch an inte- reft in all the fea-faring people of England, that the king found it impoflible to make ufe even of the little naval power that remained, againft this formidable lord. The queen, however, fent down the lord Rivers to Sandwich, with directions to equip as flrong a fquadron as he pofllbly could, in order to deprive the earl of Warwick of his go- vernment of Calais. But when thefe (hips were almoft ready, the earl fent Sir John Dineham, an officer of his, who furprized this fquadron in pprt, and not only carried away all their (hips, but alfo their commander Richard lord Rivers,- and Anthony Woodvitte his fon, who remain- ed long prifoners at Calais. After this, one Sir Baldwin Fulford undertook to burn the earl's fleet in the haven of Calais, which quickly appeared to be but a vain enter- prize. •» Stowe*s annals, p. 404. .See alfo Fabian's chronicle, wherein it is faid, that the carl lolt two hundred men. 0/ H E N R Y VI, 287 ptitK. At (aft, the duke of Extter being made admiral, •nd having information that the carl of ff^arwfci was TaJU led whh Hj fleet into hfland^ (lood to iea with the roydl tiavy, tb intercept him, but wheii the earl of WarvniPs fleet ap^jeared, tht failors on board the king's fbcwed fo much cokinefg, that it was not judged fate to figfrt ; and the earl of Jf^anuick on the other hand, being tender of Wit livts of his countrymen, and untrilling to deftroy any bf the king's fle^t, pa/Ted by without iholefting theffl. But he did not afletwards Hicw the fame moderation, when Oh an invitation from the Kentijb men, he refolvcd to land in their country ; for Sir Simon Mstintfbrd being then lurarden of the -Cinqne-Ports^ and lying with a very ftrong fquadrooi at Saudzvich, to oppofe his landing, he at- tacked, defeated and ddftroyed the greateft part of cheo), and amongft the reft Sir Simon himfelf periflied '. AftM- •this, little remarkable happened in naval affairs, during the 'r^ft of this unfbrtunatc reign, which ended ftrangety ; for ^ter the duke of Yorl^ had been defeated and killed iti battel, his fon E-dward tarl of March, by the affiftance of the earl of IVarwici, made himfelf mafter of the city 'of Lsndoh, where by the general confent df the nation, he Was acknowledged for their lawful prince, and king H€my depofed, afteir holding, Though very unftfiadUy, thfc £flf/- lijh crown near thirty -ni'ne years \ LfeT w now proceed to fome commercial obftrvatioas within this period of time. Upon the great revolution in the government made by depofing king Ricbardt arid ifet- ting up his coufln iHenry of Bdinibroki, the parliament deftred ' Stowe, HolingflIf(^ Speed, Ra'pin. }txiii. » Poljdor.VleiiB.Hb. 11 i|^ i' :i l^l '\i F'lJ 'a < ^'-l 1' M'- "kit, M ■; ■■If' mmM 288 NAVAL HIS70Rr deiired that the new king would refume whatever had been profufely thrown away, either in the dotage of Edward III. or by king Rithard \1. in the wantonnefs of his youth, and this with a view, that the king might be the better able to live upon his own, without having recourfe continually to impofitions upon his fubjefls. This good, as well as reafonable advice, however had not fuch an effect as was expelled ; for Henry IV. received frequent fupplies from parliament, and in the eighth year of his reign; fuch a tax was impofed, as to prevent the know- ledge of it from coming to pofterity ; the houfe of com- mons deftred, that after the accounts of fuch as had re- ceived it were once examined, they fljould be deftroyed, that what they had been moved to by their zeal for once, might not pafs into a precedent for fuccceding times. The great exportation of wool, upon which from time to time he had confiderable fubfidies given him, mufl: have made a very large addition to his revenue, and in this refpeft, for reafons with which we are unacquainted ; he very much favoured the Italians^ allowing them tc ex- port v;ool, paying no higher a tax than his own fubje^ls. The coin in his time received no alteration whatever; but in the fecond year of his reign, he was obliged to prohibit a kind of bafc coin, which had gained a cur- rency through his dominions, to the great prejudice of his fubjedls. Thefe were brought from abroad, chiefly on board the Gfnoefe gallies, and were from thence called Galley-Halfpence. About two y'^ars afterward? he directed new money to be coined, but precifely after the old (Uq- dard, in refpeft as well to finenefs as weight. After all the care and pains ufed to fettle the reve- nue in the former reign, by which no doubt it was much improved, kin^ Henry V. found his income but very limit- ted. O/ H E N R Y VI. t^ ted, even with the afliftance of his cuftoms, the revenue of ff^ales and Cornwall^ and the cafual profits arlfing to the crown ; for in the third year of his reign, it did not amount to quite fifiy-feven ihoufand pounds per ami. and therefore to augment this, upon the petition of the com- mons, he took ten thoufand pounds a year out of the penfions that were then fubfiiling. All the vaft fuppliej that he received for carrying on the war mih. France^ were fwallowed up in that war, and the abfence of the king with the princ'pal nobility, the frequent embargoefl upon (hipping, and the gradual declenfion of trade, brought the nation lower, and made the people poorer than they had been at any time within the remembrance of perfons living in that age. He made very few laws relating to trade, v/hich I do not mention at all to his dif- credit, but only to fhew, that commerce was then much funk ; for when it was brilk and lively, petitions to par- liament were frequent, and thefe were commonly attended with ftatutes, and when any of thefe, as it very often hap- pened from very different caufes, were found inconve- nient, they were by new laws repealed. This monarch found it neceflary in the ninth year of his reign, to raife the value of lilver from two (hillings and a penny, to two (hillings and fix-pence per ounce j but it does not appear that he debafed the coin, on the contrary, he prohibited the currency of Sujkins and Doit^ k'mSy which had been brought in by foreigners. This king, after his vidtory at Agincourt^ and peace with France^ ordered a filver coin to be ftruck with this ftile of infcription, Rex Anglice, regem is* harei Franciee^ i. e. King of England^ regent and heir of France. A gold coin called a Salui or ^ahte^ of the alloy of Iterling, va- Vol. J. U lufi : Ill ,J II, 1 Ml Si HI 8 H III iBHI' ^Him ■ ■1 ! 290 NAVAL HISTORY lue twcnty-lwo {hillings, with the angel faluting the vir- gin Mary on one fide, the one holding the ai 113 of Eng^ landy and the olher the arms of France^ with the king's titles, and Chrijius vimit, ChriJIus fign.:t^ Chrijlm impt- rat, on the reverfe. But in the next reign this filver coin which was called a Blanch, or white money, to diftinguifh it from the Salm or yellow money coined at the fame time in France, being found not to be as it ought to have beer., of the alloy of fterling, was alfo prohibited by order of the Parliament in 1423. /.'«.■.., j.i' d • .....-: ♦ ■ The reign of Henry VI. was a continued feries of profufion and mifmanagement, fo that when he had fat upon the throne twenty-eight years, his ordinary revenue was funk to five thoufand pounds ^«' ann. and he owed at that lime three hundred feventy-two thoufand pounds. This occafioned a refumption at the requeft of the com- mons, and the fame remedy for the fame caufes was re- peated over and over again ; but without any great effeft. He mortgaged the cuftoms of London and Southampton, to , the cardinal of ff^nche/Jer, and engaged by an indenture to turn the irade chiefly to thofe ports. In the thirty-firft year of his reign, he feized all the tin at Southampton, and fold it for his own ufe j he granted licences to foreign merchants to tranfp)rt wool, notwithftanding the ftatutes. He raifed the price of filver to three {hillings and three lialf- pence an ounce i but it does not appear that he de- bafed the coin, unlefs the making of brafs money in Ire' land can be fo called, \ hich he certainly did. I T appears from our records, that 'swhlle the houfe of Lancajier poflefled the throne, extaordinary favour was ftiewn to the Hanff towm, the inhabitants of which had great priviledges granted to them here, and were thereby A-ir!^ by 0/ H E N R Y VI. - iqt thereby enabled to manage a good part of our trade ' i the reft was in a manner engroiled by Florentines, and other Italians "*, which was partly owing to the necefli- ties of Henry V. during his French wars, and partly alfo to the weak adminiftration under his fon, efpecially in the latter part of his reign, when through the influence of the queen, the intercft of foreigners was conftantly promoted* This occafioned frequent tumults in the city of London^ and was one great caufe of that ftrangc revolution, in fa- vour of the houfe of York, who, as we before obferved* made their court to the people, by fhewing a ftrong aver- lion to ftrangers, and by cherifhing the feamen, of whom little care had been taken in this lad reign. How things inftantly changed after king Henry\ depofition, and how the Englijh refumed again the fovereignty of the fea, will be (hewn in the nex^ chapter, from foreign writers as well 33 our own* i 1 t yf-j' ! -::i'lvcd:, ii f ."tn ii; U 2 -f' - ■ ,. 1 ^ CHAP. 5sVsl 1 Molloy de jure maritimo, p 341. "» Stowe's AnnalS| ■ ' ' *'r'- ■ Ih >'■' •~'^' •> ••. .,1 ■t .'r--'— " Ml 292 NAVAL HISTORY CHAP. VII. r.i. ..■■.:h ".v, Mj ot The naval Hijlory «?/ E N G L AN D, du- ring the reigns of Edward IV. Edward V., end Richard III. of the houje ofXox\i, Con^ taining the /pace of Pwenty-five years, .^ , D WAR D IV. Ton to Richard duke of Tork, and by his grand-mother heir to Lionel duke of Clarence, third fon of king Edward III. and ci-^nrequently prior in title to the line of Lan- (ajler, whofe anceftor was John of Gaunt y fourth fon to the fame king Edwardj afl'umed the crown on the fourth of March 1460-61, being then about twenty years of age '. He was forced to fight for his crown before he had well put it on, and though in the battel of Towton, which was fobght on Palm-Sunday after his acceffion, he totally defeated king Henry, who was forced to fly into Scotland, yet his queen paffing over into France, procured there affi- ftance under the command of the famous Peter de Brefe, who in the former reign had taken Sandwich j but through the affedion which all the inhabitants of the fea coaft bore to the houfe o^Tork, (he was dffappointed in her pur- pofe, and forced, after entering Tmmouth-Bay, to put again to fea, and retire into Scotland •*. About this time the earl of * This is owned by all our hillorians, though enough addid\ed to the Lnncaftrian party; bu' is very fuljy and fairly ft- 1 out in Speed's chronicle, p. 670. " Stowe's AnnalV, p. 416. Ho- linglhed. Speed. 0/ E D W A R D IV. 293 of Kent who was abroad with a ftout navy, fcoured all the coaft, and landing in Bretagne with ten thoufand men, took and burnt the town of Conquet^ ravaged the ifland of Rhe, and carried off a great booty S This early care of the fea, fliews the temper and genius of this prince, and how fit he was to hold the Englijh fceptre, yet he treated his predeceflbr Henry but indifferently, cauling him to be brought to the Tower y and ther*; kept very ftriclly, though he was of a blamelefs life, and generally revered as a kind of faint by the people •*. The defc6tion of the earl of Warwick^ whofe power had greatly contributed to gain him the crown, was very near taking it from Ed- ward again ; yet whence that defedion grew is not eafily known. I mud confefs, this is not properly my bufi- nefs i but inafmuch as the great power of this earl of JVarwick fprung from his being admiral and captain of Calais, it may not be amifs to remark the errors that are crept into almoft all our hiftories concerning him ; the rather, becaufe the matter is new,, and not only affedts our own, but alfo fome of the moll accurate among fo- reign hiftorians. ' The ftory we are told is, that the the earl of If^ar- wick was fent into France^ to treat of a marriage between king Edward, and the lady Bona of Savoy, firtcr to the queen of France^ and, that while he was abfent on this embafly, the king married the lady Grey, daughter to the lord Rivers, by Jaquelina dutchefs of Bedjord ". But Mr. Hearne has publiihed fome memoirs of this reign, U 3 written Wi\ I w ' V- W ' Mi II !■' M « Stowe, ubi fupra. Rapin queftions this faft, becaufe not ukea notice of by ttie French hiftorians, which feems no juit exception, while Bretagne was fubjedl to its own duke. * Stowe, and ail our abbey chronicles. « Pol/ d. Virgil, lib. x.xiv. i A' 2 ' : ■ * ■ Mm '\, i hI ma HI} m 1 mm ' j -;' - I. m '■ \\ i:!i'-: -^r J t^ !.: 294 IslAVAL HISrORT written by a perfon, who not only lived therein, but was alio well acquainted with the king, aud the principal per- sons in his court '. He vouches the thin^ to be quite otherwife, and th^t this ftory was devifcd in after times to hide the truth. According to him, the earl of H^arwick had not been in France before the king's marriage, which was on the firft of May, 1463 ; but four years afterwards, viz. in 1467, he was fent to treat with king Lewis, with whom he began to hold privately fome intelligence, for the reftoring king Henry, to whofe party the French had always been inclined ^. Indeed this fcems to be the truth, and accords much better with dates and fadls than the other ftory, fince it is not eafy to conceive, how a man of the earl of Warwick's violent temper, (hould diflemble his refentment fo many years together *. The true caufe, therefore, of his quitting the king was, his immeafurable ambition, and the apprehenfions he was under, that the new queen's kindred would fupplant him and his friends ; and this, notwiihftanding the great offices of which he was polTcfled, and which, as my author fays, brought him twenty thoufand marks per annum ''. The means he ufed to diftrefs the king, was, drawing off his brother the duke of Clarence, whom he married to his daughter, and then retired with him to Calms. On this occafion, the fleet ftuck to the earl, againft the king, having been long under his command. This circumftance enabled him to return fpeedily into England, where he, and his fon-ir.- law, the duke of Clarence, foon raifed a powerful army, and marching to Warwick, fuprized the king's forces, beat them. ' Printed at the end of Thomae Sprotti Chroiica, 8vo. Oxfoid, 1719. E Anonymous Chronicle juft mentioned, p. i97, 298, ^99. * 1497 " Ibid. p. 300. ' 0/ E D W A R D IV. 295 them, and took him prifoner '. Edward^ however, pf- caped fliortly after, and drove the earl and duke to fuch diftrefles, that they were forced to join their party to that of the depofed king Henry: and even this helped them very little ; for after fcveral difputes, in which the king had the better^ the duke retired into France^ and the earl went on board his fleet, with which he failed to Calais^ and being there refufed entrance, put into feveral harbours in Normandy^ where he met with all the favour and aflif- tance he could defire, from the French king ^. While an army was providing, to be by the earl of Warwick tranfported into England^ part of his fleet cruized upon the Flemings, and took many of their (hips, becaufe the duke of Burgundy, their fovereign, fided with king Ed- ward, whofe filler he had married. The duke, to re- Vfnge this iil ufage, drew together a great fleet, and there- with failing to the mouth of the Seine, blocked up the earl of Warwick's fliips in their harbour. Towards the beginning of the moT'xYioi September, 147 1; the French king furnifhed the eari of Warwick, the duke of Clarence, and queen Margaret, all nov/ of one party, with great fuccours, not only of men, but of (hips, which enabled them to force their paflage, fo that landing on the 13'** of September, fome at Plymouth, others at Dartmouth, they quickly drew, together io great a force, and wiihal, brought fo many of the king's court to defer t him, that Edward fearing his perfon might be betrayed, fled, with fuch of his friends as he could bed truft, to Lynn in AV- U 4 folk. ' Hiftoire de France, par P. Daniel, torn. vi. p. 414. Stowe, Speed. , ^ Mtzeray, torn. iii. p. 314. Stowe, HoJingilicd, Speed. AM 296 NAVAL HISrORT folk, and in getting thither, ran very great hazards '. There, on the 3** of O£loher he embarked on board an Englijh fhip, and his friends on board two Dutch huilcs, intending to have pafled over into Flanders % but fome fhips belonging to the Hanfi-Towm, attacked him : nor was it without great difficulty, that his fmall fquadron got clear, and at laft landed him fafe in Ztatand. His queen, vv'hom he left big with child, and in the utmoft diflrefs, took flieher in the fanftuary of JVeJlminJier^ where (he brought forth her eldeft fon, afterwards the unfortunate Edward V. ■"- A s foon as the king's flight was known, Henry VI. was releafed from his imprifonment, and again feated on the throne, Ediuard proclaimed a ufurper, and many of his favourites put to death as traitors, his own brother the duke of Clarence concurring in thefe meafures ; for which, the crown was entailed upon him and his heirs, in cafe the male line of king Henry (hould fail ". Edward, how- ever, (till kept up his fpirits, and though he found him- iclf difappointed in the only friend to whom he trufted, his brother-in-law, Charles duke of Burgundy, who durft not provoke both England and France by openly affifting him, yet he refolved to venture with the fmall train he had about him, and in a few (hips which were lent him, to return into his own country ". This was certainly aft- ing like an Englijh king, who ought rather to die in the field aflerting his right, than difgrace himfelf and his fub- jeds, by living long as an exile in foreign parts. His ' *^peed's chronicle, p. 681. "* Grafton, Stowe, Speed. " W It, Holingftied, Rapin. " Hiftoire de France, f. Da^- jiicli torn. vi. p. 428, 429, Stowe, Holingfhed, Speed, ^ 0/ E D W A R D IV. 297 His whole force conHfled but in four (hips of war, and fourteen tranfports, on board of which were embark- ed about two thoufand men p. He intended to have land- ed in Norfolk^ but a ftorm prevented him, and obliged him after fome days tofllng at fea> to run with a fmall fquadron into the port of Ravenjpur in Yorkjbirey from whence he marched diredly towards York^ declaring at this time, as the firft monarch of the Lancajirian line had done in the like cafe, that he fought no more than his inheri- tance as duke of fork^ and that he was content king Henry ihould wear the crown ; but as foon as he found him- felf at the head of a confiderabie army, he laid aHde this pretence, refumed his royal title, and in the famous battle of Barnet *, defeated and killed the potent and ambitious earl of Warwick, who from his fuccefs, acquired the fur- name of Make-king "i. Shortly after, he defeated queen Margaret, and her fon the prince of Walei, at Tewkf- bury t, where the latter loft his life '. In the mean time the fleet was ftill in very bad hands. The baftard Faucon- bridge, who commanded under the earl of Warwick, held it in the name of king Henry, but in reality to his own uff". His firft proje*^: was, the taking of the city of Lon- don, in the king's abfence j in order to which, he brought his (hips into the mouth of the river Thames, and landed himfelf with fevcnleen thoufand men, with whom he boldly attacked the place, and was as gallantly received, the citizens defending themfelvcr with fuch refolution, that Mm um V Hiftoire de France, par P. Daniel, torn. vi. p. 430. Stowe, Speed. * April 14, 1471. 1 Stovve's Annals, p. 423. Ho- lingflied. Speed, Brady, Tyrrel, f May 4, 1471. Annals, p 424. Rapin. , 1.. ' Stcjvt'a hi 29S NAVAL HISrORT that he was forced to retreat with great lofs •. Soon after, he gave up the fleet, and fubmittcd himfclf to the king, who knighied him, and made him vice-admiral ) which honour, however, he did n< jng enjoy, for en- tering into fome new intrigues, h. -d detected, and loft very defcrvedly his head '. * ' ' King Edward had no fooner fetifed affairs at home, and reftored the peace, and naval power of Eng- land, than he thought of revenging himfelf on the Fnmkf for the trouble they had given him j for which a fair oc- cafion offered, by the breaking out of a war between Lewis XI. and Charles duke of Burgundy ". To the af- liftance of the latter, he pafled over with a mighty army, attended by a fleet of five hundred fail, with which, in the month of July, I47S» he entered the road of Calais, where he debarked his forces. This fuflicicntiy fliews the great maritime ftrength of England in thefe times, when the king, after fuch an unfettled ftate, and fo many revolutions as had lately happened, was able, in a years fpace to undertake fuch an expedition as this, and that too with fo great a force *. When he came to take the field, however, he did not find that afllftance from his allies which he expected, and therefore, though at the begin- ning he pretended to no lefs than the entire conqueft of Frame ; yet on king Lewis's defiring to treat of peace, he was content to enter into a negotiation, which ended much to his fatisfia6lion, and, all things confidered, to the honour i 1 » This man's name, was, Thomas Nevil, fon to lord Faucon- bridge, created by tnis king Kdward IV. earl of Kent, Stowe, Holingftied, Speed. ' Stowe, p. 424. •' Hiftoire de France, par P. Daniel, torn. vi. p. 457. 458. *' Stowe, Hyl;:-.g!hed, Speed. the en- oft 0/ E D W A R D IV. 299 honour of the Englijh nation ; for the Freneh king gave very large fums by way of prefent to the Englijh foldiers, and difcovcred by various other adls, fuch a terror at the Englifl) name, as might fervc in (lead of many viflories ». This peace is generally ftiled the peace of AmienSy from the place where it was treated ; and the curious reader may find it at large in Rymer's colIe€lion y, as well as fome remarkable circumftanccs relating thereto in Philip de Cammines, and in the moft authentic of the French writers ". I N confequence of this treaty, the king received an an- nual penfion from France^ of fifty thoufand crowns, which he looked upon, not without reafon, as a kind of tribute, and applied a great part of it to the repair of his navy, for which he always fhewed a great concern ; and by keeping fquadrons continually at fea, held the timorous Lewis XI. king of France^ in continual terrors, who, to fecure his own peace, diftributed annually vaft fur s amongft the pri- vy council of England ". A war with Scotland gave the king an opportunity of difplaying his force by fending a great army under the command of his brother the duke of Gtoucejler f, into that country, and a powerful fleet upon its coaft; which fo terrified the Scots^ that they obliged their prince- to accept of any propofals that were made to him ''. After the coming back again of the duke of Glou» cejler^ the king's affairs began to take a lefs fortunate turn. He had created great troubles at home, by taking off his brother. " Hiftoire de France, par P. Daniel, Tom. vi. p. 451*462, 463. y Fcedera. Tom. xii. * Philip de Comin's, Jib. iv. Mezeray, Tom. iii. p. 327. * Sir J'homas Moort-, in his Hillory of Edward V. f A. D. 1482 * JDrum- mond, Stowe, Speed. !'■ r.\ • 300 NAVAL HlsrORT brother, the duke of Clarence, not without (Irong Aifpi- cions of injuftice '. He had croflcd the humour of the nation, in rcfufing fuccour to the F/emittgs, who were the natural allies of the Englijh, and from whom they annu- ally gained large fums by the balance of trade. Add to all this, that it became every day more and more apparent,, that the French king never intended to perform the moil cflential points of the laft peace, particularly that relating to the marriage of the dauphin with the princefs Elizabeth, which perplexed the king exceedingly, and at laft, deter- mined him to break with this perfidious monarch. In this war he determined to rely chiefly on his own ftrength at fea, and not at all on the promifes of his allies, by whom himfelf and his predcceflbrs had been fo often deceived, and of which he had a recent example in the conduit of the emperor Maximilian, who, notwithftanding the king had lately fent a fquadron of ftout (hips under fir John Mid- dleton, to his afllftance, had not only made a peace, but enter- ed into a clofe union with Frame, which highly provoked the king ''. The pains king Edward took in difpofing all things for a French war, and efj)ecially in drawing together a numerous fleer, was fo agreeable to his people, that they feemed heartily inclined to bear the cxpence which fuch an expedition muft have brought upon them. The care, however, of fo important an enterprize, joined to his un- ufual fatigue, in providing every thing for undertaking it, threw that monarch into a fudden illnefs, when his fleet and army were almoft ready, which brought him unex- pededly to his end, on the 9th of Aprils 1483, after he had * I «^ St 1 hoinas Moore, in the Life of Richard III. lingfhed. < Ho. (ii; 1 1. 1 0/ E D W A R D V. 301 had reigned fomewhat more than twenty-two, and had liv- ed very little above forty-one years •. The French writers will have it, that he died of chagrin, at the dauphin's mar- riage, becaufe from the treaty of JmienSy he had always ftiled his eldeft daughter Elizabeth^ dauphincfs ^ -. but Me- zeray very honeftly owns, that his death was a great deli- verance to France^ and freed her from the terror of heboid, ing once again an Englljh army, under a vi^orious king, at the gates of P<7m K. ",' ^ '"' H E was, though too much addidled to his pleafures, a very wife, as well as a very fortunate piince, had true no- tions of naval power, and of the confequences of an exten- five commerce. The former he maintained throughout his whole reign, and the latter he encouraged as much as his domeftic troubles gave him leave to do. His principal maxim was maintaining a good correfpondence with the city of London, to which he conftantly adhered, and of which he found the good effe«5ls in his adverfity, as well as profpcrity, as is well obferved by FhiWp de Comminei \ who attributes thereto his reftauration, after the potent earl of Warwick had driven him out of his dominions; and one of the laft afls of his life was an extraordinary com- pliment to that city, of which we have a long account In our old chronicles '. In one thing he was fingularly hap- py, that he died in full pofleflion of the hearts and afFec- tions of his fubjedls. EDWARD V. fucceeded, or rather feemed to fuc- ceed his father j for he never had any thing more than the - — ^- - (hadow K >-S i.'tt, PI « Stowe, Speed, R^pin. ' Mezeray, Tom. iii. p. 346. P. Daniel. e Abrege de I'Hiftoire de France, Tom. iii. p. 546. ^ Comment, lib. iii. » Sir Thomas Moore's Hill, of £dw. V. *-'^-l ■ m 302 NAVAL HISrORT (hadow of royalty , and even this did not continue above the fpace of ten weeks> through the ambition of his uncle Ruhard duke of Gloucefltr. My fubjedl does not lead me to fay much of this matter, which, I muft own, appears ta me one of the darkeft parts of our hiftory j for though r am far from thinking that Buck, in his panegyric rather than hiftory of king Richard, hath written all things ac- cording to truth, yet I muft own that I do not believe he errs more on one hand, than fir 7%omas Moore in his hiftory of Edward V. on the other 5 which hiftory, however, has been the ground-work of all fucceeding ftories. Thus much of truth undoubtedly there is, that immediately af* ter the death of Edward IV. Richard duke of Glouce/ier aftumed the office of prote<5tor, and caufed the young prince to be proclaimed ; after which, on various pretences, he cut off feveral great perfoits, who were the principal friends of his deceafed brother's queen; and having thus pa- ved the way for his own promotion, he next infufed into the people's minds a bad opinion of the late king's admi- niftration, and fome doubts as to the legitimacy of his chil- dren, which by the help of the duke of Buckingham's ma- nagement of the lord-mayor and citizens oi London, was improved into a popular demand that the young prince (hould be laid afide, and Richard inftead of protestor de- clared king, which at firft he refufed, but was quickly prevailed upon to change his mind and accept ^. RJ- ^ Stowe, Holingfhed, Speed, Baker, Rapin. Sir Thomas Moore 15 tranfcribed ia the three firft Hillories ; and as for Buck's la- boured Apology, it is to be met with in the firft Volume of the coxnpleat liiltory of England, by Biihop Kenncc ::!i 0/ R I G H A R D III. 103 . r.' .1. ,., 1 w ' RICHARD III. was proclaimed the tweruy-fccond of June 1483, and crowned upon the fixth of July follow- ing, together with Anne his queen, and his title effe6tu- aJly confirmed by a parliament called in January follow- ing '. This adt is perhaps the beft drawn piece, ccniider- ing the defigu it was to cover, that is extant in any lan- guage, and many of our modern hiftorians might have a- voided the grofs miftakes they have fallen into about this prince, if they had carefully confidcred it. But fir Tio- mas Moore's rhetoric had fo much warmed them, that ge- nerally fpcaking, they confound the duke of Clarence's treafon with the duke of Gloucejier's pretenfions, which though they might be as bad, yet certainly they were not the fame "*. Clarence in framing his title to the crown, was obliged to fet afide that of his elder brother king Ed- ivard^ which put him upon alledging, that the king was not in reality the fon of Richard duke of Tork ", But as Richard duke of Gloucefter was under no neceffity of do- ing this, fo he was much too wife a man to attack his mo- ther's honour without caufe. We find, therefore, notbii^ of this in the before mentioned adl of parliament, but a Ti- tle of quite another kind. The right of king Edward \s clearly acknowledged, but his marriage with queen Eliza- beth is declared to be null, not, as fir Thomas Moore fa\rs, becaufe of the king's marriage before God to lady Elizabsth Lucy, a matter which had b2en long before cleared up, but in refpe(5t to a pre-contradi, or rather marriage, between the ; m ay ' Stowe's Annals, p. 458. "» Compare Buck's Kiftory with the rell, and confider the authorities produced on both Sides. " See the Grounds of the duke of Clarence's Attainder in Stowe's Annals, p. 430. 304 NAVAL HISTORT the king and lady Eleanor Butler, daughter to the earl of Shrewfiury, which was proved by a bifhop °j in confe- quence of which, all his pofterity were illegitimate. Then again, as to the pofterity of the duke of Clarence, which were ftill in Richard' % way, they were fet afide, on ac- count of. their father's attainder, which could not have been alledged, if Richard had queftioned king Edward's rights. The cafe then in few words flood thus, the crown of England had been dntailed by parliament on the pofte- rity of the duke of York, in the reign of king Henry VI. This duke left three fons, Edward, George, and Richard. Edward by virtue of that entail, claimed and enjoyed the crown, but (as this aft fays) left no lawful ifTue. George, in the life-time of his brother Edward, had been attainted of treafon, by which his family became incapable of fuc- ceeding, and therefore Richard duke of Gkucejler was call- ed to the throne as the next heir in the parliamentary entail P. '- ■'■'. i ■■ V; An indifferent title he had at beft, but this did not hin- der his making a pretty good king, I mean in a political fenfe, for he made wife laws, governed the ptople gently, and took all imaginable care to promote trade, and to pre- ferve the fuperiority of the fea. In all probability thefe w^.e the effefts of his private policy, for the ftrengthening of himfelf and his family; but be that as it will, th.^ nation was undoubtedly the better for it. Yet all his wifdom did not preferve him, becaufe he fufFered himfelf to be deceiv- ed by appearances, and to quit the prudent care, which at the beginning of his reign, he had taken for the guard of — • > . the li (■■:!( • M( zeray, Tom. iii. p. 346. Speed, p. 7 1 1 f See this AQ. at large in *! iiili large in 0/ R I C H A R D III. 305 the Engli^ coafts, at that very junfture when it became moft neceflary : and as this is a point of great confequence to the fubjedl I am upon, it will be neceflary to enter into a diftin(ft detail of the earl of Richmond's expedition, which, as it is taken from foreign hiftorians, will, I hope, prove both agreeable and inftrudlive to the reader. W E have already (hewn how the quarrel between the houfes of Tork and Lancajler began, by Henry I Vs. aflu- ming the crown on the depoHtion of king Richard II, Henry earl of Richmond^ was by his mother's fide held a defcendant of the houfe of Lancajier^ and had been in the battle of Tewhjhury^ with queen Margaret and prince Ed- ward. After that fignal defeat, he retired into Bretagne^ where he was well received by Francis IL then duke there- of, and protected throughout the reign of Edward IV. notwithftanding all the intrigues of that crafty prince to get him into his hands '^. Richard III. fent his agents to the duke, promifing vaft funis if he would deliver up earl Henry^ but to no purpofc, which arofe from this fecret reafon. There were great fadlions at that time in Bre- tagne, the duke being entirely governed by his minifter, a man of low birth, though of ftrong 1 arts, and high ipirit, whofe name was Peter Landois, which induced the nobi- lity to confederate themfelves againft him. This ftatefman having good intelligence in England^ knew perfedly the fcheme tl)at was fet on foot for placing earl Henry on the throne, and uniting the two houfes of Tofk and Laticajier^ by marrying the faid earl to the princefs Elizabeth, eldeft daughter to Edward IV. He likewife knew, that the duke of Buckingham, and fome other very great perfons. Vol. I, Xi-7-'-- were 1 Mezcray, P. Daniel, Rapin. •w^\. >.' 1 i' i '' '^'Wm- 'm 3o6 NAVAL HISIORT were engaged in that defign, which he refolved therefore to promote, not doubting but that, when Hfnry (hould be feated on the Englijh throne, he would fpecdily enable the duke his mafter to quell his rebellious barons. As fooa therefore as he was informed that the duke of Buckingham'^ defigns were ripe for execution, he furniflied the earl of Richmond with a fleet of fifteen fail, on board which were embarked about five thoufand men ■■. But king Richard having early intelligence of the duke of Buckingham's pro- ject, and of his negotiations with the earl of Richmond^ took effeftual care to difappoint both. The duke's forces he defeated by furprize, made himfelf maftcr of his perfon, and beheaded him •. As to the earl's landing, he prevent- ed that likewife, by keeping a ftrong fqqadron at fea^ and guards on all the coafts, fo that when the earl with his lit- tle fleet approached the J^elch (hore, he faw it was imprac- ticable to land, and therefore bore away to Diep^y where he fafely arrived, and fi-om thence went by lan4 into Bre^ tagne K Thus we fee of what Confequence fuch precau- tions are in times of danger, and how very poffible it is toe an Englijb prir.ce, to hinder invaders from fetting foot in his dominions. But if his meafures on this occafion de- monftrated the wifdom of king Richard, his fubfequent be- haviour was of a quite different kind ; for immediately up- on the earl's retreat, he difmiffed his forces, laid up and unrigged his fleet, as if, after efcaping fo great a danger, he meant to invite a greater; at leaft fo it proved, and might have • ' Hiiloire de France par P. Dr iiel, Tom. vi. p. '^oo. Argen- tre Hiftoire de Bretagne, liv. xii. « Stowe, Holingflied, Speed) Buck, Rapin. ' Argentre Hiiloire de Bretagne, cbi fupra. Hiiloire de France par M. Chalons, Tom. ii. p. ^^o■ Me- 0/ R I C H A R D III. 307 have been eafily forefeen. But let us now return to the earl of Richmmd, H £ found things, on his coming back, much altered in the court of Bretagne; for events will ever change the mea- fures of thofe who fuflfer their councils to be governed by expeftations of profit, rather than regard to principle. Peter Landois, who had been his warmeft friend, was now become his bittereft enemy, for perceiving that the earl's defigns were fruftrated, the duke of Buckingham dead, the countefs of Richmond confined, and England quietly fub- mittmg to Richard, he fuddenly changed his politics, and, fince he could not reduce ihe confederate lords by the help of an Englijh king of his own making, he refolved to have recourfe to an Englijh king then reigning j and t'rerefore entered into a treaty with Richard, for putting the earl of Richmond into his har.Is". But ^o€tox Richard Morton, bilhop of Ely, a firm friend to the houfe of Lancajier, then in exile in Flanders, having difcovered this defign, gave ijotice of \t to the earl of Richmond, advifing him to fly immediately into France, which he did, and yet very nar- rowly efcaped, a troop of horfe fent to re-take him, mif- fing him but an hour. He was well received by the French king Charles VIII. who promifed him his protec- tion and affiflance : nor had he been long at that court, before the earl of Oxford, who was a prifoner at Calais, prevailed upon the governor of that ftrong place, to em- brace his intereft, and to go with him into France, in or- der to confult about a new invafion of England ^. The French hiftorians fay pofitively, that king Charles furnifhed X 2 Henry " Argentre Hiftoire de Bretagne, ubi fupra. '^ Mezeray, P. DanieS, Chalons 51 ' '''if JM '>v4 ^'.j ^.'tinfe i:l ;i 11 I V m * ■ 1 I f- "•■' ... ill! 308 NAVAL HISTORY Henry of Richmond with four thoufand men : father Da- niel lays, they were choice troops " ; but our Englijh wri- ters fpeal. of no more than two thoufand, nay, and infill that thefe were hired with money, which the earl borrow- ed f. However it was, with this infignificant force, em- barked on board a very fcurvy fleet, the earl ventured to put to fea on the firfl: of Augujl 1485, fronr, the port of Havre de Grace^ and landed at Milford- Haven on the eighth of the /ame month. He was quickly joined by great bo- dies of the Welch, and pafling the Severn at Shrewjbury\ met with many of his Englijh friends, and then marched diredly into Leicejlerjhire, where he knew king Richard lay with his army ^ Upon this followed a decifive battle, fought near the town of Bofworth, on the iwenty-fecond of Augujl, wherein king Richard fighting gallantly, was ilain with his fword in his hand, after a fliort reign of iwo years and two months, wherein he (hewed himfelf a bet- ter king than moll of our hiftorians are willing to reprefent him. An exemplary inftance of this was, his fuffering his nephew Edward Plantagenet, earl of Warwick, fon and heir to his brother, George duke of Clarence^ to live quiet- ly and freely in Yhrkjhire ; though one of the firll adls of his fucceflbr was, to (hut up this unhappy youth in the Tower, where he was afterwards beheaded, for no greater crime than defiring freedom. I N the reign of thefe monarchs of the houfe of Tork, there were no grievous taxes drawn from the fubjcft. When Edward the fourth wanted money, he had recourfe to an expedient, which, whatever it might be in law, was certainly not amifs in politics, of fending for perfons in ea- fy * Hifioire de Fjurxe, Tom vi. p. 6oz. linfhed, Speed, ^ Stowe's Annals, p- 4T9. y Stowe, Ho- Of HENRY VII. 309 iy circumftances, and having opened to them his occafions for money, and his reafons for fuppofing they could fupply him, dcfired they would give what they pleafed, by which he raifed money without aid of parliament, and by a new kind of prerogative j ftiling, fuch a voluntary contribution, Benevolence. As he was a debonair prince, this method, odd as it was, brought him in very confiderable fupplies. Amongft others, that he once fummoned, was a gentlewoman of London, efteemed rich in thofe times, to whom having ftated his cafe in a free and famihar man- ner, he afked her what fhe would give him ? my liege, an- fwered fhe, for the fake of that fweet and comely face, you Jhallhave twenty pounds. The king being extreamly well pleafed with this teftimony of her good will, gave her a kifs, which royal favour procured him another twenty pounds. He is likewife faid to have made ufe of the per- fonal afFeftions of his fubjedts, in borrowing confiderable fums, which, however, was attended with no fmall dif- like, and was therefore laid afide by one of his fucceflbrs. W E are told by Stoive, in his chronicle, that this mo- narch fought fome private advantage in the alterations which he directed to be made in the coin j but it is very juftly obferved by bifhop Nicholfoh, that this imputation upon his government is ill founded. It is, indeed, very certain, that this king diredlcd, that all the bullion receiv- ed for ftaple commodities at Calais, fhould be coined in the mint there ; but then, as appears by the indentures, it was of the fame weight and finenefs with his predeceflbrs. Another great antiquary, I mean fir Robert Cotton, fays much in praife of king Edward, for reftoring the ftatc of our coin, which had been much injured in the preceding reign j and for faying this, he is cenfured by bifliop Fleet- woody who (hews, that the money coined by Edivard the X 3 fourth. "^'il I.. t,J I « '':m ; i! iii i. ! 1 310 NAVAL HlsrORT fourth, was not cither better or worfe than that of Henry the fixth. But notwithftanding this is certainly very true, yet the former obfervation might be true likewife. Wc have feen, that in the reign of king Henry, there was great indulgence ihewn to ftrangers, and more efpecially to Italians; and we have likewife feen, that it wasbythefc people, that great fums of bafe money were brought into, and circulated through the kingdom } and as there is, no doubt, that this was publickly prohibited, and effedlually reftrained by Edward the fourth, fo we may very reafona- bly conclude, that for this, and for the coining great fums, as well in filvcr as in gold, of due weight and finenefs, by which the occafion and neceflity of ufing thefe adulterated coins was taken away, he afforded juft ground for iir Re* bert Cotton's remark. In his reign, the lord Hajiingi wa$ appointed mafter of the king's mints in EnglaHd, Ireland and France^ and he coined largely in the feveral mints of all the three kingdoms. Sir John Davis aflures us, that it was Edward the fourth who firft introduced a difference between the Englijh and Irl/h coin, fo tl.^t the former was worth a fourth part more than the latter. Upon whatever mo- tives he did this, and whether the doing it was laudable, or otherwife, we dare not decide j but, however, there is no doubt at all, that the cuftom was purfued by his fuccelForsi fo that in fucceeding times, an Irijb fhilling was worth no more than nine-pence in England, and the fame propor- tion held in all their other coins. In the fhort reign of king Richard the third, there was but one parliament called, and but one tax granted, which was a tenth upon the clergy. At the fame time, the king, of his own accord, gave life, as one of our antiquaries ex' prefTes it, to another law, by which the fubjcft was for ever freed from benevdencies, which is i^id to have liowed from 'M I Of HENRY VII. 311 fiom an evil intention in that prince* to captivate the minds of the people, by this extraordinary (hew of felf-de- nial. It is very poflible it might be fo, but perhaps it would be very difficult to find any evidence to prove it. It is a dangerous thing, to put bad conilrudtions, upon fuch aflions as are viiibly good, either in kings, or in pri- vate men. If this monarch was really guilty of one half of the crimes with which fome of our hiflorians charge him^ there was no need of mifreprefenting what had the appearance of right in his conduct, in order to render him a monfter. All that I incline to add farther upon this Tub- jeft, is, that fuch as are determined to believe the word of him, muft be contented with what is faid in our chronicles, public hiflories and memoirs ; for as to the (fatute books and records, they bear no teftimonies of his being either an oppreflbr or a tyrant ; yet what vindicates his public, can- not be extended to juftify his private charaj^ter; becaufe both hiftory and experience fufficiently teaches, that a ve- ry bad man, may be a very good king j but then it is ne- celTary, that he fliould reign long, in order to be fo edeemed. As to the hiftory of our trade during this period, it is better preferved than in any other, becaufe it now perhaps began to grow more confiderable. A great variety of laws we have relating thereto, and a long charter preferved in Hakluyt, whereby king Edward IV. grants large privileges to the Englijh merchants fettled in the Netherlands. Some of our hiftorians, it is true, blame that prince for fuffering certain (heep, out of Herefordjhire, to be tranfported into Spairty whence they would have us believe, arofe that plen- ty of fine wool, for which Spain hath been fince renowned. But this is meer vanity in us, fince nothing is more cer- X 4 tain. '•:•" 1*1,4 •■i ^^'A 111*' i. I n\ >^\ .4 . I 312 NAVAL HISrORT tain, than that the Spanijh wool ww long before in the higheft requefl: ; fo that, in the 31ft of Henry II. the wea- vers of London had it granted to them upon their petition, that wherever they could difcover cloth entirely fabricated of Spanijh wool, or even with a mixture of Spanijh wool, they were authorized to carry it before the mayor of Lon» don, who was to caufe it to be burnt ". The hiftory I mention, is contained in a little treatife, preferved in Hak' luyt I*, entitled, De politia confervativa maris, written in verfe ; and, as it feems from his preface, never before prin- ted, though written copies were pretty common. We know not by whom, or exadly when it was written, and yet we may come pretty near the time ; for it is faid in the clofe, to Lave been examined and approved by the wife baron of Hungerford, which nobleman loft his head at Salijbwy, in 1466, being the 6th of Edward IV, *= con- fequently this book muft have been written fome time be- fore, probably about the beginning of that king's reign. There is a particular title to every chapter, that to the ge- neral introdudlion runs thus : Here beginneth the prologue of the procejfe of the libel of Englifti policie, exhorting all Eng- land to keep the fea, and namely the narroive fea : Jhewing what profile commeth thereof, and alfo what worjhip and faU vation to England, and to all Englifhmen. In this introdudlion, the author fhews both the utility and the necefllty of England'^ preferving the dominion of the fea, and tells us, that the emperor Sigifmund, who came over hither in 141 6, and went into France with Henry V, advifed him to keep the two towns of Dover and » Ibid, ubi fupra. •> Colleftion of Voyages, vol. i. p. 187. * Stowe's Annals, p. 419. Of HENRY VIL -^i^ and Calais^ as carefully as he would his two eyes. The author next explains to us the device on our nobles, a gold coin firft ftruck in i8 Edw. III. introducing his re- marks thus : r For foure things our Noble Jheweth unto me^ King^ Jhip^ and /word, and power of thefea, I N his firft chapter, this writer gives us a very clear and exadt account of the commodities of Spain and Flbnders, and of the commerce between thofe countries, wherein'' be nptes, that neither country could live without the other ; that the Spanijh wool cannot be wrought by tht Flemings^ without a mixture o( Englijh; and befides this, the trade between thefe two countries, muft be allo« gether precarious, if both be not at peace with England. The fecond chapter treats of the commodities and trade of Portugal, wherein he obferves, that the inhabitants of Portugal were always our friends, and that a very advan- tagious trade had ever been, carried on between the two na- tions, the ftream of which he complains, began now to be turned into Flanders : he fpeaks of the trade, and of the pyracies carried on by the inhabitants of the dutchy of Bretagnif and exclaims grievoufly at the outrages they were wont to commit on the Engli/h coafts, particularly on the maritime towns of Norfolk ; and then tells us a re- markable ftory of what happened in the time of Edward III. The merchants, he fays, reprefented to that prince, that notwithftanding the peace between him and the duke of Bretagne, the privateers of that dutchy took their vef- fels, of which the king, by his ambafladors, complained to the duke, who, in anfwer, faid, that thefe privateers belonged to the ports of St. Michael, and St. Makes^ which. '•••'4 M it m 314 NAFAL HISIORl" which, though in his dominions, he could not fay were un- der his obedience, being inhabited by a fort of people who would do what they pleafed j upon which, the king di- redled Dart mouthy Plymouth, and Fowey to be fortified, and g^Tc the inhabitants leave to fit out privateers, to cruife upon the coafts of Brttagm. This expedient foon anfwered his purpofe, by bringing the fubje£ls of the duke into fuch diftrefs, that he was glad to undertake for the future good behaviour of his two lawlefs towns, that he might be rid of the troublefome vifitants which daily di- ftreflfcd his coafts firom our three. The commodities of Scatlandy and her commerce with Flanders ^ make the fub- jeft of the fourth chapter. In the fifth, he treats of the trade of Frt^a^ Germany, and the Hanfe-Tewm, and of the inland countries dependant upon them. The com- modities and trade of Genoa employ the fixth ; whence it appears, that at this time they carried on the trade of Africa, and the Indies, that is to fay, imported Indian and jffrican commodities here, and in return exported wool and woollen commodities, and all this in certain very large ihips, in thofe days called Carracks. The trade of Venice and Florence follows next, to which the author feems no great friend, as fuppofing that the balance thereon was greatly in their favour, ..uJ that the things bought of them were mere inftruments of luxury. Much pains is taken in this chapter to fliew the advantages that foreigners had in trade over the EngUJh natives, and what frauds were committed by the Italian bankers, and by the fa- ftors of that nation employed here. The trade of Flan- iers takes up the eighth chapter, wherein great complaints are made of the infolence of ihips belonging to the Hanfe^ Towns, and of the folly of Englijh merchants lending their 0/ HENRY VII. 315 their names to cover foreigners goods imported hither. Is the ninth* we iee a copious and exadt account of the commodities and commerce of Irtlaniy except that the author fpeaks confidently of gold and filver being found there, which time hath not verified. Towards the con- cluiion, there is a projeft of the then earl of Ormondf^ fuggefting that, if one year's expence in the maintainance of French wars, were employed in the redu£lion of /r/- lani^ it would anfwer the purpofe cSeftually, and pro- duce a very confiderable profit annually to the Englijh na> tion. Yet this, as the writer complains, *vas flighted, from views of private profit, to the great detriment of the public. The old trade carried on to Iceland from Scarborough, and of late years from Brj/fol to the fame place, is defcribed in the tenth chapter, at the cloie of which, the author difcourfes of the importance of Calais, In the eleventh chapter he defcants on the naval power of king Edgar, and the mighty fleets of king Edward UL and Henry V. who, he fays, built larger and flronger (hips than any of his predeceflbrs. The twelfth and lad chapter is a concife re-capitulation of the principal matters fpokcn to before, with a pathetic exhortation lo Englijh flatefmcn, thoroughly to confider the importance of thefe points, and efpecially the great one of maintaining our power, or fovereignty at fea, on which, he fays, the peace, plenty and profperity of this ifland efTentially de- pend. One cannot help wond'ring on the perufual of this piece, that no pains has «jver been taken to mak - it more ufeful, by republifhing it, either in modern verfe, or as it now flands, with notes ; fince it is evidently written with equal fcience and fpirit, fo that it is not eafy to fay, whe- ther it gives us a better idea of the author's head or heart. Befides, M l!!l fe#»''' w^ ■yj' m^' 1 ' ;,!■': •'■'.n I'i 316 NAVAL Hisrokr Befides, it is a full proof that trade was then a very ex- tenfive and important concern ; which will appear more clearly to the reader, if he confiders the different value of money, than and now. It likewife (hews, that the rea- fons and grounds of our naval dominion were then as throughly underftood, add as clearly and plainly aflerted as ever they have been fince } which is the reafon that Mr. Selden cites this book as a remarkablr authority, both in point of argument and antiquity ''. But we are now coming into brighter times, wherein that fpiril of commerce, which this author fo earneftly wiflied for, began really to appear, and when there feemed to be a con tell between private men, and thofe in the adminiftration, who fliould Terve the public moft. A fpirit to which we owe our prefent commerce to all parts of the world, our potent and ftately fleet, and above all, our numerous plantations, the chief fupport of our maritime ftrength, as well as the moft confiderable branch of our trade ftill remaining. <* Mare Claufum, lib. ii. c. 2 c;. CHAP. 'i. ., Of HENRY VII. 317 srz Tx-jiJ* '^'v^ ,f^v^ T^.nR'?^ J*9MJ7iJ!^r?^' '/ L . u. CHAP. VIII. -v ' oq T;&^ /^^-uj/ H^ory 0/ E N G L A N D, under the reign of Henry VII. including the me^ i moin of fuch eminent feamen as fourified ' in his time. H E NR T VII. was crowned king on the field of battel, the diadem of king Richard being found among the fpoils. By what title he ^l^^&i held the regal dignity, is difficult to deter- mine; in his own days, he would not fuffer it to be drawn into queftion, and pofterity hath not much confi- dered it fince. As to defcent, he could fcarce be faid to be of the royal family, for his father was of lyales, his mother of the houfe of Beaufort^ defcended indeed of John of Gaunt y duke of Lancajler \ but fo as to be legi- timate only by an adl: of parliament, with an exprefs ex- ception as to the crown. By conqueft he could not be king, for no people conquer themlelves ; and his army at Bofworth were Englijhmen^ as well as king Ruhard's. His bell title then mud be marriage, which he had not till Ibme time after ; for though he was folemnly crowned on the 30''' of Odlober, ytt he did not marry the princefs Elizabeth y 'till the iS"' of January^ i486. He was ge- nerally cfteemed the wifeft prince of his time, and was, ■without all doubt, an accompliHicd politician, to which the difficulties he went through in his youth, muft have con- s' 1 1 ■ I I * M (^ .J iir T--^iiii ii'iir rrr ^"^ ^ i 318 NAVAL HISrORT contributed not a little ; for he was an exile before he was .1 man, and at the head of his party by that time he was at years of difcretion. He had great obflacles to furmount, even after his acceflion to the throne ; for the common people were generally fond of the houfe of York^ and the dutchefs of Burgundy took care to furnifli them with va- rf«ly of pretenders of that line. Yet fuch was the care king Henry took of his coafts, and fo wifely did he pro- vide for the fecurity of the Tea, that his enemies could fcarce ever fet foot dire^lly in his kingdom ; which was the reafon that Simnel went firft to Ireland, and Perk'm Warheck into Scotland, where having procured afliftance, he thence invaded England ". Another ftrain of his policy was, his keeping up a martial fpirit among his own fubjeifts, at the expence of his neighbours, repaying thereby the French in their own coin. Thus he privately aflifted the duke of Bretagne^ with a confiderable body of troopsj under the command of the lord JVoodville, uncle to the queen j and when the French king expoftulated on this head, he excufed himfelf, by faying, that lord tranfported forces into Bretagne with- out his confent or permiffion *. Soon after, he openly aflifted the Bretons, againft the French, becaufe he faw that thefe expeditions were plealing to his own people, and ierved his purpofes at the fame time. On the fame principles he threatned an open rupture with France, for which ' - provided a ftout army, and a numerous fleet : and yet his real view was not fo much attacking the French king, as drawing aids from his own parliament, which on this « Stowe, Holingflied, Speed, Rapin : but above all, lord Ba- con's hiitory of his reign, and his finilhed charafler of Henry VII. *A.D. 1488. Of HENRY VII. 319 this expcftation only they were inclined to give, lie tranfported, however, his forces to Calais, teok the fidd, and having terrified the Frsmh, made fuch a peace 36 fads> fied him, and (b returned home, keeping, however, hit iquadrons at fea ; for though he loved peace, yet it was bis fixed maxim, to be in conftant readinefs for war ; which was the reafon, that dtiHng his reign, the marine was in better condition than under any of his prcdeceflbrs : the cares of government took up his whole time, and feft no room either for thoughts or exper :e8 of pleafure ', The French hiftorians fay, that of all our EngUJh kings, this wife monarch was belt inclined to them, and 'moft obfervant o\ his treaties, which they afcribe to hts gratitude for the fuccours afforded him in Frame, when he came over againft king Richard K I will not deny that fome truth may be in this j and yet I an inclined to believe, that the chief motive which fo ftrongly bound him to affeft peace abroad, was the inteftine divifions z- mong his fubjeils at home, which might have created him even more vineafinefb than * ■ did, in cafe the mat- contents had been fupported by fo p^ ^ful a prince as the French king. Befides, it was policy of Henry VII. to divert the fplrits of his fubjedls from war to trade, which he both underftoou and encouraged. His long refidence in Bretagne had given him an opportunity of acquiring a much greater (kill in maritime affairs than moft of his predecefTors, and this was fo well known, that eminent feamen, even in foreign countries. frec|uently addreffed themfelves to him for his favour and prote6lion. Amongft the f1 ".Si I \ (i i, 'I f vStowe, Speed, Bacon. b Hiftoire de France, par P. Daniel, torn. vii. p. 19. Da Tillet Recueil dcs Traitoe, Meaeray. I 320 NAVAL HISIORT the reft, the famous Chrijiopher Columbus, who rendered his name immortal by the difcovery of America, and who fent his brother Bartholomew hither, in order to have un- dertaken that glorious expedition for the benefit of this nation : nor was it any fault in this wife king that he did not ; though fome modern writers not only without, but againfti all authority aflert, that king Henry rejeded his propofals. I fliall here give a concife account of that af- fair, of which I fiiall have occafion to fpeak again in the memoirs of John Cdot, who, though he did not under- take to make difcoveries till after the reiurn of Columbus, yet faw the continent of the new \vorld earlier than he, as will be fully proved in its proper place. Experience (hews us, that there are certain feafons reniarkably favourable to particular arts. This age of which we are fpeaking, had been fo to navigation, which had profpered exceedingly under different ftates, but prin- cipally under the Portuguefe. They had difcovered a new way to the Eaji-Indies, by going entirely round the great continent to Africa, which rendered them fo much richer, and more powerful than their neighbours, that, by an e- raulation natural amongfl great men, the thoughts of all the wits in Europe were turned towards undertakings of this kind ^, Chrijiopher Columbus, by birth a Genoefe, but of what family is very uncertain, and I think very irajna- terial, had a head excellently t\irncd for fuch enterprizes. By nature he was fagacious, penetrating, and refolutei he derived from education fuch knowledge, as enabled him to make the bell ufe of his experience, and his ardent paffion "" See this matter largely difcuffed, in a book publiflied fome years ago, cjitituled, A compleat hipry 0/ Spk^ish America. 0/ HENRY Vir. 321 ^flton for the fcience of navigation had infpired him, from his early youth, with a deiire of engaging in diftant and dangerous voyages. Abundance of lucky circumftan* ces concurred in giving him greater advantages than any of his contemporaries ; but, as to the ftory of his having the firfl hint of an undifcovered continent in the weft, from the papers of an old pilot who died in his houfe, while he relided in the ifland of Maderoy I entirely agree with fir Wtlliam Monfin^ that it is mere calumny ; and for this reafon, that, if Columbus had really received any fuch infornation, he would fcarce have embraced forae opinions which expofed his projedls to many plaufibh ob- jections, and which, never thelefs, he retained to the laft. It is by no means clear, though we have a life of him writ- ten by his fon, and collefted partly from his own writings, when he firft entertained thoughts of finding out coun- tries hitherto undifcovered. It fcems, however, to have been pretty early in his life ; becaufe it appears from notes of his own, that he had undertaken feveral voyages with a view of fixing his notions on this fubjeft. When he had throughly methodized bis fcheme, and rendered it, as he thought, probable and praflicable, he firft propound- ed it to the (late of Genoa in the year 1482 ; but it was not accepted, becaufe they were then engaged in fuch an extenfive commerce, as they fcarce xnew how to manage, and were therefore afraid of launching out into new pro- jefts. Columbus then offered it to the king 0/ H E N R Y VII. 323 1488, he prefented a map of the world of h'*" own pro- je6ling, and afterwards entering into a negotiation on the behalf of his brother, the king liked the fcheme fo wel>, that they came to an agreement before Chrijiopher had brought things to bear in Upain ; though by a new feries of crofs accidents, Bartholomew was not able to carry any account of this to his brother, before he had a<5lually dil- covered the American iflands in the fervice, and for the be- nefit of the crown of Spain y, which he did in 1492. A f! we have thefe fads from the fon of don Chrijlopher Columbus f and the nephew of BattbolomeWy whopublifli- ed his father's life in Spain, I think the authority cannot be doubted, according to all the rules of evidence laid down either by lawyers or critics. Add to this, that the map made by Bartholomew Columbus, was adually in be- ing in the reign of queen Elizabeth ; which is fuch a corroborative proof, as puts the matter out of difpute *, and (hews that we have at leaft as good a title as the Spaniards, from our agreement with the firft difcoverer of a paflage to this new world. If they plead the fuccefs of their expedition, we ma)ralledge our prior contract, and if this (hould fail us, and their title be approved, we have then, as I hinted before, a better title than they (even ac- cording to their own method of arguing) to the continent of Jmirica, in regard to which, our fuccefs in difcovering was prior to theirs. I know Ibme writers have made pretty fmart reflections upon king Henry for his dilatori- nefs in this matter, by which they think we have fuflered fo much : but when matters are more maturely weighed, Y 2 perhaps y Sec Hakluyt, Purchas, Harris's colleftions. * I found this particular in a MS. belonging to Sir William Monfon, which has fince been burnt by accident. ^.; i ' u'^ii ^ (I rv- !t ^f 324 NAVAL HISrORT perhaps w and the reafon was, becaufe the king had then many arduous affairs upon his hands, fuch as the attempt of Perkin JVarbeck^ an ex- pedition into Scotland^ his breach with France^ and voyage thither^ all which fell out within that fpace : And fepond- ly, it does not feem fo manifeft as thefe people imagine, that we are really fuch mighty fufferers, by the Spaniards having the (Vart of us in this expedition, for which many reafons might be offered ; but there is one fo obvious, and withal fo ftrong, that it feems to fuperfede the refl:. Spain, at the time (he undertook this difcovery, was one of the grcateil maritime powers in Europe^ though fince her pofTeflion of the Ir.iUi, fhe is become one of the mofl inconfiderable. But it may be faid, that if we had firil fettled thefe countries, we fhould have afled otherwife} yet this is not only a bare fuppofiticn, but at the fame time a very improbable one. The heat of the climate, the luxuriancy of the foil, the profit of mines, I3c, would have affefled us, or indeed any other people, as much as it did them. So that upon the whole, we have little rea- fbn either to blame king Henry*% conduct, or to repine at that of providence ; 'the Spaniards have purchafed Mexico and Peru too dearly, at the expence of their naval power \ we are really richer in virtue of our northern colonies, which have fo prodigiouily increafed our induftry, our commerce and (hipping. The great care the king had of maritime affairs, in- duced him to make in the elventh year of his reign, a treaty with the king of Denmark^ whereby he fecured to his ^t4^ .--. '] !y"it'f!| Of HENRY VII. 32i his fubje^, and particularly to the inhabitants of Brijfol^ the trade to Iceland, which they long before enjoyed, but had ')f late fuffered fome difturbance. By the ftipulations in this 'eague it was agreed, that the Englijh were to fur- nifli the inhabitants of that iiland with all kinds of provi- iion, with coarfe cloth, and other commodities, without let or hindrance from the king of Denmark. This was a fpecial privilege granted to no other nation, and it is very probable, would not have been granted to us, if the Da- nijb commerce had not been in a declining (late, of which we have an authentic account in the work of a very an- cient writer. The care of thefe affairs brought to the king's notice that celebrated Venetiany who in his fervice £rft difcovered the continent of America, and that coun< try which is now called Newfoundland, Of him there* fore we will give a more particular account *. t,\H % r.U * Foej. Dan. ii. Hrnr. VI J. Art iv. quod in tabuJa legrcionis MDCII. etiam habemus. Selden. Mare claufam^ lib. '.*. cap xxxii. , - f. ..• ) , "■. . » 'i'< i-i,'i . .':Z-^^^^ ■ .. !.'\'/ ,; ■,., t ■V\-' ; ■ V ' f.y: fi THE ill I liii'ii 326 '% * T <1iU I r vi ?rir '\ ) ••>"il!«; U- .•',}• ■,;! ., ■ U I c. THE ?.:••!.. '. ^,'i Off: h!:- H I S t O R V O F ;■*-;' :..'t ..L v/ ,:j[ofO';iq : Sir John c 4 b t, ■ - I ' ' ' ■ ■• -■ TH E Venetians throughout this whole century, were by- far the molt general traders in Europe^ and had their fadlories in moft of the northern kingdoms and ftates, for the better managing their affairs. In England efpecially many of them fettled, at London and Brijhl particularly j arid in this lafl place dwelt John Cahot, of whom We are to fpeak: he had baen long in England fince his fon 5^- baJHan, who was born at Bri/iol, was old enough to ac- company him in his firft voyage ^ He was, it feemsj a man perfectly (killed in all the fciences requilite to form an accomplifhed feaman, or a general trader ; and having heard much of Cclumbus*s expedition, he addrefled him- felf to the king, with propolals for making like difcove- ries, in c-afe he met with due encouragement. His offer was readily accepted, and the king by letters patents, da- ted in the eleventh year of his reign, granted to him, by the name of John Cabot, citizen of Venice, and to his three fons, Lewis, Sebajiian, and San£iius, leave to dif- ^over unknown lands, ^nd to conquer and fettle them with I ■ ■ - ■ I r n ' 1 * Pet. Martyr, hift. Ind. occ. dec. iii. 5/r J O H N C A B O T. 327 with many privileges ; and with this fingle reftraint, that the (hips they fitted out (hould be obliged to return to the port of Brijlol^. Though thefe letters patent? were granted in 1496, yet it was the next year before they proceeded to fit out any ftiips, and then John Cabot had a permiflion from the king to take iix Englijb (hips in any haven of the. reafm, of the burthen of two hundred tons and under9 with as many mariners as (hould be willing to go with bitty. In confequdnce of this licence, the king at his oirn expence, caufed a fliip to be fitted out at Brijol ; to this, the merchants of that city, and of London^ added throe or four fmall veflcls freighted with proper commodi^ ties, which fleet failed in the fpring of the year 1497 *• Our old chronicle-writers, particularly Fabian ^, tells us of a very rich ifland which John Cabot promifed to difcover j but in this they feemed to miftake the matter, for want ©f thoroughly uuderftanding the fubjedl of which tbey were writing, John Cabot was to wife a man to pretend to know, before he faw it, what country he fhould dif- cbvcr, whether ifland or continent; but what he propofed was, to find a north- weft paffage to the Indies : fo that he i^cars to have reafoned in the fame manner' that Colum- bus did, who imagined that, as the Portugue/e, by failing eaft, came to the weft coaft of the Indies, fo he, by fail- ing weft, might reach their oppofite (hore. This, with his difcovering the ifland of Baccahes, or Newfoundland, was certainly the fource of this ftory. ^ J H N Cabot having his fon Sebajlian with him, faikd happily on their north-weft courfe, 'till the 24ih of ■■f'>i Y 4 June Rymer's Fcedera, torn. xii. p. 595. <» Ibid, p voyage?, torn. 111. p. 4. nicle, as hereafter cited Hakluyc's co)leftion of ">. ' ^ Fabian's ciiro- ;i t ■M ;1 m f:!. (.' M- {■ ':. id'' k ' ' '■ /i ■ ^f Ibid. Stovve, Speed. IIJI 328 The HISrORr of June 1497* ^bout five in the morning, when they firft difcovcrcd land, which John Caht, for that reafon, called Prima ViJIa, that is, firft feen. Another ifland, lefs than the firH;, he Ailed the ifland of St. John^ becaufe it was found on the feaft of St. John Bapti/i. He afterwards failed down to cape Florida^ and then returned with a good cargo, and three favages on board in^'^ England^ where, it feems, he was knighted for this exploit : flnce» on the map of his difcoveries, drawn by his fon Sebaftian^ and cut by Clement AdamSy which hung in the privy gal- lery at ff^itehail, there was this infcription under the au> thor's pifture. Effigiei Seb. Caboti\ jfngh\ FiHi Jo. Ca- hu\ Fenetiani, Militis Aurati^ &c. « This was a very important difcovery, fince in truth it was the firft time the continent of America had been feen, Columbui being un- acquainted therewith, 'till his laft voyage, which was the year following, when he coafted along a part of the l/lmui of Darien. It is fomewhat ftrange, that our Englijh writers have delivered thefe matters fo confufedly, efpc- cialiy fuch as lived under the reigns of queen Elizabeth^ and king James I. and confequently about the time of his fon ; and yet, fo accurate are their relations, that fomc have been induced from them, to doubt whether John Cabot made any difcoveries at all ••. The Rev. Mr. 5tf- muel Purchas, to whofe labours the world is fo much in- debted, difcovers a good deal of diftafte that America Ihouid be fo called, from Americui Fejputius, and aflerts, that it ought rather to be called C(jb$tianay or Bebajiiana^ becaufe, fays he, Sebajiian Cabot difcovcred more of it, than « Sir William Monfon's naval trafls, HackJqyt, and furchafe. ''• Lediai j's qava} hillorj^, roi, i. p. 86, 'uychafe. Sir JOHN CABOT. 329 than Amtricus^ or Cthimbus himfclf K In S/n(//, S and Sptid\ wc find this very difcovcry afcribed wholly to Stbajiian, without any mention of his father i and yet in Fabian's chronicle, who lived in thofe days, wc have thefe two remarkable paflages. " In the thirteenth year of king Htnry VII. (by means ** of one John Cabot a Vinetian^ which made himfelf ** very expert and cunning in the knowledge of the cir- *' cuit of the world, and iflands of the fame, as by a **■ fea-card, and other dcmonftrations, reafonable he (hew- <* ed) the king caufed to man and visual a (hip at Bri- *^Jl9l, to fearch for an ifland, which he faid, he knew *' well was rich, and repleni(hed with great commodities i ** which (hip, thus manned and vidtualled at the king's ** coft, diverfe merchants of London, ventured in her ** fmall ftocks, being in her as chief patron the faid yiene- *' tian. Ar i in the company of the faid (hip, failed alfo " out of Brijiol, three or four fmall (hips, freighted with *' flight and grofs merchandizes, as coarfe cloth, caps, '* laces, points, and other trifles. And fo departed from •* Bri/ioi in the beginning of Mayy of whom in this ma- •' y or 's time returned no tidings. Under the fourteenth year of the fame king's reign, he tells us, " There were brought unto him, /. £. Henry ** VII. three men taken in the new-found ifland j thefe, ** fays he, were cloathed in Beads (kins, and did eat raw '* flefli, and fpake fuch fpeech that no man could under- '* (land them, and in iheir demeanour like brute beaft.«, " whom the king kept a time after, of the which, up- •* on two years after, I faw two apparelled after the man- cc ner * Pitgrimage, p. 60a. ^ Annals, p. 4ro. ' Chronicle, p. 744 ( .* ri *^u ^ ■I • 1 , i' I % ■ ym til ■t'V; m 330 NAr^L HisroRT «* ncr of EnglifimteM^ in JPyfmipt/f/r-p&hce, Which at (hat «* time I could not difcern irctm EngKJbmttiy till I wJ» *' teamed what they Were, but as for fjpeech, I heard " none of them utter one word." • ■•' "^ Thus it appears from the beft authwity that cart fee ** fired, that of a contemporary writer ; this difrbvery was made by John dthty the father of Sebs/fififty and indeed fo much we might have gathered if we had want- ed this authority ; for Sebajlian Cabot being, as we fHall' fee hereafter, alive in 1555, it is pilain, that at the time this voyage was made, he could not be above twenty years oW, when, though he might acompany his faflier, yet certainly he was too young to undertake fuch an expe- dition himfelf. It is probable, that Jehn Cohot died in England^ but when or where is uncertain j at le . \ for any thing I have read. ' While Cabot was eorpioyed in this expedlfibn, (which, as we (hall hereafter lee, was profecutcd by his fen Sebajlian and others,^ within the compafs of a few years) Barihobmew Columbus had pafl'ed from Spain to the ffyi- Indies, where he acquainted his brother with thedif- pofition of the Englijh court, and the re.ifon there was to apprehend that it would not be long before other adventu- rers Would endeavour to interfere in his difroveries "». Thb Quickened the admiral, and on his returning into Spain, he gave fuch hint' tv> that court, as induced it to take all imaginable pains to lecure the great feainen of every na- fion, in their fervice, which in fome rcfpeft anfwered their purpofe j lince Magdlan, who difcovf red the paflage into ■7.4 m Herrcra's general hillory of the Weft-Indies, vol. i. p. 136, liipi ' 0/ H E N R Y VII. 331 lAto the Soutb-Sios, which has been of fuch infinitive fer^ vice to the Spaniards, wss by this policy detached from hit duty to his king and country, for the hke of pay^ and this was likewife the cafe of Sebajlian Caht, and o- thers ". In fo fhort a time as four years after John Ca- ^oi*s fir ft voyage, we find, that king- Htary granted his lettcfi patent? to Hugh Bllht, and churns Apnwji^ iper- chants of BrtJM^ and others, for fettling colonies in new- dHcovered countries, which grant bears date the 9th of December 1502 «, and it anothef proof cf this monarch's sifliduity in promoting commerce : he neve^ indeed fufi*er- ed any opportunity 6f that Ibrt to efcape him. : f^j;-,:.) P^ HI LIP 0^ Aujiia^ who fucceeded td the kihg- doRi of Cajiikt failed firom the low count^jts 'mtaSpain^ together with his queen, in 1506 { but meeting unhappily with a ftorto, they were driven on the Eriglifh coaft, and being exceedingly fatigued, they would, contrary to thfll advite about them, land at fl^eymwth; of which the king hating notice, he font the earl of Arundtl, with three hundred horfe, to attfend them, who brought them from tiiente by torch-light, and conducted them to his own houfc «*. Some months they were detained by the extra«^ ordinary civilities paid them, and after their departure, it appealed how great ufe a wife prince m«y nwke even of fhe flighted accidents. In this (hort fpace, the king di4 a great dtal for himfelf, and not a little ibr his fubje£);s j he prevailed upon king Philip to put into his hands, Bdmnud de k Pole, earl of Suffolk^ nearly related by hit mother .-iS'^r ''bs ; ^i4 p. 136, » Hcrrcra, Hakluyt, Purchas, Sir William Motifon's ftaval Irafts. ° Rymer's Foedera. vol xiii. p. 37. p Stowc. Holitig(hed, Speed, Bacon, Kapin. I f l! ' 1 lilli III 332 NAVAL HISrORT mother to the royal line 1 ;; and he likewife concluded a Yery advantagious treaty of commerce between the crowns of England and Cafiiie % which proved afterwards of great importance. ..s^ ••;; r- ■ A s to the remaining part of his reign, it was fpent in peace, and in cares of a nature which by no means recom- mend them to our notice, farther than as the mention of them may prove admonitory to other princes. He had all his life been of a very frugal difpofition, and had alfo Jhewn a Angular d> rity in the art of filling his coffers: but in the latter part of his life this grew upon him to a very great degree, and as covetous princes never want fit inflruments, {o this king found in Empfin and Dudley^ two fvich as fcarce ever had their fellows.They put him upon fuch fevere and unreafonable exteniions of penal laws, as made him zich as a man, but poor as a prince, Jince by wringing out their wealth, he effe^ually loft the hearts of his fubje£ls. Another misfortune was, that thefe grievances fell upon the moft eminent traders in tbofe times. Thus fir WiUiam Capily an oppulent citizen, who had been mayor of London^ fufiered many years perfecution, and alongimprifonment, befides great lofles. Out of Tbomai Knejworthj at the ex- Juration of his mayoralty, with his two iherifis, the king and his miniflers fqueezed fourteen hundred pounds. Cbrif- topber Hawfs, an eminent mercer, and alderman of Lon- dgn, broke his heart through vexation, and fir Lawrence jKlmer, a great merchant, and who had been mayor, re- mained a prifoner in the 7^/r, 'till he was delivered in the next reign Yet in fome things, the king (hewed a magnificent ^ Stowe's Annals, p. 484, 485. ' Rymer's Fcedera, vol xiii. p. 144 * Swwc's, Holingfhed, Bacon, Herbert. - < ; ^0/ HENRY VII. 333 magnificent fpirit, particularly in building that noble cha- pel at Wejiminjier, which bears his name, and which coft him fourteen thoufand pounds ; and a like fum he laid out in the conftruftion of a new fhip, called, He Great Har* iy S and which, properly fpeaking, was the firft (hip of the royal navy : for though he, as well as other princes, hired many (hips, when he had occalion to tranfport forces abroad, yet he feems to have been the only king who thought of avoiding this inconveniency, by railing fuch a n&val force as might be at all times fufficient for the fervice of the l^atc. A defign worthy of his wifdom to projeft, and of being perfected under the more fortunate reign of his fon. As to the concern which this wife monarch (hewed for trade, fome hints of it have been already given, and to thefe, upon the review of our work, a few farther bfian- ces may be added. In the year 1487, the archbi(hq> of Canterbury^ who was alfo lord high chancellor of England^ opened the parliament with a fpeecb, in which, amongft other things, he told them, that the king recommended to their ferious confideration, trade and manufadtures. Ac- cordingly, feveral wife laws were made in that^refpe^s and in. the treaties that were concluded with foreign princes, he was remarkably careful to make fuch proviHons, as turned highly to the benefit of the nation. There is the lefs wonder to be made at this, becaufe the king himfelf was not only very well acquainted with .the advantages a- riling from foreign traffick, as a flatefman, but knew them experimentally likewife, being a very extenfive trader him* fcif, and that in more vvays than one. As he ^bund it rfr* quiiite \*:>i^ , *■ i' 'a ■■•!""« 3,jl..' *^ ; '■■[ ;\:^\ M Ivol * Stowe Anna!*, p. 484. ' i*, II i'l ill I ' ''i ' ' ' 334 NAf^AL HISTORT quifite for him to have a certain number of fhips of his own, fo when thefe were not employed, or ttke'y to be employed, he was content to let them out to merchant! for hire. He was very ready alf j to affift with confiderabhft fums of money, fuch as und»i k any new trade, or fet Up any new manufacture, proviotid he had a fhare in the profit proportionable to the rifk he run. He alfo fold li- cenfes for dealing In prohibited commodities, either by Im- porting or exporting, for the managing of which extraor- dinary and unufual branches of his revenue, his principal inftrument was Eamund Dudley, Efq; a man of quick parts, and whofe genius was wonderfully extenfive. What- ever diftalle might be taken to fome of thefe pra^ices, it is very certain, that he ingratiated himfelf by others, and tha: till within the four la ft years of his reign, he was it' ly popular in Londofty to which, perhaps, it might not a little contribute, that he not oi^y accepted the freedom of the merchant-taylors company, but dined alfo publickly in their hall, wearing the drefs, taking the feat, and doing the honours of the table, as if he had been their mailer. In refpedl to the taxes impofed in his reign, they were not very large or burthenfome. It is true, that having re- pealed the laws of his predeceflbr, he thought himfelf aL liberty to demand an aid of his fubjedts, by way albenevih knee, for which he afHgned this reafon, that it would be a means of exempting the poorer fort of people from feeling the weight of a burthen they were leaft able to bear. It is not at all improbable, that he was induced to take this ftep, from that experience he learned in the beginning of his reign, that nothing fo foon difpofed the populace to infur- reftions, as the levying new taxes, how moderate foever. But his new method likewife, had its inconveniences, tho' he was far enough .rom pulhing it tQ a degree of oppref- f:on» f htt ;o be hants srabte Dt fet in the Did li- >y im- ttraor- incipal f quick What- tices, it jrs, and was ▼€- It not a sdomof Uckly in id doing lafter. ley were iving re- imfelf »'w [^henevih mid be a feeling ir. It is |ihis ftep, ig of his to infur- |c foevcr. ices, tho* )f opprcf- fion* '^0/ HENRY VII. ' 335 ^5 Wc 4^ift money which was raifcd under the title of 3enev«knce, in Che whole city of London, did not amount to quire ten thoufand pounds. In one thing he fliewed his mcrcantKc principle cxtreamly. He demanded a loan of tlie cky of Londou, for a certain time, and with fome dif- ficwlfy obtained iix thoufand pounds, but paying it very exa^^^y, when he had occafion for a greater fum, it was fai&d with eafe, and this too, being pundlualiy paid, he there refted his credit, refer ving the confidence he h^id efta- Wiftied, for any real ncceffity that might require it, the for- mer loans being rather out of policy, than for relief. The w-ealth of the nation certainly encreafed extreamty during his pacific reign. It was the large eftates o^ the merchants that cxpofed them to be pillaged by his inftruments of ini- quity ; and as for the nobility, he was not without fonie rcafon jealous of their great power and their great forruni'S. When he feized upon Sir William Stanley's efFeds, who was younger brother only to the earl of Derby, he found they amounted to fiDrty thoufand marks in ready money and jewels, befides an eftate in land of three thoufand pounds a year. At the marriage of Arthur, prince df U^ales, with the infanta Catherine, all who aflifted at it, were moft magnificently dreflcd, fir Thomas Brandon, an officer of the king's houihold, wearing a gold chain of the value of fifteen hundred pounds, yet the fortune he gave the princefs Margaret, his daughter, when (he married the king of Sc6ts, was no more than thirty thoufand nobles, or ten thoufand pounds ; and the allowance ftipulated for the lady Anne, his wife's fifter, when (he married Thomas lord Howard, did not much exceed one hundred and twenty pounds a year. , -. ^►^ . .» • He was the firft of our monarchs, who coined (hillings, and they were very large and fair, there being but forty in , > wcUs M 1 ^^6 NAVAL HJSrORT a pound weight of filver. His coin in general^ both gold and filver, was of due weight and finenefs; but when he made his expedition to BsUoigny he either coined, or tele* rated a bafe kind of money, called Dandiprats, which» perhaps^ was a right piece of policy, but it proved a bad pre> cedents and afforded his fon a colour for finidng the value of his money, beyond all example. The treafure left by this prince, in his coffers, at the time of his deceafe, not only exceeded what had ever been amafled by his predecef- fors, but furpailed, beyond comparifon, wnat any of his fucceflbrs have ever feen in their exchequers ; for the lord chief juftice Coie tells us, it amounted to five millions thrcs hundred thoufand pounds, moil in foreign coin, and too much of it acquired by methods unworthy of a k^ng, and itiore efpecially fo wife a king as he was. Our hiftorians tell us, that king Henry intended to have made a thorough change in his meafures, and to have relieved his people from all the grievances of which they complained, when he was taken off by death, on the 22d of J^il^ i5<^99 ^^ the 23d year of his reign. He was allowed by his contemporaries^ to have been one of the wifeft princes " of the age in which he lived, and his memory hath been commended to the reverence of pofte- rity, by the inimitable pen 01 the great lord chancellor Ba- tortf who,, in doing juflice to this king's great abilities, has (hewn his own i as by freely cenfuring his errors, he has fet a noble example to Englijb hiftorians., to be more folli- citous about truth, than the reputation of themfelves, as writers, or the glory of thofe whofe actions they record. An ■ See his charafler in Daniel, Mezerayi and other foreign hif* torians, as well as in Stowe and Speed. / ^ ' ^/ HENRY VIII. 337 An example which every age has rendered the more diffi- cult to follow, /ince, as corruption increafes, it not only enervates the wiii, but alfo warps the underftanding. . . -' -^ ' ;^ • CHAP. IX. .< i!;:ci ir-r, . 7^e Naval Hijiory of the Reign of Henry ' ■ VIII. including the Memoirs of fiicb emi' .J,., nent Sea-Officers as fourijhed therein, : ' ^f -h {\ HERE never was a prince who afcended the Englijh throne, of whom his fubjefts formed greater hopes than were entertaiiiwd of Henry VIII. at his accellion. He was then about eit^hteen years old, of ftrong natural parts, heightened by an excellent education \ and though he afterwards difco- . vered a good deal of obftinacy in his temper, yet in the ..dawn of his reign, he fliewed himfelf very inclinable to liften to good advice, and his father left him as able coun- fellcn, as perhaps any monarch ever had about him. His firft ads were coi^formable to his fubjedts hopes i he deli- . vered fuch as his father unjuftly kept in confinement, and in their ftead, Emffon^ Dudley^ and their creatures, were imprifcned ^. Yet even thefe were not deftroyed, as fome iiave fuggeiled, by a hady and rigorous profecution, but .., Vol. I. Z were ^ fiil>iop Godwin, io his AniiaU, I^id Herbert, in tiie \*\it, •f Hetuy VIII. Buinei'i Hiftory of the Retorination. '% li>s'iV 1^ m ":!l 33§ N AVAIL HISlOkr were left, as they deferved, to the due ttvtthy of the la^', their great knowledge iti which they Had To flagrantly abu- fed, to the ruin of others '. Dudley^ duHng his confide- ment in the Tower, compofed a very extraordinary book, entitled, The Tree cf the Common-wealth, wherein he (hew- ed 3 prodigious capacity as a ilatefman, and from which (though, for ought I know, it was never publKhed) many peftiferous fchemes have taken their rife, his family having held the reins of government here for near half a century. In other refpeds the king (hewed himfelf a very gracious prince, having a like fenfe^ of his own dignity, and of his duty towards his people. ,. . , 1 N the year 15 1 1, the king of jfrragon arid Cajiile de- manded afliftance againft the Moors j whereupon king Henry, who was deHfous t}f maintaining to the utmoft the 'glory of the Englijb ttatlon, fent him fifteen hundred ar- chers, under the command of Sir Thomas Barcy, with 'whom went abundance of gentlemen, of the hell fainilies of the kingdotn, vohmtiers. They failed from Plymouth efcorted by a fquadron of four ro^l (hips, atid landed hap- pily on the firft of June in the fouth of Bpain j but the po- litic king, who wanted nothing more than their appearan(ie to bring his enemies to terms, inftead of employing, dif- mified them with a few prefents, and fo they returned in- to England without encountring any other hazards than thofe of the fea ^. The fame year, the king fent a like aid to the dutchefs of Burgundy, under the command of Sir Edward Po)inings, which met whh better fuccefs; for after having anfwered ef&£tually the ends for which they were ^ See this cafe at large in Anderfon's reports HdlingQied, Speed, Herbert, Rapin. y Stowc, i.j'. 0/ HENRY Vlll. 3.39 were font, they returned with fmaU lofs, and much ho- nour to their native country *. NoTwiTJisTANDiNG what iiad fo lately happened in SpatHy the artful Firdimmd^ by the afliilance of the pope» who cajoled king Henry with ^r words* and fine putfni* kSy drew him to make war on Frante^ in hopes of reco* Tering the dominions of his anceftors. With this vjeWf .king H^nry was perfuaded to fend a numerous army^ un- der the command of the marquifs of Dor/it by fea into Bifiayy in order to penetrate that way into the dutchy of .Cuj/ettne, This, expedition had worfe confequences than the i former, ferdinand never intending that thefe troops ihould -861 agaiaft Che Frjinch^hui by their lemaining for fome time •inhis country, fought an opportunity of over-running Na- ^varre, toiWihich he had rno title, while the iFrencb awed .iby the Englijb army, ^.urfl: not move to its afliltance. But .during the time be made this conqueft, iicjcnefs deftroyed [Slumbers of the Englijb^ ^ that ihortly after, they were ^conftraincd to return % In A^gujl the .fame year, there /liappened a bloody engagement between (he MngH/b and ^Fr4tf€bAeet?i pf which we iball give the reader hereafter ,a difti!!^ account, ai>d the Sowreign, the largeft (hip in ^Ihe Mngljfl> navy being burnt therein, the king built ano* iXher of ftill greater burthen, called -K'wp' Grace de DUu "# In the month of >1/43r^^ 1513, another royal fleet put to . fea, which engaging the French on the twenty- fifth of A* iprily the admiral was killed ; which, lof^i was foon repaired* .and (he French driven to take ihelter in thei. ports ^« |n * Cooper's Chronicle, fol. 274. Stowe*s Aimah, p. 488, 489, Herbert, Rapin. » L'Hiftoire du Royaume de Navarrr, ft* €20. Cooper, Stowe, Herbert. •» Holinglhed, Speed, lUp^. ' Cooper, Stowe, Herbert, I ■5 1 m -^ ^i'- lid }\"> 1 1: iHI i 1 1 340 NAVAL HIS70RY Augujl the king went in perfon with a great army into Trance^ where he made fome conquefts, while his admiral fpoiled the Fremh coafts, a« he alfo did the next year, fo that the French king was glad to obtain peace : upon the conclufion of which he married Mary^ who was fifter to our king Henry^ but did not long out-live his marriage **. c FRANCIS I. fucceeded him, between whom and the emperor Maximilian, king Henry kept as even as he could, fometimes aflifting the emperor, and fometimes feeming to favour the French king, who prevailed on him in 1520, 10 pafs over to Calais, in order to have an interview with him ; and it followed accordingly, between the towfls of Jrdres and Guines. Our hiftorians give us long defcrip- tions of the pomp and fplendour which accompanied this meeting ; but a fhort paflage in a French writer, feems to me better worth tranfcribing than any thing they have faid. He tells us, that at this interview, king Henry cau- fed an Englijh archer to be embroidered on his tent, with this fentence under him. He Jhall prevail with wham I fide; \vhich, fays .he judicious hiftorian, was not only his motto, but his pradice as long as he lived *. In 1522, there arofe new differences between this monarch and the French king, which were not a little heightened by the coming over of the emperor Charles V. who paid great court to H ''ty, and perfuaded him to fend over a nume- rous army inio France, which he did fhorily after, under the command of Charles Brandon duke of Suffolk, who did the French infinite mifchief, without doing his country much good. During this war, the emperor's fleet adled in ^ Mezeray, P. Daniel, Mr. Chalon. « Abrege de Ttiiftoire de France, par Mezeray, I'oai. iv. p. 494.. 0/ HENR Y VIII. ' 341- in tonjunftion with the Englijh^ whereby the French were driven to great diftrefs, and the Scots being engaged in their intereft, fufFered alfo very feverely ; bt, when the king evidently faw, that by his alfiftance the emperor Clarlti was become too powerful, and afFeded to manage ail the affairs oi Europe at his vriil, he wifely withdrew his r.uxilia- ries, and purfued fuch a conduft as Teemed mofl likely to preferve the balance of power '. In 1526, a peace was concluded with the French king, upon very advantagious terms, and foon after cardinal JVolfey went over into France, and bad a conference with that prince. Thence- forward the king's thoughts were much taken up with his domeftic affairs, and with alterations in religion ; fo that, except fome difputes with Scotland, wherein their king re- ceived fuch a check as broke his heart «, there happened nothing material till the year 1544, when king Henry joined again with the emperor againft the French ; where- upon Sir John Pf^allop was fent into France, and a confi- derable force marched into Scotland, under the earl of Hertford', Sir John Dudley, Viicount Lijle, wafting the coafts in the mean time with a great fleet *. In the midft: of the fummer, the duke of Suffolk entered the French do- minions with a great army, and laid liege to Btloigne, which was alfo blocked up at fea, by the admiral vifcount Lijle, who, after the place was taken, was conftituted go- vernor thereof, the king and his forces pafling from thence into England *. The next year the French fleet made fe- veral attempts on the Englijh coaft, with indifferent fuc- Z 3 cefs. 'Aft "^■^! Tf h 1^' / ? Herbert, P. Daniel, Rapin. the five James's, Buchanan, Herbert. Rapin. ' Cooper, Stowe, Speed. 8 Drum mend's hiitory of 1^ P. Daniel, MtfAcruy, ■>?■-,*! a iv •> V» Af •'X I'll 5 > X. l!,| ii' '''\'\ ! 1:1 J42 NAVAL HlsrORT cefs, to revenge which, vrfcount Lijlt landed in Narmamfyi ind burnt all ihe adjacent country ''. In r546, the French made an unfuccefsful attempt upon BoMgnt, the ear) of Hirtford and vifcount Lifle^ having obliged them either to come to a Battel, or to raife the ficge, they chofe the latter, and after fome other attempts at Tea, which were unfuccefsful, a peace enfued, which lafted as long as the king lived '♦ \ have touched only the principal circum- ilances in thcfe wars, to avoid repeating things in the me- moirs of the admirals; but before I come to thefe, it will be neceflary to fay fomewhat of the favour (hewn by this king to merchants, and fuch as made it their endeavour to difcover new countries, or in any other way to promote the commerce and naval power of England^ both of which he much afTedled, and very throughly un- derftood, Mr. Robert tborne, a merchant of BriJIol, in the year 1527, addrefled himfelf to the king by a letter, wherein he reprefented what great advantages the emperor and the king of Portugal drew from their colonies, and in a very pathetic ilrain exhorted him to undertake difcoveries to- wards the north, concerning which he gave many hints, fupported by very plaufible reafons *". The king under- itanding that this gentleman had great experience, as well as a very penetrating judgment, yielded to his requeft, and ordered two (hips to be well manned and vidualied for this expedition, of which Mr. Thorne himfelf had the di- redtion. The iflue however of this voyage is very uncer- tainly recorded: all we know of it is, that one of the (hips k Herbert, Rapin. » Mczeriy, P. Daniel, Kapfc. °> Hakiuyt's culle^ion of Toyages, vol, ii. p. 250. Of HENRY VIIL 343 ihips employed therein was loft, and that the other return- ed hoine without difcovering any north-weft paflage, though certainly no care or pains were wanting in fuch as were concerned. Mr. Thorne the principal undertaker lived to be afierwards mayor of Bri/ioJ, and dying in a good old age, with a very fair reputation, lies buried In the TempU church ". In 1530, Mr. JViUiam Hawkins of Plymouth, hthet «f the famous Sir John Hawkins, Knighjt, and himfelf ef- tcemed one of the ablefl feamen of his time, fitted out a flout tall (hip, fays my author, at his own expence, called the Paul of Plymouth, of the burthen of 250 tons," in which he made three voyages to the coaft of Bra/tl, touching alfo on the coafl of Guinea, where he traded in flaves, gold, and elephants teeth, opening thereby the channel of that rich and extenfive trade, which has been fipce carried on in thofe parts **. Lefs fuccefsful, though undertaken with greater hopes, was the famous voyage of Mr. Hon of London, a worthy merchant, and one of the tfioft remarkable men of his time. His perfon was tall and graceful, his knowledge folid and extenfive, his beha- viour infinuating and polite : all which is necelTary to be obferved, flnce by his difcourfes on the honour and pro- fit of difcoveries in north America, he infpired no lefs than thirty gentlemen of family and fortune, with a deCre of (haring in the fatigues of his intended voyage p. They equipped two (hips, the one called the Trinity, of a^o tons, commanded by Mr. Hore ; the other, the Minion, of lefs burthen -, and on board thefe there embarked in all Z 4 -one ■ •■. if Mi; " Ibid vol. i. p. 212. Ibid. p. iii. p. 210. Purcl.as's Pilgrim, vol. iii. p. 1 29, 809. Weever's funeral monumentsi p. 445. * Hakluyt's voyages, vol. iii. p. 700. p Ibid, 344 NAVAL HIsrORT one hundred and twenty perfons. They failed from Grave/end on the thirtieth of Aprils 1536, and without any remarkable accident, arrived on the coafts of New-^ foundland, where, while they were intent on difcoveries, they were reduced to fuch diilrefs for want of food, that fome of them, when on (bore, killed and eat their com- panions. At laft, when they were on the point of being all ftarved, a French (hip arrived well provided with visu- als, of which they made themfelves mafters, and returned therein to England i but in fuch a miferable condition, though they were not out above feven months, that Sir JVil- liatn Buts and his lady, did not know their own fon, who was one of the company, but by an extraordinary wart on his knee. Some months after arrived the Frenchmen whom they had fpoiled, and made a great clamour at court about the wrongs they had received, into which king Henry having made a ftrift enquiry, he was fo much moved at the roiferies thefe brave men had fuffered, that he generoufly repaid the French to their fatisfedlion out of the treafury, and promoted feveral of thofe who returned from this difaftrous voyage ; amongft the reft Mr. Armi- gal Wade^ who was many years after clerk of the council to himfclf, and his fon Edward VI ^. One thing more I muft remark before I quit this fubjefl, and that % that the Revd. Mr. Hakluyt, from whom we have the parti- culars, rode two hundred miles in order to take them from the mouth of Mr. Butts, the only furviving perfon of thofe who had made this voyage ^ * T H E Englijh commerce during the reign of this prince extended ill'ilf very much, efpecially towards the new dif- 5 Ibid. V. ill. p. T 5 :>. ' Ibid, p 1 ; I . ! t fcU Of HENRY VIIL 345 difcovered lands in the north, to which by degrees a regu- lar trade was fixed, and in the Levant incouraged by the great intercourfe between the king, arid t>e two maritime ftates of Italy^ Venice^ and Genoa, In proof of this I will give the title of a patent granted by this monarch to a Genoefey to execute the office of conful of the EngU/h nation in the ifle of Chioy the original of which is ftill pre- ferved in the library of the fociety for propagating chri- ftian knowledge. It runs thus : Exemplar literarum pat. Henrici regis o5iavi, in quibus concejfu Bef^ediifo Jujiiniani mercatori genuenft, officium five locum magijlri^ prote^orisj five confuUs ; infra infulam five civitatem de Scio. Te/ie rege apud Chelfehith, quinto die OSfobris reg. xxiii. It feems indeed to have been the king's maxim, as may be gathered from the ftate-papcrs of bis reign, which have reached our times, to have made ufe of all his fo- reign negotiations for the furtherance of trade, to which his agents Ley and Pace, the former employed in Spain^ and the latter to Venice and the Zwifi cantons, had a flrong inclination. As to Pace, he had formed a plan for enlarging our foreign trade into the Turkifl> dominions, which was hindered from coming to the king's notice by the arts of cardinal iVolfey, who firft decryed him as a madman, and then by his ill ufage made him really fuch •. After doing, as indeed it was our duty to do, ju- ilice to this monarch's intentions, which with refpedt to foreign affairs, were always what they ought to be, that is, he meant to preferve the independency of the fove- reigns » Sfry]V!'s Memorials, vol. i. in the Appendix. Herbert, Bjr« net, Wood's Athen. Oxonienfis. :- i^iil iii' H "•' Ml i '.i^'!: 4 V 346 N4T^t fflSfORT t(igi»of Murtpi, and make }>iRirelf the umpire t^ their difi!^* vences ; we muH next in jufiice to our fubje£t, fay Tome- what of the confequen^cs that, attended his interfering ib much as he did with the a£^rs qi tbfi continent^ and of the high price he paid for that reputation '< hich he attain- ed. But previous to this, let it be ol^vqd, that fuch as have cenfured him for changing fides, as the hiftory of his reign plainly (hews he did, are in the wrong to afcribe it to the inconfiancy of his temper, fince, as that l€<^n- ed antiqnary Sir Robert Cotton truly, obfcrves, it ought ra- ther to be placed to the account of his alliest -,.. - When the emperor A£7;n>»27;'tf« entered into a league with this monarch, he promifcd to aiTift in perfon, to re- cover for him the crown of France^ and to repel the ty- cannicai king who then wore that crown ; he promifed him likewife the dutchy of Milan to him and his heirs male, to be held as a fief of the empire; andy as if this had not been enough, he likewife aflured him the rever- fion of the imperial crown, an4 the Roman empire. But, when he had ferved his turn, he left king Henry to fervc himfelf how he could. Yet this uitige did not hinder him from entering into a confederacy with Charles V. who fed him with the hopes, that when by their joint fup- port the condable of Bourbon (hould be put into poflef- fion of the kingdom of France^ he fhouid do homage for it to king Henry ; yer afterwards through hisafliftance their affairs being in a profperous condition, and the French king in the greateft diftrefs, when Mr, Pace the king of England's ambaHador deftred farther afTurances, they were plainly refufed, fo that to break with fuch allies as thefe, ought not to draw any imputation upon his character. The times in which he lived, and the temper of thofe princes : Cy HENRY Vm. - 347 princes^ with whom he had to deal^ may fursifb fome excuCe tot his conduffc, and perhaps the iecrec eiigag»>-^ ments of his minifters, by the means of penfions, or pro* mifes^ Arom foreign powers^ nft^ht if they could be cho- rougMy expofed, juftify the king ftiU farther, by proving that he was miilead in thofe ibeafures, which induced* htm to take fuch fteps for msintaiwting his intercft and grandeur abroad, as deeply diftrcfled and impoveriihcd hi» fubje€b here at home. ': That immenfe treaiu:e his father left behind hhn, was quickly confumed in the great expectitions he undertook, in the tranfporting vaft armies to the continent, the main- taining them in the field, and in garrifbns, and the high fubfidies granted to his allies, while hs was fighting all the time in other men's quarrels^ and got little or nothing, at leaft that was worth keeping, for himfelf. When all that mafs of money was gone, he demanded and received fuch afEftance from his parliament, as none of his prede- ceiTors had obtained. To all this they added, that prodi- gious grant of the eftates of all the religious hgufes in> this realm, which at that time amounted to one hundred and fifty thoufand pounds per annum, and which were veiled in the crown for ever. Befides thefe legal irapofi-^ ttons, this king acquired '^o fmail fum, by methods which had no better fupport than the flretch of his prerogative, to mention only a few. In the X4th year of his reign, he had a loan of ten per Cent, out of the perfonal eflate of fuch of his fubje^ts as were worth from twenty to three hundred pounds, and twenty marks from fuch as were worth more. This indeed was only borrowed, and they had privy feals far their money ; but the parliament kindiy interpofU four yean after, and releafed his majedy from Ip! mn : ;.■' m ' ^. III' rli PI: I' X i,\ 34^ NAVAL HIS TORT from the obligation of paying fo much as a farthing of thwife debts; neither mull m he forgot, that in coile£ling this loin, the value of every n'l'S eflau; was put upon his oath, fo that every fuhjett was in jeopardy either of , poverty or perjury. In the 17th year of his reign he had ahoth^r great loan, in which an oath of fecrccy was ad- miniftred to the commiffioners, and they were empower- ed to tender the like oath to fuch as came before them ; tho* this was ftiled an amicable grant, yet the commiffio- ners to qui :ken men in their offers, threatned them with imprifonment of their perfons, ?ind confifcation of their eflates. In the 36th year of his reign, he demanded and received a loan of eight-pence in the pound of fuch per- fons as were worth from forty (hillings to twenty pounds, ^nd one iliilling in the pound from fuch as were worth more, by which it appears, thp.t as he fell early into ne- ' cefHty, nctwithflandtng the rich exchequer that he came tOf fo he was not long out of neceffity after that prodi- gious acceffion to the royal revenue, made by the confif- cation, before mentioned, of the abby bnds. The worft of all was, that when he found himfelf prefled for money, he took the worfl way of railing it, which was that of praftifing upon his coin. It may however feem doubtful, v hether the alteration he made* \n the firft year of his reign was with this view. He did indeed, coin forty-five ihillings out of a pound of filver, by which he raifed that metal to three {hillings and nine- pence an ounce ; but as the ftandard wai not altered, it is not at all improbable, that the motives upon which he made this aiteratio*\ might be honourable enough. But in the litter end of his reign, his condudl in this refpedl be- came inercufable, becaufe highly detrimental to his people. The 0/ H E N R Y VIII. 349 T.H B firft ftroke of this bad policy was in the thirty- fourth year of his reign, when he not only divided the pound into forty eight flilHings, Sy which, if the coin haJ remained in its former purity, filver would have been raifed to four (hillings an ounce ; but added alfo two ounces of bafe metal in the pound, inftead of eighteen-penny weight, which raifed it nine-peoce half-penny an ounce more. Not contented with this, in the thirty-fixth year of his reign, he coined money that was but half filver,; and tho' fome of the chronicles of thofe times fay, that by this he raifed it to four (hillings an ounce, yet in &£t, he brought it up to e'q;ht (hillings. In the next year he gave the fini(hing flroke, by coining money that had but foui ounces of filver in the pound weight, fo that filver was then at twelve (hillings an ounce, the confequence of which was, that after his death his (hilling fell to nine-pence, and afterwards to fix-pence, that is, people would take them for no more. fi^.i \ ^K.-rj It is to be obferved, that the greateft part of this money was coined into teflons, which tho' they were never called (hillings, yet paffed in his time for twelve- pence ; they are faid to have been of brafs covered with filver, and thefe were the pieces that fell firit to nine> pence, and then to fix-pence, and a piece of that value being found very convenient in change, they were coined of good filver at that value in fucceeding times, and from hence came the word teller. He made likevviie fame al- terations in his gold coins, all which was occafioned by his foreign wars, and other expenfive meafures, which forced him upon thefe methods unknown to any of his royal predeceflbrs, even in the times gf their greatell ne- cefTuics. tm :'^n; It nn] ihlil I! 350 NAVAL msroRT It is inconoeivable, what ftrange and what bad elTe^ls this debafement of the com produced, and which the •common people knew not how to •afcribe to its proper tince be ever lb powerful, he cannot change the •nature, nor even the v»ke of things, nor will his debafing 'hts com, fink the worth of the commodities or manufa- uRures that are to be purchafed with it. At firft fuch alte- -rations will create great confufion, which cannot but be detrimental to private property ; -yet by iJegrees, men wHl be taught to fet up their natural againfl; the regal prero- gative, and when they find moirey of lefs value than It fliould be, they will infift upon having more monejr. ^fintnotwithftanding, experience points them to this re- medy in their private dealings, yet as all men are buyers, as' well as fellers, it is eafy to perceive, that in fuch afitua- tion of things, a general clamour will arife about the dearnefs of neceffary commodities, which may be as it ' th^ was attributed to falfe caufes, which occafioned not only inefie£lual remedies to be applied,' but fuch as were alfo injurious, and productive of frefli inconveniences. ^ To this may he afcribed, many of the complaints that are to be met with in the hiftorians of thofe times, and many of the laws too that were founded on popular conceit, and which, tho* they were enacted to give pub- lic fatisfadion, were repealed again in fucceeding rdgns, when they were felt to be public grievances. If, as the TMUm poet obferves, there is a pleafure in beholding ftorms and tempelts when we are iafe and out of their reach, there aints imes* tpular pub- as the torms :cach» there Of HENRY VIII. ^^1 d^erels oertninty much greater fattsfi^lion in contenipla* ting the >political foul -weather of former timea, -which we are not only exempt frGOn feeling, but which our prefeot happy conflitution fecurcs 'US ffom any appreheriiioti that we ihall :!ver feel. !But this Atisfadbon mty 'be ftill heightened, by a rational reflexion upon what &c. 5/> EDWARD HOWARD. 3SS whatever the force of his fleet might be, which our wri- ters fay coofifted of thirty-nine, and the Fnncb only of twenty fail, he was certainly a very brave man. Th« {hip he commanded was called the Cordelier, which was fo large, as to be able to carry twelve hundred men, ex- dufive of mariners. At this lime, there were nir* h»-n- dred on board, and encouraged by their gaiu ".t oflicer, they did their duty bravely. Sir Thomas Knevet in the Regintj which was a much le(s (hip, attacked and board- ed them. The action lafled for fome time, with equal tigour on both fldes ; at lall, both admirals took fire and burnt together, wherein were loft the two commanders, and upwards of fixteen hundred gallant men \ It /eems, this accident ftruck both fleets with amazement, fo that they feparated without fighting, each claiming the vidlory, to which, probably, neither had a very good title *>. In the beginning of the next .4prU, the admiral put to &a again, with a fleet of forty-two men of war, b«« fides fmall veflels, and forced the French into the harbour of Bre/l *, where they fortified themfelves in order to wait the arrival of a fquadron of gallies from the Me- iitirranean^. Sir Edward Howard, having confidered their pofture, refolved, fince it was impoffible to attack them, to burn the country round about; which he ac^ cordingly performed, in fpite of all Ae care they could take to prevent it ; and yet the Frerteh lay Hill under the cover of their fortifications, and of a hne of twenty-four large hulks laflied together, which they propofed to have fet on fire, in cafe the Engli/b attempted to force them to A a a a sr t ■. 'Ml* m W4ti » Stowe, Speed, Herbert, Daniel, Rapin. fon'j Naval TMiU. * A. D. 1 5 < z. * Sir Wm. Moa' *nj < l1 i JMil : , I SS^ M E M O I R S 0/ ' a battel *. While the admiral was thus employed, he had intelligence, that Mr. Pregent^ with the fix gallies from the Miu.ttrrantan^ were arrived on the coaft, and had taken (helter in the bay of Conquet, This accident indu- ced him to change his meafures, lb that he now refolved firft to to deftroy the gallics, if polTible, and then to re- turn to the fleet, advancing to reconnoitre Pregent*^ fqua- dron, he found them at anchor between two rocks, on each of which ftood a ftrong fort ; and which was like to give hin.' ftill more trouble, they lay fo far up in the bay, that he could bring none of his (hips of force to engage them. The only method therefore that he could think of, was, to put ihe bravell of his failors on board two gallies, which were in his fleet, and with thefe, to venture in, and try what might be done againft all fix ''. This being re- folved on, he went himfclf, attended by Sir Thomas Cheynty and Sir John Wallops on board one of them, and fcnt lord Ferrers^ Sir Henry Sherburn^ and Sir William Sidney^ on board the other ; and having a briflc gale of wind, fail- ed diredlly into the bay, where, with his own gaily, he attacked the French admiral. As foon as they were grap- pled. Sir Edward Howard^ followed by feventeen of the braved of his failors, boarded the enemy, and were very gallantly received ; but it fo happened, that in the midft of the engagement, the gallies fheered afunder, and the French taking that advantage, forced all the Englijh upon their decks, overboard, except one feaman, from whom ihey quickly learned, that the admiral was of that num- ber ^ Lotdi Ferrers in the other galley, did all that was poflible e Godwin, Herbert, Kolingdied. •* Herbert, p. 30. « God- win, Stowe, Speed. Father Daniel fiys, he died of a wound re- ceived in the former engagement, which is a plain miltake. V Sir EDWARD HOWARD. 357 poflible for a man to do } but having fpent all his (hot, and feeing, as he thought, the admiral retire, he likewife made the bell of his way out of the harbour ', Wb have, in a certain writer, fome rcry fingular cir- cumllances relating to this unluclcy adventure. He fays, that Sir Edward Howard having confidercd the pofturc of the French fleet in the haven of Brejiy and the confcquen- ces which., would attend either defeating or burning it, gave notice thereof to the king, inviting him to be pre- fent at fo glorious an adlion, defiring rather that the king ij)0uld have the honour of deftroying the French naval force than himfelf. But his letter being laid before the council, they were altogether of another opinion, con- ceiving it was much too great a hazard to expofe his ma- jeity's perfonj and therefore they wrote (harply to the admiral, commanding him not to fend them excufes, but do his duty. This, as it well might, piqued him to the iafl degree i and, as it was his avowed maxim, that a fea- tnan never did gooi^ who was not rf'^ilute to a degree of madncfsy fo he took a fudden refoiution of ailing in the manner he did. I'hus fell the great Sir Edward Howard^ on the 25th of April 15 13, a facrifice to his too quick ienfe of honour in the fervice, and yet to the detriment of his country, for his death fo dejedled the fpiriis of his failors, that the fleet was obliged to return home j which had hv jd, would not hare happened k. There never certainly was a braver man of his, or of any family, than this Sir Edward Howards and yet wc arc afliared, that he was very far from being cither Aa 3 a ' This was Sir Walter Devereux, knt. of ths garter, snccftor of the earls of Kflex, and of the vifcomits of Hercfo, J. « Lloyd's State Worthies, p, 14.1. (•'■1 It l,.v| Ml'.' \^ If m< , 358 M'EM O IK S of t meer fotdi^, or a meer feaman, (hougfi f« eminent^ in both chara£ters ) but he was what it became in EngH/h- man of fo high quality to be, an able ftateffflan, a faith- ful counfellor, t.id a free fpeaker. He was ready at all times to hazard his life and lortune in his country's quarrels^ and yet he was againft her quarrelling on etery llight occa-« fir>n. He particularly difluaded a breach with the Fltmingt^ fot thcie wifd and ftrong reafons : That fuch ft war wai pre- judicial to trade abroad ; that it diminifhed the cuf^oms* while it increafed the public expences } that it ferved the French^ by conftraining the inhabitants of Ftandtrs to and exceedingly well manned. Both thefe (hips, with as many men as were left alive, being in number one hundred and fifty, they brought the fecond of Auguji 151 1, into the river of Thames, as trophies of their vic- tory. The men were fent to the arthbifhop of Tork*s pa- Uce, iIBBk * See his anfv^'fr to the Scotch king's remonftrances p 4 Hen. Vni. p. i. T Herbert's life ol Henry VJil. p. lb. ' btowe't Aniialii, p. 489- y 4 Hen. btowe'* i7/r THOMAS HOWARD. 361 laccy now called IVhitehally where for fome time they re- mained prifoners, but afterwards were difmifTed, and fent imo Scotland *. King Jamei IV. who then governed the S{»tiy exceedingly refented this adtion, and inftantly fent ambafladors to Henry ^ to demand fatisfadlion ; on which the king gave this memorable anfwer, That punijhing Pi- rates^ was nevs.' held a Breath cf Peace among Primes K King James^ however, remained ftill diflatisfied, and from that time, !c his unfortunate death, was never throughly re- conciled to the king or £ngli/b nation. I referved this re- markable event for the life of Sir Thomas, becaufe Sir Jn- drew Barton became his prize, and I thought it by no means prop to repeat the Aory in both lives : as to Sir Edward's being made admiral in preference to his elder brother, it mud have arifen from his greater acquaintance with naval affairs, or from the families defiring 19 have the eldefl: Ton always at hand to afTift his father, who befides his many high employments of lord-treafurer, earl mar- (hal, and lieutenant of the north, had the jeaLoufy of the potent cardinal fFol/ey to deal with ". S 1 R Thomas Howard accompanied the iquifs of Dor- fit in his expedition agafnft Guyenne^ • .h ended in king Ferdinand's cono^Mtxmg Navarre \ ar .' iie commander in chief falling lick, Sir Thomas fucceeutu him, and managed with great prudence, in bringing home the remains of the Englijh army *. He was fcarce returned, before the ill news arrived of his brother the lord admiral's death, where- upon the king indantly appointed him his fucceflbr. Sir Thomas returned his mafteifincere thanks, as well for this mark • Cooper's Chronicif, Holingflied, *c. < Herbert " Lloyd's State- Worthies, p. 141. Strj'pc's memorial?, fiuroet. *' Her- bert, p. 20, 24. -^^ ■^* n !» 3 362 MEMOIRS of mark of his confidence, as for allbrding, him an opporftt- nity of revenging his brother's death. The French fliips were at that time hovering over the Englijb coafts, but Sir Thomas quickly fcoured the Teas, fo that not a bark of that nation durft appear; and on the firft of Jttty I5i3» l*'^- ing in lyhit/and-Bay, he pillaged the country adjacent, and burnt a confidcraWe town *. The king was then en- gaged in Picardyy having the emperor in his fervice j and this induced Jamei IV. to invade England with a mighty army, fuppofing he dhould find it in a manner defepceleft. But Thomas carl of Surry, quickly convinced him of h« miftake, marching towards him with i^. powerful army, which ftrengthened as it moved. Sir Thomas Howard re- turning on the news of this invafion, landed five thoufand Veterans, and made hafte to join his father. The earl of Snrry, fending a herald to bid the Sr'jU king baiile, the lord admiral fent him word at the farm; lime, that be was come in perfon to anfwer for the dt-ath of Sir Andrew Bar- ton, which evidently fliews, how fir that was a perlbnal affair. This defiance produced the famous battle of Flod- den- Field, which was fought the eighth of September 15 13, whi;!?^in Sir Thomas Howard commanded the van-guard, and by his < . ^gc and conducl, contributed not a little to ihat gior*. J? tory, in which king James k\\, with the • fiower of his army-, though not without the flaughter of abundance of Englijh f. King Henry thought himfelf fo much obliged at that time, to the Howards, for this and other fcrvices, that at a parliament held the next year, he reftbred Thomas carl of Surry to the title of Norfolk *, and created the brd admiral earl of Surry, who took his feat » Cooper, Siowr, S leed. Herbert, Rapin. f Stowe's Ar!3ils, y. 492, 493, ijt,', H rl'Mt, p. 44. • A. D. I5I4» ,11 ll u Sir THOMAS HOWARD. 363 in the houfe of peers, not a« ding to cuftom) the Englijh trade i fo that we fuffered aft their enemies, while their ambatiadors here treated us n friends. The lord admiral, on his arrival, rcmeoied this inconvenience ; he immediately fitted out a fmall fquadrc^t^ of clean (hips, under a vigilant commander, who foon drove the Frfnch PrivaDeen from their beloved occupation, thieving, to their old trade of ftarving ^ In the fprfng. Sir WiiUam Fitz-Wittiamt^ as vice-adn al, put to fea, with a fleet of twenty-eight men of war to guard the nar- row ""..pi Si rar : M: • Pat. V Ken. VIII. p. z. 91. 1 1. Journal of Parliament rod: Aono. f A D. 1519 J A D. 1521. »Hcrbcrt,p. ^09, 133. Stowc, fiurnet. .j Cooper, Stowe, Speed, 364 "' TviEMOIRS of \ ^ row feas *, and it.being apprehended, that the Scotch might add to the number of the king's enemies by fea, as well at landv a fraall fquadron of feven frij^ates failed up ibc Frith of Forthy and burned all fuch vcflcis as lay there, and were in a condition of going to lea *=. In the mean time, the admiral prepared a royal navy, with which that of the em- peror Charles V. was to join j and as it was evident, that many inconveniences might arife, from the fleets having fcf vcral commanders in chief, the carl of Surry^ by fpecial commilfion from Henry VIII, recc'ved the emperor's com- miflion, to be admiral alfo cf his navy, which conftfted of one hundreci and eighty tall fliips. This commiflion is da- ted at London, June the eighth, 15 22, in the third year of his reign over the Romans, and fcvcnth over the reft of bis dominions, and is very ample **. j :; . • ,<• • f,|o":*sn ni^ • Wi T K the united fleets, the admiral failed over to the coaft of Norntandvy and landing fome forces near Cher- burgh f-, wafted and deftroyed the country; after which they returnee' This feems 10 have been a ^eint, for in a few days, the admiral larded a^ain on the coaft of Bre- llagne., a very large body of trooj;s, with which he took and plundered the town of Morlaix \. and having gair.ed an immenfe booty, and optncd a p.ifiige for the Englijh forces into Champaign and Ficardy % he in ft Jeiached Sir IfWiam Fitz-Jf^iltiams with a Itrong iquadion to /cour the feas, and to protect the merchants^ and then returned to 6V;/- thamptott, where the emperor embarked on board bis fhip, and was i;ifcly convoyed to the port of St. Andero in Bif- toy '. In the fourteeiith of king Henry's reign, the good old * A. D. 1:22. *■ Stowp'? Annals, p. 515- ^ Mr. J^ediard has iIl^^rt^CJ it in his Naval Hiftory. f June 13, 1C2Z. X July X. ' Coci'cr, Stowf, Holingflicd, Speed, Rapin. ^ Ibid, 'Im Sir THOMAS HOWARD. 365 oW duke, his flither, being quite tired out with cares, re- figned his high office of lord tresfurer, and the king there-/ upon, conferred it on his fon the earl of Surry «. He wa« alfo intruded by the king, with the army raifed to invade Scotland^ and in the ftation of general, did good fervice a- , gainll the duke of Albany^ whereby all the deep defigns of the French were fruilratcd. On the death of his father, he was again appointed to command an army againd the Stets^ in which affair, he acquitted himfelf with as much honour, juftice and bravery, as any man ever did ••. He afterwards attended the king into Frame y and was fent principal ambaflador to the French king, at fuch time as that monarch was proceeding to an interview with the pope '. In the twenty-eighth of king Henry^ he aflifted the earl of Shrew/bury in fuppreffing a formidable rebellion, cover'd with the fpecious title of the Pilgrimage of Grace^ and throughout his whole life, approved himlelf an honeft and aftive fervant to the crown, in all capacities. Yet in the clofe of his reign, the king was wrought into a perfua- fion, that this duke of Norfolk^ and his fon Henry earl of Surry^ were in a plot, to feize upon his perfon, and to en- grofs the government into their own hands ; with many other things devifeci by their enemies, but altogether defti- tute of proaf. For thefc fuppofcd crimes, he and his fon were imprifoned, and as was but too frequent in that reign, attainted almoll on fufpicion ^ Henry earl of SuT' ry^ the moft accomplifticd nobleman of his time, loft his head B Pat. I^. H. \l\l. p. I. '' Buchanan, Drummnnd, Stowe, Hcrbcrr, Rnpin. i Mczcray, D:iniel. ^ Htrbert's life of Henry VIII. p. 56;;. His nii'fortunts were owing chitfly to the rtfcntmcnt o( Ins ouoir-is, the dauiihfiT of Edward duke of Buc- kingham, .>nd the falil.uo.^ of i is female fivui^ritf, ilie ioimcr a&- cufing, and the latter bccr ^in^; him* %"^'^ Tr I 'i,»... •' ^'■ mt I li m I Br I^H ^^Hfli |h[ F^HBjHn Hli fv'> a'^vBlnP ^Bhi>' R.finMHii nt| RShi ' Bill' 1 ■li 366 MEMOIRS of head in bis father's pnfence ; nor would the duke have Tur- vived him long (a warrant being once granted for his exe* Ctttion) if the king bad not died at that critical jundiuie, and thereby opened a door of hope and liberty* After all thefe Aifferings, he furvived king Edward VI. and died in the &t& yen of queen Mary, when his attainder was re- pealed, and the adt thereof taken from amongO; the m- cords ' *. He was unqu«ftionably as able an admiral, as great a ftatefmen, as fortunate a genera], and as true a pa- triot as any in that age : but it is new time to come to bif fucceiSjr in the command of the navy. Sir WILLIAM FITZ-WILLIAMS, after^ wards Earl of Southampton, and lOiight ef the Garter. _ , HE was defcended, not only of an ancient and ho- nourable, but alio of a famous and noble family^ his anceftors having been fummcHied to parliament as ba^ rons, to the time of Edivard III. Sir Thomai Fitz-H^iU liamSf the father of our admiral, married Lucia, daughter and co-heir to yohn Nevii marquis Montacuti, by whom he had two fons, Tbamas, who was ilain at the battle of Flodden-Fieldy and this William ■". Being the younger fon, he, from his non^ige, .iddid^ed himfelf to arms, and parti- cularly to the fea-fervice, which in thofe days became a diftind and regular prof'jffion, king Henry having a navy- ofHce, commiilioners, '^Jc, which his predeceflbrs had not. He ' See the aft of repeal i""*. Mariat, and tlie charafter of both the duke and his fon, in Sir Walter Raleigh^s preface to the hif- tory of the world. • A. D. 1554. f^ From the collcftions t^ K. Glover, Somerfet. • ''j Sir W. FITZ-WILLI AMS. 367 He alfo fixed regular falaries for his admirals, vice-admh- rals, captains and fcamans, fo that under him, nava! affairs underwent a very great change, and we have had a con« fhnt ferics of officers in the royal-navy ever fince. How loon Mr. Fitz-Wtlliams went to fea, does not appear from any memoirs now extant ; but moft certainly it was in the reign of Henry VII. for in the fccond of Henry VIII. he as appointed one of the efquires of the king's body. In 15x3, he had a command in the fleet, which fought the French off Brefi^ and behaving very bravely there, received a dangerous wound in the br>eaft by a broad arrow. This did not hinder his being prcfent at the liege of Tournay the fame year, where diftinguifhing himfelf in an extraordinary manner, in the fight of his prince, he was honoured with knighthood *, and thenceforward conftantly employed at fea, where he made himfelf equally ufeful to his prince, and grateful to the feamen. Of thefe we are allured, he knev and called every one by name, never taking prize, but what he fhared amongft them, or fuffering more than tvfo months to elapfe, before they were fully paid their wages. The merchants were remarkably friends to him, on ac- count of his conllant attention to their concerns, and the king highly efteemed him for the pun^aiity with which he executed hi^ orders, and bis wonderful expedkiott in whatever he undertook. •' ' - * H £ executed the oflice of vice-admiral, during the ab- fence of the earl of Surry, then lord lieutenant of Ireland^ m 1520, and convoyed the king, when he pafled over to France t in order to an interview with Francis I. And two years after, on the breaking out of a war with that prince* • Herbert's lift of HcDry VIII. p. j^. ■t ':4 •!» >5|- ."(."I '.A !>' !i if if ■ *^*, ! II! ' i.lii!. ■ 1 111 In II , 368 MEMOIRS of , .•. ,r. prince. Sir IVtlUam^ with a good fleet, was fent to proteA our trade, and to moled the enemy, which he did cffeflu- ally, but was not quite fo fuccefsful in 1523, when he had orders to prevent the duke of Albany from pafling with French fuccours inio Scotland: for though he once difpcr- fed the Jukr's fleet, and actually took fume of his (hips, with feveraJ perfons of dillin^ion on board, yet that cun* ning prince efcapcd him, with the reft, by this artifice. He pretended to abandon his enterprize, re-landed his for- ces, and ordered the fhips to be laid up : but as foon as he understood the Englifl) admiral was returned to his own coafts, be inilantly re-imbarked his troops, and continuing his voyage, notwiihftanding it was the winter feafon, arrived fafely in his own country •. In the i6th of Henry VIII. we find Sir jyilliam preferred to be captain of Guinei caftle in Picardy: in the next year, he was fent ambaflador into France^ and executed his conimiflion with fuch fuccefs, that he was from that time more and more in the king's favour P. After the fall of cardinal IVolfey^ to whom our admiral was no great friend, we find him an active man in parliament, and made ufe of by the king, to excufe bifhop Fijhtr to the houfe of commons \ In the 27 th of th& fame reign, he was again employed in an embaily to France^ and in the fucceeding year, being already treafurer of the houfliold, chancellor of the dutchy of Lancojier^ and knight of the garter, the king, by letters patents, rai- fed him to the dignity of admiral of England, Ireland^ If^aUs, Normandy, Gafcoine, and Aquitaine ', and by other letters patent, foon after created him earl of Southampton \ - . ' M all . » Drummond of Hawthorden, in the life of Jame» V. »• Stowe, Holinglhed, Spted. 1 Surnct, Herbert, Rapin. ' Pat. 34. H. viii. pa. ,,.f . tu-'.'- V i k 7'' ''iS "■ s ',» proteft- effcdtu- he had jg wiih : difpcr- is (hipSf hat cun- artifice. i his for- )on as he ^D coa(ls» luing his 1, arrived 'firy VIII. ims caftle Ofador into h fuccefsy the king's ivhom our ive man in rufe bi(hop 7ih of the- smbafly to iy treafurer Lancojier^ atents, rai- rf, Jnlandf nd by other outhampton \ aU 5/V W. PltZ-WILLlAMS. 36^ all which he is faid to have merited by his fteady loyalty, and by his great (kill and indethtigabie application in maritime affairs, to which, he, from his youth> had been addicfted •. Shortly after, the king raifed him ftill higher, to the port of lord privy feal, in which quality we find that, with John lord RuJJtl^ who fucceeded him as high admiral, he pafled over into France^ where the war was again broke out, with two troops of horfe, which (hews his martial fplrit, and how loth he was to quit the fcrvice of his coun- try in a military way '. It feems, his conftitution was by this time much broken through continual fatigues, and therefore he made a will, whereby, among other legacies, he bequeathed the king his mailer, his bell collar of the garter, and his rich George fct with diamonds ". Yet on the breaking out of a war with Scotland^ to which lis friend and commander, Thomai duke of Norfolk^ was im- mediately ordered with a numerous army, our brave captain would not remain behind, but with a brilk body of horfe and foot, lead the van : yet this proved the lad fla{h- ings of his heroic flame, iince, at Newcajiie, overcome by his difeafe, and with fatigue, he breathed his lad, to the great regret of his royal matter, as well as of his general, who commanded his banner to be borne, as tt had hither- to been, in the front of ihe army, all the refi of the expedi- tion, as 1 mark of the refpe«it due to his memory *. By his countefs, Mabel daughter to Henry lord Clifford, he had no iillie to inherit his virtues, or his honours ; but he left behind him a natural fon, Thomas Fitz-lf^illiams, alias Vol. I. B b Fi/her 11 V. y Stowe, » Pit. 34 » M. S. CollciSlions of Sir Thomas Wriothefl-y. life of Henry Vill p. 4^4. " bpcu. qu. x6. bcrt's lite of Henry Vill. p. 483. « Herberc's ^ Hec- i! ;,?J IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) A^ X ^ 1.0 I.I 1.25 1.8 U ill 1.6 IIIU Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAtN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 fe 370 MEMOIRS of, &c. Fijlier ". As to his age, at the time of his deceafe, we find no note thereof, either in books or in records; but it is pro- bable, that he did not exceed fixty, according to the courfc of his preferments. He feems to have been one of the firft feamen raifed to the honour of the peerage in this kingdom. . , . As to the remaining admirals in king Henry's reign, they were John lord Rujfel, and the vifcount Lijle, fo welj known to poflerity, by the title of duke of Northumber- land, as the fupreme director of all things in the reign of Edward VI. and as a fatal example of the iflue of bound- lefs ambition, in the beginning of the fucceeding reign. But the reader will find fuch ample accounts of them elfc- where y, and their naval atchievements contain fo httle worthy of notice, that I lather proceed to the tranfadtions under the next king, than detain my readers with a jejune detail of things of little confequence, efpecially, confider- ing the narrow bounds into which we are to bring fuch an infinite variety of important matter. ,,'..;; " Dugdnle's Baronage, Vol. 1 1. p. 105. ^ In Dugdale^ Collins, and othf r peerages of England, as well as the in the ge- reralhiftories, and particulir memoirs of thefe reigns, and in Strype^s and other collections of original papers relating to thofe times. /. \.' Biii"ii, CHAP. '1. '.I find pro- jurfc ■ the I this eign, • well mher- ign of ound* reign, n elfc- 3 little adtions jejune )nfider- Uch aa. )agdale« the gc-^ and in to tboCe 371 A P. : - CHAP. X. "The Naval Hijiory 0/ E N G L AN D, wider the reign of Edward VI. with an account of jiich eminent feamen as fourijhed in his time, |, HIS young prince, at the deceafe of his fa- ^^ ther, was but in the tenth year of his age j however, on the 20th of February follow- ing t» he was crowned, to the great joy and fatisfadion of the nation, who were in hopes a gentler government would fucceed, under the rule of fo young a prince, affifted by minifters whofe chief, indeed, whofe only fupport, muft be the aifc<^ions of the people ', The fcheme of government, laid doWn by the will of king Henry VIII, was held to be impradicable, becaufc it made fuch a divifion of power, as tendered the adminiftra'- tion of public affairs extremely difficult, if not impoffible j and therefore to remedy thele inconveniencies, the earl of Hertford, uncle to the young king, created foon afier duke of Somerfetf was declared {)rotedor, or chief governor, that the nation might have fome vifible head : after which followed various promotions ; amongft the reiV, Sir Thomas Seymour, the protedtor's brother, was created baron oi Snd'- B b 2 Ify, i% ■J jtch af- :y, and is expe- ■ an ab- e marri- iward *. the pro- confift- d a fine refpefts, ;n fet on tted out 11 of fix- irce, the imai.ded L and Sir Irived be- ly pene- tiated P P- Hft Ifn; monais, (th's hittory Hay ward, 0/ E D W A R D VI. 373 trated Scotland by land s. The protei^or, who was hy no means a cruel man, endeai'oured to have prevented blood- flied, by fending very amicable letters to the Scotch gover- nors, wherein he (hewed how much it would be for the intereft of both nations, that this match fliould take place, and how little it was for the good of Scotland to remain in that dependency on France, in which ihe had continued for a long tradl of time. The governor, or protedlor of Scotland^ who was entirely in the French intereft, (hewed this letter to none but his own creatures, who advifed him, (ince he had a very numerous army, with the flower of the nobility in the field, not to liften to any conditions of peace, but to force the Englijh to a battle ; which very bad advice he complied with, and told the reft of the lords about him, that the protestor's letter contained only threat- nings and reproaches *. This ftrange condudl brought on a decifive engagement, on the loth of September^ ^547 ; which, in the Englijh hiftories, is ftiled the battle of Muf- felburgh ^ J but the Scots writers call it the battle of Pinky ^. It was fatal to the ScotSy notwithftanding their fuperioriiy in numbers, their army conlifting of upwards of thirty thoufand men j but they were fo eager to fight, that they defpifed all the precautions ufually taken, as to ground, a* d other circumftancesj nay, they were fo fool-hardy, as to expofe themfelves to the fire of the Englifi fleet, which galled them extremely, and therefore we need not wonder that they were totally defeated, leaving fourteen thoufand dead on the place, and eight huncred noblemen and gentle-* B b 3 men — - — — — — •-' ■ ■ ■ ' I I . n < i « Keith's hidory, p. 53. *" Ibid. Speed. ^ Buchanan, lA^ny, Ke.th. Cooper, Scow/et •J- 1' 1 , '3 1 » *!-,. t , ;: , \ I' r ■ ' 'J II ¥»>> •'li u m 1 ^' :l „ \umm \\ ' 'Hi 1 '■ ■ liiili 1 %l 374 NAVAL HISTORT men prifoners; after which vidlory, the protedlof burnt Edinburgh^ and fo returned in triumph ^ The lord Clinton, with his fleet, continued longer irt thofe parts, with a defign, as it appe:ired, to extirpate en- tirely the naval force of the Scots, He had before, in the reign of Henry VIII. been employed for the fame pur- pofe, and had executed his commilfion with great dili- gence, carrying off the Salamander, and the Unicorn^ two very fine fhips, and all other velTels that were worth taking "*. He now perfefled this fcheme of deftroying, by burning all the fea-ports, with the fmall craft that lay in their harbours, and fearching every creek, and all the mouths of rivers, with fuch diligence, that, it is faid, he did not leave one fhip of force or burthen in all that kingdom •'. In I5^r8, the lord high admiral, with a very ilcut fleet, failed hence upon the Scotch coafts, to prevent their repairing their harbours, and to do what further mifchief he was able: but he was lefs fuccefsful; fof though he made two defcents with confiderable forces, yet he was repulfed in both ". The great hardfliips of the people had made them defperate, fo that, notwithftanding the vaft expence England had been at, and the compleat victory the protestor had gained, the Scotijh queen being efctiped into France, and great fuccours coming from thence into Scotland, the Englijh were obliged after twd years to make peace, both nations having fufTered exceed- ingly by the war, which proved, however, advantageous enough to France, who made her ufes of each,, and per- formed her agreements with neither p. The * Hayward, Godwin, Burnet. «" Stowe's Annals, p. 586, 5J57. " Hayward, Godwin, Keith. " K^yward. P Stowe, Holingfhed, Speed. ■i 0/ E D W A R D VI. 275 The unnatural quarrel between the prote6lor and his brother the lord high admiral, was the chief caufe of the nation's misfortunes i for while they endeavoured with all their force to dellroy each other, public affliirs were neg- leii iK 378 NAVAL HISTORY they then thought proper to make a treaty with France^ whereby the town of Boulogne and its dcpendancies, were fold for four hundred thoufand crowns, and the French took pofleflion of them in the fpring of the year 1550 ^ In this treaty the Scots were included, and for the mana- ging thereof, Edward lord Clinton, who had been gover- nor of the territory, now yielded to France, was made lord high admiral for life, and had large grants made him of lands from the king \ It is not to be wondered, that a treaty fo far from be- ing honourable to the nation, was very ill received at home, and yet it muft be acknowledged, that it was not near fo inexcufable as fome would reprefent it. We have already (hewn, with what injuftice the French made war upon king Edward, and it is but reafonable to add, that when his embaflador applied to the emperor for affiftance, and reprefented the great things that his father had done for the houfe of Auftria, the pains he had taken to follicit the electors to fet the imperial crown on the head of Charles V. and how much the Englijh nation had been impoverifhed by the wars againft France, purely on his behalf, a very rude and uncourtcous anfwer wai given. The emperor took notice of the great change that had been made in religion, which he pretended put it out of his power to yield the aid that was defired, and therefore infifted, that as the price of his friendfhip, all things fhoulJ be reftored again to their former ftate. After this, when matters were come to extremity, it was propofed y Da Tillet recueil de traite & Leonard. Traites, tonti. ii. Me- zeray. ''■ Strvpe's memorials, vol. ii. p. 230. Keith's hiftory of the Church and State of Scotland^ vol. i. p. 66. Hiyward, Bar- net, Rapin. Of EDWARD Vr. 379 propofed n the part of king Edward^ that the emperor fliould take the town of Boulogne into his hands, to re- main as a depofitc till the king was of age j but that was likewife rejedied, unlcls the old religion was rellored. We may from hence perceive, the integrity of thofe mmifters who chofe rather to facrifice their intcrefts with the nation, then injure the protclbnt religion, and at the lame time we may difcern, how little the friendftiip of foreign and of popifli powe|s is to be depended upon, when the in- tcrefts of England alone are at ftake. After this peace there grew a clofer and morj con- liderablc intcrcourfe between the French and Engli/h courts^ which gave fuch offence to the emperor, that he fuffered his fuhjeds in Flanders to cruize in the Englijh feas, which afforded the French a pretence for adling in the fame manner ; but upon complaint that the navigation of the narrow feas was exceedingly difturbed, the king ordered lord Henry Dudley^ with four men of war and two light (hips, to put to fea, in order to proteft our merchants; which, however, he performed but indifferently ^ In 155 1, the lord admiral Clinton went over into France as the king's cmbaffador, and there concluded a treaty for the marriage of his matter to the princefs Elizabeth^ daughter of that king; though it is highly probable, the French were not very fincere in thefe negotiations. Some time after, they began to raife jcaloufies in England of the em- peror's proceedings, becaufe he had fitted out a great fleets without afligning any particular caufe for it *>. But the next year things took a new turn j for the French conti- nuing ■ See king Edward's diary, March *(», 1552. A^lemoriaJs, vol. ii. p. 289, 290, ** Strype's ■' \ 1 it* n , ' 1'^ ■\ ); f f •^ i ■i ■il i ( \ • i ) i!r i ■:l. 'i ) ^!i):iii:; :;ii.;j 380 NAVAL HIS TORY nuing their pyratical praf^iccs under one pretence or other, feized many Englijh fliips, fo that louJ complaints were made to the king j and upon examination it appeared, that the merchants had fuffered by their depredations in the fpace of twenty months, to the full amount of fifty thoufand pounds. Upon this, his miniftcrs at the court of France had orders to make very (harp reprefentations, which they did, but with little efFeift ' ; fo that things remained pretty much in this fituation, that is, tending to a rupture, to the lime ©f the king's death, which happen- ed on the 6ih of July 1553 ; but whether by poifon, as fome have pretended, or by a confumption, as is generally thought, I pretend not to determine ''. He had then reigned near fix years and a half, and was not quite fix- teen. He was certainly, for his years, a very accomplifli- cd prince, of which he has left us many and thofe unquef- tionable proofs in his writings. A s to his care of trade, we have as many inftances of it in every kind as can be defired. In 1548, he paffed an adt for laying the Newfoundland trade entirely open, and for removing various obftacles, by which it had been hi- therto cramped ". The very fame year the merchants at Antwerp complaining of certain hardQiips under which they fuffered, the king's ambafTadors interpofed 3 and when the regency of that city fuggefted to them, that it was flrangc the king of England (hould more regard a com- pany of merchants, than the' friendfliip of a great empe- ror, king Edward^ agent, whofe name was Smithy an- fvvcred roundly, that his mafter would fupport the com- merce •^ laid. p. 532. «i Hay ward, Stowe, Holingffied, Speed, Strypi", Bjim t, Rip^n. = See Hakluyt, p.iii- p- 131. 0/ ED '»V ARD VI. 381 merce of his fubje<5ls, at the hazard of any monarch's fricndfhip upon earth '. We liave a very curious and particular account of the advantages derived to the city of Antwerp from the refi- dcnce of the Efiglijh merchants there, which, for the rca- <3ers inftrudlion as well as entertainmenf, we will infert from a very fcarce and curious piece, addrefled to Sir Ro- bert Cecil then fecretary of ftate to queen EHznbethy and afterwards carl of Sali/hury, and lord high treafurcr of England. ** PHILIP furnamed the Good^ duke of Burgundy " and of Brabanty &c. gave privileges to the Englijh ** nation in the low countries, which happened in the •* year 1466, which privileges the town of Antwerp con- •* firmed the 6th of Augujl in the fame year, giving to •• them befides a large hcmfe, which is now called the old Burfey and afterwards by exchange, another more good- ly, fpacious and fumptuous houfe, called the Court of Liery which the company enjoyed till the faid town was yielded up to the duke of Parma in the year 1585. At the abovefaid firit concordate and conclufion ** of privileges with the town of Antwerp or not long be- ** fore, there were not in all the town above four mcr- «* chants, and thofe alfo no adventurers to the feaj the ** reft of the inhabitants or townfmen were but mean " people, and neither able nor flcilful to ufe the feat or *' trade of merchandife, but did let out the beft of their " houfes to Englijhmen and other ftrangers, for chambers ** and pack-houfcs, contenting themfelves with fome cor- " ner for their profits fake -, but within thefe late years, the concourfe (( Ci c« (C « r f Scrype*s Memorials, vol. ii« p. 1 5 1 . ■i .riffel^ 1 : 1 iHH "1 1 : 11^! r: iLil.m 382 NAVAL HisroRr **• concourfe and refort of foreign merchants to that town " w?s fo great, that houfe room waxed fcant, rent; were ** raifed, tolls, excifes, and all other duties to the prince •* and town wonderfully encreafedj and the Jntwerp men " themfelves, who in few years before were but mean ar^ •* tificers, or lived by hufbandry and keeping of cattle, *' whereof one gate of that city to this Hay beareih the ** name, and had but fix fhips belonging to their town, ** and thofe for the river only, that never went to fea, •* began to grow exceeding rich ; fo that fome fell ro the ** trade of merchandize, and others employed their fub- ** ftance in building. Then their old rotten houfes covered ** with thatch were pulled down, their wafle ground, " whereof there was ftore within the town, was turned into goodly buildings, and fair ftreets, and their (hip- ping encreafed accordingly; thus profpered not only. *' thofe of jintwerpj but all other towns and places there- " aboute, fo that in our memory that now live, the faid ** town was grown to fuch wealth, ftrength and beauty,^ ** as never none the like in fo fhort a time, and no mar- ** velj for within the compafs of fifty yearj, an houfe *' that was worth but forty dollars a year, grew to be " worth three hundred dollars a year, and an houfe that •* was let out for fixty dollars, came afterwards to be let •* for four hundred dollars ; yea, fome houfes in Antwerp ** were let for fix hundred, fome f®r eight hundred dol- •* lars a year rent, befides their havens for'fliips to come •* and lade and difcharge within the town j their public ** ilately buildings and edifices, erefled partly for orna- •' mertt, and partly for the eafe and accomodating of the •* merchant were fo coftly and fumptuous, as he that •* hath not feen and marked theqi well would not believe •• it." . . This «( <( 0/ E D W A R D VL 3^3 This (hews abundantly how great u right king Ei^ ward had .to infift .upon all his fubje<5ls privUfiges in that city, where their refidence was a thing of fuch prodi^ous confequence. We mud not imagine, however, that fa wife a prince as the emperor Charles V. was not very ■well acquainted with this, of which we have an inftancc Within the compafs of kiiig Edwards, reign. Anno Dom, 1550* fof when after all the fupplications of the citizens of Antwerp^ and the interceflion of feveral great princes oa their behalf, he remained fixed in his purpofe of introdu- cing the inquifition into that city ; yet upon the bare meo* lion that this would infallibly drive the Englijb not only out of Antwerp, but out of the low countries, he very pru- dently defifted, . With like care the king profecuted the wrongs done to his trading fubjedts by the French, and very gracioufly re- ceived a memorial, wherein certain methods were laid down for encouraging and encreafing the number of fea- men in his dominions, and for preventing the carryin^;;^ oa a trade here in foreign bottoms e. Some notice there are of other projeds of a like nature in his own diary, which (hew, that if he had lived to have had a fufficient expe- rience, he would have been extremely careful of maritime affairs, and very ready to have contributed to the eafe and advantage of his fubjedls ••. But the diforders which hap- pened in his (hort reign, as well as his immature death, prevented his doing the good which he intended. We muft afcribe to thofe diforder?, and to the bound- Jefs ambition of that great duke, who taking advantage of the K Bamaby*s information to ftcretary Cecil, MS. ing's diary publilhed by Burnet. li S ti the it If 1 ; -1^ 'I.-;' ii 384 NAVAL HlSIORr the king*s minority, direfled all things with almoft abfo- lute fway, that fach heavy taxes were laid upon the people, who were far from being in a condition to bear them, that lands to fo great a value were taken from the church ':o the ufe as was pretended to the crown, and then gra ited a'vay to favourites, and above all, that the very worft part of his father's politics fliould be purfued, and the coin (till more and more debafed j for in the third year of his reign, under pretence of redrefling this evil, there was a new ftandard introduced, fomewhat better in appearance than the laft coinage in his father's reign, for now inftead of four ounces, there were fix ounces of fine filver in each pound of metal j but then the number of pieces was increafed from forty-eight to feventy-two, and. confequenlly the nominal value of filver was raifed from four (hillings to fix (hillings an ounce ; but in reality, con- tinued at the fame rate as before, that is at twelve (hil- lings an ounce, which was incredibly grievous to the people ; yet two years afterwards this method was chang- ed, and the finifhing llroke given to all pradtices of this nati re, by coining the fame number of (hillings, that is, feventy-two out of a pound of metai, iu which there was but three ounces of filver j fo that while the nominal value remained the fame, and thofe who knew no better, believed that fiWer was (till at fix (hillings an ounce, it was in fadt fo long as the money of this coinage re- mained current at twenty-four (hii.'ings an ounce; yet ©ne advantage ioHowed from thence, which was, that the grofsnefs of the impofition made it quickly difcernablc, tnd therefore the next years money was coined pretty near the old ftandaid, befo/e it had been pradlifed upon by his father ; but then there were fixty (hillings in the pound weight, which brought the pric>i; of filver to five (hillings ".-•'■ an abfo- n the ) bear [n the 1, and lat the iirfued, le third lis evil, )etier in ign, for s of fine mber of wo, and fed from ity, con- elve fhil- is to the as chang- es of this ,s, that is, hich there ; nominal no better, ounce, it oinage re- ounce; yet as, that the difcernablc, pretty near upon by his the pound five (hillings an . 6/ ED Ward VI. 3SJ III outice, and this began that emendation of our coihi \vhich.was com pleated under queen Elixabeth, by the ad- vice of the fame niirtifter, who procured this laft altera- tion in the tim6 of kinjg Edward. r. ,.. , . . In his reign the Levant trade grew more exten'"ve 'i and that to the coaft of Guini^d, and other parts of J/ricd was firft difcovered, and profecUtfed with fuccefs, by Mr. 'TTjomas TFyndham ^, We may add to tiiefe proofs of the flourifhing of naVal power under thi j young prince, the attempt made for difcoVering a horth-eaft paiTage * j which will lead us to fpeak of the moll accompliftieci feamaii who lived in his time, and whofe memory deferves for his yiduftry, penetration, and integrity to be tranfmitted to pofterity, I mean the celebrated and juHiy famous, .^ ^ SEBASTIAN CABOT. ' T^ HIS gentleman was the fon of* that eminent Vh %, netian pilot Sir John Cabot ^ of whom we have given fome account heretofore. He was born at Brijhl about the yeir 1477, and therefore Mr. Strype is milhken* when he tells us he was an Italian ; into which he was led by the name he met with in the MS. from whence he copied his remarks, viz. SehliJiiunQ (jahato "* .• an inac- curacy common enough with our old writers, who afFe- €led to vary foreign names llrattgely j a folly with which the French are dill infe^ed, infomuch, that it is a difficult Vol. II* G G ,...\, thing ' Churchill's voyages, introdudlion, '' Ihid. vol. v. p. 146, * Eden's hiftory ot iraVds, p. 224. °» Strype's iMtmorbls, vol. ii< p. 4o?». ■■.in ■' :A . ,; mi ■''•It I <■ i' ! ; ''if 386 M E M O I R S d/ thing to undeftand Enjlijh proper names, even in their la- ted and belt hiftorians. Sebajiian was educated by his faiher in the ftudy of thofe parts of the mathematics which were then beft underftood, efpecially arithmetic, geometry, and cofmography ; and by that time he was feventeen years old, he had made feveral trips to fea, in order to add to his theoretical notions, a competent (kill in the pradiical part of navigation : and in like manner were bred the reft of his father's fons, who became alfo eminent men, and fettled abroad, one in Genia^ the other at Fenice ". • • -^ . ' . The firft voyage of confequence in which Sebajliaii Cabot was engaged, feems to have been that niade by his father, for the difcovery of the north-weft paflage, of which we have given fomc account before ". This was in 1497, ^"^ certainly firft taught our feamen a paf- fage to north America : but whether Sebajiian Cabot did not, after the deceafe of his father, profecute his defign, and make a more perfect difcovery of the coafts of the Newfoundland^ is a great doubt with roe, becaufe I find fuch incongruous relations of this voyage in diflferent au- thors p. For inftance, the celebrated Peter Martyr^ wha was intimately acquainted with Sebajiian, and wrote in a manner from his own mouth, fays, that the voyage wherein he made his greai difcovery towards the north, was performed in two (hips fitted out at his own ex- pence 1 ; which by no means agrees with his father's ex- pedition, wherein were employed one ftout fliip of the . . king's ' n Remarks on H kluyt, MS. • In the life of John Ca- bot, p. 297. P As appears by comparing the accounts in Hijc- luyt, with thofe in Parehas,and in the hiftory of travel, by lidcH. 1 Dec ad. iii. cap. 6- ■.■♦in rla- y his natics netic, ; was ea, in It fkitt nanner ae. alfo iy t'he ebajilan eby his rage, of 'bis wasj I a paf- 7fl^tfif did $ deiign, :3 of the ufe I find ferent au- tyri wh9 wrote ia le voyage the north, own ex- ather's cx- hip of the king's of John Ca- )unt» in HaK- vcl, by^ldcH. SEBASTIAN CABOT. 387 ling's, and four belonging to the merchants of Brijiol ', Befides this, a very intelligent Spanijh writer, who is very cjpft in his chronology, tells us, that when Cabot failed at the expence of king Henry VII. in order to make dif- coverles towards the north, he pafled beyond cape Lahra^ sUr^ fomewhat more than 58" N. L. then turning to- wards the weft, he failed along the coaft to 38", which agrees very well with our accounts of John Cabot's voy- age *. But, RamupOi the Italian collector, who had the letter of Sebaftian Cabot before him, when he wrote, fpeaks of a voyage, wherein he failed north, and by weft to 67 V, and would have proceeded farther, if he had not been hindered by a mutiny among his failors ^ It is probable, therefore, that Sebajlian made more than one, perhaps more than two voyages into thefe parts, by virtue 9f king Henry VII*s commiffion ; and if fo, he well de-r Served the charafter Sir William Mon/on has given of him ". and of his important difcoveries, which the reader will be pleafed to fee in his own words, the authority of the writer from his perfeft knowledge of the fubjeft, being of as much weight as the fadts he mentions, *' T o come to the particulars, fays he, of augmenta- ** tion of our uade, of our plantations, and our difco- ^' veries, becaufe every man (hall have his due therein ; " I will begin with Newfoundland^ lying upon the main ** continent of America^ which the king of Spain chal- *« lenges as firft difcoverer: But as we acknowledge the king C c 2 of ' Fabian's M.S. Chronicle, A. D. 1497. » Lopez deGo- narahift. des Ind. accident, lib. ii. cap. 4. ^ In his preface to the third volume of his excellent colledlion. " In the large colleilion called Churchiir* Voyages, voL ill. p. 396 and his chara£ier, p. 401. ■irA : I ■■ .. '»«'L M ^::'^l l:ii:ii 388 MEMOIRS/ ' ** of Spain the firft light of the weft and fouth-weft partf of America^ fo we and all the world muft confefs, that we were the firft that took pofleffion for the crown of England^ of the north part thereof, and not above two years difference betwixt the one and the other. And as the Spaniards have from that day and year held their pofleffion in the weft, fo have we done the like in the north ; and though there is no refped, in comparifon of the wealth betwixt the countries, yet England may boaft that the difcovery from the year aforefaid to this very day, hath afforded the fubjefls annually 1^20,000 pound, and encreafed the number of many a good (hip» and mariners, as our weftern parts can witnefs by their filling in Newfoundland: neither can Spain challenge " a more natural right than we to its difcovery, for in " that cafe we are both alike. If we deal truly with* " others, and not deprive them of their right, it is Italy " that muft afTume the difcovery to itfelf, as well in " the one part of America^ as in the other. Genooy and " Chrijiopher Columbus by name, muft carry away the ** praife of it from Spain ; for Spain had not that voyage in agitation, or thought of it, till Columbus not only propofed, but accomplifhed it. The like may be faid of * Sebaftian Cabot, a Venetian, who, by his earneft interceffion to Henry VII. drew h'ra to the difcovery " of Neivfoundland^ and cnlled it by the name of Ba- « cnllao, an Indian name for fifh, for the abundance of " fifh he found upon that coaft." It * This affon's a farther and more dirccb proof of my con- {tdlurc, th It Sehafti^n Cabot made more than one voyage in the fervice of Henry Vll. fjnce from what our author fays, it looks as if f>e had net only found the country, but elUbliihcd the ftihery of Newfoundland. <( <( « (( « <( C( t( I rv /•'! l> < t M III I'., ii': 3>2 MEMOIRS a/" *^ '' no farther, but killed many Indians^ and they HtW twenty-five of his SpaniardSy and took three that were gone out to gather palmetos to eat. At the fame timye Cabot was thu3 employed, Jamei Garcia^ with the fame view of making difcoveries, had r ^d the river of PlatCt without knowing that the otl vas there before him. He entered the faid river about the beginning of the year 1527, having feni away his own, which was a large {hip, alledging that it was of toe great a burthen for that dif- covery, and with the reft, came to an anchor in the fame place where Cabot*s (hip lay, diredting his courfc with two brigantines, and fixty men, towards ^h? ^ivcr Parana^ which lies north and north-weft, arrived at the fort built by Catct. About 110 leagues above this fort, he found Sebajiian Cabot himfelf in the port of Sf, Jnne^ fo named by the latter, and after a (hort ftay there, they returned together to the fort of the tfoly Ghojl^ and thence lent meflengers inio Spain, Thofe who were difpatched by Sehi^tan Cabot, were Frartfis C(i/deron^ s^nd Georgt Barlow, who gave a very fair account of the fine coun- tries bordering on the river la Plata, Ihewing how large a trad of land he hid not only difcovered, but fubdued j and producing gold, filver, and other rich commodities, as evidences in favour of their general's conduct. Xhe demands they made, were, that a fupply (hould be fent of |,t;4^^"»vifion, ammunition, goods proper to ca,rry on a^ trade, and ♦^ competent recruit of feamen and foldiers. To this, the mpi'chants by whom Cabot's fquadron was fitted out, would fiot agree, but (rhofe to let their rights efcheat to the crQwn of Cajiil^ The king then took the whole upon himfcli', but was fo dilatory in his preparations, that Sebajiian Cabct, quite ;ired out, as having been five years jn America J fcfolved to return home, which he did, em- barking SEBASTIAN CABOT. 393 barking the remainder of his men, and all his effedts on board the biggeft of his ihips, and leaving the reft be- hind him \ It was the fpring of the year 153 1, when Cabot arri* ved at the Spani/i court, and gave an account of his expe- dition. It is evident enough, from the manner in which the Spanijh writers fpeak of him, that he v as not well re- ceived, and, one may eafily account for it. He had raifedi himfclf enemies, by treating his Spanijh mutineers with fo much feverity ; and on the other hand, his owners were difappointed, by his not purfuing his voyage to the Moluc- (OS, He kept his place, however, and reiuained in the fer- ' rice of Spain^ many years after, and, at length, he was ■ invited over to England •*. We have no account, how this was brought about, in any author now extant, and therefore I (hall offer to the reader's confideration, a con- . jedture of my own, which he may receive or rejeft, ac- cording as it fecms to him probable, or improbable. Mr. . Robert Thorne^ an Enghjb merchan*" at Sruill, whom we have mentioned before with commendation, was intimate- ly acquainted with Cabof, and was a6tual]y one of his owners in his laft expedition ". It feems, therefore, not at all unlikely, that he, after his return from Newfoundland, , might importune Cabot to think of coming home : and wh^t feems to add a, greater appearance of truth to thii , conjecture, is Cabofs fettling at Brijfol, when he did re- turn to England, of which city Mr. Thorne was an emi- nent merchant, an^ once mayor •*. Thefe tranfadlions fell - . . . . ' out * Herrera, book v. chap* 3. Dtcad. iii. See alfo an account of this expedition in Churchill's voyages, vol. i. in the introduiition. y Hayklvyt's voyages. P. iii p. 7. See alfo the preface to the third volume of Raniufio *■ Hakiuyt's voyages, P. iii p 726. ^ Scq his monument in «;he Temple Church, or io Wccver, p. 443. 11 I t i i\ i 294 MEMOIR 8 cf out in the latter end of the reign of Htnn VIII. »bout which time, as I fuppofc, Sebafltan Cab$t actually rclurn- ed, and feul'/d with his kmily here. In the \try beginning of king Edward'^ reigr^, this emi* cent feaman was introduced to the duke of Somer/et^ then ((Ipfd protcdor, with whom he was in grext favour, and by whom he was made known to the king, who took a great deal of pleafure in bis converfation, being much better verfed |n the iludies to which Cahot had applied himfelf, than, his ..tender years confidered, could have been expected; for he knew, not only all the ports and havens in this ifland, and in Ireland^ but alfo thofc in France ^ their (hapc, method of entering, commodities and incommodities ; and, in iliort, could anfwer almoin any queuion about them, that ;. a failor could a(k ". We need not wonder, therefore, that with fucb rt prince, Cabot y^as in high cftecm, or that, in his favour, a new office ihould be ere(5ted equivalent to that which he had enjoyed in Spain ^ together with a penfion of i66/. 13;. 4^. which we find granted to him by letters patent, dated January 6,, 1549, in the fecond year of that king's reign; by a fpecial claufe, in which patent, this annuity is made to commence from the Mkhaelmas preceding ^ Thence forward he continued highly in the king's favour, and was confulted upon all matters relating to t;rade, particularly in the great cafe of the merchants of ihQ Sud-Tard, in 1551, of which it will be fit to give , fome account here, fince it has efcaped the notice of nioft of our hiftorians, though it gave in fome meafure a new turn to the whole flate of our commerce. '"' ' These merchants are fometimes called of the Haunfe^ becaufe they came from the Hanfe towns, or free cities in Germany^ ^ Strype's HJCinorials, vol. ii. p. 10. ♦' Hakluyt's voyages, P. iii. i SEBASTIAN CABOT. 395 Cirmanyj fometimes Almains from Iheir country. They fettled here in or before the reign of Htnry IlL and brought in grain, cordage, flax, hemp, linnen cloth, wax and 'fteel> whence the place in Dowgatt-v/2rdf where they dwelt, was called the StetlA'brd, which name it full re- tains. The kings oi- England encouraged them at hrd, ' and granted them large privileges ; amongft others, that of ' exporting our woollen cloths : they had Jikewife an ulder- man, who was their chief magidrate, and m cunfideratiun • of varioui grants from the city, they ftood bound to rc|.air ' BiJbopfgQte; and were likcwife under other obligations. By •degrees, however, the Enghjh coming to trade them felves, •and importing many of the commodities .in . which thefe ■ G«r/WB«; dealt, gt^t cbntioverfiesgrew between :!iom, the ^ foreigners on all occafions pleading their charter^ which the ' Engii/h merchants treated ns a monopoly, not well war- •^ ranted by law. At laft the company of merchant-adven- " turers, at the head of which was our Sebajiian Cabot y on • the twenty-ninth of December y. 1551, exhibited to the • council, ■ an information againft thefe merchants of the Steel-Tardy to which they were directed to put in their an- swer, they did fo; and after feveral hearings, and a refe- xence- to the ki fig's foUicitor-general, his counfel learned in the law, and' the recorder of London^ a decree palled on the twenty-fourth oi February^ whereby thefe merchants ' of the Stvei-Tard were declared to be no legal corporation ; yet licences were afterwards granted them from time to time, for the exportation and importation of goods, not- ' withdanding this decree, which remained Hill in full force ' arid virtue K. S Minutes of thefe proceedings are to be found in king Qdward's diary, and the decree at large in Mr* Wheeler's t;eati(e of Cojn* merce, p. 94. ^mw urn 396 ''MEMOIRS^. In the month of May 1552, the king granted a licence together with letters of fafe conduct to fuch perfons as fliould embark on board three (hips, to be employed fur the difcovery of a paflage by the north to the Eajf Indiis, St* bajlian Catot was at that time governor of the company of merchant-adventurers, on whofe advice this enterprizc was undertaken, and by whofe interefl: this countenance from the court was procured ^ Theaccounts we have of this matter differ widely j but, as 1 obfervr, there \s a vari- ation in the dates of a whole year> To, I am apt to believe, that rhe^e muft; have been two dUtindt undertakings, the one under the immediate proteilion of the court, which did not take effedl ; and t%^ otber by a joint (lock .of the meichantSj which did. Of the firft, becaufe it is little ta- ken notice of, I will (peak particularly here ; for ihe other will come in properly in my account of Sir Hugh fFil- kugby. When therefore this matter was firft propofed, the king lent two fhips, the Primrofe and the Moon^ to Barnes lord-mayor of London j Mr. Garret^ one of the Sheriffs, and Mr. Tork, and Mr. IVyndhatUy two of the adventurers, giving bond to the king, to deliver two fliips of like bur- den, and in as good condition, at Midfum'ner 1554. In confideration alfo of the expence and trouble of Sebajiian Caboty his majefty made him a prefent of two hundred pounds '. A year afterwards, this grand undertaking was brought to bear, and thereupon SebajUan Cahut delivered to the commander in chief, ihofe directions by which he was to regulate his condudt, the title of which ran thus : ** Ordinances, inftruftions and adveriifements, of and for * ■ ^ ^ ^^j *« the ■Ma " Str; pe's memorials, vol. ii. p. 504. but Mr. Strype's remark, that thcfe were tUc Ihips. which went with Sir Hugh Willoughb/, U wrong. ' itrypc's memorials, vol. ii. p \oi. Ck «c SEBASTIAN CABOT. 397 *• the direction of the intended voyage for Cathay, cooipi- ** led, made, and delivered, by the right worfliipful S/ba- «* JJJan Caboty Efq; governor of the myftery and compa- ny of the merchant-adventurers, for the difcovery of regions, dominions, iflands, and places unknown: the *' ninth of May, in the year of our lord god, 1553 " ^» This fhews, how great a trull was repofed in this gentle- man by the government, and by the merchants oi Eng- land ; and the inftruftioas themfelves, which we flill have entire ^, are the cleareft proofs of his fagacity and penetra- tion, and the fulled juftification of fuch as did repofe their trull in him. Many have furmifed, that he was a knight, whence we often find him ftiled Sir Sehajlian ; but the ve- ry title of thofe inftrudlions I have cited, proves the con- trary, as alfo the charter granted by king Philip and queen Mary^ in the firft year of their reign, to the merchants of Ruffia, fince ftiled the Rujfta company, whereby Sebajiian Cabota is made governor for life, on account of his being principally concerned in fitting out the firft {hips employed in that trade ™ i but fo far from being ftiled knight, that he is.calkd only one Sebajiian Cabota, without any diftinc- tion at all ". After this, we find him very adtive in the affairs of the company, in the year 1556; and in the journal of Mr. Slephen Burroughs, it is obftrved, that on the twenty- fevenih of j'Ipril, that year, he went down to Grave/end, aud there went on board the Serch thrifty a fmall veflel fitted out under the command of the faid Bur- rjjugbs for Rujfta, where he gave generoufly to the failor?, and - • ' ... . ^ '' Tht'le are yet iii tne hands of the Kuiiia company. ' i(i Hakluyt's voyages, vol. p 2Z6. •" Ibid. p. 267, w*iere the charter i« at larj;e. " Tlie worJs Jr thf charter are, and in c^n- fiJtratiott that one SebnOiai' Cabota hath been the chicffjl fetter forth ef tHs 'V'^fage, thcefare, 6iC. which authcutx ilcclaration ot his merit, does iiii^ mure honour, than ^iiy thki co'-ild have Jonc. ill ■ 3 .M'v r"!ii nfll i I :: III jiilP 398 MEMOIRS £f ^ ' and on his return to Gravefendy he extended his alms Tery liberally to the poor, defiring them to pray for the fuccefs of this voyage.^ We find it alfo remarked (which Ihews the chearful temper of the man) that, upon his coming back to Gravefendy he cauied a grand entertainment to be made at the fign of the Chrijiophery where* fays Mr. Bur- roughsy for the very joy he had to fee the towardnefs of our intended difcovery, he entered into the d^nce himfelf "• This is the laft circumftance relating to Cabot^ that I can any where find ; and as it is certain, that a perfon of his temper could not have been idle, or his actions remain in obfcurity, fo I look upon it as certain, that he died fome time in this, or the next year, when he was upwards of fe- venty. He was unqueftionably one of the moft extras -di- Tiary men of the age in which he lived, and who, by his capacity and induftry, contributed not a little to the fer- vice of mankind in general, as well as of this kingdom. For he it was, who firft took notice cf the variation of the compafs, which is of fuch mighty confequence in na- vigation, and concerning which the learned have bufied tbemfelves in their enquiries ever fince •*. An Italian wri- ter, famous for making the moft judicious colled:on of voyages which has hitherto appeared, celebrates Sebqftian Cabct as his countryman ** : Yet, as he was o irs both by nature and affedlion ', and as we owe fo much to bis ikirt and labours, I thought It but juft to give his memoirs a place here, amongft thofe of the moft eminent Britijh fea- men; the rather, becaufe he has been hitherto ftrangely , '■ neglcded • Hakluyt's voyages, vol. i. p. 274, 275. p. 8u. Vareniu8*6 geography, p, 837. muiio, in the preface to his third volume, rials, vol. iii. p> 9i9- P Stowe's Annals, « Gio. Battifta Ra- » Strypc's memo? ; 5/r H. WiLLOUGHBY. 35^^ neglected by our biographers, as well as by oar general hiftorians *. ' iAf*i' ■ It i^s likewife fit to fay fomewhat of Sir Hugh T^lbugb' fy, admiral of that expedition into the northern leas» which produced the important difcoverf of the trade to ArchangtL I have before obferved, that the original of this undertaking fprung from Sebafliati Caba^ whole fet« tied 6pinion it had always been, that there were fireights near the north pole, anfwerable to thofe of Magellan, It wias by him propofed to king Edward VI. fo early as tfae year 155 1. In the month of February the next year, he dbtained two ihips from the king, the Primroji and the Moofti and the terms on which he was to have thefe,, lead- ing him to confer with fome principal merchants, the re- fult of their conferences was the changing his fcheme, io- fomuch, that it was agreed to build three new fhips, and to fit thefe out by a joint ftock, to which fuch as had si good opinion of the voyage, might contribute at twenty- five pounds a (hare : this once fettled, the (hips were built with wonderful celerity, and that which was called the Admiral^ was fheathed with lead, to preierve her fron? the worms. The whole of this joint flock, amounted but to fix thoufafid pounds, and yet this money was fo well em- ployed, that by the beginning of May 1553, they were ready to fail *. The Admiral was called the Etna Efpe- ranza^ of the burthen of 120 tons, commanded by Sir Hugh Willoughbyy Knight, the Edward Bonaventurey of 160 tons, commanded . by captain ^/M^r^/ C/:*tfffr///7r, the third * One migbc have woadeiM at his being omitted in the general didionary, if there had been an article of Drake. \ i>ee the account of Clement Adams, Hakluyt, vol i. p. 24.^- 4 ■\.M '*^i •>»:vr.'.h^ Ill 'iil'1 pi li 'i. ];. M ,400 MEMOIRS of, ^c. third the Sana Confidential of 90 ton?, Cormlius Durfuth mafter. May lo, 1553, they feiled from RatcHff, and on the eighteenth of the fame month cleared from Grave- ftnd^ The admiral. Sit Hugh Willoughhyy had all the qua-» lities that could be delired in a cdmnlandert Me was def- cended of an honourable femily, was a man of great parts^ much experience, and unconquerable courage, yet unfor- tunate in this undertakings In the beginning of the mofith of JuguJIy he loft the company of taptain Chancellor^ and about the fame time, Erfl difcovered Greenland^ though the Dutch endeavour to deprive us of that honoun His utmoft progrefs was to 72* of N. Lat. and then find- ing the weather intolerably cold, the year far fpent, and his fhips unable to bear the Tea, he put into the haven of Arzina, in Lapland, on the eighteenth of September, and there provided the beft he could to have palled the winter. It appears by a will, which was found in his {hip» that Sir Hugh, and moft of his company, were alive in January 1554 ; but foon after, they were all frozen to death, their bodies being found, the next fummer, by Rujftan fifher- men, who repaired to that coaft, as alfo, the original jour* nal of Sir Hugh^ from whence thefe particulars are taken. As for captain Chancellor, he was fo fortunate, as to enter the river of St. Nicholas, where he was well received, and had foon after accefs to Johr Tiajihivitz, then great duke of Mufiovy ", . , _ - , . « Ibid. p. 23i. ■:M'' CHAP. :''|.. i V .■«lri 401 - ^vv CHAP. XI. T'/fe Naval Hiftory of ENGLAND, during - the reign cf i^ueen Mary ; together with fuch tranfaSiiom as relate to foreign com" merce^ or remarkable difcoveries, I HOSE who were about king Edward at the time of his deceafe, prevailed upon him to fet afide both his lifters, Mary and EUzabeth^ and to call to the pofleilion of his throne, his -coufin th; lady Jane Grty, who was married a little before to the lord Guilfsrd Dudley^ fon to the great duke of Nortbumhirland : but, notwithftanding the time they had, during the king's licknefs to provide for the fup* port of their defigns, they were fo much at a lofs, that they did not immediately publidi his death ; but on the eighth of July 1553* they fent for the lord- mayor of London^ and directed him to bring with him fix aldermen, fix merchants of the ftaple, and as many of the merchant- adventurers, whom they acquainted with the king's death, and the manner in which he had difpofed of the crown, requiring them to keep it fecret j which they did for two days, and then proclaimed lady Jane queen of Englandf &c. I mention this 'circumftance, to (hew, in what efti- mation traders then were. Among the reft of the precau- tions taken by the duke of Northumberland and his party, one of the principal was, his fending a fquadron of fix Vol. I. D d ihips. :;'* n i.s; 402 hlAVAL HISrORY (hips, with orders to lie before the port of Yartmuth, t* prevent the lady Mary^ as he ftiled her, from making her efcape bey .»nd ihe feasj which, however, proved the ruiil of his defign. For thefe (hips were no fooner feen before the town of Tarmouth^ than Sir Harry Jtrntgan went off in an open boat, and exhorted the feamen to dfdare them- felves for queen Mary^ which they immediately did. This, with the lord warden of the Cinqtu P^/i^procIaiming the queen in Kenti contributed chiefly to put an end to the ilruggle, fo that on the 19th, ihe was proclaimed at Lon* don^ and lady Jane became a prifoner in the very fame place, where, a little before, ihe had kept her court *. In the beginning of her reign, queen Mary a€ted with) great temper and moderation, releaAng the duke of Nor'* folky who had remained a prifoner all this time in the Tower^ from his confinement ; imprifoning indeed, fuch as had taken arms againft her, but proceeding to no greater feverities, till after Wyafs rebellion, when falling into the hands of l^ijpanfoli'z'd counfellors, (he began to aft with that cruelty, which is fo defervedly efteemed the blemifli of her reign. That (he was naturally a woman of a bet- ter temper, appears, by remitting part of a tax granted to her brother king Edward^ by his laft parliament; and that Ihe had a juft refped, to the honour of the Englijh nation is clear, fi-om the great pains (he took to redlify all the dif- orders which had crept into the government during the duke o( Northumberland's dcfpotkk adminiftration ^ But all her good qualitici, were blafted, by her perlifting obfti- nately in her refolution to marry Philip^ prince of Spaift^ contrary » Stowe, Holinglhed, Speed, Burnet, Strype, Echard, Rapio^ > Strype's roeinorials, vol. iii. p. 31, 32| 33. h, to J her I mini cfore It off :hem- This, igthe :o the t £««• r f&me ft i witl> f NoT' in the fuchas greater ntothe a with blemiih f a bet- anted to md that h nation the dip- ring the . But ig obfti- )f Spaifi^ contrary RapiB, Of ^een MARY. 403 contrary to the general inclination of her people. In pur* fuance of this, commodore Tf^tnter was fent with a ftrong fquaJron to fetch the ambajQadors fent by Charles V. to conclude this match '. On the arrival of Mr. Winter at Oftendj the emperor fent him a very Hne gold chain ; which* at his return to England^ he (hewed to Sir Nicholas Throck» nurton, who, after looking at it for fome .time, faid, for this gold chain J you have fold your cmntry ; \i hich expreflion, had like to have coft them both their lives <*. It was the coming of thefe ambailadors, which induced Sir Thomas Wyat to take up arms, and begin that rebellion which firft endangered the queen's fafety, and at laft brought him to the block '. Notwithftanding this, flie caufed a fleet of twenty-eight fail to be equipped, tlie coiimiand of which ihe gave to the lord William Howard^ created baron of £/*- fifigham, in the iirft year of her reign % and lord high ad« miral, who was now» by fpecial commifflon S con&ituted lieutenant-general, and commander in chief of her royal army. He wa^ fent to fea, under pretence of guarding the coail ; but in reality was defigned to efeort prince Philips this was, however, a needleis care, fince his ownl^eet con- lifted of a hundred, and fixty fail, with which he entered the narrow feas ; his admiral carrying the Spani/h flag in his main-top, a thing which gave fuch offence to the gal- lant admiral of England, that he faluted him with a (hotf and obliged him to take in his colours before he would make his compliments to the prince i a circumff^ance wor- thy of immortal remembrance, and, one would think too, of IMITATION *, Dd 2 The * Cooper, HolingJhed, Rapin. ^ See his trial preicrved in Ho- lingftied. « Stowe, Burnet, Strype. ^ Pat. i. M. p. 7. s Ry* mer's Foedera, torn. xv. p. 38*. ^ Sir W. Monfon*s naval traAs, p. 243 ; 4 ■*■>; Iff ''i '« *■■■ t] ■' \ I-''! W" : 's; ii-f' 404 NAVAL HIS70Rr The queen was now about thirty-eight years old, efl- tirely at her own difpofal *, and, if we may judgt (tottt her condudt, fomewhat in a hurry for a huiband, which will appear the more excufable, if we coniider, that (he had been difappointed nine or ten times, if not more * She feems, befides, to have had a natural inclination for this match, as being herfelf half a Spaniard by her mother's fide, and always remarkably afiedled to that nation ; and yet, by the care of her council, very reafonable articles were drawn for preventing the evils apprehended from this match K Prince Philip landed at Southampton the 19th of Juiy, and palling on to Winchejier^ there efpoufed the queen on the 25 ;h of the fame month, being the feaft of the Spanijh patron St. 'James '. As the nation was difplea- fed at the celebration of their nuptials, fo their difcontents^ grew higher and higher, infomuch, that the queen never had a pleafant hour, ov her fubjetts a quiet minute, from her wedding-day, though many projefts were fct on foot to pacify them. To this end, the Spanijh artifans were for- bid to open (hops here, fevere juftice was done on feveral, who in refentment of infults, had killed fome of the En- glijhy and a great many carts laden, as it was faid, with gold and iilver, were driven through the ftreets to the tower «". All this, however, could not diffipate the jealou- fies which the Englijh had conceived, nor were they or their queen at all fatisfied with the emperor Charles V. f refigning the crown of Spain to king Philip. They eafily forefaw, that this would occafion his remaining almoft conftantly * A, D 1 5(;4 * Strype's memorials, vol. ili. p, 129. ^ Thefe are but impei fedly pubhChed in Holingihed ; but the original wa$; r.opcd by a careful hand, and is in the Cotton Library, Julius, F. <5. I Cooper, Stowe, Holingfhed, Speedy Rapia. ♦» Strype, Burnet, Godwin. "^ A J>. 1556. Of ^een MARY. 405 conftantly abroad ; which would prove of the utmoil ill con< fequence to their affairs, Hnce, without communicating and receiving dire^ion from him, the council could do little or nothing here at home ". After the emperor's refignalion, in his pafTage from Flanders to Spain^ he put into an En- gUJh port, where he was received with great refped by the lord high admiral, who could not, however, prevail up- on him to vifit the queen his daughter; but to excufe it, he wrote her a very long letter, perplexed and ambiguous, fpeaking that diforder of mind under which he laboured. This letter is dated the 20th of September y 1556, and feems to have been chiefly intended to excufe the abfence of his fon ". Towards the end of the year, a difcovery was made of a plot, to deliver the queen's caftles, beyond the feas, into the hands of the French^ which alarmed the nation very much, and made th^m appreheniive of what ibon after followed p It was ftipulated by the articles of marriage, that the queen's dominions fliould not be engaged in any war, par- ticularly with the crown of France^ on account of any dif- putes between the French and king Philip ; and yet, when the Spaniards thought it advifable to break, with the French king, Henry II, the qyeen and her council were prevailed upon to forget that article, and the interefts of England^ and to enter into a war, both with Scotland and Fronc^^ To bring this to pafs, king Philip himfelf came over, an4 ftaid the beft part of the fpring in England ^ where he con- certed fuch meafures, as he thouiht would infallibly ruin ^ — - -<« *li > »i DdS „ ■.i'i ,. * * i ■ H I I f n See this ftrongly fct f.rth in the minute of an order made by queen Elizabeth in council, on her accciiion, in the diary ot S r W. uccil (lord Burlc.gh) Cotton Library, fitus. C. lOk " Strypc's menjorjiils vol iii. p. 307 p Ibid. p. 3^ j , , . .. u nnm . ■■ '"S ^ ~ ■ ^ ,- "i ^m T ■■ imi' 1, ^1 ■P' *}H ^^^■I'i' t 1 M ^^H^ IN m m 'J- i « M I I 'I d }<' ^m M i'i \. i''X\ •406 NAVAL HISTORT ^ the Frtmh. On his return into Flanders^ and drawing his forces to the frontiers, the earl of Pembroh palled from hence with a gallant body of troops, coniifting of between ten and eleven thoufand men, and had the honour to con- tribute greatly to the total defeat of the French forces, be- fore the town of St. ^intirty in the famoua battle fought there on the 7th of July^ 1557, 2nd foon after affifted in talcing of the town by ftorm (. ;t\. ■. 4o8 NAVAL HIS^ORT ed it * i fince the Frtncb writers very candidly acknow-*' ledge, that he made not only a good, but a defperate de- fence ; fo that if he had either commanded a numerous garrifon, or had entertained any hopes of relief, he would have infallibly preferved the place. As it was» he furren- dered upon honourable terms, which is more than can bo faid for the governor of the fortrefs of HameSy who, ftruck with a fudden panick, yielded it up before the French had attacked it ". The news of thefe difaflers ftruck the queen with defpair, which is not wonderful j but that they (hould fo difpirit the nation, as to engage the council to write in fuch a dejeil?A the queen wai pojfoned) foL 28. '' Stour, lrf;)lini)fht(l. Speed. * Sir Thomas Smith reports this in his or.itioii on the quelUon, whether it would be more expedient for the raiion, tiiaC queen Elizabeth ihould marry a native or a forcigixr I rf^?> M l\ ..I'll 412 NAVAL HISrORT that this princefs was very little regretted j efpccially if wo confider, that throughout her whole reign, (he put her- idi at the head of a party both in church and flate, and thereby exceedingly provolced the body of her people. •- • It may not be amifs to obferve here, that by the hard- ihips the nation underwent, in confequence of the queen's- foreign marriage, they were for that feafon cured of their unreafonable attachment to the houfe of Burgundy^ which from the time that Maximilian married the heirefs of the laft duke, to the death of queen Mary, coft England in the bare expence of wars and fubfidies entered into, or granted on their behalf, fix millions of our money, cxclufive of the inexpreflible advantages derived to them from our trade, of which enough has been faid in the former reign. To this we may juftly afcribe in a great meafure, the putting our commerce upon a right foot, by which I mean, taking it out of the hands of the foreigners in the fteel-yard, and out of the hands of an exclufive comp^my here at home, which had been impradticable, or which comes to the fame thing, never had been pradifed ; if through the dillrelies brought upon us by queen Mar/t adminiflration, our political fyftem had not beeQ changed, and the bringing this to pafs, ought in jullice to be afcribed to Sir If^lliam Cecil, who being little employed, tho* much regarded by that princefs, fpent much of his leifure time in making himfelf entirely mafter of the pradtical, as well as fpecii.ative knowledge relative to coin and commcrcet which with fo much credit to himfelf, and glory to his fo- vereign, he exerted in the next reign. For as it was the bane of queen Mary*s government, that (he was entirely guided by foreign councils, fo it was the principal fourcc of her fifter's fame and felicity, that her views were en- tirely Englijh, as were thofe of her miniftcr before^men- • ' tioned Of ^een MARY. 413 Ironed, whofe maxim it was, that his miflrefs could not be great, and himfelf fecure, by any other mean;, then confulting for, and procuring the common benefit of the nation. • Some things, however, were done under the reign of king Philip and queen Adfary, for the benefit of trade. King Edward's decree againft the merchants of the Steil- yard was enforced, and the privileges this company pre- tended to were entirely taken away, for this juft and wife reafon, becaufe that though they were faid to be for the benefit and advancement of con.merce, jret they were found in effedl to be prejudicial thereto, by maintaining in thefe merchants a monopoly, by fecrcting the myftery of traffick from the natives of this realm, and by efta- blifljing a kind of foreign republic in the metropolis of thi? kingdom *. The Rujfta company, or as it was then called the Mufcovy company, was eftablifhed by the charter which has been mentioned before, with a particular view to the difcovery of new trades, and in this refpe^, the wifeft and mofl ufeful eftablilhment that was ever found- ed. It was therefore further encjpuraged by an a dience of king Philip and queen Mary^ on the 25th of March 1557. We find a!fo, that feveral letters were written to princes and ftates, in favour of our merchants, by the dire^ion of their majelties ; and by the favour of king Philip, there was a confiderable intercourfe with Spaifif and with all the provinces fubjedt to his catholic niajefty throughout Europe ; which, though it might pof- fibly be the effefls of his policy, in order to gain the af- fedions of the EngHJb^ yet it was certainly of great ad- vantage to private perfons, quickned the fpirit of trade* and added fomewhat to the public flock. It mull how- ever be allowed, that thefe favours did by no means ba« lance the inconveniencies which arofe from the influence of foreign councils, much lefs would they have made us amends, if the intrigues of this cnterprizing prince had taken effe<5l ; for that he had thoughts of adding England and Ireland to his other hereditary dominions, and of awing them by Spanijh garrifons, is very certain, though the war with France^ and the queen's early deith, pre- vented fuch fchemes from being carried into execution ^ This, as it was very fortunate for us, fo it was fuch a heavy difappointment to him, that, as we fliall fee in the fucceeding part of this work, he exerted all his addrefs, and employed his utmoft power to atchieve by force, what he had failed of obtaining by fraud, and thereby ruined his own maritime ftrength, and increafed ours much be- yond what could otherwiie have beea by our utmolt Inr duftry eifedted. As ' Sue lord keeper Bacon's fpe«ch in d*£we3*s joarnali ait ]» i was c au- Sthof 1 were hants, 'our of i with atholic htpof- thc af- sat ad- l trade» t how- lans ba- ifluence nade us nee had England and of though Lh, pre* :ution % 5 fuch a in the addrefs, :e, what ruined uch be- aoft in* 0/ ^een MARY. 415 A s to difcoveries, there were not many attempted in this ihort fpace; Stephtn Bumughs^ as we before obfer- ved, was fitted out, to profecute Sir Hugh fyilUugbbfs. attempt to find a paflage by the north to the Eqfi-In^s ; but he foiled, though he pafTed as far as the ilreights of Wtygatz *, Captain Ruhard Chamelkry who had (b happily begun an intercourfe between us and Rujfia^ and procured fuch ample privileges for our merchants from the Czar^ made two other voyages into his dominions, which were very fuccefsfiil j but in returning from the laft, he was unfortunately loft on the coaft of Scotknd^ in the latter er -l of the year 1556 ^ The next year the Ruffia company lent captain Anthony Jenkinfin into Mtf^ ttvy^ who the year following paHed with infinite labour, and incredible danger, into Btuharia, having traverfed the countries bordering on the Cafiian fea, and (o was actually the firft difcoverer of the Perftan trade by the way of Mufiovy^ which the Rujfui company were by an a^ of parliament obtained a few years ago, enabled to pro- fecute, which has been very beneficial already, and which there is the higheft probability, will in fucceedlng times become as highly advantageous to the nation, as it does honour to this company at prefent, who (in an age fo degenerate as this we live in, wherein monopolies, and the art of making money geivsrate money. Teemed to have ftlHed all juft notions jf commerce) have exerted themfelves fo vigoroufly, and in a manner fo agreeable to their char* ter, by reviving this old trade of theirs fo long forgot, that it feems equivalent to a new dtfcovery. If the nature of ;i;; M lal, an< 1* t Hak1uyt*s Voyages, vol. i. p* 282. ihed. Speed. ^ Stowe, Holing- m k 416 NAP'AL hi si CRT of this work, and the bounds prefcribed me would peN init, I could eafily fliew^ that this very projedl was long ago entertained by the Gtmefiy hath been carefully en- quired into by the Frenchy and filently exercifed by the Dmhy till now that it is like to return to its firft Inven- tors, and therefore beft entitled proptit.nors, the Rujfta, company of England K C H A P. XII. .... v." '. Containing the Naval Hiftory of ENGLAND . under the aufpicious reign of queen Eliza- beth, an account of the many difcoveries made^ and plantations fettled^ during that , fpace oj timey with th^ meafures purfued for the adva,' cement of trader including ' alfo memoirs of the famous admirals and eminent feamen^ who Jiourijhed in that glorious period, N the demife of queen Mary, one would have thought there needed no confideraLions in order to fettle the fucceffion, fince, ac- cording to the will of king Henry^ which iiad been hitherto obeyed, as well as the laws of nature and ' Hakluyfs Voyages, vol. i. p. 324. — 336. Compare the trade opened by captain jenkinfon in that voyage, with what is fet forth in the Ruffia wmpany^s caft, aod with our fubfequcA: accouBts frou Perfia. peN long en- ■ the iven- PSl liliza- veries that urfued uding 5 and that le vvouM eraiions ce, ac- ^, which )f nature and 6/ V^« ELIZABETH. 417 atid of the land j the lady Elizabith became immediately queen. The minlftry in the late reign, however, feem to have been in fome doubt about taking this ftep, and very probably if the parliament had not been fiuing, they might have made fome attempt to have fecured their own power, at the expence of the public peace : but it fell oui more happily for the nation, fo that afier a (hort confultation, they refolved to give notice to the houfe of lords of the derrifc of the queen ; and upon this, orders were immediately given for proclaiming queen Elizabeth \ . . .• There never was perhaps a kingdom in a more di- ftreiled condition than England at the acceflion of this queen. It was engaged in a war abroad for the fervice of a foreign prince ; at home the people were divided and diilradted about their religious and civil concerns. Thofe of the reformed religion had been lately expofed to the flames, and thofe of the Roman communion found them- felves now in a declining Hate. On the continent we had no allies ; in this very ifland the Scots were enemies, and their queen claimed the Englijh crown. The Exchequer was exhaulled, molt of the forts and caltles throughout the kingdom mouldering into ruins ; at fea we had loft much of our ancient reputation, and too a (harp fenfe of their misfortunes, had dejedted the whole nation to the laft degree •*. Elizabeth was about twenty-five years of age, had quick parts, an excellent education, much prudence, and withal, what flie inherited from her flither, a high and haughty fpirit, qualified by a warm and tender affection for her people, and an abfolute contempt of thofe pleafures. Vol. I. E e i ji. , by .'S 1 [e the trad© I is fet forih |n; accouBW • Strype's Mcfnoriali, vol ill. p. 465. '> Gul. Camden. Annal. vol. i. p. 27. Strype's Aonrtls, vol. i. p 2, 3. and die fpeech -4f lord keeper fi«icon, in Sir Simmond's D'£we&'»,jouruiv]|. 1 Mil Hi 1 1 m 1 ■v^ ■ft 11 iii i mm. 418 i^AVAL HISrORT by the indulging which, princes arc too commonly mifled. Her wifdom confifted in good fcnfe, rather than refined maxims, und her policy feems to have rofe no higher than to this plain rule, of, fteadily minding her bufinefs. From the moment (he became a queen, flie never fuffered herfelf to forget the ftation in which God had placed her. She received the compliments on her acceffion with m^- jefty, and (he fupported her dignity even in her dying mo- ments. The fubfequcnt part of this hiftory will (hew, that this charader is drawn from her adtions, and that I have been no more inclined to flatter her, than to afperfe lome of her royal predecefTors } though, if authorities could fupport (candal, I might have cited not a few to countenance both. But let us fee by what fteps this great quean and her able minifters, extricated their country from the mifery in which it was involved, and reftored this realm not only to a fettled and flourifhing condition, but raifed her glory higher than in her moft happy times (he had ever ftood, laying the foundation of that extenfive power, which (he has fmce enjoyed, and which (he may always enjoy, if there be not wanting honeft mm at the helm, or if the fpirit of the nation co-operates conftanily with that of their rulers. '» "• ' ''■"'• The firft adt of the queen's government was aHerling her independency. She mad« an order in council, in the preamble of which was recited, that the diftrefles of the kingdom were chiefly owing to the influence of foreign counfels in the late reign, and therefore the queen thought iit to declare, that (he was a free princefs, and meant fo to ad, without any further applications to Spam^ than the concerns of her people required ^ On the twenty- firft « Cottoo likrary, Titus, c. io» ,1^^ > H f mifled, 1 refined 3 higher bufinefs. r fufFered aced her. ^ith m^' lying mo- i^ill (hew, and that to afperfe authorities t a few t» I this great antry from ftored this idition, but r times (he ,t cxtenfive h (he may mn at the conftanily vas alTerting ncil, in the efles of li^e of foreign leen thought id meant fo Spain, than the twenty- firft Of ^teen E L 1 2 A B E T H. '479 firft of November, when flie had worn the crown but thi-ee days, (he fent orders to vice-admiral MaJyn, xo draw together as many fhips as he could for the defence of the narrow feas, and for preventing likewife all perfons from entering into, or pafling out of the kingdom without li- ccncei wi.'ch he performed fo ilridtly, that in a fhort time tlie council were forced to relax their orders, and to fignify to the warden of the Cinque-Ports, that the que »n meant not to imprlfon her fubjed^s, but that perfons might pafs and repafs about their lawful concerns **. With like diligence, provifion was made for thq fccurity of Dover^ Portfmouth, and the IJle of lVight^\ fo that by tl;e end of the year, the kingdom was out of all danger froin any fudden infult, and the queen at leifure vo confider how (he might farther ftrengthen it, fo as to render all the projefts of her enemies abortive. '^^^'^■*>^^'^ i ..^ ;:.*.•;,''. In the month of April 1559, peace was concluded with France, and therein, amongft other things, it was pro- Tridcd, that, after the term of eight years, the Frei ch fliould render to the queen the town of Calais, or pay her fifty thoufand crowns by way of penalty. In tiaii treaty^ the Dauphin and the queen of Sic9ts were alfo in- tluded ; but it was very indifferently performed ; for the French immediately began to fend over great forces into Scotland, where they intended, firft to root out the pro- teftant religion, and then to have made themfelves entirely mailers of the kingdom ^ This proceeding fo alarmed the nobility of Scotland, that many of them had immediate E e 2 rccourfc _ J I, i« ■> ^ Strype's Annnh, vol. i.p. 6. * See Sir WMIisMn Ceo! (If^r4 BurleighV) diary in the Cotton library, Tituf?, c. lo. «' Bu. chanan, Camden, Keith, Hurnet, Rapin, and tven th^^ fr^nch hi- itorians, who all own tbis prcjc^ of their Iting i''r*ftcis l\, > t'i.; .'if III' *l 1 1 r 1 ^* 1 lis ; * i i^ 1 'm 1 1 1 l\ i ii' '^ ■tt 1! >,: 1 BiM 1 ?!l ■ ffi % 1 il I i ■- 420 NAFjiL HTSrORr rccourfe to arms, and not finding their own ftrcngth fuf- . ficient, applied themfeh'es for prolei^ion to queen Eliza^ bethy who forcfeeing the confequcnce of fufferint; the Frewh to fix ihcmfclvcs, and ertablifh an intereft in S(9t- land^ determined to fend thither the afliftunce that was der fired both by land and fea c. In the mean time a drift enquiry was made into the lol's of Calais in the late reign. The lord IP'entworth^ on whom many afjierfions had fallen, was very fairly tried and honourably acquitted by his peers ; but the captains Chamba'lain and Harlejlon^ were condemned, though the queen thought fit to pardon them ^ As for lord Grty^ his gallant defence of the for- trcfs, wherein he was governor, exempted him from any profccution ; inflead of which, he was appointed com- mander in chief of the forces that were to march into Scotland, The fleet was commanded by admiral lyinter^ which failing up the Frith of F»rlh^ blocked up Leitb by fea, while the army of the Scoti lords, and the Englifl) auxiliaries under lord Grey^ befieged it by land, and in a very (hort fpace forced the French garrifon to capitulate; whereby all the defigns of France on that fide, were en- tirely broken S and the queen left to look to her own con* ccms, which flic did with fuch diligence, that in two years fpace, religion was reftored, the principal grievances felt under the former government redrefled, bafc money taken away, the forts throughout the kingdom repaired, and trade brought into a flourifliing condition. But above all, the navy was the queen's peculiar care; (he directed a moft exad furvey of it to be made, a very drift enquiry into the caufes of its decay, and the moft efFedtual 8 See Keith's hiftnry of the riiurch and llateof ScoiJand, vol. i. p. 113. ^ Stowe, Holinjiihcd, Speed, Camden, btrypc. ' Keith, Lamcitn, Mtzeray, Daniel, Rapin. iglh fuf- I Eliza- rini; the in Scot- t was dcr ; a ftrift the late af^^rfions acquitted HarUJlon^ to pardoQ )f the for- from any nted com- narch into ral lyinter^ p Leitb by the Englifl) I, and in a capitulate ; ;, were en- X own con- at in two grievances lafe money |m repaired, jculiar care; ^ade, a very ^d the moft efFedual toiland, vol. i. pc. Keith, Of ^an ELIZABETH. 421 offcdual means by which it might be recovered. She iflucd orders for prefervin^ timber fit for building, dircftcd many pieces of brafs cannon to be ca((, and encouraged the making gunpowder here at home, which had been hither- to brought from abroad at a vaft cxpence. For the fccu- rity of her fleet, which generally lay in the river Alttiivayt (he built a ftrong forircfs, c.dled, Upnore-CajUe. Th« wages of the fcamen flie raifcd, enlarged the number, and heightncd the fabrics of her naval olKccrs ; drew over foreigners (killed \v the arts relating to navigation, to in- ftru6t her peojile, and by the pains (he took in thcle af- fairs, excited a fpirit of emulation among her fuhjc<5l9, who began every where to exert themfelves in like man- ner, by repairing of ports, and building veflels of all fi/cs, efpeciaily Urge and Itout (hips, fit for war, as well as commerce. From all which, as Mr. Camden tells us, the queen juftly acquired the glorious title of the Restorer of NAVAL POWER, and Sovereign of the northern seas; infomuch, that foreign nations were flruck with awe at the queen's proceedings, and were now willing refptdlfully to court a power, which had been io lately the objeifl of their contempt ''. The civil diflentions in the kingdom of Frame, which gave the court a pretence for opprefling thofc of the re- formed religion, whom they called Huguenots, produced in the year 1562, very deftrui5tive conlequcnces to their neighbours. A general Ipirit of rapine and confufioa , . £63 "' ' having ■* Camden, Annal. vol. j. p. 86. where lie fotn'what exce^'Js the truth, when he fays, the queen, with titt: aiiiUa.ice of her fubj-^fts, mi^^ht fit out a fleet that would require 20.000 leamen, fintc in 1582, all the fe.i-firing prople in her rcilaj did noi ex- ceed 14.295. Sir Willam Monfon's tra6ls,p. 279. , .,>, , I ti I '■ m it ^ 422 NAVAL HISTORY having fpread itfelf through the inhabitants of that exten- five kingdom, and the greatcft crimes meeting with im- punity, fuch as dwelt on the fca-coalt, and who were moftly Huguenots^ fitted out fhips to annoy their enemies i upon which the court party did the like, fo that at laft, pyracies were frequent, and the Englijh trade fuffered thereby fo intolerably, that at length the queen refolvcd to interpofe '. The French proteftanis had lonj^ fued to her for prote6lion, and offered to put the port of Havre de Grace y then called Newhaven^ into her hands j which flic at length accepted, and fent over Amhrofe Dudley^ earl of Warwick^ in the month of September 1562, with a con- fiderable fleet, and a good body of troops on board, who entered into the town, and kept pofleflion of it till the 29th of July following '". The taking into our hands this place, proved of infinite detriment to the French^ for the court having declared all Englijh fliips good prize, fo long as the queen held that port, fhe found herfelf obliged to ifllie a like proclamation, whereupon, fuch numbers of privateers were fitted out from the Englijh ports, and from Newhaveuy that the fpoil they made is almoft incredible ". For example, we are told, that one Francis Clarke equip- ped, at his own expence, three frigates, and after a cruize of fix weeks, brought into Newhaven no lefs than eigh- teen prizes, which were valued at upwards of fifty thou- fand pounds ". But by degrees this fpirit of privateering grew to fuch a height, that the queen for her own fafety, and the honour of the nation, w^as obliged to reftrain it, thofe who had fitted out fliips of force, from a difpofition natural 1 See her manifefto, publiftied in Stowe's Annals. *" Me- zeray, P. Dar.iel, Siowc, HoIiiig(hed, Speed, Camden, Rapio, '■' Camdtn, Holir.gflicd, Speed, " Stowe's Annals, p. 653. i ^- \ \ ^'•^:''^ Of ^een ELIZABETH. 423 natural enough to privateers, plundering indifcriminately » all vcfl'els that came in their way. PHILIP II. king of 5/><7/V/, from the time of queen Elizaheth*s acceflion to the throne, had dealt with her very deceitfully, fomctimes pretending to be her firm friend, at others, feeking every occafion to injure and mo- lefl: her fubjcdls, which he had more frequent opportuni- ties of doing, from the great commerce they carried en in Flanders p. What ferved alfo to heighten the peoples hatred againft the Spaniards was, the cruelty and treachery with which they had treated captain * Haiukins and his crew in the ff^i/i- Indies, an infult the queen could but very ill bear, though as things were circumftanced, Ihc could not well refent it, all trade to thtr' Spanijh IVejU Indies being in fome refpedt repugnant to treaties % Yet, while thefe things difturbed the nation's tranquility in fome meafure, France and the low countries, were much more grievoufl; lorn through religious difpules, which by degrees kindled a civil war ^ The proteftants being the weakeft, and withal the moft injured party, the queen was inclined to favour them, and to afford them fome ifliftance, though (he was not willing abfolutely to break either with the moft Chrijlian, or with the Catholick king. The latter hid fent the duke of Aha, to govern the Ne- therlands, who was a fierce and cruel man, but wiihal a perfon of great courage, an able captain, and a confum- mate ftatefman. This duke, as he was a bitter enemy to the proteftants, fo he had conceived probably on that account, a great hatred againft queen Elizabeth, which Ec 4 hs P Camden, Burnet, Strype, Stowe, Speed. * A. D 1567. 1 Purchas's Pilgrim, vol. iv. j). 1177. ' Mezeray, ?. Daniel, Bafnage. '1 ;-Hi I ■'■'*] :#j « i i -■ '^ J 424 NAVAL HISTORT he foon found occafion to difcover. Towards the end of the year 1568, fome merchants of Genoa, intending to have fet up a bank in the low countries, procured a licence from the king of Spain to iranfport thither a very large fum in ready money, on board certain (hips belonging to the province of Bi/cay, Thefe (hips were ch?^ed in their paflige by fome French privateers, and were forced to take fhelter in ihe ports of Plymouth, FaU mouth, and Southampton^ where, by the queen's order, their veflels were protected, and thofe on board them, well treated, till at the requeft of xhcSpaniJh ambaflkdor, the money was brought afliore. Cardinal di Chatillon^ "•'ho was ai that time here, as a refugee, informed the ij-ieen, that this money, did not belong, as was pretend- ed, to the king of Spain, but to private merchanrs, and that in cafe (he gave leave for tranfporting it into the I'Jether lands, the duke of Jha would certainly feize it, in order to carry on fome of his dark defigns. The queen, by the advice of her very wife and great minifter Cecily refolved to defeat this fcheme, by taking the money to her pwn ufe, promifing to repay it immediately, if it (hould appear to be the king of Spain*$ treafure, and to gratify the Genoeff merchants with juft interefl;, if it was theirs ■. This was hijjhly refented by king Philip, and the duke of Alva ; the former by his ambaflador here, endeavoured to get fecretary Cecil H.Taflinated, tampering alfo with the duke of Norfolk, and the carl of Ormonde, to raifc diftur- banccs both in England and Ireland ; in which, however, he failed : but the duke of Jlva feized all the Englijh ef- * Stowe, Cjiindpn, Bqrnet, Strype, Rapin, life of lord BMrlcigh, I' -1. !: Of ^een ELIZABETH. 42i fc€ls in Flanders^ and permitted his frigates and privateen to cruize on the EngUfh coaft. The queen made repri« iais in her turn, and allowing her fubjedis to fit out (hips, they purfued this trade of privateering with (o much eager- nefs and fuccefs, that at length they began not to diftin- gui(h friends from foes, upon which her majefty was com- pelled to iflue a proclamation, forbidding the purchafe of any (hip, or effefts taken by thefe privateers. Soon after which, thefe difputes were compromifed f, and peace re- ilored, though it did not laft long, both the Spaniards and the Englijh being generally inclined to break it *. In the midft of all thefe difficulties, the queen took every opportunity to encourage her people, in profecuting new fchemes of trade abroad, or purfuing what might bo an improvement of their lands at home. With this view (he fometimes contributed (hips, fometimes gave money, at others, entered into partnerfhips : in (hort, (he ncgleft- ed nothing which might (hew her maternal tendcrnefs for all her fu'jjefls. She iikewife afforded in a very delicate conjun<5>ure a (hining proof of her gcnerofity, in direfting a (Irving fquadron of her (hips to efcort Anne of Aujlrxa^ in her voyage from Flanders into Spain^ notwithftanding the bad terms wherein (he then ftood with king Philip \ Her treaties with France, did not hinder her from fortify- ing Port/mouth throughly, in which it quickly appeared, that her precaution was far from being the effedts of a needlefs timidity j for the French foon fitted out a con- fiderable fleet, pretending to take fome offences at the fupplies (he had fent the Huguenots, as if it was contrary to * iti: ; 1| ■ ll'l'i'.' i Si \ ( n '.'••»: I >. f A. D. 1573. ' Camden, Sirad.i» Turqutfc den, Stowc, Holing Ihcd. « Cam- ,.> : .',gjBtir.i!!ni ihefe mnttera were in fomc meafure acommodated io *573* That accommodation was fo far from being the effedts of any cordial difpofition in either of thefe powers^ that it was a mere adl of policy on both fides, neither ha- ving as yet brought thofe things to bear, which were requi- fite for fulfilling their defigns ^ The catholic king had three points in view, not for diftrcfling only, but for dc- ftroying queen Elizabeth^ and utterly fubverting the Ens- lifli Hate ^ The firft of thefe was, uniting againft her» under colour of religion, molt of the princes and ftates abroad, which, by the afliftance of the pope, joined to his own extenfive influence, he, in a good meafure, eflcdlcd ; carrying (as wc (hall hereafter fee) his diilade fo far, as to pradtife even with the little republics in Germany^ to dif)- turb our commerce, and to affront our government, i-lis fecond point was, perplexing the queen at home, by coun- tenancing the popilh fadlion, and by maintaining, at a vafl: cxpence, fuch fugitives as fied from hence, in which he was likewife profpcrous for fomc time, the peace of the kingdom being broken, its flrength enervated, the govern- ment, nay, the queen's life, often in danger by thofe reft- lefs fpirits, who were as alTiduous in the blackell caufe, as if their induflry had been prompted by the moft honoura- ble motives. The laft thing king Philip had at heart, was the providing, as fecretly as might be, fuch a force as, with the affiflance of his other fchemes, might enable him to make himfelf entirely mafter of England at once; to which end he with great diligence fought to incrcafe his maritime •» Hugo Grotius in Hil^. Belg. ^ The reader roay find a more copious detail of the polit cil motivcit to the invjfign in i j;86« in Strypc's Annals, vol. iii. p. J J 2' I, :irti *r If ■mm. %^^y I I .. I i. V 1 . , '-»k '- ^i^: Hit;..! * v.;- 430 NAVAL BISTORT maritime power, and under colour of his wars in the Nie- iherlands, to keep under the command of the prince of Parma^ one of the ableft generals that, or perhaps any other age ever produced, fuch an army in conftant readi- nefs there, as might be fufficlent to atchieve this conquefl-, when he fhould have a fieet ftrong enough to prote whereby it appears, that the able men throughout England, were computed to be one hundred, eighty-two thoufand, nine hundred, twenty-nine, by whicli were intended ferviceable men ; and of fuch as were arm* ed, and in a continual capacity of ading, there were iixty- two thoufand, four hundred, andfixty-two; and of light- i.- . . ^ • . ,.-. horfe ..«' >* •* ♦ ^ Stowe*8 annal», p. 746. :.>! ■■h\ ijvvi"i Of^ijecn ELIZABETH. 435 horfe two thoufand five hundred fixty fix. I have like wife an account of the royal navy in 1578, by which it ap- pears, that it confided of no more than twenty-four fliips of all fizc8 •. The largeft was called the Triumph, of the burthen of a thoufand tons ; the fmailell was the Georgt, which Was under fixty tons. At the fame time, all the Ihips throughout England^ of an hundred tons and up- wards, were but one hundred thirty-five, and all under an hundred, and upwards of forty tons, were fix hundred and fifty-fix. I am, therefore, amazed to find a late writer, who ought certainly to be as well acquainted with the ftate of the navy as any man, give us the following lift under fo ftrange a title as S What our NAVY was in 1573, 59 of the line of battle, a» they might be reckoned in thofe days* 'r \ : . Guns. N». Of 100 I From So to 60 9 From 58 to 40 49 From 38 to 20 58 From 18 to 6 29 ; . h ., ii »:'! .;.,ifr;^^ ■.■\ ':'S<--M. 146 Though nothing is eafier than to difcern at firft fightf that this account is abfurd and improbable; yet another writer has copied it implicitly) and no doubt^ by degrees, it would gain credit \ though) I dare fay, there is an er- Vol. I. ' F f ' |ol vTtll ^ E Codice antiq. MS. penes Sam. Knight, S. T. P. ^ Mr. Burchet, in his preface to bis Navbl Ililior/. See alfo LeJiura i Naval Htflory, vol. i. p. i6c>. . ,/,.-:;!AfI 1 * ^■t'ite'i,:ji '4 ■■ Jf'-'.i 'UiHiK 'f ilfr fi; ™r;4 434 NAVAL HISrORT for of an hundred years at leaft, in the title of this ftatc o^ the navy. That it is abfolutciy falfe, may appear from hence, that in an eftimate in the office of ordnance, the guns on board the queen's (hips, in 1578, are computed to be five hundred and four ' ; whereas, according to the fore- going ftaie, they muft have been, five years before, as we iee, no lels than five ihoufand, ninety-nine, which, if we compare with the number of cannon in the Spanijh armi- da, being but two thoufand, fix hundred and thirty, ai appears by a lift printed by authority of the Spanijh court, we (hall have a proper idea of the accuracy of this compu- tation, which I have been forced to treat in this manner, to prevent fo llrange a fad from being longer impofed even on the mod unattentive perufer •", As I find authority hasfo great weight with fome people, that they will not be brought to believe that the naval ftrength of England was fo inconfiderable at this time, I have thought it neceflary to infert verbatim the' lift beforcmcn- tioned in this edition, and to add fome remarks, which will, I think, put the matter beyond all difpute. * The names of her Majejiy's Jhipt^ with the number of men and furniture requifite Jor the Jetting forth of thefame^ I. Triumph. Men 780 wht.eof , Mariners — — 45^ Gunners • ' 50 Soldiers — - 2W0 2 Furniture Harquebus Bows 25» 50 Arrows, {heaves of io9 Pikes — 200 ^ ^- Corjletft ' B Codiceantiq. arCtCitat* f. 221. in ti'C appendix. Strypc's Annalj, vol. ii*. Corflets — — 100 3 Burthen — 803 * Manners — 200 , 3 Burthen 1000 3. * V. Primrose. Men, Fu»^niture and Bur II. Elizabeth. then as the la ft. X Men 600 whereof Mariners Gunners ■ Soldiers ■ — a Furniture Harquebus Bows 200 120 . Arrows, (heaves of . Pikes ^ Bills Mariners 3 Burthen ■ t. III. White Bear. X Men, Furniture and Bur- 3 Burthen then as the laft. ' 300 VI. Mary Rose, 50 1 Men 350 whereof 200 Mariners Gunnerd • ■ 200 Soliiers - — 50 2 Furniture^- 100 Harquebus' —— 125 280 Bows 30 170 Arrows, (heaves of* 60 2C0 Pikes 100 900 Bills — 120 ' . Corflets • 50 Mariners — 160 — 600 IV. Victory. i Men 50d whereof Mariners Gunners ■ Soldiers — - 2 Furniture Harquebus — — Bows Arrows, (heaves of Corflets — Mariners -' VII. Ho?^. Men, Furniture and Bur* < then ts the laft.. 330 40 VIII, Bonaventure* t6o I Men, 300 whereof Mariners — 16^ 200 Gunners — 3<^ 40 Soldiers — 7 HO 80 2 Furniture 80 Harquebus ■■■ ii6 160 .Bows • 30 F f a Arrows^ 'i > * A kind of arms in ul'c aiE thac timer iince laid aftde* lij/'i' 436 NAVAL Arrows, (heaves of 60 Pikes — 90 Bills — 100 Corflets 50 Mariners — 100 3 Burthen 600 IX. Philip and Mary. Men, Furniture and Bur- then as the lad. * t X. Lyon. 1 Men 290 whereof Mariners — 150 Gunners — • 30 Soldiers — 110 2 Furniture and Burthen as the two laft. XL Dreadnouht. 1 Men 250 whereof Mariners • Gunners — - Soldiers — — 2 Furniture Harquebus — - • Bows HISIORT XII. SwiFTSURB. Men, Furniture and Burthen as the tail. XIII. Swallow. 1 Men, 200 whereof Mariners ■ 1 20 Gunners ■ 20 Soldiers — — 60 2 Furniture ^ Harquebus ■ Bows — ^— Arrows, (heaves of Bills Corflets — Mariners «■■ 3 Burthen ■' 75 25 50 6a 70 35* 140 20 80 Arrows, (heaves of Pikes Bills ' Corflets — - Mariners — 3 Burthen — • :. t • • . 80 25 50 60 40 80 409. XIV, Antelope. ', Men, Furniture and Burthea as the lafl:. XV. Jennet. Men, Furniiure and Burihea as the two laft. - «■ I ' _•-■-' XVI. Foresight. Men and Furniture as the three laft. Burthen — 30« . ->. XVIL '< • t li f XVIII. Bull. X Men 120 whereof Mariners — « ■ Guns ' . Soldiers . 2 Furniture Harquebus • ■ , Bjws — - Arrows, (heaves of Pikes . — Bills Corilets Mariners . 3 Burthen — 90 20 50 Of ^leen EL IZ XVII. Aid. 1 Men 160 whereof * Marinero — -. Guns ■ Soldiers —1 2 Furniture Harquebus »— Bows — . Arrows, (heaves of Pikes Bills — . Corflcts ^—i Mariners -— ^ 3 Burthen . r » 50 20 40 40 50 20 50 240 10 10 40 35 15 30 30 40 20 40 160 I • Ik XIX. Tyger. Men, Furniture and Burthen as thelaft. ■ ABETH. 437 XX. Faulcon. 1 Men 80 whereof Mariners Guns — Soldiers m....^ 2 Furniture Harquebus Bows — Arrows, (heaves of Pikes . Bills . Cor/lets ^ Mariners . 3 Burthen ^' 60 10 20 24 10 20 20 30 12 24 • XXI. AlBATES. Men 60 whereof Mariners « Gunners — Soldiers - — ^.ii^ Furniture Harquebus -, Bows — Arrows (heaves of Pikes Bills . Cordets Mariners Burthen 30 10 IP. 16 10 20 20 3« 12 24 'So XXII. Handmaid, Men, Furniture and Burthen as the laft. F f 3 XXIII. m I I Hf 1' i'i i?M t ! tit, 43?. NAVAL HlSrORT Bows —— I* XXIII. Bark of Bullen. Arrows, Hieaveso^ 20 I Men 50 whereof Pikes 15 30 Bills . 20 Gunners ■ — 10 Mariners — 30 Soldiers none „ ,. ■ ' t * • k-T, { . 2 Furnituie ., • ,, The fum of all other, . ^s Harquebus — 12 well merchant fhips as Bows JO others^in all places oi Eng'- Arrows, flicaves of 20 landoi an 100 tuns aipd Pi'-c" 15 upwards 135 E:Jls 20 The fum^ of all harks and Marines — — 30 (hips of 40 tun and up- 60 wards, to 100 tun 656 There arc befides by cftima- XXIV. Georqe. tion 100 fail of hoyes. > Men 50 wheieof 40 Alfo of fmall barks and. Mariners — 40 and fiHiermen an infinite "Guns — ,;, ... ^ number. So as the num- Soldiers none ,^ ; 1 1> ber - * r > - through the a Furniture : ' '"^ realm cannot be lefs thaa Harquebus »- 12 600 befides London, ' «T <» 'm There cannot be fuller evidence expe^ed for the authentic city of this lift, than the vifible conformity between it and til the lilts of the queen '^s fliips of war, publiflied in the re- lations by authority during that reign, and by Sir JVUliam Monfon in his naval memoirs, with one of which, contain- ing the ft.^te of the navy at the queen's demife, the rca» der will find nn opportunity of comparing it hereafter. On the other Ir.nd, th^t there could be no fuch fleet at the linie the beforementioned abftradl is dated, will ftill • farther appear fro'O the following confideraiions, that the huildlsg I* to Of ^een E L I Z AB E T H. 439 building and maintaining it was utterly inconfiftent with ihe (late of the public revenue at that time. That there is not the leaft mention of any fuch force in any of the hiftories of thofe times. That all the lifts of (hips pubiifh'r «d by authority diretSVIy contradift it ; ic that unlefs we can believe the wifeft and moft atlive men in thofe time?, were totally ignorant of what it moft imported them to know, we muft conclude that this ahftradl belongs to ano- ther period of time^ or that it is a downright chimera, but the former appears to me infinitely more probable than the latter. It muft give every attentive reader a very high idea of the wildom and fortitude of queen Elizabeth^ and her mi- nifters, when he is told, that during the whole time Spain wasL providing fo formidable an invafion, they were em- ployed in cherifliing the commerce and naval power of England^ without fjfftring themfelves to be at all intimi- dated, cither by the enemy's boafts, o by the intelli- • gence they had of their great ftrength and vaft p^epara-* tions ". To diftrefs king Philip in bringing home hk trea- fures from the Wtjl-Indies^ many adventurers were licfcnfed to cruife in thofe fcas, and the queen herfelf lent fome (hips for this purpofe °. To delay the invafion as much as pofliblc, or if it had been practicable to defeat it, the queen fent a flout fleet under Sir Francis Drake ^ in 1587, to CadiZf where that admiral performed rather moie than could be expedled ; for he forced fm gallies which were defigned to have guarded the port, to (belter ihcmfclves Ff4 .i-^t 1^ «* ta» 4, ' *. • under ■ 1 » Ci^mden, Strype, Bohun, Lord Bicon's Charaiflrr of Q\K'n riizabeth, Sir William Monfon's Nav«l Tr-as. ° Stowe, Hal- ling(hed, Spctd, Camden, Sir Walter Ralegh'i Effayi. m m ft; ■ it v; i I' .iflt , ■; filj 440 NAVAL HISTORT under the cannon of their caftlcs, and then burnt a hun- dred (hips and upwards in the bay, al! of which were la- den with ammunition and provifions. From thence he fail- ed t& cape St. Vifice\ty where he furprized feme forts, and entirely deftroyed all the fifliing craft in the nei>ihbourhood. Arriving at the mouth of the Tayo, and underftanding that the m^ixqwMs de Santa Cruz^ lay hard by with a fquadron ,pf good (hips, he challenged him to come out and fight j but the marquifs, who was one of the beft feamen in Spain^ adhering clofely to his mailer's orders, chofe rather to let Drake burn the coaft than hazard an engagement. Sir Francis, having done this, llcer»;d for the Jzores, where j he took a large fliip homeward bound from the Eajl-Indiei^ which added as much to his profit, as his former glorious exploits had done to his reputation, and fo returned homo in triumph p. This expedition delayed the Spaniards for fome months ; but in the fpring of the next year, this enormous fleet being almoft ready, king Philip gave or^ . made \ The s they were to have fent to Spain, which though a very feafonabie act of prudence then, proved fa- tal to them afterwards. King y^mw VI. of Scotland bu- ried all his rclentments for his mother's death, and lleadily adhered to his own, by following the queen's interefts. The French were too wife to afford the Spaniards any help,- and the Dutch fitted out a confiderable navy, for thefervice of the queen, under the command ofcountju/lin of Najfau» The Engiijb fleet was commanded by Charles Lord HeW' srd o^ Effingham y then high -admiral., who had under him ioi ti\s vice-admiral. Sir Francis Drake j for his rear-ad- miral. Sir John Hawiim, and abundance of experienced officers, who had Hgnalized their courage and conduct : their orders were to lie on the weft-coaft, th^^t they might be ready to receive the enemy. Lord Henry Seymour^ in conjunftion with count Nt.ffau, cruized on the coaft of Flanders^ the better to prevent the prince of Parma from making any defcent, as it was expcdUd he would attempt to do with the army under his command. Then, as to a land-force, the queen had three armies, the firft confiited of twenty thjufand men, cantoned al ing the fouth coaft, another of two and twenty thoufand focf, and a thoufand horfc, which was encamped near Tilbury^ und<:r thv- cora- inand of tlic earl of LcUeJter ; the third, which was made •!..;.^- -^ Up ' Strypc's Annals, vol. iij. p. J24. 0/ ^een ELIZABETH. 443 up of thirty four thoufand foot, and two thoufand horfc, all chofen men, was for the guard of the queen's perfon, their commander being the lord Hunfdon, a brave, adive, »nd refolute nobleman, the queen's near relation *. The Spani/h fleet failed from the river of Lisbon^ off the firft of June, N, S. with as great pomp, and as ftrong hopes, as any fleet ever did. The king's inftru«!lions to the duke of Medina Sidonia^ were to repair to the road of Calais, in order to be joined by the prince of ParmOy and then to purfue fuch furlhcr orders as he (hould find in a fealed letter delivered to the general with his inftrudlions* It was further recommended to him, to keep as clofe as pbfliblc to the French (hore, in order to prevent the Eng- lijh from having any intelligence of his approach, and in cafe he met our fleet, he was to avoid fighting ta the ut- moft of his power, and to endeavour only to defend him- ' felf. But in doubling the North-cape, the fleet was fepa- rated by foul weather, which obliged the general to fail to the Groyne, where he re-afl*embled his {hips, and had intel- ligence that the Englijh fleet was put into Plymouth. Upon this he held a council of war, to confider whether they ihoald adhere fl:ridlly to the king's order, or embrace this favourable opportunity of burning the Engli/h fleet in their harbour. After a long debate, wherein many were of a contrary opinion, it was refolvcd to attempt the Englijb fleet ; and this chiefly at the inftlgation of Don Dieg9 Flo^ rfs de Faldes, admiral of the Andalufmn fquadron. The pretence, indeed, was very plaufible, and, but for an un- forefeen accident, they had certainly carried their point. The firft land ihfcy fell in with was the Lizard, which they * Stowc, HolHngflicd, Speed, Camden, Sirype, Rspin, &;c» 1 ( I I t' ■ • • ■ W /. •;-.(,■ ■ /■/,■ i ■ ! f :. ''"ir li m % 444 NAVAL HISTORT they mi (look tor the Ram'i-head neai" Plymouth ^ and bc- ir,: t^'wardi night, ftood off to fea, till the next morning. Jr. this ipace of time ihey were defcrycd by a Scotch py- r;ir. , -nt captain Flemin%^ who bore away immediately for : B'lym«uth^ anu t^ave the lord admiral notice, which proved tht:: luin o{ liuir deiign, as well as the prefervation of the T H F. feafon was fo far advanced, and the Englifl} had fo little intelligence of tlie Spaniard's departure, that their fleet was not only returned into port, but feveral of their ftips alfo were already laid up, and their fcamen difcharg*^ ed. The admiral, however, failed on the hrft notice* and though the wind blew hard into Plymouth'Soundf got out to fea, but not without great difficulty ^ The next day, being the 20th of July^ they faw the Spanijb navj drawn up in a half-moon, failing flowly through the chan- , ncl, its wings being near feven miles afunder. The adml- t fal fufFered them to pafs by quietly, that having the ad van- ; tage of the wind, he might the better attack them in the rear, which he performed with equal courage and fucccfs, and though Don Martinez de Ricaldi^ did all that it was jioffible for a brave officer to do, yet they were put into the utmoO; diforder, and many of them received confider- able damage. More had been done, but that a great part oi the Eiiglijh fleet lay at too great a dillance, fo that the admiral was forced to wait for them. The night follow- ing, a Dutch gunner, who by fome Spanijh officers had been ill-ufed, fct fire to the fhip on board which was their treafurej -f»- » SfowT, Ilakluyt, Sir U'llU-m Monfon's naval traft?, Camden. * Sir Will am Mosfun's n iv.il crafts, p. 172. Stowe's annals,.p, 747. Hiikluyt, vol. i. p 5;i. wtiere tlifre is a compleat narra- iion of tiki* txpeilition from a ciitch writer. IXi 0/ ^een ELIZABETH. 445 treafure; nor was it without great difficulty, that the flames were extinguilhed. The greatell part of the mo- ney was put on board a galleon commander by Don P^dra de ValieZ', which foon after fprung her foremaft, and be- ing thus difabled, and the night very dark, fell into the hands of Sir Franas DraJte, who fent her captain to Dart- mouthy and lefiL the money on board to be plundered by his men *. The next day was fpenj by the Spani/h general la difpoling his fleet, giving orders to his officers, and difpatch- ing an advice-boat to hallen the duke of Parmay by gi« ving him an account of the great lofs he had fuSered, and the danger he was in. On the 23d, they fought again, with variety of fuccefs, which however demonftrated to the SpanuirdSy that the great bulk of their fliips was a dif- ad vantage to them, their (hot flying over the heads of the EngUjhy while every bullet of theirs took place. On the 24th, the Englijh were able to do little for want of am- munition ; but a fupply arriving in the evening, the admi- ral made the neceilary difpofitions for attacking the Spa- niards in the dead of the night, dividing his fleet into four fquadrons, the firft commanded by himfelf, the fecond by Sir Francis Drake^ the third by admiral Hawkins^ and the fourth by captain Martin Forbiflier^ but a dead calm pre- vented the execution of this delign. On the 25th, one of the Spanijh fliips was taken, and on the 26th, the admiral refolved to make no farther attempts upon them, till they fliould enter the Streights of Dover ^ where he knew lord Henry Seymour, and Sir ff^diam ff^nter, wailed for them with a frefli fquadron. He alfo took this opportunity of i^nighting lord Thomas Howard, lord Sheffield, Roger Town- find, * Stowe*s aomUSf and Sir WiliiMn Monfon*s MvaJ tt»Gt». '1 i* ■t,:l 4-' Ml MM ,;'•. I' 446 NAVAL HIS TORT ftndy admiral Hawkins^ and captain Forhijher^ for their gallant behaviour throughout the engagement y. The wind favouring the Spanijh fleet, they continued their courfe up the channel, u'ith the Englijh (hips clofe to their rear. The ftrength of the Spaniards had not only alarm- ed, but excited the courage of the whole nation, info- much, that every man of quality and fortune was ambitU ous of diftinguilhing himfelf upon this occafion, againil the common enemy. With this view, the earls of Ox' for) Northumberland zn^ Cumberland, Sir Thomas Cedlj S^r /^-^iT/ Cecil, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Thomas Vavafor^ 5inc( uii n^' others, fitted out (hips at their own cxpence» 9nd went, noil or them in perfon, to attend the admiral. Men of lower rank, (hewed their zeal and loyalty, by fending ammunition and provifions ; and fo unanimous wee all men againft thefe foreigners, that even the papifts, W^iom the Spaniards expefted to have found in arms, were glad to wipe off the afperfions which had been thrown up- on them, by ferving as common foldiers. When, there- fore, me Spanijh fleet anchored on the twenty-feventh of July before Calais, the Englijh admiral had with him near a hundred and forty (hips, which enabled him to gall the enemy extremely. But, perceiving on the twenty-eighth, that the Spaniards had fo difpofed their great (hips, that it would be a very difiicult matter to put them again into ^iforder, he rcfolved to pradlife an expedient long before thought of, in cafe the enemy (hould have come up the liver Thames, which was converting fome of their worft ▼cflels into fire-(hips. This method he accordingly purfu- «d, filling eight large barks with all forts of combuflible matter y Camden, Stowe, Haklojt, Uc. in their tinued lofe to ibrm- info- imbiti- againft :>( Ox- CeeiK 'avafor, wn up- , thcre- renth of litn near gall the eighth, that it rain into before up the ir worft y purfu- nbuftlble matter Of i^een ELIZABETH. 447 matter, and fending them under the command of the cap- tains Tcung and Prowfe^ about midnight, into the thickeli part of the Spanijh fleet, where ihey fjjcedily began to hlaze, and, as the admiral had forefeen, obliged the navy to feparate, and each fliip to feek its own fafety. The next day a large galeafs ran aOiore on the fands of Calais^ where (he was plundered by ihe EngUJh, Dcfirous, how- ever, of attempting fomewhat, the Spaniards again rcn- dczvoufed near Graveling^ where they waited fome lime, in hopes the prince of Parma would have come out ; but in this they were difappointed, whether through the want of power, or of wi'l, in that great general, is uncertain. At lad, finding themfclves hard prefled bv the Englijb fleet, which continued to make a terrible, c on them, they made a bold attempt, to have reire? '?d lugh the ftrcights ol Dovir\ but the wind, comi* at lut with hard gales at north-weft, drove them on the c tft of Zeland^ but foon after veering to the fouth-we th-^y tacked and got out of danger. The duke di Mukua Sidonla^ took this op »^';tunity of calling a council of war, wherein, af- t*,r mature deliberation, it was refolvcd, that there were now no hopes left of luccceding, and therefore, that the moft prudent thing they could do, was to i'ave as ma- ny (hips as polfible *. '-' ' ' This refolution being once fixed, was immediately carried into execution, and the whole Spanijh navy, made all the fail they could for their own coaft, going north-a- bout, which expofed them to exceflive dangers. The Ert" glj/h admiral very prudently feni lord Henry Stymour with a Urong fquadron to cruize on the coaft of Zeland, to pre- vent » Camdco, Stowe, Hakluyt, Monfon, Strype. ■ > ': '1 I II ■ \h '"(! ••:' '\i*i m Id If 448 NAVAL HISIORT Vent any danger from their joining with the prince of Par* ma, and afterwards left them to purfue their courfe. When the Spanijh fleet arrived on the Sctuh coad, and found that care was every where taken they (hould meet with no fupply, they threw their horfes and mules over- board, and fuch of them as had a proper (lore if water, bore away dire(flly for the bay of Bi/cayf with the duke of Medina Sidoniay making in all about twenty-five (hips. The reft, about forty fail, under the command of the vice-admiral, ftood over for the coaft oi Ireland, intending to have watered at cape Clare. On the fecond of September^ however, a tempeft arofe, and drove moft of them aihore, fo that upwards of thirty (hips, and many thoufand men> perifhed on the Irijfj coaft. Some likewife were forced a fecond time into the Englijh channel, where they were ta» ken, fome by the Engli/hy and fome by the Rodellers, Several very large veftels were loft among the weftern ifles, and upon the coaft of Argylejbire, Out of thefe, about five hundred perfons were faved, who came into Edin' burghy in a manner naked, and out of mere charity, v/ere cloathed by the inhabitants of that city, who alfo attempt- ed to fend them home to Spulu : but, as if misfortunes were always to attend them, tfiey were forced in their paf- fage upon the coaft of Norfolk , and obliged to put into Yarmouthy where they ftayed till advice w^s given to the ^ueen and council, who, conlidering the miferies they had already felt, and not willing to appear lefs companionate than the Stoti, fuffered them to continue their voyage ". Thus, " * M l ■ Stowe^s annals, p. 749. Strype^s annab, vol. iii. p. 226. in the appendix, Hakluyt, vol- i. p- 6c8. Par* )urfe. , and meet ovcr- ivater, uke of (hips. of the ding to tember^ afhorc, d men> breed a Arere ta- uhelUrs, ;rn ifleSy :, about o Edin* y, v/ere attempt- fortunes heir paf- put into n 10 the hey had jaflionate ^agc ». Thus, Of ^cen ELIZABETH. 449 Thus, in the ftiort fpace of a month, this mighty fleet, which had been three years preparing, was deftroyed and brought to nothing. Of one hundred and thirty fliips, there returned but fifty-three or four, and of the people embarked, there periOied twenty thoufand men at lead. We may beft form an idea of their lofs, from the precau- tion taken by king Philip to hide it, by publifliing a pro clamation to prohibit mourning. As to the vouruge .nd conftancy he exprefled upon this occafion, I (hould be loath to contradict many great authorities ; yet this is cer- tain, that the lord treafurer Burleigh received intelligence of another kind, viz* that the king (hould fay, after mafs, that he would fpend the wealth of Spain^ to one of thofe candlellicks upon the altar, rather than not revenge himfelf upon the Engli/h »». His future conduct agreed fo exaClly with this threatning, that we may well conclude, if he did not fay, he thought fO; and was therefore far from being fo unmoved at this difafter as is commonly reported. What might in fome meafure juftify his refentment, was, the falling out of this miichief, through the breach of his orders, which is well remarked by a writer of our own; for, if the king's indruClions had been purfued, it is more than probable, that queen Elizabeth^ government had run the utmoft hazard of being overturned. The duke of Medina Sidonia efcaped punifhmcnr, through the intcreft of his wife ; but as for don Diego Flores de Valdez^ whof© perfuafions induced the general to take that rafh llep, he was arretted as foon as he fet foot on (bore, and condudieJ to the caftle of Sr. Andero^ after which, he was never heard of more. The fame writer, from whom we have Vol. I. G g this ^ Slrypc'« annals, 525. Camden's annaJs, p. 412, I \ ■ 1 ' ll . ' ' ' '• iii^' ' : . Bv 1, ^^^^ ( .• •^i^;^'l H u. H.^- »•*:> 4^o i^AVAL HisroRr this particular, remarks alio an error in the conduct of the Engli/h, viz. that they did not attack the Spanijh fleet af- ter it arrived before Graveling^ which, however, he aflurcf us, was not through anj^ fault in the admiral, but was oc* cafioned througa the negligence of fome under-ofiicers, who had the dire^ftion of the military ftores, and had been too fparing of powder ard ammunition ; otherwife, he tellt us, it was thought, the duke de Medina Sidonia^ at the peifua- fion of his confeflur, would have yielded both himfelf and hii (hips, which, it feems, in that particular, were not at all better provided. This woulci have been a conquelt indeed, a conqueft equaiiy glorious and important, the loli of whichy ought to teach polterity, not to be too hafty in cenfuring great officers, or too remifs in punifhing little ones. In the p^efent cafe, this inifchance feems to have been covered bjr the many favours bedowed by providence, and theofiendera to haveefcaped through that general joy which their deli* verance from fo great an evil diffufed through the wboIO' nation ^. I T feems to be injurious to the reputation of thofe brave men, who on this occafion atchieved fuch great things, to give no account of the force of the Englijh fleet, which, however, I find not in any of our general hiftorians j a de- ficiency which I (hall endeavour to fupply, by adding a lid coUefled at that time, and which for any thing I know, has not hitherto been publi(hed ''. *= Sir William Monfon's naval trails, p. 172, 173. Camden, Stowe, Hakluyt, Rapin. '' Communicated to me by the revd. Dr. Knipe, Canon oi Chrifl-Church> Oxon. :'li ill ■!■■■;' I"' 8f> Cy %^^ ELIZABETH. 451 A 1 AST of the Englifh Fleet, in th^ Year 1588. MfeN of war belonging to her majertjr, Other (hip« hired by her naajefty for this 1 fcrvice» J 1 en(hips^ Furniibed by the city of Brljlol^ hrge ahd ftix)bg 1 ihtps, and which did excellent iervice, ^ J A tender, . ■. . , ^'- .. From Barnjiapii^ merchant-ihips convettcd into fri- % ttom ExettTi ^ „, - > A ftoui pinnace, ' From Pfymouth, ftotit (hlpi every w?'' equal toi the queen's men of war, . J A fly-boatj Under the command of lord Henry Seymour^ in the narrow feas, of the queen's (hips and velTels in her fervice,' Ships fitteH :;•* at the expence of the nobility, gen- i try, and commons of England, 3 By the merchant-adventurers, prime (hips, and ex- ^ cellently well furni(hed, J fir Jf'illiam lVintir*s pinnace. he^ 1 12 A i6 4 3 t 7 i x6 43 10 i i m '>t» *■ * In all 143 It ■■ Gg 2. Th« r>.»: I } ^ r 1^ ^IH;'""' 1 452 ^AVAL HISTORT The queen having intelligence th^t tht Spaniards mo- ditated a iecond attempt upon her dominions, refolved like a wife princefs to find them work at home, in order to which, in the fpring of the year 1589, flie exprefled her royal intention of aflilting don Jntonio to recover his king- dom of Portugal *. The expedition was undertaken partly at the queen's expence, and partly at the expence of private perfdns. Her majefty furniflied fix men of war, and fixty thoufand pounds : Sir Francis Drake, tnd Sir John NorriSy were joint commanders, who with their friends adventured fifty thouland pounds : the reft of the charges was defrayed by London y the Cinque- Ports^ Ip/' wiebt Hanvith, Ntufcajile, &c. and the whole navy con- lifted of a hundred and foVty-fix fail '. To which aifo the Dutch joined a fmail fquadron '. The firft exploit they performed was landing near Corunna^ commonly called the Groyny which place they attacked, burnt the adjacent country, together with many magazines of naval ftores, defeated a great body of Spaniards^ and then reimbarked their forces, and failed, r.i they had firit defigned, for the river of Lijhon ^. On their arrival before Peniche, the troops were landed, and the place quickly furrcndcrcd to don Antonio ; and from thence Sir John Norris with the earl of EJfex, and the whole army under their command, marched by land towards Lipjon, where they expected to have njet the fleet under the command of Sir Francis Drake \ hut, he finding it impoflible to proceed up the river with fafety to her majcfty's (hips, ftaid at the caftle of • Camden, Stowe. Rapin. *" Stowe*j Annals, p. 752. Sir William Monfon's Naval Tra»J^s, Cnnulcn, Strypc, Rapin « Bur- chet, p. 355. *> Stowe, ilolingflicd. Speed, Camden, Sir Wil- Iwm Monlun. Of ^een ELIZABETH. 4il of Cafcaisy which place he took, and alfo feized fixty fail of (hips belonging to the Hanfc'Towmy laden with corn and ammunition, which with about one hundred and fifty pieces of cannon, were the principal fruits oi this voyage'. It was intended, indeed, to have gone to the Canaries i but by this time the ioldiers and failors were fo weakned witi ficknefs, ihat it was thought more expedient to re- turn. In their pafl'age home they landed at Vigo, took and plundered it, and having made fome addition to their booty reached England^ Sir Franch Drake arriving at Plymnuth on the twenty -fir ft of June^ and Sir John Nor- ris with the reft of the fleet on the 3d of Juiyy after having been about ten weeks abroad ''. This expedition was inexpreflibly deftruAive to the Spaniards, difappointed all their deftgns, weakned their naval force, and fpread a mighty terror of the Englijh arms through their dominions. But as to any advantages which the proprietors reaped, they wore but very in- confiderable, and the generals met with a cold recep- tion in England \ Sir Jthn Norris charging Sir Francis Drake with breach of his promife, and Sir Francis accu- sing him of expe(5ling fervices that were impradlicablc from the fleet. The chief grounds of their mifcania^je were in thofc days, when men could heft judge, held to he thefe. Firft, they were but indiftcrently manned, and vidlualled, of which they were very Icnliblc before ihey were oat of the channel. Secondly, their landing at the Groyne was contrary to their inftruutions, gave the G g 3 • men '\ 1 '■H. ' See all the before cited authors who write cop oufly of thi* afl'iir, and yet memoir -writcrk afcribc this mifcir i^r co tne va- riance between our j^tncrals. ^ Siawc'i Aunals, p. 757. Huhngdicd, Speed, C.inulen, Kipin. « ' n \i ii i.,1 ■ i mi r if :ui 454 NAVAL HIS TORT fnen an opportunity of drinking new wines, and expofed them to a great and unneceflary lofs. Thirdly, the dif- agreenient of the generals before Li/ion^ defeated the re* jnaining part of their delign, and obliged them to think of coming home fooi^er than they intended, or was ne* ceifary whereas, if in purfuance of their inilru^lions, they had failed direiftly to the coafts of Portugal^ and landed their forces there, it is more than probable, they had placed don Antonio upon the throne of Portugdf which would have given a mortal wound to the power of Spain^ and mud have greatly promoted the intereft and commerce or England '. Th£ difappoiniments which happened in this voyage, did not dilcourage either the q.ieen or her fubjedts from purfuing the war by fea, and endeavouring as much as podible (o ruin the maritime force of Spain,, and augment their own. In otder to this, her majefty fettled a part of her revenue for the ordinary fupply of thejiavy, amount- \ni to about nine liioufand pounds a year, and by expref^ fing a very high efteem fcr fuch young lords, and other perfons of didindlion, as had (hewn an inclination to the fea-fervice, Oie encouraged others to undertake yet greater things ™. Amongft thcfe, the earl of Cumberland parti- cularly diftinguiihed himfelf for fitting out a ftout fquadron, in the fummer, of the year 1589, he failed with them to the Tercera ijlands, where he did the Spaniards incre- dible damage, and obtained considerable advantages for himfelf, ' Sir Willi, m Monfon*s Naval Trafts, p. 174, 171;. Stowe*s Annals, p. 757. in which we find that on their return, the fol- dit-rs and fdilors tiiought oi making ttiemfelves amends for their difappointmcnts, by plundcrntg BartJioJomew-fdir. "» C am- di-n. bir R Naunton, ih hij Fragmeata Kegalis. Lord Bacou in bii i-hdrafler of queen Elizabeth. Of ^een ELIZABETH, 455 himfelf, and for his friends. The ifland of Fayall he re- duced, took the city and cadle, from whence he carried forty- five pieces of cannon; forced the ifland of Graciofa to a compofition, and took feveral rich (hips; aniongft the reit, one, the cargo of which was valued at upwards of an hundred thoufand pounds, which in his return, how- ever, was loft iii Mount*s-Bayy on the coaft oi Cornwall^, In 1590, Sir John Hawkins and Sir Martin Forhijher were at fea with two fquadrons^ and by interrupting the rfeturn of the Spani/h plate-fleets from America^ and other fcrvices, kept king Philip entirely employed at home, tbo* his thoughts were ftil' bufy in contriving another expedi- tion againft England. The fucceeding year, lord Thomai Howard^ fecc ' fon to the duke of Norfolk^ failed with a ftjuadron to the iflands, in hopes of intercepting the Spa- nijb fleet from the JVifl-Indies, which was now forced to return home. In this, he had probably fucceeded, if his fotcc had been greater ; but having no more than feven of the queen's (Itips, and about as many fitted out by pri- vate adventurers, he very narrowly efcaped being totally deftroyed by the Spaniards. For king P' ' p^ knowing the dreadful cdnfequences that muft have 'lowed, in cafe his plate-fleet was intercepted, refol' >i to employ that force, which was intended againfl F 'andy for its relief, dnd accordingly fent an experienced Teaman with a fieet of forty- five fail to attack lord Thomas Hcward^ who very narrowly efcaped them. His vice-admiral. Sir Richard Greenville^ in the Bevenge^ was taken through his own nbftinacy; for, when the enemy was in fight, he would not be perfuaded that it was the Armada^ but infilled that G g 4 it ^ Stowe» Holingttied, Speed, Haklityt, Sir William Monfon. |i*i1 ni I J- 456 NAVAL niSTORT it was the American fleet, and fo was furrounded. He fold his life and his fliip, which was the only one of the queen's taken in the war, dearly ; for a man jf war called the Afcenfton^ of Seville^ and a double fly-boat, full of men funk by his fide. The Revenge was fo battered, that (he could not be carried into Spain, but funk at fea with two hundred Spaniards on board ; and as for Sir Richard Green' viHe, he died two days after he was taken, of his wounds. The very next day the plate-fleet arrived, which (hews the uncertainty of expeditions of this kind; for, had it come one day fooner, or had the Armada been one day later, the Ettglijh had poflcfl*ed themfelves of an immenfe trcifure. Yet the Spaniards gained very little by their dear-bought fuccefs y for in their return home, near a hundred vefTels were wrecked, and the greateft part of the wealth on board them was loft, while lord Thomui Ho* wardy with his little fleet (till kept the fea, and hy picking up ftragglers, favcd the expenccs of his expeduion ". In 1591, the earl of Cumberland made another expedition > ?ind in 1592, Sir Martin Frobijher, and Sir John Boroughs^ infefted the Spanijb coaft, and did much mtfchief. In 1594, the queen fent a fn^^ll fquadron to fea, under the command of Sir Martin Frobijher^ to reduce the port of Breji in Bretagne, it' >h the king of Spain had taken, by the aG'Jlance of -bi* Leaguers in France ^ from king Henry IV. a place that if it had been Jong kept, would have given the Spaniards great advantages againft us. It was ftrong, both by fituation, and by the art and cx- ptnce employed in fortifying it, and had, bcfides, a nu- merous garrifon of Spanijh troops. Sir John NorriSj with *i • •;. rtr • Canidcn, Rapin, Sir WilJiara Mpufon, p i-S, 179. a. ,1. 0/%^r« ELIZABETH. 457 a fmall Englijb army, formed the fiege by land j Sir Mar^ tin Frobi/her, with only four men of war, forced an en- trance into the harbour, and having thus blocked up the place by Tea, landed his failors, and in conjunflion with Sir John Norris, ftormed the fort, which, though gallant- ly defended, was taken j but with the lofs of abundance of brave men, and amongft them. Sir Martin himfelf, who died of the wounds he received in that fervice. The fame year fir Francis Drake and fir John Hawkins failed on their laft expedition into the JVeJi-Indies p. The Spaniards^ who feldom abandon any defign they once undertake, were all this time employed in fitting out another fleet for Engktnd j and as an earned of tlieir in- tenfions, in the year 1595, don Diern Brochero^ with four gallies, arrived in Mount'' s-Bayy in Cornwall^ and landing with all his men, burnt three little places, «//z. Moufe-HoUy Newlin, and Penzance, with a neighbour- ing church ; but without killing or taking fo much as a man **. This, however, alarmed the nation, and enga- ged the queen to undertake an invafion of the SpaniJ}> do- minions, to prevent any future vifils to her own ; in or- der to which, a Hour fleet and a numerous army were provided, under the molt experienced ofiicers of tho-re times. The true defign of this expedition, was, to deftroy the Spanijh fleet in the port of Cadiz, and ^<^ make them- felves mafters of that rich city. The for( employed was very great, in al! not lefs than a hundred and fifty fail, of which, one hundred twenty-fix were men of war, but of \m .f P Camden, Siowe, Holirgihcd, Speed, Rapin, Monfon'i Naval Trads. « Sir William 458 NAVAL HISrORT of th«fe, only fcventeen were the queen's (hips, th* reft were hired and fitted up for this voyage. On board this mighty ftpcty were embarked upwards of feven thoufand men '. The joint commanders of the expedition were, the etri of EJfex^ and the lord high-admiral (Howard) aflifted by a council of war, compofed of the following honourable perfons, viz. lord Thomm Howard^ fir IVaitfr Rekgh^ fir Framis Vtn^ fir Geori^e Carew, and fir Conyert Clifhrd. There was bcfides, a Dutch fqutdron, under the command of admiral Van Duvenvoord^ confifting of twenty-four fhips, well manned and victualled. This navy lay for fome time at Plymouth, till all things could be got ready, and then, on the firft of June 1596, failed for the coaft of Spain with a feir wind, and the good wiOies of all their countrymen •. I N rheir paifage they were divided into five fquadrons, and whereas, in former expeditions, great inconveniencies bad happened by fhe enemy's having early intelligence, in this ihey were fo happy as to arrive ir- light of Ccdiz on the twentieth of the i^iTic month, before they were either looked for, or fo much as thought of. They found the town indifferently well fortified, and defended by a ftrong caftlfe. In the port were fifty nine Spani/h (hips, amongft vism many laden v.'ith treafure, and nineteen or twenty gallies. It was refolved the fame day in a council of war, to have landed all their forces at St. Sebaftian^s -, but when they came to attempt it, that was found impracticable. AftT this, fome time was loft in coming to another refo- rm tion, which was owing to the joint command j for the cad of EJJixy who was young and warm, affed^led to di- (Statc, » St'Wp's Anna's y. 771. Holingfhed, Speed, &;c. * Stowe, llch i^(ht'd, Sptec, l.akluyt, Sir William Monibn's Naval Trafts. c 'J Of f^een ELIZABETH. 459 ftite; and on the other hand, the admiral, who had as nuch courage, and much more experience, could not brook being treated in fuch a manner. At laft, it was determined to attack the ihips in the haven, before any at* tempt was made upon the town ; whereupon a new difH- cult/ arofe, which was, who (hould command this attack, firft demanded by tlje earl of EJ/irx, then given to fir ^ai^ ttr Raligb, hMy challenged and enjoyed by the vice-admi' ral, lord Thcmas Howard, In the execution of it, fome errors were committed by the EngH/b^ through too great heat and emulation of their commanders ; but others more grois and fiital by the Spaniards^ who, when they found themfelvei compelled to fly, did it without any precau- tion, whereby they might have provided for their fafety ; for inftead of running their ihips afhore under the town, where they might have been covered by their own artillery, and where at leaft their men might have gone afhore in ^ety, they ran them up the bay, as far from the enemy as poflible ; by which means, part fell into the hands of the Engli/by and the reft were burnt ^ In the mean time the earl of EJfex landed his men quietly, the enemy deferling a ftrong fort, from which they might have done him much mifchief; three regi- ments alfo were fent to make themfelves mafters of the bridge which unites the iiland to the main. This they performed with very fmall lofs, but afterwards quitted it again, which gave the gallies an opportunity of efcapingj another • See the relation at the end of the firft volume of H.kluyt's Voyages, faid to be written by a ptrlbn who was in the expedi- tion ; as alfo a better copy ot the fame relition in Stowc's Annals, p. 771. See likewife Sir William Monfon's account and obfervar (ions on this voyage in his Trades, p. 1 84. .fflf jS' ' '¥ 460 NAVAL HISrORT another overfight, for which no account can be given. The lord admiral, hearing the earl was landed, landed a'kfo with the remainder of the forces, doubting much whe- ther his lordfliip could have kept the place ; and while the two generals were employed in reducing the city, fir fFal" ttr Ralegh was fent to feize the fhips in the harbour of Port-Real, to prevent which, the duke of Medina Sid9' nia caufed them to be fet on fire, and burnt, whereby twenty millions were buried in the fea ". The city and its forts they poflcfled for a fortnight, and the carl of Bffex was very defirous of being left there with a garrifon,' however fraall ; which was, notwithfVanding, over-ruled by the council of war, and then it was agreed to fail to Fere, in the kingdom of Algarve, where they found the place deferted by its inhabitants, and void of any thing that could become plunder. To repair this difappoint> ment, the earl of EJfex was for facing to the Azores, and there waiting for the Ea/i-hdia (hips j but in this too he was over-ruled, bccaufe there was a great complaint of the want of prnvifion and ammunition on board their fleet. In their retorn, they looked into the ports of the Groyne, St. AniirOy and St. Sebajiian's, where they expe<5ted to find (hips, but met with none; and after this, nothing remarkable happened, till their arrival in England, which was on the 8th of Augtifi the fame year. They brought with them two galleons, one hundred brafc guns, and an immenfc booty, the dcfire of keeping which, is conceived to have hindered ihem from performing more. But with re- ^etf/« fit- ted out a fre(h Jrmada from Lijbon, compofed not only of his. own (hips and gallics, but alfo of all that he could take up, and hire in Italy, or el fe where. On board of thefc, he embarked a great body of troops, elpecially of the Irijh, intending to have invaded both England znd Ireland; but the winds difappointed him, fcattered his fleet, and thirty- fix fail were call away. In the mean Ume the queen refolved to fit out another fl'>et, under the command of the earl of Effex, with an intent to inter- cept the plate-fleet near the Azores, after burning fuch vefTels as were in the harbours of the Gr&yne and Fgrrd. I'his fleet confided of forty men of war, and feventy other (hips, to which the Dutch added ten men of wart under fir "John Van Duvenwoord, who was knighted in the former expedition *. They failed from Plymouth the 9th of July ; but a ftorm arifing, they were forced back thither again, and did not fail the fecond time till the 7th of Auguji. They ufed their beft endeavours to per- form the firll part of their in(lru but not finding EJik on his arrivalj and perceiving that the people were ie- curing their goods, throwing up retrenchments^ and making every other preparation neceflary for theil' do* fcnce, he with the advice of his ofiicers tefolredj in caftf £J/ix did not arrive in four daysi to attempt the redu^od of the ifland, which accordingly he performed i but tbo^ he got reputation by this exploit^ yet he loft the generaKi friendfliip, fo that a coldnefs thence forward prevailed^ which afterwards encreafed to open hatred f. After Effex'a arrival they failed together to Oracio/a§ which immediately fubmitted. Here the general intended to have ilayed, and if he had done fo, undoubtedly it had anfwered his purpofe, and he had taken the whole Spa-i nijh fleet ; but being a perfon too eafliy wrought to al-' ter his purpofes, he took another method, which gave the( Spaniards^ who arrived the next day, an opportunity of proceeding for Tenera^ v/ith the lofs of no more ihanf three fliips, which were taken by fir fVilHam Monfon •, The reil of the fleet, confiding of abotjit thirty-feven fail> arrived y See Sir Williim Monfon's reflexions upon this expedition, the Ife of Sir Walter Ralegh before cited, and Stowe'd Annals, p. 783. * Burchet's Naval Hiftory, p. 365, and sU the old niftorians before cited IMJ.i OfSiueen ELIZABETH. 463 arrived fafely in the port of Jngra, which was well ^ fended by leveral forts, fo that on mature deliberatioQt It was judged impradlicabiff to attempt any thing there willi fuccefs, , > . * • • T H B earl of EJfiM^ vexed at this dlfappointmenty re* folved to do fomewhat of confequence before he return^ cd, and therefore landing, furprized the town of kilU Franca and plundered it, afier which he rein^barkcd his forces, and prepared fur hi.s return home *. In his pa&ge he had the good luck to take a vtxy rich Span'ijb fiiip, which fell into his fleet, millaking it for their own, and had taken another in the fame manner, but for the impm* dence of a Dutch captain, who firing haflily upon her frighted her away. In the mean time, the Spaniards were meditating great defigns. The ahfence of the Engli/h fkct gave them an opportunity of fending out their fquadroTiJ from the Groyne and FerrcU With thefe they intended to have made a defcent in CornwaU^ and to have pofleiled themfelves of the port of Falmouth^ in which leaving a ftrong garrifon, they thought next of intercepting the Englijh fleet in their return, when they knew it muft be weakened by fo rough and trnublefome an expedition, in which fo long a fpace of time had been fpent, and their ihips were to return fo late in the year. This dofign, as it was wifely laid, fo it was well conduced ; the Spanyk admiral joined his fquadons as he intended, and- proceeded with them to the iilands of Scilley^ almod within ii^ of our (hore. There he thought fit to call a council of war, in order to give his officers necelTary inilrudions as to tho intei\ded Jit ■ See a copious account of this expedition writfrn by Sir Ar- thur Gor^rs, who was employed therein, in the fourth volume of Pur«has'» Pilgrim, p. 1935. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) t M A 1.0 !.l 1.25 •^ 1. |||M 1.4 |l.6 - 6" Photographic Sciences Corporation ^^J'^X n WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14580 (716) 872-4503 #> ^'h m MM B! i i Irt' m F';tJ ^- I .ij III ii'U; ^ I' '■ 464 NAVAL HIS be wanted experience. Sir William Monforiy who went the voyage with him, and who appears enough inclined to favour him, owns that their milcarriage was entirely owing to his lordfhip's incapacity, who was unable to form any right relblution of himfclf, or to purfue fteadily any mea- fures recommended to him by thofe who were more knowing than he *=. Sir Walter Ralegh fell into difgrace with him, and, as fir William Monfon fays, had fmarted feverely, if the earl had not been afraid of being called to an account for it in England^ and all this fot doing his duty, for performing the only important fervicc done in the whole expedition. This demonftrates^ that the earl hiad no view but to his own particular glofy, and that the public fervice was to be poftponed whenever it came in competition therewith* By this management that plate- fleet efcaped, which, if it had been taken^ would have ruined the Spaniards and made us* His fubfequent at- tempts to repair his own honour^ and to make a fhew cf that refolution which he really had not, delayed the re- turn of the fleet, and gave the Spanijh admiral an oppor- portunity of invading England, which an accidental ftorra prevented. So much is due to truth, and to the intereft of the nation j nor would I have this looked on as flow- ing from any pique to the memory of the earl of E^ex, who was certainly a popular nobleiilah> endowed -with Vol. 1. H h mant 41 .1 I'! « Sir William Monfon'* Naval Trails, p. 191 4- f*. i- '% u 11 "^ ' *,Eb <- 466 NAVAL HIStORT many virtues : but where the public fuflfers, an hiilotian ought to Jpare no man, however fupported by the favour of his prince, or magnified by the folly of the people ^'. ' In 1598, the earl of Cumberland fitted out a fquadrdri of eleven lail at his own experice, with which he firft attempted to intercept the Lisbon fleet in its paiTage to the Edfl-Ind'm. Being difappointed in this, he failed to the Canaries^ where he made a defcent on the ifland of Lan* cerotdy plunde-ed it, and then proceeded for America^ where he promifed himfelf great things. The place he fixed upon was the ifland of Puerto Rico, where he landed, and took the c:7pital with fmall lofs. This city he de- termined to keep, and therefore refufed a very large ran^ fom offered him by the inhabitants, whom he turned out; and then iliought of fortifying the places with an intent to have cruifed from thence upon the Spamflj coafl: ; but ht was quickly convinced that the defign was inipradicablci difeafes fpreading amongft his foldiers anti feamen to iiicft a degree, that he was obliged to abandon his conqueft, and id return home with reputa'Jon rather than reward *. •' -' In 1599, there was a great fleet fitted out by the qiieeh's c/3mmand : but it feems rather with an intent t6 Varch the Spaniards, tlian to undertake any enterprize oF importance ; fince after remaining about three weeks vh the Downs \X. was laid up again. Yet this fleet h:id a great fefteft upon Spain, and all the Powers of Europe, for It was drawn together in twelve days time, well-vi€lualledi ; ' ' ■ and ?'0ol Ji'-.!t ,.)V. .f», ^ «■ The reader may be convlpced of the truth of what is above af- f^ted, by comparing the relaiioh of Sir Arthur Gorges, before- Qij<^ vy.J.th Sir Willjam Mnnfon's account in his naval trafts, and what if faid on the fame fubjed by Mr. Oldys, in his life of Sir Walter Ralegh. , * Camden, Stowe, Holingflied, Speed, Monfod, Burchet. N t*« Of ^eeh R L I Z A B £ T f4. 46^ and throughly manned, which fhewedtht ftrengthof oiif iriaritime power, and hoW much it was improved iihce 1588 ^ The next year, being 1600, Sir Richard Lew^ fan was fent to intercept the plate-fleet, which defign though it was well cohtrived and wifely executed, yei failed ». In 1601, the fame admiral was employed in Iri-^ laml^> Wh^re he did good ferVice, in c hliging the Spumards'i Uiio hid landed a dbhfiderable body ot forces, to relin« qiiifll their defign, and withdraw out of that illand K Iii j6o2, the fartfe adttiirJtl in' corijimaion wilh Sir IFilHarh Mbnfnn^ Wad' eBiployed in an expedition for intercepting the galleons, which- had infallibly takert effeifl, if th^ Dutch had fent thcfir fqiiadrori, purfua'rit to their engage- ments with rhe queen '. Notwithftanding this diiappoint^ mentS, they continued on thfc coaft of Pdrtttgal, and at length refolved to attack a galleon Which lay wilh eleveH gallies: in' the road of CerintWa'^ which \/^as one of the m6ff garllant ejtploits pct-forrhed in the whole war, and thetei fore deftfrves^ to bs circumftantially relatiid. The tdvs^ii Gf CrWw^rtf'was larg^and well built "with friefc-ftone, de- fended by a good citadel well furniihed vHth artillery* i^tibve the town, on the top of a mountain, ftood an ab- hcjx ^o fortified as to command the place, the citadel, and the road. The galleon w^as moored clofe to the fhore, fo as to defend by its fire, part of the citadel and part of the town : the gallles had fo flanked and fortified them- felvcs, that they were able to make a great fire Upon thd Englijh fleet, without receiving any damage themfelves, Hh 2 till ^1; \w ^ Sir William Monfon's naval trafts, p. 195. % Omdea Stowe, Holin^fhed, Speed, Monfon. •> Sir William Mon- {on*s naval Tracks, p. 15^7. ' Camden, Holinjjlhed^ Surchet. if::: I i^ m .S(f Ife ifli^ 11 ^B II H 11 HH ; ■'■pi pH| ■ ^4^ M li'lil IIb t Rl# if 468 NAVAL HISIORT till fuch time as our (hips were juft before the town. Yet, in fpite of this and many other difadvantages, the Engli/h admirals refolved to attack them, which they did on the third of June. A gale of wind blowing frefli a- bout two in the morning, the admiral weighed, and made the fignal for an attack. The vice-admiral did the like, and foon after they fell upon the enemy with great fury ; and though the Spaniards defended themfelves with much refolution, yet in the end feveral of the gallies were burnt, the garrifon driven from the callle, and the rich galleon, for which this llruggle was made, taken, with about a million of pieces of eight on board ^. This was the laft great exploit performed by fea iii this reign -, for the queen now far in years, and worn cut with the cares and fa- tigues of government, died on the twenty-fourth of March following, in the forty fifth year of her reign, and in the feventieth of her life, when ihe had fettled tne proteftant religion throughout her kingdom, had rellored the crown to its ancient reputation, fupporled her allies with the greateft firmnefs, and humbled her enemies, fo as to com- pel them to think of folliciting for peace. r j 1^ ■ ^-> •■'•'• • ■ ■- - ■■ ^ ' '■' tht ^ Sir William Monfon's Naval Trafts, p. 199, 200, 201. ^ Camden, Lord Bacon in his charafter of queen Elizabeth, and in his diicourie of peace and war, Stotve, Hulingihcd, Speed, iUpin. * .. >■ ■ « .11 Of^een ELIZABETH. Tht names offuchjhips as her majejly left at 469 her death. ^ ■ Ii Names ofjhips. Elizabeth Jonas Triumph — — White Bear — Vi6\ory Tun- Mcr-Honeur. Ark Royal Saint Matthew Saint Andrew Due Repulft: Garhnd Warfpight Mary Koie The Hope Bon^venture The Lion Nonpareil Defiance Rainbow Dreadnought Antelope SwiftAire Swallow Forefight The TiJe The Crane Adv^^pture Quittunce Anfwer Advantage Tyger Tramontain The Scout Tne Catis The Charles The Moon The Advice The Spy The Merlin The Sun Synnet George Hoy Fennyrofe Hoy. i— { 900 1000 900 800 800 800 1000 900 700 700 600 600 600 600 500 500 500 500 400 350 400 350 300 2^0 200 z^o 200 200 zoo zoo uo 100 •70 60 50 45 40 zo loo 80 I Men in har- bour. 30 50 30 '7 3C »7 30 »7 i6 16 12 12 iz IZ 12 12 12 12 10 10 10 10 10 7 7 7 -t I 7 7 7 6 6 S 5 5 5 5 5 5 2 16 8 Mm atfcA ; ■Wtiirt- 50: 500 500 400 4OC 40c 500 400 300 30c 250 250 250 250 2y 25c 2)C 200 160 200 160 i6e 120 100 IZO 100 100 100 100 70 6b 60 45 40 40 40 35 30 340 34^ 340 268 z68 268 340 2C8 230 190 190 150 15c 150 150 150 150 150 130 114 130 114 114 88 70 88 70 70 70 70 52 4« 4Z 32 30 30 30 26 24 yun Set tirs. I'xrf. 40 120 40 uo 4-^ 120 32 100 32 100 32 100 4c 120 32 and eftabiifliing a biting tranquility, it follows that -wm M ] s, lyoti, eral in- iline rhc alion of oin and as ffoin y week, ftols for her fub- loney of hich was egard to countries ity of her g a frefli am Cecily every o- m\h fuch rgument, ihly per- )ple in a t monjier ry wifely in the nefs new the time oui a5iy as 3t, in the ier men- ■litive fin- lows that Jhe Of Suecn ELIZABETH. 47^ ^ reductd the coin ts its jufi vakt. Hence wc may perceive how great an aftion this was, and of what laft- ing benefit to the kingdom. It may, however, contribute not a little to our falis- faftion, if we enquire what quantity of coin, both gold and filver there might be in the nation toward the clofe of her reign, that is, at the beginning of the laft century, be- caufe it is of very great confequence to have a juft notion of what was the nation's (lock in ready money at that period, when our great foreign commerce began. We have in- deed an authentic account of her entire coinage in filver, amounting to above four millions and a half ; but then if •we confider that ihe rccoined almort all the filver fpccie of the kingdom, and that there was a fmall alteration in the ftandard in the latter end of her reign, which raifed filver from five (hillings, to five and two-pence an ounce, which occafioned a new fabrication ; fo that much of the former coin came to the mint again as bullion : we may, with the judicious Dr. Davenant, clVimate the filver coin at that time in this kingdom, at two millions and a half, to which if we add the gold of her own and her prede- ceflbrs coin, and eftimate this at a million and a half, we may be pretty fure that we are not much wide of the truth, and that one hundred and fifty years ago, the cur- rent coin of England amouted in the whole, to four mil- lion or thereabouts. '■ ' A s the reftoring the coin was in efFedt putting the firft wheel in motion, fo this being thus early fet right, all the jfubordinate parts of general commerce began quickly to re- fume their refnev^ive forces, and the willingnefs which the queen (hewed upon every occafion, to facilitate whatever defigns were formed for improving her dominions, cm- ploying her fubjeits, and venting the produce of their in- dultrv : 476 NAVAL HISTORT duftry, had fuch cffedts, that, by degrees, one thing opening a way to another , the f^ce of affairs foon changed. All the com- plaint! that were formerly made, gave place to a general approbation of the queen's government, among ft the better part of her fubjedts, that is, amongft thofe who were will- ing to help themfelves by their honeft and chearful endea- vours to enlarge their properties, and to turn to the utmoft advantage, the laudable defirc which their fovereign expref- fed, of enceuraging whatever could be invtnied, for pro- moting their welfare, and augmenting the publick ilock. This difpofition in the queen, excited a like fpirit throughout the whole nation. Not only pcrfons bred to trade, and fomc of the middle gentry of the kingdom, launched out into expeditions for difcoveries, and planted new-found countries; but even perfons of the firft diftinc- tion, became encouragers snd adventurers in thofe deiigns, fuch as the lord-treafurer Burleigh, the earl of IVarwick, the earl of Leicejier, &c, and fome of them actually engaged In the execution of fuch proje^s, amongft whom were the carls of Cumberland, EJfex and Southampton, Sir JValter Raleigh^ Sir Richara Greenville, Sir Humphry Gilbert, Sir Rjs^ert Dudley, &c. *. and therefore we need not wonder at the furprizing increafc of our maritime power, or the number of remarkable undertakings of this fort, within fo (hort a period of time. Let us mention only a few. In 1575, Sir Humphry Gilbert attempted the difcovery of a north- weft palTage. In 1557, Sir Martin Frobijher fought one to.|he north-eaft *. Pt * and Jackman failed on a like de- lign in 1580, by the direction of the governor of the com- . pany ^ Hakluyt's, Mottfon's, and Purchas's coll(f£lions confill chiefly of infiances of this fort. ^ Hjk!uyt*s voyages, vol iii. p> 32.' - Of ^een ELIZABETH. 477 pany of merchant- adventurers ^. An expedition was un- dertaken at a great expence by Sir Hvmphry Gtlbett, in or- der to fettle Florida ; nor did it mifcarry through any error of the undertaker *. The great Sir fVaher Rakigb would have fettled rtrginia in 1584, if prudence, induftry, and public fpirit could have effedted it ; but though he failed in their extent, yet he was not totally defeated in his hopes, (ince he laid the foundation of that fettlement which hath fince fo happily lucceedcd. But it is now time to fpeak of thofe great men by whom thefe celebrated aiSilions were at- chieved, and firft of. •\ -, „ CHARLES HOWARD, baron of m^ fiRgham, afterwards earl of Nottingham, knight of the garter ^ and krd high-admiral of England. . .,. : .Si- .'. WE have already feen two brothers of this illuftrious family of Howard^ fucceflively lord high-admirais, and we are now to fpeak of another Howard^ who arrived by merit at the fame high honour, and, which is more, was alfo the fon of a lord high-admiral of England \ He was born in the year 1536, in the latter end of the reign of king Henry VIII, his father having the title only of lonl ff^Iliam Howard ^, His mother's name was Margaret^ the daughter of Sir Thomas Gamage, of Glamorgan/hire. lord fnUiam being raifcd to thj title of baron of Effingham^ errw * 5 -.-.Av and y Ibid. vol. i. p. 445. * See a full account of this mat- ter in Sir George Peacham's relation, who was corcrned therein. * See the lives of Sir Edward, and Sir Thomas Howard, after- wards duice of Norfolk, and uncle to this nubic k rd. ^ Iiiiro- oagium Anglix, p. 34. MS m .4 #. :|j :,l 1.,., k'l ,i \ I I , r, 478 ^ MEMOIRS 0/ »nd admirali, bi& ion ferved iindtr him in feveni expe^ tions^ till the accefiion of queen Biizabetky when he wM about twenty-two years of age '. B^is fether cwning into great favour with that princefs, he enjoyed a (hare of hj . and in i559i> was fent over uito Franciy to compliment kini; Cbc^-la IX. who had juft ascended that throne *. Nine years afterwards,' he was general of the horfe^ in thd expedition made by the earl of Wartmck^ againft th^ carik of Northumberland 9/tiA pyijlmorelandi who had taken arms in the north, and in crufliing whofe pcbcllion he was vety adive '. In the following year, he comnaanded a fquadron of men of war, which, as we before obferved, the queen. wa» pleafed fhould efcort Atmt of Auftria^ daughter tto th]6 emperor Maximilwn^ to the coafl: of Spain K Upon this occafion, the Spnnr/h fleet were obliged to take in their flagSj while they contiiraed'in the BrkiJ^fez^, having been fufficiently inftrudted in the ceremonial- in their paflage to Flanders, by Sir John Hawkins, as the reader will find u large, related- kv our memoirs of that gallant' fealhan* M' 157 1, he was' chtffen to parliament as knight 6f the flr.e for the county ef Surry, znd very^ fbon after, Aic- tseded bis father in' his titlt andeftatei vrho died J'amaY^ 12, 1^72, in the great office of lord privy- ftali and very highly in the queen's favour &. ';^<'*R^V'.< ^^■' .^^^'^^ . Thb queen diftlnguiflied the fort, as (it had dohe thfif father, by raifing hirti to the higheft offices ih' the king- dom j not hallilyi but by a due progreflion. He became firft chamberlain of the houfliold, an bffibe which his' fa- ther had enjoyed, and on the 241**: q{ April, 1573, he was ■ " - elcftetl" ,.i-X. 1 -f1< *^ Dugdale's baronage, Csff. ^ Camuen annal. p. 5^. « Ho-* lingihrd, p. 1212. f Camden. a.-tnal. 220^ 221. fi Holing* fhed, p. 1257. m\ CHARLES HOWARD. 47^ eloft^d bnight of the garter ''. Some of tjie vriters of thofe times fayv that he was raifed to check Lekifttr^ greatnefs ; which is cfeua fef probable, thac tl^iey were cer^. tainly the moft oppofite people la the work- in their teim per* '. For, whereas, Leicejier was a deep ci^mhlier, €W^ cefiively ambitious, and one who fought to govern' aft things J 'the lord chamberlain, on the ot^er haiid, waSaiR opePy generous, puWick-i^^irited man, in the goc«5 gr*att ©f the queen, from his known affcflion to h* perfoir, aind exceedingly popular, as well or account 06 his hoipitality, affltbilily^ and other good qualities, as for the fike of his moft noble^ moft loyal and heroic family. When thcre^ fore the earl of Lincdn died, in 1585, the qween immedf- ttteVy determined to raife the lord Effingham to the poftof high-ad had equ^il.hopesi We have already feen how happily itfat important contell efeded for the hoiKJur of this nation-, here, therefore^ we are to fpeak only* of' what was perfotially performed by the adniral. As fobn as he knew that the SpajiiJkReet wa« ready to ftil, he put to fea, and continued cruifing for fome time^ tMi the court having received advice, that the Spaniards would be unable t^ make any attempt that year, and the lateneB • of the feafon rendring this probable, fecretary IValfingham wrote to him, diredling, that four of the largeft (hips (hould be I I. ■ I •'I r,- *> Camden, Stowe, Holioglted, Speed. ^ L'odyd'a Sta(e- wwthies, p. 7^6. ^ Caniden. annal. p. 451. b.t!^ I 480 .a MEMOIRS bf ^ be fent into port, and the Teamen difcharged, to (ivi ejc- pence« The admiral wrote back to excufe his not obey- ing this direction, and in the clofe of the letter, defired, that if his reafons were thought infufHcient, the (liips might re- main at his expence '. When he received intelligence from captain Fleming of the approach of the Spanijh fleet, and faw of what mighty confequence it was to get out what few (hips were ready in the port of Plymouth, he, to encourage others, not only appeared and gave orders in every thing himfelf, but wrought alfo with his own hands, and with ftx Jbips only, got the firft night out of Ply- mouth I and the next morning, having no more than thirty fail, and thofe the fmalleft of the fleet, attacked the Spa- ni/h navy ". He ihewed his conduct and prudence, by difpatching his brother-in-law, Sir Edward Hobbyy to the queen to imform her of the great difproportion between the enemy's force and his own, to defire her to make the proper difpofition of her land-forces, for the fecurity of th» coafts, and to haften as many (hips as pofiible to his afiif- tance ". His valour he difcovered in the repeated attacks he made on a fuperior enemy, and the excellency of hit <:ool temper appeared in his pafling a whole night in the midd of the spanijh fleet, and retiring as foon as he haS light enough to difcover his own, without lofs <*• It was owing to his magnanimity and prudence, th'^t the vi^ory was fo great; and fuch ^s have fuggefted that it might have been (till greater, readily acknowledge, that this did not happen through any fault of the admirars, wfao always ^.^v . :v ,v,7r.:i;v:v...-' .V -v ^' . .. - .:-■•:... ihewed ' Ibid. p. 720. "See the account of this viftory printed in the firft volum'^ of Hakluyt's colledion. >* Stowe's aonals, p. 747. • Hakluyt vol. I p. 597. Iways Lewed CHARLES HOWAHD. 48! Thewed the utmoft alacrity in his country's fervice p. The queen acknowledged his merit in the moft honourable terms, and, though extremely frugal, rewarded him with a penfion for life**; and at his requeft, granted a pardon and a penfion to captain Flemings the pyrate, who firft brought the news of the Spanijh fleet*is being on our coafts j which I mention, to (hew, how careful this great man was, that the merits of meaner perfons fhould not pafs un* rewarded or be over- looked ^ "■ ' Sir Richard Hawkins y in his obfervations, has a very remarkable paflage, in relation to this noble perfon, which the reader will* no doubt, be very well pleafed, to fee in his own words. *' Worthy of perpetual memory, fays he, was the *' prudent policy and goverment of our Englijh navy, in •« Anno 1588, by the worthy earl of Nottingham^ lord *' high-admiral of England^ who, in like cafe, with ma- ** ture and experimented knowledge, patiently withftood *' the inftigations of many couragicus and noble captains, *' who would have perfuaded him, to have laid theTi *• aboard ; but wpll he forefaw, that the enemy had an ar- my aboard, he none ; that they exceeded him in num- ber of {hipping, and thofe greater in bulk, ftronger built, and higher molded; fo that they, who with fuch advan* tage fought from above, might eafily diftrefs all oppofi- tion below, the flaughter, peradventure, proving more fatal than the vi(5tory profitable, by being overthrown, he might have hazarded the kingdom, whereas by the Vol. I. ; , . I i «« conqueft cc C( ve'« annals, p -95. -"iir cc «( C( (( Sir Robert Man/elf who had been once the earl of Nottingham's menial fervant, but then vice-admiral during pleafure, by the flivour of the duke, had that office con- I i 4 firmed ^ Sec the writer laft mentioned, and tlie court and charadler of king James, by Sir A. W. p. 123. '^ Camden's annals of king James, p 651, 653. ^ Aulicus Coquinaria*, p. 16^. i- Cam- den's annals of king James, p. 653. Sr m III/ ' ■"■ 1 1 \ " ■<('■ ^^^Ht£%'^ >: :'■'*] 4S8 M E M O I R S o/ firmed to him for life by patent, ivhich his old mafter took fo kindly, that, aged and infirm as he was, he made Buckingham a vifit to return him thanks •». On the whole, therefore, there fcems to be nothing difhonourable in this tranfadlion i for all parties were ferved, and all feem to have been content, What is faid to the contrary, flowji evidently from a dcfire of prejudicing the world againft the memory of men, from furmifes and conjectures; a jnethod of all others the mod deftrudive of the end and fruit of hiftory, which ought to difcover the truth, and thereby in(lru<^ fuch as perufe it. The remaining years of his life were fpent by the carl of Nottingham in honourable ^afc and retirement to the time of his deceafe, w.iich happened on the 14th of Dt't (ember 1624, when he was eighty-eight years old'. He was a perfon extremely graceful in his appearance, of a jufl: and honeft difpofition, incapable either of doing bad things, or feeing them done without expofing them. His Heady loyalty to the crown preferved his reputation un-. ftalned, and his fortune unhurt, when the reft of his fa- mily were in the utmoft danger ^, Queen Elizabeth Knew and valued his integrity, and preferred his candour to the policy of fome of her greateft favourites. She had a peculiar felicity in fuiting men's «mployments to their capacities j and this never appeared more clearly than on thofe occafions, wherein (he made choice of this nobleman, whofe courage no danger could daunt, whofe fidelity no temptation could impeach^, much left corrupt. In public ; , employments ^ AuHcus Coquinariae, p. 170. ' From a MS. catalogue of nobility deceafed, in the reign of king James I. ^ Cam- den, fir Robert Nauntpn in his j^ragmenta Regalia, Lloyd's Sta^e-: Worthies, p. 751. CHARLES HOWARD. 489 tmployments he afFe^ed magnificence, as much as he did hofpitality in private life, keeping feven Handing houfcs, as Dr. Fuller phrafes it, at once '. It is true, we meet with oppofite accounts of this lord, his charadler and con- dudl, cfpccially in the latter part of his life ; but as ihcfe are only in private letters, written by one apparently pre- judiced againft him of whom he fpeaks ; and as the rough foldier-Iike behaviour of £lizabeth*s aftive times, fuitcd little with the ftiff and folemn air of the ftatcfmen in king yames*s court, we need not wonder, that among thcfe the earl of Nottingham met with fome detrailors "'. His a'ftions are fufficient to filence envy, and to deftroy the credit of malicious cenfures. He who beat the Spanijh Armada^ equipped a fleet fufficient to affert the fovereignty of the fea in a fortnight's time, and by his prefence alone difpirited the earl of EJfex*s adherents, muft have been a very extraordinary man, though we fliould grant his ene- mies, that he was not very learned, exprefled himfclf a little bluntly, and, though a man of fo high quality, had little or no tindlure of thofe arts which tho' they are pe- culia'-, do no great honour to a court. I have placed his memoirs here, becaufe, though he died in the reign of king James^ he fpent his life in the fervice of queen Elizabeth. He was indeed, the king's ambaflador in Spain j but as he is celebrated for being an able admiral, rather than a great ftatefman, I thought it hut juft to place his memoirs where they might do him moft honour. For the fame reafon 1 refer thofe of fir Walter ' Englifli Worthies, Surry, p. 84. "> The reader will find enough of this in a letter of the earl of Northampton to fir Charles Cornwallis, ambaflador in Spain, Winwood's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 91. :{ ..J m 490 ^^ M E M O I R S of ^ ' ' ^aitifr Ralegh to the fucceeding reign, bccaufe the laft aftion of his life, and that which led to his unfortunate death, fell out undefr king James. But it is time to ra- fume the thread of our difcourfe, and to proceed to an ac- count 0^ > . . _ ' =],■..- !• -'t* ;?/> HUMPHRY OlhBERT.knf.an. .1 eminent feaman^ and great dif cover er. THIS gefttlemah was defcended of a very ancient and honourable family in Devonjhire^ feated there at leaft as early, and, if fome writers arc to be credited, cvpn before the conqueft \ His father's name was Otho Gilbert, of Greenwaj', Efq; his mother, Catherine daugh- ter of fir Philip Champermn, oi Modbury, in the fame coun- ty, who afterwards married Walter Ralegh oi Fardel, Efq; and by him was mother to the famous fir Walter Ralegh^ half brother to the gentleman of whom we are now wri- ting *. He was but a fecond fon, though his father, having a good eftate, left him a confidcrable fortune. It was to his mother's care that he owed an excellent educa- tion, which enabled him to make the figure he did in the world, and to diflinguifh himfelf in an age fruitful of great men p. His genius naturally led him to the Hudy of cofmography, navigation, and the art of war; which he improved by a diligent application, as well as by continual practice j for he ventured himfelf early in the fcrvice of "'■'■' ''^ . :■ his " Colle^ion of arms, &j. of the ancient families in Devonlhire, by fir J. Northcutt;, ban. MS. ° Sir William Poles dcfcription of Devonftiire. ^' See the dedication of Mr. Hooker's dif- courfe of fir Tjhn Cilbt'it. Sir HUMPHRY GILBERT. 491 his country, and acquired a very juft reputation from his aftionB, before he fet any of his great projects on foot ', ' The firft place wherein he wai taken notice of for his ripe judgment, as well as for his daring courage, was in the voyage to Newhaven^ wherein he behaved with fo much prudence, and his attempts were attended with fo great fuccefs, that, though then but a young man, he was much talked of, and raifed high expectations in all who knew him. In feveral expeditions undertaken in thofe troublefome times, he added to his fortune, as well as to his fame ; and being always ready, both in difcourfe and with his pen, to render a reafon for his own conduct, and to apologize for others, he came to be confidered by fome of the moft eminent perfons in the court of queen Elizabeth^ as one capable of rendering his country great fervice, particularly in Ireland^ where men of true abi- lities were much wanted \ Their conceptions concurring with Mr. Gilbert's views, and with that ambition of ma- king himfelf known by great atchievements, which was the ruling paffion of his noble mind, he accepted the offers that were made him, and paffing over into that ifland, became prefident of Munjier^ where he performed great things with a handful of men, and became moro dreaded by the Jri/hf than any Engiijhman employed in tha'. fervice. By his induflry and addrefs, he compofed the ftirs raifed by the Miic Carthies, and by his valour and adlivity, drove the Butler's out of his province, when they fwerved from their duty. He likewife forced James Fitz-Morris^ the greateft captain amongft the Irijh^ to abandon his . . coun* n Sir William Monfon's Naval Trafts. Worthies, p. 626. , Llojd'b Scatc i I h \ k.is :;. *"* m i ^ 492 i MEMOIRS 6/ ' " country % and feek for fafety abroad, and performed many other things in conjundion with his brother fir JVaher Ralegh, which would well deferve to be recorded here, if the limits of this work would permit, or if they fell in with my defign : but as we mention him only as a feaman, it will be unneceflary to dwell on fuch adtions of hi3 life, as have no relation to that charadter ; and there- fore Jet us haften to the propofals he made for difcovering a paflage by the north to the Indies^ in which he laboured as rationally and as afliduoully, though at the fame time as unfuccefsfully, as any man in the age in which he lived. .' It is not very clear, whether this gentleman had ac- quired the honour of knighthood, before his return out of Ireland, or not : there are authorities on both fides * j but I incline to think, that he received that honour from fir Henry Sidney, deputy of Ireland, about the year 15709 and that he did not come over .10 England till fome years afterwards ". The firft difcovery hi made both of his knowledge, and of his intentions, was in his difcourfe to prove that there is a north-weft paflage to the Eaji-Indies^ which was firft printed in the year 1576, though I con- ceive it was written fome time before *". It is a very plain, methodical, and judicious piece ; and at the clofe of it, there is an account of another treatife of navigation, which he had written and intended to publilh, and which is now probably loft. The defign of this difcourfe v/as^ to ftir up a fpirit of difcovery in his countrymen, and to . . facilitate » Stowe's Annals, p. 812. Life of fir Walter Ralegh, &c. * Prince's Worthies of Devonlhire, wherein he firft places his knighthood, A. D 1570, afterwards 1577 ; but in both aflerfs from fir William Pole's MS. that it was conferred by queen Eliza- beth, p. 327. **' This treatif " Supply of Iiifli chronicles by Hooker, p. 13?. ife is ftill prclerved in Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p.ll. .^' It, :ate ^ veiTels upon the coaft; and on the 5 th, he took polTeflion of the harbour of St. John, in the name of the queen of England, and granted, as her patentee, certain leafes unto fuch as were willing to take them. At the fame time a difcovery was made of a very rich filvcr mine, by one Daniel, a Saxon, an able miner, brought: by the general for that purpofe ^ Sir Humphry now in- clined to put to fea again, in order to make the beft uie of his time in difcovering as far as poOlble ; and having fenc home thi Swallow, with fuch as were fick, or dif- cou!-aged with the hardfhips they had undergone, he left the harbour of St. Johnh in 47° 46. N. L. on the 20th of Augujl, himfelf in the fmall floop called. The Squirrel^ becaufe being light, (he was the fitter for entering all creeks and harbours j captain Brown, in The Delight, anci captain Hayes, in The Golden Hinde. On the 27th they found themfelves in the latitude of 45° ; and though the weather was fair, and in all appearance like to continue fo, yet on the 29th of Auguji, in the evening, a fudden, ftorm arofe, wherein The Delight was loft, twelve men only efcaping in her boat. This was a fatal blow to fir Humphry Gilbert, not only with refpedt to the value of 1 !. ^1 ^ Ibid. p. 148. « Ibid p. 154. il i 496 MEMOIRS of th« (hip, and the lives of the men, but alfo in regard to his future hopes ; for in her, he loft his Saxon miner, and with him, the filver ore which had been dug in Newfound- Ian i and of which he was fo confident, as to tell fome of his friends, that upon the credit of that mine, he doubted not to borrow ten thoufand pounds of the queen for his next voyage ^. O N the fecond of September^ he went on board iTje Golden Hinde, in order to have his foot drefled, which by accident he had hurt in treading on a nail. He remained on board all day, and thofe who were in that vefiel, did all that in them lay, to perfuade him to make his voyage home in her, which he abfolutely refufed to do, affirming, that he would never defert his bark, and his little crew^ with whom, he had efcaped fo many dangers. A gene- rous but fatal refolution ! for the veflel, being too fmall ta reflft the fwell of thofe tempeftuous feas, about midnight* on the ninth of September, was fwallowed up, and never feen more •. In the evening, when they were in great danger, fir Humphry was feen fitting in the ftern of the fliip with a book in his hand, and was often heard to fay with a loud voice, Courage, my lads ! we are as near heaven atfea, as at land. Thus he died like a chriftian hero, full of hope, as having the teftimony of a good confcience. Mr. Edward Hates, who accompanied fir Humphry in his voyage, and who hath left us an account of it, affirms that he was principally determined to his fa- tal refolution of failing in the Squirrel^ by a malicious re- > port ^ Ibid. p. 155. * « Ibid, p, 158. See alfo an account of his death, with fome ne- marks tiiereon, and the danger of launching out mens private foxtuaes in felling colonies, Camd. Annal. p. 4Q2. Sir liUMPHkV felLfefeRT. 497 port that had been fpread of his being timerous by fea '. Jf fo, rt appeals that death was lefs dreadful to him than fname; but it is hard to believe :hat fo wife a man could be wrought upon by fo weAk and infignificant a refleftion* ■ Sucrt was the fate of fir Humphry Gilbert ! otit of the worthieft men of that age^ whether we regard the ftrength of his underlhndingj ol" his heroic courage. Some further paniculaFS relating to him I might havd »dd^d from Prince's fF&r-thi^s of Devcnflnrt ; but that 1 am fufpicious of their credit, and the more fo^ becaufe they d() not agree WeM togfrtlier; be fides, they are but trf- viail, afid my defign lends -me to take notice of fuch only, a^ cotKerh h\t char-^tHer *. The reafon I have given h\i hvemoirs a piacfe here is this, that he vvas in a manner fhe author of all oiir pltin tat ions ^ being the firft who in- tVodtitfed a legal ahd riegular method of fettling, without inrhk:li!r\iK?h undeptaltings muft necefi'atily pt-ove unfucc^fs- M. 'Bdidesj his treatife of tl-te north-w<^f^ pal^ge was 'the ground of all the e«cpe<5lacions which the bed feametV itod'for many yearsj of actually finding luth n route tb ^e £a/}-hdii?s ; Qr\d tKbugh at pj^efent we'khow ma^ny things iidvanded •thc'tiein Bo be ftlfej y2t wtl likevvife find '•Vol.1. K -k ■- ■ mahjr n. TT ■JJ. . f ••.!? *'iiafe1uyt's Voyagps'vof lii. p; 1 59, ^"Ht telfs us 3 mongft other things that chequcfcin df h/gr parcieular grp.cc?. gwo to fir humpitry Gilbert, a gol4e,n a'C^qr^ wiih a jaro*" fnavl at twe p-'ak J' this were true, ic is il range tlintj in the prohx accounts \v;' have of his ,'oyages, and id the latin poem written <'xp;tfiy to do hitn ho- nour by Stephen Parmjenjus, an Hur.g-iriaii, who acco.T.panied him ill his laft voyage, t;.crc (hould bi' 1.0 me; tion of it. Perhaps he had this crrcunrvftancc; froai no better authority, than th it from wW«nce he tdok fir Humphry's moito, which he fiys was, Ah/, ie/nrwrit quam Tnu.fUH' : \\\\trno. Wjrthiv's oJ Devon, p 32(5 — 3.29. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p 2 ^. . :!:•■ ' ,1 x:'' I ivi, 'i;-: ■ \m cc cc C( 498 MEMOIRS of - many of his conjedlures true, and all of them founded in reafon, and the philofophy then commonly rcceiyed. I (hall conclude my account of him, by tranfcribing a pal- fage which he liffirms of his own knowledge, and which I judge worthy of confideration, becaufe fome later ac- counts of the Spanijh miflionaries in California affirm the fame thing. " There was, fays he, one Salvaterra, a gentleman of Viiforia in Spain, that came by chance out of the JVeJi- Indies into Ireland, Anno 1568, who affirmed the north-weft paflage from us to Cataia, con- ** ftantly to be believed in America navigable; and fur- ** ther faid, in the prefence of fir Henry Sidney (then lord- ** deputy of Ireland) in my hearing, that a frier of Mexico, ** called Andrew Urdaneta, more than eight years before ** his then coming into Ireland, told him, that he came " from Mer delSur into Germany through this north- weft- <' paflage, and (hewed Salvaterra (at that time being then ** with him* in Mexico) z fea-card made by his own ex- " perience and travel in that voyage, wherein was plainly: *' fet down and defcribed this north- weft paflage, agreeing ** in all points with Or/^//«j*s map. And further, this *' frier told the king of Portugal, as he returned by that •* country homeward, that there was (of certainty j fuch '* a paflage nor:h-weft from England, and that he meant " to publifh the fame ; which done, the king moft carneft- *' ly defired him not in any wixe to difclofe or make the *' paflage known to any nation j for that (faid the king) " if England had knowledge anAfxperience thereof, it ** would greatly hinder both the kmg of Spain and me. ** This frier (as Salvaterra reported) was the greateft dif- ** coverer by fea, that hath been in our age. Alfo Saha- " terra being perfuaded of this paflage by the frier Urda- «« neta, and by the common opinion of the Spaniards in- habiting ^ J |ing) ^it I me. dif- Mva- 'da- in- king A/r JOHN HAWKINS. 495> *^ habiting Amirica^ offered mod willingly to acccmpaAy *^ me in this difcovery, which it is like he would not haire •• done, if he had flood in doubt thereof y." It is tnle, that Sir H^tlliam Monfon difcredits this relation, as he eh-* deavours to fefute all the reafons that have been offered to fupport the opinion of a paflage to the north-weft * ; yet I medr": ..o: with the difpute, but with the hCt^ which, as I have faid, is confirmed by later tcftimonieS to the fame purpofe. Let us now proceed to Sir JOHN HAWKINS, a famous M. ^■y miraly and one who performed many great -I. fervices againjl the Spaniards. ■ -' '^ '^ THIS gentleman was a native of Devonjhirt^ as well as the former, and defcended alfo of a gcx}d family, his father was William Hawkins^ cfq; a gentleman of a con- fiderable eftate^ his mother's name was Joan Trekwr^^ daughter of William Trelawney of the county of Cornwall^ efq. Our John Hawkins was theit fecond fon, born at Ply- . mouth ", but in what year I have not been able to find : however, from circumftances we may gather, that it could not be later than 1520. He was from his youth addided to navigation^ and the ftudy of the mathematics, as indeed were all his family, and began very early to put his ikill in pradice, by making feveral voyages to Spain^ Portugal^ and the Canaries f which were in thofe days extraordinary un- dertakings, and muft have given him much ihore experi- ence than almoft any of his. Contemporaries'*. Of thcfe ^'-i K k 2 voyages I I 4 •'+ y Ibid. p. ig. * Naval Trafts, p. 428. p. 80;. Prince's Werchies of Devon, p. 389. » Stowe's Ann?,ls, ^ Stows, ubi (\if. 'i'i,. ii * 500 .* ME M O I R 5 ?/ . • voyages wc have no particular account, aoy more than of thofe of his fethcr Mr. William Hcwkin^t who was Jike- ^jivire a very great feainan, an(J the firit of oor nation who made a voyage to Brazil'^, His fon, probably, reapod the benefit of his oblervalions j for he came early into the world with a great reputation^ and y.'?i: era plowed by queon Elizabeth as an officer at fea, when fome who were after- wards chief commanders were but boyS) and katmed thefkill, by which they rofe, from him. . , In the fpring of the year 1562, he formed the defign 9f his firft famous voyage, advantageous to himfelf and moft of his proprietors j but much more fo in its cOhfe- qwencfs to his country. In feveral trips to xhe Canaries^ where t/ his tendernefs and humanity he h^.d made him- felf mucn beloved, he acquired a knowledge of the ilave- trade, and of the mighty profit obtained 6y the fkle of JN^- gro^i in the lV Camden's Annals, p. 158. Sir John Hawkins's Account of th's Voyage in Hakloyt, vol. >ii> p. 522, 523. f-tH«5 ^04 '^ MEMO I R Sr ^' vritb a{)romireoa ihe fAith of a Wc&-roy, to be their dftr ience againd any clandeitine atterttpts of the Spamards, However, ine captain not being fatisfied with this anrwei , iwcaufe he fufpedted a great number of men to be hiddep m a fhip of 9«o ton^, which was moored next the Minm^ he fent the mafter of the J^fus^, who under Aood Spani/b^ to know of the yice-roy, whether it wa^ fo or not. The vice-roy, finding ht could conpeal his mean and villain^ OU3 de/ign no longer, detained the mafter, and causing the trumpet to be founded, the Spaniards at the fignal of which they were appjrized, fet upon the Englijh on all iides^ Thofe who were upon the inland, being ftruck with- fear p. this fudden alarm, iled, thinking to recover thpir Clips, but the Spaniards, landing in great numbers at feveral places at once, (which they might do without boats, the (hips lying clofe to the fhore) ilew them all without jnercy, excepting a few who efcaped on bo^rd the Jefus K The great (hip, wherein three hundred men were con- f:ealed, immediately fell on board the Mimn^ but (he Jiaving put all hands to work the moment their fulpidonsf commenced, had in that fhort fpace, which was but half an hour, weighed all her anphors. Having thus gottei^ clear, and avoided the firft brunt of the great ihip, the lat- ter clapped the Jefus aboard, which was at the faiac time attacked by two other ihips. However, with much ado^ and the lofs of many men, fhe kept them off, till {^e cut her cable, and got clear alfo. As foon as the J(fus and ^he Minion werp got two ihips length from the Spani/b fleet, they began the fight, which was fo furious, that in one )iour, the admiral of the Spam^r4s aiid another fhip were fuppofed * CBin<|en, a6 bcffirp, H-^kluyt, vol. iii. p. 524, , j' . »,:» ' '"? Sir J O H N, H AW KINS. 505 fiippored to be funk» and their vice^admii^ burned, ip that they had httle tq fear from the enemy's (hips; but they fuSercd exceedingly from the ordnance on the iil? jd, which, funk thehr fmall (hips, and mangled all the mails ant rigging of the J^frJi in fucli a nsanner, that there was no Hopes of bringing her offl This being the ca(e, they de- termined to place her fur a Aeher to the Mitim till night, and then, taking out of her what vi«^uals and pther necef' faFies they could^ to leave her behind. But priefently afteTa peKceiving two large (hips, fired by the Spiff iardsy bearing down di redly upon them, the Men aboard the Minion, iq great conilernation, without confent of either the captain pr fflaiter> let fail and made oiF from the Jefui in fuch hafte, tha-t captain Haiakins had fcarce tiine to get on board her. As for the men, moll of them followed in a foiall boat, the reft were left to th€ mercy of the Spaniards^ which, fays the captain, I doubt was very little ''.■ ■♦ . .^. . * . ^^ The Minion^ and the Juditby were tlie only two Eng* Vtfa (hips that cfcaped, and in tlie night, the Judith^ which vpa» a bark only of fifty tons, feparated herfelf from the A^itii&Hf on board which was captain Hawkins and the beit p^t of his men. In this diilrefs, having little to eat, lefs ^¥ater, in unknown feas, and many of his men wounded,, }ie continued till the eighth of Offobery and then entered a preek in the bay of Mixico, in order to obtain fome.re-t frdhment. This was about the mouth of the river ftfw* picoy in the lat. of 23°. 36. N. where his company divid- ing, one hundred defired to be put on (hore, and the reft, who were about the fame number, refolved, at all events, to endeavour to get home. Accordingly on the i6th they weighed . V ', ^ •■•(. M ' •• ■ il " I I'llllll.l mmttm * Ibid. ;■ (f "M m 11 506 MEMOIRS oj ^ Weighed and ftood through the gulph of Florida^ making the bell of their way for Europe. In their paflage, they were forced to put into Fonte Vedra, in Spain ^ where the Spaniards coming to know their weakncfs, thought by treachery to feize them a fecond time ; but they fufpefling this failed forthwith to VigOy not far off. They there met v^ith fome Englijh (hips, which fupplied their wants, and departing on the 2oth of January^ 1586, arrived in Mount* i-Bay^ in Cornwall^ the 25 th of January following. As to the hardlhips endured in this unfortunate expedition, th6y cannot be more ftrongly, or exa£lly pictured, than in the following Lines, with which captain Hawkins con« dudes his own relation '. *' If all the miferies and trouble- <' fome af&irsy fays he, of this forrowful voyage (hould **• be perfectly and throughly written, tkere (hould need a *' painful man with his pen, and as great a time as he had •* that wrote the lives and deaths of the martyrs.**" In re- ward of his fan^ous action at Rio de la Haeba, Mr. Cooif then ClarencieuXy added to his arms, on an efcutcheon of pretence, Or^ an efcallop between two palmer*s ftaves SabU ; and his patent for this augmentation is (liil extant ". When the Spanijb fleet went to fetch Anne of Auftria, the laft wife of Philip the fecond out of Flanders. Sii* John Hawkins with a fmall fleet of her majefty's (hips was riding in cat-water, which the Spanijh admiral perceiving, '-^'■- .*^i- he ni I v.. I 0*ftden, Anna!, p. 352. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 524, 525. Pdrchas's Pilgrim, vol ivi p. 1177. " Thefe are the lart Wordi. of OptaJn Hawkins's Relition ; but the inquifitJve Reader may find fome further Circumftanccs relating to this unfortunate Voy- si^, in the Travels of Miles Phillips, and of Job Hartop, two f)i the Me:i fet on Shore by Sir John Hawkins, in the Bay of Mexico, in HiUljyt's Coreftion. vol. iii. p. 469, 487. " Pfinw*s Worthici of Devon, p. 389. from the Copy ot this Patent. nil Sir JOHN HAWKINS. 507 Ihe cfideavourcd to run between the ifland and the place without paying the ufual falutes. Sir Jchn ordered the gunner of his own fliip to fire at the rigging of the Spani/h tdmiral, who taking no notice of it, the gunner fired next It the Hull and (hot through and through. The Spaniards upon this took in their flags and topfails and run to an an- chor. The Spani/h admiral then fcnt an officer of diftinc- tion in a boat to carry at once his complements and com- plaints to Sir John Hawkins. He (landing upon deck would not either admit the officer, or hear his mefTage; but bid him tell his admiral, that having neglected the re- fpedi due to the queen of England^ in her feas and port, and having fo large a fleet under his command he muft not expeft to lie there ; but in twelve hours veigh his anchor and begone, otherwife he (hould regard him as an enemy declared, his conduct having already rendered hinpi fufpefted. .. ■ , . : . The Spani/h admiral upon receiving this meflage came off in perfon, and went in his boat to the Jifus of Lubec^ on board which Sir John Hawkinses flag was flying, deflring to fpeak with him which at firft was refufed, but at length granted. The Spaniard then expoftulated the matter, in- jfifted that there was peace between the two crowns, and that he knew not what to make of the treatment he had received. Sir John Hawkins told him, that his own arro- gance had brought 't upon him, and that he could not hut know what refpeft was due to the queen's (hips, that he had difpatched an exprefs to her majefty with advice of |»is behaviour, and that in the mean time he would do well to depart. The Spaniard ftill pleaded ignorance, and that he was ready to give fatisfadion. ♦..^ Upon this Sir John Hawkins told him mildly, that he fould npt (je a ftranger to what was pradlifed by the frtnth and Ir'ill!. Mm '.'I'A i •:: I li So8. .p-,5Ke-M0M^ Sgf .„7, s\P'd SpmardSy iq. their own feas apdporU; addiog^ put i\m cafe Sir that 2^ fiftglijh fiect c^me inta any of thekiiDg your mailer's ports, hk inajefty^» (hips being therf, and thofe £/)^/i^ ihip? fliould carry ^heir flags in their tpp«» Would you not (hoot thpn> down, apd beat ynied he yl'o^ld, cenfe(fed hf was in the wrong, fubujiitted to the pep^jty Sir John im- pofed, was, then ve|:y Jcuidly entertained, wd ^hey pa^tedt y^xyi good friendsL This accoMnt w^ hay^ from^ hi^ {^ Sir. Richard Hawkins^ who waa eye-witnefe of ail that pafl'ed. The next great action of this worthy feaman^ was his fervice updpr the lord high^admiral in ^588, againU the^ Speni/b Jrmadc, wherein he a£^«d as rear-admiral» on board her maje(ly*s (hip the Vi^^ry^ apd had a^ large a (har§ of the danger and honour of that day, a$ any man in the jieet, for which he inoit deferyedly received (hp honour of knighthood"; and in the purfuit of the ^y'mg Spaniards^ he did extraordinary fervice, infomupb, that on his return from the fjeet, he was particularly commended by tht; queen. In 1590, he was fqnt in conjunction with Sir ^artin Frohijher^ each having a fquadron of five men of war, ,to infefl: the coal^s of Bpaiuy and to intercept, if poflible, the plate-fleet. At firft, his catholif? pi^lty thought of oppoiing thefe famous commanders, with ^ fuperior fleet of twenty fail, under the command 01 Din 4lonzo de Bajfan ; but upon more mature deliberation he abandoned this defign, diredled his (hips to keep clof(S ia |>ort, and fent inflrudtions into the Indiu^ that the fleer, inftead of returning, (hould winter there. Sir John Hazuh kins and his coUegue, fpent feven months in this (tation> V ,;. ,..;. .; ..I WithwkU. n* 'mmttlm ■ji J, • Stowc*8 Annals, p. 748* ''] S'..^:ihiiX 1^ ii.t tl^QJ \ U*Sk Sir JOHN HAWKINS. ^ without performing any thiog of note, or fo much as tak- ing a iingleihip. They Afterwards attempted the.iilanid of Fayal, which had i^bflfikted the yew before «to Unit etttl jot Cumber/and i but the cicadel beiog rdforiified, ifnd the inhabitants well furqifhed with artiUery and -amnmimitioM) Sir Jfhn and his aflbci^ites were forced to retreat. It mtift .be owned, that with the populace Very fmaU r^putatkxi was gained by the admirals in this exfttdition ; and yet'tiie5r , loil no credit at court, ; wih^r^ the iii'uc of ihe bufinsfs was . better undeiftood . By compelliog the . Sp^ni/l> tia?^ to % inro iortl^ed porss, th^y cfeftrpyed -their imputation in a mautiin^ power.} and their wintering^ iheirpkue-iftrfps m the Jfidi^Sy |>roved fo great a de'frnteattoilhc mercbatyts of ^/tf/>/,jthat ,m^Ry broke in Stviile, and other places ; befides, ;it >v?s lognq^t a prfj^dicc. tftthcir veffds, to win- ter 4n. tlie ifidies, tb^t ^he ^in^ eo»!d 4»ot)he repaired in snan^ X«^^?>; Thus, ^oii^h no ijOiniediate. profit aiccrued . th? end ef i this expeditipp was.fti% ;^^«rtfd, and .the M- Uon g^ned.^ very %nal,advant^, i^grieiroufly idiftvcfKng "ttieif enenaj^sf. ,, j..)jr,'^r,h vd hL'>;ji ibidv/ yd L.ir.vm , ^XWE W^ wifii /Sff'/w :Contipvinfo «id it being evident that nothip^^aUed the; en^my io much as the ^kdfts they met w.ith i«| the Ixdi^^. ^ prijpofiti 4g Jier kictgdom, jfonundettakiog a more eS'&dMal expedition intQ tho(e pairtSj ithan^iiad^eti hitherto nx^de through^ thf iwhple couri^ «f . die war j- and^ at the ^he iime, they , o^fferiad :%o l^ at .a great part of ?he expence themfelves, and to engage their friends to bear a confiderable proportion of the reft. There were many . - - -• •• - ---'•'■ — *"* — '^^ '"""* motivdi f V ft I if 't :> If :§ ■'ill it III i n p Camden. Annals, p. 620. Sir William "Mbnfori's Isavil Tra^s, p. 177. Stowe's Annals, p. 807. '^ 510 .'' V' WEM O IR B of motived which induced our admiral, though then ht In t'years,' to hazard his fortune, his reputation^ and his perfon, •in this dangerous fervice; amongft which, this was not ■ the laft, or the leall^, that his Ton Richard, who was after- awards Sir Richard Hawkins^ was at this time a prifoner in :the hands of the Spaniards, and fome hope there was, that .in the courieof fuch an enterprize, an opportunity might •offer of redeeuting him \ The queen readily gare ear to this motion, and furnifhed on her part, a flout fquadfon \0f men of war, on board one of which, the Garland, Sir lyohn HieroHius embarked. Their whole force confifted of twenty-feven ihips and barks^ and their whole force was about two thoufiind five hundred men. Of all the enter- : prizes throughout the war, there was none of which fo ■ great hope was conceived as this, and yet none fucceeded 'Worfe. The fleet was detained for fome time after it was ready, on the Englijb coaft, by the arts of the Spaniards^ who having intelligence of its ftrength, and of the ends for which it wai equipped, they conceived, that the only means by which it could be defeated, was pra£tifing foillc contrivances that might difappoint the iirft exploits intencj- ed, by procuring delay; in order to which, they gave out, that they were ready theixifelVes to invade England-, and to render this the more probable, they actually fent four gallies to make afudden dektnt on Cornwall. By thefe iteps, they carried their point j for the queen, and the na- tion being alarmed, it was held by no means proper to fend To great f number of ftout ihips, on fo long a voyage, at .,, ,^...;) -. ■ '.'^ ■ : _ais ,'v:naiaiw ^ 1. V 4 Sir Richard Hawkinses Obfervations on his Voyage to ths South- Seas, pn33- (!*; ths Sir JOHN HAWKINS. 511 fo critical a jundture. At laft, this ftorm blowing qvet, the fleet failed from Plymouth^ on the 28th of Augufi^ ift order to execute their grand defign, of burning Ncmbti dt Dioiy marching thence by land to Panama^ and there fei»- ing the treafure which they knew was arrived at that place from Peru, A few days before their departure, the quef^ii fent them advice, that the plate-fleet was (fkijy arrived, jip Spaiiif excepting only a (ingle galloon, which, having loft a mad, had been obliged to return to Por/o Ruo^ the tak- ing of this veflei, ihe recommended to them as a thiqg very practicable, and which could prove no great hindr^nCiP to their other affair. When they were at fea, the giencq-a^ dilTered,! as is ufual in conjunct expeditions. Six 'Job^ Hawkins was for executing immediately what the queeo had commanded, whereas Sir Francis Dr^ke inclined J;ogp jiril: to the Canaries, in which he prevailed; but the a|^ tempt they made was unfuccelsful, and then they &ik^ for Dominica^ where they fpent too much time in rftittQi^ ing themfelve?, and fetting up their pinnaces. In the mean time the Spaniards had fent five Itout frigates to bring away the galloon from Porto Rico, haying exa£\ intelli^ gence of the intention of the EngUJh admirals to attempt that place. On the 30th of O^ober, Sir John Hawkins weighed from Dominica, and in the evening of the fame day, the Francis, a bark of about thirty-five tons, and the Sternmojl, of Sir John^s fhips, fell in with the five fail of Spanijh frigates beforementioned, and was taken, the cot^, fequences of which being forefeen by Sir John, it threiV hi..i into a fit of iicknefs, of which, or rather of a broken heart, he died on the 21ft oi November, 1595, when they were in fight of the ifland of Porto Rico, and not, as Sir ff^iliam Munfon fuggefts, «f chagrin, on the mifcarriage C r4- J. »- 1;. »j .:i:T| '■■ ■■ 111 Hi I ¥\ Jfi attempting tfjc city of the fame mitie, which in tftftl^ Ac BeW lived *0 fee*; i- At ib great a diltence of time^ it may feem ftrahge wi filter itik>i Of itt >Iwft to entw mmutely into the charatf^er of this faitecK]8'i<»amah$ but as we have good author itiesj fttid fuch wfltftJOTs, may be of ufc to pofterityj Ate e AaJl ufe afll thfc care and im^jartiality •that can he cxpe^ed *, Sir Jehn had naturally ftrong parts^ frhith he improved hy conftant appKcaticm. He wzis apt ih council to dilftr from other men's opinions, and yet was teferved in d?rcoi«fihg his ovvn ^ He was flow, jealoilisi «lKj,ibmewh»t irrcifolutei yet in aflion he was mercifiii^ 'lips to forgive, and a ftridl oWcrtrer of his word. As hfe hftd pafled a great part of his life at fea, he had too grear a diflike of land^foldifrs*. When occafion required it, he «C0iHd diflcmble, though he was naturally of a blunt rather "than refcrved difpofitron. And now we are making a Cata- logue of his faults, let us not forget the greateftj which ^s the love of tnoney, wherein he exceeded air jurt liourds*^. Yit, in fpight of his imperfedlionsj he was al-i Ways cftcemcd one of the ableft of his profeffion j of which »*- a4: 'V.V.'. ^:\z^iy:7 ' Camden, Annal. p, 698, 699, 700. Sir WiUiam MopfoHiS Naval Tradls, p. 182, 1S3. TLcre is an accurate and cbpious A'c- cMnc of this Voyage in Hakliiyt, vcA. Vn p. ^83 As atfo ro^Mr-' vJ|u|S*s, pilgrim, vol. iv. p. 1185. 6ee likfiM'tfe Stowe*, Hoiing(he4^ and Speed. * In order 10 tliis ,1 have compared what is to he fnej: With mHakluyt, Purchas, Monfon, S'-owe, and Sir Richard Haw^ |ctn*s book, a$ alfo whatever JQotKes I have bean able to colie^ fyom other contempoiary writers. .'if .Sir Williflm MooCq,d'i9 lis 'A'C^; ae rtiej w I Irks on Sir FRANCIS DRAKE. 513 thefe are no inconfiderable proofs, that he was a noted commander at fea forty-eight years, and ireafurcr of the navy two and twenty ". He and his cldeft brother IfilHam were owners at once of thirty fail of good {hips^, and it v.'as generally owned, that Sir John Hawkins was the au- thor of more ufefui inventions, and introduced into the navy better regulations, than any officer vi\o had bore command therein before his time ~. • , .-u ^ v, .<^ . - I r. '.1 f^Pf'i >'?' ij ■1 ■^i-ii . I -^ Memoirs of Sir FRANCIS DRAKE^ a mojl JkilJuH feafmv^ the firjl who wade -.. a voyage round the %ccrldy and vice-ad' -V. miral of the Englilli Fleet in 1588* -::.-,., 1 ,j\,, IT feems in fome meafure to detra(5l from the common notions about nobility of birth, and the advantages of blood, that the moft illuftrious perfons in our .lation have rifen from very ©bfcure beginnings, and hst'e left their hiftorians difficulties enough to Itruggle witii in deriving their defcents. This is particularly true o: Sir Prancis Drake, corcerning whofe family I mu(t confefs, I can fay nothing with much certainty. That he was born in De- v.QtiJhlre, occafioned his being taken notice of by the Re- verend Mr. Prince^ who has left us a life of him, not niuch to be depended on * ; and as to earlier writers, many of them are filenr. According to the account given by Mr. Camden, who profeiles to have taken it from his Vol. I. LI Owrt * Camden. Annal. p. 158. Stowe's Annals, p. S07. Sir Williim Monfon's Naval Traits. y Stowe's Annals, p. 807. ^ Sir William Monfon's Naval Trafts. * Worthies of Devon.- p. 28*?. . . 1 |! .1 i 1 ■V .m X iJj .tri ?^f ii4 MEMOIRS ^ ' ' own mouth, we are told that he was Ton of a perfon in ordinary circumflances, who lived in a village in Devon- Jhire, and that Sir Francis Ruffel^ afterwards earl of Bed- ford^ was his godfather. His father having embraced the proteftant religion, was obliged to quit his country and re- tire to Kenty where he firft read prayers on board the fleet, was afterwards ordained a deacon, and in procefs of time became vicar of the church of Upnore, As for our Francis Drake, he was bound out apprentice to the mafter of a coafling veflll, whom he ferved fo faithfully, that dying unmarried, he bequeathed his (hip to Drake \ which laid the foundation of his fortunes ^ I do not doubt, but many of the circumftances in this llory may be true, if brought itiio their right order ; but, as they ftand in Cam- den, they cannot be fo. For iirlt, this account makes our hero ten years older than he was ; next, if his father fled about the fix articles, and he was born fome time before. Sir Francis Rujfel could have been but a child, and there- fore, not likely to be his godfethcr'. Another ftory there is, as circumilantial, and written as early, which perhaps fome judicious reader will be able to reconcile with this : but whether that can be done or not, I think it of better credit. According to this relation I find that he was the fon of an honeft failor, and born near Tavijiock in the year 1545, being the eldcft of twelve brethren and brought up at the expence, and under the care, of his kinfman Sir John .,\. ., i» Camdea's i^nnals, p. 351. Engliih Hero, p. i. and Fuller's Holy State, p. iz%t ' It appears by the Monumental infcrip- tioD on the Tomb of this noble Perfoo, that he was born A. D. 1^27. and was, therefore, but ten Years old at Drake's Chriil- ning, according to this account ; but mieht well be his Godfather, if born 1545. See CoUins's Peerage, vol. i. p. 101. bller'f kcrip- .. D. thrift- ither. AV FR ANCIS DR AKE, 515 John Hawkinu I likcwife find that, at the age of eigh- teen, he was purfer of a fliip trading to Bifcay\ that at twenty he made a voyage to Quinea^ and at the age of 'twenty-two, had the honour to be appointed captain of the Judith^ in the harbour of St. John de Ulha, in the gulph of Mexico^ where he behaved moft gallantly in that glori- ous adlion, under Sir John Hawkins^ and returned with him into England with a very great reputation, but not worth a groat''. Upon this he conceived a defign of making itprifals on the king of Spain \ which, fome fay, was put into his head by the ^ipifter of his ftiip> and to be fure in fea-divinity the cafe was clear, the king of Spain' i fubjeftshad undone Mr. Drake ^ and therefore Mr. Draki was at liberty to take the beil fatisfaftion he could on the fubjedb of the King of Spain «, This dodtrine JiOW rudely foever preached was very taking in England^ and therefore he no fooner publiihed his deiign, than he had numbers of volunteers ready to acccompany him, though they had no fuch pretence to colour their proceed- ings as he had ^ In 1570, he made his firft expedition, with two (hips, the Dragon and the Swan j and the next year in the Swan alone, wherein he returned fafe, if not rich ; and having now means fufficient to perform greater matters, as well as (kill to condu^ them, he laid the plan of a more important defign, with refpeit to himfelf and to his enemies K This he put in execution on the twenty- ifourth of March 1572, on which day he lailed from Ply- L 1 2 . ^ mouthy '^ Stowc's Annals, p- 807. • Prince's Worthies of Devon, p. 239. ^ Stowc's Annals, p. 807. Camden's Annals, p. 35I. % Sir Francis Drake -revived, by Pnilip Nichols, Pmicher, 9410. of 94 pages in black Letter, publlQied by iiir Francis Dralce, BaroDKt, his Nepbew- !;'!» :^i'i w 'I ii '■••x l;;-.:^':; w <: , 'U ■ ■I 1 V ;> H 1 ■ ., M It ^ i'^H^'In •i ^ ■ ;:^i i ^ ".»^■ 516 ; MEMOIRS 0/ . J ^ mouthy himfelf in a (hip called the Pafchay of the burthen of fcventy tons, and his brother 'John Drake in the Swan^ of twenty-five tons burthen, their whole ftrcngth confilling of lio more than twenty-three men and boys ; and with this iuconfidcrable force on the twcnty-fecond of July^ he at- tacked the town of Nombre de Dios, which then fcrvcd the Spaniards for the fame purpoks (though not fo con- veniently) as thofe for which iht-y now ufe Porto Bello. Hfe" took it in a few hours by Ilorm, notwithftanding a very dangerous wound he received in the adlion j yet after all they were no great gainers, but after a very brifk adion \vire obliged to betake thefnielves to their (hips with very little booty. His next attempt was to plunder the muleS laden with filver, which pafTcd from Venta Cruz to Nombre de Dios ; but m this fcheme too he was difappointed. How- ever, he attacked the town of Venta Cruz, carried it, and got fome little booty. In their return they met unex- pe<5tedly with a firing of fifty mules laden with plate, of which they carried off as much as they could, and buried the reft. In thefe expeditions he was greatly af- fifled by a nation of Indians, who are engaged in a per- petual war with the Spaniards. The prince or captain of thefe people was named Pedro, to whom captain Drake prefented a line cutlafs which he at that time •wore, and to which he faw the Indian \\m\ a mind. Pedro in return, gave him four large wcdgts of gold, which captain Drake threw into the common flock, with this remarkable expreflion ; that he thought it but jujl, that juch as bore the charge of fo uncertain a voyage on his credit, Jhould Jhare the utmojl advantages that voyage produced. Then embarking his men with all the wealth he had obtained, which wijs very confiderable, he bore away for England^ and was fo fortunate as to t-h^isj^^t^t;^.-.^- ,i,\- '^f wrf.; ».i/^..^ »,,'• ■ <<« •' ;«-. ■ fail 5/r FRANCIS DRAKE, s^? fail in twenty three days from cape Florida to the i/lc? of Sci/fyf and thence \yithout any accident \o Plymouthy where he arrived the ninth of //w^///? 1573 \ His fuccefs in this expedition, joined to his honourabe behaviour towards his owners, gaine i him a high reputa- tion, and the ul'e he made of his riches, ftili a greater; for fitting out three ftoul frigates at his own expence, he fail- ed with them to Ireland, where, under iPalter earl c!^ Ef- fex (the father of that unfortunate earl who was behea-i-nl) he fcrved as a volunteer, and did many p,lorious ail ions 1, After the death of his noble patron, he icturned mto Et>^- landy where Sir Chrijiopher Hat ton, who was then vicc- chamberlain to queen Elizabeth^ privy-counfellor, and a great favourite, took him under his protcdtior, introduced him to her majefty, and procured him her countenance ^, By this means, he acquired a capacity of undertaking that; grand ^ xpedilion, which will render his name immortal. The thing he firft propofed, was, a voy?'ge into the South. Sgas, through the ftreights of Magellar:, which wns what hitherto no Englijhman ever attempted. This projec'i was well received at court, and in a fhort time, captain Drake faw himfclf at the height of his wifhes ; for in his former voyage, having had a dillant profpedt of the Ssuth-Scas, he framed an ardent prayer to god, that he might fail an Englijh (hip in them, which he now found an oppor!ui.i:y of attempting, the queen's permiflion furnifiiing him with the mean?, and his own fame quickly drawing to him a force fufficient '. L 1 3 Tf^E f1 ^ See that relation, as alfo Camderi's Annals, p. 351. Srowe, Hollinfhed, Speed. ' Stowe's Annals, p. So*. ibid. ' Cymden's Annals, p. 353. Stowc's Annals, p. 6^9. Prince's Worthies of Devon. 5i8 M E M O I R S £/• ^ The fleet with which he failed on this extraordinary undertaking, confided of the following fhips ; the Pelican^ commanded by himfelf, of the burden of one hundred tons \, the Elizabeth^ vice-admiral, eighty tons, under captain J»hn Winter j tl>e Marygold^ a bark of thirty tons, commanded by captain Joh?i Thomas ; the Swan^ a fly-boat of fifty tons, under captain John Chejltr^ and the Chriftopher, a pinnace of fifteen tons, under captain Thomas Moon ">. In this fleet, were embarked no more than one hundred fixcy- four able men, and all the neceflary provifions for fo long and dangerous a voyage ; the intent c^ which, however, was not openly declared, but given out to be for Alexan* dria^ though all men fufpedtcd, and many knew he in- tended for America, Thus equipped, on the fifteenth of November 157/, about three in the afternoon, be failed ^rom Plymouth ; but a heavy ftorm taking hiai as foon at he was out of port, forced him, in a very bad condition, into Falmouth to refir, which having expeditioufly perform^ cd, he again put to fea the thirteenth of December follow- ing ". On the twenty-fifth of the fame month, he fell in with the coaft of Barbary, and on the twenty-ninth with cape Ferd ; the thirteenth of March, he pafled the Egui-^ m^ialy the fifth of April, he made the coaft of Brazil in 30 N" L. and entered the river de la Plata, where he loft the company of two of his (hips j but meeting them again, and having taken c<'t of them all the provifions they hadl en board, he turned them a-drift. On the twenty- ninth of May, he entered the port of St. Julian's, where he did the leail commendable a^ion of his life in executing Mr. John « Camden's Annals, p. 354. Hakluyt's Voyage?, vol. iii. p 750,748. Piirchas'3 Pilg)rim, vol* i. p. 46. ■ Camdea's Anralsi p. 354. - '. - u, .. , .-*....: 5/r FRANCIS DRAKE. 519 *Jchn Doughty y a roan next in authority to himfelf j in which, however, he prefcrvcd a great appearance of juf- ticc **. . On the twentieth of Jiugujl, he entered the llreights of Magtilan, on the twenty-fifth of September he pafled them, having then only his own (hip, which in the South' Seas, he new named the Hindi on the twenty-fifth of November^ he came to Machao, in the latitude of 30 degrees, where he had appointed a rendezvous in cafe his Alps feparated j but captain Winter having repafled the ftreights, was returned to England, Thence he continued his voyage along the coafts of Chili and Peru, taking all opportunities of feizing Spanijh (hips, or of landing and at- tacking them on (hore, till his crew were fated with plun- der; and then coafting North-America to the height of 48 degrees, he endeavoured to find a pallage back into our ieas on that fide, which is the ftrongcil proof of his confum- mate fkill and invincible courage; for if ever fuch a paiTage hf found to the northward, this, in all probability, will be the method ; and we can fcarce conceive a clearer teilimony of an undaunted fpirit, than attempting difcoveries, after fo longv^ fo hazardous, and fo fatiguing a voyage p. Here being difappointed of what he fought, he landed, and call- ed the country, New- Albion, taking pofleflion of \x in the name and for the ufe of queen Elizabeth, and having trim- med his (hip, fet fail from thence on the twenty-ninth of September 1579, for the Moluccah, The reafon of captain Draie*i chufing this paflage round, rather than returning ' LI 4 by s rf:i i3- all wMch ie " Seethe relation in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. /^^ omitted in the revifed account in Purchas before refeircd to. P Sir Willian* Monfon's Naval Trafts, p. 400. reiparka on this pai&ge in Dainpier*« Voyages. See aU'o fom« i I ! 520 MEMOIRS of '- by the freights of Magellan ^ was partly the danger of bew ing attacked at a great difadvantage by the Spaniards, and partly the latenefs of the feafon, whence dangerous iiorma and hurricanes were to be apprehended ^. On the thir- teenth of OSioher, he fell in with certain iflands inhabited by ihe moft barbarous people he had met with, in all his voyage. On the fourth of November, he had fight of the Molucca*^ and coming to Ternate, was extreamly well re- ceived by the king thereof, who appears from the moft au- thentic relations of this voyage, to have been a wife and pclite printw. On the tenth of December^ he madp C<- hbes, where his (hip unfortunaiely ran on a rock, the ninth of January following, whence, beyond all expedtation, and in a manner miraculoufly, they got off, and continued their courfe. On the fixteenth of March, he arrived at yava Major, thence he intended to have proceeded for Malacca, but found himfelf obliged to aker his purpofe, and think of returning diredlly home. ' On the twenty-* fifth of March 1580, he put this defign in execution, and on the fifteenth of June, he doubled the cape of Gcod-hope, having then on board his (hip fifty-feven men, and but three casks of water. On the twelfth of July he pafled the Line, reached the coaft of Guinea on the fixteenth, and ihere watered. On the eleventh of September he made the ifl.ind of Tercsr-a, and on the twenty-fifth of the fame month entered the harbour of Plymouth, In this voyage he conipleatly furrounded the globe, which no commander ^ See nil the relations before cited for the coiinrmation of t'nis c;riu.;ll: nee; but perhaps captain Drake might be deterred by the confident, though falfe report pf the Spmiards, that the ftreights could not be repaffcd. * Hukluyt's Voyages, vol, iii. p. 74*3. , • ' '. '-^ le t 5/r FRANCIS DRAKE. 521 io chief had done before*. His fuccefs in the voyage, and the immenfe mafs of wealth he brought home, raifed much difcourfe throughout the kingdom, ibme highly commend- ing, and fome as loudly decrying him. The former al- ledged, that his exploit was not only honourable to himfelf, but to his country ; that it would eilablifh our reputation for maritime (kill in foreign nations, and raife a ufeful fpirit of emulation at home ; and that as to the money, our merchants having fuffered deeply from the faithlefs pradljces of the Spaniards, there was nothing more juft than that the nation fhould receive the benefit of Drakii reprifals. The other party alledged, that in fadt he was no better than a pyrate j that of all others, it leaft became a trading nation to encourage fuch pradices 3 that it wss not only a diredl breach of all our late treaties with Spainy but likewife of our old leagues with the houfe of Burgundy 5 and that the confequences would be much more fatal, than the benefits reaped from it could be advanlagioUs. Things continued in this uncertainty during the remainder of the year 1580, and the fpring of the fucceeding year. At length they took a better turn ; for on the 4th of April 1581, her majelly dining at Deptford in Kenty went on board captain Drake's Ship, where (he conferred on him the honour of knighthood, and declared her abfolute ap- probation of ail that he had done, to the confuHon of his enemies, and to the great joy of his friends*. She like-* wife gave diredlions for the prefervation of his fliip, that it might remain a monument of his own, and his coun- try's glory. In procefs of time, the V( fiel decaying, it was broken li; m .' n )1. • Hakluyt, vol. iii. p 742. Purchas, vol. i. p 46—57. * Camden's Annals, p- 351. Sir William Monfon's Nival Trad?, p. 400. Stowe's Annals, p. 689. Holinglhtd, Speed. ,\- 522 T M E M O r R S ^ broken up; but a chair made of the planks was. prdbntei to the univeriity of Ox/or^^ and is ftill preferved *. lu 15S5, he failed again to tlie WeJl-IndUs^ having under his command, captain Chriflcphir Carlijli, captain Martin Frobijbery captain Francis Knallysy and many other officers of great reputation. .' that expedition he took the cities of St. fagOy St. DMiihga^ Garthaginaj and St. Jugufliny exceeding even the expectation of his friends, and the hopes of the common people, though both were £inguineto the lad degree*. Yet the profits of thb ex- pedition, were but moderate, the defign of fir Francii being rather to weaken the enemy, than to enrich him* litlf '.^ In 1587, he proceeded to LiflMn with a fleet of tiiirty fail^ and havmg intelligence of a great fleet aflembled in the bay of Cadiz^ which was to hare made part of the 4rtnadi7^ he, with great courage, entered that port, and burnt there upwards of ten thoufand ton of fliipping, and after having performed all the fervice that the ftate could exped, he reiblved to do hb utmoit to content the mer^ chants of London^ who had contributed, by a voluntary fbbftription, to the fitting out of his fleet. With this view, having intelligence of a large Carrath exped^ af Tdreera frOJn the Eafi-Indies, thither he failed ; and tho' hts men were feverely pinched for want of viftuals, yet by liiir words and large promifcs, he prevailed upon them to endure thefe hardfhips for a few days ; within this fpace the EaJI'lndia (hip arrived, which he took and carried home in triumph; io that throughoMt the whole war, there ' See Mr. Cow!cy*s P lems, edit. 1 680. p. 8, 42. * Hakluyt vol. iii. p. 534. Sir V'illiam Monfon's Naval TraAs, p. 169. Camden. Aonal. p. 355. Stowe*s Annals, p. 709. Holingflied, Speed. ^ Sir WiJiiam Monfon'a Naval Trails, p. 169. re 5/r F R A N C I S DRAKE. ^H there was no expedition fo happily conduced as this, with refped to reputation or profit ^ j and therefore we need not wonder, that upon his return* the mighty applauft he received, might render him fomewhat elate, as his ene- mies report it did -, but certain it is, that no man's pride had ever a happier turn, fince it always vented itfelf in fervice to the public Thus at this time he undertook to bring water into the town of Pfymou/b^ through the want of which, till then, it bad been grievouily diftrefied j and h« performed it by conducing thither a fiream from Springs at eight miles diftance, that is to fay, in a ftraight line; for in the manner by which he brought it, the courfe it runs is of upwards of twenty miles \ In 1588, Hr Francis Drake was appointed vice-admiral, under Charles lord Howard of Effingham^ high-admiral of England \ here his fortune favoured him as remarkably as ever ; for he made prize of a large galleon^ command* ed by don Pedro de Valdez^ who yielded on the bare menr tion of his name. In this veflel, fifty thoufand ducati were diftributed among the feamen and fokliers, which preferved that love they had always borne to this their va- liant commander. It muft not, however, be diflemblcd, that, through an overfight of his, the admiral ran the ut« moib hazard of being taken by the enemy ; for Drake being appointed, the firft night of the engagement, to carry lights for the diredlion of tlie EngUJh £eet, he, be< ing in full purfuit of fome hulks belonging to the Hanf*' Towns, negledled it ; which occaiioned the admiral's fol- lowing the Spani/h lights, and remaining almoft in the centre y Stow*8 Anmis, p. 808. Sir William Monfon's Tnfts, p. 170. » Weftcoi*$ Sarvcy of Devoaihire, MS, Stowe'a Anoals. p. 808. t ; ! (j) 524 ' MEMOIRS 0/ centre of their fleet *till morning. However, his fucceed- ing Cervices fufficiently effaced the memory of this miftake, the greateft execution done on the flying Spaniards^ being performed by the fquadron under his command ». The next year he commanded as admiral at fea, the fleet fent to reftore don Antonio^ king of Portugal, the command of the land-forces being given to fir John Norris, They were hardly got out to fea, before the comman- ders differed ; though it is on all hands agreed, that there never was an admiral better difpofed with refpedl to fol- diers, than fr Francis Drake. The ground of their dif- ference was this, the general was bent on landing at the Groyne, whereas fir Francis, and the fea-ofiicers were for failing to Lisbon diredlly ; in which if their advice had been taken, without queftion their enterpnze had fuc- ceeded, and don Antonio been reftored. For \i afterwards appeared, on their invading Portugal, that the enemy had made ufe of the time they gave them, to fo good purpofe, that it was not poflible to make any impreflion. Sir John Norris indeed marched by land to Lisbon, and lir Francis Drake very imprudently promifed to fail up the river with his whole fleet ; but when he faw the con- fequences which would have attended the keeping his word, he chofe rather to brake his promife, than to ha- zard the queen's navy j for which he v/as grievoufly re- proached by Norris, and the mifcarriage of the whole af- fair was imputed to his failure in performing what he had undertaken. Yet, fir Francis fully juftified himfelf on his return ; for he made it manifeft to the queen and council, that I » Camden's Annals, p. 565, ^73. Hakluyt's Voyages vol. i- 602. Sir Win. Monibn's Naval Tradts, p. 172. Stowc, Ho- ingfhcd, Speed. . IS id is lat ^/V FRANCIS DRAKE. 525 that all the fervice that was done, was performed by; him, and that his failing up the river of Lijbon, would have fignified not^^ing to the taking the caftle, which was two miles oF, and that, without reducing it, the«-e was no takJng the town \ . ^_^ ''[^^.^- .?|i^ ^3^)1^2 .ui vl-ad His next fervice was, the fatal undertaking in conjutu ftion with fir John Hawkim, in 1594, for the deftroyr ing Nomhre de Dios, of which I have already given an ac-r 1 ... . count, to the death of the laft-mentioned commander^ which, as we have (hewn, was the day before fir Francis. made his defperate attack on tHe fhipping in the harbour of Porto Rico. This was performed with all courage ima- ginable, on fhe 13th of November 1595, and attended with great lofstb ihe Spaniards, ygtwitb very little advantage to the Englijhy who meeting with a more refolutc refiliince, and much better fortifications than they expeded, were obliged to fheer off. The admiral, then fleered for the main, where he took the town of Rio de la Hacha, which he burnt to the ground, a church, and a fingle houfe be- longing to a lady, only excepted. After this he deftroy- ed fome other villages, and then proceeded to Santa Mar- thdy which he likewife burned. The like fate had the famous town of Nomhre de Dios, the Spaniards refufing to ranforn any of thefe places, and the booty taken in them being very inconfiderable. On the 29th of Dece'mler, fir Thomas Bajkerville marched \^ith Ibven hundred and fiftjr men towards Panama^ but returned on the fecond of y FRANCIS DRAKE. 527 J 585 ; his not keeping either St. 'ZhmitJi^^ or Cartbagena^ after he had taken them ; the flender provtHon he made in his expedition to Portugal i his breaking his word to Sir Jahn NmriSf and the errors he committed in his laft under- taking*. Incxcufeof thefe, it is faid, that the glory df what he did, might very well remove the imputation of his mean defcent ; what was thought haughtinefs in him» might be no more than a juft concern for the fupport of his authority ; his difplay of his great fervices, a thing in- cident to his profdfion ; and his love of fpeaking, quali- fied by his wifdom and eloquence, which hinderai hioi from ever dropping a weak, or an ungrace^l exprenion. In equipping his fleet, he was not fo much in fau^t as thoie whom he trudcd ; Hckneis hindered his keeping the places he took in the JVefl-lndies j his councils were con- tinually crofled by the land-officers in his voyage to Pot' tugal', and as to his laft attempt, the Spaniards were cer- tainly well acquainted with his deilgn, at leaft as Toon as he left England, if not before. His voyage Tound the world, however, remains an inconteftable proof df his cou- rage, capacity, patience, quick-fightednefs, and public fpi- rit, lince therein he did every thing that could be expeft- ed from a man, who preferred the 'honour and profit of his country, to his own reputation or private gain ^ Th e only a£t of his whole life that laid him open to juft cenfure, was his feverity towards Mr. John Doughty, which I have touched before, and w^ich many realbns incline me to mention again. The caufe he alledged, was Dough t/i ( 1 3 ■ M « I . »kj-^i'f .Z * '1 Al ;-ndi* r * Sir, William Monfon's Naval Tracks, p. 399. PurcbsiJj Pil- grim V. 6. p. 1 185 Stowe's Annals, p. 808. ' Cimc'iin. tVh- ral, p. 351. Tile worl i:\ I douhtedy haft that Doughtie would bewray My counfely and with other party take-, ^ • Wherefore^ the fooner him to rid away, • Ifent him forth to fea, with captain Drake, Who knew how t'entertaine him for my fake. Before he iv^nt^ his lot by me was caft ; Vu^ .j^ .///; death was plot ted, and performed in hafle* i*f'f -^i'* p^^ >i l^-« • *^ — ■ "? •'«*>'♦ .It ".■) AT *i-i m ^-n K This ftory is plainly and circumftantially told in the relation we have in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 733, and is alfo mentioned in Mr. Winter's account of his voyage, p. 752, but in the relation ftrlnted in Purchases Pilgrim, vol. i. p. 46, it is flipt over in one inc. •' Winftanley*s Englifti Worthies, in the life of fir Francis Drake. ' P. 22, 23, This is a quarto pamphlet^ pinted in 1641. and moil of the fads contained in it, are taken from Leicefter*8 Commoa>wealth, written by father Perfons ; as the reader may perceive, by comparing thefe ftanzas with what is iaid of Doughty's death in that book, p. 49. 1 Si? 1 - ^ ■ /^FRANCIS DRAKE ^'"i 10 tim, p,rmitt,d to mof. ' '^''•"i«"f''r,hemnzof,h,iead. ' •he facrament with ^.X Jh '"\'^"'^""' '"d --eccived ir before h,-, exccutio: B'i";:,^ t"^«- "^•"«'-e- - which deferve particular »nt^ ' "' "^ '«'° P"'"* 'or Whore dea/A^Hld ; ' r '"' *^" °^ ^#'. ^"M firft patron and i, ^.k T ''°"""'' ^e wm ftould dcftroy a^a'n fo 1 *''''°''' '"y '"P'oi'able h. ;- <^«*«mer:rsT:dr''^*'^'""- ^"ch a manner as fcems to in^f ^ *" ''P''" » ^"^ 'n . to condemn him. * ^ ^'" ^^« no ground Jt was the felicitv of ^ Mow her ^vo'ur, ^rr^'^r f^^^^* -n'. " ■O™^* was always her favour;,. ^''J"^'"- Sit FramU f^-f Of it in reWtfa " ^i; ^f "" "'^ '^^^ fr/maniir Bernard Orl^'ui ^ ""'' '"'' """- f"-^, which fo prov^^ r I "■'"' '^^ '■'■'"'"^ "■"! '*-•'■«. that he gave ht , Ztl "'"' "^'^ ' ^"-'' Vol. I " ** °°x on the ear. Thf^^.^ - • *• Mm ^ '^ Tl — ; tools -Annals, p. ... " 530 MEMOIRS^ look up the quarrel, and gave fir Francis a new coaf, which is thus blazoned : Sable a fefs wavy between two pole Jiars argent^ and for his creft, a /hip on a globe un- der ruff\ held by a cable with a hand ou^ of the clouds j over it this motto, Juxilio divino, underneath Sic parvisy magna ; in the rigging whereof is hung up by the heels a irivern Gules, which was the arms of Jir Bernard Drake '. Her majefty's kindnefs, however, did not extend beyond the grave ; for (he fuffered his brother Thomas Drake, whom he made his heir, to be prcfecuted for a pretended debt to the crown, which much diminiflied the advantages he would otherwife have reaped from his brother's fuccefion •". It would fwell this work much beyond its intended bulk, if we (hould enter particularly into the hiftory of all the remarkable commanders who flourifhed in the reign of queen Elizabeth ; and therefore, we (hall be more con- cife in our accounts of fuch heroes as we are yet to men- tion, and whofe adlions it would be however injurious tp, the reader to pafs over in abfolute filence. Sir Martin Frobijher was a native of Yorkjhire, born near Doncajler of mean parents, who bred him to the fea ". We have very little account of his junior years, or the manner in which they were fpent. He diftingui/hed him- felf firft by undertaking the difcovery of the north-weft pafi'age in 1576, and made a yoyage that year, wherein, though he had not full fuccefs, yet it gained him great re- putation °. In the year 1577, he undertook a fecond expedition, and in 1578, a third i in all which he gave '•- the 1 Tliis ftory is relat -d by Prince, from the mouth of fir John Drake, bart. a dii'edt deftc-ndant from fir Bernard. ^ Sir WilUani Monfon's Naval Tr^as, p 400. ' " Stowe's An- rals, p. SoS. " A very full account of his voyages above-mcn- tiuned may be found in Hukhiyt, vol. iii p. 26* — 96. Spa\ thatj by t| ii Sir lAn- Sir MARTIN FROBISHER. 531 the highcft proofs of his courage and condu(fl, in provH ding for the fafety of his men, and yet pufhing the dif- covery he went upon as far as it was poflible; fo that, notwithftanding his difappointmcnr, he (liil prcferved his reputation, and this in fpighl of a little accident which would certainly have overturned the credit of a leCs noted commander. He brought from the Streights, which lie difcovered, and which are ilill known by his n.ime, a large quantity of black, foft ftone, full of yellow Ihining grains, which he fuppofed to be gold-ore ; but after num- berlefs trials it was reported to be nothing worth, and (a thrown away •*. On this occafion, I cannot help taking notice of an accident of the like nature which happened ta the mate of captain Monky who was fent to make dilcove- ries to the north- weft by the king of Denmark. He brou j'lt home a quantity of ihining fand, which he alfo apprehend- ed contained gold, but upon trial, it was judged to be of no value, and the ill ufage which on account of this fuppofed miftake the poor man met with, broke his heart. Many years afterwards, the chancellor of Denmark f^iewed a fmall parcel of this fand to a French chemift (the /eft by the king's orders had been thrown into the fea) ; ana iliia frenchman extraded two ounces of pure gold, out of twenty ounces of that fand ^. But to return to Frohijher \ he commanded her ma- jefty's (hip the 'triumph^ in the famous fea-i:ght with the Spanijh Armada^ and therein did fuch excellent fervice,' that he was among the number of the few knights made by the lord high-admiral on that fignal occafion \ In M m 2 1590..1 P Stowe's Annah, p. 808. *» See Churchill's ColkiTdon tf Voyages, vol. !• P- 5)S« ^ Camcea's Annals, p. 576. 532 MEMOIRS^^ 1590, he commanded a fquadron on the coail of SpaWf which hindered the coming home of the plate-fleet *. In 1592, Sir Martin Frobijher took the charge of a fleet fit- ted out by Sir Walter Raleghy which wcnc to the coaft of Spain ; and though hfl had but three (hips, yet he made a (hift to burn one rich galleon, and bring home another ^ In 1594, he failed to the coaft of France^ to aflift in re- taking Brejl^ which was attacked by land by fir John NorriSf with three thoufand Englijh forces, at the fame time that our admiral blocked up the port. The garrl- fon defended themfelves bravely, till fuch' time as fir Mar^ tin landed his failors, and defperately attacking the place, carried ir, but with the lofs of feveral captains, fir Martin himfelf receiving a (hot in the fide, and this through v/ant of (kill in his furgeon, proved the caufe of his death, which happened at Plymouth within a few days after his return ". He was one of the moft able feamen of his time ; of un- daunted courage, great prefence of mind, and equal to aImo(t any undertaking i yet in his carriage blunt, and a very ftridl obferver of difcipline, even to a degree of fcvc- rity, which hindered his being beloved *'. 't HO MAS Cavendijh of Trimley in the county of Suffolk i Efq; was a gentleman defcended from a noble h- mily oi DiVonfl)ire, and polTefled of a very plentiful eftale, which he, being a man of wit, and great good humour, hurt pretty deeply by his expences at court. Upon this, he took it into his head to repair his (battered fortunes at the » Sir WilJism Monfon's Naval Trails, p. 177. * Ibid. p. I go. " Camden*8 Annals, p. 680. Stowe, Ilolingfhed, Sr^fd. ^ Stowe's Aanals, p. 8o3. Sir William Monfon's ^avalTraa«, p. 182. liaLl vol.l (bnf li THOMAS CAVENDISH. 533 the expence of the Spaniards *. With which view he built two (hips from the (locks, one of a hundred and twenty, the other of threefcorc tons ; and with thefe and a bark of forty tons, he failea from Plymouth on the twenty-firft of July 1586. He firft made the coaft of Barbary, then fleered for Brazil, and entered the ftreighls of Magtllan, the fifth of January 1587, and palled them very happily j then coafting along Chili and Peru, they took abundance of rich prizes, continuing their courfe as high as California, they there took ^ the St. Anne, which Mr. Cavendijh, in a letter to my lord Hun/don, rightly calls an AcapuUo (hip, though in mod relations of his voyage, (he is ftiled the admiral of the South-Seas* Her cargo was of immenfe value, which his (hips being too fmall to carry, he was forced to burn, taking out of her, however, as much gold as was worth lixty thoufand pounds. He then (leered for the PhiHipine iflands, where he fafely arrived, and proceeded from them to Java Ma- jor, which he reached the firft of March 1588. He doubled The Cape of Good Hope, the firft of June, and fo without any remarkable accident returned fafe to Plymouth, the ninth of September in the fame year, having failed complcatly round the globe, and brought home an im- menfe fortune y. This, however, he quickly wafted, and in the year 159 1, was compelled to think of another voyage, vvhich was far from being fo fuccefsful as the former. He left Plymouth Jhe twenty-fixth of Augufl 159 1, with three ftout (hips and two barks. On the ... M m 3 eighth * Camden's Annals, p.^52. Stowv's Annals, p 808. Sir Wil- liam Monfon*s Naval Tradls, p. 401. y Hak'uvt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 803. Purchas's Pilgrim, vol. i p 57. Sir William Mon» ion's Niival TrftAs, p. 4^:1 . 534 MEMOIRS ^/ eighth of J^pril 1592, he h\\ in with the ftreights of Magellan, and continued in them to the fifteen ih of May^ when on account of the badnefs of the weather he de- termined to return j which accordingly he did to the coall oi Brazil, and there died of grief. One of his fhips T^e Dejire^ under the command 01 Mr. John Da^ vis, actually pafled the ftreights ^ ^^v , • . Another great adventurer by fea was Mr. Edward fentOH^ a gentleman who icems to have been a favourite and derendiiit on the potent earl of Liicejier, by bir Wil- liam Monfon, the AntJope aflipjicd to Sir H«nry Pilm'.."r, and the Mary Role to capt.iin Fenton ; hut ;is tiicic lliips iIhi.J t 'J^u- tKCr, it is not infipcliible that tlie names of tijcir conwiiandcr? tniiy have been excrian^^cii, 53^ MEMOIRS^ own /eputition, which Lontinued to be very great for up- wards of thirty years '. Sir Wtlliam Monfin tells us, that he ronferred with Mr. Z).^wj, as well as Sir Martin Fr(h hijher o i this fubjeft, and that they were able to give him po more aflurance, than thofe who had never gone fo far ; though he confefles, that they did offer him fome very plaulible neafons to prove, that fuch a paffage there was. In his difcourfe on this fubje<5t, he labours hard to prove the underf.aking impradicable j but admitting it were not fo, he preiends to fhew, that no fuch mighty advantages as are exposed could be reaped by this difcovery. He concludes his difcourfe with hinting, that a more profi- table, and at the fame time a more probable attempt, might be made by failing due north under the pole, which he luppofes would render the direft paflage between us J jd China^ no more than fifteen hundred leagues' k. Amongst the naval heroes of this glorious reign, we muft not forget George Ciiffhrd earl of Cumberl^ndy w.ho undertook many expeditions,* both in E'jropi and the JVeJl'Indies^ at his own expence, and in feveral, hazarded his perfon, merely to ferve his queen and country, and thereby acquire a juft right to feme. In fome of thofe voyages. Sir fVilliam Monfi t affifted, aad has left us ac- counts of them, and of the reft we have many relations extant. It does not appear, however, that the earl ad- ded any tning to his private fortune, by thefe teftimonies of his public fpirit; and therefore the queen, to (hew how juft a fenfe (he had of his zeal and refolution, honoured . bim, f We have an account of all the Voyages in Hakluyt, as alfo of a Voyage of his to the Eaft Indies in 1604. Purchas's Pfl- jrinn, vol. i. p. 1 52. e Naval Tra^s, p. 426. ^/r R O B E R T D U D L E Y. 537 hijn, in the year 1592, with a garter ; which, in her reign, was never beftowed, till it had been deferred by lig- nal fervices to the public. This noble peer furvived the queen, and was in great favour and high efteem with her fuccefTor. He deceafed in 1605, and was the laft heir^ male of his noble family \ Sir R^hrt Dudley ^ fon to the great earl of Leicejier^ diftinguiflied himfelf by his application to maritime affairs, by his great (kill in them, and by his known encourage- ment to eminent feamen, as well by his perfonal ex- ploits, which were fuch, as deferve to be remembered. In 1594, he iAted out a fquadron of four fail at his own expence, and leaving Southampton on the 6th of November^ proceeded for the coafl of Spain^ where he loft the com- pany of the other three (hips. This however, did not hinder him from continuing his voyage to the Weft-Indies i and in his paifage, he took two large (hips, though of no great value. After remaining fome time about the illand of Trinidada, he found himfelf imder a neceflity of returning home, in a much worfe condition than he came out ; and "yet, coming up in his paflage with a Spani/h fhip of 600 tons, his own vellel being of no greater burthen than two hundred, he engaged her, fought two whole days, till his powder was quite exhaufted, and then left her ; but in fo torn, and (battered a condition, that fhe after- wards funk. This made the ninth (hip which he had either taken, funk, or burnt in his voyaged He lived mai.y years afterwards, though a voluntary exile in Italy^ where ^. Camden, Stowe, Speed, Hollingfticd. vol, iii. p. 574. Hakluyt, 'I' '« .'1 i 53S MEMOIRS of where he projefted the making Leghorn a frei fibrt, which has been of fuch mighty confequence to the duke of Tu/- caffy, ever fince, and was himfelf created by the crti|ieror Ftrdinand the fecond, a duke df the holy Roman crti- pire'*. Sir Richard Hawkins, fon to the famous Sir John Iidu;h'nsy of whom we have bc-F.i-b treated, was born at Plymouth, in De'vanfiiri ; and ds he Wis little inferitir td his flither in Ikill Jt cburOge, he too much fefembled hiili in his riiisfohuhes ^ In i593» he fitted out tWo larger fhips, and a pin nance, at his own expence, and had the queen*s commifTion tb empower him to infeft the Spd" Hiardi, in ^outh-AfheHta, His expedition Was unlUtRy from his firft fetting out ; and yeti notwithftanding a number d" ufitbwiard atcidehts,- he relolutely perfifted id His defign of palling the ftreights of Magellan, ahd fuf- roundirig th6 globe, as Draki and Cak^endijh had ddne. He fliared, however, in none of theif fucceft, though he met With mod of their misfortunes. One captain "Tharl- ton, who had been very culpable in diftrefling Mr. Ca* vifidifb'm his laft voyage, was guilty df the like bafeneft towards Sir Richard Hatvkim ; for though he knew hto pinnance was burnt, he deferted him at the river oi Plate j and returned home, leaving Sir Richard to purfue his voy- age ihr )ugh the ftreights of Magellan with one (hip only, which with equal prudence and refolution he performed in the fpring of the year 1594, ^"^ entering into the South Seas took feveral prizes, one of which was of con- fiderable value. On the coafts of Peru, he was attacked ^ Lloyd's State Worthies, p. 761. D«/cu. p. 351. ' Prince's Worthies of ,S/V R I C H A R D H AW KINS. 539 by Don Bertrand de CaflrOy who had with him a fquadron of aght faiU and two thoufand choice mt.^ on board 5 yet Hawkim m.>de a fliift to difengage himfelr, after ht had done the Spaniards incredible damage. But flaying too long in the South-Seas^ in order to take more prices, he was attacked a fecond time by admiral de Cajtrs^ who was now ftronger than before; yet Hawkins derendcd himfelf gallantly for three day«, and three nights, and then mod of his men being killed, his (hip in a manner fmking under him, and himfelf dangcroufly wounded, he was prevailed on to furrender upon very honourable terms, viz. That himfelf, and all on board, (hould have a free pafTage to England^ as foon as might be. After he was in the enemies hands, Don Bertrand de Caftro (hewed him a let- ter from the king of Spain ^ to the vice-roy of PerUy wherein was contained a very exa(5l account of HaW" kins's expedition, the number of his fhips, their bur- den, men, guns, ammunition, t^c. which demonHra- ted how clofe a correfpondence his catholic majefty en- tertained with fome who were too well acquainted with queen Elizabeth's councils ™. He continued a long time prifoner in America, where he was treated with great humanity by admiral de Cajlro ; but in the end, by order of the court of Spain^ he was fent thither inftead of re- turning to England, and remained for feveral years a pri- foner in Seville and Madrid. At length he was releafed, and returned to his native country, where he fpent the latter part of his life in peace, leaving behind him a large account of his adventures, to the time of his being taken P ™ ObtrvatioDS of Sir Richard Hawkins, p, iz:^ 14^, I54» 169. 540 MEMOIRS ef by the Spaniards ", and intended to have written a fccond part, in which he was prevented by a fudden death } for having feme bufinefs which called him to attend the privy council, he was ftruck with an apoplexy in one of the outer rooms. Mr. Wejlcot^ fpcaking of this accident, fayi very juftly of this gentleman and his father*; That if fortune had been as propitious to them bothy as they wert eminent for virtue ^ valour and knowledge j they might have vif' wi'S the heroes of any age. Some of his dcfcendanti I Hill remaining in Devon/hire^ but in an obfcure con- Caj'^ain James (by many called John Lancajler) was fitted out by fome merchants of London^ to cruife on the coaft of Brazil^ then in the hands of the Spaniards. He failed from Dartmouth xht 30lh of November^ I594> lyith three (hips, one of 140, another of 170, and the third of 60 tons. On board thefe were two hundred and feventy-five men and boys. In the fpace of a few weeks, they look thirty-nine Spanijh (hips, four of which they kept, and plundered the reft ; and then joining with cap- tain Venner^ at the ifle of May^ they fteered for the coaft of Brazil, where they took the city of Fernambmo, on the 20th of March, 1595, in a manner fcarce to be pa- ralleled in hiftoryj for captain Lancajier ordered his fine new pinnace, in which he landed his men, to be beat ,;.— , . ... to n Ths Bcok was put to the Prefs in his Life-time, but was publifhcdby a Friend after his Deceafe, in 1562, in folio, under- r he Title of the obfervations ' of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knight, in his Voy.^ge to the South-Sea. A. D. 1593. Printed for John laggard at the hand and liar it) Fleet-ftreet. See alf© Purchases Pilgrim, vol. iv p. 1 36 7. and Captain Ellis's Account, p. 1415;. • Defcrjprion of D^vonlhire, Art. Plymouth. M. S. p Prin<;e*? \\ uKi'itb ut D-vuu. p. 392. JOHN LANCASTER. 541 to pieces on the (hore, and funk his boats, that his men might fee, they mud either die or conquer ; the light of which Co frighted the Spaniards and Portugueze, that after a very poor defence they abandoned the lower town. Thii the Englijb held for thirty days, in which fpacc Jhey - re attacked eleven times by the enemy '\ The fpoil Wd . x- ceeding rich, and in fo great a quantity, that captain Lancajier hired three fail of large Dutch (hips, and four French-men to carry it honfe; and having thus encreafed his fleet to fifteen (hips, he brought them fafely into tht Downs J in the month of July 1595. This was the moft gainful adventure, on a private account, throughout the whole war ; and the courage snd condu£t of the com- mander appears fo confpicuou. / t rein, that he deferves to be ever remembred with ' one ', even fuppofing he had performed nothing mor ^'ut it appears from feveral circumftances in the relaticns, har he was t!>^ fame who opened the trade to the In ' ^ We have already taken notice of the patent granted to the Eajl-Jndia company by queen Elizabeth^ in the year 1600. Their firft ftock confifted of feventy-two thoufand pounds, and the firft fleet they fitted our, as a company, confifted of four large (hips, which failed from London the 13th of February 1600, under the command of this Mr. James Lancajier ^ who was afterwards knighted, and who performed his voyage to Jchen, very fuccefefully, and eftablifhed the Englijb trade throughout the Indies, as happily and prudently as could be wifhed. In his return, his (hip, which was the Dragon, was in the utmoft peril off the Cape of Good Hope, having loft her rudder, and be- ¥ r \ Camden. Annal. p. 683. ' Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 708. 542 MEMOIRS ^/ ing otherwirc much damaged, yet he refufcd to go on board the HeSfor^ contenting Mmfclf with writing a fljort letter to the company, wherein he told them, they might be fure he would do his utmoft to fave the ihip and cargo, by thus venturing his own life and the lives of thofc who were with him -, adding this remarkable poilfciipt in the midfl of his confufion, THE pajjage to the Eaft-Indies lia in 62", 30, hy the North-Wejly on the Amexki/ide, He had, however, the good fortune to get into the port of St. HelenafVfhere he repaired his weather-beaten (hip as well as he could; brought her fafely into the Downs, the nth of September 1603; and lived near thirty years after- wards in an honourable afltience, acquired chiefly by thit fuccefsful voyage '. Ca p t a I n William Parker^ of Plymouthy was fitted out by certain merchants to cruize on the Spaniards^ in the WeJi'IndieSy in 1601. His whole ftrength confifted in two (hips, one of 130, and the other of 60 tons, with about two hundred and twenty men «. He failed in the- month of November, reduced St. Vincent, one of the Cape de ^r^-iflands -, then fteering for the coaft of America , he took the town cf la Rancheria, in the iflaiid of Cu^ hagua, where the pearl-fifliery is, and plundered it. He proceeded next to Porto Bello, v/hich was then a very ilrong, well-built town j entering the port by moon-light, he pafled without refiftance, and attacked the place by , fur- » Camden. AnnaJ. p. 639. Purchas*s Pilgrim, vol. i. p. 147. * Harris's cclieilion of Voyages, vol. i. p. 747. WILLIAM PARKER. 543 furprizc ". The governor, Don Pedro Mettndez, made a gallant defence in ihc king's treafury, to which he retreat- ed ; but at length that too was carried by allault, and the governor taken. The booty was far from being confidcr- able, and the beft part of it, captain Parker diftributed amongd his men. Notwithftanding this difappointment, our heroe behaved moft generoufly tow?«ds 'lie enemy. He fet Don Pedro at liberty, out ofrelp^fc tohis courage j he fpared the place, bccaufe it was well built, and burning it could do him no good j he fet his prifoners at large, bc- caufe the money was really gone, and they had not wherewith to pay their ranfom. Having done all thia^ he pafled the forts at the mouth of the harbour, by the fire of which the Spaniards fuppofed they fliould infallibly have funk his veflels, and returned with immortal glory to Plymouth-Sound, May the 6th, 1602 "'. The Spaniards themfelves mention his behaviour with honour, and apphufc. These are the principal naval heroes, who flouriflied in that glorious reign, wherein the foundation was ftrong- ly laid of the prodigious maritime power, and extenfivt commerce, which the Englijh nation have lince enjoyed, I (hall conclude, with wiftiing that the fame generous fpirit may again arife, with a force that may excite us to emu- late the wildom, courage, induftry and zeal for the public good, which animated our anceltors, and enabled them to furmouDt all difficulties, and to fpread the reputation of their arms and virtues through the whole habitable world. r " See the Captain's Relation in Purclias's Pilgrim, vol. iv. p. i;:43. * Life of Captain Pariter, in a Suppltmtnt to Prince'** The End of thi firft Volume^