\^ Ah P^ is IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // \^ <; 1.0 I ■tt Uii 12.2 M „. liiB Hi ■tt u L25|U 116 SSSSBBSS5 I ^Sdmces Gorpdaban \MiSii; ; si.r. I4SW (7l«)t73-4903 i CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microroproductions / Institut Canadian da microraproductions historiquas Tachnical and Bibliographic Notaa/Notaa tachnlquaa at bibliographiquaa Tha Inatituta haa attamptad to obtain tha b—t originai copy availabia for fiiming. Faaturaa of thia copy which may ba bibliographicaily uniqua, which may aitar any of tha imagaa in tha raproduction. or which may aignificantiy changa tha uaual mathod of filming, ara chacicad balow. 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T P o fi b tt al oi fi ai OI Tl al Tl w M dl ei b ri r« n 10X 14X 18X 22X 2BX 30X c o happened to be of n. diiruront party from that in favour at the lime, or to wnntpurly support. Tho re;ison is, that in Kngland Parliamentary inlluonco |)redominates rnortjly, whcivas in America it is cvorylhing; and overy Ihin^ mint, in ro!i.s"q'i)iioR, b'i iiiadj siib^orvioiit to its support." I shall iMi nutfsr ut loiii^th into tho procet^iiings of the late Ministry at tho time of, or subsequent to thisir resignation. I liuvo shown you that thu viowa of the (lovornor (ieneril with rcg.ird to the distribution of palrunago, aro nitogethor opposed to Engli-ih practice, and are such as no Ministry of any party can curry out. His Lixcclluncy is deiorminod, as he says, to cxercisu the prerogative of the Crown an ho iiimsolf thinks right, and not according to the advice of his Ministry, which latter system would make him *' a mere tool in the hands of his Council." Most assuredly ho could not be more •♦ a tool" than what his Sovereign is, and the very object of Responsible Government, as I havo already stated, is that the Govornor shall act, not according to his own ioishe.1 and opinions^ but according ta those of tha people, which, under our Constitution, aro expressed through hi:i responsible Ministers. Novcr for- get, gentlemen, that in the contest now going on, the hto Ministry and their friends aro contending for your rights. Wiiat is parliamentary influence? Why your influence, gentlemen, and the purchase of parliamentary support is making the appointments that the people desire. It is your interest, there- fore, to join heartily with U3 in this great contest. The stake-? that are played for aro high indeed. They aro no less than your own and your children's liberties on the one side, and on the other tho prerogative of tho Crown as contended for by the infatuated Monarchs of the Stuart race. I shall proceed now, gentlemen, to touch on some of the most important measures introduced by the lute Ministry, and I shall commence with tho bill for the establisliment of municipal institutions. I know that efforts havo been made to dissatisfy tho people with municipal institutions altogether, and that it is asserted that the system now in operation has been a failure. You, gentle- men, will have too much good sense to be led astray by any representations from your opponents that you aro incapable of managing your own afTaira. The present act was a mere experiment, and every one almost who supported it was convinced thut it would require groat alteration. The question for you to consider is not that act, but the bill which wo introduced, and you will find that the latter is as liberal as any reasonable man can desire. Every thing is left to the people themselves, who have the election of their own Councillors, and then again the appointment of their Warden, and every other oflicer that ihoy wish to employ. The Government retained no patronage whatever, another proof that they did not seek to strengthen themselves in that way. It is for you, gentlemen, to determine whether you aro capable of managing your own local afluirs, or wholhcr you would prefer leaving it to the Govern- ment, or to the magisi.ates, to manage them for you. If you prefer the for- mer system, I think you will find that the bill introduced by the late Ministry will olFord you all the power that is requisite. I now come to the assessment bill, which has boon more misrepresented by our political opponents than any other bill that was brought forward, and which, in my judgment, would con- duce more to the beaefit ot the resident settlers of the couatry than any mea* 10 I ; • 1 1 I! ^ ! ^ : If.. fura ever submftted to a Cunadhn Legtslatureu h may be very vretl, gen(l€r>^ men, Tor inleresied parties to misrepresent this bill, ami to cry it down a» unpopular. It cannot be unpopular. The mass of the people are the parties to be benefited by it, ond when they come to understand it, they will support it most zealously, and withdraw their confidence from those who have opposed it. fou have been told gentlemen, that the effect of this bill would have been to increase your taxes. Such assertions are untrue. It would have diminished them. The Assessment Bill raised no tax whatever ; it merely provided a different system for collecting those which you now ppy. At present, as you are aware, the non-resident landholders contribute hut very little to the public burthens, and improved land worth £10 an acre, pays no more than that only worth JCI or £2. The general opinion has been, that the present system is unjust, and that a remedy was required. What, gentlemer, was the principle of the bill which has beon so loudly denounced ? Why simply that all pro- perly should be taxed according to its real value — that the non-resident land* owners should pay the full amount of taxation according to the value of their land ; and that all other owners of real property should contribute in the same way. To this part of the bill I have heard little objection. The efiect of tho proposed sysiem would be this :— Assuming the taxes of any township to be £300, and that the taxes on the non-resident land would amount to £75, it follows that the actual settlers would only have to pay £225, instead of £300^ and that besides they would enjoy the advantage of having £75 of cash spent among them, provision having been made for the regular payment of the wild land tax to tho Municipalities. But the personal property tax and income tax have been complained of. I appeal however, to you, gentlemen, whether you will allow your representative, a professional man, with a handsome income, to misrepresent you by voting to throw the whole taxation upofl land. Why should not personal property contribute its fair share ? Can any good reason be given to the contrary ? No, gentlemen, the lawyers and merchants may complain at being called on to pay their fair share of the taxes, but the great majority of the people, who are farmers, will insist on the taxation fall- ing equally upon all. I will again endeavour to illustrate my meaning. — Taking the taxes of a township at £300, let us suppose that upon a fair esti- mate of tho entire property, incomo and personal property would contribute £75 of the amount — does it not follow that if this description of property be exempted, — the farmers will have to pay amongst them the exact amount from which the lawyers, merchants, and others are relieved ? — But we are told that the tax is inquisitorial. Now on this I would observe, gentlemen, that I am not pledged to any particular scheme, and that if the principle is admitted, I am ready, as far as I am concerned, to agree to any amendment in detail ;, nevertheless, I must observe that I have as yet heard no feasible scheme pro- posed in amendment. Many are loud in opposing the bill, but 1 have heard of no substitute. — I deny altogether that the biM would be inquisitorial, at least not more so than is absolutely necessary. I think, gentlemen, the merchants and lawyers, when they have any dealings with you, farmers, contrive to find out what you are worth before they let you gel ii'fo their books. They are, however, desperately afraid lest you should flud out what they are worth. You have heard a great deal about the inquisitorial nature of this bill, and that the assessors would have to examine a man's accounts^ and take an inven- thin 11 i, gen(l€h- down a» le parties II support } opposed lave been iminished rovided a tt, as you [he public that only system is principle t all pro- lent land* e of their , the Name ^t of tho ihip to be ) £75, it 1 of £300^ ;ash spent if the wild id incomo I, whether handsomd ipon land, any good nerchants s, but the ation fall- eaning. — I fair esti- contributa roperty bo lount from e told that that I am imitted, I : in detail ; heme pro- lave heard al, at least merchants rive to find They are, are worth. 3 billt and I an invea- lory df his furniture. I have even been told thai Ms w?fe/s jewels would ba taxed. Now, gentlemen, I will just describe very shortly tho actual practical operation of the bill. An assessor enters a man's house, whether ho be a merchant or otherwise, and asks him the value ol his personal property as defined in the act. If satisfied with his answer, which is of course a gross sum, he assesses him accordingly : if he has reason, from his knowledge of tho person's circumstances, to think he has underrated himself, he puts him down at a higher rate, but the individual has then the power of swearing to Bny amount that he pleases, after which the assessor has no option. You will 'see, gentlemen, that tho system is if any thing too loose, and that is the only objection to it in the State of New York where it has long been in operation, Bs well as in Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and indeed nearly all the States of the Union. In those States the system has been tried, and has been found to work well, and neither the mercantile nor any other class complains of it* I wonld make one further observation regarding the misrepresentations circu- lated with respect to this bill. You aro told that many kinds of property would be taxed under the new bill which were formerly exempt ; granted. The principle of the bill was to tax all property at its actual value, excepting lioasehold furniture to the value of £250, agricultural implements, mechanic's tools, and some other items. But recollect that under the assessment bill the property would only be rateo for taxation, and that the aggregate taxes of the township would not be increased. I will suppose again that tho taxes to be raised in any township are £dUO. Under the present system I will suppose the rateable property in that township to be £48000. To raise the amount necessary you would have to be taxed IJd in the pound. But if under the new system toxing all kinds of property, the aggregate of the assessment roll should be increased three-fold, say to £144,000 — it is obvious that the tax required would only be id in the pound. You will therefore see that it makes no real difference to you whether you are assessed £500 or £100, provided all are put upon the same footing, and the advantage to the man of small means of placing the taxation upon all property according to its value is as obvious as the principle is just. I cannot dismiss the assessment bill without a few a remarks on the absurd charge that has been brought against us of taxing Upper Canada and not Lower Canada. Putting aside the cost of the local administration of justice to which { will refer by and by, you • It is right that I should slate distinctly that I am decidedly in favor of the principle of the Assessment Bill as originally introduced. The Ministry con- sented to strike out the personal property clauses to meet the wishes of several of their supporters, who, of course, have to answer to their own constituents for their conduct. The effect of leaving out those clauses would be to increase the tax of the farmer by relieving from taxation the merchant, law* yer, physician, capitalist, &c. &c. When tho farmers come to understand the bill, I have no doubt whatever that they will insist on their representatives supporting it as originally introduced* My own constituents have never had a second opinion on this subject. 1 have thought it right to make this expla- nation, because I have observed in the Hamilton Journal and Express, and I think in other liberal papers, a kind of apology for what are termed tho ^ inquisitorial clauses," and a vtatement that they wer9 abandoned. 'll lii m I have nothing to do with Lowrt Canada, nor does it make any difTorence (oyou whether ihoro are any taxes there, or not. The taxes raised by your own Councils are expended among yourselves for your own benefit, and you need Lot not be taxed at all unless you yourselves wish it. There were lo be no taxes raised from you for the Provincial Goverument. Lower Canada would necessarily have had a sysiem of assessment in order to raise taxes for the same purposes witn yourselves, but it is impossible to frame a bill that will answer for both Provinces. And what have you to do with the matter ? You have to consider whether the bill proposed for Upper Canada — is a good one and suitable for you. If the Lower Canadians have a worse one, they will bo the sufTdrers, I now come to the tax for the administration of justice, regard- ing which so much has been said, and first, 1 wish to observe that the question has nothing whatever lo do with the assessment bill. Under the present as- sessment law, as you, gentlemen, know full well, you pay for the local admin, isti'ation of justice, while the Lower Canadians do not. This is a fact which cannot bo disputed. The new bill made no change in this respect whatever. It left matters just as they were. Now what I have complained of, and 1 think with great justice, is, that some of the reform members lent themselves most foolishly to the Tories to obsirDct one of the most popular bills that was intro' duced during last session, and unwisely raisedod this question of the adminis- tration of justice which ought to have been brought forward separately. The persons to whom I alluded not only lent themselves to Mr Sherwood and the Tory opposition in an attack on tho Ministry, but they are in a great degree responsible for the loss ot the Assessment Bill, and for the unpopularity which has been fastened on it, solely because it is not understood. Having now disposed of all objections that I have heard made to the Assessment Bill, I must ofTer one or two remarks about the difierent mode adopted in Lower Canada of paying the expenses of the adminii>tration of justice This, I admit, is a question of much interest, but I do not think that those who complain of injustice to Upper Canada can have reflected much upon the subject. In Upper Canada wo have always paid these expenses as we do at present, while in Lower Canada, where before the Union there was a surplus revenue of £80,000 they were defrayed from the general revenue. Such, gentlemen was the actual state of affairs when the Union was asked for by Upper Canada and when tho terms were arranged in which it was to be carried out. The Union was principally sought for to re'ievo Upper Canada from financial difficulties. The Imperial Parliament adjusted the terms of the Union, and you, gentlemen, must be well aware that in a pecu- niary point of view we have been the gainers. You are aware that a Civil List was established at the time, and that it was intended to place on it all the charges previously paid for the administration of justice in both jProvinces out of iho public revenue. On that prmciple the charges in Lower Canada — for the support of their Gaols, few mdeed in number compared to those in Upper Canada, were placed on the Civil List on the recommendation of Lord Sydenham, whose despatches referring to those very charges have been published. These charges then constitute a part of the Union arrange- ment, and one, which it would be very difficult to disturb. And recollect, gentlemen, that if we raise the point, Lower Canada will have many a stt off to plead, and we shall get into a dispute about a paltry matter, which is really 1<8 nee (o you your owa you need to be no ida would :s for the iliat will Br? You good one ley will bo f, fcgard- c question recent as* cut admin, act which whalQver. nd 1 think ^Ives most was intrO' ) adminis- Dly. The >d and the 3ut degree fity which tde to the rent mode 1 of justice those who upon the we do at a surplus 3. Such, cd for by be carried lada from ns of the a pecu- vare that ) place on d in both in Lower mpared to mendation rges have I arrange- recollect, y a set off h is really fiot worth contending for. To iay' notbtog of the interest of otir debt, ihert are many other items of expense in Upper Canada for which there is no corresponding charge in Lower Canada, and yet you never hear the Lower Canadians complaining of these expences. And I may also observe that, on the Union, Lower Canada brought us the Lachine Canal constructed by mean* of her revenue, and entirely paid for, and which work alone, yielding us a handsome revenue, is more than sufficient compensation for the charges for the administration of justice. I know it is said by many that the public works for which the debt was contracted have been handed over to the Province. The Lower Canadians on the other hand would tell us — '* we don't want •* either your debt or your works, and certainly it is too bad .lot only to put " your debt on us, and take all our surplus revenue, but actually to refuse the ** very charges which you found on our revenue when wo have assumed all ** your charges as wo found them." 1 know genilemen that the views I have just expressed have not had that weight with many of my fellow members that I anticipated. The Upper Canadians have already got but an indifferent character in Lower Canada whore money matters are concerned, and unfor- tunately too many are disposed to look at these questions with a sectional bias. The]' think more of what will be for the pecuniary interest of their consti- tuents than of what is just and right. And because I cannot go .with them in such views I have been denounced as indifferent to Upper Canoida interests, and as sold to the Lower Canadians. Now, gentlemen, I can state with the utmost sincerity that not one of these persons is more attached than myself to the interests of Upper Canada, bull shall ever deprecate all these sectional jealousies. The policy of our opponents is to foment them ; and it is much to be deplored that the Reformers are but too ready to fall into the trap. Although 1 have felt it necessary to offer the foregoing observations, and to explain to you that there is no real ground for complaint oh the pan of Upper Canada with regard to the expenses of the administration of justice, I am far from bein^g opposed to any practicable measure of relief. The only feasiblo mode is to give up to the several Districts, a portion of the internal revenue — «uch as that from Tavern Licenses. You will howev^er admit that the main- tenance of the public faith is the first thing tO'be attended to, arid in the face of a revenue materially diminished from temporary causes it was impossible todo anything last year It is very well for individual members entirely irrespon* sible for the carrying on of the Government, and the maintenance of the public credit, to propose schemes for giving up portions of that revenue to the Districts, but it is most unfair in them to embarrass the Government with such proposition. They are brought for\Vard merely to raise political capital for the author of the scheme, although he is himself perfectly aware that bia proposal is impracticable. The late Ministry were in hopes that by greater economy in the public expenditure, and by some judicious alterations in the revenue laws, we should have had such an increased income as would have enabled the Government to relieve the Districts in some way from the admin* is>tration of justice. This however cannot be done until the public revenue is in a better condition, and as 1 have already shown you it must not be allowed to influence the Assessment Bill, in any way, indeed the persons who raisea this question in connexion with that measure must do it witii a view to obstruct its progress. The new Assessment Bill Would make the administration of ff .''II h.l III 11 !^i< e; 'IV ii!;-: jiMrico exoenses mueh lighter than they Ar^ to tho actual tetter. 1 have been compelled, gentlemen, to occupy a considerable space with my explanation, regnrding this bill, but its importance must be my apology. I come now to a Rubjocl which I will dismiss very briefly although it is a very important one, I mean our Education measures. I need say little about our University Bill, the principle of which is well understood by all classes of the people. It is founded on principles of justice to all, and none can object to it but those who advocate the principle of placing one religious body in a position of superiority to others. It is but right, while on this subject, that I should correct a very gross mis-representation which has been made by our opponents among others by Mr. Buchanan, whoso utter ignorance of the subject is his only apology. It is that the Lower Canadian supporters of the late Ministry would have opposed the University Bill. In one word,gentlemen,lhe statemeat is untrue. It has been circulated Jrith a view to prejudice the Reformers of Upper Canada against their brethren in Lower Canada, who are charged with being unfriendly to an Upper Canadian measure sought for by the great mtrjority of the people. , v f;r ^^r w- *,u u; ,11. The Common School Law is in your hands-^almost every one has seen it and you can now form an opinion whether It will meet the wants of the country. Much dissatisfaction was felt at the old law, and our opponents endeavoured to make political capital out of it, and perhaps with some success. I believe that the new law will give very general satisfaction. It is based on popular principles, every thing being left in the hands of the people themselves. who appoint, directly or indirectly, all the officers required In order to carry out the system efficiently. Here is another proof that the late Ministry did not seek to obtain patronage. I have a few observations to make regarding the tax, which is complained of by some, owing either to their selfishness, or their ignorance. The late Ministry could have had no object in requiring this tax unless for the benefit of the people. It is evident, however, that the object of the tax is not generally understood. I shall endeavour to explam to you its practical effect. I shall suppose that the Trustees of a School District engage a teacher at £60 a year, and that the share of the Government allow* ance for that District would be £10. It follows that the parents of the children would have to raise the remaining £50 if there were no tax. If however, a tax to double the amount of the grant were raised, that District would get £20 more, and the parents would only have to raise £30 instead of £50 ; and this tux fulls upon the whole property of the township, real and personal, residents and non-residents — those who have children and those who have none. The object of the tax is to encourage the actual settlers, particularly the poorer ones, to establish schools. But it is said by some. ** Let those who use the school pay for it." On this principle the Provincial Government should give nothing. I contend however that as all persons having property are interested in the education of the people, property ought to be taxed, not unreasonably high, but to such an extent as will give a moderate encouragement to the resident settler. On the very important measure for imposing duties on Agricultural pro- duce and live stock imported into the Province, I need say little, especially as all parties now profess to be in favour of it. I would however remind you, gentlemen, that our opponents wh^n in power might have carried suoh a «B 1 •etl^p. 9 with my ology. I is a very ibout our es of the bject to it a position 1 should )pponents ect is his Ministry statemeat )rmers of charged the great has seen Is of the >pponents e success, based on emselves. to carry nistry did regarding hness, or requiring that the !xplain to A District snt allow- } children twever, a I get £20 and this residents le. The le poorer o use the ould give n(e rested lasonably nt to the ural pro- •specially lind you, fuch a mensura had they been wfllbg to db to. Thty were long enough m offioa in all conscience. I have therefore a right to express my satisfaction that tt Reform Ministry were able to carry a measure of sach great importance and that I had myself the honour of being entrusted with it. There are many other measures of secondary importance* compared with the great ones to which I havo referred, but w'.iich still entitle the late Ministry to your confidence and support. In this Country you must derive great benefit from the new Election law, which will enable you to exercise that inestimable privolege, the elective franchise, without expenco, and without danger to your lives, and which will aUo, I hope put an end to bribery, and treating. Vou* will likewise find the benefit of the bill for restraining party processions, and for preserving order at public meetings. Need 1 tell you, gentlemen, that eome measure for discouraging the members of Secret Societies is imperatively called for ? You have suffered too severely from Orange outrages to hava any doubt on the subject. For my own part it will ever be a source of tho highest satisfaction to me that I was a member of the ministry that brought forward the Secret Societies Bill. You will also agree with me in thinking that the Jury Bill is not an unimportant measure. Only a few days since you have seen a Deputy Sheriff acting with a party of men, many of whom were in open violation of he law of the land, and yet this very person would be entrusted under our present law with the summoning of the jury who would have to try his friends. The next subject to which I shall call your attention is one regarding which I am awarethat many of you may have those strong prejudices which personal interest almost always creates. 1 allude, of course, to the Seat of Government question. And yet,gentlemen, notwithstanding all your prejudices on this point, 1 do not despair of convincing you that the late Ministry were justified in taking the course that they did ; at any rate I feel satisfied that you will give us credi'. for having acted as we thought most for the interest of the whole Province. The question of the Seat of Government, like some others, has been made use of by our political opponents in order to foster dissension between the people of Lower and Upper Canada. It ought not, however, to bo so treated. You, gentlemen, whatever prejudices you may have on the subject, are too liberal minded and too just to advance any claim on the part of Upper Canada, on the ground of right. Such a claim is quite inconsistent with the terms on which the Union was established, it is an insult to Lower Canada to advance it, and for my own part, I would disown any man as a Reformer who would urge it. The Union having been established, we are to' consk" : that there is one united Province, and in selecting the Seat of Govern- ment, regard should be had to the convenience, and interests of (he whole population. It is almost amusing to find that the very parties who a few years ago insisted that the Island of Montreal should be attached to Upper Canada, on the ground that Montreal was an Upper Canada city, built up and supported by our Commerce, are those who declare now that because Montreal is out of the '*ormer limits of Upper Canada it is on that account an improper place for the Seat of Government. With such people it is useless to argue. They are not actuated by any principle but are influenced in their conduct by hostility to the people of Lower Canada. It is necessary, however, before advancing any reasons in favour of Moatreul, to state the circumstances under which, thei' f i late Mini«(rjr woro called upon to act. Ton wfll reooned gentlemen, that during thp first session of ihe present Parliament the liouseof Assembly passed an address to the Qjeen praying for alternate Parliaments at Quebec and Toronto. The mover of. this address was Sir Allan McNab, who is now so> warm in his oppQsiiion to Montreal. He was willing, however, to have had the Government and Parliament half the time in Lower Canada, and at a place Karticularly inQonvenient for Upper Canadiani^. Would such a scheme have^ een of any service to you. gentlemen 1 or would you have preferred it to the one adopted by the late ministry I You are aware thai Her Majesty's Go'V- ernment objected aitpgeilier to such an arrangement, on which the House of Assembly was disposed to leave Ihe settlement of the question in the hands of Ihe Imperial Government, whoso decision it was supposed would have been bowed to by the whole Province. Her Majesty's Government, however, were not willing to assume tho responjibility of settling a question of so much Importance, and they accordingly asked tho opinion of tho late Governor General, aqd instructed him to obtain that of the Executive Council. Yon will see therefore that the question was forced upon the late ministry, and not taken up spontaneously by them Called upon to discharge a most solemn duty, and bound by the mo3t sacred obligations to advise that course which should be most for the public interest, the late ministry took up this embar- rassing question. You will at once perceive how ignorant of the duties of an Executive Councillor those persons must be, (and I regret to say that amongst them.are persons of some influence,) who endeavour to persuade the people that Upper Canadiaa members have sacrificed the interest of Upper Canada. I was sworn in,. 'gQntlemen« an Executive Councillor as well as a member of Parliament, for the Province of Canada, and I could not without violating my oath, support Upper Canada in. preference to Lower Canada, unless I thought the public interests would thereby be advanced. The question which we had to consider w:as, which was the best place for the Seat of Government ; and 1 hesitate not to say, that if Montreal had been whhin Upper Canada it would have been selected, wjih just as much readiness as it was. With regard to the claims of Montreal I would observe that it htis long been the commercial capital of United Canada, and from its position it is likely to remain so. It is tho point where the greater part of the revenue is collected, and where our fiscal affairs can be most satisfactorily managed. 3ut the strongest argument in favour of Montreal, the one which to me is unanswerable, is that it is the only city it^ Canada where the two races caa meet on a footing of perfect equality. I knQ,w that such an argument as this will have little weight with our political oppoqents^ but I address Reformers, men disposed to act on the golden rule of doing as they would be done by. I put it to you, gentlemen, whether you would submit to have the Seat of Government at a French Town in Lc ar Canada, where the English language is not spoken, and where there is no press to give expression to your views, or to record the speeches of your representatives. What would you say if you were placed in such a position I and yet it was imagined that the French Canadians would subrmt to such a 8tate of things with .patience., I am sure that you, gentlemen, thinking only of the little advantages (and little indeed they would have been) that you would have derived from the ^eat of Government being at Kingston, lost sight alto- gether of (he cruel iiy^stice that would have been done to the Lower Canadians- by rep for dial 17 lemen, that nbly passed Quebec and o is now so have had d at a place shcme havtf red it to thd osty's Gav- ) House of lie hands of have been /ever, were >f so much Governor ncil. You ry, and not lost solemn turse vi^hich [his ennbar- duties of an lat amongst the people er Canada. , member of iolating my js I thought lich we had ent ; and 1 da it would 9gard totha :cial capital I. It is tho 9 our fiscal Lrgumenl in IS tho only ct equality. Mir political den rule of lether you in Lc sr there is no s of your a position f t to such a nking only you would sight alto- Canadians' by rt. Imagine n whole pooplo isolated from their government, and their represonlatives, and without tho moans of knowing any thing that is going forward at tho capital. Reverse the picture. What have we Upper Cana- dians to complain of at Montreal? VVc iiavo a city with a larger Dritiah population then there is French ; with four daily newspapers in the lilnglish language, besides other periodicals. It is the place to which we look for nil our commercial information ; in short, it is already the capital of Canada, and the Seat of Government would never have been taken anywhere cJso but with a view of temporarily subserving parly objects. . . i . : ;.* u r But W3 are told, gentlemen, that if the Seat of Government is fixed at ■i Montreal, French influence will preponderate. Instead of " French," gentlo- li men, read *> Reform," and you will learn tho real ground of the strong oppo- I silion to Montreal. The Reformers of British origin in Lower Canada are, I I am happy to sny, a numerous and influential body, and their influence is just : ns much dreaded as that of the French Canadians. Now I honestly confess, gentlemen, that I look upon it as a matter of great importance that this French linfluencei, or as I should say, Reform influence, will be substituted for Orange influence. I think it highly desirable that the public opinion at the Soat of JGovernmont should bo that of tho majority of the people, and that if your lib- icrtiea should be attacked by a wicked or corrupt government, there should be la puhlio that would give immediate expression to its feelings of honest indigna* Ition. Can you, gentlemen, suppose that I could think Kingston a proper place |for the Scat of Government, when I know that^in th3 metropolitan County you !|cannot! hold a public meeting without having your lives endangered ? When see tho Orangemen on Lot No. 24 representing their opinions to the Gover- lor as those of the majority of the people ? For my own part, I neither think such a place a desirable one for the Seat of Government, nor do I wish to live ^here myself. . I am sure that many of you would not be sorry to be beyond ^he reach of the lawless men by whom you have been so scandalously abused. LS to lyour private interests, in the first place, I do not think ybu will isufler so luchasyou imagine by the change. I am quite satisfied that the Act of last Session imposing duties on agricultural produce and live stock, will be of infin- ;]y more benefit to you than tho Seatof GoverAment. The persons in Kings- in who nave invested money in real property are to be pitied, although many )f them were very imprudent, and the Corporation of Kingston wero absolutely Icckless. They deserve to suffer, if for nothing else, for their contempt for §ie opiaions of the Representatives of the Canadian people, and their reliance tn the promises of English politicians. And even if ycu, the farmers, do nfTejiailittle, by getting prices a very little lower than before, are you unwilling make some sacrifice for the public good, and in order to see justice done to [ouL'jfellow subjects in Lower Canada of French origin? But secondly, I rould ramarkj that even if the Seat of Government were to be fixed in Upper jlanada, it is quite possible that it would be removed from Kingston. And lould you, gentlemen, be any better ofl'by having it either at Toronto or iytown, than at Montreal '? Certainly not. Rely upon it this Seat of Gov- rnnjent agitation has been got up principally in order to disturb the present )od understanding between Upper and Lower Canadians, and it is satisfac- ky to know that it has proved a signal failure. Even those Reform Members (ho from timidity voted against Montreal, have become convinced that tho 18 Ij : m opinion of tho Reformers throughout tho country ii decidedly with the fato Ministry on this question. You, gentlemen, may occupy a proud position.— • You may come out, interested as you are said to be, and us you feel yourselves to be, and on this very question prove yourselves to bo both disinterested and patriotic. And believe mo, by such a course you would gain credit with your follow Keformers over tho whole Province. In conclusion, gentlemen, I will once more earnestly imploro you, as you value the best interests of your country, not to entertain any feelmg of jealousy or distrust towards our Lower Caaadian brethern, and to look upon those who endeavor to excite any such feelings as the worst enemies of iho country. On this subject I will quote to you tho language of my lato colleague, Mr. Baldwin, which cannot be too strongly impressed upon tho people, or too often repeated, and with an extract from his Speech at the late Dinner at Toronto I will con- elude this long and, I fear, tedious address. *'And if Upper Canada desires thiit her equal representation shall indeed possess an equal weight in tho Councils of tho Province, with that of the other sections of tho Province, the first step sho must take towards that end must bo to give a disiinciively party character to the Representation which sho returns. In fact without this it is impossible for any party to retain power — they in fact do not desorvo to obtain it. But, for his ownpart, ho did not hesitate to say, that nehher he nor his Upper Canada friends were in any danger of suffering in the slightest degree from his learned friend being, as he justly was, the leader of the united Reform party. — [Cheers.] For himself he would say, notwith- standing the absurd imputation, (as all who knew him would vouch it to be) of inordinate ambition, for which he was indebted to the same high authority, ho did not hesitate to say, he was perfectly ready and happy, while his country required his services, to give them in that station in which they can bo most useful. — [Cheers.] And that as to his learned friend, he had found him so clear in his percej/tion of right, so prompt in the assertion of it, and so stern in the condemnation of all those arts of low and petty intrigue, to which I 'do minds resort to conceal their barrenness, that he declared it a comfort to have such a guide, a glory to have such a leader, and a source of the greatest satis- faction to have such a friend. And he would tell the people of Upper Canada, that in his opinion, they could not have a man as the leader of the United Re- form party more attentive to their interests, more resolved on having the administration, as respected that section of the Province, conducted in a manner satisfactory to them. [Loud cheers.] And he [Mr. Baldwin] would assure them, that he felt that ho could give them no better advice, than to let nothing induce them to entertain jealousies or distrust of their Lower Canadian brethern, which every engine of their enemies is set to work to bring about. — He conjured them not to listen to the wily insinuations of those who preached up such distrust, but to mark every man whodid so as the worst enemy of both sectioas of the Province. And he unhesitatingly asserted that the Reformers of Upper Canada couldhave no better allies than their brother Reformers of tho other section of the Province ; and could have no leader more resolved to do them justice ,than his hon. and learned friend Mr. Lafontaine." [Cheers.] - ,; .w , I have the honour to be, v •• - >-' . ; i, : • Gentlemen, •' ; ' • «' i ? V. • ' Your most obedient Servant. "• . F. niNr;K'«. J ' }i vl. M- Ii (he fato MUion.— oursolvos ested and ivith your >u, as you r jealousy hose who try. On Baldwin, repeated, will con* all indeed the other d must bo 10 returns, ey in fact ite to say, ' suffering the leader ', nolwilh- t to be) of hority, ho is country in bo most nd him so d 10 stern rhich r 'Jo >rt to have atest satis- iv Canada, Jnited Re- iiaving the jcted in a rlai] would than to let Canadian 5 about. — ) preached my of both Reformers ners of tho »Ived to do Cheers.] rriRH. ] ' \