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" , ■'■.'i.':-\.' -^ ''•" '-■' COUNTY o£ YORK, > / i ON THE STATE OF -.A PUBLIC AFFAIRS* DAVID HARTLEY. Efqj ,r''\,-.-. SECOND EDITION. ;.. • ;^ '^ ' ■ _. -; V To w ych is added, -* -'-' "The Ad-dressoF the Committee of Associationi for the County of Y o r k, to the Electors of the 'Counties, Cities, and Boroughs within the Kingdom of Xj R E A t-B R I T A I N, agreed upon at their Meetings, held ©n.thejd and 4th of January, 1781, at York. L O N D O N; f rinted for J. JS T O C K D A L E, N** 181, PlccADilLT* MDCCLXXXI. y; Price One Shilling. J •:•; '^^-'M '.- '■ ( 'C^- ^K-^:* i--' #■ ■**'■*■ ?' '■w^- y:.., ^-.'-ii*"^ ■A-.„ •:•: r'i ' ^.M--)- .HA. \ ': # '.'■-.'.i. A N ; \ A D D R E S S, &c. '? » / * t' < HAVING, upon Torrie formed occalions, taken the liberty of addreffing you upon public matters, whilft I had the honour of ferving in Parliament for a moft: refpedable Borough in the County of Ydrk, I hope you will rtot think it any unbecoming degree of prefumption in riie, if I ftill wifti to continue in communication of public lentiments with you, though I have no longer the claim of any parha* mentary employment to entitle me, in a public capacity, to that honour. But if any induftry of mine, in a private fitua* tion, can be acceptable to you, or in the lerft degree inftru- mental, in your hands, to promote the objects of thofe laud- able exertions for the public good, which derive additional authority from your name and national importance^ I fhall think myfelf highly honoured, if I may be permitted to throv^^ in the fincere, though feeble, aid of a private individual to- wards the common caufe uitder your prote£l:iori. Thofe prin- ciples which have been adopted by you, as the foundation of all your public proceedings, and which, through your means, have found their way to the hearts and feelings of the people of this kingdom, contain a full and complete fummary of all points, both in do6Vrine and pradtice, which can ih any way contri- bute to fecure the national fafety, honour, and welfare j With refped, therefore, to principles and fundamentals, riothing can poffibly be fuperadded. However, as It may be convenient for the information of Gentlemen refident in the country, who have not had accefs to authentic parliamentary documents, to give fome ftate of the national expenditure of oUr enormous debts and taxes, and of thofe boundlefs parliamentJlry fupplies which are annually granted, and wafted in parliamentary in-^ A 2 flu-ncc, [ 4 ] fluence, and In fupport of a ruinous war in America, 1 will endeavour fhortly to flate fome plain and undeniable fa£Vs on the foregoing topics, leaving the refult to the colledive lenti- ment of the feveral Counties in their public capacities, that they may form a national judgment upon the cafe, and that they may proceed accordingly to take fuch ftcps as may be necef- fary to prevent the confummation of public ruin. I confider it as a great misfortune, that arguments upon the fubjedl of public finances arc commonly looked upon as too abftrufe for general comprehenfion and popular judgment j for the natural tendency of this opinion is to produce an implicit and paflive furrender of the public property and purfe, to the unreftrained difcrction of the Minifter for the time being. It thus happens that the country is kept in a ftate of profound and unfufpedling ignorance, in confequcnce of the palliations and deceptions which are put upon them by the Minifter, un- til defeat, difgrace, defpair, and all the convulfive pangs of public ruin flrike to the heart. How nfcar we are to this ftate now I tremble to think ; but ftill there remains this one con- folation, that to be apprized of danger, is the road to fafety. The watch-word is at length gone forth throughout this king- dom, that all isynot well. I hope the public vigilance will never be relaxed till we have to fay all 's ivell. As I wifli to avoid all the confufion and embarraflmentj which generally attend the explanation of financial eftimates, to thofe who are not more immediately converfant with themj than merely from the rcfpective fhares which they are to fuf- tain of the common profufion, I will endeavour, before I com« to any argumentative application of fadls, to ftate, in a preli- minary way, fuch necefl*ary rudiments as will, when once ex- plained, facilitate the whole courfe of the fubfequent argu- ments, - - * ' " " 'S ' ' ' v\ The general fyftem of national expences falls under three heads, viz. The Navy, the Army, and the Ordnance. There is an ordinary computation upon thefe three heads in the times of peace, which conftitues what is called the Peace Efta- tlifliment. In the time of war the whole expence of that war , -:' ■• '■ '.-■ " , . • ■ is that ...■ , . [ 5 ] . is incurred upon the excefs of thefe three articles above the ordinary Peace Eftabliflimcnt. By comparing the totals of thefe expences in different years of war and peace, we get a clear and indifputablc information of the expencc of the wai, I will now proceed to ftate the ordinary Peace Eftablifhment of this country, and after that I will draw out the expences of the war, and the prefent rate of expence in which we are proceeding. ,.>. _ „,;. , _^ / Ordinary Peace Establishment. NAVY. /. 1 6,o©o Seamen — — — — — 832,000 /.. Ordinary of the Navy — — — 410,000 > Building and Repairs of Ships — — 284,000 Extra Naval Expences annually iricur- -i red, but not provided for by fpecific > 1 1 r,oco eAimate ", . «* " " • 1,637,600 '■V ARMY. Eftimate for Guards, Garrifons, and Plantations — — — — — Chelfea Hofpital and Half-Pay — StafF Officers, Widows, &c. — — Extra Expences of the Army annu-'> ally incurred, but not provided for ^ by fpecific eftimate _ , £■ t . ,, 1,000,000 . . "-l-- 230,000 ; . ■!:> 15,00O: V !:cr::! 269,000 " ■' ".■it 1,514,000 £' ORDNANCE., , , Ordinary Eftimate of the Ordnance — 170,000 Extra Expences of ditto — — — 50,000 Recapitulation of the Peace Ejiahlijhmcnt. £ . Navy — — *— — — — — i,637,oo&' Array -— — — — — — — 1,514,000 Ordnance — *-^ — — — r — 220,000 220,000 '^^T Total ordinary Peace Eftabliflimcnt 3,371,000 Having / C « ] :m Having thus got a computation of the ordinary Peace Efta- blifhment, I proceed to Hate the cxpcnccs incurred in each year fince the commencement of the American war, each in totals, under the three foregoing heads, viz. Navy Army Ordnance 1775. 1776. 1777. 2,496,000—4, 1 53,000 — 4,590,000 2,206,000 — 4,799,000 — 4,797,000 451,000 — 522,000 — 620,000 Navy Ai. ny Ordnance S»«53>ooo 9,474,000 10,007,000 1778. 1779. 1780. 6, 1 73,000 — 7,7 74,000 — 8,688,000 6,466,000—7,405,000 — 7,796,000 904,000 — 986,000 — 1,049,000 i3»543»ooo 16,165,000 17,533,000 The expences of the firft five years, in this account, arc taken accurately from the Journals of Parliament ; but as the precife total of the year 1780 cannot as yet be afcertained, on account of the latitude of thofe expences v^'hich are annually incurred under the title of Extraordinaries, and which are not yet made up for the year 1780; for the purpofe, therefore, of giving the faireft eftimatc, I have drav/n out the expences upon the eftablifliment for the year 1780, from the parlia« mentary votes, and have taken, by prefumption, the Extra- ordinaries at the fame amount that wis incurred in the year 1779 under that head. As all Military Expences in war ufually run on at increafing rates, this method of computing the expences of the year 1780, cannot be accufed of exag- geration. The total Military Expences will therefore be in the refpeitive years as follows, viz. ^1775— 5.153.000 Total Military Expences of the Years — — — ^ 1776— 9,474,000 1777 — 10,007,000 1778— 13.543.000 1779 — 16,165,000 ^1780— 17,533,000 £. 71*875.000 Xftop f Peace Efta- iried in each irar, each in '777- 190,000 '97,000 (20,000 )07,ooo 780. 188,000 96,000 49,000 ccount, arc ; but as the rtained, on re annually lich are not , therefore, le expences the parlia* the Extra- \n the year ces in war computing d of exag- efore be in I' 5,i53>ooo 9,474,000 0,007,000 3»543>ooo 6,165,000 7.533»ooo i>875,ooo I Hop ^ • [ 7 1 I ftop this account, for the prcfcnt view, at the termination of the year 1780, not becaufc there is any hope of feeing the conclufion of the American war without another and another campaign j but merely to draw into one total the Military Expences which have been incurred and wafted by the late Parliament. Still, however, the above-mentioned fum of 71,875,0001. will not contain the total of Military Ex- pences incurred to the end of the year 1780 j for even if wc were to have no farther campaigns, yet the general arrears of the war which would remain to come in within the courfc of a year or two, would amount to an immenfe fum, proba- bly not Icfs than eight or ten millions. For the fake of bringing the total financial operations of the late Parliament to round numbers, 1 fhall ftate this article of general arrears at the fum of 8,125,000!. and then the account will ftand as follows : 71,875,000 8,125,000 Military Expences incurred and wafted during? the fix beffions of the laft Parliament * General Arrears fuppofed outftanding ' • ■ Total £. 80,000,000 This fum of 80,000,000 1. is only the total hitherto in- curred, not that the bufinefs is by any means finifhed; on the contrary, we are a great deal farther from our original obje 5 Upon the fame line of argument I might proceed to flate the lofs upon the capital of the Proprietors of Houfe Rents. Suppofing a redu(3:ion upon all the property of Houfeholders from 7,000,000 1. a year, at 14 years purchafe, to 6,000,000 1, at 12 years purchafe ; . Here is another defalcation, upon this clafs; /- /■ ^ c * *u 1 r f f <£,• 20,000,000 of men to the lols of j ^ » ' ^ But having given the great line of the argument, I flialj not defcend farther into the detail. I have only to obferve ^pon this article of the Houfe Rent, that this defalcation like^ wife is over and above all other taxations. Houfeholders have a feeling proof of this truth from the fevere tax which has been recently impofed upon their fpccific property. — The fundamental maxim of the modern fyftem of finance is, lirft to deflroy, and then to tax, I will Waft^ Offer Dcftrj the! Deftr Lai Deftr ReJ Sur Thl not ye this C( nihila ' deftr u fee wl halls I > Wher ' domell i man c your t taxes dragg{ defola hisgr better Loi dcper pially fhips, this c and t tranf] balls, fte ] [ 13 ] I will juft enumerate the preceding Articles. £, Wafte of Public Treafu re iOO,ooo,000 OfFenfive war with the Houfe of Bourbon Nothing done! Deilruaion of the capital of the Proprietors of i ^^^ ^^^ the Public Funds, more than i ^ ' ' Delh-uaion of the capital property of the, ^^ ^^^^^^ Landed Man, more than i Deftruaion of the capital property of Houfe I ^^ ^^^ ^^^ Rents, about Summation of diefe articles of Public Lofs £. 366,000,000 Thefe are but outlines to fuggeft prudent thoughts. I have not yet faid any thing of the Manufadures and Commerce of I this country. What proportion of their capitals will be an- nihilated, or rather what will be left, if the ravages of this deftruaive war fhall be fuFered to continue ? You may already fee whole pyramids of Englifh cloth heaped up in the public halls unfold ; a drug upon the market without a purchafer. ^ When the Foreign vent for our Manufaaures is ftopt, and the domertic price will not yield a living profit, the honcfl Tradef- man can no longer hold up his head ; or if he fhould endea- vour toftrugglc againft his fate, then comes a mercilcfs lift of taxes to complete his ruin. The working Manufaaurcr is dragged, as a recruit, into the bloody ranks of war, from his defolated labours, and the deferted loom. He is carried to his grave in that America, which in his, and in his country's better days, gave riches, profperity, induilr}, and vigour to all. Look next at the ftate of Commerce, not only as generally dependent upon the national marine of force, but more efpe- pially upon the fupply of mercantile bottoms. Your merchant /hips, which ufed formerly to diftribute the manuf.iaures of this country to the North and to the South, to thn Eaftern and to the Weftern worlds, are now converted into armed tranfports, loaded v/ith every inftrumcnt of death ; ui'i's, and balls, and powder, and fwords, and bayonets, an.' i'.', mcto \\\Q ^ritiflj arms) even with tomhawh 2a\'\ fcalpnghnves. And (\ [ 14 ] - • And what remains of the Commerce of a great country, once the miftrefs of the ocean, is now reduced to take Ihelter in neutral bottoms, or to pay the difgraceful tax of a tenfold infurance. America was once the fource of the Britifli ma- rine. Three fhips out of four, upon which the Britifti Com- merce, during its profperity, was navigated, were of Ameri- tzn building. There is an annihilation of three fliips out of four in the Commercial Capital of this country. Above all other things the Merchant's grand refource con- Hfts in Credit : Without Credit, Commerce would be reduced to fimple barter. If the facility of Credit be deftroyed, it is not a part annihilated, but the whole. In this fituation every private Merchant is now involved. The utmoft ftretch of private Credit is now drawn off from the fervice and fupply of National Commerce, to gamble with Government in the Stocks, and to fupply the fanguinary profufion of a minifte- rial American war. Every Public Loan that is now made, is a premium fet upon the private Merchant's head, for his deftrudioo ; not only by cutting off from him the fources of fupply, but by eftablifhing in thole Loans an ufurious rate of intereft of 6 or 7 per cent, at which rate, even if the private Merchant could afford to borrow at all, yet the bargain itfelf and the parties would become obnoxious to the penalties of the laws againft ufury. The Credit of the private Merchant is in the firft place ftretched upon the rack, by the enhancement of the rate of intereft from 3 to 5 per cent, then comes the Minifter, monopolizing the market by his ufurious bargains^, and gives him the finifhingblow, by making it impofllible for him to procure a fupply upon private Credit at any rate. If any one ftiould fufpedt that he fpies a flaw in this argu- ment, as knowing, perhaps, of fome cafes in which private Merchants do procure money upon their private Credit within the legal rate of intereft, and below the fcale of Minifterial Extravagance j I am forry to fay, that I think the tqftimony of fuch fa£ls affords but little confolation j they only prove tbatj in the opinion of fome men, the f^curity of private in- duftry duRry thriftl evitab But tafk. to the Manu one cc to all in cor meafu Ha\ ftruai been 1 fhallr their i in the their acqui Stamj Addit Tax Stam Stam Addi Dut) Tax Addi itry, once fhelter in a tenfold itifli ma- :ifh Com- )f Ameri- ips out of urce con- le reduced yed, it is ion every tretch of fupply of t in the I minifte- >w made, , for his burces of IS rate of s private ain itfelf ies of the ■chant is ncement )mes the )argainsj, flible for e. lis argu- 1 private t within nifterial ;ftimony ly prove vate in- duliry [ '5 ] duflry is thought preferable to all thofe lavifh ofl'ors of a thriftlefs public profufion, which, in its confequence, in- evitably tends to National Bankruptcy and Ruin. But to enlarge upon all fuch topics would be an endlefa tafk. My only view is to fuggeft fome thoughts of prudence to the Landholder, the Houfeholder, the Stockholder, the Manufacturer, and the Merchant, that they may all unite in one common intereft, and join hands together to put an end to all the fatal wafte and ravages which are thus committed, in confequence of the prefcnt deftruflive fyftem of public meafures Having thus fhewn, in a few ftriking inftances, the de- ftru 1 82,00* 2,500,000 1,000,000 450*000 3,400,000 1,200,000 15,000,000 8,125,000 Total £, 41,714,000 This is the real ftate of the matter without aggravation. Taxes and funds muft be provided for all thefe millions, which 9IPQunt to a greater fugi than all the million which have been funded [ I, 5 funded fince the commencement of the American war. Here follows the proof. The amount of the money which has hi- therto been funded upon the lift of taxes above recited, is only 31,000,0001. viz. ' 2,000,000 .. -v, — — 5,000,000 6,ooo,ooj '^^ ^ 7,000,000 12,000,000 In Loans funded in five years Remaining henceforward to be provided for, ) as above j 32,000,000 41,714,000 I think I am now juftified in having faid that we have not yet run half through the gauntlet of taxation. However, to fet all po/Tible cavil at defiance, in the application of this ar- gument, (as unfortunately there is no occafion to {train it) I will even cut off 10,000,000 1. the remainder will then be in round numbers 32,000,000 1. Thatfum would precifely require a double lift of all the preceding taxes of the war, to bring us to the conclufion of one year more, as far as relates to the financial part of the war. Whatever farther annihi- lations may befal the capital properties of the Landholder, the Stockholder, the Houfeholder, the Manufacturer, and the Merchant, are not included in this or in any of the preceding ftatements. Let them ferioufly refleft on thefe things. The tide of ebb is rcpidly running out, and all that they can ftili call their own, and all their future hopes and fortunes, are hound in Jhallows and in mifery. I will now give you a fpecimen of the mode in which the accounts of the expenditure of Public Money are prefented to Parliament, pafled and voted, efpecially upon the article of Ex' traordinaries. The following is a copy of I C 2 A -,yft >.. '•"r') [ io ] 'i ■ j4n account of tte dijirihutiou of thefum of i ,000,000 /. granted to his Majejiy to defray any extraordinary ex- pences incurred y or to be incurred ^ on account of Mili- tary Services for the year 1779. Dates of IVarrants. To Henry Theophilus" . ^779- , Auguji id. February yl. March \ith. — — 22^/. L' Clement, Efq; Depu- " ty Vice-'l'rcafurer of Ireland, to be by him, from time to time, applied for defraying . the charges and ex-, pences of encamp- ments and other mili- tary fcrviccs in Ire- land To Thomas Harley and Henry Drummond, E.'irs. to be by them applied and inverted in the purchafmg « Spaniih .ind Portugal ? Coins for the ufe and fervicc of his Majcf- ty's forces in North Arr.erica - - To ditto for ditto fervice To ditto for ditto fervice To ditto for ditto To ditto for ditto To ditto for ditto To ditto for ditt® To ditto for ditto To ditto for ditto To ditto for ditto To ditto for ditto To ditto for ditto To ditto for ditto To ditto for ditto ^ To ditto for ditto To ditto for ditto To ditto for ditto ">977 49,050 200,000 30,000 20,000 62,778 4200 82,115 27,264 15 43»3«3 9 76,002 20,000 93»550 43.483 35.748 15 9 o o o 7 19 o 16 To ditto for ditto, in parti of 352,7051. I2S. 7d. i44>"9 War-Offce., Feb. 29, 1780. ' / 12 o 2 18 13 15 d. >- 50,000 o 74.834 4 4 7 2 o o o 3 9 o ir 3 3 6 9 II 3 10 1,000^000 o o C. JENKINSON. If s. d. o 4 4 7 2 O o o 3 9 o C 2> ] If fuch an account as this had been produced as a fpccimcn of the mothud of regulating the Public Kxpcnditurc in any foreign nation of the world, I think it would not have been credited. There is no comment in words which can poHlbly aggravate the abfurdity, or the infult to common fenfe, which appears upon the firft fight of this extraordinary document. The firft article is a grofs and lumping article of 50,000 1. for encampments, he. in Ireland. It does not pretend to be an explanatory voucher, however it ftiles itfelf at leaft to be an expenditure. But the remaining 950,0001. pretends to be nothing elfe but money laid out to purchafe money. What then ! we do not get forward by that piece of information ; for the queftion again recurs, What is become of the Spanifh and Portugal money fo purchafed by BritiHi money ? The money ftill remains unaccounted for. No other account, how- ever, has been laid before Parliament ; but upon that very document, without any pretence of explanation vvhatfocver, they voted the total fum to be paid, in contempt of the peti- tions of the people of England, wlio, appealing to the juftice of Parliament, did mojl earnejily requejl, that before any new bur- thens were laid upon this country, effeiUial meafures might be taken by the Hoiife to enquire into, and to corre^, the grofs ahiijcs in the expenditure of Public Money. Is it poflible to conceive a grofler abufe in the Public Expenditure ? Of what ufe to the nation is the inftitution of Parliament, if fuch fort of accounts are fufFered to pafs without the leaft enquiry ? Another account of a fimilar kind, entitled Ext-.aordiuaries of the Army for the year 1779, was prefented in the laft feffion, 'n which there was a farther fum of 638,000!. with no other defcription or explanation, but merely To ditto for ditto ferijice. In a like manner the Extraordinaries of the Navy are laid before Parliament, in grofs unexpkined totals. As a fpecimen, I have extraded two articles out of the ftate of the Navy Debt prefented in the laft fcflion, to (hew ycu the undiftinguiftiing ■ . • . ^ . . - manner t " ] manner in which the Naval Expences arc prcfentcd and dif- chargcd in Parliament, viz. £. Navy Bills • — - 3,6 ,,852 Vi 5,995,c68 Here are near fix millions in two lii'cs, which Parliament gives and grants to the Miniftcr, without any farther enquiry into the matter. ••...•' It is not to be wondered at that fo good an intelligence fliould fubfift between the Miniftcr and his Parliament, when it is confidered that the Minifter, who has the difpofal of pub- lic contracts, diftributes immenfe proportions of the public ex- penditure, through the hands of members of Parliament. Can it be expeiled that fuch perfons fhould be among the foremoft to infift upon the moft rigid frugality, or to reftrain the fquan- dering of Public Money, or to reduce all Exorbitant Emolu- ments ? Can it reafonably be expelled that a Minifter, and his Aflbciates in Parliament, (hould be*ftrenuous to put an end to the war, on account of any national expences, when the one is to enjoy, in proportion to thofe very expences, the patronage of beftowing 10 or 15 millions a year in beneficial contrails and emoluments ; and the others have no confent but their own to confult, for dividing any ihare that they chufe of the pub- lic fpoils ? • - •-:, I have extraded out of the Army Extr ^ordinaries, which were prefented in the laft feflion, amounting to about 3,500,000!. the fpecific proportion of that fum which pafled through the hands of members of Parliament. In the firft place it appears by the feveral names in the accounts, that the contrails for 2,016,000 1. out of that fum ftand clear under the titles of members of Parliament, unconne6led with any others ; and that a farther fum of 370,0001. confifts of mixed contrails jointly to members of Parliament, and other mer- chants not in Parliament. Upon the whole, three parts in five of all thefe contracts go through the hands of members of Parliament. From this fpecimen it is no more than fair rea- foninjr Ton of cfFc for di'- Toning to fuppofe, that in other branches of the Public Ex- # penditurc a fimilar proportion of the public wade and profu« fion partes through the fame channel. ' ' ' " ' ^' , The amount of this influence, upon a Public Expenditure of 15 or 20 millions a year, is enormous. We fee it in its cffcdls every day. What would the nation fay to a propofition for fettling the moderate fum of 4 or 5 millions a year, to be di'ipofed of by the Minilkr without account, in gratifications to members of Parliament voting in his train ? The cffe. It passed in the nig at IV e. By this central! you may form a certain judgment of the principles which guide the meafures of Adminiftration, and from principles argue to their intended fyftem. The negative given to ihe firft part of your refolution relative to France and Spain, amounts to an explicit declaration, either that the employment ')f all our powers upon the continent of Amerua, docs not prevent the application of thofe fame powers againft I y .v.v*.- . . the • ;,■>:*■ [ 27 3 the Houfe of Bourbon (which is too abfurd even to be af- ferted) j or, that Miniftiy are fyftematically determined to facrifice every intereft of this country to the Houfe of Bour- bon, rather than to relinquifh the American war : And by contrad idling the latter propofitions it aflerts in efFetSl, That the continuation of hoftilities does not contribute to the en- creafe of animofity, nor an irreconcilable breach with Ame- rica tend to the ruin, or even the diminution ,( the Britilh Empire: that it is, therefore, the plan of Minifters to widen the dcftructive breach, and to render it irreparable, is in- controvertibly the only inference that can be drawn from the fanguinary and venal negative, which has thus been put up- on the declared fenfe of a very large and moft refpeftable por- tion of the people of England. . . * : - " >- . We have thus brought the Miniftry and their country face to face upon this ground j the one for a juft and honourable peace J the other for war at all events. But Miniftry con- tend that they arc fincere for peace : What fteps have they tdken to demonftrate their fincerity ? Is the refufal of your propofition of the 28th of March, 1780, when moved in Parliament by your worthy Reprefentative, a proof of their fincerity ? Is the refufal of every propofition or bill of conci- liation offered in Parliament, by tht friends of peace, with- out offering any others of their own, to be accepted as a proof of their fificerity ? Have they offered any fpecific condi- tions of accommodation to the Colony of Georgia, which has been in their poffeflion for near two years ? Have they drawn out any line of accommodation with South-Carolina fince the capture of Charles-Town, or the victory at Cam- den ? Yet fuch fteps as thefe would be the fureft way of in- viting the confidence of the Colonies towards this country, while the omifiion of them, by creating only alienation and diftruft, demonftrates to a certainty that their difpofition is for war. Minifters are now profeffedly carrying on the war for un- conditional fubmiffion : They will not declare either to this country or to America, upon what terms peace may be prac- ''''"■ D 2 '■..'. " ' ' ticable. p ( ! fi, t 28 1 ticable. A bill was offered in the laft feffion by General Conway, to invite them to fome fpecification of conditions. That bill was drawn up upon the clofeft terms of dependence; yet even that was refufed, and, by a parliamentary manoeuvre, (of moving for the order of the day) not even the title was fuffered to appear in the votes. On the fame day that Sir* George Savilc moved the Yorkfhire Refolution, I did Hkewife propofe a bill of conciliation, which might have been modified to any terms that Miniftry would have contented to, It was ofFercd upon th^it ground, and ftill rejcdled : And to render every thing uncertain to the utmoft, the American Minifter has frequently declared in his place in Parliament, that the propofed concefTions of the commiflion in the year 1778, are not now to be confidered as binding this country to any fimilar propofitions in future, fvery thing, therefore, is loofe and unconditional. Minifters profefs peace in general terms, but whenever they dfefcend to particulars, their argunients tend only to war. To certain perfons, who ftill retain fome old fcruples as to the original juftice of the war, and who would not confent to the continuance of an offenfive war, if they were not inftruded to believe that America is now become an implacable enemy, and even the aggrefTor, they affirm that the A.inericans are a natioiJ malignant and hollile to Great-Britain, actively engaged in a, confederacy with our enemies, fworn to our deftru^ pie there art dcftitute of food and raiment j diflradled in their counfcls ; feeble in their efforts j undifciplined in their ranks j exhaufted in their refources j harrafied under military oppref- fions i and groaning under the tyrannous anarchy of Con- grefs J and, what is moft to be depended upon in our favour^ univcrfally attached to the parent ftate, and earneftly longing to return to their antient conftitutional connexion and de- pendence. — Strange as it may feem, that fuch contradiftory arguments fhould be applied to the fame point, yet fo it is» everv man who has fat in Parliament has heard each of them urged, according to the argument of the day, to inftigate the relentlefs fury of war. Another argument for war is. That we cannot make peace till we have reduced the power of France and Spain. *' Then '* why are not the military operations of this country exerted " with united vigour and firm efforts againft France and " Spain," inftead of fupporting " an ofFenfive war in Ame- *' rica ?" This would he the fenfe of the people of England. But the Minifter will have it otherwife. His plan for reducing the power, and particularly the naval power, of the Houfe of Bourbon, is by a war of millions upon millions upon the con- tinent of America. Such arguments as thefe may pafs current with a minifterial majority in Parliament j but they are infults to a nation. . ■..-■'...i*- "■• .'\ ';:„■,;;■; J-- .■'^.::'.-;=:>' .::'""* What are you to think when fuch arguments are impofed upon you ? Every fufpicion becomes juftifiable. This coun- try may become a facrifice to France in the event, for a tenr.- porary forbearance, whilft our Miniflers are wafting the flrength, and deftroying the refources of their country in an American crufade. Fears and fcruples /hake us. What are we to think ? We know for a certain truth, that, during three campaigns fmce the commencement of hoftilities with France, our Minifters have not direfted our military force againft that antient enemy and rival of our greatnefs. We have no reafon to believe that they mean to exert the force of this country againft hi' Mr. 1: |i!. f [ 30 ] againft the Houfcot Bourbon in the next campaign, for which Parliament has already voted imnienfc Aims both for land and fea-fervice. It is, therefore, too plain that the honour and intcrefts of this countr) are to be facrificed, or at leaft but Hackly fupported in competition with the Houfe of Bourbon. But, perhaps, if Minifters do not fpeak to France out of the cannon's mouth, they may whifper ; and that they have whifpered has been aflerted upon no mean authority ; for it is aflertrd in a manifefto bearing date July, 1779, from the court of Spain, that they (the Englilh Miniftry) were infmu- ating thetnf elves at the court of France, by means of fecret emif- faries, and making great offers to her. Is this the way in which Britifh Minifters aflert the honour of their country againft the Houfe of Bourbon ? They have been forewarned for many years of the infidious defigns of France ; their Mi- nifter at Paris informed them, from time to time, of many fpecific arts of interference in the American concerns, long before the French declaration in March, 1778. Yet, after more than twelvemonths of open hoftilities, inftead of '* ex- •' erting the united, vigorous, and firm efforts of this coun- <* try againft the Houfe of Bourbon," they are found prof- trate at a French Minifter's feet, infinuating them/elves with g eat cfcrs to procure forbearance and peace. F'or three cam- paigns together they have wafted the force and trcafure of thefe kingdoms in a mad and ruinous war in America, know- ing that they have left behind us the whole power of the Houfe of Bourbon, lying in wait, with permiffive forbear- ance, to watch the maturity of our errors, and then to ftrike the blow. ^ , - Whether fuch Minifters may even now be infnuating them^ felves with great offers at the court of Spain, cannot be known j but thus much is clear at leaft, that the unaccount- able ftate of inaction, which has hitherto fubfifted in that part of the war which concerns Great-Britain and the Houfe of Bourbon, carries a deceitful and treacherous afpetSl, I fear this temporary calm forebodes fome heavy ftorm behind. 7'hp 111 ■.7- [ 31 ] The fituation of this country is truly alarming, and more fo upon deeper confidcratlon of it. MiniRcrs tell us, and I fear too trulv, that it is not poflible now to make peace with America without th; confcnt of France. But what is their conclufion ? That we mult purfue an ofFenfive war in Ame- rica. Yet this is the very caufe of the embarralVment : For it is not by virtue of any of the articles of the alliance be- tween France and America, that France can obtain any con- troul over the ads or views of Great-Britain. Give us back the forces and trcafure which our Minifters havf wafted, and which they are continuing to wafte, in a war upon the con- tinent of America, and we need not afk the permiffion of France in the arrangement of any conditions with America. Then ftrike at the rootj dired *' the united, vigorous, and *' firm efforts of this country againft France and Spain." It is vain to prolong our undecided fate; if you can, by force of arms, carry compulfion to the Houfe of Bourbon, we arc yet a great people, and the hrft of nations. The road will then be open once more to any arrangement with America, free from the controul of France, and Britain may be herfelf again. But Minifters are obfti;iately and inflexibly bent upon their own madnefs, and will not exert the united efforts of their country againft the inveterate and watchful rivals of its greatnefs. Yet what do they expedt to obtain by cringing and injinuating thf.ifehes with great ojfers f Perhaps that which the Houfe of Bourbon would think it a good bargam to con- cede vi'ithout any offers at all, viz. An infidicus and tem- porary forbearance, while Britifti Minifters are exhaufting the Public Trcafure, wafting the blood of their countrymen in vain, and thus preparing to deliver over their country it- ielf, weak and defencelefs, to its natural enemies. What compacl: could the Houfe of Bourbon wifh tacitly to eftablifh but this, viz. Forbearance on their part, as the conijition of perfevcrancc in the prefcnt exhaufting fyfteni of meafures upon ours. But, perhaps, it may be faid, that one fuccefsAil cam- paign in America may decide the conteft, and extricate us out I 3^ ] il -lid:- S out of all our difficulties.— So far from it, in my opinion, that if fuch an event could happen, it would only be the commencement of our difficulties. The whole force of this country would then be bound down in America for ever. To maintain the conqueft of fuch a country in reludlant fubjec- tion, 3000 miles diftant, and 1500 miles in its own extent, would require, I believe I might venture to fay, the whole force of Europe ; but would certainly exceed the extremeft powers of Great Britain. In fuch a cafe the Houfe of Bour- bon would have completely gained their end ; at prefcnt they are to conceive it as a poffible event at leaft, that this country may relinquifh the American war, and that confide- ■' ration may fufpend their defigns j but if they could once fee the whole force of Great Britain bound down and fixt tc the continent of America, they would then fpeak out, their in- aftion would then turn to adivity. A new war would emerge upon us even out of our fuppofed vldlories ; a war adive and ofFenfive againft us on the p?.rt of the Houfe of Bourbon, and perhaps brought home with terror and difmay to our own defencelefs gates. That wife men " have forefeen and forewarned their coun- ** try of fuch confequences," take upon recorded atteftation ; hear then the Proteft in the Houfe of Lords, March 5, 1776. " If the flames of war (hould be kindled in Europe, which ** we fear is too probable, we refleft with horror upon the ** condition of this country, under circumftances in which •* fhe may be called upon to refift the formidable attack of " our powerful enemies, which may require the exertion of ** our whole force, at a time when the ftrength and flower of ** our nation are employed in fruitlefs expeditions on the other " fide of the world." Thus much I ilate upon the fuppofed cafe of a total and abfolute conquefl of America; and, after all, the argument of conqueft isbut a dream. But for the fake of argument I Vvill go yet farther, and even put the cafe of a general ft^r- render and voluntary fubmiffion on the part of America, in order to fliew you that, in every poffible cafe, the prefent fyftem { 33 ] fyftcm of meafures is abfurd and ruinous, for, on this fuppo- fttion, the Houfe of Bourbon ftill remains to be talked with. In fliort, the great cohteft of rival power between Great Bri- tain aiwl the Houfe of Bourbon muft, fooncr or later, be brought to a decifion : That is now the core of the war. The Houfe of Bourbon have been lying in wait for many years to feize the advantage of our folly. By favour of our Minifters they have at length obtained it, and completely hemmed us in. We can neither make war with America, nor peace with America ; nor fend troops to America, nor withdraw our troops from America, without their confcnr. Minifters knovV this; they proclaim it J and, becaufe it affords a pretext for procuring another 20 millions for walle and peculation, they even exult in it j and flill, inftead of exerting the national force againft the allied Crowns of France and Spain, they perfift in their plan of reducing the ftrength of this country by diverting it to other objcdls ; thereby giving every advan- tage to the comparative force of our enemies. But fuppofing this voluntary fubmiflion complete on the part of America ; Can any one conceive that we can ever again poflefs the dependence of America without the confent of the Houfe of Bourbon ; or can any one think that France and Spain will give their confent without the extremity of war firft tried between them and Great Britain ? I think no man can be fo weak as to flatter himfelf with either of thefe expefta- tions. Confider the circumuances. What could be the mo* tives of France for entering into the American Alliance ? To feparate America from Great Britain. Their whole conduct declares that they confidered the independence of America aS the ground-work : For immediately after the declaration of independence, they received the American Minifters at Paris, and entered into the negotiation of a treaty of alliance, in which treaty the independence of America was recited as the bafis ; nay, ftill farther, the independence of America is pub- licly avowed in the French Manifefto of March, 177B, to Great Britain herfelf, and to all the world, as the bafis of the connexion between France and America. Therefore the in- , -,Tv,;4,,_-;- ,., '-.*; .:v:: - .-j^-v-. - - -•: dependence [ 3i 1 ii; I : dependence of America, was the condition upon which alone France would give them their affiftance ; that is to fay, her own independence was the valuable confideration pledged by America to France as the purchafe of that afTiftance. And the reafon is obvious, for the independence of America mull neceflarily become a matter of deep and fcrious intereft to France, when by the reparation the limits of the Britifli Em- pire are contra6led, and by the infringement of our monopoly in the American Trade, a divifion of the fpoils is not only poured into her harbours for the prefent, but permanently al- fured to her by commercial treaties, which, for their validity, muft altogether depend upon the free agency and abfolute in- dependence of the contradling party ; and therefore, in any of the foregoing cafes, either of conquering America by arms, or of their voluntary fubmiflion, the core of the con- teft ftill remains with the Houfe of Bourbon; and the more we exhauftourfclves in a preliminary war with America, the farther we fhall be from the final power of maintaining and realizing the obje£ts of our purfuit, even if we could by any means aojuirc a'tranfitory poflcffion of them in the firft in- ftance. If the dependence of America is at any time to be recovered by force, (a cafe which I put in compliance with the argu- ment, not as approving or deeming it pradlicable) there are two parties to be fubdued. If we begin with the Houfe of Bour- bon, and fhould fuccccd againft them, we (hould be fo far upon the road j but if wc (hould fail againft them, we had better fail in the firft inftance, than fall into their hands, when ex- haufted to the laft gafp by the continuance of the American war. America would equally be gone in either cafe ; but the confequence to ourfelves, as a nation, would be widely differ- ent ; forif we exhauftourfclves in the preliminary conteft with America, and (hould then fall into the hands of France and Spain, we may become, I knovir not what, even a province to the Houfe of Bourbon ! But if wc bring the conteft to an if- fue, in the firft place, with the Houfe of Bourbon, while our force alone r, her [ 35 ] force remains equal to the trial j even, if we ihotiid fail, yrt the difparity cannot be fo great, but that we (hould brJhg our European rivals down with us, without any fear in that cafe of becoming a province to America. There are many perfons who, not entering into the intrica- cies of the war, take the qucdion only in the grofs, and who think that, in every cafe of adual war, they cannot do better than to give general fupport to the Adminiftration. To fuch perfons I recommend that, as a criterion and pledge of fidelity to their country, they fhall require of thofe Minifters whofe meafures they have hitherto fupported too indifcriminately, to ** diredl all the united, vigorous, and firm efforts of Great ** Britain agatnft he invidious and inveterate enemies the " Houfe of Bourbcji." I call it a pledge of fidelity from Miniflers, becaufc however other perfons, who are at a dif- tanci. from opportunities of accurate obfervation, may be un- apprlzed of the real flate of public danger j yet Minifters themfelves mufl know that it is by their own fufferance that the antient and avowed enemies of this country are collufively permitted to lie in wait for its deflrudlion. If Minifters will obidnatcly plunge their country into a pre- concerted fyflem of deflruftive meafures of which they are competent to fee the fallacy j if all their meafures are mifcal- culated to their pretended objefts, and bear no other marks but thofe of being the creatures of pride, revenge, and peculation; if it then be notorious that they have fecreted all means of en- quiry and information from the public, and uniformly impofcd upon their country by every delufive mifreprefentation of the cafe, I fhall leave the conclufion to this applicable maxim of the Law, Omnia prafumuntur contra fpoliatorem. Conflru/ftive prefumption is unqueftionably good againfl them. It mufl be confeffed. upon the foregoing ftate of the argu- ment, that if neither the conqueft nor the fubmiffion of Ame- rica can be productive of any good, the cafe fcems defperate. El What ■I' 1 1 ,1 m [36 ] • .. What then remains to be done? Can it be dill pofliblc, in tht prcfcnt (late of the conted, aggravated and embarrafled as it iii now become, to look forward to any praflicablc terms of coa- ciliation with America ? That fomc kind of conciliation nuilfc ta!cc pl.icc at fomc period or other is moft certain, bccaufc war cannot be eternal. Rut for the terms, I fear, wc cannot ex- pect them now to be fuch, as thofc which have been formerly oft*Lr:'d to this country by the unanimous petitions of America, and which Minifkrs, in the hour of Infolencey have reje(5lid with difdain. 'liic only rule which we have hitherto fcemcd to follow, has bccii to rcfufc the terms which might have been had at each parti ular time till it became too late, and then to contemplate the cfflds of our folly and pafHon with regret. For what remains, at leaft, let us be wifer now. We can no longer hope to rcfloie the ftate of our affairs to the condition in which they were when the unanimous petitions of America were rejected. We fliould not, however, defpair, they may yet adun't of fonie alleviation, if conduced with prudence^ moderation, and fincerity. I have already fufficiently explained that the dependence or independence ol America upon this country, remains no longer a queftion to be fettled folcly between the original parties to the difputc. France is now become a principal j it was France that firft called America forth to independence; it is the Houfe of Bourbon which now aflerts and maintains that independence with a ftrong hand, and America herfejf, in the caufe of her own independence, is now become but a remote and fccondary party, as far as the decifion of f;hat caufe relates to Great Britain. If Miniftcrs tell us thar we muft fight to the laft man, and to the laftfhilling, to recover that dependence of America which they themfelves have thrown away, then why do they not " direct the united, firm, and vigorous efforts "of this country againil the Houfe of Bourbon?" From their not doing this, the proof becomes conclufive againft them. That they are deceiving their country by falfe pretences, and that their war is nothing elfe but a war of pride, revenge, and peculation, at the peril and coft of their country, --,'.--■'■ ■\-^-- ' ,'#■,-•■,'■ - '", jr ■ .V- r•^^:^ ' . .:-• But But L 37 ] But to the pretext of continuing the war to recover the de- pendence of America, is now, I think, almoft worn out, and r.Iiniflcrs have accordingly changed their ground, and tell us that France and America are at prcfcnt fo clofcly connected together, that we muft carry on the war in America until wc have effeded a feparation between them. But is the continu* ation of an ofFenfivc war againft America the way to efTefl this reparation ? So far from it, that its only poflible operation muft be to drive the connected parties into a more intimate connec- tion } and perhaps, by urging America for the purpofe of pre* fent prefervation to the neceflity of mortgaging to France all her future faculties and refources, to cement a union beyond the power of G^-eat Britain hereafter to diflblvc. The fallacy is hardly fpccious. — If they truly and fincerely fought toefFedb a feparation, they muft neceflarily have adopted that funda- mental maxim eftablifhed in the rcfolution of the County of York ; and in the firft inftance, have " directed all our *' united, firm, and vigorous efforts againft the Houfe of *' Bourbon."* • . . " r , ., I believe that the wifh to fee America releafcd from their en- gagements with France, and to re-unite that country in friend- ihip and afFedion with ourfelves, is much clofcr tc ihe heart ©f the people of Great Britain, than the defire of recovering any reluftant dependence from them hereafter. But can the treaty of alliance, now fubfifting between France and Ame- rica, be fuperfeded in its operation by any fleps of relaxation, which could be taken on the part of Great Britain ? I think it might, if that ftumbling-block of independence could but be removed, or even tacitly difpenfed with. I will ftate thofe ar- ticles of the treaty, which feem to me to warrant that opinion ; In the firft place. If Great Britain fhould think proper, for- mallyy to declare the independence of America, the whole treaty of alliance drops to the ground at once : the efTential and dire£fc end of it being accomplifhed, there is no farther oh](tdi for the treaty to attach upon, and therefore, as a treaty of alliance, it ccafcs to exift. This argument is founded upon the 2d article of the trciity, which declares that " The eiTential and dire jii iii-; liH; 111 rat if. ■"<*(*;(■. every treaty of alliance, are to be taken as dependent upon the eiTential and declared end of the alliance, being merely inftrumcntal means to accomplifh that end, and having no originality in themfelves, they drop of courfe, upon the ef- fedual accompliri.ment of that end towards which they were only intended toferve as the efficient and inflrumental means. Upon the whole matter I do conceive, that upon the formal or tacit admifllon of the independence of America by Great Britain, the contrading parties on both fides become free, and that the alliance itfelf is, ipfofailo, difTolved. I am aware that this conceffion may appear toeflablifh an alienation of the American trade to France. I grant that it recognizes the infringement of our former monopoly, but do not, fcr that rcafon, conceive that we enter into a lofing bargain. America, if conquered by the fword, will fcarcely be an acquifltion j her wafted territories will be but ill able to fend money for the manufactures of Great Britain. The mode of government, which tyranny, nay perhaps policy herfelf, upon fuch a ftate of circumftances, miift eftablifh, for tl purpofe of controuling the reli.dant remnant of her vanquiftied inhabitants, will continue the depopulation, and is but ill calculated to fofter the fecond infancy of American commerce. What then do we alienate by lenient concef- fions ? A portion of that trade, the whole of which we muft othcrwife annihilate, while we ftill referve a portion to our- felves } for, if America encreafe, as on terms of tranquillity and independence fhe naturally muft do, Ihe has not yet, by her treaty with France, precluded a treaty of commeice with Great Britain j and a moiety of her cuftom, in the day of her uncontrouled profperity, may poffibly, nay muft necef- farily, exceed in profit the utmoft that Great Britain ,has ever heretofore received upon the whole, i The independence of America, and the treaty of alliance with France, are now become the great objcds of the public attention and anxiety : They muft fpeedily be brought to a :e of the whole matter is national dccifion.—The furamary fimply [ 41 ] fimply this. If it fliould be determined to purfue the depen- dence of America by furce of arms, it muft be done by be- ginning with the Houfeof Bourbon. If, on the other hand> it co"ld be thought proper to rt'lax upon the point of depen- dence, the treaty of alliance between America and France be- comes, ipfo fa^o^ diflblved. :^rhaps the fimple conceffion of independence to Ame- rica, as an aft of geiierofity and free grace, at the period of their approaching maturity, and flowing from ourfclves, might not have met with much reluftance in a wife, a liberal, and a magnanimous people j it might, at leall, have refcued the honour of this country in the prefent fatal conteft. But our Minifters have cut off this retreat from us, and that conceffion, which might have been an avv ta/ : ** If it were only to America, we would readily concede an amicable independence to the defcendants of Bri- ti(h blood, and to the heirs of Britifh freedom ; but to France we cannot make conceffions — there is the rub." — The anfwer is, — *' Conciliate with America, and dire£l the united efforts of this country againft France and Spain." That is the voice of the people of England j but Minifters will not hearken . to that voice, they will neither a6l with vigour nor open their hearts to concil'ation. If the public fcntiment and wifh of this country could but once preva" ic ^-v: ys to procure a change of fyfteni, from the fanguinar/ . :> lir ?s of an offenfive war, to conciliatory mea- fures with Ame. ija, we ihould, in the purfuit of that conci- liation, meet with fome incidental advantages from the con- du6l of France towards America. If the court of France have taken fome advantage of our folly, they have likewife on their part, given us every favourable opportunity of retali- ating upon them, and of recovering our own falfe fteps, if we are fo di fed to do j for it is evident, that their original in- terference I, the difpute between Great Britain and America F di4 ■'»l } [ 4i ] .--■.;. did not proceed from any principles of generofity or affe£tion towards America, but from varied felfilh confiderations of their own national intcrells and ambition. The eftablifliment of civil liberty in America could not be an interefting objedl to the arbitrary court of France : But under the mafk of magna- nimity and pretended zeal for America, to urge on the conteft, and juft to feed the hopes of the weaker party, from time to time, with languid and undecilive fupport, fo as to keep that conteft alive, until both parties fhould have mutually exhaufted each other, was a plan calculated to gratify every view of pride, of refentment, of jcaloufy, and of ambition. This is the plan which they have uniformly and fteadily purfued. The whole fyftem of their condudt U i.'"is America, during three years of their actual interference . ' : war, has evinced it. In every ftage they have moft eviden^y feemcd to prolong the con- tinuance of the war, even in its moft oppreflive fhape to Ame- rica, and, as if in concert with the Minifters of Great Britain, have made the continent of America the feat of war. If, there- fore, America is to judge of motives from the uniformity of actions, (than which there cannot be a fairer teft) the condudt of France cannot appear in any other light to them, than as proceeding from motives of refentment towards the antient rivals of the Houfe of Bourbon, in Europe ; and, perhaps, of jealoufy irwards the rifing power of their future rivals in America. This was not the way to conciliate the aftedions of America to France, neither can it be fuppofed to have pro- duced any fuch effedl. There never have been any natural ties of afFedlion between them, for as the alliance, on the part of France, proceeded only from confiderations of politic pru- dence, fo on the part of America it was merely the eiFedt of reluctant neceflity, to which they were driven by the fangui- nary and vindictive meafures of a Britifh Adminiftration. Thefc are the principles upon which the alliance between America and France was at firft entered into by the refpe6tive parties, and the whole progrefs of it, in all its operations, has been conformable to its original foundation. America and France have very well underftood each other on that head. 1% [Ul- [ 43 ] It has been a temporary coalition of independent views and interefls between parties mutually jealous of each other ; nor, either according to the letter of the treaty, or to the fpirit of the alliance, does it extend to any points beyond the precife and limited objects of that occafional coalition. Whatever incidental obligations America may have incurred to France, they are undoubtedly of a limited nature ; and as fuch, they may be fatisfied and dilcharged whenever Great Britain fhall hold out an afFedtionate and conciliatory hand to America. The only way, therefore, to defeat the efFedt of the l^rench alliance with America, and ^ ■ to accomplifh a re-urtion with *' that country upon juft, honourable, and beneficial terms,'* is to proceed henceforward with fin.erity and conciliatory meafures towards America, and no longer to permit a fan- guinary adminiflration to continue in the farther purfuit of their revengeful purpofes. Moderation and forbearance are the harbingers of peace, but conciliation never comes by the fword. ~ ■ ■ > -' ■ _ It is impoffible to enforce the generous fentiments of huma- nity and peace in terms more exprcffive, or more adapted to the cafe, than by the repetition of your own words^ which carry the higheft authority, as coming from you, and having been adopted by the general voice of the people of England ; with thefe words, therefore, I fhall fum up this argument of peace, and conclude the whole of this addrefs to you, viz. *' That the profecution of an offenfive war in America can *' have no other effeft upon America herfelf, than to con- ** linue, and thereby to encreafe, the enmity which has fo long and fo fatally fubfifted betwixt the arms of both, and that it can be productive of no good whatever, but, by ** preventing conciliation, threatens the accomplifhment of " the ruin of the Britifh Empire.'* I hope you will excufe the liberty that I have taken in ad- drefling to you the foregoing thoughts on public affairs. It has proceeded from the higheft refpeft which I entertain for you, and my fulleft convidlion of the wifdom of thofe fenti- , Fz ments «c <( m 1,1 m ' h's' mi ' mi I ' ;t . V C 44 1 ments which have received the fan£Hon of your authority. I confider it as the duty of every private man, in times of public danger, to take his turn in (landing to the watch. Having now no longer any public Parliamentary employment, ! am folicitous to acquire fome additional weight to the fer- vices of a private individual by the protedlion of your name* I prefume no farther than argumentatively to ftate a few im- portant fa ! [ 48 ] the aforefaid Provinces of North America^ upon the means of reftoring peace between Great Britain and the aforefaid Pro- vinces, according to the powers in this adl contained. And be it further ena«Sted, That in order to facilitate the the good pnrpofes of this a£l, his Majefty may lawfully enable any fuch pcrfon or perfons, fo appointed by his Majeily's let- ters patent, as aforefaid, to order and proclaim a Cellation of Hoftilities, on the part of his Majefty's forces by fea and land, for any time, and under any conditions or reftri»Scions. And be it further enacted, That in order to lay a good foundation for a cordial reconciliation and lafting peace be- tween Great Britain and the aforefaid Provinces of North America, by reftoring an amicable intercourfe between the fame, as foon as pofliblc, his Majcfty may lawfully enable any fuch perfon or perfons, fo appointed by his Majefty's letters patent, as aforefaid, to enter into, and to ratify from time to time, any Article or Articles of Intercourfe and Pacification, which Article or Articles, fo entered into and ratified from time to time, fliall remain in full force and efFedl for the certain term of ten years, from the palling of this adl. Provided alfo, and be it further ir.nadted, by the authority aforefaid. That in order to remove any obftrudions which may arife to the full and effl'dual execution of any Article or Articles of Intercourfe and Pacification, as before-mentioned : That it fhall and may be lawful for his Majefty, by any inftrument under his fign manual, counterfigned by one or more of his Majefty's principal Secretaries of State, to authorife and em- power any fuch perfon or perfons, fo appointed by his Maje- fty's Letters Patent as aforefaid, .to fufpend for the term of ten years, from the pafling of this a£l, the operation and effedb of any aiStor ads of parliament, which are now in force, refpe£ling the aforefaid Provinces of North America, or any claufe or claufes, provifo or provifos, in any fuch a6l or a6ls of parliament con- tained : in as much as they, or any of them, may obftruct the full efFeft and execution of any fuch Article or Articles of In- tercourfe and Pacification^ which may be entered into and ratiiied I..,- [ 49 ] as before-mentioned, between Gnat Bnt^in and the aforcfaid Provinces of North Amtrica. And be it further eiiadled, That in order to eftablilh perpe- tual reconcilement and peace, between Grtat Britain and th* aforefaid P'-Ovrincce of North Amtrica^ it is hereby required* aii J be it enacted, That all or any Article or Articles of Inter- courfe and Pacification^ which fliall be entered into, and ratified* for the certain term of ten years as before-mentioned, fhall, from time to time, be laid before the two houfes of parliament for their confideration, as the perpetual bafis of reconcilement and peace between Great Britain and the aforefaid Provinces of North America '^ and that any fuch Article or Articles of In- tercoiirfe and Pacification as before-mentioned, when the fame fhall have been confirmed in parliament, fhall remain in full force and effect for ever. v And be it further enaded, That this a(5l fliall continue in force until " ; It passed in the negative, \ . No II. C O P Y 0/ the Treaty «/* Alliance, Fventual and Defenftvey be- tween his Mojl Chrijlian Majejiy Louis the Sixteenth^ King of France and Navarre, and the Thirteen United States of America, concluded at l^nrlsy Feb. 6, 1778. TH E Moft Chriftian King, and the United States of North-America, to wit, New-Hampftiire, Maflachu- fett's-Bay, Rhode Ifland, Connefticut, New-Jerfey, Penn- fylvania, Delaware^ Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina, and Georgia, having this day concluded a Treaty of Amity and Commerce, for the reciprocal advan- tage of their fubjeds and citizens, have thought it neceflary to take into confideration the means pf ftrengthening thofe engagements, and rendering them ufeful to the fafety and tran- Q quillity i**.;^! [ 50 3 qulllity of the two Parties } particularly in cafe Great Britain^ in rcfeiumcnt of that connc£lion, and of the good correfpon- dence which is the objc6> of the faid treaty, (houid break the peace with France, cither by direft hoftilitic«, or by hinder- ing her commerce and navigation, in a manner contrary to the rights of nations, and the peace fubfifting between the two crown«i — And his Majefty and the faid United States having rcfolvcd in that c*(e to join their council* and efforts againft the enterpriaics of their common enemy. The rcfpe£live plenipotentiaries, impowercd to concert the claufes and conditions proper to fulfil the faid intentions, have, after the moft mature deliberation, concluded and de- termined on the following articles : ■ ,' ' Art. I. If war (houl<^ break out between France and Great Britain during the continuance of the prefent war be- tween the United States and England, his Majefty and the faid United States (hall make it a common caufc, and aid each other inutually with their good offices, their councils, and their forces, according to the exigency of conjundlures, as becomes good and faithful allies. II. The eflential and diic6\ end of the prcfcnt dcfenfive al- liance is, to maintain eftc(Elually the liberty, fovereignty, and independence, abfolute and unlimited, of the faid United States, as well in matters of government as of commerce. III. The two contracting parties ftiall each on its own part, and in the manner it may judge moft proper, make all tlie cfForts in its power againft their common enemy, in order to attain the end propofed. ; • u../ -• -| ? y-' IV. The cQntra£ling parties agret, that In cafe either of them ftiould form any particular enterprize in which the con- currence of the other may be defired, the party whofe con- currence is defired {hall readily, and with good faith, join to ^6i in concert for that purpofe, as far as circumftances and its own particular fituation will permit; and in that cafe they fhall regulate, by a particular convention, the quantity and I^ind of fuccour to be furnifhcd, and the time and manner of t 5' 1 its being brought Into adlion, as well as the advantages which are to be its compcnrution. V. If the United States fliould think fit to attempt the reduflion of the Britifli power remaining in the Northern parts of America, or the iflands of Bermudas, thofe countries or iflands, in cafe of fucccfs, fhall be confederated with, or dependent upon, the faid United States. VI. The Mod Chriftian King renounces for ever the pof- fcflion of the iflands of Bermudas, as wtll as of any part of thecontinent of North America, which, before tht treaty of Paris in 1763, or in virtue of that treaty, were acknow- ledged to belong to the Crown of Great Hritain, or to the United States, heretofore called Britlfh Colonies, or wliich are at this time, or have lately been, under the pov/er of the King and Crown of Great Britain. VII. If his Moft Chriftian Majefty (hall think propn to ".k any of the iflands fituatcd in the Gulf of Mexico, or ...ui that Gulf, which are, at prefent, under the power cf Great Britain, all the faid ifles, in cafe of fucccfs, fhall ap- pertain to the Crown of France. VIII. Neither of the two parties fhall conclude either truce or peace with Great Britain, without the formal confent of the other firfl obtained; and they mutually engage no. to lay down their arms, until the independence of the United States fhall have been formally or tacitly aflured by the treaty or treaties that fhall terminate the war. IX. The contradtirig parties declare that, being rcfolvcd to fulfil, each on its owh part, the claufes and conditions of the prefent treaty of alliance, according to its own power and circumftances, there fhall be no after-claims of con^pen- fation, on one fide or the other, whatever may be the event of the war. ,, X. The Moft Chriftian King and the United States agree, to invite or admit other powers, who may have received in- juries from England, to make a common caufe with them, and to accede to the prefent alliance, under fuch conditions G 2 as 111'! t- «: 1 !i m ■'■■ if) IT fi i' i ti as (hall be freely agreed to, and fettled between all the par- ties. ' XI. The two parties guarantee mutually from the prefent time, and for ever, againft all other powers?, to wit — The United States to his Moft Chriftian Majefty the prefent pof- feflions of the crown of France in America, as well as thofe which it may acquire by the future treaty of peace j and hi'* Moft Chriftian Majefty guarantees, on his part to the United States, their liberty, fovereignty, ano Independence, abfo- lute and unlimited, as well in matters of government as commerce, and alfo their pofleflions, and the additions or conquefts that their confederation may obtain during the war, from any of the Dominions, now or heretofore pofTeffed by Great Britain in North America, conformable to tjio fifth aid fixth articles above-written, the whole as their poffef- fions fhall be fixed and afiured to the faid States at the mo- ment of the cefTation of their prefent v/ar with England. XII. In order to fix more precifely the fenfe ani appHca • tion of the preceding article, the contra£ling parties declare, that, in cafe of a rupture between France and England, the reciprocal guarantee declared in the faid article fliall have its full force and effe£t the moment ^uch war ftiall breakout; and if fuch rupture (hall not take plac?, the mutual obliga- tion> of the faid guarantees (hall not commence until the moment of the ceflation of the prefent war between the United States and England fhall have afcertained *heir pof- fe/Hons. XIII. The prefent treaty ftiall be ratified on both fides, and the ratifications fli?n bj exchanged in the fpacc o,( fix months, or fooner if poflible. In faith whereof, bV. fi I n oe [ 53 ] 'The A n D p,E s s of the Committee 0/ A s s o c i a- T I o N for the County 0/ Y o r k, to the E l e c t f> r s of the Counties^ Cities ^ and Boroughs within the King- dom 0/ Great Biitain, agreed upon at their Meetings, held on the 3^ and .\th c/ January, 1781, at York. ■ihe AFTER much difpaflionate rcHedlion on the multiplied grievances of our country, on the necefiity of fome I'lib- ftantial redrefs, and the moft prudent mode of attempting to obtain it, the com.mitte'» of Yorklhire have appointed the Rev. Chriftopher Wyvill, Samuel Shore, Efq; and Sir James Nor- clifFe, Bart, their deputier, with full power to mce;t and deli- berate with deputies from other counties, cities, and boroughs, H and in concurrence with them to take the moft efFcdlual mea- \ fures, confiftc.nt with law and the c jnftitution, to promote that political reform which the county of 'fork has jdlbciated to f up port. The committee are perfectly fatisfied that fuch deputation is ftri(5lly legal, and confonant with e 'cry principle of the conftitution. The right to petition Parli^^ment for a redrefs of grievances, is a fundamental right of the Britifh people ; and thcexercife of that right, in any mode whi:h is prohibited by no pofitive ftatute, cannot be unlawful. Let it bf* acknow- ledged, then, that this deputation is an uncommon appoint- ment ; uncommon diftrefs has called it forth ; and when new dangers aiife to public liberty, new modes of defence, adapted to relifl the attack, are not only juftifiable, but abfoiutely ne- ceflary for its prefervation. The truth of this observation will hardly be contefted by thofe, who, underllanding the nature and value of civil liberty, have the fpirit to fupport it, by a ftrcnuous exertion of their legal poweis. But it may be ex- pected that much mifreprefentation an'' artful fuggelrions will be employed by the obftruclors of reiormation, to calumniate the committee, and by excitiiig groundlefs apprehenfions of innovation, and hazardous oppufition vO government, to alienate IP I:: \r' 1 I cari) uae\tcpiionably proper, have yet objcfted to the the rc- d to the , C 6. ] the propofitlon at this time. Their concurrence would .have been, and lUll would be received with high refpc«5l and grati- tude. But in the prefcnt fiturition of diftrcls, the Committee are clearly cnuyjnccd, that procraftination and indccifion would not be confillifnt with true political prudence. For when can the correction of abufcs be propofcd with fuch propriety, or Co much probability of fucccfs, as when their mifchievQus conrc- quenccs are moft fovcrely felt ? What can induce a corrupt Parliament to abolifh corruption? Not the weight ofreafonj not the force of fhame, but the authority of the public alone. But the fame general concurrence of the people, which can reform the corrupt expenditure of public money, with equal eafe can correcSl thofe parliamentary defeats, whence that cor- ruption originates. There lies the root of our domeftic evils; and it is the duty of the Committee to point it out, and to admonifh their fellow -citizens, that nothing fhort of a par- liamentary reformation deferves their interpofition. — Since the defection of Pultency from the public caufe, the profeflions of political men have been held in extreme diftruft ; difin- terefted men have looked with unconcern on the ftruggles of contending parties, and, it muft be owned, contending par- tics have too generally deferved it. The individuals who form the fplendid exception are few, and they have not been able much to diminifli the popular diftruft. Hence the long and unavailing ftruggle of public men, unfupported by national confidence ; hence the reluctance of unambitious men, to embark on any other bottom than that ftipulated reform of parliamentary abufes. The diftrefs of their country has, at laft, induced fuch men to make the virtuous attempt. Un- infiucnced by pcrf il regard, or partial confiderations ; ani- mated with an honcft zeal for the welfare of the community, they have quitted their private, but independent ftations, to profccute a full rcdrcfs of the national grievances ; but if a diCpoiition fliould appear to con ne their generous under- taking to the regulation of a few official abufes, of fecon- dary importance in the fcalc of public affairs, it is im- poflible [ 6* ] • pofliblc to prefer ve the fupport of fuch rr-r on thofe condi- tions, nor on thofe conditions would this committee wifli to prcferve it. The general good, therefore, feems to require, that the correction of thofe abufes in Parliament, which arc t)ic foundation of our domeflic calamities, be now propofcd to. the public, as the propei* and principal object of their united endeavours. Having thus freely ftated to their countrymen their views of reformation, and the motives of their public condu£t, the committee truft that the other counties, cities, and boroughs, who concur in thefe political fentiments, in whole, or in part, will co-operate with the intended general deputation, by appointing Deputies, with power to fupport, in that af- fembly, fuch of thefe propofitions of jeform, as they may refpeftively approve. By a long train of fatal mifcondu£l» the wealth, the grandeur, the fuper-cminent power of this em- pire are, perhaps, irrecoverably loft. But in the general wreck which threatens the fortunes of the public, their vi- gorous and timely interpofition may yet pr?fej:ve the Liberty and the Conftitution of Britain. ■i:' lii ' i ' m The Gentlemen on the Committee prefent at the meeting were. Rev. Mr. Wy vlll, Chairman The Earl of Effingham Sir George Strickland Sir James Norcliffe Mr. H. Duncombe Rev. Mr. Mafon Mr. Hildyard Mr. Chaloner Rev. Mr. Zouch General Hale Mr. Morritt Mr. Strickland The Dean of York Mr. Tooker Mr. St. A. Ward Rev. Mr. Robinfon Mr. H. Ofbaldefton Lieut. Col. Thornton Mr. Grimfton Mr. Marriott Mr. Dalton Mr. Cfadock Mr. T. Weddell Mr. Dring Mr. Croft Mr. Croft, jun. Mr, )fc condi- ?e Willi to require, which arc propofcd : of their eir views idudl:, the boroughs, ole, or in eputation, 1 that af- they may ifcondu£l> f this em- le general their vi- he Liberty e meeting Mr. Edmunds Mr. St. Qiiintin Rev. Mr. Prclton Mr. Dixon Mr. A. Hayes Mr. Elflcy Sir John Lcgard Mr. P. Milnes Mr. R. S. Milnes Rev. Fred. Dodfworth Rev. Mr. Wilkinfon Mr. Place Mr. Stansficld Mr Wolrich Dr. Swainfton Mr. Comber Mr. Walker Mr. Walker, jun. Th 1 Mr. John Milnes Mr. Maude Mr. Courtney Mr. Shore Rev. Mr. Caylcy Mr. R. Wilfon Rev. Mr. Bourne Mr. Wentworth Mr. Withers Mr. Sykes Rev. Mr. Lawfon Mr. Yorke 1 ele£led this Mr. Battle j day,' Sir William Milner Mr. H. Thompfoii Mr. Garforth Mr. Hill The following Members at this meeting were added to this Committee. Vr John York, Efq; of Richmond Thomas Fenwick, Efqj of Burrovr Rev. Charles Dalton, of Hawfwell Willis, Efq; of Sedbergh Rev. Mr. Gawthorpe, of Sedbergh \ William Battle, Efq; of Wclton. m *i>' THE END. Mr. I II' II 77j;V Day is publijhed. By J. Stockdale, N" i8i, Piccadillv, BSKRVATIONS on the MUTINY-BILLi J With fomc Striftures on Lord Buckinghamftiire's Ad- niilration in Ireland. By Henry Grattan, Liq; M. P. o Price One Shilling. A POETICAL KPISTLKfrom FLOIU7KL to P E R D I T A. 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