/. 
 
 "W^ 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 y 
 
 IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 1.0 
 
 I.I 
 
 11.25 
 
 
 111 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 m 
 
 ■ 40 
 
 nil 
 
 Photographic 
 
 Sciences 
 Corporation 
 
 23 WIST MAIN STRUT 
 
 WEBSTER, N.Y. MSSO 
 
 (716) S73-4S03 
 
 
 {./ 
 
 
 :/ 
 
 
 < % 
 
 6 
 

 
 CIHM/ICMH 
 
 Microfiche 
 
 Series. 
 
 CIHM/ICMH 
 Collection de 
 microfiches. 
 
 Canadian Institute for Historical Microrsproductions / institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques 
 
Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques 
 
 The Institute has attempted to obtain the best 
 original copy available for filming. Features of this 
 copy which may be bibliographically unique, 
 which may alter any of the images in the 
 reproduction, or which may significantly change 
 the usual method of filming, are checked below. 
 
 L'Institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire 
 qu'il lui a 6t6 possible de se procurer. Les details 
 de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-dtre uniques du 
 point de vue bibliographique. qui peuvent modifier 
 une image reproduite. ou qui peuvent exiger une 
 modification dans la mithode normale de filmage 
 sont indiquto ci-dessous. 
 
 Coloured covers/ 
 L_J Couverture de couleur 
 
 
 Coloured pages/ 
 Pages de couleur 
 
 Covers damaged/ 
 1 — 1 Couverture endommagde 
 
 
 Pages damaged/ 
 Pages endommagies 
 
 Covers restored and/or laminated/ 
 1 — 1 Couverture restaur^e et/ou pelliculie 
 
 
 Pages restored and/or laminated/ 
 Pages restaurAes et/ou pellicul6es 
 
 Cover title missing/ 
 1 — J Le titre de couverture manque 
 
 • 
 
 Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ 
 Pages dicolories, tachet^es ou piqu^es 
 
 Coloured maps/ 
 1 — 1 Cartes g^ographiques en couleur 
 
 ^^ 
 
 Pages detached/ 
 Pages ddtachiftes 
 
 Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ 
 1 — 1 Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) 
 
 v 
 
 Showthrough/ 
 Transparence 
 
 Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ 
 Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur 
 
 
 Quality of print varies/ 
 Quality inigale de I'impression 
 
 Bound with other material/ 
 1 — 1 Relii avec d'autres documents 
 
 
 Includes supplementary material/ 
 Comprend du materiel suppl^mentaire 
 
 Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion 
 1 — 1 along interior margin/ 
 
 
 Only edition available/ 
 SeulG Mition disponibia 
 
 The 
 to th 
 
 The 
 poss 
 of th 
 filmi 
 
 Origi 
 begii 
 the I 
 sion, 
 othe 
 first 
 sion, 
 or ill 
 
 Thai 
 shall 
 TINU 
 whic 
 
 Map) 
 diffei 
 entiri 
 begir 
 right 
 requi 
 meth 
 
 D 
 
 D 
 
 La re liure serrie peut causer de I'ombre ou de la 
 distortion le long de la marge intirieure 
 
 Blank leaves added during restoration may 
 appear within the text. Whenever possible, these 
 have been omitted from filming/ 
 II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajout^es 
 lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, 
 mais, lorsque cela 6tait possible, ces pages n'o''<c 
 pas 6t6 film^es. 
 
 Additional comments:/ 
 Commentaires suppiimenta'res; 
 
 D 
 
 Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata 
 slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to 
 ensure the best possible image/ 
 Les pages totalement ou partiellement 
 obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, 
 etc., ont M filmtes d nouveau de fa9on d 
 obtenir la meilleure image possible. 
 
 This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ 
 
 Ce document est fiimi au taux de rMuction indiquA ci-dessous 
 
 10X 14X 18X 22X 
 
 
 
 
 26X 
 
 
 
 
 30X 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 •^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12X 
 
 
 
 
 16X 
 
 
 
 
 20X 
 
 
 
 
 24X 
 
 
 
 
 28X 
 
 
 
 
 32X 
 
 
lire 
 
 details 
 Lies du 
 : modifier 
 ger une 
 
 filmage 
 
 The copy filmed here has been reproduced thanks 
 to the generosity of: 
 
 National Library of Canada 
 
 The images appearing here are the best quality 
 possible considering the condition and legibility 
 of the original copy and in keeping with the 
 filming contract specifications. 
 
 L'exemplaire filmi fut reproduit grfice d la 
 g6n6rosit6 de: 
 
 Bibliothdque nationals du Canada 
 
 Les images suivantes ont 6t6 reproduites avec le 
 plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition et 
 de la netteti de I'exempEaire filmi, et en 
 conformity avec les conditions du contrat de 
 filmage. 
 
 Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed 
 beginning with the front cover and ending on 
 the last page with a printed or illustrated impres- 
 sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All 
 other original copies are filmed beginning on the 
 first page with a printed or illustrated impres- 
 sion, and ending on the last page with a printed 
 or illustrated impression. 
 
 6e8 
 
 Les exemplaires originaux dont la ccuverture en 
 papier est imprim6e sont filmds en commenpant 
 par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la 
 dernidre page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'iliustration, soit par le second 
 plat, selon le cas. Tous les autres exemplaires 
 originaux sont film^s en commengant par la 
 premidre page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par 
 la dernidre page qui comporte une telle 
 empreinte. 
 
 The last recorded frame on each microfiche 
 shall contain the symbol — ^ (meaning "CON- 
 TINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), 
 whichever applies. 
 
 Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la 
 dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le 
 cas: le symbols — ^> signifie "A SUIVRE", le 
 symbols V signifie "FIN". 
 
 re 
 
 Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at 
 different reduction ratios. Those too large to be 
 entirely included in one exposure are filmed 
 beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to 
 right and top to bottom, as many frames as 
 required. The following diagrams illustrate the 
 method: 
 
 Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre 
 film^s d des taux de reduction diffdrents. 
 Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre 
 reproduit en un seul clichd, il est filmd d partir 
 de Tangle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche d droite, 
 et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre 
 d'images n6cessaire. Les diagrammes suivants 
 illustrent la mdthode. 
 
 y errata 
 Id to 
 
 nt 
 
 le pelure, 
 
 9on d 
 
 n 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 32X 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
•JL^.'i: 
 
 i. 
 
 L 
 
 A 
 
 I 
 
THE SOCIALIST PLATFORM.— No. 5. 
 
 ^ 
 
 ORGANISED LABOUR. 
 
 THE DUTY OF THE TRADES' UNIONS 
 IN RELATION TO SOCIALISM. 
 
 *,., 
 
 i 
 
 ^;. 
 
 BT 
 
 (London Society of Compositors). 
 
 PRICE ONE PENNY. 
 
 k 
 
 w 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 SOCIALIST LEAGUE OFFICE, 
 13 Farringdon Road, Holborn Viaduct, E.C. 
 
 1887. 
 
 ./- 
 
SONG OF LABOUR. 
 
 Where'er the eye its glance may throw, 
 Where'er in eartli's most pleasant places 
 The glories of the sunshine "flow, 
 Rich gifts lie strewn in Labour's traces. 
 'Tis Labour sows the seed, and finds 
 The wealth of Autumn's golden tn*asuro, 
 And shapes the whirling wheel that grinds 
 Our daily food's abundant measure. 
 
 Then high aloft be borne her banner, 
 Where through fierce foes she wins lier way. 
 Where heaven's free breezes freelv fan her, 
 'Tis Labour still that gains the day. 
 
 She delves the mine to forge her swords, 
 Though ne'er so deep the ore be lying ; 
 Builds palaces for living lords, 
 And shapes their coftins for the dying. 
 The iron rails that link the lands, 
 The ships that o'er the waves are diiven, 
 Are wrought by Labour's mighty hands ; 
 To her be all the f^Iorv given. 
 
 Then high aloft be borne her banner, 
 Where through fierce foes she m ins lier wav. 
 Where heaven's free breezes freely fan her, 
 'Tis Lcabour still that gains the day. 
 
 She works and weaves while others rest ; 
 
 Has nought for roof but heaven above hej- : 
 
 For others spins their silken nest, 
 
 With scarce a lag her limbs to cover : 
 
 Provides the robes that Pleasure wears. 
 
 With want and miserv around her ; 
 
 And knowing not her strength, she bears 
 
 The chains in which her lords have bound her. 
 Yet see I The dawn for tlav <nves token : 
 The mists of night disperse and die ; 
 Her chains at length are burst and l)roken, 
 And Labour's triumph lasts for aye. 
 
 Andreas Sciiku 
 
 I 
 
 \ 
 
: 
 
 ORGANISED LABOUR. 
 
 THE DUTY OF THE TRADES' UNIONS IN RELATION 
 
 TO SOCIALISM. 
 
 
 FELLOW -WORKERS,— 
 
 As a staunch Trades'-unionist for over twenty years 
 I desire to call your serious attention to tlio present alarming condition 
 of the urceasing struggle between Capital and Labour. It is useless to 
 cry "Peace, peace," when there is no peace. The hard disagreoablo 
 reality forces itself upon us and cannot be evaded, that never has the con- 
 flict been fiercer and never has the outlook been more gloomy than now. 
 In the dark days that we have passed through already, there has always 
 been a rift in the clouds to cheer us with the promise of brighter hours, 
 and amidst the din and strife of previous contests the hope of victory 
 brought comfort and encouragement. But the conditions of tlie war- 
 fare are changed. No further successes are possible by the old methods 
 and with the weapons we have hitherto used. Indeed, the utmost care 
 and watchfulness are needed even to retain the positions we have won. 
 For this reason I urge the immediate summoning of a Council of War 
 to deliberate upon the situation and to consider the advisability, nay 
 the imperative necessity of a complete change of tactics in order that 
 the standard of Labour may yet be borne aloft and planted on heights 
 heretofore deemed impossible of access. 
 
 Until now we have to a very large extent Ijeen struggling aimlessly 
 to attain what is vaguely termed " a fair day's wage for a fair day's 
 work," without the very faintest attempt to logically define what tlie 
 
84 
 
 The Socialist Pldtfarm. 
 
 phrase really means. The consequence is a most unequal and disastrous 
 contest, as far as the workers are concerned, between Capital on the 
 one hand, seeking to obtain the greatest amount of work for the least 
 possible payment of money, and Labour that struggles, or rather tries 
 to struggle, to get the largest amount of pay for the smallest amount of 
 work. 
 
 It is true, that other conditions being favourable, combinations 
 amongst the workers to withhold their labour-power from the market 
 have enabled them to secure somewhat higher prices than individual 
 higgling would probably have done. The artificial scarcity thus occa- 
 sioned would to a certain extent operate in the same way as in the case 
 of com, or cotton, or other product, held back for a rise, but with this 
 important difference that human labour-power is a very perishable 
 commodity. Owing to the unfortunate fact that a certain amount of 
 food, clothing, etc., things monopolised by a class, is necessary to 
 sustain the life of the worker, it is impossible that labour can be 
 withheld from the market for any considerable length of time and in 
 sufficient quantity to produce any considerable effect. Taking a broad 
 and general survey of the question, it will be seen that the real advan- 
 tage gained is of the most trifling character, a rise of wages at one 
 period being only too frequently counterbalanced by a depression at. 
 another. Even in trades' unions where there has been no going back, 
 and where the highest nominal rate of wages obtains, it will be found, 
 as I shall endeavour to show further on, that this results in the benefit 
 of a section only of the members, and is gained, in part at least, by the 
 sacrifice of their weaker comrades. In fact, after all, the workers are 
 simply obliged to sell themselves ("free contract" is the orthodox 
 phrase) to the employers pretty much on the terms that a needy shop- 
 keeper is forced to dispose of his goods, that is at cost-price or a little 
 over it. In other words, wages though constantly oscillating, are to 
 the producers of all created wealth the very smallest share of their 
 productions which will enable them to live and perpetuate their class, 
 while the manipulators of their destinies revel in an excess of riches 
 accumulated as result of the undue proportion of the current wealth- 
 creation which the hideously unjust social conditions allow them to ap- 
 propriate. It must always be borne in mind, too, that any improvement 
 which does occur in the pi^ and general condition of the workers is 
 
 -f 
 
 alw;l 
 weal 
 worl 
 forci 
 
 -4 
 
Organised Labour. 
 
 80 
 
 1 
 
 always vastly disproportionate to the actual increase in the " national " 
 »vcalth and resources. Nowadays the average production of the average 
 Worker has been many times multiplied by newly-applied elementary 
 forces made available by newly-invented and constantly-improved 
 machinery. 
 
 How much longer are we going to stand stolidly and helplessly 
 looking on, feebly protesting, or, worse still, accepting contentedly the 
 scraps from the feast, as it were, that we have ourselves provided — 
 watching the Capitalist seize upon every development of art and 
 science for his own profit and advancement, regardless of our responsi- 
 bility in shaping the destinies of ourselves, our families, and our class ? 
 It is time that we began seriously to consider for what we are banded 
 together. What is our goal? Whither are we going? For what 
 ought we to strive ? The exigencies of the moment doubtless compel 
 a large share of our attention,' and moreover we are necessarily driven 
 by our daily needs undej;* the present conditions of society to act very 
 largely on the defensive, to adopt, as it were, a " hand-to-mouth policy." 
 But these petty cares must not be allowed to occupy all our time, or 
 to prevent us from considering matters of greater importance. It is 
 doubtless very advantageous to the enemy to keep us constantly 
 engaged in scattered desultory fighting for the possession of some un- 
 important outlying positions. But remember that all the while we are 
 doing this our forces are being gradually wea)'*:ned, our exchequer 
 is becoming exhausted in providing for the care o' the wounded (i.e., 
 the sick and unemployed), and so is deferred and rendered more diflicult 
 the necessary concentration of attack upon the citadel of Capitalism. 
 
 Now, after all, as has been well said, "the end of war is peace." 
 Then what are the terms of the peace which Labour can make with 
 Capital ? Is there anything short of absolute and unconditional sur- 
 render of the claim of the capitalistic classes to exploit the workers 1 
 I say emphatically. No. It is not a question of how much we shall be 
 robbed, but whether we shall permit ourselves to be robbed at all. It 
 may be very well to try and limit the amount of black-mail we are 
 obliged to pay until we are able to resist the obligation altogether ; 
 but surely we can never concede as a right that which is really taken 
 by forcCf however much it may be veiled under the form of law. 
 
 I cannot conceive of any sane man justifying the claim of a fellow- 
 
 •■WiHat-a-ftl 
 
 • ryijjy.. 
 
8G 
 
 The Socialist Plafjorm. 
 
 I 
 
 man, be he idler or organiser, not only to compel him to work for both, 
 but also to take possession of three-fourths of the product of his labour. 
 Yet this is practically the position of the whole of the monopolists to-day 
 in relation to the workers, and it will continue so long as tho wage- 
 system lasts, despite the utmost efforts of the trades* unions. This is 
 no more empty assertion, but is a strictly logical deduction from the 
 facts and figures given in the Reports issued by the various unions ; 
 indeod, it is the inevitable outcome of the development of the competi- 
 tive system of production. These Reports show, I think, conclusively 
 that Trades'-unionism has reached its zenith. On its present basis it 
 can do little in the way of ameliorating the lot of the toilers, whilst it 
 is utterly incapable of solving the labour question. So far from there 
 appearing the faintest prospect of any general advance in wages or any 
 material improvement in the condition of the workers, the facts are 
 that the most successful unions are only able to maintain their positions 
 by enormous subsidies to their unemployed ; and the stability of some 
 of the strongest provident societies belonging to the people is threat- 
 ened by the extreme pressure upon their funds due to the chronic dis- 
 tress arising from large numbers of their members being continually out 
 of work. Some of the larger unions, including the Amalgamated 
 Engineers, undoubtedly the most powerful labour organisation of the 
 kind in the world, have been compelled to draw largely on their reserve 
 funds. Thus everything points to the conclusion that the trades' 
 unions, so far from becoming more formidable opponents of capitalism, 
 are really losing ground as a fighting body, and are becoming relatively 
 weaker every year. This may appear to some a startling statement ; 
 but if they look into the matter they will find : (1) That the actual 
 number of adult male workers engaged in several of the chief industries 
 is becoming less and less in proportion to the population ; and (2) that 
 the increase in the metnbership of the unions is accompanied by a 
 vastly greater increase in the ratio of unemployed. In my own union 
 (London Society of Compositors), taking three periods of twelve years 
 each from 1848, 1 find that the amount paid under the head of " Unem- 
 ployed Allowances " has increased nearly in the ratio of the arithmetical 
 progression — 1, 2, 3 — rather over than under. That is to say, that 
 nowadays the Society has to spend on an average £S on merely 
 defensive operations, as against £1 from 1848 to 1859 and £2 from 
 
i 
 
 Organised Labour. 
 
 87 
 
 1860 to 1871. Or to put the matter in another and more striking 
 light, I find that during the earlier years of the Society the amount 
 paid for unemployed averaged only about one-eifjlith of the total income 
 (in one year, 1854, it reached the extraordinarily low proportion of 
 one-thirtieth), whereas during the last ten years it has never fallen 
 below one-third ; in 1879 it amounte<l to two-thirds of the total income, 
 and during the three succeeding years to more than one-half. 
 
 The significance of these figures is vastly increjised by the fact that 
 they relate to a Society which has been exceptionally prosperous ; 
 which has so far suffered less than most trades from the long-continued 
 and severe depression ; and which is peculiarly free from the disturbing 
 influence of machinery, that has worked such havoc amongst the 
 workers in other occupations. If, then, we take the position of tho 
 most successful unions to-day, we shall find that we have arrived at 
 the high-water mark of Trades'-unionism j and I ask my fellow-unionists 
 to try and realise what that means, and then ask themselves if they 
 are content to rest and be thankful, and to accept their present con- 
 dition as the goal of their ambition. 
 
 I by no means wish to disparage the value of Trades'-unionism. On 
 the contrary, I claim that the spirit of solidarity evolved, the adminis- 
 trative capacity developed, and the general educational effect produced 
 by the association of the workers for a common object, is of itself an 
 unmixed blessing. Neither am I concerned to deny that the unions 
 have to sOme slight extent improved the material condition of the 
 workers, and have been a power of good in regulating trade customs 
 and conduct. But what I most strongly insist on is, that their whole 
 course of action results simply in bolstering up a thoroughly vicious 
 state of society — that they are merely attempting to modify some of 
 the evils that it produces, whilst leaving the source of those evils — 
 the wage-system itself — untouched. It must not be forgotten, too, 
 as I have already observed, that the advantages gained, short as 
 they fall of any rational satisfying of the needs of the labourer, are 
 only shared by a fortunate few. In the earlier years of trade com- 
 binations, whilst the commercial system was reaching its highest 
 development, and when it was the proud boast of patriotic Britons 
 that England was the workshop of the world, any successes gained 
 by the unions affected pretty well the whole of the members. But 
 
 1 
 
88 
 
 The Socialist Platform. 
 
 lis tlie years went on, with tlie consUint increase and improvement 
 of machinery, the mad competition in tlio production of cheap goods 
 as the sole end and aim of civilisation spread to other lands, and thus 
 produced the inevitaWe glut of the markets, with all the terrible 
 consequences of the constantly recurring trade crises and enormous 
 displacement of labour. Thus, notwithstanding the nine-hour move- 
 ment and the passing of Factory Acts reducing the hours of labour, 
 there is in every trade a large number constantly unemployed ; and 
 whilst of course it is true that the individuals who comprise this surplus- 
 labour population are constantly changing, yet it will be found that 
 there is in operation a law of selection which enables the employers to 
 take theii- pick of the workers, and thus to a certain extent recoup 
 themselves for the higher prices paid for labour. It is matter of 
 common observation that men passed middle-age have increasing diffi- 
 culty in getting employment; and the evidence of advancing age, 
 such as the appearance of grey hairs or weakening of the sight, brings 
 anxiety to many lest they may be called upon to make way for younger 
 and more robust competitors. The slightly higher remuneration which 
 a proportion of our number receive during their years of youth and 
 vigour is therefore gained on condition of supporting the worn-out 
 slaves of Capitalism, with the prospect before them of being displaced 
 in their turn to swell the ranks of the unemployed. 
 
 Tradei'-unionism affords absolutely no remedy for this. Even if 
 every non-unionist were to join our ranks to-morrow, the result would 
 simply he a further sifting of the workers, whereby the young, the 
 strong, and the more competent would receive a shilling or two more 
 per week, while the remainder would become chargeable on the " un- 
 employed fund" of their respective societies. Now the lot of the 
 worker, even under the most favourable circumstances of full employ- 
 ment at what are termed " high wages," is not a very enviable one ; 
 what, then, must it be to our unfortunate comrades who have to drag 
 out a weary existence of precarious toil and anxious idleness 1 
 
 An agitation for an Eight Hours' Working Day is mooted as a 
 remedy. It is thought by this means that the unemployed will be 
 absorbed, and that the increased demand for commodities will bring 
 about good times and higher wages. But the reasoning is falla- 
 doiu. In the first place, the amount of exploitation may be as 
 great in eight hours as in nine. A large employer and commercial 
 
 i 
 
Organised Lahmir. 
 
 8» 
 
 more 
 
 "un- 
 |f the 
 iploy- 
 
 one; 
 
 drag 
 
 las a 
 ll be 
 [ring 
 
 klla- 
 as 
 
 hcial 
 
 
 philosopher, Mr. 0. W. Allen, of the Allen Tobacco Company, Chicago, 
 more astute than most of his class, has, from much observation and 
 experience, reach(?d the following conclusion : " The daily capacity of 
 a man for work is an ascertained quantity. Hours worked in excess 
 of eight are a mere waste of physical energy. Men working eight- 
 hours a-day gain in capacity for hourly production to such an extent- 
 over those whose hours are longer that their day's work becomes nearly 
 an equivalent for the longer day of their fellow-workmen. For thi» 
 reason we have adopted the eight-hour day without any diminution of 
 pay ; and after two months' trial, we are satisfied that we were right 
 in our estimate." 
 
 Certain trades, especially those having little to fear from the compe- 
 tition of machinery, may be able to obtain a reduction of hours without 
 a reduction of pay, but the practical result would be an intensification 
 of labour, which might to a certain extent be beneficial to the employes 
 by adding to their leisure, but otherwise would have little or no effect 
 upon the general question. In the case of most trades, however, it 
 would be found very difficult — in fact, under present conditions, 
 absolutely impossible — to get the hours reduced without the pay being 
 also reduced, which, of course, would be of no advantage to the workers- 
 as a whole, though it would benefit those who might be enabled to get 
 work thereby. It is exceedingly doubtful whether, after all, the ranks 
 of the unemployed would be materially thinned even if such lessening 
 of the hours were general. It will not do to calculate, as some of the 
 short-sighted over-sanguine advocates of the eight-hour movement are 
 apt to do, that the demand for labour will increase in exact proportion 
 to the number of hours reduced. There are very few industries where^ 
 the employes are fully occupied during the present nominal working- 
 hours ; the effect of a reduction of one hour per day in the first place- 
 and in most cases would result therefore simply in concentrating and 
 equalising the work of those already employed, whilst the temptation ta 
 work overtime which is so difficult to deal with at present, would cer- 
 tainly be increased. The probabilities are that those who expect such 
 a clearance of the labour-market as would enable them to obtain a 
 speedy rise of wages would find themselves mistaken. In any case- 
 they^ would have to fight for it, for the employers would certainly 
 resist ; there would be a difficult and costly struggle, and even if the- 
 workers succeeded, their victory would be brief and barrexL 
 
30 
 
 The Socialist Platform. 
 
 It is an established economic fact that an increase in the cost of 
 production is the greatest stimulus to invention. Where labour is 
 cheap, it is sometimes preferable to machinery, especially when the 
 machinery is high-priced. The machine needs the investment of large 
 «iapital. Human labour-power is not fixed nor is it constant capital, 
 the first cost is nothing, which is important to the " poor " capitalist, 
 who can thus pay a small sum for the proceeds, after the labour has 
 been performed. The effect, therefore, of raising the cost of production 
 is to drive out the small employer, to cause more machinery to be 
 used, with as a necessary consequence a repetition of the same miser- 
 able weary round of feverish activity, reaction, discharge of workers, 
 lowering of wages, strikes, etc. 
 
 It is obvious that the workers as a whole can only benefit by 
 obtaining a larger absolute share of the total wealth produced. It 
 is absurd to suppose, as the advocacy of a mere reduction of hours as 
 a settlement of the labour question seems to imply, that the less there 
 is produced the more there will be to divide. It is true that the fewer 
 hours worked under the capitalist system the less surplus-value is 
 created, and that the workers are thus enabled to retain a larger rela- 
 tive proportion of the products of their labour. But this very fact is 
 surely convincing proof of the horribly unjust state of society. Is it 
 not monstrous that the very industry of the people should prove their 
 destruction ? That the greater the amount of wealth created the more 
 abject and hopeless should become the condition of vast numbers of our 
 iellowmen % What a satire upon our boasted civilisation that plenty 
 ■should bring misery to many, and that people should actually starve 
 l^ecause of the very abundance ? Yet to-day it would really advantage 
 great numbers of the most useful members of the community if after 
 ■working hard to produce various commodities, they should immediat^ely 
 ^iestroy the product of their labour, in order that they might still con- 
 tinue to be employed in replacing the wealth so destroyed, and thereby 
 avoid being cast out into the streets to become tramps and paupers. 
 
 A very little consideration will show that Trades'-unionism is utterly 
 powerless to raise wages all round. Those unions who get a rise of 
 n^'ages benefit only so long as their position is exceptional. Directly 
 there is a general advance of wages, there is a corresponding rise in the 
 prices of the necessaries of life — food, clothing and shelter — which 
 eventually reduces matters pretty much to the condition they were Jn 
 
Organised Labour. 
 
 91 
 
 before the advance was gained. In fact, the inevitable tendency of all 
 efforts to improve the condition of the workers on the ordinary trades'- 
 \inion lines is simply to bring about an equalisation of wages — an 
 averaging between the highest and lowest price paid for labour, not 
 only in any one country, but over the whole of Europe and America, 
 and in fact wherever the accursed rule of capital extends. Thus any 
 advance which the workers gain in one country is immediately counter- 
 acted by the importation of cheap labour, or the transference of capital 
 to places wliere the workers can be more easily plundered. Nothing 
 less, therefore, than an international combination of the workers to 
 bring about a simultaneous and universal strike, can accomplish even 
 43uch a comparatively paltry palliative as the eight-hour working day. 
 
 But even supposing (for the sake of the argument) that it were 
 possible for such terms to be made with the monopolists by the trades' 
 unions as would entirely satisfy them. What then 1 They cannot if 
 they would, and they ought not to, if they could, separate their interests 
 from the rest of the workers There are large classes of the community 
 whose condition daily grows more and more intolerable. These will 
 soon demand in no uncertain terms to have a voice in any settlement 
 that is to be made. What of the thousands of small traders who are 
 being daily crushed out by the large firms — the small employers vainly 
 endeavouring to compete with the big capitalists ] beside the hosts of 
 workers of all kinds who are entirely outside the scope of trades-union 
 effort ? By every consideration of humanity, and even of expediency, 
 trades'-unionists are bound to take the position of these classes into 
 account. An organisation that does not work for all productive inter- 
 ests cannot expect them to look out for its interests ; and if the 
 unions are to look out for their own members only, without regard to 
 the well-being of others outside their ranks, they are simply acting like 
 the monopolist who believes that every one else was born for his use 
 and convenience. 
 
 Beside, the classes to which I have referred as being outside the 
 pale of Trades'-unionisra are being continually largely recruited from 
 the ranks of the artisans and mechanics ; for it must be borne in mind 
 that the demand for handicraftsmen, owing to the causes^ already 
 referred to — increase in the use of improved machinery, etc., etc. — does 
 not keep pace with the population. Notwithstanding the fact, there- 
 fore, that the sons of trades'-unionists drive the fathers wholesale into 
 
^■^ 
 
 92 
 
 The Socialist Platform. 
 
 '! 
 
 the ranks of the unemployed, the vacancies are still insufficient to 
 supply all the youths in need of employment; and every parent at 
 least knows that the difficulty of finding any occupation for them 
 promising a decent livelihood becomes greater and greater every day. 
 
 Trades'-unionists, then, cannot be indifferent to these things. Their 
 welfare is involved in the general well-being of the people ; but even 
 if it were possible for them by ignoring every other consideration 
 but their own selfish interests, to gain any substantial benefit by 
 assisting to maintain the present corrupt society, with its frightful 
 social inequality and widespread misery and degradation, they would 
 deserve the execration of Humanity if they consented to do so. Such 
 a course of action, however, would be totally at variance with the 
 spirit and traditions of the trades'-union movement, and I for one have 
 no fear of such an unholy alliance. I have a profound conviction that 
 the trades' unions are destined to play an important part in the Social 
 Revolution, when once they perceive how incompatible is the present 
 economic basis of society with the happiness of the people. 
 
 I therefore urge it upon the unions as their highest duty to humanity 
 that they should without delay come to some understanding with the 
 advocates of Socialism. As a Socialist myself it has always appeared 
 to me that Socialism is but the expression of the ideal of Trades'- 
 unionism. The Socialist aims at the emancipation of Labour, the 
 equality and fraternity of the peoples, and the overthrow of class- 
 domination. This being the very antithesis of the present condition 
 of society, implies the destruction of the existing wage-slavery, by 
 which a privileged class is enabled to live in luxury and idleness upon 
 the labour of others. 
 
 The present society is social war. It is a system based on inequality 
 of rights and duties, upheld and maintained by force, in order that a 
 few men may be enabled to exploit their fellow-men, — in short, that 
 the Classes may profit by the misery and degradation of the Masses. 
 As a cure for the strife and wretchedness which increases and spreads 
 wherever the baleful influence of capitalism extends, the Socialist 
 advocates the establishment of Co-operative Commonwealths, or com- 
 munes, which should own and control all the raw material, instruments 
 of labour, and means of transit. The object of such communes would 
 naturally be, not the wholesale production of shoddy goods and Brum« 
 magem ware, but the general diffusion of happiness and contentment. 
 
Organised Labour. 
 
 93 
 
 lity 
 
 
 Every mei iber of such communities, in return for moderate and con- 
 genial labour performed under the most wholesome conditions and with 
 the best appliances obtainable, would be insured the means for enjoying 
 a rational life with due satisfaction of his or her needs, material, moral, 
 and intellectual. Surely there is nothing in such proposals but what 
 should command the assent and approval of every honest man and 
 woman, to whatever class of society they belong; and least of all 
 should those who live by the sale of their labour oppose them. 
 
 AVhether this necessary and inevitable social change shall be brought 
 about gradually and safely, and with comparative ease and tranquillity, 
 or shall be delayed till a violent and irresistible wave of popular fury 
 overwhelms the present accursed system, depends largely — I might 
 almost say entirely — on the attitude of the trades' unions. Their 
 action henceforth ought to be solely directed to preparing the way 
 for the new social order ; in organising and federating nationally and 
 internationally, with the distinct intention of constituting themselves 
 the nucleus of the Socialist Commonwealth. That this is their true 
 functiori will be at once apparent if we analyse the present society and 
 briefly examine the elements of which it is composed. "We find that 
 there is only a small minority of the population engaged in really 
 useful and necessary work, by far the larger proportion being either 
 idle or uselessly employed. For example, there are all those who 
 minister to the laziness and luxury of the rich ; the shopkeepers and 
 assistants, the travellers, clerks, etc.; the hawkers, and itinerants of 
 all kinds ; the swarms of officials, lawyers, soldiers, priests, policemen, 
 pawnbrokers, publicans, peers, princes, paupers, etc., etc. — not to men- 
 tion prostitutes, pickpockets, and the criminal classes generally. All 
 these classes are doomed to disappear with the corrupt society which 
 makes their existence possible. But the unions contain within them- 
 4selves all the elements essential for the constitution of a rational 
 society ; they are therefore pointed out as the natural pioneers of the 
 Nevr Era. ^ By the discipline of their organisation and the solidarity 
 which comes of association and collective action, trades'-unionists have 
 been fitting themselves for the fr&ternal communal life which Socialists 
 hope and believe is to follow the present fratricidal regime ; while the 
 administrative capacity developed by the conduct of the unions will be 
 of enormous value in organising and assimilating the heterogenous host 
 of non-producers to which I have referred above. 
 
94 
 
 The Socialist Platform, 
 
 I call upon the unions frankly to recognise their mission, and to 
 make common cause with all those whose fundamental principle is 
 that the brotherhood of labour should be the basis of society. The- 
 emancipation of labour is neither a local nor a national, but a social 
 problem. Labour is of no country. The interests of the workers are 
 everywhere identical. Wliatever political party be in power, whether 
 the form of government be republican, constitutional-monarchical, or 
 absolutist, — everywhere the workers have to contend with the same 
 evils. The cause of all social misery is the economical subjection of 
 the labourer to the monopoliser of the means of labour, whereby the 
 masses of the people are compelled to sell themselves by a kind of 
 Dutch auction to the capitalist classes in order to obtain the where- 
 withal to maintain a bare existence. There is absolutely no hope for 
 the workers but in the utter abolition of wage-slavery and the recon- 
 struction of society on a labour basis. Everything that has been put 
 forward as a panacea and for the purpose of keeping the people in a 
 fools' paradise has been tried and failed, and left them in even a worse 
 condition than they were before. Surely they must be blind indeed 
 who do not perceive that neither free trade nor improvements of 
 machinery, no appliance of science to production, no increased means 
 of communication nor new colonies, emigration, opening of new 
 markets, nor all these things put together, can do away witli the 
 miseries of the industrious classes ; but that whilst society remains on 
 its present false base, every fresh development of the productive powers- 
 of labour can only tend to deepen social contrasts and to embitter and 
 accentuate the class-struggle. 
 
 It is useless for the trades'-unions to waste further time, trouble, and 
 money in fighting the "bosses" for some petty concession, which is main- 
 tained with difficulty, at best benefits a very few, and is only hindering 
 the cause of the People. The present cowardly attitude of tlie unions 
 is fast bringing British Trades'-unionism into contempt amongst all 
 earnest, honest champions of progress. The charge has been made, I 
 am afraid with only too much truth, that we have allowed ourselves 
 of late years " to be dominated by a pettifogging set of self-soekers — 
 nien with no grit — bowers and scrapers to the middle-class god, 
 llespectability." I earnestly entreat my fellow-unionists to exert 
 themselves to remove this reproacli. Let us show that we are capable 
 of better things, that we can look beyond the narrow range of our 
 
 
Organised Lahov/r. 
 
 9& 
 
 d to 
 
 lie is 
 
 The 
 social 
 's are 
 ether 
 al, or 
 
 same 
 on of 
 )y the 
 nd of 
 vhere. 
 pe for 
 recon- 
 in put 
 le in a 
 
 worse 
 indeed 
 nts of 
 means 
 f new 
 til the 
 tins on 
 powers- 
 ,er and 
 
 e, and 
 3 main- 
 idering 
 unions. 
 gst all 
 lade, I 
 iselves 
 kers — 
 
 god, 
 exert 
 capable 
 of our 
 
 I 
 
 everyday life and the mere selfish struggle for our own advantage. A 
 mighty movement is in progress throughout the whole of the civilised 
 world. Society is steadily, irresistibly dividing itself into two camps — 
 the People on one side, the Privileged Classes on the other. All the* 
 ebullitions taking place in the various countries to-day, whatever may 
 be their immediate origin or object, and by whatever name they may 
 be described, have only one root-cause — the revolt of Labour against 
 Monopoly — ana are but the preliminary skirmishos before the great 
 and decisive battle that remains yet to be fought ere the Curse of 
 Capital be utterly overthrown and the cause of Labour won. 
 
 The paramount duty of the trades' unions seems to me to be clearly 
 defined. It is to make plain to all men that they have no part nor lot 
 with those who would maintain the existing unjust social arrange- 
 ments, but that they recognise the absolute identity of their interests 
 with those of the opponents of class privilege and domination. The 
 trades' unions have hitherto kept commendably clear of party politics, 
 but there appears some danger at present that they may be " got 
 at " by the professional politicians, and may be induced to turn aside 
 from their proper work to waste their efibrts in Parliamentary potter- 
 ing. The unions should steadily reject all alliances with any of the 
 present political parties ; they should refuse to take part in those dis- 
 gusting farces termed royal commissions ; and above all, they should 
 guard against being cajoled by the blandishments which are being 
 craftily bestowed upon sonie of the weak-kneed " representatives " of 
 labour. The attention of trades' unionists ought to be solely directed 
 to the social question. Nothing short of an Economic Kevolution can 
 emancipate labour, therefore no amount of legislative tinkering is of 
 any use, so long as private property in the sources of life is permitted. 
 
 The existence of great organisations like the trades' unions with no 
 definite programme is a strange anomaly in these times of active revo- 
 lutionary propaganda, and with the social question agitating the minds 
 of the workers throughout the whole of the civilised world. It is time 
 that a joint committee was appointed to draw up a manifesto settin,?- 
 forth clearly and distinctly the aims and objects of or'^anised labour. 
 The monstious doctrine of the bourgeois political economists, that 
 human labour should be dealt with exactly like inachinerjr'or raw 
 material, should be utterly repudiated. The workeis should no longer 
 contentedly allow their labour-power to be bought and sold like a com- 
 
N . 
 
 r-. '■ 
 
 Jf^iT 9'' 6 
 
 «6 
 
 The Socialist PlcUform, 
 
 modity to make profit for the possessing classes, but should claim for 
 themselves and for all men equal rights as free citizons to work together 
 and to enjoy the fruits of their labour. The future action of the trades' 
 unions, then, ought to be solely directed to the end of substituting pro- 
 duction for use in the interest of the whole of the community, for the 
 present system of production for profit in the interest of landlords, 
 •capitalists, usurers, etc. 
 
 To accomplish this desirable alteration the principle of solidarity 
 must be much more widely accepted amongst all classes of workers than 
 obtains at present ; the spirit of fraternity must extend beyond the 
 narrow bounds of nationality and bring about a common understanding 
 with the peoples in other lands. Our brethren in America are con- 
 siderably ahead of us in this matter. They have realised the inability 
 of local unions among a comparatively small section of the workers to 
 cope with the international conspiracy of the plundering classes, and 
 -are consolidating themselves into a vast organisation, which may be 
 termed the New Society in embryo, which will undoubtedly at no very 
 distant date develope into a Co-operative Commonwealth. Let us 
 emulate their example and rally to the standard of labour all those who 
 are willing to do their duty ; all who suffer from the present condition 
 of society and all who sympathise with the sufferers ; in a word all 
 those who acknowledge truth, justice and morality as the bases of their 
 conduct towards all men, without regard to colour, creed, nationality, 
 or occupation. Only by so doing will it be possible to close the era of 
 social injustice and class war and to inaugurate a happier state of 
 ■society for all, in which life shall be a thing to be enjoyed, instead o^ 
 as now, for far too many of us, a burden to be endured. 
 
 Comrades, I have sought to prove the inability of Trades'-unionism 
 alone to liberate Labour from the grasp of Capital, and I have pointed 
 to Socialism as the next stage in the evolution of society. I earnestly 
 •hope my words may lead you to inquire more fully into the subject ; 
 and I am sure if you do so, you will acknowledge the wisdom and good- 
 ness of the principles of Socialism, and will henceforth subscribe your- 
 selves Socialists as well as Trades'-unionists. 
 
 THOMAS BINNINO. 
 
 August 1886. 
 
 . 1 
 
 IE 
 
 Printed at tha office of the ComtoirwBAL, Oflleial Jwil— 1 of the Sodalisl iMfpM, ^'•Mf, ^ 
 
 / 
 
 '>^ 
 
 jmti. 
 
^ 
 
 -4