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 IN TH 
 
SPEECH 
 
 OP 
 
 HON. W. T. COLQUITT, OF GEORGIA, 
 
 ON 
 
 THE OREGON QUESTION, 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1846. 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 ULAIR & RIVES, PRINTERS. 
 1846. 
 

 The Rei 
 
 Affair 
 
 Britnii 
 
 termir 
 
 Rbrogf 
 
 consid 
 
 Mr. C 
 
 addressei 
 
 Mr. Pi 
 
 nny kno\ 
 
 tertained 
 
 publishe{ 
 
 he has rei 
 
 fullest CO 
 
 purpose. 
 
 which ha 
 
 people hf 
 
 is dignific 
 
 and all tl 
 
 gon, has 
 
 It would I 
 
 does not r 
 
 he has of) 
 
 have been 
 
 people, 
 
 ahould asi 
 
 he has tali 
 
 and whir 
 
 wronged 1 
 
 cipitating 
 
 lie commi 
 
 If war coi 
 
 has done, 
 
 the guara 
 
 pared to d 
 
 to make; \ 
 
 tion. He 
 
 fame by pi 
 
 laurel, if h 
 
THE OREGON QUESTION. 
 
 The Resolution from the Committee on Foreign i 
 Affairs, requiring the President to notify Great j 
 Britnin of the intention of the United States to 
 terminate the joint occupancy of Oregon, and to 
 Rbrognte the convention of 1827, being under 
 consideration in Committee of the Whole — 
 Mr. COLaUITT, who was entitled to tlie floor, 
 addressed the Senate as follows: 
 
 Mr. President: Not professing myself to hare 
 any knowledge of a private thought or sentiment en • 
 tertained by the President, which differs from those 
 published to the world , I shall give the measures that 
 he has recommended my support, relying with the 
 fullest confidence on his honesty and integrity of 
 purpose. It has been justly said that no Message 
 which has ever emanated from a President of the 
 people has met with more general approbation. It 
 is dignified, able, and peaceful. All that he has said, 
 and all that he has done, upon the subject of Ore- 
 gon, has met a favorable response from the public. 
 It would be a libel upon his character, to say, that he 
 does not now consider what he has done, and what 
 he has offered to do, the best that might, or could 
 have been done for the interest and happiness of the 
 people. I am not willing that his political enemies 
 should assert, or his political friends insinuate, that 
 he has taken any step that was not duly considered, 
 and which he does not now approve. He is 
 wronged by the supposition, that he is secretly pre- 
 cipitating this country into a war, while all his pub- 
 lic communications breathe the language of peace. 
 If war come, the fault will not be his. In what he 
 has done, and what he has qffered to do, we have 
 the guaranty publicly made ; what he is still pre- 
 pared to do, and what sacrifices, he is now willing 
 to make; to preserve the peace and honor of the na- 
 tion. He is !0 boasting braggart, seeking to win 
 fame by plunging the country into war. The bloody 
 laurel, if he could win it, would ill become his peace- 
 
 ftil brow, the olive wreath sits more gracefully 
 upon it. He has not been borne to liis present high 
 and distinguished position upon the sighs and 
 groans of widows and orphans, which render it 
 necessary to finish his race of glory in blood and 
 carnage. He will do all that can be done, consist- 
 ent with justice and honor, to preserve peace. Thia 
 the country expects; this his Message proclaims; 
 and if war shall come, it must come in defiance of 
 his honest efforts to prevent it by every honorable 
 sacrifice. I know that there oi'e misgivings here, 
 and misgivings in the public mind, which have 
 arisen in part from the construction placed upon 
 the spirit of recent correspondence of the negotia- 
 tors, but particularly from warlike speeches, made 
 by friends of the President, who are supposed 
 to have his private ear and to speak his private 
 thoughts. I raise my protest against such judg- 
 ment, while the Executive is in daily communica- 
 tion with Congress. 'NVTien the people shall find 
 his public and his private acts in conflict witli each 
 other, characterized by disguise and dissimulation — 
 tb» President weak and vacillating — driven from 
 his dignified and peaceful position by inflammatory 
 speeches in Congress, it will be time enough to 
 convert public applause into public reprobation. 
 
 The spirit, feeling, and character of this debate 
 have been well calculated to make us all duly con- 
 sider not only ^le question itself, but what may be 
 the probable result of our final action upon it. The 
 ardent and uncompromising, stimulated by personal 
 courage and national pride, have drawn rich pic- 
 tures of tlie future, made us gaze in rapture on our 
 laurelled warriors planting the standard of freedom 
 on the shores of the Pacific, and trampling in con- 
 tempt the foul pretensions of an ambitious foe. The 
 prudent and the cautious, desiring to abate the kin- 
 dling fires of war lit up by such flattering pr"senta- 
 tions of national glory and renown, have reversed 
 
4 
 
 tlic naintinp;, mill m.ikc us contemplate scenes of ! nny eumpromisc with Orriit Rritain as to boundary. 
 
 desolation and woe. Ravaged coa.stn, plundered j i anprcliend, .sir, tiiat when tiii.H issue alone in 
 
 ' niaae, you will liiid the i;rent body of American 
 people in I'avorof ajnst and peaceful arrangement. 
 1 know that it has been asserted here, and else wiiere, 
 that we niuat go to war and fight before we give uji 
 one inch of Oregon. I appreciate highly that |)a- 
 triotic ardor, which urges onward the citizen and 
 the statesman to the frank assertion of national 
 rights, even though their exti^iuled claim .should 
 reach tlie limits of doubt and uncertainty. Their 
 errors arc iiardonable, if not lovely, because eon- 
 
 cities, an exhausted treasury, a subverted Govern- 
 ment, have been the figures of the horoscope; while 
 we have been made to stand, amid the groans of 
 the dying and stillness of the dead, to look upon 
 the country's flag trailing the dust in dislunior and 
 disgrace. Without permitting my feelings to be 
 spurred on by the untamed ardor of the one, or 
 fettered by the yielding caution of the other, I shall 
 consider this question in the spirit of firmness and 
 prudence. 
 
 Is Oregon, in tnith, honor, and justice, a terri- 
 tory of the United States.' Is our title unques- 
 tionable to the whole country to the 54th parallel of 
 latitude .' Is there no encumbrance resting upon it.' 
 If we respond in the affirmative to these questions, 
 we impose upon ourselves the necessity of main- 
 taining these rights, regardless of consequences, or 
 subjecting ourselves to the imisutation of basely 
 yielding them in terror of Briiisn power. Let the 
 question assume as many aspects as it may, the 
 whole controversy settles here: whether there be 
 any doubts as to the strength, clearness, and justice 
 of our title .' If there be none, we should .support 
 that right, "peaceably if we can, forcibly if wc 
 nnist.'^ 
 
 It has been the business of some to describe the 
 commercial and agricultural importance of Oregon; 
 while it has been the task of otliers to depreciate its 
 value, and represent it as unimportant and sterile. 
 Its value does nol'legitimately enter into n discus- 
 sion involving n mere matter of right. If every 
 ucre were a garden, every river n stream of wealth, 
 every bay and harbor a safe and prosperous mart 
 forthe world's mighty commerce, — ifitue not ours, 
 justice demands iliat we abandim ouf pretensions. 
 But if our title be clear and unquestionable, unen- 
 cumbered, to the whole of Oregon, — though it were 
 n waste and rocky desert, scarcely inhabitable by 
 the mountain goat, honor commands us to make no 
 surrender, unless the title first be cancelled by the 
 last will and testament of lln: Ilftnublic. In the dis- 
 cussion of this question, I shall divide the issues 
 which have been presented in the debate. In my 
 conception, blending the question of notice with 
 the asserted claim of unquestionable, indisputable, 
 and uncompromising rigiit to the whole of Oregon, 
 has placed some distinguished statesmen in an im- 
 proper position before the country. Taking the 
 questions together — notice, and uncompromising 
 right to the whole territory, to be asserted now, 
 and enforced hereafter, — leave but the alternative of 
 war, or an absolute surrender for <car of war upon 
 the part of the British Government. Nobody be- 
 lieves that such unconditional surrender will be 
 made; and hence the question of notice by tluj im- 
 proper junction, with the assertion of our uncom- 
 promising right, has been resisted, and argued as a 
 question of peace or war. Divide these issues, and 
 we can all stand together, the advocates of notice 
 as a peace measure, a measure of unquestionable 
 right, sanctioned by the express stipulation of the 
 treaty itself. The whole controversy, then, upon 
 the decision of which would rest the probabilities 
 of war or continuance of peace, would be, whether 
 our title to Oregon is so indisputable that we could 
 not, without a sacrifice of national honor, make 
 
 secrated to fiecdoni; their rashucKs captivating, be- 
 cause it is the heated outburst of devotion to their 
 country. Their most daring flights of oratory are 
 exciting, becau.se it is the sparkling spray cast be- 
 yond ilii legitimate bound, liy the heaving waves 
 of honor and courage. Iain in favor of the notice, 
 believing it e. right, unqutstioniilile, peaceful, and 
 necessari'. I am in favor of an honorable treaty, if 
 such can be niaile, because I do not consider our 
 title to the whole of Oregon so clear and unencum- 
 bered as to exclude the proiiriety of negotiation. 
 To say so, would place me in direct opjiosition to 
 the wisest and most patriotic men that have everr 
 by their counsels, given direction to the onward 
 march of the Republic. I have no taste for hear- 
 ing American statesmen make uii argument favor- 
 able to British claims upon the northwest coast of 
 America while the title is in controversy; and 1 
 shall make none, I am sure. It is enough for me 
 to offer the best arguments I can favorable to our 
 entire claim; while I am compelled to admit that 
 there are grave questions of controversy which 
 fcn-bid the declaration that our title is too clear for 
 debate, and too indisputable for negotiation. No 
 matter how strong my convictions may be in favor 
 of the validity of our claim, I am too well acquaint- 
 ed with the structure of the hrman mind not to 
 concede that my own wishes may have influence 
 upon my opinions, and that the interest and wishes 
 of the nation may strengthen the decisions of my 
 judgment. The friends of a claim, whether inter- 
 posed by individuals or nations, are rarely found 
 searching arguments for its defeat, or giving full 
 force to testimony which contests its validity. 
 There being no arbiter to whom wc can submit 
 the decision, upon whose impartial judgment we 
 can rely, Great Britain and the United States stand 
 in the attitude of both judge and advocate in their 
 own cause. In such a contest, we can easily fore- 
 see the improbability of an agreement between 
 them, if each insist upon the full extent of the 
 claims they present. Compromise is the only 
 means left for a peaceful settlement, and if thus 
 fail, the victor's sword must turn the balance of 
 justice. I should have rejoiced that this Oregon 
 question had been settled by a treaty of compro- 
 mise; and shall still feel gratified if such shall be 
 its termination. It is idle to boast of national 
 honor, and vainly imagine that it consists in ad- 
 justing for ourselves the extent of our rights, and 
 treating with contempt the claims set up by others. 
 In every such contest, compromise is the honor- 
 able and magnanimous mode of settlement. In the 
 affairs of private life, he who would refuse a rea- 
 sonable proposition for settling a dispute, where 
 there existed no tribunal to adjudicate the ques- 
 
boundary, 
 c iiloiie is 
 Aincricnii 
 iingimciit. 
 elMcwliere, 
 we Kive U)! 
 
 llml 
 
 i'»: 
 
 citizeii mill 
 i)f imtioiiivl 
 lim hhould 
 ty. Their 
 c.uuse eoii- 
 ivaling, be- 
 ion to their 
 oratory arc 
 ay cant be- 
 viiii: waves 
 tlie notice, 
 ttcefui, anil 
 )lc treaty, if 
 oiisider our 
 i unoucuin- 
 negotiatiou. 
 pjiosition to 
 t have ever, 
 the onward 
 ite for hear- 
 nicnl favor- 
 .-est coast of 
 ersy; and 1 
 oua;h for me 
 irable to our 
 admit that 
 .•crsy which 
 too clear for 
 [iation. No 
 f be in favor 
 ell ao.quaint- 
 iiind not to 
 ive influence 
 I and wishes 
 sions of my 
 hcthcr inter- 
 rarely found 
 r giving full 
 its validity, 
 can submit 
 \ulgment we 
 States stand 
 )cate in their 
 1 easily fore- 
 ent between 
 stent of the 
 is the only 
 nnd if this 
 le balance of 
 this Oregon 
 r of compro- 
 ■luch shall be 
 of national 
 iisists in ad- 
 r rights, nnd 
 up by others, 
 the honor- 
 ncnt. In the 
 .■efusc a rca- 
 sputc, where 
 ;ate the qucs- 
 
 B 
 
 lion, misrht win for himself the character of nbsli- 
 riate and fearless courage, but would forfeit the 
 |irnii(lrr cliaracicristics of " wisdom, justice, and 
 moderation.'' 
 
 There are sevorni questions of international law, 
 to expound and determine u|ion which, our own 
 winM statesmen difler. There are several <|ucHti()ns 
 of facts presented, which iXMiuire careful examina- 
 tion, and upon which honest minds may arrive at 
 dilTerent eonclnsions. Is disrovery alone a suffi- 
 cient foundation for title? If so, must the discov- 
 ery be made under authority of Government, or is 
 it sufficient to have been done in the prosecution of 
 individual enterprise? Will gentlemen say that 
 these questions are so well settled as not to admit 
 debate? How long after discovery will civili/.fd 
 nations wait for the discoverer to occupy anil set- 
 tle? Where a settlement is made, what must be its 
 character in order that it shall enure to the benefit 
 of that country from which the settler hails ? How 
 distant from the located settlement will an unques- 
 tionalble title extend? Are not these grave ques- 
 tions, upon which wise and patriotic men nave 
 and may continue to difler? 
 
 The honorable Senator from Indiana [Mr. Ha\- 
 NEOAv] must perceive that he did not touch these 
 questions, in his eloquent speei'h delivered on yes- 
 terday. His argument assumed the question set- 
 tled; that discovery gave a good title; and sought 
 to prove, that by our own and the discoveries of 
 Spain, the title was in the United States. I shall 
 sustain his assertion by a short argument; and yet 
 I cannot say that the question is settled beyond 
 debate or difficulty, either by law writers or the 
 tmiversal usage of nations. 
 
 Il amounts to very little that the Senator and I 
 should say, that settlement and occiipftncy arc not 
 nece.s.sary to n perfect title, no matter how strenu- 
 ously we may insist that our opinions are unques- 
 tionable and beyond dispute. Whenever the na- 
 tions of the earth shall constitute the Senator and 
 myself the indisputable expounders of internation- 
 al law, then we will issue authoritatively our opin- 
 ions, over which none shall dare pass but at the 
 foint of the sword. But it may happen that 
 among the many distinguished minds of the ]iast 
 and the present, the Powers of Europe may chance 
 to pass us by as unquestionable authority," and our 
 fixed opinions weigh but little in settling long-con- 
 t«sled points of international law. When gentle- 
 men proclaim with so much emphasis that our title 
 is imquestionablc, they certainly intend no more 
 than to assert, that in their opinion we have the 
 better title. In favor of our claim, I contend that 
 discovery alone gives us a right to the country. 
 I may he mistaken, for it is certainly controvert- 
 ed, that, since the discovery of America, discov- 
 ery and exploration secured the title to the nation 
 making it. In the decision of a case repin-ted in the 
 eighth volume of Wheaton, page 4(54, the learned 
 jtiHge says that "discovery is the foundation of li- 
 ' ties to land in America. The nation making the 
 ' di,scoverv has the sole right of acquiring the soil 
 ' from the natives, and establishingsettlementsupon 
 ' it. With this princip'e of ri>;ht, no European 
 ' Power can interfere. It is a right which all have 
 ' asserted. The relations which were to exist be- 
 ' tween the discoverer and tlie natives were to be 
 
 ' ivgnlaled by thcmselvrH. Wliile the (lifltrent na- 
 ' lions of r.ur(i|ic respccird the ri;;lils of the natives, 
 ' as occnpimls, they asserted the ultimate dominion 
 'to be in themselves, and claimed and exercised, as 
 ' aci)nsc(]uence of this ultimate dominion, a power 
 ' to grant the soil while yet in the possession of tho 
 ' natives. These grants have been understood by 
 'all to convey a title to the grantees, subject oidy 
 ' to the Indian rirrhf of occnpaiiiy." "Tlie United 
 'States maintained, as all olhi rs have maintained, 
 ' that discovery ga\ e an exclusive ri^^ht toextinguish 
 ' the Indian title of occupancy, either by purchase' 
 'or by ciniques; a id gave also a right tosuchnde- 
 'gree of sovcri iriily ns the circumstances of the 
 ' jieople would allow them to exercise." This. I 
 have conceived to be the doclriiu^ of I he United Slates 
 and the niuions of Europe, llecognising, as they 
 do, the right of occupancy by the natives, it seem- 
 ed to mo to exclude the necessity of selllement in 
 order lo complete the discoverer s title, as between 
 the nations of Europe. Settlement and occupancy 
 would not interfire with dominion and sovereign- 
 ty, according to this estalplishc'l usage among Eu- 
 ropean Powers. Hence, I hne supposed the Brit- 
 ish Minister did well to place his principal reliance 
 upon therightf acquired by h s (iovernment under 
 the Noolka Sound treaty. Whether that treaty 
 was such an one as was abrogated by the war be- 
 tween Gn'at Hritain and Spain in 179G, as asserted 
 by our Secretary of Stale, may afford another point 
 for discussion, nnd probably of doubt. The convic- 
 tions of my own mind iwe decidedly in favor of 
 (he American side of the (picstion; nnd yet I am 
 free to admit that another may very conscientious- 
 ly difler with me upon the fact. Treaties do not, 
 i/jso fdctn, in general become extinguished by war 
 between two Cfoverniuents. Those treaties particu- 
 larly which stipulate for territorial arrangements 
 and national rights, arc only suspended during war, 
 and are a'rain revived upon the return of peace, 
 unless waived by the jiarties, or new and repugnant 
 stipulations are made. It depends, then, upon the 
 construction we give to the treaty. Viewing the 
 Nootka Sound treaty as a commercial treaty only, 
 by which commercfnl privileires were secured to 
 Great Britain, 1 insist that it was annulled by the 
 subsequent war. Rut making due allowance for 
 the interest I feel for all that appertains to the grow- 
 ing insliluli(ms of the country, I would not say 
 unquesf 
 it dcbat 
 Especially would I express the clear convictions 
 I of my own mind with diffidence, when I consider 
 ■ the continued relations that existed lietween Spain 
 I nnd Great Britain upon the northwest coast of 
 I America, and our own treaty made with the latter 
 j in 1818, prior to our purchasiiis: of the former her 
 ! title lo the territory. Though the tacit acqui- 
 ! escence of Spain in British subjects acting after the 
 ' war as they had done before the war, could not re- 
 ' vive a defunct treaty, if indeed it had been annul- 
 led; yet our seeming recognition of her rights by 
 ' our own treaty, and our subsequent purchase of 
 , Spain while Great Britain was in their unmolested 
 ' exercise, would at least justify, if it docs not re- 
 , quire, that we make some sacrifice for a pcacefui 
 [ iuljusteient. But if the Noolka Sound treaty be 
 in full force, while it constitutes an encumbrance to 
 
 that this opinion is so unquestionably correct, that 
 I winild neither admit debate nor compromise. 
 
6 
 
 nur tiilo, it dors nni, in my o|iinion, interfere wiili 
 citliPi-Moveroinnly "f jiiriNiliclioii. 
 
 Tlic. urj!;iiiiKiii's ciMiiiiiiii (I ill ilic letiors of Mr. 
 Ijuclmiiiiii lo tin: liiitish Miiiistcr on tluH lirancli ol' 
 tlic sulijri-t an-, to .s:iy tin' least of il, .v/coll^' if not 
 uimnsweraljlc. Mr. PalcLiiiiam liiil not fjainsay 
 their trutli nor ilciu:ii to niake to ihrm a reply. 
 Tiiat tlic construiiioii wliicli otir Secretary lia.s 
 given to tlic Nocitka Sunnd tr, aty , i.s coriect is alniii- 
 dantly strcni;tli(iit(I Wy the action of tlie liritisJi 
 Government, both in tlie jirociirii]!? and acccplin:? 
 that treaty. On llie Gili of May, Mr. Pitt deliv- 
 ered a mcsMngc^ from the Kinu; lo the House of 
 Coinnioiis, in which it is said that "His Majesty 
 ' lias rccriveJ iiilnnnation that two vessels biilont;- 
 ' mg to liis Majcsiy's siilijccls, and niivii;ated uii- 
 ' der the Briti.-.li (la;;, and two others, of whicii the 
 •description is not suiricienlly ascertaii.ed, have 
 'been captured at !\ootka Sound, on the iiorth- 
 ' western coast of America, hy an olficer comniand- 
 ' iuii; two Spanish shiiis-of-war: that the caru:oes 
 'of the Dritish ships have been seized, and their 
 ' officers have lieen sent as prisoners lo a Spuii- 
 ' ish port." "The captain ot one of these ve.ssels 
 ' liad before been notified by the ambassnilor of 
 ' his Catholic Majijsiy , by order of his Court, who, ' 
 ' nt tlic same time, desired, that measures might be 
 ' taken for pieveiuini; his Majesty's subjects from 
 ' fre(|ueiitiii;,' those coasts,'' Ac. In consequence 
 of this lino of eomininiiialion, a demand was im- 
 mediately made by his Majesty's order for ade- 
 quate satisfaction, and for rcsiitulion of the vessels, 
 previous to any ollur discussion. To this de- 
 mand, the Court of Spain ^ave information that 
 those vessels and their crews had been liberated by 
 the Viceroy of Mexico, upon the supposition that 
 the trespass upon the riu:liis of Sjiain had been com- 
 mitted ill i;,'iioraiice of tho.se riRhls. In iiotieiiif? 
 this reply, the Kind's message declares that " no 
 ' satisfaction is made or oflered, and a direct claim 
 'is asserted by the Court of Spain to the exclusive 
 ' rights of sovereignty, navigation, and commerce, 
 ' in the territories anil coasts and sea.s in that part 
 ' of the world. Hi.s Majesty has now directed his 
 ' Minister at Madrid to make a fresh representation 
 'on this subject, and to claim sucli full and ade- 
 ' auuto salislaclion as the nature of the case evi- 
 ' (lenlly requires." The King then proceeds, and 
 asks for a proper armament to sustain him in this 
 movement. It will be seen, that while Spain as- 
 serts her exclusive jurisdiction, not only to the ter- 
 ritories, but to the comnierce and navigation of tlie 
 seas and bays bordering the entire northwest coast, 
 that neither his Majesty nor the Ministers for the 
 crownseriouslycontroverled this position, demand- 
 ingonly adequate redress fur seizing llritish vessels. 
 While they negotiated for redress, it is true they 
 were careful to obtain somelhing inme — not sorc- 
 rcign/i/, however, but the jirivilcge of fishing, Mnriffa- 
 ting and /rai/in,?, and making settlements tor tliose 
 purposes. If tlic British Government had any co- 
 vert design of obuiiiiing any title or iieniianeiit foot- 
 hold on the northwest coast, it was concealed from 
 Spain and the world. She had no title, nor does 
 she pretend to have had, anteiior to the treaty of 
 1790. Wliatwas the olijcct of this treaty, and liow 
 much was gained by its execution.' The demand 
 upon Spain was to make full satisfaction for cap- 
 
 turing Ihitish vessels. The reparation was made, 
 and the tnaty executed to jirevent future diilicul- 
 tics. 
 
 The King, in liis address to Parliament on the 
 26th November, after the trenly with Spain had 
 been executed, speaking of the ud jiislment of their 
 diiliculty with that Government, said: " The oh- 
 'jccts which 1 have proposed toiuystlf, in the whole 
 ' ol'this tiansaclioii, have been lo obtain asuilablo 
 ' reparation for the act of violence cinninitted at 
 ' ]Sootka,aiid to remove the groiiiula of similar dis- 
 ' putes in future, us well as to secure to my subjects 
 ' the exercise of their navigation, commerce and 
 ' fisheries, in tho.se ])arl.s of the world which were 
 ' thcsubjtct of discussion." These were the ob- 
 jects of the treaty, and by which they accpiired 
 rights never before claimeu by them. On the 14lh 
 of December thereafter, an address was jiresented 
 to his Majesty by his faithful Commons, in which 
 they .say, " that they are eager to embrace the first 
 ' opportunity of oll'ering to his Majesty their cor- 
 ' dial iMingratulaticnis on so satisfactory lui issue 
 ' of the lat(! negotiation, which lias conliinicd to 
 ' these kingdoms the; blessings of peace, has main- 
 ' tained the iioiior of his Majesty's crown, liy pro- 
 ' viding an aderpiate reparation for the violence 
 ' whicli was committed at Nootka,nnd has secured 
 'to his Majesty's subjects the exercise of their 
 ' navigation, commerce and fisheries, in those parts 
 ' of the world which were tlie subject of di.scus- 
 ' sion; and that they observe at the same time, vvith 
 ' i)eculiar pleasure, the happy prospect which is 
 ' afibided by this amicable ariangenient, avoiding 
 ' future occasions of misunderstanding with the 
 ' Court of Spain, and of preserving that harmony 
 ' which must so essentially promote the interest of 
 ' the two countries." 
 
 The olijects .iroposed to be obtained, and the ob- 
 jects confessedly attained by the treaty, made no 
 acquisition of sovereignty or soil. They gained 
 somelhing liy the treaty, which was, the uninter- 
 rupted |)rivilego of fishing, navigating, trading, and 
 making settlements for these purposes. So well 
 was this understood in the Dritish Parliament, that 
 the opposition members contended thai it was a 
 treaty of concessions, rather than a treaty of acqui- 
 sitions. They insisted that the claim of Spain U. 
 exclusive sovereignty was preposterous, and repu- 
 diated il, because they denied that (ii.scoreri/ and ex- 
 ploration umounied to such right. Mr. B'ox said, 
 " that the discovery of any place, and making it the 
 ' possession of this or that King, by setting up a 
 ' cross, or any otliertoken of having been there, was 
 ' equally exploded. " "That occiipancij and jwsses- 
 ' sion should be considered as the only right and 
 'title." Having these views, difiering from the 
 opinions I have expressed as to the discovery of 
 lands in America, and dilfering with his o\yn Gov- 
 ernment in what they admitted in the discussion wiili 
 Spain alioul the Musquilo shore, he condemned the 
 treaty as a treaty of concessions. He said, " Our 
 ' right of fishing extended to the whole ocean; and 
 ' now it, too, was limited, and to be carried on wilh- 
 ' in certain distances of the Spanish sellleinenls. 
 ' Our right of making settlements was not, as now, 
 ' ariglit lo build huts, but to ]danl colonies, if we 
 ' thought proper. " " Surely these were nol acqui- 
 ' sitions, or rather conquests, as they may be consid- 
 
1 was rnndc, 
 urij dillicul- 
 
 lont on ihr 
 Kpniii lind 
 iiciit of ilicir 
 ; "Tlio oil- 
 ill tlifwliolc 
 ill iitiiiiuililn 
 iiniiiiltfd lit 
 'siiiiilni'diH- 
 niy sulijoclH 
 iiiiit'i'ix luid 
 wliicii were 
 vtre tlic ob- 
 ey iir.(|uired 
 On the 14th 
 lis |)i-CKcnted 
 im, in wliich 
 race the first 
 :y tlieir cor- 
 iry iin iasuc 
 untinucd to 
 u, hits nmiii- 
 wn, liy pro- 
 tiiu violenco 
 hus secured 
 •ific of their 
 ii those parts 
 t of discus- 
 le time, witli 
 ;ct whicli is 
 lit, iivoidiin; 
 ig with llie 
 lut harmony 
 le iiitorest of 
 
 , and the ob- 
 ly, miide no 
 .'Iiey gained 
 the uninter- 
 tiuding, and 
 :s. So well 
 ianicnt, that 
 mt it was a 
 ily of acqiii- 
 of Spain to 
 s, and repu- 
 n-ery uiid ei'- 
 r. fox said, 
 viakiiisit tlie 
 seltina; up a 
 MUhcre,wuH 
 !/ and posses- 
 ly right and 
 ig from the 
 discovery of 
 is own Gov- 
 ciission witli 
 dcmiied the 
 said, " Our 
 > ocean ; and 
 ied on with- 
 suttlements. 
 lot, as now, 
 oiiies, if we 
 re not acqui- 
 ly be conaid- 
 
 • ered,if wearo tojudjtcby thetriunipliantlanpiagc 
 ' roHjiecling them, but great and iiuportuiil coiices- 
 'sions." In tlic coteinporary dtlmles of Parha- 
 nicnl, these were the views presented by the Crown, 
 Ministers, and llie Opposition — neither clainiing 
 soil or jurisdiction by the convention of 1790. 
 
 Anoilicr fact, wliich may give force to tliis con- 
 struction, and which affords an argument in favor 
 of the Spanish title, is the universal usiiM of all 
 Europe, until the sixteenth century. Tlie Chris- 
 tian religion then, as now, had nuuli to do with 
 the law of nations. Spain claimed this entire ter- 
 ritory which is now in dispute, by virtue of a 
 grant from the Pope. When the grant was made, 
 not a Power in Lurope doubted its validity. All 
 acquiesced in its propriety, and submitted to its 
 binding force. The Kumaii Pontiff was recognised 
 by all to be the sole disposer of earthly kiiig(io:ns. 
 Kings, emperors, and sovereign princes, were sub- 
 ject to this Apostolic Court. Their crowns they 
 received from his hands, and their possessions 
 were held by his grants. From the time when this 
 grant was made to Spain in 14!)3, until the Refor- 
 mation by Luther in the sixteenth century, no 
 European Power ever doubted the right of S|)ain 
 to the country. This question, then, arises: Can 
 England now dispute the validity of a grant which 
 she acknowledged, which all Christendom acknow- 
 ledged, was valid by the law of nations at tlie time 
 of its execution? Can she now, because she has 
 changed her religion, annul grants made by the 
 Pope, while she ptill enjoys doniinion derived from 
 the same authority.' The conquest of Ireland un- 
 der Hi^nry II., was made by express grant from 
 the Pojie. Being a good Catholic, and the Irish 
 being in their belief infidels, he asks leave of the 
 Holy Father to make this conquest, in order, as he 
 says, " to extirpate the vices of the inhabitants, 
 ' and bring them into the way of truth. " " Rogavit 
 ' Papain Miianum, ti< sibi licerit Hybernia insulam; 
 ' hoatUUer intrare, et tetram subjugarre, alque homi- 
 ' ties illos, bestiales, ad fidem, el viam reducere verita- 
 ' lis, exterpalis ibi plantariis viliorum." 
 
 Ten years after the discovery of America by Co- 
 lumbus, and by authority of the Pope's grant, Fer- 
 dinand assembled the most eminent lawyers and 
 divines in Spain, upon the manner of taking pos- 
 session. It was by them determined, tliat as soon 
 as tliey arrived they should require the natives to 
 subscribe to the articles of the Christian faith, and 
 the supreme jurisdiction of the Pope over all the 
 earth; which, if they did not do, they were to be 
 reduced to slavery by fire and sword. The ope- 
 rations of Ojida, under these instructions, as the 
 servant of the kings of Ciistilc and Leon, I need 
 not detail. The validity of such grants was first 
 contested by Elizabeth, near a century afterwards. 
 Mendoza, the Spanish embassador, made com- 
 plaints aga ist Drake for sailing in the Indian 
 ocean. To this complaint the ducen replied, that 
 wlmtever appeiu-ed to be taken by robbery, should 
 be restored; out as for commerce in those seas, the 
 Spaniards had prohibited it " contrary to Uie law 
 ' of nations. " " That she could not persuade her- 
 ' self that they possessed any just title by the Bish- 
 ' op of Rome's donation, in whom she ackiiowl- 
 ' edged no prerogative in such cases, so as to lay any 
 ' tie upon princes who owed him no obedience." 
 
 If l)y the Reformation the law of nations was so 
 far rhiuiged that grants, which had been admitted 
 valid for almost a century, were no longer binding, 
 it will ncvertliclnss lend to show the true character 
 of the procrcdiiiga at Noolku, the cause of the dif- 
 ficulty, and the probable object of the treaty. 
 
 Upon the true construction of the Nootka Sound 
 treaty, there is, however, a difference of o]iinioii 
 among our own sUitesmen; and I must suppose 
 that, if we dilTer, whose interests are identical, 
 those who advocate an adverse interest will not 
 likely admit my cons/riiclion umiuestionable. Cut 
 if tl.is construction should be admitted, and the 
 decision should be made in our favor, that neither 
 soil nor jurisdiction were acquired by Great Brit- 
 ain t ) aiiy of the northwest coast of^ America by 
 the IVootka Sound convention, still, if the treaty 
 were not annulled, there would at least exist an en- 
 cumbrance upon the title we derived from Spain. 
 The uninterrupted right of navigating, fishing, and 
 trading, were beyond question secured to British 
 subjects by that treaty. These rights would con- 
 stitute an encumbrance to our title. To rid our- 
 selves of this encumbrance, we assert that the 
 treaty itself was abro(;ated. While I take part in 
 urging our claim to t'le whole country, I cannot, 
 I dare not say that our title is so cletu- and so un- 
 questionable to every inch of it, that this Govern- 
 ment would 1)0 guilty of dishonor to compromise 
 the question by negotiation. Let it be borne in 
 mind that the only issue presented, the determina- 
 tion of which must inevitably produce war, is, 
 tliat our title is so clear, so free from doubt and 
 encumbrance to the entire territory, that we can- 
 not, without dishonor, submit to any compromise. 
 It is true the gentlemen who opjiose all compro- 
 mise declaim, they "wish no war!" "God for- 
 bid," they say, "tliat we should have war!" "But 
 then we must have every inch of Oregon!" "There 
 must be no negotiation!" "No compromise!" 
 "The British must leave OreOTu!" "She can't 
 fight!" "We must have it all, now or never!" 
 "We are cowards if we yield an inch!" "And 
 tear, tear, war to the knife," unless British subjects 
 leave the territory without delay !" And yet they 
 wish no war, and hope for peace. To me, the 
 language is strange and inconsistent. I shall sub- 
 mit no argument adverse to our claims, but stand 
 prepared to urge nigumcnts in their favor. Our 
 rights have not suffered in the hands of our nego- 
 tiators; they have shown themselves able advo- 
 cates, and with them, for the present, lam content 
 to leave them. 
 
 But I may be permitted to ask, what would be 
 the condition of our Government, in the estimation 
 of all Christendom, if we now publish to th.i world 
 that no proposition for compromise can be enter- 
 tained? 
 
 The honorable Senator from Indiana [Mr. Han- 
 neoak] read, for our edification, a few pages from 
 an imaginary history, yet founded on facts, com- 
 paring the courage, patriotism, and sufferings of 
 our revolutionary fathers, in their mighty struggles 
 for independence, with those fears and apprehen- 
 sions, entertained and expressed, of going to war in 
 ] 84G. He recouii led the battles of Lexington , Con- 
 cord, Monmouih,and other bloody fields, on which 
 were displayed the mighty valor of American urm». . 
 
8 
 
 Tlif nnmf.t of tlir licrnrs who foiifjlil, and ihr ^nU 
 Inrit, who fill, v ere icciillcd, to shiiiiK^ llir liniiil 
 hnirls of io-(!iiy. The (hcila of daring in llii; last 
 war, with tlic honored iinnics of Anirriran roni- 
 nmnders at sea, Wfrc nicntiont'd liy llif Ncnalor, to 
 rilir up to Ntril'c and war the cowiini Idood of dif;eii- 
 f'ratc sons. Not frehn^ iiiyHolf capahlc, if I (hired, 
 to spcnk HI) chiqiieiitly of deiiarled worth, 1 may 
 he permitted to foMow in liis wal<e, and tjivc my 
 Hineere sanction to his heart-slirrin;,' (hneription of 
 their valor and arhievenientN. I eoneur in the 
 enlogy ho has ho justly delivered. Kvery TourtJi 
 of July, the o tor of indeiiendence finds himself 
 ehecred on, while he swelln the proud anthem of 
 ]irnise to iheir memory. I Ic is rii;litj we are more 
 ubio to fight now, and have less cause throu<;li tear 
 of war, to yield anything in dread of I'ritish power. 
 1 have no apprehinsiou ns to the courage or abil- 
 ity of my countrymen. They can and will fight, 
 when honor or duty calls llieni to the field. They 
 will not he found unworthy of their illuslriiaia 
 sires. But when these pages of hi.itorj 'which 
 tlic Senator refers, shall he read by jiosleiity, has 
 i'. never struck his mind that an uiquiry may be 
 made, what had nil this to do with the, f|uestion 
 in debate .' The true issue ipon which it seems 
 these chronicles were made was not whether the 
 people were I'rave and able to defend their rights, 
 mil whether the fixing definitely an vnsitlleil un- 
 determined hniindanj Ijetween two nations was a 
 proper subject of negotiation. This the Senator 
 deincs; ono upon it has read us an eloquent clia)i- 
 tor, exhibiting the all-conquering spirit of our fa- 
 thers, that it may stimulate to battle their degener- 
 ate sons. 
 
 Let me suppose posterity to read the pages of 
 history, which shall record the transactions of this 
 country in reference to the case in point. They 
 will find that, prior to 1790, Driiish Hnlijects were 
 .Tttcmptinf: settlements upon a part of the coast of 
 Oregon. In that year Great Britain made a treaty 
 with Spain, securing to her subjects some rlglits 
 there. That from that period, irrespective of the 
 war of 1796, her subjects continued the enjoyment 
 of those rights. In 1818, the United States recog- 
 nised the claim by making a treaty with her. 
 That the next year, the United Strifes piuxhased 
 Spain's title to the territory, while Great Britain 
 was in the pos.scssion and enjoyment of those 
 rights. That from that time untd 1846, she con- 
 tinued their enjoyment. That during that time, 
 frequent efforts, which failed, were made to de- 
 fine a boundary. This will be a suiimiary of the 
 pa^e upon which may be written the entire trans- 
 actions. To follow the example of the Senator, I 
 will !. .y that is the first chapter. The second 
 chapter shall be the recoi-d of the policy he recom- 
 mends. It declares, first, that our title to every 
 foot of Oregon is clear and unencumbered, and is 
 not subject to debate. Secondly, that negotiation 
 and compromise will be national dishonor. And, 
 thirdly, that Great Britain must get oft' at once, 
 without parley or debate, because we are the sons 
 of fighting and conquering ancestors. How will 
 such a history exhibit our justice and honor.' How 
 will it delineate the character of a nation, boasting 
 of magnanimity, forbearance, and virtue.' No 
 matter how flimsy the British claim; it should bo 
 
 treated with liecoining rcHpnct. The action of our 
 own GovernmcMt demands it. llcNpiicI for the 
 best men this coutitry bus ever lioaNtcil ri'i|Mires it. 
 ItesiHCt I'or ourselves imperatively commandH it. 
 Shall we nrn'nanlhj pulilish to the people of the 
 United .States that they have now, for the first lime 
 in thirty years, a wise and patriotic President, 
 backed l)y an unparidlelcd Congress; who know 
 their rights, and will fearlessly niaintain them? 
 Shall we insist that those ijreat men, whosi! names 
 are written upon the l)rightest pages of our coun- 
 try's history, were either igiioriuit of their rights, 
 or, kiiowini; them, from cowiuil fear, failed to 
 assert them ? May not the people pause to in- 
 quire, while we are pulling our wisdom and pa- 
 triotism, who we are that have outgrown the chiv- 
 alry and fame of the bravest and tlie best? May 
 they not be rude enough to make odious compar- 
 isons between the conduct of tlu^ir old tried states- 
 men and the resolves of those who are struggling 
 to clamber into favor.' May not such an inquiry 
 excruciate, rather than flatter, our vanity.' If wo 
 pass by all others, the whole country will grant 
 that there was a Chief Magistrate who presided 
 over the tlestinits of this country for eight years, 
 whose enemies were forced to admit that his heort 
 never quailed, that his nerves never jialswd, !u . 1- 
 ther asserting or def('nding the rights or honor ot 
 the nation. But for the doubts that Itung about the 
 question of boundary, it would not h.ne passed his 
 Administration, with British subjects usurping 
 American dominion. 
 
 This Government has frequently sought to set- 
 tle this Oregon (|uestion by negoliation. Liberal 
 offers have been made for its adjustment, and met 
 no rebuke from the American |ieople; but now we 
 wish it established that negotiation is dishonor- 
 able. The President is to be censured ft)r having 
 made an oflTer of compromise — censure the most 
 dainntng — by condemning the past, and giving him 
 iiistruc'tions as to the future. Are the friends of 
 this Administration prepared to pass .such censure 
 ■ upon it.' Is the country now prepared to repro- 
 ! bate all negotiation, and resolved to settle this 
 I controversy in no other way but by an appeal 
 to arms.' With due deference to the opinion of 
 others, I think not. An attempt is made to show 
 that the President's opiniona and feelings are in 
 unison with tho.se of his friends who deny the pro- 
 priety of negotiation and compromise. For this 
 purpose they refer to his Message, which declares 
 our title " clear and unquestionable" to the whole 
 of Oregon. They argue, if the title be unquestion- 
 (ihle, as he asserts, then we are bound to niaintain 
 it. They insist on treating this declaration aa 
 though the President considered the boundary 
 fixed, run, and unalterably settled. He could not 
 have been guilty of sucii an absurdity. He could 
 not have intended to be understood, m a strict and 
 legal sense, that our title was unijuestionable, when 
 he knew it hod been matter of dispute and contro- 
 versy for twenty-five years ! It is but the strong 
 language of common parlance — as.serting our claim, 
 and his convictions of its justice. His actions are 
 the beat commentary upoii this language. In order 
 to have an undisputed boundary and preserve peace, 
 he offered to compromise for less than what he con- 
 sidered in ju.stice we had a right to demand. No 
 
 innttfrwhntooi 
 ifl'er, he der-mi 
 
 I should ha\ 
 iTiitled me, to I 
 lion properly h 
 tice. But the 
 ludice the pul 
 
 condemn in 
 make a treaty, 
 iiry. What 
 laiin to Oregi 
 if prior disco 
 iirge it consii 
 illier internatii 
 diuded, I I 111 
 lis in jusiiie 
 ilie Executive 
 [lort — a siijppn 
 ■eivi! to be th( 
 ihominate thof 
 ) stir up seel 
 aunts cast iijk 
 •ngerness for 
 riiat man's pa 
 inly motive fin 
 IS was to grati: 
 iouthern aid to 
 Texas and C 
 uid should bo I 
 ions of public 
 ,'et unsettled, i 
 latience to liav 
 in is unsettle! 
 !: without deln 
 i)r some gciitl 
 ome reluctane 
 very iin portal 
 [Mr. Hannf. 
 [ratified to hav 
 nns for liavin; 
 hat Texas an 
 iaitimore con 
 'unic war; tha 
 oresaw hr. ,v 
 
 I must laud i 
 iiie that Texa 
 lie Baltimore i 
 een as unforli 
 lilted in sigli 
 ildiers to niai 
 but, as I am 
 ■eat may hav( 
 lid patriotism, 
 irtiinate, inns 
 exns was be 
 inivention. 
 
 [Mr. 1 1 ANN! 
 
 0, sir."] 
 
 The Senator 
 oubtless satis 
 
 It is not my 
 Illy desiring ti 
 Inch "engen 
 
 I will now I 
 istaining the 
 ive notice fo 
 V'liile the pre: 
 i."! no inducei 
 
w 
 
 iinlli r v.'ImtrniisidpnitioiiH indnrrd liiin to miikr llio 
 ifl'rr, he (Iccnit'd ilicni viilid, and iictcd up'iii llictn. 
 I uliould liiivr liccii jjliid, hnd rimimNlnni'iM [icr- 
 Tiiittrd ttif, Id Imvccoiilliird niyHclCli) llicoiily (|ui's- 
 ion pnipcily licfdic llif Siliiiti — tin' qiicstinii iil'iio- 
 ii'p. Hut tin: rirorls which Imvc; Ix'oii nindf In prr- 
 jiidicf! the piiljlic mind ii^rninst lu'i^ntiiition, niid 
 • I'ondrnin in iidvnnro tho I'rrsidcnl it" hv should 
 Miiiko II treaty, Imvc rendercti these, renmrlcM iieees- 
 iiry. VVhiit I liuve said in the mlvocai'v of (uir 
 liiiin In Orei;(in has lieen ennfined to llie ri^lit 
 f prior diseovery, sinrn liy that alone we can 
 iiri,'n it eoiisislently to panillcl .51° 40'. The 
 ither international law q'.HlionN to which \ have 
 Ihided, I 1 matter liow decided, wonhl compel 
 IS in jusiicc to nhridge onr ilaim. I pive to 
 ilu; Exceutive nn lioneKt and disinterested sup- 
 port — a snjppnrt connected only with what 1 con- 
 rive to he the be.'t interests of the couinry. * 
 ')ominatc those alteinpts which have been made 
 I stir lip sectional jealousies, liy the ridiciil.itis 
 laiintH east upon the South, ehar;i;ins Iheni wi'li 
 ii^^erness for Texas, and aversion to Orefjoir. 
 riiat man's patriotism is of but little value \vliise 
 Illy motive for supporting; the annexation t' Tex- 
 s was lo grotify the South, or to found a claim for 
 loiithern aid to carry s.imo other me.isure. 
 
 Texas and Oregon are both natioiml question- , 
 uid should be supported, aecordin;; to our eon\ic- 
 ions of public good. 'l"he boundary of Texas In 
 ,'ct unsettled, and we have exhibited no j^nat iiii- 
 utiencc to have it settled. The boundary of Ore- 
 iin is un.scttled, and I am anxious that it should 
 le without delay. Let these unjust taunip cease; 
 or some gentlemen who make them exhibited 
 nme reluctance to give their support to Texas at 
 I very important crisLs. 
 
 [\Tr. H.WNF.dAN asked leave to say, that h„ was 
 [ratified lo have this opportunity to stale his rea- 
 lms for having supported Texas with reluetance; 
 hat Texas and Oregon were both cradled in the 
 iivltimore convention, and that he anticijiated a 
 'unie war; that, if Texas wai acted upon first, he 
 iresaw he «■ ii.; friends would act towards Oregon.] 
 I must laud the Senator's sagacity; for, if it were 
 lie that Texas and Oregon were both cradled in 
 le naltimore convention, his foresight would have 
 ccn as unfortunate as the militia captain's, who 
 lilted in sight of the enemy, and instructed his 
 ili'.icrs to march on, give battle, und then retreat; 
 hut, a.s I am lame, I'll retreat now." Such re- 
 oat may have exhibited very f^nod foresight, but 
 f(rf patriotisiTi. This sagacity was jieeuliarly un- 
 irtiinate, inasmuch as his reluctance to support 
 LXas wa.s before the meeting of the Baltimore 
 mvenlion. 
 
 (Mr. Mannegan spoke out, saying, "No, sir; 
 », sir."] 
 
 The Senator has forgotten; and the record will 
 oubtless satisfy him of his error. 
 It is not my jnirpose, however to bandy words: 
 Illy desiring to put a stop to such sectional taunts, 
 Inch "engender strife to no profit." 
 I will now offer some reasons to the Senate for 
 istaining the President in his recommendation to 
 ive notice for terminating the existing treaty. 
 V'hile the present treaty continues, Great Britain 
 IS no inducement to make a treaty for boundary. 
 
 •She puts up no claim to rxiOiisivejurisdic lion, and 
 she can thcrefori! deiire iiothiiii; bitter tliiin the 
 existing treaty, which gives her joint privileges 
 with us. I'lUt when we speak ol'giving nolicc, wn 
 are told that we shidi thereby close the avenue to 
 a peaceful arrangement, and leave no alternative 
 for settlement but the sword. I do not fril my- 
 self capable of prediitins vi'hiit mayor may not no 
 the certain reHultofterniiniiting the treaty; but this 
 I do know, that giving the notice for that purjioso 
 is neither a just iiiso of offence nor of war. It is 
 a measure iibsolutely necessary for the preserva- 
 tion of peace, or I mistake the probable result of a 
 conflict of interests in Oregon. The ju-escnt treaty 
 wan intended to be temporary. 'I'be treaty of 
 18IH was limited lo ten years; the treaty of 1837, 
 to exist only at the pleasure of both Governments. 
 Wliy was the fust limited to ten years, unless the 
 ' legotiators supposed that n change of circum- 
 'i .-.I'-nces would render it improper that it should 
 "" .tiniie longer? Why was the last lo exist no 
 I uiger than its propriety was sanctioned by the 
 judgment of both Governments, iinles.< the ambas- 
 smlors felt uncertain as to the time when a com- 
 mon interest would no longer justify its continu- 
 ai'cr ; That time has arrived, in the opinion of 
 ihif; Oovirnment; and, by giving iiotic. , we make 
 this public declaration, and no more. If the two 
 Governments can settle the question, does giving 
 notice interfere with negotiation? This cntitro- 
 versy has been continued long enough. If a treaty 
 can be made, is not twelve montlis a sufficient 
 time for its aeeinnplishmcnt ? Riil the fear is, that 
 wc shall excite the ire and arouse the pride of a 
 great nation, and that she will refu.'e to negotiate. 
 [ should certainly very much regret to M'ake up 
 her wroth, and incur tier displea.^ure; and would 
 fiin hope that she is not so quick tempered as to 
 be ofTcnded, when no cause is given for irritation. 
 If Great Britain desires pcaoe, nothing is more 
 certain than that giving notice under the treaty 
 will r.ot offend her pride. We shall do no more 
 thiin she has t)ie right to do, and what, she well 
 knows, one or the other Government must do at 
 some period, sooner or later. If she desires war, 
 this may serve as a pretext for her animosity; and 
 she may, doubtless, with an affectation of insulted 
 dignity, refuse to renew negotiations. I confess 
 I cannot see the propriety of anticipating such 
 fastidiousness, and feel no disposition to honor a 
 temper so whimsical. Great Britain is not yet in 
 the condition of the involid, related liy RTr. Wind- 
 ham, "wlio could swallow nothing, and even that 
 would not slay upon his stomach;" or to express 
 it more classically, 
 
 Nil hnlaiit Oorilii!!, atinmon inD^lix ille, 
 I'erilidit tnliim nil ! 
 
 But we are told, when this country shall pro- 
 ceed to assert her rights, that war is the result. 
 To my mind, this argument amounts to this, that the 
 present treaty must be perpetuated, in order to pre- 
 serve peace; for, according to the argument, notice 
 will produce war, whether given now, or ten years 
 hence. We have had many years in which to ne- 
 gotiate, and the question is still unsettled. Twelve 
 months after notice, with the attention of both 
 Governments called directly to the necessity of an 
 adjustment, is still before us. If a satisfactory nc- 
 
10 
 
 gotiation cannot be made, what guaranty have we 
 that any can be made ten years hence ? If, after 
 years cf longer deluy, and no settlement, we should 
 dare intimate our will to determine the convention 
 of 1827, will not Great Britain have as mucli right 
 to be oiTended then as she has now ? Will not 
 war be as inevitably the result of giving notice 
 then as it is now? What, then, must be done? 
 Will not future Senators be as anxious to preserve 
 the peace of the country as we are now? Will 
 not war be as desolating in 1850 as it will be in 
 1847 ? Will it not be as expensive ? Will it not 
 have the same effect upon our form of government? 
 The answer to all this is concentrated in the reply, 
 that, by that time, we shall have colonized the 
 country. Our emigrants will have filled up the 
 territory, and it v/ill be ours by population. 
 
 Pass over, for the sake of argument, the conflicts 
 which may arise, and whicli it is almost certain 
 will arise, between settlers actively seeking the 
 most favorable locations, without any other regu- 
 lation than claims to be defended by force. Let 
 us examine a moment the probable results of ten, 
 fifteen, or twenty years emigration and settlement. 
 Suppose that the most sanguine wish of tiie friends 
 of this mode of acquiring Oregon be fulfilled, and 
 that ten years hence we liave in that country ten 
 times the number of American citizens that there 
 shall be British subjects: will the contest be thereby 
 settled ? Will the question of national right be ad- 
 judicated by the number of the population ? Will 
 the provisions of the treaty, wnich are to be con- 
 tinued, be superseded ond annulled? Or will this 
 Government then, from a consciousness of supe- 
 rior strength, which slic may l)y this process ac- 
 quire, claim as a right what she dares not now as- 
 sert, and resolve to defend ? I will not believe that 
 this Government will concede anything from the 
 fear of foreign i)ower, nor will I grant that, having 
 more power, she would not be as generous as in 
 the days of greater weakness. Slie would not dare 
 claim of Great Britain, if by any process she might 
 have the advantage in position or in power, what 
 she did not unyieldingly assert when the advantage, 
 if you please, was against her. Wo should, in 
 that event, gain no just advantage by the delay. 
 The whole question would still be open; and the 
 same arguments for peace or war would be ten- 
 dered to arrest its final adjustment. Thus, 1 have 
 looked at this question as though Great Britain 
 should close her eyes to our efforts in ponulating 
 the country. If you can satisfy me that sne takes 
 no interest in the bays, rivers, and harbors upon 
 the Pacific, then I may conclude, that while you 
 are artfidhj peopling the country, building forts, 
 occupying ))osts, and disciplining an army of emi- 
 grants for future operations, she will idly, with 
 folded arms, gaze upon the scene, and wait the 
 consummation of your avowed plan of obtaining 
 the country by population. If this plan were to 
 have been adopted, it should have been executed 
 stealthily; for, perhaps, British statesmen may profit 
 by this public avowal cf your purpose. While 
 our emigrants are going to Oregon, travellinjrat so 
 much risk through a wild country, and enduring 
 so much hardship, and all ot their private cost, it 
 may be that Great Britain, having understood your 
 pohcy, may tliink it necessary to pour in thousands 
 
 of her starving subjects at public expense. The 
 two governments may make a colonizing war; and 
 I am apprehensive that Great Britain would have 
 the same class of advantages in such a contest as 
 gentlemen suppose she would have in transport- 
 ng troops and munitions of war. 
 
 But lias Great Britain at any time needed these 
 promptings of wisdom ? Has she been less active 
 than this country in the lauded system of " master- 
 ly inactivity?" We are told, that she has the ad- 
 vantage at this time, upon the score of prepara- 
 tion ! The very existence of the treaty has, in 
 part, enabled her to throw the mifhty energies 
 of Uie Government to the upbuilding of a com- 
 pany there, that has outstripped and defied your 
 successful competition. If she has beaten you 
 heretofore in tliat system of policy, which you 
 now publicly pronounce is the wisdom of this jegts, and h 
 country to adopt, con you reasonably suppose she Jown-troddei 
 will, for your s])ecial accommodation, relax her ef- 
 forts, and permit you to overreach her, in prepar- 
 ing for a future breach. I confess I am a little in- 
 credulous as to the soundness of this calculation. 
 
 hall have be 
 lidfnt, that \ 
 of the presei 
 tilings, that 
 homes, or se 
 headed Gov( 
 peace can be 
 come: shall ' 
 right, in itscl 
 grasping, avi 
 and com])cl i 
 pastime ainu.' 
 It necessary I 
 to this her 1 
 for its desola 
 bIic an anxiel 
 her oppressi' 
 and h 
 
 In this contest for pre-occupancy, the line will be ^ ,^iere prosp( 
 drawn according to the advantages at present pos- rights, she w 
 
 that Great Bi 
 IS we have; i 
 to the sensibi 
 ican; and coi 
 
 wrong. T 
 coupled with 
 
 sessed. It will be unpleasant, if not unsafe, ior 
 
 an American citizen to locale north of the Colum- 
 
 bia; he will be surrounded by foreigners; and, asliiiaiieanislB 
 a matter of convenience, comfort, and choice, he i|,e colossal n 
 will settle anions; his own countrymen on the south ^i^^i j,er wise 
 of that river. Ten years lience, the river will be hazard in a i 
 the dividing line, if this controversy is to be deter- pjHi^i. of her { 
 mined by emigration and settlement. power and si 
 
 No advantage can or will accrue to this country ^[^^^^ j„ ^ y. 
 by continuing the treaty. The pretensions of Great nmd, ^g ,^,j 
 Britain are growing stronger by age. The strong- through cveri 
 est and most plausible argument offered Ijy her ufactures will 
 Majesty's Minister now, "for a partition of the ej^ ],gr sodti 
 Oregon territory, is, that by your men treaties, you ruined capi 
 have allowed them equal privileges there, and tluii forced 'to sed 
 you have smictioned for years an equality of rights «nrld. Tlie 
 to that territory. In vain are they told by Ameri- j^^titute of 
 can statesmen that title and sovereignty were ex- country alone 
 pressly left undetermined. They reply, it is ton caro-oes for h 
 late, after having admitted them to etiual rights for |,er revenue 
 a quarter of a century, to deny now that they have IJiitain conn 
 any rights to the country. This is the argument |,).sc much o 
 and upon it base o proposition to run a hue giving i),-,t little. ' * 
 to the British Government the most valuable hall iVee trade wi 
 of the country. ^ , It is not oi. 
 
 If length of time is now the argument offeree noid war bi 
 as a reason for dividing the country, the soonei T,-|,i,|j; of our 
 we terminate this copartnershii) the better. By y, anil disc 
 delaying notice until the close of a colonizatioi nei-essity to 
 uar, greater demands will be made, and 1 irgci md provokii 
 concessions must be granted, in order to escnin; tli( r.f cliiiiii a.-* ( 
 horrors of war. We are an x 
 
 It is said, with great emphasis and confidence' ■iiizms in i 
 that Great Britain will not be enabled to ce^lonizi iVcedoni am 
 Oregon. That our western pioneers may be bet lubors nf tl 
 tor suited to this region than British subjects, m,,|tj, ,j,.,, 
 shall not dispute; but that Great Britain cmnc 
 colonize Oregon, I am not prepareel to admit. I 
 is an assertion which can only be tested by tini jroiirhiwsu 
 and effort. In the mean while, our rights arc to h |,jx emire co 
 held in abeyance till the solutiein of the problen: o a sini'le iii 
 I am ft'ce to admit, that we may have war, aftc -rn] rmnnier 
 the expiration of the notice, unless the epestieii nould rccciv 
 
 Htwcv on 1 1 
 he Kituatioii 
 
c expense. The 
 onizmg war; and 
 itain would have 
 mcli a contest as 
 ave in transport- 
 
 ime needed these 
 e been less active 
 stem of " master 
 It she has tlie ad- 
 score of prcpara- 
 ,he treaty has, in 
 
 mifhty energies 
 lilding of a com- 
 
 and defied your 
 
 has beaten you 
 olicy, which you 
 
 wisdom of this 
 
 11 
 
 shall have been settled ; but I feel still more con- 
 fident, that war must result from a continuation 
 of the present treaty. It is not in the nature of 
 things, that A'ith rights in common- -no fixed 
 iionics, or settled titles to property ; witli a double- 
 headed Government, or no Government at all — 
 peace can bo long preserved. But suppose war 
 come: shall we refuse to exercise an undoubted 
 right, in itself legal and peaceful, for fear that a 
 grasping, avaricious neighbor may take ofi'eiice, 
 (iiul compel us to engage in a war? Is war but a 
 pastime amusement with Great Britain, that makes 
 It necessary for us to be careful lest she invite us 
 10 this her holiday sport? Has she less horror 
 for its desolations tlian the United States? Has 
 she an anxiety to engage in such a conflict, with 
 her oppressive debt, her tax-impoverLshed sub- 
 , jects, and her millions of restless, grumbling, 
 
 lably suppose she Jown-trodden people? Sir, I think not. I believe 
 (ion, relax her ef- ,i,at Great Britain has us much to lose by a wm- 
 ;h her, in nrepar- ^^ ^.g have; that a field of carnage is as appalling 
 ss I am a little in- to the sensibilities of an Englishman as an Ainer- 
 f this calculation. ;,,.,„. ^„j conclude, that if u-e reludantlti hazard 
 the line will be ^ mere prospect of war for the maintenance of our 
 .es at present pos- nghts, she will not anxiously seelc one to enforce 
 if not V''i'*'}fc> tor ^ wrong. The fear and strength of her arms, 
 rth of the Colum- coupled with the sagacity of her statesmen, have 
 Dreigners; and, as ^j^Je an island, through its commercial system, 
 )rt, and choice, he (|,(, colossal power of the world. I canno' believe 
 ymeiion the soutli iliat her wise and prudent jtatesmcn will readily 
 , the river w-iU bt hazard, in a war with the United States, the very 
 ;rsy is to be deter- pjHt^r of her greatness. Stript of her commercial 
 >cnt. power, and she sinks at once to a rank with Cor- 
 
 •ue to this country ,ica_ j^ ^ ^^.jj,. ^jjj^ fj^jg country, no matter how 
 ■ctcnsions of Great much we may suffer, she must feel its effects 
 ^^' ff 1 ^/"""J'S' iliroiigh every avenue of her interest. Her man- 
 ;iit offered by lict ufactures will be paralyzed, her exchanges arrest- 
 a partition of the jj^ l,er social order disturbed, her fundholders 
 t,r oton treaties, vou ruined, capital diminished, and her eminent artists 
 ^es there, and that forced to seek employment in other parts of the 
 n equality of rights ^orld. The internal industry of the kin<;dom, 
 ley told by Amen- destitute of those necessary supplies which this 
 vereignty were ex- country alone can furnish, will fail to supply those 
 ey reply, it is too cargoes for her commercial fleets which constitute 
 to equal rights foi |,cr revenue, her riches, and her power. Great 
 low that they have I'.ijtain cannot desire a war in which she must 
 is IS the argument [D^e much, and can, if eminently successful, gain 
 .0 run a line givuig ii,.,t little. I apprehend no war. Commerce and 
 most valuable hall iv,.e trade will i>nvent it, if nothing else. 
 
 It is not only the policy of the United State.=! to 
 argument olTerec jvoid war, but peace with all the world is tl«" -ery 
 )uiitry, the sooiiei _r,.|,ii,j. of our CiDvcrnniciit. But while we just- 
 p the better, by y^ m,,] disdiar-re firmly our duty, we have no 
 ! of a colonizatioi necessity to be alarmed about ofleiuling the pride 
 made, and large md provoking the wrath of any Power. Oregon 
 order to escape tin f,e cliiiin as our^i, and desire the boundary settled. 
 We are anxious to facilitate the enterprise of our 
 lis and confiilenci nizvus in planting' firmly there the standard of 
 enabled to colonjzi tVcedoin, and of uiifurliiic her fla^ on the bays and 
 meers may be bel narbor.s ut' the Pacific. While European Govern- 
 Brilish subjects, ,,),,„(,( ^.p publi.^liing their edicts about balance of 
 i-eat Britain canno lowir on this coiitiiienr, we should .scan with care 
 lared to admit. I lie situation of our own Rc|Hiblic. The extension 
 / be tested by tiin iCourhiws and institutions, if they werespread over 
 our rights arc to 1) |,j.s entire continent, should be no cause of alarm 
 on of the pro!)leni „ ,i sjngl.; nation of the earth. With five and lil). 
 ny have war, nfic .rul coinnicrcial arrangonienls, the whole world 
 mless the questioi nould receive the benefit. The lesson taught by 
 
 our own Revolution should instruct England that 
 the commerce of a nation of fl-eemcn is of far greater 
 value than a country bowing beneath the fetters of 
 colonial vassalage. She ought to hail with joy the 
 onv»\'rd march of our Republic, the progress of 
 free-ti.\de principles, and the establishment of our 
 institutions throughout the continent of America. 
 Not a nation on earth will suflTer peril from the en- 
 largement of our borders. We wage no war upon 
 their forms of government, while their prosperity 
 V.';!! be increased by the industry and energy of a 
 people stimulated to effort by a consciousness of 
 freedom. 
 
 Notwithstanding the advantages that would ac- 
 crue to England and the world troni the progress 
 of our Government, her ambition, coupled with the 
 launts of our statesmen, may induce her to wage a 
 war for a doubtful right in Oregon. While the 
 leading monai'chies of Europe are careful to pre- 
 ] serve the balance of power, it is important that the 
 j United States should assert all her unquestionable 
 , rights, and drive back every unjust encroachment 
 upon our borders. 
 
 I I foster the American feeling so well exhibited 
 by the honorable Senator from Ohio, [Mr. Allen-,] 
 that rebukes any farther European colonization 
 upon any portion of the continent. While v.isdom 
 and true policy may forbid speaking in the authori- 
 tative language of legislation, the ardor of my feel- 
 inijs in opposition to European interference in tlie 
 aflairs of eitlier North or South America, their 
 suppression but strengthens the resolve to assert 
 fearlessly every right which justice and honor will 
 approve. For more than a century England has 
 been seeking to establish her dominion m various 
 places in South An^erica. Though often frustra- 
 ted, she has never abated her desires nor re- 
 linquished her hopes. Every position she could 
 command, bearing immediately or remotely upon 
 the commercial interest of Spanish America, she 
 has occupied, or attempted to do so. Her whole 
 policy has been unceasingly directed to the aug- 
 mentation of her commerce, whether conducted un- 
 der the garb of philanthropy or the bloody auspices 
 of war. Spain, that was once the clothier, the 
 armorer, and mighty arsenal of alt Europe, has 
 been, l)y British alliance, British negotiation, and 
 through fear of British arms, reduced to the condi- 
 tion of Naples. Her looms and workshops fell, 
 her navy was shattered, and her commercial imwer 
 destroyed, to prevent her rivalship in English en- 
 terprise. English blood and treasure were lavish- 
 ed in the Peninsula, but to destroy her wealth and 
 her power. Under the garb of friendship she 
 ke]it Spain under the donihiion of Ferdinand, as 
 the surest guaranty of the nation's wretchedness 
 and imbecility. She has been pensevcring to carry 
 out on this conliiunt her successftil policy in the 
 East. She entered India with a cargo of haber- 
 dashery; in thirty years made herself an armed 
 ally, and, in less than seventy, became the undis- 
 puted sovereign of one hundred and thirty millions 
 of jieople. Fostering missionary societies, encour- 
 aging the '!ible cause, furthering the views of abo- 
 litionists for negro einanci])ation; she lent her aid 
 to the Diirbarian Moslems to repress the striisjgles 
 of Christian Greece. Under the kind pretext of 
 protecthig the Cephulonian Isles, she held a posi- 
 
12 
 
 tion on the borders of Greece, to keep open to her 
 commerce the strnit of the Dosphorus, to shut out 
 Kussin from the vust basin of tlic Euxine, nnd to 
 be enabled, by passing throuijii the Propontis, 
 to give law to tne Grecian Archipclafjo and the 
 Mediterranean coasts. Reckless of their boasted 
 love of liberty, in defiance of every feeling of plii- 
 lanthropy and Christian charity, at the sacrifice 
 of all, to cripple the rivalry of her commerce, 
 the 'naval power of Greece must be confined l)y 
 means fair or foul within the Pillars of Hercules. 
 Russia must tread lightly upon the soil of the 
 Turks, and listen respectl'ully to the Briti.sh Minis- 
 ter at the Porte, while he declares that Great Brit- 
 ain will not be an indifferent spectator of an at- 
 tempt u)ion Thrace. The nefarious plans of Mi- 
 raiiutt, and the proclamation of Picton, stirrina; up 
 Cumanaand Cnraccas to revolt, are strong; testimo- 
 nials of her un.scrupulous designs to have power 
 and control in South America. TJie present in- 
 terference in the aflairs of the Argentine Republic 
 is but the renewal of a determinatioi. t carry into 
 effect a policy, in which heretofore she has been 
 but partially succes.sful. While she was cunning- 
 ly courting and conciliating Spain, she was urging 
 Chili to revolt, with the liope of independence. 
 Secretly controlling, or giving tone to tlve councils 
 of Madrid, her generals were engaged in destroy- 
 ing Spanish authority at St. Jago, Montevideo, 
 and Buenos Ayrcs. She sought tlien, and still 
 seeks, to establish great bastions on the borders 
 of the South American continent, by which she 
 may command the commerce of the entire coast. 
 Why lier present armed interference at Buenos 
 Ayres.' Can there be a justification formed, by 
 which she can stand excused in the eyes of the 
 civilized world .' And yet everything must bend 
 to the benefit of her commcicial policy. With 
 the Archipelago of Chiloe as a safe rendei. ous in 
 the south and west Pacific; with Trinidi ' and 
 the mouths of Oronoco and Maragnoii o. the 
 east and northeast; with Montevideo and Bi'> • os 
 Ayres on the southeast, as points of sui-veill^ ; 
 with the Gulf of Paria and the sea to Cape Vt 
 on the north; with Panama and the Bay of Hon 
 duras on the west, — .she will have possessed herself 
 of the most important commnrcial jiositions on the 
 flanks of the continent. It matters but little, 
 whether all these points be included in her doinin 
 
 ' ions or become dependencies on her gunrdian.ship 
 j ihe .«ame object is accomplished, and the same rC' 
 suits must fijllnw. Her efl'orts to prevent the an 
 I nexotion of Texas to the United States, by be- 
 1 coming the mediator with Mexico for her independ- 
 ; ence, nnd placing the gallont little republic in a 
 I state of wardship, are all manifestations of her 
 ' mighty and unscrupulous eflbrls for commercial 
 j greatness and power. 1 will not now speak of her 
 i indefatigable labors to obtain commanding influ- 
 I ence over the counsels of Mexico I Amid all the 
 ! convulsions and revolutions of that distracted re- 
 I public, she has pressed her inlluence to profit by 
 I Its vicissitudes. With the Senator from Oliio [Mr. 
 I Allen] I feel much; and the whole country must 
 I feel, while these great projects are in a train of coin- 
 ! plete execution upon our borders. It is impossible 
 i to look with indificrence, while the chains of king- 
 ! ly power are drawn around the arms of freedom. 
 Is 11 a time to parley obout the assertion of un- 
 questionable rights, lest wc provoke the wrath of 
 that terrible power, " whose morning drum beats 
 round the world.'" 
 
 We must not, we will not falter in taking every 
 justifiable step to prevent and defend our own. 
 %Vhile we refrain from thrusting ourselves into the 
 difficulties of others, the best feelings of our hearts, 
 i and our strongest sympathies arc awake, to the 
 wrongs of a sister repuulic. With these feelings 
 .swelling the American breast, we are not likely to 
 be more forbearing us a nation, nor more yieluiiig 
 as a Government, than honor, and a proper re- 
 gard for justice, will require We will give the 
 notice, aiid leave the negotiation with the proper 
 authorities, confiding in their ability and willing- 
 ness to presei-ve the honor of the nation. There 
 arc but few people in the Llnited Slates who de- 
 sire peace at the sacrifice of national honor; and 
 none, who wish war, for the sake of exhibiting 
 our prowess in arms. The more just and liberal 
 the Administration shall be found, in its efforts to 
 preserve peace, the more will the aft'ections of a 
 virtuous people clus r in confidence around it, 
 But when all shall have been done which duty and 
 honor require us to do, if Great Britain exacts 
 more, thousands of swords will be found glitter 
 ing in the uplifted hands of a brave and deter- 
 mined people, to light us in safety through the 
 darkness and desolations of war. 
 
Iier gimrdiansliip; 
 and the same re- 
 to prevent the an- 
 3(1 States, by be- 
 i for her hidepend- 
 ttle republic in a 
 ifestutioiis of lier 
 s for comtncrciul 
 no\" speiik of her 
 minuinding iuflu- 
 o! Amid all the 
 hat distracted re- 
 lence to nrofit by 
 ir from On io [Mr. 
 ole country must 
 ; in a trainof com- 
 9. It is impossible 
 he chains of king- 
 arms of freedom. 
 > assertion of un- 
 loko the wrath of 
 rning drum beats 
 
 er in taking every 
 defend our own. 
 ourselves into the 
 ings of our hearts, 
 ire awake, to the 
 "■ith these feelings 
 e are not likely to 
 nor more yielding 
 and a proper re- 
 We will give the 
 1 with the proper 
 bility and wiiling- 
 ic nation. There 
 'd Stales who de- 
 tional honor; and 
 ake of exhiliitin;; 
 ■e just and liberal 
 ,d, in its ciTorts to 
 he afl'ections of a 
 idenee around it. 
 ne which duty and 
 !ftt Britain exacts 
 I be found glitter- 
 brave and deter- 
 afcty through the