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Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Stre filmds d des taux de reduction diffdrents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul clichd, il est film6 d partir de Tangle supdrieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 British Empire League in Canada m A.X)IDR;ESS Delivered before the Toronto Branch Britiish Empire League BY . ; ... THE HON. G. W.ROSS, LLD. J. P. P. Minister of Education tor the Province of Ontario (Canada), ON PREFERENTIAL TRADE WITH GREAT BRITAIN AND RECIPROCITY WITH THE UNITED STATES IN ST. GEQBGES HALL, TOBONTO DECEMBER 4TH, 1897. Dr. Laruatt Smith in the Chair. TORONTO: THE CARSWELL COMPANY, LIMITED, 1897. . British Empire League in Canada iiH^>^################# Delivered before the Toronto Branch British Empire League t BY THE HON. t. W. ROSS, LLD., M.P.P. Minister of Education for the Province of Ontario (Canada), ON PREFERENTIAL TRADE WITH GREAT BRITAIN AND RECIPROCITY WITH THE UNITED STATES IN ST. GEOEGE'S HALL, TOEONTO December 4Th, 1897. Dr. Larratt Smith in the Chair. TORONTO : THE CARSWELL COMPANY, LIMITED, :897. n/ -A.IDIDK.ESS -!1Y — HON. G. W. ROSS, LL.D., M.P.P. ilinitter of Education for the Province of Ontario {Canada), —IN — ST. GEORGE'S HALL, TORONTO. DCCCMBCR 4TH, 189T. The year 1897 has been one of great satisfaction to the British Empire League. Never before in the history of the empire has there been such a commingUng of colonial representatives, and never before were heard, wher- ever the British flag floats, such hearty expressions of good-will from subject and alien alike towards the British Empire and the Sovereign that has ruled it so long and so well. The " splendid isolation "' which for many years lent a somewhat pathetic interest to the British Isles in their struggle for moral and commercial supremacy has been supplanted by a " splendid Imperialism," whose light and glory have filled the world with the fame of Britain's achieve- ments in peace, and with a wholesome dread of her power should she be called upon to defend herself in war. To the British colonies, scattered over the globe, these tokens of Imperi il unity have been accepted with the greatest cordiality. If the idea prevaile \ anywhere of colonial isolation, every such idea was fused and absorbed by the intensity of the larger one of unity, and the colonist who perhaps dreamed that on this side of the Atlantic or under the southern cross there might be established a new nation, wearing the livery of a republic, now feels that to recognize the Sovereign of the United Kingdom as his Sovereign is the highe'^t honor to which he can aspire, and to wear the badge of British citizenship is the highest distinction to which he can attain. (Cheers.) To the members of the British Empire League the uppermost (juestion now is: How can the sentimental union so strongly accentuated during the present year be further strengthened in a practical and material way? Mr. Chamberlain, the Colonial Secretary, in a remarkable speech recently delivered at Glasgow, stated that " the basis of all patriotism is preference." Whether this be true or not in an abstract sense, in this age of practical politics we might fairly assume that a relationship strengthened by preference as well as by sentiment is stronger and more likely to continue than a relationship rest- ing on sentiment alone. Even although such preference conveys but trifling advantages, the good-will which it represents gives it an incalculable value in cementing the bonds of friendship between peoples and nations. No one ex- pected that the preference given to British goods in the Canadian market by the tariff of la.st session would have called forth such generous expressions of good feeling from the press and public men of the mother country. It was not the commercial advantage that moved the British heart so much as the evidence of Canadian loyalty to Britain wliicli it represented. (Cheers.) Ilaviii),' taken tliLs step it i.s but natural tliat we .should consider what we iiave gained by it, and what are its possible future advantages, British Pkiu'erence and its Advantages. In answer to this in(|uiry T may state that the following advantages are evident; — (i) We have quieted for the time being, and I hope forever, the restless- ness which prevailed in many (|uarters as to the future of Canada. Without questioning the value of a republican form of government theoretically, it has has been demonstrated beyond a pcradventure that under a monarchy it is possible to obtain as large a measure of freedom, both civil and religious, as under a republic. It has also been demonstrated that society is exposed to fewer dangers, commerce to fewer disturbances and capital to fewer risks by such a happy combination of a monarchy and democracy as prevails under the British system, than under the less restrained and more demagogic influence of a pure democracy. (Cheers.) The survey which Canadians were able to take of the British Empire and of the liberal institutions which the people were capable of establishing within its borders have convinced every colonist (and I include in these our own Canadian people) that the British constitution is liberal enough and clastic enough to meet all the necessities of citizenship of every rank and class, and strong enough to guard every right, moral and poli- tical, which arises from the ownership of property, the exercise of religious convictions or the requirements of social organization. I think I may state it as a fact that for these reasons Canadians as a whole are better satisfied with the form of government they now possess than they ever were before, and I may add, I see no reason why they should not be. (Applause). (2) We have developed a greater feeling of confidence in ourselves, partly from the prominence given to Canada in the councils of the empire and ipartly from the respect paid to our wishes in Imperial matters. I have no sympathy with the pessimistic disposition of some Canadians to bewail our paltry popu- lation, our feebleness in men and money, and our tardy growth as compared with our neighbors to the south. A multitude of circumstances, which I can- not wait to discuss now, some of them political, some climatic and some geographical, have combined in producing a phenomenal growth of popula- tion and commerce in the United States By some this growth is regarded as a menace to Canada, but even if so regarded, for which I see no reason, we can truly say that Canadians have now a more buoyant feeling as to the future, and that they are prepared to gird up their loin* with a confidence never be- fore so deeply felt in the inherent stability of their institutions and in the commercial and political possibilities of their own country. (Cheers), For nearly one hundred years we have been disturbed by the evil genius of racial and religious jealousy— a jealousy which at various periods in our his- tory threatened us with the direst consequences. When Canada was divided into two Provinces in 1791 it was supposed by British statesmen that the separation of the two races would promote harmony and peace in the Canadian colonies. The futility of this course was shown in the rebellion of 1837, both in Upper and Lower Canada. In 1841 a similar object was attempted by the union of the two Canadas, the purpose being to train the two races to respect each other by placing them under the necessity of jointly governing the country. Still dissension and racial antagonisms prevailed to an alarming extent. Then I , partly d ipartly nipathy ry popu- mparcd I can- some popula- rded as genius onr his- divided lliat the Canadian both in le union set each country. Then came tlie union of 1867, I)y wliich it was supposed tliat all animosity of race and religion would he absorbed by the iargcr idea of Canadian nationality. The debates of the House of Commons since Confederation show that even under this larger union the dregs of religious and racial hate still remained, and I am not optimist enough to believe that they will be entirely eliminated f..r some years to come. I think it is clear, however, that .such intluences are steadily losing force, and as the conviction grows that we are becoming a more homogeneous people, those whose ambition may prompt them to .ippeal to passion and to prejudice will in the course of time seek some more h(jnor- able way for attaining distinction. Our grou'ing strength in this way becomes a guarantee of internal peace and harmony. (3) We have paved the way, in my opinion, for the rapid develdinnent of Canadian commerce. For over half a century Canada has been t(|iuppinR herself at great expense for commercial ascendancy. On the construction ami maintenance of our canals we have expended $81,000,000, partly to meet the necessities of our own trade and partly to command the trade of the Western Slates. Such an expenditure is in itself pretty conclusive evidence that Canadians are not wanting in enterprise. In railways we have invested $899,817,900. of which $^12,655,000 have been contributed by the Government of the Dominion, the Governments of the Pro- vinces and local municipalities — another evidence of Canadian enterpri>e. Be- sides, large amounts of money have been spent for the improvement of har- bors and for lighting our coasts, all of inestimable commercial value. Muni- cipalities have generously subsidized local enterprises of various kinds, and all the Provinces have given liberally for technical and agricultural education. Lands have been offered to the settler, free of charge, that he might grow food for himself and a surplus for the markets of the world. Our prairies, our min(\s and our forests have been abundantly advertised, and we are in the position of a merchant with a heavy stock of goods on his hands in every line, looking out for customers with whom he can trade. (Applause). Our Two Great M.xrkets. For many years our attention has been divided between the markets of two countries — the United States and Great Britain. To say the least of it, the markets of the United States have been tUictuating and unsatisfactory. Every coinmercial crisis in the American Republic reacted with tremendous force upon the trade of Canada, and, still worse, the periodical changes ( f American tariffs rendered the investment of capital and the establishment ri commercial intercourse very uncertain. During this jubilee year we have, how- ever, turned our attention more earnestly than ever before towards the maikets of Great Britain. To my mind this circumstance will hereafter be just as notable in the history of Canada commercially as the evolution of a more generous loyalty to Britain will be politically. (Cheers). Let me give a few reasons: Great Britain imported in 1896 for home con- sumption $790,000,000 worth of food products, all of which, with the exception of tea, sugar and fruit, and soine minor articles amounting to about $100,000,000, can be produced in Canada. For instance, in 1896 she imported 130,000,000 bushels of .wheat, of which Canada supplied only 10,000,000; she imported 12,000,000 barrels of flour, of which Canada supplied only 90,000 barrels; she imported 5,500.000 bushels of peas, of which Canada supplied only 1,400,000 bushels; she imported 58,000,000 bushels of oats, of which Canada sup plied only 500,000 bushels; she imported 52,500,000 bushels of barley, of which 6 Canada supplied only 47.000; she imported 510,000,000 ponnds of bacon, «if whicli Canada .sui)i)lie(l only 47.000.000 ponnds; she imported iTm.soo.ooo |)oun(ls of hams, of wliidi Canada supplied only f),5oo.ooo pounds; slie imi)i)rlcd 324.000,000 ponnds of mutton, of whicii Canada .supplied only 4,000 pounds; she imported O.ooo.cxx) hushels of ai)ples. of which Canada supplied only 1,500,000 Inishels: she imported -25], 000,000 pounds of cheese, of which Canada .su|)plied only ifq.cxxj.ooo pounds; she imported 340,000,000 jiounds of jjutter, of which Canada supplied only 5,ooo.oot) pounds. The whole export of food- stuffs of every description from Canada to Great Hritain last year amounted to ahout $46.(Xio,o(X). or less than (> \)vr cem. of the food products imported by Great Britain for home consumi)tiun. Till', QiKSTioN fn' Pkkkkkf.nc E. And this briiijjs me to consider what should he done to obtain a larger rcooRnifion in the British market so far as we are concerned, and also what niiKht be done by Great Britain to RJve to Canada and to the other colonies any preference over foreign nations consistent with the interests of the empire. Turning to our own side of the question it is evident that the establishment of a fast ocean service, facilities for cold storage, and mr)re rapid transporta- tion by railways are steps in the right direction, and steps that have not been taken any too soon. Following in the natural order, and for simih' reasons, must come the enlargement of our canals, and the improvement of oui harbors- and next must come greater attention on the part of our merchants to the shipment of such goods only as are of the best (piality and to their placement on the markets of Great Britain in first-class condition. Any prejudice that may exist with regard to the produce of Canada must be overcome, patiently and surely, by submitting to the consumers in Great Britain Canadian butter, cheese, fruit, and every other article of liome consumption equal in (piality to similar articles imported from any other country. Granted these three con- ditions, and T am satisfied the markets of Great Britain will respond very readily to Canadian enterprise. (Applause). While this is one way. and I believe a sure way. to promote the develop- ment of Canadian commerce. I see no reason why Canadians should hesitate to look to Great Britain for some encouragement and response on her part. True, she admits our products free of duty, but then she confers a similar favor upon foreign nations. Have we not a right to expect that her own sub- jects, though living abroad, will be treated more favorably than the Magyar or the Russian or the citizen of the United States? The personal and political privileges of her subjects, even under a foreign flag, are protected against encroachment. Why should not the commercial interests of her own subjects, under the same flag, though separated by a few leagues of water, be equally subjects of her protection? (Applause). Reasons for a Preference. In order to make my position clear, it might be worth while to give in detail a few of the considerations which might very properly influence Great Britain to give the products of Canada and of her other colonies a preference over the products of foreign nations, (r) The commercial advantages to the colonies under such a preference would greatly strengthen and increase their attachment to the empire. Commercial interchange means much more than simply buying and selling; it carries with it social and business relations and leads to a better knowledge of the political institutions of the countries con- f vcrncd in sucli commerce. NotliiiiR would conduce more to a permanent union (jf her colonies than a better understanding in Great Hritain of Canadian sentiment and feeling, and no l)etter way could he fiiund of increasing tiiat actiuaintance than by increasing trade. (2^ The greatness of England depends upon the maintenance of her colonies. livery British statesman of any note, nowadays at least, admits that her position among the other nations of the world would be seriously affected by the loss of any one of her important colonies. In order to the mainten- ance of that pre-eminence, any measure not detrimental to her interests, apart from the colonies, is worthy of her most serious consideration. The reign of the " Little Englander " at homr as well as abroad has happily. T brlieve, come to an end. (I.oud applause). r.O Her naval suprc. ..v depends to a certain extent on the numerous coaling stations and harbor.'^^ if rcluge which she possesses under her own tlag the world over. .Anyone wl o studies the great highways of conimerce with 'I map of the world before him can see Ivnv the loss of Gibraltar or Malta or Tlong Kong or Hali' would serio isiy cripple England in maintaining her naval supremacy. (4) ouch a preferenci to- the colonies would greatly stimulate the interest of the residents of the Briti'h Islands in colonial affairs and would lead. I am confident, to a more speedy S' 'Jcment of the wild lands of th'- various colonies and the development of their resources. From this there would be many ad- v.nntages: (a) the con;(ested settlements of tin. mother country would ije re- lieved, and, to that extent, the burdens of maintaining a dependent population w(.uld be greatly diminished; (b) the increased population of the colonies would give a larger market to the products of the Britisl; manufacturers, and (c) the increased products of the colonies would add to the value of British commerce and increase the freights of British vessels. (•i) To be secure against danger in time of war. it is important to the em- pire that her food supply should be produced under her own flag. CCheers.> The development of the colonies, and particularly the development of Canada, with our vast wheat areas in the North-west, would furnish a veiy considi rable portion, if not all, of that food supply. Wii.i. It Be Grantep. It may be said that under no circumstances can we look forward to such a change in the free trade policy of Groat Britain as would warrant us in hopine that her laboring classes would submit to the taxation of their food in any sense or form for the benefit of the colonies. On that point I am not so sure. (Hear, hear.) The reasons I have already stated would go a considerable distance to satisfy the laboring classes of Great Britain that a trifling increase, putting it at I he very worst, of the cost of their food supplies had some com- pensating advantages. I have misread the remarks of several leaders of public opinion if I am wrong in believing that the manufacturers of England are not very uneasy over the admission of the products of other countries into the British market, whilst their products are shut out of the markets of such countries by tarifTs almost prohibitory. A zollverein between the colonies and the empire, as was suggested by Mr. Chamberlain, Colonial Secretary, would, no doubt, mean for some years at least a tax on many articles now ad- mitted to the British market free. In his speech before the third Congress of 8 the Chambers of Commerce on June 9, 1896, he said, speaking of a zollvercin: " An essential condition of such a proposal would be that Britain shall con- sent to replace moderate duties upon certain articles which are of large produc- tion in the colonies. Now, if I have rightly understood it, these articles shall comprise corn, meat, wool and sugar, and perhaps other articles of enormous consumption in this country which are at present largely produced in the colonies." Further, after pointing out that such a zollvercin existed in Germany a'.id in the United States, he stated:"! say that such a proposal as a zollver- cin between Britiain and her colonies might commend itself even to the ortho- dox free trader," and further on he says: " / want to impress npoii i/ou my personal conviction that if a proposal of this hiixt came to us from the colonies, hacked hij any considerahle mpport on their part, it would not be met xoith a blank refusal by the people of this country." (Applause). The London Times, quoted by Sir Donald Smith in a speech delivered at the same congress, said: "It is getting to be understood that free trade is made for man, not man for free trade. * * * The British Empire is so large and so completely self-supporting that it could very well afford for the sake of a serious political gain to surround itself with a moderate fence." These two quotations are very suggestive. Mr. Sidney Buxton, M.P., late Under Secretary of State for the Colonies, after referring to Mr. Chamberlain's speech, just quoted, and the possibilities of commercial union between the colonies, said: "Though on the whole I am a free trader, I for one do not say it might not be requisite to reimpose certain duties which in the past were taken off British importations." (Cheers.) A speech in a similar strain was made by Col. Howard Vincent, M.P., »and by the President of the Congress, Sir Albert Rollit, M.P. One observation of the President is worthy of .special notice. He said; " I deliberately say that there may be circumstances in ^chicll an economic sacrifice may he more than justified, for the greatness of the political, social and commercial ends which ipe have in view.'' (Cheers). The Duke of Devonshire in his speech at Liverpool at the reception given to Sir Wilfrid Laurier spoke hopefully of a larger trade with the colonies on such a basis as would tend to the promotion of the unity of the empire. (Cheers.) Perhaps, however, the most significant remark bearing upon the possibility of a modification of the trr.de policy of England w^as made by the Right Hon. A. J. Balfour, leader of the Government in the House of Com- mons, at Norwich, a few weeks ago, in reply to Lord Rosebery's speech on the commercial federation of the empire. Lord Rosebery took strong ground against the commercial federation of the empire, because, in his opinion, such a federation, whilst permitting free trade within the empire, involved a tax upon foreign goods, and such a tax would be a menace to the peace of the empire. Mr. Balfour said: " If the commercial federation of the empire has a justification at all, that justification is to be found in the fact that it will draw closer together the various distant and far separated members of this great community. If it docs that, I say it is no affair of any foreign nation what we do in the matter. They do not consult our convenience in the forma- tion of their tariffs. I am not aware of any reason why we should consult their convenience in the formation of our tariffs." (Loud applause). One cam. )t help but appreciate the true British ring of these few sentences from the speech of the leader of the House of Commons. 9 Reason for Confidence. But there is. perhaps, more significant evidence still in the denunciation of the Belgian and German treaties of the desire of Great Britain to improve and develop colonial trade, particularly with Canada. When it is remembered that ner trade with Germany and Belgium amounted to $600,000,000 and her trade with Canada to only about $100,000,000, it will be seen how large a com- mercial risk she was prepared to take for the sake of strengthening her rela- tions with this country. Neither the fear of possible irritation on the part of Germany or Belgium nor the diversion of her immense trade with the German Empire was allowed to stand in the way of treaties that existed for over ,^0 years, when it was pointed out to her that in the interest of Canada sucli a course was desirable. Having done so much for one colony, why should we doubt her disposition to give a reasonable preference to colonial goods lor the benefit of over 11,000,000 of her subjects in all her colonies? The question T admit, is one which must be settled in Great Britain, and not in Canada. It may involve the reconsideration ^f trade theories which have become ingrained in the public opinion of her leading men. But commercial theories, like social customs, however universal, are not necessarily sanctified by usage. (Cheers.) Economic conditions change with the process of the suns. British statesmen are eminently practical, and the economic conditions which have led to free traHe may, in the course of years, so change or become so subordinated to larger conditions of a national character as to warrant their revision. This change is, I believe, at this moment taking place at the great centres of British industry. Mr. J. S. Willison. editor of the Globe, in his excellent letters on English topics, recently published in his paper, has the following remark on the present condition of English opinion on the trade question: " Cool and dispassionate thinkers believe that down among the people opinion is slowly shaping for a contest between the advocates of free trade on the one hand and the advocates of a great alliance of free English-speaking democracies on the other hatul, and that few have any adequate conception of the depth of feeling against the foreigner that is burning in the bosoms of great masses of Eng- lishmen." (Cheers). If the question could only be made an Imperial issue and thus separated from all commercial complications the watchword would not be free trade or protection, but the unification and consolidation of the empire, and on thi.s view of the (juestion it is not liard to i)redict what the attitude of the British Empire League should be. The Question of Reciprocity. Next in importance to preferential trade with Great Britain is the subject of a reciprocity treaty between Canada and the United States. In dealing witli this question one is embarrassed by the twofold interest which seems to be involved in it — the interest of the mother country and the interest of Cana