IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) 1.0 I.I 11.25 L£ 12.8 ■50 ■■■ us 25 ■■ 2.2 Lo 12.0 m '1.4 il.6 /] ^f op. 1% w Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN &TREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716)872-4503 1' CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques Technical and Bibliographic Notat/Notas tachniquaa at bibiiographiquas Tha Inatituta haa attamptad to obtain tha baat original copy availabia for filming. Faaturaa of thia copy which may ba bibliographicaily uniqua. which may altar any of tha imagaa in tha raproduction, or which may aignificantly changa tha uaual mathod of filming, ara chaclcad balow. D D D n Colourad covara/ Couvartura da coulaur I I Covars damagad/ Couvartura andommag4a Covars rastorad and/or laminatad/ Couvartura rastaurAa at/ou pallicuMa Covar titia misting/ La titra da couvartura manque Coloured maps/ Cartas gAographiques en couleur Coloured init (i.e. other than blue or black)/ Encre de couleur (I.e. autre que bleue ou noire) I I Coloured plates and/or Illustrations/ D Plarches et/ou illustrations en couleur Bound with other material/ Rail* avac d'autres documents Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion along interior margin/ La reliure serr^e peut causer de rombre ou de la distortion la long de la marge intirieure Blank leaves added during restoration may appear within the text. Whenever possible, these have been omitted from filming/ II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajouties lors d'une restauration apparalssent dans le texte, mais, lorsque cela Atait possible, ces pages n'ont pas At6 filmies. Additional comments:/ Commentaires supplAmentaires; L'Instltut a mIcrofilmA le meilleur exemplaira qu'll lu. a At6 possible de se procurer. Les details da cat exemplaira qui sont paut-Atre uniquaa du point da vua bibliographlque, qui pauvent modifier une image reprodulte, ou qui peuvent exiger une modification dans la mithoda normale de fllmage sont indlqute ci-dessous. r~l Coloured pages/ Pages de couleur Pages damaged/ Pages endommag^as Pages restored and/oi Pages restauries et/ou pelllcul6es Pages discoloured, stained or foxet Pages d6color6es, tacheties ou piqu^es Pages detached/ Pages d6tach6es Showthrough/ Transparence Quality of prir Qualit^ inigaie de I'impresslon Includes supplementary materif Comprend du materiel suppl^mentaira Only edition available/ Seule MItion disponlble I I Pages damaged/ I I Pages restored and/or laminated/ I I Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ I I Pages detached/ [~~| Showthrough/ I I Quality of print varies/ I I Includes supplementary material/ I I Only edition available/ D Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to ensure the best possible image/ Les pages totalement ou partleilement obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, etc.. ont 6tA filmies A nouveau de fa^on A obtenir la meilleure image possible. This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est filmA au taux de reduction indiquA ci-dessous. 10X 14X 18X 22X 26X 30X y 12X 18X 20X 24X 28X 32X Th« copy filmad h«r« has b««n r«produc«d thanks to tha ganarosity of: Library Division Provincial Archives of British Columbia Tha imagas appaaring hara ara tha bast quality possibia considaring tha condition and lagibility of tha original copy and in kaaping with tha filming contract spacifications. Original copias in printad papar covars are filmad beginning with tha front covar and ending on tha last page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All other original copies are filmed beginning on the first page with a printad or illustrated impres- sion, and ending on the last page witn a printed or illustrated impression. The last recorded frame on each microfiche shall contain the symbol — ^> (meaning "CON- TINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure ara filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: L'exemplaira film* fut reproduit grice A la ginArosit* da: Library Division Provincial Archives of British Columbia Les images sulvantas ont At* reproduites avac la plus grand soin. compta tenu de la condition at de la nattet* de rexemplaire film*, et en conformity avec les conditions du contrat de filmage. Les exemplaires originaux dont la couvarture en papier est imprimAe sont film*s en commen^ant par la premier plat et en terminant soit par la darniire page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration. soit par la second plat, salon la cas. Tous les autres exemplaires originaux sont filmAs en commen^ant par la premtAre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la derniAre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparaltra sur la derniAre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbols — ^ signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbols V signifie "FIN ". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre filmAs A des taux de reduction diff Arents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul clichA, il est film* 6 partir de Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droita, et de haut en bas. en prenant le nombre d'images nAcessaire. Les diagrammas suivants illustrant la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 «'\«ip' 6y %bert f^ovoe Oancroft NATIVE RACES OP THE PACIFIC STATES ; five volumes. HISTORY OP CENTRAL AMERICA ; three volumes. HISTORY OP MEXICO ; six volumes. HISTORY OP TEXAS and ths NORTH MEXICAN STATES ; two volumes. HISTORY OP ARIZONA AND NEW MEXICO ; one volume. HISTORY OP CALIFORNIA; seven volumes. HISTORY OP NEVADA, COLORADO AND WYOMING; one volume. HISTORY OP UTAH ; one volume. HISTORY OP THE NORTHWEST COAST; two volumes. HISTORY OP OREGON ; two volumes. HISTORY OP WASHINGTON, IDAHO and MONTANA ; one volume. HISTORY OP BRITISH COLUMBIA; one volume. HISTORY OF ALASKA ; one volume. CALIFORNIA PASTORAL; one volume. CALIFORNIA INTER-POCULA ; one volume. POPULAR TRIBUNALS ; two volumes. ESSAYS AND MISCELLANY ; one volume. LITERARY INDUSTRIES ; one volume. CHRONICLES OP THE KINGS ; several volumes. ^OVmciAL LIBRARY, VfCTORlA. B. a HISTORY OF THI NORTHWEST COAST BT HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT IN TWO VOLUMES VOL. 1—1543-1800 * SAN FRANCISCO THE HISTORY COMPANY, PUBLISHERS 1890 '^^^^^^mmmm mmmm V- I Entered according to Act of Congress In the year 1889, by HUBERT H. BANCROFT, In the Office of the Ubrarian of Congress, at Washington. AU Rights Reserved. PREFACE. Proceedino northward from the more defined re- gions of Spanish domination in America, on reaching the forty-second parallel the liitherto steady course of our Pacific States History is interrupted, and after the earliest voyages of discovery we are referred to Canada and France, and later to Anglo -America and England, for the origin of affairs, and for the extreme north to Russia. The ownership of this region, always ignoring the rights of the natives, was at first somewhat vague; it was disputed by the sev- eral European powers, France, Spain, and England, and after the first two had retired from the field England and the United States held a bloodless quarrel over it. The original doctrine in seizing un- known lands was to claim in every direction as far as those lands extended, even if it was quite round the world. Thus Columbus would have it, and Vasco Nunez de Balboa thought that all the shores washed by the Pacific Ocean were not too great recompense to his king for having so valiant a subject as himself France was disposed to claim from Canada west to the Pacific, and back of the English plantations down the valley of the Great River to the Mexican Gulf 27; J G y^ PREFACE. while the English colonies on the Atlantic measured their lands by the frontage, their depth being the width of the continent. But Spain, sending her navi- gators up the western coast, was enabled by discovery to secure a better title than could be made to rest on the enthusiasm of a Columbus or a Balboa, or even on the pope's generosity. While Great Britain and the United States relied on explorations and occupa- tion, sometimes calling the former discoveries, and also on enforced or voluntary concessions from Spain, France also sent an exploring expedition, followed now and then by a trader; but she advanced no claims after parting with her broad Canadian and Mississippi possessions. Obviously events aflfccting this area as a whole, before its division into separate domains, belong to each of the succeeding states; so that the History of the Northwest Coast may properly be regarded as preliminary to and part of the History of Oregon, the History of Washington, Idaho, and Montana, and the History of British Columbia. On the earliest maritime explorations, the voyages of the fur-traders, and the famous Nootka contro- versy, I have been able to consult many important documents not known to Greenhow, Twiss, and the other writers of 1846 and earlier years. Notable among these new authorities are the journals of Gray, Haswell, Winship, Sturgis, and other American voy- agers; also the interesting items on northern trips gleaned from the Spanish archives of California. The famous Oregon Question, growing out of these earliest expeditions and controversies, is here for the first time treated from an historical rather than a partisan stand- point. PREFACE. Ttt During the summer of 1878 I made an extended tour in this territory for the purpose of adding to my material for its history. Some printed matter I found not before in my possession. I was fortunate enough to secure copies of the letters of Simon Fraser, and the original journals of Fraser and John Stuart; also copies from the originals of the journals of John Work and W. F. Tolmie, the private papers of John McLoughlin, and a manuscript History of the North- west Coast by A. C. Anderson. Through the kind- ness of Mr John Charles, at the time chief of the Hudson's Bay Company on the Pacific coast, I was given access to the archives of the fur company gathered at Victoria, and was permitted to make copies of important fort journals, notably those of Fort Langley and Fort Simpson. But most im- portant of all were the historical and biographical dictations taken from the lips of several hundred of the pioneers and earliest fur-hunters and settlers then living, by a short-hand reporter who accompanied me in my travels, and which were afterward written out, severally bound, and used in the usual way as material for history. It is scarcely possible to ex- aggerate the importance of this information, given as it was by actors in the scenes represented, many of whom have since departed this life, and all of whom will soon be gone. To no small extent it is early his- torical knowledge absolutely rescued from oblivion, and which if lost no power on earth could reproduce. Conspicuous among those who thus bear testimony are Mrs Harvey, who gave me a biographical sketch of her father, Chief Factor McLoughlin; John Tod, chief for a time of New Caledonia; Archibald Mc- Kinlay, in charge of Fort Walla Walla at the time of riii PREFACE. tlie Whitman massacre; Roderick Finlayson, once in charge of Fort Victoria ; A. C. Anderson, road-maker, explorer, and historian. The journals of explorers and the narratives of travellers embody in a wilderness of useless matter much valuable information. These works are quite rare; but even if they were at hand, one could wade through them only at great loss of time. Of these, in this part of my History, I have summarized several score. British and American government documents are quite full at a later period, when England and the United States carried on their hot disputations on the subject of occupancy. The freshness of the field has rendered it to me exceedingly fascinating; of the manner in which my enthusiasm has taken form, and of the use I have made of my opportunities, the public must judge. CONTENTS OF THIS YOLUME. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY TO NORTHWEST COAST EXPLORATION. TAOW, rrimary Significance — The Subject in its Widest Scopo — The Home of Mystery — Historic and Mythic Interest — The Conjectural and the Real — Origin of the Strait Myth and of the Northern Mystery — West Ckjost Theories — State of Geographical Knowledge in 1550 — In the South-east — North-east, Explorations by the Cabots and Cortoreals, by Aillon, Verrazano, Gomez, Cartier — In the South-west, by Balboa, Espinosa, Ddvila, Cort on tiio * Columbia' and 'Washington'— An Otiginal Diary — Murderots' llarlxir — Wiuteiiug at Nootka — Voyage of Meares anu Doffl-s — Under Portuguese Colors — Launch of the ' North West America' — The House tliat Jock BuUt 167 1 J CHAPTER Vn. THE NOOTKA 00NTB0VER8T. 1789-1700. Voyages of 1789 — Movemanta of Kendrick and Gray — Cruise of the 'Lady Washington' — End of Haswell's Diary — The Columbia Ooes to China and Boston — Kendrick in the Strait — Trading Trip of Doug- las and Fnnter — Meares in China — A New Partnership — Voyage of Colnett and Hudson— Plans for a Permanent Establishment- Met- calf 's Voyage — Spanish Expedition under Martinet and Haro — Seiz- nre of the 'Iphigenia' — Motives of Capture and Release — A Spanish Fort at Santa Cruz de Nutka — Seizure of the 'North West America' — Taking of the 'Argonaut and 'Princess Royal' — Colnett versus Martinez — Prizes Sent to San Bios — Restoration by the Viceroy — The Spaniards Quit Nootka — American Policy — Merits oi the Con- troversy — The News in Europe — Spain and England — Diplomacy and Impending War— Spain Yields— The Nootka Treaty 204 CHAPTER Vm. XXPLOBINO AND COMMERCIAI. EXPEDITIONS. 1790-1792. Spanish Beoccupation of Nootka by Elisa — Fidiilgo's Exploration in the North — Quimper in the Strait of Fuca — His Chart — Colnett and the •Argonaut' — No Fur-trade — Kendrick 's Schemes— Explorations of 1791— The 'SanCArloB'— Elisa's Survey of the Strait— His Map— The Nootka Coast — The Transport 'Aranzazn' — Malaspina's Expedition ii the 'Descubierta' and 'Atrevida* — The Garrison — The Boston Traders — Gray and Haswell — Kendrick — Ingraham — Maroliand'a y\ •xU CONTENTS. PAOI. Visik and Map— Fleurieu's Essay— Voyages of 1792— Tlie Traders— The 'Columbia Eediviva'— Building of the 'Adventure'— Haswell'a Log — Magee, Coolidge, Brown, Stewart, Baker, Shepherd, Cole — Portuguese Vessels— A French Trader— Spanish Explorations — Caa- mafio in the North — Galiano and Vald^s on the 'Sutil' and 'Mexi- cana' — Through the Strait of Fuoa — Navarrete's Summary — Van- Qouver's Exploring Expedition 239 li CHAPTER IX. ain> Of OONTBOVEBSY AND EXPLOBATIOir. 1792-1800. The Policy of Spain — Delay for Exploration — The Viceroy's Ideas — In- structions to the Commissioner — Cuadra's Investigations — Vancou- ver's Mission — The Commissioners at Nootka — English Claims — Spanish Ofifers — Agreement to Disagree — Convention of 1793 — Dam- ages paid — Revilla Gigedo's Report — Vancouver's Second Voyage — The Garrison — Saavedra Succeeds Fiilalgo — The Trading Fleet of 1793 — Cuadra Succeeded by Alava — Trip of the 'Aranzazu' to Cali- fornia — Captain John Kendrick — Vancouver's Third Voyage — Traders of 1794 — Trcttty of 1704— The Controversy Ended — Alava and Pierce — Final Abandonment of Nootka in March 1795 — The Title— The 'Phoenix' of 1795— Broughton's Visit— Dorr, the Yankee Trader of 1796— Rowan and the 'Elisa' of 179S— Cleveland's Cruise— The 'Betsy' of 1800 284 CHAPTER X. LAST or THE EXFLOBKBS. ' i 1801-1818. Boston Ships of 1801— Record of 1802— Mishap of the 'Manchester'— Sturgis on tlie Coast— Loss of the 'Boston,' 1803 — Massacre of the Crew — Jowett's Captivity — Rowan and Brown at San Francisco from the North — List of 1804 — Smugglers — O'Cain and his New Idea — Russian Contracts — Indiaas Attack the 'Atahualpa,' 1805 — Lewis and Claike's List — Rezdnof and his Plans, 1806 — Coming of tlie Winships— 'O'Cain,' 'Derby,' and 'Guatimozin' of 1807— 'Pearl,' • Vancouver, ' and ' Mercury ' of 1808-9— The Fur-hunters of 1810-1 1— Winship's Columbia Settlement — The 'Albatross' — Voyage of the •Tonquin'— The 'Beaver' of 1812— Effects of the War— The Traders Blockaded — Seizure of the 'Mercury' and 'Charon,' 1813 — Capt '"n • Sniitu— H. B. M. Sloop 'Raccoon' Takes Astoria— The 'Pedler' of 1614— The 'Isaac Todd'— The Northwest Company's 'Columbia' of 1815— The 'Colonel' in California, 1816— Last of the 'Albatrops'- Roqucfeuil's Voyage in the 'Bordclais,' 1817-18 — Last of Maquinna and Nootka — The Men-of-war 'Ontario' and 'Blossom' — Vessels of 1819-40. 310 r CONTENTS. XUJ CHAPTER XI. THB MARITIME FOB-TRADB. 1778-1846. « The Sea-otter — Commentaries upon It— The Russian Beginnings — The Chinese Market — Captain Cook's Discoveries — Bolts' Enterprise — John Ledyard and his Plans — An Eccentric Yankee — Disheartening Faihires — J<]nglish Efiforts from India — Kanaa and his Followers — In London — Portlock and Dixon — French Investigation — La P6- rouse — Marchand's Exi)erience — Beginnings at Boston — Kendrick and Gray — Routine of the Trade — Englishmen versus Americans — Perils of the Business — Character of the Natives — Methods of Barter — Articles Desired — Statistics — The Trade in California — The English Companies— American Devices — Decline of the Fur- trade 343 CHAPTER Xn. KEW FRANCE AND TIU FITR-TUADB. 1524-1703. Change of Ownership, in 1759-C3, of North America — Discovery — France in South America and Florida — The Fishermen and Fur-traders of Newfoundland and the St Lawrence — History of the Fur-trade — Peltries a Vital Element in Colonization — The Cartier Nephews and the St Malo Merchants — La Roche — ^The Forty Thieves — Pont- gravd — Chauvin — De Chastes— Champlain — De Monts — The Port Royal Company— The Jesuits in New France — Tadousac Becomes the Centre of the Fur-trade — New England and New York Fur- trade — Comte de Soissons — The Company of St Malo and Rouen — Champlaiu's Misrule— The; Franciscans Celebrate Mass in New France — The Caens — New France under Richelieu — The Hundred Associates — Sir William Alexander and the Brothers Kirk — The Hurons and the Iroquois — Troubles in Arcadia — Discovery and Oc- cupation of the Mississippi Valley by De Soto, Marquette, Joliet, La Salle, Hennepin, and Iberville — Tlie Great Fur Monopolies of New France — French and Indian War — Final Conflict — Treaties — Boundaries 378 CHAPTER Xin. FOREST LIFE AND FUR-HUNTINa, Northern and Western Fur Territory — Physical Features — Habitats of Fur-bearing Animals — Voyiigeurs — Coureurs des Bois — Anglo-Amer- ican Trapper- -His Characteristics Compared with Those of the French Canadian — Boating — Brigades — Running Rapids — Travel — Dress— Food— Caching 404 T^ CONTENTS. CHAPTER XIV. THE FUB-TEADK UNDER BlUTISH A08FIOXS. 1607-1843. ""• Early English Discovery— Henry Hudson— Groaaeliea and Rabisson, Assisted by Prince Rupert, from the Hudson's Bay Company— The Charter— Territorial Limits of the Company— The French Invade Rupert Land — The Planting of Forts round Hudson Bay— Bounda- ries— The Treaty of Utrecht — Character and Policy of the Corpora- tion—Territorial Divisions- Material of the Hudson's Bay Com- pany—Inner Workings of the System— Stock— Furs— Currency — Trade — Intercourse between Posts — Profits — Parliamentary Sanction of the Crown Grant 437 CHAPTER XV. FORTS AND FORT LIFE. Application of the Term — The Erection of a Fort a Special Favor, and Occasion of Rejoicing — A Depot or Factory — Architecture and Con- struction — Examples of Several Forts — York Factory — Fort Garry — Fort William— Fort Edmonton — Fort Franklin— Fort Vancouver — Fort Walla Walla— Fort Rupert — Wyeth's Establishment on Wapato Island — Fort Hall— Fort Yukon — Fort Victoria — Ground Plan of Fort Simpson — Rendezvous — Life at the Forts 482 CHAPTER XVI. THE UNITED STATES FUB-TBADE. 1605-1855. Shore of New England — ^Hollanders on the Hudson — The New Nether- lands Company— The Swedish West India Company on the Dela- ware — Henry Fleet on the Potomac — Comparisons between the Fur Business of Canada and the United States — Percolations through the Alleghanies — The Fur-trade of Natchez — The Ohio Company — La- clede, Maxan, and Company — Auguste and Pierre Chouteau — In- roads from Michilimackinac — St Louis in 1803 — Trapperp on the Missouri — The Missouri Fur Company — Astor's Projects — The Amer- ican Fur Company — The Pacific Fur Company — The South-west Company — The Colunibia Fur Company — The North American Fur Company — The Rocky Mountain Fur Company — Sublette, Bridger, Fitzpatrick, and Pierre Chouteau the Younger — James Pursley and the Opening of the Santa ¥6 Trade — B. Pratte and Company — Bent and St Vrain — Gaunt, Dripps, Blackwell, and Fontcnelle — Kit Carson, Pilcher, Bonneville, \v alker, and Wyeth — The Rendezvous — The Colorado Basm and Californiar-The China Trade— The Califor- nia Fur-trade— Jedediah Smith— Pattie. 499 CONTENTS, »jt CHAPTER XVn. HELATIVB ATTITUDES OF FUR-TBADEHS AND NATIVES. PAOB. Different Views of Savagism by Different Europeans, according to their Several Interests — United States Policy — Humane Intentioba — Vil- lainy of Agents — Border Atrocities — Policy of the Northwest and Hudson's Bay Companies — The Interesta of Gold-seekers, Fur Com- panies, and Settlers Contrasted — System of Wife-taking — Half- breeds — Intoxicating Drink — Missionaries. 629 CHAPTER XVin. THX NOSTH-WEST OOHFANT. 1783-1821. ■ Character of the Montreal Associates — The French Riigime Beviewed — Trade at Michilimackina« — The Montreal Merchants Penetrate North-westward and Form a Commercial Copartnership — Disaffeo- tionists form the X. Y. Company — Union of the Two Factions — Internal Regulations of the Northwest Company — The Grand Port- age — Early Voyages from Montreal to Lake Superior — Feudal Glo- ries of Fort William — Wars between the Northwest Company and the Hudson's Bay Company — The Red River Affair — Fusion of the Two Companies. 651 CHAPTER XIX. XABLIEST OVBBLAND EXFLOBATIONS NOBTH-WESTWABD. 1640-1786. Unknown North-wests — The North-west of New France — Champlain — BrelxEuf — Mesnard — Allouez — Marquette and Joliet — La Salle and Hennepin — Grosseliez and Radisson — La Hontan — The Story of Joseph La Franco — V^rendrye, the Fur-hunter, Proposes to Fit Out an Expedition — Character of V^rendrye — Governor-general Beauhar- nais Regards the Plan Favorably — V^rendrye's Copartnery and Route — Embarkation — Erection of Forts — Massacre at Lac des Bois of Young V^rendrye, P6re Anneau, and Twenty Men — Discovery of the Rocky Mountains — Vdrendrye's Return and Death — Infamous Conduct of Canadian Officials — Adventures of Moncacht Ap6 — Carver's Speculations — Heame's Journey — Pike's Expeditions — Long's E.:plorations 685 CHAPTER XX. PASSES AND BOOTES. Historical Consequences of the Position of the Corclilleras — Physical Geography of the Mountain Region of the West — The Rocky Moun- tain Passes between the Arctic Ocean and the Forty-ninth Parallel — Passes through the Coast Range — Through the Rocky Mountaiiu xv{ COOTENTS. VJlS*. «.o the Plateau— Tbo T^titudes 49- and 32°-Patb8 f^^^ Colorado E«gion- Sierra Ne">^*rX .^j^Tho Sierra Madre ^^ , ^ Etbno- Routefl through Mexic^ ^ericafl P««^?'f^ ,rthe Pacifio- The IsthmuB and Central Am ^^^ ^ic to the Pac iaphic Significano'^ of the ^"'^ ^^erican Situation-Brutes Se Northwest P^e-Tbe^^^__^toricalConcluB.onB AaiaEthnogravlucaliyv^o CHAPTER XXI. MAOKBNZIE'8 VOYAQ*. 1789-1793. •Natives- Narrow liscapeo ?:S.-The Journey Completed 666 AUTHOEITIES QUOTED IN THB HISTORY OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. A& (Pieter vander), Naaukeorige Versameling. Leyden, 1707. 30 Tola. Abbott (John S. C), Christopher Caraon. New York, 1876. Ab-sa-ra-ka. Home of the Crows. Philadelphia, 1868. Acosta (Josef de), Historia Natural y Moral de hia Indias. Sevilla, 1590. Albatross (The Ship), Log of a Voyage to the N. W. Coast, 1809-12. MS. Albatrosi and Lydia, Comunicaciones relativas. 1816. MS. Alegre (Francisco Javier), Historia de la Compa&ia de Jesus en Nueva Espafiia. Mexico, 1841. 3 vols. Allan (Alexander), Caribo) and the Mines of British Columbia. MS. Allen (Willliam), Speech in U. S. Sen., Feb. 10 and 11, 1846, on our rela- tions with England, n.pl., n.d. Almanac, Tribune. New York, 1838 et seq. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Historia de California. MS. 6 vols. America, Descripcion, 1710. MS. American Antiquarian Society, Proceeding. Worcester, 1820 et seq. American Quarterly Review. Philadelphia, 1827 et seq. American State Papers. Boston, 1817-19. 12 vols; Washington, 1832-4; 1858-61. folio. 3!.»vols. Amoretti (Charles), Voyage de la Mer Atlantique a L'0c6an Pacifique. Plais- ance, 1812. 4to. Anderson (Adar.i), Historical and Chronological Deduction of the Origin of Gonmierrj. London, 1801. folio. 4 vols. Anderson (xilexander Caulfield), North-West Coast History. MS. Andfews (C. C), Minnesota and Dacotah. Washington, 1857. Annals of Congress. [Ist to 18th Congress.] Washington, 1834-56. 42 vols. Annual Register. London, 1758-1807. 47 vols. Apiano (Pedro), Cosmographia corregida y afladida por Gemma Frisio. An- wn, 1575. Apoot61ioo8 Afanes de la Compaiiia de Jesus. Barcelona, 1754. Applegate (Jesse), Marginal Notes in Gray's History of Oregon. MS. Applerate (Jesse), Views of Oregon History. MS. .4ra6, Logbook, 1821-5. MS. Archivo del Arzobispado do San Francisco. MS. 5 vols. Archivo de Califorma. MS. 273 vols, and a great mass of loose papers. Doc- uments jpreserved in the U. S. Surveyor-general's oflSce at San Francisco. Copies m my Collection. Dept. St. Pap.; Dept. Rec; Prov. St. Pap.; Prov. R«o. Archivo de Santa Bdrbara. MS. 11 vols. Armstrong (Alex.), Personal Narrative of iihe Discovery of the North-West Passage. London, 1857. sm xviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED. :i Arrowamith (John), Map of the Provinces of British Columbia and Vanoonvor Island. London, 1859. Arteags (Ignacio), Tercera Exploracion, 1779. MS. Ascension (Antonio de la), Descubrimiento de California, 12 Oct. 1620. In Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc. , torn. viii. Ashley (C), Speech in U. S. Sen., April 3, 1846, on Oregon Question. Waah* ington, 1846. Astor (John Jacob), Mercantile Biography. In Hunt's Mer. Mag. xL 153. Atlantic Monthly. Boston, 1858 et seq. Ballantyne (Robert M.), Hudson's Bay, Edinburgh, 1848. liancroft (George), History of the United States. Boston, 1870 et seq. Bancroft (Hubert Howe), History of Alaska. Bancroft (Hubert Howe), History of British Columbia. Bancroft (Hubert Howe), History of California. Bancroft (Hubert Howe), History of Central America. San Franciaoo> 1882. Bancroft (Hubert Howe), History of North Mexican States. Bancroft (Hubert Howe), History of Oregon. Bancroft (Hubert Howe), History of Utah. Bancroft, (Hubert Howe), Native Races of the Pacific States. New York, 1875. 5 vols. Bancroft Library MS. Scrap-books containing classified notes used in writ- ing Bancroft's works. Bardnof (Alexander), Shizneopissanie. St Petersburg, 1835. Barreiro (Antonio), Ojeada sobre Nuevo-Mexico. Puebla, 1832. Barrett-Lennard (C. E.), Travels in British Columbia. London, 1862. Barrow, Speech in U. S. Sen. March 30, 1846, on the Oregon Question. Washington, 1846. Baylies, Northwest Coast of America [19th Cong., 1st Sess., H. Rept. 213]. Washington, 1826. Bayly, Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., Jan. 27, 1846, on Oregon Question. Wash- ington, 1846. Beaumont (Pablo de la Purlpima Concepcion), Cr6nica de la Provincia de S. Pedro y S. Pablo de Mechoacan. Alexico, 1873-4. 5 vols.; also MS. Bedinger, Speech in U. S; H. of Rep. Jan. 15, 184is, on the Oregon Question. Washington, 1846. Beechey (F. W.), Anniversary Address. In Lond. €reog. Soc., Jour. xxvL clxxi. Begert (Jakob), Nachrichten von der amerikauisclien Halbinsel Califomien. Mannheim, 1772. Belcher (Edward), Narrative of a Voyage roimd the World in 1836-42. London, 1843. 2 vols. Bell (J. F.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., Feb. 4, 1846, on the Oregon Question. Waahington, 1846. Belsham (Thomas), History of Great Britain 1688-1802. London, 1805. 12 vols. Beltrami (J. C), Pilgrimage in Europe and America. London, 1828. 2 vols. Benton (Thomas H.), Abridgment of Debates in Congress, 1759-1856. New York, 1857-63. 16 vols.; Speech in U. S. Sen., May 22, 25, 28, 1846, on the Oregon Question. Washington, 1846; Thirty Years View. New York, 1854. 2 vols. Berrian (Hobart), A Plain View of the Oregon Title. Washington, 1848. Berrien, Speech in U. S. Sen. June 28, 1848, on the Oregon Question. Wash- ington, 1848. Blaeu (or Jansz), America. (Atlas Maior. ) Amstelaedami, 1662. Blanchet (F. N.), Historical Sketches of the Catholic Church in Oregon. Portland, 1878. Bodega y Cuadra (Juan Francisco), Comento de la Navigacion 1775. MS. Bodega y Cuadra (Juan Francisco), Navegacion y Descubrimiento, 1779. MS. Bodega y Cuadra (Juan Francisco), Segunda Salida, 1779. MS. AUTHORITIES QUOTED. sMi Boiler (Henry A.). Among the Indians. Philadelphia, 1868. Bonner (T. D.), Life and Adventures of James P. Beckwourth. N. Y., 1858. Boston (Mass.), Advertiser, Courier, Transcript, Zion's Herald. Boston in the North West, Solid Men of. MS. Botello y Serrano (Alonso), and Pedro Porter y Casanate. Declaracion que bicieron en 17 de Set. 1636. In Col. Doc. Incd., tom. xv. 215. BoDchette (Joseph), The British Dominions in North America. London, 1832. 4to. 3 vols. Bowlin (James B.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. Jan. 20, 1845, on the Occu- pation of Oregon. Washington, 1845. Breese (S.), Speech in U. S. Sen. Feb. 27, 1844, on the Oregon Territory. Wash., 1844; Speech in U. S. Sen. March 2, 1846, on the Oregon Ques- tion. Wash., 1846. British North America. London, n.d. British and Foreign State Paijcrs, 1819-20, 1821-2. ■ Brooks (Charles Wolcott), Japanese Wrecks. San Francisco, 1876. Broughton (William Robert), A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacifio Ocean. Londor, 1804. Browne (J. Ross), Lower California, see Taylor; Report upon the Mineral Resources of the States and Territories West of the Rocky Mountains. Washington, 1867; Washington, 1868; San Francisco, 1868. Browne (Peter A. ), Lecture on the Oregon Temtory. Philadelphia, 1843. Bryant (Edwin), What I Saw in California. N. Y., 1848; N. Y., 1849. Bryant (William Cullen), History of the U. S. N. Y., 1876-81. 4 vols. Bnache (Philippe), Considerations gdographiques et physiques sur les nouvellea ddcouvertes au Nord. Paris, 1753. Buchanan (James), Last Letter to Mr Pakenham on American Title to Ore- gon. Baltimore, 1845. Bulfinch (Thomas), Oregon and El Dorado. Boston, 1866. Burnett (Peter H.), Recollections and Opinions of an Old Pioneer. New York, 1880. Burnett (Peter H.), Recollections of the Past. MS., 2 vols. Bumey (James), Chronological History of the Discoveries in the Sonth Sea. London, 1803-17, 4to. 5 vols. Burt (Armistead), Remarks in U. S. H. of Rep. Feb. 7, 1846, on the Oregon Question. Washington, 1840. Bury (Viacount), Exodus of the Western Nations. London, 1865. 2 vols. Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Supplemento & Los Tres Siglos de Cavo. J^pa, 1870. Butler (W. F.), The Wild North Land. Philadelphia, 1874. Butterfield (C. W. ), History of the Discovery of the Northwest. Cincin- nati, 1881. Caama&o (Jacinto), Expedicion de la corbeta Aranzazu. In Col. Doo. Indd., tom. XV. 323. Gabeza de Vaca (Alvar Nuflez), Relation. Translated from the Spanish by Buckingham Smith. New York, 1871. 4to. Cabrera Bueno (Joseph Gonzalez), Navegacion Especvlativa. Manila, 1734. folio. Calhoun (John C), Speech in U. S. Sen. Jan. 24, 1843, on the Oregon Bill. Wash., 1843; Speech in U. S. Sen. March 16, 184(3, on Abrogation of Convention of Joint Occupancy. Wash., 1846. California, Establecimiento y Progrcsos de las Misiones de la Antigua Cali- fornia. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serioiv., tom. iv. Calvo (Charles), Recueil Complet dea Trait^s de I'Am^rique Latine. Paris, 1862-9. 16 vols. Camden (William), Annales Rervm Anglicarvm et Hibemicarvm, etc. Lon- dini, 1615-27. 2 vols. Campbell (Archibald), Voyage round the World from 1806-12. Edinburgh, 1816; Iloxbnry, 1825. Hist. N. W. Ooast, Vol. I. 3 AUTHORITIES QUOTED. :i ;--T Campbell (William W.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. Jan. 27, 1846, on the Oregon Question. WashinKton, 1846. Cardona (Nicolila), Memorial soore sua descubrimientoB, etc., en la Califor- nia. InPachecoandCilrdenas, Col. Doc., torn. ix. 42; R«lacion del dea- onbrimiento de California. In Id., torn. ix. 30. Carroll (Anna Ella), The Star of the West. New York, 1857. Carver (J.), Travels through the Interior Parts of North America. London, 1778. Casanate (Pedro Porter), Memorial del Almirante al Rey recomendando ima Nueva Expedicion d la California. In Paoheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., torn. ix. 19. Cass (I^wis), Speech in U. S. Sen. March 30, 1846, on Oregon Question. Washington, 1848. Catal4 (Magui), Carta sobre Nootka, 1794, MS. Cavo (Andres), Los Trc3 Siglos deMexico. Mexico, 1836-8. 3vols. Mexico, 1852. Cerruti (Enrique), Kamblings in California. MS. Chalmers, Speech in U. S. Sen. March 24, 1846, on Abrogation of Conven- tion of Joint Occupancy. Washington, 1846. Champlain (Samuel de), Voyages et d^couvertes faites en la Nouvelle France. Paris, 1619. Charlevoix (Fr. Xav. ), Histoire de la Nouvelle France. Paris, 1 744. 4to. 3 vols. Clarke, Speech in if. S. H. of Rep. Feb. 6, 1846, on the Oregon Question. Washington, 1346. Clavigero (IVancisoo Saverio), Storia della California. Venezia, 1789. 2 vols. Cleveland (Richard J.), Narrative of Voyages. Cambridge, 1842. 2 vols.; Boston, 1850. Clyman (James), Note Book, 1844-8. MS. Codman (John), The Round Trip. New York, 1879. Cotfin (C. C. ), Th e Seat of Empire. Boston, 1870. Coleccion de Documentos In^ditos para la Qistoria de Espa&a. Madrid, 1842-80. 59 vols. [S. F. Law Library]. Colnett (James), A Voyage to the South Atlantic and round Gape Horn. London, 1798. 4to. Colquitt (W. T.), Speech in U. S. Sen. Feb. 17, 1846, on Oregon Question. Washington, 1846. Columbia River, Occupation. of by the U. S., 1821. In Annals of Cong., 16th Cong., 2d Sess., 946. Congressional Debates [18th to 25th Congress], Wash., 1824 et seq. 14 vols. Congressional Globe. Washington, 1836 et seq. 4to. Cook (James), Troisi^me Voyage 4 1'Ocean Pacihque en 1776-80. Paris, 1785. 4to. 4 vols. Cook (James), Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, 1776-80. London, 1784. 4to. 3 vols, plates in fouo; London, 1784. 4to. 4 vols.; Philadelphia, 1818. 2 vols. Cortes (Heman), Historia de Nueva EspaSa [Edited by Lorenzana]. Mexico, 1770. Cox.(Rosr), Adventures on the Columbia River. London, 1831. 2 vols.; New York, 1832. Coxe (Daniel), Description of the English Province of Carolana. London, 1722. Coxe (William), Account of the Russian Discoveries between Asia and America. London, 1787. Coyner (David H.), The Lost Trappers. Cincinnati, 1859. Crespl (Juan), Diario de la Expedicion de Mar., 1774. In Palou, Not.) i. 624. Crittenden, Speech in U. S. Sen. April 16, 1848, on the Oregon Question. Washington, 1846. Cushing (Caleb), The Treaty of Washington. New York, 1873. Dall (William H.), Alaska and its Resources. Boston, 1870. Dampier (William), ANew Voyage round the World. London, 1699-1709. 3vol8. Davidson (Grge), Coast Pilot of California, Oregon, etc. Washington, 1869, Director}' ^r the Pacific Coast. Washington, 1868. AUTHORITIES QUOTED. ni Davis (Charles H. ), Report on Interoceanic Canals r.nd Railroads. Wash. , 1867. Davis (John), The Weld's Hydrographical Description. London, 1395. -^ Davis (Horace), Record of Japanese Vessels driven on N. W. Coast. Wor- cester, \8T2. D'Avity (Pierre), Le Monde ou la Description Generale, etc. Paris, 1037. folio. 5 vols. Dawson (George M.), Report of Exploration in British Columbia. In Canada Geological Survey, 1875-0, 233. De Bow (J. I). B. ), De Bow's Reviewar' Industrial Resources. New Orleans, etc., 1854-7. 7 vols. Delano (Amasa), Narrative of Voyages and Travels in the Northern and Southern HcinisphercB. Boston, 1817. De L'Isle (J. N. de), see L'Isle (J. N. de). Departmental State Papers. MS. '20 vols. In Archivo do Cal.; Id., Benicia Piefecturas y Juzgados. 6 vols. ; Id., Benicia Mili*Ary. vols. f>3 to 87; Id. , San Jos6. 7 vols. De Smet (P. J.), Letters and Sketches. Philadelphia, 1843; Missions de rOregon, Gand, n.d. ; Oregon Missions. New York, 1847; Voyages aux Montagues Rocheuses. Lille, 1859; Western Missions and Missionaries. New York, 1803. Directories, Owen; Oregon Business. Dix (John A.), Speech in U. S. Sun., Feb. 18, 19, 1840, on the Oregon Ques- tion. Washington, 1846. Speeches and Occasional Addresses. New York, 1864. 2 vols. Dixon(George), Remarks on the Voyages of John Meares, Esq. London, 1790; Voyage autourdu Monde, 1785-8. Paris, 1789. 2 vols. ; Voyage round the World, 1785-8. London, 1789. 4to. Doane (Gustavus C), Personal Recollections. In Rodenbough, Everglade, 405; Report upon the so-called Yellowstone Expedition [ilst Cong., 3d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 51]. Washington, 1871. Dobbs (Arthur), Account of the Countries adjoining to Hudson's Bay. Lon- don, 1744; Remarks upon Captain Middleton's Defence. London, 1744. Documentos para la Historia de Mexico. Mexico, 1853-7. 20 vols. 4 series, serie iii. in folio and in four parts. Dodge (Henry), Report of the Expedition to the Rocky Mountains in 1835 [24th Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 209]. Washington, 1836. Dodge (Richard Irving), The Plains of the Great West. New York, 1877. Domenech (Emmanuel), Seven Years' Residence in the Great Deserts of North America. London, 1860. 2 vols. Dontinguez (Francisco A.), and Silvestre V. Escalante, Diario y derrotero para descubrir el camino de Santa F^, etc. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii. tom. i., 377. D'Orbigny ( Alcide), Voyage Pittoresque dans les deux Am^riques. Paris, 1836. > Douglas (David), Journal. In Companion to the Botanical Magazine. -. Douglas (Sir James), Private Papers, 1st and 2d scries. MS. 2 vols. Drake (Francis), A Discourse of lomey, MS. of British Museum. Drake (Francis), The Famous Voyage. In Hakluyt's Voy., iii.; The World Encompassed. [Hakluyt, Soc. ed.] London, 1854. Duffin (Robert), Journal. In Meares' Voy. App. ; Letters. In Colnett, Voy. Duncan, Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., Jan. 29, 1845, on Oregon Bill. Wash- ington, 1845. Dunn (John), History of the Oregon Territory. London, 1844; The Oregon Territory and the British N. American Fur Trade. Philadelphia, 1846. Dunraven (Earl of). The Great Divide. New York, 1876. Ebberts (G. W.), Trapper's Life, 1829-39. MS. Edinburgh Review. Edinburgh, 1802 et seq. Edwards (Philip L. ), Diary of a Visit to Cal. , 1 837. MS. EUsa (Francisco), Salida de los tres buques para Nootka aflo de 1790. MS. Elisa (Franci8co),Tabla diaria de los buques para el puerto de Nootka, 1790. MS. vdi AUTHORITIES QUOTED. i f I Elin (Francisco), Voyage 1701, Extracts from. Is Papers relating to Treaty of Wash, v., 176: also iu Reply of the United States, 97. ElUcott (Eugene), Pugct Sound Numcnclaturo. MS. Ellis (Henry), Considerations on the Great Advantages which would arise of the North- West Passage. London, 1750; Voyage to Hudson's Bay, 174ft-7. :^ndon, 1748; London, 1749; Dublin, 1749. Escndero (Josd ^gustin), Adicinncs. In Pino, Noticias Hist, de Nuevo Mox. Eugene City, (Or. ), Oregon State Journal. Evans (Elwood), Northwest Boundary. Scraps. Oregon; Protection to Im- migrants, n. pi., n.d.; Pugct Sound. Its Past, etc. Olympia, 1869. Evans (Elwood), History of Oregon. MS. Evans (Richard S.), and H. W. Henshaw, Translation Voyage of Cabrillo. In U. S. Oeog. Surv., Wheeler, vii.. Arch., 293. Ewing, Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., Jan. 29, 1840, on Oregon Question, n.pl. , n.d. Falconer (Thomas), Mr Falconer's Reply to Mr Greenliow's Answer. Wosli. , 1845; On the Discovery of the Mississippi. Loudon, 1844; The Oregon Question, l^ondon. 1845. FamLam (J. T. or Thos. J.), History of Oregon Territory. New York, 1844; Life, Advcnturea, and Travels in Cal. [Pictorial ed.] N, Y., 18.57; Life, Adventures, and Travels in Cal. N. Y., 1840; N. Y., 1849; N. Y., 1850; N. Y., 185:1; Travels in the Califomiaa. N. Y., 1844; Travels in the Great Western Prairies. Poughkccpsic, 1841; New York, 1843. Fedix (P. A.), L'Or(5gon et lea COtcs de TOcdan Pacifique du Nord. Paris, 1846. Fernandez (JosiS), Cosas de California. MS. Fidalgo (Salvador), Tabla do Descubrimientos de 1790. MS. Fidalgo (Salvador), Viago do 1790. MS. Findlay (Alexander G.), Directory for the Navigation of the Pacific Ocean. Lopilbn, 1851. Finlayson (Roderick), Vancouver Island and Northwest Coast. MS. Fitzgerald (James Edward), Charter and Proceedings of Hudson's Bay Co., with reference to Vancouver's Island. London, 1849. Fleurieu (C. P. Claret), Introduction Historique. In Marchand, Voy. i. Forbes (Alexander), California, A History of. London, 1839. Forster (.John Reinhold), History of Voyages and Discoveries made in the North. London, 1781. 4to. Forsyth (James W. ), and F. D. Grant, Report of an Expedition up the Yellow- stone, 1875. Washington, 1875. Fort Langley Journal. MS. See Hudson Bay Company, Fort Simpson Journal. MS. See Hudson Bay Company. Franchere (Gabriel), Narrative of a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of America 1811-14. iiedfield, 1854. Franklin (John), Narrative of a Journey to the shores of the Polar Sea, 1819- 22. London, 1824. 2 vols. Eraser (Simon), First Journal from April 12 to July 18, 1806. MS. Eraser (Simon), Letters 1800-7. MS. Eraser (Simon), Second Journal from May 30 to June 10, 1808. MS. FrcSmont (John C. ), Narrative of Exploring Expedition to Rocky Mountains. New York, 1849. French (B. F. ), Historical Collections of Louisiania, Part II. Philadelphia, 1850; Part HI. New York, 1851; Part V. New York, 1853. Freytas, Relacion del descubrimiento del pais y ciudad de Quivara. In Shea's Exped. of Pefmlosa. Frignet (Ernest), La Califomie. Paris, 1865; Paris, 1867. Fry (F.), Fry's Traveller's Guide. Cincinnati, 1865. Funnell (William), A Voyage round the World. London, 1707. Gaceta de Gobiemo de Mexico, 1728-1821, 1823 et seq. Gallatin (Albert), American Counter Statement. In American State Papers, Foreign Relations. V. 670; Letters on the Oregon Question. Washington, 1846; The Oregon Question. New York, 1846. AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxiU Garcia (Fmncisco), Diario y Dcrrotcro. la Doc. Hiat. Mcx. , scrio ii. , torn. i. 226. Garfielde (S.), Climates of the Northwest. Philadelphia, 1872. Garncau (F. X.), History of Canada. Montreal, 1802. 2 vols. Gaas (Patrick), A Journal of the Voyages and Travels of a Corps of Discov- ery under the command of Captains Lewis and Clarke. Pittsburg, 1807; other editions ; Voyages de Capituines Lewis et Clarke. PariB, 1810. Gentry (M. P.), Speech in U S. H. of Rep., Feb. 5, 1840, on Oregon Question. D.pl., n.d. Giddings (Joshua R. ), Speech in Congress. Ik)8ton, ISJjS. Gilbert (Sir Humphrey), Discourse of a Discouerie of a new Passage to Cataia. London, 1570; also in Hakluyt, Voy. iii. 11-24. Giles (W. F.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. Jan. 9, 1840, on the Oregon Ques- tion. Washington, 1840. Golovnin (V. M.), lleport of 1810. In Sitka Archives at Washington. MS. Gomara (Francisco Lopez), L.t. Uistori.i General do las Lidias. Anvors, 1554. Good (John B.), British Columbia. MS. Giant (Georgo M.), Ocean to Ocean. Canada, 187.'?, etc.; Toronto, 1877. Gray (W. H.), A History of Oregon, 1792-1849. • Portland etc., 1870. Gray (Robert), and Joseph lugnuiam. Answer to Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Cuudra. In Grecnhow's Or. and Cal., 414. Great Britain, Convention of Oct. 20, 1818. In American State Papers, For- eign Relations, IV. 348. Greenhow (Robert), Answer to Stricture^j of Thomas Falconer, n.pl., n.d.; The Geography of Oregon ami California. Boston, 1845; History of Oregon and California. Boston, 1844; London, 1844; Boston, 1845; New York, 1845; Boston, 1847; Memou* Historical and Political [26tb Cong., Ist Sess., Sen Doc. 174]. Washington, 1840; Memoir on the Northwest Coast of North America. Washington, 1840. Gregg (Josiah), Commerce of the Prairies. New York, etc., 1844. 2 vols.; Phihulelphia, 1850. 2 vols. Grover (Lafayette), Remarks on Oregon Question. In Oregon Pion. Assoc, Trans., 1874, 33; Organizing of Territorial Government. [28th Cong., Isfe Sess., H. Rept., 308.] Guerra y Noriega (Jos^), Documentos para la Hist, de Cal. MS. 6 vols. Hacke (William), Collection of Original Voyages. London, 1699. Hakluyt (Richard), Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America. Lon- don, 1850. Hakluyt (Richard), The Principal Navigations. London, 1599- IGOO. folio. 3 vols. ; cited as Hakluy t's Voy. Hakluyt Society. Hudson's Bay, Geography of. London, 1850. Hamlin (Hannibal), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. Jan. 12, 1846, on Oregon Question, n.pl., n.d. Hanncgan (E. A.), Remarks in U. S. Sen. Feb. 23, 1844, on the Oregon Ter- ritory. Washington, 1844. Hansard (T. C), Parliamentary Debates from 1803. London, 1812-77. [S. F. Law Library.] Harmon (Daniel Williams), Voyages and Travels in the Interiour of North America. Andover, 1820. Harris (John), Navigantium. . .Biblioteca. London, 1705. folio. 2 yols, Hartnell (Teresa du la G.), Narrativa de una Matrona de Cal. MS. Harvey (Mrs. Daniel), Life of John McLoughlin. MS. Haswell (Robert), Voyage of the Columbia Bedivtva, 1787, 1791-2. MS. Hayes (Benjamin), Scrap Books, 1850-74. 129 vols.; under the following sub- titles: Agriculture; California Notes. 5 vols. MS. and Print; Indians. 5 vols. ; Mining. 13 vols. ; Natural Phenomena. 3 vols. Haywood (William H.), Speech in U. S. Sen. Marci 4, 5, 1846, on Oregon Question. Washington, 1846. Heame (Samuel), Journey from Prince of Wales j.-t to Northern Ocean, 1769-72. London, '795; Dublin, 1790. ZXIT AUTHORITIES QUOTED. I [ H«oetft (Bruno), Diario del Viage de 1775. MS. Heceta (Bruno), Eapedicion Maritima. In Palon, Not. ii. 229. Heceta (Bruno), Scgunda Exnloracion, 1775. MS. Heceta (Bruno), Viage de 1775. MS. Hennepin (Louis), Account of the Diacovery of the River Misaimippi, etc. In American Antiq. Soc., Trans., i. 01; Description de la Lousiane. Paris, 1088; Nouvello ddcotiverte d'un tr6s grand pays situd dans I'Am^rique, etc. Utrecht, 1007. Numerous other editions. Herrcra (Antonio dc), Dcscripcion de las Indias Occidentales. Madrid, 1730. Hesperian (The). San Francisco, 185S-04. 11 vob. Heylyn (Peter), Comiiography. London, 1701. folio. Hincs (Gustavus), Historical Correspondence. MS. Hines (Gustavus), Oregon and Its Institutions. New York, n.d.; Oragon: Its History, Condition, etc. Bufialo, 1851; Voyage round the World. Buffalo. 1850. Historical Magazine and Notes and Queries. Boston, etc., 1857-00. 15 volfl. HittoU (John S. ), The Commerce and Industries of the Pacific Coast. Ban Francisco, 1882. 4to. Hobbs (James), Wild Life in the Far West. Hartford, 1875. Holman (James), The Peoria Party. MS. Homes (Henry A), Our Knowledge of California and the N. W. Coast. Al- bany, 1870. Honolulu, Friend, 1843 et seq. ; Sandwich Island Gazette, 1837 at seq.; Sand- wich Island News, 1840 et seq. Hooper (W. H.), Ten Months among the Tents of the Tuski. London, 1863. Horetjky (Charles), Canada on the Pacific. Montreal, 1874. Hudson's Bay Company, Extent and Value of Possessory Rights. [Montreal, 1840]; A Few Words on the. London, n.d.; Plans referred to in the Report from the Select Committee. London, 1857; Report from Speoial Committee. London, 1857; Return to an Address, 16 March, 1857. n.pl. n.d. Hudson's Bay Company, Journal at Fort Langley. 1828-0. MS. Hudson's Bay Ct. ipany. Journal at Fort Simpson. 1834-7. MS. Hudson's Bay Company's Charter and License to Trade. Papers relative to. London, 1859. Hudsou's Bay and Puget Sound Agricultural Companies, British and Amori- can Joint Commission. Montreal, etc., 1808. 4 vols. Humboldt (Alex, dc), Essai Politique sur le Royauine de la Nouvelle Espagne. Paris, 1811. folio. 2 vols and atliia. ^unt's Merchant's Mazozine. New York, 1830 et seq. mter (R. M. T.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. Jan. 10, 1846, on Oregon Question. Waahington, 1846. B tkisson and Addington, British Statement, 1826. In American State Papers, Foreign Relations, V. 665. Hatchings' Illustrated California Magazine. San Francisco, 1857-61. 6 vols. Ibarra (Diego de), Relacion de lo que descubri6 en la provincia de Copala aSo de 1563. In Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc. tom. xiv. In-ing (Washington), Astoria. New York, 1860 ; Bonneville, Adventures of. New York, 1860. James (Edwin), Expedition from Pittsburg to the Rocky Mountains, 1810-20. London, 1823. 3 vols. James (Thomas), The Dangerous Voyage of. London, 1740. Jansson (Juan), Nouas Atlas aive Theatrum Orbis Terrarum. AmstelodamL 1640-50. Jefferson (Th.), Life of Captain Lewis. In Levis and Clarke's Ex. Phila- delphia, 1814. Jeffreys (Thomas), The Great Probability of a Northwest Passage. London, 1768. 4to. atlas in folio. m AUTHORITIKS QUOTED. Jenkins JohnS.), U. S. Exploring Expeditions. Auburn, 1800. Jewitt(. ohn R.), A Narrative of tho Adventures and SuiTorings of. New York, 1810; Ithaca, 1849, numerous other editions. Johnson (Edwin F.), KaiIroa on Occupation of Ore- gon. Wachiugton, 1844. Pacheco (Joaquin F.), and CArdenas et al., Coleccion de Documentos InMitoa relatives al Descubrimiento, Conquista y Colonizacion de laa Poaesionea Espa&olas en America. Madrid, 1864-81. 24 vols. AUTHORITIES QUOTED. XXIX Pacific Bailroad Reports. Washington, 1855-60. 4to. 13 vola. PaUiaer (John), Papers relative to the Exploration of British North America. London, 1859. 4to; Further Papers. London, 1860. 4to; Index and Maps. London, 1865. 4to. Palou (Francisco), Noticias de la California. Mexico, 1857. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv. torn. vi.-vii.; San Francisco, 1874. 4 vols.; Relacion His- t<}rica de la Vida etc., de Junipero Serra. Mexico, 1787. Papers relating to the Treaty of Washington. Vol. v. Berlin Arbitration. Washington, 1872. Parker (Samuel), Jonmal of an Exploring Tour beyond the Rocky Mountains. Ithaca, 1838; Id., 1840; Auburn, 1842; Id., 1846. Parkmaa (Francis), The CaUfomia and Oregon Trail. New York, 1849; The Conspiracy of Pontiac. Boston, 1877. 2 vols. ; The Old Regime in Canada. BostOii, 1874. Parrish (J. L. ), Anecdotes of Oregon. MS. Parton (James), Life of John Jacob Astor. New York, 1866. Pattie (James O.), Personal Narratives. Cincinnati, 1833. Peirce (Henry), Journals of Voyages, 1839-42. MS. Peirce (Henry), Memoranda of a Navigator. MS. Peirce (Henry), Rough Sketch. MS. Pefla (Tomds), Diario del Viage de Perez, 1774. MS. Pendleton (J. S.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. Jan. 26, 1846, on Oregon Ques- tion. Washington, 1846. Perez (Juan), Instruccion que el Virey di6 & los Comandantea de Bnques de Exploracion, 24 Die. 1773. MS, Perez (Juan), Relacion del Viage, 1774. MS. Perez (Juan), Tabla Diaria, 1774. MS. Perkins (James H.), Annala of the West. St. Louis, 1850. Peter Martyr. See Martyr (Peter). Petei-B (De Witt C), Life and Adventures of Kit Carson. New York, 1859. P'co (Pio), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 2. vols. Pike (Z. M. ), Account of Expeditions to the Sources of the Mississippi. Phil., 1810; Exploratory Travels through the Western Territories. Lon- don. 1811. 4to. Pine (George W.), Beyond the West. Utica, 1871. Pino (Pedro Bautista), Noticias Hist6ricas y Estadisticas de la Antigua Pro- vincia del Nuevo Mexico. Mexico, 1849. Pollock (J.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. Jan. 16, 1846, on Oregon Question. Washington, 1846. Portland, Oregonian, West Shore. Portlock (Nathaniel), Voyage round the World. 1785-8. London. 1789. 4to. Port T-^wnsend, Message. Poussin (G. T.), Question de I'Or^gon. Paris, 1846; The United States. Philadelphia, 1851. Pratz (Le Page du), Carte de la Louisiane Colonic Franfaise. Paris, 1767: Hiatoire de la Lonisiane. Paris, 1758. 3 vols. Provincial Records. MS. 12 vols. In Archivo de Cal. Provincial State Papers. MS. 22 vols. In Archive de CaL Purchas, His Pilgrimes. London, 1625-6. folio. 5 vols. Quarterly Review. London, 1809 et seq. Quimper (Manuel), Segundo Reconocimiento, 1790. MS. Bamusio (Giovanni Battista), Navigation! et Viaggi. Venetia, torn, i., 1554; torn, ii., 1583; tom. iii., 1566. folio. 3 vols. Raynal (G. T.), Hiatoire Philosophique. Paris, 1820-1. 12 vols, and atk-. Reasons to shew that there is a great Probability of a Navigable Passage to the Western American Ocean. London, 1849. Rees (Willard H.), Letter Sept. 18. 1879. MS. Register of schooner Cadboro. MS. XXX AUTHORITIES QUOTED. I: Reid, Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. Feb. 7, 1846, on Oregon Question. WaA ington, 1846. Reply of the United States to the Case of the Government of Her Britomiio Majesty, n.pl., n.d., 4to. Bevilla Gigedo ( virey), Informe de 12 Abril, 1793. In Bustamante, Saj^ mento, iii. 112. Revilla Gigedo (Virey), Instruccion reservada & su sncesor Branciforte, 1794. MS. In Library of Congress. RezAnof (Nikolai), Zapiski, 1805-6. lu Tikhm^nef, Istor. Obos., Appen. Rhett (R. B.), Speech in U. 8. H. of Rep., Jan. 14, 1846, on Oregon Terri- tory Bill. Waehington, 1846. Ribault (John), The True and ^^ast Discouerie of Florida. In Hakluytt Divers Voy., 91. Richardson (Albert D.), Beyond the Mississippi. Hartford, 1867. Richardson (James), Wonders of the Yellowstone Region. London, 1874. Richardson (Sir John), Arctic Starching Expedition. London, 1861. 2 vols. Ridpath (John C), A Popular History of the U. S. New York, 1877. Roberts (George B.), Recollections of Hudson's Bay Co. MS. Roberts (Thomas P.), The Upper Missouri River. In Montana, Hist. Soo., Contrib., 234. Robertson (Wyndham), Oregon. Washington, 1846. Robin (C. C.), Voyages dans L'lnt^rieur de la Louisiane 1802-6. Paris, 1807. ■ 3 vols. Robinson (H. M.), The Great Fur Land. New York, 1879. Rocky Mountain Journal. MS. Rodenbough (Theodore F.), From Everglade to Canon. New York, 1875. Rogers (VVoodes), A Cruising Voyage round the World. London, 1718. Roquefeuil (Camille), A Voyage round the World, between the years 1816- 19. London, 1823. Ross (Alexander), Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon. London, 1849; The Fur Hunters of the Far West. London, 1855. 2 vols. Ross (John), Narrative of a Second Voyage in Search of a North West Paa- sagc. London, 1835. Rossi (L'Abb(5), Souvenirs d'un Voyage en Or(5gon et en Califomie. Paris, 1864. Rouhard (Hippolyte), Les Rdgions Nouvelles. Paris, 1868. Russell (John), Recollections and Suggestions, 1813-73. Boston, 1875. Russell (William), The History of America. London, 1778. 4to. 2 voIb. Saavedra (Ramon), Cartas al Gobemador de California, 1794. MS. Saint Amant (M. de), Voyages en Califomie et dans I'Or^gon. Paris, 1854. Saint Louis (Mo.), Beacon. Salem, American Unionist, Mercuiy, Oregon Statesman. Salmeron (Ger6nimo de Ztlrate), Relaciones de todas las cosas que en el Nuevo Mexico. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie. iii. tom. iv. Salvador (Fernando S.), Consulta & S. M. Marzo 2, 1751. In Doc. Hist Mex., serie iii. tom. iv. 6.38. San Diego, Archive, 1826-50. MS. San Francisco Newspapers. Alta California, California Fanner, Chronicle, Evening Bulletin. San Josd, Pioneer. Santa Cruz, Archivo [Records in Clerk's Office]. MS. Scenes in the Rocky Mountains. Philadelphia, 1846. Schoell (Max-Samson F.), Histoire des Trait^s de Paix. Paris, 1830-34. 14 vols. Schoolcraft (Heniy R.), Personal Memoirs of a Residence of Thirty Years with the Indian Tribes. Phil., 1851; Summary Narrative of an Exploratory Expedition to tlie Sources of the Mississippi. Phil., 1855. Soribner's Monthly Magazine (later the Century). New York, 1871 et seq. Sedelmair (Jacobo), Relacion de 1746 para fundar misiones en loa Rios OAlm y Colorado. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii. tom. iv. 341. AUTHORITIES QUOTED. znl Seemann (Bei-thold), Narrative of the Voyage of H. M. S. Herald, 1845-51. London, 1853. 2 vola. Seixas y Lovera (Francisco), Theatro Naval Hydographico de los Fluxaa. Madrid, 1688. Selkirk (Earl of). Sketch of the British Fur Trade. In Quart. Bev., Oct. 1816; Statement respecting the Settlement upon the Red River. London, 1817. Sevier (A. H.), Speech in U. S. Sen. March 25, 1846, on Oregon Question. Washington, 1846. Shaler (William), Journal of a Voyage, 1804. In American Register, iii. 137. Shea (John Gilmary), The Expedition of Don Diego de PeSialosa. N. Y. , 1882. Sillinmu (Benjamin), American Journal of Science and Art. New Haven, 1819 et seq. 107 vols. Simmonds (P. L.), Sir John Franklin and the Arctic Regions. Buffalo, 1852. Simpson (Alexander) The Life and Travels of Thomas Simpson. London, 1845; The Oregon Territory. London, 1840. Simpson (Sir George), Narrative of a Journey round the World. London, 1847. 2 vols. Slacum, Kelly, and Wyeth. See Oregon, Supplemental Report. Smith (Caleb R.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., Jan. 7, 1846, on Oregon Ques- tion. Washington, 184C. Smith (Jedediah), Excursion a. I'ouest des Mofats Rocky, 1826. InNouv. An. Voy., xxxvii. 208. Smith (Robert), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., Feb. 7, 1846, on Oregon Ques- tion. Washington, 1846. Smith (Truman), Speech in U. S. II. of Rep., Feb. 7, 184G, on Oregon Ques- tion. Washington, 1846. Smith (William), Ilistory of Canada; Quebec, 1815. 2 vols. Soci6t6 de Geographic, Bulletin. Paris, 1825 et seq. Somerville (T. ), An Early Hero of the Pacific. In Overland Montlily, viiL 105. Soul6 (Frank), J. H. Gihon, and J. Nisbet, Annals of San Francisco. New York, etc., 1855. Southern Quarterly Review. New Orleans, etc., 1842 et seq. Sproat (Gilbert Malcom), Scenes and Studies of Savage Life. London, 1868. Stanton, Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., Jan. 14, 1846, on Oregon Question. Washington, 1846. State Papers, Sacramento, MS., 19 vols, in Archivo de Cal..^Id., Missions and Colonization. 2 vols. Stevens (Henry), Historical and Geographical Notes on the Earliest Discov- eries. New Haven, 1869. Stevens (Isaac I.), Address on the North West. Dec. 2, 1858. Wash., 1858. Strickland (W". P. ), History of the Missions of the M. E. Church. Cincinnati, 1854. Strong (William), History of Oregon. MS. Stuart (John), Autograph Notes. Torres, 1842. Stuart (John), Journal from Dec. 20, 1805, to Feb. 28, 1806. MS. Sturgis (William), Nortliwest Fur Trade. In Hunt's Mcrch. Mag., xiv. 5.12; The Oregon Question. Boston, 1845. Sutil y Mexicana, Relacion del Viago hecho por las Goletas. Madrid, 1802; atlas. 4to. Swan (James G.), The Northwest Coast. New York, 1867; Scrap Book. Sjrmons, Report on the Upper Columbia. Tach6 (Macgregor), Sketch of the North West of America. Montreal, 1870. Taylor (Alexander S.), Articles in California Fanner; Hist. Summary of Lower California. In Browne's Min. Res.; Memorials of Juan de Fuca. In Hutchings' Cal. Mag., iv. 116. Texas, Documentos para la Historia Eclesidstica y Civil. MS. Thompson, Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., Jan. 28, 1846, on Oregon Question. Washington, 1846. Thome (Robert), TheBooke made by the right worshipful. InHakluyt'sVoy., i. zxxu AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Thornton (J. Qoinn), Oregon History. MS. Thnrmon (Allen O.), Speech in U. S. H. of Bep., Jan. 28, 1846, on Oregon Question. Washington, 1846. Tikhmdnef (P.), latoritcheskoe Obosranie. St Petersburg, 1861. 2 vols. Tobar y Tainariz (Joseph), Informe sobre Acontecimientos. In Viagero Uni- versal, xxvi. Tod (John), New Caledonia. MS. Tolmie (WilUam F.), Journal, 1833. MS. Tolmie (William F.), Puget Sound and North West Coast. MS. Tomline (George), Memoirs of the Life of the Right Hon. William Pitt London, 1821. 4to. 2 vols. Torquemada (Juan de), Monarquia Indiana. Madrid, 1723. folio. 3 vols. Townsend (John K.), Np -ative of a Journey across the Rocky Mountains. Phihidelphia, 1839. Tramp (J. C. ), Prairie and Rocky Mountain Adventures. St Lonis, 1860. Ttutcn (Joseph), Map of British Columbia, 1871. Tucker (Ephraim W.), A History of Oregon. Buffalo, 1844. Tufts (William), Account of American Vessels engaged in the Trade of the Northwest, 1787-1809. In Swan's N. W. Coast, 423. Twiss (Travers), The Oregon Question. London, 1846; The Oregon Territory. New York, etc., 1846. Tyler (John S. ) and Timothy Dodd, Correspondence respecting first made or attempted Settlement on the Columbia. In Port Townsend Message, Jan. 9, 1868. Tytler (Patrick Eraser), Historical View of the Pi-ogress of Discovery. Edin- burgh, 1833; New York, 1856. Umfreville (Edward), The Present State of Hudson's Bay. London, 1790. United Service Journal. London, 1830-9. 29 vols. United States Catholic Magazine. Baltimore, 1844 et sea. United States Exploring Expedition [Wilkes]. Philadelphia, 1844-58. 4to. 17 vols.; folio, 8 vols. United States Geological Surveys West of the 100th Meridian. George W. Wheeler. Bulletins, Reports, and Various Publications. Washington, 1874 et seq. 4to. atlas sheets, maps. United States Geological and Geographical Surveys. J. W. Powell. Contri- butions on North American Ethnology, etc. Washington, 1876. United States Government Documents. Charters and Constitutions. United States Government Documents, House Exec. Doc. ; House Journal; House Misoel. Doc; House Reports of Com.; Message and Documents; Senate Exec. Doc.; Journal; Miscel. Doc.; Repts. Com. Cited by con- gress and session. Many of these documents have, however, separate titles, for which see author or topic. Vallejo (Mariano G.), Correspondencia Hist<>rica. MS. Vallejo (Mariano G.), Documentos para la Historia de California, 1769-1850. MS. 37 vols. Vallejo (Salvador), Notas Hi8t6ricas. MS. Vancouver (George), Voyage of Discovery to the Pacific Ocean Lond., 1798. 3 vols. 4to. atlas in folio; Lond., 1801. 6 vols.; Voyage de D^couvertes k rOc^an Pacifique, etc. Paris, An., viii. 3 vols. 4to. atlas in folio. Vaugondy (Robert ae), Atlas imiversal ou recueil de cartes geograpbiques. Paris, 1757. Vavasseur (M.), Report on Indian Population. In Martin's Hudson Bay, 77. Velarde (Luis), Descripcion Hist6rica. In Doc. Hist. Mex. , serie iv. tom. i. 344, Venegas (Miguel), Noticia de la California y de su Conquista Temporal, eft. Madrid, 1757. 3 vols. V&rendrye (Chevalier), Journal of Travels performed in 1742 in searoh of Vbm Western Sea. Veytia (Mariano), Historia Antigua de M^jico. Mexico, 1836. 3 vols. ' J AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxxiii Viagero Universal (El). Madrid, 17!)C-1801. Viages en la Costa al Norte do Californias. MS. [From Prof. Geo. Davidson.] Victor (Francis Fuller), All over Oregon and Washington. San IVancisco, 1872; The New Penelope. San Francisco, 1877; River of the West. Hartford, 1870; Search for Fretum Anian. In Overland Monthly, iii. 474. Victoria (B. Col.), Chronicle. Villa Seilor y Sanchez (Jos6 Antonio), Theatre Americano. vols. Voyages, A Collection of Voyages and Tr?^ rels [Churchill's]. fo'io. 8 vols. ; Historical Account of, round the World. 6 vols. Voyages au Nord, Recueil. Amsterdam, 1715-27. 8 vols. 43 vols. Copy from Spanish Archives. Mex., 1746. 2 London, 1752. Lond., 1774-81. Waldo (Daniel), Critiques. MS. Warren (G. K.), Memoir upon Material used, etc.. Railroad Routes to Pa- cific. In Pac. R. R. Repts., xi. pt. i. Wentworth, Remarks in U. S. H. of Rep. Jan. 27 and Feb. 10, 1845, on Oregon Bill, n.pl., n.d.; Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. Jan. 27, 1845, on Oregon Bill, n.pl., n.d. West Indischo Spieghel, door Athanasium Inga. [Amsterdam, 1524.] Westminster Review. London, 1824 et seq. White (Elijah), A Concise View of Oregon History. Washington, 1846; Ten Years in Oregon. Ithaca, 1850. Wliymper (Frederick), Travel and Adventure in Alaska. New York, 1869. Wick (William W.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., Jan. 30, 1840, on Oregon Question. Washington, 184G. Wilcox (James Smith), Cartas Variaa sobre sus viages en la goleta Caminante, 1817. MS. Wilkes (Charles), Narrative of the U. S. Exploring Expedition. Philadelphia, 1844. 4to. 3 vols.; Philadelphia, 1845. 5 vols.; London, 1845. Wilkes (George), History of Oregon. New York, 1845. VVillson (Marcius), American History. Cincinnati, 1847. Winterbotham (W.), An Historical, Geographical, Commercial, and Philo- sophical View of the American United States. London, 1795. 4 vols. Winthrop, Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., Feb. 1, 1845, and Jan. 3, 1846, on the Oregon Question. Washington, 1845, 1846. Work (John), Journal 1824. MS. Wyeth (John B.), Oregon; or a Short History of a Long Journey from Atlan- tic to Pacific. Cambridge, 1833. Wytfliet (Corn.). Descriptionis PtolemaicteAugmen turn. Lovanii, 1597; Hia- toire universelle des Indes Occidentales. Douay, 1607. 11 : \ilpw \ TH INT Pbihabi OF if THE MVS' EDGE THE TIER Alai CaB£ BISHJ URDi Caha 1700, Kino ViRI TO 18 01 a EVEI some fi responc so-calle vices SI and the truth a sweet h Vol, HISTORY ov THE NOETHWEST COAST. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY TO NORTHWEST COAST EXPLORATION. P&UfABT SlONIFlCANCE — THB SUBJECT IN ITS WlDEST ScOPE — ThE HoMB OF Mystery — Historic and Mythic Interest — The Conjectural and THE Real — Oriuin of the Strait Myth and of the Northkrk Mystery — West Coast Thfories— State of Geographical Knowx- edge in 1550 — In the South-east — North-east, Explorations iiy THE CaBOTS and CoRTEREALS, BY AlLLON, VerRAZANC, GoMEZ, CaR- tier — In the South-west, by Balboa, Espinosa, Davila, Coutes, Alarcon, Ulloa, Cabrillo — Inland Wanderinos by Cartier, Soto, Cabeza de Vaca, Guzman, Niza, and Coronado — 1550 to 1000, Fro- BISHEK, RiBAULT, MeNENDEZ, RaL-SIGH — NeW MEXICAN EnTRADAS — Ubdaneta, Drake, Gau, CebmeSon — 1600 to 1650, Vizcaino, OSate — Canadian FuR-HrNTEBS and Jesuits — Hudson and Baffin— 1050 to 1700, the Hudson's Bay Company, Marquette, La Salle, and Tadri? Kino — 1700 to 1750, Phiiippine Galleons — English Freebooters-, VArendbye to the Rockv Mountains— Arctic Discoveries— 1750 TO 1800, Hearne and Mackenzie— Escalante in Utah— Occiipation OF Caufobnia — Russian Discoveries. "Every age, as presented to us by history, displays some features better and some worse than the cor- responding characteristics of our own age. There are so-called golden a,ges, in which honor is besmeared with vices such as times were never cursed with before; and there are brass ages and iron ages, in which there is truth and heroism, if not so many of the comely and sweet humanities of life. Human progress is like the Voi.1. X f p •a 2 NORTHWEST COAST EXPLORATION. •waters of ocean, ever circulating between e luator and poles, seeking equilibrium of temperature and a level, seeking rest and finding none. A dominant feature in Northwest Coast discovery and exploration is royal mendacity. Maritime lying reaches the cUmax, and borders on the heroic. Enough is known of climates and configurations to form bases for endless imaginings, and not enough in certain quarters to render detection likely; the Ustener's mind once made up to overlook the audacious in- difference to truth on the part of navigators, and he will find their tales not always unpleasing. The term Northwest Coast, as defined for the pur- pose of this history, includes the territory known in later times aa Oregon, Washington, and British Co- lumbia. Exploration naturally occupies the first place in its annals; and the earliest exploration here, as in most parts of the New World, is maritime. The his- torian s first task is to present, in chronologic order, the successive voyages by which the coast of the western ocean from latitude forty-two to fifty-four north became known to Europeans, and on which were founded divers claims, more or less conflicting, of national ownership. Later we will observe inland travellers, and follow them amidst their wanderings over the mighty western slope, and as far north as the Frozen Sea. In its narrowest limits the subject first presents itself in the form of the geogrj»-;^hical ex- ploration of an unknown seaboard some .^vren hun- dred and fifty miles in extent. But it has a broader scope. Just as Prince Henry's southward gropings along the African coast acquire their chief interest and importance as part of a grand scheme of doubling the cape and opening a way by sea to India; as the first discoveries of Columbus in the far west are fascinating, not only in bringing to light the position, outline, and products of certain islands, but in the idea of the great explorer's fancied MANIFOLD WONDERS. r and level, avery lying lOUgh bases ertain ener's us in- nd be le pur- 3wn in sb Co- ,t place 3, as in be bis- ! order, I of the 'ty-four wbicb flicting, ) inland derings bastbe ect first ical ex- en bun- Henry's acquire a grand way by mbus in nging to certain fancied approach to the realms of the Grand Khan, and in the real but unsuspected nearness of a new continent ; as the Isthmian coastings and plunderings, a long chapter of outrage and disaster, are linked in the reader's mind with Balboa's grand discovery of a new ocean, and with the rich provinces located by Spanish imagina- tion on its shores; as Portuguese progress, step by step down the Brazilian coast, was but a prelude to Magellan's voyages into the Pacific and round the world; as Ponce de Leon's name suggests not the marshes of Florida so much as the fountain of youth; as the ploddings of Cortds on and about the sterile Californian Peninsula were but commonplace achieve- ments for the conqueror of Mexico compared with what he hoped to achieve and what he sought, the isles of pearls and spices and Amazons, the estrecho, and the route to India; and as New Mexican Pueblo town realities, wonderful as they are, pale into in- significance before the imaginary splendors of the cities that Cabeza de Vaca heard of, the Cibola that Mdrcos de Niza visited, and the Quivira built up like .m air castle on Coronado's modest picture of a wig- wam town on the northern plains — so this northern coast of the Oregon must ever be less famous histori- cally for what was found tnere and for the adventures of those who found it, than for what was sought in vain, and what ought by current cosmography to have been found. Here opened into the broad Pacific the strait of Anian, by which ships, when once the en- trance on either side was found, might sail without hinderance from ocean to ocean. Here, on either side the strait, jnauifold wonders and mysteries had their inaccesf^ible seat for more than two centuries. Here, at and about an island standing opposite the entrance of a strait that lacked only lenfjth to afford the desired interoceanic communication, Russian ex- plorers i.amc down from the farther north and met bpanish explorers from the south, while others, Enghsh and American, intruded themselves und gained for NORTHWEST COAST "XPLORATION. their respective nations permanent possessions between those of Spain and Russia. Much historic interest attaches therefore to this portion of the western sea- board in comparison with other parts, independently of the mythic elements in the Northern Mystery which centres here, and of the fa icI citions naturally attaching to the discovery of oew "^ions. I have to follow, then, the navigators cl' icu.r nations whose vessels entered the waters of the northern Pacific States; and besides to make the reader familiar with voyages in the same direction preceding and leading to actual discovery. Moreover, since conjecture is to be recorded no less than the known, theory preceding and overshadowing knowledge, I have to note the rumors on which theories were made to rest, also many voyages which were never made, but only described by imaginative navigators. And finally, the mythical strait had an opening on the Atlantic as well as on the Pacific, else it were not worth searchitifi for and theorizing about; and the eastern no les tliin the western outlet was sought for diligently u\ vyages which therefore become part of the mat 3i lod rr con- sideration. It will be seen that this topic of north-Wt*.i. >: li ex- ploration in its broadest scope, and with all its prece- dent connections, might properly enough be made to fill a volume. There are circumstances, however, which will enable me to restrict an exhaustive pre- sentation of the subject within comparatively narrow limits. Chief among these circumsta^ ses is the fact that the exploration of regions sou' • •? the forty- second parallel, both by sea and lana, . ' honn fully recorded in every desirable detail in tun preceding volumes of this series; while like particulars of explo- rations in the est a nie noi tb, less essential to the pres- ent purpose, wiii be giv. > 'i a later volume on Alaska. Theretbre brie) and summary allusion to matters with which the reader in familiar will often suffice, where otherwise more minute treatment would be re- yi '3-- THE NORTHERN MYSTERY. wsen ierest 1 sea- [ently '■stery iirally have w^hose i*acific r with jading e is to ceding be the ► many scribed vthical I as on k^r and •rJi the yages T con- ex- prece- lade to )wever, ve pre- narrow le fact forty- fully ceding explo- le pres- Maska. natters suffice, be re- quired. Repetition there must be in some phases of the subject, but only in those bearing directly on the general result. Again, I believe that in the case of fictitious voyages and groundless theories, respect- ing: whose character modern knowledge leaves no possible doubt, most of the circumstantial evidence which fills the pages of earlier writers for or against their authenticity and soundness may now be wisely omitted. Detailed description may also profitably give way to general statement in presenting expedi- tions to the northern Atlantic coasts in the vain search for a passage leading to the Pacific. As in other parts of this series, detailed information con- cerning the aboriginal inhabitants of the regions explored is of course omitted from the annals of exploration, for that has been presented much more completely than would be possible here in the NoXive Races of the Pacific States. It is well at the outset to state clearly, even though it involves repetition, the origin of the cosmographic mysteries in which the northern parts of America were so long shrouded ; for they dia not result wholly from the fact that those regions were the last to be explored. The Northern Mystery was a western mys- tery at first, if, indeed, a mystery at all. Columbus set out from Spain with the expectation that by fol- lowing a westerly course across the great ocean he would reach the Aeiatic coast and islands described by Polo and Mandeville. By a fortunate under- estimate of the distance to be traversed, the islands and coast were found to agree substantially in posi- tion and trend with the current charts and descrip- tions. The navigator's theories, agreeing in the main with the theories of his contemporaries and prede- cessors, were verified ; the enterprise was successful ; and all that remained to be done was to follow the Asiatic coast south-westward to the rich provinces of India. This task presented no difficulties; but k k. 6 NORTHWEST COAST EXPLORATION". before circumstances permitted it to be executed a new land was found in the south, not laid down in the old charts, and too far east to be part of the Asiatic main. The conclusion was immediate and natural; the new land was simply a large island, separate but not very far distant from the main, and not known to Marco Polo and the rest. The new discovery, how- ever, offered no obstacle to the old theories or to the proposed voyage to India; yet in coasting south- westward the Spaniards would have to pass between the continent and the island. This passage must be a strait; and this was indeed 'the strait,' although in its earliest stage of development not a passage through a continent, but between Asia and an off- lying island. But as time passed and explorers converged from the north and south they could find no strait, only land. This was an obstacle indeed. True, the passage being narrow might yet exist, having eluded inade- quate search; otherwise geographical theories must be somewhat reconstructed, the old charts and de- scriptions being in error. The correction, though in- terposing serious difficulties in the direct navigation to India, was one that readily suggested itself The latitudes of the old writers were not very definite, and their knowledge of the regions farthest north was necessarily vague ; apparently, then, unless the strait could yet be found, the new land — really South America — instead of being a detached island off the coast of Asia, must be a south-western projection of that coast from a point farther north than any known to the geographers. As the years passed on and no strait was found ; as successive voyages developed the great extent of the southern projection; as the Isth- mian explorers brought to light the South Sea shores; as the great Portuguese navigator crossed the Pacific and made known the immense stretch of waters sepa- rating the new lands ^ Dm India; as Cortds and his men revealed the fact that Mexico also had its western DECLINE OF SPANISH EFFORT. 7 coast — the last conjecture became conviction and reality. More than this, it became evident that not only was the New World a projection of the Asiatic main, but that all the new discoveries belonged to this New World projection, and that all the islands and main land of Columbus and the rest, were very far from the India which had been imagined so near. Yet there remained but little doubt that all was part of Asia, a projection still, though an immense one, from a region farther north. And the idea that there ought to be a strait somewhere had become too firmly rooted to be abandoned. There were those who thought the strait might yet with closer search be found in southern regions; most believed it would be found in the north just beyond the limit of explora- tion; while others, resolved to be fully abreast of future revelations, placed several straits at convenient intervals on their maps. Now the current idea among the most competent men of the time was for the most part accurate and well founded. All that remained to be done was to follow the western coast, at first north, then west, and finally south, to India, finding the strait on the way if any existed. The only error was in vastly underestimating the length of the route. It was not long, however, before exploration was pushed beyond the fortieth parallel. Meanwhile Spanish energy in exploration and conquest had greatly de- clined, though Spain's commercial interests in South Sea waters, over which she claimed to exercise ex- clusive dominion, had assumed immense importance. Spain had no strong desire for territorial possessions in the far north after the geographical relations of that region to India had become better known ; and it soon became apparent that the discovery of the strait would be no benefit but a positive disadvantage and menace to Spain. Nevertheless it was important, and even more urgent than before, to find the strait — not as a shorter route to the Spice Islands, but that, w 8 NORTHWEST COAST EXPLORATION. in possession of Spain, it might be closed to the navi- gators of other nations. For the foreigners were dihgently seeking it ; there were even current reports that they had found it, conceahng the fact; and the ravages of freebooters in South Sea waters caused no little anxiety on the b abject. Meanwhile theorizing went on, supplemented by exaggeration and falsehood. Each navigator to the north, on either ocean, brought back information true or false which served as fuel to the flame. The strait undoubtedly existed; each indentation on either shore must be regarded as its entrance till the contrary was proved; and that being proved, the indentation next north must be the right one. " It were a pity," thought the navigator when at or near a gulf, bay, or river he was prevented by storms, scurvy, or other untoward circumstances from sailing through to the Pacific or to the Atlantic, "it were a pity that another should immortalize himself by the rediscovery of what I have found;" and forthwith he proceeded to protect his glory by an explicit description of what he had been on the point of seeing. Others required no actual voyage as a foundation for their falsehoods, but boldly claimed to have navigated the strait from ocean to ocean; and few interested in the subject but could find a sailor who had accomplished one of these interoceanic expeditions, or at least knew another who had done so. And the fables current did not relate wholly to the mere existence of the strait, but ex- tended to the wonders bordering it on either side. Travellers by sea and land brought back tales of great cities and rich provinces, always farther north than the region they had visited. The natives caught the spirit of the times, and became adroit in inventing northern marvels for the entertainment of the strangers. There is much reason to believe that the famous and fabulous tradition of an aboriginal migra- tion of Toltec and Aztec tribes from a northern centre of civilization had no other origin. THE STRAIT OF ANIAN. Thoro were those who sought to utilize the Northern IMj'stery for the advancement of their own interests and schemes. Conquistadores were not wanting who stood prepared to duphcate in the far north the achievements of Hernan Cortds; friars doubted not that there awaited the reaping a great harvest of northern souls; and explorers were ready to make new expeditions at the royai cost. There was a constant stream of memorials oii the importance of northern occupation; and the writers never failed to make the most of current rumors. Yet for all the real and imagi- nary urgency of the matter, and the pressure brought to bear on the throne, so occupied were the Spanish rulers with other alSfairs, or so completely had died out the adventurous spirit of old, and so unproductive were the few weak efforts made, that for two centu- ries little or nothing was accomplished. Then, late in the eighteenth century, in the time of Cdrlos III., there was a revival of exploring energy. All the old motives were yet potent; and a new cause of alarm appeared, the fear of Russian encroachment from the north-west. A series of voyages was undertaken and carried out by Spain; English and American explorers made their appearance on the coast; the Russians were there already; and soon but little of mystery was left. No strait of Anian was found. There were none of the marvellous things that had been so freely attributed to the latitudes between 40° and 60°; but there was a wealth of furs for those inclined to ad- venturous commerce, and there was a territory of sufficient value to inspire some petty national quar- rels. These discoveries, and others of about the same date in the northern Atlantic, practically put an end to the Northern Mystery so far as it related to a navi- gable channel in moderately temperate latitudes, as located by the navigators who had sailed through the continent from ocean to ocean; though many years had yet to pass before belief in the old narratives and theories could be eradicated. 10 NORTHWEST COAST EXPIX)RATION. ! ill And after all, the Northern Mystery was still a potent incentive to maritime endeavor. It merely took another step northward, as it had often done before. In Arctic regions the strait separating Asia from America was stUl sought as diligently as ever; and after many years it was found. One man has sailed through it, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, after the loss of hundreds of lives in vain efforts. And yet one more retreat has the mystery — in the famous 'open sea' at the north pole, where it even yet eludes the pursuit in which brave men are still losing their lives. Driven from the north pole, whither will the phantom betake itself? I do not know. Judging from the past, this is the only mystery about the matter not likely to be explained in the near future. After this preliminary sketch of the whole subject, let us glance at the exact condition of North Ameri- can exploration in 1550. All the material needed for the purpose is contained in the 'Summary of geo- graphical knowledge and discovery from the earliest records to the year 1540,' published in the first volume of my History of Central America , supplemented in later volumes of this series by more detailed accounts of such voyages as directly concern the Pacific States territory. Between 1492 and 1550 European navi- gators, with those of Spain far in the lead, had dis- covered a New World, and had explored its coast line for some thirty thousand miles, from 60° on the At- lantic coast of Labrador round by Magellan Strait to above 40° on the Pacific. It was a grand achievement, unparalleled in the past and never to be equalled in the future. On the Atlantic side, from Darien to Florida, the coast and islands had been visited by Columbus in his voyages of 1492, 1493-5, and 1502; by Bastidas in 1501; by Cosa and Ojeda in 1504-5; by Pinzon and Diaz in 150P: by Ojeda, Nicuesa, and other would-be rulers c. mainland colonies since 1509; by EARLIEST DISCOVERIES. 11 still a merely n done ig Asia IS ever; aan has Pacific, s. And famous t eludes Qg their will the ing from ) matter ! subject, 1 Ameri- l needed f of geo- 3 earliest it volume ented in accounts ic States an navi- had dis- coast line the At- Strait to ievement, ualled in orida, the umbus in Bastidas y Pinzon nd other 1509; by Ponce de Leon in 1512 and 1521; by Valdivia in 1512; by Mirnelo in 1516; by Cordoba and Grijalva in 1517-18; by Cortds, Pineda, Garay, and Alaminos in 1519; by Garay in 1523; by Olid in 1524; by Mon- tejo in 1527; by Pdnfilo de Narvaez in 1528-34; by Soto in 1538-43; and by many other navigators who surveyed only such parts of the coast as had been already discovered. Farther north on the Atlantic, from Florida to Labrador, the exploration was less thorough, but it covered in a measure the whole coast. In 1497 John Cabot, from England, probably reached Labrador between 56" and 58°, and coasted northward some hundreds of leagues. That land existed, and of great extent, in that direction was the only geographical fact developed by the voyage. In 1498 Sebastian Cabot made a similar voyage, in which he coasted from Labrador northward possibly to 67° 30', and then southward to the gulf of St Lawrence, and perhaps to Cape Ilatteras. There is no reason to question the fact that these voyages of the Cabots were made as claimed; but the records are vague, and nothing is known of the cosm ©graphical motives or the results. The Cortereals, Gaspar and Miguel, made three voyages for Portugal in 1500-2, in which they followed the coast from Newfoundland far to the north, perhaps to Greenland. Both brothers were lost; and of disco eries made during the last expedi- tion nothing is known. The Cortereals gave names to Newfoundland and Labrador, as depicted on maps of the time; they also left several local names. No contemporary narrative of the discoveries of either the Cabots or Cortereals is extant. The Portuguese fishermen are supposed to have continued their trips to Labrador and Newfoundland — Bacalaos, land of codfish — but no geographical results are known; and the same may be said of the voyages of the Bretons and Normans, including those of Denys in 1506 and Aubert in 1508, the former of whom is said to have , 12 NORTHWEST COAST EXPLORATION. explored the gulf of St Lawrence. In 1520 Vazquez de Aillon sent out an expedition from Espanola under Jordan, who reached a country called by him Chicora, on the present Carolina coast. In 1524 Giovanni Verrazano, for France, reached the coast not far from Jordan's Chicora, sailed southward some fifty leagues, and then northward to Newfoundland. He was thus the first to explore a large portion of the United States shore-line. Estdvan Gomez perhaps completed that line in 1525, when seeking in behalf of Spain a strait between Newfoundland and Florida. Aillon in 1526 also sought the strait from Chicora southward, making at the same time a vain effort at colonization. In 1527 John Rut, an English navigator, is said to have followed the coast from 53° down to Chicora. Jacques Cartier for France made three expeditions, in 1534, 1535-6, and 1541-2. Incited by Verrazano's narrative and charts, his main object was to find a passage to the South Sea and Spice Islands. He did not find the strait, but he effected a very complete survey of the gulf and river of St Lawrence, New- foundland, and all the surrounding complication of islands and channels. From Cartier's time the names of Nouvelle France, Canada, Newfoundland, St Law- rence, Montreal, and many others still in use became current, some of them having been applied before. French and other fishermen had long frequented these waters; and maps of the time show many details not to be found in any narrative. The French possessions included all territory above latitude 40°. In connec- tion with Cartier's last voyage, a settlement was made near Quebec under Roberval as viceroy of Canada, Labrador, and the rest; but it was abandoned in 1543. And finally one Master Hore, an Englishman, has left on record a voyage to Newfoundland made in 1536. This completes the list down to the middle of the century. For the purpose in view we may regard the Atlantic coast as fully explored from Darien to Hudson Strait in latitude 60°. PROGRESS SOUTmVi^D. 18 We now turn southward, and with Vasco Nunez de Balboa cross to the South Sea in 1513. His grand discovery made, he soon built certain vessels, in which the Isthmian coasts and islands were ex- plored. And with these vessels in 1519 Gaspar de Espinosa pushed the exploration to the Costa Rican fulf of Nicoya, in 10°, visited already in 1517 by lurtado in canoes. In 1522 Gil Gonzalez Dilvila, on other craft transported across the Isthmus, sailed again to Nicoya, and by land went on to Nicaragua, while Andres Niiio continued his voyage by sea at least to the gulf of Fonseca, in latitude 13°, and probably farther — even to Soconusco or Tohuan- tepec, if we may credit the distances given by the chroniclers. Meanwhile Hernan Cortes, after con- quering for Spain the Mexican table-land of Anilhuac, had through Spanish agents discovered the western coast at three different points, thus determining its general trend, and adding from two to five degrees to knowledge of its extent. All this before the end of 1522. The points were Tehuantepec, in 16°, whence the native chiefs sent their allegiance; Tututepec, in about the same latitude, but one hundred miles farther west, occupied by Pedro de A.lvarado; and Zacatula, in 18°, where Cortds simuli "c msly began to found a settlement, and constructed vessels for northern exploration. After long and vexatious delays, with which we are not at present concerned, the new vessels were completed in 1526, and another from the strait of Magellan, under Guevara, arrived at Tehuantepec, and was brought to Zacatula. This fleet was ordered to the Moluccas in such haste that it could not take the proposed route along the northern coasts, but sailed direct for India in 1527; not, how- ever, until three of the vessels had made a trial trip to the port of Santiago, in Colima, a port already dis- covered by Francisco Cortds' land expedition three years before. The coast now lay disclosed from Panamd. to Colima. Five years elapsed before Cortds was able \ mjBSSilU2 U NORTHWEST COAST EXPLORATION. to accomplish anything on the northern coasts. The expeditions sent out by him were as follows: In 1532 Hurtado de Mendoza reached the Sinaloa coast, and killed at the Rio Fuerte, while his associate was Vr u Mazuela returned with one of the vessels to Banderas Bay, in Jalisco. In 1533 were made the voyages of Becerra, Grijalva, and Jimenez, in which the latter discovered the southern part of the Califomian Penin- sula, supposed to be an island. Beyond the revelation of this new land the expeditioi and that of Cortds himself in 1535-6, added no^ "to north-western geography. Finally Ulloa wf ' out in 1539; and he not only explored the gulf to its head on both sides, but doubled the cape and pushed the exploration on the main coast to Cedros Island, in 29°. The viceroy Mendoza now succeeded the conqueror as patron of exploration, and despatched two expeditions by water. The first was that of Alarcon, in 1540, in which he reached the head of the gulf and explored the mouth of the Colorado. The other was under the command of Cabrillo, who in 1542-3 reached, as he thought, the latitude of 44°, determining the general trend of the coast, though not landing above Point Concepcion, in 34°. No more attempts were made in this direction before 1550. Meanwhile maritime exploration had been sup- plemented to some extent by land expeditions and settlement, which, contributing materially to current knowledge of the continent, must be noticed here. In the north-eastern section, from Texas to Labrador, there was nothing that could be called settlement, though the regions about Newfoundland were frequented by French and Portuguese fishermen, and a French fort had been maintained near Quebec for a year or two, till 1543. lu the far north the only penetration into the continent was that of 1536-42, by Cartier, who went up the St Lawrence gulf and river nearly five hundred miles, past the site of Montreal and to the falls of St Louis. Southward, only the coast outhne INTERIOR EXPEDITIONS. 18 was known to Florida, where we have the inland wanderings of Hernando de Soto, contemporary with those of Cartier. Landing with a large company in 1539 on the gulf coast of Florida, at Tampa Bay, Soto proceeded by an inland course to the vicinity of Talla- hassee ; thence north-easterly to the Savannah River, below Augusta; thence north-westward to the Ten- nessee line, near Dalton, Georgia; thence south-easterly to a point near he head of Mobile Bay; and again north-west to the Mississippi, not far from the moutli of the Arkansas. From this region in 1541-2 the Spaniards made a long tour to the westward. After their return to the great river, Soto died, and was succeeded in command by Luis de Moscoso, under whom they attempted to reach Mexico by land, pene- trating about one hundred and fifty leagues to the westward, and coming within sight of mountains. But they were forced to return to the Mississippi; and from a point not far above the Arkansas they em- barked, July 1543, in vessels built for the purpose, reached the gulf in twenty days, and thence sailed to Pdnuco. In respect to particular localities this ex- Eloration leaves much room for doubt and discussion, ut the general scope and direction of Soto's wan- derings through the territory of Florida, Georgia, Alabama, Arkansas, Texas, and Louisiana are well enough established. Least defined of all is the route in Texas; but seven years before, in 1535, Cabeza de Vaca and his three companions, shipwrecked mem- bers of Narvaez' band, had escaped from their long captivity among the Indians^ crossed Texas from Esplritu Santo Bay to the region of El Paso, and had passed into Chihuahua by a route south of that of Soto, though gradually approaching it, and extend- ing farther into the interior. For the regions of Central America and southern Mexico I need not give, even en r^sumS, the different expeditions by which conquest and settlement were effected; suflfice it to say that before 1550 both had 16 NORTHWEST COAST EXPLORATION. ;i 1 been accomplished in a general way from Darien and Panamd to Panuco on the gulf, and to Sinaloa on the Pacific. On the western side, the occupation from Michoacan to Sinaloa had preceded maritime explo- ration in the same direction, chiefly under Nuno de Guzman, who had conquered Jalisco and established a permanent Spanish garrison at Culiacan in 1531. From this advanced post Guzman's officers made ex- peditions northward to the Yaqui River in 1533, and north-eastward into Durango at an earlier date. It was in 1536 that Cabeza de Vaca and his compani( ns arrived at San Miguel de Culiacan, after traversing Texas, Chihuahua, and Sonora, thus completing the first transcontinental trip in northern latitudes, and the most famous since that of Vasco Nufi'^z de Balboa. Cabeza de Vaca had heard reports of th^ New Mexi- can Pueblo towns, south of which he had passed; and these reports, exaggerated, kindled anew the zeal for northern exploration, resulting in the voyages of Ulloa, Alarcon, and Cabrillo, to which I have already alluded, and the land expeditions of Niza and Coronado, the last that come within the limits of the present sketch. Friar Marcos de Niza advanced in 1539 from Culia- can to Cibola, as the Zuni Pueblo towns in 35° were then called, and brought back most exaggerated re- ports of rich cities and kingdoms in that region. In the following year Francisco Vasquez de Coronado with a large force set out for fuither exploration and conquest in the north. Coronado, like Niza, went to Zufii; and from that point he sent out Tobar and Cdrdenas to the Mooui towns in 36°, the latter reach- ing the great canon of the Colorado in the north- eastern part of what is now Arizona. He also senc a party back to Sonora, from which region one of the officers, Melchor Diaz, made u,n expedition to tho mouth of tho Colorado, ascending the river nearly to the Gila, and crossing to explore a little farther west. Meanwhile Coronado proceeded eastward and SIXTEENTn-CENTURY PROGRESS. If passed the winter in tlie Pueblo towns of the Rio Grande «lel Norte, in New Mexico. In .the spring of 1541 an expedition was made which carried the Spaniards some eighty-five days' journey north-east- ward over the plams of Texas to the wigwam town of Quivira, perhaps in 40°, beyond the Arkansas. Coronado passed far north of Cabeza de Vaca's route, but very likely crossed that of Soto, or at least ap- proached it very closely. During another winter passed on the Kio Grande, exploration was pushed to Taos, in 36° 30'; and then, in 1542, the expedition returned to Culiacan, leaving the great northern in- terior to its primeval savagism. Thus in the middle of the sixteenth century, the northern limit of inland exploration may be given as a line crossing the continent just below the thirty- sixth parallel from the Colorado to the Savannah; Coronado having passed the line in its central part, and advanced into the modern Kansas. The coasts on either side were explored to much higher latitudirj, the Atlantic with tolerable accuracy to 60°, and the Pacific in a manner barely to show the shore-line trend to 44°. Maps of the time, which there is no occasion to specify in this connection, added nothing to tlie narratives of explorers in the west, an.d were even less perfect than they might have been made from those narratives; while in the east, and particularly in the north-east, maps were in advance of written records, including many details from voyages never described. Enough had i^een accomplished to con- vince competent men that- south of 40° there would be found neither great cities nor a navigable passage between the oceans, gra ve doubts even being suggested in the minds of many whether any strait, or nations worth plundering, would be found in the north. During all this period only one navigator, Ferrelo, the successor o'' Cabrillo, had possibly entered the waters of the Northwest Coast, passing the line of 42°, but not landing; Alarcon, by water, had approached. Hist. N. W. Coabt, Vol,. I. a !! 18 NORTHWEST COAST EXPLORATION. within a thousand miles of the boundary, and Cdr- dcnas, by land, wi * . half that distance. I have next to trace the progress of exploration north-westward for two centuries, from the middle of the sixteenth to the middle of the eighteenth cen- tury. This progress was insignificant compared with that of the brilliant era just recorded. New foun- dations had to be laid, and most slowly, for a new advance. The foundations — rediscovery of old lands, futile attempts at settlement followed by successful colonization — were massive and complicated for the light superstructure which, from the present point of view, they were to sustain. The frame, reduced to the merest skeleton, is gigantic for the flesh and blood of geographical discovery that hardly suffices to cover it — that is if we confine ourselves to facts of actual discovery, and I propose to defer for treatment in the following chapter the grand achievements of the imagination. For convenience let us advance by half- century steps. From 1550 to 1600 the extreme north-east was first visited by the English navigator Martin Frobisher, in three voyages, in 1576-8. His original purpose was to discover the strait; but the finding of what was mistaken for gold ore in the first voyage changed the nature of the expedition, and caused Frobisher to confine his researches to the inlet bearing his name, between 62° and 63°. He also entered the inlet next south, without discovering its connection with a great inland sea, although he thought that either inlet would afford a passage to the Pacific. The only other navigator of northern seas during this period was John Davis, who made three voyages in 1585-7. He reached 72°, the highest point yet attained, and made a somewhat careful examination of the coast line from G7° southward. The main strait northward Jbears his name. Farther south there is no occasion to notice partic- .«.*! ATLANTIC AND GULF REGIONS. 19 md Cdr- ploration middle of jnth cell- ared with ew foun- or a new old lands, successful id for the t point of educed to and blood 3S to cover i of actual satment in nts of the CO by half- st was first robisher, in arpose was f what was langed the 'obisher to his name, inlet next ith a great either inlet only other period was 585-7. He , and made I coast line northward otice partic- ular voyages. In Canada, or Nouvelle France, after the failure of Cartier and Robcrval, there was no re- newal of attempts to colonize, though French fishing craft still frequented Canadian waters. On the Florida coast, however, the French Huguenots under Ribault and Laudonniere established colonies at Port Royal and St Mary in 15G2-5, thus adding * La Floride Fran- gaise' or 'La Caroline' to the northern possessions of Nouvelle France. The interior of what is now Florida, Georgia, and South Carolina was explored to some extent during this occupation, which was brought to an end by the Spaniards. Pedro de Menendez, annihilating the French colonies in 1565 by hanging most of the colonists, proceeded to found forts for Spain from San Agustin northward to Carolina. The Spaniards in their search penetrated the interior farther north perhaps than Soto, but not to the Mississippi region. The French under De Gourgues in 15G8 took terrible vengeance for the massacre of 1565, but did not attempt to regain possession, and Spain remained mistress of Florida. In 1584-7 Sir Walter Raleigh made several unsuccessful attempts to found a colony at Roanoke, on the North Carolina coast, so Englishmen learned even less about the great interior than had Frenchmen and Spaniards. On the gulf coast from Florida to Texas all that was known, so far as Europeans were concerned, had been gleaned from Cabeza de Vaca and Her- nando de Soto. There was no settlement, no main- land exploration. In the interior of Mexico the frontier of occupa- tion was pushed northward in general terms to 27°, so as to include Durango and southern Chihuahua, with small portions of Coahuila and Nuevo Leon. From 1562 extensive explorations were made here, chiefly by Francisco de Ibarra; mining-camps were established ; and missionaries, Jesuit and Franciscan, began their labors in Nueva Vizcaya. No less than five entradas were iLade into New Mexico during thia 29 NORTHWEST COAST EXPLORATION. period; those of Rodriguez in 1581-2, of Espejo ifl 1582-3, of Castano de Sosa in 1590-1, of Morlete in 1591, and of Bonilla about 1596. None of thete reached so high a latitude on the Rio Grande as had Coronado, but Bonilla went far out into the plains in search of Quivira. Espejo's return and Castano's entry were by the Pecos instead of the Rio Grande, and Espejo, crossing Coronado 's track in the west, penetrated to the region of the modern city of Pres- cott. Finally Juan de Oiiate, in 1598, effected the permanent conquest and settlement of New Mexico. On the western coast Spain accomplished little or nothing in the way of northern exploration; yet in 1565 Urdaneta made the first trip eastward across the Pacific, opening a northern route, which was fol- lowed by the Manila traders for more than two cen- turies. How many times the trip was made during this period of 1550-1600 we have no means of know- ing; probably not often, but we have mention of two voyages. Francisco de Gali, in 1584, coming from the west reached the coast in 37° 30' — possibly 57" 30' — and observed the trend and appearance of the shore, as he sailed southward, without landing. And Cerinefion by a similar route was wrecked in 1595 at Drake Bay, just above the present San Francisco. But another nation had entered, albeit somewhat irregularly, this field of exploration. In 1579 Fran- cis Drake, an English freebooter, his vessel laden with plunder taken from the Spaniards in the Jioutli, attempted to find the northern strait by which to reach the Atlantic. He reached perhaps latitude 43°, anchoring in tha+^^ region; and then, abandoning hia search, returned to Drake Bay, on the Californian coast, and thence home round the Cape of Good Hope. Thomas Cavendish was another Englishman of the same class, whose expedition sailed in 1587; his operations did not extend beyond the southern ex- tremity of the Californian peninsula. Finally Sebas- tian Vizcaino was sent out by Spain in 1597, but SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 21 his explorations were confined to the gulf, and his vain attempts at settlement to Baja California. For the next half century, 1600-50, we have in the extreme west but one expedition to be noticed, that of Vizcaino, in 1602-3. It was but a repetition of Cabrillo's voyage, though its results were more widely known. Vizcaino anchored at Monterey, and, with- out landing, at the old San Francisco under Point Reyes; thence he went as high as 42°, where he named a cape Blanco de San Sebastian. His associate Aguilar possibly reached 43°, at another Cape Blanco, where seemed to be the mouth of a great river. Other Spanish effoits were confined to the waters of the gulf; and the pichilingues, or freebooters, though still troublesome, had no temptation to enter northern waters. In the interior of Sonora, Spanish occupation had been advanced by the Jesuits to the Arispe region in 30" 30'. To the east in Chihuahua the missionaries were struggling northward at about 29°. In New Mexico Spanish authority was maintained, but north- ern exploration was not greatly advanced. In 1601 Oiiate made a long tour over the buffalo plains, going far to the north and east. Records are vague, but it is not probable that he reached a higher lati- tude than Coronado, or certain that he went beyond the limits of the modern Texas. In 1604-5 he under- took another extensive exploration toward the west, visited Zuni and the Moqui towns, thence directed liis march south-westward beyond the limits of Espejo's exploration till he reached the Colorado, at the mouth of the Santa Maria, and following the great river down to its mouth, returned by the same route. There were also several entradas among the Texan tribes of the far east from New Mexico, notably those of padres Perea and Lopez in 1629, and of Captain Vaca in 1634. On the gulf coast all remained in undisturbed « NORTHWEST COAST EXPLORATION. aboriginal possession; and of the Spaniards in eastern Florida there is nothing to be said. To the north, however, were laid the foundations of permanent English occupation, and of the future power of the United States by Newport and Smith in Virginia, 160G; by the Puritans in Massachusetts, 1620; by Lord Baltimore in Maryland, 1634; and by other hardly less notable bands of pioneer settlers. These men came to, make homes for themselves rather than to test geographical theories; and though some, like the adventurous John Smith, were bent on finding a passage to the Pacific, their explorations were con- fined to the examination of a few short rivers and inlets near their respective settlements. In Canada, French colonization had been resumed, with all its complication of fur-trading companies, of spiritual conquest by Recollet and Jesuit missionaries, of Indian wars against and between the Iroquois and Huron nations, and of contentions with hostile En- glishmen, by which New France lost and regained Acadie, or Nova Scotia, and even Quebec. It appears that by 1650 geographical exploration had been pushed westward into the interior, at first by Cham- plain and later by Jesuit fathers, beyond lakes Erie and Huron, and the head- waters of the Ottawa River; that Jean Nicolet as early as 1634-5 had discovered Lake Michigan, and had sojourned among the tribes on the west of that lake in the Wisconsin territory, going up Fox River from Green Bay ; and that subse- quently Lake Superior had been discovered. The voyages of Weymouth in 1602, and of Knight in 1606, added nothing to the knowledge of far-north geography; but in 1610 Henry Hudson, who the year before had discovered the river that b'^.ars his name in the south, not only entered the strait i:amed for him, as Frobisher, Davis, and Weymouth had done before hiin, but pressed on and discovered the great Hudson Bay, an inland sea, on which ho was turned adrift by mutineers to perish. The bay was THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. 98 further explored by Button in 1G12-13, and by Baffin in 1G15, the latter being inclined to think even at this early date that the passage to the Pacific would be found not there but farther north; but he did not find it when in IGIG he reached the latitude of 78° through Baffin Bay to Smith Sound. In 1G31-2 Hudson Bay v/as visited by Foxe and by James. The next period, 1650-1700, was not one of mari- time discovery in the north; but in 1G70 the Hudson's Bay Company was organized; and soon five forts were established in the region adjoining the bay. Meanwhile a French company was also formed, and in the ensuing contentions the forts changed hands more than once. In 1700 the English retained but a slight footing. There is no record of extensive inland explorations beyond the bay shore. Great activity prevailed in the regions of New France, an activity marked not only by Indian wars, and political, commercial, and ecclesiastical dissensions at home, by strife with the English on the north and south, and by fur-hunting adventures in every di- rection, but by a J, ded advance in the great work of exploration. The Jesuit missionaries, accompanied in some instances by the fur-traders, closely followed or even preceded b^'^ them in others, penetrated on the north to Hudson Bay, and on the west far into the plains, besides completing the survey of the great lakes and founding missions on their shores; above all, they found and explored the Mississippi Valley. In IG73 M. Joliet and Pore Marquette set out to find the 'Great Water' of which so much had been heard. They crossed over from Lake Michigan to the Wisconsin River, went down that stream to the Mississippi, and sailed in canoes down the great river to the mouth of the Arkansas, and to the north- ern limit of Soto's wanderings. Then they returnovl to Quebec by the Illinois, instead of the Wisconsin. It was now pretty clear that the Mississippi flowed > \ i i 11 ] {SI 21 NOHTHWEST COAST EXPLORATION, into the gulf and not into the Pacific. In 1G80 P5re Hennepin was sent by La Salle down the Illinois and thence up the Mississippi to the falls of St Anthony, in 45°, half-way across the continent from east to west. In 1G82 La Salle himself descended the Mississippi not onl}' to the limits of Soto and Joliet, but to the gulf, and erected a fort at th^ mouth of the Ohio. Thus was the Mississippi Valley added to the domain of New France; but wars with the English and Indians prevented any extension of settlement or exploration during the rest of the cen- tury. Not only had the Mississippi been discovered, but the size of the rivers flowing into it from the west showed clearly that the stretch of continent to the Pacific was much broader than had ever been sus- pected. Southward, after the navigation of the Mississippi, we are no longer interested in the gradual advance of the English colonists toward that stream; and the Spaniards in Florida made no efforts in the interior. In the gulf I have noted La Salle'o arrival down the river from Canada in 1G82. In 1G85 he came back by sea with a colony from France, and missing the mouth of the river, was cast away on the Texan coast, w^icre a fort was built and formal possession taken for France. La Salle wandered about extensively in Texas, us Cabeza de Vaca and Soto had done before him; and on one of his trips in search of the Missis- sippi, in 1G87, he was assassinated. Of his colony half a dozen reached Canada; many were killed by disease or Indians, and a few fell into the hands of the Spaniards of New Mexico. Several parties of trap- pers and missionaries came down the great river from Canada, establishing themselves at different points; and in 1G99 came Iberville and Bienville to found a permanent French settlement in Louisiana. In New Mexico the only expeditions sent ou (, were a few into southern Texas during the first half of the period. Then came the great revolt of 1680> whi«^'b EIGHTEENTn CENTURY. 25 drove the Spaniards out of the country. It was thir- teen years before the province was reconquered; and down to the end of the century there was no thought of northern exploration. South, in Chihuahua, the missionaries and miners were strugghng with greater or less success against the Indians between them and New Mexico. In the west during the last decade of the century Padre Kino explored the regions of Pimeria Alta, or northern Sonora, by repeated tours among the people up to the Gila and Colorado, with- out reaching the limits of Coronado, Cdrdenas, Diaz, Espejo, and Oilate of earlier date, but making a far more careful examination of the country traversed, and meeting with extraordinary success in tliQ con- version and pacification of the natives. Across the gulf the Jesuits also * established themselves perjna- nently in 1697 in Baja California. On the coast there were no expeditions to northern latitudes, only such as were directed to the California Gulf for pearls, or in vain attempts at settlement, or by foreign pirates in quest of the Manila galleons. In 1700-50 the Philippine treasure-ships continued to cross the Pacific by the northern route without touching on the California coast; and a French vessel under Frondac took the same course. There were no maritime expeditions sent northward by Spain; neither did the foreign privateers Dampier, Rogers, Shelvocke, and Anson enter northern waters, though each of their narratives contains something on north- ern theoretical geography. In the interior there was no advance whatever, but rather in some quarters a retrograde movement under the aggressive raids of savages. On the Mexican Gulf the Texan territory was several times traversed and partly occupied by Spain and France. From the French settlements of Louisiana it is probable th.at a wider tract than had been previously known wac explored toward the north-west in the course of Indian wars and vain ill 86 NORTHWEST COAST EXPLORATION". searches for gold, but I find nothing definite in the records. It was in the north, from Canada, that the greatest results were achieved. The French trappers ranged the country in all directions as far as and beyond the upper Mississippi, visited by Hennepin ; and the Jesuits continued their labors, though they had no establish- ments so far west. The French had a fort on the Missouri, and in 1727 Bourgmont made a trip up the river from that fort to a point above the Kansas. Vcirendrye's efforts to form a line of trading -posts across the continent were in 1731-43; forts were established in the regions round lakes Winnipeg and Manitoba; in 1742 the upper Missouri River was ascended to the region of the Yellowstone; and in 1743 the Verendryes reached the eastern base of the Rocky Mountains, in what is now Montana. Mean- while reports were current of a great western river flowing from the mountains into the Pacific; and an Indian of the lower Mississippi claimed, under circum- stances indicating that his narrative may have been true, to have followed that river, the Columbia, to its mouth in 1745-50. Explorations in the far north were confined to Hudson Bay. Half a dozen expeditions visited these waters under Knight, Scroggs, Middleton, Moor, Smith, and others; but the only result was to find an ice-blocked passage leading northward from the bay, and to prove that some of its western inlets did not lead to the Pacific, though others yet remained to be examined. I have thus outlined the progress of North Amer- ican discovery for two centuries, from 1550 to 1750, showing how very slight it was in comparison with that from 1492 to 1550. In the we'stern ocean two navigators, perhaps, had reached new coast latitudes, Drake and Gali; though it is not certain that either had done so much, and neither noted anything FLIGHT, NORTIIW^VRD, OF THE MYSTERY. V beyond the general shore trend in regions vaguely located. In the southern interior the Spaniards had pushed their missions, mining -camps, and settle- ments northward, accomplishing much in the face of great obstacles; but their occupation had not reached the limit of earlier exploration, though it had nearly done so in New Mexico. The Rio Colorado was still the northern boundary, and all beyond was an un- known land. The Texan plains had been several times retraversed; but the wanderings of later travellers are as vaguely recorded as those of the pioneers; and it is by no means certain that the limits of Cabeza do Vaca, Coronado, and Soto had been passed. The Atlantic coast territory had been the scene of great colonizing achievements, by men who came more to settle than to solve geographical enigmas by long extended search for gold, spice islands, and rich king- doms for conquest. The French were the great American explorers of the period, to whom is due nearly all the progress made into the broad interior. Entering by the St Lawrence they occupied the region round the great lakes, and penetrated northward to the shores of Hudson Bay, westward to the Rocky Mountains, and southward to the gulf of Mexico by the Mississippi Valley. In the far' north they were excelled by the English, who had discovered Hudson Bay and explored the labyrinth of adjacent chamiels nearly to the Arctic circle. For the present purpose I am called upon to con- sider, and that very briefly, but one more half-century of discovery. For before 1800 the west coast was explored to Bering Strait; the territory from Hud- son Bay to the Arctic Ocean was more than once traversed; trappers not infrequently had reached the base of the Rocky Mountains; the Spaniards had I)enctrated to Utah and had settled Alta California. There was yet a broad interior to bo explored by men whose exploits in that direction will receive attention 28 NORTHWEST COAST EXPLORATION. 1- II i in different parts of this work; but the Nortlicm Mystery in its cosniograpliical aspects was at an end; and tlie north-west passage was pushed out of the Hinits of this volume up into the arctic regiuus, where it properly belongs. After further exploration by water in Hudson Bay, and particularly in Chesterfield Inlet, the chief ex- peditions being those of Christopher aad Norton in 1761-2, the attention of English explorers was di- rected mainly to current reports of great rivers flow- ing northward; and in 1770, after two unsuccessful attempts, San-uel Hearne descended the Copp ermine River to its mouth. In 1789 Mackenzie v, m down the river that took his name to the Arctic shores; in 1793 the same explorer won the honor of being the first to reach the Pacific by crossing the Rocky Mountains. His route was up the Peace River, down the Eraser, and acrrss to tide- water, in 53°. I find no definite records respecting the discoveries of the French trappers in this period, after they built a fort at the eastern base of the mountains in 1752; and there is no evidence that any explorer from the United States penetrated beyond the Miss" sippi before 1800. In Louisiana, Texas, an-^ N v Muxico all remained essentially m statu qv '^>\ as exploration was con- cerned; but from the lamea pro" ce there were (Several minor expeditit ; orth - ard acr-oss the streams that form the Colorado; and i 1776 Dominguez and Escolanta penetrated the great basin to Utah Lake, above 40°. In 1769 Alta California was explor I by a Spanish military and missionary force, up to San Francisco Bay, in 37° 48'; and by 1776 not only was the whole coast region occupied up to that point, but Anza had in two trips opened an overland rou ■ fronr, Sonora by way of the Gila and Colorado, while Padre Garcds had crossed California from the Mojave region and had penetrated the great Tulare Valley to the vicinity of the lakes. There was no further advance by land before 1800. DOINGS OF THE RUSSIANS. 29 Busalan discoveries fiom the north -west clomand but brief notieo here, the subject beiiij' presented with full details in a later volume of thin series de- voted to the hii^tory of Alaska. Before IGOO the Cosisaeks had crosyod the Ural Mountains and oeeu- l)ied the valley of the Obi, in Asia. At the same date small Russian craft navigated the coast waters of that region in the Kara Sea; and the same waters hafl \)vv.n reached by the English and ])utch in their search for a north-cast passage, toward which end but little additional progress was ever made in later times. Between IGOO and 1050 the Cossacks traversed Siberia in search for sable, crossed river ai'tcr river an fresh hunting-grounds were needed, subdued the inhaJM- tants, and reached the Pacific in 1039. The chief Russian establishment on the Pacific, which was dis- covered at many points, was at Okhotsk, on the sea of the same name. Thus mor-e than twenty-five hun- dred miles of unknov/n territory were expk)rcd and occupied by small bands of roving fur-hunt«rs. The discovery of mines on the Amoor, and fossil ivory in the extreme north-east, was added to the incentives. During 1050 to 1700 nearly every part of the Asiatic coast up to the strait and including the peninsula of Kamchatka had boen visited by one adventurous party or another, aud only the fierce Chukchi of the north- east remained unconquered. Abundant eviclen(;e was found of '.he existence of land still fiirther east. Trees and various articles not of Asiatic origin were oftcii washed ashore; and indeed the natives made no secret of their frequent intercourse with a i)e()ple f.'om the east who came in boats or on the ice, and who spoke a language different from their own. The Russian government became interested in the rumors cf new lands; a post had been founded on the eastern shore of Kamchatka; and in 1728 Vitus Bering was sent in a vessel built there to learn the truth respecting the current rumors, and especially to find whether the eastern landii were pai't of Sibeiia or 8» NORTHWEST COAST EXPLORATION. i I separated from it by water. Bering in this voyage i-eached the strait between the continents to which his name is given, naming St Lawrence Island, and observing the point in 67° 18', b8y(md which the coast turned abruptly westward, decided that the reported land not yet seen by any Russian was not an extension of Asia. There is some evidence that in the earlier coastings Bering Strait had been passed through once or twice; and it somewhat vaguely appears that in 1730 Krupischef and Gwoz- def, following Bering, actually came in sight of the American continent, along which they coasted south- ward for two days. In 1741 Bering made his second expedition, during which his associate Chirikof first saw the continent, in latitude 55° 36', near the later Sitka, where two boat-crews landed and were probably killed by the natives, as they were never heard of again. The commander then coasted northward four or five hundred miles before returning to Kamchatka. Bering meanwhile struck the coast a few days later than Chirikof, in latitude 58° 28', in sight of Mount St Elias. Thence he followed the shore westward and south-westward, named the Shumagin Islands, and was finally wrecked on Bering Island, near the Kam- chatka coast, where he died. The presence of valu- able sea-otter on the American coast and islands — or rather at first on j^.&iatic islands in that direction — becoming known was the chief incentive to further efforts. In 174 J Nev6dc]iikof made the first hunting trip to the nearest Aleutian Islands; and thencefor- ward one or more expeditions were fitted out nearly every year by Siberian merchant companies, many of which proved profitable. Discovery was in this way pushed eastward until Kadiak was reached by Glottof m his trip of ^63-5. The obstacles encountered in the exploration of these northern seas, and the reck- less daring and energy displayed in overcoming these obstacles, are unsurpassed m the history of American discovery. The Russian craft were small, hastily con- RUSSIAN NAVIGATION. 81 structcd by men who knew but little of their task, and were often mere boxes of planks he'd together by leathern thongs, without iron. They were in every way inferior to the worst vessels employed by navigators of other nations in any part of America. In these frail boats, poorly supplied with food, gener- ally without remedies against scurvy, these bold sailors did not hesitate to commit themselves to the icy waves and furious gales of the Arctic seas. Rarely was an expedition unattended by shipwreck and starvation; but sea-otter were plentiful. Notwithstanding the numerous voyages it does not appear that the conti- * "ital coasts, either above or below the Alaskan peninsula, were ever visited by the Russians after the time of Bering, and before Cook's survey in 1778. After this date such visits were frequent, resulting in permanent occupation at many points; but it remained for Cook to make known the general features of the entire coast to the strait. Subsequent local explora- tions by the Russians, English, Spanish, and French in south-eastern Alaska at later dates have no bearing on our present study. i II ii -f CHAPTER 11. THE NORTHERN MYSTERY AND IMAODfARY GEOGRAPHY. 1500-1595. Field of Conjecture — Mythic Geography — Strait or no Strait — Pas- SAOK to India — Cabots and Cortereals — Ruvsch and Schoneb — Amazon Isles — Clavos and Esclavos — Maps of 1530-1 — Queen of Caufobnia — Canadian Rumors— Nisa's Fictions — Real Explora- tions OF 1540-3 — Cibola, Tiouex, and Quivika — Gomara's Blun- der — RUSCELLI AND MuNSTER — RaMUSIO AND HOMEM — A CHOICE OF Straits — Theories of Menendez — First Trip through the Strait — Ubdaneta— Salvatieura's Tale — Ribault— TApia — Ortelius' The- ATRUM — ToLM — AnIAN — ORIGIN OF THE NaME — LaDRILLEUO AT THE Strait— Meta Incognita — Martin Chacke — Drake's Pilot — Espejo's Lake and River — Haklu\t — Lok's Map — By the Roanoke to thb Pacific — La Gran Copal—Peter ALvrtyr — Acosta on the Mystery. In the preceding chapter, after an outline of North- west Coast explorations, showing how much of its interest and importance is connected with events which are geographically and chronologically outside the limits of this section, and presenting the mythical aspects of the matter in their origin and general scope, I have traced the progress made by Europeans toward the Northwest Coast before they reached the territory so designated and began its actual explora- tion. Deferring that exploration for other chapters, I propose first of all to treat the subject in its myth- ical, imaginary, theoretical, and apocryphal phases. It is an oUa pudrida of absurdities that is offered, made up of quaint conjectures respecting a land that ha I never boon seen, and the various approaches to that land; for it was not to the Northwest Coast proper that these conjectures were directed so mui^h as to the broad border-land surroundiu'' it. ^i ASIA AND AilERICA. 33 In the middle of the sixteenth century, aa we have seen, the western coayt was known northward to hiti- tude 40° and beyond, the eastern coast above 00°, and the interior vaguely as far north as the Colorado and Arkansas rivers. All the broad interior farther north, slightly encased, up to the limits named, by a thin shell of coast discovery, was a terra incof/nita, if indeed it were a terra at all, and not part of an ocean or an inland sea. Respecting this region conjecture had thus far been partly reasonable. The process of development has already been traced; first the new discoveries as part of the Asiatic main to be coasted south-westward to India; next, the southern portion of those discoveries as a great island separated from Asia by a 'strait'; then the strait an isthmus rather, and the island a great south-eastern projection from the continent; and finally an extension of the pro- jection so as to include the regions north as well as south of the Panamd Isthmus, and to join the Asiatic main at a higher latitude than 40° at least, if at all. I do not say that this theory of geographical evolu- tion will satisfactorily account for every recorded statement or idea of every early navigator, or cosmog- rapher, or map-maker; but the exceptions are so few and slight as by no means to impair the theory, or to aftbrd a basis for any other. By 1550 it was well understood that the new lands were of continental proportions, and very far from Asia in their southern parts. Whether they were also distant in the north was an open question, for the solution of which no real data existed. Official chart- makers and the most competent of geographers con- tented themselves with recording the results of actual exploration, leaving a blank on their maps for the country yet unvisited, while in the text they noted, without committing themselves, the various theories. Many still believed North America to be a part of the Asiatic continent, and expected to find tlu> coast- line turning to the west not far beyond latitude 40', Hui .N. W. CuAsi, Vui.. I. a MSiSittMiiiisa^f. 1 iM IHE NORTHERN MYSTERY. i. and thence southward to India; but others — almost all in later years — believed in a strait separating the two continents somewhere in the north-west. This theory of a northern strait was somewhat incoherently built on the circumstance that a passage had been vainly sought in the central regions, on Magellan Strait actually found in tlio far south, on statements of ancient writers respecting the lost Atlantis, which might have been part of America and which had been described as an island, and on the discovery of certain unexplored inlets along the north-eastern coasts. Those who believed in the separation by water differed widely about its natuia. Some thought it to be a narrow strait, others a broad one ; some placed it between two opposite capes, others made of it a long winding channel, or a succession of lakes, or a net-work of intertwining channels, or an archipelago; while there were many who regarded it as a broad expanse of salt water, reducing North America to a long naiTow strip of irregular form, which extended from south-west to north-east, and perhaps was itself cut up by narrow interoceanic passages not yet discovered. It cannot be said that the ideas of one class on this subject were in any respect superior to those of another; all were but conjecture; nor do such maps as represent the northern regions in something like their real position and proportion entitle their makers to credit. I now proceed to chronicle some of these conjectures which held sway for more than two centuries, and which bear more or less directly on north-western geography, and are often entertain- ingly supplemented by falsehood. I shall treat the subject so far as possible chronologically. There were few if any of the voyages to America before 1550 the object of which was not to find among other things a passage by water to India; but there is no need of recapitulating these voyages for the sake of presenting their common object and failure. For 1 DIVERS CONJECTURES. 33 ilmost ig tho This rently I been bgellaii nnents which ih had covery jastern J water it it to Laced it , a long 3t-work ; while iBxpanse a long 3d from f cut up jovered. on this lose of maps as ke their akers to of these lan two ectly on itortain- reat the America id among )ut there the sake ire. For this earliest period of maritime discovery, I have to notice for the most part only such expeditions as furnished material for later argument and conjecture, such as not only sought the strait but found it, or at least something that might be deemed an indication of its existence. The Northmen, the earliest in the field of American discoveries, did not stop to theorize about the western lands, nor did they care, so far as the records show, whether they belonged to Asia or Africa. They were bent on adventure, conquest, and settlement, and sought no passage to the Spice Islands of the south or the cities of the Grand Khan. Doubt- less had their adventures been known to the cosmog- raphers they would have furnished much food for theory; but the records were for the time lost, and the sagas therefore have no bearing on the Northern Mystery. Of Columbus and his vagaries about the terrestrial paradise in South America as well of his associates and tbeir explorations in southern parts enough has been said elsewhere ; likewise of the pro- Columbian theories of wonderful islands in the Atlan- tic. For these and other matters that have indirect bearing on the present subject, I refer the reader to the first volume of the History of Central America. There exist no contemporary narratives of the voy- ages of the Cabots to northern parts of the continent in 1497-8, and the fragments of a later date are as contradictory respecting the navigators' exact ideas as about the exact regions visited. "And understand- mg by reason of the Sphere," wrote Sebastian Cabot, "that if I should saile by way of the Northwest, I should by a shorter tract come into India. . .not thinking to finde any other land then that of Cathay, and from thence to turne toward India, but after cer- taine dayes I found that the land ranne towards the North, which was to mee a great displeasure"^ — why ' HaMiiyt's Voy., iii. 4-11, with several nccour.ts. For further references on the voyages mentioned in this chapter see Qeogniphical Summary, in Hint, CeiU. Am., vol. i. chap. i. 3d THE NORTHEHIf MYSTERY. I ' < is not apparent; but he wrote at a time when it was clear that a new continent had been discovered. Moreover, he wrote to Ramusio that in latitude 67° 30', "finding still the open Sea without any manner of impediment, hee thought verily by that way to liaue passed on still the way to Cathaio, which is in the East, and woulde haue done it, if the mutinie of the shipmaster and marriners had not rebelled."' At first there was no doubt that Cabot had reached Asia, or later that he had discovered a strait leading to that coast. The expeditions of the Cortereals in 1500-2 were like the preceding, in that they are not described by contemporary documents; but so much the better for later theorists. I do not suppose that either Cabot or Cortereal really sought a ' strait,' but only a pas- sage, not doubting that they were on the Asiatic main; but in their reports there, was no lack of ma- terial for a strait when needed — instance Cortereal's Rio Nevado, where his progress was impeded by ice. In later times Cortereal was credited by many with not only having discovered the strait, but with having named it. I am not certain who originated this theory; but we are told by Forster, Fleurieu, Burney, Hum- boldt,* and others, that Cortereal found the strait, named it Anian, in honor of certain brothers with him, and was lost when returning to utilize his discovery. The authorities differ as to whether there were two brothers or three, whether the name was that of the family or of one of the brothers, possibly that of Cortereal's own brother; and they likewise differ respecting the identity of the strait with Hudson Bay or St Lawrence River. It does not matter, however; none of the earliest writers mention the circumstance. ^Hakluyt'a Divers Voy., 25, from Ramusio. A letter announcing Cabot 'a return credits him with ' having likewise discovered the seven cities, four hundred leagues from England, on the western passage;' and still another says that he had visited ' the territory of the Grand Cham.' Bn/aiU's Ukt. U.S.,i.\M. ^ For tier's Hist. Fby., 460; Flnirieu, in Mnrckand, Voy., i. vi.; Biirrey'a Ditcov. Soufh Sen, i. C; Ihimh'Mt, Esmi Pol., 3;30. 'II prit son noni d'uu des frures ombarquds sur le voiaseau de Gaspar de Corteral. ' EARLY MAPS. 37 It is tolerably certain that the strait of Anian was not named for more than fifty years after Cortereal's voy- age, and I shall notice the matter again in due time.* Johann Ruyscli in 1508 printed the first map that showed any part of the New World, which he published in Ptolemy's geography. It represents the mystery Euysch'8 Map, 1508. of the strait in an early stage of development. As yet there was nothing to impede navigation to India. It is said that the Ptolemy map of 1511 separates the Terra Corterealis from the Asiatic main. To quote from an earlier volume of this series: "As long as the new lands were believed to be a part of Asia, the maps bore some resemblance to the actual coun- tries intcndod to be represented, but from the first dawning of an idea of separate lands we shall see the greatest confusion in tlie efforts of map-makers to depict the New World." Ponce de Leon's famous search for the fountain of youth in Florida might in *The London Quarterly lievifw, xvi. 154, thinks that Cortereul, entering Iludaou l]ay, thought it part of an opening on the Tacifiu uheady known (before 1500!) as the strait of Anian; and tlic North American Hei-ieir, Janu- ary 1831), U8, dceniB tliis not very brilliant theory more probable than any other. rf*P 38 THE NORTHERN MYSTERY. a certain sense be cited as a ihase of the present sub- ject; but this bubble soon burst, and so far as I know had no effect on the vagaries of later days. The map in Stobnicza's Ptolemy of 1512 is said to show the New World as a continuous coast up to 50°. A Portu- guese chart of about 1518 exhibits for the first time the Pacific divided by an isthmus from the Atlantic; leaving spaces between the Gulf of Mexico and Lab- rador where the coast may not be continuous."^ Schoner's globe of 1520 explains itself It was doubtless founded on mere conjecture, though in cer- tain respects an approximation to accuracy, for as 1 — n^i — ~" Schoner's Globe, 1520. yet there were no discoveries to suggest a broad sheet of water north-west of the newly found lands.^ In the earliest land expeditions from Mexico to the * See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 133. * In Bi-!iniif\ Hist. U. S., i. 149, it is stated that tlic Rio Jordan visited by Aillon in lo'iO on t'le Carolina coast was sought as the 'saered' Jordan of biblicvtl tradition 1 ESTliJVAN GOMEZ. m near north-west of Michoacan and Colima in 1522-4 much interest was excited by reports of a province of Ciguatan, or of an island some ten days' journey be- yond, inhabited by women, like Amazons, wIkj being visited at intervals by men from the mainland, killed their male children; they were withal rich in pearls. This was all the more interesting because Cortes expected to find rich and marvellous isles in his voyage to India, for which he was then preparing.'' In 1524 Francisco Cortes found also in Colima traces of Christian rites, and rumors of a vessel wrecked in earlier years. Verrazano visited the eastern coast in 1524, and has been credited with being the lirst to pronmlgate the true theory of the earth's size and the geographical relation of the New World to Asia." I find nothing in his report to justify such a conclu- sion, though the name ' Mar de Verrazano' is apjjlied to the western waters on a later map. Esttjvan Gomez sought the strait in 1525 between Florida and Newfoundland;^ and about his return an amusing story has often been repeated. He brought home a cargo of esclavos, or slaves; and an enthusiast in the cause of discovery, failing to catch the first syllable, rushed to court with the news that Gomez had at last found the passage to the Spice Islands, having re- turned with a cargo of clavos, or cloves! The truth was soon known, nmch to the amusement of the court and the messenger's discomfiture. In those days the Spaniards little thought of sailing to the extreme ' ' Y asimismo me trujo Rclacion tie los Sefiores de la Provincia de Ciguatan, que so aiiniian miicho haber una Isla toda pol)lada do !Miigcios sin Vafou ninguno, y (jue en ciortos tieniiw van de la Tiorra-Firnie lloniln'os, con los (Hialos han aceso, y las (juc quedan prenadius, si paren Mugcrcs la guardan ; y si }lonil)res los echan e\» Mexico. THE NORTHERN MYSTERY. ■; i 'I * because they made signs that they had sailed thirty days,"" meaning perhaps to connect the falseliood with tiie visit of Cilrdenas to the coast, though later writers did not so understand it, and located these ships at Quivira, or rather carried Quivira to the ships. Niza/s Totonteac, as the natives told Coronado, wc^ 3 a small town on a lake; and this mythic town, as we shall see, long lived under one name or another. Moreover, several items of really later orisrin were sometiuaes dated back to Coronado's time. Before Coronado undertook his exploravi^.: Niza's discoveries becoming known had created some ex- citement in Spain, a curious phase of which was a quarrel in the Council of the Indies, in Spain. Cor*".H8, Guzman, Soto, and Alvarado, each had a license for discovery in the north, and in their ab- sence were represented by counsel. Each lawyer endeavored to make the stupid consejo understand that Cibola was in the very heart of the particular territory his client was authorized to rule; and that to allow encroachment by another on a conquest for whicli such sacrifices had been made would be a grievous wrong. After hearing the arguments m favor of California, New Galicia, and Florida, the council wisely came to the conclusion that it waa unable to determine the lo«;ation of Cibola, and ac- cordingly authorized Vicero} Mendoza to continue his explorations for the province." Ulloa's voyage left sonio doubt whether there was & strait just abov«; Santa Cruz separating the southern end of th* peninsula. Alarcon was entertained on the gulf and river shores by the natives with reports of grand rivers, copyjer mountains, powerful chief- tains, and bearded white men. One or more 'old men' usually accompanied the commander in his voyage on the Colorado, who did not fail to impose upon the ^"Oomara, Jfiff. Ind. Ti(>~i It is ropeutcd by Salmeron and other writcni, with vurious I'luliellislinicntf!. '*Froce60 del. Mai.{Ms, 300-408. I .1. RUSCELLI AND MUXSTER. 47 oredulity of his visitor, telling him among otiicr things of an old woman, Guatazaca, who livod without eat- ing, on a lake, or near the sea, or by a mountain, in the country w^liere copper bells were made. Cabrillo, be- yond hearing rumors of white men in the interior, contributed nothing to mythic annals; in fact his exploration was well nigh forgotten in later years. Most prominently to be remembered in connection with Cabrillo was that he is said to have discovered and named Cape Mendocino — which he certainly did not. Two maps of 1540 and 1541 represent very accu- rately the peninsula coasts, the gulf, and the mainland shore; but they leave the interior a blank.^° Iluscelli's map of 1544, which I reproduce, adheres to lirst RusCELU's Map, 1544. principles indeed. Not only are New Spain and Florida represented as part of Asia, but Bacalaos is pictured as a central land connected by narrow isthmuses on the west with Asia and on the east with Europe. A voyage to India according to this ••See maps in Hial. Cent. Am., i. 153-4. 48 THE NORTHERX MYSTERY. map would liave Ijcen attended with many difficulties. The map in JMunster's Cosmographia of 1545 is, as Munster's Map, 1545. will be observed, a copy of the PtolewAj of 1530, so far as the southern parts of Temistitan, Florida, Frap- cisca, and Cortercal are concerned; but it exten.-^ farther north. Bacalaos, or Newfoundland, joins Europe as in Ruscelli's map, but it reaches far to the west, as does upper India far to the east, until a strait is left between them, into the northern ocean; while south of these lands is ' the strait,' with the inscription, "Per hoc fretii iter patet ad Molucas." As we pass 1550 to record the use that was made of the brilliant discoveries achieved before that date, with the vagaries founded on those discoveries, and on new ones, real or fictitious, we find in Ramusio's map of 155G'''' the first printed representation of North America as it was actually known; that is, witli indications of a broad continent, but all loft blank beyond the points of discovery. In the western iutc- " liammio, Viagf/i,\euct\a,, 1565, iii. 455-6. The first edition of this volmae wa« in 155<). 1 am not cei-tiiin that it coutaineJ llic same iiiap; but, it iui»».«i» uu dillerenue. Also in ii)Uv< an' 2\iKtii, ]A. iv. uu. '4. RAMUSIO AND HOMEM. rior a vague record of Coronatlo's expedition is given, but with a curious transposition of east for west in the k)cation of Cibohi, Tiguex, Cicuic, and Quivira respectively, all, it would seem, for the purpose of following Gomara's su[)posed theory that Quivira Rampsio's Map, 1556. was on the western coast. And there Quivira re- mained for many years. The Sierra Nevada has been named by Cabrillo. California, not named, is a pe- ninsula of peculiar shape not copied by later map- makers; and beyond the limits of my copy, some 50" west of California, lies an island, Giapam. There is no expressed oi)inion respecting the strait. In its mam features this map is of a tvpe often repeated. The manuscript map of the Portuguese Ilomem, m»«le in 15J8,''^" dili'ers v»idely in the nortli-west. Homem adheres to the old idea that Norti. America is a very narrow continent, extending from sxutli-west to north-east; and he gives the navigator his choice '■■'Taken froni AV.;./'.< //w/. Discov., 377. Most n; no loaiirnj im tlua suiijuct. MlMt. N. \V, CoABT, Vol. I. i iiiittod, as having ■'% 60 THE NORTHEEN MYSTERY. \ (■1 V^ I ! of many ways by water to the Pacific. As Kolil says: "Our author appears to have had a great passion for islands and a strong behef in north-west .•■^:^-£z?^^/fA T K K K A AOKICULE iHt u itUfiOeniiliiuM ^£^ Homem's Map, 1558. ?assagos from the Atlantic to the western ocean, le cuts up the whole of northern New France into large islands, and converts several branches of the St Lawrence into sea-channels and straits. He puts down a strait in every place where Cartier, in his report, had said he had looked for one, even if he did not find it." From vague rumors of the great lakes and Hudson Bay he makes the great mare lepcwa- rtmtium a name for the western ocean, tiie origin of which is not known.^ About 15GO-5 some few men m Spain became greatly interested in finding the northern passage, though thev did not succeed in arouninjj the court to actual endeavor. Prominent among these was the ^ Ramusio, V'uiggi, iii. 6, writing in 1553, Reems to liave ha the South Sea; aud the Indians kill many cows like those of Kcv Spain [buf&Ioes], which Coronado fouml in those plains, and carry the hides in canoes to sell to the French at Newfoundland;' aud in a subsequent one, of "another ftra::o de 7nar which le.ids towards China aud enters the South Sea: and this is deemed certain, althou);(h no one has gone by it to the Soiuh Sea, but they have gone by it over 1)00 leagues W. N. W., starting at 4'2' and reaching 48'', 500 leagues north of Mexico, anfrt'» Digcoume of a Dinconerie for a neio Passage to Cataia, London, lu76, is a map ' in which all impedimeuta in the way of the north-west pas- I1i! LADRILLERO AND GILBERT. 57 In 1584 one Juan Fernandez de Ladrillcro made a sworn statement in Spain respecting the strait, of whose existence some eight hundred leagues north of Compostela he was sure. He was over sixty years of age, had gone to America in 1535, and had navigated tho^e waters as a pilot for twenty-eight years. The strait was said to lead to where the English caught codfish, or bacalaos; and he with others once at- tempted to find it. Had he been alone with one vessel he would have gone on and made the discovery ; but contrary winds and damages to the accompanying ships forced them to turn back, and they remained in the Californias until the vessels were ordered to join Villalobos' expedition to the Moluccas.^ A Portuguese had written to inform the emperor that he had been imprisoned by the king of Portugal because ho had found the strait, and passed through it from one ocean to the other. The emperor notified the viceroy, and the latter therefore sent out the expedition which Ladrillero accompanied. He had heard other pilots talk of this matter; and especially an Englishman who had sailed with him twenty-seven years, and wlio with his countrymen had entered the strait while fishing for bacalaos. Now therefore in 1574, when the English and French were believed to be entering the South Sea by this codfish canal, Ladrillero, notwith- standing his age and infirmities, was willing to go and fortify the strait for Spain.^ Naturally enough an old pilot, desiring a position of honor and profit, found something in his store of old recollections to support a growing theory, and counted on his expe- rience in American waters to give him preferment. Sir Humphrey Gilbert's ideas on our general topic were set forth in 157G in A Dlscovrse Of a Discouerie sage arc cleared away in a most summary manner.' Introd. to Hakluyt Soc. reprint of HaUuyt's Div. Voy., 1, li. *■> Villalobos' voyage was in 1542, which fixes the date of Ladrlllero'a exploits. It is not unTikelv that lie may liave been with Alarcon or Ulloa. ^' Ladrillero's Memorial iu the Spanish archives, consulted by Navorrete, SutU y Hex., xlii.-iii.; V^iayes Apdc., 41. i;;.: 3 : ■: r ' 11 Vhi' ;l ■. ! 1» THE northi:rn mystery. for a new Passage to Catai'a.^ His first chapter was designed "to proue by authoritie a passage to be on the North side of America, to goe to Cataia, China, and to the East India," the authority being that of the ancient writers like Plato and Aristotle touching the old Atlantis, confirmed by all the 'best modern geographers' like Frisius, Apianus, Munster, and the rest, to the effect that America is an island. " Then, if when no part of the sayd Atlantis was oppressed by water, and earthquake, the coasts round about the same were nauigable: a farro greater hope now re- niaineth of the same by the Northwest, seeing the most part of it was, since that time, swallowed up with water, which could not utterly take away the olJe deeps and chanols, but rather, be an occasion of the inlarging of the olde, and also an inforcing of a great many new: why then should now we doubt?. . . seeing that Atlantis now called America was euer knowen to be an Hand, and in those dayes nauigable round about, which by accesse of more water could not be diminished." The writer adds: "What moued those learned men to aflfirme thus much, I know not, or to what ende so many and sundry trauellers of both ages haue allowed the same: But I coniecture that they would neuer haue so constantly affirmed, or noti- fied their opinions therein to the world, if they had not had great good cause, and many probable reasons, to haue led them thereunto I" The second chapter is ' to prooue by reason' what had been so clearly established by 'authoritie' in the first. The reason was threefold: 1st, the deepening of the waters in the north, whereas "all seas are main- tained bv the abundance of water, so that the neerer the ende any Riuer, Bay, or Hauen is, the shallower it wareth;" 2d, the facts that no intercourse is known between Asiatic and American peoples, that Paulus Venetus travelling in Cathay never reached *^ Oilbert'a Ducourse, London, 1576; reprinted in IlaUuyt'a Voy., iii. 11-24. A DBCOVRSE OF A DISCOUERIE. W America, any more thon Coronado, "who trauelled the North part of America by land," reached Asia; and 3d, a complicated arganient is founded on the great ocean current, which not only had been observed by voyagers, but which must of necessity have a passage by the north to complete the circle and to " salve his former wrongs." In the third chapter is proved "by experience of sundry men's trauels, the opening of some parts of this Northwest passage." The travellers were Paulus Venetus, or Marco P.olo, who sailed fifteen hundred miles on the coasts of Mangi and Anian north-eastward, all being open sea so far as he could discern; and Coronado, who "passing through the countrey of Quiuira, to Siera Neuada, found there a great sea," etc., according to the Gomara blunder; and John Baros, Alvar Nuiiez, Jarques Cartier, and others, especially Cabot, who in 67° 30' would have gone to Cathay but for mutiny. The fourth chapter proves "by circumstance that the Northwest passage hath been sayled throughout," that is, by the 'three brothers' from Europe, and by certain Indians who came to Germany before the Christian era, and others in 1160. Next are three chapters to prove that these Indians could have come by no other way; and three more of general conclu- sions and on the advantages of finding the passage.^ "Just after Gilbert, Richard Willes learnedly wrote on 'Certaine other reasons, or arguments to proouo a passage by the Northwest.' IlalduyCa Voy., iii. 24-9. He began bv exerting all his ingenuity and learning to denounce the scheme, to show that the old writers were in error, or ignorant on the subject, that there M'as no strait, that it was ice-blocked, tliat the rapid cur- rent proving its existence would also prevent its navigation, and that if En- glishmen could pass the strait they might not be permitted to trade. Passages From Ptolemy, Mercator, and Moletius are adduced in favor of the strait's non-existence. All this was but a device to give weight to later arguments by which Mr Willes showed tliat these objections hati no force. His views were similar to those of Gilbert; but he added the experience of 'a Portugall' who passed the strait and was imprisoned therefor many years in Lisbon ; of Urdaneta, 'a Fryer of Mexico, who came out of Mar del Zur tliis way into Germanie;' of Cabot, who learned tliat the 'straight lyeth neere the 318 Meridian, betweeno 61. and 64. degrees in the eleuation, continuing the same bredth about 10 degrees West, where it opeueth Southerly more and more, until it come under the tfopicke of Dancer, and so runneth into Mar del Zur, '4 \ ' J"i^ I, ■ :'i!, ' ' t -a i >l H! T i 1 ! 60 THE NORTHERN MYSTERY. From the narratives of Martin Frobisher's voyages of 1576-8 to the inlet bearing his name, and to tlie Meta Incognita, as the regions of the far north were often termed from his time, we learn that "the 11. we found our latitude to be 63. degr. 8. minutes, and this day we entred the streight," a sentence pregnant with meaning to the theorists, especially as we read of the people that " they bee like to Tartars." And again, "This said streight is supposed to haue passage into the sea of Sur, which I leaue unknowen as yet. It seemeth that either here, or not farre hence, the sea should haue more large entrance, then in other parts within the frozen or temperate Zone." Later the author speaks calmly of crossing the inlet to the east shore, "oeing the supposed continent of Asia," and back to the "supposed firme with America." They were doubtless in the strait, but cosmography had to yield to the love of gold, believed to be plentiful in the black rocks around the, explorers. Yet of the third voyage it is said that Frobishor con- fessed that "if it had not bene for the charge and caro he had of the Fleete and fraughted ships, he both would and could have gone through to the South Sea."=» "I, Thomas Cowles of Bedmester, in the countie of Somerset, Marriner, doe acknowledge, that six yearos past, at my being at Lisbon, in the kingdome of Portu- gall, I did heare one Martin Chacke, a Portugall of Lisbon, reade a booke of his owne making, which he had set out six yeares before that time, m Print, in the Portugale tongue, declaring that the said Martin at the least 18. degrees more in bredth there, than it was where it first began ;' and of Frobisher, who returned safely from the icy regions. Respecting the currents, 'Lay you now the nurame hereof together. The riuers ruune wliere tlie chanels arc most hollow, the sea in taking his course wareth deeper, tlie Sea waters fall continually from the Korth Southward, the Northeastemo current striketh downs into the straight we speake of, and is there augmented with whole mountaiues of ice and snowe. . . . Wheie store of water is, there is it a thing impossible to want Sea, where Sea not onely doeth not want, but wareth deeper, there con be discou^red no Ian .1. ' ** J/akluyt'nvo!i., iii. ,30-3, 80-1, with on argument proving the existence of the strait from the tides, etc. TKOBISHER AND DRAKE. 61 Chacko had founde, twolve»yeare3 now past, a way 'from the Portugall Indies, through a gulfe of the New found Land, which he thought to be in 59. degrees of the oleuation of the North Pole. By meanes that hee being in the said Indies, with foure other Shipper of great burden, and he himsclfe in a small Shippe of fourscore tunnes, was driuen from the company of the other foure Shippes, with a Westerly winde; after which, hee past alongst by a great number of Hands which were in the gulfe of the said New found Land. And after hee ouershot the gulfe, hee set no more sight of any other Land, vntill he fell with the North- west part of Ireland; and from thence he tooke his course homewardu, and by that meanes hee came to Lisbone foure or fiue weekes before the other fouro Ships of his company that he was separated from, a.s before srad. And since the same time, I could nouer see any of those Books; because the King com- manded them to be called in, and no more of them to bo printed, lest in time it would be to their hindrance. In witnesse whereof I set to my hand and marke, the ninth of Aprill, Anno 1579."*° All of which explains itself I, like Cowles, have never seen any more of those books. Francis Drake's voyage in 1579 had some indirect bearing on the present subject. It was the hope of finding a strait by which to reach home with his ill-m)tten gains that carried him into the northern I'acitic; and his failure in this respect caused England for a long time to confine her search to the Atlantic side. His presence and ravages in the South Sea made Spain realize more fully the importance of finding •and fortifying the strait for her own protection; ajid, Diake's homeward route being for years not clearly known, rumors were current tliat he had actually found the northern passage, and had returned. More- over, there appeared soon alter a fictitious narrative *" Puri-hfi-1, ffis Pi!;jr!mi's, iii. 849. Tlie story is mentioned by Jefferya, Ruruey, uiid uuiuy otiiers tioni tiiid source. r i .. .'J ; i. i. I <:\ ..1,^.. . I a.. THE NORTHERN MYSTERY. connected with this expedition. Padre Ascension told the tale to Padre Zdrate de Salmeron, who wrote of it in 1626. It seems that "a foreign pilot, named N. de Morena, who entered al inrjUs" — whatever that may mean — "from the Sea of the North to that of the South by the Strait of Anian," gave this account to Rodrigo del Rio, then governor of New Galicia: Morena was set on shore in the region of the strait of Anian "very sick and more dead than alive" by Drake as the latter was returning homeward." Re- covering his health he wandered through divers lands for four years, over more than five hundred leagues of tierrajirme, until he came to a brazo de mar dividing New Mexico from a great western land. This body of water ran north and south, and seemed to tlie f)ilot to extend northward to the port where he had anded. On its banks were many large settlements, including a nation of white people, who possessed horses and fought with lance and shield. "Padre Antonio [Ascension] says he believes they are Mus- covites, I say that when we see them we shall know who they are," writes Salmeron. On the coast where he was put ashore Morena saw many good ports and great bays, and from that point ho thought he could sail to Spain in forty days. He came out finally in I few Mexico, and went down to Sombrerete, where ho told his story to Governor Rio. He was going to England to bring his discovery before the court, but was willing to guide the governor to the strait." Drake's narratives do not record the putting-ashore " The apparent meaning is that the pilot had entered the Pacific by the strait with Drake, and was Linded near its entrance as ho was about to return by tlio same route ; yet the Spaniards ought to have known well enough the . way by which Drake came, even if uncertain how ho returned. * *'^ tialmeron, Itelacinneade N. Mex., 51-2. Rodrigo del Rio y Loza was governor of Nueva Vizcaya, not Galicia, in 1590-6. Padre Nid, Apunta- tnientos, 78, identifies Drake's port with the mouth of the Carmelo River ! ' Ese desomboqno del rio Carmelo y un puerto quo 61 hace, que el padre Zdrate no apunta, quizd t)orquo Sebastian Vizcaino no Burgi6 en 61, y se llama eso puerto el puerto del Draque, correspondo con esa punta de Pinos y puerto de Mon- terey al descmbotiue del rio Colorado, que entra acd en nuestra costa con vointidos leguaa de boca, en cnarenta y uu grados, de latitud y doscientos cin> cuenta y uno de longitud.' ■m IN NEW MEXICO. fl| of any man in the north. Morcna's story was doubt- less pure fiction; but it is probable that it had an influence in forming the later belief that California was an island. Rodrigo del Rio, to whom Morena made known his adventures, giving his views in 1582 as an expert respecting the proper outfit for a force to explore New Mexico, recommends that material be furnished for building a vessel, both for crossing brazos de mar likely to be encountered, and perhaps for returning by water. He understands that the country reaches to the strait near the Gran China, in latitude 57°, and plausibly concludes that in a territory so broad there must bo notable things.** Espejo, in his New Mexican travels of 158 1-3, found no occasion to build ships, nor did he reach the Gran China; but a Concho Indian in northern Chihuahua told him of towns having houses of three and four, stories situated on a great lake some fifteen days' journey to the west; at Zufii and west of it he heard again of a great lake, now sixty days distant, with great and rich cities, whose inhabitants wore golden bracelets; and finally, in the region of the modern Prescott, he was told of a mighty river behind the sierra, on the banks of which were towns in com- parison with which those already seen were nothing, the inhabitants using canoes to cross the river and pass from town to town." And Vargas, writing just after Espejo's return, attaches no small importance to that great river, really the Colorado, suggesting that it might be the Estrecho de Bacalaos. Moreover, the reported lake towns might have a significance in con- nection with the fact that the ancient Culhuas camo from those regions." Thus did men try to arouse the old enthusiasm for northern discovery dormant since Coronado's time. **Iiodrigvez, Testitnonio. *^E*pt}o, Helacion; IlnkluyVs Voy,, iii. 38& *'' Rodiijuei, TcMimonio, LLUii "!•■*,'• i I 1 ■;:i. m M ! •f-t" kr i .1 111" 64 THE NORTHERN MYSTERY. i ; J , Richard Ilakluyt published in London in 1582 his Divers voyages touching the discouerie of America, from which I have already drawn freely. A kind of prefa- tory note is entitled, "A verie late and great proba- bilitie of a passage by the north-west part of America in 58 degrees of northerly latitude," which probably rests on the discoveries of Anus Cortereal in 1574, already cited. Then in the * Epistle Dedicatorie ' are set down eight reasons for belief in the north-west passage. These, with which the reader is already so familiar that a mere allusion will suffice, were: Ist, Cabot's statement to Ramusio that the north of America is all divided into islands; 2d, Verrazano's map, to be noticed presently ; 3d, Gil Gonzalez' explora- tions on the western coast of Central America; 4th and 5th, the reports of natives to Jacques Cartier; Gth, the reports of Florida Indians to Ribault; 7th, the experience of Frobisher "on the hyther side, and Sir Fraunces Drake on the back side of America," with the testimony of the Zeni respecting Estotiland; and 8th, the judgment of Mercator, "there is no doubt but that there is a straight and short way open into the West, euen vnto Cathay."^" The map published in Hakluyt's work and here re- produced was made by Michael Lok, who claimed, Vv'ithout much apparent reason, to have fashioned it largely after Verrazano's charts. It is a strange com- bination of the geographical ideas that we have no- ticed on earlier maps. The entrance to the strait, which is short and leads by two arms into a great north-western sea, is by Frobisher's inlet. Tlio bay of old that so nearly cuts the continent in twain is christened ' Mare de Verrazano, 1524,' though that navigator is not known to have reported having seen or heard of any such western sea. California is still *^ llaklnyfs D'w. Voy., 7-13. He adds: 'And heere, to conclude and shut vp this matter, I hauo heardc my selfe of Jlcrchanta of erudite, that liave liucd long ill .Spaino, that King Phillip hath matle a lawe of late that none of ills Bubicciea t.hall discouer to the Northwardea of iiue and fortie degrees of America,' lest the u'cruit be fouud. $ JOHN DAVIS. 6S a peninsula, but is joined to the main by a narrow isthmus in 45°, where the coast turns abruptly east- ward to and past Cabrillo's Sierra Nevada. What j*^ j#»*^ wo Lok's Map, 1582. foundation Lok imagined himself to have for this geographical abortion I do not know." John Davis did not indulge in any very wild specu- lations respecting the Northern Mystery ; yet, return- ing from his voyages of 1585-7, he wrote: "I haue brought the passage to that likelihood, as that I am assured it must bee in one of foure places, or els not at all;" and again: "I haue bene in 73 degrees, find- ing the sea all open, and forty leagues betweene land and land. The passage is most probable, the execution easie, as at my coming you shall surely know."*" To "HnklnyVs Div. Voy., 55; Kohl's Hist. Discov., 290. Between the two ships and above the line connecting them are the following inscriptions, in Latin : A shin which directly hither from tfte Moluccas, and hence in turn to the Moluccas, saiifd in the year 1518. A. Oalvano. O. Friaius; — which seems suffi- «tvliich seeiAs sufficiently important or tangible for repetition. I i ■ t ' ■ i 'i 'i • \.\ i. ! --■Ht IJl I I y li I: III I '•■ . I'^J ( s iiiii ii I i ! ■i 68 THE NORTHERN MYSTERY. In his great work of 1590 Acosta devotes a chap- ter to " the strait which some affirm to be in Florida.'* "As Magellan found that strait that is in the South, so others have claimed to discover another strait which they say there is in the north, which they place in the HoNDius' Maf, 1695. land of Florida, a land stretching so far that its end is not known." He alludes particularly to the ideas of Menendoz, and mentions as some of the latter's reasons in addition to those already noticed, namely, pieces of Chinese vessels found floating in the At- lantic; and the presence of whales from the South Sea observed in a bay of Florida; and besides 'the ACOSTA. 69 good order of nature' requiring an Arctic as well as an Antarctic strait. It is thought that Drake and other English corsairs may have found and utilized the strait. Men, like ants, do not pause on the track of novelties; and the truth will be known, and God will make use of man's curiosity to carry the gospel to northern gentiles. And elsewhere Acosta says : "Be- yond Cape Mendocino," perhaps the first mention of that name, "it is not known how far runs the land, but from what all say it is something immense what it runs."" I reproduce a map msMcle by Hondius about 1595. !■ ,- ! < "AeoOa, Hist. Nat. Ind., 71, 152-3. 5 4'"'^ .■i:v.'4 ■•• ■ ■ u ;" 1 i '{ w -,:i :?,:-: !'■ ■" •*! iff 1 ' "I : in ^! li CHAPTER III. APOCRYPHAL VOYAGES TO THE NORTHWEST. 1606-1609. JvAN Ds Fuoa's PBEncNDSO DiscovEBiKa— The Stobt to Lok— Pkestthp* TIONS AGAINST ITS TeUTH — WeITEKS ON THE SUBJECT — EXAMINATION Of Evidence, Histobical and Oeoorafhical — Doubtless a Puke Fic- tion — Meboatob— Wytfuet — The Great Northwest — Imaoinabt Coasts, Rivebs, and Towns — Conbad L6w's Remarkable Map — Close OF THE Century — Captain Lancaster — Herrera — ^Vizcaino — Aoui- lar's River — Ascension— ToRQUEMAOA—OftATE— Lake Copalla — ZlftOGABA AND QUEEN CiSAOACOHOLA — TiDAN — JOHN SuiTH — MaL- DONADo's Pretended Vovaos through the Strait or Anian — A Famous Lib. In recording the fictitious voyages it seems most proper and convenient to notice each, not under its own pretended date, but under the date when the claim was first made. By this system the first of the famous voyages, several anonymous and vaguely re- corded trips through the strait having been already referred to, belongs here, under date of 1596, when Juan de Fuca told his tale of having discovered the Northwest passage in 1592. This is also the only one of the apocryphal voyages the authenticity of which still finds defenders; but more on this matter presently. In April, 1596, Michael Lok, an Englishman well known for his interest in geographical discoveries, met Juan de Fuca in Venice. Fuca had lately arrived in Italy from Spain, and in Florence had encountered an English pilot, John Douglas, with whom ho came to Venice, and by him w^as introduced to Lok. Fuca's story was as follows: He was a Greek, born in the (70) JUAN DE FUCA'S STORY. 71 island of Cephalonia, and his real name was Apostolos Valerianos. He had been forty years mariner and pilot in the Spanish West Indian service, and was on board of the galleon when captured by Cavendish off the point of California, November, 1587, having lost sixty thousand ducats on that occasion. Subse- quently he was sent as pilot of three vessels and one hundred men despatched by the viceroy to find the strait of Anian and fortify it against the English; but by reason of a mutiny among the soldiers, " for the sodomie of their Captaine," the ships turned back from the Californian coast,* and the captain was pun- ished by justice in Mexico. "Also hee said, that shortly after the said Voyage was so ill ended, the said Viceroy of Mexico sent him out againe Anno 1592, with a small Carauela, and a Pinnace, armed with Mariners onely, to follow the saide Voyage, for a discouery of the same Straits of Anian, and the passage thereof, into the Sea which they call the North Sea, which is our North-west Sea. And that he followed his course in that Voyage West and North-west in the South Sea, all alongst the coast of Nona Spania, and California, and the Indies, now called North America (all which Voyage hee signified to me in a great Map, and a Sea-card of mine owne, which I laied before him) vntill hee came to the Lat- itude of fortie seuen degrees, and that there finding that the Land trended North and North-east, with a broad Inlet of Sea, between 47. and 48. degrees of Latitude, hee entred thereinto, sayling therein more than twentie dayes, and found that Land trending still sometime North-west and North-east, and North, and also East and South-eastward, and very much broader Sea then was at the said entrance, and that hee passed by diners Hands in that sayling. And that at the entrance of this said Strait, there is on the •Is it possible that Puca might have heard Ladrillero's storj'? It will be re nbered that that pilot claimed to have been with u fleet that turned bock 1. ^m California at a much earlier date. i ■ I l. S ! I: ' 11 ll * j;ni •I'l U'H .^i m I 72 APOCRYPHAL VOYAGES TO THE NORTmVEST. i( W i\ h 1: i In fA North-west coast thereof, a great Hedland or Hand, with an exceeding high Pinacle, or spired Rocke, Hke a piller tliereupon. Also he said, that he went on Land in diuers places, and that he saw some people on Land, clad in Beasts skins : and that the Land is very fruitfull, and rich of Gold, Siluer, Pearle, and other things, like Nona Spania. And also he said, that he being entred thus farre into the said Strait, and being come into the North Sea already, and find- ing the Sea wide enough euery where, and to be about thirtie or fortie leagues wide in the mouth of the Straits, where he entred; he thought he had now well discharged his office, and done the thing he was sent to doe." So he returned to Acapulco before the end of the year, hoping for reward; and was wel- comed by the viceroy with fair promises, but after two years of vain waiting, by the viceroy's advice he went to Spain to seek reward for his services from the king. Even here, though welcomed at court "in wordes after the Spanish manner, but after long time of suite there also, he could not get any reward there neither to his content;" and so at length "he stole away out of Spaine, and came into Italie, to goe home againo and Hue among his owne Kindred and Countrimen; he being very old." He thought the reason of Span- ish ingratitude was occasioned by the belief that England had relinquished the search for a strait, and therefore there was nothing to fear. Now he was disposed to be revenged on the Spaniards by serving the noble-minded queen of England, hoping also that she would make good his losses at the hands of Caven- dish. If provided with a ship and pinnace he would undertake to make the voyage through the strait in thirty days. Lok wrote to Cecil,* Raleigh, and Hakluyt, urging them to furnish money to brmg Fuca to England with a view of acting on his proposition ; but the money was not forthcoming, and in a fortnight Fuca started for home. In July Lok wrote to the pilot; and in ' ,H LOK'S NOTE IN PURCHAS. 78 reply received a letter dated at Cephalonia in Septem- ber, in which Fuca declared himself still ready for the undertaking if money could be furnished. Similar letters were exchanged in 1597, and again in 1598; but Lok was busied with other matters and unable to raise the needed funds; and receiving no reply to a letter of 1602 he inferred that the Greek pilot was dead." This account, in the shape of a note by Lok, was published by Purchas in 1625, and has been re- peated from this source by later writers. That it was presented accurately and in perfect good faith so far as Lok and Purchas are concerned there is no reason to doubt. There is some evidence that the Greek pilot gave his true name and birthplace.' But there are indications that his claim of loss at the hands of Cavendish was grossly exaggerated, if not unfounded.* The fact that I describe Fuca's voyage in this chap- ter shows that I regard his story as fiction. Many intelligent writers, however, believe it to be in the main true; indeed I think that such has been the prevalent opinion in later years." Therefore something cf argument br 'iomes necessary. ^Purchcu, Hi* Pilgrimes, iii. 849-52, with copies of one set of the letters alluded to. 'in 1854 Alex. S. Taylor had inquiries made in «Jephalonia through a United State? consul. The most definite statement ob'.ained was oni from a biograph- ical work of Masaraclii, published in Venifd in 1843, evidently made up, so far as Fuca was concerned, from the story to Lok, and proving nothing; yet there were otiier items that seemed to show that Focca was the name of an old family there ; that a branch of the family lived near Valeriano, thus partly accounting for the name 'Apostolos Valerianus's and that Juan him- self was remejnbered traditionally as a great navigator. HiUchiwjs' Maja- zine,iv. 116--»-2, 161-7. * In two sworn statements made at the time by the captain and a passen- fer, though many penionsare named who lost much less than 60,000 ducats, 'uca's name does not appear. Navarrete, Viaget Apdc, 104. Tliero is nothing in the narrative of Cavendish's voyage to indicate that he found a Greek pilot on the Sta Anna, as some have implied; but the fact that he did find and retain a Spanish and a Portuguese pilot might possibly indicate that he did not find the Greek. Neither is there anything to support the statement that Vizcaino was on board the Sta Anna. * Not much was said of Fuca's voyage before 1770, except to mention it, after Purchas, as one of the many items of evidence on a vexed question. There was no intelligent criticism, and no foundation for any. When explora- 'i I in i: . . I'' ■ . 1 i| ^1 ' ; i ■ If ',1 It ■ :< ' ! ■ t i I '•I ii Ml i H APOCRYPHAL VOYAGES TO THE NORTHWEST. The story itself, in other than geographical aspects, is improbable. It is unlikely that Spain would have tion began atfain, the voyagers sought for Fuca's strait. Tlie Spaniards had little or no faith in the Gi'eek pilot's discoveries, and they found nothing to change their opinion. Captain Cook in 1773 said: ' We saw nothing like it; nor is there the least probability that ever any such thing existed.' Cook's Voy., ii. 263. Forster in 1780, iJinl. Voy., 450-1, pronounced part of the story fabulous and the rest suspicious. But in 1788 Meares, Voy., li. Ivi. Ixii.-iii. 155-6 et seq., having found an inlet on the Northwest Coast, which be did not fully explore, but which he was inclined to re^d as possibly the entrance of 'the strait,' declared Fuca's voyage authentic, and fonnally named it the 'Strait of Juan de Fuca.' This and other opinions expressed before the geography of the region was fully known have obviously no special force ; but one of Meares' stronseat points is the custom of flattening the heads of native children as dcscrioed by Fuca— a point somewhat weakened by the fact that Fuca says nothing on the subject. Fleurieu in 1787, Introd. to Maic/iaud, Voy. , i. pp, xii.-xvi. , regarded Fuca's story as probably true, but exaggerated. Fuca probabiy discovered the entrance, and perhaps the inland sea. Navarrete in \902, Sulil y Mex., Viage, lii.; Viaaes Apde., 104, pro- nounced the story a fiction, relying on the bbsence of all contiraiation in the Spanish archives, and on the latest northern discoveries. Bumey, HuA. Discov. South Sea, ii. 110-17, in 1806, while deeming much of the narrative erroneous and exaggerated, thinks it 'not easily conceivable, tliat mere fancy or conjec- ture should chance upon the description of a strait so essentially corresponding with the reality.' But Humboldt in 1808, Easai PoUtiiiue, 329, 341, had no hesitation in cleclaring Fuca's story a fiction, and his voyage apocryphal. Since the time of Humboldt and Navarreto there haa been but little inves- tigation or argument on the subject. Most writers have seemed to regard all tho early explorations of the Spaniards as wrapped in mystery, have seen no reason why Fuca may not have made a voyage as well as Vizcaino and others, have deemed his description as accurate as that of many other early voyagers, and have drifted into a lukewarm support of the pilot's veracity. They have not appreciated Fuca's motives for falsehood, nor the fact that he was as likely to locate a strait, in whose existence nearly all believed, and which must be above 44°, between 47° and 60° as elsewhere, and that nowhere be- tween those limits could his error have been greater. Of course the strait would be wide, with islands, and probably trending in different directions. Mun-ay, North Amer. , ii. 87, in 1 829 deemed Lok a respectable witness, and the discovery of a strait conclusive. Lardner, Jlist. Mar. Diacov., ii. 280-1, in 1830 spoke of the narrative as entitled to much indulgence, like other old writin)|s, Fuca having probably entered the strait and felt sure it led to the Atlantic, while Tytler, Hist. View, 78-9, in 1833 declared the story to rest on apocryphal authority. The authenticity of the voyage is defended by the North Amer. Review of January 1839, p, 123-6, as also by Greenhow, in his Mem. , 42-3, of 1840, andhisZ/Mt. Or. ancifCo/., 86 ct seq., 407-11, who pronounces the geographical descriptions ' as nearly conformable with the truth, as those of any other account of a voyage written in tho early part of the seventeenth century. ' Most later writers have follo'-'^d Greenhow; and for a time doubtless Americans allowed themselves to be influenced somewhat by national prejudices. They often pointed triumphantly to the fact that the voyage was defended by 'first- class English authority ' like the Quarterly Review, xvi. For similar reasons some Englishmen Ijko Twiss, Oregon Question, 60-70, felt called upon to take the other side. Galiatin in 1846, Letters on Or, Question, 11-13, found much inteinal evidence of truth, but deemed the story somewhat doubtful. To Nico- lay, Oregon Ter., 28-30, it seemed to have stood tho test of investigation. See- nian, Voy. of the ' HeraJJd, ' i. 97-8, thinks Fuca sailed round Vancouver Island. Taylor, llutrhinga' Mag., iv. 1 16-22, 101-7 ; Pacific MoiUhly, xi. 047; Browne's L, Cal., 22-3, modestly believes that his own researches showing the ex< LINE OF ARGUMENT. 75 withheld reward from such a man as Fuca; she would naturally have utilized his services in the northern expeditions under Vizcaino ; it is hardly credible, to one acquainted with the spirit of the times, that she could have trusted so implicitly in the relin- quishment of the search by England; and least of all would she have permitted a pilot to carry such a grievance and such a secret to foreign parts. More- over, the fact that about this time men of his class were habitually telling falsehoods about the northern strait, creates a probability that Fuca also spoke falsely. His temptation and opportunity were great. The English were eager to find the strait; they sus- pected that Spaniards had made and were concealing the discovery. Accidentally through Douglas, a con- genial spirit, whether dupe or accomplice, the Greek pilot meets Michael Lok. He need no longer rely on the old theories and rumors. To an Englishman he may safely claim to have made an actual discovery in government craft. Lok will credit the tale, because it agrees with the theories, desires, and suspicions of himself and his class. Fuca's reward will be an ample one — satisfaction for pretended or exaggerated losses at the hands of an English corsair, honorable and '■■:' '!' if 1 r istence of the Focca family in Cephalonla have removed every vestige of doubt of the authenticity of all that Fuca may ever have claimed to do. Poussin, U. S., 239; Dickinson, Speeches, i. 166-7; and Lord, in BritUh Columbia, i. pp. vii.-xi. , support Fuca, Lord introducing some imaginary details of his inter- view ■^•ith Lok. Li later years El wood Evans, Pmjet Sound, 4-5 ; Hist. Oregon, MS., 15-10, has little or no doubt of Fuca's discoveries; else the pilot must have been a miraculous prophet. Mr Evans has a curious theory tliat the Belection of Vizcaino, an old friend of Fuca, and probably aware of his dis- coveries, to head the later expeditions was in itself a strong confirmation of Fuca's tale. As a matter of fact a strong argument on the other side may be drawn from the facts that Vizcaino made any voyages at all, that Fuca did not accompany him, and that Fuca was not named in the instructions and re- ports of the expedition. Mrs Victor, Search for Fretum A nian, in The Overland montldy, iii. 474-5, writing of the famous search in its romantic aspects, accepts Fuca's voyage without question. Speaking of his belief that ho had reached the South Sea entrance of the strait, she says Avith much reason : 'Familiar to us as is the Strait of Fuca, we see every thing to justify sucli a belief in the mind of the Greek navigator ;' and indeed there can be no doubt that Fuca would have formed such an opinion had he ever reached the en- trance. Finally, in The Califonitan, ii. 535-9, ' D. S.' haa an article entitled The Voyage ojJtian de Fuca a Fraud. . ■ I sil I m TO APOCRYPHAL VOYAGES TO THE NORTHWEST. profitable employment in English service, and the fame of discovenng the long-sought strait, in the ex- istence of which he like others had perfect confidence. There is reasonable presumption that the man under these circumstances reported a fictitious discovery, a presumption which nothing but evidence can overcome. Historically no such evidence has been found. Nothing is known on the subject except what Fuca told Lok. No later writer mentions either voyage on any other authority; and no contemporary writer mentions them at all. The Spanish archives, natu- rally the best source of information on government ex- peditions, have been pretty thoroughly examined for material relating to early northern voyages, and special search has been made for documents on Fucas re- ported expeditions. The search has been made by men who were competent and diligent, and under cir- cumstances which would have been more likely to prompt the production of spurious confirmation than the suppression of real proofs. Not a word has been found bearing directly or indirectly on the subject. The loss of a document, it may be said, is not unusual. True; but is it conceivable that of all the paper covered with ink in the inevitable Hispano- American style — of all that must have been written in fitting out five or six vessels for two distinct expeditions, in appointments and instructions of oflScials, in reports of failure and success, in judicial proceedings against the wicked captain, in Fuca's own memorials and appeals for a just reward — not one scrap should have come to light? But, we are told, it was the policy of Spain to conceal all information that might give an advantage to foreign powers. Is she likely to have kept this secret so effectually that it could not be revealed when her own interests demanded it? But let us suppose such to have been the case; that all papers on this topic were collected in one expediente and destroyed; the difficulty is by no means removed. Spain could not silence all the members of both expe- PUCA'S STATEMENT FALSE. 77 ^m ditions ; else assuredly she would have found means to close Fuca's mouth. The Northern Mystery was a common topic of conversation among mariners. The court was deluged with petitions from men who sought license for northern discovery, and who magni- fied every circumstance likely to give plausibility to their schemes. Why h it that none mention Fuca, or any voyage of 15P0-2? Could the prominent men advocating such expeditions have been kept in igno- rance that the government they were importuning had already effected the discovery? Not only was the government importuned, but it actually sent out two expeditions in 1597 and 1602, the former while Fuca wa? corresponding with Lok. There is not, however, a single circumstance in what v e know of Vizcaino's voyages to indicate that ho knew of any preceding voyage; yet Padre Ascension, the chief chronicler, was a voluminous writer and an enthusiastic theorist on matters pertaining to the north. Thus the original presumption that Fuca's state- ment was false is strengthened into well nigh absolute certainty by a total absence of supporting testimony not to be reasonably accounted for on any other hypothesis. There remains but one possible source of tffstimony to shake this conclusion; and that is our present accurate knowledge of north-west coast geography. To support his claim the Greek pilot must describe the physical features of the region in question more fully and accurately than would be possible without personal knowledge — more fully, in- deed, than under ordinary circumstances he could be expected to do in a brief verbal narrative. Extraor- dinary statements demand rigid tests; and when all the props, but one, supporting a heavy weight have been knocked down, that one must be strong indeed. Tolerably good guessing on Fuca's part will not suffice; nor on the part of investigators that lenient criticism which has led his supporters to say in sub- stance: "Supposing him to have made the voyage, i'H. 1 1' il 't i '■■!■■ ' ' 'I ':!'. il ^- 'I ; V ill: I; ft T8 APOCRYPHAL VOYAGES TO THE NORTHWEST. Stbaits at Jvjls ob Fttoa. m I FUtA'S PILLAR. 79 wo find in the entrance to Puget Sound certain fea- tures that, with due allowance for the exaggeration, and confusion, and error common in such cases, may be made to fit his narrative; and admitting therefore that he discovered the strait, we can account more or less satisfactorily for the loss or suppression of hia original report." Fuca claims to have entered a strait between 47' and 48°, impliedly just above 47°, and even to have sailed by that strait through to the Atlantic; but there is no inlet within fifty miles of that latitude. Ninety miles farther north, however, in latitude 48° 30', there is a strait leading to the body of water which, un ler various names, separates Van- couver Island from the mainland. I give herewith a map of these waters. Fuca's strait was thirty or forty leagues wide at the entrance; this one is twelve or twenty miles, according to the place and method of measurement. At the entrance on the north-western shore Fuca noted "a great Hedland or Hand, with an exceeding high Pinacle, or spired Rocke, like a piller thereupon;" but nothing of the kind exists in the locality indicated. It is true that opposite, on the southern shore, about Cape Classett and the Tatouche Islands, are numerous detached rocks which the ac- tion of the waves has left in columnar and fantastic forms; rocks which are not uncommon on different parts of the coast. Some voyagers have found nothing here to correspond with Fuca's pillar; others have identified with that landmark one of the rocks alluded to; and Wilkes has furnished a sketch which I copy. Commander Phelps, on the contrary, has found the pillar several hundred miles farther north, on Galiano Island.' Obviously nothing but a very prominent ' Phelps' Reminiscences of SecUlle, Phil. , 1881, p. 40. He thinks that Fuca's vague language has been misunderstood, and that the pillar was at the supposed outlet into the Atlantic, where is 'a remarkable promontory 1200 feet high.' He admits that nothing of the kind is found near the south end of Vancouver Island. Meares, Voi/., 153, found 'a very remarkable rock, that wore the form of an obelisk,' not far from an island near the southern shore. Van- couver, Voj/., i. 217, did not find Meares' ' Pinnacle rock,' ' or any other rock ... :.il. :i : • 5' : : m iiii; :iii i mas APOCRYPHAL VOYAGES TO THE NORTirW'EST. landmark — certainly not one of many and ordinary rocks on the wrong side of the strait — can sufSce for the purposes of this investigation. Fuca entered his strait and sailed in it for twenty days, until he came to the Atlantic Ocean. This has to be 'explained' by the theory that ho sailed round the island, coming out again to the Pacific in about 51°. A professional pilot cannot reasonably be sup- posed to have made such an error. As he advanced Fuca found the strait — one hundred miles wide at the entrance — to grow wider, impliedly throughout his iiili^ TCAN DE FuCA'S PiLLAB. navigation ; but as » matter of fact the channel narrows to a mile in width ^ng before the outlet is reached. Fuca found the shor. of the passage trending N. W., N. E., N., E., and S. . — that is, naturally, he sailed those courses successiv ly in his voyage to the Atlan- tic. The far-fetched *e: planation' is, that from a point more conspicuous than thousands along the coast, yarying in form and size ; some conical, others with flat sides, flat tops, and almost every other shape that can be figured by the imagination.' Wilkes, U. S. Ex. EepeiL, iv. 619, 627, docs not tell us where he foimd the 'Fuca's Pillar' which he sketched, but it was doub Jess on the sonth side. The views presented by Meares and others, and especially those on the U. S. Coast Survey charts, show no land- mark corresponding at all with with Fuca's ' Hedland' and 'Spired Bocke.' Fiudlay, Directury Pacific Ocean, i. 374, 414-16, though supporting Fuca's voy- age, says : 'At a little distance S. W. from the foot of the cape [Ulasset], and just within the conflnes of the beach, is a rock in the shape of a pillar, about 400(?) feet high, and 60 in circumference. . .These columnar rocks are very numerous just hereabout; and De Fuca, the discoverer, remarked one in par- ticular, which may be that here adverted to. Capt. Wilkes has given a sketch of it. . .The rock in question is difficult to make out among the thousands of every variety of form about it.' ^™P THE WYTFLIET-PTOLEMY MAPS. 81 near the entrance is a largo I ody of water itretching southward and eastward. Ho round tho pooplo clad in skins, and passed 1 1 v ers islands — not very roniarkablo coincidences, nor requiring explanation. His .state- ments that the land was "very fruitfull, and rich of gold, Siiuer, Pearle," explain themselves. We find, then, in geographical knowledge nothing to overcome the strong presumption that Fuca's tale is fiction; nothing to prove that he visited those re- gions; nothing that without 'explanation' agrees with his description, even if his visit be admitted. Fuca was not even remarkably lucky in his guessing. If in the future any proof appears that Fuca made a voyage to the north-west coast and reported the dis- covery of a strait, then a plausible theory may bo set up that he j eached the entrance in latitude 48° 30', and trusted to his imagination for all within. No more can be said in his favor. He was more fortu- nate, however, than many whose lies were more stu- pendous, to have his name permanently attached to a strait he never saw. There are yet several interesting points to be noted before the end of the century. In Mercator's Atlas of 1595 the maps are essentially the same as in Or- telius' Tlieatrum of 1573; but another Asiatic prov- ince, that of Bergi, is transferred to America and located on the coast north of Anian. The name strait of Anian is applied for the first time, not to the long northern passage, but to one about fifty miles wide separating Anian from Asia between latitudes 60° and 70° and leading from the Pacific into the northern strait; and finally to the famous gulf penetrating the continent from the northern strait is added a circular mar dulce still farther inland, and connected with the gulf by a narrow channel. Substantially the same general map is published in Wytfliet's Ptolemy of 1597.' But in this work the '' Deacriptio Ptolemaica Augmentum Sive Occidentia Notilia Breui commen- Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. I. 6 ! : I ' Hi *, 82f APOCRYPHAL VOYAGES TO THE NORTHWEST. territory is shown by sections on a larger scale in a Beries of maps, three of which I reproduce. The first represents California and Granata Nova — the latter being nearer the modern New Mexico, Ari- zona, Colorado, and Utah. The gulf and peninsula are well drawn, but with a superfluity of rivers flow- ing into the former. Local names along the coasts are mostly found in one or another of the known voy- ages. The western trend of the shore is noticeably Wytfliet-Ptolemy Map, 1597— No. 1. exaggerated. The chief river connects the gulf with a great lake, round which above 40° stand the Seven Cities, a confused rendering of the ancient Atlantic Island myth in combination with the seven towns of Cibola described by Coronado. It is not unlikely that at some stage of its existence the oft-recurring lake myth may have had connection with the real tnrio ilfustrala studio et opera Cornell) Wyffliet Louaniensis. Lovanii, 1697. The descriptive text is on pp. 167-75. It adds nothing of interest to the maps, but miglit be quoted entire, did space permit, for its blundering reference* t0 the uxploratioQS of Niza, Coronado, and Cabeza de Vaoa. KOVA GRANATA. 8S Great Salt Lake. The rivers are those discovered by C4rdenas, Diaz, Alarcon, Coronado, and heard of by Espejo — the map-maker not knowing that all were one river, the Colorado and its branches. Nova Gran;^ca must come from the name Granada, applied by Coronado to one of the Zuni towns. The second map represents the sectiou next west and north, under the name Limes Occidentis Quivira et Anian. The coast extends still westward to Cape -, fC Midociro'.l ^-y J Wytfuet-Ptolemt Map, 1597— No. 2. Mendocino, +o which in 40° is joined a large island. The coast names are taken equally from Cabrillo's California voyage, from Coronado's wanderings from New Mexico to Kansas, and from unknown or imagi- nary sources, doubtless satisfactory to the cosmog- rapher. The geographical fea lures above 45°, like most below that latitude, are purely imaginary. I can hardly conjecture any plausible origin for the t f ll 1 ■ 1 ( 1 1' A 1 ! } 1 I pvsae *\ li I '< i Si iPOCRYPHAL VOYAGES TO THE NORTHWEST. great river flowing into the northern sea, with its three towns of Pagul, Sal boy, and Cubirago, unless they were brought over from Asia with the prov- ince of Bergi. The third map is the central north- ern section adjoining the two preceding on the north and east respectively, under the name Conibas Regio cum Vicinis Gentihus. Here we have another mysterious river with four towns, in regions as yet WYTFUBT-ProLEBnr Map, 1597 — No. 3. unapproached by white men, save on the wings of imagination. Here also we have the round roar dulce elaborated into Lake Conibas, and in its centre an island and a town of the same name ; also a River Cogib, more like a strait, connecting it with the northern sea. It is likely that this representation is owing to Canadian aboriginal rumors; for not far away to the east are the lakes from which the Sague- nai flowed down to the St Lawrence at Hochelaga; while about the same distance southward are New CON^L^ LOW'S BOOK. 85 Granada with its Seven Cities, very near to the head-waters of the great river of Canada. Verily, for a region as yet unvisited, the great northern interior was becoming remarkably well known. Conrad Low, in his Book of Sea Heroes, 1598, gives a general map like those of Ortelius, Ptolemy, and others;* but another map in this work has some decidedly novel features, as will be seen from the an- nexed copy. It represents only the regions north of 60°, putting California above 70° and beyond the strait of Anian, but explaining in an inscription that Lew's Map, 1598. it is known only by report to the Spaniards. The river Obilo, with apparently a new mouth, has towns on its banks, as in Wytfliet No. 3. But Lake Conibas discharges its waters westward into a great gulf near Anian Strait, and is no longer identified with the circular mar dulce, which we are told in an inscrip- tion is the body of water whose end is not known to the Canadians. Of the two great Arctic bodies of land, that on the east is said to be the 'best and most healthful in all the north;' while on the other it is explained that the ocean has broken through to the ' Low, Meer oder Seehaiien Buck, Darinn Verzeichnet seind die Wunderbare, Oedeiickwiirdiffe fieine, etc. Colin, 1598. A collection of voyages traualated aud abridged from various well known sourcea. ■ 88 APOCRYPHAL VOYAGES TO THE NORTHWEST. pole, forming four channels, two of which are shown on this copy, which only includes half of the original. This map is in several respects remarkable, as the reader may convince himself by a comparison with the annexed rough sketch, which shows the regions mapped by Low in their true proportions, and on the same scale. The strait of Anian in its latitude and width bears a resemblance to Bering Strait which is really startling. Note also the general likeness of Bergi and Anian with their great river to Alaska with its rivers Kwichpak and Yukon. No less wonderful Map fob Comparison. is the correspondence between the Cogib River, flow- ing north-west from Lake Conibas into the Arctic Sea just beyond the strait of Anian, and the Mackenzie Riv^r, flowing from the Great Slave Lake. Compare the mar dulce, its strait and island, with Hudson Bay and the corresponding features. Let us also bear in mind how little is known even yet of the region above 80°; and not forget the part played by ice in those latitudes. Suppose certain of the complicated chan- nels frozen, as they were likely enough to be; and suppose an exploring expedition, as well equipped and observant as were the best in thoso times, to liave sailed through from ocean to ocean in 1598, and to FURTHER ACCOUNTS. fH have made this map as a record of actual observations, and I have no hesitation in saying that the map would under thobo circumstances be regarded to-day as a marvel of accuracy. I have no theory to rest on these facts; I have no doubt that the geography depicted was purely imaginary, and the resemblance to reahty accidental; yet to many intelligent men of the past and present these coincidences would be confirmation stronger than holy writ in support oi whatever they might happen to be interested in. I shall not be surprised if even yet the accuracy of this map as herein published is made to confirm the authenticity of one or another of the fictions. Felipe III. on his accession in 1598 is said to have found among the papers of his father a narrative of certain foreigners who from the coast of Newfound- land were driven by a storm into a great bay, and thence into a strait by which they passed into the South Sea, coming out at 48°, and finding a river which brought them to a magnificent city. This report fur- nished one of the motives for Vizcaino's expedition.® About the same time Hernando de los Rios sent to the king from Manila a notice of two ways for a quicker and safer navigation from Spain; one by a passage entering above Florida and penetrating to New Mexico, in latitude 45°, according to information obtained by the Jesuit Padre Sedeno and an Augus- tine friar who died at Manila; and the other by the strait of Anian, according to a written statement of Friar Martin de Rada, founded on information from Juan de Ribas to the effect that certain Portuguese passed through it to India and China, and from Ucheo to ] iisbon in forty-five days.^° * Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., i. 694, says the strait was that of Anion above Cape Mendocino. Navarrete, Viagea Apdc, 41; Id., in Sutil y Af ex., Vi'ige, xliii.-iv., consulted a MS. relation of Padre Ascension in the archive s. Salmcrou, lielncionen, 14-22, adds that one man, apparently of the same party, escaped after the rest had perished, reached Florida, and died at Vera Cruz, where he liad a priest write down his account and sent it to ox-(Jovevnor Rio. '" Original in the archives of Seville, cited by Navarrete. Also alluded to in a letter of the king, 1002. Col. Doc. liUd. ! f '^1 M\%i I' i:f: \r APOCRYPHAL VOYAGES TO THE NORTHWEST. m-^^:^ A postscript attached to the letter of Captain Lan- caster on his East Indian voyage of 1600-1, but of doubtful authenticity, states that "the Pa'-sage to the East Indies lieth in 62.^. degrees by the North-west on the America side."" The historian Herrera, in his description of 1 GO 1, gives Quivira its proper situation far to the eastward of Cibola; but his map is on a very small scale, without names for the most part. California is correctly delineated, and a broaa ocean separates that region from Asia; but in latitude 45°, just above Cape Fortuna, the coast line turns abruptly to the E. N. E., extending in that direction to above latitude G0°, beyond which all is blank." Vizcaino's first expedition had been directed to the gulf, and contributed nothing to our subject; but his second voyage was on the outer coast up to about the limit of Cabrillo's earlier exploration. Of his actual discoveries in general and in detail enough is said elsewhere, and I have to note only those points con- nected with the Northern Mystery. For one of his main objects was to find the strait; and some of his discoveries were thought to have a bearing on that all-important search. The Carmelo, near Monterey, described as a river of some size, played a minor rdle, as we shall see in subsequent speculations; but of course the more important developments were farther north. These were by no means complicated. In January 1603 Vizcaino passed Cape Mendocino and reached, in 42°, a point which he called Cape Blanco de San Sebastian. Martin de Aguilar, in the other vessel, named a Cape Blanco in latitude 43°, near which he thought he saw the mouth of a large river, named at the time Santa Inds, but generally known later as Rio de Aguilar, which by reason of the cur- rent he was unable to enter. From the cape the coast trended north-west, according to Torquemada;" '^Purchaa, Hia PUgrimes, i. 163; Bumey's Hial. Biacov. South Sea, iL 109-10. " Ilerrrra, Descripcion de Indiaa (ed. 1730), i. 6, 24. " Torquemada, i. 719, 725. v^f TORQUEMADA AND ASCENSION. 89 but north-east according to Padre Ascension, in a narrative distinct from that followed by Torque- mada" — whence not a little confusion. Torquemada also writes : " It is understood that this river is the one that leads to a great city dis- covered by the Dutch; and that this is the strait of Anian, by which the ship that found it passed from the North Sea to the South; and that without mis- take in this region is the city named Quivira; and that it is of this place that the relation treats which his majesty read, and by which he was moved to this exploration." And Ascension to the same effect : " Here is the head and end of the kingdom and Tierra Firme of California, and the beginning and en- trance of the strait of Anian. If on that occasion there had been on the ship even fourteen soldiers in health, doubtless we should have ventured to explore and pass through this strait of Anian, since all had good intentions to do it." It does not matter here what river Aguilar saw, or whether he saw any. There was but little doubt that he had reached the entrance of the strait; and there are indications that Padre Ascension verbally and in various minor memorials gave much freer vent to his conjectural theories than in the writings that are extant in print. Vizcaino's map has no bearing on the Northern Mystery, showing only a short 'coast which leads to Cape Blanco,' extending north-eastward from Cape Mendocino. The viceroy in 1602, writing to the king, expressed his opinion that there was very little prospect of find- ing mighty kingdoms in the north, deeming it likely that towns already found were types of those that would come to light; yet he attached considerable importance to further exploration with a view to find- ing the strait and settling all disputed questions re- specting northern geography; and he thought Oiiate ^* Ascension, Jielacion, 0u8 et seq. j: ' ■ , 1 A i ! ■■ II t,t-:«. itijflrt w I flo APOCRYPHAL VOYAGES TO THE NORTHWEST. |!ii m I; in a position to solve the mystery at a minimum of expense." Ouate had occupied New Mexico, which he wished to utihze merely as a base of operations for more brilliant conquests. He wa.^ grievously disappointed that his ambitious schemes did not meet with royal and viceregal approbation. He had but little fondness for petty exploration ; yet he undertook several in the hope of finding something to advance his greater projects. One he directed toward Quivira, without results; and another down the Colorado to its mouth. It was in 1G04 that Onate made his trip from New Mexico to Zufti. to Moqui, and thence across the modern Arizona to the Colorado by way of the Santa Marfa, and thence down to the gulf He had no idea of any connection between his Rio Colorado — really the Chiquito — which was said to run one hundred leagues through pine forests to California and the sea, and the real Colorado, which farther down he called Buena Esperanza or Rio del Tizon. From the Amacava, or Mojave, Indians who came down the Colorado to meet him at the mouth of the Santa INIaria, Onate heard of Lake Copalla, fourteen days north-west, where the Indians had golden ornaments and spoke Aztec — or at least they spoke so much like a native Mexican of the company that the visitors asked if he came not from Copalla. It is not impos- sible that the Mojaves had vague notions of Great Salt Lake ; all the rest was imaginary. Farther down the Colorado, to inquiries for the sea the natives ** all replied by making signs from the west, north-west, north, north-east, and east, and said that thus the sea made the circle, and very near, since they said that on the other side of the river it was not more than four days, and that the gulf of Cali- fornia is not closed up, but a branch of the sea which ! , ' *' Nuevo Mexico, Discurso y Prop. The viceroy Monterey seems to have a cor- rect idea of Coronado's explorations ; but ho speaks of Quivira as being on the South Sea, according to current maps, and near Cape Mendocino and Anian. THE ISLAND Zl!JOGABA. n I : corresponds to the North S.ea and coast of Florida," thus clearly indicating not only the existence of a strait, but that the gulf was either a part of, or at least led to, that strait. These Indians also confirmed what had been learned before of Copalla and its gold. Silver and coral were likewise familiar to them, and were to be obtained not far off. More wonderful still, the natives told of an island called Zinogaba, rich in pearls. It was one day's voy- age out in the sea, and reached in boats rigged with sails, all of which they pictured on the sand. And the island was ruled by Cinacacohola, a giantess, who had a sister of immense size, but no male of her race with whom to mate. Another mysterious circum- stance was that all the inhabitants were bald. Ofiate's observations at the head of the gulf, where he found a splendid harbor, did not disprove the statement of the natives that the gulf extended northward behind a sierra to where the sea made a turn toward Florida. It was well that Don Juan heard of wonders in this region; for when on his way to New Mexico a few years before, the venerable Padre Diego de Mer- cado had said to him at Tula: "By the life of Friar Diego there are great riches in the remote parts of New Mexico; but by the life of Friar Diego the present settlers will not possess them. It is not for them that God holds that wealth in reserve;" and so it proved. Still more to the point, the venerable and famous Santa Madre de Maria de Jesus, abbess of Santa Clara de Agreda, had said, "It is very probable that in the exploration of New Mexico there will be found a kingdom called Tidam, four hundred leagues from Mexico westward, or north-west, between New Mexico and Quivira; and if by chance there be an error, cosmography will aid the taking notice of other king- doms, of the Chillescas, or of the Guismanes, or the Aburcos, which touch on that of Tidam."" '•iSo/mecow, Relaciones, 30-8, 47-55; Niel, Apuntamienfos, 81-6. Cardona and Casauate heard from captains Marquez and Vaca that they had struck the :i; -i^': \ 'T!":'' 'I If' 1 ir i :i|r| la- i ill 'i 'n APOCRYPHAL VOYAGES TO THE NORTHWEST. John Smith when captured and saved by Pocahontaa in 1607 was exploring the Chickahominy River for a passage to the South Sea." In 1G09 Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado in Spain made the claim that twenty-one years before, in 1588, ho had sailed through the strait of Anian from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Why he waited so long has never been explained. There is no reason to doubt that Maldonado was a real personage, or that he wrote the document in which the claim is made. Seventeen years later he published a cosmographical work, in which, however, he neither claimed to have discovered the strait nor gave a description agreeing at all with that in the earlier document." A reputable Spanish writer, Garcia de Silva y Figueroa, who took deep interest in the north-western problem, met Mal- donado in Madrid in 1G09. He was said to have been brought up in Flanders and the Hanseatic cities, claimed to have sailed through the strait, and was trying to interest certain government ministers in his project. Being questioned, he said the entrance of the strait was in latitude 78°, the outlet in latitude 75°, and that he had sailed through it in thirty days in November and December. On hearing his story, observing his manner, and examining some of liis pretended sketches of Anian, Silva deemed him an River Tizon in 36° 30' ; that the famous port was in 35° ; that the giant queen was wont to mix powdered pearl in her drink ; and tliat south of tho Tizon was a larger river, tho Rio del Coral. Pacheco and Cardenas, Gol. Doc, ix. 24, 32-3. According to Dobbs' Account, 104-5, Tribaldus wrote to Ilakluyt in 1605 that Ouato ii» 1002 discovei'ud the great Northern River, and went from it to the 'famous lake of Conibas' — see Wytiliet's and Low's maps — 'where he pretended ho saw a City of vast Exter.t, seven Leagiies long, and two wide, the Houses separated from each other, and iincly built and orna- mented with fine Gardens. Ho said tho numerous Inhabitants hatl all retired at his Approach, and fortified themselves in the Market-place or great Square. ' In Vcytia, Hist. Ant. Mcj., i. 140, the giant queen is called Cifiacacohota, and the island Cino^uahua, which may be the correct forms, as Salmeron's typo- graphy is very doubtful. *' Geonje llaiicroJYs Hist. U. S., i. 129. The map in Je.fferj/s' Great Prob., 83, said to bo taken from the Ist edition of Torquemcula, 1008, is the same as that already mentioned under date of 1001 from Ilerrera. "" Maldonado; Imayen del Mundo, Alcald, 1G26. LORENZO FERRER MALDONADO. 03 embustcro, utterly unworthy of credit." For the dis- covery of the strait was only one of his wonderful secrets which he was disposed to exchange for money. He had mastered many of the problems of alchemy; and he had discovered the art of making a magnetic needle not subject to variation. For the disclosure of this last invention in one of his petitions to the king he asked, among other rewards, to be freed from a criminal prosecution in Granada; for it appears that he had been convicted of an attempt to sell his skill as a forger of old documents to a man involved in weighty lawsuits.'"* After a few years his true char- acter as an unprincipled and visionary adventurer bo- came known, and he left Madrid, to be heard of in person no more. One of his memorials, however, came to light in 1775, and, in possession of the duque del Infantado, was copied by Muiioz in 1781." It was not a narra- tive of the pretended voyage, but on the advantages of a new expedition, in which the said voyage was incidentally described. Its contents were first printed by Malo de Luque,in 1788 ;" and Maldonado's veracity was defended by M. Buache, the French geographer, in a paper read before the Academy of Sciences in ^*Silva y Figueroa, Cormntarios, as quoted by Navarrete. *'' Navarrete, Via'jfs Ap6c., 71-101. This is by far the most important authority on this topic; and, indeed, on the general subject of which it treats. The full title is: Exa'^xn hisiorico-critico de tos Viages y Deacuhrimientos Aji6c- rifos del CapiUtv. Lorenzo Ferrer Mcddonado, de Juan deFuca, y del Almirante UartolomS de Fonte. Memoria comenzada por D. Martin Femandi z de Na- varrete, y arreglmla y concluida por D. Eustaquio Fernandez de Navarr V M APOCRTTHAL VOYAGES TO THE NORTHWEST. 1790. The document was adversely criticised before 1800 by Malaspina, the navigator, and Ciriaco Cc- vallos;^ also by Navarreto in 1802," and Humboldt and others. In 1811 Carlo Amoretti, the librarian of the Ambrosian Library of Milan, found in its collec- tion another original, or a contemporaneous copy, of ]\Ialdonado's memorial, which he published with the original maps, and with an elaborate argument to prove that the voyage was authentic.** Notwithstanding the ingenuity of Amoretti's special pleading, his views have not been generally accepted, and the voyage is still regarded as apocryphal.** " Malatpina, Disertarion sibre la legitimidad 1 l.t!. ^ was mistaken for the strait of Anian! The N". Am. Review, xlviii. 122, of 1S30 adopts the Quarter/t/'s view, so far as the authenticity of Maldonado's voyage is concerned. Malt( IJnin, Prdcis Gedg., vi. 302-3, repeats his views as already cited. Greenhow, JJuit. Or. and Col. , 79-83, pronounces the story a fiction, but deems it not improbable, as in the Quarterl;/, that some unknown voyage made up the Pacific coast to Cook Inlet may have served as a founda- tion. In Ihimey's Dkcov. South Sea, v. 107-73, is a translation of the im- portant parts of the narrative, with remarks thereon and references to various authorities. The document is regarded as a forgery by some Plemming, who attributed the voyage to Maldonado. Barroi^a Chron. Hist. Von., li'18, 1848, contains an Enghsh translation of Maldonado's relation with the maps. Twiss, //(«t Or., G4-G, gives a rcsum6 from various authorities. t t 1 t ''''' 96 APOCRYPHAL VOYAGES TO THE NOPvTHWEST. r ■ f selves understood in Latin, but were suspicious and not inclined to be communicative They came from a fjreat city called Robr, Roba, or some such name, be- onging to the king of Tartary. Maldonado returned Maldonado's Strait of Anian, 1609. by the same route in June and July, and not only was not impeded by ice, but found it — the sun never setting at all — hotter than in the hottest parts of Spain. ^1^: iSi: MARKED DISCREPANCIES. w . The country round the strait of Anian is described in much detail. I annex the only one of the five sketches which has any interest. It may be compared with the map of Urbano Monti, already given. It will be noticed how carefully the sites for needed fortifications are pointed out. I am obliged to give to this and the other fictitious voyages more space than they merit; but my limits by no mcahs permit me to give even a resume of Maldonado's long de- scriptions; still less of the arguments that have been founded thereon. These arguments consist on the one side of resemblances, and on the other of discrepancies pointed out between the navigator's de- scriptions and the facts reported by later visitors to Bering Strait down to the time the argument was made. At present the resemblances may be said to consist solely in the fact that the Polar Sea actually affords an intcroceanic passage by way of Bering Strait. The most startling discrepancies are that Maldonado's strait, as described and pictured, bears not the slightest liliuness in length, width, and general features to the renllty; that it is located some three hundred miles ^oo far south; that Alaska's mild tem- perature, with Its corresponding fruits and animals, has m later times disappeared; that Maldonado's distances make the longitude of the strait some G0° too far east — just as did liie maps of his time ; that through- out the voyage his distances and latitudes do not • gree; and finally that oppressive heat and absence of ice have not in later times been noted as a leading characteristic of the waters above 70°. I give hero the map of M. le Chevalier Lapie, 18:^1, which will also be referred to later to illustrate another voyage, to show his theory of Maldonado's ro.ite. The real strait of Anian, or Bering, leads, into the frozen ocean north of Kiteguon, which is a wostorii prolongation of Greenland; while ]\ialdcriado's strait was not Anian at all, but a passage leadiiig from Norton Sound into a polar sea south of Kitogucn and connected in the Hut. N. W. CoAsr, Vol. I. 7 ll~ I «9 APOCRYPHAL VOYAGES TO THE NORTHWEST. east with the straits of Davis and Hudson I The route in the west is shown by a dotted Hne. The reader has no need of arguments in this mat- ter. Starting with a strong presumption, arising from the nature of the pretended discovery and from the Lapie's Map, 1821. spirit of the times, that Maldonado's claiir k. false, ho will be led from presumption to conviction wht;r4 the time that elapsed between the voyag j and tho narrative is noted, and particularly when he learns the man's reputation as liar and forger. On reading % s. A MOST BUNGLING FALDEHOOD. vV the narrative he will not be likely to change his opinion, if he compares Maldonado's pleasure trip over sunny seas with the efforts of later navigators in the same waters. And finally, on recalling some of the maps that have been reproduced in these pages, which — or others of similar nature — Maldo- nado doubtless saw, he will conclude that an ingen- ious liar might have told a much more plausible story, and will be surprised that intelligent men should ever have defended the authenticity of such a voyage. There is not the slightest necessity to suppose, as some have done, that the emhustero visited Hudson Bay, or made a voyage in the Pacific, or heard of Japanese navigations. His story was a lie pure and simple, manufactured in Spain from his imagination, and not plausible enough to deceive even men who on that topic were willing to be deceived. V»^- t til I 'i| S ; ( . ■ ! ■; 4 I 1 m '^ll 1 f i hi CHAPTER IV. THE NORTHERN MYSTERY— CONCLUSION. 1610-1800. Spanish Junta — GABciA de Silva — A New Phase — Calitornia oncb MORE AN Island — Cardona — Dutch Map — Brioos' Treatise — Sal- MERON — Delgado's Voyage — De Laet — ^Winnepeos, or Men op the Sea — Nicolet — Botello and Casanate on Northern Geooraphv — D'AviTY — AcLB — Melouer — An Exact Description — Ogilby — Mar- quette, Hennepin, and La Salle— Peche — Teouayo — Paredes — Dam- pier — LuYT— La Hontan — Kino and Mange — Island or Peninsula? — Maps of Hacke, Heylyn, and Harris — Bartholomew de Fonte's Fictitious Letter — De l'Isle and Buache — BiBLiocRAPHY of a Hoax — Rogers — Velarde — Niel — Uoarte's Voyage — California a Peninsula again — Shelvocke — Coxe — Dobbs — Sedelmaik — Vetan- cuRT — Ellis— New Mouth for the Colorado— Venegas — Jefferys— Enoei., — Carver — End of the Mystery. During these early years of the seventeenth cen- tury so much alarm was felt in Spain lest South Sea supremacy should be lost through the discovery of a strait that a junta was formed by the ministers of the court of Felipe III. with a view to prevent further search for the passage by the north-west, or north- east, and to send an embassy to England to urge the matter. It would be interesting to study the discus- sions of this junta; but the records are not extant, nor do we know how the embassy was received. It appears, however, that Garcia do Silva, and probably others, opposed all restrictive measures; urging that exploration should be encouraged, and expressing a belief that the finding of a strait in the far north would in no way injure Spain, since it would not open a quicker or safer route to the Pacific, on account c'' (100) SPANISH INACTION. 101 the difficulties and danger attending the navigation of the polar seas. It is evident that the prevalence of this opinion among those highest in authoiity and those best qualified to judge in the matter was one of the chief causes for the official inaction of the next century and a half There was no end of vague projects urged upon the government by private ad- venturers, oftener in America than in Spain; but actual results were confined for the most part to the pearl coast of the Californian gulf. In the highest Spanish official circles the Northern Mystery had well nigh lost its charm.^ Since, however, the work of actual exploration was confined to the gulf, a large portion of the Mystery was transferred to that region, and had its home there for many years, so far as Spanish views were con- cerned. Since 1 540 for nearly a century the Californian peninsula and gulf had been described and mapped in very nearly their true positions and proportions; but all this was now to be changed. Lok in 158-, for no reason that can be known, had almost separated the peninsula from the main at a point in about lati- tude 45°, where he turned the coast abruptly eastward. Then Padre Ascension, in connection with the voy- age of Vizcaino in 1603, had also given currency to the eastward trend, and seems, in conversation and written memorials, to have favored the idea that Aguilar's river was not only the entrance to the Anian Strait, but might also be connected with the gulf Next Ouate, in 1604, from observations and from In- dian reports at the mouth of the Colorado, concluded ^Xavarrete, Viagen A'pde., 204-5; Id., in Sutll y Slex., Viage, Ixviii.-ix. ; SUva, Comfiitarios, 1618, which seems not to have been printed until 1782, ia H'at. dri Oran Tamorlan. Mafjin, Hist. Univ. dea hides, IGll, contains the Wytfliet- Ptolemy maps that have ah-eady been noticed and reproicubrimiento8 en la California; both in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Do:., ix. 30-57. These are memorials urging the importance of renewed efforts. Tlie author begins : ' California is .a far extended kingdom of which the end is only known by geographical conjectures and demonstrative notices, whicli make it an island stretching from n.w. to s. e., fonning a mediteiTanean sea adjacent to. . .the incognita contracosta de la Florida.' In 44", according to Vizcaino and Ascension, the coast makes a turn to the east, 'y hasta hoy no se sabe 4 dondo vA 6, parar.' Ancient and modern writers have closed the sea in 28", but this seems an error. ' Luego la California es isla muy grande ; lue este seno 6 brazo de mar es el estreclio quo llaman de Atiian. ' ' The ndians both of California and of the Florida main cave mo many reports of a very great lake with many towns, with a king who wears a crown; and from the lake much gold is taken — and there are many cities with towers, one of them called Quivira; bearded men; horses,' etc. 'California is one of the richest lands in the world, with silver, gold, pearls,' etc. ♦According to Ogilby'nAmer., 38Q-90, Jleylyn'a Cosmography, 9G8,and some other works, some advtiturcrs on the coast in l(i"20 accidentally fell upon ft strait, through which they were carried by the force of the current into the CALIFORNIA AN ISLAND. 103 time many, but not all, mapped and described Cali- fornia as an island, extending to Cape Blanco, in lat- itude 44°. But from the same period map-makers began to neglect the extreme north, to forget for the most part the details introduced so freely by Wytfliet, Low, and others, and to leave all north of the great island a blank. I reproduce a map published by Pur- chas in 1G25, which is essentially the same as a Dutch map of 1024." It will be noticed that there are many radical changes besides that of changing the peninsula into an island; and chiefly that the New Mexican names from Coronado no longer appear on the Cali- fornian coast, but only such as are found in the narra- tives of actual voyagers. The name New Mexico appears for the first time, and on a Rio del Norte, though the river still flows from the great lake and into western waters. Traces are seen of Drake's voy- age, though New Albion does not yet appear; and of Onate's river discoveries. Astablan should bo Aztat- lan; but Rey Coromedo, Laqueo de Oro, and Rio gulf of California, thus breaking up the peninsular theory. According to an inscription on a map of 1025 in Purchas, noticed later, Cahfomia was ]irovcd an island by a Spanish chart taken by tho Dutch. This is credited to Jant«o- nius, Monde Maritime, by Do I'lsle, in Voyagtis aii Nord, lieciieil, iii. 27--3, who also relates tliat his son was told by Froger that he had seen a pilot who assured him he had sailed round California. Grcenhow, L'lst. Or. and Cut., 94, says it was on the strength of a statement made by the captain of a Manila ship in IG'20 that Aguilar's river was tliought to be an entrance to tho gulf. Also Twiax' Or. QvenHon, 03. ^Purchas, His Pit{jrime.% iii. 852-3; West-lmHsche Spierjhel, 05. The Dutch map is on Mcrcator's projection, dififers somewhat in longitudes, and lias vaguely outlined in the north between 50" and CO" a strait leadmg north into vacuity. Purchas' map is attached to A Treatiye of the Korth-weat jmnsar/c, by Master Briggs, who mentions among tlie 'excellent prerogatives 'of Vir- ginia its position 'in respect of tho South Sea, which lyeth on tho West and North-west side of Virninia, on the otlier side of the Mountaines beyond onr Falls, and openeth a free and faire passage to. . .China.' For by following up the rivers n. w. from Henrico City doubtless tho mountains may be reached which send rivers into Hudson Bay. And Button's bay is nearly as far west as the Cape of California. Apparently Brigga' ' faire passage' from Virginia was by way of Hudson Bay ! He mentions the rriap copied from one brought out of Holland, perhaps the Spieghel, and he thinks the old rumors ')f great continental stretches, of Quivira, etc., 'arc cunningly sict dowiie by Biime vpon set purpose to put vs out of the right way.' He says tliat Mercator was 'abused by a jilap sent vnto him, of four Eitripi meeting about the North Polo ; which now .are found to bee all turned into a mayne Icie 8ea ;' and that Gali lias destroyed the old illusion that Cape Mendocino was MOO leagues from the Capo of California. 'M \ ' 'i!i 104 THE NORTHERN MYSTERY— COITCLUSION. Anguchi are unexplained names. Nothing is sliown in the far north-west; though in the Dutch original a strait is vaguely outlined. It is noticeable that Pur- chas has another map — that of Hondius, introduced Dutch Map, 1C24-5. in place of Herrera's — which makes California a penin- sula, and is in fact substantially the same as those of Ortelius and Mercator, except that the New Mei. 'jan salmuPwON's .^tory. 109 towns Cicuic, Tiguox, and Quivira no longer appear on the coast, or anywhere else. Quivira the province is however retained. The strait runs north from Cape Fortuna, in latitude 55°.* In 1626 Padre Zarate Salmeron spoke concerning the Northern Mystery in connection with his history of New Mexico. Pie tells how two Spanish fishing- vessels at Newfoundland were carried by a gale into the strait, one being driven into a river far southward to a great walled city, where the crew's adventures are given in some detail. During the return most of them perished from cold, but the vessel reached Florida, and one of the men came to Mexico in time to tell his story befjre dying.'' Salmeron has no doubt that this was the city Coronado saw, that Aguilar would have seen had he entered tlie river, and "the same that Anian saw, and discovered, and reported to his Majesty" I The proper way to explore Quivira was either by land from New Mexico or by water from Florida. The padre's idea was that the St Lawrence extended to a point very near New Mexico; but he was sure there existed no strait be- tween the latter and Florida. The St Lawrence is also called Strait of the Three Brothers, and was thought to extend from ocean to ocean. He made many inquiries among the natives about the lake of Copalla, whence came the ancient Aztecs, and he had no doubt of its existence. It might be rei. -hed from New Mexico by way of the Rio Chama and the Navajo country, thence following a great river through a level and fertile country; or by way of Moqui, up the Rio Buena Esperanza.* • PurcTias, His Pi'grimes, iv. 857. The general map on the frontispiece of vol. i. also makes California a peninsula. ' Padre Velarde, Dencrip. Ilist., 352, in 1710 had a narrative of what was perhaps the same voyage. Ho makes Miguel Deigado commander of the two vessels and the date IGOl. The vessel went w. and then s. from Newfound- laud for 300 leagues before reaching the river. All arrived sick at Habana, and most of them died. Velarde thinks this was probably not Anian, but another strait. * Salmeron, Belaciones, 21-4, ^-9, 47-9. i :1 I ' I I •o ;'i: t I ! ■ ] 1 ji:::| l-t loe THE NORTHERN MYSTERY— CONCLUSION. In Joannes do Laot's map of 1G33 all above Capo Mendocino, in 43°, is left blank. California is a penin- sula, with the gulf extending to 35°, with a large island at its head, but there is no attempt to delineate the rivers. Nova Albion is in 40°, at Cape Fortunas, while at Cape San Martin, in 37°, is Seyo, a name of unexplained origin. These, with California and Novo Mexico, arc the only inland names. In his text Laet explains that California is the vaguely known region stretching north-west to the possible strait of Anian, but whether it was island or peninsula ho was not quite certain. Quivira is described from Gomara and Herrera; and Laet notes from Tribaldus that Onate reached Lake Conibas, with its grand buildings.' Meanwhile in Canada the French were hearing many rumors of the western nation of Winnipegs, or ' Men of the Sea,' with whom were wont to trade not only the Canadian Indians but also certain hairless and beardless people who came in large canoes upon the 'great water.' There was much reason to sup- pose these latter, really the Sioux, to be Chinese or Japanese. And in 1G34-5 Jean Nicolct was sent by Champlain to visit the people of Ouinipeg, and per- haps to reach the great water. He had no difficulty in penetrating to the home of the tribe beyond Lake Michigan, on Green Bay and Fox River; and he went even farther, to a point where, hearing of the 'great water,' the Wisconsin flowing into the Mississippi, lie believed himself to be within three days of the sea.^" If the gulf was part of the famous passage to the Atlantic, it was obviously important that Spain should know it; and indeed some action was taken on the matter in Mexico, in consequence of which a somewhat elaborate report was made in 1G36 by Alonso Botello y Serrano and Pedro Porter y Casa- nate, the substance being repeated by the latter in * Laet, Novus Orbis, 291, 302-6. "See niitlerficlV-'* Hist. Binron. of the Northwest, Cincinnati, 1881, p. 37 et seq., and 07 et seq., with references to original Jesuit relations. D'AVITY, LE MONDE. 107 a later document." The purport of this report was, that respecting northern geography nothing was ex- tant and accessible but vague and contradictory state- ments, conveying no actual information; that it was of the greatest miportance for the interests of both God and the king that the truth should be learned by exploration, especially in the matter of a not im- probable interoceanic communication by the gulf." Yet no immediate steps were taken in consequcnco of this investigation. One of the maps in Pierre D'Avity's grand work of 1637 was decidedly behind its time; for it not only made California a peninsula, but placed Quivira on the coast, and retained the old western trend of the ^^Dotello y Serrano and Porter y Caaanate, Dedaracinn que hicii-ron en 17 de set., 163G — tie las convciiienc'as que se aetjuirau. de deacuhrir conio se comu- nica por la California el mar del anr con el del N. In Col. Dor. Incd , xv. 215-27, with a list of boolis and documeuta consulted, sonioof ■which latter nve na longer extant. Casanat', Memorial del Almirante al Itey, recomendanlo una nueva Eapedicion d la California, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Cot. Doc, ix. 19-20. '■'' In past reports, 'grande incertidumbre, poca fijez, contradicciones do tinos d otroa sin fundarse los mas, ui ajustarso A las circunstancias.' ' V/o find opinions to bo various, and definitions diverse respecting this discovery. Somo make California an island, others mainland ; some put a strait of Aiiiau, others do not ; one mr.rks out a passage to Spain by way of Florida, putting a strait in California i;i 40"; another indicates Jacal, with its strait an(l the new northern sea assuruig the navigation to Spain. Others doubt this, saying that these straits lead up to so high a latitude tliat the passage is impossible, by reason of cold. Some sny this ennenada (the guU?) runs N. w., others N. others N. E. , and somo that it ends in three rivers flowing down from lofty fiierras. Many put Cape Mendocino in 40', or 42"; and one modem scientitic author puts ono Capo Jlendocino in 49" and another in 50°; otliers, knowing nothing of latitudes, describe vast reaches of territory from east to west not visited . . . Wo find no uniform course, no certain distance, no true latitude, sounding to undeceive, nor perspective to enlighten.' The finding of the passage will facilitate military and commercial connnunication with Spain; and in the opinion of diflfercnt persons it will alTord a means of succoring New Mexico, reveal the dwelling-place of white and clothed men, lead to the dis- covery of La rjrun Quivira, the townis of the crowned king, island of the giantess, lake of gold, rivers Tizon and Coral. By it the foe may be harassed on both seas and forced to abandon Jacal, and prevented from attacking Cali- fornia and drawing aid from Floi'ida. ' If there is a strait, wlio can doubt tliat the foe knows it? The Conde del Valle says a Dutch vessel entered the strait of Anian, and that the enemy is advancing from Jacal day by day. ' A priest saw seven ships in the gulf; Iturbl and Cardona hatl their vessels captured; Drako reached Mendocino; Cavendish took the Santa Anna; it is said that vessels leave the Atlantic coast ballasted with silver ore ; it was swoni in Gua- dalajara tliat the French were in search of the strait, and had a plan of it ; one man thought their leader waa a Dutch pilot. Casanate in his memorial repeats most of the same matters. He also notes that Captfi in Martin do Viday going north from Sinaloa found a walled city with good streets, large buildings, etc. ■ t : ■ r • • i ■ ' i I] . ' ? ' 1 i \ 1 1 l:') 108 THE NORTIIEIIN MYSTERY-CONCLUSION'. I 5 I i seaboard to Capo Mendocino, with most of the old names, A novel arrangement of the lakes in New Mexico will be noticed. I append a reduced copy, omitting most of the names. In his text D'Avity names Berg as the northernmost province of America, and declares that the coasts of Quivira are "bien peu connus," being somewhat out of the line of ordinary navigation." XC. Mendocino Z^ D'Avity's Map, 1G37. About the middle of the century, according to Padre Tello, a Flemish man named Acle sold at Compostela, Jalisco, a piece of cloth which he said he had bought forty days before in London. But this discoverer of Anian shot a Spaniard and fled, carrying his secret with iiim. It was in 16G0 that the Portuguese Melguer is vaguely reported +0 have sailed from Japan to Lisbon through the strait of Anian and the frozen sea." Governor Diego de. Peiialosa made a trip from "Z>'^rJ<.'/, Le Monde, Paris, 1637, general map of the world. In /(/., DfKcrtptioii Generale ile VAmiviquf, which ia pt. ii, of the preceding, the map of America is much improved ; the coast trend is N. w. ; Quivira and New Albion are omitted; the old lake with its seven cities ia restored; and the lake from which the St Lawrence flows is moved some 2000 miles eastward. A great island of Paxaros lies off the coast, in about 34°; Totonteac, Cibola, and California arc the provinces named; and the coast names are as in many earlier maps. ^^ Mota Padilla, Hist, N. Oalicia, 74; Amorelti, Voy, Maldonado, 39, 75. peSalosa's expedition. 100 New Mexico in 1GG2, of which Padre Freytas wrote the diary, and in which he claimed to have reached the original Quivira, far to the north-east of Santa Fd, A memorial seeking license for northern con- quest was sent to the king with the narrative, which was therefore filled with every imaginary wonder of the Northern Mystery that might favor his enter- prise. Most of his statements were false, even if the whole account was not pure fiction. The hole region waa a veritahle paradise, abounding in all desirable groducts ; and the city of Quivira was of great extent, everal thousand houses of from two to four stories were counted in the two leagues of streets traversed; and a party sent to explore could not reach the end of the town. The natives told also of provinces beyond, of Thegliayo, the province of the Ahijados, and others, so rich that ordinary dishes were made of silver and gold — to obtain which wealth the En- flish, French, and Dutch were straining every nerve, t behooved Spain to act promptly. All the men from Europe, Asia, Africa, and America who had visited this land were waiting impatiently for Don Diego to be made duke, marquis, and count, with com- mand over the new dominion. It was on the sea, not more than two hundred and fifty leagues from Santa Fd on the west, north, and east; and ships might visit it freely. Zaldibar's visit to the west in 1G18 is mentioned in confirmation, though he did not dare to penetrate to the marvels reported to him, by reason of terrible giants to be passed; at which cowardice Padre Ldzaro protested, as did nature, finding ex- pression in an earthquake.* 13 ^^Freytas, Relacion del dcscuhrimiento del pais y dudad de Qv.ivira, Echo por D. Diego Diotdaio de. Peilaloxa, in Shea's Exped. of Peilnlosa. ' En el comun sentir todo lo que haata oy estii conqiiistado y poblado debaxo del nombre do America es sombra en comparacion de lo quo contieno csta, nucva parte del mundo nuevo anienazada de conijuistar p<.)r los Franceses que con- tiuan con ella, y de los Yngleses y Olandeses que tanto la desean, nunque no lo consiguirau los vuos ni Xoa otros, porque ignoran el Arte de con(iui8t'ir.' I have more to say of Pcualosa's expedition and career elsewhere. Nothing but a full reproduction would do justice to the absurdities of the uanalive. lit li :" HI Mi : no THE NORTHSUN mystery-coxclusion. I An 'exact description' of America was published in 1G55. The author admits that the question of a separation or non-separation from Asia is too deep for him. The prevalent opinion seems to be that America ia an island, separated from Anian, a province of Tar- tary, by the strait of that name. Noting the old reports about its having been navigated, the writer says: "But of what credit these testimonies shall be thought, for ought I know, the Reader must judge. I onely report them as I fmde them ... I fear the Proverb may somewhat prevail upon the English in OOELBT a MaP, 1671. this point. Quod volumus facile credimiis.'' Strait or no strait, however, California 'in its largest sense' in- cludes all the north-west region, and is divided into four provinces: Quivira, in the extreme north — to the strait, if there be one, or else to Tartary — with Acuco, Tiguex, and Cicuic, ea its chief towns ; Cibola, lying between Quivira and Nueva Galicia; California proper, that is, the southern part of the island below il MAHQUETTE AND LA SALLE. Ill ■'. I 38°; and New Albion, that part of the island above 38° up to Cape Blanco. The people of Cathay and China "doe trade with the Maritime parts and People of Quivira." The great lake of Totonteac is the most noteworthy feature.'" i copy the northern portion of Ogilby's map of 1G71, which is in most respects iden- tical with that of 1G25 from Purchas. The proper location of Quivira in the north-east, and the small extent of land between Hudson Bay and thp Pacific are points that attract attention." Pere Marquette, passing down the Mississippi in 1G73, noted the mouth of the Missouri, and wrote, "through this I hope to reach the gulf of California, and theace the East Indies;" for the Indians spoke of a meadow five or six days up the river, whence a stream ran westward. "If God gives me health I do not despair of one day making the discovery." And La Salle adopted the idea that the South Sea might be reached by ascending one of the great rivers; though the size of those rivers must have shown the probable distance to the Pacific to be much greater than had been supposed." It was a few years later that Thomas Peche sailed from the Philippines north- ward, and one hundred and twenty leagues into the strait of Anian, but was forced to return down the American coast. Presumably there was not the slightest foundation for the story.'' About 1686, the attention of Spain having been called anew to reports of northern wealth, and the ^^ America, an Exact Description, London, 1(>55, pp. 89-92, 291-303. Jansz, or Bla«u, Amfrica, qvce est Geor/raphicB lHaviatiw Pars Qvinla (vol. xi. of his Atlas Major), AmRtclaedami, 10(52, gives to California tlio same broad extent. " Of/ilby's America, London, 1071, general map, text, 208 et Bcq., where is tlie usual arrangement of the provinces of Quivira, Cibola, CalifoT la, and New Albion; but the author seems to bo in much doubt about tlieii lolativo posi- tions. In the sc'.'tliem portions of the map, not copied, the region east oi the Rio del Norte is called N. Mexico; and Ti^uas, Socorro, find other names are given along the river; while farther east is N. Granada, with the tovms of Zuny, Moqui, etc. See also Moiilanus, Nifuvje IVeercld, 204 et seq.; Id., Un- biikunte Ntue Welt, 231 etseq.; all three works being in substance the same. ^^Sparh' Life of Marquette; N. Amer. Keview, January 1839, 89. In 1080-2 P6re Hennepin went up the Mississippi to the falls of St Anthony, while La Salle himself went down that river to the gulf. ^^ijeixas y Lovera, Theatro Naval, cited in Jejff'erys' Great Proh,, 18-19. ' , ... ■ i '■'{'■■. ns THE NORTHERN MYSTERY-CONCLUSION. king having issued a cedula on the subject in 1G78, Padre Alonso de Paredes, v/ho had been a mis'-' ary in New Mexico, wrote a report on the subject . . cal- culated to excite enthusiasm. Quivira he placed somewhere in Texas, though it might extend far north- Vr'ard. There was no evidence of gold or great cities there. Of Teguayo, or Tehuayo, a famous name now that had perhaps been current for a half century, nothing was known be} "»nd Indian reports that it was a populous kingdom containing a great lake.'^ In 1G86 also the English corsair Swan was on the coast. His chronicler, Dampier, could not satisfy himself whether Cahfornia was an island or a peninsula; nor did he think the Spaniards desired to have the lake of California explored, lest foreigners should reach New Mexico, as Spaniards had escaped from New Mexico by that way at the late insurrection.'^* Baron la Hontan made his famous imaginary journey to the far west in 1688. He ascended Long lliver, a tributary of the Mississippi, for some eighty Jays, passing natives more civilized than any at the east. He did not reach the head of the river, which was said to lead to a great salt lake, with populous '"Parerfes, ITtilea y Curiosas Noticiaa del Nutvo-Mexico, Cibola y otraa nadones covfinantes. La antigua tradicion de Copala, etc., 211-25. llo Bays tbat Padre Itenavides in his memorial of 1030 had spoken of the reported gold and silver of Teguayo and Quivira, and ex-Govcnior I'cualosa had made a proposition to discover and conquer those provinces, calling Teguayo Tatago. Paredes says that Teguayo is 180 leagues N. of the Yuta country, which is CO leagues N. of Santa V&. The strait of Anian is in 70", the gulf of the sumo name being n. e. in the region of Labrador. Quivira is s. e. ^ e., toward the bay of Espiritu Santo. See also Frcytax, Iklacion. " Dampier^s New V^oyaije, i. 2G4, 272. One map seems disposed to make California a peninsula, as indeed ho says the latest Spanish charts represent it. His general map, i. frontispiece, mokes California an island, and is for the most part like the Ogilby map, savo that the north end of tho island has three prongs, separated by small bays. The source of the St Lawrence is left open in a way to suggest a sea or paasago to the sea. Lut a novelty ia a vague coast etretclmig between 40" and 50" from near tho end of California v.'cst^^•ard, named Compagnies Land, nnil separated from Asia just above Japan l)y a strait of Uri'js. This was published in IGDa. In Lni/I, Introdxicth ail Ceo- yraii/iium, Gi)2, 704, are two mapsof 1002, which from Uicir reacmblance to the others need not be copied ; but there are some peculiar features. On the N. end of the islund ai'o two bays and points with the names Tdaaijo r r.d U. de Ei'liete ; while on the main opposite, in 43°, is a long square projection called Aijnbfla de C'ato, with a group of islands in tho strait between. (.See Aa's map uf 1707i which is similar in these respects.) In the interior round the KIXO AND S.VLVATILr.RA. lis cities and large vessels. His story was pure fiction in all that related to Long River and the far west.'^^ In the last decade of the century Padre Kino began his labors in Pimeria Alta. Though his chief object was the salvation of souls, both he and Captain Mange took a deep interest in the Northern Mystery. In their trip to the Gila and Colorado in 1G99 they heard of a woman — perhaps the famous Maria de Jesus de Agreda, who was said to have travelled miraculously in these parts — who long ago had preached to them, and when shot had several times risen from the dead; they heard of white men who sometimes came to trade; but received no confirma- tion of Onate's island of the giantess. Kino was inclined to disbelieve the theory that California was an island, and in 1700 from a hill near the head of the gulf he made some observations whicli strengthened his opinion, though they by no means settled the question, as has been erroneously claimed. In March 1701 padres Kino and Salvatierra stood with Mange on the mainland shore of the upper gulf, in 31° or 32°, as they thought, and held an amigahle disputa on the geographical problem. To the padres it seemed that the shores united some thirty-six leagues farther north, in accordance with their mis- sionary desires; but Mange deemed appearances at such a distance deceitful, and from the currents chose to believe still in an estrecho. Later in the year Kino crossed the Colorado, and was still convinced that all was tierrafirmef though he did not go far enough to prove it. great lake are the new map names Apaches, Xila, Taos, etc. Tlie other map omits the features cited about the end of the island, but introduces others equally novel. California is not only separated from the main by a. strait, but by another strait on tho west from the Terra de Jenxo; and north of California, in 50°, wliother on dry land or in^open sea is not apparent, are Coniba^ and ' _ " ~ "" " idsonBayi In Ilnrkc's Col. Urhjinal Voywjeaoi 1099 is a map of tho usual type, which has , Cibola! There is an opening from Port Nelson of Hudson Bay into an Icy Sea. tho Meschasipi R. (Mississippi River) very accurately located, but exagger- ated in length. Between this river and tho strait of Anian, just above 50 , is the niune Mcadoios. ^^ La lloutan, Nouveaux Voyaqes, 1702. I have not ser -^h^ work, and in current ristimis there is not the slightest resemblance one U) another. Hmt. N. W. Ooabt, VoIj. I. 8 i I i. ' ' I I , ! 114 THE NORTHERN MYSTERY— CONCLUSION. h,f f ':!t In his map of this period he made California a peninsula on the strength of his convictions. This map, a very accurate one of all these regions, too accurate for the present subject, may be seen in an- other part of this work. It was not published at the time, and was seen by but few cosmographers.^ Harris' Map, 1705. ^Maiifje, Hist. Pimeria. 290, 301-2; 324, 331-3, 337; Apo»mko» AfaitM, 282-5, 200-5, 308-9; Salvatierra, in California, Estah. y Profj., 127-9, i52-3; Veneijas, NoticianCcU., ii. 75-0, 94- IOC; Alegre/llist. Comp.de Jcsus,m. 117-18, 124-3, 134-5; Lorkmau'H Trav. JenvHn, i. 350, 395; Map iu Lettres Edi/., v, 29. ISee also my //««<. Norihtm .Tex. SlcUe6y i. rmi L.I BARTHOLOMEW DE FONTE. 119 The map published with TIaches Collection of Voy- ages in 1699 was reproduced by Heylyn in 1701 and by Harris in 1705." These have nameless streams flowing into the gulf of Mexico, which may be the Rio Bravo del Norte, with its mouth now trans- ferred to the proper side of the continent. Heylyn's text is similar to that of the 'exact description' of IG55 already noted. He is sure that California u an island, and explains how some have been led into the error of regarding it as a peninsula in the past; and he also adds that Quivira is by some placed far iu the interior, by the 'back of Virginia.' Harris has another map, which I reproduce in part. It shows La Hontan's fictitious discoveries; northern California a^ in several earlier maps mentioned but not copied ; and Santa Fd, on the Brave River, or Rio Bravo del Norte, flowing into the right gulf, but still out of the famous lake. The accompanying frag- ment from Pieter vander Aa of 1707 explains itself so far as any explanation is practicable. ^'^ ^^^' ^^o?. Padre Kino in 1706 looked for the last time on the gulf -»vaters and mouth of the Colorado, again convincing himself, but failing to convince his com- panions, among whom was Padre Niel, that the gulf there ended." In a London periodical. Monthly Miscellany, or Memoirs for the CuHous, in April and June 1708, appeared what purported to be a letter of Admiral Bartholomew de Fonte, describing a voyage made by **rffjlhjn'fi Co/i»»o,7rty)Ay,frontiapiece and pp.9G0-8; Harris, NavhjnnlhiviA. ; also iu Fuiiueirn Voyage, 1707. These maps show also a strait of Uiita on the Asiatic shores, separating the main from an eastern land, which, however, does not extend eastward to America, as in Dampier's map. '*-'AiK>sl6Ucoa A/anes, 3-23-(); Kiel, Apuntamicnlua, 78. The latter puts tho visit in 1705, aad say a that as there was no proof, 'quedd la cosa en opiuiou.' flHl 'l ■ 1 : t, : . i I'i ■ ) ■ ' t ■■I • ! .1:1 .. -n ! ; ■ !■ 's'l 116 THE NORTHERN MYSTERY— CONCLUSION. i !?. him in 1640. It was partly in the first and partly in the third person; no reference was made by the editors to any original from which it might have been translated; but they mentioned an accompany- ing chart, not published and never heard of again. It was doubtless a deliberate hoax, prepared at the time by some one who had a superficial acquaintance with Spanish -American affairs; but, for the discussions to which it gave rise, the story must be noticed here, and is in substance as follows : Fonte sailed from the ' Calo' of Lima April 3, 1640, with four vessels, under orders from Spain and the viceroys, issued because of information that Boston navigators had been seeking the northern passage. Diego Penalosa was vice-admiral of the fleet; and the other two commanders were Pedro de Bonardas, or Barnarda, and Felipe de Ronquillo. They touched at various points, and took a master and six mariners at Conipostela. On this master's opinion that Cali- fornia was an island, Penalosa, son of the sister of Don Luis de Haro, resolved to learn the truth, and his vessel left the fleet on the 10th of May. Fonte with three ships went on and by June 14th reached the river Reyes, in latitude 53°. He sailed about tvvo hundred and sixty leagues in crooked channels among the islands of the Archipelagus de St Lazarus; and on June 2 2d sent Captain Barnarda up a fair river, Barnarda sailed n., n. n. e., and n. w., to a great lake full of islands, named Lake Valasco. Here he left his ship between the island Barnarda and the peninsula Conihasset, and in three Indian boats sailed 140 leagues w. and 436 leagues e. n. e., to latitude 77". Meanwhile Fonte sailed up the river Reyes north- eastward to a town of Conossct, on the south side of Lake Belle, where some Jesuit missionaries with him had been for two years. In the same region there was a river de Haro. At Conosset the admiral received t, letter from Barnarda, dated June 27th, having entered Lake Belle June 22d with his two ships. July FRUITS OF PEflALOSA'S STORY. 117 1st he sailed, perhaps in boats, down the river Par- mentiers, passing eight falls, until, July Gth, he reached lake Fonte, which was GO by 160 leagues, and well supplied with islands. Then he sailed, July 14-17, eastward through a lake called Estrecho de Ronquillo to an Indian town, where he heard of a large shij), which on sailing to it he found to be a Boston shij). Captain Shapley, owned by Seimor Gibbons, major- general of Maltechusets. Instead of capturing this craft as a prize Fonte generously made presents to officers and men, and bought Shapley's fine charts and journals. Then he returned, August 6-1 6, to Conosset, where on the 20th he received another letter of Au- gust 1 1th from Barnarda. That officer had gone so far as to prove that there was no passage by Davis Strait. He had reached 79°, and one of his men had been led by the natives to the head of Davis Strait, which terminated in a fresh-water lake in 80°, beyond which were high mountains and ice. By a third letter Barnarda announced his arrival at Minhanset and the port of Arena, on the river Reyes, August 29th; and thither Fonte with great stores of salt provisions and one hundred hogsheads of maize returned Ix ti Lake Belle September 2-5. From this point the lleet sailed homeward, having proved that there was no north- west passage. Absurd as all this appears related en resume, it is still more so in the details, many of which are unin- telligible. The story was founded probably, if it had any foundation, on something in one of Penalosa's absurd memorials. No such voyage was ever made, even if such a man as Fonte ever lived ;^'' no such '® Antonio UUoa in a letter to Navarrete in 1792, Navarrete, Viagei Apdc, 'i'>4-7, says that in 1736 he met, between I'anam.i, and Guayaquil, an old pilot, Juun Manuel Morel, who showed him, among other old diaries, one of a voy- age itivle by Admiral Bartolom6 de la Fiiente, who was despatched by the viceroy of Peru in consequence of a report that a Spanish vessel had found north of California a great bay stretching eastward, and had met in it a for- eign ship. Fuente found no such bay and returned. UUoa took a copy of the diary and lost it. He afterward told the story in London, and also cor- responded with M. de I'lsle. Some of Peflalosa's exploits are mentioned ou p. 109 of this chapter. J; .) •ii,> 118 THE N0RTHI:RN MYSTEHY— COirCLUSION. complicated net-work of channels cuts up the northern ])arts of America. Yet the authenticity of the voy- age was seriously defended until the region in ques- tion became so fully explored as to make further defence absurd. The argument was, in substance, that through an unknown country channels may ex- tontl in any direction; inherent contradictions in the narrative, so far as the unknown parts are concerned, may be accounted for on the theory of the translator's blunders; and like blunders of translator and navi- gator must account for discrepancies between Fonte's discoveries and those of later explorers; that is, the interior was safe, and Fonte's entrance on the coast Mas moved from time to time so as not to come in conllict with advancing exploration. The arguments are not worth repetition, even if I had space for them. The map of De I'lsle and Buache, pronounced by ]3urney " as adventurous a piece of geography as was ever published," will be given in substance later. I append here a brief bibliographic notice of such writings on the subject as are before me." '•'^ The original is in Monthly Miscellany, or Memoirs for the Curious, Loucion, ITOS. Arthur Dobbs, Account of th<' Countries adjoining to HudKOn'i Bny, l-S-.^O, reprinted the letter in 1744, and found in it an ' Air of Truth' wliich left no doubt of a N.w. passage, though probably not well translated, copied, or piinted. The fact of there being a Siiaplcy family in Boston 'conlinna i::s being an authentick Journal.' De I'lsle's memoirs and the map made by him and Buache were presented to the French Academy in IToOand 1752, being printed in the latter year. De Vhle, Exjilicallou de li Carte, Paris, 1732, Buache, Considerations i/eoijrapkiqucs, Paris, 1753. They included Russian and Japanese discoveries. A rival geographer, M. Vaugondy, Observations critiques sur Irs nourtHes ddrouvi'rtis de V Admiral De la I'ueiite, Paris, 1753, took upon himself to refute De I'lsle's arguments at the time. These memoirs, translated into Spanish and supplemented by long editorial comments in which Padre Buriel exposed the fictitious character of the narrative, were printed, 1757, in Venenas, Xoticias de C trip, and declaring the southern part of the mystery at an end, turned his attention farther north, and by a process of reasoning satisfactory to himself showed that the American coast just above 44° turned westward to the strait of Uriz, by which it was sepa- rated from the Asiatic land of Hezo, and through which the Dutch had sailed on various occasions. What had been mistaken for the strait of Anian in past years was really the mouth of the great river of San Antonio flowing from the north and into the c:ea just above Cape Mendocino, where the coast turns westward. This was certainly a novel theory, or rather a very old one revived.** In 1748 Henry Ellis published his narrative of the voyage of the Dohhs Galley and California to Hud- son Bay; and he joined to it an historical account of previous attempts to find the north-west passage, and a statement of the agreements on which the existence of such a passage was founded. The work was more complete than any earlier one on the subject; and the author, though somewhat too indulgent to the trav- ellers whose tales favored his theories, did not com- mit himself very fully to belief in the old fictions. Yet he was much impressed by the story of a Portu- guese in London who had met a Dutchman who, having been driven to the coast of California, had found that country to be either an island or peninsula, according as the tide was high or low. Moreover, the coast above California trended north-east, a very strong argument in favor of a passage. Ellis did not know of the Russian discoveries." In 1749 another "Sedclmair'i letterof March 20, 1747, in Z>oc.//M^Jjrpa;.,serioiii.pt.iv.841-'2. ** Villa tSeflor y Sanchez, Theatro Americano, ii. 272-94. "Ellis, Vvijage to Hudson's Bay, I74O-7. London, 1748. Map and plates ; also translations and reprintii in later years. The same author publisheil in 17o0 Comiderationi' on the Oreat Adrantcu/es which vmvld aritie of tlu! North-trent Pa>iage. See also Vsneyas, Not. Vol., iii. 237-87, for a,r6sumi of Ellia' work. RUSSIAN DISCOVERIES. 127 work on the same topic was published, the argument being founded mainly on observations of the tidal currents." Before 1750 the Russians had made from the north- west important American discoveries, which mate- rially circumscribed the Northern Mystery in that direction. They had discovered the real strait, and had proved the existence of a large body of land east of northern Asia, which had been visited at scvcml different points. But between these points, and south of the southernmost, there was still room for many intcroceanic passages. Accordingly in 1750-3 Do I'lalo and Buache took up the pretended discoveries of Fonte, presenting such facts and rumors as could be made to sustain their theory as already noted, and concocting a map, which I append, and the absurdi- ties of which are sufficiently apparent without expla- nation." Still had California a foothold for cosmographical mystery; for in 1751 Captain Salvador in a report to the king stated that the Colorado River before reacli- ing the gulf sent off a branch to the Pacific Ocean, which branch was in reality the Rio de Filipinos or Rio Carmelo. Padre Niel had made the Colorado empty into the strait opposite the Carmelo, so that, now there was no strait, Salvador's theory was not without its plausibility. This, with its subsequent dGvelopment of 1774, when Captain Anza wrote from the Gila of a report of the natives that a branch of ^^Pfosons to shew, that there is a great Prohahtlity of a Naviqahle Pasaaije to the IVentem Ainerican Ocean, through lludaon's Strei'jhta and Cheslerjldd Inlet. London, 1749. *' De I' hie. Explication de la Carte, Paris, n,>2. I take a copy from that published in 1701 by Jcfferys in Miiller^x I oy. Asia to Aiiicr. It is also in Mitrchaiitl, ^'01/., pi. iii. It will bo noticed that California is correctly \nu\ down, and that the Russian discovery of Chirikof, in which tlie author's brother participated, is shown, but not that of Bering, in tiio same expedi- tion. Coats, (/coij. Htuhon Bay, .S7, 17")1, says: 'ThcHe Miscota Indiana tell us some visionary storeys of ships and men of a different make and coniplectiou freijuenting there shores [ Winipeggon Lake], for thoy arc positive this lake is open to westward ; and do attempt to describe their (gilded Iweks, and sail.?, and other matters, both tedious and tiresome, without we had better grounds.' \V{.Y ',;i! I; I . I ' i t 188 THE NORTHERN MYSTERY-CONCLUSION. De l'Isle'8 Map, 1752. tl P tl J< EARLS' SAILING DIRECTIONS. 129 the Colorado ran westward a.nd northward, making the f.uggestion that that b^^anch might terminate in San Francisco Bay, seems to have been the last phase of the theory that California was an island; though those were not wanting in even later times who from pure negligence repeated the old representations in their text and maps.** In 1757 the great work of Venegas on California was published by Padre Burriel, a most intelligent editor, who devoted one of the three volumes to appendices on voyages of exploration and on the geog- raphy of the far north. In one sense Burriel was the first writer — if we except Cabrera Bueno, who had published accurate sailing directions of the coast from Cape Mendocino southward*" — to take common-sense views on the subject, to reject the apocryphal voyages as wholly unworthy of credit, to restrict northern geography to actual discoveries, and to correctly map, in print, the peninsula and the regions of the Colorado and Gila as far as known.'"' Ho gives, how- ever, a general map, showing the northern geographic myths, as in De I'lsle for the most part, but sur- rounds those parts with a dotted line, and closes his work as follows: "Well then, some one says, what seas, coasts, rivers, lakes, provinces, nations, peoples, are there in North America beyond California, Capo Blanco, Rio de Aguilar, Bio Colorado, Moqui, and "Salvador, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii. pt. iv. 661-6. He urges this new route as the best for the occupation of California. Arch. CaL, MS., Prov. iSt. Pa/t., iii. 190-1; Arrkivita, C'r6iiic(t,'io2-S. InChuixhiWa Col. Voy., viii. 603, is a map of 17o5 by II. Moll, making California an island. Homes, Our Knowledge of Cat. and thf. Xortlnix-il Coast one hundred years since, Albany, 1870, p. 4, says: 'Many maps in the New Yoik State Library, of as late date aa 1741, represent it as an island, aa those of Overton, Tillemon, De Fer, and others, and they extend California up to latitude 45", including New All)ion. Giustiniani's Atlas of 1755 makes California an island reaching to latitude 47". Kngel in 1764 tries to prove that it is not true that California, owing to the winds and tides, ia sometimes a peninsula and at other times an island. ' The New York Sun in 1876 spoke of a geography published in London in 1849 ui which California is described and mapped as an island. ** Cabrera liiieno, NKvenacion Especvlaiiva. Manila, 1734. ^^Venegas, Nolirins de la Cni., Madrid, 1757; vol. iii. is devoted to geog- raphy and a rp*" tution of earlier fictions ; map at end. Regert's Nm-hrichten, 177'2, also dill i. ,eh to circulate accurate ideas of California geography. Hist. N. W. Coast, VuL. I. 9 i.?;:,r[ !■ ;■'! 1 130 THE NORTHERN MYSTERY— CONCLUSION. i 'i J New Mexico towards the north for 50 degrees? Ex- cept what has been learned on our Atlantic side, and the little made known by Russian voyages in the South Sea, I readily reply in a word, wliich causes me no shame nor ought to any good man, Ignore, Nescio, Yo no lo sd." • GAM*aU t). ,30 (2U '^0?ii ; t Nanicg.prgfixed witli_anyn'\tjn the^orj^iml -^-^ '^^ ^ Japanese Map, 1761. With Muller's narrative of the Russian discoveries Thomas Jefferys, geographer to his British majesty, published in 1761, besides De I'lsle's map which I have already given, two general maps, in which a con- CARVER'S SPECULATIONS. 131 ^^^5ts#l Jefferys' Map, 17C8. 11 "lMi;:i ■fc, ■ f ' |K ^: i^ / 132 THE NORTHERN MYSTERY-CONCLUSION. jil h rr tinuous coast is shown up to the far north, with indi- cations of Aguilar's entrance, Fuca's entrance, and tlie " pretended entrance" of Fonte. One of the maps shows a River of the West flowing from Lake Wini- pigon into the Pacific at Aguilar's entrance, in 45°, wliile a possible river runs farther south to Pro de Anno nuevo; but in the other the great river is called St Charles, or Assiniboels, terminating at the mountains of Bright Stones ; while' the southern river is called River of the West, being doubtfully con- nected through Pike's lake and Manton's river with the Missouri. The lower course of these streams into the Pacific is not shown except as on the other map. The main coast. above 50° is "supposed to be the Fou-Sang of the Chinese." A fourth map in this work is one that purports to be of Japanese origin, which I copy." In 1768 the same JcfFerys published and furnished maps for another work, written perhaps by Theodore Swaine Drage, and devoted to the defence of Fonte's voyage by an enthusiastic believer in the north-west passage. I reproduce the general map, which not only shows De I'lsle's ideas of Fonte's discoveries as modified by the royal geographer, but also contains the general features of Jefferys' earlier maps, as already described. The western portions not shown on my copy are the Russian discoveries, of which details are given in another volume. It will be seen that in 1768 it was easier to find the interoceanic passage than to miss it; but earthquakes or something have since changed the face of nature in that region.®'' It was in 1766-8 that J. Carver, the American traveller, made his visit to the upper Mississippi and ^'^Muller's Vonagea from Asia to America. . . Translated from the High Lht'ih of