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PARTICULAR HISTORY

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New England and Parts Adjacent,

ITS DECLARATION BY THE KINO OF FRANCE, MARCH I 5, I744, ^O THE
TREATY WITH THE EASTERN INDIANS^ OCT. 1 6, 1 749,

somrnim CALLED

GOVERNOR SHIRLEY'S WAR.

wrhi ,4

MEMOIR OF MAJOR-OENBRAL SHIRLEY, ACCOMPANIED BY
HIS PORTRAIT AND OTHBR ENGRAVINGS.

By SAMUEL G. DRAKE.

ALBANY :
JOEL MUNSELL, 811 STATE STREET.

1870.

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Entered, accor<ling to Aft of Congrew, in the yew 1870,
By Samuel Q. Diakk,
In the Qerk'. Office of the Dbtria Court of the United States
for the diitria of Mamchuietti.

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^..,;.u. .- L' '^Uk w.agfmift'a

.i'^^i;,v»i'":,-;farfaitela;

TO THI
OFFICERS AND OTHER OENTLEMEN,

MUMBimS OP THB

NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY,

WITH WHOM THE AUTHO« HAS BBBN A COWORKBII FOR MANY TSAKS, AS AN

APPKBCIATION OP THBIK OPT AJID KHPBATSD BXPRBSSIONS OF

KNCOVRAGBMBNT AND APPROVAL OP HIS LABORS,

THIS VOLUME,

■MBRACING MANY OCCURKBNCBS IN THB BORDRR KIISTORV OF THBIH STATS,

MOST RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED

•V THBim

ASSOCIATE.

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CHAPTER I

PRELIMINARY.

|REVIOUS to the separation of New
from Old England, what were since
*'The Provinces," that part of the con-
tinent (from the mouth of the St. Law-
rence to the Penobscot) was more valued
than almost any other part of North
America. It was thought, both here and
in England, that Nova Scotia and the
circumjacent lands and seas could not
be over estimated. But after the separa-
tion, New England took but little interest
in that part of the world, as it was possessed by bitter political
enemies, exiled there because they had espoused and adhered to
the cause of the British government. Consequently the in-
tercourse between the sedions at once nearly ceased. Hence
our writers make small account of the history of the Pro-
vinces after their separation. But it is time to consider that
the old political barrier has much decayed, and that in no great
length of time it will entirely disappear i that the Provinces

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6 Particular History of the

will become states, part and parcel of the great Union of
States. When that day shall arrive the particular history of
the early events of all that section will be sought after with as
much zeal as any other. Those Provinces will one day
become populous and wealthy ; the great ^^ tidal wave " of popu-
lation now setting westward with such vast volume, will over-
whelm the prairies, the valleys and mountains, till they can
hold no more. Then the tide must turn, and the neglected
coasts of Acadia, Cape Breton, and even Newfoundland, will
be crowded with inhabitants in their turn.

This the reader may look upon as visionary, and too far in
the distant future to be taken into consideration in scanning the
hiitory of New England; yet, with a convi(^ion that such a
result is sure, the writer has not negledted the Provinces
altogether in the present compilation.

It was found impra(^icable to attempt a connected narrative
of the body of the work ; our objeft being a detail of events
in the order of time — the events themselves having no con-
nection — hence that part of the work is denominated a Diary
of Depredations. This plan has been chosen as best calculated
to embody the greatest amount of information naturally looked
for in a work of this kind.

In former ages people were apparently satisfied with general
history, and that of a kingdom or empire usually occupied far
less space than that of a small town in the present age. Even
up to the time within the memory of the writer, little else
but general history found readers, and hence the age of par-
ticular history may be said to be of recent origin. The a^s
of individuals without titles seemed to have been considered
of no interest, while those of kings and their courtiers were
regarded little short of inspiration.

i[^.)i£f!!'i2u(^j&i£U^. -

. .'._. ■.^.J1.^«<ll-

French and Indian War, 7

The great body of the people all over the world were igno-
rant, and hence easily made to believe that they had little else
to do but to obey tyrannical rulers, and laud their actions;
but a change has been going on, and as people became en-
lightened they naturally inquired of v^hat account would kings
and nobles be but for them — the People? Hence follow the
other enquiries — what have been the a£t8 of individuals in
every great undertaking? who in reality have deserved the
honor? And whether their privations and sufferings are not
as much to be the objects of regard and commemoration as
though they had by accident, and for no merit of their own,
been invested with regal honors?

The following history has been undertaken specially to place
upon its pages as many of the names of those who participated
in the war, as well those who suffered by its ravages, as those
who bore arms in it. Hence the work has been entitled a
Particular History. And while we regret that our informa-
tion is not so full, in some respects, as we desire, it is much
further in advance, in the great obje<Sls of particulars aimed
at, than anything hitherto published on the same period.. Great
pains have been taken to find out the names, both given and
acquired, that is, christian and surnames of all parties, and
generally with more success than was at first expelled. Much
time has been spent in endeavors to make the work as per-
fect in this respect as possible ; because, in our view of history,
that history is of value only in proportion as it makes promi-
nent the real adtors and sufferers in such history. Of what
importance is it to a reader to learn that a certain officer, with
a certain number of followers, on a certain time, attacked a
defenceless village on a certain river, burnt the houses and
carried off the inhabitants into captivity? Here is sound

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nhiii ^■*-*-- •■ «^-

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8 Materials for the iVork,

without sense, unless we know when and where the event took
place, the names of the captives, the names of the principal
depredators, as well as the incidents of the trar-^^ion. It
is well known to every reader of our histories, from first to
last, how lamentably deficient they are in the particulars here
referred to.

It was quite a memorable saying of one of the ancient his-
torians, that geography and chronology were the two eyes of
history. That historian, or the author of that saying, ought
to have added a third indispensable, and told us what the soul
of history is. The reader of this preface will not require to
be told what the writer considers the soul of history.

Many who have written histories of the period included in
this work, scarcely notice above two events in it, and those in
the most general terms. They "ell us of the capture of
Louisbourg and the sacking of Fort Massachusetts ! And yet
it was a war of about five years' duration — the entire Eng-
lish frontier, from Nova Scotia to the mouth of the Monon-
gahela, was laid waste by fire and sword ! At least a thousand
people were killed and carried into captivity, exclusive of the
losses of soldiers. The greatest sufferers were those who
from necessity were obliged to make their homes in the wild-
erness border, and thus met the brunt of savage cruelties. To
those our attention has been specially directed.

Within the last few years a very important source of in-
formation has been laid open, by the publication of documents
from the French archives. The state of New York has
caused to be copied from those archives whatever related to her
borders, and printed them in an economical manner; thus
rendering them accessible to everybody. These documents
consist of minute particulars of all transactions in Canada

/mi-m'^^ayg ' ™ ^^^

Materials for the Work. 9

during the French rule in that country; the French inter-
course with and management of the Indian nationr \ how the
Indians were employed by them in wars, and what was efFe^ed
by them thus employed. All these documents were transmit-
ted to France, have been well preserved, and through the
liberality of the French government are now open for exa-
mination. The importance of those bearing on the period oi
this history will be observable by the reader in its perusal.

It appears from an examination of the transcripts taken
from the French war office, that there was scarcely an expe-
dition, of however small a number of men it consisted, but
what v/as authorized by the government of Canada, and a
record made of its setting out, of its return, and the iiuccess
or ill success it met with. All these we now have, which is
some advantage over those who have written without them.

Materials of our own are very fragmentary nil 'A^ n:)«; during
the existence of the colonies. These had no common head,
and each operated, in war and peace, on its own account. Hence
there was no central point to which all matters of consequence
might otherwise have been deposited, and thus have afforded the
historian the means for composing a history of any particular
period. Newspapers, now the great history of the world, of
everybody and everything, were very few a hundred and fifty
years ago, and even one hundred years ago, and those few had
often slender means to arrive at the truth. Fads had to
travel a great distance generally to get into t^rpe, and then it
was old news, and if incorred was not found out in time to
make the necessary corre«Sion of any value to those immediately
interested. However, notwithstanding these considerations,
fads are contained in the newspapers of the times, highly
valuable and indispensable, especially as they often come in • as
B

Benjamin Doolittle,

'\ !

vouchers of other accounts, affording comparisons by which
unmistakable truths are arrived at. There were fewer maga-
zines than newspapers, and the accounts in these were generally
copied from the former, which circumstance renders them of
less historical value.

Of all the authorities useful to the historian, contemporane-
ous narratives are the most valuable ; but these, upon the period
under consideration, are very few, and some of these few are of
such extreme rarity that they were unknown to most writers
of history in a few years after they were published. The
compiler of the ensuing work has been fortunate in his
acquaintance with, and in having the use of several of this
description of materials. 1 o the author of one of these he
has been much indebted ; an author deserving the most honora-
ble mention, yet almost entirely unknown, even in the sedion
of country to which his work particularly relates ; and the
time has not yet arrived among the people there, in which a
sense of their obligations has manifested itself, in ~ny way, of
which the writer is aware, beyond a head and foot stone in a
cemetery at Northfield, with a commonplace inscription upon
the former.

This negle£led author was the Reverend Benjamin Doo-
little, of whom the following particulars have been obtained.
He was born in Wallingford, Conne6licut, July loth, 1695;
was son of John Dpohttle of the same town, and grandson
of Abraham Doolittle, the emigrant ancestor, who is found in
New Haven about 1640. Benjamin was by a second marriage
of John with Grace Blakesley, of whose early education and
life no fa<as have been met with. It is only known that he
was a graduate of Yale College in 17 16, at the age of

-A'^iitMujiuiiji;*'

Benjamin T>oolittle.

twenty-one years.* It is not material to know with whom he
studied theology, but it is known that he was settled in the
ministry at Northfield in 1 718, in which office he continued
about thirty years. His death was very sudden, occasioned, no
doubt, by what in these days is termed the heart disease. A
sermon was preached at his funeral by the Rev. Jonathan
Ashley, of Deerfield, from the texts of Mark xiii, 37, and
Rev. iii, 3, from which it appears that he died "January 9th,
1 748,t in the 54th year of his age, and 30th of his ministry."
The sermon was printed in Boston in 1 749, making an o<^avo
of twenty-six pages, but, as is usual with such performances,
contains little information respeding the subjedl: of it, beyond
its title page. Besides the date of his de^th, and age, there
are the following lines to his memory, upon the stone mark-
ing the place of his burial :

''■]': ■ •■/■; ""'!•?• '^-'"r' ■■';■■>'

Bleited with good intelleftual parts,

Well tkUled in two important am, ;.> -- V'

Nobly he filled the double itation ■i'<.v,:t

Both of a preacher and phjrtidan.
To cure men's sicknesses and sins,
t He took unwearied care and pains { > ^ '>

And strove to make his patient whole <}\

Throughout, in body and soul.
He lov'd his Ood, loT'd to do good,
To all his friends vast Jdndness show'd ;
Nor could his enemies exclaim,
And say he was not kind to them.
His labors met c sudden close.
Now he enjoys a sweet repose )
And when the just to life shall rise,
Among the Brst he'll mount the skies. |

ft-

* For these few genealogical items we f This date is old style, of course,

are indebted to the Hon. Mark Dcolittle, | Copied in Barber's Hhnrical CilUf

late of Belchertown, a very distant con- liont «/ MsusMckuuttt, a68. Itieemsnot

ne£Uon of Benjamin, and a gentleman of to have come to the knowledge of Bridg-

high standing in Hampshire county. man, who colleded and published what

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Benjamin Doolittle.

i ■

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There was also published in a Boston newspaper this brief
notice of Mr. Doolittle's death : " We are informed that on
the 9th instant, the Rev. Mr. Doolittle, pastor of the church
in Northfield, was suddenly seized with a pain in his breast, as
he was mending a fence in his yard, and died in a few min-
ute's time, to the inexpressible grief of the town in general,
as well as his own family in particular." "*

Had not Mr. Doolittle been so suddenly taken away it is pre-
sumed he would have perfected and published his history of
this war himself} for it is one of the most important and
valuable records of it, so far as his plan extended, that can be
found of any similar period in our history. His location gave
him the best means of ascertaining the truth of the trans-
actions, all of which he appears to have narrated with singular
impartiality. It was doubtless well known to many that he
kept a record of the events of the war, as not long after his
death his manuscript was obtained and printed; but who
superintended the printing, and made **the small additions to
render it more perfect," no intimation is given in the work.
Its title is as follows : ^^ A short Narrative of the Mischief
done by the French and Indian Enemy, on the western Frontiers
of the Province of Massachusetts Bay ; from the Beginning of
the French War, proclaimed by the King of France, March
15th, 1743-4; and by the King of Great Britain, March 29th,
1744, to August 2d, 1748. Drawn up by the Rev. Mr. Doo-
little, of Northfield, in the County of Hampshire ; aisid found
among his Manuscripts after his Death. And at the Desire of
some, is now published, with some small Additions, to render it

he call* the leuriptions in tbt Oravt honored with Bruf Annalt »f Ntrtk-

Tardi in Ntribmimfton and of otbtr Tov>nt ampten.

in tb* Vallty of tkt ConntaUut, 1850. * Botton Gamitt mnd WuUy Journml^

Thk work the rcnerable Dr. Wm. Allen January 14th, 1749.

hit

French and Indian War.

more perfect. Boston: Printed and sold by S. Kneeland, in
Queen Street, MDCCL." It is a small o<^avo pamphlet of
24 pages only.* '''"''■' ■'-"---■ ''r- "-■-•■:. -^.^ ri^x-^"--' A-^- ■"*

There is another work by the same author, but upon a dif-
ferent subje(ft, which ic probably the only one he ever pub-
lished, and known only to the writer from an advertisement.
Its title is — *^An Enquiry into Enthusiasm, being an Account
of what it is, the Original, Progress and EfFe6t of it," 1743.
Perhaps written on the occasion of the Whitefield excitement.

It was the original intention of the writer to publish a
history of all the French and Indian wars, from the first set-
tlement of the country to the final destruction of the French
power on this continent } the number of volumes to equal the
number of those wars, and he has during many years past
made large collections, and extensive notes for that purpose.
This volume not being in the order of time, that is, not the
first in the series of those wars, but is made the first of the
series, because the materials for it seemed more complete than
any other; and here it may be well, to give the reader an idea
of the war periods to which reference is made :

The first was the Ten Years War, which followed the revo-
lution in favor of William III, Prince of Orange, 1688 to
1698, during the administrations of Governors Phips and
Stoughton, and sometimes called King William's war. Of
this war Dr. Cotton Mather has given a history under the
partial title of Decennium Luituosum.

The second was during the governorship of Joseph Dudley,
Esq., 1703 to 1 713, alfo a Decennium LuSiuosum; and called

Governor Dudley's Indian War.

,»■

• See Appbmdix, A.

i'
i:.

l._Ul AiA_

French and Indian War,

The third was in the term of Lieutenant-Governor Dum-
mer's chief magistracy of Massachusetts, 1722 to 1725, and
called Governor Dummer's Indian War.

The fourth was during a period of Governor Shirley's ad-
miniatration, 1744 to 1749, the period covered by the present
volume.

The fifth extends from 1754 to the fall of Quebec, and
final r^dudlion of Canada. All of which comprehends a
period of about seventy-two years, for nearly the whole of
which time the entire frontiers of the English colonies were
harassed by war, in the manner described in the ensuing pages ;
and whether other volumes will be published of the other war
periods, depends on several contingencies not necessary to be
mentioned. .-, -:Ai,?^'^; •■;,*.->;«.■> s ':>,., :''~-:xr

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. _^i;_^jrujiteu^^

CHAPTER II

r.M";;'.'>' -tli-^,..- yi'V'

NOTIC? OF GOVERNOR SHIRLEY. , ,

Being a Review of a Portion of hit Admiaiitratlon, in which an Attempt la made to corrvA

MlMtatementt conceriUA| it.

THE biography of Governor Shir-
ley has been unreasonably, and, it
may be said, unaccountably neglected by
all the biographers and historians of
New England; while there have been
few men of the eighteenth century who
have belonged to New England, who
have filled so important a place, and per-
formed such signal services as he. The reason for this negledl
and injustice will be shown in the course of this notice.

The biography of Gov. Shirley here proposed is intended only
as introductory to the history of the part of his administration
including the Five Years Indian and French War embraced in
the present work. His life is yet to be written, and will form
a volume of the history of New England, if in skillful hands,
inferior in interest to none, saving, perhaps, that of the Pil-
grims. Therefore, in the present chapter it is only f mended to
review some erroneous statements which have hitherto passed
for history.

Some untovyard circumstances in the later war conspired to
render Mr. Shirley's plans abortive. This is no uncommon
fortune, and such have often happened to men of the greatest
and best abilities. Whenever a man attains a position in any

-.'•*

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mSSSBSSmJB

ill

Governor Shirley.

great undertaking, sappers and miners set busily at work to
destroy his reputation. They often succeed, and pass ofF the
stage of life undete£ted, except by their own consciences.
They could not but know that history would expose them at
some period in the future.

There does not appear the slightest grounds for questioning
the patriotism of Governor Shirley. He nade great sacri-
fices, and by his watchfulness, energy, and perseverance, the
enemy wet'e baffled in their hopes of subjeding this country
and bringing it under Catholic domination. The danger was
imminent when this war commenced, and Governor Shirley
exerted himself to the utmost to avert such an event. No pa-
triot of the Revolution of 1775 could have done more in
asserting the rights of America than he did to avert the im-
pending danger of falling under the rule of France. Some
modern historians seem to have had no appreciation of his
services, owing to a very superficial knowledge of the history of
the times of which they were treating. They even bring the
charge against him, that of ^* restoring British authority in the
country!" A most extraordinary charge, considering that
there was no other legal authority in the country."' Perhaps
the laws may not have been so well executed before Mr.
Shirley's accession as they were afterwards. If this was
"restoring British authority," every good citizen had reason
to rejoice. Surely nobody thought, at that early day, of in-
dependence of England, for without her aid New England
would indubitably have become a province of France. Go-
vernors were not appointed to subvert the authority of the
crown, but to see that the laws of the realm were faithfully

♦ S«e Bancroft, Hittery if tht Unhtd serere, for we have been intimate friendt
Suut. I hope he will not think me rery hard upon forty yean.

Governor Shirley.

executed. Mr. Shirley did this to the entire acceptance of the
country.

A contemporary historian,'*' an adopted citizen of Boston,
generally opposed the measures of Mr. Shirley. His opposi-
tion, so far as can now be judged, arose from a fault-finding
disposition, as he brings forward nothing against him except
his acquiescence in the issue of paper money ; but for which,
as everybody knows, the Louisbourg expedition could not have
been carried on. All issues of paper money are evils, and can
only be warranted to prevent much greater evils. Could the
Rebellion of 1861 have been put down without the aid of
paper money? It was a gigantic evil, but what adjective
have we that can express the magnitude of the evil if the
Rebellion had not been put down?

Governor Shirley had his enemies. They are the conse-
quence of success. To judge correftly of a man's character we
must take the evidence of his cotemporaries, those known for
their integrity, whose utterances have come down to us uuim-
peached, and whose lives are without reproach. Governor
Hutchinson has spoken as highly of Mr. Shirley as one contem-
porary can be required to speak of another, and as his evidence
must be familiar to all readers of New England history, it need
not be repeated here ; but we will take that of one of equally high
standing, though less known, from the fa£t that his evidence
appeared without his name, for prudential reasons. This was
the Honorable William Livingston, author of the Review of
the Military Operations^f etc., 1753 to 1756, with a full and
accurate knowledge of all transactions in which Governor
Shirley w^s engaged, thus speaks of him :

• Dr. William Douglass. published in London, 1757, 4to, and re-

-j- See Sedgwick's Life of Livingston^ printed in Boston immediately after, in
page 114. That able work was first the same form.

<•

■ .am»»^d-*mti^tJkMt » It i(*i

■Htiiiiwi wSSSSOB

. *f ■!■ .|«Bi-

Governor Shirley.

"Of all our plantation Governors, Mr. Shirley is most dis-
tinguished for his singular abilities. He was born in England,
and bred up to the law at one of the inns of court. In that
profession he afterwards pra£ticed, for several years, in the
Massachusetts Bay, and, in 1741, was advanced by his majesty
to the supreme command of the colony. He is a gentleman
of great political sagacity, ijctp penetration, and indefatigable
industry. With respe£k to the wisdom and equity of his
administration, he can boast of the universal suffrage of a wise,
free, jealous and moral people." .«

Against this charafter of Gov. Shirley, drawn by an impar-
tial and truthful contemporary, assertions to the contrary, by
any at this distance of time, will hardly seduce those wishing
to be well informed, into a belief of charges of the nature
alluded to. *' Ambitious and needy," says a modern historian.
As to the first of these crimes^ perhaps he (the accuser) may
have no ambition ; but the value of a man without that quality,
to our apprehension, would be too small for estimation; and
as to the charge of being needy^ that was a consequence, as
well as an evidence, of his integrity and honesty. This lat-
ter charge has rarely been made against public officers. Hence
his enemies have never charged him with enriching himself at
the expense of the province.

Another sin is also laid to the governor's charge — he
upheld the Episcopal church ! Was it not a requisite that all
officers of the crown should be Protestants of that denomi-
nation ? Did he ever interfere with other secfts ? Not at all.
No such charge was ever brought against him, that has come
within our knowledge. He was ambitious that all should have
their rights, and in his account of the taking of Louisbourg,

'. aAr-fmxSiism^i^iisiBsS^c..

, ;:i».cjs.iui jsfessr.sirz

Governor Shirley.

which he sent to the Duke of Newcastle,"* and in his letters
afterwards to men in power, he was ambitious that New Eng-
land should not be robbed of its honors in that important
service, and eventually was a principal means of obtaining for
the country reimbursement for its expenses and . sacrifices in
that great undertaking, so long withheld through the misrepre-
sentations of its enemies.

His letter 10 the Duke of Newcastle was accompanied by
a journal of what transpired from the commencement of the
expedition to the capture of Louisbourg. Both are written
with admirable clearness, and at once discover superior literary
ability, impartiality to all parties concerned, and a truthful-
ness unsurpassed by any writer of the time. . * •

By the following action of the representatives of the co-
lony, the estimation in which Governor Shirley's services
were held is a noble acknowledgment of their appreciation,
happily expressed, in th^se words: "It is with great pleasure
we observe that you have once and again been the instrument
in the hands of Divine Providence, of preservii'.g the garrison
of Annapolis, a province of Nova Scotia, from the French,
more especially in the year 174.4, when, by the forces your
excellency sent from this province, it was snatched out of their
hands, then just in possession of the fort; and again in the
year 1745, when they were broken up in their siege of it by
your surprising and successful attempt on Cape Breton; and
now, again, when there was such % number of Canadians and
others going against it by land and sea.

"But these things, although they have the effects of great
wisdom, care, and application in your excellency, for which

* And " published by authority," by The Mine wa* aAerwardi reprinted here
£. Owen, Warwick Lane, 1746, 8vo. in Boston, by Order of the General Court.

'ET

aen

mJUWH

Governor Shirley.

li i

N'lii i.

ill I

li i

every good Englishman rejoices and is thankful, yet they have
been performed at a great expense, more especially to this pro-
vince, and therefore we cannot but be much concerned at the
frequent return of this danger; not only because of the great
difficulties in removing it from time to time, but also by
reason of the doubt, whether by some surprise, impossible to
be foreseen, this barrier of his majesty's dominions, of such
mighty consequence, may not some time or other be lost, if it
continues in its present exposed condition."

They go on and express a hope that his excellency may be
able to suggest some remedy against the traitorous practices of
those French subjects of Nova Scotia who, though prote<fted
by the British government, were using all means to destroy it.

After the patched up peace between England and France, in
1748, commissioners of the two "governments met in Paris in
1750, to settle the boundary line oetween the two countries
in America. The able memorial of this negotiation was
written by Gov. Shirley, in which he showed that all the land
between the St. Lawrence and Penobscot rivers belonged to
England.'*' In 1753 he returned to his government in Massa-<
chusetts. The next year he explored the Kennebec river, and
caused the erection of Fort Halifax and Fort Western. <

While in France he married a second wife, privately it is
said, at which many took umbrage, insinuating that he had
taken a lady below him in social standing, and a Catholic
besides ; but as nothing is met with to the contrary, it is pre-
sumed that whatever of misfortune, if any, accrued from this
marriage, proceeded from a spirit of detradlion which soon
died away.

* Jeremiah Dummer had many Yean Tht Importance of Cape Breton^ page 13.
previous asserted the same claim. See London, 1746.

1x4

I M «i ■ n »m«tedM>'

Governor Shirley.

In the war made memorable by its bringing George Wash-
ington into notice, and the defeat and death of General
Braddock, Mr. Shirley was appointed a major-general in the
British a.my, and he set vigorously to work to complete the
conquest of Canada, fully convinced that there could be no
safety for New England so long as it was under the dominion
of the French. For this great object his plans were unques-
tionably well laid, and failed only through the inability or
treachery, or both, of those on whom he was compelled to
depend, to perform their parts in the undertaking. But as this
cannot he discussed in a manner at all satisfactory, and does not
belong to our present work, it is only necessary to remirid the
reader that a vindication of Maj.-Gen. Shirley has long since
been triumphantly performed.*

It is a necessity in all wars to displace commanders if they
do not happen to be successful in some important a(^ion, even
if a misfortune happened entirely outside of their control.
This was Gen. Shirley's situation, and it was enough for his
enemies to seize upon, and through it ruined his prospedts of
future usefulness. But he lived to see a turn in that sort of
tidal wave which rises far higher than it is able to maintain
itself. Although for a time he was coolly treated, and met
with some delay in getting his accounts through the hands of
certain public officials, yet he was far from having been treated
with obloquy, as some have insinuated.

Much injustice has been done Mr. Shirley by superficial
writers who have not taken the pains to go to the sources of
information; had they done so they would not have found him

* See the able and conclusive work London, 1758, 8vo. Alw>, ARivirw ^
entitled Tht Condud of Major-Gtntral the Military Of tratiom in North Amtrica.
Shirley in North America, brtefy stated. 4to, London, 1757, before cited.

;i1*t*'^i»»Wt fU.ii

Governor Shirley.

claiming any honors not belonging to him, or shuffling off re-
sponsibility while an issue was doubtful, or claiming credit when
such issue was to shed honors on those engaged in it.*

His extreme watchfulness while danger seemed imminent
from a vast French fleet hovering on the coast during the
summer of 1746, is strikingly apparent in many instances which
cannot be detailed here, while they fall within the province of
the historian of New England.

Claimants to the honor of an enterprise are not wanting
after it has proved successful. So in the case of the Cape Bre-
ton expedition, there were no less than three noted gentlemen
who, or their friends for them, laid claim to originating that
of 1745. These were Col. James Gibson of Boston, Robert
Auchmuty, Esq., also of Boston, and Major William Vaughan
of Damariscotta.f The first named was a wealthy merchant,
and is said to have advanced £500 towards setting the expedi-
tion on foot, accompanied it, and afterwards published an ac-
count of it. Respecting Mr. Auchmuty's claim, it is said that
while an agent in England to adjust the boundary line be-
tween Massachusetts and Rhode Island, he published a work
on The Importance of Cape Breton^ and a Plan for taking the
Place. Not having met with this performance, and its date
being unknown, it must have been of small consequence,
especially .as secrecy was of the first importance. Besides, the
capture of all and any important points from the French were
common and daily topics of conversation. Mr. Auchmuty
was the grandfather of the late Sir Samuel Auchmuty, a lieu-

* Dr. Eliot unfortunately fell into this Vaughn," and had a block-houie there

error in his generally good biographical with fourteen men in it which performed

notices of New England men. scout duty. See Baton's Thomattonf

f He was then (1744-5) calle<l "Capt. I, page 54.

\i i

Governor Shirley.

tenant-general in the British army, and remembered on ac-
count of his expeditionary voyage to South America in 1806.
Mr. Hutchinson, then speaker of the House of Representatives,
makes no mention of Auchmutv in connection with the
Louisbourg war, nor does he of Gibson, but he says (what he
does not appear fully to sanation) that Vaughan ^^ was called the
proje£lor of the expedition." That "it is probable he laid
before the Governor a proposal for it, and it is certain he took
great pains to induce the people to think favorably of it." A
late author* says Vaughan first proposed the matter to Gov.
Wentworth, whi/ referred him to Gov. Shirley.

But the careful reader of this part of the history of New
England has seen, that as early as May I4th^ '744) M. Du
Vivier sailed from Louisbourg with an army of about 1000
men, captured Canso, and carried the garrison prisoners to
Louisbourg. These prisoners being soon exchanged, and on
returning home gave such an account of the defenceless state
of the city, and of the fortifications there, that Gov. Shirley
was satisfied the place might be c ptured, if attempted before
it could be reinforced from France. Many were so zealous as
to urge a winter expedition to the island, nothing doubting but
that the fortifications could be carried by an escalade, by rea-
son of the great depth of the snow, which usually lay in drifts
they said, even with the tops of the walls of the fortifi-
cations.

Mr. Vaughan had traded there, and was well acquainted with
the place from the reports of those he employed. In 1744
he was carrying on a fishery at Montinicus, and fitting out
vessels for that purpose at Portsmouth, in New Hampshire,
when the question of a secret expedition was raised, and into

* Judge Potter in hit Hiutry of Manckentr, 117.

\'-^

• r*

^■p

Governor Shirley.

which he entered with an energy and boldness very properly
termed rashness. He was a son of Lieutenani-Governor
Vaughan of that province. The most that he ever claimed of
the honor of originating the expedition, judging from the pub-
lication probably authorized by him, was that "of having
revived, at least, if not of being the original mover and pro-
jector of this grand and successful enterprise."* In another
place the same writer remarks: "That Mr. Vaughan first set
the expedition on foot ; nay, that he revived it, when abso-
lutely rejeded by the General Assembly ; that he behaved with
all the gallantry and bravery as well as zeal for the service
whilst it was going on, that could be expected from a person in
a much higher rank, are fails which stand in need of no
proof," according to certificates and original letters then in
the hands of Mr. Vaughan.f

After a careful investigation of
the period covered by the adminis-
tration of Governor Shirley, it is
confidently assumed that few, if any,
of the colonial Governors of New
England had more at heart the
good of the country than he. His
disinterested patriotism was, no
doubt, a great benefit beyond his
immediate administration, and was
not without its influence on his able
and fortunate successor. Governor
Thomas Pownall.

Governor Shirley lived till the

• The Importance and Advantage of considered. London, 1746, 8vo, p. ia8.
Cape Breton, truly stated and 'mpartially ^ Ibidem, 131.

Governor Shirley.

commencement of the turbulent times which preceded the
Revolution. He was then quite aged, and we do not find that
he took any part in the political movements of that time.
He was absent from the country through the most of that
period, but returned, and died at his seat in Roxbury, March
24th, 1 77 1, aged about seventy-eight years. His name is
perpetuated by having been given to several places, though the
compilers of gazetteers do not seem to have known the fa£l.
Point Shirley perpetuates it in the vicinity of Boston. This
place was so named with much ceremony, in 1753.*

The remains of Governor Shirley were deposited in King's
Chapel., Boston.

It was so much the fashion of American writers subsequent
to the Revolution, to decry those who had been in the service
of the crown, that impartiality is seldom to be found in their
accounts of them ; and we are sorry to see the same prejudices
lurking in popular works even to ihis day.

A circumstance which afFe<Sted the reputation of Mr. Shirley
immediately after he was superseded in command in America,
should not be overlooked by his biographer. Two of his suc-
cessors met with a fate similar to his \ one. Lord Loudon, from
causes which he quite satisfactorily proved he could not con-
trol, while the other. Gen. James Abercrombie, failed from
causes which have not been urged in excuse or mitigation.
The consequence was the three commanders were indiscrimi-
nately buried in the same grave of public opinion. Then
came Wolfe, Monckton, Murray and Amherst. The British
lion was at length fully aroused. Warned by the mistakes of
Braddock and Abercrombie, the guidance of the pioneer
woodsmen of New England was listened to, and the fall of

:. '>^ S» Netv England Hiuorical *nd Genealogical Register, XIII, page III. -^

Governor Shirley.

V I

Canada ensued. What Gen. Shirley, and others who labored
with him, had done, was turned to the account of those they
had made fortunate by their sacrifices. Hence it followed that
all which had been achieved by Mr. Shirley and his com-
panions in arms was lost sight of, and all the credit and glory
were heaped upon their more fortunate successors. The say-
ing is true, that "truth is mighty and will prevail," but it is
often sunk so deep in the mire of falsehood, that it is a long
time in coming to the surface. ■

Mr. Shirley promoted William Johnson to an important
command, who, in a most treacherous manner, played false
to him, and intrigued with the unscrupulous Delancy to blast
the prospects of his benefaftor. And it has since plainly
appeared, that few men at any time ever realized greater re-
nown on so small an amount of merit, as General, afterwards
Sir William Johnson. But we leave him to his biographer.

Had circumstances favored the well-laid plans of an expe-
dition against Canada, the enemies of Gen. Shirley would have
been silenced ; and, when it is well known that that expedition
failed through the evil intentions and intrigues of men high in
office, it ill becomes the modern historian to pronounce the
plans of Gen. Shirley visionary and ill-conceived.

The vast preparations of France against New England, in
1746, have been alluded to, upon which it is proposed to be a
little more explicit. Those gigantic preparations exceeded
anything of the kind in magnitude since the armada of Spain
for the conquest of England in 1588. Fortunately for New
England, the elements and disease fought for the devoted
country, which otherwise must, in all probability, have been
laid waste by an embittered and relentless enemy.

In consequence of the knowledge Governor Shirley had

Governor Shirley.

that this French armada was hovering on the coast, he could
not uncover the important points on the sea-coast until assured
that the danger was past. When he had the positive intelli-
gence that the armada was so severely handled by tempests and
disease as not to be feared, the season was so far advanced that
the invasion of Canada, as originally ordered by the home
government, could not be prudently undertaken. And above
all, the men of war from England, which were to cooperate,
had not appeared. To turn the services of a great body of
men, which had been raised for the Canada expedition, to some
iccount, one against Crown Point was suggested. This was
agreed to by the other colonies, Connecticut and New York ;
but owing to the lateness of the season, and their tardy move-
ments, nothing was efFedted.

Will it any longer be alleged that the Canada expedition of
1746 was a Quixotic one, for the failure of which Governor
Shirley was alone responsible? When every one can assure
himself that Gov. Shirley, as did the other governors of the
other provinces, received the ** express commands" of his ma-
jesty, through his prime minister of course, that *'men be
forthwith raised " for that expedition ; that owing to the failure
of support in due season, as already remarked, the main de-
sign could not be entered upon ; it was therefore hoped, as the
New England men raised for the reduction of Canada were
already in the field, something might be effected with them
against Crown Point before the winter should set in. With
this take/\into view, that every part of the frontier was beset
by the enemy, now at liberty from the overthrow of their
armada, to operate with which they had been kept in readiness
during the summer. Now, even Albany was in iti<- peril that
lid safely venture a quarter of a \mw om its gar-

one

Governor Shirley,

I )

risons.* It was from this perilous condition of t*''^ country
that Gov. Shirley, with the promised assistance of New York
and Conne£licut, strove night and day to relieve the people.
Everybody then well understood that Crown Point was the
great hive whence issued the principal war parties of the
enemy ; that there was their magazine of provisions, arms and
ammunition; that there they retreated and replenished after
every expedition against the frontiers ; and therefore an effort
should be at once made to break up that horde of assassins ;
that until it should be broken up, no relief of a substantial
charafter could be expefted. The object was manifestly
worthy of an extraordinary effort, and was entered into with
zeal. New Hampshire agreed to furnish looo men, Con-
nefticut 6oo, and Rhode Island 400, to be joined with the
2000 ready in Massachusetts. Why it was not attempted to be
carried into efFeA, has already been explained.

Detractors of Gov. Shirley's reputation, some time after
the Cape Breton expedition, put in circulation a report that
before the capture of Louisbourg he uniformly spoke of the
undertaking, in his speeches to the General Court, as "their
expedition," and after the place was taken, as "my expedi-
tion," as though he intended, in case of failure, to shirk all
responsibility. We have failed to find any such expressions ;
and, on the other hand, we have found a straightforward man-

'*' The enemy had become lo elated by
success, that marauding parties, when
protected by the night, had even ven-
tured into the suburbs of the city, and
there laid in wait to take prisoners.
One of the enemy's Indians was peculi-
arly expert in enterprises of this kind,

and had seldom failed in securing and
carrying off his prey, even from within
the confines of the city of Albany. An
Indian named Tomonivi lemon had become
noted for such exploits. Smith's Ntw
Tori, Continuation, 481.

■ t"^t?(t1*r"t»VVff ">

Governor Shirley.

liness in that and all other of his proceedings, of which any
honorable man might be proud.*

With a few fadts respe£ting the personal history of Go-
vernor Shirley, this notice will be closed.

The exa£l date of the arrival of Mr. Shirley in New Eng-
land has not been met with. It is said to have been six or eight
years previous to his appointment as governor of Massachu-
setts. Hence he came probably between the years 1733 and
1735, as he was one of the original subscribers to Prince's
iAnnals^ which was published in 1736. His family appears not
to have come over until after his appointment as governor,
in 1 741. His wife, it is said, did not join him here till after
the latter date, but continued in England, using her endeavors
to obtain for him the office of colle<ftor of the port of Boston,
which to him was preferable to the governorship; but Mr.,
afterwards Sir Henry, Frankland, secured that place.

We have in another workf had occasion to give a sketch
of the origin of the family from which Governor Shirley
descended, and will therefore not be particular on that head in
this place. Suffice it to say that he was descended from a Sus-
sex family, was son of William Shirley of London, by Eliza-
beth, daughter of John Goodman. Mr. Shirley died in 1701,
when our William was but seven years of age. He married
Frances, daughter of Francis Baker, of London, by whom he
had William, mortally wounded with Gen. Braddock at the
Monongahela, in 1755; John, a captain in the army, died at
Oswego; Thomas, born in Boston, governor of the Leeward
Iflands, a major-general in the army, a baronet in 1786, died
in 1800. Of the daughters, Elizabeth married Eliakim
Hutchinson ; Frances married William Bollan, the king's ad-

* See Appendix, A. f History and Antiquititi of Boiton.

i } '

!i'

Governor Shirley.

t ^ :i

vocate in the court of vice admiralty in Massachusetts. She
died March 21st, 1744, in her 24th year, in giving birth to
her first child. Harriet married Robert Temple, Esq. ; Maria
Catharine married John Erving, Esq., of Boston, who, at one
period, resided in Milk street.*

In the midst of his great cares and anxieties Governor
Shirley lost his wife, a lady held in great esteem by all
classes of the community. She died on the 31st of August,
1746, and was interred in King's Chapel, September 4th fol-
lowing, where a monument with an elaborate inscription in-
forms us that she was born in London in 1692, that she had
four sons and five daughters, and that she was '^the perfect
love and delight of this province." f Dr. Colman preached
a sermon on the occasion of her death, which was printed.
The Rev. Mr. Commissary Price, of King's Chapel, had also
preached *'a sermon very suitable to the mournful occasion."

At one period, probably before he was appointed governor,
Mr. Shirley lived in what was then King street. On assuming
the gubernatorial chair he, as was the custom of the govern-
ors of the province, resided in the Province House, nearly
opposite the head of Milk street. Some time after he became
governor, he purchased a tra<^ of land in Roxbury, adjacent
to the line dividing it from Dorchester; on this he eredled
an elegant mansion, some twenty-five rods from the main
road, which stood in all its ancient grandeur until about 1867.
It then was purchased by William Elliot Woodward, Esq.,
and converted into several dwellings. For many years it was
known as the Eustis estate, it having been owned and occupied

i! i

. * To a descendant, Mr. Shibley Iit- which the copy accompanying the work is

iNO of Boston, I am indebted for the loan obtained.

of a portrait of Governor Shirley, from fSeefai/. News Letter, ii Sep., 1746.

mm^emm^^

Governor Shirley.

by Governor William Eustis } from which latter circumstance
the main avenue leading thence to Boston is named Eustis
street, but with much greater propriety would have been called
Shirley street. Unfortunately propriety is seldom considered in
conferring names in and about Boston. After the death of
Gov. Shirley the estate appears to have belonged to his son-in-
law, Eliakim Hutchinson, who, having left the country in the
time of the Revolution, it was confiscated to the state, and it
was used to quarter soldiers in while the British troops held
possession of Boston. After the Revolution (about 1 793 or '4)
one Dubuque occupied it, a refugee from the French revolu-
tion. He brought with him a cook named Julien, who after-
wards became celebrated in Boston as an eating-house keeper,
or restaurateur^ at the corner of Congress and Milk streets.

v:;-';^'- r-

i.l ill

—J ,. .. ..A-

CHAPTER III

ChiraAcr of the Warfare of the Period — Proceedingi of the Ciovernor of Canada — French
Account of £'xpe<lllioni afainit the Engliih r'rontlert — French Story of their Wrongi.

HE mode of warfare practiced in the
times of which the history is now
undertaken, exhibits all parties in a
state of deplorable barbarism. This
war was but little more than one
hundred years ago. It was carried
on, especially on the part of the
French, as though humanity had no
place in the nature of their rulers. They fitted
out hundreds of parties of savages for the ex-
press purpose of proceeding to the frontiers of the
English settlements, shooting down poor men while
tilling their fields to raise crops to support their families, seizing
their wives and children, loading them with heavy packs
plundered from their own homes, then driving them before them
into the wilderness. These, when faint with hunger and unable
longer to stagger under their burdens, were murdered, their
scalps torn off and exhibited to their civilized masters on their
arrival at French headquarters ! And for such trophies bounties
were paid !

Thus, year after year this practice went on. Many read the
history of these wars as they read a romance. It is no ro-
mance. It was an awful reality to thousands. It should be
so far realized by every one, that all who read may have a true
sense of what their homes, now so pleasant, have cost.

U\ t

French Management.

It was an easy thing for Europeans to gain the confidence of
savage Indians. This done, it was quite as easy a matter to
impose upon them. When Europeans were at war among
themselves, each party could gain to itself numbers of Indians
by presents and falsehoods. The French made the Indians
believe that the English had cheated them in trade, had taken
their lands without giving them any equivalent, and thus made
them believe that they ought to drive them out of the country.
The English did the same thing, but not to so great an extent,
for they never could make themselves such favorites with the
Indians as the French could, for reasons not now necessary to
be stated.*

As early as the 13th of October, 1743, the Governor-
General of Canada, M. de Beauharnois, wrote to Count Mau-
repas, the French minister at Versailles : " The Lake of the
Two Mountains may be regarded as the place which would be
exposed to the first attack in case of rupture with our neighbors,
and as that whence aid could be easily drawn for the different
incursions which would be made into that colony. The nations
composing the three villages, number over three hundred war-
riors, who to bravery conjoin a strong attachment towards the
French, and whatever is connected with the service of the king
in whose name all business among them is transacted. Situated
as they are, at the head of the towns and rural settlements of
the colony, not only are they in a position to offer the first

ff \

Is \

ji '?;

* That by the intemMrrying with the
Indians, they have always a great number
of Jesuits and priests with them ; and by
instrudling them that the Saviour of the
world was a Frenchman, and murdered
by the English, they are excited to commit

all manner of cruelties upon the English,
as meritorious. Jeremi.''h Dumner's Me-
morial to Ministry of England. 1 710, in
The Importance, etc., of Cape Breton, pp.
18, 19. Dr. Cotton Mather has lome-
thing very similar in his Magnalia.

Population of Canada.

resistance, hut also to discover any parties of Indians in alliance
with the English, and to put us on our guard against them."

Hence a comparison of the condition of the two countries is
not difficult Co be made, which cannot fail to show that the
French of Canada had a most decided advantage over the
English colonies in a war of that period. They had nearly all
the Indians on their side, while the English none, or too few to
be taken into the account.

The French population of Canada at this period must be
considered. Ten years previous (1734) there were 8000 men
able to bear arms, of which yumber 6600 had arms, and there
were on hand then about 100,000 pounds of powder. Not
only had the number of men greatly increased by the year 1 744,
but the quantity of warlike stores had, it is reasonable to
suppose, increased proportionably ; fortifications, too, had
been increased in number, and old ones repaired, and their
armaments augmented. On the 27th of March, 1745, Go-
vernor Clinton wrote to the Duke of Newcastle, that he had
ascertained that the French forces in Canada were nearly thus :
Militia, Indians, and regular troops, on the St. Lawrence, ten
to thirteen thousand able to bear arr..s } thirty-two companies of
regulars of thirty men each, these companies not being half
full. The Indians numbered five hundred and seventy, exclu-
sive of allies at a distance, namely — " Cackna wages, about two
hundred and thirty ; 'Conessetagoes, sixty; Attenkins, thirty;
Neperinks, thirty ; Missiquecks, forty ; Abenaques at St. Fran-
cis, ninety ; Obinacks at Be^ancourt, fifty ; Hurons at Lorette,
forty"*

The population of Massachusetts was, at the same time,
scarcely 200,000 souls; about equal to that of the city of

* The reader may find it rather difficult to identify lome of these tribes.

» 1

1 '

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l. .

mmKm»E^-riMmmji

.™«r»r-m«- -^w.tw.-.T-9»w>w«»«f*ir

iiOT^Wf4* W W|Wi i ' | -i.

*.»;,. ~_

Population of New England.

Boston alone at this time. The other three colonies, New
Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connefticut, did not probably
contain more than Massachusetts; so that in New England, in
1744, the whole number of people may have been something
under 400,000. Connecticut was next in importance to Massa-
chusetts, containing about half as many people, and New
Hampshire about 30,000, and Rhode Island about one thousand
less than New Hampshire.

It is in the next place proposed to give a specimen of the
French accounts of their operations in Canada for fitting and
sending out parties to distress the frontiers of New England,
from their headquarters at Montreal.

It should be remembered that French dates differ from the
English; that is to say, the dates of the same transactions
which happened on the same day, differ by eleven days, because
the French dated by the Grego.ian reform of the calendar,
which the English did not adopt until 1752. Therefore, when
an action is said by a French writer to have happene'' 1
August 3d, 1746, an English writer would date the same event
eleven days earlier, namely, July 23d. - .

When the great number of murdering and robbing parties
sent out from time to time by the French is considered, it is
not a little surprising that they did not do more mischief than
they did. It is indeed surprising that anything was left unde-
stroyed on all the frontiers, from one end of the country to the
other. Those details thus commence :

** December 30th, Lieut. St. Pierre left Montreal with a
detachment, consisting of two lieutenants, two ensigns, on full
pay, four second ensigns, seven cadets, one surgeon, and an
interpreter, three volunteers and one hundred and five colonists,
making in all one hundred and twenty-six Frenchmen, and

French Expeditions.

thirty-seven Iroquois and Nepissings, to encamp in the neigh-
borhood of St. Frederick, for the purpose of opposing the
enemy's attack against said fort."

Fort St. Frederic was at Crown Point, and by the English
called Fort Frederick. The place had been previously called
Point dt Cheveuxy by the French.

" 1 746, January 24, Sieur St. Luc de la Come was sent to
reinforce Sieur de St. Pierre, with a detachment of one second
ensign, six cadets, two volunteers, one hundred colonists
thirty Iroquois, who have remained under Mr. de St. Pierre's
orders until the ist of April, when they arrived in this town,
after having made divers scouts on Lake Sacrament and in the
neighborhood of the above fort.

"January 31, Capt. Desabrevois has been detached with
Chevalier de Nivcrville, ensign and fifty-three Iroquois, to the
South river, in Lake Champlain, on occasion of an alarm.

"March 16, Chevalier de Niverville, officer, and Sieur
Groschesne Raimbault, cadet, left this town with some Ab-
naquis Indians, on their way towards Boston, and returned with
some scalps and prisoners, one of whom he took with his own
hand. Sieur Duplessis Jr., an officer, started at the same time
with six Algonkins and Nepissings in the same direction, and
joined the preceding party, with whom he returned, bringing in
a prisoner who was captured at the same time.

"April 20, a party of fourteen Iroquois, belonging to the
Sault St. Louis, commanded by Ontassago, the son of the
grand chief of that village, who sojourned at Fort St. Frederic,
and made several scouts to Sarasteau [Saratoga].

" Theganacoeiessin, an Iroquois of the Sault, left with two
Indians of that village, to go to war near Boston. They
returned with two prisoners and some scalps.

mmsm.''^m>>:'i^!<':*A^t'^^'>'i-!'p^'t-'^^

French Expeditions.

^,-~:

"Thesaotin, chief of the Sault, left with twenty-two war-
riors belonging to that village, to make war in the diredtion of
Boston. They returned with some scalps. One Iroquois was
killed and two wounded of the party.

*'Ganiengoton, chief of a party of eight Iroquois, belonging
to the Sault, set out in the diredtion of Boston, and returned
with two scalps.

*' April 26, a party of thirty-five Iroquois warriors, belonging
to the Sault, set out. They have been in the neighborhood of
Orange [Albany] and have made some prisoners and taken
some scalps. . .

"A party of twenty Abenakisof Missiskouy, set out towards
Boston and brought in some prisoners and scalps.

" April 27, a party of six Iroquois of the Sault St. Louis
struck a blow in the neighborhood of Orange.

"May 7, six Nepissings started to strike a bl in the
diredtion of Boston, and returned with some scalps.

"May 10, Gatienoude, an Iroquois of the Five Nations,
who has been settled at the lake for two or three years, left
with five Indians of that village, and Sieur St. Blein, to strike
a blow in the neighborhood of Orange. This small party
brought in one prisoner. Gatienoude, the leacer of the party,
is killed and scalped by the English on the field of battle.

"May 12, six Iroquois Indians of the Sault set out towards
Boston, and returned with some scalps.

"May 15, ten Indians, part Iroquois of the Sault, and part
Abenakis, set out to strike a blow in the diredtion of Boston.
They made an attack and brought away some scalps.

"May 17, thirty-one Iroquois, belonging to the Lake of the
Two Mountains,* struck a blow in the neighborhood of Boston,

* Near the mouth of the Ottawaa river, about nine milet below Montreal.

rtmm

French Expeditions.

ii !

and brought back some prisoners and scalps, and laid waste
several settlements on their way back.

"May 18, ten Nepissings left, who struck a blow towards
Boston.

" A party of eight Iroquois belonging to the Sault has been
fitted out, and has been to make an attack in the same diredtion.

^'May 22, nineteen Iroquois belonging to Sault St. Louis,
have been equipped. They have been to strike a blow in the
diredlion of Orange.

"May 24, a party of eight Abenakis of Missiskouy, has
been fitted out, who have been in the direction of Corlard, and
have returned with some prisoners and scalps." By Corlard is
probably meant Corlaer's kill below Albany.

"May 27, equipped a party of eight Iroquois of Sault St.
Louis, which struck a blow near Orange, and brought back six
scalps.

May 28, a party of twelve Nepissings, who made an attack
in the neighborhood of Boston, have brought away four scalps,
and one prisoner whom they killed on the road, as he became
furious and refused to march.

** A party of Abenakis of Missiskouy, struck a blow near
Orange and Corlard,* and brought in some prisoners and scalps.

*' Equipped a party of ten Iroquois and Abenakis, who joined
together to strike a blow towards Boston, and returned with
some scalps. i> ■*

** June 2, equipped a party of tw>nty-fivc warriors of the
Sault, and three Flatheads, who joined the fc-Taer '1^ za expe-
dition to the neighborhood of Orange, and who returned with
some scalps.

* Corlasr'i creek, twenty-eight milei below Albany ?

r ■

•; !

''!r?>f'

French Expeditions,

^June 3, equipped a party of eighteen Nepissings, who
struck a blow at Orange and Curlard.

^* June 4, equipped a party of sixteen Iroquois of the Sault,
who return to where they have already struck a blow.

*' June 5, equipped a party of eleven Nepissings and Algon-
kins, who have struck a blow in the neighborhood of Boston,
and have brought in some prisoners. , •

**June 6, equipped a party of seventeen Nepissings, who
have struck a blow in the direction of Boston, and brought
back some scalps. These Indians have had two wounded.

"June 8, equipped a party of eight Iroquois of the lake,
who have struck a blow near Guerrefille.*

*' June 12, equipped a party of ten Abenakis Indians, who
struck a blow in the diredion of Boston.

"June 13, equipped a party of six of the same Indians, who
made an attack in the dire<Aion of Boston.

"Equipped a party of nine Nepissings and Algonkins, who
have struck a blow in the Boston country. One of these In-
dians was wounded. ..?- ■■^.x•■i/^.^.'^•^•<•^k■c^:,y^; ;:-::-,.:■, :-.. :-,j^:- ■■'.::::■ -,..

"June 17, equipped a party of ten Abenakis, who went to
make an attack at the river Kakecoutef, and were defeated near
a fort; their chief, Cadenaret, a famous warrior, has been
killed ; the remainder returned with some scalps, and left others
which they were not able to bring away, the dead having
remained too near the fort.

** June 19, equipped a party of twenty-five Indians of the
Sault St. Louis, who struck a blow near Orange. One or two

-''e

* Perhaps a Kttleinent at or near the but giret no reason fbr it.

mouth of Oreen river, then called f Probably the Dutch fbrt at Schaghti-

Oreen't Farms. The editor of the Ntw coke, which was on the Hoosuc river.

York Col. Doc's, X, 33, calls it Dwrfieid, See August 10, 1746.

iWPi^^!f«lP

wmm

tmrnm

HMI

'.i ■.■;„,; ;[.t/;

French Expeditions.

of these Indians were wounded; they brought away some
scalps.

"June 20, equipped a party of nineteen Iroquois of the Sault
St. Louis, who went to Orange to strike a blow.

"June 21, equipped a party of twenty-seven Iroquois of the
same village to go to Orange ; Sieur Carqueville, an officer, and
Sieur Blein, a cadet, have been of this party, which has brought
in a prisoner that was on the scout to Sarasteau [Saratoga], and
some scalps. ■■'."''■

"July 16, Lieutenant Demuy left this town with a detach-
ment under his orders, consisting of five ensigns, six officers of
militia, ten cadets, forty-eight settlers, and about four hundred
Indians, partly our domiciled Indians, and partly some from the
upper country. This party tarried at Fort St. Frederic, and
has been employed scouting, and working on the river au
Chicot, where they have felled the trees on both sides to render
its navigation impradiicable to our enemies. Several of these
Indians have formed parties and been out on excursions, Mr.
Demuy having been ordered to wait for the party commanded
by Mr. de Rigaud, whom he joined.

"August 3, Mr. de Rigaud de Vaudreuil set out [on his
expedition which resulted in the capture of Fort Massachusetts,
extracted in that account further on].

"August 31, equipped a party of Iroquois of the Sault, con-
sisting of six men. Also a party of eight warriors from the
same tribe, from whom no report was had when the dispatch
was made up."

Such is a sample of the manner pursued towards the people
of the frontiers, and this was called making war for the interest
of the French nation ! Retaliation in the same kind was ex-
pected, and would have been justified as honorable warfare ^

^i !

Indians with the French.

but, as will be seen, the people of New England were not pre-
pared for retaliation, and never efFe<Sled but very little in that
kind of service.

The following minutes accompany the French record of ex-
peditions for the years 1745 and 1746: "June 30, thirty-eight
Iroquois of the Five Nations came to speak in council. July 23,
thirty-one Outawois of Detroit, some of whom returned home,
being unwilling to go to war; sixteen Wild Rice (FoUes
Avoines) ; fourteen Kiskakons of Detroit, who gave proofs of
their fidelity to the French, and who have all been to war ;
four Sioux came to the council to demand a commandant, who
could not be granted them. August 2, fifty Poutewatamies ;
fifteen Puans and ten Illinois came to go to war ; five Outa-
wois of Michilimakinac, and forty Outawois of the Forks who
have been on the war path. Aug. 10, sixty-five Mississaguez
from the head of Lake Ontario; eighty Algonkins and Ne-
pissings from Lake Nepissing, near Lake Huron, who have
been to war; fourteen Sauteurs came with the Outawois from
Michilimakinak, to go to war. 22 Aug., thirty-eight Outawois
of Detroit, seventeen Sauteurs, twenty-four Hurons, and four-
teen Poutewatamis ; a portion of all these who came on the
last date were of Mr. Rigaud's detachment" [at the taking of
Fort Massachusetts].

It is true the French had their story of wrongs, and their
complaints should be heard and their accounts brought to the
same test as our own. Therefore a few of their charges have
been selected, and will now be introduced. ' ■ *' V: ' *

Towards the end of December, 1744, the English com-
mitted the following treacherous a£ts and barbarities. M. Ga-
non, having the command of a detachment of English troops,
was sent to observe the retreat of the French and savages before

■4

'ii

''!W?^i''r!TS&f*\

mmmm

French Complaints.

Port Royal in Acadia, where he found two lonely cottages of
the Mikmaks. In them were five women and three children,
and two of the women v.'ere big with child ; but, regardless of
these things, they plundered the cottages and inhumanly butch-
ered the five women and two children, committing a£ts upon
the murdered women too revolting for recital.

No Z&. corresponding to this is found in the English annals ;
nor have we found, among those engaged on the pide of the
English, any one of the name of Ganon. The only name
approaching it is that of Gorham; but though Capt. Gorham
was employed in expeditions to Nova Scotia, at the head of a
body of Cape Cod Indians, we do not meet with him there till
some time after this. " ^ • > .

The next count in the French charges (though they say it
happened five months before the other) is against "one David,"
captain of an English privateer, who having artfully set up
French colors in the strait of Frousac, or Frowsack,* where,
by means of a renegade who served under him as interpreter,
inveigled the chief of the Indians of Cape Breton, and his
family, to come on board his ship. The name of the chief was
James Padenuque. They confined him in a dungeon, carried
him to Boston, and in the end stifled him in a vessel on board of
which he was put under pretence of sending him back to his
own country. With this chief his son was taken, eight years
of age. Him they kept, and would not restore, perfidiously
refusing to do so, notwithstanding his ransom had been paid by
the restoration of several prisoners. <

All this may be true, though nothing like it has found its way
into authentic records, that we can recognize. As to "one

* Called on Charlevoix's Map, Pastagt at the Gut of Canto, separating Novi
du Canctau. By the Engliah it ia known Scotia from Cape Breton.

t ■ i>.

French Complaints.

David," it possibly has reference to Capt. David Donahew,
with whom we shall presently meet. , , ,.

In the month of July, 1745, "the same David" got by
stratagem an Indian family into his hands, but they escaped
*'the very night they were taken." At the same time they
took the Indian interpreter, named Bartholomew Petitpas, and
carried him prisoner to Boston, refused all oiFers of ransom,
and finally put him to death.

In the same year (1745) a priest, missionary among the
Indians, was invited to Louisbourg by some of the principal
English officers to confer upon public matters. He had their
letters guaranteeing his safe return ; but, when he was in the
power of the English, they took him and sent him to England.

Also, in the same year, at Port Toulouse,* they dug up the
dead bodies of several Indians and burnt them. They likewise
desecrated places of burial, by breaking down all the crosses.
This was the work of some inhabitants of Boston.

**The horrid affair of 1746," of selling the Indians woolen
goods, "all poisoned," so that, in the basin of Mejagonche,t
upwards of two hundred of them died, is probably wholly an
invention, and has reference to the clothes of dead mariners
distributed amongst the Cape Sable Indians by French naval
officers, of which mention will be found elsewhere in this
history.

The next and last charge to be noticed here, is, that in 1 749,
towards the end of the month of July, when the inhabitants of
New France were strangers to the suspension of arms, the

i y

■S

* Formerly called Port St. Peter, on f Perhaps the tame ai that called on

the coast of Cape Breton, jvist at the en- Charlevoix's Map, MaganckineAe, and on

trance of the Strait of Frousac. Amtr. some English maps, MerlignatA, on the

Ga»., lamo, 1776. ^ ,' southern coast of Acadia.

French Accusations.

Indians had taken some prisoners on Newfoundland. These
prisoners informed their captors of the peace, and were at once
liberated, treated as brethren, and entertained in their wigwams.
Yet, on the first opportunity, these perfidious guests, at mid>
night, murdered five and twenty of these iimocent and un-
suspecting people ! • ' '

These accusations or charges are the substance of speeches
delivered to the eastern Indians by the Count de Raymond, to
inflame them to prosecute the war.

I I

II f

: ^:*>',»«iaitf^.TWn-;f*«v;;'.,

CHAPTER IV.

Condition of the Inhabitanti on the Prontten — Declaration of War by Prance and England —
Line of Port) ordered — Canada Utile known to the Engliih — No Security for the English but
in ita Conqueit — Cauiei of War — Prench Right to Canada — Jciuitt at Penobscot — Nova
Scotia — The English Colonies not united — Question of Boundaries — Port- Oswego built —
' The Six Nations — Assure the English of their Support — The Prench seize Canso — Attempt
Annapolis — Siege raised — The Mohawks — A Council at Stockbrldge — Attempt to sccur*
the Eastern Indians — War declared against them — Their Murders — Reward offered for
Scalp* and Indians — Indian Council at Albany — Attempt to secure the Penobscott.

LWAYS when war existed between
England and France, nothing was
expetfted by the North American
colonists but that their frontiers
were to be a scene of blood, and
those who contemplate the circum-
stances of the settlers at this dis-
tance of time, will, without much
reflexion, wonder that people could be found who would thrust
themselves several miles into the wilderness, and take up an
abode, knowing the perils to which a war exposed them. To
understand this state of things we have only to refle6l that
almost the whole population were poor, and, as families in-
creased, the young men must provide for themselves and their
families. Their means would not allow them to purchase land
already taken up, and thus settle down with those previously
located, and of course in more security. Hence, young men
from old families, and others from abroad, in times of peace
located themselves often far in advance of earlier settlers. In
such situations these found themselves on the breaking out of

.<»

mmmmm

'.''- T jt^rontier People. '

war. Inen the question recurs — why did not such settlers
retire to the older settled places when war existed? Here
again a little refle£lion teaches that families thus isolated, in a
short space of time become quite strangers to those from whom
they were separated, and hence have no place of refuge in that
direction ; or very likely the families from which they separated
are poor like themselves, and unable to provide for fugitives,
however near of kin they may be to them. And then, parents
and other kindred are swept off by death, often times, or have
removed to other places. Thus it is easy to see how a poor
frontier family is exposed in a time of Indian wars. Such
families have made homes, and they have no others ; children
are multiplying among them ; to abandon those homes was to
abandon all means of living, and fo throw themselves upon the
charities of strangers. These will feel little compassion before
a disaster strikes those flying before it; and yet may overflow
with sympathy when such sympathy can be of no benefit.

Another consideration is to be kept in view in estimating the
liability of the frontier settlers to the horrors of a savage war-
fare. It must be borne in mind that in those days this people
was nearly cut oflF from a knowledge of the politics of their
time; that their means of knowing what was passing in Eu-
ropean courts, and even but a few miles distant, and in their
own country, were not only extremely scanty, but such as they
did receive was very dubious and uncertain ; and hence they
often knew nothing of war until a deadly blow was struck in
their very midst. Thus it cannot fail to be apparent to every
reader of the history of the times included in this treatise, how
important it is that the above considerations be kept in mind to
enable them to have even a small appreciation of the hardships
and sufferings of our immediate ancestors.

War Declared.

The war which began in 1744 took the frontiers by sur-
prise, although such an event had not only been feared by the
officers of the colonial governments, but was anticipated, yet
with a faint hope it might be averted by the negotiations then
going on between the agents of George the II, and those of
Louis XV, the occupants of the respective thrones of England
and France. The French monarch was encouraged by that of
Spain, Philip V, who had been feebly fighting England for
about five years. The Spanish war did not, however, immedi-
ately afFedt New England, and General Oglethorp was success-
fully opposing the aggressions of Spain at the south.

Thus stood the political atmosphere, when suddenly pro-
ceeded from Versailles the formal declaration of war by France
against England. This was done on .vlarch 15th, 1744, and
on the 29th of the same month England accepted the chal-
lenge, declaring war against France in return.*

It was about two months before the news of the declaration
of war reached New England, while the French and Indians of
Canada had the intelligence near a month earlier, and immedi-
ately commenced the work of destrudiion. Governor Shirley
was alive to the condition of things, and at once raised five
hundred men to be stationed at points where attacks were ex-
peded; three hundred of them were for the service on the
eastern border, and the other two hundred for the upper valley
of the Connefticut river.

There had arrived in Boston harbor, some time before the
news of the declaration of war, most opportunely it is certain,
twenty cannon of forty two pound caliber, and two thirteen
inch mortars, which had been forwarded by the home govern-

* These declarations may be leen at Memoirt, I, 44-47.
large in Beatson't Naval and Atiiitarf »ine, I, 381, 384.

American Maga'

^li

,.^ ,.

War Preparations.

V- 1

ment for Castle William. All necessary equipments came
with them, as mortar beds, carriages, shells, shot, etc. The
ships in which they came arrived on the last day of the year
(1743) and the war materials were landed on Long Wharf, and
thence in sloops taken to the castle, the last on January 21st,
1744.*

Soon after the news that war had been declared was received,
the General Court of Massachusetts ordered a line of forts to
be construdled, to extend from the Connecticut river to the
boundary of New York, and ninety-six barrels of powder were
sent to supply the inhabitants. This was not a gift, but was
dealt out to them at cost.

Few of the people of New England knew anything about the
frontier of Canada, while every point of the border of New
England was well known to the Indians. Many of these had
constantly traded with the English at their houses, and conse-
quently knew minutely their situation, and hence became sure
guides to the French in their expeditions. Indeed, some of the
Indians had lived in the immediate vicinity of many of the
towns, and the people had become so accustomed to them, that
they looked upon them as friends, and flattered themselves with
the hope, that in the event of another war they would be
friends, and side with them rather than with their enemies.
But no sooner was it known to them that war had been resolved
upon, than all these Indians withdrew to Canada, and at all
times afted as guides to the French soldiers. They would
have done the same thing for the English under like circum-
stances, because plunder was the chief, if not the sole cause
which always governed their condud. It is doubtless true, as
the writer has stated in another workjf that, in some instances,

* Amtrictn Maga»int, I, 176, 219. f The Old Indian CAronic/e, p, x.

I' !
I I

L'S&atil.t'lfe'lK' '

Importance of Canada.

the settlers had wronged them in various ways ; perhaps insulted
and abused them, and treated them as inferiors, without refle<£t-
ing that " Indians never forget injuries." The Indians often
had too much reason to complain of being over-reached in
trade, by those authorized by the government to traffic with
them.*

It is easy to discern how deplorable was the condition of the
scattered settlers thus circumstanced. It was likewise easy to
discern that so long as the French were masters of Canada, a
liability of war between France and England would always
exist. To live in a continual state of suspense in times of
peace, and fear of the tomahawk and scalping-knife in times of
war, could only be endured in the hope that the time would
come when they could triumph over their enemies. This could
only be expefted by the redu£lion of Canada.

The conquest of Canada had long been contemplated, and
several times attempted, but hitherto those attempts had all
proved abortive; another war had commenced, and with
prospects not at all improved. Nothing remained for New
England but to make the best defence it could, and this under
the certain prospe6): of a bloody contest.

For any one to take a different view of the relation between
the French of Canada and the English of New England, that
is, to suppose those peoples could ever live as distin^ nations,
without collisions, was an absurdity too palpable not to be seen
by every individual of the latter; and yet there were many able
men in England using all their influence against dispossessing
the French of Canada ; and even after the fall of Quebec,

* See Journalt of tht Gtn. Court, 7 July, 173 J. '

; «.

mmmmfmm

Natural Enemies.

\ 1

f i
i 1

i. : •
1

!' ;

! • i

Secretary Pitt was urged in a publication,'" addressed to him,
written with much power and great ability, to give up all
thoughts of insisting upon a treaty with France in which
Canada should be given up to England ! The arguments made
use of were in the interest of those who thought more of an
income from sugar plantations in the West Indies than the
lives of thousands of their countrymen on the borders of New
England, and are therefore not worth a refutation or a repetition
here.

People may become so familiar with hardships and dangers
as to regard them less than may be imagined by those at a dis-
tance from them. Were it not so, few could be found to face
them again and again, and year after year, and from generation
to generation.

It has been said that the English and French are natural
enemies. This will be conceded only by those who consider
men as wild animals. The real cause of the contentions
among meh is the ambition to take what does not belong to
them. There can be no question but that Canada belonged to
the French rather than the English, if prior occupancy gave
right. The French claimed also by prior discovery. But the
English claimed by the same right, though they claimed no
further north than forty-five degrees of north latitude. By the
year 1613, the French had extended their settlements from the
Gulf of Saint Lawrence to the mouth of the Penobscot.f

* An oAavo of 148 pagn> in bourgeoii
type, entitled, A Letter to a Great Minit-
ter, wherein the DeMolilitu of th* Fortifi-
cations of Louisbourg is shown to be absurd,
and the Importance of Canada fully re-
futed. London, 1761.

f According to the relationi of the
Jetuiti, two of their number commenced

a settlement at the mouth of the Penob-
scot in 1 611; "et ils furent let pierret
fondamentales de ces missions dans cctte
partie de I'Amerique Septentrionale." Ar-
gall carried them off, upon which eTent
they remark: "Ils furent sur le point
d'etre mis i mort par de* corsairea anglaU
qui les avient pris."

■>-.**«'«??( "•>^«

-: v^»l, .w,,^,,^— ^pjjip,,.,^^^

Importance of Nova Scotia.

Their settlements were declared to be encroachments, and in
this year one Capt. Argall was sent from Virginia to dispossess
them, which he performed in the ruthless manner of the times.
This was the commencement of hostilities between subjects of
the two crowns on any part of North America. No perma-
nent settlement by Englishmen had then been made here.
From this time, 16 13, to the treaty of Paris in 1763, one
hundred and fifty years, numerous wars occurred between these
two nations, during the existence of which the settlements in
New England were disturbed by frequent alarms> and the
horrors of savage cruelties.

Nova Scotia '" being considered the key to the eastern
colonies of New England, Oliver Cromwell, in his time well
understood the importance of that country. He accordingly
sent an expedition and reduced it to the rule of England. This
was in 1654, but by the treaty of Breda, in 1667, it Was re-
stored to France,

For a long time it was extremely doubtful which nation
would ultimately possess the North American provinces. The
contest was surely to be revived so long as both parties laid
claim to it, or portions of it, because both fully understood its
vast importance, in a commercial point of view.f But the
great difficulty with the English colonists was their own con-
tests amongst themselves, chiefly about their boundaries, in
which contests they spent more money than it would have cost

■ j.

* The jLadia of the French ; so called
by them in allusion to Arcadia in the
Grecian Peloponnesus, but with what pro-
priety I cannot deterinine. GtHuint Ac-
couHti of Nova Scotia, p. 3. London,
1750, 8vo. It was granted to De Monts,
in 1603, by Henry IV, of France. By

the treaty of Utrecht, 171 3, it was con-
ceded to belong to France, and to extend
fi-om the Gulf of the St. Lawrence to the
Penobscot.

f The Contttt in America, iy an Im-
partial Hand, p. [x] 800. London, 1757.
An able and valuable work.

■iV"-'l*.fi>p'^'"V^' -fr^-Ayi^v.'^-.' ' yj

mmmmmmmmmm^mmmmmm

nm >iW'iiWH I fii

French Forts.

them to have kept the Freich within the bounds allotted to
them. Thus, a judicious writer of the time remarks, that
while the colonies were wast'np t':eir substance contending for
the bone, the French ran away ',vith it.*

At this comparatively early day the colonies seem not to
have learned the value of union, which they so well under-
stood about twenty years later, when o;)pression came from the
mother country. And yet tliey had seen that it was by a want
of union among the Indian tribes that they had been able to
establish themselves in the country. They did not need the
instructions of Caesar, who said of the conquest of the Britons,
that "while everyone fought for himself they were all easily
overcome."

Thus it was, that while New Hampshire and Massachusetts
were contending about their boundaries, and New Jersey and
New York were at bitter feuds about theirs, the master key
to all of them, Crown Point, was seized upon by the French,
who there built Fort St. Frederic in the year 1731.

Aware of the great importance of the avenues by water
from the lakes of Canada to the English settlements on the
Atlantic coast, Mr. Burnet, when governor of New York, in
1727, built, at his own expense, Fort Oswego, as a counter
movement to the French proceeding in eredting Fort Niagara,
at the entrance into Lake Ontario of the Niagara river, on the
New York or eastern side, a point commanding more com-
munications, over a vast country, easterly and westerly, than
any other point in North America at that time, and for many
years after.

Having little to fear from any but the New England colonies,
the French had been slow to complete their cordon of fortresses

* The Conleit in Amerisa, ttc, p. ii.

Counter adiion of Mercenaries.

towards the south; and it was not till the year 1754 that they
commenced one at that very important point, the confluence
of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers.

It was well known that great opposition was exerted by cer-
tain English merchants and traders of New York, to prevent
their own government from securing the important posts of
Crown Point and Oswego, because it was for the pecuniary
interest of those traders that those places should remain in the
hands of the French. And thus it was they got easy possession
of those places, and for years quietly possessed them. Even
the Indians of the Five Nations saw how, that through the
avarice of the few the honest were plundered, and did not fail
to protest against this state of things, at the same time shrewdly
remarking, that "the French built their forts with English
strouds."

So reckless do men become when their private interests are
in anticipation. With such indifference and disregard of the
public welfare, a few years more and all would have been lost ;
for, as to the respedtive claims of the French and English to
territory in North America, that of the former, to say the
least, was as good as that of the latter. Indeed, neither had
any rights here further than they had acquired them by actual
settlement and permission from the aborigines where any claim
was set up by them. But these premises have been fully dis-
cussed elsewhere.*

On the 1 8th of June, 1744, agreeably to the request of the
governor of New York, a great number of the Indians of the
Six Nations, consisting of the "Mohawks, Oneydes, Onon-
dagas, Tuskaroroes, Cayeuges, and Sennekes," assembled at
Albany and held a conference with Commissioners of Indian

• See Old Indian CMronicle, edition of 1867, 4to, Chap. I.

mmmmm'

Indian Conference.

Affairs, *' in order to renew, strengthen, and brighten the cove-
nant chain that had so long tied them and the subjeds of His
Majesty the Great King their father in mutual ties of friend-
ship." After the governor had recounted to the Indians the
intentions of the Frr-ch to make them subservient, and to
draw them off from their allegiance to the English king, and
requesting a promise from them to stand by and defend their
allies the English, they made answer in the strongest terms,
that nothing should cause them to abandon their friends; ^^hat
it should not be in the power of the devil himself" to divert
them to the French ; that though they did not think it just that
they should seize any of the French that came among them
and deliver them to the English, as the Indians should not be
the aggressors, yet the English might come and take them ; but
they inclined to peace, until some of His Majesty's subjects
were attacked. In short, their reply was full of good sense.

As already remarked, the French of Canada having the
news of the declaration of war above a month earlier than the
English of New England, and having been in expe(^tion of
the rupture, had prepared themselves to a<St with promptness;
so that in three days after receiving the news from France,
Gov. Duquesnel,* of Nova Scotia, dispatched M. Duvivier
from Louisbourg with an armament against Canso, about
twenty leagues distant, which he entered in the night of the
13th of May, surprised the garrison, consisting of about eighty
men, burnt the fortf and other buildings, and returned to
Louisbourg with his captives. ,. .

* He died on the following September Douglui, Summary, I, 340.
(1744), and was succeeded by M. Du- f Douglau says "it was an insignifi-

chambon. Mtmoirt of the H^ar, p. 32. cant place, and did not deserve the name

" Du Quesnel was a good old soldier, of fort." Ibid., I, 339. True of many

while Du Chambon was an old poltroon." English places nominally held by them.

J.JJIJWp.tf-l,

Attack on Annapolis.

The first news the English had of the event was brought to
Boston by a fisherman^ who happened to be on the neighboring
fishing-ground, and saw the smoke of the burning fort and
other buildings, upon which he made all sail for Boston.

But a little while before the declaration of war, the French
instigated the Indians upon the river Saint John to send a depu-
tation of their head men to Lieut.-Gov. Paul Mascarene, the
English commander at Annapolis Royal,* who were instru<^ed
to pretend a renewal of former treaties ; by which device they
were to ascertain the actual state of the place for defence.
Having succeeded to their wishes in this, they at once invested
it with about six hundred Marechite and Mickmack Indians, on
the 30th of June, with a few Frenchmen, the whole under the
command of a Frenchman named Le Loutre, a priest, and one
Clermont ; but Mascarene successfully defended the place.

The news of the fate of Canso having reached Boston as
just mentioned. Governor Shirley rightly judged that Annapolis
Royal would next be attempted. He therefore, with the ut-
most expedition, dispatched av/ay a messenger for that place to
advise Governor Mascarene of the fate of Canso, and to urge
him to hold out until he could send men to reinforce him,
which he would exert himself to do with the utmost of his
power. The bearer of this important dispatch fell into the
hands of the enemy, which was very fortunate for him, other-
wise the force immediately sent by Shirley would have fallen
upon the enemy'i fleet f which had intercepted the messenger.
Thus the wise precaution of the governor was a misfortune to
the English ; for had he dispatched an armed force without the

I * TYit namt Anngpolit Royal tnA An- f"A banker of about four hundred
napolit without the Royal, are indiscrimi- ton,with a brigandneandiloop." Shirley't
nately uied in the diflerant accounti. Mimoiri, p. to.

■ \ i

'I,;

,._. j

Annapolis Relieved.

precaution, it would surely have hemmed in Du Quesnel and
his fleet before the beleaguered town, and they would have
become an easy prey. But in wars, as in other affairs, errors
and mischances on the one side often balance those on the
other. It was a sad mistake of the governor of Louisbourg,
in that he did not first secure Annapolis Royal, because that
could have been easily effected, and then Canso would have
fallen almost without a blow, and thus the whole of Nova
Scotia, with its sixteen thousand inhabitants, would have been
under the control of the metropolis.

It was not an error that Governor Shirley sent a messenger
to warn Governor Mascarene of his danger, but it was a mis-
fortune that threw the messenger into the hands of the enemy ;
while, on the other hand, it was a serious error that the French
governor committed in wasting time on Canso instead of An-
napolis Royal. This error sent his fleet, under Du Quesnel,
up the Bay of Fundy, where it intercepted Shirley's messenger,
and afforded it time to cut its cables and make good an escape.
For in two days after that messenger left Boston, namely, on
July 2d, Capt. Edward Tyng, with about eighty men, in the
Province Snow, sailed for Annapolis Royal, and in two days
more arrived before the place.

On the arrival of the English forces before Annapolis Royal,
they found it invested by about seven hundred Indians, with a
few French mixed with them disguised as Indians, with the
priest before mentioned at their head. The fort was in no con-
dition to stand a siege, being nothing but a ruin.* It had been
besieged eleven days when the English arrived, but the besiegers

* It had been entirely negledled for from without, pauing fbttes and ditches,
about twenty years, its garrison resting and mounting the ramparts at pleasure."
''-in supine indolence, hogs and sheep DtugUu,\, 318.

'■'■'>•

\b-' I

Capt. Tyng*s Expedition.

had no cannon, and their attacks were chiefly in the night } so
that the garrison were nearly worn out when relief arrived.
The fear of falling into the hands of the Indians nerved the
defenders almost to superhuman efforts. The garrison was
now reinforced and the fort put into repair, and before the end of
the year (1744), besides other reinforcements, Massachusetts
sent to the place a company of Indian rangers which rendered
great service in scouting and guarding the garrison.

When the account of the capture of Canso was carried to
France, it caused great rejoicing, and Te Deum was sung at
Notre Dame in Paris, and pompous details of the affair were
trumped up and published in the French journals.

The result of the expedition for the relief of Annapolis was
immediately published at Boston in the following strain :

"On the 13th of July (1744) Capt. Tyng in our province
snow. Prince of Orange, arrived here from Annapolis Royal.
He sailed from this port on the 2d instant, with between
seventy and eighty new 'raised volunteers for reinforcing His
Majesty's garrison there (for the encouragement of which
levies, and one hundred more now raising under proper offi-
cers, this government has lately granted an handsome bounty)
and arrived safe at Annapolis about one > clock on the 4th
instant, to the inexpressible joy of the whole garrison, the fort
being besieged by a large body of Indians, who came before it
on the 30th of June, with a French priest, and one Clermont,
another Frenchman who had been lately employed as a spy in
the fort, and in daily expectation of receiving assistance in two
vessels from Louisbourg. They had the insolence to send a
flag of truce to Gov. Mascarene to demand the surrender of
the fort, promising good quarters tu the garrison if he complied,
and threatened to destroy them all if they took it by storm.
H

|iH>»W ^ Mi>

mmmmmmm

Capt. Tyng's Expedition.

They had killed two soldiers whom they surprised without the
fort, burnt several of the English houses, and destroyed many
cattle, and had lost three of their own number by the great
artillery of the garrison. Upon Capt. Tyng's arrival and the
transport under his convoy, for the French ships, which they
expe<Sted, and were coming to the shore to meet him ; but on
finding their mistake betook themselves to a precipitate flight,
the priest leaving behind him his crucifix and other superstitious
trumpery."*

From another source the following amusing particular is
taken : " Upon Capt. Tyng's arrival, the Indians seeing the
hammocks in the netting of the ship, took them for Indians ;
and being informed by a French woman that he had a great
number of Mohawks on board, and had landed several hundreds
of men to cut them off, they ran into the woods with the
utmost speed," their priest being so panic stricken, that he left
his baubles as before mentioned. f

Pains were taken, vtrhen war was looked upon as imminent,
to secure as many of the Indians as possible in the interest of
the respective parties. The small belt along the Atlantic shore
of English settlers was situated, as it were, between two fires.
The enemy on their back had every advantage. They could
always approach the English undiscovered, and when they had
committed murders and depredations could bury themselves in
the wilderness, and pursuit oftentimes only aggravated the mis-
chief already done, as the pursuers frequently fell into ambushes
and were cut off. ^

The Mohawks, a formidable part of the Six Nations, were

'1^ American Magazine, I, 483. . on board, under Capt. Gorham, called

I Boston Evening Pott, of 16 July, Indian Rangers. See Douglatt, I, 319.
1 744. There was a company of Indiana The«e Rangers will be further noticed.

^M-.^^^^^

Conference at Stockbridge.

held in great dread, as they were the most cruel and warlike of
all the tribes known when the war of 1 744 broke forth. This
tribe or nation was divided. Part of them were called French
Mohawks, because they were under the influence of the
Jesuits, and could be relied upon to take up the tomahawk for
that nation in the event of war ; while those dwelling nearest •
the English had embraced protestantism. All the English
asked of these was to remain neuter, and let the English and
French settle their own quarrel, and to use their best endeavors
with the French Mohawks to remain neutral also.

To secure so desirable an object, the English, through the
agency of their missionary among the Stockbridge or Mohe-
kanuk Indians, the Rev. John Sergeant, were able to induce a
deputation of the Mohawks to come to Stockbridge and confer
upon the subject. A conference was accordingly held, and on
the 5th of June, 1744, Mr. Sergeant made a report of the
result of it ; but does not give the names of those who took
part in it. The Mohekanuk speaker addressed the Mohawk
chief as Uncle, and the Mohawk chief addressed the Mohe-
kanuk as Cousin. They are both rather poor specimens of
Indian eloquence.

• A report had gone abroad that the French Mohawks had
agreed with those living on the borders of the English to re- ;*
main neutral. The Mohekanuk chief put the question to his
Uncle in these words: "I ask you a question. I hear you
have agreed with the French Mohawks to sit still in case of a
war between their friends and ours. You well know how that
matter is. I desire you to tell me what we are to do in that
affair. If you say we must sit still, we will sit still. If we
see those Indians help their friends, we must help ours." To
which the Mohawk speaker replied: ** Cousin, the informa-

-^i— w-

60 . ^ Delegates to 'Eastern Indians.

tion you have received of our engaging with the French Mo-
hawks to stand neuter in case of a war between the French
and English, is very true. Those Indians have promised us,
that they will not meddle with the war ; but set still in peace,
and let the white people determine their dispute themselves.
We have promised them the same, and desire you to join wita
us in the same peaceable disposition."

Notwithstanding ihese engagements, and even if they were
fully adhered to, the French had vastly the advantage, as they
had access to all the Indian nations of Canada, of whom they
always found enough ready to espouse their cause against the .
English settlers.

The eastern Indians were next to be secured, if possible, and
prevented from joining the French. To this end several In-
dians of the Five Nations had, at much expense, been procured
in their country and brought to Boston, and accompanied
commissioners to Penobscot,* and there had a talk with such
Indians of that region as they could meet with. All that is
known of this undertaking is contained in a publication of the
time, and is in these words : " July 24, 1 744. This day the
Commissioners appointed by this Government to accompany
the Delegates from the Six Nations of Indians to the East-
ward, in order to confer with th ds of the tribes in those
parts, returned hither in good heal. ^nd so far as we can
learn, the Eastern Indians are sincerel, viesirous to continue at
peace with us."

That these hopes of peace proved entirely delusive, is cer-
tain, as will appear from a declaration of war against these
Indians not long after, by the governor of Massachusetts, an

'1^ They tailed from Boston July 7th. Penobscots, as will be seen further along.
There were other attempts to secure the They caused great eipense, and no benefit.

E * ■■ i

ft:: i

Ji i

! ■

Declaration of War,

abstract of which is here given for the fa£ts it contains. It is
drawn with due formality, and with Gov. Shirley's well known
ability; headed: **A Declaration of War against the Cape-
Sable's and St. John's Indians," and dated "at the Council
Chamber in Boston, the 19th day of Odober, 1744." The
reasons for the declaration are set forth in the preamble as fol-
lows: "Whereas the Indians inhabiting his Majesty's Pro-
vince of Nova Scotia, commonly called the Cape Sables
Indians, who have submitted themselves to his Majesty's
government by solemn treaty with the governor of the province
of Massachusetts, did some time in the winter last past, in the
port of Jedoure, in a treacherous and cruel manner, murder
divers of his Majesty's English subjects, belonging to a fishing
vessel * owned and fitted out by his Majesty's subjefts of this
province, and did seize the said vessel with the goods and
efFe6ts belonging thereto : And, whereas the said Cape-Sable's
Indians, with the Indians of the St. John's tribe, who have
likewise submitted to his Majesty's government, by solemn
treaty with the commander of this province, have in a hostile
marmer joined with the French king's subjects, his Majesty's
declared enemies, in assaulting his Majesty's fort at Annapolis-
Royal, and the garrison posted there, divers of whom they
have slain ; and have likewise killed a master of a sloop belong-
ing to this province, while he was assisting that garrison in pro-
viding fuel for them ; and the said Indians have also for divers

* This doubtless has reference to the
following, published in the Boston Eve-
ning Poit of April 30th, 1 744 : " Some
time in the iall of 1743, a schooner be-
longing to Marblehead, in which were six
men and a boy, put into a harbor at or

near Cape Sable, where they were all
murdered except the boy ; him they re-
served and sold to the French. He it
lately returned and gives this account.
The vessel they plundered of everything."
The names of the murdered are unknown.

it#

Reward for Scalps,

Ifev

months past, in an hostile manner, blocked up the said fort,
and kept the garrison upon continual alarms," etc.

The Declaration goes on to warn all the Indians to the west, or
this side of the St. John's river, not to hold correspondence with
those of St. John's and Cape Sable's, or Nova Scotia Indians ;
particularly the Penobscots, Norridgewalks, and Pigwackets.

On the 26th of October, the General Court offered a reward
for the killing and scalps of the St. John's and Cape Sable
Indians, in these terms: "To any company, party, or person
singly, of his Majesty's subjects to or residing within this Pro-
vince, who shall voluntarily, and at their own proper cost and
charge go out and kill a male Indian of the age of twelve years
or upwards, of the Indians above named, after the 26th day of
0<Stober last past, and before the last day of June, 1745, (if
the war lasts so long) anywhere to the east of the Penobscot
beyond a fixed line, the sum of £100* in bills of credit, new
tenor; and £105 for a male Indian captive of the like age;
and the sum of ,£50 for womeo ; and the like sum for children
under the age of twelve years killed in fight ; and X55 for such
of them as shall be taken prisoners."

And on the 2d of November, the line beyond, or to the east
of which Indians might be killed and scalps taken, was pub-
lished, namely : *' to begin on the sea-shore three leagues from
the most easterly part of Passamaquady river, and thence run
north into the country through the province of Nova Scotia to
the river St. Lawrence."

Quite early in the year Gov. George Clinton f took unwearied

♦•'Whereof, at present, 1748, fifty confounded with that of the patriot go-

ahillings is equal to twenty shillings ster- vernor of the same name, conspicuous in

ling. Old Tenor is only one quarter of the Revolution. DeWitt Clinton was of

the New Tenor." Douglass, I, 310. this ^mily, and a nephew of the patriot

j- This Governor Clinton should not be governor.

I if !

■ '•w . *I» I » ' WM y iWjp-^^A-yyBt

W^'.

EaM

Conference at Albany.

pains to keep the Six Nations to their allegiance. Having pro-
cured deputations from the Mohawks, Oneydes, Onondagas,
Tuskaroras, Cayeuges, and Senekes, to come to Albany, a
conference was begun on the i8th of June. To this con-
ference Massachusetts sent John Stoddard, Jacob Wendell,
Thomas Berry, John Choate, and Thomas Hutchinson. Be-
fore leaving Albany the Massachusetts men submitted cer-
tain conditions for the observance of both colonies. These
were in substance similar to the articles of union between the
New England colonies, formed in 1642. And here it may be
well to state that the Six Nations generally adhered to the
English throughout the war, and parties of Mohawks retaliated,
though to a small extent, the depredations of the French and
Canada Indians on the English frontier, by expeditions against
the Canadian settlers.

In the late conference at Albany several of the Indians of
the Mohawk tribe were engaged to accompany agents of Massa-
chusetts to the Eastern Indians, especially the Penobscots, and
to use their influence v/lth them to assist the English against
the St. John and Cape Sable Indlians. Col. Pepperrell and
some others of Massachusetts, met the Penobscot Indians at
Georges in the beginning of July. The meeting was friendly,
and the English flattered themselves that those Indians would
not only remain at peace with them, but that they would send
a number of their warriors to aid them in the war lately de-
clared against the tribes before mentioned ; and it appears that
the Penobscots actually agreed to furnish a number of their
warriors for this, purpose, who, according to the terms of Gov.
Dummer's treaty (which they always regarded), were to have
their men ready in forty days; yet, up to the middle of No-
vember, there had been no compliance, and Col. Pepperrell

■)

VWr'l"!S'*««"^*TJ"!«W!'»1(T.lpr?<nT!»

" « < HiWJM I ^ ii^i | ||' lU i I'lll llM . Tty^-lr

Indian Conference.

was again sent to demand the men as agreed upon. The result
was a further time was asked fur, under the pretence that their
young men were away on hunting expeditions. However,
about the middle of January, 1745, it was ascertained that the
young Penobscots declared they would not take up arms against
the St. John's Indians.* This doubtless satisfied the English
that the French Jesuit influence was greater than any they
could exert.

* It may be worthy of note that all cott to the country, and individual eacri-

the hittoriani of thii period knew nothing, fice. It should be minutely detailed in a

at least say nothing, respecting the im- history of Maine, and a life of Sir VVil-

portant transadlions above sketched, al- liam Pepperrell should not be without it.

though they were brought about at great Materials are not wanting.

r '

■,.

CHAPTER V,

DIARY OF DEPREDATIONS.

Strcnflh of the French — Donahew'i Expedition— Surrender of Loulibourg — Incident! of the
Capture — Prudence of Gov. Shirley — The Bffe^l of the Capture in England — Oonahew'a
Expedition and Death — Hli Steward's Etcapc and Narrative — Other FaAi reipe^tlng Dona-
hew — William Phlpa'i Exploit and Death — People killed at Aihuelol — War commencei
with the Penobacot Indiana — Trouble at Louitbourg — Ciov. Shirley proceedi thence — Oor.
Clinton and the Six Nation! — Another Declaration of War — Indian! killed — Another Con-
ference at Albany — Depredation! at Sheepacott — Nehemiah How*! Captirlty — Indian* lur-
prUe Saratoga — New York oSer! a Reward for Scalpi — Depredation at Bedford, N. H.

EWS from Canada having been re-
cently obtained, in writing to the
Duke of Newcastle, on March 27,
Gov. Clinton makes the following
statement respecting the condition of
the French : *' They have consi-
derably increased their settlements on
our backs, and almost inhanced the Indian trade
to themselves, by means of the lake Cadaraqui
[Ontario] whereon they have two or three vessels of
fifty or sixty tons, with six or eight swivel guns each,
and manned with twelve or fifteen men, with which
they carry on their trade. They have also built forts, and
trading houses ranging along the lake (contrary to the faith of
treaties), whereby they hold their power over all the Indian
nations, except those dependent on our provinces, and even
among those they have, and do daily gain too great an influ-

ence

>> ifc

* New York Colonial Documtnti, VI, 275.
I

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.■■«»-.CTi^^.,f»!-r-»»'- n ii»' . ry* ^ ty-^<L<' -yr ith-.H' "Tfci ••(?»■■ '

Donahew*s Expedition.

V,'-

.ii

May 14, 1745. Governor Clinton, in a speech dissolving
the general assembly of New York, severely censures the
members for negle£king to provide proteftion for the frontiers
of the colony against the incursions of the Indians and French.*

May 15. Capt. David Donahew, in the sloop Resolution,
with two other armed vessels, meets a French armament of
some nine hundred men on their way from Annapolis to Louis-
bourg to strengthen that place. The following is Captain
Donahew's account of the fight he had with them : " On the
15th instant, in Askmacourse f harbor, up the bay [of Fundy],
my luck was to meet with two sloops and two schooners, and
an unaccountable number of Indian canoes. At six the same
morning, the Captains Becket and Jones, who were connected
with me, and being to leeward, saw some smoke, which they
purs' \ and soon lost sight of me. I pursued my chase, and
at tL. o'clock came up with and fired on them. They strove
to decoy me into shoal water, which I avoided, they being a
thousand in number, and I but forty odd. We spoke to each
other for two hours and a half; they knowing my name, de-
siring me to prepare my fast for them, and I telling the cow-
ards they were afraid to row up, the weather stark calm. As
they came to hand I killed, but the number I know not. I
fired two hundred four-pounders, double round and partridge,
fifty three-pounders ; besides my swivels and small arms con-
tinually playing on them. My stern, by force of firing, is
down to the water edge, roundhouse all to pieces, but bold
hearted. Had it not been so calm I should have done as I
would ; but not one breath of wind, and they rowing all around

* The reader will find the opposition f Asmacouie. Douglau. Not laid
to Governor Clinton fully explained in down on the maps under thia name. Per-
Livingtton't Rtvitw, elsewhere cited. hapi that lince called Advocatet Harbor.

t'i

Louisbourg.

me, both head and stern; but Capt. Becket and Capt. Jones
appearing in sight, they retreated and run into shoal water. I
followed them within pistol shot, till I run on ground, but,
blessed be God, have got safe off. This was the army that
besieged Annapolis, and was on its way to assist Louisbourg,
but their design is prevented."

This force, so opportunely defeated by Donahew, had retired
to Minas,* after being driven from Annapolis, as previously
related. They were on their way from Minas intermediately.
Douglass says they were nine hundred strong, or "about nine
hundred ragamuffins." One "Mr. Marin, a lieutenant from
Canada, was a captain of a company of savages, or Indian
rangers," and composed a part of the force. The brave Capt.
Donahew at ■■. little later period, on another expedition, fell into
the hands of the enemy, and, with many others, was massacred,
as will be seen hereafter.

June 17. Louisbourg was surrendered to the English, which
was the great event of this war.f The expedition was planned
by Gov. Shirley, and met with the full approbation of nearly
all of those then composing the government. The governors
of nearly all the colonies favored it, and it was carried into
successful execution. A few knowing ones of that time, to
exhibit their superior sagacity, said the expedition would be a
failure; but when they learned that it had completely suc-
ceeded, they attributed its success to accident, or good luck.
Dr. Douglass, the historian, then living in Boston, and writing

.*■

'V ,

* In that part of the townihip of Horton appendages of an ancient tettlement.

which borders on the basin. Nu traces Haliburton, II, 115.

of it are now to be seen, except the eel- -{- It is worthy of remark that this wa<

ijm of the houses, a few aged orchards, just thirty years bc/bre the battle of Bunlcer

and groups of willows, the never-failing Hill.

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Louisbourg Expedition.

his history, was opposed to Gov. Shirley. He generally disa-
greed with his measures, and when he could not deny that
their efFeft was beneficial, he was careful not to admit that he
had misjudged, but that it was a chance circumstance. Thus
by an ingenious use of language he, in the minds of many, has
caused some, even able historians, to give a wrong tone to
their relations of the taking of Louisbourg. Dr. Douglass will
always be a valuable authority for the events of this period,
because he wrote at the time, and was acquainted personally
with some of the principal aftors. Hence his bias is not suffi-
ciently guarded against. The following insidious, and at the
same time ingenious passage in his history is recollefted. Upon
the capture of Louisbourg he says : *' If every circumstance had
not turned in favor of the expedition, and if every circumstance
had not turned against the French, the expedition would have
failed." Now this is a sort of taking assertion, but it is far
from being a just one. The French were in the strongest
fortress in America, had, or should have had,^he best means
of defence known to warfare, while the assailants were exposed
to every annoyance ; and as to their circumstances, they were
as untoward as to any army whatever ; being exposed to all the
vicissitudes of a voyage by sea, and a landing upon a coast
dangerous in the extreme from natural causes, and this in the
face of an enemy on their own ground. Surely it does not
appear as though "all the circumstances" were in favor of the
expedition. Now the expedition succeeded because it was
conducted with secrecy and energy. The governor left the
least chance to accident. As early as February he had dis-
patched a messenger to England requesting a naval force to be
sent him, and another to Admiral Warren in the West Indies.
It is not the purpose of this narrative to detail the particulars

Louisbourg Expedition.

•>,.-.

of the taking of Louisbourg, because it has been so often done
by all the historians of this period."' A few important fadts,
generally unnoticed in the common accounts, will be given.

In seven weeks from the time Gov. Shirley issued his pro-
clamation for raising troops for the expedition, three thousand
two hundred and fifty men were enrolled in Massachusetts,
three hundred and four in New Hampshire, and five hundred
and sixteen in Connecticut. The Massachusetts men were
embarked the 24th of March, and sailed under the convoy of
the Shirley Galley., afterwards called the Shirley Frigate. The
whole naval force of the colony of Massachusetts consisted of
three frigates of twenty guns each; a snow of sixteen; a
brigantine of twelve; and five armed sloops mounting from
eight tu twelve carriage guns. A sloop from Rhode Island,
and one from Connedticut, had ten or twelve guns each.f

The train of artillery consisted of eight twenty-two-pound-
ers, twelve nine-pounders, two mortars of twelve-inch, one of
eleven, and one of nine-inch. These were taken from Castle
William. Also ten cannon borrowed of Governor Clinton of
New York. These were eighteen-poundc's.| Brigadier-
General Samuel Waldo commanded the land forces. Colonel
Samuel Moore commanded those of New Hampshire, Lieut.-
Col. Simon Lothrop those of Connecticut ; Lieut.-Col. Gridley
commanded the artillery. Over the whole was Lieut. -Gen.
Wm. Pepperrell.

Such was the ambition of the people of New England to
participate in the expedition, that more men volunteered for it
than could be received, and two companies were discharged and
a month's pay given them. All the transportation at the com-
mand of the government had been already taken up.

* See Appendix, B. f Shirley'i Memoir t, 40. \ Ibidem.

Louisbourg Expedition.

August 8. Rear-Admiral Peter Warren wrote from Louis-
bourg, giving the following account of his successes at that
place: "The Charmante, a French East India ship of five
hundred or six hundred tons, twenty-eight guns and ninety-nine
men, very rich ; the Heron, another French East India ship
from Bengal, pretty rich ; the Notre Dame de la Deliverance,
a French ship of twenty-two guns, and about sixty men, from
Lima in the South Seas, for which place she sailed from Cadiz
in the year 1741, are brought into this harbor. This last had
on board, in gold and silver, upwards of £300,000."

Louisbourg had fallen after a determined and bloody siege,
but the importance of the conquest soon lost much of its con-
sequence by the course given to events which restored it again
to the French, as though it had cost nothing. This was par-
ticularly unfavorable to New England, which had lost so
heavily in its a£tive men, so much needed in a new country, to
say nothing of the honor in a measure lost by the restoration
of the costly acquisition. The suffering of the troops was
incredible ; often without shoes to their feet, or clothes, beyond
a few rags, to shield their bodies from the weather, they toiled
day and night, doing the labor of beasts of burthen and men
as well, week after week, until more than a thousand lay sick
at one time, and yet it is said, that up to the time of the capitu-
lation, but about thirty had died of sickness, and that but one
hundred and one had been killed by the enemy and other acci-
dents, while, of the French, about three hundred had been
killed within the walls of the city, and six hundred and fifty
regular troops were surrendered. There were besides about
thirteen hundred efFedive men belonging to the place, in all of
which, together with the women and children, there were above
four thousand to be transported to France.

Louisbourg Expedition.

With the place there fell into the hands of the vi£iors
immense material of war and other property, among which
were seventy-six cannon and mortars, and provisions for five or
six months. Many rich merchant ships, during and after the
siege, were taken by the fleet. Admiral Warren kept the
French flag flying long after the capture, and thus several were
decoyed under his guns before they were aware that the place
was taken. The value of these prizes was estimated at over
a million pounds sterling, half of which went to the naval cap-
tors, and the other half to the Crown ; and thus the New Eng-
land men, who had been the means of this great acquisition,
got no part of it !

In his account of the capture. General Pepperrell said, that
when he marched into the city, he believed such ruins were
never seen before, which was not to be wondered at, as nine
thousand cannon balls and six hundred bombs had been thrown
into it before it surrendered ; which we may believe, as he says,
" sorely distressed them, especially the day before they sent out
a flag of truce, when our incessant fire prevented their showing
their heads, or stirring from their covert ways, and some of
them ran into the sea for shelter."

At the time of the surrender there remained but one house
in the town which had not been shot through and through ;
such breaches had been made in the walls, and our batteries so
advanced, that the enemy could stand to their guns no longer.
Out of nineteen shell thrown from the light-house battery,
seventeen fell within the Island battery, one of which fell upon
the magazine, causing great consternation. .. % ' .„;-ji';,,- ,

Care was taken to send off the inhabitants with all possible
dispatch after the English were in possession of Louisbourg.
Fourteen transports were got ready in an incredibly short time \

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Louisbourg Expedition,

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so that by the fourth of July (since a more noted day in Ameri-
can annals), only thirteen days after the capture, the unfortu-
nate prisoners of war sailed for France, under the convoy of
the Launceston man of war, Capt. Robert Man commander.
They arrived at the port of Brest after a short passage, but here
they met with treatment from the French Admiral on that sta-
tion, which is characterized as cruel and brutal in the extreme.
Such was the report of Col. James Gibson, who accompanied
the prisoners as agent of the cartel transports on the part of
the commander-in-chief.
/ There were many other prisoners to be transported besides
those at Louisbourg, which are " summaried " * as follows :
"The French people transported from Louisbourg to France
(including the Vigilant'sf men) preceding July 17, 1745, were
four thousand one hundred and thirty, whereof one thousand
eight hundred and twenty-two via Boston, and seventy-six via
New Hampshire. The French, while in Boston, were allowed
in old tenor per week, namely : an inhabitant from Cape Bre-
ton, twenty shillings ; a sailor, fifteen shillings ; captain of the
Vigilant, five pounds ; second captain, three pounds, and each
officer forty shillings."
^ After we have seen the origin of the expedition against
Louisbourg, and its progress and ultimate success, all brought
about, so far as the former was concerned, by New England, it
will seem very singular that a reimbursement to this country
was a long time withheld by the government at home, through
the false representations of influential bad men. This state of
the case is so well set forth in a speech of Governor Shirley to

* Douglait, I, 568. six hundred men," taken by Commodore

f "A sixty-four gun ship, with near Warren, May 21. See Appindix, C.

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speech of Gov. Shirley,

the General Court, on the 29th of May, 1 746, that it shall be
given in his own words: . ' ' , ^ ^ : ., *

*' As you may be solicitous to know what success your appli-
cation for a reimbursement of your expenses in the late expe-
dition against Cape Breton has met with, I think it proper to
inform you, that though I have received several letters from
one of your agents upon that subject, yet as all of them till
my last (which I shall communicate to you) contained only
accounts of the disadvantages which the Province lay under as
to their demand, for want of the services of the New England
troops in the reduction of Louisbourg, being fully known,
whereby it happened that the merit of them (upon which the
merit likewise of the colonies concerned in that expedition, it
is reasonable to think, will be chiefly estimated by the ministry)
has been most surprisingly diminished, disguised and concealed,
and the laying before you these accounts could have had no
other efFedl than to give you a fruitless concern and uneasiness,
I forbore doing it, and chose to wait for more agreeable ones,
which I have the pleasure to acquaint you I received by the
last ship from London, and find that since the arrival in Eng-
land of the representation of the behavior of the land forces,
and the share which they had in making the late valuable acqui-
sition to the British dominions, which I sent from Louisbourg,
to be laid before His Majesty, your demand has taken a more
favorable turn, and there is now a most promising prospetSi: of
your succeeding in it, and of our retrieving the honor of the
New England land forces, and the opinion of the merit of the
colonies concerned in the late expedition, which is justly due
to them." . T

;< In the same speech he says : '* It is a particular satisfa<Sion
to me, to consider that by the method which I have pursued

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74 Disparagement of New England.

for reinforcing that garrison [Louisbourg] instead of that pro-
posed by the late Assembly and Council, I have saved £17,000
sterling, greatly promoted the levies for the two regiments
[Pepperrell's and his own], strengthened the garrison more than
otherwise it would have been, and made way for the discharg-
ing of such of the New England forces as are desirous to
return to their homes."

It was as well known in England as in this country, that the
principal credit of the capture of Louisbourg belonged to New
England ; and yet there were those in Old England ready to
appropriate all the honor of the enterprise to that country.
But there were some there who had honesty enough to place
the credit where it belonged, and to ridicule the authors of the
claims to all the glory. A writer in the IVestminster Journal
of August 3d, expresses the opinion that a secret expedition
against Louisbourg, or any other point, could hardly have been
put in practice in England without a discovery. In another
article in the same journal, but of a few days earlier date, there
appeared a dialogue, in the course of which the following
homely though very just cut is given: "Well, Mr. B.," said
one, ** Cape Breton is taken ; sure that must stop your mouth
for a while at least." "Really," said the other, "I think it is
a very fine acquisition; but I remember a story of a certain
lord, whom his companions used to joke, and whose wife being
brought to bed, his lordship says to one of them, *" Now I hope
I shall have no more of your impertinence, for my wife has a
fine boy.' * Indeed, my lord,* answered the joker, *I never
questioned your wife's abilities in that respeA ! ' "

The same article then goes on, broadly intimating that the
whole undertaking was of New England origin, and all that

Donahew*s Expeditions.

the English administration could claim was the honor of firing
the Park and Tower guns in honor of the acquisition.

June 29. The gallant Capt. Donahew is surprised by the
French and Indians, and himself, with many of his men, slain."*
His loss was deeply lamented, as he had rendered very import-
ant services on various occasions, especially in the capture of
I ouisbourg, in the siege of which he was in command of one
of the ships of the squadron.

For a considerable time the fate of Capt Donahew was
unknown, but on the 27th of July a vessel came into Boston
from Annapolis Royal, having on board Mr. Picket, who was
steward to Capt. Donahew, from whom the fa6ls of the affair
in which himself, his commander and several others fell into
the hands of the Indians, were obtained. Picket further
relates, that Capt. Donahew, with eleven men, went on shore
in the Gut of Canso, and were at once nearly surrounded by
two hundred and fifty-three French and Indians. Donahew
and his men being at once cut off from retreating to their ves-
sel, defended themselves for above a quarter of an hour, in
which time the captain, his brother, and three others were
killed. The rest, six in number, all being wounded, were
taken prisoners. The enemy had but two killed in the fight,
but many were wounded. The Indians cut open the body of
the captain's brother, sucked his blood, cut, hacked and
mangled it in the most barbarous and brutal manner, and then
eat a part of the flesh. They then proceeded to do the same

i^fV

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* Dr. Douglau sayi Donahew wu dii- expedition with an earlier one, mentioned

patched from Boston to remove the in our text. St. John's Island, go named

French from St. John's Island, and on by the French, is that now known aa

his way landed in the Out of Canceau. Prince Edward's. Lescarbot gare it the

Douglass may have confounded the last name St. John, also Codfitk Ii/anJ.

M 1

Donahew*s Disaster.

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by the bodies of the other slain. After this exploit they set off
for Minas with the seven that remained alive, the relator him-
self being one. Him they decided to kill and eat, but some of
the French interceded and pe.suaded his captors to sell him, which
they finally did for an amount of money. From Minas he got to
Annapolis Royal, and thence to Boston, as above narrated. The
other prisoners were taken to Canada. One of these, John Brad-
shaw by name, died there on the 24th of November following.
He had recovered from the wound which he received when he
was taken, but his constitution was broken, and he pined and
died, of consumption as was supposed. Where he belonged is
not known. Another was William Prindle. He died on the
4th of July, 1747 ; was a New England man, but his residence
is not given. Another was James Owen of Brookfield, in
Massachusetts. He was killed after quarter had been given.

It is to this affair, perhaps, that the French writers at Que-
bec refer in the following passage: "Lately, a boat belonging
to an English merchantman having landed at La Heve for wood
and water, the Micmac Indians killed seven of the crew and
brought their scalps to Sieur Marin ; they [the Micmacs] can
be depended on to pursue the same course as long as means
will be found to furnish them with arms, powder and ball."*

While the siege of Louisbourg was progressing, Capt. Dona-
hew had been dispatched to Bay Verte to destroy the place.
In passing the strait of Canso he met with a party of Indians.
These were attacked by a company of his men, contrary to
orders, who went on shore under Captains Jaques and Hanna-
ford. They were overpowered, Capt. Jaques killed, and
Hannafurd wounded \ the rest escaped. Donahew wa3 early

* Letter from Messrs. de Beauharnois Quebec, 11 Sept., 1745. In N. T. Col,
and Hocquart to Count de Maurepaa, dated Dttumtntt, X, 1 1.

Great Meadow Surprise.

engaged in this war. We find him putting out from Newbury
in a privateer on the 7th of November, 1744, manned with
sixty men. The vessel belonged to Boston, and hence it ap-
pears the English were not much behind the French in early
afts of hostility. Donahew sailed diredly to the eastern fish-
ing ground, and made several captures of French fishing ves-
sels. Taking notice of his enterprising spirit, the General
Court voted (on the 7th of February) that, with his vessel, he
should be taken into the service of the Province. His vessel
was the sloop Resolution. Andrew Hall and Samuel Gerrish
of Boston were his agents. These agents preferred a claim on
the government in September of the next year, in favor of
Capt. Donahew's estate. F'rom which claim it is shown, that
early in this war the captain had captured eleven Cape Sable or
St. John's Indians, brought them to Boston and delivered them
here in compliance with Gov. Shirley's order. The claim of
the agents was not allowed, but the reason for not allowing it is
not given. Perhaps the Indians were captured before they had
commenced the war.

He had been extremely aftive against the enemy. In April,
1745, he took and carried into Chapeaurouge Bay a French
brigantine with a cargo of molasses, for which the war com-
mittee allowed him .£1525 15J.

July 5. William Phips having but recently settled at Great
Meadow* fort, some sixteen miles above Fort Dummer, is
surprised, while hoeing corn, by two Indians. They seized
him and led him away about half a mile, when they stopped,
and one of them went down a steep hill to get something he

* There were other Great Meadowi } them H^nakktukook. Hopkins, 46, 47.
one occupied by the Housatunnuk Indians, Thii ii in Westmoreland, N. H., formerly
"above the mountains, " 1736; called by Narraganset No. z. -

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Surprise at Ashuelot.

had left. On his return Phips seized one of their guns and
shot him down, and then fell upon the other with his hoe,
which it seems he had carried with him, or perhaps was carried
along by the other Indian. With this he knocked him down,
and after chopping him till he thought he had killed him,
started to run \ but at that instant three Indians appeared and
shot down Phips, killed and scalped him, and treated his body
in a shocking manner. The Indian that was hotd so severely,
died of his wounds, according to the information given by the
Indians after the war.

Some time after the death of Mr. Phips, his widow married
Mr. Caleb Howe. She afterwards suffered a doleful captivity,
as will be seen by a reference to her well known Narrative.

Great Meadow Fort was in what is now Putney, Vermont, in
the eastern part of the county of Windham, on the westerly
side of Connefticut river. Putney is ten miles from Brattle-
borough. It was chartered by New Hampshire in 1753, and
in 1766 rechartered by New York, and finally fell within
the jurisdi<Slion of Vermont. The Great Meadow was in a
bend of the river, comprising about four hundred acres of ex-
cellent land. .,,

July 10. "The same, or some other party of Indians,"*
who did the mischief at Great Meadow, came to Upper
Ashuelot, now the town of Keene, New Hampshire, waylaid
the road, and shot and scalped Deacon Josiah Fisher,t as he
was driving his cows to pasture. He was among the early pro-
prietors of the town, ten years before he was slain. His body

* Doolittlt't Narrative, p. a. excepting that the author points out the

f We find nothing in the Annals of locality of the murder. See Colltffiom of ^

Kttne to throw any light on thii affiur, N. H. Hittorical Satiety, II, 87.

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Surprise near George* s Fort.

was found soon after he was killed, about half a mile from the
garrison.

July 1 8. The Thanksgiving which had been appointed to
celebrate the taking of Louisbourg, took place and was heartily

entered into all over New Eng-
land. Sermons were preached
on the occasion, among which
was one by the Rev. Thomas
Prince of the Old South church
in Boston ; in which is detailed
the proceedings of that remark-
able expedition with an accu-
racy and ability which has
rendered it one of the very
best accounts anywhere to be
met with. It was dedicated to
Governor Shirley, whom he
denominated ^* the principal
former and promoter" of the
enterprise.*

July 19. War begins in the eastern country. An express
arrived at Falmouth from Capt. Jabez Bradbury, stationed at
George's Fort, that a man and forty cattle had been killed, and
a garrison and saw-mill burnt, which is the first mischief done
about the Penobscot. They took one prisoner as they ap-
proached the fort, and fired on a woman, whom they wounded
in the shoulder. The report of the gun and the shrieks of the
woman alarmed the garrison, a fire from which afforded the
wounded woman an opportunity to reach the gate and enter
it without &rther injury. Capt. Bradbury, in his dispatch to

* Sec Apfxndix, B. V'

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Gov. Shirley, represented that the Indians were about seventy
strong, and that they killed iiKy or sixty head of cattle, besides
hogs and horses. Upon this news the governor ordered Capt.
Thomas Sanders, of the Massachusetts frigate, to sail forthwith
to the invaded territory ; * and Capt. Bradbury believing some
of the Penobscots were among those who had attacked his fort,
notified the tribe to give up such as participated in it, in four-
teen days, but they took no notice of the demand.

July 30. On the third of August an express from the east-
ward arrived at Boston with the intelligence that the Indians
had surprised two men a little above Brunswick, one of whom
they killed and scalped, the other they scalped and left for dead,
but being soon after found by his neighbors, hopes were enter-
tained of his recovery. The men were not shot, but knocked
down and beat with clubs.

The same day a man was killed at Topsham, and a boy was
scalped. The same event, orobably, recorded in the last
paragraph.

Insubordination began to break forth among the soldiers soon
after the capture of Louisbourg. It arose from various causes ;
a principal, perhaps, was that the men generally supposed they
would be at liberty to return home as soon as the city was
taken; another was the unequal distribution of plunder, or
rather the disappointment which arose from the inhabitants
being allowed by the capitulation to retain their effefts unmo-
lested ; but, above all, sickness was making terrible havoc
among them. Their officers could only appeal to the com-
mander-in-chief at Boston for relief. Hence the clamor for
the governor became so pressing upon Gen. Pepperrell, that

* There is given a thrilling incident Sinden the y ifcr, by Mr. Eaton in hli
connedled with the career of Captain History of TAomaiton, I, 56.

■'Vp.

Gov. Shirley at Louisbourg.

through his and the other olficers' urgency, Gov. Shirley con-
sented to proceed to Cape Breton.

August 3. Gov. Shirley, with his lady, sails for Louisbourg,
where he remained until near December following, returning in
Boston Dec. 8th, after a tedious passage of eleven days. He
returned in the Massachusetts frigate, Capt. Edward Tyng.
On leaving the ship, near Castle William, she fired a salute of
seventeen guns, and, on landing at the fort, it fired twenty-one
guns. He lodged at the castle that night. The next day he
was rowed up to Boston in a barge, the Shirley frigate and other
vessels firing salutes. He debarked at the end of Long Wharf
amid the acclamations of crowds of enthusiastic citizens, and
under a military escort proceeded to his residence in the Pro-
vince House.

While at Louisbourg the governor labored diligently in col-
leiting an accurate detail of all the proceedings of the siege
and capture of the place, a copy of which he transmitted to
the Duke of Newcastle.* All the principal New England offi-
cers attested its accuracy by their signatures.

David Creighton and his companion, venturing a short dis-
tance from the garrison at St. Georges (or Georges as the
English generally wrote it), were killed and scalped. Boyce
Cooper and Reuben Pitcher, proceeding down the river for
rock-weed, fell into the hands of the enemy and were carried
to Canada. Cooper was naturally jovial, appeared contented,
and made himself familiar witn the Indians i gave them all the
information they desired about the English, their forts, cattle
and men, and thus secured good usage. His fellow prisoner
seems to have possessed a violin, and dying, left it to Cooper,
which he was able to use, and thus enhanced his importance,

* Thii valuable and authentic document will be found entire in Appimdix, D.

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and eventually i;ecured him an early release. He was a native
of Ireland.*

Aug. 20. In a message from Gov. Clinton of New York
to the General Assembly of that province, he charges the Six
Nations with having broken their treaty of neutrality ; that
from their apprehensions of having been wronged by the white
people, they had visited the governor of Canada the last sum-
mer. He (the governor), recommends the Assembly to pro-
vide for holding a conference with them this fall, that their
g ievances may be redressed and their friendship secured. He
had heard of two other nations of Indians to whom he desired
to send invitations to come to the conference; namely, the
Chonondado and Jttowas. The since well known tribes, Onon-
dagos and the Ottowas.

August 23. Lieut. -Gov. Spencer Phips, now afting governor
in the absence of Gov. Shirley, declares war "against the
Eastern and Canada Indians ; " for that the " Norridgewack and
Penobscot tribes, and other Indians of the eastern parts," con-
trary to treaty, "are now broke out into open rebellion," and
committed divers adts of hostility, entertained and harbored
Cape Sable's and St. John's Indians, joining with them in per-
petrating the most cruel murders upon persons in those parts,
burning their houses, and killing great numbers of cattle,f
attacking the fort at St. George's river, and, when a flag was
sent to them, justified their perfidy and cruelty, and bid defiance
to the government. Also, in the western parts of the province,
had already killed two and scalped them ; others were driven
from their estates, their substance destroyed, and in constant

■* The above ia from Williamson, who mmier of Captain Donahew and some of
gives no date. Hiu. Maine, II, 238. his men before mentioned, and the affair

•j- H. ving reference, doubtless, to the of July 30th last..

Indians Massacred.

peril of their lives in getting their harvests; that the Six Na-
tions, who undertook for the performance of neutrality, had
failed to prevent what is complained of. And it was ordered
that well disposed Indians who had not joined the enemy,
should, in fourteen days, repair to the forts of the English, and
live amongst His Majesty's subjects, in places assigned them,
and there be protected.

Sept. 5. In the vicinity of George's fort, one Lieutenant
Proilor and nineteen men had a fight with a number of Indians,
in which two noted chiefs are killed ; namely. Col. Morris and
Capt. Samuel. Another, called Col. Job, is taken prisoner and
carried to Boston, where he died in prison. The following is
Lieut. Pro6tor's narrative of the whole affair. With his cap-
tive. Col. Job, the lieutenant arrived in Boston Sept. 8th, in a
small schooner : " On the fiirst instant, being at Georges, and
understanding that a number of Indians had been lately seen
near the fort, he mustered up sixteen men and boys from the
block-house, and went in quest of the enemy. About twelve
o'clock at night, and three miles from the fort, they discovered
four Indians about a fire, upon whom they discharged their
guns, and killed Col. Sam and Lieut. -Gov. Moxas (as he was
called), and took Col. Job prisoner, but the other fellow made
his escape. Those three Indians were principal men of the
Penobscot tribe, and all well known in Boston."

The scalps of the other two were brought, and the bounty
demanded on them according to the governor's proclamation ;
but Lieut. -Gov. Phips, in his speech at the opening of the
General Assembly, remarked that the circumstances were such
as to render it necessary to defei granting the bounty. The
governor had good grounds for his delaying the bounty, no
doubt, for, tiom other sources of information, it seems that

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these Indians had been to the fort, not knowing of the attack
of the 19th of the last month, or before the fourteen days had
expired, to trade, and had departed for their own place, but had
encamped for the night not far off, and in this condition (per-
haps drunk with liquor obtained at the fort) were fallen upon
as above related. That no bounty was paid is inferred from
the faft, that after the war a present was made to the wife of
Job on account of the loss of her husband. If his value was
accurately estimated by the government, her loss was not
great — a seven-eighth blanket!

Sept. 15. A son of Col. Gushing is killed by some unseen
Indians at Sheepscott, and two lads, James and Samuel Ander-
son, are taken captive and carried to Canada. Their father
was killed, probably at the same time. The Indians kept the
two boys with them all winter, and the following May they
were sent to prison at Quebec.

Sept. 27. James Kinlade is t^ken at Sheepscott, carried to
Canada, and imprisoned at Quebec. On Nov. 19th one man
is delivered to the prison in Quebec, who says James Ander-
son's father was killed and his uncle was taken at the time he
was. Another man, Jotham Williamson, taken on Sheepscott
river, was imprisoned at Quebec at a later date.

Oft. 5. In pursuance of Gov. Clinton's urgent request,
the Indians came to Albany to hold a conference from many
of the tribes of the Six Nations, some five hundred in number.
The governor having notified Massachusetts, Rhode Island,
Connecticut, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, they send the fol-
lowing gentlemen, namely: Massachusetts, John Stoddard,
Jacob Wendell, Samuel Wells, and Thomas Hutchinson j

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Conference at Albany.

»i

Connecticut, Roger Wolcot, Nathaniel Stanley;* Pennsyl-
vania, Thos. Lawrence, John Kinsey, and Isaac Norris.
Arent Stevens and Coenradt Weiser, interpreters.

The commissioners on the part of Massachusetts returned
to Boston on the 20th of Odtober, and as a result of their
conference with the Indians it was published, that "the Six
Nations readily renewed their covenant with the several govern-
ments ; that they had taken the hatchet against the French and
Indian enemy, and only wait till the governor of New York
shall order them to make use of it."

06t. 8. A company of thirteen Indians surprise some
Englishmen while gathering corn at Sheepscott, killing two and
wounding a third.

Oft. 1 1 . An attempt was made to surprise the fort at Great
Meadow. As the enemy approached it they came upon Mr.
Nehemiah How, and took him prisoner. He had been cutting
wood some forty rods from the fort, and was returning to it
when he was overtaken by twelve Indians, who hurried him
away into a swamp, and there pinioned him. When he saw
the Indians he hallooed so as to alarm the fort, and the men
inside fired upon them, killing one and mortally wounding
another. A third, who had hold of Mr. How, barely escaped,
a bullet passing through his powder-horn. How was carried to
Canada, and from one prison to another, and finally to Quebec,
where he died a prisoner. May 25th, 1747, after a year and
upwards of seven months' captivity. He left a wife and several
children. A journal which he kept to within six days of his
death, was recovered by his friends and published in 1 748, from
which these fafts are taken.

* It is singular, that in the elaborate found of this important mission of their
hittoriea of Connedicut no mention is statesmen.

How's Captivity.

■\

It !

Having secured their prisoner, as above stated, the enemy
returned and attacked the fort for an hour and a half, but did
little damage. They killed all the cattle about the place, cut-
ting a portion of the flesh from the bones the better to transport
it. With their prisoner they marched along the river side. At
about three miles from the fort a canoe was seen coming down
with two men in it. How knew the men and made all the
noise he could to alarm them, but the Indians also saw them,
and shot at them some twenty or thirty guns, by which they
killed one, David Rugg, but the other, Robert Baker, got on
shore and escaped. They scalped Rugg, and carried off his
scalp in great triumph. On it they painted a face, " with the
likeness of eyes and mouth," with red paint, and when they
got to Lake George they hoisted a pole some eight feet long,
with the scalp on the top of it. At Crown Point they were
met by a multitude of Indians. Here Mr. How saw an Indian
he was acquainted with, who took him by the hand and was
very glad to see him. This Indian then went and brought in
another, named Jmrusus, who was the husband of Eunice Wil-
liams, who had lived among the Indians forty-two years, having
been carried away from Deerfield in 1704. Amrusus was glad
to see Mr. How, and made inquiry about his wife's relations.
Many attempts were made to recover Eunice, from time to
time, from her captivity to 17 13, when she was to all intents
an Indian, living among the French Mohawks at Cagnawaga.
She had then recently married, and would not converse with
those sent to redeem her.

Nov. 16. A large body of three hundred French ard two
hundred Indians came upon the Dutch settlement at Saratoga,
murdering the inhabitants without any opposition. The enemy
were commanded by one M. Marin, accompanied by a mis-;

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Attack on Saratoga.

chievous and aftive priest named Francis Piquet. They
ravaged a large extent of country, burning all the houses,
several saw-mills with much sawed lumber, and a block-house
which belonged to John Henry Lydius. Also all the cattle.
Thirty persons were killed and scalped, and about sixty taken
prisoners. All this was efFedted without so much as a wound
to any of the French. A large number of negroes * were
among the captives. In the course of the winter the captives
were sent to the prison in Quebec, where many of them died
of sickness. The news of this attack reached Albany three
days after it happened, and Deerfield nine days after, namely,
on the 25th. f A letter of this date was at once dispatched to
Boston, to the eifeit that "two Indians who were taken at
Lydius's fort got away from the army near Crown Point, and
reported that an army of six hundred men set out from that
place in order to fall upon Deerfield, but by reason of a snow
were diverted and went to Saratoga. They have burnt Lydius's
block-house, and taken his son ; Cockensenet was killed there ;
three hundred of the army went back with the prisoners, and
three hundred struck off to come upon our frontiers."

Among the prisoners was Jonathan Hagadc>rn, taken near
Fort Ann, while on a scout. He died on the 3d of January
following, a prisoner at Quebec, after a long and painful sick-
ness; as also did Capt. John Fort, March 21, taken at the
same time and place.

The Assembly of New York offers a reward for Indian
scalps — ten pounds for those of male Indians over sixteen
years of age, and twenty pounds for prisoners brought in alive.

* Said to have been about sixty, bjr a
prisoner in Canada who saw them brought
to Montreal . Some time afterwards their
ownen sent to redeem them, but they

to live with the Indians, where doubtless
they had much greater freedom than with
their Dutch and English masters.

f The French account may be seen in

would not go back to slavery, preferring the Nnu Tork Col, Docs,, X, 38 and 76.

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•For the years 1745, 1746, and 1747, the premium for In-
dian scalps and captives was one thousand pounds, old tenor
per head to volunteers, and four hundred pounds to impressed
men, their wages and subsistence money to be deduced."*
At the same time old tenor was to sterling money as one to
eleven. Hence it took eleven pounds of the former to pur-
chase what was actually worth but one pound in specie.

Some time in the year 1745, as James McQuade and Robert
Burns of Bedford, New Hampshire, were returning from
Penacook to their homes, whither they had been to procure corn
for their families, they were fired upon by some Indians who
appeared to be lying in wait for the opportunity. McQuade
was shot down and killed, but they missed their aim at Burns,
who ran, tacking at short intervals, and thus escaped unhurt. f

One Bunten was shot by the Indians in what is now the
town of Chester, N. H., " near where Head's tavern is in Hook-
sett. He was from Pelham, and was on his way to Penacook. "J

* Douglass, I, 565.

-j- The date of this ai&ir may have
been derived from tradition, which i«
generally very unreliable, especially when
not accompanied by any month or day of
month on which it happened. There it

a history of Bedford, but the author adds
nothing more authentic.

X Colls. N. H. Hist. Soc, VII, 363.
The historian of Old Chester does not
throw any light on this murder, not even
giving the name of the man killed.

irll^

CHAPTER VI.

DIARY OF DEPREDATIONS (continued).

A French Item — A diitreulng Scene >t Corhamtown — Eicape of Pritonert — Captivei taken at
Number Four — John Spoffbrd — Harvey'i EKape — Surprise it Hoplcinton — Remarlcable
Event! in the Narrative of Mary Woodwell — Upper Atliuelot Surprised — Deatli of Helton —
Deatli of Putnam, and Figlit at Number Four — Attacic on Contoocook — An Indian puniihed
at Asliuelot — Indians fall at Fall Town — John Buck — Attack on Lower Ashuelot — Hunt-
ington — Two Men attacked near Fort Massachusetts — Surprise at Colerain, and Death of
Matthew Clark — Persons killed near Albany — Others at Saratoga — Houses burnt at Kinder-
hook — Men killed near Schenectady — Seven killed and taken at Norman's Creek — Great
Depredation at Broad Bay — Surprise and Fight at St. George's Fort — Fight at Nambw
Four — Affiiir at Sheepscott — Retaliation recommended — Forces raised — Surprise at Long
Creek — A Surpriie prevented at Port Massachusetts — Hu^h Morrison — Joseph Swett killed —

Gallant Defense of Number Four — Seven Pertoni kilUd

at Sheepscott.

1','Xy' ',•'■'.''
"Z3 HE Chevalier de Niverville, officer,
and Sieur Groschesne Raimbault,
cadet, left Montreal on March i6th,
with some Abenaquis Indians, on
their way towards Boston, and re-
turned with some scalps and prison-
ers, one of whom Raimbault took with his own hand. Sieur
Duplessis, Jr., an officer, started at the same time with six
Algonkins and Nepissings in the same direction, and joined the
preceding party, with whom he returned, bringing in a prisoner
who was captured at the same time.

It is not very clear on what point of the frontier this com-
pany performed their exploit. Pe-rhaps it was at Number Four,
on the 19th of the following April. A French leader, probably
the same Raimbault, afterwards fell into the hands of the
English, as we shall see. • : ;: ^

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Massacre at Gorham-Town. [1746-

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April 19, 1746. At a new township called Gorham Town,
in Maine, was perpetrated a tragedy which was thus reported
at the time : " Boston, April 28. Last Tuesday morning came
in here an express from Falmouth, who informs, that on the
19th instant, about ten o'clock, Mr. Briant of Gorham Town,
about ten miles from thence, with three others, went to work
in a field three-quarters of a mile from the fort, when the said
Briant was shot to death by the Indians; two of the others
wen- taken, and the other made his escape to the fort and
informed that he saw about twenty Indians, who went from the
field to said Briant's house, and killed and scalped four of his
children, three of whom were knocked in the head by an axe, the
other had its brains beat out against the hearth. This was dis-
covered in the afternoon by some persons from the fort. His
wife was missing, and it is supposed is taken prisoner. One of
the persons taken was seen to be stript naked by the Indians."
The other persons taken were Jacob Read and Edward Clout-
man. These were brought prisoners to Quebec on the 14th
of May following. Mrs. Briant was brought in afterwards,
who, on the 20th of November, 1 746, was married to Leonard
Lydle, another captive, by the Rev. John Norton,* also a
captive, taken at Number Four, as will elsewhere be seen.
Mrs. Sarah Lydle (Briant) died a prisoner on the 7th of May
of the next year (1747). Jacob Read was also dead, having
died on the 20th of 06lober preceding, f Edward Cloutman
and Robert Dunbar broke prison and escaped three days after.
Dunbar was taken not long before as he was scouting *'on the

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* Mr. Norton does not mention this at the same time, died eleven days after
circumstance in his Narrative, which is his father, but had been longer in cap-
quite remarkable. tivity, having been taken near Annapolis,

I John, son of Jacob Reed, a prisoner May 9, 1745, while on duty as a soldier.

1746.] Surprise at Number Four.

H>:

Carrying-Place," and his loss was greatly lamented, as he had
performed the most important services as a ranger, ever since
the war commenced. He was a New York man probably,
and the Carrying Place was that between the Hudson and Wood
Creek, doubtless. Cloutman does not appear to have reached
his home, for Anne, probably his wife, petitioned for relief the
next year, as "her husband was in captivity, and she was left
with three children, and very poor."

April 19. "The enemy came to the uppermost and most
frontier place on Connecticut river, called Number P'our, where
they took three men as they were going to the mill, about half
a mile from the garrison, namely, Capt. John SpafFord,* Isaac
Parker and Stephen Fainsworth." They were with a team of
four oxen. The oxen the Indians killed, and after cutting out
their tongues left them. They arrived, with their prisoners, at
Quebec the 3d of the following month. All three of them
returned home after a short captivity, but whether redeemed or
exchanged is not known.

The leader in this depredation was Ensign de Niverville.
He took his prisoners first to Montreal, where. May 14th, they
underwent an examination. From SpafFord and Parker they
learned that two regiments were to be sent from Boston to He
Royale, where over seven hundred men had died ; that twenty-
two hundred regulars had arrived at New York from London,
at the close of winter, and had set out for Louisbourg ; that

■'■^i^'

* A Capt. John Spofford is conspicuous
in the SpofFord Genealogy in the Nev)
England Hist, and Gen. Register, VIII,
340. He settled at Charlestown, N. H.
He may be the captive, but as nothing is
said about it in the Genealogy, and the
diKrepanciea in the same, render it doubt-

ful, an uncertainty hangs over him. John,
the captive, had a wife, and while at
Quebec wrote a letter to Mr. John Stod-
dard, which letter Mr. Stoddard com-
municated to Governor Shirley, and on
Odober i , 1 746, it was read in the House
of Representatives.

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two thousand pairs of snow-shoes had been made and laid in at
Boston, and what Indian moccasins were necessary.

April 22. A man named Moses Harvey is shot at as he is
passing between Northfield and Deerfield, and narrowly escapes,
the ball passing through the rim of his hat. He returned the
fire, but whether with any efFe<ft is not known.

April 22. The fort or garrison at New Hopkinton is sur-
prised, and six days after an account of it was published in
Boston to this purport: "We hear that the Indians have
lately surprised a garrison house in New Hopkinton, and made
eight men prisoners, whom they found asleep in their beds, the
door being left open, or upon the latch, by a man who had just
gone out a hunting." The names of the captives were Samuel
Burbank, his sons Caleb and Jonathan, David Woodwell, his
wife and sons Benjamin and Thomas, and daughter Mary.
Jonathan Burhank, after his redempticn, became an officer and
was killed by the Indians, they mistaking him for Maj. Robert
Rogers, against whom they had sworn vengeance. Mary
Woodwell, after a detention of six months among the French
at Montreal, returned to Albany, thence to Hopkinton, her
native place. She had been twice married, joined the Canter-
bury Shakers, and died in 0<ftober, 1829, in the one hundredth
year of her age, having been born May 11, 1730. Her first
husband was Jesse Corbett. He was drowned in attempting to
swim across Almsbury river, in Hopkinton, since called Warner's
river, in 1759. She had two sons by him. She afterwards
married Jeremiah Fowler, by whom she had five children.
These fa£ls were gathered from her when in hei .linety-third
year. She stated that there were but six Indians in the party
that surprised the garrison. Her mother, also named Mary,
died in captivity, December 18, 1747, at Quebec. "She lay

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1746.] Attack on Upper As hue lot.

in a burning fever about a fortnight." Samuel Burbank wai
an old man, and died in captivity at Quebec, May 19th, 1748.

April 23. A furious attack is made by a body of about one
hundred Indians upon the garrison of Upper Ashuelot, since
Keene, in New Hampshire. The report of the attack made
at the time is thus given: ** There were about sixty of the
enemy, who were discovered in their approach, by the garrison,
early in the morning; whereupon the men went out to meet
them, and fought, which gave most of the inhabitants time to
get into the garrison, so that there were only an old man and a
woman killed, and one man missing, supposed to be taken cap-
tive. One of our men, being abroad, was surprised by the
Indians, and submitted by laying down his gun ; but the Indian
who pursued, and had, as it were, taken him, coming up to
him with his hatchet lifted up to kill him, thereupon, being
resolute, struck the Indian with his fist such a blow on the
temple as laid him on the ground, which gave him opportunity
to recover his gun and make his escape, which he did, to the
garrison. The name of this man was Ephraim Dorman, and
another says he encountered two Indians, from one of which
he tore off his blanket and carried it with .him to the fort,
leaving him entirely naked."

The enemy had been watching the place, intending, that as
soon as the men went out in the mining, to rush in ; but the
affair with Dorman timely alarmed the rest. It appears that
those who sallied out to fight the enemy met with rough usage,
one man, Nathan Blake, was captured and carried to Canada,
but was redeemed in the winter of 1 747. Another, named Allen,
was redeemed at the same time. The enemy crme on very boldly,
shot down one John Bullard, who soon died, and 8tat>bed one
Daniel McKenny's wife in the back with a long knife, who also

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Death of Holton.

[1746.

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soon died. They burnt six houses and one barn, and killed
twenty-three cattle. In the ruins of one of the burnt hous<;s
were found the remains of several Indians which had been killed,
and placed there by their comrades for concealment, as was sup>
posed. Mrs. McKenny had gone cut to milk her cow, at a
barn near by, and was returning to the fort, when a naked
Indian, probably the one Dorman had stripped, s^-^rted from the
bushes, stabbed her and escaped. She being old and corpulent,
walked, but slowly, and continued her progress, notwithstand-
ing her wound was mortal, till nearly at the gate of the fort,
when blood gushed from her mouth, and she fell and expired.

April 26. Some of the Indians who did the mischief on the
23d, at Upper Ashuelot, as was supposed, waylaid the road
between Lunenburg and Northfield, where they killed and
scalped Joshua Holton of the latter town. He was on his
return from Boston with a large sum of money for the pay-
ment of the soldiers, and parties who had billeted them, among
whom was Mr. Benjamin Doolittle. They soon after peti-
tioned the General Court for the amount due them, in which
petition they said that the last winter they had billeted the
soldiers under Major Edward Hartwell ; that the major delivered
the money to Joshua Holton to pay them, who was killed by
the common enemy as just stated, and the money taken from
him. The petition went through the usual stages, and on June
loth following forty-six pounds seven pence half-penny was
ordered to be paid the petitioners.

May 2. The enemy came again to Number Four, and in
the night hid themselves in a barn some fifty or sixty rods from
the fort. As Seth Putnam a soldier belonging to the fort, went
out in the morning, he war shot down and killed. Upon which
Major Joslah Willard, with two men, ran near the Indians

sesiHiraw«>(w*'-

1746.]

Attack on Contoocook.

undiscovered, and fired upon them, which caused them to make
a hasty flight, with two of their number mortally wounded.
They were in the aft of scalping the soldier when fired upon.
The party of enemy consisted of eight Indians, and was pro-
bably the same company, under a chief named Thesaotin of
the Sault St. Louis, sent out from Montreal about the 20th of
April.*

May 4. At Contoocook, since Boscawen, N. H., a party of
Indians fire upon five white men and a negro named Caesar,
kill one of the white men, named Elisha f Cook, and the negro,
who was the slave of the Rev. Phinehas Stevens, the minister
of the place. They took Thomas Jones prisoner, whom they
delivered at Quebec twenty days after. He died in captivity
in the following August. He belonged to Sherburne, but was
a soldier at Contoocook when taken. At the time of this attack
Capt. John GofF of Harrytown, with some thirty-six men, was
on a scout from the lower towns in the direftion of Contoo-
cook, but was delayed, owing to a failure of a supply of bread,
at Pennycook, and there received the news of the murders.

May 4. A party of the enemy secreted themselves about
the fort at Upper Ashuelot, and in the night attempted to sur-
prise it by causing those inside to open the gate under the im-
pression that some friend had come to gain admittance ; but the
Indian who undertook to counterfeit a friend found a sad recep-
tion, for the sentinel on duty took the precaution to shoot
through the gate before opening it, thus shooting the Indian
through the abdomen also. He immediately retreated for
Canada, but died before reaching Crown Point.

The same day, at Contoocook, a Mr. Thomas Cook and his

* See N. T. Col, Documents, X, 31. which U an ejror, and Judge PtAtet dM
-j- Capt. GofF gave h'u name Thomaa, not corred it.

Attack on Bernardston,

[1746.

'hi

son, and a negro named Caesar, are killed In that part of the
place called Clay Hill, and Elisha Jones is taken and carried to
Canada, where he died in captivity"' the i6th of the following
August, t

May 6. 1 At Fall-town, since Bernardston, a party of
Indians had concealed themselves near by, intending about mid-
day, when the men were at their labors in the field, to rush in
and take the garrison. But a soldier a little space from the fort
discovered them, and alarmed those inside, though he could
not recover it. There were but three men then in it, yet by
the assistance of the women in loading the guns, they success-
fully defended themselves, though the enemy came on with
more than their accustomed audacity. Finding they could not
succeed they dri^w off, the amount of their mischief being the
wounding of John Buck (or Burk, as Taylor has the name)
slightly, and killing ten cattle. The chief leader of the Indians
had his arm broken, and one or two others were wounded.
Burk (or Burke, as the name is since written) became a man of
considerable distinction, served through the war till the fall of
Canada, having attained the rank of major ; was in the battle
of Lake George, in 1755, and hardly escaped from the Indians
at the massacre of Fort William Henry, in 1757.

May 6. At Lower Aahuelot, since Swanzey, Dea. Timothy
Brown and Robert MofFet are fired upon as they were leaving
the garrison. They returned the fire, breaking the arm of the
Indian leader, but both are made prisoners and taken to Canada,

111

f 1

• Price, Hiitory of Boscawtn, 37, and
Farmer and Moore's Oatuttttr, p. 83.

f According to Hov), p. 18, who give*
hit Christian name at Thomas, :ir.d »ayt
be belonged to HoUiitoo.

% The date of thi« afliir il given at

happv.iing on the 9th, by Dooiittle, and
on the 6th, by Taylur. Oen. Hoyt doet not
give the date. In the Hampthin Record
Book it it taid to have occurred on the 9th
of May. See Nnv Eng. Hitt. and Gtn.
ktg., IX, 163,

!;'

^^?'*Sffi!?®^J|||St!;!t'^?3SSi? .

1746.] Death of Captives and others.

arriving at Quebec June 2 2d. They were both exchanged or
ransomed soon after.

May 7. One Christian Tedder or Tether is taken at Sche-
ne£lady. He died at Quebec, after a year and eight days'
captivity, namely, May 15, 1747. The same day died, in the
morning, a young man of much promise, Mr. Hezekiah Hunt-
ington, son of Col. Hezekiah Huntington of Norwich in Con-
necticut. He was captured in a vessel at sea, on the 28th of
June, 1746; hence he had been near a year in captivity. "A
hopeful youth of a liberal education ; " and another says ^* he
was well beloved and much lamented by all sober, religious
persons."

May 9. At Fort Massachusetts, in what is now the town
of Adams, as Sergeant John Hawks and John Mihils, or Miles,
were riding on a horse, they were fired upon by two skulking
Indians, and both wounded. Mihils made his escape to the
fort, and Hawks fell from the horse, and, as the Indians ran to
scalp him, he recovered and presented his gun, which so damped
their ardor that one jumped down a bank, and the other got
behind a tree and called for quarter ; but Hawks was too con-
fused to understand what he meant, so stood hallooing to those
in the fort to con^e to his assistance } meantime both Indians
fled, one having his gun discharged ; the other had dropped his,
and did not dare to venture from his screen to recover it.

May 10. Some of the party of Indians that had fared so
hard at Falltown, waylaid the road at Colerain, about ten miles
northwest from Deerfield. Here, as Mr. Matthew Clark, with
his wife and daughter and three soldiers, were going from the
garrison to Clark's house, they were fired upon. Mr. Clark
was killed and scalped, and his wife and daughter were wounded.
One of the soldiers fought off the Indians with much bravery,
N

■4

V" ■ iWes-Wf*^,;

mmmm

Murders along the Mohawk. [1746.

I m\

and succeeded in getting the mother and daughter into the fort,
having killed one of the Indians. The wounded females
recovered. According to Taylor the party of Indians consisted
of but five.

May 10, Six persons are killed in sight of the city of
Albany, just across the river, two of whom were negroes.
Pursuit was immediately made, but before men could cross the
river and pursue on the other side, the enemy got into the
woods and escaped.

May 13. As three men belonging to the garrison of Saragh-
toga were fishing near that fort, they were surprised by Indians,
who killed a son of William Norwood, took another, a German,
who used to live with Col. John Schuyler, while the third
efFe(fted his escape to the fort. Another person narrowly
escaped being taken in his own garden, within a fourth of a
mile of the city of Albany. So daring have the enemy become
that they are daily seen about the settlements, and yet none of
them are either killed or taken.

About the same time two negroes were taken at Stone Arabia,
since Palatine, on the Mohawk river, a German settlement,
commenced in 1709.

A day or two later they fall upon Kinderhook, burn the
''houses and barns of Tunis Van Sluyck and Peter Vosburgh,
and kill their cattle. The people escaped to the garrison.

About the same time Simon Groot and two of his brothers
are butchered three miles from the village of Schenectady.
The enemy burnt their buildings, killed their cattle, and de-
stroyed their other efFe<as. They were discovered, while doing
this mischief, by the settlers on the opposite side of the river,
who knew some of the Indians, particularly Tom Wilemau,
who had lately removed from the Mohawk country to Albany.

.■■WS!««

m>mimmm»»;A'my^^M

1746.]

Surprise at Broad Bay.

May. At Norman's creek,* about eight miles to the west-
ward of Albany, as fourteen men, all armed, went with a wagon
to bring corn from a deserted farm to a house where several
families had removed for safety, they were met by a party of
Indians, who. killed and took all the party but two, who made
their escape to Albany. 0:ie of these was wounded in the
shoulder.

May 21. At Broad Bay, near the mouth of the Penobscot
river, in Maine, the houses of the inhabitants are burnt, and
their cattle killed about Pemaquid. Some people were killed,
and others carried off prisoners. Among the latter was Capt.
Jonathan Williamson, who, on the 26th of April, 1747, was
carried to Quebec. He was exchanged, and returned home by
way of Boston, after about a year's captivity. f Sullivan was
acquainted with Capt. Williamson, and had the account of the
affair in which he was taken, from Williamson himself. He
was well treated, and being a man of consequence, and well
known to the Indians, was taken alive, for the reason that he
would be able to give the French valuable information.

May 22. At St. George's fort, Capt. Bradbury having sent
out thirteen men about half a gunshot from the fort, to peel
some bark for covering of canoes or whale boats newly got ready
for making discoveries of the enemy. No precautions are
mentioned as having been taken to prevent a surprise, for no
sooner had the men commenced their work than they were
saluted with a volley from an unseen foe, killing at once Elia-

* Although Norman'i kill falh into the
Hudson about two and a half miles below
Albany, yet the course of it is such, that
at eight mile* inland the point would lie
to the wetrwarj of that city. See Spaf-
fbrd't Gasi. of N. T., p. 361, ed. 1814.

f Compare Sullivan, 168, with Hov;,
in Indian Captivitiit, 138. ff^illiamton
was misled by Sullivan. See the former,
II, 251. The editor of the New Tort
Colonial Documents, following Williamson,
hu made the tame blunder. See X, 95.

trmm

Im ?

loo Surprise near George's Fort. [1746.

kim Hunt, badly wounding Stephen Buxton, Samuel Peirce,
John Davis, and Josiah Harvey. They carried off one man,
Timothy Cummings, whom they arrived with at Quebec on the
14th of the next April. The captain of the fort lost no time
in pursuing the enemy with most of his men, not giving them
time to scalp the man they had killed. He captured one of the
Indians, took him to the fort and scalped him. This Indian
was found to be Job's son-in-law. There is another account
of the affair extant, but the above is probably the most reliable.
In this version it is stated that two were carried off captive.
Of those who escaped to the garrison, one was an old man,
who was overtaken by an Indian with his tomahawk raised to
cleave his head, but the old man had presence of mind and
adtivity enough to turn and shoot down his pursuer, scalp him,
and gain the fort in safety. Cummings stated, on his arrival
in Canada, that the Indians killed the ensign as he stood on the
top of the fort, and that five of the Indians were killed. Cum-
mings was sixty years old. He died in captivity on the 14th
of April following (1747).

May 24. A large body of the enemy appeared again at
Number Four. Capt. Paine, with a company of horse, had
recently arrived there, having been sent by the government of
Massachusetts. About twenty men went out to the place
where Seth Putnam was killed, when an ambush rose, fired
upon them, and then attempted to cut off their retreat to the
fort. Capt. Phinehas Stevens, seeing this from the fort, sallied
out with a few of his men, when a fierce encounter ensued.
At length the enemy were put to flight, with the loss of five of
their number killed. They also left on the battle ground,
thirteen blankets, five coats, a gun, and other things. The
English lost Aaron Lion, Peter Perrin, and Joseph Marcy of

avi»A«^

Kfl'.

- ^M,mt^.%^ :ah' ^'BfciA* m.J^^^^

1746.]

Fig6t at Number Four.

loi

Capt. Paine's men } and Samuel Farnsworth, and Elijah Allen,
belonging to the fort. Quartermaster Bacon was wounded,
and with Ensign Obadiah Sartle was made prisoner. Sartle
(or Sartwell, as some write his name) returned not long after.

May 25. At Sheepscott some concealed Indians Are upon
and kill one man, and wound another. The wounded man
seeing an Indian coming swiftly upon him to dispatch him,
courageously turned upon him and cut him down with a hatchet.
A moment after another appeared, but the wounded man suc-
ceeded in escaping to the fort.

This is probably the same event noticed by Smith as happen-
ing two days later. He says, as five persons were returning
from meeting they were fired upon by fifteen Indians, by which
one was killed and one mortally wounded.

On the 30th of May the governor, in a message to the
General Court, strongly urged the attention of the members to
the distressed state of the people ; among other things he said,
" At Fort Dummer they are in extreme distress, also at Number
Four, and other places, by reason of the great number of Indians
that appear there. Upon the advice I had about a fortnight
ago, I sent up three troops of horse, as a most expeditious way
for a present relief; but there is great inconvenience in this,
owing to a want of forage, and they must soon be discharged.
The danger there is of the enemy's being masters of these im-
portant places, I must desire you to provide for their immediate
prote<ftion."

On the 3 1 St of May, Governor Shirley laid before the
General Court a letter from the Rev. Mr. Serjeant, missionary
to the Housatunnuk Indians, in which he recommended retali-
ation of a character which the governor did not fully approve of,
at the same time remarking that he was far from any disposition

•^H

I02

Dogs raised for the Service. [1746.

to countenance cruelty or unnecessary severity ; yet whether
the practice of the French in this very case, and the great
advantage they have over us, unless we make reprisals upon
them in the same way, will not justify us therein, is a matter
which deserves our deliberation. What the particular cast was,
is not now very clear. Howe"*;r, on

June 3, Massachusetts voted to raise two hundred and seven
men to be added to the four hundred and forty posted on the
western frontier. Of these, twenty were to scout from Stock-
bridge (of which sixteen to be Indians), along the river above
Northfield; sixty-one to be posted in the counties of Middle-
sex, Worcester, and on the Merrimack river ; ten at Sheffield ;
ten at Number One ; ten at Number Two ; the remaining
fifty to be a company under such officer as the governor should
appoint, to range the woods with fifty large dogs. Also, twenty
men to be sent to the frontiers of the county of York, in addi-
tion to the six hundred and three already there, and the sixty
men now being raised to range the woods in the same county.
Also a surgeon to be allowed for the eastern service, who is to
reside at Georgetown, on Arowsick island.

June 5. The governor thought it necessary to issue the
following proclamation, so constant were depredations on every
hand not prote<Sled by the open ocean: "Whereas, on the
25th of April last I issued warrants to the colonels of the
several regiments of militia within this province, to give out
orders without delay, for impressing their respective quotas of
men for the defense of the frontiers. And, whereas, it appears
to me that there is a great failure in the execution of the said
warrants in divers of the said colonels, by which means the
inhabitants of the frontiers are much exposed to the attacks of
the enemy."

1746.1

Surprise at Falmouth.

103

June 6. Two soldiers are killed at the side of Westcot's
Field at Long Creek. There were twenty-five soldiera in the
field besides Westcot's own people, and only seven Indians
drove them all, scalped the two soldiers, took oflF their clothes,
secured three guns, and made a safe retreat. They did not
know the soldiers were there till after they had attacked them.
Two of the English stood their ground bravely, though to little
purpose. Their '•imes are one Skillin, and Stephen Irish.

In another and more circumstantial account of this affair, it
is said to have taken place on the 5th of June ; that as three
soldiers were set to guard those at work in the field, being
placed at the entrance of a thick wood, one of them stood with
his back against a tree, while his two companions were care-
lessly diverting themselves lying upon the giound. The Indians
stole up to the tree and attempted by a line to tie the man to
the tree, and then secure the others as prisoners also ; but when
seized the man at the tree alarmed the other two by his outcry,
and at the same time broke away from the Indians, who imme-
diately fired upon him, wounding him in the arm. They also
fired upon the other two as they were rising from the ground,
killing them both. Two of the men at work not far off,
caught up their guns, and, meeting the wounded man, with him
advanced upon the Indians, fired upon and wounded one of
them i upon which they all precipitately fled.

The place of this affair was probably where a small stream
falls into Back Cove ; perhaps on Stroudwater.

June 10. Captain Eleazar Melvin sent in a petition to the
General Court, asking for fifty men to be added to the fifty
already in his company.

June n. Some men who were at work not far from Fort
Massachusetts, are fallen upon by a party of Indians, who kill

104 Attempt on Fort Massachusetts. [1746.

and scalp Elias Nims, and wound Gershon Hawks. They had
laid an ambush of part of their number to cut off the retreat
to the fort of any who might attempt it ; and though the am-
bush rose to carry their plan into execution, were prevented by
a sharp fire from the fort. They took Benjamin Taintor cap-
tive, but he returned not >g after. He was son of Deacon
Simon Taintor of Westborough. Near one hundred of the ani-
mals belonging to the English and Dutch are killed by this
party of Indians, some of whom lost their lives, but how many
is not known. The body of one is found a few days after,
buried in the bank of the river; also some long cords were
found, judged to have been brought along by which to lead
captives.

On the same day Hugh Morrison, of Colerain, reported to
the General Court of Massachusetts that he had built a good,
defensible block-house at his own charge, and also "a garrison
round his h< jse." He requested to be reimbursed, because
these works were a pvblic benefit. The court thought so too,
and ordered the committee which had been appoi:ited to ereft
block-houses in the county of Hamshire, to adjust the matter.

June 12. Captain Arthur Savage, "late of Pemaquid,"
reported thi;t he had expended upon the fort there £1 136 qj. lid.
more than the court had granted him. £284 2f, bd. was voted
him on the 25th following, "includu.;? £100, part of £300
formerly granted and not received."

June 16. Mr. Joseph Swett* is shot from his horse while
riding along the road near Blanchard's, in North Yarmouth.
He belonged to Falmouth. Blanchard's was where Captain
Andrew Blanchard lived afterward.

June 19. Number Four was for a long time a point of great

* In another account Swett'i Christian Aame it given John^ and hii death June 17.

tmi^f^i^^wm>TK^«'V¥''r'.«

1746'] InJiiins repulsed at Number Four. 105

attraction to the enemy, and as it stood in the way of their
excursions to the settlements below, they seemed deter-
mined to destroy it; hence at this time they came against
it in strong force, though their exa6t number is not known.
While the enemy lay in ambush about the fort, Capt. Phinehas
Stevens, the commander of the post, and Capt. Josiah Brown,
from Sudbury, went out with about fifty men to a meadow;
they became aware of the presence of Indians by the uneasi-
ness cf their dogs, and rightly judged that they were waylaying
a certain causey where they were to pass. Capt. Stevens made
his approach accordingly. As the English were cautiously pro-
ceeding, one of Capt. Brown's men discovered an Indian and
fired upon him, whereupon the ambush arose, and a sharp
engagement ensued, and with much '^'■'stinacy, till several of
the enemy had fallen, and were dragged off by their com-
panions. They then scattered in the neighboring woods, leav-
ing behind them one gun, eight blankets, a scalp, and other
things. Capt. Stevens lost none of his men in the fight, but
Jedidiah Winchell was mortally wounded, and died about four-
teen days after. David Parker, Jonathan Stanhope, and Cornet
Heaton i^ere wounded also, but recovered. Stanhope belonged
to Sudbury. His wound was in the elbow, which disabled him
from labor and government allowed him a pension of four
pounds per annum. About thirteen years afterwards he had a
further allowance of one pound per annum in addition. *

•"They received the toss of no men, but
four or five wounded. They sent forty of
the men to carry the wounded men to the
fort, and the rest maintained the fight and
stood them manfully. After the fight
was over they found where they drew off
several dead Indians into a swamp. They

sent down a troop of men to guard Mr.
Doolittle ^nd Dr. Williams to cut off 'he
arm of one of their men [ Stanhope ? ]
that was sore wounded." Deacon Nr-ih
Wrigkf$ Journal, in N. E. Hitt. and
Gen. Reg., II, ao8. Mr. Doolittle is the
same as is mentioned ante, p. lo.

io6

People killed at Sheepscott. [1746.

From another source it appears that Capt. Stevens was pro-
ceeding from his fort in search of horses belonging to his men,
when the Indians were discovered, to the number of one
hundred and fifty, as was supposed. The English had the
advantage of the first fire. Finding they were getting the
worst of it, the Indians fled into a swamp, and the English did
not think it prudent to pursue them ; and they did not explore
the battle ground until the next day, when they found traces of
Indians killed to the number of ten or twelve. The blankets,
swords, hatchets, and other things found there, were sold for
j£40, "a large booty from such a beggarly crew." - - , i i

June 22. Seven persons are killed at Sheepscott ; namely,
three men, two women, and two children, and a girl is taken
captive, as they were at work in a field within a few rods of
the garrison.

* -'■*

CHAPTER VII.

, , i DIARY OF DEPREDATIONS (continued).

Return of Pepperrell xnd Warren from Louisbourg — Ceremoniei thereupon — Attack on Bridg -
man's Fort — People killed ut Rochetter — Fight at Hinidaic — Capt. Route's Failure —
Capt. Drake's Expedition — David Morrison lost — Losses at Number Four — The Six Na-
tions — Depredation at Winchester— At Contoocook — At North Yarmouth — At Northfield —
At Concord, N. H. — At Black Point — At Shatluck's Fort — At Paquage — Siege and
Capture of Fort Massachusetts — French Account of the same — Mohawks at Crown Point —
Constant Bliss killed — Depredation at Deerfield — New Casco — Pemaquid — Schodac —
Saratoga — Saco — Swi«el Cans ordered for Garrisons — A Scalp brought to Boston — SubjeA
of Exchange of Prisoners agitated — Capt. Gorham's Expedition — A French Armada on the
Coast — Its Disasters.

UT amidst the continual alarms from
attacks of the enemy upon the fron-
tiers, it was announced in Boston
that the admiral and general were
coming up the harbor. They appear
to have been expe£ted about this
time from Louisbourg, and nothing
was omitted on the part of the in-
/\ . ; ■ .. habitants to do them honor. They

came in a fifty-gun ship, the Chester, Captain Richard Spry,
with a blue flag at the mizzen topmast, \^hich denoted tha^ the
Admiral of the Blue was on board.

The General Court was in session, and undertook to take
suitable action to receive the conquerors, but the excitement
seems to have caused a hasty adjournment, leaving their pro-
ceedings quite incomplete, and Mr. Secretary Cotton probably
forgot to write up his journal after the excitement was over.
However, we finii that Mr. Speaker Hutchinson was appointed

■■

i' . h }

1 08 Commanders from Louisbourg. [1746.

to welcome the commanders, who seem, somehow, to have
gotten into the council chamber of the court-house before the
court was ready for them, when tuc following ceremonies
occurred: The Speaker said,

"y/fi/m/rfl/ Warren and Sir William Pepperrell:

"The House of Representatives of this Province have a
high sense of the service you have done for his Majesty's Sub-
je£ls in general, and for the People of Nnv England in par-
ticular: And it is with the greatest Pleasure they embrace this
happy Opportunity of acknowledging it.

**In their Name and by their Order I Congratulate you on
your safe Arrival in the Province, and most heartily bid you
welcom. •

"To which Admiral Warren repli'd;

• >t! \

% \

1746.] Surprise near Fort Dummer.

109

*'Mr. Speaker,

" / am obliged to this honourable House for the great Resped
they have shown me : They may depend upon my Zeal and Service
while I live for the Colonies in general^ and this Province in par-
ticular. V '

"Sir William Pepperrell also said as follows,
"Mr. Speaker,

*' / am heartily obliged to the honourable House for the RespeH
they have shown me ; and I hope I shall be always ready to risque
my Life and Fortune for the Good of my dear native Country."

June 24. About twenty Indians make an attack on Bridg-
man's Fort,* about two miles below Fort Dummer, and since
in the to\^n of Vernon, Vermont. They killed William Rob-
bins and James Barker of Springfield, wounded Michael Gil-
son and Patrick Ray, and took Daniel How and John Beaman,
of Northfield, captive, who not long after returned, and the
wounded men recovered. Before they secured Beaman he
shot one of the Indians, killing him outright. How was son
of Daniel How, and nephew of Nehemiah How, who died in
captivity, as already noticed under October 11, 1745. It ap-
pears that the men killed, wounded, and taken, were at work
in a meadow at some distance from the fort, when they were
surprised by the enemy, Belknap gives the names of the men
quite different from Doolittle, whose account is followed.
Belknap says How killed the Indian, that James Baker was
killed, and that John Beaman was taken. And Nehemiah How
records in his journal, that on the 7th of July (1746) John

* A little below Bridgman's Fort, at a place called Cold Spring. fFrigkt^t yournsl.

i ':■<

^^^p^

till

Rochester People killed.

[1746.

Betnan, of Northiield, was brought to Quebec, and that How
arrived there on the loth of February following.*

"On the 1 8th of July Lieut. Falaise brings into Montreal
an Englishman named John Bimant, taken on the ist instant
at Northfils, fourteen miles above Dierfils, by a party of Indians
belonging to the Sauk" [St. Louis]. t

At his examination Beaman did not fail to represent the pre-
parations of the English to take Canada on a scale which
caused the French very great alarm. He told them the English
army designed against Fort St. Frederick consisted of thirteen
thousand men and fifteen hundred Mohawk Indians. This
probably did not exceed the will if it did the power of the
people. He told them the English were determined to perse-
vere till Canada was taken, and that the King of England had
promised to support the colonists till they had effe(fted it.

June 27. A party of Indians came to Rochester, in New
Hampshire, on the westerly side of the northern branch of
Pascataqua river, about twenty-two miles above Portsmouth,
where, discovering five men at work in a field, having their
guns within reach, the Indians cunningly induced the English
to discharge all their guns at once, by firing one of their own.
Having thus in efFeft rendered the English harmless, they
rushed upon them before they could reload their pieces. They
retreated to a small deserted house, securing the door after
them. The Indians mounted the roof, broke through it, and

;k •' '

• Feb. 15th [174^]. My nephew,
Daniel How, and six more, were brought
down from Montreal to Quebec, viz :
John Sunderland, John Smith, Richard
Smith, William Scott, Philip Scofil, and
Benjamin Tainter. Hovi'i Narrative, ai.
Philip Scaffield died on the 7th of April

following. Ibid.

■f French account in N. Y. Col. Docs.,
X, 5 1 ; but the dates do not correspond,
allowing even for the diflvrence of style.
If the French date is right, the people
were killed and taicen on June zo, which
i«, indeed, according to Taylor.

■jfejttfefetoijiig'igjqa ^^

I If* iiitflrri m trr" ■*■!'■ ^tf - '

1746.]

Ftgibi at Hinsdale,

III

with their guns and tomahawks killed Joseph Heard, Jos«,ph
Richards,* John Wentworth, and Gershom Downs. John
Richards they wounded and took prisoner. They then crossed
the river, where, uf>on another road, they found some men in
a field, but all of these escaped. They secured one prisoner,
a boy named Jonathan Door, whom they caught sitting upon a
fence. In little less than a month the Indians arrived at Qu*;-
bec with Richards and the boy. The former was kindly used
by his captors, and his wounds cured, ai.d after some eighteen
months he was sent to Boston under a flag of truce. The boy
Door remained among the Indians some fourteen years, but
returned after the conquest of Canada, having fully acquired
the habits and language of the Indians. At Montreal Richards
underwent a close examination, from whom much information
was elicited as to the great preparations being made by the
English to subdue Canada, more than corroborating the large
statements of Beaman. He returned home not long after, and
lived to an advanced age, dying in Rochester in 1793.

July 3. A small party of Indians formed themselves into
an ambush at Col. Hinsdale's mill, in Hinsdale, N. H., about
thirty-eight miles above Northampton. The inhabitants for
some miles around were obliged to club together and perform
guard duty whenever they wanted their corn ground. At this
time Colonel Willard went with a guard of about twenty men
to the mill, and, mistrusting an ambush, warily proceeded to
discover it, in which he proved himself more alert than the
Indians, for he discovered and routed the ambush, obliging

♦ Aujust I. Lieut. Chitelain. of Three was taken prisoner by a party of Abanalcit
Rivers, arrived [.vt Montreal] with the twenty-three days ago, near Rochetter.
Englishman nimed John Richard, who N. Y. Col. Dotumems, X, 54.

p^p

mmmBBm.

112

Ci)p£. Rous' s Disaster.

[1746.

them to fly, leaving their packs behind them. The plunder
thus secured ihe captors sold for .£40, old tenor.

The better to deceive the enemy, probably, the English com-
menced grinding in the mill before falling upon them, and
although the Indians fired upon Willard's party, with great
resolution the major ordered his men "to fire and fall on,"
which they promptly did, and thus causing them to fly in dis-
may. Of the major's party only one man was wounded, whose ,
name was Moses Wright, two of his fingers being shot ofF.

July 10. Captain Rouse having been dispatched to the '
island St. John (since Prince Edward's), to take off the French
inhabitants, a party of his men, going on shore, are fallen upon
by a large body of Indians, who kill and take twenty-eight of
them;'*' meantime the inhabitants escape into the woods, and .
thus the object of the expedition is d-feated. Rouse had with
him several small vessels, which were magnified, in the French
accounts, into frigates of twenty-four guns and a transport of
seven hundred tons and twenty men. The English landed at
Port Lajoie, now Port Joy, near the mouth of York river.
The number of Indians who surprised the English was two
hundred. They were Micmacs, and under the leadership of
M. Croisille de Montesson. "They killed or made prisoners
of all of them except a few who escaped by swimming" to
their vessels. The English had on shore, "in a park, a
quantity of oxen and other cattle," which they had procured
for provisions. These the Indians killed for their own usc.f
But few of the names of Rouse's men are found, and these

* American Magazine, and Douglass, in this year { and, indeed, in the greater

Neither Hutchinion nor Holmes mention part of the period of this war.
this unfortunate affair. The latter is un- f Paris Documents in Col. History ^

accountably deficient and barren of fa£ts Ncv) TorJt, X, 57.

1746.1

Prisoners in Canada,

were among the prisoners, namely, William Daily, of New
York, who died at Quebec December 26th, following ; Richard
Bennet, died 27th February, 1 747. He belonged to the Jersits.
Samuel Vaughan, died April i8th, ilffj. He belonged to
Plymouth, in New England. Wiliiam Prindle died July 4th,
1748. William Norwood, who died July nth, 1748. A
soldier of Louisbourg, named Davis, who died Nov. loth, 1746.

The following entry in How's journal probably relates to
this sad affair: "August 15th, 1746, seven captives, who,
with eight more taken at St. John's Island, were brought to
prison [at Quebec]. They told us that several were killed
after quarters were given, among whom was James Owen, late
of Brookfield, in New England." *

The same narrator says Robert Downing was brought to
prison (at Quebec) September 12th; that he was one of those
taken at St. John's; that he was with the Indians two months,
and suffered great abuses from them.

To secure the Six Nations of Indians on the side of the Eng-
lish was thought to be of immense importance. Accordingly
Governor Clinton, of New York, had by messengers arranged
for deputations of them to come to Albany on the 20th of
July. He thereupon notified the governors of all the colonies
to send delegates to the conference. An expedition against
Canada had been resolved upon, therefore the cooperation of
the Indians of those nations was thought indispensable; so
much so by the commander-in-chief, Gov. Shirley, that, in his
request to the General Court to appoint commissioners, he said
he had reason to fear the expedition would fail if their aid was
not secured. The result was comniissioners were appointed,

* How'i Narrttivt, p. l8.

»^>*i. i .li w *ii>«ii r ii ' i y ii l >iy«ii . ■^^^•'^•■vfc-

-»feV*»*Wtf>'«*«'9

■--jte-aMR

mammmmmmmmmmm

mumm

114

Scouts and Ambushes.

[1746.

although some difficulty was experienced in finding gentlemen
to accept the office.

The Indians' services, or rather cooperation, was to be
secured by presents. For this end the Massachusetts com-
missioners were to take with them seven hundred ounces of
silver, or an equivalent in gold, which they were to lay out in
articles which they should judge suitable for the purpose of
presents. . ; ;,

July 28. Captain Nathaniel Drake, of Hampton, New
Hampshire, with his troop of mounted men, proceeded to scout
in and about the woods of Nottingham, where some Indians had
been lately seen, but, after ten days' diligent search, none of
the enemy were discovered.

David Morrison, of Colerain, a young lad, seeing a hawk
light on a tree a little distance from his father's fort, went out
to shoot it. As he was intent on his object, about a dozen
Indians sprang from their hiding places, seized and carried him
away captive. Nothing was ever heard of him after.

August 2. At the eastward, " the Indians came upon Mr.
Proftor's folks, and we hear that they killed one."*

August 3. Number Four is again visited by a large body of
the enemy. The >' "gs belonging to the garrison gave notice of
their vicinity. Early in the morning a few men went out, and
near a nursery were fired upon by some Indians in ambush, by
which Ebenezer Phillips is killed. Some time after, as a com-
pany of men from the fort went to bring in the body of Phillips,
the ambuscade rose and fired, as it was said, an hundred guns
at them. The English returned the fire, retreating to the fort.

* Smith*! Journal. Mr. Willii makes tor wai a ion of John, who wa« executed
no note of this in his edition of Smith and at Salem for witchcraft ; that he settled
Dtant, but informs us that Samuel Proc- in Portland in 1718,

e:| l;||=

i w iiii*ii ni—in»nii iiiiii i i i ii m ii inw »« a >w ff ii> w * i i ,i i tiii ii « mm % W( f 0M tt$

i »ll lill

1746.

Surprise at Winchester.

The Indians besieged it till the next day, the men not being
sufficiently strong to make a successful sally. Meantime the
enemy killed all the cattle, burnt all the buildings, and drew off
at leisure.

August 6. About thirty Indians came to Winchester, N. H.,
waylaid the road, and, as six of the white people were passing,
fired upon them, killing and scalping Joseph Rawson, and
slightly wounding Amasa Wright.

This depredation is thus circumstantially narrated by Deacon
Wright: **At Winchester, across the waj', over against Be-
nainon( ?) meeting-house, lay an ambush, as is supposed of about
twenty Indians; and several of our men had business to pass
by, not knowing of the ambush, while the Indians fired on
them and shot two of them. One of them, named Roger
[Rawson] killed, the other, named Amasa Wright, being on«
leg shot through, [and] part of his neck \ recovered himself,
got up and made his escape with the rest of the men. The
Indians fired thick after them, but they all got off alive only
said Roger [Rawson].

" About the same time a small number of Indians ambushed
the road at the Lower Ashuelot, and a number of our men
were passing along that way. Just as they came near the
Indians they turned out of the path, and the Indians seeing
them, supposed they were discovered, and that the English
were surrounding them, rose up and fled through thick and
thin ; and then our men saw them flying, gave them chase, but
the Indians outran them and escaped j and there was no j^/7/
dunne on nary side."

Joseph Rawson was son of John Rawson, of Uxbridge,
grandson of the Rev. Grindal Rawson, the well known
preacher to the Indians, and great-grandson to the old secretary,

^^1

H|i|

m '

ii6

Massacre near Concord.

[1746.

Edward Rawson, Esq.*^ Joseph's father received the wages
due his sun, the following March, from the treasurer of the
colony.

The same day the attack was made upon Winchester, two
men were made prisoners at Contocook and carried off*.

August 9. Philip Grecly is killed at North Yarmouth ;
some thirty Indians were seen secreted in a gully waiting an
opportunity to surprise Wear's garrison, but Ir was saved by the
barking of the dogs.

August II. At Northfield, as Benjamin Wright, a young
man, was riding in the woods to bring the cows home, he was
shot and mortally wounded. He kept on his horse, which
brought him into the town, but he died the following night,
about one o'clock. The ball passed through him, coming out
of the opposite shoulder from the side where it entered.

The same day Hve soldiers fell into an ambush on the road
between Concord and Hopkinton, and are all killed. There
were about one hundred Indians it was said. The killed were
Jonathan Bradley of Exeter; Samuel Bradley and Obadiah
Peters, of Concord ; John Bean, of Brentwood ; John Luf kin,
of Kingston ; Alexander Roberts,! of Brentwood, and William
Stickney, of Concord, were made prisoners. Four Indians
were killed, and two mortally wounded.

August 13. Two Frenchmen and an Indian fire on Mr.
Allen Dover, as he is passing ^^ through the bog, from Black
Point, but miss him. He fired twice on his assailants, and
thought he killed one of them."

August 15. A number of Indians approached to the neigh-
borhood of Shattuck's fort,^ and fired upon four men, but

• See CoUt. N. H. Hist. Soc., Ill, 74. J Miicalled, on » map of the time,
f N. E. Hitt. tmd Gen. Rtg., Ill, 303. Skannak't (oft.

1746] Siege of Fort Massachusetts.

'17

fortunately missed them. A few days before they hung up a
wliite flag JM sight of the fort, intending it probably as a decoy.

August 1 7. At Winchester, John Simmons, bring at some
distance from the fort, was shot at by several Indians, who
missed him. He turned and Bred upon them, dropping on*.
On visiting the spot afterwards, the English found blood upon
the ground, and one blanket. I'hey therefore concluded the
owner of the blanket was killed.*

August 17. Mr. Ezekiel Wallingford is killed near his gar-
rison, at a place called Paquage, Pequaig, Pequioug, etc., wh'ch
is in the present town of Athol. He discovered the enemy
and ran for the fort, but was shot down before reaching it.
His scalp was t.'.ken and borne off in triumph.

About the same time a messenger was dispatched to Boston
from Number Four, who informed the governor of the /V/ state
of that place. The governor, apprehending it of great im-
portance, and not to be quitted but upon absolute necessity,
thereupon ordered a troop of horse to Number Four, " to carry
as great a quantity of provisions as they conveniently canj"
that no part of the forces be withdrawn, except the former
troops } and that upon their return, together with the company
of fifty men with dogs, be direded to guard off as many of the
women and children as may conveniently leave the place."

August 20. Fort Massachusetts, on the Hoosac river, near
the north-west corner of the province, was invested yesterday
by a body of French and Indians, headed by Gen. Rigaud de
Vaudreuil. His army consisted of about seven or eight hundred
men, while the fort contained only twenty-two men, three
women, and five children;. f Of the men, but eight were in

* Dtacon ff^rigbt's Journal. but accaunti dii&r ai to the nuinber, a*

\ Th'u it according to Dr. Lnuglau, will be teen.

'^fiwmsiiimmm

ii8

Fort Massachusetts taken.

[1746.

1
If-

health and able to do full duty. And then they were nearly
destitute jf ammunition, having but some three or four pounds
of powder, and about as much in weight of lead. The garri-
son was in command of Sergeant John Hawks. When
Vaudreuil had kept up the siege about twenty-four hours he
sent in a flag to demand the surrender of the fort. Hawks
consulted with his men, who, in view of their desperate situa-
tion, thought It their most prudent course to surrender on the
best terms they could get. In these Vaudreuil was very liberal.
Ail in the fort were to be well used, and exchanged as soon as
it could be brought about. None of the captives were to be
delivered to the Indians; and that the sick, and such as were
not able to travel, should be carried. Yet it was said that half
of the captives were the next day delivered to the Indians, who
the next night "killed one of the sick men rather than carry

' him," and there was "one man kili-d in the fight," which was
the extent of their loss up to the time of their commencing

their march for Canada. ' ' .. . . •

It was more than a month before all of this forlorn company

. arrived at Quebec ; then twenty-three at one time entered the
prison there.* They reported to their fellow prisoners already
there, that two were killed when the fort was taken, namely,
Thomas Knowlton and Josiah Read. The names of the
twenty-three, as recorded on their arrival at Quebec, are these :
The Rev. John Norton, the chaplain; John Hawks, John

'*' Thii was the number reported, and including women and children, probably.

li^.,* r »i . ii4 n iw»«»i'*». i

» > .i<i»i'»|i>.wili O km

1746.] Captives of Fort Massachusetts. 119

Smead,* wifef and six children, John Perry and wife,| Moses
Scott, wife§ and two children, Samuel Goodman,]] Jonathan
Bridgman,! Nathan Eames,** Joseph Scott, Amos Pratt,ft
Benjamin Sinconds [Simonds], Samuel Lovet,|| David Warren,
and Phineas Furbush.§§ On the ist Odtcber, Jacob Shepard,||]]
of Westborough, taken at Hoosuck, arrived, and on the 5th
of October, Nathaniel Hitchcock,^]^ John Aldrich, and
Stephen Scott were brought in.

The captives, even those with the Indians, acknowledged
that they were generally kindly treated, "according to their
manner," that is, according to the manner of the Indians.

After the enemy had taken and plundered the fort, they
burnt it, thus taking revenge for their severe loss of men,
instead of murdering their prisoners ; for it appears to have
been currently reported, and fully credited, that Vaudreuil and
his Indian allies lost forty-five of their numbers during the
siege, which, considering the weakness of the garrison, is rather
incredible.

The chaplain found an opportunity, before leaving the fort.

• 1;

♦ According to How. vt. 'i. iie died
April 8th, 1747} but according to Nor-
ton, p. 3, John Smead, Jr., died April
8th, 1747. Both doubtless refer to the
tame person. As it will be seen, John
the elder was redeemed, but killed at
home. See 19th Oftober, 1747.

\ She died on the aSth af March fol-
lowing. Her youngest child was born the
second night after she was taken. Hoiv.
Her they named Capti-viiy. She died at
the age of about nine months, at J^uebec.

J She dhi December 23d, following,
•nd the youngest child February loth.

g She died December nth, following.

II He died on the 13d March, follow-
ing. He belonged to South Hadley.

^ Belonged to Sunderland, died in cap-
tivity, July list, 1747.

** He was of Marlborough. Died
No\'. 17th, following.

If He died on lath of April, following.

JJ He was son o*' Major Lovet, of
Mendon, and died January 23, following.

§1 He died in captivity, July i6th,
1747; belonged to Westborough.

nil He died May 30th, 1747. ''A
pious young man."

TfT[ He died in piiton, at Quebec, May
aad, following (1747^.

^fsmmmmmmmmmmmgmm

■

1 20 Captives of Fort Massachusetts. [ 1 746.

to write a letter, which he dated August 20th, 1 746, and placed
upon the well-crotch, of the following purport :

'* These ai e to inform you that yesterday, about nine of the
clock, we were besieged by, as they say, seven hundred French
and Indians, They have wounded two men, and killed one
Knowlton. The General De Vaudreuil desired capitulations,
and we were so distressed that we complied with his terms.
We are the French's prisoners, and have it under the general's
hand, that every man, woman and child shall be exchanged for
French prisoners."* -,.-'::

In the course of the following year the most of the captives
found their way back to New England. Some by way of
France, and some by the West Indies, and some through the
wilderness. Imprisonment was so irksome to many of them
that they were ready to accept of any change. A number of
them arrived at Newport, in Rhode Island, about the ist of
May, 1747, from the West Indies. From them it appears
that when Fort Massachusetts was invested there were only
twenty-two men in it, including the commander. Sergeant
Hawks, and the chaplain before mentioned ; that of these one-
half was sick of dysentery. Consequently they were dispirited,
and too feeble to defend themselves. That the force of
Vaudreuil consisted of five hundred French and three hundred
Indians; yet by noon of the second day the English had lost
but one man,t and two wounded. At this point a parley was
entered into. The enemy displayed their means for capturing
the fort, as axes, hoes, spades, a quantity of facines ready cut,

* Mr. Norton speaks of the termi of \ Thomas Knowlton, shot in the watch

capitulation in hit Redeemed Captive, and tower before mentioned. Hit place of

of this letter, but he does not give the let- residence is not mentioned, but he was son

ter, for the reason, no doubt, that he kept of J^xieph Knowlton, who some time after

no copy of it. See ArriNDix, £. received the wages due his son when killed.

'*; ■'■^JP-VfT' "*!!*

1746.]

Fort Massachusetts.

121

and a number of grenades ; that if they now surrendered they
should all be exchanged the first opportunity ; which, as they
had ammunition to last them " but a few minutes," if the attack
was contii#fed, the terms were accepted. They encamped the
following night near the ruins of the fort.

These captives give a more favorable account of their treat-
ment than that at first reported. By these it does not appear
that the sick man who died the first night after the surrender, was
killed, but died of his malady. All th' rest arrived in seven
days at Crown Point, and in better he;i i.han when they sur-
rendered.

The French account of the sacking of Fort Massachusetts
sheds some new light on that important event, big with so
much suffering and anguish, not only to the immediate victims,
but to their numerous relations and friends, who, though they
escaped the horrors of Indian captivity, suffered a long mental
agony from the harrowing thoughts of what was daily occur-
ring to those friends in the hands of barbarians. .;>;<

The expedition started from Montreal on the 3d of August,
under the conduit of " Monsieur de Rigaud de Vaudreuil, town
major of Three Rivers." Under him were *'two captains,*
one lieutenant, three ensigns, two chaplains, one surgeon, ten
cadets of the regulars, eighteen militia officers, three volunteers,
and about four hundred colonists and three hundred Indians.
They attacked a fort on the Kakekoutef river, near Brockfil,
containing a garrison of twenty-two men, with three women
and five children. After a fight of twenty-six hours, and the
loss of one killed and several wounded in the fort, the garrison
surrendered. M. de Rigaud was wounded by a shot in the

• The name of one of them was De
Sabrevois. N. T. Col. Docs., X. 65. That
of the other does not appear.

f The fart was on a branch of the
Hoocuc river, which is doubtless the river
meant.

,.H!;f*'i»'g|<>i-

Ill:

J. J|. J .. «L,U'S-». L'-i 1. 1' IW.LH' I * t>.' (M.i '. W.

H^ f iMi'imitm'Ji' n

lilt

122

French Report.

[1746.

right arm, and three of his Indians killed ; four Frenchmen and
eleven Indians were wounded. The party set fire to all the
houses and grain within a space of fifteen leagues, with barns,
mills, churches, tanneries, etc." This is substantially according
to the English account.

From an improved version of the French narrative, compiled
later, it is said: "The fort was attacked on the morning of
the 30th of August. [Thus agreeing with the English as to
time, allowing for the difference of the manner of dating.]
They had been on their march ten days. Three women and
five children were found in it. The loss on the part of the
English was not ascertained, as they had buried all their dead
save one. The French loss was one man killed and twelve
wounded. Sieur Rigaud was among the latter. The fort was
burnt on the same day, and the prisoners having stated that a
reinforcement was to arrive from Dierfil, Sieur Rigaud detached
sixty Iroquois and Abenakis on the route they were to come.
These Indians having met this reinforcement, which consisted
of only nineteen men, defeated it, and brought in four prisoners
only, all the remainder having been killed.

" After this expedition Sieur de Rigaud ordered the pillage,
and all the settlements were burnt and sacked, and the harvest
laid waste within a circle of twelve to fifteen leagues. Only
fifty-six prisoners were, however, made in this foray, almost all
the settlers having had time to take refuge in Boston, Deirfil,
and Orange." [Albany.]

Thus was the French government treated to an account of
the Fort Massachusetts affair, with scarcely any likeness to the
true original. It was made intentionally false, and displays a
wonderful want of knowledge in everything which a<£tually took
place, as well as in geography.

^■^.i..?i'i-^u;»,..iui»»'ji-.':tiii.Aj;.'i'iJ=j»iJi«iM;;jt-. j^.\^

1746.] Gov. Shirley on the Situation.

123

After detailing the Sieur Marin's expedition of the i6th of
November, 1 745 — in the same strain of exaggeration —
the writer remarks, that since that foray, "twenty-seven
detachments of Indians had been formed, with a certain
number of Canadians always at their head, to make incursions
on the enemy's flanks, and not one of them had returned with-
out killing or capturing some persons. The number of prison-
ers was, at the date of the departure of the ships from Quebec,
about two hundred and eighty." But the most important
expedition of them all was that against Fort Massachusetts,
just detailed.*

When an account of the capture of Fort Massachusetts
reached Boston, the General Court being in session. Governor
Shirley, in a message to the House of Representatives, dated,
Province House, September 3d, 1746, communicates the fol-
lowing remarks, just and applicable in this connection :

"You may make a judgment of the unspeakable benefit it
would be to this province to have the French dislodged from
Crown Point, by the calamitous state of the western frontiers,
and especially in the late tragedy at Massachusetts Fort, now
burnt down by the enemy, and all the garrison, as well as the
women and children, either put to the sword or carried into
captivity ; the terror of which has reached so far as Northamp-
ton, where the enemy have plundered divers houses, and
destroyed a considerable number of cattle, all of which you
will be informed of by a letter I received last night from Major
Williams, which will likewise be laid before you.

**It may be remembered by some of you, that in the former
wars, when the Indians were more numerous, and our inhabit-
ants in those parts few and weak, that the Indians never made

* See N. T. Col. Dttumtnts, X, 76, 77. ' ;

rir p

--^

il i'

! 3

i ^il

124

Afi?» /^//W ^Z Colerain.

[1746.

such frequent incursions upon them, and very rarely in such
great bodies as they have done in this war, which must be
principally attributed to the advantage they have of issuing out
of a fort so near our borders, where they are furnished with
necessary provisions and ammunition, and to which place they
retreat with their prisoners and booty."

Of course, wi.-n the governor's message was delivered,
nothing was known respecting the fate of the garrison, only
that all had been carried away captives, and the fort burnt.
The great anxiety that prevailed concerning the fate of those
captives, is difficult now to be realized ; scalping, maiming,
starvation, and horrid deaths by torture, harrowed the sleepless
nights of numerous friends in various parts of the province, and
increased a desire to be rid of such troublesome neighbors;
and this desire soon ripened to a determination of an intensity
equal, at length, to the sacrifice required.

Near the end of this month (August) it was reported that
three Mohawks had killed the officer of the French garrison at
Crown Point, and another person, as they were walking in the
garden attached to the fort. These they scalped and brought their
scalps to Schenegtade^ intending to present them to the governor.*
Sixteen other Indians of the same tribe went towards Montreal
with a design to seize some of the French, with a view to bring
them to Albany, but what success they met with is not reported.

August 22. As about ten men were going from Deerfield
to Colerain, two or three Indians having secreted themselves
near the road, fired upon and shot down Constant Bliss, a

* It ie to this ai&ir that the French 1746), amounted r.> .ome Mohegang

officer refers, no doubt, in his record at {Loups) scalping a soldier belonging to the

Montreal : '• All the expeditions of our garrison at Fort St. Frederick, who had

enemies have, up to this time (3 August, gone out unarmed. A^. 7'. CoJ.Docs.,X,^^.

Kntj'.iL:.iit.m*'- ■^.'.>-'^'j4:..iii .i.iy.i . ■ .\ ■ i. - , ,: f.;. , ,.j' . .

.■■....>i ■ .^:/.:.i,.. ■■ ..^,±A^<.A,.... 1. -If.

f M l III f.

^smmSSz'

1746.]

Surprise at Deerjield.

125

goldier from Colchester, in Connedticut, his companions flying
from the place as fast as they were able. The Indians found
a quantity ^f rum those men had left, and, after scalping the
dead man, got drunk, and in their bewilderment wandered to
the vicinity of the garrisons at Colerain, and there slept till the
next morning (as they confessed afterwards), where, had they
been discovered, they might have easily been dispatched.

August 25. About forty* of the army which had reduced
the fort at Hoosuc, stealthily approached Deerfield, about thirty
miles easterly of the former, *'not being satisfied with the
spoil," made at that place. They came first upon a hill at the
south-west corner of the South Meadow, where v/ere ten or
twelve men .^nd children at work, in a situation in which they
might all with ease have been made prisoners — their design
being to take prisoners. But this objeft was frustrated, and the
affair ended much more tragically than perhaps it otherwise
would. It eventuated thus : Mr, Eleazar Hawks was out
that morning fowling, and was at the foot of the hill when the
Indians were coming down into the meadow. Seeing him they
supposed they were discovered, and thereupon shot and scalped
him. This alarmed the people in the meadow, being distant
but a few rods from Mr. Hawks when he fell ; it also prompted
the Indians to aft quickly, which they did, killing Simeon
Amsden, a lad, whom they scalped and beheaded. Mr. Samuel

* Taylrr says there were fifty, and
Doolittle sets them r.i thirty. But the
French account is as follows : " Sixty
Abenakis belonging to this force, went,
afler the fight [at Hoosuc] to lie in wait
for twenty Englishmen who were to come
to the said fort, according to the report of
the prisoners } but, not meeting with <hem,

went further, and some returned with
seven tcalpa, one Englishman, and on«
negro."

" Seventeen Mississaf^ues left De Vau-
dreuil's party during the siege, went six
leagues below Orange, struck a blow and
brought back four scalps." lb. See abeut
the middlt of August, page 1 27, post.

* * "^ '«-3Bi

::iaaH—iMiiii i>ii m\\vi

iMNM

126

People killed at Deerfield. [ 1 746.

Allen, John Sadler, and Adonijah Gillet, of Colchester, ran
a few rods, and then made a stand under the bank of the river,
meeting their savage pursuers with bravery, but were soon
overpowered by numbers. Allen and Gillet were soon dis-
patched, but Sadler succeeded in running across the river, and
thus made his escape "amidst a shower of bullets." Mean-
time some pursued Oliver Amsden, stabbed and killed him,
after having his hands cut to pieces in trying to defend himself
against the enemies' knives. At the same time, three children
of the name of Allen (all living in 1793) l>ci"g pursued, one of
them, named Eunice, was struck down by a blow of a toma-
hawk, "which was sunk into her head," but wlio'ii the enemy
in their haste omitted to scalp. She afterwards recovered.
Caleb Allen, another of the children, made his escape, and the
third, Samuel, was taken prisoner, the only captive obtained on
this memorable and sad day to Deerfield.

The guns and commotion in the meadow at once raised the
town. "Capt. Hopkins, commander of the standing guard,"
and Capt. Clesson, with a body of the inhabitants, with as
much speed as possible, pursued on after the murdering party,
but could not overtake them. Two dead Indians were after-
wards found near where Allen and Gillet were killed, supposed
to have been killed by them before they fell.

It was said, at the time, that but for the delay of the guard
in the town, the enemy might have been cut off" before they
could have gotten out of the meadow. The men had been so
heedless in firing guns at all times, that when guns of alarm
were fired, they were not heeded. 4

The enemy reached Crown Point August 31st, about noon,
with their six scalps displayed in a triumphant manner, including
that of Constant Bliss, killed August 22d. .,_, , , , .

1746-] Depredations at Schodac.

127

August 26. At New Casco, Mr. Richard Stubs is taken
and carried to Canada, where he arrived in October following.
A soldier was killed when he was taken.

The same day John McFarland and his son are severely
wounded near Pemaquid fort, and his fine plantation which he
had there, entirely laid waste, his cattle all killed, and his build-
ings burnt.

About the middle of August six men are killed at Scooduck,
or Schodac, eight miles below Albany. Another is missing,
supposed to be taken captive. Perhaps at the same time, or,
it may be, some days earlier, two men are wounded at the same
place, "one in the arm, who is like to do well, the other in the
neck, which is tho't will prove mortal."

The Indians lately* killed four men and took four others
prisoners, at Saratoga. Capt. Schuyler, in command of the
militia posted there, went out to their assistance, but came near
being cut off, and with difficulty retreated to the fort. Had
the enemy effected this, it was thought they would have taken
the tort. "

To which affair in our narrative the following refers, is not
very clear: "A party of Abenaquis, headed by Ensign Mon-
sigin, who had been detached from Sieur Rigaud's (De Vau-
dreuil) party after his attack on Fort Massachusetts, proceeded
towards Fort Sarasteau [Saratoga]. They met seventeen
soldiers belonging to the garrison, took four of them and
scalped four others. The remainder threw themselves precipi-
tately into the fort, pursued by our people, who killed some of

them."t

The following cannot well be reconciled with any known

* This account wao published in New date is uncertain.
York, September 15, hence the adlual f N. T. Col. Docs., X, 68.

. 1

128

People taken at Saco.

[1746.

events: "M. de Rigaud has also informed us that several
Abenalcies, belonging to his detachment, had set out after his
expedition, to make an attack towards Dearfille [Deerfield] and
Corsac [Hoosuc?] and have taken fifty-six scalps.*

Sept. 6. At Saco one man, Joseph Gordon, is killed, and
hi brother, Pike (jordon, is taken captive and carried through
the wilderness to Canada, after a month's travel. He reported,
on his arriving there, that his brother was killed when he was
taken. Just two months after his arrival, namely, on December
6th, he died in prison, of a prevailing sick'^ess which carried
oft' a great j.u.iiber of the poor, unfortunate captives. He was
sick but eleven days, and all the time delirious. f

The accounts from the western frontiers were still full of
terror and alarm, insomuch that Governor Shirley recom-
mended the sending of a number of swivel guns to be used
in all the public forts, and some to be loaned to other exposed
garrisons.

About the same time an Indian, in the English interest,
brought to Boston the scalp of another Indian, probably taken
from one killed at Deerfield on the 25th of August. The
governor recommended that it might be advisable to grant
him some gratuity, but whether any action followed is not
known.

Strong appeals from captives in Canada frequently found
their way to their friends, and through them to the governor,
who would gladly have sent flags of truce for their exchange,
if he could have done so without putting at hazard the general
welfare of far greater numbers. It was of vast importance to
follow up the blow which he had dealt the French at Louis-

♦ V. Y. Col Doct., X, 68. Probably f There is a fully detailed account in
a great exaggeration. Foltom'i Sac9 and BidtUford, 243-6.

1746.]

The French Armada.

129

bourg last year, by a formidable attack upon Canada, already
in preparation ; therefore he could not send a flag to the enemy
without at the same time conveying intelligence of his prepara-
tions. In this judgment all concurred, and the matter was laid
aside for the present.

■ About the end of September, Captain Gorham, who com-
manded the rangers at Nova Scotia, which consisted of Cape
Cod Indians chiefly, with a party of his men went down
Annapolis river, and, discovering a number of inhabitants at
work in their fields, landed \ secreting his Indians, he went alone
among the enemy, feigning to be a Canadian oflicer, and, upon
a signal, his Indians sprang from their hiding places and sur-
rounded the whole party. The captain's objedl being to gain
intelligence, he carried off only a few of the most intelligent.
The greatest alarm had prevailed all along the coast of New
England, as news was daily brought to Boston that a numerous
fleet of fVench ships of war were seen in the neighboring seas.
It proved to be a powerful armada under the Duke d'Anville,
quite numerous enough to take possession of New England,
and to bring all North America under the yoke of France.
That such would have been the fate of the country, had it not
been for the opposition of the elements, seemed quite probable.
But, like the great Spanish armada of 1588, it could not fight
against tempests and pestilence, which came to the aid of New
England In 1746, as they did to Old England above one
hundred and fifty years before. The cases are quite parallel,
though New England had no fleet of a hundred ships, with
Drakes, Howards, Hawkins, and Frobishers to resist the French
in their approach. Yet a vigorous defense was determined
upon, and Governor Shirley had called on the inhabitants of

■' ni

ilp

■••w>Ma>iM««WMiMMIMMM

■ <<HlllW mWiMilfcit

130

The French Armada,

[1746.

the country to come to the defense of Boston, and in a few
days above six thousand men were paraded on Boston Com-
mon. But thu enemy did not appeal, and news soon came that
by tempests and sickness the fleet was rendered harmless;
whereupon, on the 7th of November, the governor was re-
quested to appoint a day of thanksgiving.

CHAPTER VIII.

DIARY OF DEPREDATIONS (coating«4).

tartloi* — Shcepwoll — GrMt SIckntu among Ihc Indiani — Dcpredttien «t Concord — Dogt In

th« Jervic* — Ordered to be ditpoied of- DUcuiiion reipeOIng RelalUtion — Reward for
Priionert and Scalps — Succcm of (omc Mohawki — Uorernor Shirley °i Notice of It — Ocnrral
Noble') Dliatler and Death— Indian Stratagrm to burn Shatluck'i Fort —Captain Mrlvln'i
March up the ConneAicut — Number Pour attacked and bravely defended — Commodore
Knowlet notlret Captain Slevent, thedcrenJer — The Place namrd for him — Another iixpe-
ditlon by Mohawki — Narrative of it — French Account — Saratoga attacked again — Depre-
dation at Kinderhook — At Scarborough — At Saccarap — Northfield — Wincheeter — Avliue-
ioti — Saco — Falmouth — DamariKolta — Canajcharie — Well* — Toptham — Suncook —
Pemaquid — Rocheiter — Some Mohawki bring in Scalps — Attack on Rocbeiter — Saratoga —
Lieutenant Chcw't Diaatter — Hcndrik'i Expedition — Dtpredalion at Fall Town — Cole-
rtin — Burnet's Field — Witcasset — Bpeom — Nottingham — Aihaclot — Northampton —
Pemaquid — Fight at George's Fort — David Brainard — Capture of Rainbow — Sergeant
Mawki'i Mission — John Smead — Depredation at Bridgman's Port — At Number Four.

fOW the frontier of New York was
left so much exposed, has already
been explained. On October 12,
at Saratoga, sixteen men are killed
and taken, about a mile from the
fort. They belonged to Langdon
and Hart's companies. The men
attacked behaved with great cow-
ardice, except one Lieut. Johnston
and the ensign of Hart's company. The latter, having killed
two Indians, returned to Albany with the gun of one of them."'

* The date of this item is /rom another seven men were killed, six of whom were

source, from which it is learned that the scalped, and seven were msasing. Among

party attacked was guarding some wagons j the prisoners was Philip Scofield, a soldier

that the number of the Indians was from Pennsylvania; he died at Quebec

thought to be one hundred and fifty; that the 8th of Apiil, 1747.

132

Employment of Dogs.

[1746.

About the same time Governor Shirley ordered Brig. -Gen.
Dwight to march to the western frontiers with five hundred
men, and there to employ them to the best advantage for the
defense of the inhabitants. *v

06tober 20. At Sheepscott, Robert Adams and John McNeer
are taken and carried to Canada. At the same time and place
James Anderson is killed. Mr. Adams arrived at the prison
in Quebec on the 19th of November following.

November. A great sickness prevailed among the St. John's
Indians, carrying off great numbers of them. Thus it was
also among those of Cape Sable.

The yellow fever carried off near an hundred of the Mohe-
gan Indians this year also.

The Cape Sable Indians were terribly reduced by a contagion
communicated from the French fleet. Admiral La Jonquire's
men were carried ofF by ship fever. The clothing of his men
who had thus died was given to those Indians, from which the
disease was communicated to them.

November 10. At Concord, N. H., a Mr. Estabrook is
shot and killed by some lurking Indians who had waylaid the
road near where the men were killed on the nth of August
last.

November 12. The fifty men formerly ordered to range
the western frontiers with dogs, not having been provided with
subsistence for a continuance of the dogs in the service beyond
the present time, John Stoddard, Esq., is directed to order the
dogs to be disposed of, and there is no mention that they had
been of any service whatever.

Dogs seem to have always been used in the wars with the
Indii^ns. The Spaniards employed them in South America,,
and in King Philip's war they aded their part in that desperate

'"A

^mfmrni'm

tmmmmmmimim

mmmgfim:

1746.]

Ref^ ation Discussed.

133

struggle. In the war with the Western Indians, in 1764,
among the precautions to be observed by the troops in going
against them, was the following: "Every light-horse man
ought to be provided with a blood-hound, which would be
useful to find out the enemy's ambushes, and to follow their
tracks f they would seize the naked savages, or at least give
time to the horsemen to come up with them, and they would
add to the safety of the camps at night.*

In that cruel and unjustifiable Florida war of near seven
years' duration. General Z. Taylor was authorized to import
blood-hounds from Cuba, with Spaniards to diredt them.
Many were thus obtained, and a£lually employed in the service. f

Early in the winter of 1746-7, an earnest discussion came
up in the General Court of Massachusetts respecting a course
of retaliation which many had urged should at once be pursued
against the enemy, and at his own doors. Precipitate action
on the part of the lower house immediately followed, and
bounties for prisoners and scalps were authorized; but when
this vote was sent to the Council that body nonconcurred, and
appointed a conference upon the subject, at which some modi-
fication of the vote in the house took place, and the following
preamble or explanatory declaration preceded the retaliatory
action of the house in these words :

" His Majesty's subjects the inhabitants of the inland frontiers
of this province, having both in former and later wars been
grievously distressed by parties of French and Indians fr»m
Canada, surprising and murdering men, women and children,
and takl'ig of their scalps, as a trophy and evidence of barbarity ;
and it having repeatedly been represented to the governor of

• See Bouquet') Exptditian, p. 50, edi- f See Book of tk§ InJi^HS, TV, 149,
tion, London, 1766, 4to. etc., 7th edition, 1841.

-♦^- ■!**».,

>», i(i > i ,4 iiiii . |ii<ii i; iii)i l^'1i;P < l|j > i ^ ;

134 Bounties for Indians and Scalps. [1746.

Canada, that if this unchristain and unmanly way of making
war was encouraged or suffered to be continued, it should be
avenged and retaliated on the inhabitants of the French govern-
ments ; and he the said governor, notwithstanding said repre-
sentations and warnings, persisting to employ and send out the
vassals and dependants of the King his master, French and
Indians, who since the commencement of the present war have
captivated, destroyed, scalped, mangled and barbarously used
great numbers of the good people of this and his Majesty's
other governments.

"Therefore, for the future safety and protection of the
frontiers of this Province, and more efFe£kually to deter the
French, and Indians under their direction and influence, from
carrying on the war in a way jlv* manner abhorred by christian
and civilized nations, and justifiable from the principles of self
preservation only; Resolved, that the following bounty be
granted and allowed to be paid to such Indians as shall go out
by order or direction of this government, to Canada or the
borders of Canada, in quest of the enemy, viz, for every male
prisoner above twelve years of age, ^640. For every scalp of
any male above twelve years of age, that shall be brought as
evidence of his death, X38. For every female prisoner, and
each male prisoner, under twelve years of age, ,£20. For
every scalp of such female or male, under twelve years of
age, X19."

It was also voted that any Indian setting out on an expedi-
tion for prisoners and scalps, be allowed five pounds ; that it
was advised some Englishmen should go with the Indians ; such
were to receive the same bounty. John Stoddard, Esq., was
to have the directing of all such parties, and pay their bounties.

In the mean time news was received from the westward by

•t' 1

mm^m^^

.. I i*<iiirii*A<i

Mi ^m ii I , 1*11 ■ ■■

mm^itmimmmm

1746.] Mohawks attack the French.

135

express, which arrived in Boston on the 3d of December, to
the efFed^ that the Mohawk Indians had made a successful
incursion into Canada. One party struck a blow at Cader-
ougui-Lake, killed eight persons and brought away six scalps,
and took seven or eight Frenchmen prisoners, all of which
prisoners and scalps they brought to Albany. Another party,
under the chief Hendrik, went to Montreal, and after a con-
ference with the governor of Canada, went to Isle La Mott,
in Lake Champlain, where they fell upon some Frenchmen
getting out ship timber, killed and scalped one, and took another
prisoner. The report of the guns alarmed some men in a
house not far off, who, on coming out to discover the cause,
were also fired upon with buck-shot. The Mohawks then
immediately took to their canoes, and with their prisoners and
scalps proceeded to Albany.

In his message to the General Court on the 30th of this
month. Governor Shirley alludes to such retaliations in these
words : " Since the last sitting of the Court I have received
advice that two parties of Indians of the Six Nations have been
engaged in a£ts of hostilities against the French of Canada,
within their own settlements, in which they have killed five
persons and taken nine prisoiiers : the first open breach of those
nations with the French in this war will, I doubt not, be
attended with considerable advantage to us if we rightly im-
prove them by encouraging the Indians."

January 31. From untoward circumstances, the expedition
against Canada the last year could not be prosecuted. In order
to improve some of the men raised for that service. Governor
Shirley set on foot a winter campaign to drive the French and
Indians out of Nova Scotia. About seven hundred men were
employed in this service, under Col. Arthur Noble. But the

wi.V'i * r.'vH

. - I ii .1 I i ~ . jT Hi '1 1-ir' I •,ir.Mlrnii;«a-.i. ■,i^faru'j ^ ,'..,iu'Wr , .f,j|(-. ;^,'»_;)...^,,, ..i„. .,

Il «' (<> w ijl(j»t| >> |i 't li i^ i (

, II

136

CoL Noble's Disaster.

[1747-

French were beforehand of them; for M. De Ramesay had
already garrisoned Minas, the objeftive point, with a superior
force. In his march to that place Noble was surprised in his
camp by a superior body of French and Indians, himself and
four of his principal officers, and seventy men, are killed, and
the rest made prisoners.* But few of the names of those
engaged in this disastrous expedition have been met with.
Among them is that of William Nason, of Casco Bay. He
was taken, carried to Quebec, and died in prison there, June
20th, 1747.

March 30. About forty Indians came to Shattuck's fort,
between Northfield and Col, Hinsdale's, with a design to burn
it. Having prepared faggots of spruce and pitch pine wood
with the ends dipped in brimstone, with fire in a kettle covered
with a blanket, they crept silently up to the fort in the night,
and succeeded in setting it on fire, which burnt down that
part of it which stood on the south side of the brook. Im-
mediately after the wind changed and blew from the opposite
point of the compass, and the soldiers and people within, get-
ting into the other part, by the help of the brook and wind,
stayed the progress of the flames. The Indians were amazed
to see their prospers thus blasted, and soon after retreated.
The soldiers fired upon them, breaking the leg of one of the
assailants. Captain Daniel Shattuck was the owner of the
fort. He removed to Northfield, from Worcester, about 1723,
and to Hinsdale about 1736, where he died in 1760, aged sixty-
seven. His fort was about one hundred rods east of Connefti-

* A minute detail of this affair by the found very clearly detailed in a very able

French officers engaged in it ii given in work entitled Memoirs of the Last War

N T. Col Docs f X, 91, 9a. A more (London, 1757), pp. 85-89. The Eng-

Avorablc account to the English will be lith called the French commander Ramtay.

■.■^i-<i):(in+,n«tt^i|«S«t'Jl(H>Ai

■fpp^^pp

1 747-]

Block- Houses manned.

137

cut river, one mile south of Fort Hinsdale, and one mile south-
east of Fort How, on the west side of the river, and three
miles south of Fort Dunner.

March 31. Capt. Eleazer Melvin being at Northfield with
some of his company, on hearing of the attack on Shattuck's
fort, marched at once in pursuit of the enemy. But they had
crossed the river, and at Great Meadow were discovered on the
opposite side and fired upon, by which one was killed. Melvin
then went to Shattuck's ^ort, which was deserted, and burnt the
rest of it, to prevent the enemy from having the gratification
of doing it, if they should return.

At the urgent and frequent solicitations of Gov. Shirley, the
General Court passed the following order for the better security
and defense of the frontiers-
April I, 1747. "Ordered that there be pay and subsistence
allowed for a garrison of twenty men to be posted at North-
field, and twenty at each of several block-houses to be built
four miles distant one from the other, and to extend on a line
from Northfield to Townshend; said men to be constantly
employed in scouting from one block-house to another; and
that there be allowed two swivel guns to each block-house; and
that there be pay and subsistence allowed for a garrison of twenty
men in the block-house at Fall Town ; * twenty at a new block-
house to be built between Fall Town and Colerain ; twenty at
Colerain; twenty at the block-house commonly called Fort
Shirley ,t twenty at Fort Pelham;J twenty at a new block-
house to be built west of said Fort Pelham ; and thirty at a
block-house to be built near where Fort Massachusetts stood ;
and that two swivel guns be allowed to each block-house, except
the two block-houses west of Fort Pelham, which are to be

* Since Bernardtton. f Heath, % Rowe.

■ . ■li'

138 Mohawks surprise the French. [i747-

allowed one swivel and one four-pounder each ; and scouts con-
stantly maintained from one block-house to another, and also
west from Fort Massachusetts ; and that a number not exceed-
ing ten of the inhabitants of Colerain, and ten of those at
Green River, above Deerfield, be kept in pa) of the Province.

"And it is further ordered, that pay and subsistence be
allowed to thirty men at the block-house on George's river,
near the fort there ; and also pay and subsistence to three
hundred and seventy men for the defense of the eastern frontier
from Berwick to Damarascotty ; and that His Excellency be
desired to cause one hundred and fifty of said three hundred
and seventy to be employed for the defense of the frontier from
Berwick to Pesumpscot river, and two hundred and twenty
from said Pesumpscot river to Damarascotty ; and that of said
three hundred and seventy there be one hundred and fifty of
such of the inhabitants as are so exposed to the enemy as to be
unable to support themselves by their labor, the pay and sub-
sistence of the aforesaid forces, both for the eastern and west-
ern frontiers, to continue till the first of July. Said forces to
be inclusive of those already on the frontiers."

April 3. A company of Mohawks were sent out from the
Mohawk Castle towards Crown Point by Col. Johnson, in
pursuance of orders from Gov. Clinton. The following is
Johnson's report of the doings of the party which was led by
Lieut. Walter Butler, Junior.* "They went to Crown Point,
where they lay two days upon a hill, from whence they had a
good view of the fort. They discovered nothing except two
large canoes full of men, that they saw go from the fort towards
Albany ; and, by the shouting the men made as they left the fort,
it was concluded they were going to scalp. The third day the

* Documents, Colonial History of New York, VI, 343, 344.

1747.] Mohawks surprise the French, 139

party came down from the hill and divided into two parties, one
of which consisted of thirteen men came upon the track of
several persons going towards the garrison ; they pursued them
till they got within half a mile of the fort, when they dis-
covered a party of the garrison resting on a fallen tree, and
were employed in beating and dressing touchwood, which they
had found in the woods where they had been upon the patrol.
Our thirteen Indians took the opportunity of approaching under
a bank. By the advantage of the bank they got very near the
French without being discovered, and found that the enemy
consisted of twenty-seven soldiers and three Indians. Our
Indians fired upon them and killed three ; whereupon the enemy
flew to their arms and returned the fire briskly, but without any
execution. Our Indians having loaded again, gave them a
second volley, killed one more and wounded three ; upon which
the enemy retreated, but one of their officers brought them
back to their ground again, and then they fought smartly, and
the chief of our Indians was wounded through the breast and
one arm, and another slightly on the knee. Upon this, it is
said, our Indians, enraged, fought more like dcvik than men.
One of our Indians run up (on observing one of the French
Indians presenting his piece) within ten yards of him, and dis-
charged his piece loaded with swan shot, into his breast, upon
which he fell down dead; the other two French Indians, on
this, run for it. This discouraged the French so much that
they all likewise fled towards the fort, except two officers and
a sergeant, who continued fighting bravely till they all three
fell. Part of our Indians, in the meantime, pursued those that
fled till they came within musket-shot of the fort, and say they
saw nine wounded men carried into the garrison by the others.
They then returned to the place of action, but observing a

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•AAMc -vUMMliriMllW-

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» 1 i.

140

Attack on Number Four.

party from the garrison coming after them, they had only time
to take six scalps. The enemy pursued them closely two days,
till they came to the lake from whence a river issues that runs
towards the Mohawk Castle, One of the French officers, the
Indians say, Was a young man dressed in blue, with a broad
gold lace, who fovtght with undaunted courage till he was
grievously wounded, and then called out for quarters in the
Indian language ; but, perceiving his wounds were mortal, they
dispatched him. This is considered the gallantest action per-
formed by the Indians since the commencement of the present
war." The party returned to their head-quarters on the 24th
of the same month.

This expedition is thus noticed in the French accounts:
** We learn (May 7th) by a courier just arrived from Montreal,
that in the la;.t days of April a party of Mohawks and English
had fallen on twenty-one French scouts near Fort St. Frederic,
and killed and scalped five of them. Sieur Laplante, an officer,
had been very badly treated on that occasion, having received
seven gunshot wounds. This unfortunate occurrence was the
result of too much confidence on the part of the French, who
have been surprised." *

The Sieur Laplante was doubtless the officer in blue with
gold lace trimmings, just mentioned in Johnson's report.

April 7. Number Four had been abandoned some time pre-
vious to this, and was taken possession of by Capt. Phinehas
Stevens and about thirty men, who were employed in ranging
the wilderness to intercept parties of the enemy. They had
had possession but a short time before an army of French and
Indians under Mons. Debeline appeared before it. Meantime
Stevens had strengthened the fort and took every precaution to

* Colonial Documents before cited, X, 96.

■ ' rt ' T " • ' Ml ' nli-| [

iiiiliii II

••^rmm

^mmmimmmi

1747.] French repulsed at Number Four. 141

prevent surprise. Debeline and his men attacked the place
with much confidence, shooting fire arrows, running up car-
riages by long poles, loaded with faggots, to set fire to the log
fort ; but Stevens " had dug trenches from under the fort, about
a yard outwards, in several places, at so near a distance to each
other, as by throwing water we might put out the fire." This
and other precautions had the desired efFe<ft, though the enemy
continued their attack with fire arrows for near two days. Then
Debeline sent in a flag for a parley. Stevens consented, and
hostages were given and taken. The surrender of the fort
was demanded, with the usual promise of good quarter and a
safe condudt to Montreal. Stevens answered promptly that he
would never give up the fort. Then the enemy proposed to
buy some corn of him, but Stevens said he would not sell them
a kernel, but he would give them five bushels apiece for every
hostage they would send in, to be retained till they should
return a like number of captives.

Finding they could gain nothing by diplomacy, they resumed
their fire arrow operations ; but pretty soon became convinced
that they had men to deal with that were not to be frightened ;
so, to make a safe exhibition of their courage, they commenced
formidable preparation to storm the fort, which they probably
had no intention to put in pra£tice, for on the night of the third
day of the siege they decamped, and were seen no more for
this time. All the damage the garrison sustained was the
wounding of two of Stevens's men slightly, namely, Joseph
Ely and John Brown.*

The news of the gallant and successful defense of Number
Four, caused much rejoicing all over the country. At the
same time Commodore Knowles, afterwards Sir Charles

* The French account will be found in N. T. CoJ. Dots., X, 97.

■ !

-tii4U..i>'ll?h7il.iftil,

1 1 III flMl^iryi|-nil»>i

142

Surprise at Saratoga.

[1747-

Knowles, arrived with a small squadron in Boston harbor. He
had been governor of Louisbourg since its capture. On hear-
ing of Stevens's success, the commodore was so well pleased
that he afterwards sent him a silver hilted sword. It was in
compliment to the commodore that Number Four was named
Charlestown.

The enemy appeared in large force at Saratoga the same day.
As Capt. Trent, with Lieut. Proctor's party, went out along
the river to the ruins of Capt. Schuyler's house, in order to
cross the river, they were ambushed by sixty French and
Indians, who killed eight of them on the spot, and wounded
several others. Trent and Proftor rallied their men, and
bravely fought the enemy near an hour. In the meantime
Capt. Livingston dispatched Capt. Bradt with a companv, who
came up on the opposite side of the river, and soon after the
enemy drew off, leaving some plunder and one wounded
Frenchman behind them.*

April 10. The same party of the enemy next appeared at
Kinderhook, where they surprised a party of eleven men at
work, killed two of them, and made the other nine captives.
They then burnt the house and barn of Mr. John Van Alstine,
and escaped unmolested. f

April 13. A young man named Nathaniel Dresser is killed
at Scarborough, within two hundred yards of a garrison,^ and
the day following,

April 14, the enemy appeared suddenly at Saccarappe, six
miles from Portland, captured and carried off William Knight

* This was one of M. de Rigaud's ex- New York Colonial DoeumentSf X, pp.

peditions, sent out by him from Fort St. iiz, iic.
Frederic under the immediatu command -}- See Ibidem^ 116.
of M. de St. Luc, at the head of tv/o \ See more full particulars in Colli,

hundred Frenchmen and Indians. See Mame Hiit. Soc., Ill, 170, 171.

-iUii-)M'f» *«^'»«!--'*-»M>»l««r*ii*ii4ac,,gj(|^-.jp...^, ■■- i«ai«>.*4»^.)^.- r^)<U 4 i< im l mm i>'M^- ■^** ^ - * mf m: *m-t*-^^'<rf^tni'^ ■v^T ' ■ H WH M *t » W'v*f »-i

■w^^ww^pp

1747.] Men killed at Northfield.

143

and his two sons. Within the same week they killed a Mr.
Eliot and his two sons, and carried a Mr. Marsh or Murch into
captivity.

April 15. At Northfield, a little after sunset, Nathaniel
Dickinson and A>ahel Burt are killed and scalped as they were
bringing cows out of the woods. They then made their way
to Winchester and the two Ashuelots, and burnt all the three
places, which had been deserted by the inhabitants, the govern-
ment not being able to protect them. They complained
mournfully that the soldiers had been withdrawn, leaving them
with no means of taking away their effects.

On the same 15th of April two men are killed near a garri-
son at Saco, and a third is made prisoner. The three men had
been weighing hay in a barn, and when they left their work
were Hred up>on. This mischief was done in sight of a ship-
yard where some carpenters were at work.

April 21. A party of the enemy to the number of fifty, as
some reported, came within the bounds of Falmouth, killed a
Mr. Foster, and made captives of his family consisting of his
wife and six children.

April 25. The Indians appear again at Saco; some fifty or
sixty of them attacked the block-house there, and endeavored
to burn the mills. They kept up the attack all day, and were
prevented effecting their objeft by the few brave men stationed
there, and had two of their number killed.

April 27. Eleven Indians appeared at Damariscotta, killed
two women and scalped one of them. The husband of another
of them, Capt. John Larman, is made prisoner, carried to
Canada, and delivered at Quebec on the 14th of May follow-
ing. One account says the women killed were wife and
daughter of Capt. Larman. Smith appears not to have heard

nmsmms'-

144

Many slain at PemaquiJ. [ 1 747.

of the attack until the 8th of May, and then not to have had
the names of the sutFerers. His entry in his journal is : " May
8. We hear the Indians yesterday, at Damariscotta, took a man
and killed his wife and daughter-in-law."

At Canajoharie a party of ten French Indians captured a
man. Two others heard the man halloo for help, and ran to
his assistance, and Bred upon his captors, killing one and wound-
ing another ; at which the rest fled, leaving their dead companion
behind them.

May 2. Five Indians have this week killed two women
about Falmouth. . ,

May 4. A man is chased into the center of the town of
Wells, and the day following one Hinkley is killed at New
Meadows Neck. He had a brother killed at another time.

May 9. At Topsham a canoe, in which were three men
and one woman, is shot into by Indians in ambush, by which
two of the men are killed and the other sorely wounded, but
the woman escaped unhurt.

May 21. As two men were returning with their grist from
a mill, between Amauskteg and Suncook, they were fired upon
by a party of Indians, supposed to be about sixteen, and one of
them was killed on the spot ; the other escaped remarkably, as
three bullets went through the brim of his hat, and ten through
several parts of his coat, while only two of them grazed the
skin of his arm and side. The man killed was named Starkee,
whom the enemy scalped.

May 22. Fourteen men and a lad, belonging to two fishing
vessels at Pemaquid, went up to the Falls to take some alewives
for bait, and coming near the Falls in a whale-boat and canoe,
belonging to the fishing schooners, six of the men went on
shore, and \yhile dipping for alewives were shot upon, but none

1 747-] Massacre at Sagadahock.

145

were killed. All retreated except Capt. John Cox, who stood
his ground and was killed. The other five on approaching,
as was supposed, a more advantageous ground, faced the
enemy, but were soon overpowered, and four of them killed.
The other seven of the company had got about half way from
the boat when they were attacked and immediately scattered,
and were pursued by the enemy, who killed two of them \ the
remaining four men and the boy recovered the whale-boat to
escape, but were shot upon and two more killed outright, and
Mr. Abner Lowell sorely wounded, and Capt. Joseph Cox
severely, whom they put on shore on the other side of the river,
being followed by four of the enemy in the canoe, who soon
overtook Capt. Cox and killed him, cutting open his skull with
their hatchets. Mr. Lowell and the boy not being able to
manage the boat, watched their opportunity and fled on shore.
The lad, being fatigued, ran into some bushes and efFedtually
hid himself. Although the Indians made much search for him
they did not find him. Mr. Lowell and the boy finally escaped
to a sloop, Capt. Saunders, who brought them off. Three of
the men were supposed to have been taken prisoners, viz :
Reuben Dyer, Benjamin Cox, son of Joseph before mentioned,
and Benjamin Mayhew. Those found killed and scalped were
Captains John and Joseph Cox, Lieut. Hawes, Nathaniel Bull,
George Clark, Jacob Pett, George Caldwell, John Smith, and
Ezekiel Webb. Those not accounted for were Edward Bull,
and Josiah Weston or Wesson.*

* Th- names are obtained from several
lources ; and although some of them differ,
and no one account contains all the tifteen,
the above list is believed to be correal.
Smith has a Fiacent, but I find fifteen
without that name. All agree that there

were fourteen men and a boy or lad. The
party which committed this savage adlion
consisted of fourteen Pannaouamske Abe-
naquis. French accounts in N. T. Col,
Docs.f X, 107. See also Boston GazetH
and fVeekly Journal, June ad, 1747.

I -Wit

liil

146

Fight near Hoosuck.

VlM'

John and Joseph Cox belonged to f'almouth, Smith and
Weston to Purpooduck ; Dyer, Mayhew, and Benjamin Cox to
Falmouth. . ^ ^ . %

May 23. At Rochester, New Hampshire, Samuel Drown
is shot in the hip, in which he carried the ball till his death,
which happened in 1795, at the age of ninety years.

May 25. Some of the forces destined for the expedition
against Canada, had been ordered to rebuild Fort Massachusetts
at Hoosuck. The enemy's scout , apptar to have watched the
undertaking, for they partially surprised a party of one hundred
and two men which had been sent thence to Albany on the
19th of May, to guard stores for Fort Hoosuck. The guard
was under the command of Major William Williams of Stock-
bridge, Capt. Elijah Williams, Lieut. Groves, and Ensign
Ingersole. On the 24th they were sent out from the fort to
meet this convoy ; another detachment, which met them twelve
miles below, aided Major Williams's party in passing Hoosuck
river, and then returned to the fort. On the morning of the
25th, Major Williams had out %e scouts, one of which was
under Ensign Konkapot. He also sent squads of men forward
to clear the way for the wagons. These having performed
that service, came "stringing along (contrary to order)," and
were fired upon by an ambush, by which a Stockbridge Indian
was killed, and two others of the party wounded. And though
our men "pushed the enemy like lions, those serpents got off
the Indian's scalp, about as big as three fingers." All the rest
reached the fort, except Zebulon Allen of Deerfield, who was
captured, as was supposed. Three of Williams's men were
wounded, but not dangerously. The enemy were met near a
swamp, and a considerable skirmish followed ; and seeing the
English were likely to have the advantage, they retreated into

[f* 1

1747-]

Saratoga Besieged.

147

the swamps, but the discharge of a cannon at the fort caused
them to make a precipitate retreat, leaving behind them twenty
blankets, one coat with frosted buttons, three of a meaner sort,
ten pair of woolen stockings, one pair of leather, sixteen gun-
cases, six muttump lines, four pairs of Indian shoes, looking-
glass, four shirts, twelve knives, five hatchets, eight petunks,
etc., etc. The Indians reported that they lost ten of their men.

June I. About this date the Indian chief Kintigo returns
to the lower Mohawk Castle, whence he went against the
French with six men. They brought in seven prisoners and
three scalps taken at St. Pierres, a little above Montreal.

June 4, It was reported that a man had been killed at Ro-
chester, N. H., in the course of the week previous, but his
name is not ascertained. Encouraged by this success it would
seem, for on • •

I- June 7, a party of the enemy came to the same town, and as
they were stealing upon a party of men at work in a field, they
were discovered by three boys, on whom they fired, but did not
hit any one. John Place, one of the three, fired and wounded
an Indian ; another of the boys, Paul Jennens, aimed his gun
at the Indians, but did not fire, though it had the effect to check
ihem, and in the meantime the men at work came to their
relief and put the enemy to flight.

June 15. News came to Boston that the fort at Saraghtoga
had been attacked by two thousand French and Indians, who
had killed sixty of the garrison, and the attack was still in pro-
gress. The place was relieved soon after by the arrival of Col.
Schuyler.

June 20. Lieut. Chew, with one hundred and two men,
went on an expedition towards Canada, was attacked and had
fifteen of his men killed, and forty-seven wounded. The

iiiiimiiii>ii<

— *«itj

148

Hendrik's Expedition.

[1747-

lieutenant and the rest of his command were made prisoners
and sent to Crown Point.

June 26. The well known Indian chief Hendrik returned
from a march into the enemy's country. He had some thirty
Indians and ten white men under him. They were surprised
on an Island in the St. Lawrence above Montreal, by th.
enemy's Indians, in which four of the white men and nine of
the Indians are killed by the first fire. The names of the

whites were Cornelius Van Slyck, Johannis Pottman, Le

Roy, and Gott. Hendrik and the rest succeeded in

escaping. .

June 30. Matthew Loring died in prison at Quebec. He
was captured at sea, May 29th of the previous year, but under
what circumstances is not known, nor is it known to what place
he belonged. ' ' ' " ' '; ' ;■ v

July 15. About thirty or forty Indians came to Fall Town
(since Bernardstown), shot and mortally wounded Eliakim
Sheldon as he was hoeing corn in the field, and, although he
escaped to the fort, he died the following night. t'

July 21. '*One day last week a young man was shot
through the body in two places by Indians as he was traveling
between Northfield and Falltown, wounding him in so terrible
a manner that 'tis thought he is dead before this time." The
man killed was probably John Mills of Colerain, who, according
to Taylor in the Redeemed Captive^ **was passing from what
was called the South fort to his own house."

At the same time it was reported that a woman and six child-
ren were carried ofF from Burnet's Field, on the Mohawk river,
the only out settlement undisturbed hitherto in that region.

July 28. At Penacook a party of the enemy were dis-
covered by their shooting at some cattle, and are pursued by

1 .f i

-». s-V -« -

'f I
h I

M? f

W I

1747.] JFiscassety Epsom ^ Nottingham. 149

fifty men. They made a hasty retreat, leaving their packs,
blankets, and other things behind them.

July 31. At Mount Swag* [Wiscasset] Ebenezer Hilton,
Joseph Hilton, and John Boynton, are killed by Indians, who
took William Hilton prisoner.f

August 19. A man is fired upon at Brunswick and wounded.

August 20. A large ship arrives in Boston harbor with two
hundred and seventy-one persons which had been prisoners in
Canada ; thirty were left there sick, seventy had died, and one
hundred remained.

August 21. At Epsom, N. H., a Mr. Charles McCoy,
having seen some signs of an enemy in his neighborhood, coi. ■
eluded to repair to the nearest garrison, which was at Notting-
ham. He and his wife went out to catch their horses, and,
becoming separated, Mrs. McCoy was seized by the Indians,
who carried her to Canada and sold her to the French. At the
end of the war she was liberated and returned home. She and
her husband lived to a great age, he being a hundred and five
years old at his death. J;

The same day a party proceeded to Nottingham, ambushed
and killed Robert Beard, John Folsom, and Elizabeth Simpson,
a little to the south of the plain since called the Square. The
woman, though reported killed, it is believed recovered from
her wounds.

About this time (the exa£t date has not been ascertained) a
party of the enemy appeared at one of the Ashuelots (which,

* Sullivan writes Montsiveag, one of county. Maine, which communicates with
the places occupied by the Wewenocks, the rivers Sheepscut and Kennebeck."
in 1749, who sent six deputies to the •{•See N. T. Doc. Hist., X, 121.
treaty of Falmouth. Sec post. Dt. Morse J The reader will find some additional
has Montsiogut in his Gazetteer of 1795, details in Judge Potter's History 0/ Man-
Mi says it is "a river or bay in Lincoln Chester, pp. 230-3.

■rm'-' t iff iW 'Vy^-J'tt^"^'^ •»•«?'■''

)f.r<i^,'= V-tl *<Hkw'n^-»> wW1^^* ^ >i B <' , 'W*«*»«'» < 5i...-*wy ,wj W| {i w ^r^jy«w)tH^^

1«A>*<J>.'«'>K»IIW>'i4.»>^.

mtsmssess^sms^

., « » i |ii|« V * vi »i >/ li P 'l' »Wi ' . ' W| * i ii |i' I W (" , ' »"" * f i! ' »' » "l ' l' 'i * l ' I WI '' >'I ^W W

Mfct mil'

150

Northampton's Losses.

['747'

is not stated), killed three cattle, and would doubtless have done
greater mischief, but for their having been discovered by some
of the inhabitants, who fired upon them. The Indians returned
the fire, but none were killed or wounded.

August 26. At Northampton (in the part since Southamp-
ton) Elijah Clark was killed and scalped as he was threshing
grain in his barn. " He was the last of between fifty and sixty
deaths by the Indians, as stated on the records of the town."

August 27. At Marblehead, since Windham, Maine, one
William Bolton is captured, and a lad of Mr. Mayberry
wounded.

August 29. The Rev. Dr. Ben-
jamin Colman dies in Boston, at the
age of seventy-three. He served
long as a Commissioner of the In-
dian Corporation of London, and was
one of the ablest ministers in New
England. He was once a prisoner
to the French, having been taken at
sea, after *' fighting bravely," accord-
ing to his biographer.

Sept. 2. Some sixty of the enemy
hovered about Pemaquid, and finally
attacked it, but were beaten off. They surprised two men at
some distance from the fort, shot them down and scalped them.
These were soon after found by men from the fort. One was
not quite dead, and was able to rhake them understand that he
was scalped by a Frenchman, and that not far ofF were two
dead Indians who were killed from the fort. On going to the
spot no Indians were found, but a great amount of blood.
At the same time came the account of a fight at St. George's

Benjamin Colman, D. D.

■•»,

ii#«»#^(U»;!

>v^.^frr««:'if<l»>'>»i<IJf|ll>ll<l|itll|i>lllilnM

^^^"^^^■^

^v-mirm'm'

1 747-]

Fight at George^ s Fort.

151

fort. Lieut. T. Kilpatrick went out with twenty-five men to
scout and procure wood. While upon this duty a large number
of Indians attacked him. Capt. Bradbury of the fort, hearing
the firing, sent out another party which were soon engaged with
the enemy, and the fight continued about two hours. The
enemy finally withdrew, carrying off their dead and wounded.
Of our men four were killed, namely, John Kilpatrick, Nathan
Bradley, John Vose, and Benjamin Harvey — the two former
they scalped — and there were three wounded. The loss of
the enemy was considerable, as was evident from the amount
of blood discovered. Three scalps were taken from the enemy.

The party of Indians who did the mischief consisted of
about sixty Abenakies, twenty of whom returned to Quebec
October 3d, N. S. They reported that the English had been
too hard for them ; that the two chiefs had lost two of their
children, one was the son of Sagonaurabb, and a third the son of
Louis Meseadoue.*

Oiftober i. Peter Boovee, or Bevoee, is captured near Fort
Massachusetts. He was a soldier belonging to that fort, and
was out hunting. He returned after peace.

O6lober 3. A small exchange of captives was eflfeiled at
Isle " Basque, thirty-five leagues below Quebec, by an agent
of assachusetts, who left Boston August ist, and delivered
there sixty-ihree French prisoners, and received in return six-
teen of the English. He made this journey in two months and
three days.

October 9. David Brainerd, a noted missionary to the
Indians, dies, at Northampton, aged twenty-nine. His life has
been published and republished, on both sides of the Atlantic,

* Nev) York Cohnial Documentt, X, 127, 130.

ili:»L« ■ jJujj-'S^v.iA'ilEiC &iSiiifc, .

■ I ] j n n iii Minwo 'ii 'i"" "'

152

Capture of Rainbow.

Vl\7'

drawn up from his journals principally, by the eminent divine,
Jonathan Edwards.*

October 16. Major Willard, Capt. Alexander, and others,
were coming from Ashuelot to Northfield ; in Winchester they
met some cattle running as though pursued. Capt. Alexander,
being forward, saw a PVenchman in the path, coming towards
him. When he saw our men he jumped behind a tree. Capt.
Alexander fired and wounded him in the breast, whereupon he
made up to the captain and saluted him handsomely^ then fainted
and fell. Supposing the main body of the enemy at hand, and
that the Frenchman was mortally wounded, he was left behind.
Presently his Indian companions came to him. They took him
up and carried him some distance ; but, like the other party,
they, supposing the English close upon them, left the wounded
Frenchman and retreated. A few days after, having revived,
he made his way into Northfield, surrendered himself to the
EngUsh, and was confided to the care of the Rev. Benjamin
Doolittle, who a<3:ed the part of surgeon, and his wounds were
soon healed ; f after which Capt. Alexander conveyed him to
Boston, where he was kindly treated, and in February following
he accompanied Sergeant Hawks with a flag of truce to Canada,
to be exchanged, and was quite serviceable to him in his mis-
sion. His name appears to have been Pierre Raimbault,| which
the English generally understood to be Rainbow., though they
sometimes wrote it Rainboe. On Sergeant Hawks's return, on

■ .- .i:

t . ■

* His life is given in Dr. Allen's
Amtr. Biog. Diiiionary, and is one of the
many in that work drawn out at an un-
reasonable and disproportionate length.

•)■ Mr. Doolittle does not mention these
hett in his Mtmoin. See A^. r. Col.
Docs, X, 147, 153'

\ Or Sieur Simblin, accoiding to the
i.'nch report of the affair. Perhaps he
passed himself off with the English under
the assumed name above given. See
Ibidem i also Ibidem, X, 31. Rainbow
made quite a sensation in Boston, being
much noticed by the ladies.

it-.J'->«t"\^wP»*TV^--TI1'*T~"-"''"L'-''

1 747.] Men killed at Number Four,

153

the 4th of May of this year, the governor of Canada sent
Raimbault) with Hve other Frenchmen, and two or three Indians,
as a guard to accompany him, which they did, to within a few
miles of Number Four. Sergeant Hawks brought along with
him two that had been some time in captivity, namely, Samuel
Allen, taken at Deerfield, August 25th, 1746, and Nathan
Blake, who was taken at Upper Ashuelot, April 23d, the same
year (1746). ■

October 19. As Mr. John Smead was traveling from
Northfield to Sunderland he was killed by an ambush and
scalped. The fortune of this poor man was of the most me-
lancholy kind ; having been one of those who were taken pri-
soners at Fort Massachusetts, with his wife and six little child-
ren, and carried to Canada, as already related, and was but
recently returned out of captivity. His son Daniel died in
prison at Quebec, after a long and distressing sickness of several
months, May 13th, 1747.

Ojftober 22. About forty of the enemy came to Bridgman's
Fort, near Fort Dummer, took Jonathan Sartle, or Sawtelle, as
he was going from Col. Hinsdale's Fort into the woods, then
burnt Capt. Bridgman's Fort, house and barn.

Nov. 14.* As twelve men were drawing off from Number
Four, a considerable party of the enemy waylaid them as they
passed down the river, within half a mile of the garrison, shot
upon them, killed and scalped Nathaniel Gould and Thomas
Goodale; Oliver Avery was wounded, and John Henderson
was taken captive. The rest escaped by flight.

The French account of this affair is as follows : The party
consisted of forty Indians from tb:^ Lake of the Two Mount-
ains, and were led by the Chevalier de Longueui!, Jr. They

* Taylor dates this massacre Odober a4th, but I follow Doolittle.

•I

m\ ■

immm-

154

LongueutTs Report.

[1747-

Wft

called Number Four Fort Oequarine ; they attacked nine men
who were going out of that fort, killed two of them and took
cne prisoner, whose name was John Anderson, an Irishman,
twenty years of age, by whom they learned that the captain of
the fort was named Elias Williams. Longueuil returned with
his prisoners to Montreal not long after.* His report of the
news he obtained on this expedition was a singular medley, and
could have afforded little satisfadlion to the governor. Some
of it is thus detailed : " That the fleets of Admiral Townsend
[he means Admiral Anson and Vice-Admiral Warren] were
appointed this year for the Canada expedition, but that the bat-
tle they fought has prevented their coming. That in the pro-
positions of peace the king [of France] had demanded the
restitution of Louisbourg, and that King George had answered,
it was not at his disposal ; it was a conquest of the people of
Boston."t

It does not appear that Anson was destined for North
America at the time mentioned, but was stationed in the Chan-
nel to intercept the shattered fleet of D'Anville on its return
to France. " The battle " mentioned was that of Anson's fleet
with that of De Jonquiere's off Brest. De Jonquiere was
fitted out to reinforce the Duke D'Anville, but, with all his
fleet, was overpowered and taken. The English had five
hundred and twenty men killed and wounded. Their ships
were double the number of the French, and Anson was
seconded by Boscawen, Brett, and Saumarez.

* How the Frenchmen got the name fVillard, who was in command of the

of the fort it is not easy to see. Whether fort not long before, and perhaps when

the prisoner's name was Anderson or this attacic was made. See N. Y. Gol.

Henderson is a little uncertain. By Elhs i?0c>., X> 147.

fFilliamt they can hardly mean Josiah f Ibidem.

mmi»i^'>^it\,-:

'.'.-.-.-._:•;':.' -\ CHAPTER IX. .-'r;' ^•v.t';:.W ■;•::.•-.

A. ' DIARY OF DEPREDATIONS (conUnued). ; >

Men killed at Number Four — At FortDummer — Poquoig — Sheepicot — Suncook — Rochetter —
Bruniwick — North Yarmouth — Southampton — Berwick — Fort Maiiachusetti — Hollli'i

I Attempt to civilize Indiani at Slockbridge — Captain Melvin's Surpriie — Ambuih near Kin-
derhook — Men killed between Hintdale't and Fort Dummer — Captain Hobbs' Expedition
and Surprise — Newt of Peace — Capture of John Fitch and Family — Depredationi at Upper
Aihuelot — Falmoiith — Butchery near Fort Oummer — Other Detalli — Surpriie near Sche<

' neAady — The Six Nations at Albany — Depredation at North6eld — Fight at Fort Maua-
chuietti — Flag of Truce from Canada — Depredation at Sheepicut — Captivei returned —
Treaty of Aix la Chapelle — Depredationi on the Frontiers continue — Caplaini Prcbble and
Coffin attacked at Annapolii Royal — A Deputation of French and Indians in New York
City — Peace proclaimed in Boston — Sartell killed at Number Four — Eaitern Indians at
Boston — Treaty made with them at Falmouth — An Indian Trick — Efforts to recover Cap-
tives from Canada — Incidents.

HE snow being very deep, on March
15th, the enemy were not supposed
to be about ; some eight men went
I out from Number Four to procure
wood. When about sixty rods from
the fort, ten Indians, or, as some
judged, twenty, sprang up, and by
a volley killed Charles Stevens,
wounded one Andrews,* and took Eleazer Priest
captive. They then recreated at their leisure,
^|%" our men having no snow-shoes to enable them to pur-
sue, while the enemy were v,ell supplied with them. It
is said the French had been apprised of this fa£l, which was
the occasion of their undertaking an enterprise under the very
walls of the fort.

* Andreas. Doolitlle, Androos. Tsyltr,

i'iitiaiHi

,i6

Surprise near Fort Dummer. [1748.

> M j:

March 29. About fifteen Indians waylaid the scout path
between Fort Dummer and Colerain. Lieut. Serjeant went
out in this path with four other men, to obtain timber for oars
and paddles. At about one mile from Fort Dummer they were
fired upon. Moses Cooper was mortally wounded the first
fire, yet escaped to the fort, but died the next night. Lieut.
Serjeant, his son, and Joshua Wells, engaged the enemy, fight-
ing as they retreated. Wells was killed. Serjeant encouraged
his son, saying they should have help from the fort, charged
many times, shouted as often as the enemy did, and called to
them to come out and fight like men ; but after a retreat of
half a mile the lieutenant was killed and his son taken prisoner.
It is said they received no help from the fort because some of
the men were sick of the measles, and the others had no snow-
shoes!

There is a circumstantial account of the murder of a man
at Groton, and the killing of the murderer, said to have hap-
pened in that town some time during this war j but as the rela-
tion is unaccompanied by any date, it may have occurred much
earlier, or even later than the period assigned to it. The fol-
lowing are the fafts as recorded, probably long after :

An Indian had been seen, for several days, lurking about the
town, upon some ill design, as was supposed. One Jacob
Ames, who lived on the intervale, on the west side of the
Nashaway, on land now, or since, owned by John Boynton,
Esq., went into his pasture to catch his horse. Discovering
the Indian, who, it would seem, had lain in wait for him, he
ran for his house with all speed. The Indian gained upon him,
leveled his gun and shot him dead as he was entering the
inclosure surrounding the house. Ames's son and a daughter
were in the house. The son, seeing his father fall, sprang for-

it ^' i

i.'j.iiK!tai'

^iTlESBEMiiaBaHnMBEiaraTOMB^^

1748.]

Affair at Groton,

ward to close the gate, but was prevented by the dead body of
his father. The Indian now came up, and as he was attempt-
ing to pass the gate, young Ames fired upon him. The ball
struck the latch of the gate and was thus cut into two parts,
one of which struck the Indian, slightly wounding him ; not,
however, sufficiently to prevent his attempting an entrance into
the house \ but young Ames pressed the door against him, yet
the Indian thrust one foot in, and was there held while Ames's
sister passed him his father's gun, which was in the house.
Thus both parties were fully occupied for the moment — the
Indian in attempting to force the door, and Ames in holding it
against him. In another second Ames brought down the but
of the gun upon the Indian's foot, which made him make a
hasty withdrawal of it. The latter now commenced reloading
his gun for a new campaign ; but Ames had the advantage, for
his was already loaded, which he discharged through a loophole
or crevice, and killed the Indian. The report of the guns soon
brought two men to the scene of disaster, Ezra and Benjamin
Farnsworth, who were at a mill about a mile off; they found
the elder Ames and the Indian weltering in their blood not
many paces distant. This depredation is thought to be the
only one which happened in Groton during this war.*

April 16. As Jason Babcock was at work in his field, at
"Poquoig,t about seven miles from Nichewag," he was sur-
prised and carried off prisoner, but returned by way of the St.
Lawrence and the Atlantic, arriving in Boston the 6th of
October following.

April 24. From the eastern country came the following dis-

* For the fafls in this narrative I am direction Nitchnuog lay from Poquoig, it
indebted to Butler, Hiit. Groton^ iio-ii. not easily determined. The name is not
^ Afterward* Athol. But in what found on the map* consulted.

.11:

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Murders and Captures,

[.748.

t. i !;>

If.

tressing news, in a letter dated, Georgetown, the 29th of April ;
namely, that on Sunday, the 24th, James Kincaid was killed.
He had been in captivity nearly two years, having returned in
a French flag last summer. At Avery's garrison at Sheepscut,
were killed one Carr and one Ball, and Avery was led away
captive. It appears that from the uneasiness of the dogs in the
garrison there were thought to be Indians in the vicinity, and
the above-named men, with two others, went out, and but two
of them returned. Two days after five Indians were seen
going up a creek in Georgetown, as unconcernedly as if it had
been a time of peace, and there was no one to molest them.
On the following day, ,

i April 27, within gunshot of the fort, the enemy took Job
Philbrook and Samuel McForney and carried them off. The
same day one o*" the garrison at St. George's, named Presbury
Woolen, was iptured and carried to Canada, but he returned
in 0£lober following. He belonged to Sandwich.

April 30. While at work on the western bank of the Mer-
rimack river, opposite the mouth of the Suncook, Mr. Robert
Buntin, in company with James Carr and his son, a lad of
ten years, were surprised by a party of Indians. Carr, in
endeavoring to make his escape, was shot down and killed.
Buntin and his son were taken and carried to Canada, and there
sold to a Frenchman in Montreal. With other prisoners they
were sent to Boston by way of Louisbourg, where they arrived
Oftober 6th following, after the comparatively short captivity
of five months. The name of the son of Robert Buntin was
Andrew. He went a soldier in the war of the Revolution, in
which service, at White Plains, he died.

Besides the above mischief at Suncook, the enemy killed the

f.^*M~i»4wa|MWiM«M

»^^^^

1748.]

Murders at Rochester.

159

cattle of two teams, consisting of nine oxen, six of which they
cut up and carried off, with the tongues only of the other three.

May I. At Rochester, about ten miles northwesterly of
Dover, in New Hampshire, a Mr. Jonathan Hodgdon and his
wife went out to find and milk their cows, and, taking different
paths, some Indians sprang from a thicket and seized Mrs.
Hodgdon, and would probably have carried her off alive, but
she screamed to her husband, and would not cease until they
gagged her, nor then could they stop her entirely, whereupon
they cut open her head with their hatchets, killing her imme-
diately. Mr. Hodgdon heard her cries, and was near enough
to see the fatal blows dealt, but, as he was powerless, and could
do nothing to save her, he fled to the garrison, closely pursued
by the murderers of his wife. She was a yo«ng woman much
beloved for amiable and virtuous qualities, by wijose death two
young children were left motherless.

Mr. Hodgdon married a second wife, and had, in all, twenty-
one children, and lived to the great age of ninety years, dying
in 1815.

May 3. Several persons are killed at Brunswick, among
whom was a Captain Burnet, or Burnel, and no further record
is found of this depredation. Not far from the same time a
man is killed at North Yarmouth, named Ebenezer Eaton, and
another, Benjamin Lake, captivated; and ^^all the houses to
the eastward of Weirs" were burnt down. The number of
the enemy was computed at an hundred, as they were able to
waylay *'all the road to New Casco."

May 8. About twelve Indians laying in ambush near a
house in Southampton, shot and killed Noah Pixley. A WiU
Ham Pixley was an early settler in Wesrfield, from whom Noah
was probably descended.

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• i' i l l iKU' i i ii |i 'iH'lVinjltiV. tf *" ' " *' ti^ « "' *' i' ' "K ly i i *

1 60 ^ff^ir near Fort Massachusetts. [1748,

May 10. At Berwick, on the east side of Salmon Falls
river, a town about seven miles northwest from York, in the
district of Maine, a young woman named Morell, going out a
short distance from a house, is seized by Indians, who, after
barbarously murdering her with their hatchets, tore off her scalp
and escaped. • ' \-%.

May 21. About thirty Indians came and formed an ambush
near Fort Massachusetts, hoping to take some of the men of
the fort prisoners, as they might come out to pass towards
Deerfield. It so happened that Serjeant Elisha Chapin, with a
number of men, went out from Deerfield towards the fort. As
they marched cautiously along they discovered one oi the
enemy standing and earnestly watching the fort. The sergeant
thinking they might be some of the friendly Stockbridges,
called to thern. Supposing they were discovered, the enemy
jumped from their hiding places and ran. ^ on this Chapin
and one or two of his men fired upon theni, killing one of
them, the rest making their escape, leaving on the place a gun,
several blankets, and many other things. With these trophies,
and the scalp of the Indian, Chapin and his party pursued their
march to the fort.*

May 23. Amidst all the trying scenes of the war efforts
were not relaxed by benevolent Christians to civilize such of
the Indians as they could have ac<"ess to. Especially had efforts
been made among the Stockbridge tribe. Owing to hostilities
it was not thought advisable to set up a school at Stockbridge,
although Mr. Isa^.c Hollis of High Wycomb in Bucks had
made a donation for the support of twelve boys "of heathen
parents" to be educated in "letters and husbandry." It was
therefore concluded to engage the boys and to send them into

* Sec Apr«»»pix F.

1748.]

Mehin*s Expedition,

i6i

the settled part of the country, and thus carry out the benevo-
lent purpose of Mr. Hollis. Accordingly, Mr. Sergeant, the
missionary at Stockbridge, engaged Captain Martin Kellogg of
Newington, in Connefticut, to take and support the twelve
boys, and thus carry into efFe£t the object which had been for
some time in contemplation. The boys having been sele<Sled,
set out for Newington at the date above given. After they had
spent a year under the direction of Captain Kellogg, they
accompanied him to their former home, and a favorable report
was given of their progress in education and civilization.
Captain Kellogg was selected as their tutor and governor, as
he had a knov/ledge of the Indian language, having been twice
captivated and carried a prisoner to Canada in his youth.

May 25. Captain Eleazer Melvin was su.prised and had a
severe fight with the Lidians at a point on West river. With
eighteen men he marched into the Indian country, from Fort
Dummer, upon a scouting expedition, on the 13th of May.
After marching, by the captain's estimation, about ninety miles,
he arrived at the shore < f Lake Champlain, having till then
(May 25th) discovered no Indians. He now discovered a lahge
canoe in which were six Indians, but beyond the reach of his
guns. Soon after another was seen with twelve in it. By
running to a point of land, about half a mile nearer Crown
Point fort, they got within some fifty or sixty rods of the boat
or canoe ; thinking he might have no better opportunity to
annoy the enemy, he ordered his men to fire into their canoe,
which they did, firing six times each in about three or four
minutes. At the first shot all in the canoe lay down close, but
when three rounds had been poured into them, "they made a
most terrible outcry," cut down their sails, and about six of
them commenced paddling to get out of the reach of their
V

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■if.

162

Melvin's Disaster.

[1748.

assailants. At the fourth volley from Melvin's men, three of
the enemy made a shot at them, by which one man had his
hand grazed by one of their balls. By this time the alarm
had reached Crown Point, of which notice was given by firing
three of the cannon of the fort. The assailants now thought
it time to make good their retreat j and fearing the enemy
might intercept them in their return march, they waded swamps
and flowed land, and scaled mountains in various directions.
At length they reached West river, thirty-five miles from Fort
Dummer, on the last day of May. Now feeling that they had
got safely thus far, they probably were a little too secure, and
were not sufficiently cautious, and allowed themselves to be
surprised, and, in a feeble fight that ensued, Melvin lost six of
his men killed outright, namely, Joseph Petty, John Howard,
John Dod, Daniel Man, Isaac Taylor, and Samuel Severance.

It appears that as soon as Melvin was attacked his men scat-
tered, a few of them faced about and made some shots on
their pursuers, but no considerable stand was made by any of
them, and all except the six above named came into Fort Dum-
mer at different times ; and at the time it was remarked, that
"it was a surprising stroke, and struck a great damp into the
spirits of our men who had thoughts of going into their [the
Indian] country ; when they found how far the Indians would
pursue them to get an advantage upon them." But the same
writer had remarked before, that there was a probability that
the Indians that surprised Melvin were the same that had been
discovered and routed by Sergeant Chapin on the 21st of May.
How this may have been it would be useless to conjecture.

Whether any charge of remissness of duty was brought
against Captain Melvin, no mention is found. Perhaps his
explanation, and his former services under Captain Lovewell

'3M^JtL^..

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mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmKg!B''''^''''''''lli''

1748.]

Hobbs's Expedition.

163

¥•

sufficiently shielded him from suspicion of cowardice or want
of capacity in such commands.

As twenty men were on their march to Kinderhook they
fell into an Ambush of French and Indians, who killed five of
them and took two prisoners. Another party of English, con-
sisting of fifteen, soon after came up with the enemy, killed
their leader, a Frenchman, and two Indians on the spot;
recovered the two prisoners, and put the enemy to flight, who
left their accoutrements behind them.

June 16. A large body of the enemy having waylaid the
road between Col. Hinsdale's Fort and Fort Dummer, fired
upon a company of thirteen men as they were passing from the
former to the latter fort, where, by one volley, were shot down
and killed, Joseph Richardson, Nathan French and John Frost.
Three only escaped ; the rest were taken prisoners. It after-
wards appeared that one of the prisoners was mortally wounded,
as the bones of a man were found where the enemy encamped
the first night after their murderous exploit, and W. Bickford
was missing. The names of the men thus captured were Henry
Stevens, Benjamin Osgood, William Blanchard, Matthew
Wyman, Joel Johnson, Moses Perkins, and William Bickford.

June 26. An expedition under Captain Humphrey Hobbs
went out from Number Four. It consisted of forty men.
Their march seems to have been early known to the enemy,
whose spies were probably secreted near the fort when Captain
Hobbs commenced his march, for when he arrived at a point
about twelve miles northwest of that fort he found he was
pursued by one hundred and fifty of the enemy. It being the
middle of the day, he had halted his men to allow them to take
some refreshment, when the approach of the enemy was
announced by a gun from the sentinel stationed in the rear.

mttm

'titmi ' k h ,

- "-J?/R1

164

Desperate Battle.

[1748.

Whereupon, almost momentarily, the enemy came on with
their accustomed shouts and yells; and yet, notwithstanding
the great disparity in numbers. Captain Hobbs and his men
stood their ground, giving them "a warm reception," and, in
the manner of battles of those times, continued the fight for
four hours, during which Hobbs lost three men in killed,
namely, Samuel Gun, Ebenezer Mitchell, and Eli Scott, and
three more very badly wounded, whose names were Samuel
Graves, shot in the head, by which some of his brains came
out ; Daniel McKeney, who had his thigh broken ; and Nathan
Walker, who had an arm broken, the ball lodging between the
bones, and Ralph Rice slightly. Up to this time the enemy
unflinchingly continued the fight ; but now, fortunately, Capt.
Hobbs got a shot at their leader, the Indian chief who had
encouraged his men, and it was supposed killed, or so badly
wounded him that they all left the ground and drew off, and
Capt. Hobbs was able to carry off his dead and wounded men.
He buried the killed about half a mile from the scene of the
fight, **as well as he could in the dark," and the next day con-
tinued his march to Fort Dummer with his wounded, and the
following day he proceeded to Northfield.

Considering all the circumstances, there had hardly been a
more desperate aftion between the English and Indians since
that at Pequawket in 1725, when the "brave Lovewell with
fifty men from Dunstable," encountered Paugus in the wild-
erness of the Aucosisco. And yet it is scarcely mentioned in
any considerable work of history, and is yet to be sung by
some native poet in the perhaps very distant future. But it is
sure to be immortalized in song, no doubt worthy of the occa-
sion. One local writer las indeed said in prose, that "it was
a very manly fight;" and another, that "our men fought with

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1748.]

Fitche's Garrison taken.

165

such boldness and fortitude, as that had they been Romans,
they would have received a laurel^ and their names would have
been handed down with honor to posterity."

What loss the enemy sustained in this severe conflict was
never known ; but as they were near three to one of the Eng-
lish, they must have, in all probability, suffered at least in as
great a proportion as their opponents. They also retired from
the field without giving even a single shout, which they never
do when successful. It was also observed, that when about
a week after the battle they met some of the English captives,
they looked downcast, "like dogs that had lost their ears."

July 2. News reached New England that preliminary arti-
cles of peace had been agreed upon between the contending
powers in Europe.

July 5. A large party of about eighty Indians, and a few
Frenchmen, surprised the garrison at Lunenburg, took prison-
ers Mr. John Fitch and his family, consisting of his wife and
five children, and carried them through the wilderness to
Canada, where they remained till the news of peace between
England and France was received there; after which, with
other captives, Mr. Fitch returned home by way of New York.
Like hundreds of others he returned a beggar to his desolate
home, with several small children dependent upon him. As
he left under his own hand a circumstantial account of his cap-
ture, the reader may desire a more detailed narrative of the
affair. It therefore follows:

Mr. Fitch was a carpenter by trade, and, having a young and
growing family, he determined to make a farm in the wilder-
ness, and accordingly purchased, in the year 1739, one hundred
and twenty acres of land about seven miles and a half above
Lunenburg meeting-house, and about three miles and a half

i i

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PI:

■ .M>i;'iViiif,-.;<rvi!'

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1 66

John Fit c he's Narrative. [1748.

beyond any inhabitants, on the road to Northfield. He there
built a house, and from the produce of what land he had from
time to time cleared, supported his family, "and some to spare,
whereby he entertained and refreshed travelers." On the
breaking out of the war, knowing his very exposed situation,
the people of Lunenburg urged upon him the importance of
having a garrison at his place. The result was, with their
assistance one was soon ereiled, and soldiers stationed in it by
the government. From that time forth it was a place of re-
sort and refreshment for town scouts, as well as for the larger
government scouts. This year four soldiers were allowed for
his garrison, and it was also ordered that the scouts from
Lunenburg and Townsend should visit the place once every
week. From which circumstance the authorities probably
imagined that if the enemy came to attack t' e garrison they
would come at the same time the scouts were there to enter-
tain them! But, if this was their calculation, *'they reckoned
without their host." And, to add to the desperate situation of
this pioneer family, half of the regular soldiers belonging to
the garrison (namely, two) were too sick to be upon duty, and
this was the time the enemy cv ne for entertainment. They
did not even wait for a scout which was to arrive as a reinforce-
ment the same day, but appeared before the garrison in the
forenoon. Mr. Fitch and his two defenders, Blodget and
Jennings^ were outside of the garrison when the enemy made
their appearance, and as the disparity of the forces was too
great to warrant a prolonged a£lion, after having half of his
small force shot down, with the remaining half (namely, one
man) Mr. Fitch retreated within his garrison. Nothing
daunted, the enemy came on with thir usual bravery, and
vigorously continued the attack, while chose wichin defended

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1748.]

yoi6« Fitchews Narrative. 167

themselves until Mr. Fitch's last man was killed by a shot
which came through one of the port-holes of the garrison.

Thus reduced, and no hope of succor, Mr. Fitch, with his
wife and five children, became captives to the Indians. After
plundering the place, taking whatever they could carry away,
they set fire to and burnt the rest, with the garrison and other
buildings. Then, says the owner, "we entered into a melan-
choly captivity, with one small child on the mother's breast,"
and two others, to prevent their starving, she was compelled to
nourish in the same manner while on their journey through the
wilderness. This distressing hardship, with other privations,
broke her constitution, and, although she survived her captivity,
she died before the end of her journey homeward.

About the 23d of September, condu6led by five French
officers, Mr. Fitch and his family, with many others, arrived in
Boston, his wife having died at Providence, on the passage
from New York hither. With his five children, one of whom
was sick, Mr. Fitch was entirely dependent on charity; all his
stock of cattle, hogs, and other animals, destroyed, and his
tools and household utensils burnt up. In December, 1749,
he petitioned the government of the colony for help, and on
the following April (1750) the treasurer was directed to answer
his order for eight pounds ! " in consideration for his sufferings ! "

The names of Mr. Fitch's five children were Catharine,
John, Paul, Susannah, and Jacob. His wife's name was Su-
sannah.

The part of Lunenburg since Ashby, includes the farm and
residence of John Fitch.

July 8. A party of Indians came to Upper Ashuelot and
killed eleven head of cattle, which is all the damage they did,
go far as known.

... 1

■MiHiii

i, ^

168

Surprise of the English. [1748.

The night of the same day, a man of the name of Whitney-
died at Falmouth of the wounds he had received from the
Indians. . ' . • u "

July 14. The road between Fort Hinsdale and Fort Dum-
mer is again waylaid by a large number of Indians, reported to
have been a hundred, and as Sergeant Thomas Taylor, with a
company of seventeen men, was on his march from Hinsdale's
Fort to Fort Dummer, the Indians fired upon them and then
rushed upon them with their tomahawks and war clubs. The
sergeant ordered his men to fight, but the odds was too great,
and the English were quickly overpov/ered, and all were killed
or taken except four who escaped by flight. The killed were

Joseph Rose, Asael Graves, Billings and Chandler;

nine were taken prisoners, namely. Sergeant Thomas Taylor,

Thomas Crisson, John Henry, Lawrence, Walker,

Daniel How, Jr.,* Edghill, Daniel Farmer,t and Ephraim

Powers. Of the four that escaped, one was badly wounded.
Two of the captured men being severely wounded also, were
carried about a mile and then killed. The Indians which per-
formed this bloody work were said to have been a part of those
who had the four-hour fight with Capt. Hobbs.

The following is the report of this disaster published about
fourteen days after it happened: "From the westward we
have intelligence that Captain Stevens, having been lately out
with a number of men, found four of the seventeen men that
were fallen upon by the enemy between Hinsdell's Fort and
Fort Dummer, dead; nine more are supposed to be in cap-
tivity. He also found one of the ten who were missing some

* He had be*n in captivity about two seem) not to have been known to the
years before. See 24 June, 1746. genealogist of the Farmer fomily, Mr.

-j- The circumstance here recorded John Farmer.

1748.] Disaster near ScheneBady.

169

time before. He followed the enemy, but could not come up
with them. He also buried Capt. Hobbs's three men which
the enemy had not found." ; * ; ■ - ! v , •■•■K

July 18. About three miles from Schenedtady, Daniel Tol,
Dirk Van Vorst and a negro went to a place called Poependal
to catch their horses; but not finding the horses as they
expe£l{;d, they went into the adjacent woods to a place called
the Claypit. They discovered Indians and attempted to escape
from them, but were pursued by them, and both Tol and Van
Vorst were shot down, but the negro escaped. Van Vorst,
though wounded, was not killed, but taken prisoner. The
firing was heard at Maalwyck, about two miles distant, and the
people there, knowing that Tol and Van Vorst had gone for
their horses, suspe<Sted the occasion of the firing. This was
about ten o'clock in the morning, and a messenger was at once
dispatched to the town, where the alarm was sounded about
twelve. Some of the inhabitants, with a company of the new
levies posted there under Lieutenant Darling of Connecticut,
in all seventy men, marched out towards Poependal, cautiously
searching for the enemy, as far as the lands of Simon Groot,
but made no discovery of the enemy. At this point the negro
before mentioned came to the party and told them where the
body of his master -.vas. The negro was furnished with a
horse, and they (about forty in number) were piloted to the spot
where his master lay dead ; and near Poependal, at Abraham De
Graaff's house. They immediately entered the woods with the
negro, where they at once discovered the enemy in great num-
bers, upon whom they discharged a volley with a shout. The
enemy shouted in return, accompanying it with a volley also.
This was the commencement of a most desperate fight. All
but two or three of the English stood to it manfully, although

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170

T&e Slain at Schenectady, [1748.

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they were hemmed in on every side by the great numbers of
the enemy, and fought over a space of about two acres ; yet
the battle ground was left in possession of the settlers. In this
hand to hand encounter twelve of the inhabitants of Sche-
neftady were killed outright, five taken prisoners, and seven of
Lieutenant Darling's men, including himself, were killed, and
six of them missing, supposed to be taken prisoners.

The news of this battle reached Albany in the evening of
the same day, and by midnight Lieutenant Chew, with one
hundred English and about two hundred friendly Indians were
on the march for the scene of a£tion, but to no other purpose
than as shewing their willingness to meet an emergency of this
kind. . , ■ ,

The names of the people killed, so far as ascertained, were
Daniel Tol, Frans Vander Bogart, Jr., Jacob Glen, Jr.,
Daniel Van Antwerpen, J. P. V. Antwerpen, Cornelius
Vielen, Jr., Adrian Van Slyk, Peter Vroman, Klaas A. De
Graaf, Adam Conde, John A. Bradt, John Marienes.

There were missing Isaac Truax, Ryer Wemp, Johan Seyer
Vroman, x\lbert John Vedder, and Frank Conner, all belong-
ing to ScheneSiade. Of the soldiers seven were killed and six
missing.

July 22. An immense concourse of Indians of the Six Na-
tions assembled at Albany, at the invitation of the governor of
New York. His object being to keep them to the English
interest. Several governors of the other colonies were present.
It lasted four days, during which time the Indians were feasted,
and presents were made to them at a cost of above two
thousand pounds ; upon which it is reported that they were well
pleased, and promised to take up the hatchet against all enemies
of the English. There were fourteen hundred and fifty of them.

MHMi

^^^g^^^|^_g|^|^|^^_^

'ir.'

1748.] Fight near Fort Massachusetts. 171

July 23. At Northfield a few Indians, the number not
known, but said to be six, waylaid the Town Street^ and as
Aaron Belden was passing along before sunrise, they killed and
scalped him, and fled into the woods before the people were
aware of what had occurred. ' ' •

August 2. A party of some fifty French and Indians went
into the immediate vicinity of Fort Massachusetts and placed
themselves in ambush. By the furious barking of the dogs in
the fort, the officers concluded there were Indians not far ofF.
Capt. Ephraim Williams was in command, and in the after-
noon, while he was consulting with his men upon some method
by which he could surprise the ambush, several soldiers ran
out of the fort without orders, following a direction indicated
by the dogs. A part of the ambush jumped up and fired upon
the men. Upon this Captain Williams sallied out with a strong
party to rescue those already engaged ; and, not knowing where
the ambush was, found he had passed it, or a part of it, and
was in imminent danger of being cut off in a retreat ; but he
and his men courageously fought retreating, and gained the fort
with the loss of one man only killed and two wounded. The
man killed was named Abbot. The wounded were Lieut.
Hawley, shot through the leg, and Ezekiel Wells, who had his
thigh broken. The enemy was thought to haVe sustained con-
siderable damage, as they were seen to drag away several dead
bodies. Captain Williams's men made a stand before retreating,
and fired several times apiece without any shelter.

August 4. It had been some time known in Canada that
preliminaries of peace had been agreed upon in Europe, but
the news had not reached Boston in any authentic shape until
this date, and then it came from three French Indians who

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18 f;

172

Prisoners arrive in Boston. [1748.

came to Albany from Canada to announce it. Yet depreda-
tions continued.

August 16. The governor of Canada having dispatched
from (Quebec, on July 27th, a flag of truce ship for Boston, it
arrived here after a passage of twenty days. When the ship
sailed there were about one hundred and seventy-five captives.
One or two died on the voyage.* In all there had died in cap-
tivity and on shipboard, one hundred and seventy-three ; all, or
nearly all New England people. While in captivity, in the
hands of the French, they were allowed each one pound and
a half of bread, half a pound of beef, one gill of peas, *' with
spruce beer," per day.

August 23. The enemy appeared again on Sheepscot river,
where -they killed two men and captured another j but their
names are not mentioi:ed.

October 6. The schooner Brittania, Aylmer Graville
master, from Louisbourg, came into the harbor of Boston,
with a great number of persons who had been in captivity
among the French and Indians in Canada. Many of them had
been captured at sea, and belonged to various sea-ports in
England.

0(ftober 7. The trftaty of Aix la Chapelle was signed by
the envoys, but the fa£t was not formally proclaimed at Boston
until about six months after, so slow was the communication
between distant places at that period. Hence war parties from
Canada hovered upon the borders of New England as though
no treaty had been made. Although the treaty of Aix is a
noted epoch, it proved to be nothing but a kind of armistice, a

* Douglass mentioni some of the h€kt wrong year. His dates are ohtn errone-
detailed in this paragraph, hut under the ously giyen, yet his work is valuable.

II \ i

i\i mi

•«Jm

1 748 . ] Prebble and Coffin s Expedition. 1 7 3

** hasty and ill-digested aiFair, determining none uf the points in
dispute.*

OiStobcr 20. Captain Jedediah Prebble and Captain Coffin,!
with thirty men, embarked at Annapolis Royal for St. John's
river. The next day Captain Gorham embarked with thirty
more. Captain Gorham on board the Ansonif with the same
number, sailed on the 24th. On the 28th Captain Gorham,
with "ten men and paddles," went to the east of the harbor,
and Captain Prebble and Captain Davis of the Warren, with
five oarsmen, went to the westward of the harbor to make dis-
coveries, and on going on shore were fired upon by the Indians,
who killed William Croxford, one of Captain Prebble's men j
they also killed two of Captain Gorham's men and wounded
three others. Captain Prebble at the same time having a very
narrow escape. Seeing an Indian in the edge of a wood taking
aim at him with his rifle, at about eighty yards distance, the
captain stepped behind a small tree which at the same moment
received the ball from the Indian's gun. Captain Prebble im-
mediately fired upon the Indian *' with a brace of balls," as also
did Captain Davis -, but whether with execution, they could not
tell, as all the party retreated to their boats and returned to the
place of their departure, with two Indians prisoners. By what
manner the prisoners were taken is not stated, although it is
mentioned that one was a son of a chief, but the chief was
able to make his escape.

February 17. Nineteen Indians and Frenchmen arrived at
New York from Canada. Their objedt seems not to have

* yfynncyBrit. Emp.in America,ll, ^. is unknown. I have supplied that of

f The genealogist of Newbury does not Preble conjefturally.
geem to have known anything about thi» '^ Doubtless so named for the Commo-

Coffin, consequently his Christian name dore.

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IJUPIIUIM

wmimHmKmmmi

174

Peace proclaimed in Boston. [ 1 748.

been generally known. Perhaps it was in consequence of the
newo of an armistice. They continued there until the 9th of
April following, causing much speculation respe<Sting the objedts
of their visit.

May 10. A proclamation of peace is made with great
demonstrations of joy at Boston. The regiment of the town
was ordered out, and paraded in King street; and being drawn
up before the Town Hall, the proclamation was read from the
balcony, and received with great and unfeigned delight by the
people. But, like the ocean long lashed by the tempest, its
fury does not entirely abate with the going down of the wind.

June 20. The frontier towns were again thrown into
exi;itement and alarm. The repeated news of peace in Europe
had inspired many with confidence that the war was at an end,
and hence they repaired in many instances to their abandoned
farms and dwellings. Under this hope of security a band of
^>avages made their appearance at Number Four, just after the
soldiers which had been stationed in the fort there had left,
having been ordered eljiwhere. This morning (June 20*)
Ensign Obadiah Svir';ell went into the field to barrow corn,
taking Enos Stevens with him to ride the horse. The Indians
were concealed in the bushes whi'^h skirted the field, and from
which they fired upon and killed Sartell, also the horse on which
the boy was. The Indians then, ten or twelve in number,
quite naked, rushed upon and scalped Sartell, took the boy and
carried him to Canada, but the authorities there discountenanced
the depredation and had the boy sent back immediately.

* Mr«. Johnson, in her Ctf/>»'i'iOi, gives was edited by a scholar (the late Rev.

the particulars of this affair, but wai mis- Abner Kneeland, ab he informed me),

taken in saying it was in May. Her well from such materials as the Johnson family

writ'en account it quite erroneous in ita ntd preserved. A reprint is in Farmer

dates generally. The third edition of it and Moore's Hiti. CoUtfiions, I, i-j-j-x-t^^.

f^flwsf^^^^nwJ!Ji'«ii!.i»ii-M. ^^M~
■. A ■L 'u »M■4^>■^.l■^*l^■i>■ ■ii.i>.

1748.]

Close of the War.

^7S

The Indians at the eastward had been quite as troublesome
as those on the western border j and although they generally
knew of the armistice before the English were apprised of it,
they did not entirely cease their depredations for some time
after they had received the news. And although they had
exceedingly annoyed and distressed the English settlers on all
their borders, and were almost always successful in their forays
against them, yet in the past five years of war they had, through
casualties of battles, infedlious diseases, and rum, become
amazingly reduced, so that the better part of them, especially
in the eastern country, were quite as ready as their English
neighbors to make terms of peace. The murders and other
mischiefs perpetr- '> ' luring several months past was the work of
straggling parties which had not acknowledged accountability to
any body, but operated through a thirst for plunder and revenge.

Early this year the chiefs of the eastern tribes met in council,
and agreed to make overtures to the government of New Eng-
land for a settlement of difficulties. This they made known
to the authorities by a messenger dispatched for the purpose.

Other preliminary arrangements are not found upon record
before the 3d of June. Then Gov. Shirley wrote to Gov.
Benning Wentworth, and probably to the other New E .gland
governors, that there were then nine Indians in Boston, six
from the Penobscot and three from the Norridgewalk tribes ;
that they stated they had been sent here by their own, the St.
Francois and St. John's river tribes to assure the authorities of
their desire for peace, and to request that a time and place of
meeting might be fixed for holding a treaty ; that he had, in
accordance with their request, appointed the 27th of September
ensuing for a meeting at Falmouth, and desired that New
Hampshire would be represented on the occasion, and that as

i . , r ^M j^j4« i. *^*j WW^WI >4* >: l !'f ' ^ ' ' ^ *^ l^ >*^ ^ , I I i.a, I .j,-kx.„ - ^^^^^^!^

176 Treaty at Fa'mouth. [1748.

suitable presents would be expected by the Indians, he had
given orders for such on the part of Massachusetts.

On the 17th of June seven other Indians arrived at Boston
from the eastern coast, in the province sloop, commanded by
Capt. Thomas Saunders, but in what capacity is not ascertained.

Agreeably to the promise of Gov. Shirley, commissioners on
the part of Massachusetts and New Hampshire met the Indians
at Falmouth on the 14th of October. From the former pro-
vince were Thomas Hutchinson, John Choate, Israel Williams,
and James Otis (the father of the famous James Otis, who was
also there), Esqrs. From the latter, Theodore Atkinson, and
John Downing, Esqrs.

The Norridgewaks were represented by six chiefs, viz,
Toxus, Eneas, Magawambee, Harrey, Soosephinia, Naktoonos,
Nesaqumbuit, and Pereez.

The Penobscots by five chiefs, viz, Eger Emmet, Maga-
numba, Nidlumbouit, Esparagoosaret, and Neemon.

The Weweenocks and Arresuguntoocooks by six chiefs, viz,
Sawwaramet, Aussaado, Waaununga, Sauquish, Wareedeon,
and Wawawnunka.

The usual articles were drawn up a .d subscribed October
1 6th, 1749. These were mainly confirmatory of Gov. Dum-
mer's treaty of 1727. And on the 27th of the same month
Lieut. -Gov. Phips issued a proclamation in conformity there-
with, at Boston.

Peace was now fully established, and the people felt relieved
from the perils to which they had for the last five years been
subje6ted.
' At the late treaty, and before it 'vas fully opened, an inci-
dent occurred which for some little time seemed to portend a
disagreeable rupture to further proceedings. It may be well to

,...-« I- ...J

ll itii H i n i.i III li ' ii)*i « rii«i t t il I ' ii l lH>i>fa|l»l>IM

1 749-]

treaty at St. George's,

177

premise that Indians delight in innocent mischief. It appear?
to have been a sine qua non in the preliminaries to this treaty,
that the Indians should bring forward and deliver up the English
captives among them. The following circumstance in rela-
tion to this matter is detailed by Gov. Hutchinson, then one of
the commissioners there present. It therefore follows in his
own words: "Notice had been given that they must bring in
such English captives as were among them, and particularly a
boy whose name was Macfarlane, and who was taken in the
beginning of the war. They apologized for not bringing Mac-
farlane, and feigned some excuse, promising he should be sent
when they returned home. The commissioners showed great
resentment, and insisted upon the delivery of the captive pre-
viously to their entering upon the treaty. Some time was spent
in altercation. At length an old sachem rose up, and took one
of the likeliest and best dressed young Indians by the hand, and
presented him to Mr. Hutchinson, the chairman of the com-
missioners, as the captive Macfarlane. This increased the
resentment, and it was thought too serious an affair to be [thus]
jested with. The young man then discovered himself, and
(having spoken nothing before but Indian), in the English
language thanked the commissioners for their kind care in pro-
curing his redemption. He had so much the appearance of an
Indian, not only in his dress, but in his behavior, and also his
complexion, that nobody had any suspicion to the contrary.
He had made himself perfectly acquainted with their language,
and proved serviceable as an interpreter at the French house so
long as he lived."

The boy Macfarlane is probably the same Waltar McFar-
iand "jvho^ in 1752, was one of the witnesses to the treaty of
that year, made at St. George's. Whether he were a son, or

• n-'i iii n ii n'r i II i t i '" i r- i '
I «i i»ii .i ^4iii n i i ili.i

„iU.

178

Exchange of Prisoners.

[1750.

-■^I'Wi

belonged to the family of Mr. John McFarland, of whom
mention has been made under Aug. 26, 1746, is as yet uncertain.

After the close of hostilities there was much to be done.
Many of the English, Dutch, friendly Indians, and negroes
were still in captivity, or whose fate was unknown to their
friends. Consequently it was the desire as well as the duty of
the government to use efforts to recover such as were yet
living and held by the Indians. Accordingly commissioners or
agents were sent to Canada early in 1750 to endeavor to bring
from that country all that could be obtained. They found some
of the captives indisposed to return, having become attached to
the manner of life of their Indian masters, and some of them
thoroughly imbued with the Roman Catholic religion ; others
refused to return to their native land, alleging as a reason that
they would be obliged to labor a long time to raise the money
paid for their ransom ; that now they had their liberty and could
do as they listed.

In the month of June, 1750, Gov. Clinton, of New York,
sent Lieut. B. Stoddert to Montreal, where he met the French
authorities, from whom he received twenty-four prisoners. He
learned the whereabouts of many others, and with Captain
Anthony Van Schaick went into the Indian country to obtain
them, but without much success. The names of those which
returned with Lieut. Stoddert were as follows : Capt. Anthony
Van Schaick, John Vroman, Peter Vosborough, William Gofi^,
Christopher McGraw, John Philips, Edward Varen, Benjamin
Blachford, Peter Cliniton, John Thompson, Daniel Eden,
Albert Vedder, Adam Mole, Francis Conner, Cornelius Sprong,
Elisha Stansbury, Timothy Colbe, Southerland Fort, Timothy
Colson, Peter Dogaman, Mattee Gatroup, and three Mohawks.

Efforts were made to induce others, of whom he had informa-

■asLi

I750.]

Search for Captives.

179

tion, to return, but could not prevail on them. The following is
a list of them : Rachel Quackenbus ; Samue! Frement, a ne-
gro; Simon Vort, Philip Philipson, Thomas Volmer, Jacob
Suitzer, Jacob Volmer, Joshua Nicolson, Henry Piper, Christian

Volmer, John* [ ], Edward Cheaole, and an old man whose

name is not known. He was away on a hunting expedition with
the Hurons of Lorette, and it was not known whether he desired
to return to New England ; if, on coming from hunting, he
wished to go to his former friends, he should be at liberty to do
so. Rachel Quackenbush f abjured the English religion, and
Lieut. Stoddert could not persuade her to return. The negro,
Frement, was held on the principle that negroes were slaves in
all countries, and that the English had adted upon that princi-
ple, and an instance was given wherein they had so adted.
Vort, Phillipson, and T. Volmer had made abjuration, and
desired to remain with the Iroquois. Vort, or as his name
is elsewhere written. Fort, belonged by adoption to a sister
of a chief named Agouareche. She refused to give him up
at any price, though it does not appear that Stoddert was
provided with any means for paying a ransom, as his instructions
were only to exchange prisoners. But Capt. Van Schaick
offered six hundred livres for Fort without succeeding in obtain-
ing him. On the contrary, so determined was his squaw owner
to retain him, that she said she would obey the French com-
mandant and deliver him up, but that she and her husband

* His surname does not appear in our
documents, though they inform us he was
an Englishman by birth, and that he was
captured near Caskebee [Casca Bay] in
1746.

f Another (whether of the same family
is unknown) Marthy H^uaquinhuih, taken

at Saratoga, Nov. 17th, 1745, ^^^^ *
prisoner at Quebec, Dec. 7th, 1746.
Two men of the same surname, Jacob
and Isaac, father and son, died there,
both on the same day. May 26th, 1747.
They also had been taken at Saratoga,
Nov. 17th, 1745.

y: i

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if!

i8o

Efforts for Captives.

[1750.

would follow him, and he should not reach home alive. The
authorities therefore thought it best not to urge the matter
further. Suitzer was living at the Falls of St. Louis, and did
not desire to leave hjs Indian associates. J. Volmer, Nicolson,
and Piper, were at the Lake of the Two Mountains, with the
Iroquois and Nipissings. These Indians refused to give them
up, because "they loved them very much." Nicolson was dis-
posed to leave them, but was not permitted to do so. C. Vol-
mer was at the Lake of the Two Mountains, and when he
returned to Montreal he was to be allowed to go home if he

inclined to do so. The captive John [ ] lived with the St.

Francis Indians, by one of whom he was captured. John
refused to be delivered up, and Lieut. Stoddert, who under-
stood the Indian language, visited him and tried to persuade him
to go home with him, but without avail; said "he had been
instrufted in the Catholic, apostolic, and Roman religion, in
which he wished to live and die." Edward Cheaole had mar-
ried a s^/iaw among the Lorette Hurons, and desired to remain
with them.

Lieut. Stoddert left Canada on the 28th of June with his
twenty-four prisoners. He was to proceed to Fort St. Frederic,
having given the Marquis de la Jonquiere a receipt for them,
purporting that he was to send to the governor of New York,
requesting him to forward "all the prisoners, both French and
Indians, in his hands, to Mr. Lydieus, and give orders to the
officer who shall have charge of them to send me an express
on their arrival at that place, to inform me thereof, and to tarry
one day, so that they may be exchanged, one against another,
at the foot of the Great Carrying Place of Lake St. Sacrament,
whither I will repair in order to conclude the reciprocal
exchange of the French and English prisoners."* >

* Colonial Hiitory of New Tort, vol. X, Z09-15.

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APPENDIX A

(Page 29.)

O those who have accused Gov. Shirley of taking
to himself more credit than belonged to him in the
Cape Breton expedition, the perusal of his mes-
sages to the General Court, from first to last, during
it, is earnestly commended. Space cannot be allowed here for
all of them, but the following are fair specimens of the whole.
They are elegant compositions, and will compare favorably with
the best parliamentary speeches of the time ; and as to their
accuracy in statements of fa6ls, there can be no space for a
question.

On April 3d, 1745, Gov. Shirley made the following com-
munication to the *' Gentlemen of the Council and House of
Representatives : In pursuance of the resolution of this Court
for forming an expedition against the French settlements on
Cape Breton, passed the 25th of January last, which is agreea-
ble to His Majesty's pleasure signified to me upon the present
rupture with France, 'That I should take all opportunities, as
depended upon me, to distress and annoy the French in their
settlements, trade and commerce.' I have raised three thou-
sand volunteers, under proper officers to be employed in His
Majesty's service upon that expedition, two thousand eight
hundred of which by the 24th day of last month, and the
remainder within two days after were embarked, and sailed for
Canso, where they weie to be joined with three hundred and

l82

Gov. Shirley's Speech. [Appendix.

:'il,

1 :

fifty troops more, raised by the government of New Hampshire
for the same service, upon my application to Gov. Wentworth,
and to proceed from thence by the first favorable opportunity to
Chappeaurouge Bay, to which place I expert they will be fol-
lowed some time this week by five hundred troops more from
Connecticut, raised likewise for the same service by that
government, upon my application to them. And after the most
diligent and exa£l inquiry into the state of the enemy's forces
and fortifications upon that island, from persons intimately
acquainted with both, I have endeavored to form such a plan
of operations to be executed immediately upon the landing of
our troops there, as may, I hope, with the blessing of Divine
Providence upon His Majesty's arms, render our attempts
against the enemy under their present circumstances, success-
ful, provided our naval forces shall prove sufficient to hinder
them from being reinforced in the meantime with recruits and
supplies from France. For preventing which, as well as to
cut off all intelligence from the enemy, and intercept any pro-
vision vessels which might arrive to them from other parts, I
sent away, near three weeks ago, three ships of twenty guns
each, two snows of sixteen guns, and an armed brigantine
of near the same force (which, together with some other ves-
sels of war, are employed by this government in the service of
the present expedition) well manned and equipped, with orders
to cruise before the harbor of Louisbourg till the arrival of
our land forces at Cape Breton, after which those vessels will
be immediately joined by Captain Rouse in a snow of twenty-
four guns, and the Connefticut colony sloop, in order to block
up the enemy's harbor more closely. And that I might pro-
cure as strong an armament by sea as well as land, as may be
upon this occasion, I not only applied to the neighboring

Appendix.]

Gov. Shirley's Speech.

183

governments of New England, New York, the Jersies and
Pennsylvania to furnish their respective quotas of sea as well
as land forces for this enterprise in the common cause, but to
the commanders of His Majesty's ships of war stationed in
these parts for their assistance also, as far as His Majesty's
service in their several stations would admit ; and particularly
apprised Commodore Warren by an express sent to Antigua,
of the whole scheme of the expedition, representing to him the
advantages we have over the enemy at present ; and that for
securing the success against them, 'it was necessary that we
should have a sufficient naval force before the harbor of Louis-
bourg by the middle of March at farthest (if possible), not only
to intercept the enemy's provision vessels, but Monsieur Du
Vivier, who was expected by that time with recruits and sup-
plies for the enemy's garrison, and. perhaps some troops designed
against Annapolis Royal, under convoy of a fifty-four and sixty
gun ship} the intercepting of which would be a killing blow to
the town and garrison of Louisbourg ; but that it would be
impossible for us to muster up here a sufficient naval force for
that purpose without the assistance of two fifty or forty gun
ships;' and therefore pressing him in the strongest terms, 'if
he could possibly spare two such from the squadron under his
command, to dispatch them away instantly upon the receipt of
my express ; and that if he could not spare two such ships, he
would assist us with one, which might, perhaps, be sufficient,
as I was in hopes from advice I received from England, that
one, if not two, of His Majesty's ships of war might be ex-
pefted to arrive here with stores for New Hampshire and An-
napolis Royal by the middle of March, though I could make
no absolute dependence upon that.' And as His Majesty's ship
the Bien Amie prize. Captain Grayton commander, then and

1 84

Gov, Shirley's Speech. Appendix.]

1 i I '

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!- ■• .I--].;

;

still in this harbor, and which I understood was sent here, partly
to load with masts oi such dimensions as could not be got
ready before the latter end of June, 'I desired that we might
have the assistance of that ship for the expedition, or Mr.
Warren's orders to His Majesty's ships stationed at Virginia,
for that purpose ; ' and requesting that what ships he sent us
might proceed diredtly to Canso ; for which purpose I sent him
two skillful pilots, and apprising him that I should send His
Majesty an account of the expedition by a Bristol vessel the
day following. In answer to this letter I received another from
Mr. Warren, dated February 24th, by return of the express
boat, which arrived at Boston the 19th of last March, wherein
he informed me, that 'he should be very glad to be employed
in this expedition, but that the; unhappy loss of the Weymouth,*
in which ship he should have come here some time in March,
pursuant to his orders to attend on New England, had prevented
him ; that he had sent my letters and scheme by a vessel of
war express to the Admiralty, by the return of which to An-
tigua he should, no doubt, receive full instructions for his future
proceedings ; and that in the mean time he should, in a very
few days, dispatch the Launceston to attend on New England,
and the Mermaid to New York, pursuant to his dirediions from
the Rt. Hon. the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty.'
And by the same express boat Capt. Gayton received orders
from Com. Knowles, which have prevented him from assisting
us with his ship in the expedition. Since this (five days ago) I
have received two other letters from Mr. Warren, dated the

* She was a sixty gun ship, Captain pilot, as appeared by the evidence at a
Warwick Calmady, cast away at the Lee- court-martial, for which he was sentenced
ward Islands in 1744, having been run to two years' imprisonment in the Mar-
aground through the ignorance of the shalsea. The crew were saved. Ed.

^^g||gg»lll||,

Apfendix] Gov. Shirley*s Speech.

185

9th and 15th of last month ; the first at Antigua, and the lat-
ter from on board the Superbe, informing me ^that on the 8th
of last month His Majesty's sloop Hind arrived at Antigua, and
brought him orders to proceed with the Superbe, Launceston,
and Mermaid, without loss of time, to Boston ; on his passage
to which place he was at the writing of his last letter, in the
latitude of 22° \ and that he hoped soon to arrive at Nantasket
road, and concert such measures with me as may conduce most
to the protection df the colonies and trade, and the carrying on
of His Majesty's service in general.' Upon the receipt of
which I dispatched a letter by a schooner sent express to meet
him, apprising him of the departure and state of our land and
sea forces, and recommending to him to send one of his ships
at least forthwith before Louisbourg, to join our cruisers there,
without coming first to Nantasket, which I apprehend to be of
great consequence to His Majesty's service. And I am now
in hourly expediation of hearing further of Mr. Warren, and
the ships under his command, and hope they may come in time
to secure success to the present expedition, which, according to
the ordinary course of human events, may be looked on as most
probable, if these ships shall arrive seasonably before Louisbourg.
*' Gentlemen : As I am persuaded it must be a satisfaction to
you to be informed of these several steps hitherto taken for con-
du(^ing this important enterprise, with the success of them, I
have been induced to be the more particular in my account of
the success of my endeavors for procuring a sufficient naval
force for the service of it. And I may assure you that no
vigilance or attention has or shall be wanting in me to make the
other necessary dispositions for the support of it with all possible
dispatch, and to make the event of it answer the great ends
proposed by it for His Majesty's service, and the general inter-

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Gov. Shirley's Speech, [Appendix.

ests of his British dominions, as well as the particular interests
of New England, and the other British colonies on this con-
tinent, and to provide a safe retreat for our forces on any
extraordinary emergency that may require it. In the meantime
it must afford you the highest satisfa£tion to observe the par-
ticular regard which His Majesty's ministers have shown for the
protection of these colonies by their beforementioned orders to
Commodore Warren, and the warm assurances I received from
His Majesty's governors in the colonies of New York, the
Jersies, and Pennsylvania, of their most hearty endeavors to
engage the colonies under their respedive governments in the
support of the common cause upon this occasion, have given
me great encouragement to proceed in the expedition, towards
securing the success whereof I immediately received from Gov.
Clinton, upon my request to him for that purpose, a considera-
ble train of artillery, without which we could not have had the
same prospect of reducing the island as we now have.

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;iv V APPENDIX B.

(Page 69.) / ' " .

[ROBABLY no publication so well lays open the
stare of public feeling, and the actual state of the
country, at and prior to the Cape Breton expedi-
tion, than is exhibited in the Sermon of Rev.
Thomas Prince, preached in the Old South Meetinghouse in
Boston, on a Thanksgiving, appointed for that occasion, just
one month and one day after the surrender of Louisbourg.
That performance is thus entitled : ** Extraordinary Events the
Doings of God, and marvellous in Pious Eyes. — Illustrated in a
SERMON on the General Thanksgiving, Thursday, July
18, 1745. Occasioned by taking the City of Louisbourg on the
Isle of Cape Breton.^ by New England Soldiers, assisted by a
British Squadron. Psal. xcviii. O sing unto the Lord a new
Song, [etc.] BOSTON : Printed for D. Henchman in
Cornhill. 1745."

The Dedication follows entire:* "To His Excellency
William Shirley, Esqj Captain General and Governour in
Chief in and over His Majesty's Province of the Massachu-
setts Bay in New England^ and Vice Admiral of the same :
Your Excellency being, under the Divine Conduct, the principal
Former and Promoter of the prosperous Expedition to Cape Bre-
ton ; of such vast Importance to the Trade, Wealth, and Power
of Great Britain, as well as Safety of Her American Colonies ;
and so much to the Glory wherewith GOD has crowned His

* Capitalised and italicised according to the original.

'^» m iiwi^wpurr^ii"'"

1 88 Taking of Louisbourg. [Appendix.

Majesty's happy Reign : The following Sermon is, in Grati-
tude and Justice, with all Submission, Dedicated by your
Excellency's Most obliged^ Obedient Humble Servant^

■ "Thomas Prince."

After a philosophical introdu£lIon, in which the author hints
at the influences of good angels and bad angels on the a£l:ions
of men, and gives Satan a recognition in the management of
affairs, he proceeds : " But we must hasten on to Apply these
things, in pursuance of our first design, to the great and extra-
ordinary occasion of this happy Solemnity : A surprising course
of Providence has led us into a most adventurous enterprise
against the French settlements at Cape Breton, and their exceed-
ing strong city of Louisbourg, for warlike power the pride and
terror of these northean seas ; and by a wonderous series and
happy coincidences of various means, delivered them into our
hands. And this in a most signal manner, is the Lord's doings
in the present day ; and is truly marvellous in every pious, yea,
I may say, in every unprejudiced and considerate eye.

" The island belonged originally to the British empire : * was
at first comprised in the general name and grand patent of New
England in 1620 ; but in the following year set ofFand included
in Nova Scotia by a separate patent ; and since, in Nova Scotia
comprehended in the royal charter of the Massachusetts pro-
vince in 1 69 1. It abounds in the best of pit coal known in

* Assuming that the English first dis-
covered it, which the French never ad-
mitted. " Or [the English] pretend
que les Cabots reconnurent I'lsle de Terre
Neuve .... cependant de bons auteurs
assuri qu'ils n'avoient debarque en aucun
endroit," tt ctt. CJkarltveix, II, ix. Ed.

See also Lahontan Ntuveaux Voyagti, II,
7, who says : " II y a plus d'un siecle
et demi que le Canada a etc decouverte )
Jean Verasan sut le premier qui le di..d-
vrit, mais i son malheur, en les sauvagat
le mangerent." Edition la Haye, 1705,
page 7, vol. II. Edittr,

■M

mmm

lilii"

^mm

Appendix.] Taking of Loutsbourg.

189

America ; and so near the surface of the earth and coast of the
sea, as to be very easily dug and put in vessels. Yea, from
1703, Lahontan had told us* of the French ships loading with
and carrying the same to Guadaloupe and Martinico, for the
refining of sugars, to their great advantage. And its commo-
dious harbors ; with its happy situation in the center of our
fishery, at the entrance of the bay and river of Canada, and in
the wake of all the trade from Europe to the British colonies
on the main land, of [North] America, and both from them
and our West India Islands to Europe, rendered the place of
such vast importance." f

It will be very difficult for the casual reader of the present
day to have even a slight appreciation of the situation in which
our fathers saw themselves at the period of this French war.
The resources of their immediate country had scarcely begun
to be known ; coal had not been discovered, and although the
abundance of wood rendered it almost useless, yet they doubt-
less looked forward to a time when coal would be of conse-
quence, as it had long been in England and other parts of
Europe. To look upon Nova Scotia as a central position to the
country in our time would excite a smile. But at that period
the country to the westward of Boston was mostly a wilderness.

* This reference to Lahontan it not
very intelligible. The author probably
meant htfort 1703, inttead of from 1703.
Editor.

|- "I remember while in England,
when we came to know the Tory Minis-
try had by the treaty of Utrecht in 171 3,
resigned it to the French, all true-hearted
Britons who knew the circumstance of
the island, most grievously lamented the
resignation, as full of teeming mischief

to the British trade, wealth, and power,
and as one of the most fatal a£h of that
unhappy ministry." Prince. Up to this
period much had been written on " The
Importance of Cape Breton ; " that the
French annually employed 1,000 vessels
in the fishery, of 200 to 400 tons, and
10,000 men ; curing 5,000,000 quintals
of fish. In 1730 they carried to Mar-
seilles alone, 2,200,000 quintals. Amir.
Magawnt, II, 216. Ed,

B^^^W

™_T— - .

' J 1

■ •' i

; I i

i
1

fi i

i rl

^^•^ !

190

Takintr of Louisbourg. [Appendix.

New York was of small account, and places further westward
amounted to very little, and were almost entirely confined to
the mouths of rivers upon the sea coast. The West, the
Great West was practically unknown.

" The French well knowing the vast advantage of their
acquisition, have built a walled city on the most convenient port
both for trade and fortification ; for these thirty years been
adding to its natural and artificial strength ; and by immense
sums and the utmost art and dilligence, made it one of the
strongest fortresses in America, if not in Europe ; such as was
not like to be taken without a very powerful, skillful and reso>
lute army both by sea and land, or being starved to a surrender.
In short, it was the Dunkirk of North America, and in some
respei^s of greater importance.

" For, by means of this island and fortification, the French
have every year enlarged their fishery, and thereby their trade,
wealth and shipping ; and by fishing cheaper than we, they have
moie and more commanded the trade of Spain, Portugal, and
Italy } drawn away their gold and silver, and greatly diminished
our trade and fishery, a principal source both of the British
wealth and naval power.

** So pernicious a settlement was this, that for above these
twenty years, it has seemed to me, it were wortn the while to
engage in a war with France, if it were for nothing else but to
recover this most important island to the British empire.*

* ThU wai a rather hard philoiophy,
ill view of iti source. It is the same at
though a man, having so' i an article at
too low a price, should knock down the
purchaser, take the commodity sold and
make otF with it ! As old Thomas Ful-
ler would say, "This might do in sea

divinity, but justice is quite another
thing." If Queen Anne's ministers
made a foolish bargain, it it a sorry argu-
ment to base a murderous war upon. It
is the argument made use of by small
boys about their playthings. It certainly
comes with bad grace from our author. Ed.

\''^

■ Liiiii lin^gl jinW^tirB

Appendix.] Taking of Louisbourg.

191

Though a war was dreadful, the necessity and hazard seemed
every year to increase ; the longer it was deferred, the more
powerful and dangerous they grew, and the less our hope of
their being ever reduced. ?

** At length, without our seeking, and in the most critical
time, the Lord was pleased to leave them to precipitate a war
upon us. An unexpedted season opens to make the dangerous
trial, if the Almighty would please to prosper us. And now
all the northern colonies, and ours especially, began to feel their
destruAive power and influence. In a few months' time infest-
ing our coasts, taking our shipping, ruining our fishery and trade,
destroying Canso, invading Annapolis, reducing us to straits,
and carrying our people into a place almost impregnable.
[Louisbourg ] And as it was a source of privateers and men
of war distressing to us, it was also a safe resort both of their
West and East India fleets, to their great advantage in return-
ing homeward. Of such vast importance was this strong port
of our enemies ; and this possessed by one of the most enter-
prising, powerful, and a£tive nations.

** But in the wisdom of God, the stronger it grew, the better
in the issue for us. The French having built a regular city,
and laid out immensely more to render it both strong and com-
modious, than we should, if the place had been in our power.
Yea, it seems most likely, that if they had not possessed it,
there would neither have been a battery, nor even a house in
the port to this day } * no more than in many fine harbors of

■4-'',

* Had the author written this at'a been anything but the residence of a few

much later period, he could not have fiahermen with some farms of little im-

made a truer prediftion. After it fell portance. See Parsons 's Lift of Pef>-

into the hands of the English in 1758, perrell, 332, 333. See also Halliburton's

it was demolished, and has never since Hitt. Nova Scotia, II, ai4-zi8. Ed.

i_i_^

iiiii

:;==

-*■■■■<>— ^■.4w«

V , !> I

l;^l im

192

Taking of Louisbourg. [Appendix.

Nova Scotia ; which though so near the fishery, have been
negle£ted by us for so many years, from the peace of Utrecht.
But now, in a few weeks' time, the sovereign God has pleased
to give us the fruits of these thirty years' prodigious art, labor,
and expense of our enemies ; and this by means of so small a
number, less than four thousand land men, unused to war,
undisciplined, and that had never seen a siege in their lives.

" Let us therefore look into the wondrous scenes of provi-
dence, and see some of the various and surprising steps which
led to the happy acquisition: i. Our enemies, being left of
God, in opposition to all rules of policy, but in too early con-
fidence of their sufficient growth of power, while engaged with
the queen of Hungary, to hurry into a war with us \ while their
trading ships were mostly abroad, their navy not so well pre-
pared, and ours by the previous war with Spain, equipped and
ready to employ its power for our defense and their annoyance ;
it seems in as happy a jundlure as wc could wish for ; without
which we should not have had the advantage or opportunity
which they have opened to us.

** 2. The people of Cape Breton early and suddenly seizing
Canso, invading Annapolis, and M. De Vivier going to France
for additional forces by sea and land, to renew the assault in the
spring of the year ; were improved by God as a means of rous-
ing us up with the sense of danger, and of exciting our Go-
vernor to implore the King for somt naval help ; without
which it seems that commodore Warren with his three ships of
war had not been ordered from our West India Islands to New
England; though then, I suppose, without any special view to
this important enterprise.

" 3. By the Cape Bretoners taking and carrying so many of
our people into their harbor and city, they were obliged to return

til-

iHi

Appendix.] Taking of Loutsbourg.

193

them to us ; whereby we came to be more acquainted with their
situation and the proper places of landing and attacking. And
at the same time it is in the issue happy they were not fully
aware of the prodigious strength of the fortifications, or of the
great number of men within and near them, or we never had
presumed on such an enterprise. Yea, it is happy that some
few, who better knowing the place, gave the more exa<^
accounts and spake discouraging ; yet we were so set on sending,
they were not regarded.

** 4. God was pleased to give last summer a great plenty of
provision to our northern colonies, whereby we were this spring
prepared to supply so great an armament, and at the same time
cut short the crops in Canada and the French West India
Islands ; whereby it was apprehended that those at Cape Breton
were considerably straitened, and that both the Canada French
and Indians were hindered the last year from troubling our
inland borders.

** 5. By our account of the uneasiness of the Switzers there,
for want of pay and provision ; and the call and wants of their
East and West India fleet in the Fall of the year, and their sup-
plies with men and viiSluals, if not ammunition, it was repre-
sented the remaining French were further weakened } and we
were the more encouraged. And it was further remarkable,
that their store ships from France in the Fall came so late on
their coast, and the winter there set in so early and fierce, as to
keep them out of their harbor and drive them off to Martineco.

'* 6. From the sanguine representations made by our returned
captives, of the easiness of our taking the place by an early
surprisal before any help could come, either from France or
Canada, God was pleased to lead our Governor, vigilant and
a£kive for our safety and welfare^ into the proje£): j and early

irr m. If ■ ;ih '-■ ■ lf^ ■ ■ --^ 'f '- ■■-■■■■'" --^-i- ■ i--' '• ' mn,> juammnMM

194

Taking of Louisbourg, [Appendix.

■1 '•■

; ( I.

h i I

forming the scheme, in the most timely season, in the midst of
Winter, when our intercourse abroad was sealed up, to move
and press it on the General Assembly ; and after, in convenient
time, on our neighboring governments ; and with wonderous
resolution, circumspe<Stion and assiduity to pursue the same.

" 7. Though when the affair was first proposed to the
General Court, the difficulties seemed so great, and the expense
so sinking to this poor people, that they saw no light to venture
without a powerful, previous help from England ; yet, upon
further representations, that the season would likely be lost for-
ever, &c., the affair was unexpectedly reconsidered: And the
sovereign God so over-ruled the absence of divers worthy
representatives, who judged it too vast an undertaking for us,
that, it is said, the final resolution for it, on January 25, was
just carried by one majority ; and even that and other votes had
been lost, if the superior greatness of the expense had been
then imagined \ it soon abundantly exceeded their expeditations.

" When the General Court had agreed on this great enter-
prise, it is surprising to think, with how profound a secrecy so
many members in the center of so populous, observing, and
inquisitive a town as this, for so many days, kept their consulta-
tions, until the various parts of the plan were settled, com-
mittees chosen, and all things ripe for enlisting soldiers, hiring
vessels, buying materials and provisions : and as surprising to see
with what a general silence all these things were done in this
city and land ; and the army and fleet equipped and ready to
sail, while the rest of the world had scarce any intelligence of
our preparations.

*^ 9. As soon as ever the design was known among us, it was
a marvelous thing, that when this province had lately lost so
many hundred men, volunteers in the sad expedition to Car-

'"-^

^mrm

Appendit.) Taking of Louis hour g.

195

thagena* (not one in ten being left alive to return), their wives
left widows and their children orphans, yet to see so many likely
men, and I conclude the most of them owners of lands and
.houses, or heirs of the same, and many religious, in all our
towns, readily listing even as private soldiers i with the small
wages of twenty-five shillings (new tenor) a month, to leave
their gainful farms and trades, as well as parents, wives and
children ; all as free volunteers, to serve their God, their king
and country, in this hazardous enterprise. Yes, more to list
than the court desired ; and that so many men of distinguished
figure should cheerfully offer themselves — even four of his
majesty's council ;| as also the Hon. Deputy Governor of
Connefticut colony,^ and divers others of public esteem and
charadter.

** 10. It was wonderful also to see that during those two
usually stormy months of February and March, the only season
for our preparation, God was pleased to give us such a constant
series of moderate and fair weather, as in that time of the year
has scarce ever been known among us. So that there was
hardly any impediment to our officers going about and enlisting,
our soldiers in marching, or our vessels in fitting, or our coast-
ers in bringing us provisions, or our committee of war,§ in their
various preparations, until all were ready to sa,'.

* That pestilential expedition was in
1740, under Admiral Vernon. There
were in the expedition, according to good
authority, 27,000 men, of whom 15,000
were seamen. The English loss, chiefly
by sickness, was about ao,ooo men ! Ed.

f Colonel Pepperrell, Samuel Waldo,
Joseph Dwight, and Jeremiah Moulton.
Editor.

\ Roger Wolcot, Esq. He was the
second in command of the land forces,
was a native of Windsor in Connedicut,

and attained a high military rank. He
died at the advanced age of eighty-eight,
May 17th, 1767. His father was Henry
W., and his mother was Martha, sister of
Gov. William Pitkin. Oliver W., signer
of the Declaration of Independence, was
his son. Ed.

§ Instead of a commissary general, an
officer appointed by the governor, a com-
mittee oi war was chosen by the two
houses out of their own members. Hutck-
iHioH, II, 41 X. Ed.

''I '

f
^

|, ^,,

Pfl

196

Taking of Louisbourg. [AmNoix.

I' I

I"'

"11. The extraordinary thought, contrivance, order, man-
agement, and quick dispatch, not only of his Excellency, but
also of our Council of War, seems wonderful ; that gentlemen
unused to such aftairs, should, in two months time, think of
and get ready everything suitable for so great and various an
armament by sea and land ; so that nothing proper seems to
have beei; onJtted. And I have heard some express them-
selves with wonder to see how things would happen \ just as
they wanted some kinds of materials or provisions, an unex-
pedted vessel would come in and bring them.

" 1 2. It was also wonderful, that though the small-pox, which
has been so fatal and dreadful to us, came into this town
[Boston] and harbor, as our troops were coming in, both by
land and water, and continued all the time they were quarter-
ing and anchoring here, very few of the officers and soldiers
having had it, and we were full of anxious apprehensions ; yet,
it neither hindered them, nor did the dangerous infection spread
among them ; which, in that critical juncture would, after all,
have wholly overthrown the enterprise.

"And now our army of three thousand land soldiers, with
all kinds of stores being ready to sail on the 20th of March, in
about a hundred vessels, besides five hundred soldiers more
sent from Conne£Ucut, and three hundred and fifty from New
Hampshire, we had almost every gloomy prospect to make us
tremble : for our inland borders were now left bare of a great
part of their strength, by listing of so many of their able men
volunteers in the expedition. And if the enterprise succeeded,
the heavy debt would almost sink us. But if, for our offences,
God were carrying forth a great part of the flower of the coun-
try to be destroyed, a most dismal scene of ruin seemed to
follow ! They were to sail five hundred miles to the enemy's

I'-M I

ppi

NIMHHIPI

AfPENDix.] Taking of Louisbourg.

197

island, in a raw and stormy time of the year. And if the feared
infection had taken place and should break out among them,
especially after their landing, what a general terror would seize
them from the hand of God which there was no resisting, and
in what a miserable case would they be ! * A naval power with
stores and disciplined troops were also early expelled there from
France to conquer Nova Scotia. And after all the labors of
our unwearied Governor, to obtain some men of war from our
I. -hboring colonies and West India Islands to come and pro-
tect and help us, our hopeful prospers seemed to dwindle away,
and we could do no other but that, if two sixty gun ships of
our enemies, which were early cxpeded, should arrive before
we took the place, they would soon make our fleet and army
captives, and then what would become of this country !

" So they must run the most desperate hazards. The hearts
of many of the wisest ashore now seemed to fail. Some
repented they had voted for it, and others that they had ever
promoted it. Some judged it best after all for every man to
go home ; and the thoughtful among us were in great perplexity^
But yet a wopder it was to see, that those who were venturing
into the danger, seemed to be fullest of trust in God and
courage. Many filled their vessels with prayers ; and asking
ours, they threw themselves into the divine protection, in the
name of God they set up their banners, and away they sailed.
Pray for us, and we will fight for you, was the valiant and
endearing language wherewith they left us.

* In one day, March 5, the small-pox care of some guardian angel or genius,

appeared in three Uifferent parts of the they escaped the infeaion. It was 1; tely

town. No care was taken to remove the imported in Capt. Snelling's ship, which

levies to some of the many convenient was taken into the service of the expedi-

itlandt in the bay. Miraculously, by the tion. Douglau. Ed.

,'r ~

,ji,

198

^aking of LoUtshourg. [Appendix.

" Such were some of the remarkable steps which led to the
dangerous enterprise. We come now to the more surprising
ones which succeeded therein to the happy accomplishment: —

" I. As it was very encouraging to think how many pious
and prayerful persons were embaiked in the cause, which we
accounted the cause of God and his people; it gave further
grou. of hope, to see such a spirit of Supplication given to
many in this town and land on this occasion. For besides the
solemn days of public and general prayer appointed by these
three governments,* there were particular days observed in
several congregations. There were also in div -s towns
religious societies, some of women as well as others of Men,
who met every week, more privately to pray for the preserva-
tion and success of their countrymen. And I have been well
informed of their extraordinary fervency, faith and wrestlings,
as so many Jacobs in this important season. Psalm cvr i, 10-
13, v/as usually among our petitions: As also 'That God
would preserve, dire£l and spirit our friends, and surprise and
terrify our enemies, and in such a manner as the work and
gloiy might appear to be his alone.'

" 2. God then began in a remarkable manner to hear our
prayers, in that when so many vessels sailed from hence and
from New Hampshire and Connecticut, in such a turbulent
time of the year, through a course of five hundred miles on the
ocean, they every one arrived ?X Canso, the place of Concourse,
about fifty miles on this side Cape Breton, without the loss
of more than one soldier and three seamen, and but fifteen sick ;t

* They were New Hampshire, Massa- help in fighting Indians and Frenchmen,

chusetts and Connefticut, probably. Editor.

Rhode Island was hardly allowed to be a f This was the report of Gen. Pep-
Christian community, by many in tliose perrell in a letter to Governor .Shirley, as
days, yet they were glad enough of its communicated to the General Court,

^Miajg^jmsi^mat

I ) >ti» l ll

Appendix] Taking of Loutsbourg.

199

and time enough to meet together and refresh themselves, and
get into order for their descent at Louisbourg.

"3. It was remarkable also, that God was pleased to keep
our enemies' shore and harbor environed with ice longer than
usual ; so that none of their vessels could enter nor go forth
for intelligence, till our twenty gun cruisers (which our Go-
vernor sent above a fortnight before the rest of the fleet) came
thither ; and that some of their vessels coming early to them,
both before and after the harbor was open, were happily inter-
cepted and taken by ours ; whereby our enemies within failed
of their supplies, and we were recruited by those without.

*'4. That by a most gracious, seasonable and wonderful Di-
reftion of God, through our Governor's solicitation * the Fall
before, the brave and active Commodore Warren, a great friend
of these plantations, is ordered by the government in England,
to come immediately with three men of war from Antego to
Boston; that on his voyage hither, near Cape Sables, on April
12, he met with a fisherman, who informed him of our army's
being gone to Canso the week before ; that on board the fish-
erman there was one of the best pilots, who had got out of the
way of our committee of war, to avoid being pressed for the
service; that though the Commodore wanted fresh provision

April 25. The general said he had re-
viewed the forces on Canso Hill, and
found them in good health ; that Capt.
Donahew had taken three Indians, from
whom he had learned that the French
and Indians had intended to make a fresh
attack on Annapolis, and that Mons.
Duvivier, with two ships of v-'nr from
France, was expected to join them. Ed.
* It will all along be seen that nothing
by way of a wise precaution was wanting

in Gov. Shirley. As little was left to
chance, apparently, as in any similar ex-
peditions, whatever writers have said to
the contrary. It is a very cheap kind of
wisdom to foresee what would have been
the result of an undertaking if a deluge
or an earthquake had intervened. If it
was providential that neither of these
happened, it is equally providential that
the internal fires of the earth were quiet
during the liouisbouig campaign. Ed,

i: .,

.^.^^^^....^.^....^.^

it i
lib r

! ':. !i

200

Taking of Louisbourg.

[Appendix.

and clothes for his men in so cold a climate and season, he
wisely considered the necessitous case of our army, took the
pilot, generously tacked about, went after them, overtook them
at Canso, to their great joy ; and, instead of stopping, passed
on to watch the harbor of Louisbourg, that no supply from
Canada, Martinico or France might slip into it ; without all
which a sixty-four gun ship with near six hundred men and full
stores had entered, and this great affair had soon been defeated.*

" 5. That the Commodore, by the fishermen sent his order
for the king's ships that should be found in these parts, forth-
with to follow himj that the fisherman timely arriving, our
Governor immediately sent the order to a forty gun ship at
Piscataqua ready to convoy the mast fleet for England ; and
though she was got to sea, yet by a boat the order reached her ;
and sending her fleet into harbor, she bore after the Commo-
dqre and quickly joined him. So that our army before they
sailed from Canso, had the comfort of four men of war to pro-
tedt and help them.

" 6. That though our fleet and army stayed near three weeks
at Canso, within twenty leagues of Louisbourg, and within
sight of their island,t yet the people there knew nothing of it
till early in the morning of April 30, when they were so sur-
prised to see us, that they had no time to get in the fresh pro-
vision and force of the neighboring country to help thenn. It
seems very wonderful, that none of the French or Indians near
Canso should happen to see us, and give our enemies intelli-
gence of us. And, when our fleet and army were complete

* It it by no means certain that the Scdtik from Cape Breton, is "very nar-

arrival of this ship would have defeated row ; " and as it is of very unequal width,

the capture. It might have retarded it. geographers do not give us even an average

See ante, p. 72. Ed. of it. Ed. It is six leagues in length.

f The Gut of Canso, separating Nova See Doug/att, I. 346. Ed. . ' ;

•'■ri- ■*■■•■*'

. 1 ;ii(» i r« . « > 'ji'-r . tri i -i i i iii ' > > i -i .'■ i^ i iiii ' i ' .i. ii. i iii i i.

mvimi

Apmndix.] Taking of Louis u^urg.

201

and ready, the ice went cfF at once, and the winds and weather
conspired to favoi our descent on the island.'*'

" 7. It is also remarkable that the French had made no forti-
fication at th; place of our landing, though it is said they de-
signed it, and were preparing for it. And though they had
six hundred regular troops, and about fourteen hundred other
men in the city, that yet they should make so small an oppo-
sition at our going on shore: That God so encouraged and
helped the few who landed first and engaged them, as to beat
them away with the loss of eight of their men slain, several
wounded, and ten taken captive, without the loss of one of
ours; that thereby he struck terror into our enemies; And
though our people were so eager of landing, they were ready
to quarrel to get into the boats, and the surf ran high, yet all
our army landed safely, without oversetting a boat or losing a
man.f

"8. That he moved them to improve the time, and forth-
with march up five miles through a thickety, rocky, hilly and
boggy country, and enclose the city ; that in the following night
he led some of our soldiers through strange places to the store-
houses near the Grand Battery which was strongly fortified
with walls and ditches, and at each end a very thick bomb-
proof tower ; that the store-houses, full of combustible matter,
being set on fire burnt and flashed in a horrible manner, and in

* Pioui men i»w the immediate hand
of Divine Providence in all this. Hutch-
intoH. Ed.

f The force* under Admiral Boeca-
wen, Sir Charles Hardy, and Gen. Am-
herst, found things vastly changed when
they were sent to retake the place thirteen

year* later. The men led by Wolfe,
Whitmore, and Lawrence, were not less
eager to land, though in the face of forti-
fications which made terrible havoc
among them ; besides the drowning of
twenty-tw.o men by the staving of boat*.
Editor,

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202

Taking of Louisbourg.

[ApPENDIJf.

the night increased the enemy's terror; that the wind also
bearing a prodigious black smoke upon them, in which expedt-
ing our army to enter, they were every soul frighted out of it
into the city ; and that in the morning, but thirteen of our men
observing there was neither fiag flying, nor chimney smoking,
nor person appearing, but the gates open, ventured in and took
possession.*

**9. That yet the enemy aware of their fatal error, soon
after came with forces in many shallowaesf to recover it ; but
eight of the thirteen going out of the battery, and meeting
with about eight more of our friends, ran to the water side,
and so plied the boats with small arms, as damped and hindered
them, till seeing more of our forces coming, the boats turned
back to the town again. If they had come but one hour sooner,
they had regained the battery before we found it deserted.
And thus this strong fortress of thirty-two great cannon
(thirty of them forty-two pounders), which might alone have
maintained itself against all our army, the Lord delivered into
our hands, without the loss of a man, or shot of a gun, and
before we demanded it ; whereby He at once saved us both
time, toil, and blood, and surprisingly gave us a great power
over the harbor, as well as so many of the largest of the ene-
my's cannon, with a great number of their own balls and bombs
to improve against them.

** 10. That our army was preserved from the dangerous
infeftion ; and though being open to the air, fogs and dews,
upon the melting of the ice, in a raw climate and season of the
year, the camp dysentery seized many, yet some of our physi-

* Thl« was Col. Vaughan's exploit.
It will be found differently reported in
Apfknoix D.

f Perhaps flat bottomed boats. The
only instance of the occurrence of the
word recolle^ed. Eti.

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^^1^

AippENDix.] Taking of Louisbourg.

203

cians, in their letters signified, that it looked almost miraculous
they should so soon and generally, without means, recover.*

*' II. That they should be inspired with wondrous courage,
eagerness, activity, and unfainting strength ; be supported under
their extraordinary and constant toils, fatigues, and labors, in
carrying stores, drawing cannon over hills and vallies, among
rocks and through morasses, up to the middle in mire } and
digging trenches, raising batteries, firing shot and bombs almost
incessantly, both day and night, against the city jf and that God
so spfeedily 'taught their hands to war, and their fingers to fight,'
as presently to throw them with great exactness, and do
continual execution among our enemies ; dismounting their
cannon, beating down their houses, gates, walls, flankers, and
greatly distressing them.t

" 12. That when a new sixty-four gun ship from France, with
near six hundred men, and great quantities of arms and stores,

''*' During the siege was constant dry,
favorable weather. Next day, June 18,
after we had possession of the town, the
raining season set in, which, for want of
our men being clothed and well lodged,
would have broken up the siege. Dou-
glast. E4. These contingencies served
a good purpose then and long after.

f Here we may observe, that by the
herculean labor of our militia (many oi
them were used to masting and logging),
whose great achievements were most re-
markable in quality of pioneers or laborers,
they dragged these heavy cannon upon
•ledges over morasses not practicable by
horses or oxen. By good providence they
had no occasion to show their conduA
and courage in repulsing of coldiers.
Dottglati. Ed.

X The transporting the cannon was
with almost incredible labor and fatigue,
for all the roads over which they were
dtawn, having here and there small
patches of rocky hills, was a deep morass,
in which, while the cannon, was upon
the wheels, they several times sunk, so as
to bury not only the carriages, but the
whole body of the cannon likewise.
Horses a)id oxen could not be employed
in this tervice, but the wliole was to be
done by n\tn themselves, up to the knees
in mud ; at the same time the nights, in
which the work was done, cold, and for
the most p.irt foggy; their tents bad, there
being no proper material to be had for
cents in New England, at the time the
forces were raised. Governor Shirley's
Journal, page 14. Ed.

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204

Taking of Louisbourg, [ArrEwwx.

came so near the mouth of the harbor, and before a fair wind,
that two hours more would have given her entrance, she was
happily discovered by some of our smaller ships, who led her
along to the larger, and soon made her strike, though after near
two hours' close engagement, wherein she lost above thirt-' men,
and ours but five.* And though by the fog in the night they
lost her, yet in the morning they happily recovered her; to the
growing discouragement of the besieged, and our increasing
strength and benefit.

" That though to show our dependence on God continually.
He was pleised to suffer the barbarous Indians twice to surprise
and murder some of our people ; yet in several land encounters,
both with French and Indians, in divers parts of the island, He
was pleased to give us the victory.

**That by means of extraordinary quick dispatch of a
messenger, our Governor in February sent to the King for
naval help. God was pleased to send so many men of war,
successively, as by the I2th of June, with the 64-gun prize and
those who were there before, to amount to eleven, to the sinking
fear of the enemy, and the rising joy of our fleet and army ; and
also to preserve a happy harmony between our various officers.

** That though God was pleased to humble us in defeating
our attack in the night, on their strong Island Fort,t yet he

..i.x::,l I .*

* Besides the Superb, the Mermaid,
Eltham, Massachusetts Frigate, and
Shirley Galley were all in the engage-
ment. Gov. Shirley's Journal, page i%.
Ed.

f This was the mo«t unfortunate part
of the whole siege, and was apparently
very ill advised. Mr. Prince passes over
it altogether too slightly. Dr. Douglass
treats it more at it should be treated.

He says, "About four hundred men, in
whaleboats so thin and light that a flew
musket balls were sufficient to sink them,
rashly attempted the Island Battery, where
is bad landing, against thirty guns of
twenty-eight pound ball, served by one
hundred and eighty men. We lost in
this mad frolic, sixty men killed and
drowned, and one hundred and sixteen
taken prisoners." lb. 353. E4.

Appendix.]

Taking of Louishurg.

10$

happily guided, and with surprising strength, agility and quick-
ness, helped us to hoist up some of the heaviest cannon and
mortars on the Light House CliiF, which overlooked that fort
in which they trusted to hinder our entering into their harbor ;
and then assisted in casting our bombs so exactly, as after the
two or three first to throw in every one of the rest, and do
such execution as quickly to beat them out of this strong hold
they thought impregnable, and frighten the city to a quiet
surrender. "•

" That God shouiv. move them to it in that critical moment,
when the navy and army had just agreed on a general, desperate
and fierce assault, both by land and water, which was like to be
exceeding bloody and of doubtful consequence ; for upon the
capitulation, when our forces entered the city, and came to
view the inward state of its fortifications, they were amazed to
see their extraordinary strength and device, and how we had
like to liave lost the limbs and lives of a multitude, if not have
been all destroyed ; and that the city should surrender when
there was a great body of French and Indians got on the island,
and within a day's march to molest us.

*■*• That in all our close and constant assaults and skirmishes,
some of our batteries being within pistol-shot of the city, and
receiving such a vast number of balls and bombs almost con-
tinually by day and by night, we should not have above twenty
slain in our batteries, and not above a hundred in all, in so raw
a climate and season, and under such fatigues, not loose above
a hundred more by sickness. And of so many vessels trans-
porting and cruising, in so many storms in March and April,

*June 15th, when the mortar began seventeen fell within the fort, and one of
to play fi-om the Lighthouse battery upon them upon the magazine. — Shirley's
the Island battery, out of nineteen shells. Journal, p. 30. Ed,

— T-J*l

i i i ft i i ^iii f iii ' i n uiiiiii j i i ii w iiii

if '

206

Taking of Louisbourg. [Appendix.

loose but one,''' though this a cruiser of a hundred men, supposed
to be overset, is a grievous loss.

**That in the time of the siege, there were many other
surprising events in our favor, — such as timely supplies to our
army, either by transports or prizes, as we were near to want
them ;t that the very balls from our enemy's cannon were of
no small service, being as fast almost as they fell catched up
and put into ours, and returned with advantage } that digging a
trench to protect our men, and meeting a rock in the way we
could not remove it ; just as we left it, a bomb from the enemy
came down in the most suitable spot, and without any harm,
removed it for us. .

" That from the army leaving Canso, April 29th, to their
landing, April 30th, and during all the siege, there should be
such a continual series of fair weather, as was never known
in the place before at that time oi the year, till their entering
into the city, June 17th, and then the clouds to gather blackness
and pour down rains for ten days together, which would
have spoiled our batteries, filled our trenches, and greatly
hindered and disabled us ! It seemed to close the scenes of
wonder !

" In the mean while, it is also remarkable, that the North
American coasts have been unmolested by both French and

4.; ;?:'

*Thi8 " one " wm the snow Prince of
Orange, of sixteen guns, Capt. Smithurst.
It is to be regretted that in all the ac-
counts of the Cape Breton expedition
which I have consulted, nothing is learned
of this serious disaster, but its casual
mention.

I " The English, by the situation of
their colonies, have had facilities which

we do not possess. Boston is only one
hundred and sixty to one hundred and
eighty leagues distant from Louisbourg ;
the passage is usually made in three or
four days '; therefore, after landing at
Gabarus [Chapeau rouge] Bay, they
were within reach of supplies." — New
York Colonial Documents, x, 4 See, also,
Halliburton, Hitt. Nova Scotia, I, 116.

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Appendix.] TakfTig of LoUtsbourg.

207

Spanish West India privateers^ till this great affair was ended.*
And that by means of Du Vivier's projeft of taking Annapolis
in the Spring or Summer, both our French and Indian enemies
have been all this time diverted from our exposed inland
borders ; they being drawn to Menis, and to make a trancient
show at Annapoiis. So he was guided into his mischievous
but fruitless project, and to go even to France to promote our
safety, and give us an unmolested season for the taking of
Louisbourg."

Respecting the combination and continuance of fortunate
circumstances which contributed to the capture of Cape Breton,
a judicious writer has remarked : *' But these circumstances
did not lessen the merit of the man who planned, nor of the
people who efFefted the conquest ; which exhibited a high
spirit of enterprise, and a generous participation in the war of
the mother country. "f

It was customary at this period, as well as in the earlier
periods of the history of New England, to make a providential
interposition answetable for whatever fortune befel the country,
either good or bad. Hence our amiable author (Prince) has
laboriously made it appear, that, in the Louisbourg expedition,
more than in all others, the hand of Providence was especially
on the side of the English ; that this was a proof that a Papal
empire in North America was not to be tolerated by that
Providence. That the men who undertook this enterprise
against the French, deserved any better success than those who

* But they had previously annoyed the and bid him take it to the English King,

English commerce exceedingly; treating
the seamen in the most barbaroui man-
ner. "Captain Jenkins, master of a
Scotch vessel, being rumaged by the
Spaniards, they tore part of his ear off,

and tell him, that they would serve him
so, if they had him in their power." —
Biggs's Af/Z/rory History, page i.

■f Halliburton, Hiitory of Nova Scotit,
1, lao-i.

flii

208

Taking of Louisbourg. [Apmndix.

had before gone on k oiilar «. icmpts under Sir William Phips,
Sir Hovenden Walker, and othert., is hidden from the scrutiny
of the historian.

Had the expedition against Louisbourg been undertaken with-
out orders from Great Britain, as its enemies said, its failure would
have been the ruin of the country, as no relief could be expected
from the crown. Tiuis argument was made use of to prove
that it was a visionary undertaking. But it was not undertaken
without the authority of the British government, as has already
been shown. War existed between the two crowns, and the
Governors of the respedive colonies were ordered to annoy the
enemy to the utmost of their ability. Hence the undertaking
was in stride compliance with the commands of the government.

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APPENDIX C.

Page 7».

|HE fortunate interception and capture of the French
ship Vigilant, of sixty-four guns, Captain De la
Maison Forte, are but incidently mentioned in the
published accounts. The capture was of too great
importance not to have a very prominent place in the history
of this war. It follows here, detailed by Captain Tyng, one
who bore a considerable part in the fight, in a letter dated May
23d, I745f probably on board his ship, the Massachusetts
Frigate.

*' My last was the 4th of April from Canso ; since which I
have been at sea, and had no opportunity nor anything material
to write about till now.

*■*■ I now congratulate you on the good news of our taking a
French man of war of sixty-four guns and five hundred men,
about three days ago. (She is quite new.)

" The manner of taking her was thus : The Commodore
[Warren, in the Superbe of sixty guns], the Eltham [of forty
guns, Capt. Durell], and the Launceston [of forty guns, Capt.
Calmady*] lay off Louisbourg harbor. Mr. Warren had sent
the Mermaid [Capt. Douglas, of forty guns] to cruise further
to windward. About one in the afternoon, we saw the Mer-
maid and the French ship engaged. They were standing right
for us, till the Frenchman discovered us to be English. We

- * The same, doubtleta, who lost his Islands, as already mentioned. He con-
ship the year before at the Leeward tinued in the service till 1757.

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Capture of the Vigilant. [Afmhdw.

all gave chase, but Rouse, in the Shirley Galley, being ahead,
got up with him first, and gave him several broadsides into his
stern. Capt. Durell was the next that gave him a broadside.
It being very foggy, and night coming on, we steered by the
report and flash of the guns. When the brave Commodore
got alongside of him, yard arm and yard arm, they fired so
briskly, with great guns and small arms, that tore his rigging
and sails all to pieces. His intention was to board the French-
man and mine the Commodore, and to run our men over him,
but we could not get up in time ; our ship sailing much worse
than before we lost our head and bowsprit.

"The Commodore fired one broadside into him after tney
had struck ; he not knowing they had cried for quarters. He
shot by him and lost sight of him in the fog. The Eltham
and our ship soon after took him in the night for the Commo-
dore, till the Eltham fired, and we upon his bow had an oppor-
tunity of firing at him again; the Elcham's guns firing over us,
and ours over him, in such manner we were forced to leave ofF
firing. We all lost sight of him in a minute, except the Mer-
maid, who presently got sight of him again, and sent his boat
on board, took the Captain out, and left only four men on
board, and thought we had lost her. We lay by the Commo-
dore all night. In the morning it cleared up - little, so that
we saw the French ship lie like a wreck, with Capt. Douglas
at a little distance from him (who had lost him in the night).
We sent all our boats and some men on board, and took the
prisoners out, and hope you will have them and about one
hundred more in Boston shortly.

a*!*! «i'ti<jiitii i ii< i

Afpindix.] Capture of the Vigilant.

211

" The Frenchman had about thirty-five killed and twenty-
six wounded, and on our side not above six ; one aboard [me],
three in the Mermaid, and two in the Eltham ; and most of
these by our own guns.*

" Edward Tyng."

Upon the capture of this ship (the Vigilant) Doctor Douglass
took occasion to make a display of his superior knowledge of
naval and other warlike affairs. The following is extracted,
not for the value of his opinions, but for some facts then
familiarly known, yet not recorded by others. He had the
acquaintance of the French commander while that officer was
a prisoner at Boston, and learned from him several particulars
of much interest. He says of the commander: " M. le
Marquis de la Maison Forte was son-in-law to M. Chiconeou,
first physician to the French king. This gentleman was too
rash in firing ; as he met with British men of war, he should
have made the best of his way to port, and only have put his
men in a posture to prevent boarding, without firing, which
stops the ship's way, and have received the fire of our hips
silently. Notwithstanding of this misconduct, the Marquis
was a man of good sense and observation, he made this good
remark ; that the French officers of Louisbourg, in bad policy,
hindered the English from viewing at all times the strength of
their forts ; because if the English had been well informed of
its ctrength, the most sanguine, rash, wrong-headed person, if
not a natural fool, could not have imagined such a redudion
without regular troops, and without artillery." Hence the
inference from this historian's assertion is, that Gen. Pepperrell,

* Had the Rev. Mr. Alden seen thia the captain, tha<: he captured the Vigilant,
letter of Captain Tyng, he would not See American Epitapht, I, 54. Captain
probably have stated, in hit memoir of Tyng certainly doe* not make tuch claim.

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212

^ Criticism.

[Appendix.

Gen. Waldo, Gov. Shirley, and all the officers engaged in the
expedition, however experienced in fighting the Indians and
French from year to year, and all the prisoners that had been
captives at Louisbourg, and had reported upon its fortifications
and condition, were " wrong-headed person*! if not natural
fools ! " It is now left for the future reader to judge where
the defeat of wrongheadedness was prominent among the crani-
ums of that day ; while it may be conceded that the French
commander committed a mistake in attempting to fight the
English ships, instead of making all sail for the port without
losing any time ; but Mons. Maison Forte was fairly surprised,
having no knowledge of the large force of ships on the lookout
for him. In the 'Journal of the Siege of Louisbourg^ is this con-
cise paragraph : " May 2i. A letter came to the General from
the Commodore, acquainting him he had taken the Vigilant, a
French ship ^f sixty-four guns ; besides the Superb, the Mer-
maid, Eltham, Massachu!:etts frigate, and Shirley Galley, were
all in the engagement, and at the taking of her. * Three days
after the taking of the Vigilant, Capt. [Richard] Edwards, in
the Princess Mary of sixty guns, joined the Commodore ; and
the next day Capt. [Frederick] Cornwall, in thfi Hedor of
forty guns."

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APPENDIX D.

Page 8i.

LETTER from William Shirley, Esq., Governor
of Massachusetts Bay, to his Grace the Duke of
Newcastle, with a journal of the siege of Louis-
bourg, and other operations of the forces, during
the expedition against the French settlements on Cape Breton ;
drawn up at the desire of the Council and House of Repre-
sentatives of the Province of Massachusetts Bay ; approved
and attested by Sir William Pepperell, and the other principal
officers who commanded in the said expedition. Published by
authority. London : Printed by E. Owen in Warwick Lane,
1746."

Such is the full title of Governor Shirley's authentic narrative
of the expedition against Louisbourg. It is an admirably well
written document, and would be copied in this appendix had
not al!, or nearly all its facts been already given in our preceding
r:iges ; and it not being our objedt to go more into this part of
the history ; a few extra<^s, however, to show with what
admirable clearness the Governor has narrated the fa6ls here
follow :

In his " Letter to the Duke of Newcastle," dated Oftobcr
28th, 1745, he says: "The Council and House of Represent-
atives of the Province, under my government, having taken
occasion, in a late address to me, to desire, that upon my arrival
here, ' I would give orders, that a full account of the proceed-
ings of the New England forces raised under my commission,
for the reduction of Cape Breton, during the late siege of this

f'^*»"i.«vi!:.i«i!i;it*ltifr!?!»

214 Shirley on Capture of Louisbourg. [Appendix.

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place, to the time of its surrender, should be transmitted in the
most efFedtual manner, and as soon as possible to his Majesty.'*
The sum of this account ie. that the New England troops
having sailed from Canso the 29th of April, till which time they
were detained there by the unusual quantity of ice in Chappeau-
Rouge-Bay, came to an anchor the next morning, between
nine and ten, in the bay, at the distance of about two miles
from Flat-Point Cove, where being discovered by the enemy,
a party of about one hundred and fifty men were detached from
Louisbourg, under the command of Captain Morepang and M.
Boularderie, to oppose their landing ; that General Pepperell
having made a feint to land a party in boats at the Cove, in
order to draw the enemy thither, did, by a signal from the
vessels, cause those boats suddenly to row back, and join
another party of boats under his stern, out of which were
landed, at two miles distance from the Cove, about one hundred
of our men, before the enemy could come round to oppose
them, who, notwithstanding the enemy had the advantage of
being covered by their woods, attacked them so briskly, that
they killed six of them upon the spot, took as many prisoners
(among whom was M. Boularderie), wounded several more,
and, after exchanging some shot, put the rest to flight (some of
whom were taken prisoners the next day), with the damage
sustained on our side, of only two men's being slightly wounded.
That two thousand of the troops were landed the same day,
and the remainder, being near two thousand more, the day

* It wai early seen by people of dis-
cernment, in New England, that the
English naval officers would, or might,
through a selfish jealousy, attempt to rob
the army of its hard and well earned
honors in the expedition. This narrative

letter of Governor Shirley was to coun-
teract the cffeA of any claims which
might be made, not warranted by the
genuine faCls taken on the spot at the
time, and amply vouched for by all the
chief adtors therein. — Ed.

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Appendix.] Shirley Oft Capture of Louisbourg. 215

following. That on the next day, a detachment of four
hundred of our men* marched round to the North-East Har-
bor, behind the range of hills there, where they burnt all the
enemy's houses and stores in that neighborhood, at che distance
of about a mile from the Grand Battery, whereby such a
terror was struck into them, that the same night they deserted
that battery, leaving the artillery, consisting of twenty-eight
cannon of forty-two pound shot, and two of eighteen pound,
and the ordnance stores belonging to it (except the powder,
which they threw i' > a well), so precipitately that they only
spiked up their cai 1 in a slight manner, without knocking off
any of their trunions, or doing other damage to them, and but
very little to the carriages. That the next morning, being the
third of May, a party of about fifteen or sixteen of our men
discovered that the enemy had abandoned the Grand Battery,
and drove off a party of them which attempted to reland there
that morning, in boats, notwithstanding they stood on the open
beach, exposed to the fire of the enemy's cannon from the
town, and their musquetry from the boats. f That notwith-
standing an incessant fire from the enemy's cannon and mortars
in the town, at the distance of five thousand nine hundred and

* They inarched under cover of night,
and were led by Lieutenant-Colonel
William Vaughan. The buildings which
hit party let on fire produced a dense
•moke, which the wind carried diredtly
into the Grand Battery. This was the
cause of its being abandoned by the
enemy. ^ See Belknap's History New
Hampihire (Farmer's edition), p. 274..
The four hundred, or all except thirteen
under Vaughan, appear to have retreated
after setting fire to the storehouses.

f These "fifteen or sixteen men "were

of Vaughan's party, Vaughan himself at
the head of them. The enemy were
coming to attempt to retake the Grand
Battery ; " but Vaughan, with his small
party, on the naked beach, and in the
face of a smart fire from the city and the
boats, kept them from landing, till the
reinforcement arrived. In every duty of
fatigue or sanguine adventure, he was
always ready ; and the New Hampshire
troops, animated by the same enthusiastic
ardor, partook of all the labon and dan-
gers of the siege." — Belknaf.

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21 6 Shirley on Capture of Louisbourg. [Appendix.

thirteen feet from it, and from the Island Battery, at the distance
of four thousand eight hundred feet, our troops, by the next
day cleared three of the cannon in the Grand Battery, which
pointed against the town, and returned their fire upon the
enemy there, and also from other of the guns, which pointed
against the Island Battery, and were by degrees unspiked in a
few days.* That our troops, within the compass of twenty-
three days from the time of their first landing, erected five
facine batteries against the town, consisting of cannon, some
forty-two pound shot, and others of twenty-two, and others of
nine pound. Mortars of thirteen, eleven, and nine inches
diameter, with some cohorns ; all which were transported by
hand. But notwithstanding these difficulties, and many of the
people being barefooted and almost without clothes, by means
of this service, in which they had worn them out, and their
being taken down with fluxes, so that at one time there were
fifteen hundred men incapable of duty, occasioned by their
fatigue, they went on cheerfully without being discouraged, or
murmuring, and, by the help of sledges, transported the cannon
and mortars over these ways, which the French had always
thought impassable for such heavy weights, and was indeed

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* Some singular incidents, which the
general plan of the Governor's narrative
did not admit of his going into, are not
to be overlooked : a few are here given :
" The next morning [after the enemy
had been smoked out of the Grand Bat-
tery], at Vaughan was returning with
thirteen men only, he crept up the hill
which overlooked the Battery, and
observed, that the chimneys of the bar-
racks were without smoke, and the staff
without a flag, with a bottle of brandy,
which he had in hig pocket (though he

never drank ardent spirits), he hired one
of his party, a Cape Cod Indian, to crawl
in at an embrasure, and open the gate.
He then wrote to the General, 'May it
please your honor, to be informed, that
by the grace of God, and the courage of
thirteen men, I entered the Royal Battery,
about 9 o'clock, and am waiting for a rein-
forcement and a flag.* Before either could
arrive, one of the men climbed up the
stafl^, with a red coat in his teeth, which
he fastened by a nail to the top." Vaughn
was a volunteer without command.

iiiiy.. »i ii i ' n i i 'ti ii |i |l > <i i i> i|i ' i t >i ; <iii m i n' i.iii l » i lt iliiii il it ni iiimii

•~>>'<)fiMMM*iMMMMMM>- —

Appendix. ] Siege and Capture of Louis hour g. 217

impracticable by any people of less resolution and perseverance,
or less experience in removing heavy bodies ; and besides this,
they had all their provisions and heavy ammunition, which they
daily made use of, to bring from the camp over the same way
upon their backs.

" To annoy our people in making their approaches, and carry-
ing on their batteries, the enemy eredted new works, where
they mounted some cannon, from whence, as well as from the
cannon of other batteries, and from their mortars, they continu-
ally maintained a strong fire, till their cannon was silenced by
being dismounted, or having their men beat off by our cannon.

"The most advanced of our live batteries, which was finished
on the 17th of May, was within a distance of two hundred and
fifty yards from the west gate of the town j so that from this
battery several of the enemy were killed by our musquetry, as
were some of our men by the enemy's from the walls ; and
indeed this battery was so near the enemy's works, that our
men were obliged to load the cannon there under the fire of
their musquetry, which was very sharp on both sides, the enemy
generally opening the ad^ion every morning with the fire of
their small arms upon this battery, for two hours, which was
constantly returned with advantage on our side. The execution
done from these, and the Grand Battery, was very considerable.
The west gate was entirely beat down, the wail adjoining very
much battered, and a breach made in it at about ten feet from
the bottom of the wall. The Circular Battery of sixteen
cannon, twenty-four pounders, near the west gate (and the
principal one against ships next to the Grand Battery and Island
Battery), was almost entirely ruined, and all the cannon but
three, dismounted. Their north-east battery, consisting of two
lines of forty-two and thirty-two pounders, in all seventeen

ii' ^ i m»» iiii ) i|i>iii

!!■ :!

'', I

• 'hi^

i:-

1 ' '{

B i

■'I

2 1 8 Siege and Capture of Louis hour g. [Appendix.

cannon, another principal battery against ships, was damaged,
and the men beat off from their guns. The west flank of the
King's Bastion belonging to the citadel, and the battery there of
six twenty-four pounders, which pointed to the land side, and
greatly annoyed our works, was almost demolished. Two
cavaliers of two twenty-four pounders, each raised during the
siege, and two other cannon of the same weight of metal, run
out at two embrazures, cut through the parapet near the west
gate at the same time (all pointing against our batteries), were
damaged and silenced. The citadel was very much damaged ;
several houses in the city entirely demolished, and almost every
one more or less hurt ; and Maurepas Gate, at the easternmost
part of the city, shattered. And as cross fires from the cannon
and tnortars, and even from our musquetry, ranged through
the houses and streets in every part of the city, and through
the enemy's parades, whereby many were killed, it drove the
inhabitants out of their houses into casemates, and other covered
holds, where they were obliged to take refuge for several weeks ;
and besides this, the fire from the Grand Battery damaged also
the barracks of the Island Battery.

*' During this time, our parties of scouts so thoroughly ranged
the woods, that they seldom returned without bringing in some
prisoners,* which very much confined the enemy within their
walls, who were constantly worsted in all skirmishes, and
repulsed in every sally which they made, and frequently by an
inferior number of our men, and with very little loss, upon
these occasions, sustained on our side, the chief of which was
a party of eighteen of our men straggling contrary to orders,

* There were some of our men sur- going on iljore unarmed, as will presently
prised by tlie Indians in their straggling be seen, though the exad date is not
in the neighboring woods, and some by learned. Ed.

iifiii

i;n-f i

itm4iJ,i,k i,bii^Ahii>tAiiUi»iirl, .<

Appendix.] Siege and Capture of houisbourg. 2 1 9

being surprised and cut off by a large number of Indians, and
another of nine, coming on shore out of one of the cruisers to
water, without their arms, being likewise surprised and cut off
by some Indians.* That on the 26th of May, after some
ineft'eitual preparations for making an attack upon the enemy's
Island Battery, which is a strong fort built on a rocky island, at
the entrance into the harbor, mounted with thirty cannon of
twenty-eight pound shot, and having several swivel guns upon
its breast works, and two brass ten inch mortars, and one
hundred and eighty men, it was at night attempted by a party
of four hundred men in boats ; but from the strength of the
place, and the advantage which the enemy had by being under
cover, and our men exposed in open boats, the surf running
high, our men not being thoroughly acquainted with the best
place for landing, and the enemy besides (as is most probable),
being apprised of their design, they were repulsed with the loss
of having about sixty killed and drowned, and one hundred and
sixteen taken prisoners ; yet under these disadvantages, several
of them advanced within the enemy's battery, and maintained
a fight with them for some time before they surrendered, and
killed some of them. That it being judged of the utmost con-
sequence to make ourselves masters of the Island Battery, as
it was thought extremely dangerous for his Majesty's ships to
have entered the harbor till the enemy could be annoyed in that
battery \ and it being after the last attempt thought impracticable
to reduce it by boats, it was determined to ere<Sl a battery near
the Light-House opposite to it, at three thousand four hundred
feet distance from it ; and the same was, by the nth of
June, notwithstanding the almost insuperable difficulties, which

* These two serious disasters are omit- War," published two years later. The
ted in our author's "Memoirs of the particulars should have been given. Ed.

ii l i iMiili n i i m

!'l : ;i

. I

HI:

i i;

r; "i ff't

2 20 Siege and Capture of Loutsbourg. [Appendix.

attended the drawing of the cannon up a steep bank and rock,
raised in such manner, as not to be exposed to more than four
of the enemy' i cannon, and at the same time to flank a line of
above twenty of their guns ; and two eighteen pounders were
on that day mounted, and began to play, and by the 14th of
June, four more cannon of eighteen pound shot were added,
and on the 15th, a mortar of thirteen inches diameter was
removed thither, out of which nineteen bombs were thrown,
seventeen whereof fell within the Island Battery, and one of
them upon the magazine -, and this, together with the fire from
our cannon, to which the enemy was very much exposed, they
having but little to shelter them from the shot, which ranged
quite through their line of barracks, so terrified them, that
many of them left the fort, and ran into the wacer for refuge.
And now the Grand Battery being in our possession, the Island
Battery (esteemed by the French the Palladium of Louisbourg),
so much annoyed from the Lighti-House Battery, that they
could not entertain hopes of keeping it much longer ; the
enemy's North-East Battery being damaged, and so much
exposed to the fire from our advanced batteries, that they could
not stand to their guns ; the Circular Battery ruined, and all its
guns but three dismounted, whereby the Jiarbor was disarmed
of all its principal batteries ; the west gate of the city being
demolished, and a breach made in the adjoining wall ; the west
flank of the King's Bastion almost ruined ; and most of their
other guns, which had been mounted during the time of the
siege, being silenced ; all the houses and other buildings within
the city (some of which were quite demolished) so damaged,
that but one among them was left unhurt ; the enemy extremely
harassed by their long confinement within their casemates, and
other covered holds, and their stock of ammunition being almost

r«

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t .mniBii'iHiii »]u

■*N>«nirifcMMI«ik«A4«lMkMil**MWt«lM»i^^^

Appendix.] Siege and Capture of Louisbourg,

2Zl

V y'

exhausted) Mr. Duchambon sent out a flag of truce to the
camp on the 1 5th day of June, in the afternoon, desiring time
to consider of articles of capitulation, which was accordingly
granted them till next morning, when they sent articles in,
which v/ere rejected by the General and Commodore, and others
proposed by them in their stead, and accepted by the enemy.
And hostages being exch: nged on the same day for the per-
formance of the articles, on the 17th of June the city was
surrendered to Mr. Warren and General Pepperell, and the
garrison, consisting of about six hundred and Bfty regular troops,
and the inhabitants of the city, being about thirteen hundred
and sixty efFcdtive men, beside . women and children, made pris-
oners by capitulation, with the loss on our side of no more than
one hundred and one men killed by the enemy, and all other
accidents from the time of their landing to the reduilion of the
place, and about thirty who died of sickness.*

" I omit mentioning the breaking up of the settlements at
St. Peters, and eight other fishing settlements upon this island ;
and the burning of several houses at St. John's Island within
the time of the siege, by companies put on board of some of
our cruisers."

On the 1 2th of September, M. De Beauharnois and M.
Hocquart wrote to Count Maurepas : f " You will have been
informed, long before this reaches you, of our loss of Louis-
bourg. The officers of the garrison, and particularly those

* M. Duchambon wrote to the Count
D'Argenson, August 13th [N. S.] 1745,
from Belle Isle Road : " The enemy was
greatly supe.ior in number to us, having
about thirteen thousand sea and land
forces, and I had at the commencement
of the siege, including good and bad, but
twelve to thirteen hundred men, who

hare been reduced to eleven hundred." —
N. r. Col. Doa., X, 3. It would be
interesting to know how Mr. Duchambon
made out his thirteen thousand men for
the English. Dr. Douglass's charge of
pohroonary may not have been very wide
of the truth. See antt, p. 54. Ed.
f See N. r. Col. Docs., X, p. 3. EJ.

t'
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iii.

1; '

-!■■

222 Siege and Capture of Louisbourg. [ A ppendix.

who may be deserving of your confidence will have rendered
you an account of all the circumstances which have accom-
panied the blockade, the siege and the surrender of that place.
We have not been able to learn any particulars thereof, except
from some seamen who made their escape, from time to time,
from the different harbors of Isle Royal [Cape Breton], and
have arrived at Quebec, the major portion of them in Biscay-
ennes (long boats); among the rest one Lacroix Girard, ship
master, a native of St. Malo. This individual was in the place
during the whole of the siege -, his journal of it has appeared
to us true, because of its simplicity, and this circumstance
induces us to address you a copy of it.* According to what
M. Duchambon has communicated to Sieur Marin, in his letter
of the 29th of June last, that commandant was obliged to
capitulate, on account of want of men and powder," f

These gentlemen give !:he English great credit for their per-
severance and management of the expedition. They do not,
like some pi the English, attribute all their success to good
luck. On the other hand, they attribute it to their diligence,
courage, and preparing beforehand to meet all emergencies,
although they take into the account the favorableness of the
weather during the early part of the campaign, namely, in
April, May and June. Capt. Girard, before mentioned, left
Louisbourg on the 15th of July [roth, English account]. He
reported that the English had at that time begun to remove the
artillery out of the Vigilant, and place it upon the ramparts of
the fortifications. '

* Thui it appears there was a journal it I have ever met with. Ed.
kept, within the walls as well as without,

of the famous siege ; but that kept within + By what will presently be seen, there

does not appear ever to have been pub- was a large quantity of powder found in

lished, and this is the only reference to the city by the captors. Ed.

A ppENDix. ] Siege and Capture of Louis hour g. 223

The following letter, dated Louisbourg, July 4, 1 745, is not
only valuable for its fa6ts, but for the pidlure it exhibits of the
spirit of those who had participated in the great acquisition.
The ensuing is an extract :

"The more I view the works, the more is my admiration,
and instead of twenty-five hundred [men] for the attack or
siege, if the strength had been known before, ten thousand
would not have been thought sufficient. The Island and
Grand Batteries are the weakest of their works; for nature
has on the back of the Grand Battery provided a shelter for an
enemy's bombarding them out, which Providence gave us no
occasion for, and the Light-House the same, which did such
execution on the Island Battery, that the enemy was glad they
could have recourse to the water to avoid the impending
destruction of the balls and bombs. Our men, to their great
honor, have been perfeft Herculcses in their labors and fatigues,
and were so hardened to the enemy's fire, that they would run
and stop the career of the shot, before they had run their
distance. The French say they are devils, for the hotter they
fired, the nearer advances they made to their fire, and let what
will have been said to their prejudice, four times their number
of regular troops would not have undergone the Herculean
labors of drawing forty-two pounders over hills and dales, rocks
and swamps, three or four miles. God has greatly blessed the
whole undertaking ; and to describe the strength of Louisbourg
city, and the vast labors of the French in casting up works
while besieged, is beyond my pen to express ; and the additions
we are making of forty pieces of cannon out of the Launceston,
will make it almost impregnable.* Underneath is an account

* The armament was taken out of of the prisoners, who were to be tram-
that ship to prepare her for the reception ported to France in her. EJ.

»!

min

■;i:

224 Siege and Capture 0/ LouisSourg. [Appendix.

of the guns and ammunition found in the several batteries, viz :
in the town, one hundred and forty-eight embrazures, eighty-
five cannon, Rve brass mortars, and one iron. In the Island
Battery, thirty-four embrazures, thirty cannon, two brass
mortars, two small brass mortars in the store. In the Grand
Battery, thirty cannon. Found in the town and the Island
Battery, one hundred and twelve barrels of gunpowder, and
some cartridges."

To avoid foot notes the above paragraphs have been interpo-
lated into Governor Shirley's letter, which is here resumed.
This closing part of the letter is separate from the narrative
part, and was evidently added to impress on the home govern-
ment the great and just claims which New England had in the
acquisition of Cape Breton.

" By this representation of the services of his Majesty's
land forces, I would not be understood to intend to exclude his
Majesty's ships from their just share in the redudtion of this
place. Mr. Warren, upon whom I very much depended from
the beginning for assistance and success in this enterprise, did,
upon his receiving orders by his Majesty's sloop Hind, the 9th
of March, to proceed to Boston, and concert measures with
me for the protection of Nova Scotia, and the annoyance of
the enemy's settlements, &c., immediately proceeded with his
Majesty's ships Superb, Mermaid, and Launceston, under his
command, for Boston ; but, upon getting intelligence at sea of
the departure of the New England land forces for Canso,
though he was then within thirty leagues of Boston, without
refreshments, or his complement of ordnance stores, and one
of his ships not very fit for immediate service, sailed dire£lly
for that place, where, having overtaken the forces, and conferred
with the General by letter, upon his Majesty's service in the

ff;f
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•-.^ihUU^SJtXk^'tSilt^.

■4tl » l

III ii 1 1 1^ i V i ' |ir»»l»il«

■>

A ppBNDix. ] Siege and Capture of Louis bourg. ii^

expedition } and it being thought advisable by both, that the
ships should diredlly progeed before Louisbourg harbor to cut
ofF aU supplies and intelligence from the enemy, immediately
proceeded there, and most efFedtually blocked up the harbor ;
and by engaging and taking the Vigilant, a French ship of war
of sixty-four guns, bound for Louisbourg with some ordnance
stores, cut off from the enemy all hopes of any supplies or
succors, and gave great spirits to the land forces in carrying on
the siege ; and afterwards, upon his Majesty's ship Chester's
arrival from England, to reinforce him, and receiving advice
that the Canterbury and Sunderland were following, determined
to enter the harbor as soon as those ships should join him, and
attack the town and batteries with his Majesty's ships, whilst
the land forces made an assault upon the city by land \ which
was agreed on, between Mr. Warren and the General, to be
made the i6th of June, and the ships were accordingly clearing
on the 15th of June, in ordei to enter the harbor, but were
prevented by the enemy's making proposals for a capitulation.
And indeed, Mr. Warren offered his assistance for his Majesty's
service in every shape.

*•*■ It is unnecessary for me to trouble your Grace with a
detail of the plans proposed during the siege for a more speedy
reduction of the place ; as far as I can judge, it was efFedted
most happily in the manner which it was reduced in, as the
success of the event was much more secure in this way ; and
it has cost fewer lives ; and the place was gained without the
least damage being done to any of his Majesty's ships. ■ '

" I hope these services of the New England troops in the

field, which seem to have equalled the zeal of the Massachusetts

Council and Assembly within their province, for his Majesty's

service, upon this occasion, may be graciously accepted by his

Dd . r

ml t *?

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'i'M

226 Siege and Capture of Louis bourg. [Appendix.

Majesty, as a proof of that perfect duty and firm loyalty which,
I am persuaded, all the colonies concerned in the reduftion of
this place (but especially that of the Massachusetts Bay, for
which I can more particularly answer), bear to his Majesty's
sacred person, and to his government, and of their ready dispo-
sition to promote the general welfare of his dominions ; and
I humbly beg of your Grace to lay this account before his
Majesty, in such manner as your Grace shall think most proper.

" I am, &c.,
■ W. SHIRLEY."

',;, .V--.5 v,v

< f i )'rt ) ifn( i l[.l i iHr»t |i fjfi

Ml' iii;i W, i l i i « i! w ii i|« ]t li l i i iA i. 1 1 i V i iuT 'it . T i ^ • ' iiii i rii .Hi i f .

SUFFERERS IN THE CAPE BRETON EXPEDITION.

|HE following list has been prepared from the General
Court Journals and other materials. It is not given
as complete in any respect, but to "aid those who
may desire to do something more in the same line.
A principal design being to notice such as are not met with in
the general accounts of the period :

yflieriy Benjamin. In answer to a petition to the General
Court of Massachusetts, was allowed "two pounds and fourteen
shillings, in full for wages and expenses in sickness," while in
the Louisbourg expedition.

Jllen^ Joseph^ was allowed four pounds and ten shillings for
his services and sufferings in the expedition, in August, 1746.
He had previously petitioned. ' • - 'h

Bacon^ Ebenezer^ was of Woodstock, " being wounded and
lost his gun, valued at twelve pounds, O. T.," was allowed
three pounds for his gun, and " four pounds for loss of time,
sufferings, &c."

Bane, David^ was of York ; went as a volunteer, and had
received no recompense. On the 9th of January, 1747, the
General Court voted him ten pounds. The family name was
doubtless Btan, which was generally pronounced as given in the
records. Bane. He was probably a son of Joseph Bean, long
time a captive among the Indians, and an interpreter between
the English and Indians on many important occasions. He was
at the treaty of 1749, and 1753, and is frequently mentioned in

iim I *1

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228 Sufferers in the Louis b our g Expedition. [Appendix.

the affairs of those times. He was afterwards a captain, and
employed in building the fort at Penobscot, and in 1759 peti-
tioned for additional wages. " Steeven " Beane, aged twenty,
and Thomas Beane, aged twenty-one, were emigrants to America
in 1635.

Barotty Timothy: He belonged to Westford, had an allow-
ance granted him for wounds received during the expedition, and
on the 13th of November, 1746, another of five pounds.

Belly John^ was an armourer in the expedition. He appears
to have been incapacitated by sickness, and to have returned
home in consequence, but recovered and went a second time.
On the 13th of August, 1746, a petition of his and Edward
Bemis was a<fted upon in the General Court of Massachusetts ;
said petuiu/* setting forth, that they " having done great service
in that mystery" as armourers. The Court instructed the
Committee of war to " allow them wages of armourers from
the 17th of April, 1745, to June 17th, following, they not
having been paid in any other capacity for that time." At the
same time an order was passed " to pay John Bell seven pounds
six shillings and six pence, old tenor, on account of his sickness
after his first return from Louisbourg, provided the Committee
have not allowed him therefor already." The same individual
probably had been wounded in an earlier war with the Indians,
and twenty-four pounds were voted for his benefit.

Bemisy Edward. Nothing further is met with concerning
him than is contained in the last article.

Bennety Moses. In answer to the application of Captain
Bennet, the General Court voted (August 12th, 1746), not to
allow him for services in the brigantine Boston Packet, because
she was sent out without the Court's authority, and at a time
when there was no enemy on the coast. But it is likely the

\Am n i^ ! *, - K tH m *tmmt »i» mvM ttt » < m t'H i tiit t i,lM ^ <fi Ma ,i. ^ .

Ilf l/rt' T-^Mf i 1* IfM^^

Appendix.] Sufferers in the Louis hour g Expedition. 229

Captain made it appear that he had authority for his voyage, for
just a month later the Court voted to allow his muster roll, from
the lOth of May to June 23d, following.

Bouren^ Meletiah^ in a petition to the General Court, it set
forth, " that the Council of War, on the 25th of April, 1 745,
at Chapeaurouge Bay, ordered him, with William Winslow
(since deceased), to receive a quantity of molasses of a prize
brigantine, brought into said bay by Captain Donahew, for the
use of the forces there, to the value of fifteen hundred and
twenty-five pounds and fifteen shillings ; that he drew upon the
Committee of War in Boston for the said sum, in favor of
Captain Samuel Waldo, who a£ted as agent to said Donahew,
but the Committee refused to pay said draft to said Waldo ;
thereupon the said Waldo protested said draft, and has com-
menced an adlion against him, the said Bourne." Mr. Bourne
belonged to Sandwich, and was the father of the Hon. Sylvanus
Bourne, who died in 1763, at the age of seventy. ;:;=

Buckler^ Robert^ was a volunteer. In answer to a petition
for relief, it appears " his services and sufferings " were of more
than an ordinary character, as twelve pounds and ten shillings
were promptly voted him, " for his present relief."

Burn^ Patrick^ belonged to Wenham. With Joseph Wood-
ward Lovett, Elisha Nevers, Joseph Allen, and Benjamin
Raymond, he petitioned for an allowance on account of his
" services and sufferings," August 7th, 1 746. On the 6th of
September following, the Committee of War were ordered to
pay to the seledimen of Wenham, seven pounds and ten shillings
** in full," for the use of the said Burn.

Butler^ Richard^ of Boston, set forth in a petition, that " he
enlisted in the Cape Breton expedition, was then a servant to
James Davaricks, who has since absconded, and neither instru^s

■ xi L.-a.^.>^L.,.»'.^'j.*-..:.!i. L.t lA.t ...u.,.. .,..1 . y..H y.,^i> ^ ^^ ^ Y^.. .f., y. - ^^.^ -^ j^f,. ^ ■

! t

230 Sufferers in the Louishourg Expedition. [Appendix.

him in his trade, nor allows him any subsistence ;" asks for
wages due him while in the service. Nothing was allowed him,
at least at this time, perhaps on the ground iliat his master had
received his wages. „'*■"■;■ //■^"■-''■''■"■■■-■J;:'';-:,/^

• Buxton^ Stephen^ showed by a petition, that he was impressed
into the service in April, 1 746, and was sent home again in
July following ; that by the muster roll he was only allowed for
that time ; yet " by his wounds he was incapable of service for
a long time after." He was allowed pay for nineteen weeks
additional, at twenty-two shillings and six pence a week } and
in March following an order passed to pay him ten pounds and
thirteen shillings additional.

Carr.^ Richard^ belonged to Newbury. He was in the des-
perate attack on the Island Battery, on the night of the 26th of
May (1745), in which he lost two of his fingers. Five pounds
were ordered to be paid him, • i ■ ^''; > ;^

Cheney^ William^ " petitioned in behalf of himself, and
company of volunteers, under the command of Captain John
Ruggles, who went to Cape Breton, for further allowance."
The petition was dismissed.

Choate. Mention is made of " Colonel Choate's regiment,"
but nothing is met with to show that it was in the expedition.

Clark^ Edward. "Whereas, on the 31st of January last
[1746-7], the following vote passed, namely, that Edward
Clark be allowed lieutenant's wages, from May 29th, 1 745, to
September 30th, following, which vote is mislaid and not
recorded ; voted, that he be allowed," &c.

Cqbb^ Sylvanus. A letter is received by the Secretary of the
Province, from Admiral Townsend, who is at Louisbourg,
dire£led to his Excellency ; also a journal of Sylvanus Cobb,
October nth, 1746.

^wwwywitu i»iiiwni<np»«a»tij—

Appendix.] Sufferers in the Louis hour g Expedition. 231

Covell^ William^ served in Captain Doane's company. He
received a hurt in his shoulder, and petitioned for some assistance
on account of it. The Court gave his petition a negative j
from which circumstance it may be inferred that the applicant
did not receive his hurt in the service.

Crecey^ Joseph, belonged to Ipswich. He petitioned for
*' consideration," having been employed to take care of sick
soldiers at Cape Breton. Whether he went as a soldier, or
yfh^* was the success of his application, does not appear.

Cro.hyy yosiahy sets forth in a petition, that by order of the
Governor he enlisted twenty-five men for the garrison at
Louisbourg ; that three of them deserted, to whom he had
advanced forty-four pounds, old tenor ; that he had ako advanced
one hundred and eighty-nine pounds for billetting the men ; he
therefore prays for reimbursement. It was dismissed by the
Court, July 25th, 1746. The matter was brought up again
on the 15th of November following, and referred to the next
sitting of the Court. s^

Dalhonde^ John^ was of Boston. On the 7th of August,
1746, he petitioned the General Court for remuneration
**respe£king his extraordinary services in the late expedition
against Louisbourg." He at the same time prayed for allow-
ance on account of the services of his servant on board the
brigantine Boston Packet. The Court ordered the petitions to
be dismissed. He had served as a physician, and why this
summary refusal to entertain his petitions was taken is not fully
explained ; it seems, however, that a committee was appointed
to examine the matter, who, on the 15th of August following,
stafed, " that although the petitioner received no warrant from
the Governor to practice as a doftor in the army at Cape
Breton, yet by order of General Peppercll he was improved as

i!;S

I 'in

i,
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232 Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. [Appendix.

»uch } and especially at a time when the sickness greatly pre-
vailed in the army, and scarcely any doftors to take care of the
sick ; therefore it was voted to allow him do(^or's wages."

There was at the same time living in Boston, another Dr.
Dalhonde, of the given name of Lavkrence ; whether a relative
of John, does not appear. Dr. Lawrence Dalhonde was the
family physician of Thomas Hancock. He made himself
rather unpopular by his opposition to innoculation of the small
pox. He died on the 24th of November, of this year (1746),
at the age of seventy-one. His wife, Elizabeth, was executrix.
She died previous to the 6th of April, 1749, and Mr. Hugh
Vans, merchant, was het executor.

Davis^ Jedidiah^ represented "his sufferings" in a petition
of the 29th of August, 1746. No action is found taken
upon it. ;•;,■•■•::- ■;■-'■•',■.:;.., ^ ■'..'.:•. ^'--i' , s". ,.-v'f

Davis, 'John, was wounded. On December 30th, five
pounds were ordered to be paid him ^' for smart money and loss
of time ;" and on the 2d of January following, another five
pounds was granted, which was also " for smart money and
loss of time." He remained sick a long time, in the house of
, Robert Thorndike. See Thorndike, R.

Dfxwell, Bazii, died in the service at Cape Breton. He
belonged to Captain Goldthwait's company, and was a lieutenant.
Whether he were a descendant of the Regicide John, perhaps
the editor of the new edition — long promised — of T . Stiles's
History of the Judges of Charles I, may inform the reader.*

Doane, Elisha, was Captain of a company, and was one of
the first, who, at the head of his company, started for Cape
Breton. On the 24th of June, 1746, he set forth in a petition

* Sir Baiil Dixwell was a conne£lion of probably named. — See Stilei't Hiutry
the Judge, for whom the Lieutenant was of the Judges, 143.

!-J-«^.

Appendix.] Sufferers in the Louis bourg Expedition. 233

to the General Court in behalf of himself and men, that they
underwent great hardship, that their wages was but five pounds
per month, and " that they lost all benefit of plunder by the
capitulation." Captain Doane was probably of the Eastham
family, and may have been that Elisha Doane, born there,
February 3d, 1705. — See New Eng. Hist, and Gen. Register,
vol. VI, page 44.

Dolliber, Thomas, was of Marblehead, a fisherman.
Through his agency news was obtained that the great French
armada, under the Duke D'Anville, was arrived in the northern
seas. He abandoned his fishing, took a Frenchman from the
Isle Sables, conveyed him to Louisbourg, and through his
means the news was obtained. On the 13th of November,
1746, a request for remuneration of his expenses was before
the General Court. His principal claim was that he had " lost
a fair of fish." The name Dolliber, with several variations,
is an early one in New England. Perhaps Dolebare is of the
same origin. .. . , <.

Donaheut, David. This active commander is duly noticed
in the body of this history. He probably belonged to New-
buryport, and as early as the 27th of February, 1745, was
taken into the service of the Province, with his vessel, a sloop.

Dunn, yohn., belonged to Barnstable, Cape Cod, and was a
drum major in Col. Gorham's regiment. He claimed that he
had not received his dues of the government, as set forth in a
petition ; but on the 25th of July, 1 746, his petition was " dis-
missed," yet on the 9th of Oftober following, his claim was
liquidated by an allowance of two pounds and seventeen shillings.

Dyre, "Joseph, was a soldier in Captain James Noble's com-
pany, and was one of those who complained of that officer's .
barbarous treatment of his men.
Be

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234 Sufferers in the Louisbr xpedition. {Piwwmx.

Fearne^ John. In answer to a ^ietition of his, January 29,
1747, ten pounds were voted him, on account of his great suf-
ferings by sickness.

Gardner^ John^ was of Salem. On the 5th of March, 1745,
he was appointed pilot of the Massachusetts frigate. Captain
Edward Tyng. On the 9th of the same month a vote passed
in the General Court adding two shillings a month to his pay.

Garrishj George^ served as a blacksmith. In September
(1746) he petitioned the Court for remuneration on account of
having lost his tools at Louisbourg. He represented that they
were stolen from him, which circumstance probably influenced
the Court to throw out his claim ; perhaps concluding that the
government could not be holden in such cases.

Gayton^ Pierce. He was master of a mast-ship, and was
waiting here, as the mast trees could not be got ready before
the end of June. His ship was a fine one, equal to a man of
war of forty guns. Gov. Shirley prevailed upon him to join
the expedition against Louisbourg. His ship had been taken
from the French, and its name was the Bien Amie. It was
now the 7th of March (1745) and although she required
seventy men to make up her compliment, the Governor said
she would be ready to sail the following week. In the mean
time Capt. Gayton received orders from Commodore Knowles
which interfered with the arrangement for the voyage to Louis-
bourg. On the nth of September he petitioned the General
Court, stating that he had been constrained by the justices of
the county of Suffolk to give evidence concerning the murder
of William Bryan and John Conner, whereby he was prevented
following his business at sea. On the 15th of November fol-
lowing his claim was acknowledged by an allowance of "<£ii
Si. in full."

•llM^kfMiMVWimilHMW^

hlhlWlMKMMX*

Appendix.] Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. 235

Girler^ William. He seems to have been a coast pilot. On
the 14th of June, 1747, a petition of his is noticed in the Court
Journals, in which it is said that "he did very considerable
service in piloting the transports into Sheepscot and Canso, and
catching fish for the fleet." The family name of this pilot may
have been Girdler. If so, this man probably originated at
Marblehead.

Gorham^ John, On the 8th of August, 1746, he petitioned
for pay as lieutenant-colonel. Three days later, vjrith other
officers of the "whale-boat regiment, so called," prayed that
some method be taken to regulate the distribution of plunder.
Col. Gorham belonged to Cape Cod, and usually had many of
the Cape Indians in his regiment.

Harrii. Thomas Harris^ of Ipswich, was allowed f'e
pounds upon his representing that he had been at great charge
in nursing one of his sons who returned sick from the expedi-
tion, and died in consequence of that sickness. .' ' ■< -

i//7/f, Daniel^ was sick at Cape Breton. He afterward
received four pounds for medicine expended in his sickness there.

Hicksy Nathaniel., was of Kittery, and was among the
wounded. He afterwards petitioned for relief. Whether any
was accorded, is not found. ■;

Hoyty Moses^ was of Newberry; having petitioned for relief,
on account of his services and sufferings, the court, on the same
day his petition was read, voted him, "for his present relief,"
twelve pounds and ten shillings, July 23, 1746. See Genealogy
of the Hoyts, by D. W. Hoyt, p. 32.

Hunniwell^ Ro^er^ belonged to Scarborough. He lost his
right arm at Louisbourg. On June 26, 1746, seven pounds
and ten shillings were voted him for present relief. Again, in
April, 1747, another £y los. were voted him, ^'and the Go-

236 Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition, [Appendix.

#11

vernor be desired to place the petitioner in one of the garrisons,
and to be in the pay of the province."

yackson^ fVilliarny was captain of the cartel ship which con-
veyed the Louisbourg captives to France, after the surrender.
His wife not hearing anything from him for above a year after
he sailed from Louisbourg, petitioned the authorities for his
wages. This was in January, 1746-7. Between that date
and March 1 7th following, the captain made his appearance, and
was allowed to visit the General Court, on which event the
clerk made a record to this purport : " Captain William Jack-
son, who was sent by his excijllency, the Governor, express
from Louisbourg to Great Britain, in November, 1745, by order
of the House, appeared on the floor, and after divers questions
respefting his voyage, etc., withdrew."

Jenkins^ Phillip^ represented himself as a " soldier in the ex-
pedition," and that he " had many things stolen from him," for
which he prayed remuneration from the government, but it does
not appear that he got any.

Jordan^ Henry. On the 2d of April, 1747, it was ordered
that he be allowed ten pounds on account of his sufferings ;
and that the Governor be desired to place him in one of the
garrisons, and to be in the pay of the province. He had the
year before been allowed five pounds for present relief.

Jose^ Francis ; seems to have been an inhabitant of some part
of Cape Breton when this war came on, and a6ted as pilot to
the English ships, and was allowed wages for his services. At
the same time his son was " a common soldier " in the army.
He also furnished supplies, for which, August 7th, 1 746, he was
allowed forty pounds " in full for cattle, wood, and services."

Kelton, yonathan^ was of Dorchester, and served as armourer
at the Grand Battery during the siege. -v

-<i«(>«W(t«il*!>r

Appendix] Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. 237

Kenny, Nathan^ having received a musket ball in his thigh,
"vt'hich had occasioned him great charge, trouble and pain,"
petitioned for recompense, and on the loth of October, 1746,
fifty shillings were allowed him.

KimlaWy John^ was a captain, and was at Louisbourg in the
end of August, 1746. His pay roll was presented to the Court
but was not sworn to by the captain } '^ and the soldiers who
are alive, and the representatives of those who are dead, will be
great sufferers if payment be delayed until said roll can be sworn
to ; therefore it was voted that the Committee of War make
payment on said roll."

Leatherland^ "Jacob, was of Ipswich, a volunteer. He
petitioned the General Court for remuneration, in the usual
form, on account of his sufferings, but it was ^^ laid on the
table." ■ .v.... . • ■■,'•..',■. -r...-:^^'^h^:^

Lewis, Thomas, was of Hingham. On the 12th of No-
vember, 1746, complaint was made against him, that he had
by a forged order, received part of the wages of Edward
Ward, Jr., of the said Hingham, and had enlisted into the service
and gone for Annapolis. An order was passed requesting the
Governor to send for him, " that he may be brought to justice."
Mention is made by Mr. Lincoln in his history of Hingham of
a Thomas Lewis of this time in that town, but nothing of his
having served in this war.

Lovett, Joseph Woodward. On August 7th, 1746, a peti-
tion from him and several others was taken up, but riot aded
upon till September 3d. It was then "ordered that the Com-
mittee of War allow J. W. Lovet wages for so long time as it
appeared to them he was allowed subsistence."

Marsh, Jacob, belonged to Newbury, was chirurgeon's mate
in Colonel Williams's regiment, and chief surgeon in Colonel

.J»M.

I -.

1 !

> 1

•I

238 Sufferers in the Louis bourg Expedition. [Appendix.

Waldo's regiment. The Court ordered, " that, on due proof
of what he alleges, full chirurgcon's pay he allowed him."

March^ Johny was of Salisbury. For his hardships and
sufferings, six pounds were voted him.

McFaderty James^ petitions for reimbursement of twenty-four
pounds, which he has paid his do£tor since the last grant of the
Court in April, 1746. On July i8th, the Committee of War
were direfted to pay six pounds " to whom it is due for nursing
and board, and four pounds to the petitioner for his loss of
time."

Neversy Elisha^ was allowed two pounds and five shillings
on account of his services and sufferings, August nth, 1746.

NobUy yamesy Captain, was complained of for ill treatment
of his men, which seems to have amounted to barbarity, as the
General Court, on hearing the testimony against him, requested
the Governor " not to suffer the said James Noble to sustain a
post in the public service." He was in General Samuel Waldo's
regiment of Cumberland county.

Pierce^ "James^ of Wiscasset, was a volunteer, and among
the sick soldiers. His petition for aid, of June i8th, 1746, was
passed over. On the nth of November he was allowed six
pounds "as a further allowance." On April 4th, 1747, four
pounds were voted him, " and to be put into the hands of Josiah
Pierce, for the best use of the petitioner."

Pike^ Thomas y was of Newbury. He petitioned for an allow-
ance, "showing, that on the 20th of June, 1745, he received a
commission from Governor Shirley to be adjutant in Choate's
regiment ; that he was before and after that, lieutenant, and
performed the duty of both." But his claim was not allowed,
at this time, July 19th, 1746.

PineSy Thomas^ was of Boston. In the beginning of the

iis

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: M

iiWii>»iii»inii iii Ku

Appendix.] Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition, 239

expedition " he enlisted and went a Serjeant under Captain
Samuel Rhodes, and received wages as such to October, I745»
that he continued to the 15th of May, 1746, in the service, but
cannot get his wages, because Captain Rhodes has made up no
muster roll."

Preble^ Zebulon^ of York, claimed " that his son, who served
at the redu<Stion of Louisbourg, and died in the service, had
due to him wages to the amount of eight pounds fifteen shillings
and one penny ; that his order for that amount was returned,
endorsed, ' paid William Walker, per order,' the amount for
wages and bounty ; whereas, the petitioner never drew such
order, neither doth he know said Walker." The Committee
of War was ordered to stop Walker's wages till he should
make it appear that the order in question was genuine.

Prout^ Ebenexer^ was a commissary. On November nth,
1746, he memorialized the government respecting his accounts.

Pynchon^ Charles^ a physician in the expedition, petitioned
respe£ting his great suffering in the service, which being "com-
mitted to the gentlemen appointed upon petitions of wounded
soldiers, June 12th, 1746,"' it was ordered that the Committee
of War allow the petitioner twenty-five pounds ** for his services
and sufFerings;" He was a descendant " of the worshipful
William Pynchon, of Springfield, and Dr. Allen says he died
before 1789 ; that he was son of John, who died in 1721 ; if
so, he was grandson of the Rev. William Hubbard, rhe
historian. - , •:

Raymond^ Benjamin^ among other soldiers, petitioned for
consideration for his services and sufferings, which was presented
in August, 1746. ■,.'': '•'■';'"■'";■ 'v^-'.^-^;'; :. M-.'..

Reddington^ Nathaniel^ a volunteer, whose '* services and
sufferings," in the opinion of the War Committee, amounted to

:-**«^*.'.*t^

,ir Vifiril*rff)tW<tfiKli.<iirtii'li,i^<tri.l1ifciit-)t;rvfltV''-W

IvM^

^■'•■LJ

240 Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. ^^ appendix.

two pounds and ten shillings, which was ordered to be paid him
" in full."

Rouse^ John., conspicuous in this and the later Trench wars,
was doubtless a native of Boston or its vicinit) , " but who his
immediate ancestors were, none of the writers wno 'otice him
appear to have had any knowledge. The name Rouse appears
very early on our records. It may have, like many others,
undergone changes ; as Rossy Rose^ &c. Still, there was a yohn
Rouse in New England as early as 1640. William Rouse was
of Boston, a goldsmith, who had a family here, and also another
William, a generation later, who is styled mariner, and with
several others was imprisoned under the accusation of trading
with the French enemy. He might have been the ancestor,
and even the father of Captain John Rouse, the subjedl of this
article, but of that proof is wanting. It is remarkable that
there is not a line in any of our biographical works respe<fting
a mail so distinguished as a naval commander as was Captain
John Rous, or Rouse, as then often written.

The name Rous appears among the English baronets in 1660,
and in the peerage in 1796, as Earl Stradbrok. Mention is
here made of the English family, because Captain John Rouse,
a native of New England, received most of his honors in Old
England, as a succindl notice of him, now undertaken, will
show.

Dr. Douglass thus introduces him : " In the end of July,
1744, Captain Rouse in a Boston privateer, arrived at St. Johns
harbor in Newfoundland, from the Great Banks. He brought
in eight French ships, with ninety thousand mud-fish. In
August Captain Rouse, in consort ship, with Captain Cleves in
a ship, and some small craft, and fifty marines, fitted out by the

* See Penhallow, Indian fVan^ page 33.

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MMjs

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,,.t\'*.iiiWiv.-f<->mtiMtn<lly:t,-iKYil.'.:^.1-.-i,!AL-tr'^^fM-t'»'^

Appendix.] Sufferers in the Louis b our g Expedition. 241

British man-of-war stationed at Newfoundland, sailed in quest
of the French ships that cure codfish in the northern harbors
of Newfoundland. August 1 8th, at Fishot [Fishotte], they
took five good French ships, some dried fish, and seventy tons
of liver oil. Thence they proceeded to the harbors of St.
Julian and Carrous. Captain Rouse hereby merited, and
accordingly was made. Post or Rank Captain in the British
navy." But it appears from other authentic sources that several
important circumstances in the career of Captain Rouse trans-
pired between his privateer services and his advancement to a
captaincy in the British navy. When the expedition was
resolved upon against Cape Breton, Governor Shirley sent for
Captain Edward Tyng (who had recently succeeded the veteran
Captain Cyprian Southack), and direfted him to procure the
largest and best ship he could find, and appointed him Commo-
dore. To him Captain Rouse was second in command, and
shared in all his operations.

After the capture of the great French ship, the Vigilant,
Commodore Warren proposed to Captain Tyng to take command
of her, under the rank of Post Captain ; but as he was now
about sixty-five years of age, he did not think it prudent to
accept the office, but recommended Captain Rouse, who v/as
thus instated in the navy, and appointed to the command of the
Shirley frigate, or galley, as it was sometimes, or hitherto
denominated.* After sharing in all of the hardships in the
redudlion of Louisbourg, Captain Rouse went to England,
where, after the peace of 1748, he was appointed Captain of

* The Rev. Timothy Alden, in hia is not warranted by the fafta in my piw-

account or memoir of Captain Tyng, session, which are fully and corre£'.ly

insinuates that Captain Rouse had usurped given in the text, from the best authori-

the honor intended for his superior, which ties of the time.

'%■ .■

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V t m n il , 11 ii n iW M i y H H »'»

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242 Sufferers in the Louishourg Expedition. [Appendix.

the Albany sloop. This command was inferior to his hitherto
place, but in time of peace such exchange from larger to smaller
ships were common. In 1755, however, he appears as Captain
of the Success, a twenty-two gun ship, and was soon after
ordered to his old field of exploits, ah it Nova Scotia. Here
he cooperated with Colonel Monckton. A letter written at
Halifax, July i8th, the same year (1755), affords an insight into
some of his brilliant operations : " The French have abandoned
their fort at St. Johns river, and as far as in their power demo-
lished it. As soon as the forts on the Isthmus were taken.
Captain Rous sailed from thence, with three twenty-gun ships
and a sloop to look into St. John's river, where it was reported
there were two French ships of thirty-six guns each. He
anchored off the mouth of the river, and sent his boats to
reconnoitre ; they saw no ships there ; but on their appearance
the French burst their cannon, blew up their magazine, burned
every thing they could belonging to the fort, and marched off.
The next morning the Indians invited Captain Rous on ?hore,
gave him the strongest assurances of their desire to make peace
with the English j and pleaded, in their behalf, that they had
refused to assist the French upon this occasion, though earnestly
pressed by them," Two years later (1757), we meet with
Captain Rouse in the same ship, under Admiral Holburne, who,
on his arrival at the Chibouftou, or Halifax station, dispatched
him for the purpose of reconnoitering the French fleet at
Louishourg. On his return he was removed into the Winchelsea
of twenty-four guns. About the end of the year he returned
to England, and was promoted to the Southerland, of fifty guns,
and again returned to America, where he continued to signalize
himself by his bravery and good conduft till after the fall of
Quebec ; about which time it is believed he returned to England,

igMaMHWilllMi

■^MU

^^^^^^^^^ir^mir^'mrrmmim

Appendix.] Sufferers tit the Loutsbourg Expedition. 243

with greatly impaired health, and on the 3d of April following,
died at Portsmouth.

Rogers^ William. On January 21st, 1747, a petition, from
him was presented to the General Court, praying compensation,
for that he had served in a double capacity at Cape Breton ;
namely, as commissary to a regiment and clerk to a company.
The Court decided that "the time for receiving petitions was
past, and consequently his was not then considered. The same
was again presented, on the 21st of April following, but does
not seem to have been acfted upon.

RuggleSy "John^ was a captain in the Louisbourg expedition,
and is only incidentally mentioned.

Shuttleworth.^ Vincent^ belonged to Wrentham, Massachu-
setts. He was among the badly wounded, and a pension of
three pounds and five shillings was voted him by the General
Court previous to November nth, 1746, at which time the
same amount was ordered to be paid him yearly for life. The
family name is found among the emigrants of 1635, in which
year John Shettleworth' s name is found, though Savage appears
not to have met with it.

Spier^ David^ was of Woburn, Massachusetts, and died after
the expedition, having "served during the whole siege of Louis-
bourg. After which he was taken sick, and sent to Boston,
where he died. He was son of John Spier, of Woburn, but
no mention is found of the name of Spier in the history of
that town, nor in the New England Genealogical Di^ionary.

Stamvood^ "Job^ was a volunteer. In August, 1746, he
petitioned for consideration on account of his sufferings, and on
the 14th of November following, the Court granted him "five
pounds for his present relief." The Stanwoods were early at
Gloucester. Job and his brother David were both in this

'^sm^

^Sfititi)!

6 wi 'ii iS Eig m ai »a ! ! '

244 Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. [Appendix.

'I I

expedition, and both wounded. Job lost his left arm, and, in
1749, was given a pension of fifteen pounds a year during life.

Str.ong^ E/ishoy was of Northampton, a volunteer. In
January, 1747, "he petitioned for a further allowance, by reason
of his services and sufferings. He was in Captain Hubbard's
company. He was doubtless of the same stock as the late
Governor Caleb Strong, the Rev. Nathan, D. D., and other
highly distinguished men of the name.

Tarranty Alexander ^ was "allowed for his present relief,"
twelve pounds and ten shillings.

Tatnessy Samuel^ a volunteer, petitioned, in September, 1746,
" representing his sickness and sufferings," and was referred "to
the gentlemen appointed for such service." The next Febru-
ary the Court ordered that five pounds should be paid him **in
full for his sufferings and sickness." In April, 1747, Eleanor
Drisdell, of Boston, brought in a bill " for boarding and nursing
Samuel Tatness from June to January," seven pounds and ten
shillings, which was allowed her.

Terry, 'John, captain of a company of grenadiers, appointed
by Gen. Pepperrell, but had received only a lieutenant's pay j
that he advanced a considerable sum in provisions for his com-
pany ; he therefore petitioned the General Court " for an allow-
ance." The Court referred him to their committee, appointed
to examine such claims, June 7, 1 746.

Thomas, IVilliam, was 0/ Plymouth, and " under surgeon "
in Captain Samuel Waldo's regiment, but was obliged to take
care of Col. Gorham's regiment also. He was ordered to be
paid wages as chief surgeon, by the committee of war, " pro-
vided they find that Col. Gorham's regiment had no chief
surgeon, January 12, 1747.

Trayne, Joshua, was of Framingham, a volunteer. In

Appendix.] Sufferers in the houisbourg Expedition. 245

March, 1 747, he petitioned for " consideration," on account of
loss of time and sickness since his return from the expedition.
A Joshua Trayne, probably the same, is mentioned in the
history of Framingham, who married, in 1743, Mary Nichols.
He was son of John Trayne, of the same town, and was rated
there in 1746 and 1752. He may not have been assessed the
intermediate years in consequence of his sufferings in the expe-
dition. Nothing is said in Barry's History of Framingham about
his service against Cape Breton.

Turner^ Abner. In October, 1746, he petitioned for com-
pensation, setting forth, that he was at the reduction of Louis-
bourg, that aftef-wards he was shipped to carry some P'rench
prisoners to France ; that upon his return he was put on shore
at Philadelphia, and there was seized with the small-pox ; that
that cost him nine pounds and ten shillings. The Court did
not, at this time, entertain his claim.

Twichel^ Daniel. In March, 1 747, he petitioned the govern-
ment for consideration, as a soldier, wounded in the service, but
in what service is not mentioned.

Tyng^ Edward. A captain in the sea service, and one of
the ablest commanders in the wars of his time, as will be found
elsewhere detailed ; as well in other works as in these pages.
In the Cape Breton expedition he was in command of the
Massachusetts frigate. Early in this war he memorialized the
government for a " further allowance for the do6lor, that he be
kept in constant pay, and that he may be allowed a mate."
Whereupon an order was issued, granting eight shillings a
month to be added to the doctor's pay. A mate was also
granted, with two pounds and ten shillings a month wages.
Also a second lieutenant, with three pounds and three shillings
wages per month. In February, 1746-7, he petitioned for a

I I

: ■

ti|j n\

I !.*

I;.

246 Sujferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. [Appendix.

do6lor's mate, but whether this request were granted or not,
does not appear. At this time Capt. Tyng was about sixty-
four years of age. He died in Boston, September 8th, 1755,
aged about seventy-two. His residence was in Milk street.
In 1734 he advertised for sale "A likely Negro Man, aged
about twenty-two years, speaks good English, is an excellent
Barber, and endowed with several other valuable qualifications."
In 1736, a large tra<St of land was granted to "Edward Tyng
of Boston, merchant, Temple Nelson and Nathaniel Alden of
Boston, for themselves and others, the heirs of Col. Edward
Tyng, deceased; John Nelson, Esq., deceased; and Captain
John Alden, deceased; in consideration for the deceased's
extraordinary services and sufferings; they having suffered a
long and tedious captivity in France, the said Col. Tyng dying
in a dungeon there." Hence Captain Tyng was grandson of
the emigrant of the same name, who settled in Dunstable, and
died there in 1 681, at the age of ninety-one. His father served
in Philip's war, was lieutenant to Capt. Appleton, and wounded
in the Narraganset swamp fight of Dec. 19, 1675. Seven
years after the death of Captain Tyng, his estate in Milk street,
two brick tenements in Fleet street, and a house, warehouse,
and wharf, near Windmill Point, were advertised for sale.
The valuable artirle on the Tyng family, in AlderCs Epitaphs^
II, 328, etc., may be materially augmented from our memoranda.
Vaughan^ fVidiam^ was a son of Lieutenant-Governor George
Vaughan of Portsmouth, New Hampshire. There has been
occasion to speak of him and his agency in the previous pages
of this history. He appears to have been a man of great enter-
prise. In 1730 and 1731, having made a purchase of a fine
mill privilege at the Fresh Falls on the Damariscotta, of per-
sons who derived their title from Mr. John Brown, proceeded

^!^H^I~~RSnj!W!S"

. .,-.ll.-.l I. ., VU ..■.-■•....■,».;...M.L,. ^..^..M^. ^i.. 1... , .. ...tj.. .S-.1,

m i ^ rll lif ii I

Appendix.] Sufferers in the Loutsbourg Expedition. 247

to ere£t mills there, and soon had two double saw-mills and a
gristmill in operation. After the fall of Louisbourg he went
to England to obtain some reward for his extraordinary services ;
but, owing to some cause, he did not succeed. Perhaps, as he
had no command in the expedition, his claim was disregarded.
Although his services were well known to have been great, and
important to the enterprise, he stood a small chance for
remuneration among the hundreds of hungry army officers.
He died in England in 1755. His death may have been
hastened by negledt and disappointment. His brother, Elliot
Vaughan, succeeded him at Damariscotta. By his will he gave
Mercy, Jenny, and Mary Campbell a hundred acres of land
each. Jenny Campbell became the wife of James Brown.
The notice taken of William Vaughan by Dr. Douglass,
undoubtedly requires considerable qualification: "A whimsi-
cal, wild proje<Slor in his own private concerns, entirely ignorant
of military affairs, and of the nature of the defense or strength
of a place regularly and well fortified at an immense expense;
dreamt: or imagined that this place might be reduced by fifteen
hundred raw militia, some scaling-ladders, and a few armed
small craft of New England." The same author says scaling-
ladders were sent with the expedition, but were found ten feet
too short j but had they been long enough, no use could have
been made of them.

Villers^ Georgey died in the service, before the 24th of June,
1 746. At that date one Elizabeth Shute applied for considera-
tion, showing that the widow of Villers was taken care of by
her, and died in her house, but her claim was at that time
rejefted. The applicant was a widow, and resided in Boston.

IValker^ George^ was of Arundel ; enlisted as a soldier in

—"iSfiSlBSS

f!^,f

ij.l

248 Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition, [Appenbix.

the Cape Breton expedition ; was sick at Boston several months.
Five pounds were granted him.

Walker^ William. Where he belonged is not stated in the
records. All that is learned of him is given in the notice of
Zebulon Preble.

Walter^ Nathaniel^ clerk. We have before us " a memorial,
shewing that in the late [Louisbourg] expedition, he had a war-
rant from His Excellency William Shirley, Esq., as interpreter
to General Pepperrell, in which capacity he passed through
hard service, in translating papers, etc., both before and after
the redu£tion of the place." What action was taken upon this
memorial, if any, does not appear. Mr. Walter was pastor of
the Second Church in Roxbury. He was son of the Rev.
Nehemiah Walter, and his mother was Sara.^ daughter of the
Rev. Increase Mather, D. D. His service in the Louis-
bourg expedition does not appear to have been known to his
descendants of this generation.

fVard^ Edward^ Jr.^ was of Hingham. He volunteered to
serve in the Louisbourg expedition. By a petition which he
laid before the government of Massachusetts, it appears that
one Thomas Lewis, also of Hingham, had by a forged order
received a part of Ward's wages, enlisted into the service, and
had gone to Annapolis. The government ordere ne pounds
to be paid to Ward, and that Lewis be sent for, *'i he may
be brought to justice."

*'>,!

&r.-

It is remarkable how many men of distin6lion served in
America in this war, and that which immediately succeeded it.
Commodore Anson was on his voyage round the world when
France declared war against England; that voyage, so dis-

' O tWii M I f iiMMiiji tn » m »

Ai-

Appendix.] Sufferers in t6e LouisSourg Expedition. 249

astrous to hundreds who participated in it. In one of Anson's
ships, the Wager, cast away on the western coast of Patagonia,
was a midshipman, mentioned in the narratives of that voyage
as the Hon. John Byron, then a young man. The majority
of the crew of the Wager succeeded in reaching the shore of
what proved to be a desolate island. Of about one hundred
and cighty"s5iriby^*catcc twenty ever lived to reach their homes,
the greater part having died from starvation and the exposures
to which for months some, and years others were subjetSted.
Mr. Byron, with some twelve comrades, refusing to proceed
with the majority of the survivors by the straits of Magellan,
bent their way northward, hoping by this course to fall in with
some Spanish ship which they might capture, and in it to reach
an appointed rendezvous of their commodore; but their
numbers soon became too much reduced to admit of the enter-
tainment of this idea, even by their fool-hardy captain. At
length but four remained alive, among whom was the captain,
whose name was Cheap, and Mr. Byron. These two, by the
aid of the Indians, after some months of the most excessive
sufferings, arrived at a Spanish settlement on the island of
Chiloe. They now became prisoners to the Spaniards, who
treated them kindly, furnished them with clothing and other
necessaries, and finally they got back to England, by way of
France, after about ive years' absence. Byron soon after
resumed his place in the British navy ; was made a captain in
1746. In 1757 he commanded the America, a sixty gun ship,
and afterwards the Fame, a seventy-four, in which he sailed to
Louisbourg, with transports conveying engineers, etc., charged
with the demolition of the famous fortification there, about
which the English and French had fought so desperately.
While at Louisbourg he learned that several French frigates
Gg

'1^

Is! f I

i ;

[

250 Suffer er sin the Louis hour g Expedition. [Appendix.

and storeships were lying in the bay of Chaleur, all of which
he took or destroyed. He afterwards served under Lord Col-
ville, and at one time under Sir Edward Hawk. He was
governor of Newfoundland ; then an admiral ; commanded an
exploring expedition round the world ; served during the war
of the American Revolution; manoeuvred successfully with
Count D'Estaing, and saved Admiral Harrington's command in
the West Indies. This seems to have been among his last
naval services. He married, in 1748, Sophia, daughter of John
Trevanion, Esq., and died in 1786. Such was the grandfather
of Lord Byron, one of the greatest poets of any time, whose
singular career and fortune have given rise to one of the most
lamentable and uncalled for crusades against his reputation to
be found in the annals of scandal.

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APPENDIX E.

Page no.

THE REV JOHN NORTON.

INTRODUCTION.

|0 the narrative of the Rev. John Norton these pre-
vious pages are indebted for many of the valuable
facts detailed in them. After the manner of an
older work, Mr. Norton entitles his ** W'f^f ItLt*
^(CntCD CSptfbPf being a narrative of the taking and carrying
into captivity the Reverend Mr. John Norton, when Fort
Massachusetts surrendered to a large body of French and In-
dians^ August 20th, 1746." " IVritten by himself."

Mr. No ton's captivity was of one year's continuance, wast-
ing four days. His nairative was printed in 1748, in Boston,
** and sold opposite the prison." Who the printer was, or the
bookseller, is not mentioned. As Daniel Fowle kept in Queen
street at this time, and the prison was in that street, where the
court house now is, he was probably the printer. The author
was perhaps his own publisher. He appears not to have had
much practice as a writer, but what is of more importance, he
was evidently one of the most truthful, while the printer did
not perform his part with much credit to himself, which might
have been the occasion of his withholding his name to Mr.
Norton's work.

Mr. Norton was born in Berlin, Connecticut, 1716 } gradu-
ated at Yale College in 1737. Four years after, namely, in

lit

! «

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!..j

252

Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Apfindix.

1 741, he was ordained in Fall Town, since Bernardston, Massa-
chusetts, and was the first minister in that town. Owing ** to
the unsettled state of the times," he continued in Fall Town
but about four years i the people had quite as much as they
could do to maintain their families, while they were exposed to
inroads of the enemy in a war already commenced. The
statement of his having been settled at Deerfield in 1 741, is
probably incorredt. After his return from captivity he was
installed pastor of the Congregational church in East Hampton,
Middlesex county, ConncAicut, November 30th, 1748, where
he continued about thirty years, at which period he fell a vi<^iin
to the small pox (March 24th, 1748).

Bernard's Town, at the time Mr. Norton preached there was,
as just mentioned^ called Fall Town. It was thus designated
because it was granted to the soldiers, or the descendants of
those soldiers who were in the fight with the Indians at the
Great Falls in the Connefticut river. May i8th, 1676. While
in captivity his wife applied to the government of Massachusetts
for the wages due him as chaplain, and at one time received one
pound sixteen shillings and six pence, then due, March 12th,

»747-

Mr. Norton was thirty years of age when taken prisoner ;
and though he has given us a work full of valuable fadts, he
evidently had had little experience in literary matters, and would
have made his work much more valuable had he re-written it at
a later day. But narratives of the kind of this of Mr. Norton's
would not at the time of its publication, attract the attention
of the reading public. His immediate friends, and the friends
of f.hose in captivity with him, were about all who would take
any interest in its publication. There was no charm of compo-
sition about it. Its details are the dryest possible. Hence its

: 1,.

msssm

t^mm'mimmmiiwm^

Appendix] Norton* s Redeemed Captive.

253

circulation was of the most limited kind. This circumstance may
account for its extreme scarcity, which scarcity probably extends
back to within a very few years of its publication. Many of
the most valuable works have beeii issued in small editions ; a
few copies only bound or stitched up to meet the first demands
of friends ; the rest are taken by the author into the country,
perhaps in sheets, and eventually used for waste paper ; or,
possibly left on the printer's hands to meet a similar fate. Such
cases are known to the writer.

Norton's Redeemed Captive.

Mr. Norton thus begins his " Narrative," &c. [3]* "Thurs-
day, August 14, 1746, I left Fort Shirley, f in company with
Dr. [Thomas] Williams, and about fourteen of the soldiers j
we went to Pelham Fort, and from thence to Captain Rice's,
where we lodged that night.

*' Friday, the 1 5th, we went from thence to Fort Massachu-
setts, where I designed to have tarried about a month.

"Saturday, i6th. The doctor, with fourteen men, went off
for Deerfield, and left in the fort. Sergeant John Hawks,| with
twenty soldiers, about half of them sick with bloody flux. Mr.
Hawks sent a letter by the do<Stor to the captain, supposing
that he was then at Deerfield, desiring that he would speedily
send up some stores to the fort, being very short on it for
ammunition, and having discovered some signs of the enemy ;

* The figure! thus enclosed denote the
original pagination of Mr. Norton's work.

f In what is since the town of Heath,
about eighteen miles north north west of
Northampton, Mass.

X The same who was ambushed and
wounded at Fort Mass.'chusetta, May
9th, 1746. He bad been a captive
among the Indians, and was recently
returned.

^54

Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix.

but the letter did nut get to the captain seasonably. This day,
also, two of our men being out a few miles distant from the
fort, discovered the tracks of some of the enemy. :

"Lord's day and Monday, 17th and 1 8th, we met with no
disturbance, nor did we discover any enemy ; but the sickness
was very distressing ; for though some began to amend, yet
there wete more taken sick. Eleven of our men were sick,
and scarcely one of us in perfe6t health ; almost every man was
troubled with the griping and flux.

" Tuesday, 19th. Between eight and nine o'clock in the
[4] morning, when, through the good providence of God, we
were all in the fort, twenty-two men, three women, and five
children, there appeared an army of French and Indians, eight
or nine hundred in number, commanded by Monsieur Regand
de Vaudriile,* who, having surrounded the fort on every side,
began with hideous damations to rush forward upon the fort,
firing incessantly upon us on every side. Mr. Hawks, our
officer, ordered that we should let them come without firing at
all at them, until they should approach within a suitable distance,
that we might have a good prospe£l of doing execution.

" We suffered them to come up in a body till they were
within twenty rods of us, and then we fired ; upon which the
enemy soon betook themselves to trees, stumps and logs, where
they lay and fired incessantly upon us , some taking opportunity
to run from one tree and stump to another, and so drew nearer
to the fort. This they did in a very subtle manner, running so
crooked that it was very difficult to shoot at them with any

* Hit real name was Pierre Franfoit Cavagnal ; was born in Montreal, 8th

Rigaud de Vaudrenil. He wag brother February, 1704. He was living ai late

of the last French Governor of Canada, as 1770. See Morgan's C(/«^ra»</ Gmm-

the Marquis, Pierre Fran9ois de Vaudreail- dian$, 46.

"■ « om»iH i - » | iiu ii,iiii .| iii, it i . . , 1 1.111

i »i» i ni )ii ^ ii» H iii i i < i j i 11 1 !!i ) i»j i ij^i »j [ i (i; ti ^| jrii»'«' #* i nii« < iri>U »i ! ' »

Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive.

^SS

good prospe<ft of success, until we observed, that when they
came to a stump, they would fall down ; which we observing,
prepared to catch them there as they fell down by the stumps ;
and this we did probably with success ; for they soon left off
this method. About this time we saw several of the enemy
fall and rise no more ; among which was the captain of the St.
Francis Indians, who was one of the foremost, and called upon
the rest to press on upon the fort. Sergeant Hawks got an
opportunity to shoot him into the breast, which ended his days.*
*' At the beginning of the engagement, the General sent his
ensign with his standard (which he, standing [5] behind a tree
about thirty rods distant from the fort, displayed), the General
also walked up the hill within about forty rods of the fort, where
he stood and gave his orders j but being discovered he had a
shot or two fired at him ; upon which he moved off ; but pre-
sently after comes to his ensign, where, being discovered, he
received a shot in his arm, which made him retreat with his
ensign to their camp.

" The enemy suU continued to fire almost incessantly upon
■ us, and many of them crept up within a dozen rods of the fort.
We were straitened for want of shot. Several of our men
being newly come into the service, and for want of bullet
moulds, had not prepared for any long engagement, and therefore
the sergeant ordered some of our sick men to make bullets,
another to run some shot, having shot moulds. This put him
upon taking particular notice of the ammunition, and he found
it to be very short, and therefore gave orders that we should not
fire any more than we thought necessary to hold the enemy

* The name of this Chief does not ap- English recorded it. Though the St. Fran-
pear to hare been mentioned in the French cis tribe were represented at the treaties
reports of the expedition, nor have the oi 173S «nd I74»> "o names are given.

I
I

256

Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix.

back, unless when we had a very good opportunity and fair
prospeil of doing execution ; so that we fired but little. We
had sometimes very fair shot, and had success. We saw
several fall, who, we are persuaded, never rose again. We
might have shot at the enemy almost any time in the day, who
were in open view of the fort, within fifty or sixty rods of the
same, and sometimes within forty and less; the officers some-
times walking about, sword in hand, viewing of us, and others
walking back and forth as they had occasion, without molesta-
tion, for we dare not spend our ammunition upon them that
were at such a distance. >?'

"Towards evening the enemy began to use their axes and
hatchets. Some were thoughtful that they were preparing lad-
[6] ders in order to storm the fort in the night ; but afterward
we found our mistake, for they were preparing faggots in order
to burn it. This day they wounded two of our men, viz,
John Aldrich they shot through the foot, and Jonathan Bridg-
man with a flesh wound the back side of his hip. When the
evening came on the sergeant gave orders that all the tubs,
pails, and vessels of every sort, in every room, should be filled
with water, and went himself to see it done ; he also looked to
the doors, that they were made as fast as possible. He like-
wise cut a passage from one room to another, that he might put
the fort into as good a posture for defense as might be, in case
they should attempt to storm it. He distributed the men into
the several rooms. While he was thus preparing, he kept two
men in the north-west mount,* and some in the great house,
the south-east corner of the fort, to watch the enemy and keep
them back.

'^ I was in the mount all the evening \ it was cloudy and very

* A sort of watch box in an angle or corner of the fort, on the top of the wall.

*-..l..i»t««i4llWi.

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w^. ^ i m if 4 Bi > »H|fcw»t w ^ii nto i<i>iiW>iw»H •

Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive.

dark the beginning of the evening. The enemy kept a con-
stant fire upon us, and, as I thought, approached nearer and in
greater numbers than they had in the daytime. We had but
little encouragement to fire upon the enemy, having but the
light of" their fire to dire£t us, yet we dared not wholly omit it,
lest they should be emboldened to storm the fort. We firec^
buck-shot at them, and have reason to hope we did some exe-
cution, for the enemy complained of our shooting buck-shot at
that time, which they could not have known had they not felt
some of them. They continued thus to fire upon us until
between eight and nine at night, then the whole army (as we
supposed) surrounded the fort, and shouted, or lather yelled,
with the [7] most hideous outcries, all around the fort. This
they repeated three or four times. We expedted they would
have followed this with a storm, but were mistaken, for they
diredlly set their watch all round the fort; and besides their
watch they sent some to creep up as near the fort as they could,
to observe whether any persons attempted to make their escape,
to carry tidings to New England.* The body of the army
then drew hack to their camps ; some in the swamp west of
the fort, the other part to the south-east, by the river side.
We then considered what was best to be done ; whethei to send
a post down to Deerfield or not. We looked upon it very
improbable, if not morally impossible, for any men to get off
undiscovered; and therefore the sergeant would not lay his
commands upon any to go; but he proposed it to several,
desired and encouraged them as far as he thought convenient j
but there was not a man willing to venture out. So the ser-
geant, having placed the men in every part of the fort, he

* It wtiR* odd at this day, that but writing of a locality in Massachusetts,
little more than a hundred vears ago, one should refer to it as out of New England.

*,:..

|!;5.

if:.

, k

. i

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].|i

258

Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix.

ordered all the sick and feeble men to get what rest they could,
and not regard the enemy's acclamations, but to lie still all night,
unless he should call for them. Of those that were in health,
some were ordered to keep the watch, and some lay down and
endeavored to get some rest ; lying down in our clothes, with
our arms by us. I lay down the fore part of the night. We got
little or no rest, the enemy frequently raised us by their hideous
outcries as though they were about to attack us. The latter
part of the night I kept the watch.

"Wednesday, 20. As soon as it began to be light the
enemy shouted and began to fire upon us for a few minutes,
and then ceased for a little time. The serg[8]eant ordered
every man to his place, and sent two men up into the watch-
box. The enemy came into the field of corn to the south and
south-east of the fort, and fought against that side of the fort
harder than they did the day before ; but unto the north-west
side they did not approach so near as they had the first day, yet
they kept a continual fire on that side. A number went up
also into the mountain north of the fort, where they could
shoot over the north side of the fort into the middle of the
parade. A considerable number of the enemy also kept their
axes and hatchets continually at work, preparing faggots, and
their stubbing hoes and spades, etc., in order to burn the fort.
About eleven o'clock, Thomas Knowlton, one of our men,
being in the watch-box, was shot through the head, so that
some of his brains came out, yet life remained in him for some
hours.

" About twelve o'clock, the enemy desired to parley. We
agreed to it, and when we came to General De Voudriule, he
promised us good quarter, if we would surrender; otherwise
he should endeavor to take us by force. The sergeant told

ii4.

Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive.

259

,-;^'-;

him he should have an answer within two hours. We came
into the fort and examined the state of it. The whole of our
ammunition we did not judge to be above three or four pounds
of powder, and not more lead : and, after prayers unto God for
wisdom and direction, we considered our case, whether there
was any probability of our being able to withstand the enemy
or not ; for we supposed that they would not leave us till they
had made a vigorous attempt upon us; and if they did, we
knew our ammunition would be spent in a few minutes time,
and then we should be obliged [g] to lay at their mercy. Had
we all been in health, or had there been only those eight of
us that were in health, I believe every man would willingly
have stood it out to the last. For my part I should ; but we
heard, that if we were taken by violence, the sick, the wounded,
and the women, would most, if not all of them, die by the
hands of the savages ; therefore our officer concluded to sur-
render on the best terms he could get, which were,

"I. That we should be all prisoners to the French; the
general promising that the savages should have nothing to do
with any of us.

"II. That the children should all live with their parents
during the time of their captivity.

"III. That we should all have the privilege of being ex-
changed the first opportunity that presented.

"Besides these particulars, the general promised that all the
prisoners should have all christian care and charity exercised
toward them ; that those who were weak and unable to travel,
should be carried in their journey ; that we should all be allowed

A i

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*9.-:'

260

Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix.

to keep our clothing ; and that we might leave a few lines to
inform our friends what was become of us.*

"About three of the clock we admitted the general and a
number of his officers into the fort. Upon which he set up
his standard. The gate was not opened to the rest. The
gentlemen spake comfortably to our people ; and on our peti-
tion that the dead corpse might not be abused, but buried.
They said that it should be buried. But the Indians seeing
that they were shut out, soon fell to pulling out the underpin-
ning of the fort, and crept into it, opened the gates, so that the
parade was quickly full. They [10] shouted as soon as they
saw the blood of the dead corpse under the watch-box ; but
the French kept them down for some time, and did not suffer
them to meddle with it. After some time the Indians seemed
to be in a ruffle; and ,>resently rushed up into the watch-box,
brought down the dead corpse, carried it out of the fort, scalped
it, and cut off the head and arms. A young Frenchman took
one of the arms and flayed it, roasted the flesh, and offered
some of it to Daniel Smeed, one of the prisoners, to eat, but
he refused it. The Frenchman dressed the skin of the arm
(as we .iterwards heard) and made a tobacco pouch of it.f
After they had plundered the fort, they set it on fire, and led
us out to their camp.

*'We had been at their camp but a little time, when Mons.
Doty, the general's interpreter, called me a$ide, and desired me

* Mr. Norton accordingly wrote a brief
letter, which he placed upon the well
crotch. It was afterwards found by the
English. Its contents are given in th-
history of this war, page izo.

-j- It was no uncommon thing for the
Indians to make use of the skin of their

enemies in this way; but instances of
the white people imitating them are rare.
It is probably true that some of the ICen-
tuckians, in the war of i8ia, were guilty
of such adts, after General Harrison's
victory of the Thames, and perhaps at
other times.

t.*

Appendix.] Norton* s Redeemed Captive.

261

to speak to our soldiers, and persuade them to go with the
Indians ; for he said the Indians were desirous that some of
them should go with them ; and said that Sergeant Hawks,
myself, and the families, should go with the French officers.
I answered him, that it was contrary to our agreement, and the
general's promise ; and would be to throw away the lives of
some of our men who were sick and wounded. He said, no \
but the Indians would be kind to them ; and though they were
all prisoners to the French, yet he hoped some of them would
be willing to go with the Indians.

*'We spoke to Sergeant Hawks, and he urged it upon him.
We proposed it to some of our men who were in health,
• whether they were willing to go or not, but they were utterly
' unwilling. I returned to Doty, and told him that we should by
no means consent that any of our men should go with the
Indians. [11] We took the General to be a man of honor,
and we hoped to find him so. We knew that it was the man-
ner of the Indians to abuse their prisoners, and sometimes to
kill those that failed in traveling, and carrying packs, which we
knew that some of our men could not do; and we thought it
but little better for the General to deliver them to the Indians
than it would be to -abuse them himself; and had I thought
that the general would have delivered any of our men to the
savages, I should have strenuously opposed the surrender of
the fort, for I had rather have died in fight, than to see any of
our men killed while we had no opportunity to resist. He said
that the general would see that they should not be abused ; and
he did not like it that I was so jealous and afraid. I told him
I was not the officer, but as he spake to me, so I had freely
spoken my mind, and discharged my duty in it ; and he had no
reason to be offended, and I hoped the general would not insist

262

Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix.

i. '-

*«.

on this thing, but would Tiake good his promise to all the
prisoners. He went to the general, and after a little time the
officers came and took away John Perry and his wife, and all
the soldiers but Sergeant Hawks, John Smeed, and Moses Scott,
and their families, and distributed them among the Indians.
Some French officers took the care of the families, namely,
Smeed's and Scott's ; and Mons. Demuy * took me with him,
and M. St. Luc Lacornf took Sergeant Hawks with him ; and
so we reposed that night, having a strong guard set over us.

'* Thursday, 21. In the morning I obtained liberty to go to
the place of the fort, and set up a letter, which I did, with a
Frenchman and some Indians in company. I nailed the letter
on the west post. This [12] morning I saw Josiah Reed, who
was very weak and feeble by reason of his long and tedious
sickness. I interceded with the general for him, that he would
not send him with the Indians, but could not prevail. I also
interceded with the general for John Aldrich, who, being
wounded in the foot, was not able to travel ; but the interpre-
ter told me they must go with the Indians, but they should not
be hurt ; and that they had canoes a little down the river, in
which the weak and feeble should be carried. We then put
up our things, and set on our march for Crown Point, going
down the river in Hoosuck road. I was toward the front, and
within about half a mile I overtook John Perry's wife ; I passed
her. M. Demuy traveling apace. 1 spoke with her, and asked
her how she did ? She told me that her strength failed her in
traveling so fast. I told her God was able to strengthen her.

' r

* His name is variously written in the f Pierre de Chapt La Come. He was

French accounts, as De Muy, De Muyes, constantly employed till the fall of

Dumui, etc. ; he was a lieutenant in much Canada, and performed many exploits

a£live service. against the English.

\fK

i \

--'■^--' ■ *--S- -I hy ^I ^

Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive.

263

In him she must put her trust, and I hoped she was ready for
whatever God had to call her to. I had opportunity to say no
more. We went about four miles to the place where the army
encamped the night before they came upon us. Here I over-
took neighbor Perry, which surprised me, for I thought he had
been behind me with the French, but he was with the Indians.
I asked him after his health. He said that he was better than
he had been. I inquired after his wife. He said he did not
know where she was, but was somewhere with the Indians ;
which surprised me very much ; for I thought till then she was
with the French.

*' Here we sat down for a considerable time. My heart was
filled with sorrow, expecting that many of our weak and feeble
people would fall by the merciless hands of the enemy. And
as I frequently heard the [13] savages shouting and yelling,
trembled, concluding that they then murdered some of our
people. And this was my only comfort, that they could do
nothing against us, but what God in his holy providence per-
mitted them ; but was filled with admiration when I saw all
the prisoners come up with us, and John Aldrich carried upon
the back of his Indian master. We set out again, and had
gone but a little way before we came up with Josiah Reed,
who gave out. I expedled they would have knocked him on
the head and killed him, but an Indian carried him on his back.
We made several stops, and after we had traveled about eight
miles we made a considerable stay, where we refreshed our-
selves, and I had an opportunity to speak to several of the
prisoners ; especially John Smeed, and his wife, who, being
near her time, was filled with admiration at the goodness of
God in strengthening her to travel so far.

" I saw John Perry's wife. She complained that she was

liiiitite.i^i'ilitiV

W I

t ■

264

Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix.

almost ready to give out. She complained also of the Indian
that she went with, that he threatened her. I talked with a
French officer, and he said that she need not fear, for he would
not be allowed to hurt her. Mons. Demuy, with a number of
men, set out before the army, so I took my leave of her, fear-
ing I should never see her more. After this Sergeant Hawks
went to the general and represented her case to him. So he
went and talked to the Indians, and he was kind to her after
this. After we had traveled round the fields, I thought he was
about to leave the river, which increased my fears. But I
found out the reason ; for they only went to look some build-
ings to plunder, and burn them. A little before sunset we
arrived at Vandeverickes place, where we found [14] some of
the army, who had arrived before us, but most of them were
still behind ; and I had the comfort to see the greatest part of
the prisoners come up : God having wonderfully strengthened
many who were weak ; the French carrying the women.
There were some few that tarried behind about two miles,
where Mrs. Sneed was taken in travail : And some of the
French made a seat for her to sit upon, and brought her to the
camp, where, about ten o'clock, she was graciously delivered of
a daughter, and was remarkably well. The child also was
well. But this night Josiah Reed, being very ill, either died of
his illness, or else was killed by the enemy ; which, I could
never certainly know, but I fear he was murdered.*

" Friday, 22. This morning I baptised John Smeed's child.
He called its name CAPTIVITY. The French then made a
frame like a bier, and laid a buck skin and bear skin upon it,

* It might not have been perfeftly clear the captives, that the man died of his ^,
to Mr. Norton when he wrote the above, malady. No captives were probably ever
but it was made clear after the return of treated better under similar circumstances.

ii« «»tn iiiiMi»iii«>«i iniOMiiiiiiitoiin i,iti^iimMmjmm»*MMM'»itjtmmmi>imma0K)H0iKit9ti^iitlk,

Appendix.] Nortoti^s Redeemed Captive.

265

and laid Mrs. Smeed, with her infant, thereon; and so two
men at a time carried them. They also carried Moses Scott's
wife and two children, and ano' ' er of Smeed's children. The
Indians also carried in their canoes, Br. Simon and John Aldrich
and Perry's wife, down the river about ten miles.

" We had remarkable smiles of Providence. Our men that
had been sick, grew better and recovered strength. The
enemy killed some cattle which they found in the meadow ; so
that we had plenty of fresh provisions and broth, which was
very beneficial to the sick. I then expressed a concern for
the feeble people, understanding that we were to leave the
river, and travel through the wilderness near sixty miles \ but
Mons. Demuy told me I need not fear, for the general had
promised those Indians a reward who [15] had the care of the
feeble persons, if they would be kind and carry them through
the journey.

" This night I visited most of the prisoners. This night,
also, died two Indians of their wounds. I'he enemy had got
four horses. ;

" Saturday, 23. This morning the general sent off an offi-
cer with some men to carry news to Canada. This day we
left the river and traveled in the wilderness, in something of a
path, and good traveling for the wilderness, something east of
north, about fifteen miles ; the French still carrying Smeed's
and Scott's wives and children ; the Indians finding horses for
brothers Simon and John Aldrich. Perry being released from
his pack, was allowed to help his wife, and carry her when she
was weary. About three in the afternoon they were alarmed
by discovering the tracts of a scout from Saratoga. This put
them into a considerable ruffle, fearing that there might be an
army after them. But I presumed that they need not be con-
Ii

»WtPiM«MaM>^

'Pi

'i!^

:;'!i

i<i^

266

Norton s Redeemed Captive. [Apphndix.

cerned about it. The body of the army lodged between two
ponds, but part, with a number of the prisoners, were sent
forward about two miles, till they crossed Sarratago river \ * it
is there twenty rods wide, but shallow water. This night also
died two more Indians of their wounds. ' >

" Lord's day, 24. This day we set out in the morning and
came to Sarratago river, crossed it, and came to our company,
which had been before us. Here we came to a rich piece of
meadow ground, and traveled in it about five miles. We had
good traveling this day. We crossed several pieces of good
meadow land. We went about eighteen [16] miles. John
Perry's wife performed this day's journey without help from
any. Our sick and feeble persons were remarkably preserved
to-day ; for about two o'clock in the afternoon, there fell a
very heavy shower of rain, which wet us through all our
clothes. Mrs. Smeed was as wet as any of us, and it being
the third day after her delivery, we were concerned about
the event ; but through the good providence of God, she never
perceived any harm by it, nor did any other person but Miriam,
the wife of Moses Scot, who hereby catched a grievous cold.
This night we lodged in the meadow, where was a run of
water, which makes a part of Wood Creek.

*' Monday, 25. This morning we set out and traveled about
eleven miles. We had something rough traveling to-day.
We quickly left the small stream we lodged by at our right
hand to the east of us, and, traveling a few miles over some small
hills and ledges, came to a stream running from east to west,!

'**' This was doubtless the Hudson river,
but the place of crossing is difficult to be
ascertained. The two ponds do not ap-
pear on any maps in the editor's posses-
sion. Ed.

f Hence they were at a stream which
falls into Lake George; having its rise in
the vicinity of Wood Creek ; the latter
having its rise in Kingsbury, near the
Hudson. The Indian name of Lake

« *

Appendu.] Norton's Redeemed Captive.

267

about two or three rods in width, and about two feet deep.
We crossed it, our general course being north. Wc traveled
about two or three miles farther and came to a stream runn.ng
from south-west to north-east, about six rods in width, which
we crossed. And this stream (which we suppose to be Wood
Creek*), according to the best of my remembrance, and
according to the short minute that I made of this day's travel,
we left at our right hand to the east of us ; but Sergeant Hawks
thinks I am mistaken, and that we crossed it again, and left it
at the left hand, west of us. I won't be certain, but I cannot
persuade myself that [17] I am mistaken. f The French and
Indians helping our feeble people, we all arrived well at our
camp, which was by a couple of ponds. Some few who were
before us went to the drowned Iand.| .

'* Tuesday, 26. This day we took our journey. Our
course in the morning something west of north. In traveling
aboui three or four miles we came to a mountain, a steep
ascent, about eighty or one hundred rods, but not rocky. After
we passed this mountain, our course was about west, five or six
miles, till we came to the drowned lands. When we came to
the canoes, the stream ran f:om north-east to south-west. §
We embarked about two o'clock ; the stream quickly turned

Oeorge is CaitiaJ-eri-oii, signifying tie
tail of the lake. It is the Lac du Sacrt-
ment of the French. Wood Creek the
Indians called Otta-vaget. Ed.

* No doubt that branch of Wood
Creek which falls into the main stream
at what is since Fort Anne — the summit
level of the Champlain canal. Ed.

\ Their difficulty seems to have been
in mistaking a branch for the real Wood

Creek. Ed.

X These extend some three niles along
South River on the east side, beginning
near Lake Champlain. The Indians call
them Ond-cri-fue-gon, or the conflux of
waters. Basiier't Map, drawn by order of
Gen. Amherst, 176a. Ed.

J East Creek corresponds to this ; now
called Pawlet river, I suppose, which hat
ill rite in what it Dorset, Vermont. Ed.

I I ili l| imMi I

,tii, l t. nMM

'.i /

^ i

li^

!P^'

H-.-^.
%^:

1 /P-:

268

Norton's Redeemed Captive. ' [Appendix.

and ran to the north. We sailed about eighteen or twenty
miles that night, and encamped on the east side of the water.

" Wednesday, 23. [27th.] We embarked abeut nine o'clock,
and sailed to Crown Point,* something better than twenty
miles. Some of the army went in the night before, and some
before the body of the army. The sails were pulled down,
and the canoes brought up abreast, and passed by the fort over
to the north-east point, saluting the fort with three volleys, as
we passed by it. The fort returning the salute by the dis-
charge of the cannon. This was about twelve o'clock. Here
we tarried till the 4th of September. I lodged in an house on
the north-east point. We all arrived better in health than when
we were first taken.

"Thursday, 28. This day I was invited by Monsieur
Demuy to go over and see the fort, which I did. It iS some-
thing an irregular form, having five sides [18] to it ; the ram-
parts twenty feet thick, the breast work two feet and half; the
whole about twenty feet high. There were twenty-one or
twenty-two guns upon the wall ; some four and six pounders,
and there may be some as large as nine pounders. The citadel
an octagon built, three sto.-ies high, fifty or sixty feef diameter,
built with stone laid in lime, the wall six or seven feet thick,
arched over the second and third stories for bomb proof. In
the chambers nine or ten guns ; some of them may be nine
pounders, and I believe none less than six, and near twenty
patararoes.f But as my time was short I cannot be very par-

* The French built a fort there in f How much of a gun a patararot was,

1721, which they named Fort St. Fredv-'ric. it would have been well ;f the author had

The Indiana gave that spot tha name of informed us, ae we may travel from

Tek-ya-dough-nigarigee, which signifies Bluunt to Webster without finding out.

two points oppooite to each other. Bat- Perhaps derived from the Spanish petardo,

sier, ibidem. Ed. or, pataremo. Editor.

SiBS

Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Cap*:'ve.

269

ticular. They have stores of small arms, as blunderbusses,
pistols and muskets. This night proved very cold and stovmy.

" Friday, 29. This morning Smeed's and Scot's families
were brought out of their tents into the house, that they might
be more comfortable. It rained and was very cold all the day,
and at night the wind was very high.

*■*■ Saturday the 30th was something warmer.

"Lord's day, 31. We had the liberty of worshiping God
together in a room by ourselves. This day, about twelve
o'clock, the enemy who went ofF from us from Hoosuck, the
morning after we were taken, returned, and brought in six
scalps, viz, Samuel Allen, Eleazer Hawks, Jun., two Amsdels,
all of Deerfield ; Adonijah Gillet of Colchester, Constant Bliss
of Hebron, and one captive, viz., Samuel Allen, son to him
who was killed. He was taken with his father and Ealeazcr
Hawks. The Amsdells and Gillet were killed in Deerfield
South Meadow, August 25th. The Indians also acknowledged
they lost one man there.* This lad [19] told us they had not
then heard in Deerfield of their taking fort Massachusetts. A
young Hatacook t Indian was his master, and carried him to
St. Francois.

"Monday, Sept. i. Tuesday, 2. Wednesday, 3. We
tarried still at Crown Point. The weather was something
lowry, but warm. I lived with the general and about half a
dozen more officers, who lodged in the same house. Our diet
was very good, it being chiefly fresh meat and broth, which was
a great benefit to me. We had also plenty of Bourdeaux wine,
which being of an astringent nature, was a great kindness to
me (having at that time something of the griping and bloody

* See History of the Fi've Tears War, f Perhapt a misprint for Scattacook,
pp. 125, 126. Ed. Editir.

WT'

ippHvivi^miiM

270

Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix.

flux). While we lay here, we wrote a letter to the Hon. John
Stoddard, Esq., at Northampton, to give him a particular
account of our fight and surrender ; as also some other private
letters; the French gentlemen giving us encouragement that
they would send them down by some of their scouts to some
part of our frontiers, and leave them ?o that they should be
found ; but I have not heard of them since, and conclude that
they destroyed them.*

" Thursday, 4. We embarked for Canada about ten o'clock,
and sailed about fifteen miles. Our course, I judged to be
north, about 10° east, which I take to be the general course
from Crown Point to Champlain. Towards night we turned
into a cove, the east side of the lake, and encamped, having
the land upon the south-west, south and east of us. Here we
were to wait for General De Vaudriule, whom we left at Crown
Point, and expe£led would come to us this night or in the morn-
ing; but the night proved very stormy.

[20] " Friday, 5. The wind blowing hard from the north,
and some rain, we lay by to-day.

" Saturday, 6. About nine o'clock this morning the general
came up with us ; then we embarked and sailed with a pretty
good wind the bigger part of the day. Towards night we saw
it few houses on the west side of the lake, but I suppose that
they were deserted. We sailed at least three score miles this
day. We came to where the lake Vas but a few miles in width,
and encamped on the east shore, where there was a windmill
and a few houses, but were all deserted. f

* One certainly found its way to the f No doubt the place afterwards called

English, and was seen by Deacon Wright. Windmill Point by the English, and not

See N. B. Hist, and Jen. Rtff., II, 210. far from the mouth of Onion river.

Editor, Editoi .

■ ' ■ i l)iiiiiwW>i») i» Wi'

'1 'iV,

Appendix.] Nortori s Redeemed Captive.

271

Lord's day, 7. We rose early and set sail as soon as it was
fair day-light, having a good wind, but the wind fell about eight
o'clock, that they were obliged to ply their paddles. When we
came to the end of the lake, about eleven o'clock, and were
entering Champlain * river, we met a boat with three men in it,
who brought a packet of letters for the officers in the army.
They gave one to Mons. Demuy. After reading the letter he
told me the news he had by them, viz., that there were a number
of ships arrived from France to Quebec, who had brought them
plenty of stores ; that they came in company with a fleet of
forty large men of war from the Brest and Toulon squadron ;
and gave the following account ; that the English fleet having
blocked up the Brest squadron in the harbor, the admiral of the
Brest squadron wrote to the admiral of the Toulon and Roch-
fort squadrons to come to his assistance ; who, coming on the
back of the English fleet, and the Brest squadron issuing out at
the same time against them, there ensued a terrible [21] fight, in
which the French prevailed, and sunk one-half of the English
ships, and put the rest to flight, and then they sailed for North
America ; f that the King sent with them twelve merchant

■* Chambly or ChatnbUe river is un-
doubtedly meant ; called also Richelieu,
and Sorel, by the French. Further on
the same error is noted, where the author
speaks of Champlain fort. He did not
distinguish between Champlain and Cham-
blee. Ed.

f There appears to have been abso-
lutely nothing out of which this great
fabrication was made. It refers to the
mighty fleet under the Due D'Anvillc,
which was then in mid ocean, it having
left Brest on the lad of June (1746),
but did not appear on the New England

coast until the beginning of September ^
and then in too shattered a condition to
be feared. His fleet of men of war and
transports amounted to about ninety-
seven sail ; fourteen were ships of war,
with three thousand five hundred troops.
His fleet was watched by the English,
and some of his ships taken. Capt. Leke
took one of sixty-four guns ; Saumarez
one of sixty-four ; Boscawen one of fifty,
and 60 forth. The other French squad-
ron referred to was probably that of M.
De Tourmell. Saumarez was with Anson
in his late voyage round the world. Ed.

'i. I

% i

■imp

mr I film

ffinwivagij

272

Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix.

^r.~^^B^B

;;:

c'^^H^R

;'■

ships with stores of ammunition, clothing, wine, and brandy,
and a thousand soldiers to strengthen Canada ; that the men of
war were divided into two fleets, one of which did now block
up Louisbourg, and were fighting against it, and the other part
of the fleet was gone for Boston. He said their King was very
angry with New England for their taking Cape Breton ; and it
was probable he would bring them into subje£tion. He told me
also that they brought news that Edward Stuart, the Pretender's
youngest son, was in the North of England, and had a powerful
army ; and that great numbers of English resorted to him daily,*
and it was probable he would prevail to dethrone King George.
I told him that, as for this and the fight at sea, I had good
reason to think they were false, for I had news from England
since the Brest fleet had sailed out, and there was no account of
these things, but the contrary. He told me also that Prince
William, the Duke of Cumberland,! was killed in battle at
Culloden-Muir, and that he was the only person of the House
of Hanover which the English nation loved ; so that although
the King's army got the vicSlory, yet it was a loss to his interest ;
for the Duke being dead, the English nation would revolt from
the House of Hanover, being weary of it, and turn to the
House of Stuart. But I told him that the Duke of Cumber-
land was yet alive, and as he had been a scourge and terror to
the King's enemies, so we had reason to hope he would still be.
He grew warm in his debate, called the King [22] a usurper,
the nation in bringing of him in, Cromwell's faction, and many

* This, though guess-work, was much
nearer the real state of the case than the
other part of the story. They probably
had heard of the defeats of the King's
men at Falkirk Moor, Invernesa, etc.
Editor,

f William Augustus, brother of George
II. He died tine prole, 1765. He put
down the Pretender, but showed himself
quite as much of a barbarian at thoM
whom be conquered. Ed,

Appendix.] Nortoti s Redeemed Captive.

273

other things, upon which we had a considerable debate, until he
grew more mild and began to flatter ; and told me what an
amiable man the Pretender was, and what good times it would
be if he came to the throne of England; giving free liberty of
conscience to all his subje6ls \ and he did not doubt but that
they would return to the church of Rome, which was the true
church. Our children, he believed, would come to a good
union in religion.

" We went on shore at the first house, about three miles above
the fort,* where they were called together, and said their
prayers ; and as soon as they had done, Mons. Dumuy read his
letter. Upon which they all shouted, crying, Vive le Roy :
q. d. Let the King live. Upon which several of the young
men came laughing to me, and by signs endeavored to inform
me what the news was. I concluded that these fine tales were
framed and sent to meet the army, in order to keep up the
courage of the common people and of the Indians, who seemed
to repent of their engaging in the war, and to grow very weary
of it. Though I found afterwards that the Brest fleet was
a£lually come over, with a design against New England.

" From thence we traveled down to Champlain,t where the
gentlemen set up their tents, and we had great numbers to visit
us of both sexes. There I expected we should have tarried
that night. But a little before the sun setting, M. Dumuy
came and' ordered his canoe's company to embark, and go down
the river \ and told me I must go with them, and whatev " I
stood in need of, his people would [23J give me : And indeed
I wanted nothing ; having good fresh provisions and plenty of
wine to drink ; but was something surprised at this sudden

* ChambUcy or perhaps more probable, f Chamblee. The author perhaps had
Fori St. John. no maps to refer to.

t -it

•1: 'm

t: ;
I ^

,( :

.fflll'fW'

111

274

Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix.

m:\

remove, and could never know the reason of it, unless it was
this, viz, some of the French and Indians going out from
Crown Point, while I lay there, fell on a number of our men
near Saratago ; had killed some and taken some prisoners, and
were come to Champlain with one of them ; and they wanted
to get what news from him they could, and so chose to get me
out of the way, and some others, lest we might give him a cau-
tion ; and he really wanted a caution, for he told them that
which he had better have kept to himself, viz, the miserable
circumstances of Sarrtago fort.*

" We sailed down the river about three miles, and lodged at
a poor man's house, who, according to his ability, was courteous
to me. I lodged with him in his own bed, which was the first
bed I had lodged in since my captivity ; and though it was a
hard bed, and destitute of linnen, yet it was very comfortable
to me. .......

" Monday, 8. This morning there came an Englishman to
see me ; his name Littlefield. He was taken a lad from Pis-
cataqua, and so continued with the French and lived, having a
family at Champlain. f We had a considerable discourse
together. About eight o'clock we embarked ; some canoes
passing down the river on the opposite side. We sailed over
the river and met with Mons. Dumuy and took him in. We
sailed down the river about fifteen miles and dined with a priest.
The country on Champlain J river appeared very poor; it being
cold sour land. It is inhabited on each side, but the buildings
are [24] generally but poor huts. This day Mons. Dumuy

* This affair is mentioned in the Par were great sufferers in the earlier Indian

ticular History of the Fi've Tears War, wars. See Penhalloiv, Indian ffa'-s, pp.

page 127. 44, 47, 71.

I Persons of the name of Littlefield J Chamblee. Ed.

«.»* ■•

www

Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive.

275

tells me another piece of news, viz, ' that one of their men of
war had taken an English man of war near Louisbourg, after
a whole clay's engagement ; that the blood was midleg deep ■
upon the Englishmen's deck when he surrendered.' I told him
they fought courageously. He said, * True, but they were
taken notwithstanding.' He said ' they had taken three hun-
dre^and twenty men out of her, who were coming up to Que-
bec, where I should meet them.' This was nothing but the
Albany sloop,. one of the men of war's tenders, which Governor
Knowles sent with a packet from Louisbourg for Boston.
There were but seventy men in her. She was taken by a
French man of war near Jebu6ta. About two o'clock it began
to rain, and continued a cold rain all the rest of the day. We
sailed down the river between thirty and forty miles, and then
carried over our canoes and packs across the land to St. Law-
rence, which was about three miles ; and we came to it above
Lozel,* and there we lodged that night, in a French house.

" Tuesday, 9. This morning being something lowery, we
did not set out very early. The wind was northeasterly and
pretty high. About nine o'clock we set sail up the river for
Montreal. It was good sailing. We dined at a French
gentleman's house on the eastern shore. There was an Irish
doftor came and dined with us — his name O'Sullivan. He
pretended a great deal of respe<ft for me, and compassion
towards all the prisoners ; a great deal of friendship to the
English nation, and especially for the House of Hanover ; and
he inquired after the state of Scotland, and pretended to rejoice
that the Duke cf [25] Cumberland had got such a vidory over
the Pretender and the rebels. But I presently found he grew
weary in hearing the particulars ; and therefore to mortify him

* Sorrel is doubtless the place meant. The outlet of Lake Champlain. Ed, .

■:mfM^^>i'^^s!y"'t/m:''<«f%''fv<^rin'\xmmf£Wij:

|! M

276

Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix.

the more, I told him all that I could ; * then we set sail and
went within about five miles of Mount Real. The weather was
something tedious, and it rained in the afternoon.

'* Wednesday, 10. This morning it rained very hard till
near ten o'clock, about which time the general and some others
passed by us, and we embarked directly upon it, and arrived at
Mount-Real about twelve o'clock.

" Mons. Demuy took me to the Governors. He said but little
to me. He only told me, that for the time I tarried at Mount-
Real, I should keep at Mons. Demuy's, but that after a few
days he must send me with the rest of the prisoners, to Quebec.
I went with Mons. Demuy, and was courteously entertained
by him for the time I tarried at Mount-Real. In the afternoon
came an Englishwoman to visit me. She was, I judged, between
sixty and seventy years of age. She was taken when a child
from Merrimack-River. Her name Hannah Rie. She had
been married to a Frenchman, by whom she had four children,
three sons and one daughter. Her daughter was married and
had several children, and came to see me. I saw also one of
her sons. She had been a widow about fourteen years, but
was under very comfortable circumstances. There was another
Englishwoman came to see me, who was taken from the east-
ward, but I have forgot both her name and place where she
was taken from.

"Friday [Thursday], 11. This day I tarried at Mons.
Demuy's, where the Major of the town visited me. He told
[26] me that he married an Englishwoman whose name was
Storer.f She was tak?.n when a child by Indians, from Pisca-

* The author appears to have suspeflcd j- Mention was often made of child-

Dr. O'SuUivan's sincerity with no good ren being carried off by the Indians,

rea'on, judging from anything which he without any family being named; as in

tells us. Editor. this case : " 1710. This summer, four

Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive.

277

taqua } that one of his sons was down at the taking of us.
Mrs. St. La Germine, one of his wife's cousins, who was also
taken with her, came with the major, and was able to discourse
in the English tongue. She told me that the Rev. Mr. Storer*
of Watertown was her brother, and that she wanted to hear
from her friends ; but I was not acquainted with any of them.

"Friday, 12. This day, about two o'clock in the afternoon,
we embarked in boats, and set sail for Quebec, and sailed down
the river about five leagues. There were all that were taken
with me but six men who were yet with the Indians, and John
Perry's wife, who was at the Three-Rivers. There were also
four Dutch with us, who were taken near Sarratago. We
lodged in a house upon the north-west side of the St. Law-
rence's river.

"Saturday, 13. This day we had a fair wind, and sailed
down the river twenty-five leagues, when we arrived at the
Three Rivers. We went into an inn. The general and some
others of the gentlemen which went down with us, presently
went out to the Governors, leaving only their soldiers to guard
us. And after a little time the Governor sent for Sergeant
Hawks and me to come and sup with him. Accordingly we
went, and were courteously and sumptuously entertained by
him ; and while wt sat at supper the gentlemen fell into dis-
course about the wars, and about the wounds they had received.
The general's wound was discoursed upon, and the Governor
desired Sergeant Hawks to show his scars, which he did. The

children are taken at Exeter while at play." Discourses, 12. He died Nov. 27, 1774,

Belknap (Farmer's edition), 378. Ed. x. 72. A. B. Fuller^ Record, He was

* The Rev. Seth Storer was ordained born in Saco, the son of Col. Joseph

at W., 22 July, 1724. Francis, ji. The Storer. Allen. Benjamin Storer was killed

author speaks of notes in Mr. Storer's old at Wells, April 12, 1677. Hubbard.

Almanacs, which he had seen. Three Editor.

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I /"

278

Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendu.

R'l

"■■ r'

Gover[27]nor then informed us of a fight he had been in at
sea in former wars, in which he received fifteen wounds, and
he shewed us several scars. This I thought was a very
remarkable thing, that he should receive so many wounds, and
yet have his life spared. This night John Perry's wife was
also brought to us, and added to our number.

" Lord's day, 14. We set sail, but received little help from
the wind. The soldiers were obliged to row the greatest part
of the day ; but at night, the tide favoring of us, we sailed till
two or three o'clock in the morning. We sailed in the day
and night twenty-three leagues. Then we went on shore the
north-west side oi the river, and lodged at a house in a small
village.

"Monday, 15. This day we sailed seven leagues and came
to Quebec. We were landed at the east point of the town,
where St. Lawrence meets with Loretto,* and were conducted
up by a number of soldiers through the lower town to the
Governor Generars,t where I was taken into his private room,
and he desired me to tell him what news we had in New Eng-
land. I told him of considerable news we had from Europe
concerning the Duke of Cumberland's vi(ftory over the rebels.
He seemed to have a great mind to persuade me that the Duke
was killed, but I told him he was alive and well. I told him
of several other pieces of news, but none very good for the
French. He told me he had heard that we designed an expe-
dition against Canada. He asked what there was in it. I told

* A small village of Christian Indians, converts here, resembling that in the
three leagues north-east of Quebec. It famous Italian sanftuary. These con-
has its name from a chapel built accord- verts are Hurons. Morse. Ed.
ing to the model of the Santa Casa at f Roland Michel Barrin, Count de la
Loretto in Italy ; from which an image Galissoniere was at this time Governor of
of the Holy Virgin has been sent to the New France. Ed.

■^

mmm

" i^i P* ^«i M 'W*ll| lh n » ,^

Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive.

279

him that I lived at a great distance from Boston, and could say
but little about it. I had heard that his Majesty had sent over
to some of the governors in America, that he )\7t'\ thoughts of
an ex[28]pedition against Canada, and would have them in
readiness to assist him, in case he should send a fleet over. He
inquired what it was that had put it by. Something, he said,
was the matter. I told hfm I could not tell ; so he seemed tc
he pretty easy.

" After this I was conduced to the Lord Intendants, who
inquired also after news, both of me and Sergeant Hawks ;
after which he gave us a glass of wine ; then we were con-
ducted to the prisoner's house, which is a guard-house standing
by a battery towards the south-west end of the town, about
one hundred arid fifty feet in length, and twenty in width, and
two stories high ; and we made to the number of one hundred
and five prisoners. Here we had the free liberty of the exer-
cise of our religion together, which was matter of comfort to
us in our affliftion. Sergeant Hawks and myself were put into
the Captain's room, where we found three English masters of
vessels, viz, Mr. William Chapman of Maryland, Mr. James
Southerland * of Cape Cod, and Capt. William Potef of Casco
Bay, who had all been prisoners near sixteen months.

*' Tniesday, 16. This day there came some gentlemen to
see me, among whom was Mr. Joseph Portois, who under-
stands the English tongue, and Mr. Pais, who, Mr. Portois told
me, was his kinsman, and that he was a protestant, and came

* The name of Southerland or Suther-
land is of rare occurrence in New Eng-
land records. It occurs but twice in the
twenty-three volumes of the New Er.g.
Hist, and Gen. Register, and then with
no reference to a Cape Cod residence. Ed,

f He belonged to Portland ; went there
from Marblehead j had seven sons ; built
the two story house near Woodford's
Corner on the old road from Portland.
See Willis, Portland, 637, where other
interesting particulars may be found. Ed.

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Norton* s Redeemed Captive. [Appendix.

on purpose to see me, and to shew me a kindness. He gave
me twenty-four livres in cash. From this time to the 23d,
there was nothing remarkable happened, only this : — that the
Jesuits and some unknown gentlemen, understanding I was
short on it for clothing, sent me several shirts, a good winter
coat, some caps, a pair of stockings, and a few handkerchiefs,
which were very accepjtable.

[29] *' Tuesday, 23. Capt. William Pote was taken ill with
the fever and flux. Jacob Reed was also taken with the same.
This day came into prison two of our men who had been with
the Indians, viz, David Warren, and Phinehas Forbush, who
informed that John Aldrich was in the hospital at Mount-Real.
They informed us, also, concerning some other prisoners who
were taken from New England, and with the Indians.

" Wednesday, 24. There came unto prison forty-three new
prisoners, who were taken at sea by a couple of French men of
war. Among whom was Mr. William Lambert, master of the
Billinder,* one of the men of war's tenders, who was taken
near Jebu£ta, as she was going from Louisbourg to Boston, and
Zephaniah Pinkham, master of a whaling sloop from Nan-
tucket i and John Phillips, master of a fishing schooner from
Marblehead.

" Thursday and Friday, 25, 26. There came in about seventy-
four prisoners, all taken at sea by the aforesaid men of war ;
among whom were several masters of vessels. This day f
there also came in Jacob Shepherd, who was taken with me,
and had been with the Indians, and one widow Briant, taikf "
the spring before, near Casco Bay. There was nothing further

* Properly Bylander. A coasting ve»- f Oilober i, Jacob Shepard, of West-
gel, go named at expressive of its along- borough, taken a*; !!oo8uck, was brought
/tore use. I do not know why it is not to prison. October 3, Jonathan Bather-
|n the di^ionariet. Ed. ick was brought to prison. How, ig. Ed.

iai.

jnHj

■■■iHM

Afpbndix.] Norton's Redeemed Capthe.

281

remarkable in this month ; so that we were by this time
increased to the number of two hundred and twenty-six.

" Lord's day, 0£lober 5. There came in seventeen prison-
ers, viz, three of our men, Nathaniel Hitchcock, Stephen Scot,
and John Aldrich ; two taken by Indians at the Eastward, viz,
Richard Stubs,'*' and Pike Gordon ; and twelve from the Bay
Verde.

" Lord's day, 1 2. There came twenty-four men taken at
sea by the Lazora and Le Castore men of war.

[30] " Wednesday, 22. I sent a petition to his lordship the
General of Canada or New France, to permit me to go home
to New England, upon a parole of honor, setting me a suitable
time, and I would return again to him ; but I could not prevail.

" Thursday, 23. Edward Cloutman and Robert Dunbar,
two prisoners, broke prison and made their escape. But it was
found out the next morning, and we were upon it threatened to
be confined to our rooms, but this threatening was never
executed } the only consequent in respe£i to us was to have a
stricter guard kept about us \ but they sent out a number of
men in pursuit after them.f

"Friday, 31. Mr. Phillips and Mr. Pinkham, with about a
dozen of their men, went out from us in order to return home ;
but they went by the way of the West Indies. |

" Here I shall speak of the sickness that prevailed among
the prisoners. It had generally been very healthy in the prison
before this fall ; f^r though there had been some prisoners there
sixteen months, and about Hfty nine months, yet there had but

* Taken at New Caico. Ibidem.
Q€t. 19. Six seamen are brought to pri-
»on. 06t, 20. Jacob Read died. Ibidem.

^ 0&. *7. A man wai brought to pri-
lon, and uyi the Indians took five more,

and brought ten scalps to Montreal.
HoiUf 19,

X They may have been exchanged.
The author seems not to have known on
what terms they went away Ed.

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I li

mimmmmmmmmmmmimmmmmmmmm

282

Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix.

two died ; the first, Lawrence Platter.* He was taken at
Sarratago, Nov. 17, 1745, and died the winter following.

Johnesjf taken at Contoocook in the summer, 1 746, and

died in August following.

" But our people who were taken at sea by the two French
men of war, viz, the Lazora and Le Castore, found a very mortal
epidemical fever raged among the French on board their ships,
of which many of them died. The prisoners took the infec-
tion, and a greater part of them were sick while they lay [31]
in Jebuda % harbor ; yet but one or two of them died of it.
And when they set out from thence for Menis, some of them
were sick, and some they left sick at Menis when they set out
for Canada. Some of them were taken with the distemper
upon their passage to Canada, and so brought the infection into
the prison \ and the fever being epidemical, soon spread itself
into the prisons to our great distress.

" Those who brought it into the prison mostly recovered,
and so there were many others that had it and recovered ; but
the recovery of some was but for a time, — many of them
relapsed and died. It put me in mind of that text, Jude, ver.
5, * / will therefore put you in remembrance.^ tho* ye once knew thisy
how that the Lord having saved the people out of the Land of Egypt,
afterwards destroyed them that believe not.' Not that J have any
reason to think ill of those upon whom the sickness fell, and
who died with it. Many of them, I hope, were truly pious
and godly persons. I thought we might vet^ properly take up
the Lamentation of Jeremiah, Lam. i, 18. *■ The Lord is

* Plaftr it probably the name in-
tended. See ParticnUr Uittory, 86, 87,
where will be found an account of the
depredation in which he was taken. Rd.

f Thomas Jonea. See liidtm, 95. EJ.

X Chebudlto, a bay and harbor on the
S S. £. coait of Nova Scotia. Near iti
head, on the west side, is Hali^x, set-
tled by the English in 1749. ^^' Morse,
G»»ettttr, ed. 1797, art. Chibucto. Ed.

warn

iMflHi

Appendix.] Norton* s Redeemed Captive,

283

righteous^ for I have rebelled against his commandment. Hear I
pray for you^ all people^ and behold my sorrow. My virgins and
my young men are gone into captivity.' Ver. 20. * Jbroad the
sword de^}oureth^ at home there is death.'

" Monday, 20. Jacob Reed died. He was taken at Gor-
ham-Town, near Casco Bay, April 19, 1746.*

"November i. This day died John Reed, son to Jacob
Reed, deceased. He had been a soldier in Annapolis, and was
taken near the fort by some Indians, May 9, 1745.

" Nov. 10. Died one Davis,t a soldier belonging [32]

to the King's forces at Louisbourg. He was taken on the
island of St. John's, July loth, 1746.

"Nov. 13. Died John Bingham. He belonged to Phila-
delphia, and was taken at sea. May 22, 1745.
• "Nov. 17, died Nathan £ames.;{; He belonged to Marl-
borough in the province of the Massachusetts Bay, was taken
with me at Fort Massachusetts, August 20, 1 746.

" Nov. 18. Died at night, Andrew Sconce. He was taken
near Albany, August 17th, 1747.

" Nov. 20. Died John Grote of Shene<Stada. He was
taken April 27th, 1746.8

*■*' About this time || there came into prison two men ^ ho
were taken at Sheepscot in the eastward. Their names Robert
Adams and John McNeer. They were taken O^ober 20th.

■4m

* See Particular Hittory^ etc., page
90. Editor.

I Joha Davit) and he died Nov. 9.
Hovif 19.

\ He wu doubtlet8 a descendant of
Thomas Eames of Sudbury, who was so
great a luffisrer in Philip's war. Barry
(in his Framingiam) has no NatAati, but

a Natkanicl, who died, he says, Jan. ist,
1746. Ed.

I On the same day, Mr. Norton mar-
ried the two captives, Leonard Lydle and
Mrs. Sarah Briant. His reason for not
mentioning it in his narrative may be
conjectured. Ed,

II November 19th. /faw, 19.

•■ *<P''mmmmmm< m¥^

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284

Norton* s Redeemed Captive. [Ai-pendw.

They informed that one of their neighbors, named Anderson,
was then killed."'

" The sickness increasing and spreading itself so greatly, we
sent a very humble petition to his Lordship, the Governor
General, intrcating that the sick might be removed out of the
hospital, least the whole prison should be infe£led ; but he
refused to send our people to the hospital, for they told us that
their hospital was full of their own sick ; yet he did not wholly
negle£l our petition, but ordered that one of the most conveni-
ent rooms in the prison should be assigned for the sick, where
they should all be carried, and have their attendance, and this
was dire<^ly done, and the sick were all brought in.f

** Nov. 24. Died John Bradshaw. He belonged to Capt.
Donahew. He was taken when Capt. Donahew was killed at
Ca»so, June 29th, 1745. He was wounded when taken, but'
recovered of his wounds ;■ soon fell into a consumptive way,
and died of it.

[33] " Nov. 28. Died Jonathan Dunham. He was taken
with Capt. Pote near Annapolis, May 17th, 1745. He died
after eight or ten days sickness.

" Nov. 29. Died William Bagley.ij: He was master of a
vessel taken at sea. May 29th, 1746.

"December i. Died Gratis Vanderveriske, after a tedious
sickness of six or seven weeks. He belonged to Sarratago,
was taken by the enemy, November 17th, 1745.

" Dec, 6. Died Pike Gordon. He was taken from Bidde-
ford, September 5th, 1746 ; was sick eleven d' ys, and all the
time deprived of his reason.

* Not. ^^, The abovetaid Andenon's
uncle wu brought to priion. Ai»w, 19.
f Jonathan Dunham died. Hnv, ao.

X Htm hat thk under the same date :
" Capt. BaUey of Almtbury died." Bag-
ley h probably the right name.

;!.r-;1* »>..«•■ Vil"'-'-

mssmmsssi

rmm

AmNDix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive. 285

" Dec. 7. Died Martha Quaquinbush, a girl taken at Sar-
ratago, N(w. 17th, 1745. She had a long and tedious sickness}
what it was is uncertain.*

"Dec. II. Died Mirriam the wife of Moses Scott. She
was taken with me at Fort Massachusetts. She got a cold in
her journey, which proved fatal, her circumstances being
peculiar. She was never well after our arrival at Canada, but
wasted away to a mere skeleton, and lost the use oi' her limbs.

"Dec. 15. Died John Boon. He was taken at sea, May
ist,t 1746. He died of a consumption } belonged to Devon-
shire in England.

"Dec. 18. Died Mary Woodwell, wife to David Wood-
well,! of New Hopkinton on Merrimack river. She lay in a
burning fever about a fortnight. She was taken captive, April
27th, 1746.

" Dec. 23. Died Rebecca the wife of John Perry. She
was taken with me at Fort Massachusetts, August 20th, 1746.
Her illness was different from all the rest. She iiad little or no
fever ; had a cold, and was exercised with wrecking pains until
she died.

" Dec. 24. I was taken with the distemper ; was seized
with a very grievous pain in the head and back [34] and a
fever ; but I let blood in the morning, and took a good potion
of physic, and in a few days another ; so that I soon recovered
again.

" Dec. 26. Died Wm. Daily of New York. He belonged
to Capt. Rouse's ship, and was taken upon St. John's Island,
July loth, 1746. He had a very long and tedious sickness;

* She WM ten years of age. How. X See Pcrtieular Hiitorj, etc., p. 94,

f One of Capt. Robertion'i lieutenants where will be found some particulars of
died. Hom. her singular Ticisitudes of fortune.

it
I

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lllt,.l l ll.

I
I

286

Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appindix.

several times he seemed to be in a way to recover ; but took
relapses, till he was worn out. He swelled in his neck and
side of his face, and mortified.

"January 2, 1746-7. Died Thomas Atkinson of Lanca-
shire in England } was taken at sea, May, 1 745 ; his sickness
very tedious about eight or nine days before his death.

" Jan. 3. Died Jonathan Hogadorn. He belonged to the
county of Albany, and was taken on a scout near Fort Ann,
Nov. 1 6th, 1745 ; had a long and tedious sickness of more
than two months continuance.*

" The sickness thus increasing, there were many taken sick,
which I do n't pretend to mention. The sickness also got into
the prison-keeper's family. He lost a daughter by it, the 4th
instant. Upon this the Governor ordered a house to be pro-
vided for the sick, where they were all carried the 1 2th instant,
about twenty in number, with three men to attend them ; and
after this, when any were taken sick, they were carried out to
this house.

" Jan. 12. Died at night, Francis f Andrews, of Cape Ann.
He was taken at sea, June 24, 1746, and died of the bloody
flux, after a tedious spell of it.

*'Jan. 15. Died at night, Jacob Bagley,J of Newbury,
after about two days sickness. He was taken at sea. May
26th, 1746.

" Jan. 27. Died Guyart Brabbon,§ of Maryland, after ten
weeks sickness i taken at sea. May 22d, 1745.

i :

* Jan. 4. The Rev. Mr. Norton was X Hew^ ibiJtM, gives the h€t thua :

10 far recovered from ticknen that he Jacob Baity, brother of Capt. Bailey

preached two diicourtea from Pial. 60, 1 1 . aforesaid, died.

f Hew, p. 10, gives the name Phineai \ Giat Braban, Capt. Chapman's car-
Andrews, penter. Ibidtm.

lji,--i-*l:'r!a!TKfl

ii«i |ir i i ii > il ii

i[*ii«iiiiti

- ■HHitH i n hj uni i. ^-

Appbndw.] Norton* s Redeemed Captive,

187

[35] " Jan- ^3* Died Samuel Lovet, after near a month's
sickness. He was taken with me.'^

" Feb. II. Died in the morning, Moses Scot, son to Moses
Scot. He was a child of about two years old, and died with
the consumptioji In the afternoon died Wm. Galbaoth,t a
Scots-man. He was taken at sea, April 4th, 1 746 j was sick
about a month before he died.

" About this time ! had another turn of illness. I had a
grievous pain in my head and back. The AcQtoi blooded me,
and advised me to go to the hospital } for, he said, I was going
to have the distemper, but, by careful living, 1 soon recovered,
and escaped the distemper.

"Feb. 23. Died Richard Bennet. He belonged to Capt.
Rouse's ship, and was taken at the island St. Jon's, July loth,
1 746. He belonged to the Jerseys, and had a long and tedious
sickness.

" Feb. 24. Died Michael Dogan, an Irishman. He listed
at Philadelphia, a soldier for Louisbourg, and was taken in his
passage by a French man of war. He had been sick, and
recovered, but took a relapse the 20th instant.

"March, 1747. The fore part of this month our people
were generally better in health than they had been, and we
were in hopes the distemper would abate ; yet there was a
number sick.

"March 5. We had news from Nova Scotia, that the
French, under the command of Mons. Ramsey, had fallen

* He was son of Major Lovet of Men- treal to Quebec, rit., John Sunderland,

don. Hne^ xo. John Smith, Richard Smith, William

f Printed Gar-waft in flow, p. ao. Scot, Philip Scofil, and Benj. Tainter,

Feb. !$■ My nephew, Daniel How, and son to Lieut. Tainter ^ Wcitborough.

lix more were brought down from Mon- Hato^ 20-1.

288

II \

Norton* s Redeemed Captive. [AmwDix.

upon an English army at Minis, had killed one hundred and
thirty-three, and had taken four Tjundred prisoners } but the
truth I suppose was, that they had killed about seventy, and
taken about as many more.

** March 18. Died Thomas Magra, an Irishman. He was
taken in the Billinder. His sickness was very short.

[36] "March 21. Died John Fort, servant, a Dutchman.
He was taken on a scout near Fort Ann, November 16th,
1745. He died of a consumption. The same day died Samuel
Goodman of South Hadley. He was taken with me at Fort
Massachusetts, and died of the scurvy.

" March 29. Died Mary, the wife of John Smiled, after a
tedious sickness of about eight weeks ; was taken with me.

" April 7. Died John Smeed, Jun. He was taken with me
at Fort Massachusetts. He was seized with the distemper in
October last, and was bad for a time, and then recovered in
some good measure, and after a little time relapsed, and as he
did several times, till at last he fell into a consumption, of
which he died.

" April 8. Died Philip Scaffield. He belonged to Pennsyl-
vania soldiers, was taken near Albany, 0<^ober, 1746. His
sickness was short, but his fever very violent.

** April 10. Died John Jordan, master of a vessel taken at
sea, June ist, J 746. He came sick into pris'^n, but seemed to
recover ; and so had frequent relapses till he died. He belonged
to the Bay government.

" The same day died Antonio, a Portuguese. He was taken
in the English service, and so always kept confined. His sick-
ness was short.

"April 12. Died Amos Pratt. He was taken with me.
He had a hard turn of the Fever in November and December,

-'■"•■*• -"- . --"T' ■■■-■-— ---- I ....1—^., ,

AmNDix.] Norton* s Redeemed Captive.

289

but recovered } wast taken again the latter end of March, and
to continued till he died.

*'*' April 13. Died Timothy Cummingt. He was taken near
George's fon, where he belonged, May aad^ I746> His sick-
ness was short but very tedious.

*^ April 16. Died John Dill. He belonged to Nantasketti
was mate of a sloop, and taken at sea, near JebudU, May 29th,
1746. His sickness was upon him about ten days before his
death.

[37] "April 17. Died Samuel Evans of Newbury. He
was taken at sea with Capt. William Bagley. He had a fort-
night's sickness.

"April 18. Died Samuel Vaughn,* one of Capt. Rouse's
men, taken at St. John's, July loth, 1746. He belonged to
Plymouth in New England. He was sick about eight days
before his death.

*' April 27. Died Joseph Denning of Cape Ann, master of
a fishing schooner, taken at sea, June 24th, 1746. He was
exercised with purging the greatest part of the winter, and was
worn out with it and died.

*^ April 30. Died Susanna Mc Cartees, infant child.

" The 28th of this instant, when the prisoners were all con-
fined in their rooms, but one or two in the lower room cook-
ing the pot, the prison house took fire. It began on the ridge.
We supposed that it catched by sparks lighting upon it. It
being very dry, and something windy, it soon spread upon the
house, and we could not come at it, having no ladder, to quench
it. There were no lives lost, but many lost their bedding and
clothing.

We were conducted by a strong guard to the governor's

* Printed in HvwU Narrative, page »i, VtHhtn.

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tfe'.,Mi

i;!

ill

• ■'

290

Norton's Redeemed Captive. (Appindix.

yard, where we were kept till near night, when we were con-
duced to the back of the town to the old wall, in a bow of
which they had set up some plank tents something like sheep's
pens. We had boards flung down to lay our beds upon, but the
tents generally leaked so much in wet weather, that none of us
could lie dry, and had much wet weather this month.

** The gentlemen of our room sent in a petition the beginning
of May, that they might be removed to some more convenient
place. Upon which we had a house built for us in the prison-
er's yard, about twenty feet square, into which we were removed
the 23d instant. This was something more comfortable than
the tents. In this yard we were confined, having the wall
behind it and at each end, and the fort side picketed in, and a
guard of about twenty men to keep us in both by day and night.

"N. B. I should have observed that several prisoners were
brought into prison before this; as Feb. 15th, there came in
seven men from Mount-Real, taken the summer before. [38]
In March there came into prison a Dutchman from Schanec-
tada, and a woman from Saratago.

" April 26th, there came into prison, three persons taken some
time before at Saratago, and Jonathan Williamson, taken at
Wiscassett, at the eastward, April 13th, 1747.*

* Probably an error, and should be
1746, unleu this was the lecond time
Williamson was a captive. His place was
at Broad Ray, and Smith says — Jour-
nal, ^% — news came to Falmouth, May
2 1 ( 1 746) that " the Indians had burnt all
the houses at Broaa Bay." Sullivan says,
page 168, that he returned out of cap-
tivity the next year (1748). Williamson
lived at Broad Bay, and was doubtless
taken when the place was destroyed. If
he were taken on the 1 3th of April, and

delivered at Quebec on the a6th follow-
ing, it was rather a short time (thirteen
days) in which to take him through the
wilderness, judging from what is stated
respeding ;he tedious journeyings of
Indian captives of that time. Nehemiah
How also records the arrival of William-
son, and How died May asth following ;
hencf this reduces the journey to twelve
days, if Williamson was taken in 1747.
Circumstances seem to authorize the cor-
redlion we have made. Editor.

('if,
■iiH

Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed C apt rue.

291

May 9. Died Sarah, the rcli£t of Wm. Bryant. She was
taken ~t Gotham Town, near Casco Bay, April 19th, 1746.
Her husband and four of her children were then killed \ one
escaping. She was taken sick the ist of May.

'•'• May 1 3. Died Daniel Smeed, a young man. He was
taken with me, and was son to John Smeed. He was first
taken sick in November, and by frequent relapses was worn
out, and fell into a purging, hv which he wasted away and died.

" May 14. Came into priso.i John Larmon, taken at Dama-
scota, in the eastward, by eleven Indians, April 27th, 1747, and
informed that his wife and daughter were killed by them.

'* May 15. Died in the morning Christian Tedder,* of
Schenedada, taken May 7th, 1 746. He was taken sick about
the beginning of this month.

" The same day died Mr. Hezekiah Huntington, son to Col.
Huntington of Norwich in Connefticut. He was taken at sea,
June 28th, 1746. He was well beloved and much lamer.ted by
all sober religious persons. f

" This day also died Joseph Gray of Maryland. He was
taken by sea. May 22d, 1745. A likely young man. Thus
we had three likely young men taken from us in one day.

"May 17. Died Captivity Smeed, an infant about nine
months old, daughter to John Smeed.

"May 18. Died Samuel Martin of Lebanon in Connecti-
cut } a likely young man, taken at sea. His sickness short.

" This day there came into Quebec, a schooner and sloop
from Martineco. In their passage they took a sloop bound
from Philadelphia to Antigua, and brought in four of her men.
This day came up three prisoners from Bay Verde, viz., George

* Hoiu hag the name Fether,

f See Particular Hittory, p. 97. Ed.

■i

^^^

il.l

292

Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix.

Schavolani, Zechariah Hubbard, and a Negro, and three from
the frontiers of New England. -

" May 19. Died Samuel Burbank, of New Hopkinson^ an
old man, taken April 22d, 1746.* The same day died Abra-
ham Fort, son to John Fort, decease taken near Fort Ann,
November 1 6th, 1745. ;: j,. r'

[39] " May 20. I was taken ill with a grievous pain in my
liead, and a sore eye, that I was almost blind with it. The
2i8t I yielded to be sick. Capt. Roberts and Capt. Williams
were also both of them very sick, being taken a few days before
me. This day I was blooded., having something of the fever.
The 23d I was blooded again ; the dodlor also gave me a bottle
of eye-water, and advised me not to be concerned about the
fever. I was sensible they did not apprehend how ill I was. I
intreated of him to give me a potion of physic, which he did,
the 25th, and it worked very well. In the night I fell into a
sweat, and was in hopes it would go off, but I was sadly dis-
appointed, for I grew worse the next day. My reason departed
from me, and returned not, until the 14th of June. Part of
this time I was given over by every one that saw me. J had
the nervous fever, and was very much convulsed. .< was ex-
ceeding lew and weak when I first came to myself, but I
recovered strength as soon as could be expelled ; for, by the
24th of June, I got out, and went into the chamber.

"May 21. Died Robert Williaiiis. He belonged to Eng-
land, and was taken at sea.

" May 22. Died Nathaniel Hitchcock of Brimfield. He
was taken with me.

* See Particular History, page 9a, died two chQdren, who were put out to the

where the circumstances of the attack on French to nurse." How, zx. May 19, he

Hopkinton are detailed. " At the lame mentions receiving a letter from Major

time [the death ofMr.Burbank happened] WiUard, which is his last entry. Editor.

'r^»:jismfmw''t^^^'^WW'r''''*

Appendix] NortotC s "Redeemed Captive.

293

"May 25. Died Mr. Neheiriah How, of No. 2, aged
about fifty-six ; taken at Great Meadow, OAober nth, 1745.*

" May 26. Died Jacob Quaquinbush, and Isaac his son,
both taken at Sarathtoga, November 17th, 1745.

" May 30. Died Jacob Shepherd, a pious young man, well
beloved and much lamented. He was taken with me.

** June 3. Died Robert David Roberts of Dartmouth, in
England, master of a snow, taken at sea. May ist, 1746.

" June 10. Died John Pitman of Marblehead, of the scurvy,
taken at sea, May 27th, 1747.

"June 12. Died .Abraham De Grave of Sechanedada,
taken 06t., 1746.

' June 17. Died Samuel Stacy, taken at Menis, Feb., 1 746, 7.
June 20. Died William Nason of Casco Bay, taken at
Menis, February, 1746, 7.

" June 30. Died Matthew Loring, taken at sea. May 29th,
1746.

[40] ** This month there came into prison several prisoners ;
first, there were three prisoners brought from Mont Real, two
of which were taken at Sarratoga, Feb. 22d, 1746, and one
from Canterhook, April loth, 1747. One man killed ; at the
same time a woman and child captivated with him.

** June 5. Came in two men taken at Pemaquid. There
were twelve men killed when they were taken.

" June II. We had an account from the French, that they
had taken a number of Indians and Dutch, who had first done
some mischief in Canada. There was about fifty in the whole
scout, and they had taken about ten or twelve of them in this

* An account of hti captivity was pub- CallsBian of Indian Caftivitiu, 1839. See,
lithcd in 1748, and republished in Drake's alto, Particular Hiutry, 85. Ed.

((

J .

ism

294

Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix.

, t

Si}.

month. There came also thirty-six prisoners from Nova Scotia,
most of which were taken at Mcnis, February, 1746, 7.

"July 2. Died Archibald Gartrage, a child, and son to
Charles Gartrage, aged nine months. .-, ;

" July 4. Died William Prindle, a Louisbourg soldier, a New
England man originally, taken at St. John's, July loth, 1746.

" July II. Died Corporal William Norwood. He belonged
to his Majesty's troops which came from Gibraltar to Louis-
bourg, taken at St. John's, July loth, 1746.

"July 16. Died James Doyl. He was taken at sea. May
29th, 1746.

" The same day died Phinehas Forbush, of Westboro', taken
at Fort Massachusetts with me. He was a very likely man.

"July 21. Died Jonathan Brigman, of Sunderland. He
was taken with me at Fort Massachusetts. r

" July 25. We came on board the ship Verd Le Grace,*
which the governor of Canada sent with ?. flag of truce to
Boston. The 27th we set sail for New Engiand, at ten in the
morning. August ist we came in sight of Cape Breton Island.

"August II. Died on board our flag of truce, Nicholas
Burt. He belonged to the West of England, and was taken at
sea. May ist, 1746. Died in captivity, in all, seventy-three.

"August 16. We arrived at Boston. The sick and infirm
were taken to the hospital. Col. Winslowf sent to me and

* The ship Vier,{e-de-Grace [Hand-
lome Virgin], Captain Larregni. See
N. r. Col. Docs., X, 118. EJ.

■f Probablyjchn Winslowjof the fourth
generation from Governor Winslow of
the \fayflower. He was in the calami-
tous Cuba expedition of 1740; in the
Nova Scotia expedition of 1755, *'*<'
general and commander-in-chief at Fort

William, 17565 councillor of the Pro-
vince, etc., etc. ; died in Hingham, 1774,
aged seventy-two. In the Newt-Lttttr
of 5 June, 1760, is this notice: "In
Capt. Watts came passenger General
Winslow, who was welcomed ashore and
congratulated by a great nun^ber of peo-
ple, upon hia return to his native coun-
try." Editor,

Appendix.] Norton*s Redeemed Captive, 295

desired me to come and tarry with him while I continued in
Boston. I thankfully accepted it, and was courteously enter-
tained. This was a day of great joy and gladness to me.
May I never forget the many great and repeated mercies of
God towards me."

End of the Redeemed Captive.

POSTSCRIPT. — In the account of Capt. Rouse, given
ante., pages 240-3 — in noticing the antiquity of the name of
Rouse — the following interesting fa£ts would not have been
inappropriate. In one of the Hrst voyages made into the West
Indies by Capt. Francis Drake, namely, in the year 1572, he
met there one Capt. Rouse. In the first published account of
that voyage the name is spelt Rause; and in a later edition,
sometimes Rause and sometimes Rawse. These spellings might
lead one to suppose the original may have been Ross. But Sir
William Davenant, who lived near Sir Francis Drake's time,
and wrote a play which he entitled the History of Sir Francis
Drake^ in which he introduces Drake's companions, uniformly
writes the name of this one. Pause. Hence it is presumed that
Ross and Rouse are distinct names ; and that Drake's companion
was Rouse., and not Ross. Davenant printed his play in 1659,
" Represented daily at the Cockpit in Drury-Lane at Three
Afternoon Punftually." Perhaps some American Rouse may
find himself a descendant of the old freebooter of 1572; if so
he may derive satisfa£lion in this note, if not in his progenitor.

•iji'
'ii !

;']

APPENDIX F.

1 ; :

' .1

ill

'j ': ■

; .1

.;,

i i!

i t

Page i6o. . •

|HE following observations and criticisms on the
affairs of the period of this war, admirably exhibit
the condition of the country, the circumstances of
the people, and the impressions upon their minds as
to the conduct of their rulers. They are extracted from the
close of Mr. Doolittle's Memoirs^ as well an adl of justice to
him as for the reasons before stated. It should be remembered
they were written before the war had fairly closed.

^^ The following remarks are easy and natural from the pre-
ceding history :

*' ist. What a great dijfFerence there Is between our managing
a war and our enemies. The most we do is to defend ourselves
at home ; but they are for an offensive war. And it is true if
they have any they must have this ; for a defensive war they
can have none with us : for not a man of ours has seen a
French settlement all this war, except such as were carried cap-
tive or went with a flag of truce.

^* 2dly. It is a rare thing we can obtain an Indian scalp, let
us do what spoil we will upon them j so careful are they to
carry off and conceal their dead. For at Fort Massachusetts,
where, it is probable, near sixty * have been killed, never have
been found more than three scalps, which shows us that our

* The number killed at the tiege and the English at the time. But the be-
died of their wounds. It leemt incredibly siegers showed uncommon daring, and
Urge, too, in view of what wa« said by were numerous.

mtatm

muatd

Appendix.] Concluding Observations.

297

men will not venture out after the enemy on any scalping ad
whatsoever. Our men will not venture their lives and service,
on such uncertain encouragements ; * if they should be much
greater than ever they have been. The like is demonstrated at
Number Four, where they have killed so many of the enemy,
never a scalp could be recovered. f

" jdly. We may observe, of how much importance the
enemy judge those two forts, at Number Four, and Hoosuck,
to be tc us. Hence their repeated endeavors to destroy them \
which they would not do, were they not advantageous to us, and
in their way in coming upon us. And it shows how much it
must encourage our enemies for us to give up either of them.

" 4thly. We may observe, how safely the enemy can draw
off when they have done mischief. I think but one instance J
has there been all this war of our pursuing and overtaking the
enemy to do any spoil on them, and there are many reasons for
it : One is, that no body may move till an account is sent to
the chief colonel ; and then men must be mustered, which takes
so long a time that there is no possibility of our taking them.
Another reason is, that we never have men near, equipped to'
pursue them in the woods ; and when they have gone a few
miles in the woods, they are discouraged and return home.

^* Sthly. It is observable, that the continual changing of
schemes renders all measures for the war unsuccessful. Before
any one single scheme is tried, it is flung up, and nothing ever

* Aa the bounty oflrered by the govern- % The author probably hai reference

ment for icalps. Ed. to Capt. Melvin't expedition j or perhspi

-f- Because the defender* in the garrison to that of the Mohawkt, of November,

durst not venture out for fear of being cut 1746. However much the English were

off by some in ambush, as they had too accustomed to the woods, the Indians

often experience. Ed, were far more at home there. Ed.

^Mi

■ »»'i»'itii>^ m « ii n »,i 4< M '*

lift

■tJK!l

298

Concluding Observations. [Appfndit.

prosecuted to advantage : There is scarcely any one scheme
of more than six months continuance.

"6thly. We may observe, that when the Province have
voted any number of men for a particular service, by that time
the commissary can furnish the men with their provisions, their
time is expired ; and this was the case the summer past : * it
took the greater part of the summer to supply the garrisons
with provisions ; they were so scarce : And the soldiers who
were designed as scouts towards Crown Point, were a good part
of their time employed in guarding provisions to the forts.

" 7thly. It is observable to all who know the state of these
frontiers, that there is not due provision made to furnish the
men out on any occasion after the enemy. There is neither
bread nor meat, shoes, blankets, etc., that a number of men
may take on any sudden occasion. They have their bread to
bake, their meat to cook, and other things to get, when they
should be on their march : f And so long as this is the case
the enemy never need fear our annoying them when they have
distressed us. -^

*' 8thly. It is observable, that all this war we have nevef kept
men in the woods towards Crown Point, to discover their large
bodies .nming down upon us, and give notice of an approaching
enemy : So that they came securely, week after week, upon
us } yea, we have since found that the enemy have camped
several months within thirty or forty miles of Fort Dummer.

" 9thly. Another thing observable, is the great temptation
soldiers have to be unfaithful in the service. For there is no
distinction made, as to their wages, between a soldier in an old
town, one in a garrison, and one marching in the woods ; who

* The summer of 1748. Ed

many men were lost on the 4th of May,

f This was specially the case when so 1746. See Vaatt'i Mancbesttr, 121, Ed.

Appendix.] Concluding Observations.

299

when he is in the woods, wears out as many clothes as his wages
will procure, besides all his hardships and sufferings. Soldiers
therefore choose to lodge in the garrison ; and think hard if thejr
must be kept in the woods, when others have as much pay in
old towns, who eat and lodge well.*

" lothly. We differ much from the French with respeil to
the war. They will not give men commissions, 'till they have
been out in the war and done some spoil on their enemies. If
the like method was practiced with us, there .. >uld be fewer
commissions ; and more, it is probable, would be done on the
enemy, in order to obtain them. But so long as no regard is
had to this in promoting of men, we cannot exped men will
exert themselves as they ought to do.

" iithly. The reader may observe, how much the people in
the western frontiers must be distressed by the war, and how
falsely they judge, who think the war is an advantage to them.
Their case is most distressing. The repeated alarms take them
off from their business, day after day, for forty or fifty miles
together ; and the reader is to observe, that in the preceding
history, there is mention of great number of times of the
enemy being seen and shot at, both in the night and day time ;
and of their setting open gates, and turning creatures into fields
to devour crops. It was not the design of the author to give
you an account of the people's losses, but of the mischief done.
If any envy the inhabitants in the frontiers their portion, they
may come and take their lot with them.

* Wages in those days were very small.
A common soldier had about £,1 51. a
month; acergeant, £1 iii. ; a corporal,
£1 %f.; a captain, £4 loi.j a major,
£8 lOJ.; colonel, £10; brigadier-general,
£15 i a surgeon, £4 loi. ; a surgeon-

general, £5 5 clerk, £1 I2J. ; chaplain,
£4 1 01. 5 captain of artillery, £9; lieut.
of artillery, £4 lOi.; gunners, £2. This
lift of wages was made up with refisrence
to the Louisbourg expedition, and was
somewhat modified subsequently. Ed.

1 •

■ f

''J

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■'I

'6.

inm

300

Concluding Observations. [Appendix.

** I2thly. It ought to be observed, that great injustice is done
the inhabitants in the frontiers, in pressing them out of (heir
business into the Province service, either to follow the enemy
or convoy stores, and not rewarding them suitably. They are
sent out day after day, with their horses, and have not half so
much per day as they must give a man to labor for them in the
mean time.

** Lastly, we may observe, that in this war, as we increased
in our number of men in our forts or scouts, the enemy have
increased their numbers } and the longer the war continues, the
oftener they come, and the more bold they grew \ which shows
us what we must expert, if the war breaks out anew ; especially
at this time, when there is no provision made for men in our
frontiers." >

'■• " END." ■ '.-•'''' ;-""':vv:-"'.'

* If the people on the frontiers sup- frontiers probably grumbled berause they

plied the contradors with certain arti- had not an opportunity to profit by the

des, those able to supply them doubtless war. There can be no such thing ai an

were benefited. Those away from the equality of burthens in war. EJ,

,,' , ,'',-'.'i^.

.,>,■

'>■'

INDEX.

ABANAp/JES, of St. Francii, 34,
36-3ti, 89, III, ia7, 148, 151.

Abbot, , killed, 171.

Abercrombic, James, 25.
Acadie, origin of name, 51.
Adami, Robert, a captive, 132, 283.
Aix la Chapelle, treaty of, 172.
Albany, in peril, 27, 18, 37, 39 j Indian

conference at, 53, 63, 84, 1 1 3 i men

killed near, 98.
Alden, Timothy, 211, 241, 246.
Aldrich, John, a captive, 119, 256, 262;

carried on Indian's back, 263.
Alexander, Capt., (hoots a Frenchman,

152.
Algonkins, join the French, 36, 39, 41,

89.
Allen, Benjamin, 227 ; Elijah, killed,

loi ; Joseph, ih,, 229.
Allen, Samuel, 93, 126, 153.
Allen, William, 12, 15.
Allen, Zebulon, captured, 146.
American Magazine, 47, 48, 58.
Ames, Jacob, severe fight, 156, 157.
Amherst, Jeflfery, Gen., 25, 210.
Amrusus, husband of Eunice Williams,

86.
Amsden, Oliver, killed, 12$.
Amsden, Simeon, killed, 125.
Anderson, James, captured, 84 j killed,

132, 284.
Anderson, Samuel, captured, 84.
Anderson, John, captured, 1 54.
Andrews, , wounded, 155; Francis,

dies, 286.
Anson, George, Com., 154, 248, 249,

271.
Annapolis, attempted, 55; relieved, 57.

Antonio, , dies in prison, 288.

Argall, S., expedition to Canada, 51.
Armadas, notice of, 129.
Arresuguntoocooks, treaty with, 176.
Ashley, Jonathan, 11.
Ashuelot, since Keene, 78, 93, 96, I15 i

attacked, 143, 149, 150.
Askmacourse, harbor, 66.
Athol, man killed at, 117; Indian name,

ibidem
Atkinson, Theodore, 176; Thomas, dies,

286.
Attcnkins, number of, 34, 37.
Auchmuty, Roberi, 22; Samuel, Sir,

22, 23.
Aussaado, a Wewee'4ock chief, 176.
Avery, , captured, 158; Oliver,

wounded, 153.
Avery's Garrison, some killed at, 158.

BABCOCK, John, captured, 157.
Bacon, Quartermaster, wounded,
loi i Ebenezer, wounded, 227.
Bagley, Jacob, dies in prison, 286.
Bagley, William, dies in prison, 284.
Baker, James, killed, 109.

Ball, , killed, 158.

Bancroft, George, 16.

Bane, David, 227 ; Joseph, ibidem. See

Bkans.
Barber, John W., cited, 11.
Baron, Timothy, a soldier, 228.
Barrington, Samuel, Admiral, 250.
Bassiere, should be Brassier, which see.
Batherick, Jonathan, a captive, 280.
Beaman, John, captured, 109, no.
Bean, or Beane, John, killed, 116; Ste-
ven, Thomas, 228.

.Jtk-wmmh.

302 Index.

■ ' '! ..t

Beard, Robert, killed, 149.
Beatton, R., cited, 47.
Beauharnoii, M. de, 33, 76.

Beckct, , Captain, 66, 67.

Bedford, men ambuihcd there, 88.
Belden, Aaron, killed, 1 71.
Belknap, J., cited, 109, Z15, 177.
Bell, John, armourer, 228.
Bemii, Edward, armourer, 228.
Bennet, Moaea, Captain, 228 ; Richard,

113; diea in priaon, 287.
Berry, Thomas, at Indian conference, 63.
Berwick, people killed at, 159, 160.
Bickford, William, killed, 163.
Bigga, William, cited, 207.

Billinga, , killed, 168.

Bingham, John, dies, 283.
Blachford, Benjamin, a captive, 178.
Blake, Nathan, taken, 93; ranaomed, 153.
Blanchard, William, taken, 163.
Bliaa, Constant, killed, 124, 126.

Blodget, , killed, 166.

Bollan, William, 29.
Bolton, William, a captive, 150.
Book of the Indians, reference to, 133.
Boon, John, dies in prison, 285.
Boovce, Peter, captured, 151.
Boacawen, Edward, Admiral, 154, 201.
Boularderie, M., defeated, 214.
Bouquet, Henry, Col., cited, 133.
Bourne, Melatiah, Sylvanua, 229.
Boynton, John, killed, 149.
Brabbon, Guyart, dies in priaon, 286.
Bradbury. Jabez,Capt., 79, 80, 99, 151;

Nathan, killed, 151.
Braddock, Edward, Gen., 21, 25, 2
Bradley, Jonathan, killed, Ii6j Samuel,

ibidtm.
Bradahaw, John, killed, 76 ; one diea,

284.
Bradt, ,Capt., 142; John A., killed,

170.
Brainerd, David, death of, 151.
Braatier, William, hit map, 267.
Breda, treaty of, 51.
Bret, Piercy, Capt., 1 54.
Briant, William, killed, 90 ; Sarah, 280,

diea in captivity, 291.
Bridgman's Fort, attacked, 109; burnt,

'S3-
Bridgman, Jonathan, 119; wounded,
236 J dies, 294; Thomas, 11.

Broad Bay, depredation at, 99.

Brown, John, wounded, 142} Joaiah,

Capt., 105; Timothy, 96.
Brunswick, men killed near, 80, ,
Bryan, William, murder of, 234.
Buck, John, wounded, 96.
Buckler, Robert, soldier, 229.
Bull, Edward, 14;} Nathaniel, killed,

ibidtm.
Bullard, John, killed, 93. .

Bunten, , killed, 88.

Buntin, Robert, and son, taken, 158.
Burbank, Samuel, taken, 92 ; dies, 93,

292.
Burn, Patrick, a aoldier, 229.
Burnet, William, built Fort Oawego, 52.
Burnet, or Burnel, killed, 159.
Burnet's Field, surprise at, 148.
Burns, Robert, escape of, 88.
Burt, Asahel, killed, 143 \ Nicholas, diea,

294.
Butler, Caleb, cited, 157.
Butler, Richard, of Boston, 229,
Butler, Walter, exploit of, 138-40.
Burton, Stephen, wounded, no, 230.
Byron, John, adventures of, 249, 250.

CABOT, pretended discovery of, 188.
Cxsar, a saying of, ;2.
Cacknawages, number of, 34.
Cadaraqui, Lake Ontario, 65.
Caldwell, George, killed, 145.
Calmady, Warwick, Capt., 184, 209.
Canada, population of, 34 j belonged to

the French, 50; condition of, 65.
Canajohara Indian killed, 144.
Canceau, or Canso, captured, 23, 198}

by the French, 54 ; great rejoicing

in France, 57 ; Gut of, described,

42, 200.
Cape Breton, importance of, 6 ; belonged

originally to England, 88.
Cape Cod Indian, feat of one, 216.
Cape Sable Indians, 43 ; war declared

against, 61, 82 j some taken, 77;

infedlion among, 132.
Captives, return of some, 172.
Carqueville, Sieur de, exploit of, 40.
Carr, James, killed, 158; Richard,

wounded, 230.
Carrying-place, at Wood Creek, 91.
Carthagena, disastrous expedition, 195.

Index.

303

C<tkebee, Ciico Bay, 179.

Chandler, , killed, 168.

Chapeau-Rouge Bay, ao6, 114.
Chapin, ElUha, exploit, 160, 161.
Chapman, William, a pritoner, 279, a86.
Charleitown, why to named, 14a.
Charlevoix, P., cited, 41, 43, 188.
Chatelain, Lieut., exploit of, ill.
Cheaole, Edward, a captive, 179, 180.
Cheap, David, Capt., cait away, 149.
Chebu£to, its locality, 181.
Cheney, William, a soldier, 130.
Chester, man killed there, 88.
Chew, Lieut., fight and loaa, 147, 170.
Choate, John, 63, 176, 130.
Clark, Edward, Lieutenant, 330; Elijah,

killed, 150; George, killed, 145;

Matthew, killed, 97.
Clermont, M., at liege of Annapolis, 55,

57-

Cletson, , Capt., at Deerfield, 136.

Clevea, , Capt., voyage, 240.

Clinton, De Wit, 62.

Clinton, George, Gov., 34, 62, 65, 66,

69, 82, 113, 178.
Clinton, Peter, u captive, 178.
Cloutman, Edwar> , a captive, 90, 91}

escapes, 281.
Cobb, Syivanus, journal of, 230.

Coffin, , Capt., 173.

Colbe, Timothy, a captive, 178.
Colerain, men killed at, 97; fort, 104,

137, 138-

Colmaii, Benjamin, 30; dies, 150.

Colson, Timothy, a captive, 178.

Colville, Alexander, Lord, 250.

Concord, men surprised and killed, 1 1 6.

Conde, Adam, killed, 170.

Conessetagoes, number of, 34.

Connedticut, in the Louisbourg expedi-
tion, 28, 69, 84, 198; population,

35-

Conntr, Francis, a captive, 170, 178 j
John, killed, 234.

Contoocook, attacked, 95, 1 16.

Cook, Elisha, killed, 95 ; Thomas, 96.

Cooper, Boyce, captured, 8 1 j Moses,
killed, 156.

Corbett, Jesse, drowned, 9a.

Corlaer's Creek, 38, 39.

Corne, St. Luc de la, at Fort Massachu-
setts, 36.

Cornwall, Frederick, Capt., lis.
Cotton, Rowland, Secretz.y, 107.
Covell, William, wounded, 131.
Cox, John, Capt., killed, 145} Jocepb,

killed, 146.
Crecy, Joaeph, a soldier, 231.
Creighton, David, killed, 81.
Crisson, Thomas, captured, 168.
Cromwell, Oliver, 51, 272.
Crosby, Josiah, petitioner, 231.
Crown Point expedition frustrated, 27 j

French magazine, 28 ; Fort St.

Frederick, 36 ; seized by the French,

ja, S3i some Mohawks assault, 124.
Croxford, William, killed, 173.
Cumberland, Duke of, victorious, 171,

275, ^8.
Cummingi, Timothy, captutdd, loo)

dies, 289

DAILV, William, a prisoner, 113}
dies, 285.
Dalhonde, John, physician, 231,
232.

Damariscotta, people killed at, 143,
144.

Darling, Lieut., 169; killed, 170.

Davarisks, James, deserter, 229.

David, Capt. [Donahew.^], 4a, 43.

Davis, , Capt., 113, 173; Jedidiah,

232 j John, wounded, 100, 233 ;
dies, 283.

D'Anville, Due, disaster of, 154, 271.

Debeline, Mons., defeat of, 140-1.

Deerfield, attack on, 125, 126.

D'Estaing, Count, 250.

Dexabrevoie, Capt., 36.

De Graaf, Klas A., killed, 190; Abra-
ham, dies, 293.

Delancy, James, a6.

Demuy, Mons., Lieut., 40, x6a, 264,
268, 271, 273, 274, 276.

Denning, Joseph, dies in prison, 2J9.

Diary of depredations, 6, 107-74.

Dickinson, Nathaniel, killed, 143.

Dill, John, dies in captivity, 289.

Dixwell, Bazil, Lieut., 232.

Doane, Elishii, Captain, 232.

Dod, John, killed, 162.

Dogan, Michael, dies in prison, 287.

Dogaman, Peter, a prisoner, 178.

* j Jw»«l>h<i tmtj^

>«MH^Ki

304

Index.

I'r :

lit-

>■■■

^"1

™

■ ''h

...14 .. .

'fefi':

Dogt, employed, 101 j give notice of the
vicinity of Indians, 114, 116, 117)
order to diipote of them, l]a{ in
the Florida and other wan, 133.

Dolibcr, Thomas, 133.

Donahew, David, Capt., 43 ; exploit, 66 {
iurpriied and ilain, 75 ; of Newbury,

77. 8»» >99. »»9. a33. »84-
Doolittle, Benjamin, 10, 13, 78, 94, 105,

109, 135, 152, 396} Hon. Mark,

II.
Door, Jonathan, a captive, iii.
Dorman, Ephraim, exploit, 93.
Doty, Mom., interpreter, 160, s6l.
Douglai, James, Capt., 109.
Douglait, William, cited, 17, 54, $6, 58,

6», 66, 67, 71, 75, i7», 103, an,

an, a47.
Dove", Allen, attacked, 116.
Downing, John, 176; Robert, 113.
Downs, Gershom, killed, in.
Doyle, James, dies in captivity, 394.
Drake, Francis, Captain, 395.
Drake, Nathaniel, Captain, 114.
Dresser, Nathaniel, killed, 14a.
Drisdell, Eleanor, 344.
Drown, Samuel, wounded, 146.
Drowned Lands, location of, 367.

Dubuque, , 31.

Du Chambon, M., a poltroon, 54, aai.
Dudley, Joseph, his war, 1 3.
Dummer, Jeremiah, cited, ao, 33.
Dummer, William, his war, 14.
Dunbar, Robert, escape of, 90, 381.
Dunham, Jonathan, dies in prison, 384.
Dunn, John, Major, 333.
Duplessis, Sieur, 36, 89.
Duquesnel, Meneville, Gov., 54, 56.
Durel, Philip, Capt., 209, 3io.
Duvivier, M., takes Canceau, 33, 54,

183, 19a, 199.
Dwight, Jasper, councillor, 195.
Dwight, Joseph, Gen., 131,
Dyer, Reuben, captured, 145,
Dyre, Joseph, comprint of, 333.

EAMES, Nathan, a captive, 119) dies,
383.
Eaton, Cyrus, cited, 33, 80 ) Eben-
ezer, killed, 159.
Eden, Daniel, a captive, 178.
Edghill, , a captive, 168.

Edwards, Jonathan, 1 5a { Richard, Capt.,
aia.

Egeremmet, a Penobscot chief, 176.
Eliot, John, cited, 33$ Mr., killed, 14].
Ely, Joseph, wounded, 141.
Eneas, a Norridgwok chief, 176.
Epaom, people captured, 149.
Erving, John, 30 ; Shirley, ikidtm.
Eiparagoosaret, a Penobscot chief, 176.

Estabrook, , killed, 133.

Eustis, William, Gov., 31.
Evans, Samuel, diet in prison, at9.

FALAISE, Lieut., exploit, no.
Fall Town, Bernardston, 96, 1371
men killed, 148.

Falmouth attacked, 143, 144.

Farmer, Daniel, taken, 168 ; John, cited,
315,377.

Fainsworth, Stephen, 91.

Farnsworth, Samuel, killed, lot.

Fearne, John, at Louisbourg, 334.

Fisher, Josiah, killed, 78.

Fitch, John, and family, carried off, 165.

Flag of truce, discussion on, 138, 139.

Flathead, tribe of Indians, 38.

Folles Avoines. See Wild Rica.

Folsom, George, cited, 138.

Poison, John, Killed, :49.

Forbush, Phinehas, 380 } dies, 394.

Fort, Abraham, dies, 393 ; John, Capt.,
dies, 87, 388.

Fort Dummer, 101, 109, 153, 156.

Fort Halifax built, 30. . ,

Fort Hinsdale, location, 137.

Fort How, location, 1 37.

Fort Massachusetts, 104; captured, 1 17,
118, 146, 159, 160; names of pri-
soners, n9; French account, I33{
fight there, 146; other fadts, 353,
354, 359, burnt; 360,397.

Fort Niagara, location, 53.

Fort Pelham, men at, 137.

Fort St. Frederick, 36; built, 53, 134.

Fort Shirley, 137, 353.

Fort, Southerland, a prisoner, 178, 179.

Fort Western built, 30.

Foster, , killed, 143.

Fowle, Daniel, printer, 35 1.

Fowler, Jeremiah, 93.

Frankland, Henry, Sir, 39.

Frement, Samuel, a captive, 179.

■■mm.

,1 ,1. , „.i»n;V,n.^

iMrt.llfciijI U

Index.

305

French, Nathan, killed, 16].

French, dncumenti, expeditioni, 9 ; war
periodi, 13, I4{ a great arm»da lent
againit New England, a6 ) barbar-
iim off 32 ; their management of
the Indians, 33; piwieued advan-
tage* over the Englieh, 34; their
account of rxpeditioni lent againit
New England, 3;--4i{ their story
of wrongi, 41-44 { receive early
intelligence of thr declaration of
war, 47; had a better title to New
England than the English, 50, 53;
run away with the bone, 5a; built
their forts with English strouds, '•^•^\
take Canso, 54 ^ defeated by Dona-
hew, 66; ships taken at Lcuis-
bourg, 70 ; losses there, 70 ; prison-
' ers shipped to France, 71, 71; take
Fort Massachusetts, 119-22; an
armada sent against New Kngland,
129; great sickness among, 132;
bounties for prisoners and scalps,
134; success at Pemaquid, 145,
146; defeat at Fort Massachusetts,
147; besiege it, 254; take and
burn it, 260.

Frost, John, killed, 163.

Frousac, Strait, 42.

Fuller, Thomas, saying of, 190.

Furbuah, Phinehas. See Forbush.

GABARUS BAY. See Chapiau-
ROUGC.

Galbaoth, William, die* in prison,
287.
Galissoniere, Count de la, 278.
Ganiengoton, takes scalps to Montreal, 37.
Oanon, M., accusation against, 41.
Gardner, John, a pilot, 234.
Garrish, George, a smith, 234.
Gartrage, Archibald, dies in captivity, 294.
Oatienoude, an Iroquois, killed, 37.
Gatroup, Mattee, a captive, 178.
Gayton, Pierce, Capt., 183, 184, 234.
George Second, King, 47, 272.
George's Fort, 79, 82, 83, 99, 151.
Gerrish, Samuel, 77.
Gibson, James, Col., 22, 23, 72.
Gillett, Adonijah, killed, 126.
Gilson, Michael, wounded, 109.
Girard, Lacroix, Capt., 222.

Girler, William, a pilot, 23$.

Glen, Jacob, Jr., kilted, 170.

Gort'e, John, Cipt., march of, 95 ; Wil-
liam, a captive, 178.

Goodale, Thomas, killed, i $3.

Goodman, Samuel, a captive, 1 19 ; die*,
288.

Gordon, Joseph, killed, i«8 { Pike, •
captive, ibidem, 28 1 ; die*, 284.

Gorham, John, Capt., 42 ; Col., 58, 129,

«7!, 4J5-

Gorhamtown, tragedy at, 90, 283.

Gould, Nathaniel, killed, 153.

Graves, Asahel, killed, 168; Samuel,
wounded, 164.

Graville, Aylmer, commissioner of ex-
change, 172.

Gray, Joseph, dies in captivity, 291.

Great Meadow*, surprise at, 77 j location,

78,85- ■ . .

Green Farms, location, 39. ,f ■ ' ■

Green River, garrison, 138.
Gridley, Richard, Col., 69.
Groot, Simon, killed, 98.
Grote, John, dies in prison, 283.
Groton, tragedy -at, 156.

Groves, , Lieut., 146.

Greely, Philip, killed, 116.
Guerrefille, Greenfield ? 39.
Gun, Samuel, killed, 164.

HAGADORN, Jonathan, a captive,
87 ; dies, 286.
Hall, Andrew, 77.

Halliburton, T. C., cited, 67, 191, a66,
267.

Hancock, Thomas, 231.

Hardy, Charles, Sir, 201,

Harry, Indian chief, 176.

Harris, Thomas, 235.

Harrison, W. H., Gen., 260.

Harrytown, location of, 95.

Hart, Ensign, his company surprised, 131.

Hartwell, Edward, Major, 94.

Harvey, Benjamin, killed, 151 ; Josiah,
wounded, 100; Moses, 92.

Hawes, Lieutenant, killed, 145.

Hawke, Edward, Sir, 250.

Hawks, Eleazer, killed, 1255 Gershom,
wounded, 104; John, Sergeant,
wounded, 97 j at Fort Massachu-
setts, 118, 152-5, 277.

i I

1 1

1!^

1 'J

►. i

306

Index.

Hawley, Lirut., wounded, 171.

Heard, Joseph, killed, rii.

Heaton, Cornet, wounded, 105.

Henderson, John, taken, 153.

Hendrick, expedition into Canada, 135,
148.

Henry Fourth, declares war, 51.

Henry, John, captured, 168.

Hicks, Nathaniel, wounded, 235.

Hills, Daniel, a soldier, 235.

Hilton, Ebenezer, killed, 149; William,
taken, ibidem.

Hinkley, , killed, 144.

Hinsdale's fort, ambush near, iii, 153.

Hitchcock, Nathaniel, a captive, 119,
281 ; dies, 292.

Hobbs, Humphrey, Capt., 163-5.

Hocquart, M., 76.

Hodgdon, Mrs., killed, 159; Jonathan,
ibidem.

Hulburne, Adp^iral, 242.

HoUis, Isaac, 160, 161.

Holmes, Abiel, cited, 112.

Holton, Jacob, killed, 94,

Hoosuck Fort. See Fort Massachusetts.

Hoosuck River, 39; Road, 262.

Hopkins, Captain, 126.

Housatunnuk Indians, 77.

How, Daniel, Jr., taken, 68, 109, iio,
287.

How, Nehemiah, taken, 85, 109; dies,
293.

Howard, John, killed, 162.

Howe, Caleb, 78.

Hoyt, Moses, a soldier, 235.

Hubbard, Zechariah, a captive, 292.

Hunniwell, Roger, wounded, 235.

Hunt, Eliakim, killed, 100.

Huntington, Hezekiah, 97 ; dies in cap-
tivity, 291.

Hutchinson, Eliakim, 29, 31.

Hutchinson, Thomas, on Shirley, 17;
Speaker of the General Court, 107 j
commissioner, 63, 84; portrait,
108; cited, 112; at the Indian
treaty, 176; anecdote from, 177.

NDIANS, easily imposed upon, 33 j
chiefly on the side of tht> French,
34 ; numbers, ibidem ; tribes engaged
with the French, 41 ; contagion
spread among, 43 j had ^tcai »d-

Indians (continued) — '•

vantages in a war, 41 ; had causes
of complaint, 49 ; great conference
at Albany, 53; St. John tribe, and
others, attempt the surprise of An-
napolis, 55 ; some employed as
rangers, 58 ; Mohawks secured by
the English, 59 j soniC sent to se-
cure the Eastern Indians, 60, 635
war 'ieclured against, 61, 82 ; some
killed near George's Fort, 83; bar-
barously murdered, 84 ; conference
at Albany, 84; surprise Saratoga,
86 j signal repulse at Number four,
105; attempt Rochester, iioj
council at Albany, 113, 114; sur-
prise men at Saratoga, 127, 131 {
at Sheepscott, 132; attempts to
Christianize the Stockbridges, 160;
great assembly at Albany, 170}
some at New York, 173 ; condition
at the close of the war, 175 ; a dele-
gation at Boston, 175, 176; treaty
at Falnr.'iuth, 176; annoyance at
Louisbourg 218,219; at Fort Mas-
sachusetts, 255 ; enter it, 260; carry
their prisoners on their backs, 263 ;
and other ways, 265.

Ingersole, Ensign, 246.

Irish, Stephen, surprised, 103.

JACKSON, William, Capt., 236.
Jebudta. See Chebucto.
Jedoure, murders there, 61.

Jenkins, , Capt., 207 ; Philips, 236.

Jennens, Paul, 147.

Jennings, , killed, 166.

Job, Col. (Indian), dies in prison, 83;

his wife, 84; son-in-law, 100.
Johnson, Joel, captured, 163; William,

26; Colonel, 138 ; Mrs., narrative

of, 174.
Johnson, Lieut., exploit of, 131.
Jonea, Thomas, taken, 95 ; Captain, 66,

67 J dies, 282.
Jonquiere, Jaques, P. de T., 40, 154,

180,
Jordan, Henry, wounded, 236; John,

d.es, 288.
Jose, Francis, a p'lot, 236.
Julien, , 31. ::^^4.:.

,. sjj^HWJpBSv***?' J

Index.

307

KAKECOUTE [Schaghticoke'l, 39.
Keene. See Uppf.« Ashuelof.
Kellogg, Martin, Captain, 161.
Kelton, Jonathan, armourer, 236.
Kenny, Nathan, wounded, 237.
Kilpattick,T., Lieut., 151 ; John, killed,

ihidem.
Kincaid, James, killed, 158.
Kinderhook, attacked, 98, 14a, 163.
King Philip's war, dogs used in, 132.
Kinlade, James, a prisoner, 84,
Kinsey, John, 85.
Kinslaw, John, Captain, 237.
Kintigo, a Mohawk, exploit of, 147.
Kiskakon Indians join the French, 41.
Kneeland, Abner, Rev., 174.
Knight, William, captured, 142.
Knowles, Charles, Com., 141, 142, 184,

275.
Knowlton, Joseph, 120; Thomas, killed,

n8, 258.
Konkapot, Ensign, killed, 146.

LACORNE, M.St. Luc, 262.
Lahontan, Baron, cited, 188.
Lake, Benjamin, captured, 159.

Lake George, its Indian name, 267.

Lake of the Two Mountains, 33, 37,
180.

Lake Sacrament, 36.

Lambert, William, prisoner, 28.

Langdon, Capt,, men surprised, 131.

Laplante, Sieur, wounded, 140.

Larman, John, captured, 143, 291.

Lawrence, Charles, General, 201 ; Tho-
mas, 85 ; , captured, 168.

Leatherland, Jacob, a soldier, 237.

Le Heve, surprise there, 76.

Leke, Thomas, Captain, 271.

Lescarbot, names an island, 75.

Lewis, Thomas, complaint against, 237,
248.

Lion, Aaron, killed, 100.

Littletield, , 274.

Livingston, William, 17, 66, 142.

Long Creek, man killed at, 103.

Longueil, Chevalier, 153.

Loring, Matthew, capture and death, 148,
293.

Lothrop, Simon, Col., 69.

Loudon, Lord, 25.

Louis XV, declares war, 47. .. ;!;<.;;;.

Louisbourg, expedition, 17; origin, 23;

taken, 67 ; details of the capture,

71, 72, 107; strength .(^of, 190;

siege of, 187-224,
Loutre, M. Le, at Annapolis, 55.
Lovet, Samuel, a captive, 119} dies, 287.
Lovett, Joseph Woodward, 229, 237.
Lo veil, Abner, wounded, 145.
Lower Ashuelot, affairs of, 96, 115.
Lufkin, John, killed, 116.
Lunenburg, garrison taken, 165-7.
Lydius, John Henry, 87, 180.
Lydle, Leonard, captive, 90 j married,

283.

McCARTEES, Susanna, dies, 289.
McCoy, Mrs., captivated, 149.
McFaden, James, a soldier, 238.
McFarlane, John, wounded, 127. 178}

Walter, a captive, returned, 177.
McForney, Samuel, taken, 158.
McGraw, Christopher, a captive, 178,
McKenney, Daniel, wounded, 1645 wife

killed, 93, 94.
McNeer, John, captured, 132, 283.
Mc^uade, James, killed, 88.
Magawambee, a Norridgewok, 176.
Magra, Thomas, dies in captivity, 288.
Mai8onForte,de la, taken, 209, 211, 212.
Mann, Daniel, killed, 162; Robert,

Capt., 72.

March, , Mr., taken, 143 j John, 238

Marechite, Indian tribe, 55.
Marcy, Joseph, killed, 100.
Mariens, John, killed, 170.
Marin, Mons., defeated, 67, 76, 86.
Marsh, Jacob, chirurgeon, 237.
Martin, Samuel, died in captivity, 291.
Mascareenc, Paul, Colonel, 55, 57.
Massachu8ei,:8, population of, 34, 35;

Shirley's services to, 74, 84; out of

New England, 257.
Materials for history, 8-14.
Mather, Cotton, cited, 13, 33 ; Increase,

248.
Maurepas, Count, 33, 76.

Mayberry, , Mr., 150.

Mayhcw, Benjamin, 145, 146.
Mejagouche Bay, location, 43.
Melvin, Eleazar, Cap'., 103 ; relieves

Shattuck's Fort, 13/, i;:rpri8e and

fight, 161.

w ijini«,if|i|iii 1 1.

308

Index.

Mihilt, John, wounded, 97.

Mickmacks, attack Annapolis, ;;; sur-
prise and kill Capt. D(;iiuhew and
his men, 76 \ surprise Capt. Rouse,
1 1 a.

Mills, John, killed, 148.

Minas, location of', 67, 76.

Missiquecks, number uf, ^4, 38 ; join the
French, 41.

Mitchell, Ebenezer, killed, 164.

Moffet, Robert, attacked, 96.

Mohawks, held in dread, ^8 ; some go
against Crown Point, 114: and
Canada, 135, 138; captives, 178.

Mohegans, sickness among, 131

Mole, Adam, exchanged, 178

Monckton, Robert, Colonel, 25, 242.

Monteson, M. C. de, exploit, 112.

Moore, Samuel, Col., at Loiiisbourg, 69.

Morell, , Miss, killed, 160.

Morepang, Capt., defeated, 214.

Morris, Col., killed, 83.

Morrison, David, captivated, 114; Hugh,
104.

Morse, Jedediah, cited, 282.

Moulton, Jeremiah, councilor, 195.

Mount Swag, people killed, 149,

Moxas, Lieut. Governor [Col. Morris ?J,

83-
Murray, Jamet, General, 25.

NAKLOONOS,aNorri<{gewokchief,
176.
■' ;. Nason, William, capture and
death, 136, 293.

Nasqumbuit, a Norridgewok chief, 276.

Nermon, a Penobscot chief, 176.

Negroes, captured, 87 ; killed, 95, 96,
98.

Nelson, Temple, 246 ; John, ibidem.

Nevers, Elisha, a soldier, 229, 238.

Newcastle, Duke of, 19, 65, 81.

New England, deplorably situated, 49 ;
population, 35 j losses and wrongs,
70.

New England H. and G. Register, 25,
279.

New Hampshire, services, 28 ; popula-
tion, 35; in the Louisbourg expedi-
tion, 695 French prisoners in, 72.

New Hopkinton, surprised, 92.

New Meadows Neck, one killed there,

144.
New York, offers reward for scalps, 87.
Nichewag, location of? 157.
Nicolson, Joshua, a captive, 179, 180.
Nidlumbouit, a Penobscot chief, 176.
Nims, Elish.-*, killed, 104.
Nipissings, 36; return with scalps, 37-9,

41,89; location of, 180.
Niverville, Chev. de, 36, 89, 91.
Noble, Arthur, surprised and killed, 136;

James, Capt., disgraced, 238.
Norman's kill, people slain, 99.
Norridgewoks, treaty with, 176.
Norris, Isaac, commissioner, 85.
Northampton, man killed, 150.
Norwood, William, dies in captivity, 294.
Northfield, depredations at, 116, 137,

«43» i7»-
North Varmouth, depredations at, 116,

Norton, John, marries two captives, 90,
28 3 ; chaplain at Fort Massachu-
setts, n8; letter of, 120; his Re-
deemed Captive, 251 ; notice of,

*5>-3- . .
Norwood, William, son killed, 98 ; dies,

113.

Notre Dame, Te Deum at, 57.

Nottingham, men killed at, 149.

Nova Scotia, its importance, 5, 8,20;
key to New England, 51 ; set off
from Cape Breton, 188.

Number Four, attacked, 94 \ men killed,
100; in distress, loi ; again at-
tacked, 105, 1 14 J exposed, 1 17;
brave defense of, 140-2; men sur-
prised, 115.

OBINACKS, number of, 34.
Oequarme Fort [Number Four],

«S4.

Oglethorp, James, General, 47.
Old Indian Chronicle, 48, 53.
Old Tenor, value of, 62, 88.
Ondcriquegon, drowned land, 267.
Onondagos, former name of, 8a.
Ontario, Cadaraqui, 65.
Orange. See Albany.
Osgood, Benjamin, captured, 163.

O'SuUivan, , Dr., 275, 276.

Oswego, fort built at, 52, 53.

.ssm

Index.

309

Otis, James, at Indian treaty, 176.
Ottowas, join the French, 41, 8x.
Outassago, leads against Saratoga, 36.
Owen, James, killed, 76, 113.

PADENUQUE, James, Indian, 4a.
Paine, Capt., at Number Four, 100.
Pais, , Mr., 179.

Palatine, a German settlement, 98.

Paper money, value, etc., 17, 62, 88.

Paquage, location of, 117.

Parker, David, wounded, 105 ; Isaac,
captured, 91.

Parsons, Usher, cited, 191.

Particular History, of recent origin, 6, 7.

Peace, proclaimed in Boston, 174.

Pelham Fort, location, 153.

Pemaquid, depredations at, 127, 144,
150.

Penhallow, Samuel, cited, 240, 274.

Penobscots, treaty with, 176.

Pepperrell, William, Gen., 63; Lieut. -
General, 69 ; at Boston, 108 ; coun-
cilor, 195; at Canso, 198 ; besieges
and takes Louisbourg, 187-224.

Pereez, a Norridgewok chief, 176.

Perkins, Moses, captured, 163.

Perrin, Peter, killed, 100.

Perry, John, a captive, 119, 262,263,
-•,77; Rebecca, dies, 285.

Peters, Obediah, killed, 116.

Petipas, Bartholomew, a prisoner, 43.

Pett, Jacob, killed, 145.

Petty, Joseph, killed, 162.

Philbrook, Job, taken, 158.

Philip Fifth, war with, 47.

Philips, John, a captive, 178.

Philip, King, his war, 132, 246.

Philipson, Philip, a captive, 179.

Phillips, Ebenezer, killed, 114; John,
280, 281.

Phips, Spencer, Gov., 83, 176; William,
killed, 77, 78.

Pierce, James, 238; Samuel, wounded,
100.

Pike, Thomas, Lieut., 238.

Pines, Thomas, a soldier, 238, 239.

Pinkham, Zephaniah, a prisoner, 280,
281.

Piper, Henry, a captive, 179, i8o.

Piquet, Francis, a priest, 87.

Pitcher, Reuben, captured, 81. <:

Pitman, John, dies in captiTity, 193.

Pitt, William, secretary, 50.

Pixley, Noah, killed, i 59.

Place, John, wounds an Indian, 147.

Platter, Lawrence, dies, 282.

Poependal, bloody fight near, 169.

Point de Cheveux (Frederic), 36.

Point Shirley, named, 25.

Poquoig, location of, 157.

Port St. Peter, location of, 43.

Portois, Joseph, 279.

Pote, William, Capt., a prisoner, 279,

280.
Potter, Chandler E., cited, 23, 95, 149.
Poutewatamies, join the French, 41.
Powers, Ephraim, ca; "d, 168.
Pownal, Thomas, < ,)ortrait, 24.

Pratt, Amos, a capti 119; dies 288.
Preble, Jedediah, Capt., 1735 Zebuion,

239.
Price, Ebenezer, cited, 96.
Price, Roger, commissary, 30.
Priest, Eleazer, taken, 155. ' ■

Prince Edward's Island, 75.
Prince, Thomas, portrait, 79; history of

the Louisbourg expedition, 187-206.
Prindle, William, a captive, •/(> ; dies',

113,294.

Proftor, , Lieut., 83, 114, 142.

Prout, Ebenezer, commissary, 238. ''.
Puans, join the French, 41.
Putnam, Seth, killed, 94, loo.
Pynchon, Charles, physician, 239.

UACKENBUS, Rachel, a captive, >

179; Martha, dies in captivity,

285 ; Jacob and Isaac, die, 293.

RAMBAULT, Sieur G., 36, 89;
taken, i 52, 153.
Ramezay, M. de, defeats Colonel
Noble, 136, 287, 288.
Rawson, Joseph, killed, 115 j Edward,

"6,
Ray, Patrick, wounded, 109, ''
Raymond, Count de, 44.
Raymond, Benjamin, 229, 239. ■ • -' '
Read, Jacob, captured, 89; Josiah, dies,
118, 263, 264, 280 j dies, 281;
John, dies, 283.
Rebellion, southern, 17.
Reddington, Nathaniel, a soldier, 239.

iiL#f.5MffllliliJWJ*ililiii

310

Index.

f ■>■'>

Retaliation, discussed, 133.

Rhode Island, men furnished, 28 ; popu-
lation of, 35 j in tiie Louisbourg ex-
pedition, 69 ; other services, 84.,
198.

Rice, Ralph, wounded, 164.

Richards, John, a captive, 11 1.

Richardson, Joseph, killed, 11 1, 163,

Rice, Hannah, a captive, 276.

Robbins, Williams, killed, 109.

Roberts, Alexander, captured, ii6j Ro-
bert David, dies, 293.

Rochester, depredations at, 146, 147,

'59-
Rogers, Robert, Maj., 92 ; William, 243.

Rose, Joseph, killed, 168.

Rouse, John, Capt., expedition to St.

John, ii2j at the capture of the

Vigilant, 210; at Louisbourg, 182;

biography of, 840-3 \ on the name,

295.
Rugg, David, killed, 86.
Ruggles, John, Captain, 230, 243.

SABREVOIS, de. Captain, I2f.
Saccarappe, depredation at, 142.
Saco, men killed there, 43.
Sadler, John, escapes, 126.
Saint Blein, Sieur, 37, 40.
Saint Francis Jndians, 34; a chief killed,

ass-
Saint John Indians, war declared against,

61, 64, 82.

Saint John's Island, now Prince Edward's,
75; English surprised there, 113.

Saint Luc, M. de, expedition of, 142.

Saint Pierre, sent against the English, 35.

Samuel, Capt., killed, 83.

Saquish, a chief of Waweenocks, 176.

Sarratoga [Saratoga], depredations suf-
fered, 36, 40, 98, 127, 13J. '4».
147; River, 266, 274.

Sartle, Jonathan, taken, 153; OLediah,
taken, loi; killed, 174.

Saunders, Thomas, Capt., 80, 135, 176.

Sauteurs, join the French, 41.

Saut St. Louis, 36, 38, no.

Saumarez, Philip, served with Anson,

'54-
Savage, Arthur, of Femaquid, 104.
Sawwaramet, a Waweenock chief, 176.

Scalps, reward for, 62, 87, 134, 135;

brought to Boston, 128.
Scarborough, enemy there, 142.
Sthaghticooke, location of, 39.
Schavolani, George, a captive, 292.
Sehenedady, men killed, 169.
Schuyler, John, Col., 98 ; Captain, 127,

142.
Scofield, Philip, a captive, no, 131,287;

dies, 288.
Sconce, Andrew, dies in prison, 283.
Scooduck, men killed at, 127.
Scott, Eli, killed, 164; Joseph, 119;

Miriam, 266; dies, 285; Moses,

261, 262; Moses, Jr., dies, 287;

Stephen, 119, 181 ; William, no,

287.
Sedgwick, Theodore, Jr., 17.
Sf.mblin, Sieur, 152.
Sergeant, John, Rev., 59 ; recommends

retaliation, loi ; Lieut. , killed,

156.
Severance, Samuel, killed, 162.
Shattuck's Fort, enemy appear at, 116;

attempt to burn, 136; abandoned,

137-

Sheepscott, people killed, 84, 85, loi,
106, 132

Sheldon, Eliakim, wounded, 184.

Shepard, Jacob, a captive, 119, 280;
dies, 293.

Shirley, William, notice of, i 5 ; eminent
services, 16; birth, etc., 18; stupid
charges against, ibidem ; preserves
Annapolis, 19; causes forts to be
built on the Kennebec, 20; mar-
riage, ibidem i appointed Major-Ge-
neral, 21 ; his conduft triumphantly
vindicated, ibidem j residence, 25;
remains in King's Chapel, 25 ; his
successors fortunate, 26 j Johnson's
perfidy to, 26 ; misrepresented, 28 ;
time of his arrival at Boston, 29 ;
parentage, ibidem; his son killed,
ibidem i portrait accompa.iying this
volume, 30; early foresaw the war,
47; saves Annapolis, 55; declares
war against the Eastern Indians, 61 ;
plans the Louisbourg expedition, 67 ;
speech on reimbursement of New
England, 73 ; proceeds to Louis-
bourg, 80, 81 ; his anxiety for the

Wli

Index,

311

Shirley, William (continued) —

frontiers, loi ; recommends sending
commissioners to Albany, 11 jj on
the capture of Fort Massachusetts,
1135 recommends swivel guns, 118;
message respecting the Mokawks,
135; writes the other governors
about treating with the Eastern
Indians, 175; speeches, 181, 186 j
dedication to, 187; a principal
former and promoter of the Louis-
bourg expedition, ibidem ^ letter to
the Duke of Newcastle, 213-26;
careful that New England have full
credit for the acquisition, 224.

Shuttleworth, Vincent, wounded, 243.

Simmons, John, attacked, 117.

Simonds, Benjamin, a captive, 119.

Simpson, Elizabeth, killed, 149.

Six Nations, some at Albany, 53, 63,84,
170.

Skillin, , 103.

Sluyck, Tunis, buildings burnt, 98.

Smeed, Captivity, baptised, 264 ; dies,
291 ; Daniel, 260: dies, 290; John,
119; killed, 153, 261; Mary, dies,
288.

Smith, John, a captive, 1 10, 287 ; killed,
145, 146; Richard, no, 287.

Smith, Thomas, cited, 290.

Smithurst, Capt., lost at sea, 206.

Soosephinia, a Norridgewok chief, 176.

South Fort, 148.

Southerland, James, a prisoner, 279.

SpafFord, John, a prisoner, 91.

Spier; David, death of, 243.

Sprong, Cornelius, a captive, 178.

Stacy, Samuel, dies in captivity, 293.

Stanhope, Jonathan, wounded, 105.

Stanley, Nathaniel, commissioner, 85.

Stansbury, Elisha, a captive, 178.

Stanwood, Job, wounded, 243, 244.

Starkee, , killed, 144.

Stevens, Arent, commissioner, 85 ;
Charles, killed, 155; Enos, captured,
174; Henry, 163; Phinehas, 95;
brave defence of Number Four, loo,
105, 140-2, 168.

Stickney, William, captured, 116.

Stiles, Ezra, cited, 232.

Stockbridge Indians, 59, 160, i6i.

Stoddard, John, Col., 63, 84, 132, 134.

Stoddert, H., Lieutenant, 178-80.
Stone Arabia, depredation at, 98.

Storer, , Mrs., captive, 276, 277.

Strong, Elisha, a soldier, 244.
Stuart, Edward, the Pretender, 272,275.
Stubs, Richard, a captive, 127, 281.
Suitzer, Jacob, a captive, 179, 180.
Sullivan, James, cited, 99, 290.
Suncook, depredation at, 158.
Sunderland, John, a captive, no, 287.
Swanzey, Lower Ashuelot, 96.
Swett, Joseph, shot, 104.

TAINTOR, Benjamin, captured, 104,
no, 287.
Tarrant, Alexander, a soldier, 144.

Tatness, Samuel, a soldier, 244.

Taylor, Isaac, killed, 142; Thomas, cap-
tured, 168; General Zachery, 113,

Tedder, Christian, dies, 97; dies, 291.

Temple, Robert, marriage, 30.

Terry, John, Captain, 244.

Thanksgiving, for the capture of Louis-
bourg, 187.

Theganacoeiessin, Iroquois chief, 36.

Thesaotin, leads a war party, 37, 95.

Thomas, William, surgeon, 244.

Thompson, John, a captive, 178.

Tol, Daniel, killed, 169, 170.

Tomonwilemon, a depredator, 28.

Topsham, depredation at, 80, 144. - •

Toulouse, Port (Port St. Peter), 43.

Tourmell, M. De, Admiral, 271.

Townsend, Isaac, Admiral, 230.

Toxus, a Norridgewok chief, 176.

Traux, Isaac, missing, 170.

Trayne, Joshua, a soldier, 244, 245.

Treaty, of Breda, 51 ; of Utrecht, 189J
with the Eastern Indians, 176, 177.

Trent, Capt., fight at Sarratoga, 14,2.

Trevanion, John, 250. :;"}; .

Truth will prevail, 26. ' ';

Turner, Abner, Captain, 245.

Twichel, Daniel, a soldier, 245.

Tyng, Edward, Capt., relieves Annapolis,
56-8; attends the Governor, 81;
letter of, 209-11 ; appointed com-
modore, 241 ; notice of, 245, 246.

UPPER ASHUELOT, depredationt,
93. 94, 99. '67.
Utrecht, treaty of, 189.

•'■■iti

i^mmw^:

irn'^T'if''

312

Index.

VANALSTINE, John, buildings
burnt, 14a.
Van Antwerp, Dsniel, killed, 170.

Vander Bogert, Francis, killed, 170.

Vanderverick's, 164 ; Gratis, dies in pri-
son, 284.

Van Schaick, Anthony, Capt., 178.

Van Slyk, Adrian, killed, 170.

Van Vorst, Dirk, wounded, 169.

Vans, Hugh, merchant, 232,

Varen, Edward, a c;:ptive, 178.

Vaudreuil, M. de Rigaud de, 40; invests
Fort Massachusetts, 117; captures
it, 118, 258; his loi^ses, 119 ; Town
Major, 121; wounded, 122; pa-
ternity, 254 ; kind to captives, 264.

Vaughan, Samuel, dies, 113, 289; Wil-
liam, 22~4, 202; exploits. 215,
216, 246, 247.

Vedder, Alberc John, captured, 170; ex-
changed, 178.

Verazani, John de, discoveries of, 188.

Vernon, Edward, Admiral, 195.

Vielen, Cornelius, Jr., killed, 170.

Vigilant, frigate, captured, 209.

Villers, George, a soldier, 247.

Volmer, Christian, a captive, 179, 1 80;
J., a captive, /^/</f«i ; Thomas, 179.

Vort, Simon, a captive, 179.

Vosborough, Peter, a captive, 178.

Vosburgh, Peter, buildings burnt, 98.

Vose, John, killed, 151.

Vroman, John, a captive, 170, 178;
Peter, killed, 170.

WALDO, Samuel, General, 69;
councillor, 195, 229.
Walker, Nathan, wounded, 164;

William, 239, 248; ,

captured, 168.
Wallingford, Ezekiel, killed, 117.
Walter, Nathaniel, translator, 248.
Ward, Edward, Jr., 237, 248.
Wareedeon, a Weweenock chief, 176.
Warren, David, a captive, 119, 280.
Warren, Peter, Commodore, 68, 70, 71,
184, 186; before Louisbourg, aoo :
captures the Vigilant, 209 j services
acknowledged, 214.

Washington, George, 21.

Wawawnunk, a Wewenock chief, 176.

Wear's garrison, alarmed, 116.

Webb, Ezekiel, killed, 145.

Weiser, Conradt, interpreter, 85.

Wells, alarmed, 144.

Wells, Ezekiel", wounded, 171 ; Joshua,
killed, 156; Samuel, 84.

Wemp, Ryer, captured, 170.

Wendell, Jacob, at Albany, 63, 84.

Weritwortn, Benning, Gov., 23 ; coope-
rates with Shirley, 182.

Wentworth, John, killed, rii.

West River, fight there, 162.

Weston, Josiah, supposed killed, 145,
146.

Weweenocks, treaty with, 176.

Whitmore, Edward, General, 20X.

Whitefield, George, 13.

Whitney, , wounded, 168.

Wild Rice Indians, 41.

Wileman, Tom, depredator, 98.

Willard, Josiah, 95, iii, 11 a, 152-4.

William Third, King, his war, 13.

Williams, Eunice, 86} Elijah, 146;
Ephraim, 171 ; Israel, 176; Robert,
Capt., dies, 292 ; William, 123, 146.

Williamson, Jonathan, captured, 84, 99,
290; William D., cited, 82, 99.

Willis, William, cited, 114, 279.

Winchell, Jedidiah, killed, 105.

Winchester, depredations at, 115, 1 17,.

H3-

Winslow, John, General, 294.

Wiscasset, people killed, 149.

Wolfe, James, General, 201.

Wolcott, Roger, commissioner, 85; Ge-
neral, 195 ; family of, ibidem.

Woodward, William Elliot, 30.

Woodwell, David, a captive, 92 j Mary,
ibidem ; dies, 28 5 .

Woolen, Presbury, captured, 158.

Wright, Amasa, wounded, 115; Benja-
min, killed. 116; Moses, wounded,
112.

Wyman, Matthew, a captive, 163.

Wynne, Huddlestone, cited, 173.