IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) 1.0 I.I 23. i2.5 i 1^ " lis lllllio 1.8 1.25 U 16 < 6" ► V] 7 f » /^ O / Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STRIET WEBSTER, N.Y. I4SS0 (716) •72-4S03 '.;f CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Mlcroraproductions Institut Canadian da microraproductions historiqutis 1980 Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques at bibliographiques Tl to The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Features of this copy which may be bibliographlcally unique, which may alter any of the Images In the reproduction, or which may significantly change the usual method of filming, are checked below. □ Coloured covers/ Couverture de couleur □ Covers damaged/ Cc D D D D D Couverture endommag^e Covers restored and/or laminated/ Couverture restaurie et/ou pelllcul6e Cover title missing/ Le titre de couverture manque I I Coloured maps/ Cartes giographiques en couleur Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) I — I Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ D Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur Bound with other material/ Reli6 avec d'autres documents Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion along interior margin/ La reliure serr^e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la distortion le long de la marge int6rieure Blank leaves added during restoration may appear within the text. Whenever possible, these have been omitted from filming/ II se peut que certaines pages blan as ajoutdes lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, mais, lorsque cela 6tait possible, ces pages n'ont pas 6t6 filmies. Additional comments:/ Commentaires suppl6mentalres; L'Instltut a microfilm* le meiileur exemplaire qu'il lui a 4t6 possible de se procurer. Les details de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-Atre uniques du point de vue bibilographlque, qui peuvent modifier une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une modification dans la mithode normale de filmage sont IndlquAs ci-dessous. □ Coloured pages/ Pages de couleur n Pages damaged/ Pages endommagies r^pf Pages restored and/or laminated/ I I Pages restauries et/ou pelllculdes I — yf Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ In/I Pages d6color6es, tacheties ou piqu6es I I Pages detached/ Tl P< o1 fil O b< th si oi fil si 01 D Pages d6tach6es Showthrough/ Transparence Quality of prir Qualiti inigale de I'lmpressiorf Includes supplementary materii Comprend du materiel supplimentaire Only edition available/ Seule Edition disponible I I Showthrough/ I I Quality of print varies/ [~~] Includes supplementary material/ I — I Only edition available/ Tl sf Tl w M di er b« "I re m Pi?ges wholly or partially obscured by errata sli^s, tissues, etc., have been ref limed to ensure the best possible image/ Les pages totalement ou partlellement obscurcles per un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, etc., ont 6t6 filmtes A nouveau de fapon d obtenir le mellleure image possible. 10X This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est film* au taux de reduction indlquA cl-dessous. 14X 18X 22X 2BX 30X s/ 12X 16X 20X 24X 28X 32X Ms lu iifier me age The copy filmed here has been reproduced thanks to the generosity of: Library of the Public Archives of Canada The Images appearing here are the best quality possible considering the condition and legibility of the original copy and In iteeping with the filming contract specifications. Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed beginning with the front cover and ending on the last page with a printed or Illustrated impres- sion, or the bacic cover when appropriate. All other original copies are filmed beginning on the first page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impression. The last recorded frame on each microfiche shell contain the symbol ^^ (meaning "CON- TilMUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), whichever applies. L'exemplaire film* fut reprodult grflce it la gAntrositA de: La bibliothdque des Archives publiques du Canada Les images suivantes ont At6 reproduites avec le plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition et de la netteti de rexempiaire film*, et en conformity avec les conditions du contrat de filmage. Les exemplalres orlglnaux dont la couverture en papier est ImprimAe sont filmte en commenpant par le premier plat et en termlnant soit par la dernlAre page qui comporte une emprelnte d'impression ou d'iliustration, soit par le second plat, selon le cas. Tous les autres exemplalres orlglnaux sont filmte en commenpant par la premlAre page qui comporte une emprelnte d'impression ou d'iliustration et en termlnant par la dernlAre patje qui comporte une telle emprelnte. Un des symboles sulvants apparattra sur la dernlAre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbols — *> signifie "A SUiVRE", le symbols V signifie "FIN". Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included In one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre film6s A des taux de rMuction dIffArents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reprodult en un seul cllchA, ii 'st filmA A partir de i'engle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'Images nAcessaire. Les diagrammes sulvants illustrent la mAthode. rata lelure, A J 32X 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 mmmm$mmm ttmmmmimmiti'ttmmimimiirmm ritiiiUa&.?uut' iTfld I.I;V'unaiSo. IKCDIT??? '77:iiiiiiLfijffi eia:i:}&jLi;'eM;:sjg>;]v^ ^■M M^ iil kum m^ ^f * ^ . r^^ i ^ rt Lt ^M* ^ «» M u■■^ u.'' ^■fc..l^*t^ . ■ «. » .^ , 1 .. „.■ ,.^ - ,, . .1,,,;,, | ' , .j.|n,f,„-) | |;^; ,,||, . , , ■ , , , - | - ..■. ., ,:. .^ ■iri viiii »i^ i ii--n i .— V i n i - n. ■ii .m i t»j 4 ji.k ' . U< ' i^ : ut u m m ^ PARTICULAR HISTORY or TMB gxvt f aw ^xmh mA §nA\m ^»t New England and Parts Adjacent, ITS DECLARATION BY THE KINO OF FRANCE, MARCH I 5, I744, ^O THE TREATY WITH THE EASTERN INDIANS^ OCT. 1 6, 1 749, somrnim CALLED GOVERNOR SHIRLEY'S WAR. wrhi ,4 MEMOIR OF MAJOR-OENBRAL SHIRLEY, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS PORTRAIT AND OTHBR ENGRAVINGS. By SAMUEL G. DRAKE. ALBANY : JOEL MUNSELL, 811 STATE STREET. 1870. ^ ■<=*iftV¥r-,*»»tL.-* ■ ^fr^; ■ ■i(|,^r''-TRH'|^^.«r4*v¥P/Y'S''7 l.«liMI|tfl.|l>ili|i|l|,ii nn i M iiii l an iiiiii.i » !■■. * . **- " II ^ iwii II W iwiMiwiiiiilpii K Btia a m, £ 07^ ;>.* Entered, accor, V«. ii.. > ^..,;.u. .- L' '^Uk w.agfmift'a .i'^^i;,v»i'":,-;farfaitela; TO THI OFFICERS AND OTHER OENTLEMEN, MUMBimS OP THB NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY, WITH WHOM THE AUTHO« HAS BBBN A COWORKBII FOR MANY TSAKS, AS AN APPKBCIATION OP THBIK OPT AJID KHPBATSD BXPRBSSIONS OF KNCOVRAGBMBNT AND APPROVAL OP HIS LABORS, THIS VOLUME, ■MBRACING MANY OCCURKBNCBS IN THB BORDRR KIISTORV OF THBIH STATS, IS MOST RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED •V THBim ASSOCIATE. 1-'^ S!*i, ^,* - crasfETawJUiBWiw.; ^mnaiiaap mmmmm ^ U'M.iiJ.kJt.u Prtotg of tbe gxtntih mA §nAkn Ww. CHAPTER I PRELIMINARY. P' |REVIOUS to the separation of New from Old England, what were since *'The Provinces," that part of the con- tinent (from the mouth of the St. Law- rence to the Penobscot) was more valued than almost any other part of North America. It was thought, both here and in England, that Nova Scotia and the circumjacent lands and seas could not be over estimated. But after the separa- tion, New England took but little interest in that part of the world, as it was possessed by bitter political enemies, exiled there because they had espoused and adhered to the cause of the British government. Consequently the in- tercourse between the sedions at once nearly ceased. Hence our writers make small account of the history of the Pro- vinces after their separation. But it is time to consider that the old political barrier has much decayed, and that in no great length of time it will entirely disappear i that the Provinces •^Pl^^p^ m^mmm I ^ 111 . ' I wiwu i ijiu,ja B»»i»w>r"— -*•■«« I ■ < i m (ii"i<»«^- l< |ii . «i.«>l|lii|gil H 6 Particular History of the will become states, part and parcel of the great Union of States. When that day shall arrive the particular history of the early events of all that section will be sought after with as much zeal as any other. Those Provinces will one day become populous and wealthy ; the great ^^ tidal wave " of popu- lation now setting westward with such vast volume, will over- whelm the prairies, the valleys and mountains, till they can hold no more. Then the tide must turn, and the neglected coasts of Acadia, Cape Breton, and even Newfoundland, will be crowded with inhabitants in their turn. This the reader may look upon as visionary, and too far in the distant future to be taken into consideration in scanning the hiitory of New England; yet, with a convi(^ion that such a result is sure, the writer has not negledted the Provinces altogether in the present compilation. It was found impra(^icable to attempt a connected narrative of the body of the work ; our objeft being a detail of events in the order of time — the events themselves having no con- nection — hence that part of the work is denominated a Diary of Depredations. This plan has been chosen as best calculated to embody the greatest amount of information naturally looked for in a work of this kind. In former ages people were apparently satisfied with general history, and that of a kingdom or empire usually occupied far less space than that of a small town in the present age. Even up to the time within the memory of the writer, little else but general history found readers, and hence the age of par- ticular history may be said to be of recent origin. The a^s of individuals without titles seemed to have been considered of no interest, while those of kings and their courtiers were regarded little short of inspiration. i[^.)i£f!!'i2u(^j&i£U^. - . .'._. ■.^.J1.^«oolittle. II twenty-one years.* It is not material to know with whom he studied theology, but it is known that he was settled in the ministry at Northfield in 1 718, in which office he continued about thirty years. His death was very sudden, occasioned, no doubt, by what in these days is termed the heart disease. A sermon was preached at his funeral by the Rev. Jonathan Ashley, of Deerfield, from the texts of Mark xiii, 37, and Rev. iii, 3, from which it appears that he died "January 9th, 1 748,t in the 54th year of his age, and 30th of his ministry." The sermon was printed in Boston in 1 749, making an o<^avo of twenty-six pages, but, as is usual with such performances, contains little information respeding the subjedl: of it, beyond its title page. Besides the date of his de^th, and age, there are the following lines to his memory, upon the stone mark- ing the place of his burial : ''■]': ■ •■/■; ""'!•?• '^-'"r' ■■';■■>' Bleited with good intelleftual parts, Well tkUled in two important am, ;.> -- V' Nobly he filled the double itation ■i'<.v,:t Both of a preacher and phjrtidan. To cure men's sicknesses and sins, t He took unwearied care and pains { > ^ '> And strove to make his patient whole <}\ Throughout, in body and soul. He lov'd his Ood, loT'd to do good, To all his friends vast Jdndness show'd ; Nor could his enemies exclaim, And say he was not kind to them. His labors met c sudden close. Now he enjoys a sweet repose ) And when the just to life shall rise, Among the Brst he'll mount the skies. | if ft- * For these few genealogical items we f This date is old style, of course, are indebted to the Hon. Mark Dcolittle, | Copied in Barber's Hhnrical CilUf late of Belchertown, a very distant con- liont «/ MsusMckuuttt, a68. Itieemsnot ne£Uon of Benjamin, and a gentleman of to have come to the knowledge of Bridg- high standing in Hampshire county. man, who colleded and published what rr^Tr^rTrrTrrrrrrT—T- •"^^^t^mpw^ii » < )* l ll ll l W1 j » * lll* " >l H »Wi ". ' M » > i ' -.-illftiM .lull 111 I — - •a ii ! 12 Benjamin Doolittle. i M i ■ I! I ! i There was also published in a Boston newspaper this brief notice of Mr. Doolittle's death : " We are informed that on the 9th instant, the Rev. Mr. Doolittle, pastor of the church in Northfield, was suddenly seized with a pain in his breast, as he was mending a fence in his yard, and died in a few min- ute's time, to the inexpressible grief of the town in general, as well as his own family in particular." "* Had not Mr. Doolittle been so suddenly taken away it is pre- sumed he would have perfected and published his history of this war himself} for it is one of the most important and valuable records of it, so far as his plan extended, that can be found of any similar period in our history. His location gave him the best means of ascertaining the truth of the trans- actions, all of which he appears to have narrated with singular impartiality. It was doubtless well known to many that he kept a record of the events of the war, as not long after his death his manuscript was obtained and printed; but who superintended the printing, and made **the small additions to render it more perfect," no intimation is given in the work. Its title is as follows : ^^ A short Narrative of the Mischief done by the French and Indian Enemy, on the western Frontiers of the Province of Massachusetts Bay ; from the Beginning of the French War, proclaimed by the King of France, March 15th, 1743-4; and by the King of Great Britain, March 29th, 1744, to August 2d, 1748. Drawn up by the Rev. Mr. Doo- little, of Northfield, in the County of Hampshire ; aisid found among his Manuscripts after his Death. And at the Desire of some, is now published, with some small Additions, to render it he call* the leuriptions in tbt Oravt honored with Bruf Annalt »f Ntrtk- Tardi in Ntribmimfton and of otbtr Tov>nt ampten. in tb* Vallty of tkt ConntaUut, 1850. * Botton Gamitt mnd WuUy Journml^ Thk work the rcnerable Dr. Wm. Allen January 14th, 1749. hit French and Indian War. '3 more perfect. Boston: Printed and sold by S. Kneeland, in Queen Street, MDCCL." It is a small o<^avo pamphlet of 24 pages only.* '''"''■' ■'-"---■ ''r- "-■-•■:. -^.^ ri^x-^"--' A-^- ■"* There is another work by the same author, but upon a dif- ferent subje(ft, which ic probably the only one he ever pub- lished, and known only to the writer from an advertisement. Its title is — *^An Enquiry into Enthusiasm, being an Account of what it is, the Original, Progress and EfFe6t of it," 1743. Perhaps written on the occasion of the Whitefield excitement. It was the original intention of the writer to publish a history of all the French and Indian wars, from the first set- tlement of the country to the final destruction of the French power on this continent } the number of volumes to equal the number of those wars, and he has during many years past made large collections, and extensive notes for that purpose. This volume not being in the order of time, that is, not the first in the series of those wars, but is made the first of the series, because the materials for it seemed more complete than any other; and here it may be well, to give the reader an idea of the war periods to which reference is made : The first was the Ten Years War, which followed the revo- lution in favor of William III, Prince of Orange, 1688 to 1698, during the administrations of Governors Phips and Stoughton, and sometimes called King William's war. Of this war Dr. Cotton Mather has given a history under the partial title of Decennium Luituosum. The second was during the governorship of Joseph Dudley, Esq., 1703 to 1 713, alfo a Decennium LuSiuosum; and called Governor Dudley's Indian War. ,»■ • See Appbmdix, A. i' i:. SB l._Ul AiA_ 14 French and Indian War, The third was in the term of Lieutenant-Governor Dum- mer's chief magistracy of Massachusetts, 1722 to 1725, and called Governor Dummer's Indian War. The fourth was during a period of Governor Shirley's ad- miniatration, 1744 to 1749, the period covered by the present volume. The fifth extends from 1754 to the fall of Quebec, and final r^dudlion of Canada. All of which comprehends a period of about seventy-two years, for nearly the whole of which time the entire frontiers of the English colonies were harassed by war, in the manner described in the ensuing pages ; and whether other volumes will be published of the other war periods, depends on several contingencies not necessary to be mentioned. .-, -:Ai,?^'^; •■;,*.->;«.■> s ':>,., :''~-:xr iic> ♦ J 1 ,,:,.■ "•■:¥; p^'1'' y^"^':- ''^'•'- ""r':- \P''' . _^i;_^jrujiteu^^ \m CHAPTER II r.M";;'.'>' -tli-^,..- yi'V' NOTIC? OF GOVERNOR SHIRLEY. , , Being a Review of a Portion of hit Admiaiitratlon, in which an Attempt la made to corrvA MlMtatementt conceriUA| it. THE biography of Governor Shir- ley has been unreasonably, and, it may be said, unaccountably neglected by all the biographers and historians of New England; while there have been few men of the eighteenth century who have belonged to New England, who have filled so important a place, and per- formed such signal services as he. The reason for this negledl and injustice will be shown in the course of this notice. The biography of Gov. Shirley here proposed is intended only as introductory to the history of the part of his administration including the Five Years Indian and French War embraced in the present work. His life is yet to be written, and will form a volume of the history of New England, if in skillful hands, inferior in interest to none, saving, perhaps, that of the Pil- grims. Therefore, in the present chapter it is only f mended to review some erroneous statements which have hitherto passed for history. Some untovyard circumstances in the later war conspired to render Mr. Shirley's plans abortive. This is no uncommon fortune, and such have often happened to men of the greatest and best abilities. Whenever a man attains a position in any u -.'•* ■ 1 1 »■>» immmm>0*4t»miftm mSSSBSSmJB ill # i6 Governor Shirley. great undertaking, sappers and miners set busily at work to destroy his reputation. They often succeed, and pass ofF the stage of life undete£ted, except by their own consciences. They could not but know that history would expose them at some period in the future. There does not appear the slightest grounds for questioning the patriotism of Governor Shirley. He nade great sacri- fices, and by his watchfulness, energy, and perseverance, the enemy wet'e baffled in their hopes of subjeding this country and bringing it under Catholic domination. The danger was imminent when this war commenced, and Governor Shirley exerted himself to the utmost to avert such an event. No pa- triot of the Revolution of 1775 could have done more in asserting the rights of America than he did to avert the im- pending danger of falling under the rule of France. Some modern historians seem to have had no appreciation of his services, owing to a very superficial knowledge of the history of the times of which they were treating. They even bring the charge against him, that of ^* restoring British authority in the country!" A most extraordinary charge, considering that there was no other legal authority in the country."' Perhaps the laws may not have been so well executed before Mr. Shirley's accession as they were afterwards. If this was "restoring British authority," every good citizen had reason to rejoice. Surely nobody thought, at that early day, of in- dependence of England, for without her aid New England would indubitably have become a province of France. Go- vernors were not appointed to subvert the authority of the crown, but to see that the laws of the realm were faithfully ♦ S«e Bancroft, Hittery if tht Unhtd serere, for we have been intimate friendt Suut. I hope he will not think me rery hard upon forty yean. Governor Shirley. 17 executed. Mr. Shirley did this to the entire acceptance of the country. A contemporary historian,'*' an adopted citizen of Boston, generally opposed the measures of Mr. Shirley. His opposi- tion, so far as can now be judged, arose from a fault-finding disposition, as he brings forward nothing against him except his acquiescence in the issue of paper money ; but for which, as everybody knows, the Louisbourg expedition could not have been carried on. All issues of paper money are evils, and can only be warranted to prevent much greater evils. Could the Rebellion of 1861 have been put down without the aid of paper money? It was a gigantic evil, but what adjective have we that can express the magnitude of the evil if the Rebellion had not been put down? Governor Shirley had his enemies. They are the conse- quence of success. To judge correftly of a man's character we must take the evidence of his cotemporaries, those known for their integrity, whose utterances have come down to us uuim- peached, and whose lives are without reproach. Governor Hutchinson has spoken as highly of Mr. Shirley as one contem- porary can be required to speak of another, and as his evidence must be familiar to all readers of New England history, it need not be repeated here ; but we will take that of one of equally high standing, though less known, from the fa£t that his evidence appeared without his name, for prudential reasons. This was the Honorable William Livingston, author of the Review of the Military Operations^f etc., 1753 to 1756, with a full and accurate knowledge of all transactions in which Governor Shirley w^s engaged, thus speaks of him : • Dr. William Douglass. published in London, 1757, 4to, and re- -j- See Sedgwick's Life of Livingston^ printed in Boston immediately after, in page 114. That able work was first the same form. c <• ■ .am»»^d-*mti^tJkMt » It i(*i ■Htiiiiwi wSSSSOB . *f ■!■ .|«Bi- 18 Governor Shirley. "Of all our plantation Governors, Mr. Shirley is most dis- tinguished for his singular abilities. He was born in England, and bred up to the law at one of the inns of court. In that profession he afterwards pra£ticed, for several years, in the Massachusetts Bay, and, in 1741, was advanced by his majesty to the supreme command of the colony. He is a gentleman of great political sagacity, ijctp penetration, and indefatigable industry. With respe£k to the wisdom and equity of his administration, he can boast of the universal suffrage of a wise, free, jealous and moral people." .« Against this charafter of Gov. Shirley, drawn by an impar- tial and truthful contemporary, assertions to the contrary, by any at this distance of time, will hardly seduce those wishing to be well informed, into a belief of charges of the nature alluded to. *' Ambitious and needy," says a modern historian. As to the first of these crimes^ perhaps he (the accuser) may have no ambition ; but the value of a man without that quality, to our apprehension, would be too small for estimation; and as to the charge of being needy^ that was a consequence, as well as an evidence, of his integrity and honesty. This lat- ter charge has rarely been made against public officers. Hence his enemies have never charged him with enriching himself at the expense of the province. Another sin is also laid to the governor's charge — he upheld the Episcopal church ! Was it not a requisite that all officers of the crown should be Protestants of that denomi- nation ? Did he ever interfere with other secfts ? Not at all. No such charge was ever brought against him, that has come within our knowledge. He was ambitious that all should have their rights, and in his account of the taking of Louisbourg, Ht '. aAr-fmxSiism^i^iisiBsS^c.. , ;:i».cjs.iui jsfessr.sirz Governor Shirley. 19 which he sent to the Duke of Newcastle,"* and in his letters afterwards to men in power, he was ambitious that New Eng- land should not be robbed of its honors in that important service, and eventually was a principal means of obtaining for the country reimbursement for its expenses and . sacrifices in that great undertaking, so long withheld through the misrepre- sentations of its enemies. His letter 10 the Duke of Newcastle was accompanied by a journal of what transpired from the commencement of the expedition to the capture of Louisbourg. Both are written with admirable clearness, and at once discover superior literary ability, impartiality to all parties concerned, and a truthful- ness unsurpassed by any writer of the time. . * • By the following action of the representatives of the co- lony, the estimation in which Governor Shirley's services were held is a noble acknowledgment of their appreciation, happily expressed, in th^se words: "It is with great pleasure we observe that you have once and again been the instrument in the hands of Divine Providence, of preservii'.g the garrison of Annapolis, a province of Nova Scotia, from the French, more especially in the year 174.4, when, by the forces your excellency sent from this province, it was snatched out of their hands, then just in possession of the fort; and again in the year 1745, when they were broken up in their siege of it by your surprising and successful attempt on Cape Breton; and now, again, when there was such % number of Canadians and others going against it by land and sea. "But these things, although they have the effects of great wisdom, care, and application in your excellency, for which * And " published by authority," by The Mine wa* aAerwardi reprinted here £. Owen, Warwick Lane, 1746, 8vo. in Boston, by Order of the General Court. 'ET K aen mJUWH 20 Governor Shirley. li i N'lii i. ill I 1 li i every good Englishman rejoices and is thankful, yet they have been performed at a great expense, more especially to this pro- vince, and therefore we cannot but be much concerned at the frequent return of this danger; not only because of the great difficulties in removing it from time to time, but also by reason of the doubt, whether by some surprise, impossible to be foreseen, this barrier of his majesty's dominions, of such mighty consequence, may not some time or other be lost, if it continues in its present exposed condition." They go on and express a hope that his excellency may be able to suggest some remedy against the traitorous practices of those French subjects of Nova Scotia who, though prote' Governor Shirley. 21 In the war made memorable by its bringing George Wash- ington into notice, and the defeat and death of General Braddock, Mr. Shirley was appointed a major-general in the British a.my, and he set vigorously to work to complete the conquest of Canada, fully convinced that there could be no safety for New England so long as it was under the dominion of the French. For this great object his plans were unques- tionably well laid, and failed only through the inability or treachery, or both, of those on whom he was compelled to depend, to perform their parts in the undertaking. But as this cannot he discussed in a manner at all satisfactory, and does not belong to our present work, it is only necessary to remirid the reader that a vindication of Maj.-Gen. Shirley has long since been triumphantly performed.* It is a necessity in all wars to displace commanders if they do not happen to be successful in some important a(^ion, even if a misfortune happened entirely outside of their control. This was Gen. Shirley's situation, and it was enough for his enemies to seize upon, and through it ruined his prospedts of future usefulness. But he lived to see a turn in that sort of tidal wave which rises far higher than it is able to maintain itself. Although for a time he was coolly treated, and met with some delay in getting his accounts through the hands of certain public officials, yet he was far from having been treated with obloquy, as some have insinuated. Much injustice has been done Mr. Shirley by superficial writers who have not taken the pains to go to the sources of information; had they done so they would not have found him * See the able and conclusive work London, 1758, 8vo. Alw>, ARivirw ^ entitled Tht Condud of Major-Gtntral the Military Of tratiom in North Amtrica. Shirley in North America, brtefy stated. 4to, London, 1757, before cited. ;i1*t*'^i»»Wt fU.ii 22 Governor Shirley. claiming any honors not belonging to him, or shuffling off re- sponsibility while an issue was doubtful, or claiming credit when such issue was to shed honors on those engaged in it.* His extreme watchfulness while danger seemed imminent from a vast French fleet hovering on the coast during the summer of 1746, is strikingly apparent in many instances which cannot be detailed here, while they fall within the province of the historian of New England. Claimants to the honor of an enterprise are not wanting after it has proved successful. So in the case of the Cape Bre- ton expedition, there were no less than three noted gentlemen who, or their friends for them, laid claim to originating that of 1745. These were Col. James Gibson of Boston, Robert Auchmuty, Esq., also of Boston, and Major William Vaughan of Damariscotta.f The first named was a wealthy merchant, and is said to have advanced £500 towards setting the expedi- tion on foot, accompanied it, and afterwards published an ac- count of it. Respecting Mr. Auchmuty's claim, it is said that while an agent in England to adjust the boundary line be- tween Massachusetts and Rhode Island, he published a work on The Importance of Cape Breton^ and a Plan for taking the Place. Not having met with this performance, and its date being unknown, it must have been of small consequence, especially .as secrecy was of the first importance. Besides, the capture of all and any important points from the French were common and daily topics of conversation. Mr. Auchmuty was the grandfather of the late Sir Samuel Auchmuty, a lieu- * Dr. Eliot unfortunately fell into this Vaughn," and had a block-houie there error in his generally good biographical with fourteen men in it which performed notices of New England men. scout duty. See Baton's Thomattonf f He was then (1744-5) calle^ S» Netv England Hiuorical *nd Genealogical Register, XIII, page III. -^ D 26 Governor Shirley. V I IM Canada ensued. What Gen. Shirley, and others who labored with him, had done, was turned to the account of those they had made fortunate by their sacrifices. Hence it followed that all which had been achieved by Mr. Shirley and his com- panions in arms was lost sight of, and all the credit and glory were heaped upon their more fortunate successors. The say- ing is true, that "truth is mighty and will prevail," but it is often sunk so deep in the mire of falsehood, that it is a long time in coming to the surface. ■ Mr. Shirley promoted William Johnson to an important command, who, in a most treacherous manner, played false to him, and intrigued with the unscrupulous Delancy to blast the prospects of his benefaftor. And it has since plainly appeared, that few men at any time ever realized greater re- nown on so small an amount of merit, as General, afterwards Sir William Johnson. But we leave him to his biographer. Had circumstances favored the well-laid plans of an expe- dition against Canada, the enemies of Gen. Shirley would have been silenced ; and, when it is well known that that expedition failed through the evil intentions and intrigues of men high in office, it ill becomes the modern historian to pronounce the plans of Gen. Shirley visionary and ill-conceived. The vast preparations of France against New England, in 1746, have been alluded to, upon which it is proposed to be a little more explicit. Those gigantic preparations exceeded anything of the kind in magnitude since the armada of Spain for the conquest of England in 1588. Fortunately for New England, the elements and disease fought for the devoted country, which otherwise must, in all probability, have been laid waste by an embittered and relentless enemy. In consequence of the knowledge Governor Shirley had Governor Shirley. 27 that this French armada was hovering on the coast, he could not uncover the important points on the sea-coast until assured that the danger was past. When he had the positive intelli- gence that the armada was so severely handled by tempests and disease as not to be feared, the season was so far advanced that the invasion of Canada, as originally ordered by the home government, could not be prudently undertaken. And above all, the men of war from England, which were to cooperate, had not appeared. To turn the services of a great body of men, which had been raised for the Canada expedition, to some iccount, one against Crown Point was suggested. This was agreed to by the other colonies, Connecticut and New York ; but owing to the lateness of the season, and their tardy move- ments, nothing was efFedted. Will it any longer be alleged that the Canada expedition of 1746 was a Quixotic one, for the failure of which Governor Shirley was alone responsible? When every one can assure himself that Gov. Shirley, as did the other governors of the other provinces, received the ** express commands" of his ma- jesty, through his prime minister of course, that *'men be forthwith raised " for that expedition ; that owing to the failure of support in due season, as already remarked, the main de- sign could not be entered upon ; it was therefore hoped, as the New England men raised for the reduction of Canada were already in the field, something might be effected with them against Crown Point before the winter should set in. With this take/\into view, that every part of the frontier was beset by the enemy, now at liberty from the overthrow of their armada, to operate with which they had been kept in readiness during the summer. Now, even Albany was in iti<- peril that lid safely venture a quarter of a \mw om its gar- 1 one 28 Governor Shirley, I ) I! risons.* It was from this perilous condition of t*''^ country that Gov. Shirley, with the promised assistance of New York and Conne£licut, strove night and day to relieve the people. Everybody then well understood that Crown Point was the great hive whence issued the principal war parties of the enemy ; that there was their magazine of provisions, arms and ammunition; that there they retreated and replenished after every expedition against the frontiers ; and therefore an effort should be at once made to break up that horde of assassins ; that until it should be broken up, no relief of a substantial charafter could be expefted. The object was manifestly worthy of an extraordinary effort, and was entered into with zeal. New Hampshire agreed to furnish looo men, Con- nefticut 6oo, and Rhode Island 400, to be joined with the 2000 ready in Massachusetts. Why it was not attempted to be carried into efFeA, has already been explained. Detractors of Gov. Shirley's reputation, some time after the Cape Breton expedition, put in circulation a report that before the capture of Louisbourg he uniformly spoke of the undertaking, in his speeches to the General Court, as "their expedition," and after the place was taken, as "my expedi- tion," as though he intended, in case of failure, to shirk all responsibility. We have failed to find any such expressions ; and, on the other hand, we have found a straightforward man- '*' The enemy had become lo elated by success, that marauding parties, when protected by the night, had even ven- tured into the suburbs of the city, and there laid in wait to take prisoners. One of the enemy's Indians was peculi- arly expert in enterprises of this kind, and had seldom failed in securing and carrying off his prey, even from within the confines of the city of Albany. An Indian named Tomonivi lemon had become noted for such exploits. Smith's Ntw Tori, Continuation, 481. ■ t"^t?(t1*r"t»VVff "> Governor Shirley. 29 liness in that and all other of his proceedings, of which any honorable man might be proud.* With a few fadts respe£ting the personal history of Go- vernor Shirley, this notice will be closed. The exa£l date of the arrival of Mr. Shirley in New Eng- land has not been met with. It is said to have been six or eight years previous to his appointment as governor of Massachu- setts. Hence he came probably between the years 1733 and 1735, as he was one of the original subscribers to Prince's iAnnals^ which was published in 1736. His family appears not to have come over until after his appointment as governor, in 1 741. His wife, it is said, did not join him here till after the latter date, but continued in England, using her endeavors to obtain for him the office of colle resistance, hut also to discover any parties of Indians in alliance with the English, and to put us on our guard against them." Hence a comparison of the condition of the two countries is not difficult Co be made, which cannot fail to show that the French of Canada had a most decided advantage over the English colonies in a war of that period. They had nearly all the Indians on their side, while the English none, or too few to be taken into the account. The French population of Canada at this period must be considered. Ten years previous (1734) there were 8000 men able to bear arms, of which yumber 6600 had arms, and there were on hand then about 100,000 pounds of powder. Not only had the number of men greatly increased by the year 1 744, but the quantity of warlike stores had, it is reasonable to suppose, increased proportionably ; fortifications, too, had been increased in number, and old ones repaired, and their armaments augmented. On the 27th of March, 1745, Go- vernor Clinton wrote to the Duke of Newcastle, that he had ascertained that the French forces in Canada were nearly thus : Militia, Indians, and regular troops, on the St. Lawrence, ten to thirteen thousand able to bear arr..s } thirty-two companies of regulars of thirty men each, these companies not being half full. The Indians numbered five hundred and seventy, exclu- sive of allies at a distance, namely — " Cackna wages, about two hundred and thirty ; 'Conessetagoes, sixty; Attenkins, thirty; Neperinks, thirty ; Missiquecks, forty ; Abenaques at St. Fran- cis, ninety ; Obinacks at Be^ancourt, fifty ; Hurons at Lorette, forty"* The population of Massachusetts was, at the same time, scarcely 200,000 souls; about equal to that of the city of * The reader may find it rather difficult to identify lome of these tribes. » 1 * 1 ' '■-•^—- - .l-v.~»....^- l. . mmKm»E^-riMmmji .™«r»r-m«- -^w.tw.-.T-9»w>w«»«f*ir iiOT^Wf4* W W|Wi i ' | -i. *.»;,. ~_ Population of New England. 35 Boston alone at this time. The other three colonies, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connefticut, did not probably contain more than Massachusetts; so that in New England, in 1744, the whole number of people may have been something under 400,000. Connecticut was next in importance to Massa- chusetts, containing about half as many people, and New Hampshire about 30,000, and Rhode Island about one thousand less than New Hampshire. It is in the next place proposed to give a specimen of the French accounts of their operations in Canada for fitting and sending out parties to distress the frontiers of New England, from their headquarters at Montreal. It should be remembered that French dates differ from the English; that is to say, the dates of the same transactions which happened on the same day, differ by eleven days, because the French dated by the Grego.ian reform of the calendar, which the English did not adopt until 1752. Therefore, when an action is said by a French writer to have happene'' 1 August 3d, 1746, an English writer would date the same event eleven days earlier, namely, July 23d. - . When the great number of murdering and robbing parties sent out from time to time by the French is considered, it is not a little surprising that they did not do more mischief than they did. It is indeed surprising that anything was left unde- stroyed on all the frontiers, from one end of the country to the other. Those details thus commence : ** December 30th, Lieut. St. Pierre left Montreal with a detachment, consisting of two lieutenants, two ensigns, on full pay, four second ensigns, seven cadets, one surgeon, and an interpreter, three volunteers and one hundred and five colonists, making in all one hundred and twenty-six Frenchmen, and I 36 French Expeditions. m thirty-seven Iroquois and Nepissings, to encamp in the neigh- borhood of St. Frederick, for the purpose of opposing the enemy's attack against said fort." Fort St. Frederic was at Crown Point, and by the English called Fort Frederick. The place had been previously called Point dt Cheveuxy by the French. " 1 746, January 24, Sieur St. Luc de la Come was sent to reinforce Sieur de St. Pierre, with a detachment of one second ensign, six cadets, two volunteers, one hundred colonists thirty Iroquois, who have remained under Mr. de St. Pierre's orders until the ist of April, when they arrived in this town, after having made divers scouts on Lake Sacrament and in the neighborhood of the above fort. "January 31, Capt. Desabrevois has been detached with Chevalier de Nivcrville, ensign and fifty-three Iroquois, to the South river, in Lake Champlain, on occasion of an alarm. "March 16, Chevalier de Niverville, officer, and Sieur Groschesne Raimbault, cadet, left this town with some Ab- naquis Indians, on their way towards Boston, and returned with some scalps and prisoners, one of whom he took with his own hand. Sieur Duplessis Jr., an officer, started at the same time with six Algonkins and Nepissings in the same direction, and joined the preceding party, with whom he returned, bringing in a prisoner who was captured at the same time. "April 20, a party of fourteen Iroquois, belonging to the Sault St. Louis, commanded by Ontassago, the son of the grand chief of that village, who sojourned at Fort St. Frederic, and made several scouts to Sarasteau [Saratoga]. " Theganacoeiessin, an Iroquois of the Sault, left with two Indians of that village, to go to war near Boston. They returned with two prisoners and some scalps. l! mmsm.''^m>>:'i^!<':*A^t'^^'>'i-!'p^'t-'^^ French Expeditions. w ^,-~: "Thesaotin, chief of the Sault, left with twenty-two war- riors belonging to that village, to make war in the diredtion of Boston. They returned with some scalps. One Iroquois was killed and two wounded of the party. *'Ganiengoton, chief of a party of eight Iroquois, belonging to the Sault, set out in the diredtion of Boston, and returned with two scalps. *' April 26, a party of thirty-five Iroquois warriors, belonging to the Sault, set out. They have been in the neighborhood of Orange [Albany] and have made some prisoners and taken some scalps. . . "A party of twenty Abenakisof Missiskouy, set out towards Boston and brought in some prisoners and scalps. " April 27, a party of six Iroquois of the Sault St. Louis struck a blow in the neighborhood of Orange. "May 7, six Nepissings started to strike a bl in the diredtion of Boston, and returned with some scalps. "May 10, Gatienoude, an Iroquois of the Five Nations, who has been settled at the lake for two or three years, left with five Indians of that village, and Sieur St. Blein, to strike a blow in the neighborhood of Orange. This small party brought in one prisoner. Gatienoude, the leacer of the party, is killed and scalped by the English on the field of battle. "May 12, six Iroquois Indians of the Sault set out towards Boston, and returned with some scalps. "May 15, ten Indians, part Iroquois of the Sault, and part Abenakis, set out to strike a blow in the diredtion of Boston. They made an attack and brought away some scalps. "May 17, thirty-one Iroquois, belonging to the Lake of the Two Mountains,* struck a blow in the neighborhood of Boston, * Near the mouth of the Ottawaa river, about nine milet below Montreal. rtmm 38 French Expeditions. ii ! and brought back some prisoners and scalps, and laid waste several settlements on their way back. "May 18, ten Nepissings left, who struck a blow towards Boston. " A party of eight Iroquois belonging to the Sault has been fitted out, and has been to make an attack in the same diredtion. ^'May 22, nineteen Iroquois belonging to Sault St. Louis, have been equipped. They have been to strike a blow in the diredlion of Orange. "May 24, a party of eight Abenakis of Missiskouy, has been fitted out, who have been in the direction of Corlard, and have returned with some prisoners and scalps." By Corlard is probably meant Corlaer's kill below Albany. "May 27, equipped a party of eight Iroquois of Sault St. Louis, which struck a blow near Orange, and brought back six scalps. May 28, a party of twelve Nepissings, who made an attack in the neighborhood of Boston, have brought away four scalps, and one prisoner whom they killed on the road, as he became furious and refused to march. ** A party of Abenakis of Missiskouy, struck a blow near Orange and Corlard,* and brought in some prisoners and scalps. *' Equipped a party of ten Iroquois and Abenakis, who joined together to strike a blow towards Boston, and returned with some scalps. i> ■* ** June 2, equipped a party of tw>nty-fivc warriors of the Sault, and three Flatheads, who joined the fc-Taer '1^ za expe- dition to the neighborhood of Orange, and who returned with some scalps. * Corlasr'i creek, twenty-eight milei below Albany ? m r ■ II •; ! ''!r?>f' French Expeditions, 39 i( ^June 3, equipped a party of eighteen Nepissings, who struck a blow at Orange and Curlard. ^* June 4, equipped a party of sixteen Iroquois of the Sault, who return to where they have already struck a blow. *' June 5, equipped a party of eleven Nepissings and Algon- kins, who have struck a blow in the neighborhood of Boston, and have brought in some prisoners. , • **June 6, equipped a party of seventeen Nepissings, who have struck a blow in the direction of Boston, and brought back some scalps. These Indians have had two wounded. "June 8, equipped a party of eight Iroquois of the lake, who have struck a blow near Guerrefille.* *' June 12, equipped a party of ten Abenakis Indians, who struck a blow in the diredion of Boston. "June 13, equipped a party of six of the same Indians, who made an attack in the dire . The next count in the French charges (though they say it happened five months before the other) is against "one David," captain of an English privateer, who having artfully set up French colors in the strait of Frousac, or Frowsack,* where, by means of a renegade who served under him as interpreter, inveigled the chief of the Indians of Cape Breton, and his family, to come on board his ship. The name of the chief was James Padenuque. They confined him in a dungeon, carried him to Boston, and in the end stifled him in a vessel on board of which he was put under pretence of sending him back to his own country. With this chief his son was taken, eight years of age. Him they kept, and would not restore, perfidiously refusing to do so, notwithstanding his ransom had been paid by the restoration of several prisoners. < All this may be true, though nothing like it has found its way into authentic records, that we can recognize. As to "one * Called on Charlevoix's Map, Pastagt at the Gut of Canto, separating Novi du Canctau. By the Engliah it ia known Scotia from Cape Breton. t ■ i>. I French Complaints. David," it possibly has reference to Capt. David Donahew, with whom we shall presently meet. , , ,. In the month of July, 1745, "the same David" got by stratagem an Indian family into his hands, but they escaped *'the very night they were taken." At the same time they took the Indian interpreter, named Bartholomew Petitpas, and carried him prisoner to Boston, refused all oiFers of ransom, and finally put him to death. In the same year (1745) a priest, missionary among the Indians, was invited to Louisbourg by some of the principal English officers to confer upon public matters. He had their letters guaranteeing his safe return ; but, when he was in the power of the English, they took him and sent him to England. Also, in the same year, at Port Toulouse,* they dug up the dead bodies of several Indians and burnt them. They likewise desecrated places of burial, by breaking down all the crosses. This was the work of some inhabitants of Boston. **The horrid affair of 1746," of selling the Indians woolen goods, "all poisoned," so that, in the basin of Mejagonche,t upwards of two hundred of them died, is probably wholly an invention, and has reference to the clothes of dead mariners distributed amongst the Cape Sable Indians by French naval officers, of which mention will be found elsewhere in this history. The next and last charge to be noticed here, is, that in 1 749, towards the end of the month of July, when the inhabitants of New France were strangers to the suspension of arms, the i y ■S * Formerly called Port St. Peter, on f Perhaps the tame ai that called on the coast of Cape Breton, jvist at the en- Charlevoix's Map, MaganckineAe, and on trance of the Strait of Frousac. Amtr. some English maps, MerlignatA, on the Ga»., lamo, 1776. ^ ,' southern coast of Acadia. 11 44 French Accusations. Indians had taken some prisoners on Newfoundland. These prisoners informed their captors of the peace, and were at once liberated, treated as brethren, and entertained in their wigwams. Yet, on the first opportunity, these perfidious guests, at mid> night, murdered five and twenty of these iimocent and un- suspecting people ! • ' ' These accusations or charges are the substance of speeches delivered to the eastern Indians by the Count de Raymond, to inflame them to prosecute the war. ! I I II f i Ul : ^:*>',»«iaitf^.TWn-;f*«v;;'., CHAPTER IV. Condition of the Inhabitanti on the Prontten — Declaration of War by Prance and England — Line of Port) ordered — Canada Utile known to the Engliih — No Security for the English but in ita Conqueit — Cauiei of War — Prench Right to Canada — Jciuitt at Penobscot — Nova Scotia — The English Colonies not united — Question of Boundaries — Port- Oswego built — ' The Six Nations — Assure the English of their Support — The Prench seize Canso — Attempt Annapolis — Siege raised — The Mohawks — A Council at Stockbrldge — Attempt to sccur* the Eastern Indians — War declared against them — Their Murders — Reward offered for Scalp* and Indians — Indian Council at Albany — Attempt to secure the Penobscott. fl if I \ LWAYS when war existed between England and France, nothing was expetfted by the North American colonists but that their frontiers were to be a scene of blood, and those who contemplate the circum- stances of the settlers at this dis- tance of time, will, without much reflexion, wonder that people could be found who would thrust themselves several miles into the wilderness, and take up an abode, knowing the perils to which a war exposed them. To understand this state of things we have only to refle6l that almost the whole population were poor, and, as families in- creased, the young men must provide for themselves and their families. Their means would not allow them to purchase land already taken up, and thus settle down with those previously located, and of course in more security. Hence, young men from old families, and others from abroad, in times of peace located themselves often far in advance of earlier settlers. In such situations these found themselves on the breaking out of .<» mmmmm h '.''- T jt^rontier People. ' war. Inen the question recurs — why did not such settlers retire to the older settled places when war existed? Here again a little refle£lion teaches that families thus isolated, in a short space of time become quite strangers to those from whom they were separated, and hence have no place of refuge in that direction ; or very likely the families from which they separated are poor like themselves, and unable to provide for fugitives, however near of kin they may be to them. And then, parents and other kindred are swept off by death, often times, or have removed to other places. Thus it is easy to see how a poor frontier family is exposed in a time of Indian wars. Such families have made homes, and they have no others ; children are multiplying among them ; to abandon those homes was to abandon all means of living, and fo throw themselves upon the charities of strangers. These will feel little compassion before a disaster strikes those flying before it; and yet may overflow with sympathy when such sympathy can be of no benefit. Another consideration is to be kept in view in estimating the liability of the frontier settlers to the horrors of a savage war- fare. It must be borne in mind that in those days this people was nearly cut oflF from a knowledge of the politics of their time; that their means of knowing what was passing in Eu- ropean courts, and even but a few miles distant, and in their own country, were not only extremely scanty, but such as they did receive was very dubious and uncertain ; and hence they often knew nothing of war until a deadly blow was struck in their very midst. Thus it cannot fail to be apparent to every reader of the history of the times included in this treatise, how important it is that the above considerations be kept in mind to enable them to have even a small appreciation of the hardships and sufferings of our immediate ancestors. War Declared. 47 The war which began in 1744 took the frontiers by sur- prise, although such an event had not only been feared by the officers of the colonial governments, but was anticipated, yet with a faint hope it might be averted by the negotiations then going on between the agents of George the II, and those of Louis XV, the occupants of the respective thrones of England and France. The French monarch was encouraged by that of Spain, Philip V, who had been feebly fighting England for about five years. The Spanish war did not, however, immedi- ately afFedt New England, and General Oglethorp was success- fully opposing the aggressions of Spain at the south. Thus stood the political atmosphere, when suddenly pro- ceeded from Versailles the formal declaration of war by France against England. This was done on .vlarch 15th, 1744, and on the 29th of the same month England accepted the chal- lenge, declaring war against France in return.* It was about two months before the news of the declaration of war reached New England, while the French and Indians of Canada had the intelligence near a month earlier, and immedi- ately commenced the work of destrudiion. Governor Shirley was alive to the condition of things, and at once raised five hundred men to be stationed at points where attacks were ex- peded; three hundred of them were for the service on the eastern border, and the other two hundred for the upper valley of the Connefticut river. There had arrived in Boston harbor, some time before the news of the declaration of war, most opportunely it is certain, twenty cannon of forty two pound caliber, and two thirteen inch mortars, which had been forwarded by the home govern- * These declarations may be leen at Memoirt, I, 44-47. large in Beatson't Naval and Atiiitarf »ine, I, 381, 384. American Maga' ^li ,.^ ,. 48 War Preparations. V- 1 ment for Castle William. All necessary equipments came with them, as mortar beds, carriages, shells, shot, etc. The ships in which they came arrived on the last day of the year (1743) and the war materials were landed on Long Wharf, and thence in sloops taken to the castle, the last on January 21st, 1744.* Soon after the news that war had been declared was received, the General Court of Massachusetts ordered a line of forts to be construdled, to extend from the Connecticut river to the boundary of New York, and ninety-six barrels of powder were sent to supply the inhabitants. This was not a gift, but was dealt out to them at cost. Few of the people of New England knew anything about the frontier of Canada, while every point of the border of New England was well known to the Indians. Many of these had constantly traded with the English at their houses, and conse- quently knew minutely their situation, and hence became sure guides to the French in their expeditions. Indeed, some of the Indians had lived in the immediate vicinity of many of the towns, and the people had become so accustomed to them, that they looked upon them as friends, and flattered themselves with the hope, that in the event of another war they would be friends, and side with them rather than with their enemies. But no sooner was it known to them that war had been resolved upon, than all these Indians withdrew to Canada, and at all times afted as guides to the French soldiers. They would have done the same thing for the English under like circum- stances, because plunder was the chief, if not the sole cause which always governed their condud. It is doubtless true, as the writer has stated in another workjf that, in some instances, * Amtrictn Maga»int, I, 176, 219. f The Old Indian CAronic/e, p, x. I' ! I I L'S&atil.t'lfe'lK' ' Importance of Canada. 49 the settlers had wronged them in various ways ; perhaps insulted and abused them, and treated them as inferiors, without refle<£t- ing that " Indians never forget injuries." The Indians often had too much reason to complain of being over-reached in trade, by those authorized by the government to traffic with them.* It is easy to discern how deplorable was the condition of the scattered settlers thus circumstanced. It was likewise easy to discern that so long as the French were masters of Canada, a liability of war between France and England would always exist. To live in a continual state of suspense in times of peace, and fear of the tomahawk and scalping-knife in times of war, could only be endured in the hope that the time would come when they could triumph over their enemies. This could only be expefted by the redu£lion of Canada. The conquest of Canada had long been contemplated, and several times attempted, but hitherto those attempts had all proved abortive; another war had commenced, and with prospects not at all improved. Nothing remained for New England but to make the best defence it could, and this under the certain prospe6): of a bloody contest. For any one to take a different view of the relation between the French of Canada and the English of New England, that is, to suppose those peoples could ever live as distin^ nations, without collisions, was an absurdity too palpable not to be seen by every individual of the latter; and yet there were many able men in England using all their influence against dispossessing the French of Canada ; and even after the fall of Quebec, * See Journalt of tht Gtn. Court, 7 July, 173 J. ' ; «. G mmmmfmm SO Natural Enemies. \ 1 f i i 1 i. : • 1 !' ; ! • i Secretary Pitt was urged in a publication,'" addressed to him, written with much power and great ability, to give up all thoughts of insisting upon a treaty with France in which Canada should be given up to England ! The arguments made use of were in the interest of those who thought more of an income from sugar plantations in the West Indies than the lives of thousands of their countrymen on the borders of New England, and are therefore not worth a refutation or a repetition here. People may become so familiar with hardships and dangers as to regard them less than may be imagined by those at a dis- tance from them. Were it not so, few could be found to face them again and again, and year after year, and from generation to generation. It has been said that the English and French are natural enemies. This will be conceded only by those who consider men as wild animals. The real cause of the contentions among meh is the ambition to take what does not belong to them. There can be no question but that Canada belonged to the French rather than the English, if prior occupancy gave right. The French claimed also by prior discovery. But the English claimed by the same right, though they claimed no further north than forty-five degrees of north latitude. By the year 1613, the French had extended their settlements from the Gulf of Saint Lawrence to the mouth of the Penobscot.f * An oAavo of 148 pagn> in bourgeoii type, entitled, A Letter to a Great Minit- ter, wherein the DeMolilitu of th* Fortifi- cations of Louisbourg is shown to be absurd, and the Importance of Canada fully re- futed. London, 1761. f According to the relationi of the Jetuiti, two of their number commenced a settlement at the mouth of the Penob- scot in 1 611; "et ils furent let pierret fondamentales de ces missions dans cctte partie de I'Amerique Septentrionale." Ar- gall carried them off, upon which eTent they remark: "Ils furent sur le point d'etre mis i mort par de* corsairea anglaU qui les avient pris." ■>-.**«'«??( "•>^« -: v^»l, .w,,^,,^— ^pjjip,,.,^^^ Importance of Nova Scotia. 51 Their settlements were declared to be encroachments, and in this year one Capt. Argall was sent from Virginia to dispossess them, which he performed in the ruthless manner of the times. This was the commencement of hostilities between subjects of the two crowns on any part of North America. No perma- nent settlement by Englishmen had then been made here. From this time, 16 13, to the treaty of Paris in 1763, one hundred and fifty years, numerous wars occurred between these two nations, during the existence of which the settlements in New England were disturbed by frequent alarms> and the horrors of savage cruelties. Nova Scotia '" being considered the key to the eastern colonies of New England, Oliver Cromwell, in his time well understood the importance of that country. He accordingly sent an expedition and reduced it to the rule of England. This was in 1654, but by the treaty of Breda, in 1667, it Was re- stored to France, For a long time it was extremely doubtful which nation would ultimately possess the North American provinces. The contest was surely to be revived so long as both parties laid claim to it, or portions of it, because both fully understood its vast importance, in a commercial point of view.f But the great difficulty with the English colonists was their own con- tests amongst themselves, chiefly about their boundaries, in which contests they spent more money than it would have cost ■ j. \% * The jLadia of the French ; so called by them in allusion to Arcadia in the Grecian Peloponnesus, but with what pro- priety I cannot deterinine. GtHuint Ac- couHti of Nova Scotia, p. 3. London, 1750, 8vo. It was granted to De Monts, in 1603, by Henry IV, of France. By the treaty of Utrecht, 171 3, it was con- ceded to belong to France, and to extend fi-om the Gulf of the St. Lawrence to the Penobscot. f The Contttt in America, iy an Im- partial Hand, p. [x] 800. London, 1757. An able and valuable work. ■iV"-'l*.fi>p'^'"V^' -fr^-Ayi^v.'^-.' ' yj mmmmmmmmmm^mmmmmm nm >iW'iiWH I fii 52 French Forts. them to have kept the Freich within the bounds allotted to them. Thus, a judicious writer of the time remarks, that while the colonies were wast'np t':eir substance contending for the bone, the French ran away ',vith it.* At this comparatively early day the colonies seem not to have learned the value of union, which they so well under- stood about twenty years later, when o;)pression came from the mother country. And yet tliey had seen that it was by a want of union among the Indian tribes that they had been able to establish themselves in the country. They did not need the instructions of Caesar, who said of the conquest of the Britons, that "while everyone fought for himself they were all easily overcome." Thus it was, that while New Hampshire and Massachusetts were contending about their boundaries, and New Jersey and New York were at bitter feuds about theirs, the master key to all of them, Crown Point, was seized upon by the French, who there built Fort St. Frederic in the year 1731. Aware of the great importance of the avenues by water from the lakes of Canada to the English settlements on the Atlantic coast, Mr. Burnet, when governor of New York, in 1727, built, at his own expense, Fort Oswego, as a counter movement to the French proceeding in eredting Fort Niagara, at the entrance into Lake Ontario of the Niagara river, on the New York or eastern side, a point commanding more com- munications, over a vast country, easterly and westerly, than any other point in North America at that time, and for many years after. Having little to fear from any but the New England colonies, the French had been slow to complete their cordon of fortresses * The Conleit in Amerisa, ttc, p. ii. Counter adiion of Mercenaries. 53 towards the south; and it was not till the year 1754 that they commenced one at that very important point, the confluence of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers. It was well known that great opposition was exerted by cer- tain English merchants and traders of New York, to prevent their own government from securing the important posts of Crown Point and Oswego, because it was for the pecuniary interest of those traders that those places should remain in the hands of the French. And thus it was they got easy possession of those places, and for years quietly possessed them. Even the Indians of the Five Nations saw how, that through the avarice of the few the honest were plundered, and did not fail to protest against this state of things, at the same time shrewdly remarking, that "the French built their forts with English strouds." So reckless do men become when their private interests are in anticipation. With such indifference and disregard of the public welfare, a few years more and all would have been lost ; for, as to the respedtive claims of the French and English to territory in North America, that of the former, to say the least, was as good as that of the latter. Indeed, neither had any rights here further than they had acquired them by actual settlement and permission from the aborigines where any claim was set up by them. But these premises have been fully dis- cussed elsewhere.* On the 1 8th of June, 1744, agreeably to the request of the governor of New York, a great number of the Indians of the Six Nations, consisting of the "Mohawks, Oneydes, Onon- dagas, Tuskaroroes, Cayeuges, and Sennekes," assembled at Albany and held a conference with Commissioners of Indian • See Old Indian CMronicle, edition of 1867, 4to, Chap. I. mmmmm' 54 Indian Conference. Affairs, *' in order to renew, strengthen, and brighten the cove- nant chain that had so long tied them and the subjeds of His Majesty the Great King their father in mutual ties of friend- ship." After the governor had recounted to the Indians the intentions of the Frr-ch to make them subservient, and to draw them off from their allegiance to the English king, and requesting a promise from them to stand by and defend their allies the English, they made answer in the strongest terms, that nothing should cause them to abandon their friends; ^^hat it should not be in the power of the devil himself" to divert them to the French ; that though they did not think it just that they should seize any of the French that came among them and deliver them to the English, as the Indians should not be the aggressors, yet the English might come and take them ; but they inclined to peace, until some of His Majesty's subjects were attacked. In short, their reply was full of good sense. As already remarked, the French of Canada having the news of the declaration of war above a month earlier than the English of New England, and having been in expe(^tion of the rupture, had prepared themselves to a• \b-' I Capt. Tyng*s Expedition. S7 had no cannon, and their attacks were chiefly in the night } so that the garrison were nearly worn out when relief arrived. The fear of falling into the hands of the Indians nerved the defenders almost to superhuman efforts. The garrison was now reinforced and the fort put into repair, and before the end of the year (1744), besides other reinforcements, Massachusetts sent to the place a company of Indian rangers which rendered great service in scouting and guarding the garrison. When the account of the capture of Canso was carried to France, it caused great rejoicing, and Te Deum was sung at Notre Dame in Paris, and pompous details of the affair were trumped up and published in the French journals. The result of the expedition for the relief of Annapolis was immediately published at Boston in the following strain : "On the 13th of July (1744) Capt. Tyng in our province snow. Prince of Orange, arrived here from Annapolis Royal. He sailed from this port on the 2d instant, with between seventy and eighty new 'raised volunteers for reinforcing His Majesty's garrison there (for the encouragement of which levies, and one hundred more now raising under proper offi- cers, this government has lately granted an handsome bounty) and arrived safe at Annapolis about one > clock on the 4th instant, to the inexpressible joy of the whole garrison, the fort being besieged by a large body of Indians, who came before it on the 30th of June, with a French priest, and one Clermont, another Frenchman who had been lately employed as a spy in the fort, and in daily expectation of receiving assistance in two vessels from Louisbourg. They had the insolence to send a flag of truce to Gov. Mascarene to demand the surrender of the fort, promising good quarters tu the garrison if he complied, and threatened to destroy them all if they took it by storm. H A i r |iH>»W ^ Mi> mmmmmmm S8 Capt. Tyng's Expedition. They had killed two soldiers whom they surprised without the fort, burnt several of the English houses, and destroyed many cattle, and had lost three of their own number by the great artillery of the garrison. Upon Capt. Tyng's arrival and the transport under his convoy, for the French ships, which they expe> ifc * New York Colonial Documtnti, VI, 275. I -r^- .■■«»-.CTi^^.,f»!-r-»»'- n ii»' . ry* ^ ty-^,.-. of the taking of Louisbourg, because it has been so often done by all the historians of this period."' A few important fadts, generally unnoticed in the common accounts, will be given. In seven weeks from the time Gov. Shirley issued his pro- clamation for raising troops for the expedition, three thousand two hundred and fifty men were enrolled in Massachusetts, three hundred and four in New Hampshire, and five hundred and sixteen in Connecticut. The Massachusetts men were embarked the 24th of March, and sailed under the convoy of the Shirley Galley., afterwards called the Shirley Frigate. The whole naval force of the colony of Massachusetts consisted of three frigates of twenty guns each; a snow of sixteen; a brigantine of twelve; and five armed sloops mounting from eight tu twelve carriage guns. A sloop from Rhode Island, and one from Connedticut, had ten or twelve guns each.f The train of artillery consisted of eight twenty-two-pound- ers, twelve nine-pounders, two mortars of twelve-inch, one of eleven, and one of nine-inch. These were taken from Castle William. Also ten cannon borrowed of Governor Clinton of New York. These were eighteen-poundc's.| Brigadier- General Samuel Waldo commanded the land forces. Colonel Samuel Moore commanded those of New Hampshire, Lieut.- Col. Simon Lothrop those of Connecticut ; Lieut.-Col. Gridley commanded the artillery. Over the whole was Lieut. -Gen. Wm. Pepperrell. Such was the ambition of the people of New England to participate in the expedition, that more men volunteered for it than could be received, and two companies were discharged and a month's pay given them. All the transportation at the com- mand of the government had been already taken up. * See Appendix, B. f Shirley'i Memoir t, 40. \ Ibidem. 1: if 70 Louisbourg Expedition. August 8. Rear-Admiral Peter Warren wrote from Louis- bourg, giving the following account of his successes at that place: "The Charmante, a French East India ship of five hundred or six hundred tons, twenty-eight guns and ninety-nine men, very rich ; the Heron, another French East India ship from Bengal, pretty rich ; the Notre Dame de la Deliverance, a French ship of twenty-two guns, and about sixty men, from Lima in the South Seas, for which place she sailed from Cadiz in the year 1741, are brought into this harbor. This last had on board, in gold and silver, upwards of £300,000." Louisbourg had fallen after a determined and bloody siege, but the importance of the conquest soon lost much of its con- sequence by the course given to events which restored it again to the French, as though it had cost nothing. This was par- ticularly unfavorable to New England, which had lost so heavily in its a£tive men, so much needed in a new country, to say nothing of the honor in a measure lost by the restoration of the costly acquisition. The suffering of the troops was incredible ; often without shoes to their feet, or clothes, beyond a few rags, to shield their bodies from the weather, they toiled day and night, doing the labor of beasts of burthen and men as well, week after week, until more than a thousand lay sick at one time, and yet it is said, that up to the time of the capitu- lation, but about thirty had died of sickness, and that but one hundred and one had been killed by the enemy and other acci- dents, while, of the French, about three hundred had been killed within the walls of the city, and six hundred and fifty regular troops were surrendered. There were besides about thirteen hundred efFedive men belonging to the place, in all of which, together with the women and children, there were above four thousand to be transported to France. Wm Louisbourg Expedition. 71 With the place there fell into the hands of the vi£iors immense material of war and other property, among which were seventy-six cannon and mortars, and provisions for five or six months. Many rich merchant ships, during and after the siege, were taken by the fleet. Admiral Warren kept the French flag flying long after the capture, and thus several were decoyed under his guns before they were aware that the place was taken. The value of these prizes was estimated at over a million pounds sterling, half of which went to the naval cap- tors, and the other half to the Crown ; and thus the New Eng- land men, who had been the means of this great acquisition, got no part of it ! In his account of the capture. General Pepperrell said, that when he marched into the city, he believed such ruins were never seen before, which was not to be wondered at, as nine thousand cannon balls and six hundred bombs had been thrown into it before it surrendered ; which we may believe, as he says, " sorely distressed them, especially the day before they sent out a flag of truce, when our incessant fire prevented their showing their heads, or stirring from their covert ways, and some of them ran into the sea for shelter." At the time of the surrender there remained but one house in the town which had not been shot through and through ; such breaches had been made in the walls, and our batteries so advanced, that the enemy could stand to their guns no longer. Out of nineteen shell thrown from the light-house battery, seventeen fell within the Island battery, one of which fell upon the magazine, causing great consternation. .. % ' .„;-ji';,,- , Care was taken to send off the inhabitants with all possible dispatch after the English were in possession of Louisbourg. Fourteen transports were got ready in an incredibly short time \ '\ ri ^^mamsmmmm 72 Louisbourg Expedition, ■ ; i iA ¥-: i. ; , 1 1 f 1 i \ \ i i , 1 I : so that by the fourth of July (since a more noted day in Ameri- can annals), only thirteen days after the capture, the unfortu- nate prisoners of war sailed for France, under the convoy of the Launceston man of war, Capt. Robert Man commander. They arrived at the port of Brest after a short passage, but here they met with treatment from the French Admiral on that sta- tion, which is characterized as cruel and brutal in the extreme. Such was the report of Col. James Gibson, who accompanied the prisoners as agent of the cartel transports on the part of the commander-in-chief. / There were many other prisoners to be transported besides those at Louisbourg, which are " summaried " * as follows : "The French people transported from Louisbourg to France (including the Vigilant'sf men) preceding July 17, 1745, were four thousand one hundred and thirty, whereof one thousand eight hundred and twenty-two via Boston, and seventy-six via New Hampshire. The French, while in Boston, were allowed in old tenor per week, namely : an inhabitant from Cape Bre- ton, twenty shillings ; a sailor, fifteen shillings ; captain of the Vigilant, five pounds ; second captain, three pounds, and each officer forty shillings." ^ After we have seen the origin of the expedition against Louisbourg, and its progress and ultimate success, all brought about, so far as the former was concerned, by New England, it will seem very singular that a reimbursement to this country was a long time withheld by the government at home, through the false representations of influential bad men. This state of the case is so well set forth in a speech of Governor Shirley to * Douglait, I, 568. six hundred men," taken by Commodore f "A sixty-four gun ship, with near Warren, May 21. See Appindix, C. i.' Ir ;. |; 1 i.i ^i ■ H ■ 1 *?; \ I 1 •-jt*":/*?;, speech of Gov. Shirley, n the General Court, on the 29th of May, 1 746, that it shall be given in his own words: . ' ' , ^ ^ : ., * *' As you may be solicitous to know what success your appli- cation for a reimbursement of your expenses in the late expe- dition against Cape Breton has met with, I think it proper to inform you, that though I have received several letters from one of your agents upon that subject, yet as all of them till my last (which I shall communicate to you) contained only accounts of the disadvantages which the Province lay under as to their demand, for want of the services of the New England troops in the reduction of Louisbourg, being fully known, whereby it happened that the merit of them (upon which the merit likewise of the colonies concerned in that expedition, it is reasonable to think, will be chiefly estimated by the ministry) has been most surprisingly diminished, disguised and concealed, and the laying before you these accounts could have had no other efFedl than to give you a fruitless concern and uneasiness, I forbore doing it, and chose to wait for more agreeable ones, which I have the pleasure to acquaint you I received by the last ship from London, and find that since the arrival in Eng- land of the representation of the behavior of the land forces, and the share which they had in making the late valuable acqui- sition to the British dominions, which I sent from Louisbourg, to be laid before His Majesty, your demand has taken a more favorable turn, and there is now a most promising prospetSi: of your succeeding in it, and of our retrieving the honor of the New England land forces, and the opinion of the merit of the colonies concerned in the late expedition, which is justly due to them." . T ;< In the same speech he says : '* It is a particular satisfa'^l>. * Dr. Douglau sayi Donahew wu dii- expedition with an earlier one, mentioned patched from Boston to remove the in our text. St. John's Island, go named French from St. John's Island, and on by the French, is that now known aa his way landed in the Out of Canceau. Prince Edward's. Lescarbot gare it the Douglass may have confounded the last name St. John, also Codfitk Ii/anJ. M 1 7b Donahew*s Disaster. II fe.. ; 1 5 k -|\ nr^ 1 ,u i 5 1 ft* by the bodies of the other slain. After this exploit they set off for Minas with the seven that remained alive, the relator him- self being one. Him they decided to kill and eat, but some of the French interceded and pe.suaded his captors to sell him, which they finally did for an amount of money. From Minas he got to Annapolis Royal, and thence to Boston, as above narrated. The other prisoners were taken to Canada. One of these, John Brad- shaw by name, died there on the 24th of November following. He had recovered from the wound which he received when he was taken, but his constitution was broken, and he pined and died, of consumption as was supposed. Where he belonged is not known. Another was William Prindle. He died on the 4th of July, 1747 ; was a New England man, but his residence is not given. Another was James Owen of Brookfield, in Massachusetts. He was killed after quarter had been given. It is to this affair, perhaps, that the French writers at Que- bec refer in the following passage: "Lately, a boat belonging to an English merchantman having landed at La Heve for wood and water, the Micmac Indians killed seven of the crew and brought their scalps to Sieur Marin ; they [the Micmacs] can be depended on to pursue the same course as long as means will be found to furnish them with arms, powder and ball."* While the siege of Louisbourg was progressing, Capt. Dona- hew had been dispatched to Bay Verte to destroy the place. In passing the strait of Canso he met with a party of Indians. These were attacked by a company of his men, contrary to orders, who went on shore under Captains Jaques and Hanna- ford. They were overpowered, Capt. Jaques killed, and Hannafurd wounded \ the rest escaped. Donahew wa3 early * Letter from Messrs. de Beauharnois Quebec, 11 Sept., 1745. In N. T. Col, and Hocquart to Count de Maurepaa, dated Dttumtntt, X, 1 1. Great Meadow Surprise. 77 i engaged in this war. We find him putting out from Newbury in a privateer on the 7th of November, 1744, manned with sixty men. The vessel belonged to Boston, and hence it ap- pears the English were not much behind the French in early afts of hostility. Donahew sailed diredly to the eastern fish- ing ground, and made several captures of French fishing ves- sels. Taking notice of his enterprising spirit, the General Court voted (on the 7th of February) that, with his vessel, he should be taken into the service of the Province. His vessel was the sloop Resolution. Andrew Hall and Samuel Gerrish of Boston were his agents. These agents preferred a claim on the government in September of the next year, in favor of Capt. Donahew's estate. F'rom which claim it is shown, that early in this war the captain had captured eleven Cape Sable or St. John's Indians, brought them to Boston and delivered them here in compliance with Gov. Shirley's order. The claim of the agents was not allowed, but the reason for not allowing it is not given. Perhaps the Indians were captured before they had commenced the war. He had been extremely aftive against the enemy. In April, 1745, he took and carried into Chapeaurouge Bay a French brigantine with a cargo of molasses, for which the war com- mittee allowed him .£1525 15J. July 5. William Phips having but recently settled at Great Meadow* fort, some sixteen miles above Fort Dummer, is surprised, while hoeing corn, by two Indians. They seized him and led him away about half a mile, when they stopped, and one of them went down a steep hill to get something he * There were other Great Meadowi } them H^nakktukook. Hopkins, 46, 47. one occupied by the Housatunnuk Indians, Thii ii in Westmoreland, N. H., formerly "above the mountains, " 1736; called by Narraganset No. z. - ">^'-'V.'-"'-*f--*- ^''- '■y'^r^ ■^*»>— !>!' ti'j w^ fcl t .^ti^-^;';!.!'-*''-' '' »^,.^*^t4** * - ^>mn^. - ^^ ^'. m^i '■''. 78 Surprise at Ashuelot. had left. On his return Phips seized one of their guns and shot him down, and then fell upon the other with his hoe, which it seems he had carried with him, or perhaps was carried along by the other Indian. With this he knocked him down, and after chopping him till he thought he had killed him, started to run \ but at that instant three Indians appeared and shot down Phips, killed and scalped him, and treated his body in a shocking manner. The Indian that was hotd so severely, died of his wounds, according to the information given by the Indians after the war. Some time after the death of Mr. Phips, his widow married Mr. Caleb Howe. She afterwards suffered a doleful captivity, as will be seen by a reference to her well known Narrative. Great Meadow Fort was in what is now Putney, Vermont, in the eastern part of the county of Windham, on the westerly side of Connefticut river. Putney is ten miles from Brattle- borough. It was chartered by New Hampshire in 1753, and in 1766 rechartered by New York, and finally fell within the jurisdi n . ' , j, iy,{r^«~^ . V' i r.rV''*' 1 ; ', . .i ■ ''4 iii ■;'] i /■;! 1 1-: 5 li - '1 1 ' i 84 Eastern Depredations. these Indians had been to the fort, not knowing of the attack of the 19th of the last month, or before the fourteen days had expired, to trade, and had departed for their own place, but had encamped for the night not far off, and in this condition (per- haps drunk with liquor obtained at the fort) were fallen upon as above related. That no bounty was paid is inferred from the faft, that after the war a present was made to the wife of Job on account of the loss of her husband. If his value was accurately estimated by the government, her loss was not great — a seven-eighth blanket! Sept. 15. A son of Col. Gushing is killed by some unseen Indians at Sheepscott, and two lads, James and Samuel Ander- son, are taken captive and carried to Canada. Their father was killed, probably at the same time. The Indians kept the two boys with them all winter, and the following May they were sent to prison at Quebec. Sept. 27. James Kinlade is t^ken at Sheepscott, carried to Canada, and imprisoned at Quebec. On Nov. 19th one man is delivered to the prison in Quebec, who says James Ander- son's father was killed and his uncle was taken at the time he was. Another man, Jotham Williamson, taken on Sheepscott river, was imprisoned at Quebec at a later date. Oft. 5. In pursuance of Gov. Clinton's urgent request, the Indians came to Albany to hold a conference from many of the tribes of the Six Nations, some five hundred in number. The governor having notified Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, they send the fol- lowing gentlemen, namely: Massachusetts, John Stoddard, Jacob Wendell, Samuel Wells, and Thomas Hutchinson j '■(.> s! ■ !■ Conference at Albany. »i Connecticut, Roger Wolcot, Nathaniel Stanley;* Pennsyl- vania, Thos. Lawrence, John Kinsey, and Isaac Norris. Arent Stevens and Coenradt Weiser, interpreters. The commissioners on the part of Massachusetts returned to Boston on the 20th of Odtober, and as a result of their conference with the Indians it was published, that "the Six Nations readily renewed their covenant with the several govern- ments ; that they had taken the hatchet against the French and Indian enemy, and only wait till the governor of New York shall order them to make use of it." 06t. 8. A company of thirteen Indians surprise some Englishmen while gathering corn at Sheepscott, killing two and wounding a third. Oft. 1 1 . An attempt was made to surprise the fort at Great Meadow. As the enemy approached it they came upon Mr. Nehemiah How, and took him prisoner. He had been cutting wood some forty rods from the fort, and was returning to it when he was overtaken by twelve Indians, who hurried him away into a swamp, and there pinioned him. When he saw the Indians he hallooed so as to alarm the fort, and the men inside fired upon them, killing one and mortally wounding another. A third, who had hold of Mr. How, barely escaped, a bullet passing through his powder-horn. How was carried to Canada, and from one prison to another, and finally to Quebec, where he died a prisoner. May 25th, 1747, after a year and upwards of seven months' captivity. He left a wife and several children. A journal which he kept to within six days of his death, was recovered by his friends and published in 1 748, from which these fafts are taken. * It is singular, that in the elaborate found of this important mission of their hittoriea of Connedicut no mention is statesmen. 86 How's Captivity. ■\ It ! Having secured their prisoner, as above stated, the enemy returned and attacked the fort for an hour and a half, but did little damage. They killed all the cattle about the place, cut- ting a portion of the flesh from the bones the better to transport it. With their prisoner they marched along the river side. At about three miles from the fort a canoe was seen coming down with two men in it. How knew the men and made all the noise he could to alarm them, but the Indians also saw them, and shot at them some twenty or thirty guns, by which they killed one, David Rugg, but the other, Robert Baker, got on shore and escaped. They scalped Rugg, and carried off his scalp in great triumph. On it they painted a face, " with the likeness of eyes and mouth," with red paint, and when they got to Lake George they hoisted a pole some eight feet long, with the scalp on the top of it. At Crown Point they were met by a multitude of Indians. Here Mr. How saw an Indian he was acquainted with, who took him by the hand and was very glad to see him. This Indian then went and brought in another, named Jmrusus, who was the husband of Eunice Wil- liams, who had lived among the Indians forty-two years, having been carried away from Deerfield in 1704. Amrusus was glad to see Mr. How, and made inquiry about his wife's relations. Many attempts were made to recover Eunice, from time to time, from her captivity to 17 13, when she was to all intents an Indian, living among the French Mohawks at Cagnawaga. She had then recently married, and would not converse with those sent to redeem her. Nov. 16. A large body of three hundred French ard two hundred Indians came upon the Dutch settlement at Saratoga, murdering the inhabitants without any opposition. The enemy were commanded by one M. Marin, accompanied by a mis-; *-■- i ■ .^*^mm^itm^mi'^0m'it>,ii^^M0m^^ Attack on Saratoga. 87 chievous and aftive priest named Francis Piquet. They ravaged a large extent of country, burning all the houses, several saw-mills with much sawed lumber, and a block-house which belonged to John Henry Lydius. Also all the cattle. Thirty persons were killed and scalped, and about sixty taken prisoners. All this was efFedted without so much as a wound to any of the French. A large number of negroes * were among the captives. In the course of the winter the captives were sent to the prison in Quebec, where many of them died of sickness. The news of this attack reached Albany three days after it happened, and Deerfield nine days after, namely, on the 25th. f A letter of this date was at once dispatched to Boston, to the eifeit that "two Indians who were taken at Lydius's fort got away from the army near Crown Point, and reported that an army of six hundred men set out from that place in order to fall upon Deerfield, but by reason of a snow were diverted and went to Saratoga. They have burnt Lydius's block-house, and taken his son ; Cockensenet was killed there ; three hundred of the army went back with the prisoners, and three hundred struck off to come upon our frontiers." Among the prisoners was Jonathan Hagadc>rn, taken near Fort Ann, while on a scout. He died on the 3d of January following, a prisoner at Quebec, after a long and painful sick- ness; as also did Capt. John Fort, March 21, taken at the same time and place. The Assembly of New York offers a reward for Indian scalps — ten pounds for those of male Indians over sixteen years of age, and twenty pounds for prisoners brought in alive. * Said to have been about sixty, bjr a prisoner in Canada who saw them brought to Montreal . Some time afterwards their ownen sent to redeem them, but they to live with the Indians, where doubtless they had much greater freedom than with their Dutch and English masters. f The French account may be seen in \ I i would not go back to slavery, preferring the Nnu Tork Col, Docs,, X, 38 and 76. i^' ^•■o■^,a^r,-f•,7i"^;•'V;I■;^''5f■5■f'¥;;■^^»:?f•|^*l;^i?' p I;.' I I 88 Bounty for Scalps. C(l \n. i !!'t''''~:-* m I i 1 ' I ') ' ! .'I'l 1 I ^■'* I .'I'M' , ■ V-. •For the years 1745, 1746, and 1747, the premium for In- dian scalps and captives was one thousand pounds, old tenor per head to volunteers, and four hundred pounds to impressed men, their wages and subsistence money to be deduced."* At the same time old tenor was to sterling money as one to eleven. Hence it took eleven pounds of the former to pur- chase what was actually worth but one pound in specie. Some time in the year 1745, as James McQuade and Robert Burns of Bedford, New Hampshire, were returning from Penacook to their homes, whither they had been to procure corn for their families, they were fired upon by some Indians who appeared to be lying in wait for the opportunity. McQuade was shot down and killed, but they missed their aim at Burns, who ran, tacking at short intervals, and thus escaped unhurt. f One Bunten was shot by the Indians in what is now the town of Chester, N. H., " near where Head's tavern is in Hook- sett. He was from Pelham, and was on his way to Penacook. "J * Douglass, I, 565. -j- The date of this ai&ir may have been derived from tradition, which i« generally very unreliable, especially when not accompanied by any month or day of month on which it happened. There it a history of Bedford, but the author adds nothing more authentic. X Colls. N. H. Hist. Soc, VII, 363. The historian of Old Chester does not throw any light on this murder, not even giving the name of the man killed. 1 irll^ i CHAPTER VI. DIARY OF DEPREDATIONS (continued). A French Item — A diitreulng Scene >t Corhamtown — Eicape of Pritonert — Captivei taken at Number Four — John Spoffbrd — Harvey'i EKape — Surprise it Hoplcinton — Remarlcable Event! in the Narrative of Mary Woodwell — Upper Atliuelot Surprised — Deatli of Helton — Deatli of Putnam, and Figlit at Number Four — Attacic on Contoocook — An Indian puniihed at Asliuelot — Indians fall at Fall Town — John Buck — Attack on Lower Ashuelot — Hunt- ington — Two Men attacked near Fort Massachusetts — Surprise at Colerain, and Death of Matthew Clark — Persons killed near Albany — Others at Saratoga — Houses burnt at Kinder- hook — Men killed near Schenectady — Seven killed and taken at Norman's Creek — Great Depredation at Broad Bay — Surprise and Fight at St. George's Fort — Fight at Nambw Four — Affiiir at Sheepscott — Retaliation recommended — Forces raised — Surprise at Long Creek — A Surpriie prevented at Port Massachusetts — Hu^h Morrison — Joseph Swett killed — Gallant Defense of Number Four — Seven Pertoni kilUd at Sheepscott. 1','Xy' ',•'■'.'' "Z3 HE Chevalier de Niverville, officer, and Sieur Groschesne Raimbault, cadet, left Montreal on March i6th, with some Abenaquis Indians, on their way towards Boston, and re- turned with some scalps and prison- ers, one of whom Raimbault took with his own hand. Sieur Duplessis, Jr., an officer, started at the same time with six Algonkins and Nepissings in the same direction, and joined the preceding party, with whom he returned, bringing in a prisoner who was captured at the same time. It is not very clear on what point of the frontier this com- pany performed their exploit. Pe-rhaps it was at Number Four, on the 19th of the following April. A French leader, probably the same Raimbault, afterwards fell into the hands of the English, as we shall see. • : ;: ^ ill ^N> Massacre at Gorham-Town. [1746- llfi'i: April 19, 1746. At a new township called Gorham Town, in Maine, was perpetrated a tragedy which was thus reported at the time : " Boston, April 28. Last Tuesday morning came in here an express from Falmouth, who informs, that on the 19th instant, about ten o'clock, Mr. Briant of Gorham Town, about ten miles from thence, with three others, went to work in a field three-quarters of a mile from the fort, when the said Briant was shot to death by the Indians; two of the others wen- taken, and the other made his escape to the fort and informed that he saw about twenty Indians, who went from the field to said Briant's house, and killed and scalped four of his children, three of whom were knocked in the head by an axe, the other had its brains beat out against the hearth. This was dis- covered in the afternoon by some persons from the fort. His wife was missing, and it is supposed is taken prisoner. One of the persons taken was seen to be stript naked by the Indians." The other persons taken were Jacob Read and Edward Clout- man. These were brought prisoners to Quebec on the 14th of May following. Mrs. Briant was brought in afterwards, who, on the 20th of November, 1 746, was married to Leonard Lydle, another captive, by the Rev. John Norton,* also a captive, taken at Number Four, as will elsewhere be seen. Mrs. Sarah Lydle (Briant) died a prisoner on the 7th of May of the next year (1747). Jacob Read was also dead, having died on the 20th of 06lober preceding, f Edward Cloutman and Robert Dunbar broke prison and escaped three days after. Dunbar was taken not long before as he was scouting *'on the ^ i 1 \ 11 "' ^ 1 f • * Mr. Norton does not mention this at the same time, died eleven days after circumstance in his Narrative, which is his father, but had been longer in cap- quite remarkable. tivity, having been taken near Annapolis, I John, son of Jacob Reed, a prisoner May 9, 1745, while on duty as a soldier. 1746.] Surprise at Number Four. H>: 9> Carrying-Place," and his loss was greatly lamented, as he had performed the most important services as a ranger, ever since the war commenced. He was a New York man probably, and the Carrying Place was that between the Hudson and Wood Creek, doubtless. Cloutman does not appear to have reached his home, for Anne, probably his wife, petitioned for relief the next year, as "her husband was in captivity, and she was left with three children, and very poor." April 19. "The enemy came to the uppermost and most frontier place on Connecticut river, called Number P'our, where they took three men as they were going to the mill, about half a mile from the garrison, namely, Capt. John SpafFord,* Isaac Parker and Stephen Fainsworth." They were with a team of four oxen. The oxen the Indians killed, and after cutting out their tongues left them. They arrived, with their prisoners, at Quebec the 3d of the following month. All three of them returned home after a short captivity, but whether redeemed or exchanged is not known. The leader in this depredation was Ensign de Niverville. He took his prisoners first to Montreal, where. May 14th, they underwent an examination. From SpafFord and Parker they learned that two regiments were to be sent from Boston to He Royale, where over seven hundred men had died ; that twenty- two hundred regulars had arrived at New York from London, at the close of winter, and had set out for Louisbourg ; that ■'■^i^' * A Capt. John Spofford is conspicuous in the SpofFord Genealogy in the Nev) England Hist, and Gen. Register, VIII, 340. He settled at Charlestown, N. H. He may be the captive, but as nothing is said about it in the Genealogy, and the diKrepanciea in the same, render it doubt- ful, an uncertainty hangs over him. John, the captive, had a wife, and while at Quebec wrote a letter to Mr. John Stod- dard, which letter Mr. Stoddard com- municated to Governor Shirley, and on Odober i , 1 746, it was read in the House of Representatives. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) V :/ 5^ mL/., 1.0 I.I 1.25 Jf ilM IIM '- IM IIIIIZ2 2.0 t m ^ 1^ 1.4 1= 1.6 Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. M580 (716) 872-4503 # iV iV L1>^ ■ % A \ & '% i^ ^H* I, li ( . ■ lil a ti ' .l M i ■ 9 I m ■ i ■3 9t Hopkinton Garrison Taken. [1746. two thousand pairs of snow-shoes had been made and laid in at Boston, and what Indian moccasins were necessary. April 22. A man named Moses Harvey is shot at as he is passing between Northfield and Deerfield, and narrowly escapes, the ball passing through the rim of his hat. He returned the fire, but whether with any efFei^Wfc * M p.' : --»ti tV * 1746.] Attack on Upper As hue lot. n in a burning fever about a fortnight." Samuel Burbank wai an old man, and died in captivity at Quebec, May 19th, 1748. April 23. A furious attack is made by a body of about one hundred Indians upon the garrison of Upper Ashuelot, since Keene, in New Hampshire. The report of the attack made at the time is thus given: ** There were about sixty of the enemy, who were discovered in their approach, by the garrison, early in the morning; whereupon the men went out to meet them, and fought, which gave most of the inhabitants time to get into the garrison, so that there were only an old man and a woman killed, and one man missing, supposed to be taken cap- tive. One of our men, being abroad, was surprised by the Indians, and submitted by laying down his gun ; but the Indian who pursued, and had, as it were, taken him, coming up to him with his hatchet lifted up to kill him, thereupon, being resolute, struck the Indian with his fist such a blow on the temple as laid him on the ground, which gave him opportunity to recover his gun and make his escape, which he did, to the garrison. The name of this man was Ephraim Dorman, and another says he encountered two Indians, from one of which he tore off his blanket and carried it with .him to the fort, leaving him entirely naked." The enemy had been watching the place, intending, that as soon as the men went out in the mining, to rush in ; but the affair with Dorman timely alarmed the rest. It appears that those who sallied out to fight the enemy met with rough usage, one man, Nathan Blake, was captured and carried to Canada, but was redeemed in the winter of 1 747. Another, named Allen, was redeemed at the same time. The enemy crme on very boldly, shot down one John Bullard, who soon died, and 8tat>bed one Daniel McKenny's wife in the back with a long knife, who also I *t »'» H tfW1 posed. Mrs. McKenny had gone cut to milk her cow, at a barn near by, and was returning to the fort, when a naked Indian, probably the one Dorman had stripped, s^-^rted from the bushes, stabbed her and escaped. She being old and corpulent, walked, but slowly, and continued her progress, notwithstand- ing her wound was mortal, till nearly at the gate of the fort, when blood gushed from her mouth, and she fell and expired. April 26. Some of the Indians who did the mischief on the 23d, at Upper Ashuelot, as was supposed, waylaid the road between Lunenburg and Northfield, where they killed and scalped Joshua Holton of the latter town. He was on his return from Boston with a large sum of money for the pay- ment of the soldiers, and parties who had billeted them, among whom was Mr. Benjamin Doolittle. They soon after peti- tioned the General Court for the amount due them, in which petition they said that the last winter they had billeted the soldiers under Major Edward Hartwell ; that the major delivered the money to Joshua Holton to pay them, who was killed by the common enemy as just stated, and the money taken from him. The petition went through the usual stages, and on June loth following forty-six pounds seven pence half-penny was ordered to be paid the petitioners. May 2. The enemy came again to Number Four, and in the night hid themselves in a barn some fifty or sixty rods from the fort. As Seth Putnam a soldier belonging to the fort, went out in the morning, he war shot down and killed. Upon which Major Joslah Willard, with two men, ran near the Indians ^ sesiHiraw«>(w*'- 1746.] Attack on Contoocook. 95 undiscovered, and fired upon them, which caused them to make a hasty flight, with two of their number mortally wounded. They were in the aft of scalping the soldier when fired upon. The party of enemy consisted of eight Indians, and was pro- bably the same company, under a chief named Thesaotin of the Sault St. Louis, sent out from Montreal about the 20th of April.* May 4. At Contoocook, since Boscawen, N. H., a party of Indians fire upon five white men and a negro named Caesar, kill one of the white men, named Elisha f Cook, and the negro, who was the slave of the Rev. Phinehas Stevens, the minister of the place. They took Thomas Jones prisoner, whom they delivered at Quebec twenty days after. He died in captivity in the following August. He belonged to Sherburne, but was a soldier at Contoocook when taken. At the time of this attack Capt. John GofF of Harrytown, with some thirty-six men, was on a scout from the lower towns in the direftion of Contoo- cook, but was delayed, owing to a failure of a supply of bread, at Pennycook, and there received the news of the murders. May 4. A party of the enemy secreted themselves about the fort at Upper Ashuelot, and in the night attempted to sur- prise it by causing those inside to open the gate under the im- pression that some friend had come to gain admittance ; but the Indian who undertook to counterfeit a friend found a sad recep- tion, for the sentinel on duty took the precaution to shoot through the gate before opening it, thus shooting the Indian through the abdomen also. He immediately retreated for Canada, but died before reaching Crown Point. The same day, at Contoocook, a Mr. Thomas Cook and his * See N. T. Col, Documents, X, 31. which U an ejror, and Judge PtAtet dM -j- Capt. GofF gave h'u name Thomaa, not corred it. 96 Attack on Bernardston, [1746. r. 'hi son, and a negro named Caesar, are killed In that part of the place called Clay Hill, and Elisha Jones is taken and carried to Canada, where he died in captivity"' the i6th of the following August, t May 6. 1 At Fall-town, since Bernardston, a party of Indians had concealed themselves near by, intending about mid- day, when the men were at their labors in the field, to rush in and take the garrison. But a soldier a little space from the fort discovered them, and alarmed those inside, though he could not recover it. There were but three men then in it, yet by the assistance of the women in loading the guns, they success- fully defended themselves, though the enemy came on with more than their accustomed audacity. Finding they could not succeed they dri^w off, the amount of their mischief being the wounding of John Buck (or Burk, as Taylor has the name) slightly, and killing ten cattle. The chief leader of the Indians had his arm broken, and one or two others were wounded. Burk (or Burke, as the name is since written) became a man of considerable distinction, served through the war till the fall of Canada, having attained the rank of major ; was in the battle of Lake George, in 1755, and hardly escaped from the Indians at the massacre of Fort William Henry, in 1757. May 6. At Lower Aahuelot, since Swanzey, Dea. Timothy Brown and Robert MofFet are fired upon as they were leaving the garrison. They returned the fire, breaking the arm of the Indian leader, but both are made prisoners and taken to Canada, 111 M f 1 • Price, Hiitory of Boscawtn, 37, and Farmer and Moore's Oatuttttr, p. 83. f According to Hov), p. 18, who give* hit Christian name at Thomas, :ir.d »ayt be belonged to HoUiitoo. % The date of thi« afliir il given at happv.iing on the 9th, by Dooiittle, and on the 6th, by Taylur. Oen. Hoyt doet not give the date. In the Hampthin Record Book it it taid to have occurred on the 9th of May. See Nnv Eng. Hitt. and Gtn. ktg., IX, 163, !;' ^^?'*Sffi!?®^J|||St!;!t'^?3SSi? . 1746.] Death of Captives and others. 97 arriving at Quebec June 2 2d. They were both exchanged or ransomed soon after. May 7. One Christian Tedder or Tether is taken at Sche- ne£lady. He died at Quebec, after a year and eight days' captivity, namely, May 15, 1747. The same day died, in the morning, a young man of much promise, Mr. Hezekiah Hunt- ington, son of Col. Hezekiah Huntington of Norwich in Con- necticut. He was captured in a vessel at sea, on the 28th of June, 1746; hence he had been near a year in captivity. "A hopeful youth of a liberal education ; " and another says ^* he was well beloved and much lamented by all sober, religious persons." May 9. At Fort Massachusetts, in what is now the town of Adams, as Sergeant John Hawks and John Mihils, or Miles, were riding on a horse, they were fired upon by two skulking Indians, and both wounded. Mihils made his escape to the fort, and Hawks fell from the horse, and, as the Indians ran to scalp him, he recovered and presented his gun, which so damped their ardor that one jumped down a bank, and the other got behind a tree and called for quarter ; but Hawks was too con- fused to understand what he meant, so stood hallooing to those in the fort to con^e to his assistance } meantime both Indians fled, one having his gun discharged ; the other had dropped his, and did not dare to venture from his screen to recover it. May 10. Some of the party of Indians that had fared so hard at Falltown, waylaid the road at Colerain, about ten miles northwest from Deerfield. Here, as Mr. Matthew Clark, with his wife and daughter and three soldiers, were going from the garrison to Clark's house, they were fired upon. Mr. Clark was killed and scalped, and his wife and daughter were wounded. One of the soldiers fought off the Indians with much bravery, N ■4 V" ■ iWes-Wf*^,; mmmm 98 Murders along the Mohawk. [1746. I m\ and succeeded in getting the mother and daughter into the fort, having killed one of the Indians. The wounded females recovered. According to Taylor the party of Indians consisted of but five. May 10, Six persons are killed in sight of the city of Albany, just across the river, two of whom were negroes. Pursuit was immediately made, but before men could cross the river and pursue on the other side, the enemy got into the woods and escaped. May 13. As three men belonging to the garrison of Saragh- toga were fishing near that fort, they were surprised by Indians, who killed a son of William Norwood, took another, a German, who used to live with Col. John Schuyler, while the third efFe(fted his escape to the fort. Another person narrowly escaped being taken in his own garden, within a fourth of a mile of the city of Albany. So daring have the enemy become that they are daily seen about the settlements, and yet none of them are either killed or taken. About the same time two negroes were taken at Stone Arabia, since Palatine, on the Mohawk river, a German settlement, commenced in 1709. A day or two later they fall upon Kinderhook, burn the ''houses and barns of Tunis Van Sluyck and Peter Vosburgh, and kill their cattle. The people escaped to the garrison. About the same time Simon Groot and two of his brothers are butchered three miles from the village of Schenectady. The enemy burnt their buildings, killed their cattle, and de- stroyed their other efFemimmm»»;A'my^^M 1746.] Surprise at Broad Bay. 99 May. At Norman's creek,* about eight miles to the west- ward of Albany, as fourteen men, all armed, went with a wagon to bring corn from a deserted farm to a house where several families had removed for safety, they were met by a party of Indians, who. killed and took all the party but two, who made their escape to Albany. 0:ie of these was wounded in the shoulder. May 21. At Broad Bay, near the mouth of the Penobscot river, in Maine, the houses of the inhabitants are burnt, and their cattle killed about Pemaquid. Some people were killed, and others carried off prisoners. Among the latter was Capt. Jonathan Williamson, who, on the 26th of April, 1747, was carried to Quebec. He was exchanged, and returned home by way of Boston, after about a year's captivity. f Sullivan was acquainted with Capt. Williamson, and had the account of the affair in which he was taken, from Williamson himself. He was well treated, and being a man of consequence, and well known to the Indians, was taken alive, for the reason that he would be able to give the French valuable information. May 22. At St. George's fort, Capt. Bradbury having sent out thirteen men about half a gunshot from the fort, to peel some bark for covering of canoes or whale boats newly got ready for making discoveries of the enemy. No precautions are mentioned as having been taken to prevent a surprise, for no sooner had the men commenced their work than they were saluted with a volley from an unseen foe, killing at once Elia- * Although Norman'i kill falh into the Hudson about two and a half miles below Albany, yet the course of it is such, that at eight mile* inland the point would lie to the wetrwarj of that city. See Spaf- fbrd't Gasi. of N. T., p. 361, ed. 1814. f Compare Sullivan, 168, with Hov;, in Indian Captivitiit, 138. ff^illiamton was misled by Sullivan. See the former, II, 251. The editor of the New Tort Colonial Documents, following Williamson, hu made the tame blunder. See X, 95. trmm Im ? loo Surprise near George's Fort. [1746. kim Hunt, badly wounding Stephen Buxton, Samuel Peirce, John Davis, and Josiah Harvey. They carried off one man, Timothy Cummings, whom they arrived with at Quebec on the 14th of the next April. The captain of the fort lost no time in pursuing the enemy with most of his men, not giving them time to scalp the man they had killed. He captured one of the Indians, took him to the fort and scalped him. This Indian was found to be Job's son-in-law. There is another account of the affair extant, but the above is probably the most reliable. In this version it is stated that two were carried off captive. Of those who escaped to the garrison, one was an old man, who was overtaken by an Indian with his tomahawk raised to cleave his head, but the old man had presence of mind and adtivity enough to turn and shoot down his pursuer, scalp him, and gain the fort in safety. Cummings stated, on his arrival in Canada, that the Indians killed the ensign as he stood on the top of the fort, and that five of the Indians were killed. Cum- mings was sixty years old. He died in captivity on the 14th of April following (1747). May 24. A large body of the enemy appeared again at Number Four. Capt. Paine, with a company of horse, had recently arrived there, having been sent by the government of Massachusetts. About twenty men went out to the place where Seth Putnam was killed, when an ambush rose, fired upon them, and then attempted to cut off their retreat to the fort. Capt. Phinehas Stevens, seeing this from the fort, sallied out with a few of his men, when a fierce encounter ensued. At length the enemy were put to flight, with the loss of five of their number killed. They also left on the battle ground, thirteen blankets, five coats, a gun, and other things. The English lost Aaron Lion, Peter Perrin, and Joseph Marcy of avi»A«^ Kfl'. - ^M,mt^.%^ :ah' ^'BfciA* m.J^^^^ 1746.] Fig6t at Number Four. loi Capt. Paine's men } and Samuel Farnsworth, and Elijah Allen, belonging to the fort. Quartermaster Bacon was wounded, and with Ensign Obadiah Sartle was made prisoner. Sartle (or Sartwell, as some write his name) returned not long after. May 25. At Sheepscott some concealed Indians Are upon and kill one man, and wound another. The wounded man seeing an Indian coming swiftly upon him to dispatch him, courageously turned upon him and cut him down with a hatchet. A moment after another appeared, but the wounded man suc- ceeded in escaping to the fort. This is probably the same event noticed by Smith as happen- ing two days later. He says, as five persons were returning from meeting they were fired upon by fifteen Indians, by which one was killed and one mortally wounded. On the 30th of May the governor, in a message to the General Court, strongly urged the attention of the members to the distressed state of the people ; among other things he said, " At Fort Dummer they are in extreme distress, also at Number Four, and other places, by reason of the great number of Indians that appear there. Upon the advice I had about a fortnight ago, I sent up three troops of horse, as a most expeditious way for a present relief; but there is great inconvenience in this, owing to a want of forage, and they must soon be discharged. The danger there is of the enemy's being masters of these im- portant places, I must desire you to provide for their immediate protei 104 Attempt on Fort Massachusetts. [1746. and scalp Elias Nims, and wound Gershon Hawks. They had laid an ambush of part of their number to cut off the retreat to the fort of any who might attempt it ; and though the am- bush rose to carry their plan into execution, were prevented by a sharp fire from the fort. They took Benjamin Taintor cap- tive, but he returned not >g after. He was son of Deacon Simon Taintor of Westborough. Near one hundred of the ani- mals belonging to the English and Dutch are killed by this party of Indians, some of whom lost their lives, but how many is not known. The body of one is found a few days after, buried in the bank of the river; also some long cords were found, judged to have been brought along by which to lead captives. On the same day Hugh Morrison, of Colerain, reported to the General Court of Massachusetts that he had built a good, defensible block-house at his own charge, and also "a garrison round his h< jse." He requested to be reimbursed, because these works were a pvblic benefit. The court thought so too, and ordered the committee which had been appoi:ited to ereft block-houses in the county of Hamshire, to adjust the matter. June 12. Captain Arthur Savage, "late of Pemaquid," reported thi;t he had expended upon the fort there £1 136 qj. lid. more than the court had granted him. £284 2f, bd. was voted him on the 25th following, "includu.;? £100, part of £300 formerly granted and not received." June 16. Mr. Joseph Swett* is shot from his horse while riding along the road near Blanchard's, in North Yarmouth. He belonged to Falmouth. Blanchard's was where Captain Andrew Blanchard lived afterward. June 19. Number Four was for a long time a point of great * In another account Swett'i Christian Aame it given John^ and hii death June 17. tmi^f^i^^wm>TK^«'V¥''r'.« 1746'] InJiiins repulsed at Number Four. 105 attraction to the enemy, and as it stood in the way of their excursions to the settlements below, they seemed deter- mined to destroy it; hence at this time they came against it in strong force, though their exa6t number is not known. While the enemy lay in ambush about the fort, Capt. Phinehas Stevens, the commander of the post, and Capt. Josiah Brown, from Sudbury, went out with about fifty men to a meadow; they became aware of the presence of Indians by the uneasi- ness cf their dogs, and rightly judged that they were waylaying a certain causey where they were to pass. Capt. Stevens made his approach accordingly. As the English were cautiously pro- ceeding, one of Capt. Brown's men discovered an Indian and fired upon him, whereupon the ambush arose, and a sharp engagement ensued, and with much '^'■'stinacy, till several of the enemy had fallen, and were dragged off by their com- panions. They then scattered in the neighboring woods, leav- ing behind them one gun, eight blankets, a scalp, and other things. Capt. Stevens lost none of his men in the fight, but Jedidiah Winchell was mortally wounded, and died about four- teen days after. David Parker, Jonathan Stanhope, and Cornet Heaton i^ere wounded also, but recovered. Stanhope belonged to Sudbury. His wound was in the elbow, which disabled him from labor and government allowed him a pension of four pounds per annum. About thirteen years afterwards he had a further allowance of one pound per annum in addition. * I •"They received the toss of no men, but four or five wounded. They sent forty of the men to carry the wounded men to the fort, and the rest maintained the fight and stood them manfully. After the fight was over they found where they drew off several dead Indians into a swamp. They o sent down a troop of men to guard Mr. Doolittle ^nd Dr. Williams to cut off 'he arm of one of their men [ Stanhope ? ] that was sore wounded." Deacon Nr-ih Wrigkf$ Journal, in N. E. Hitt. and Gen. Reg., II, ao8. Mr. Doolittle is the same as is mentioned ante, p. lo. io6 People killed at Sheepscott. [1746. From another source it appears that Capt. Stevens was pro- ceeding from his fort in search of horses belonging to his men, when the Indians were discovered, to the number of one hundred and fifty, as was supposed. The English had the advantage of the first fire. Finding they were getting the worst of it, the Indians fled into a swamp, and the English did not think it prudent to pursue them ; and they did not explore the battle ground until the next day, when they found traces of Indians killed to the number of ten or twelve. The blankets, swords, hatchets, and other things found there, were sold for j£40, "a large booty from such a beggarly crew." - - , i i June 22. Seven persons are killed at Sheepscott ; namely, three men, two women, and two children, and a girl is taken captive, as they were at work in a field within a few rods of the garrison. * -'■* 4 CHAPTER VII. , , i DIARY OF DEPREDATIONS (continued). Return of Pepperrell xnd Warren from Louisbourg — Ceremoniei thereupon — Attack on Bridg - man's Fort — People killed ut Rochetter — Fight at Hinidaic — Capt. Route's Failure — Capt. Drake's Expedition — David Morrison lost — Losses at Number Four — The Six Na- tions — Depredation at Winchester— At Contoocook — At North Yarmouth — At Northfield — At Concord, N. H. — At Black Point — At Shatluck's Fort — At Paquage — Siege and Capture of Fort Massachusetts — French Account of the same — Mohawks at Crown Point — Constant Bliss killed — Depredation at Deerfield — New Casco — Pemaquid — Schodac — Saratoga — Saco — Swi«el Cans ordered for Garrisons — A Scalp brought to Boston — SubjeA of Exchange of Prisoners agitated — Capt. Gorham's Expedition — A French Armada on the Coast — Its Disasters. UT amidst the continual alarms from attacks of the enemy upon the fron- tiers, it was announced in Boston that the admiral and general were coming up the harbor. They appear to have been expe£ted about this time from Louisbourg, and nothing was omitted on the part of the in- /\ . ; ■ .. habitants to do them honor. They came in a fifty-gun ship, the Chester, Captain Richard Spry, with a blue flag at the mizzen topmast, \^hich denoted tha^ the Admiral of the Blue was on board. The General Court was in session, and undertook to take suitable action to receive the conquerors, but the excitement seems to have caused a hasty adjournment, leaving their pro- ceedings quite incomplete, and Mr. Secretary Cotton probably forgot to write up his journal after the excitement was over. However, we finii that Mr. Speaker Hutchinson was appointed ■■ i' . h } 1 08 Commanders from Louisbourg. [1746. to welcome the commanders, who seem, somehow, to have gotten into the council chamber of the court-house before the court was ready for them, when tuc following ceremonies occurred: The Speaker said, "y/fi/m/rfl/ Warren and Sir William Pepperrell: "The House of Representatives of this Province have a high sense of the service you have done for his Majesty's Sub- je£ls in general, and for the People of Nnv England in par- ticular: And it is with the greatest Pleasure they embrace this happy Opportunity of acknowledging it. **In their Name and by their Order I Congratulate you on your safe Arrival in the Province, and most heartily bid you welcom. • "To which Admiral Warren repli'd; • >t! \ m % \ 1746.] Surprise near Fort Dummer. 109 *'Mr. Speaker, " / am obliged to this honourable House for the great Resped they have shown me : They may depend upon my Zeal and Service while I live for the Colonies in general^ and this Province in par- ticular. V ' "Sir William Pepperrell also said as follows, "Mr. Speaker, *' / am heartily obliged to the honourable House for the RespeH they have shown me ; and I hope I shall be always ready to risque my Life and Fortune for the Good of my dear native Country." June 24. About twenty Indians make an attack on Bridg- man's Fort,* about two miles below Fort Dummer, and since in the to\^n of Vernon, Vermont. They killed William Rob- bins and James Barker of Springfield, wounded Michael Gil- son and Patrick Ray, and took Daniel How and John Beaman, of Northfield, captive, who not long after returned, and the wounded men recovered. Before they secured Beaman he shot one of the Indians, killing him outright. How was son of Daniel How, and nephew of Nehemiah How, who died in captivity, as already noticed under October 11, 1745. It ap- pears that the men killed, wounded, and taken, were at work in a meadow at some distance from the fort, when they were surprised by the enemy, Belknap gives the names of the men quite different from Doolittle, whose account is followed. Belknap says How killed the Indian, that James Baker was killed, and that John Beaman was taken. And Nehemiah How records in his journal, that on the 7th of July (1746) John * A little below Bridgman's Fort, at a place called Cold Spring. fFrigkt^t yournsl. i ':■< ^^^p^ no till Rochester People killed. [1746. Betnan, of Northiield, was brought to Quebec, and that How arrived there on the loth of February following.* "On the 1 8th of July Lieut. Falaise brings into Montreal an Englishman named John Bimant, taken on the ist instant at Northfils, fourteen miles above Dierfils, by a party of Indians belonging to the Sauk" [St. Louis]. t At his examination Beaman did not fail to represent the pre- parations of the English to take Canada on a scale which caused the French very great alarm. He told them the English army designed against Fort St. Frederick consisted of thirteen thousand men and fifteen hundred Mohawk Indians. This probably did not exceed the will if it did the power of the people. He told them the English were determined to perse- vere till Canada was taken, and that the King of England had promised to support the colonists till they had effe(fted it. June 27. A party of Indians came to Rochester, in New Hampshire, on the westerly side of the northern branch of Pascataqua river, about twenty-two miles above Portsmouth, where, discovering five men at work in a field, having their guns within reach, the Indians cunningly induced the English to discharge all their guns at once, by firing one of their own. Having thus in efFeft rendered the English harmless, they rushed upon them before they could reload their pieces. They retreated to a small deserted house, securing the door after them. The Indians mounted the roof, broke through it, and ;k •' ' • Feb. 15th [174^]. My nephew, Daniel How, and six more, were brought down from Montreal to Quebec, viz : John Sunderland, John Smith, Richard Smith, William Scott, Philip Scofil, and Benjamin Tainter. Hovi'i Narrative, ai. Philip Scaffield died on the 7th of April following. Ibid. ■f French account in N. Y. Col. Docs., X, 5 1 ; but the dates do not correspond, allowing even for the diflvrence of style. If the French date is right, the people were killed and taicen on June zo, which i«, indeed, according to Taylor. ■jfejttfefetoijiig'igjqa ^^ I If* iiitflrri m trr" ■*■!'■ ^tf - ' 1746.] Ftgibi at Hinsdale, III with their guns and tomahawks killed Joseph Heard, Jos«,ph Richards,* John Wentworth, and Gershom Downs. John Richards they wounded and took prisoner. They then crossed the river, where, uf>on another road, they found some men in a field, but all of these escaped. They secured one prisoner, a boy named Jonathan Door, whom they caught sitting upon a fence. In little less than a month the Indians arrived at Qu*;- bec with Richards and the boy. The former was kindly used by his captors, and his wounds cured, ai.d after some eighteen months he was sent to Boston under a flag of truce. The boy Door remained among the Indians some fourteen years, but returned after the conquest of Canada, having fully acquired the habits and language of the Indians. At Montreal Richards underwent a close examination, from whom much information was elicited as to the great preparations being made by the English to subdue Canada, more than corroborating the large statements of Beaman. He returned home not long after, and lived to an advanced age, dying in Rochester in 1793. July 3. A small party of Indians formed themselves into an ambush at Col. Hinsdale's mill, in Hinsdale, N. H., about thirty-eight miles above Northampton. The inhabitants for some miles around were obliged to club together and perform guard duty whenever they wanted their corn ground. At this time Colonel Willard went with a guard of about twenty men to the mill, and, mistrusting an ambush, warily proceeded to discover it, in which he proved himself more alert than the Indians, for he discovered and routed the ambush, obliging ♦ Aujust I. Lieut. Chitelain. of Three was taken prisoner by a party of Abanalcit Rivers, arrived [.vt Montreal] with the twenty-three days ago, near Rochetter. Englishman nimed John Richard, who N. Y. Col. Dotumems, X, 54. p^p mmmBBm. 112 Ci)p£. Rous' s Disaster. [1746. them to fly, leaving their packs behind them. The plunder thus secured ihe captors sold for .£40, old tenor. The better to deceive the enemy, probably, the English com- menced grinding in the mill before falling upon them, and although the Indians fired upon Willard's party, with great resolution the major ordered his men "to fire and fall on," which they promptly did, and thus causing them to fly in dis- may. Of the major's party only one man was wounded, whose , name was Moses Wright, two of his fingers being shot ofF. July 10. Captain Rouse having been dispatched to the ' island St. John (since Prince Edward's), to take off the French inhabitants, a party of his men, going on shore, are fallen upon by a large body of Indians, who kill and take twenty-eight of them;'*' meantime the inhabitants escape into the woods, and . thus the object of the expedition is d-feated. Rouse had with him several small vessels, which were magnified, in the French accounts, into frigates of twenty-four guns and a transport of seven hundred tons and twenty men. The English landed at Port Lajoie, now Port Joy, near the mouth of York river. The number of Indians who surprised the English was two hundred. They were Micmacs, and under the leadership of M. Croisille de Montesson. "They killed or made prisoners of all of them except a few who escaped by swimming" to their vessels. The English had on shore, "in a park, a quantity of oxen and other cattle," which they had procured for provisions. These the Indians killed for their own usc.f But few of the names of Rouse's men are found, and these * American Magazine, and Douglass, in this year { and, indeed, in the greater Neither Hutchinion nor Holmes mention part of the period of this war. this unfortunate affair. The latter is un- f Paris Documents in Col. History ^ accountably deficient and barren of fa£ts Ncv) TorJt, X, 57. 1746.1 Prisoners in Canada, "3 were among the prisoners, namely, William Daily, of New York, who died at Quebec December 26th, following ; Richard Bennet, died 27th February, 1 747. He belonged to the Jersits. Samuel Vaughan, died April i8th, ilffj. He belonged to Plymouth, in New England. Wiliiam Prindle died July 4th, 1748. William Norwood, who died July nth, 1748. A soldier of Louisbourg, named Davis, who died Nov. loth, 1746. The following entry in How's journal probably relates to this sad affair: "August 15th, 1746, seven captives, who, with eight more taken at St. John's Island, were brought to prison [at Quebec]. They told us that several were killed after quarters were given, among whom was James Owen, late of Brookfield, in New England." * The same narrator says Robert Downing was brought to prison (at Quebec) September 12th; that he was one of those taken at St. John's; that he was with the Indians two months, and suffered great abuses from them. To secure the Six Nations of Indians on the side of the Eng- lish was thought to be of immense importance. Accordingly Governor Clinton, of New York, had by messengers arranged for deputations of them to come to Albany on the 20th of July. He thereupon notified the governors of all the colonies to send delegates to the conference. An expedition against Canada had been resolved upon, therefore the cooperation of the Indians of those nations was thought indispensable; so much so by the commander-in-chief, Gov. Shirley, that, in his request to the General Court to appoint commissioners, he said he had reason to fear the expedition would fail if their aid was not secured. The result was comniissioners were appointed, * How'i Narrttivt, p. l8. »^>*i. i .li w *ii>«ii r ii ' i y ii l >iy«ii . ■^^^•'^•■vfc- -»feV*»*Wtf>'«*«'9 ■--jte-aMR ne mammmmmmmmmmm mumm 114 Scouts and Ambushes. [1746. 1 although some difficulty was experienced in finding gentlemen to accept the office. The Indians' services, or rather cooperation, was to be secured by presents. For this end the Massachusetts com- missioners were to take with them seven hundred ounces of silver, or an equivalent in gold, which they were to lay out in articles which they should judge suitable for the purpose of presents. . ; ;, July 28. Captain Nathaniel Drake, of Hampton, New Hampshire, with his troop of mounted men, proceeded to scout in and about the woods of Nottingham, where some Indians had been lately seen, but, after ten days' diligent search, none of the enemy were discovered. David Morrison, of Colerain, a young lad, seeing a hawk light on a tree a little distance from his father's fort, went out to shoot it. As he was intent on his object, about a dozen Indians sprang from their hiding places, seized and carried him away captive. Nothing was ever heard of him after. August 2. At the eastward, " the Indians came upon Mr. Proftor's folks, and we hear that they killed one."* August 3. Number Four is again visited by a large body of the enemy. The >' "gs belonging to the garrison gave notice of their vicinity. Early in the morning a few men went out, and near a nursery were fired upon by some Indians in ambush, by which Ebenezer Phillips is killed. Some time after, as a com- pany of men from the fort went to bring in the body of Phillips, the ambuscade rose and fired, as it was said, an hundred guns at them. The English returned the fire, retreating to the fort. * Smith*! Journal. Mr. Willii makes tor wai a ion of John, who wa« executed no note of this in his edition of Smith and at Salem for witchcraft ; that he settled Dtant, but informs us that Samuel Proc- in Portland in 1718, e:| l;||= i w iiii*ii ni—in»nii iiiiii i i i ii m ii inw »« a >w ff ii> w * i i ,i i tiii ii « mm % W( f 0M tt$ i »ll lill 1746. Surprise at Winchester. "5 The Indians besieged it till the next day, the men not being sufficiently strong to make a successful sally. Meantime the enemy killed all the cattle, burnt all the buildings, and drew off at leisure. August 6. About thirty Indians came to Winchester, N. H., waylaid the road, and, as six of the white people were passing, fired upon them, killing and scalping Joseph Rawson, and slightly wounding Amasa Wright. This depredation is thus circumstantially narrated by Deacon Wright: **At Winchester, across the waj', over against Be- nainon( ?) meeting-house, lay an ambush, as is supposed of about twenty Indians; and several of our men had business to pass by, not knowing of the ambush, while the Indians fired on them and shot two of them. One of them, named Roger [Rawson] killed, the other, named Amasa Wright, being on« leg shot through, [and] part of his neck \ recovered himself, got up and made his escape with the rest of the men. The Indians fired thick after them, but they all got off alive only said Roger [Rawson]. " About the same time a small number of Indians ambushed the road at the Lower Ashuelot, and a number of our men were passing along that way. Just as they came near the Indians they turned out of the path, and the Indians seeing them, supposed they were discovered, and that the English were surrounding them, rose up and fled through thick and thin ; and then our men saw them flying, gave them chase, but the Indians outran them and escaped j and there was no j^/7/ dunne on nary side." Joseph Rawson was son of John Rawson, of Uxbridge, grandson of the Rev. Grindal Rawson, the well known preacher to the Indians, and great-grandson to the old secretary, ^^1 H|i| I ^^ m ' ii6 Massacre near Concord. [1746. Edward Rawson, Esq.*^ Joseph's father received the wages due his sun, the following March, from the treasurer of the colony. The same day the attack was made upon Winchester, two men were made prisoners at Contocook and carried off*. August 9. Philip Grecly is killed at North Yarmouth ; some thirty Indians were seen secreted in a gully waiting an opportunity to surprise Wear's garrison, but Ir was saved by the barking of the dogs. August II. At Northfield, as Benjamin Wright, a young man, was riding in the woods to bring the cows home, he was shot and mortally wounded. He kept on his horse, which brought him into the town, but he died the following night, about one o'clock. The ball passed through him, coming out of the opposite shoulder from the side where it entered. The same day Hve soldiers fell into an ambush on the road between Concord and Hopkinton, and are all killed. There were about one hundred Indians it was said. The killed were Jonathan Bradley of Exeter; Samuel Bradley and Obadiah Peters, of Concord ; John Bean, of Brentwood ; John Luf kin, of Kingston ; Alexander Roberts,! of Brentwood, and William Stickney, of Concord, were made prisoners. Four Indians were killed, and two mortally wounded. August 13. Two Frenchmen and an Indian fire on Mr. Allen Dover, as he is passing ^^ through the bog, from Black Point, but miss him. He fired twice on his assailants, and thought he killed one of them." August 15. A number of Indians approached to the neigh- borhood of Shattuck's fort,^ and fired upon four men, but • See CoUt. N. H. Hist. Soc., Ill, 74. J Miicalled, on » map of the time, f N. E. Hitt. tmd Gen. Rtg., Ill, 303. Skannak't (oft. 1746] Siege of Fort Massachusetts. '17 fortunately missed them. A few days before they hung up a wliite flag JM sight of the fort, intending it probably as a decoy. August 1 7. At Winchester, John Simmons, bring at some distance from the fort, was shot at by several Indians, who missed him. He turned and Bred upon them, dropping on*. On visiting the spot afterwards, the English found blood upon the ground, and one blanket. I'hey therefore concluded the owner of the blanket was killed.* August 17. Mr. Ezekiel Wallingford is killed near his gar- rison, at a place called Paquage, Pequaig, Pequioug, etc., wh'ch is in the present town of Athol. He discovered the enemy and ran for the fort, but was shot down before reaching it. His scalp was t.'.ken and borne off in triumph. About the same time a messenger was dispatched to Boston from Number Four, who informed the governor of the /V/ state of that place. The governor, apprehending it of great im- portance, and not to be quitted but upon absolute necessity, thereupon ordered a troop of horse to Number Four, " to carry as great a quantity of provisions as they conveniently canj" that no part of the forces be withdrawn, except the former troops } and that upon their return, together with the company of fifty men with dogs, be direded to guard off as many of the women and children as may conveniently leave the place." August 20. Fort Massachusetts, on the Hoosac river, near the north-west corner of the province, was invested yesterday by a body of French and Indians, headed by Gen. Rigaud de Vaudreuil. His army consisted of about seven or eight hundred men, while the fort contained only twenty-two men, three women, and five children;. f Of the men, but eight were in * Dtacon ff^rigbt's Journal. but accaunti dii&r ai to the nuinber, a* \ Th'u it according to Dr. Lnuglau, will be teen. '^fiwmsiiimmm ii8 Fort Massachusetts taken. [1746. 1 If- f health and able to do full duty. And then they were nearly destitute jf ammunition, having but some three or four pounds of powder, and about as much in weight of lead. The garri- son was in command of Sergeant John Hawks. When Vaudreuil had kept up the siege about twenty-four hours he sent in a flag to demand the surrender of the fort. Hawks consulted with his men, who, in view of their desperate situa- tion, thought It their most prudent course to surrender on the best terms they could get. In these Vaudreuil was very liberal. Ail in the fort were to be well used, and exchanged as soon as it could be brought about. None of the captives were to be delivered to the Indians; and that the sick, and such as were not able to travel, should be carried. Yet it was said that half of the captives were the next day delivered to the Indians, who the next night "killed one of the sick men rather than carry ' him," and there was "one man kili-d in the fight," which was the extent of their loss up to the time of their commencing their march for Canada. ' ' .. . . • It was more than a month before all of this forlorn company . arrived at Quebec ; then twenty-three at one time entered the prison there.* They reported to their fellow prisoners already there, that two were killed when the fort was taken, namely, Thomas Knowlton and Josiah Read. The names of the twenty-three, as recorded on their arrival at Quebec, are these : The Rev. John Norton, the chaplain; John Hawks, John '*' Thii was the number reported, and including women and children, probably. li^.,* r »i . ii4 n iw»«»i'*». i » > .i.wili O km 1746.] Captives of Fort Massachusetts. 119 Smead,* wifef and six children, John Perry and wife,| Moses Scott, wife§ and two children, Samuel Goodman,]] Jonathan Bridgman,! Nathan Eames,** Joseph Scott, Amos Pratt,ft Benjamin Sinconds [Simonds], Samuel Lovet,|| David Warren, and Phineas Furbush.§§ On the ist Odtcber, Jacob Shepard,||]] of Westborough, taken at Hoosuck, arrived, and on the 5th of October, Nathaniel Hitchcock,^]^ John Aldrich, and Stephen Scott were brought in. The captives, even those with the Indians, acknowledged that they were generally kindly treated, "according to their manner," that is, according to the manner of the Indians. After the enemy had taken and plundered the fort, they burnt it, thus taking revenge for their severe loss of men, instead of murdering their prisoners ; for it appears to have been currently reported, and fully credited, that Vaudreuil and his Indian allies lost forty-five of their numbers during the siege, which, considering the weakness of the garrison, is rather incredible. The chaplain found an opportunity, before leaving the fort. • 1; I ♦ According to How. vt. 'i. iie died April 8th, 1747} but according to Nor- ton, p. 3, John Smead, Jr., died April 8th, 1747. Both doubtless refer to the tame person. As it will be seen, John the elder was redeemed, but killed at home. See 19th Oftober, 1747. \ She died on the aSth af March fol- lowing. Her youngest child was born the second night after she was taken. Hoiv. Her they named Capti-viiy. She died at the age of about nine months, at J^uebec. J She dhi December 23d, following, •nd the youngest child February loth. g She died December nth, following. II He died on the 13d March, follow- ing. He belonged to South Hadley. ^ Belonged to Sunderland, died in cap- tivity, July list, 1747. ** He was of Marlborough. Died No\'. 17th, following. If He died on lath of April, following. JJ He was son o*' Major Lovet, of Mendon, and died January 23, following. §1 He died in captivity, July i6th, 1747; belonged to Westborough. nil He died May 30th, 1747. ''A pious young man." TfT[ He died in piiton, at Quebec, May aad, following (1747^. ^fsmmmmmmmmmmmgmm ■ 1 20 Captives of Fort Massachusetts. [ 1 746. to write a letter, which he dated August 20th, 1 746, and placed upon the well-crotch, of the following purport : '* These ai e to inform you that yesterday, about nine of the clock, we were besieged by, as they say, seven hundred French and Indians, They have wounded two men, and killed one Knowlton. The General De Vaudreuil desired capitulations, and we were so distressed that we complied with his terms. We are the French's prisoners, and have it under the general's hand, that every man, woman and child shall be exchanged for French prisoners."* -,.-':: In the course of the following year the most of the captives found their way back to New England. Some by way of France, and some by the West Indies, and some through the wilderness. Imprisonment was so irksome to many of them that they were ready to accept of any change. A number of them arrived at Newport, in Rhode Island, about the ist of May, 1747, from the West Indies. From them it appears that when Fort Massachusetts was invested there were only twenty-two men in it, including the commander. Sergeant Hawks, and the chaplain before mentioned ; that of these one- half was sick of dysentery. Consequently they were dispirited, and too feeble to defend themselves. That the force of Vaudreuil consisted of five hundred French and three hundred Indians; yet by noon of the second day the English had lost but one man,t and two wounded. At this point a parley was entered into. The enemy displayed their means for capturing the fort, as axes, hoes, spades, a quantity of facines ready cut, * Mr. Norton speaks of the termi of \ Thomas Knowlton, shot in the watch capitulation in hit Redeemed Captive, and tower before mentioned. Hit place of of this letter, but he does not give the let- residence is not mentioned, but he was son ter, for the reason, no doubt, that he kept of J^xieph Knowlton, who some time after no copy of it. See ArriNDix, £. received the wages due his son when killed. >i '*; ■'■^JP-VfT' "*!!* 1746.] Fort Massachusetts. 121 and a number of grenades ; that if they now surrendered they should all be exchanged the first opportunity ; which, as they had ammunition to last them " but a few minutes," if the attack was contii#fed, the terms were accepted. They encamped the following night near the ruins of the fort. These captives give a more favorable account of their treat- ment than that at first reported. By these it does not appear that the sick man who died the first night after the surrender, was killed, but died of his malady. All th' rest arrived in seven days at Crown Point, and in better he;i i.han when they sur- rendered. The French account of the sacking of Fort Massachusetts sheds some new light on that important event, big with so much suffering and anguish, not only to the immediate victims, but to their numerous relations and friends, who, though they escaped the horrors of Indian captivity, suffered a long mental agony from the harrowing thoughts of what was daily occur- ring to those friends in the hands of barbarians. .;>;< The expedition started from Montreal on the 3d of August, under the conduit of " Monsieur de Rigaud de Vaudreuil, town major of Three Rivers." Under him were *'two captains,* one lieutenant, three ensigns, two chaplains, one surgeon, ten cadets of the regulars, eighteen militia officers, three volunteers, and about four hundred colonists and three hundred Indians. They attacked a fort on the Kakekoutef river, near Brockfil, containing a garrison of twenty-two men, with three women and five children. After a fight of twenty-six hours, and the loss of one killed and several wounded in the fort, the garrison surrendered. M. de Rigaud was wounded by a shot in the • The name of one of them was De Sabrevois. N. T. Col. Docs., X. 65. That of the other does not appear. f The fart was on a branch of the Hoocuc river, which is doubtless the river meant. Q ,.H!;f*'i»'g|<>i- i Ill: J. J|. J .. «L,U'S-». L'-i 1. 1' IW.LH' I * t>.' (M.i '. W. H^ f iMi'imitm'Ji' n lilt I I 122 French Report. [1746. right arm, and three of his Indians killed ; four Frenchmen and eleven Indians were wounded. The party set fire to all the houses and grain within a space of fifteen leagues, with barns, mills, churches, tanneries, etc." This is substantially according to the English account. From an improved version of the French narrative, compiled later, it is said: "The fort was attacked on the morning of the 30th of August. [Thus agreeing with the English as to time, allowing for the difference of the manner of dating.] They had been on their march ten days. Three women and five children were found in it. The loss on the part of the English was not ascertained, as they had buried all their dead save one. The French loss was one man killed and twelve wounded. Sieur Rigaud was among the latter. The fort was burnt on the same day, and the prisoners having stated that a reinforcement was to arrive from Dierfil, Sieur Rigaud detached sixty Iroquois and Abenakis on the route they were to come. These Indians having met this reinforcement, which consisted of only nineteen men, defeated it, and brought in four prisoners only, all the remainder having been killed. " After this expedition Sieur de Rigaud ordered the pillage, and all the settlements were burnt and sacked, and the harvest laid waste within a circle of twelve to fifteen leagues. Only fifty-six prisoners were, however, made in this foray, almost all the settlers having had time to take refuge in Boston, Deirfil, and Orange." [Albany.] Thus was the French government treated to an account of the Fort Massachusetts affair, with scarcely any likeness to the true original. It was made intentionally false, and displays a wonderful want of knowledge in everything which a<£tually took place, as well as in geography. ^■^.i..?i'i-^u;»,..iui»»'ji-.':tiii.Aj;.'i'iJ=j»iJi«iM;;jt-. j^.\^ 1746.] Gov. Shirley on the Situation. 123 After detailing the Sieur Marin's expedition of the i6th of November, 1 745 — in the same strain of exaggeration — the writer remarks, that since that foray, "twenty-seven detachments of Indians had been formed, with a certain number of Canadians always at their head, to make incursions on the enemy's flanks, and not one of them had returned with- out killing or capturing some persons. The number of prison- ers was, at the date of the departure of the ships from Quebec, about two hundred and eighty." But the most important expedition of them all was that against Fort Massachusetts, just detailed.* When an account of the capture of Fort Massachusetts reached Boston, the General Court being in session. Governor Shirley, in a message to the House of Representatives, dated, Province House, September 3d, 1746, communicates the fol- lowing remarks, just and applicable in this connection : "You may make a judgment of the unspeakable benefit it would be to this province to have the French dislodged from Crown Point, by the calamitous state of the western frontiers, and especially in the late tragedy at Massachusetts Fort, now burnt down by the enemy, and all the garrison, as well as the women and children, either put to the sword or carried into captivity ; the terror of which has reached so far as Northamp- ton, where the enemy have plundered divers houses, and destroyed a considerable number of cattle, all of which you will be informed of by a letter I received last night from Major Williams, which will likewise be laid before you. **It may be remembered by some of you, that in the former wars, when the Indians were more numerous, and our inhabit- ants in those parts few and weak, that the Indians never made * See N. T. Col. Dttumtnts, X, 76, 77. ' ; rir p --^ ^^ il i' m ! 3 m. i ^il r 124 Afi?» /^//W ^Z Colerain. [1746. such frequent incursions upon them, and very rarely in such great bodies as they have done in this war, which must be principally attributed to the advantage they have of issuing out of a fort so near our borders, where they are furnished with necessary provisions and ammunition, and to which place they retreat with their prisoners and booty." Of course, wi.-n the governor's message was delivered, nothing was known respecting the fate of the garrison, only that all had been carried away captives, and the fort burnt. The great anxiety that prevailed concerning the fate of those captives, is difficult now to be realized ; scalping, maiming, starvation, and horrid deaths by torture, harrowed the sleepless nights of numerous friends in various parts of the province, and increased a desire to be rid of such troublesome neighbors; and this desire soon ripened to a determination of an intensity equal, at length, to the sacrifice required. Near the end of this month (August) it was reported that three Mohawks had killed the officer of the French garrison at Crown Point, and another person, as they were walking in the garden attached to the fort. These they scalped and brought their scalps to Schenegtade^ intending to present them to the governor.* Sixteen other Indians of the same tribe went towards Montreal with a design to seize some of the French, with a view to bring them to Albany, but what success they met with is not reported. August 22. As about ten men were going from Deerfield to Colerain, two or three Indians having secreted themselves near the road, fired upon and shot down Constant Bliss, a * It ie to this ai&ir that the French 1746), amounted r.> .ome Mohegang officer refers, no doubt, in his record at {Loups) scalping a soldier belonging to the Montreal : '• All the expeditions of our garrison at Fort St. Frederick, who had enemies have, up to this time (3 August, gone out unarmed. A^. 7'. CoJ.Docs.,X,^^. Kntj'.iL:.iit.m*'- ■^.'.>-'^'j4:..iii .i.iy.i . ■ .\ ■ i. - , ,: f.;. , ,.j' . . .■■....>i ■ .^:/.:.i,.. ■■ ..^,±A^<.A,.... 1. -If. f M l III f. ^smmSSz' 1746.] Surprise at Deerjield. 125 goldier from Colchester, in Connedticut, his companions flying from the place as fast as they were able. The Indians found a quantity ^f rum those men had left, and, after scalping the dead man, got drunk, and in their bewilderment wandered to the vicinity of the garrisons at Colerain, and there slept till the next morning (as they confessed afterwards), where, had they been discovered, they might have easily been dispatched. August 25. About forty* of the army which had reduced the fort at Hoosuc, stealthily approached Deerfield, about thirty miles easterly of the former, *'not being satisfied with the spoil," made at that place. They came first upon a hill at the south-west corner of the South Meadow, where v/ere ten or twelve men .^nd children at work, in a situation in which they might all with ease have been made prisoners — their design being to take prisoners. But this objeft was frustrated, and the affair ended much more tragically than perhaps it otherwise would. It eventuated thus : Mr, Eleazar Hawks was out that morning fowling, and was at the foot of the hill when the Indians were coming down into the meadow. Seeing him they supposed they were discovered, and thereupon shot and scalped him. This alarmed the people in the meadow, being distant but a few rods from Mr. Hawks when he fell ; it also prompted the Indians to aft quickly, which they did, killing Simeon Amsden, a lad, whom they scalped and beheaded. Mr. Samuel * Taylrr says there were fifty, and Doolittle sets them r.i thirty. But the French account is as follows : " Sixty Abenakis belonging to this force, went, afler the fight [at Hoosuc] to lie in wait for twenty Englishmen who were to come to the said fort, according to the report of the prisoners } but, not meeting with ii m\\vi iMNM 126 People killed at Deerfield. [ 1 746. Allen, John Sadler, and Adonijah Gillet, of Colchester, ran a few rods, and then made a stand under the bank of the river, meeting their savage pursuers with bravery, but were soon overpowered by numbers. Allen and Gillet were soon dis- patched, but Sadler succeeded in running across the river, and thus made his escape "amidst a shower of bullets." Mean- time some pursued Oliver Amsden, stabbed and killed him, after having his hands cut to pieces in trying to defend himself against the enemies' knives. At the same time, three children of the name of Allen (all living in 1793) l>ci"g pursued, one of them, named Eunice, was struck down by a blow of a toma- hawk, "which was sunk into her head," but wlio'ii the enemy in their haste omitted to scalp. She afterwards recovered. Caleb Allen, another of the children, made his escape, and the third, Samuel, was taken prisoner, the only captive obtained on this memorable and sad day to Deerfield. The guns and commotion in the meadow at once raised the town. "Capt. Hopkins, commander of the standing guard," and Capt. Clesson, with a body of the inhabitants, with as much speed as possible, pursued on after the murdering party, but could not overtake them. Two dead Indians were after- wards found near where Allen and Gillet were killed, supposed to have been killed by them before they fell. It was said, at the time, that but for the delay of the guard in the town, the enemy might have been cut off" before they could have gotten out of the meadow. The men had been so heedless in firing guns at all times, that when guns of alarm were fired, they were not heeded. 4 The enemy reached Crown Point August 31st, about noon, with their six scalps displayed in a triumphant manner, including that of Constant Bliss, killed August 22d. .,_, , , , . mm 1746-] Depredations at Schodac. 127 August 26. At New Casco, Mr. Richard Stubs is taken and carried to Canada, where he arrived in October following. A soldier was killed when he was taken. The same day John McFarland and his son are severely wounded near Pemaquid fort, and his fine plantation which he had there, entirely laid waste, his cattle all killed, and his build- ings burnt. About the middle of August six men are killed at Scooduck, or Schodac, eight miles below Albany. Another is missing, supposed to be taken captive. Perhaps at the same time, or, it may be, some days earlier, two men are wounded at the same place, "one in the arm, who is like to do well, the other in the neck, which is tho't will prove mortal." The Indians lately* killed four men and took four others prisoners, at Saratoga. Capt. Schuyler, in command of the militia posted there, went out to their assistance, but came near being cut off, and with difficulty retreated to the fort. Had the enemy effected this, it was thought they would have taken the tort. " To which affair in our narrative the following refers, is not very clear: "A party of Abenaquis, headed by Ensign Mon- sigin, who had been detached from Sieur Rigaud's (De Vau- dreuil) party after his attack on Fort Massachusetts, proceeded towards Fort Sarasteau [Saratoga]. They met seventeen soldiers belonging to the garrison, took four of them and scalped four others. The remainder threw themselves precipi- tately into the fort, pursued by our people, who killed some of them."t The following cannot well be reconciled with any known * This account wao published in New date is uncertain. York, September 15, hence the adlual f N. T. Col. Docs., X, 68. m . 1 41 1 H . 11 ' ' I 128 People taken at Saco. [1746. events: "M. de Rigaud has also informed us that several Abenalcies, belonging to his detachment, had set out after his expedition, to make an attack towards Dearfille [Deerfield] and Corsac [Hoosuc?] and have taken fifty-six scalps.* Sept. 6. At Saco one man, Joseph Gordon, is killed, and hi brother, Pike (jordon, is taken captive and carried through the wilderness to Canada, after a month's travel. He reported, on his arriving there, that his brother was killed when he was taken. Just two months after his arrival, namely, on December 6th, he died in prison, of a prevailing sick'^ess which carried oft' a great j.u.iiber of the poor, unfortunate captives. He was sick but eleven days, and all the time delirious. f The accounts from the western frontiers were still full of terror and alarm, insomuch that Governor Shirley recom- mended the sending of a number of swivel guns to be used in all the public forts, and some to be loaned to other exposed garrisons. About the same time an Indian, in the English interest, brought to Boston the scalp of another Indian, probably taken from one killed at Deerfield on the 25th of August. The governor recommended that it might be advisable to grant him some gratuity, but whether any action followed is not known. Strong appeals from captives in Canada frequently found their way to their friends, and through them to the governor, who would gladly have sent flags of truce for their exchange, if he could have done so without putting at hazard the general welfare of far greater numbers. It was of vast importance to follow up the blow which he had dealt the French at Louis- ♦ V. Y. Col Doct., X, 68. Probably f There is a fully detailed account in a great exaggeration. Foltom'i Sac9 and BidtUford, 243-6. 1746.] The French Armada. 129 bourg last year, by a formidable attack upon Canada, already in preparation ; therefore he could not send a flag to the enemy without at the same time conveying intelligence of his prepara- tions. In this judgment all concurred, and the matter was laid aside for the present. ■ About the end of September, Captain Gorham, who com- manded the rangers at Nova Scotia, which consisted of Cape Cod Indians chiefly, with a party of his men went down Annapolis river, and, discovering a number of inhabitants at work in their fields, landed \ secreting his Indians, he went alone among the enemy, feigning to be a Canadian oflicer, and, upon a signal, his Indians sprang from their hiding places and sur- rounded the whole party. The captain's objedl being to gain intelligence, he carried off only a few of the most intelligent. The greatest alarm had prevailed all along the coast of New England, as news was daily brought to Boston that a numerous fleet of fVench ships of war were seen in the neighboring seas. It proved to be a powerful armada under the Duke d'Anville, quite numerous enough to take possession of New England, and to bring all North America under the yoke of France. That such would have been the fate of the country, had it not been for the opposition of the elements, seemed quite probable. But, like the great Spanish armada of 1588, it could not fight against tempests and pestilence, which came to the aid of New England In 1746, as they did to Old England above one hundred and fifty years before. The cases are quite parallel, though New England had no fleet of a hundred ships, with Drakes, Howards, Hawkins, and Frobishers to resist the French in their approach. Yet a vigorous defense was determined upon, and Governor Shirley had called on the inhabitants of ■' ni m ilp ■••w>Ma>iM««WMiMMIMMM ■ <», i(i > i ,4 iiiii . |ii i ^ ; 'I 134 Bounties for Indians and Scalps. [1746. Canada, that if this unchristain and unmanly way of making war was encouraged or suffered to be continued, it should be avenged and retaliated on the inhabitants of the French govern- ments ; and he the said governor, notwithstanding said repre- sentations and warnings, persisting to employ and send out the vassals and dependants of the King his master, French and Indians, who since the commencement of the present war have captivated, destroyed, scalped, mangled and barbarously used great numbers of the good people of this and his Majesty's other governments. "Therefore, for the future safety and protection of the frontiers of this Province, and more efFe£kually to deter the French, and Indians under their direction and influence, from carrying on the war in a way jlv* manner abhorred by christian and civilized nations, and justifiable from the principles of self preservation only; Resolved, that the following bounty be granted and allowed to be paid to such Indians as shall go out by order or direction of this government, to Canada or the borders of Canada, in quest of the enemy, viz, for every male prisoner above twelve years of age, ^640. For every scalp of any male above twelve years of age, that shall be brought as evidence of his death, X38. For every female prisoner, and each male prisoner, under twelve years of age, ,£20. For every scalp of such female or male, under twelve years of age, X19." It was also voted that any Indian setting out on an expedi- tion for prisoners and scalps, be allowed five pounds ; that it was advised some Englishmen should go with the Indians ; such were to receive the same bounty. John Stoddard, Esq., was to have the directing of all such parties, and pay their bounties. In the mean time news was received from the westward by •t' 1 mm^m^^ .. I i* w ijl(j»t| >> |i 't li i^ i ( , II 136 CoL Noble's Disaster. [1747- French were beforehand of them; for M. De Ramesay had already garrisoned Minas, the objeftive point, with a superior force. In his march to that place Noble was surprised in his camp by a superior body of French and Indians, himself and four of his principal officers, and seventy men, are killed, and the rest made prisoners.* But few of the names of those engaged in this disastrous expedition have been met with. Among them is that of William Nason, of Casco Bay. He was taken, carried to Quebec, and died in prison there, June 20th, 1747. March 30. About forty Indians came to Shattuck's fort, between Northfield and Col, Hinsdale's, with a design to burn it. Having prepared faggots of spruce and pitch pine wood with the ends dipped in brimstone, with fire in a kettle covered with a blanket, they crept silently up to the fort in the night, and succeeded in setting it on fire, which burnt down that part of it which stood on the south side of the brook. Im- mediately after the wind changed and blew from the opposite point of the compass, and the soldiers and people within, get- ting into the other part, by the help of the brook and wind, stayed the progress of the flames. The Indians were amazed to see their prospers thus blasted, and soon after retreated. The soldiers fired upon them, breaking the leg of one of the assailants. Captain Daniel Shattuck was the owner of the fort. He removed to Northfield, from Worcester, about 1723, and to Hinsdale about 1736, where he died in 1760, aged sixty- seven. His fort was about one hundred rods east of Connefti- * A minute detail of this affair by the found very clearly detailed in a very able French officers engaged in it ii given in work entitled Memoirs of the Last War N T. Col Docs f X, 91, 9a. A more (London, 1757), pp. 85-89. The Eng- Avorablc account to the English will be lith called the French commander Ramtay. ■.■^i-Ai ■fpp^^pp 1 747-] Block- Houses manned. 137 cut river, one mile south of Fort Hinsdale, and one mile south- east of Fort How, on the west side of the river, and three miles south of Fort Dunner. March 31. Capt. Eleazer Melvin being at Northfield with some of his company, on hearing of the attack on Shattuck's fort, marched at once in pursuit of the enemy. But they had crossed the river, and at Great Meadow were discovered on the opposite side and fired upon, by which one was killed. Melvin then went to Shattuck's ^ort, which was deserted, and burnt the rest of it, to prevent the enemy from having the gratification of doing it, if they should return. At the urgent and frequent solicitations of Gov. Shirley, the General Court passed the following order for the better security and defense of the frontiers- April I, 1747. "Ordered that there be pay and subsistence allowed for a garrison of twenty men to be posted at North- field, and twenty at each of several block-houses to be built four miles distant one from the other, and to extend on a line from Northfield to Townshend; said men to be constantly employed in scouting from one block-house to another; and that there be allowed two swivel guns to each block-house; and that there be pay and subsistence allowed for a garrison of twenty men in the block-house at Fall Town ; * twenty at a new block- house to be built between Fall Town and Colerain ; twenty at Colerain; twenty at the block-house commonly called Fort Shirley ,t twenty at Fort Pelham;J twenty at a new block- house to be built west of said Fort Pelham ; and thirty at a block-house to be built near where Fort Massachusetts stood ; and that two swivel guns be allowed to each block-house, except the two block-houses west of Fort Pelham, which are to be * Since Bernardtton. f Heath, % Rowe. ■ . ■li' 138 Mohawks surprise the French. [i747- allowed one swivel and one four-pounder each ; and scouts con- stantly maintained from one block-house to another, and also west from Fort Massachusetts ; and that a number not exceed- ing ten of the inhabitants of Colerain, and ten of those at Green River, above Deerfield, be kept in pa) of the Province. "And it is further ordered, that pay and subsistence be allowed to thirty men at the block-house on George's river, near the fort there ; and also pay and subsistence to three hundred and seventy men for the defense of the eastern frontier from Berwick to Damarascotty ; and that His Excellency be desired to cause one hundred and fifty of said three hundred and seventy to be employed for the defense of the frontier from Berwick to Pesumpscot river, and two hundred and twenty from said Pesumpscot river to Damarascotty ; and that of said three hundred and seventy there be one hundred and fifty of such of the inhabitants as are so exposed to the enemy as to be unable to support themselves by their labor, the pay and sub- sistence of the aforesaid forces, both for the eastern and west- ern frontiers, to continue till the first of July. Said forces to be inclusive of those already on the frontiers." April 3. A company of Mohawks were sent out from the Mohawk Castle towards Crown Point by Col. Johnson, in pursuance of orders from Gov. Clinton. The following is Johnson's report of the doings of the party which was led by Lieut. Walter Butler, Junior.* "They went to Crown Point, where they lay two days upon a hill, from whence they had a good view of the fort. They discovered nothing except two large canoes full of men, that they saw go from the fort towards Albany ; and, by the shouting the men made as they left the fort, it was concluded they were going to scalp. The third day the * Documents, Colonial History of New York, VI, 343, 344. 1747.] Mohawks surprise the French, 139 party came down from the hill and divided into two parties, one of which consisted of thirteen men came upon the track of several persons going towards the garrison ; they pursued them till they got within half a mile of the fort, when they dis- covered a party of the garrison resting on a fallen tree, and were employed in beating and dressing touchwood, which they had found in the woods where they had been upon the patrol. Our thirteen Indians took the opportunity of approaching under a bank. By the advantage of the bank they got very near the French without being discovered, and found that the enemy consisted of twenty-seven soldiers and three Indians. Our Indians fired upon them and killed three ; whereupon the enemy flew to their arms and returned the fire briskly, but without any execution. Our Indians having loaded again, gave them a second volley, killed one more and wounded three ; upon which the enemy retreated, but one of their officers brought them back to their ground again, and then they fought smartly, and the chief of our Indians was wounded through the breast and one arm, and another slightly on the knee. Upon this, it is said, our Indians, enraged, fought more like dcvik than men. One of our Indians run up (on observing one of the French Indians presenting his piece) within ten yards of him, and dis- charged his piece loaded with swan shot, into his breast, upon which he fell down dead; the other two French Indians, on this, run for it. This discouraged the French so much that they all likewise fled towards the fort, except two officers and a sergeant, who continued fighting bravely till they all three fell. Part of our Indians, in the meantime, pursued those that fled till they came within musket-shot of the fort, and say they saw nine wounded men carried into the garrison by the others. They then returned to the place of action, but observing a .).v^-«^w.ff»»)i««!UiiMatt(«tMr'ji»:ai»W •AAMc -vUMMliriMllW- . „.— u:j iif.{ -tiig- , II lit » 1 i. 'i I 140 Attack on Number Four. party from the garrison coming after them, they had only time to take six scalps. The enemy pursued them closely two days, till they came to the lake from whence a river issues that runs towards the Mohawk Castle, One of the French officers, the Indians say, Was a young man dressed in blue, with a broad gold lace, who fovtght with undaunted courage till he was grievously wounded, and then called out for quarters in the Indian language ; but, perceiving his wounds were mortal, they dispatched him. This is considered the gallantest action per- formed by the Indians since the commencement of the present war." The party returned to their head-quarters on the 24th of the same month. This expedition is thus noticed in the French accounts: ** We learn (May 7th) by a courier just arrived from Montreal, that in the la;.t days of April a party of Mohawks and English had fallen on twenty-one French scouts near Fort St. Frederic, and killed and scalped five of them. Sieur Laplante, an officer, had been very badly treated on that occasion, having received seven gunshot wounds. This unfortunate occurrence was the result of too much confidence on the part of the French, who have been surprised." * The Sieur Laplante was doubtless the officer in blue with gold lace trimmings, just mentioned in Johnson's report. April 7. Number Four had been abandoned some time pre- vious to this, and was taken possession of by Capt. Phinehas Stevens and about thirty men, who were employed in ranging the wilderness to intercept parties of the enemy. They had had possession but a short time before an army of French and Indians under Mons. Debeline appeared before it. Meantime Stevens had strengthened the fort and took every precaution to * Colonial Documents before cited, X, 96. ■ ' rt ' T " • ' Ml ' nli-| [ iiiiliii II ••^rmm ^mmmimmmi 1747.] French repulsed at Number Four. 141 prevent surprise. Debeline and his men attacked the place with much confidence, shooting fire arrows, running up car- riages by long poles, loaded with faggots, to set fire to the log fort ; but Stevens " had dug trenches from under the fort, about a yard outwards, in several places, at so near a distance to each other, as by throwing water we might put out the fire." This and other precautions had the desired efFe'll?h7il.iftil, 1 1 III flMl^iryi|-nil»>i B 142 Surprise at Saratoga. [1747- Knowles, arrived with a small squadron in Boston harbor. He had been governor of Louisbourg since its capture. On hear- ing of Stevens's success, the commodore was so well pleased that he afterwards sent him a silver hilted sword. It was in compliment to the commodore that Number Four was named Charlestown. The enemy appeared in large force at Saratoga the same day. As Capt. Trent, with Lieut. Proctor's party, went out along the river to the ruins of Capt. Schuyler's house, in order to cross the river, they were ambushed by sixty French and Indians, who killed eight of them on the spot, and wounded several others. Trent and Proftor rallied their men, and bravely fought the enemy near an hour. In the meantime Capt. Livingston dispatched Capt. Bradt with a companv, who came up on the opposite side of the river, and soon after the enemy drew off, leaving some plunder and one wounded Frenchman behind them.* April 10. The same party of the enemy next appeared at Kinderhook, where they surprised a party of eleven men at work, killed two of them, and made the other nine captives. They then burnt the house and barn of Mr. John Van Alstine, and escaped unmolested. f April 13. A young man named Nathaniel Dresser is killed at Scarborough, within two hundred yards of a garrison,^ and the day following, April 14, the enemy appeared suddenly at Saccarappe, six miles from Portland, captured and carried off William Knight * This was one of M. de Rigaud's ex- New York Colonial DoeumentSf X, pp. peditions, sent out by him from Fort St. iiz, iic. Frederic under the immediatu command -}- See Ibidem^ 116. of M. de St. Luc, at the head of tv/o \ See more full particulars in Colli, hundred Frenchmen and Indians. See Mame Hiit. Soc., Ill, 170, 171. 1' -iUii-)M'f» *«^'»«!--'*-»M>»l««r*ii*ii4ac,,gj(|^-.jp...^, ■■- i«ai«>.*4»^.)^.- r^)'M^- ■^** ^ - * mf m: *m-t*-^^'ahel Burt are killed and scalped as they were bringing cows out of the woods. They then made their way to Winchester and the two Ashuelots, and burnt all the three places, which had been deserted by the inhabitants, the govern- ment not being able to protect them. They complained mournfully that the soldiers had been withdrawn, leaving them with no means of taking away their effects. On the same 15th of April two men are killed near a garri- son at Saco, and a third is made prisoner. The three men had been weighing hay in a barn, and when they left their work were Hred up>on. This mischief was done in sight of a ship- yard where some carpenters were at work. April 21. A party of the enemy to the number of fifty, as some reported, came within the bounds of Falmouth, killed a Mr. Foster, and made captives of his family consisting of his wife and six children. April 25. The Indians appear again at Saco; some fifty or sixty of them attacked the block-house there, and endeavored to burn the mills. They kept up the attack all day, and were prevented effecting their objeft by the few brave men stationed there, and had two of their number killed. April 27. Eleven Indians appeared at Damariscotta, killed two women and scalped one of them. The husband of another of them, Capt. John Larman, is made prisoner, carried to Canada, and delivered at Quebec on the 14th of May follow- ing. One account says the women killed were wife and daughter of Capt. Larman. Smith appears not to have heard nmsmms'- 144 Many slain at PemaquiJ. [ 1 747. of the attack until the 8th of May, and then not to have had the names of the sutFerers. His entry in his journal is : " May 8. We hear the Indians yesterday, at Damariscotta, took a man and killed his wife and daughter-in-law." At Canajoharie a party of ten French Indians captured a man. Two others heard the man halloo for help, and ran to his assistance, and Bred upon his captors, killing one and wound- ing another ; at which the rest fled, leaving their dead companion behind them. May 2. Five Indians have this week killed two women about Falmouth. . , May 4. A man is chased into the center of the town of Wells, and the day following one Hinkley is killed at New Meadows Neck. He had a brother killed at another time. May 9. At Topsham a canoe, in which were three men and one woman, is shot into by Indians in ambush, by which two of the men are killed and the other sorely wounded, but the woman escaped unhurt. May 21. As two men were returning with their grist from a mill, between Amauskteg and Suncook, they were fired upon by a party of Indians, supposed to be about sixteen, and one of them was killed on the spot ; the other escaped remarkably, as three bullets went through the brim of his hat, and ten through several parts of his coat, while only two of them grazed the skin of his arm and side. The man killed was named Starkee, whom the enemy scalped. May 22. Fourteen men and a lad, belonging to two fishing vessels at Pemaquid, went up to the Falls to take some alewives for bait, and coming near the Falls in a whale-boat and canoe, belonging to the fishing schooners, six of the men went on shore, and \yhile dipping for alewives were shot upon, but none 1 747-] Massacre at Sagadahock. 145 were killed. All retreated except Capt. John Cox, who stood his ground and was killed. The other five on approaching, as was supposed, a more advantageous ground, faced the enemy, but were soon overpowered, and four of them killed. The other seven of the company had got about half way from the boat when they were attacked and immediately scattered, and were pursued by the enemy, who killed two of them \ the remaining four men and the boy recovered the whale-boat to escape, but were shot upon and two more killed outright, and Mr. Abner Lowell sorely wounded, and Capt. Joseph Cox severely, whom they put on shore on the other side of the river, being followed by four of the enemy in the canoe, who soon overtook Capt. Cox and killed him, cutting open his skull with their hatchets. Mr. Lowell and the boy not being able to manage the boat, watched their opportunity and fled on shore. The lad, being fatigued, ran into some bushes and efFedtually hid himself. Although the Indians made much search for him they did not find him. Mr. Lowell and the boy finally escaped to a sloop, Capt. Saunders, who brought them off. Three of the men were supposed to have been taken prisoners, viz : Reuben Dyer, Benjamin Cox, son of Joseph before mentioned, and Benjamin Mayhew. Those found killed and scalped were Captains John and Joseph Cox, Lieut. Hawes, Nathaniel Bull, George Clark, Jacob Pett, George Caldwell, John Smith, and Ezekiel Webb. Those not accounted for were Edward Bull, and Josiah Weston or Wesson.* * Th- names are obtained from several lources ; and although some of them differ, and no one account contains all the tifteen, the above list is believed to be correal. Smith has a Fiacent, but I find fifteen without that name. All agree that there were fourteen men and a boy or lad. The party which committed this savage adlion consisted of fourteen Pannaouamske Abe- naquis. French accounts in N. T. Col, Docs.f X, 107. See also Boston GazetH and fVeekly Journal, June ad, 1747. pr PI I -Wit ■■iiii|iii»i<» l |iii i < I II | iii Hi liill l i ( iXii l l ( i Ml j » « M illllli' " i l l l '''i " l » « K »ilii i 't i iii m" l |" ii' I «i|i liil 146 Fight near Hoosuck. VlM' fU John and Joseph Cox belonged to f'almouth, Smith and Weston to Purpooduck ; Dyer, Mayhew, and Benjamin Cox to Falmouth. . ^ ^ . % May 23. At Rochester, New Hampshire, Samuel Drown is shot in the hip, in which he carried the ball till his death, which happened in 1795, at the age of ninety years. May 25. Some of the forces destined for the expedition against Canada, had been ordered to rebuild Fort Massachusetts at Hoosuck. The enemy's scout , apptar to have watched the undertaking, for they partially surprised a party of one hundred and two men which had been sent thence to Albany on the 19th of May, to guard stores for Fort Hoosuck. The guard was under the command of Major William Williams of Stock- bridge, Capt. Elijah Williams, Lieut. Groves, and Ensign Ingersole. On the 24th they were sent out from the fort to meet this convoy ; another detachment, which met them twelve miles below, aided Major Williams's party in passing Hoosuck river, and then returned to the fort. On the morning of the 25th, Major Williams had out %e scouts, one of which was under Ensign Konkapot. He also sent squads of men forward to clear the way for the wagons. These having performed that service, came "stringing along (contrary to order)," and were fired upon by an ambush, by which a Stockbridge Indian was killed, and two others of the party wounded. And though our men "pushed the enemy like lions, those serpents got off the Indian's scalp, about as big as three fingers." All the rest reached the fort, except Zebulon Allen of Deerfield, who was captured, as was supposed. Three of Williams's men were wounded, but not dangerously. The enemy were met near a swamp, and a considerable skirmish followed ; and seeing the English were likely to have the advantage, they retreated into u \ T\ [f* 1 1747-] Saratoga Besieged. 147 the swamps, but the discharge of a cannon at the fort caused them to make a precipitate retreat, leaving behind them twenty blankets, one coat with frosted buttons, three of a meaner sort, ten pair of woolen stockings, one pair of leather, sixteen gun- cases, six muttump lines, four pairs of Indian shoes, looking- glass, four shirts, twelve knives, five hatchets, eight petunks, etc., etc. The Indians reported that they lost ten of their men. June I. About this date the Indian chief Kintigo returns to the lower Mohawk Castle, whence he went against the French with six men. They brought in seven prisoners and three scalps taken at St. Pierres, a little above Montreal. June 4, It was reported that a man had been killed at Ro- chester, N. H., in the course of the week previous, but his name is not ascertained. Encouraged by this success it would seem, for on • • I- June 7, a party of the enemy came to the same town, and as they were stealing upon a party of men at work in a field, they were discovered by three boys, on whom they fired, but did not hit any one. John Place, one of the three, fired and wounded an Indian ; another of the boys, Paul Jennens, aimed his gun at the Indians, but did not fire, though it had the effect to check ihem, and in the meantime the men at work came to their relief and put the enemy to flight. June 15. News came to Boston that the fort at Saraghtoga had been attacked by two thousand French and Indians, who had killed sixty of the garrison, and the attack was still in pro- gress. The place was relieved soon after by the arrival of Col. Schuyler. June 20. Lieut. Chew, with one hundred and two men, went on an expedition towards Canada, was attacked and had fifteen of his men killed, and forty-seven wounded. The iiiiimiiii>ii< — *«itj 148 Hendrik's Expedition. [1747- m lieutenant and the rest of his command were made prisoners and sent to Crown Point. June 26. The well known Indian chief Hendrik returned from a march into the enemy's country. He had some thirty Indians and ten white men under him. They were surprised on an Island in the St. Lawrence above Montreal, by th. enemy's Indians, in which four of the white men and nine of the Indians are killed by the first fire. The names of the whites were Cornelius Van Slyck, Johannis Pottman, Le Roy, and Gott. Hendrik and the rest succeeded in escaping. . June 30. Matthew Loring died in prison at Quebec. He was captured at sea, May 29th of the previous year, but under what circumstances is not known, nor is it known to what place he belonged. ' ' ' " ' '; ' ;■ v July 15. About thirty or forty Indians came to Fall Town (since Bernardstown), shot and mortally wounded Eliakim Sheldon as he was hoeing corn in the field, and, although he escaped to the fort, he died the following night. t' July 21. '*One day last week a young man was shot through the body in two places by Indians as he was traveling between Northfield and Falltown, wounding him in so terrible a manner that 'tis thought he is dead before this time." The man killed was probably John Mills of Colerain, who, according to Taylor in the Redeemed Captive^ **was passing from what was called the South fort to his own house." At the same time it was reported that a woman and six child- ren were carried ofF from Burnet's Field, on the Mohawk river, the only out settlement undisturbed hitherto in that region. July 28. At Penacook a party of the enemy were dis- covered by their shooting at some cattle, and are pursued by 1 .f i -». s-V -« - 'f I h I M? f W I 1747.] JFiscassety Epsom ^ Nottingham. 149 fifty men. They made a hasty retreat, leaving their packs, blankets, and other things behind them. July 31. At Mount Swag* [Wiscasset] Ebenezer Hilton, Joseph Hilton, and John Boynton, are killed by Indians, who took William Hilton prisoner.f August 19. A man is fired upon at Brunswick and wounded. August 20. A large ship arrives in Boston harbor with two hundred and seventy-one persons which had been prisoners in Canada ; thirty were left there sick, seventy had died, and one hundred remained. August 21. At Epsom, N. H., a Mr. Charles McCoy, having seen some signs of an enemy in his neighborhood, coi. ■ eluded to repair to the nearest garrison, which was at Notting- ham. He and his wife went out to catch their horses, and, becoming separated, Mrs. McCoy was seized by the Indians, who carried her to Canada and sold her to the French. At the end of the war she was liberated and returned home. She and her husband lived to a great age, he being a hundred and five years old at his death. J; The same day a party proceeded to Nottingham, ambushed and killed Robert Beard, John Folsom, and Elizabeth Simpson, a little to the south of the plain since called the Square. The woman, though reported killed, it is believed recovered from her wounds. About this time (the exa£t date has not been ascertained) a party of the enemy appeared at one of the Ashuelots (which, * Sullivan writes Montsiveag, one of county. Maine, which communicates with the places occupied by the Wewenocks, the rivers Sheepscut and Kennebeck." in 1749, who sent six deputies to the •{•See N. T. Doc. Hist., X, 121. treaty of Falmouth. Sec post. Dt. Morse J The reader will find some additional has Montsiogut in his Gazetteer of 1795, details in Judge Potter's History 0/ Man- Mi says it is "a river or bay in Lincoln Chester, pp. 230-3. ■rm'-' t iff iW 'Vy^-J'tt^"^'^ •»•«?'■'' )f.r wW1^^* ^ >i B <' , 'W*«*»«'» < 5i...-*wy ,wj W| {i w ^r^jy«w)tH^^ 1«A>*.'«'>K»IIW>'i4.»>^. mtsmssess^sms^ ., « » i |ii|« V * vi »i >/ li P 'l' »Wi ' . ' W| * i ii |i' I W (" , ' »"" * f i! ' »' » "l ' l' 'i * l ' I WI '' >'I ^W W Mfct mil' 150 Northampton's Losses. ['747' is not stated), killed three cattle, and would doubtless have done greater mischief, but for their having been discovered by some of the inhabitants, who fired upon them. The Indians returned the fire, but none were killed or wounded. August 26. At Northampton (in the part since Southamp- ton) Elijah Clark was killed and scalped as he was threshing grain in his barn. " He was the last of between fifty and sixty deaths by the Indians, as stated on the records of the town." August 27. At Marblehead, since Windham, Maine, one William Bolton is captured, and a lad of Mr. Mayberry wounded. August 29. The Rev. Dr. Ben- jamin Colman dies in Boston, at the age of seventy-three. He served long as a Commissioner of the In- dian Corporation of London, and was one of the ablest ministers in New England. He was once a prisoner to the French, having been taken at sea, after *' fighting bravely," accord- ing to his biographer. Sept. 2. Some sixty of the enemy hovered about Pemaquid, and finally attacked it, but were beaten off. They surprised two men at some distance from the fort, shot them down and scalped them. These were soon after found by men from the fort. One was not quite dead, and was able to rhake them understand that he was scalped by a Frenchman, and that not far ofF were two dead Indians who were killed from the fort. On going to the spot no Indians were found, but a great amount of blood. At the same time came the account of a fight at St. George's Benjamin Colman, D. D. ■•», ii#«»#^(U»;! >v^.^frr««:'if'>»illlllilnM ^^^"^^^■^ ^v-mirm'm' 1 747-] Fight at George^ s Fort. 151 fort. Lieut. T. Kilpatrick went out with twenty-five men to scout and procure wood. While upon this duty a large number of Indians attacked him. Capt. Bradbury of the fort, hearing the firing, sent out another party which were soon engaged with the enemy, and the fight continued about two hours. The enemy finally withdrew, carrying off their dead and wounded. Of our men four were killed, namely, John Kilpatrick, Nathan Bradley, John Vose, and Benjamin Harvey — the two former they scalped — and there were three wounded. The loss of the enemy was considerable, as was evident from the amount of blood discovered. Three scalps were taken from the enemy. The party of Indians who did the mischief consisted of about sixty Abenakies, twenty of whom returned to Quebec October 3d, N. S. They reported that the English had been too hard for them ; that the two chiefs had lost two of their children, one was the son of Sagonaurabb, and a third the son of Louis Meseadoue.* Oiftober i. Peter Boovee, or Bevoee, is captured near Fort Massachusetts. He was a soldier belonging to that fort, and was out hunting. He returned after peace. O6lober 3. A small exchange of captives was eflfeiled at Isle " Basque, thirty-five leagues below Quebec, by an agent of assachusetts, who left Boston August ist, and delivered there sixty-ihree French prisoners, and received in return six- teen of the English. He made this journey in two months and three days. October 9. David Brainerd, a noted missionary to the Indians, dies, at Northampton, aged twenty-nine. His life has been published and republished, on both sides of the Atlantic, * Nev) York Cohnial Documentt, X, 127, 130. ili:»L« ■ jJujj-'S^v.iA'ilEiC &iSiiifc, . ■ I ] j n n iii Minwo 'ii 'i"" "' 152 Capture of Rainbow. Vl\7' drawn up from his journals principally, by the eminent divine, Jonathan Edwards.* October 16. Major Willard, Capt. Alexander, and others, were coming from Ashuelot to Northfield ; in Winchester they met some cattle running as though pursued. Capt. Alexander, being forward, saw a PVenchman in the path, coming towards him. When he saw our men he jumped behind a tree. Capt. Alexander fired and wounded him in the breast, whereupon he made up to the captain and saluted him handsomely^ then fainted and fell. Supposing the main body of the enemy at hand, and that the Frenchman was mortally wounded, he was left behind. Presently his Indian companions came to him. They took him up and carried him some distance ; but, like the other party, they, supposing the English close upon them, left the wounded Frenchman and retreated. A few days after, having revived, he made his way into Northfield, surrendered himself to the EngUsh, and was confided to the care of the Rev. Benjamin Doolittle, who a<3:ed the part of surgeon, and his wounds were soon healed ; f after which Capt. Alexander conveyed him to Boston, where he was kindly treated, and in February following he accompanied Sergeant Hawks with a flag of truce to Canada, to be exchanged, and was quite serviceable to him in his mis- sion. His name appears to have been Pierre Raimbault,| which the English generally understood to be Rainbow., though they sometimes wrote it Rainboe. On Sergeant Hawks's return, on ■ .- .i: t . ■ * His life is given in Dr. Allen's Amtr. Biog. Diiiionary, and is one of the many in that work drawn out at an un- reasonable and disproportionate length. •)■ Mr. Doolittle does not mention these hett in his Mtmoin. See A^. r. Col. Docs, X, 147, 153' \ Or Sieur Simblin, accoiding to the i.'nch report of the affair. Perhaps he passed himself off with the English under the assumed name above given. See Ibidem i also Ibidem, X, 31. Rainbow made quite a sensation in Boston, being much noticed by the ladies. it-.J'->«t"\^wP»*TV^--TI1'*T~"-"''"L'-'' 1 747.] Men killed at Number Four, 153 the 4th of May of this year, the governor of Canada sent Raimbault) with Hve other Frenchmen, and two or three Indians, as a guard to accompany him, which they did, to within a few miles of Number Four. Sergeant Hawks brought along with him two that had been some time in captivity, namely, Samuel Allen, taken at Deerfield, August 25th, 1746, and Nathan Blake, who was taken at Upper Ashuelot, April 23d, the same year (1746). ■ October 19. As Mr. John Smead was traveling from Northfield to Sunderland he was killed by an ambush and scalped. The fortune of this poor man was of the most me- lancholy kind ; having been one of those who were taken pri- soners at Fort Massachusetts, with his wife and six little child- ren, and carried to Canada, as already related, and was but recently returned out of captivity. His son Daniel died in prison at Quebec, after a long and distressing sickness of several months, May 13th, 1747. Ojftober 22. About forty of the enemy came to Bridgman's Fort, near Fort Dummer, took Jonathan Sartle, or Sawtelle, as he was going from Col. Hinsdale's Fort into the woods, then burnt Capt. Bridgman's Fort, house and barn. Nov. 14.* As twelve men were drawing off from Number Four, a considerable party of the enemy waylaid them as they passed down the river, within half a mile of the garrison, shot upon them, killed and scalped Nathaniel Gould and Thomas Goodale; Oliver Avery was wounded, and John Henderson was taken captive. The rest escaped by flight. The French account of this affair is as follows : The party consisted of forty Indians from tb:^ Lake of the Two Mount- ains, and were led by the Chevalier de Longueui!, Jr. They * Taylor dates this massacre Odober a4th, but I follow Doolittle. u i •I m\ ■ immm- 154 LongueutTs Report. [1747- I Wft called Number Four Fort Oequarine ; they attacked nine men who were going out of that fort, killed two of them and took cne prisoner, whose name was John Anderson, an Irishman, twenty years of age, by whom they learned that the captain of the fort was named Elias Williams. Longueuil returned with his prisoners to Montreal not long after.* His report of the news he obtained on this expedition was a singular medley, and could have afforded little satisfadlion to the governor. Some of it is thus detailed : " That the fleets of Admiral Townsend [he means Admiral Anson and Vice-Admiral Warren] were appointed this year for the Canada expedition, but that the bat- tle they fought has prevented their coming. That in the pro- positions of peace the king [of France] had demanded the restitution of Louisbourg, and that King George had answered, it was not at his disposal ; it was a conquest of the people of Boston."t It does not appear that Anson was destined for North America at the time mentioned, but was stationed in the Chan- nel to intercept the shattered fleet of D'Anville on its return to France. " The battle " mentioned was that of Anson's fleet with that of De Jonquiere's off Brest. De Jonquiere was fitted out to reinforce the Duke D'Anville, but, with all his fleet, was overpowered and taken. The English had five hundred and twenty men killed and wounded. Their ships were double the number of the French, and Anson was seconded by Boscawen, Brett, and Saumarez. * How the Frenchmen got the name fVillard, who was in command of the of the fort it is not easy to see. Whether fort not long before, and perhaps when the prisoner's name was Anderson or this attacic was made. See N. Y. Gol. Henderson is a little uncertain. By Elhs i?0c>., X> 147. fFilliamt they can hardly mean Josiah f Ibidem. H mmi»i^'>^it\,-: '.'.-.-.-._:•;':.' -\ CHAPTER IX. .-'r;' ^•v.t';:.W ■;•::.•-. A. ' DIARY OF DEPREDATIONS (conUnued). ; > Men killed at Number Four — At FortDummer — Poquoig — Sheepicot — Suncook — Rochetter — Bruniwick — North Yarmouth — Southampton — Berwick — Fort Maiiachusetti — Hollli'i I Attempt to civilize Indiani at Slockbridge — Captain Melvin's Surpriie — Ambuih near Kin- derhook — Men killed between Hintdale't and Fort Dummer — Captain Hobbs' Expedition and Surprise — Newt of Peace — Capture of John Fitch and Family — Depredationi at Upper Aihuelot — Falmoiith — Butchery near Fort Oummer — Other Detalli — Surpriie near Sche< ' neAady — The Six Nations at Albany — Depredation at North6eld — Fight at Fort Maua- chuietti — Flag of Truce from Canada — Depredation at Sheepicut — Captivei returned — Treaty of Aix la Chapelle — Depredationi on the Frontiers continue — Caplaini Prcbble and Coffin attacked at Annapolii Royal — A Deputation of French and Indians in New York City — Peace proclaimed in Boston — Sartell killed at Number Four — Eaitern Indians at Boston — Treaty made with them at Falmouth — An Indian Trick — Efforts to recover Cap- tives from Canada — Incidents. HE snow being very deep, on March 15th, the enemy were not supposed to be about ; some eight men went I out from Number Four to procure wood. When about sixty rods from the fort, ten Indians, or, as some judged, twenty, sprang up, and by a volley killed Charles Stevens, wounded one Andrews,* and took Eleazer Priest captive. They then recreated at their leisure, ^|%" our men having no snow-shoes to enable them to pur- sue, while the enemy were v,ell supplied with them. It is said the French had been apprised of this fa£l, which was the occasion of their undertaking an enterprise under the very walls of the fort. * Andreas. Doolitlle, Androos. Tsyltr, i'iitiaiHi ,i6 Surprise near Fort Dummer. [1748. > M j: March 29. About fifteen Indians waylaid the scout path between Fort Dummer and Colerain. Lieut. Serjeant went out in this path with four other men, to obtain timber for oars and paddles. At about one mile from Fort Dummer they were fired upon. Moses Cooper was mortally wounded the first fire, yet escaped to the fort, but died the next night. Lieut. Serjeant, his son, and Joshua Wells, engaged the enemy, fight- ing as they retreated. Wells was killed. Serjeant encouraged his son, saying they should have help from the fort, charged many times, shouted as often as the enemy did, and called to them to come out and fight like men ; but after a retreat of half a mile the lieutenant was killed and his son taken prisoner. It is said they received no help from the fort because some of the men were sick of the measles, and the others had no snow- shoes! There is a circumstantial account of the murder of a man at Groton, and the killing of the murderer, said to have hap- pened in that town some time during this war j but as the rela- tion is unaccompanied by any date, it may have occurred much earlier, or even later than the period assigned to it. The fol- lowing are the fafts as recorded, probably long after : An Indian had been seen, for several days, lurking about the town, upon some ill design, as was supposed. One Jacob Ames, who lived on the intervale, on the west side of the Nashaway, on land now, or since, owned by John Boynton, Esq., went into his pasture to catch his horse. Discovering the Indian, who, it would seem, had lain in wait for him, he ran for his house with all speed. The Indian gained upon him, leveled his gun and shot him dead as he was entering the inclosure surrounding the house. Ames's son and a daughter were in the house. The son, seeing his father fall, sprang for- it ^' i i.'j.iiK!tai' ^iTlESBEMiiaBaHnMBEiaraTOMB^^ 1748.] Affair at Groton, m ward to close the gate, but was prevented by the dead body of his father. The Indian now came up, and as he was attempt- ing to pass the gate, young Ames fired upon him. The ball struck the latch of the gate and was thus cut into two parts, one of which struck the Indian, slightly wounding him ; not, however, sufficiently to prevent his attempting an entrance into the house \ but young Ames pressed the door against him, yet the Indian thrust one foot in, and was there held while Ames's sister passed him his father's gun, which was in the house. Thus both parties were fully occupied for the moment — the Indian in attempting to force the door, and Ames in holding it against him. In another second Ames brought down the but of the gun upon the Indian's foot, which made him make a hasty withdrawal of it. The latter now commenced reloading his gun for a new campaign ; but Ames had the advantage, for his was already loaded, which he discharged through a loophole or crevice, and killed the Indian. The report of the guns soon brought two men to the scene of disaster, Ezra and Benjamin Farnsworth, who were at a mill about a mile off; they found the elder Ames and the Indian weltering in their blood not many paces distant. This depredation is thought to be the only one which happened in Groton during this war.* April 16. As Jason Babcock was at work in his field, at "Poquoig,t about seven miles from Nichewag," he was sur- prised and carried off prisoner, but returned by way of the St. Lawrence and the Atlantic, arriving in Boston the 6th of October following. April 24. From the eastern country came the following dis- * For the fafls in this narrative I am direction Nitchnuog lay from Poquoig, it indebted to Butler, Hiit. Groton^ iio-ii. not easily determined. The name is not ^ Afterward* Athol. But in what found on the map* consulted. .11: '*"^ir^«**(rtl^Wfelt . |. ii | » t i I m Jm* ,,m^tmm$im i n pi n ' m n is8 Murders and Captures, [.748. t. i !;> If. tressing news, in a letter dated, Georgetown, the 29th of April ; namely, that on Sunday, the 24th, James Kincaid was killed. He had been in captivity nearly two years, having returned in a French flag last summer. At Avery's garrison at Sheepscut, were killed one Carr and one Ball, and Avery was led away captive. It appears that from the uneasiness of the dogs in the garrison there were thought to be Indians in the vicinity, and the above-named men, with two others, went out, and but two of them returned. Two days after five Indians were seen going up a creek in Georgetown, as unconcernedly as if it had been a time of peace, and there was no one to molest them. On the following day, , i April 27, within gunshot of the fort, the enemy took Job Philbrook and Samuel McForney and carried them off. The same day one o*" the garrison at St. George's, named Presbury Woolen, was iptured and carried to Canada, but he returned in 0£lober following. He belonged to Sandwich. April 30. While at work on the western bank of the Mer- rimack river, opposite the mouth of the Suncook, Mr. Robert Buntin, in company with James Carr and his son, a lad of ten years, were surprised by a party of Indians. Carr, in endeavoring to make his escape, was shot down and killed. Buntin and his son were taken and carried to Canada, and there sold to a Frenchman in Montreal. With other prisoners they were sent to Boston by way of Louisbourg, where they arrived Oftober 6th following, after the comparatively short captivity of five months. The name of the son of Robert Buntin was Andrew. He went a soldier in the war of the Revolution, in which service, at White Plains, he died. Besides the above mischief at Suncook, the enemy killed the f.^*M~i»4wa|MWiM«M »^^^^ 1748.] Murders at Rochester. 159 cattle of two teams, consisting of nine oxen, six of which they cut up and carried off, with the tongues only of the other three. May I. At Rochester, about ten miles northwesterly of Dover, in New Hampshire, a Mr. Jonathan Hodgdon and his wife went out to find and milk their cows, and, taking different paths, some Indians sprang from a thicket and seized Mrs. Hodgdon, and would probably have carried her off alive, but she screamed to her husband, and would not cease until they gagged her, nor then could they stop her entirely, whereupon they cut open her head with their hatchets, killing her imme- diately. Mr. Hodgdon heard her cries, and was near enough to see the fatal blows dealt, but, as he was powerless, and could do nothing to save her, he fled to the garrison, closely pursued by the murderers of his wife. She was a yo«ng woman much beloved for amiable and virtuous qualities, by wijose death two young children were left motherless. Mr. Hodgdon married a second wife, and had, in all, twenty- one children, and lived to the great age of ninety years, dying in 1815. May 3. Several persons are killed at Brunswick, among whom was a Captain Burnet, or Burnel, and no further record is found of this depredation. Not far from the same time a man is killed at North Yarmouth, named Ebenezer Eaton, and another, Benjamin Lake, captivated; and ^^all the houses to the eastward of Weirs" were burnt down. The number of the enemy was computed at an hundred, as they were able to waylay *'all the road to New Casco." May 8. About twelve Indians laying in ambush near a house in Southampton, shot and killed Noah Pixley. A WiU Ham Pixley was an early settler in Wesrfield, from whom Noah was probably descended. >iiii>ll ii t ii > M i m.' n »|rt r » i*> i i» i »i < | T>iH1 llii, Hn .l 1 i ; i ' ill >I4-S ■«£(;• 1748.] Fitche's Garrison taken. 165 such boldness and fortitude, as that had they been Romans, they would have received a laurel^ and their names would have been handed down with honor to posterity." What loss the enemy sustained in this severe conflict was never known ; but as they were near three to one of the Eng- lish, they must have, in all probability, suffered at least in as great a proportion as their opponents. They also retired from the field without giving even a single shout, which they never do when successful. It was also observed, that when about a week after the battle they met some of the English captives, they looked downcast, "like dogs that had lost their ears." July 2. News reached New England that preliminary arti- cles of peace had been agreed upon between the contending powers in Europe. July 5. A large party of about eighty Indians, and a few Frenchmen, surprised the garrison at Lunenburg, took prison- ers Mr. John Fitch and his family, consisting of his wife and five children, and carried them through the wilderness to Canada, where they remained till the news of peace between England and France was received there; after which, with other captives, Mr. Fitch returned home by way of New York. Like hundreds of others he returned a beggar to his desolate home, with several small children dependent upon him. As he left under his own hand a circumstantial account of his cap- ture, the reader may desire a more detailed narrative of the affair. It therefore follows: Mr. Fitch was a carpenter by trade, and, having a young and growing family, he determined to make a farm in the wilder- ness, and accordingly purchased, in the year 1739, one hundred and twenty acres of land about seven miles and a half above Lunenburg meeting-house, and about three miles and a half i i mmM PI: ■ .M>i;'iViiif,-.;#wti'«MWP'; BJUUUBUUBII ^nsizsBBsr I I lllllMl I I "W^^ 1748.] yoi6« Fitchews Narrative. 167 themselves until Mr. Fitch's last man was killed by a shot which came through one of the port-holes of the garrison. Thus reduced, and no hope of succor, Mr. Fitch, with his wife and five children, became captives to the Indians. After plundering the place, taking whatever they could carry away, they set fire to and burnt the rest, with the garrison and other buildings. Then, says the owner, "we entered into a melan- choly captivity, with one small child on the mother's breast," and two others, to prevent their starving, she was compelled to nourish in the same manner while on their journey through the wilderness. This distressing hardship, with other privations, broke her constitution, and, although she survived her captivity, she died before the end of her journey homeward. About the 23d of September, condu6led by five French officers, Mr. Fitch and his family, with many others, arrived in Boston, his wife having died at Providence, on the passage from New York hither. With his five children, one of whom was sick, Mr. Fitch was entirely dependent on charity; all his stock of cattle, hogs, and other animals, destroyed, and his tools and household utensils burnt up. In December, 1749, he petitioned the government of the colony for help, and on the following April (1750) the treasurer was directed to answer his order for eight pounds ! " in consideration for his sufferings ! " The names of Mr. Fitch's five children were Catharine, John, Paul, Susannah, and Jacob. His wife's name was Su- sannah. The part of Lunenburg since Ashby, includes the farm and residence of John Fitch. July 8. A party of Indians came to Upper Ashuelot and killed eleven head of cattle, which is all the damage they did, go far as known. 1 r ... 1 ■MiHiii i, ^ 168 Surprise of the English. [1748. The night of the same day, a man of the name of Whitney- died at Falmouth of the wounds he had received from the Indians. . ' . • u " July 14. The road between Fort Hinsdale and Fort Dum- mer is again waylaid by a large number of Indians, reported to have been a hundred, and as Sergeant Thomas Taylor, with a company of seventeen men, was on his march from Hinsdale's Fort to Fort Dummer, the Indians fired upon them and then rushed upon them with their tomahawks and war clubs. The sergeant ordered his men to fight, but the odds was too great, and the English were quickly overpov/ered, and all were killed or taken except four who escaped by flight. The killed were Joseph Rose, Asael Graves, Billings and Chandler; nine were taken prisoners, namely. Sergeant Thomas Taylor, Thomas Crisson, John Henry, Lawrence, Walker, Daniel How, Jr.,* Edghill, Daniel Farmer,t and Ephraim Powers. Of the four that escaped, one was badly wounded. Two of the captured men being severely wounded also, were carried about a mile and then killed. The Indians which per- formed this bloody work were said to have been a part of those who had the four-hour fight with Capt. Hobbs. The following is the report of this disaster published about fourteen days after it happened: "From the westward we have intelligence that Captain Stevens, having been lately out with a number of men, found four of the seventeen men that were fallen upon by the enemy between Hinsdell's Fort and Fort Dummer, dead; nine more are supposed to be in cap- tivity. He also found one of the ten who were missing some * He had be*n in captivity about two seem) not to have been known to the years before. See 24 June, 1746. genealogist of the Farmer fomily, Mr. -j- The circumstance here recorded John Farmer. m 1748.] Disaster near ScheneBady. 169 time before. He followed the enemy, but could not come up with them. He also buried Capt. Hobbs's three men which the enemy had not found." ; * ; ■ - ! v , •■•■K July 18. About three miles from Schenedtady, Daniel Tol, Dirk Van Vorst and a negro went to a place called Poependal to catch their horses; but not finding the horses as they expe£l{;d, they went into the adjacent woods to a place called the Claypit. They discovered Indians and attempted to escape from them, but were pursued by them, and both Tol and Van Vorst were shot down, but the negro escaped. Van Vorst, though wounded, was not killed, but taken prisoner. The firing was heard at Maalwyck, about two miles distant, and the people there, knowing that Tol and Van Vorst had gone for their horses, suspeilii)iiiii M » wl«iil ft i'« ' l' ' ' M' ii " * " < *<>l' l ' " n- . H hi.i U «iii»«i M iii> n ■iwiiiPi ^^ 170 T&e Slain at Schenectady, [1748. m w^ iWrti'^^ they were hemmed in on every side by the great numbers of the enemy, and fought over a space of about two acres ; yet the battle ground was left in possession of the settlers. In this hand to hand encounter twelve of the inhabitants of Sche- neftady were killed outright, five taken prisoners, and seven of Lieutenant Darling's men, including himself, were killed, and six of them missing, supposed to be taken prisoners. The news of this battle reached Albany in the evening of the same day, and by midnight Lieutenant Chew, with one hundred English and about two hundred friendly Indians were on the march for the scene of a£tion, but to no other purpose than as shewing their willingness to meet an emergency of this kind. . , ■ , The names of the people killed, so far as ascertained, were Daniel Tol, Frans Vander Bogart, Jr., Jacob Glen, Jr., Daniel Van Antwerpen, J. P. V. Antwerpen, Cornelius Vielen, Jr., Adrian Van Slyk, Peter Vroman, Klaas A. De Graaf, Adam Conde, John A. Bradt, John Marienes. There were missing Isaac Truax, Ryer Wemp, Johan Seyer Vroman, x\lbert John Vedder, and Frank Conner, all belong- ing to ScheneSiade. Of the soldiers seven were killed and six missing. July 22. An immense concourse of Indians of the Six Na- tions assembled at Albany, at the invitation of the governor of New York. His object being to keep them to the English interest. Several governors of the other colonies were present. It lasted four days, during which time the Indians were feasted, and presents were made to them at a cost of above two thousand pounds ; upon which it is reported that they were well pleased, and promised to take up the hatchet against all enemies of the English. There were fourteen hundred and fifty of them. L MHMi ^^^g^^^|^_g|^|^|^^_^ 'ir.' 1748.] Fight near Fort Massachusetts. 171 July 23. At Northfield a few Indians, the number not known, but said to be six, waylaid the Town Street^ and as Aaron Belden was passing along before sunrise, they killed and scalped him, and fled into the woods before the people were aware of what had occurred. ' ' • August 2. A party of some fifty French and Indians went into the immediate vicinity of Fort Massachusetts and placed themselves in ambush. By the furious barking of the dogs in the fort, the officers concluded there were Indians not far ofF. Capt. Ephraim Williams was in command, and in the after- noon, while he was consulting with his men upon some method by which he could surprise the ambush, several soldiers ran out of the fort without orders, following a direction indicated by the dogs. A part of the ambush jumped up and fired upon the men. Upon this Captain Williams sallied out with a strong party to rescue those already engaged ; and, not knowing where the ambush was, found he had passed it, or a part of it, and was in imminent danger of being cut off in a retreat ; but he and his men courageously fought retreating, and gained the fort with the loss of one man only killed and two wounded. The man killed was named Abbot. The wounded were Lieut. Hawley, shot through the leg, and Ezekiel Wells, who had his thigh broken. The enemy was thought to haVe sustained con- siderable damage, as they were seen to drag away several dead bodies. Captain Williams's men made a stand before retreating, and fired several times apiece without any shelter. August 4. It had been some time known in Canada that preliminaries of peace had been agreed upon in Europe, but the news had not reached Boston in any authentic shape until this date, and then it came from three French Indians who M l »l ^i »ll II II M II iiJ ufc i llllll^l I »ii» IIIMII I H l» l l|lll I I H |ll l iii » . m 4 >|i 18 f; 172 Prisoners arrive in Boston. [1748. came to Albany from Canada to announce it. Yet depreda- tions continued. August 16. The governor of Canada having dispatched from (Quebec, on July 27th, a flag of truce ship for Boston, it arrived here after a passage of twenty days. When the ship sailed there were about one hundred and seventy-five captives. One or two died on the voyage.* In all there had died in cap- tivity and on shipboard, one hundred and seventy-three ; all, or nearly all New England people. While in captivity, in the hands of the French, they were allowed each one pound and a half of bread, half a pound of beef, one gill of peas, *' with spruce beer," per day. August 23. The enemy appeared again on Sheepscot river, where -they killed two men and captured another j but their names are not mentioi:ed. October 6. The schooner Brittania, Aylmer Graville master, from Louisbourg, came into the harbor of Boston, with a great number of persons who had been in captivity among the French and Indians in Canada. Many of them had been captured at sea, and belonged to various sea-ports in England. 0(ftober 7. The trftaty of Aix la Chapelle was signed by the envoys, but the fa£t was not formally proclaimed at Boston until about six months after, so slow was the communication between distant places at that period. Hence war parties from Canada hovered upon the borders of New England as though no treaty had been made. Although the treaty of Aix is a noted epoch, it proved to be nothing but a kind of armistice, a * Douglass mentioni some of the h€kt wrong year. His dates are ohtn errone- detailed in this paragraph, hut under the ously giyen, yet his work is valuable. '1 II \ i i\i mi •«Jm 1 748 . ] Prebble and Coffin s Expedition. 1 7 3 ** hasty and ill-digested aiFair, determining none uf the points in dispute.* OiStobcr 20. Captain Jedediah Prebble and Captain Coffin,! with thirty men, embarked at Annapolis Royal for St. John's river. The next day Captain Gorham embarked with thirty more. Captain Gorham on board the Ansonif with the same number, sailed on the 24th. On the 28th Captain Gorham, with "ten men and paddles," went to the east of the harbor, and Captain Prebble and Captain Davis of the Warren, with five oarsmen, went to the westward of the harbor to make dis- coveries, and on going on shore were fired upon by the Indians, who killed William Croxford, one of Captain Prebble's men j they also killed two of Captain Gorham's men and wounded three others. Captain Prebble at the same time having a very narrow escape. Seeing an Indian in the edge of a wood taking aim at him with his rifle, at about eighty yards distance, the captain stepped behind a small tree which at the same moment received the ball from the Indian's gun. Captain Prebble im- mediately fired upon the Indian *' with a brace of balls," as also did Captain Davis -, but whether with execution, they could not tell, as all the party retreated to their boats and returned to the place of their departure, with two Indians prisoners. By what manner the prisoners were taken is not stated, although it is mentioned that one was a son of a chief, but the chief was able to make his escape. February 17. Nineteen Indians and Frenchmen arrived at New York from Canada. Their objedt seems not to have * yfynncyBrit. Emp.in America,ll, ^. is unknown. I have supplied that of f The genealogist of Newbury does not Preble conjefturally. geem to have known anything about thi» '^ Doubtless so named for the Commo- Coffin, consequently his Christian name dore. ■MM mm r " iM . *iu,^i*!ini (.n"miii„ IJUPIIUIM wmimHmKmmmi 174 Peace proclaimed in Boston. [ 1 748. been generally known. Perhaps it was in consequence of the newo of an armistice. They continued there until the 9th of April following, causing much speculation respeavages made their appearance at Number Four, just after the soldiers which had been stationed in the fort there had left, having been ordered eljiwhere. This morning (June 20*) Ensign Obadiah Svir';ell went into the field to barrow corn, taking Enos Stevens with him to ride the horse. The Indians were concealed in the bushes whi'^h skirted the field, and from which they fired upon and killed Sartell, also the horse on which the boy was. The Indians then, ten or twelve in number, quite naked, rushed upon and scalped Sartell, took the boy and carried him to Canada, but the authorities there discountenanced the depredation and had the boy sent back immediately. * Mr«. Johnson, in her Ctf/>»'i'iOi, gives was edited by a scholar (the late Rev. the particulars of this affair, but wai mis- Abner Kneeland, ab he informed me), taken in saying it was in May. Her well from such materials as the Johnson family writ'en account it quite erroneous in ita ntd preserved. A reprint is in Farmer dates generally. The third edition of it and Moore's Hiti. CoUtfiions, I, i-j-j-x-t^^. m m f^flwsf^^^^nwJ!Ji'«ii!.i»ii-M. ^^M~ ■. A ■L 'u »M■4^>■^.l■^*l^■i>■ ■ii.i>. 1748.] Close of the War. ^7S The Indians at the eastward had been quite as troublesome as those on the western border j and although they generally knew of the armistice before the English were apprised of it, they did not entirely cease their depredations for some time after they had received the news. And although they had exceedingly annoyed and distressed the English settlers on all their borders, and were almost always successful in their forays against them, yet in the past five years of war they had, through casualties of battles, infedlious diseases, and rum, become amazingly reduced, so that the better part of them, especially in the eastern country, were quite as ready as their English neighbors to make terms of peace. The murders and other mischiefs perpetr- '> ' luring several months past was the work of straggling parties which had not acknowledged accountability to any body, but operated through a thirst for plunder and revenge. Early this year the chiefs of the eastern tribes met in council, and agreed to make overtures to the government of New Eng- land for a settlement of difficulties. This they made known to the authorities by a messenger dispatched for the purpose. Other preliminary arrangements are not found upon record before the 3d of June. Then Gov. Shirley wrote to Gov. Benning Wentworth, and probably to the other New E .gland governors, that there were then nine Indians in Boston, six from the Penobscot and three from the Norridgewalk tribes ; that they stated they had been sent here by their own, the St. Francois and St. John's river tribes to assure the authorities of their desire for peace, and to request that a time and place of meeting might be fixed for holding a treaty ; that he had, in accordance with their request, appointed the 27th of September ensuing for a meeting at Falmouth, and desired that New Hampshire would be represented on the occasion, and that as i . , r ^M j^j4« i. *^*j WW^WI >4* >: l !'f ' ^ ' ' ^ *^ l^ >*^ ^ , I I i.a, I .j,-kx.„ - ^^^^^^!^ m 176 Treaty at Fa'mouth. [1748. suitable presents would be expected by the Indians, he had given orders for such on the part of Massachusetts. On the 17th of June seven other Indians arrived at Boston from the eastern coast, in the province sloop, commanded by Capt. Thomas Saunders, but in what capacity is not ascertained. Agreeably to the promise of Gov. Shirley, commissioners on the part of Massachusetts and New Hampshire met the Indians at Falmouth on the 14th of October. From the former pro- vince were Thomas Hutchinson, John Choate, Israel Williams, and James Otis (the father of the famous James Otis, who was also there), Esqrs. From the latter, Theodore Atkinson, and John Downing, Esqrs. The Norridgewaks were represented by six chiefs, viz, Toxus, Eneas, Magawambee, Harrey, Soosephinia, Naktoonos, Nesaqumbuit, and Pereez. The Penobscots by five chiefs, viz, Eger Emmet, Maga- numba, Nidlumbouit, Esparagoosaret, and Neemon. The Weweenocks and Arresuguntoocooks by six chiefs, viz, Sawwaramet, Aussaado, Waaununga, Sauquish, Wareedeon, and Wawawnunka. The usual articles were drawn up a .d subscribed October 1 6th, 1749. These were mainly confirmatory of Gov. Dum- mer's treaty of 1727. And on the 27th of the same month Lieut. -Gov. Phips issued a proclamation in conformity there- with, at Boston. Peace was now fully established, and the people felt relieved from the perils to which they had for the last five years been subje6ted. ' At the late treaty, and before it 'vas fully opened, an inci- dent occurred which for some little time seemed to portend a disagreeable rupture to further proceedings. It may be well to i ,...-« I- ...J ll itii H i n i.i III li ' ii)*i « rii«i t t il I ' ii l lH>i>fa|l»l>IM 1 749-] treaty at St. George's, 177 premise that Indians delight in innocent mischief. It appear? to have been a sine qua non in the preliminaries to this treaty, that the Indians should bring forward and deliver up the English captives among them. The following circumstance in rela- tion to this matter is detailed by Gov. Hutchinson, then one of the commissioners there present. It therefore follows in his own words: "Notice had been given that they must bring in such English captives as were among them, and particularly a boy whose name was Macfarlane, and who was taken in the beginning of the war. They apologized for not bringing Mac- farlane, and feigned some excuse, promising he should be sent when they returned home. The commissioners showed great resentment, and insisted upon the delivery of the captive pre- viously to their entering upon the treaty. Some time was spent in altercation. At length an old sachem rose up, and took one of the likeliest and best dressed young Indians by the hand, and presented him to Mr. Hutchinson, the chairman of the com- missioners, as the captive Macfarlane. This increased the resentment, and it was thought too serious an affair to be [thus] jested with. The young man then discovered himself, and (having spoken nothing before but Indian), in the English language thanked the commissioners for their kind care in pro- curing his redemption. He had so much the appearance of an Indian, not only in his dress, but in his behavior, and also his complexion, that nobody had any suspicion to the contrary. He had made himself perfectly acquainted with their language, and proved serviceable as an interpreter at the French house so long as he lived." The boy Macfarlane is probably the same Waltar McFar- iand "jvho^ in 1752, was one of the witnesses to the treaty of that year, made at St. George's. Whether he were a son, or • n-'i iii n ii n'r i II i t i '" i r- i ' I «i i»ii .i ^4iii n i i ili.i „iU. 178 Exchange of Prisoners. [1750. -■^I'Wi belonged to the family of Mr. John McFarland, of whom mention has been made under Aug. 26, 1746, is as yet uncertain. After the close of hostilities there was much to be done. Many of the English, Dutch, friendly Indians, and negroes were still in captivity, or whose fate was unknown to their friends. Consequently it was the desire as well as the duty of the government to use efforts to recover such as were yet living and held by the Indians. Accordingly commissioners or agents were sent to Canada early in 1750 to endeavor to bring from that country all that could be obtained. They found some of the captives indisposed to return, having become attached to the manner of life of their Indian masters, and some of them thoroughly imbued with the Roman Catholic religion ; others refused to return to their native land, alleging as a reason that they would be obliged to labor a long time to raise the money paid for their ransom ; that now they had their liberty and could do as they listed. In the month of June, 1750, Gov. Clinton, of New York, sent Lieut. B. Stoddert to Montreal, where he met the French authorities, from whom he received twenty-four prisoners. He learned the whereabouts of many others, and with Captain Anthony Van Schaick went into the Indian country to obtain them, but without much success. The names of those which returned with Lieut. Stoddert were as follows : Capt. Anthony Van Schaick, John Vroman, Peter Vosborough, William Gofi^, Christopher McGraw, John Philips, Edward Varen, Benjamin Blachford, Peter Cliniton, John Thompson, Daniel Eden, Albert Vedder, Adam Mole, Francis Conner, Cornelius Sprong, Elisha Stansbury, Timothy Colbe, Southerland Fort, Timothy Colson, Peter Dogaman, Mattee Gatroup, and three Mohawks. Efforts were made to induce others, of whom he had informa- ■asLi I750.] Search for Captives. 179 tion, to return, but could not prevail on them. The following is a list of them : Rachel Quackenbus ; Samue! Frement, a ne- gro; Simon Vort, Philip Philipson, Thomas Volmer, Jacob Suitzer, Jacob Volmer, Joshua Nicolson, Henry Piper, Christian Volmer, John* [ ], Edward Cheaole, and an old man whose name is not known. He was away on a hunting expedition with the Hurons of Lorette, and it was not known whether he desired to return to New England ; if, on coming from hunting, he wished to go to his former friends, he should be at liberty to do so. Rachel Quackenbush f abjured the English religion, and Lieut. Stoddert could not persuade her to return. The negro, Frement, was held on the principle that negroes were slaves in all countries, and that the English had adted upon that princi- ple, and an instance was given wherein they had so adted. Vort, Phillipson, and T. Volmer had made abjuration, and desired to remain with the Iroquois. Vort, or as his name is elsewhere written. Fort, belonged by adoption to a sister of a chief named Agouareche. She refused to give him up at any price, though it does not appear that Stoddert was provided with any means for paying a ransom, as his instructions were only to exchange prisoners. But Capt. Van Schaick offered six hundred livres for Fort without succeeding in obtain- ing him. On the contrary, so determined was his squaw owner to retain him, that she said she would obey the French com- mandant and deliver him up, but that she and her husband * His surname does not appear in our documents, though they inform us he was an Englishman by birth, and that he was captured near Caskebee [Casca Bay] in 1746. f Another (whether of the same family is unknown) Marthy H^uaquinhuih, taken at Saratoga, Nov. 17th, 1745, ^^^^ * prisoner at Quebec, Dec. 7th, 1746. Two men of the same surname, Jacob and Isaac, father and son, died there, both on the same day. May 26th, 1747. They also had been taken at Saratoga, Nov. 17th, 1745. y: i :(' X if! r i8o Efforts for Captives. [1750. would follow him, and he should not reach home alive. The authorities therefore thought it best not to urge the matter further. Suitzer was living at the Falls of St. Louis, and did not desire to leave hjs Indian associates. J. Volmer, Nicolson, and Piper, were at the Lake of the Two Mountains, with the Iroquois and Nipissings. These Indians refused to give them up, because "they loved them very much." Nicolson was dis- posed to leave them, but was not permitted to do so. C. Vol- mer was at the Lake of the Two Mountains, and when he returned to Montreal he was to be allowed to go home if he inclined to do so. The captive John [ ] lived with the St. Francis Indians, by one of whom he was captured. John refused to be delivered up, and Lieut. Stoddert, who under- stood the Indian language, visited him and tried to persuade him to go home with him, but without avail; said "he had been instrufted in the Catholic, apostolic, and Roman religion, in which he wished to live and die." Edward Cheaole had mar- ried a s^/iaw among the Lorette Hurons, and desired to remain with them. Lieut. Stoddert left Canada on the 28th of June with his twenty-four prisoners. He was to proceed to Fort St. Frederic, having given the Marquis de la Jonquiere a receipt for them, purporting that he was to send to the governor of New York, requesting him to forward "all the prisoners, both French and Indians, in his hands, to Mr. Lydieus, and give orders to the officer who shall have charge of them to send me an express on their arrival at that place, to inform me thereof, and to tarry one day, so that they may be exchanged, one against another, at the foot of the Great Carrying Place of Lake St. Sacrament, whither I will repair in order to conclude the reciprocal exchange of the French and English prisoners."* > * Colonial Hiitory of New Tort, vol. X, Z09-15. -**SI'^W«*(I.tt:»^ Ijim^^ ,. ...,.^,»s»na»a hHrMHMHi ,yi^i'i,tiiit,i>ai<;iiMaiai'ft.i. I il'll)i'» ill l^ Btft«li>Hlit»iiir« it, I Liiliili illiilA >iiiiiil)>MliiiitjJi<-ti;:n I > iln iTT^ APPENDIX A (Page 29.) O those who have accused Gov. Shirley of taking to himself more credit than belonged to him in the Cape Breton expedition, the perusal of his mes- sages to the General Court, from first to last, during it, is earnestly commended. Space cannot be allowed here for all of them, but the following are fair specimens of the whole. They are elegant compositions, and will compare favorably with the best parliamentary speeches of the time ; and as to their accuracy in statements of fa6ls, there can be no space for a question. On April 3d, 1745, Gov. Shirley made the following com- munication to the *' Gentlemen of the Council and House of Representatives : In pursuance of the resolution of this Court for forming an expedition against the French settlements on Cape Breton, passed the 25th of January last, which is agreea- ble to His Majesty's pleasure signified to me upon the present rupture with France, 'That I should take all opportunities, as depended upon me, to distress and annoy the French in their settlements, trade and commerce.' I have raised three thou- sand volunteers, under proper officers to be employed in His Majesty's service upon that expedition, two thousand eight hundred of which by the 24th day of last month, and the remainder within two days after were embarked, and sailed for Canso, where they weie to be joined with three hundred and l82 Gov. Shirley's Speech. [Appendix. :'il, '] 1 : fifty troops more, raised by the government of New Hampshire for the same service, upon my application to Gov. Wentworth, and to proceed from thence by the first favorable opportunity to Chappeaurouge Bay, to which place I expert they will be fol- lowed some time this week by five hundred troops more from Connecticut, raised likewise for the same service by that government, upon my application to them. And after the most diligent and exa£l inquiry into the state of the enemy's forces and fortifications upon that island, from persons intimately acquainted with both, I have endeavored to form such a plan of operations to be executed immediately upon the landing of our troops there, as may, I hope, with the blessing of Divine Providence upon His Majesty's arms, render our attempts against the enemy under their present circumstances, success- ful, provided our naval forces shall prove sufficient to hinder them from being reinforced in the meantime with recruits and supplies from France. For preventing which, as well as to cut off all intelligence from the enemy, and intercept any pro- vision vessels which might arrive to them from other parts, I sent away, near three weeks ago, three ships of twenty guns each, two snows of sixteen guns, and an armed brigantine of near the same force (which, together with some other ves- sels of war, are employed by this government in the service of the present expedition) well manned and equipped, with orders to cruise before the harbor of Louisbourg till the arrival of our land forces at Cape Breton, after which those vessels will be immediately joined by Captain Rouse in a snow of twenty- four guns, and the Connefticut colony sloop, in order to block up the enemy's harbor more closely. And that I might pro- cure as strong an armament by sea as well as land, as may be upon this occasion, I not only applied to the neighboring Appendix.] Gov. Shirley's Speech. 183 governments of New England, New York, the Jersies and Pennsylvania to furnish their respective quotas of sea as well as land forces for this enterprise in the common cause, but to the commanders of His Majesty's ships of war stationed in these parts for their assistance also, as far as His Majesty's service in their several stations would admit ; and particularly apprised Commodore Warren by an express sent to Antigua, of the whole scheme of the expedition, representing to him the advantages we have over the enemy at present ; and that for securing the success against them, 'it was necessary that we should have a sufficient naval force before the harbor of Louis- bourg by the middle of March at farthest (if possible), not only to intercept the enemy's provision vessels, but Monsieur Du Vivier, who was expected by that time with recruits and sup- plies for the enemy's garrison, and. perhaps some troops designed against Annapolis Royal, under convoy of a fifty-four and sixty gun ship} the intercepting of which would be a killing blow to the town and garrison of Louisbourg ; but that it would be impossible for us to muster up here a sufficient naval force for that purpose without the assistance of two fifty or forty gun ships;' and therefore pressing him in the strongest terms, 'if he could possibly spare two such from the squadron under his command, to dispatch them away instantly upon the receipt of my express ; and that if he could not spare two such ships, he would assist us with one, which might, perhaps, be sufficient, as I was in hopes from advice I received from England, that one, if not two, of His Majesty's ships of war might be ex- pefted to arrive here with stores for New Hampshire and An- napolis Royal by the middle of March, though I could make no absolute dependence upon that.' And as His Majesty's ship the Bien Amie prize. Captain Grayton commander, then and 1 84 Gov, Shirley's Speech. Appendix.] 1 i I ' 'li J:-f;- !- ■• .I--].; ; still in this harbor, and which I understood was sent here, partly to load with masts oi such dimensions as could not be got ready before the latter end of June, 'I desired that we might have the assistance of that ship for the expedition, or Mr. Warren's orders to His Majesty's ships stationed at Virginia, for that purpose ; ' and requesting that what ships he sent us might proceed diredtly to Canso ; for which purpose I sent him two skillful pilots, and apprising him that I should send His Majesty an account of the expedition by a Bristol vessel the day following. In answer to this letter I received another from Mr. Warren, dated February 24th, by return of the express boat, which arrived at Boston the 19th of last March, wherein he informed me, that 'he should be very glad to be employed in this expedition, but that the; unhappy loss of the Weymouth,* in which ship he should have come here some time in March, pursuant to his orders to attend on New England, had prevented him ; that he had sent my letters and scheme by a vessel of war express to the Admiralty, by the return of which to An- tigua he should, no doubt, receive full instructions for his future proceedings ; and that in the mean time he should, in a very few days, dispatch the Launceston to attend on New England, and the Mermaid to New York, pursuant to his dirediions from the Rt. Hon. the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty.' And by the same express boat Capt. Gayton received orders from Com. Knowles, which have prevented him from assisting us with his ship in the expedition. Since this (five days ago) I have received two other letters from Mr. Warren, dated the * She was a sixty gun ship, Captain pilot, as appeared by the evidence at a Warwick Calmady, cast away at the Lee- court-martial, for which he was sentenced ward Islands in 1744, having been run to two years' imprisonment in the Mar- aground through the ignorance of the shalsea. The crew were saved. Ed. mm ^^g||gg»lll||, Apfendix] Gov. Shirley*s Speech. 185 9th and 15th of last month ; the first at Antigua, and the lat- ter from on board the Superbe, informing me ^that on the 8th of last month His Majesty's sloop Hind arrived at Antigua, and brought him orders to proceed with the Superbe, Launceston, and Mermaid, without loss of time, to Boston ; on his passage to which place he was at the writing of his last letter, in the latitude of 22° \ and that he hoped soon to arrive at Nantasket road, and concert such measures with me as may conduce most to the protection df the colonies and trade, and the carrying on of His Majesty's service in general.' Upon the receipt of which I dispatched a letter by a schooner sent express to meet him, apprising him of the departure and state of our land and sea forces, and recommending to him to send one of his ships at least forthwith before Louisbourg, to join our cruisers there, without coming first to Nantasket, which I apprehend to be of great consequence to His Majesty's service. And I am now in hourly expediation of hearing further of Mr. Warren, and the ships under his command, and hope they may come in time to secure success to the present expedition, which, according to the ordinary course of human events, may be looked on as most probable, if these ships shall arrive seasonably before Louisbourg. *' Gentlemen : As I am persuaded it must be a satisfaction to you to be informed of these several steps hitherto taken for con- du(^ing this important enterprise, with the success of them, I have been induced to be the more particular in my account of the success of my endeavors for procuring a sufficient naval force for the service of it. And I may assure you that no vigilance or attention has or shall be wanting in me to make the other necessary dispositions for the support of it with all possible dispatch, and to make the event of it answer the great ends proposed by it for His Majesty's service, and the general inter- im i IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I «- IIIM 150 '""^^ I — ■ 36 M 12.2 u 1^ III 2.0 1.8 1.25 1.4 1.6 ^ 6" — ► Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 873-4503 m V iV \\ iV ^..%_ '^ % rij^ %■ r^ ."% > b- o\ wmmmmm sesT" t ^W - iiwmammm a a ummmmmm Fi til' m M ■ R5 I P.'A > i'll 1,1' ; 1 86 Gov. Shirley's Speech, [Appendix. ests of his British dominions, as well as the particular interests of New England, and the other British colonies on this con- tinent, and to provide a safe retreat for our forces on any extraordinary emergency that may require it. In the meantime it must afford you the highest satisfa£tion to observe the par- ticular regard which His Majesty's ministers have shown for the protection of these colonies by their beforementioned orders to Commodore Warren, and the warm assurances I received from His Majesty's governors in the colonies of New York, the Jersies, and Pennsylvania, of their most hearty endeavors to engage the colonies under their respedive governments in the support of the common cause upon this occasion, have given me great encouragement to proceed in the expedition, towards securing the success whereof I immediately received from Gov. Clinton, upon my request to him for that purpose, a considera- ble train of artillery, without which we could not have had the same prospect of reducing the island as we now have. 1 1 .4^ ppp '<>• v ' ' '■■■■■^im^mipi^i ;iv V APPENDIX B. (Page 69.) / ' " . [ROBABLY no publication so well lays open the stare of public feeling, and the actual state of the country, at and prior to the Cape Breton expedi- tion, than is exhibited in the Sermon of Rev. Thomas Prince, preached in the Old South Meetinghouse in Boston, on a Thanksgiving, appointed for that occasion, just one month and one day after the surrender of Louisbourg. That performance is thus entitled : ** Extraordinary Events the Doings of God, and marvellous in Pious Eyes. — Illustrated in a SERMON on the General Thanksgiving, Thursday, July 18, 1745. Occasioned by taking the City of Louisbourg on the Isle of Cape Breton.^ by New England Soldiers, assisted by a British Squadron. Psal. xcviii. O sing unto the Lord a new Song, [etc.] BOSTON : Printed for D. Henchman in Cornhill. 1745." The Dedication follows entire:* "To His Excellency William Shirley, Esqj Captain General and Governour in Chief in and over His Majesty's Province of the Massachu- setts Bay in New England^ and Vice Admiral of the same : Your Excellency being, under the Divine Conduct, the principal Former and Promoter of the prosperous Expedition to Cape Bre- ton ; of such vast Importance to the Trade, Wealth, and Power of Great Britain, as well as Safety of Her American Colonies ; and so much to the Glory wherewith GOD has crowned His * Capitalised and italicised according to the original. '^» m iiwi^wpurr^ii"'" 1 88 Taking of Louisbourg. [Appendix. Majesty's happy Reign : The following Sermon is, in Grati- tude and Justice, with all Submission, Dedicated by your Excellency's Most obliged^ Obedient Humble Servant^ ■ "Thomas Prince." After a philosophical introdu£lIon, in which the author hints at the influences of good angels and bad angels on the a£l:ions of men, and gives Satan a recognition in the management of affairs, he proceeds : " But we must hasten on to Apply these things, in pursuance of our first design, to the great and extra- ordinary occasion of this happy Solemnity : A surprising course of Providence has led us into a most adventurous enterprise against the French settlements at Cape Breton, and their exceed- ing strong city of Louisbourg, for warlike power the pride and terror of these northean seas ; and by a wonderous series and happy coincidences of various means, delivered them into our hands. And this in a most signal manner, is the Lord's doings in the present day ; and is truly marvellous in every pious, yea, I may say, in every unprejudiced and considerate eye. " The island belonged originally to the British empire : * was at first comprised in the general name and grand patent of New England in 1620 ; but in the following year set ofFand included in Nova Scotia by a separate patent ; and since, in Nova Scotia comprehended in the royal charter of the Massachusetts pro- vince in 1 69 1. It abounds in the best of pit coal known in * Assuming that the English first dis- covered it, which the French never ad- mitted. " Or [the English] pretend que les Cabots reconnurent I'lsle de Terre Neuve .... cependant de bons auteurs assuri qu'ils n'avoient debarque en aucun endroit," tt ctt. CJkarltveix, II, ix. Ed. See also Lahontan Ntuveaux Voyagti, II, 7, who says : " II y a plus d'un siecle et demi que le Canada a etc decouverte ) Jean Verasan sut le premier qui le di..d- vrit, mais i son malheur, en les sauvagat le mangerent." Edition la Haye, 1705, page 7, vol. II. Edittr, ■M mmm lilii" ^mm Appendix.] Taking of Loutsbourg. 189 America ; and so near the surface of the earth and coast of the sea, as to be very easily dug and put in vessels. Yea, from 1703, Lahontan had told us* of the French ships loading with and carrying the same to Guadaloupe and Martinico, for the refining of sugars, to their great advantage. And its commo- dious harbors ; with its happy situation in the center of our fishery, at the entrance of the bay and river of Canada, and in the wake of all the trade from Europe to the British colonies on the main land, of [North] America, and both from them and our West India Islands to Europe, rendered the place of such vast importance." f It will be very difficult for the casual reader of the present day to have even a slight appreciation of the situation in which our fathers saw themselves at the period of this French war. The resources of their immediate country had scarcely begun to be known ; coal had not been discovered, and although the abundance of wood rendered it almost useless, yet they doubt- less looked forward to a time when coal would be of conse- quence, as it had long been in England and other parts of Europe. To look upon Nova Scotia as a central position to the country in our time would excite a smile. But at that period the country to the westward of Boston was mostly a wilderness. * This reference to Lahontan it not very intelligible. The author probably meant htfort 1703, inttead of from 1703. Editor. |- "I remember while in England, when we came to know the Tory Minis- try had by the treaty of Utrecht in 171 3, resigned it to the French, all true-hearted Britons who knew the circumstance of the island, most grievously lamented the resignation, as full of teeming mischief to the British trade, wealth, and power, and as one of the most fatal a£h of that unhappy ministry." Prince. Up to this period much had been written on " The Importance of Cape Breton ; " that the French annually employed 1,000 vessels in the fishery, of 200 to 400 tons, and 10,000 men ; curing 5,000,000 quintals of fish. In 1730 they carried to Mar- seilles alone, 2,200,000 quintals. Amir. Magawnt, II, 216. Ed, B^^^W ™_T— - . ' J 1 ■ •' i 1 ; I i i i 1 ft fi i i rl ^^•^ ! 190 Takintr of Louisbourg. [Appendix. New York was of small account, and places further westward amounted to very little, and were almost entirely confined to the mouths of rivers upon the sea coast. The West, the Great West was practically unknown. " The French well knowing the vast advantage of their acquisition, have built a walled city on the most convenient port both for trade and fortification ; for these thirty years been adding to its natural and artificial strength ; and by immense sums and the utmost art and dilligence, made it one of the strongest fortresses in America, if not in Europe ; such as was not like to be taken without a very powerful, skillful and reso> lute army both by sea and land, or being starved to a surrender. In short, it was the Dunkirk of North America, and in some respei^s of greater importance. " For, by means of this island and fortification, the French have every year enlarged their fishery, and thereby their trade, wealth and shipping ; and by fishing cheaper than we, they have moie and more commanded the trade of Spain, Portugal, and Italy } drawn away their gold and silver, and greatly diminished our trade and fishery, a principal source both of the British wealth and naval power. ** So pernicious a settlement was this, that for above these twenty years, it has seemed to me, it were wortn the while to engage in a war with France, if it were for nothing else but to recover this most important island to the British empire.* * ThU wai a rather hard philoiophy, ill view of iti source. It is the same at though a man, having so' i an article at too low a price, should knock down the purchaser, take the commodity sold and make otF with it ! As old Thomas Ful- ler would say, "This might do in sea divinity, but justice is quite another thing." If Queen Anne's ministers made a foolish bargain, it it a sorry argu- ment to base a murderous war upon. It is the argument made use of by small boys about their playthings. It certainly comes with bad grace from our author. Ed. \''^ ■ Liiiii lin^gl jinW^tirB Appendix.] Taking of Louisbourg. 191 Though a war was dreadful, the necessity and hazard seemed every year to increase ; the longer it was deferred, the more powerful and dangerous they grew, and the less our hope of their being ever reduced. ? ** At length, without our seeking, and in the most critical time, the Lord was pleased to leave them to precipitate a war upon us. An unexpedted season opens to make the dangerous trial, if the Almighty would please to prosper us. And now all the northern colonies, and ours especially, began to feel their destruAive power and influence. In a few months' time infest- ing our coasts, taking our shipping, ruining our fishery and trade, destroying Canso, invading Annapolis, reducing us to straits, and carrying our people into a place almost impregnable. [Louisbourg ] And as it was a source of privateers and men of war distressing to us, it was also a safe resort both of their West and East India fleets, to their great advantage in return- ing homeward. Of such vast importance was this strong port of our enemies ; and this possessed by one of the most enter- prising, powerful, and a£tive nations. ** But in the wisdom of God, the stronger it grew, the better in the issue for us. The French having built a regular city, and laid out immensely more to render it both strong and com- modious, than we should, if the place had been in our power. Yea, it seems most likely, that if they had not possessed it, there would neither have been a battery, nor even a house in the port to this day } * no more than in many fine harbors of ■4-'', * Had the author written this at'a been anything but the residence of a few much later period, he could not have fiahermen with some farms of little im- made a truer prediftion. After it fell portance. See Parsons 's Lift of Pef>- into the hands of the English in 1758, perrell, 332, 333. See also Halliburton's it was demolished, and has never since Hitt. Nova Scotia, II, ai4-zi8. Ed. m i_i_^ iiiii :;== -*■■■■<>— ^■.4w« V , !> I l;^l im 192 Taking of Louisbourg. [Appendix. Nova Scotia ; which though so near the fishery, have been negle£ted by us for so many years, from the peace of Utrecht. But now, in a few weeks' time, the sovereign God has pleased to give us the fruits of these thirty years' prodigious art, labor, and expense of our enemies ; and this by means of so small a number, less than four thousand land men, unused to war, undisciplined, and that had never seen a siege in their lives. " Let us therefore look into the wondrous scenes of provi- dence, and see some of the various and surprising steps which led to the happy acquisition: i. Our enemies, being left of God, in opposition to all rules of policy, but in too early con- fidence of their sufficient growth of power, while engaged with the queen of Hungary, to hurry into a war with us \ while their trading ships were mostly abroad, their navy not so well pre- pared, and ours by the previous war with Spain, equipped and ready to employ its power for our defense and their annoyance ; it seems in as happy a jundlure as wc could wish for ; without which we should not have had the advantage or opportunity which they have opened to us. ** 2. The people of Cape Breton early and suddenly seizing Canso, invading Annapolis, and M. De Vivier going to France for additional forces by sea and land, to renew the assault in the spring of the year ; were improved by God as a means of rous- ing us up with the sense of danger, and of exciting our Go- vernor to implore the King for somt naval help ; without which it seems that commodore Warren with his three ships of war had not been ordered from our West India Islands to New England; though then, I suppose, without any special view to this important enterprise. " 3. By the Cape Bretoners taking and carrying so many of our people into their harbor and city, they were obliged to return til- wm iHi Appendix.] Taking of Loutsbourg. 193 them to us ; whereby we came to be more acquainted with their situation and the proper places of landing and attacking. And at the same time it is in the issue happy they were not fully aware of the prodigious strength of the fortifications, or of the great number of men within and near them, or we never had presumed on such an enterprise. Yea, it is happy that some few, who better knowing the place, gave the more exa<^ accounts and spake discouraging ; yet we were so set on sending, they were not regarded. ** 4. God was pleased to give last summer a great plenty of provision to our northern colonies, whereby we were this spring prepared to supply so great an armament, and at the same time cut short the crops in Canada and the French West India Islands ; whereby it was apprehended that those at Cape Breton were considerably straitened, and that both the Canada French and Indians were hindered the last year from troubling our inland borders. ** 5. By our account of the uneasiness of the Switzers there, for want of pay and provision ; and the call and wants of their East and West India fleet in the Fall of the year, and their sup- plies with men and viiSluals, if not ammunition, it was repre- sented the remaining French were further weakened } and we were the more encouraged. And it was further remarkable, that their store ships from France in the Fall came so late on their coast, and the winter there set in so early and fierce, as to keep them out of their harbor and drive them off to Martineco. '* 6. From the sanguine representations made by our returned captives, of the easiness of our taking the place by an early surprisal before any help could come, either from France or Canada, God was pleased to lead our Governor, vigilant and a£kive for our safety and welfare^ into the proje£): j and early irr m. If ■ ;ih '-■ ■ lf^ ■ ■ --^ 'f '- ■■-■■■■'" --^-i- ■ i--' '• ' mn,> juammnMM 194 Taking of Louisbourg, [Appendix. ■1 '•■ ; ( I. h i I h forming the scheme, in the most timely season, in the midst of Winter, when our intercourse abroad was sealed up, to move and press it on the General Assembly ; and after, in convenient time, on our neighboring governments ; and with wonderous resolution, circumspeti» l ll Appendix] Taking of Loutsbourg. 199 and time enough to meet together and refresh themselves, and get into order for their descent at Louisbourg. "3. It was remarkable also, that God was pleased to keep our enemies' shore and harbor environed with ice longer than usual ; so that none of their vessels could enter nor go forth for intelligence, till our twenty gun cruisers (which our Go- vernor sent above a fortnight before the rest of the fleet) came thither ; and that some of their vessels coming early to them, both before and after the harbor was open, were happily inter- cepted and taken by ours ; whereby our enemies within failed of their supplies, and we were recruited by those without. *'4. That by a most gracious, seasonable and wonderful Di- reftion of God, through our Governor's solicitation * the Fall before, the brave and active Commodore Warren, a great friend of these plantations, is ordered by the government in England, to come immediately with three men of war from Antego to Boston; that on his voyage hither, near Cape Sables, on April 12, he met with a fisherman, who informed him of our army's being gone to Canso the week before ; that on board the fish- erman there was one of the best pilots, who had got out of the way of our committee of war, to avoid being pressed for the service; that though the Commodore wanted fresh provision April 25. The general said he had re- viewed the forces on Canso Hill, and found them in good health ; that Capt. Donahew had taken three Indians, from whom he had learned that the French and Indians had intended to make a fresh attack on Annapolis, and that Mons. Duvivier, with two ships of v-'nr from France, was expected to join them. Ed. * It will all along be seen that nothing by way of a wise precaution was wanting in Gov. Shirley. As little was left to chance, apparently, as in any similar ex- peditions, whatever writers have said to the contrary. It is a very cheap kind of wisdom to foresee what would have been the result of an undertaking if a deluge or an earthquake had intervened. If it was providential that neither of these happened, it is equally providential that the internal fires of the earth were quiet during the liouisbouig campaign. Ed, i: ., .^.^^^^....^.^....^.^ Im it i lib r ! ':. !i 200 Taking of Louisbourg. [Appendix. and clothes for his men in so cold a climate and season, he wisely considered the necessitous case of our army, took the pilot, generously tacked about, went after them, overtook them at Canso, to their great joy ; and, instead of stopping, passed on to watch the harbor of Louisbourg, that no supply from Canada, Martinico or France might slip into it ; without all which a sixty-four gun ship with near six hundred men and full stores had entered, and this great affair had soon been defeated.* " 5. That the Commodore, by the fishermen sent his order for the king's ships that should be found in these parts, forth- with to follow himj that the fisherman timely arriving, our Governor immediately sent the order to a forty gun ship at Piscataqua ready to convoy the mast fleet for England ; and though she was got to sea, yet by a boat the order reached her ; and sending her fleet into harbor, she bore after the Commo- dqre and quickly joined him. So that our army before they sailed from Canso, had the comfort of four men of war to pro- tedt and help them. " 6. That though our fleet and army stayed near three weeks at Canso, within twenty leagues of Louisbourg, and within sight of their island,t yet the people there knew nothing of it till early in the morning of April 30, when they were so sur- prised to see us, that they had no time to get in the fresh pro- vision and force of the neighboring country to help thenn. It seems very wonderful, that none of the French or Indians near Canso should happen to see us, and give our enemies intelli- gence of us. And, when our fleet and army were complete * It it by no means certain that the Scdtik from Cape Breton, is "very nar- arrival of this ship would have defeated row ; " and as it is of very unequal width, the capture. It might have retarded it. geographers do not give us even an average See ante, p. 72. Ed. of it. Ed. It is six leagues in length. f The Gut of Canso, separating Nova See Doug/att, I. 346. Ed. . ' ; iV r •'■ri- ■*■■•■*' . 1 ;ii(» i r« . « > 'ji'-r . tri i -i i i iii ' > > i -i .'■ i^ i iiii ' i ' .i. ii. i iii i i. mvimi wm Apmndix.] Taking of Louis u^urg. 201 and ready, the ice went cfF at once, and the winds and weather conspired to favoi our descent on the island.'*' " 7. It is also remarkable that the French had made no forti- fication at th; place of our landing, though it is said they de- signed it, and were preparing for it. And though they had six hundred regular troops, and about fourteen hundred other men in the city, that yet they should make so small an oppo- sition at our going on shore: That God so encouraged and helped the few who landed first and engaged them, as to beat them away with the loss of eight of their men slain, several wounded, and ten taken captive, without the loss of one of ours; that thereby he struck terror into our enemies; And though our people were so eager of landing, they were ready to quarrel to get into the boats, and the surf ran high, yet all our army landed safely, without oversetting a boat or losing a man.f "8. That he moved them to improve the time, and forth- with march up five miles through a thickety, rocky, hilly and boggy country, and enclose the city ; that in the following night he led some of our soldiers through strange places to the store- houses near the Grand Battery which was strongly fortified with walls and ditches, and at each end a very thick bomb- proof tower ; that the store-houses, full of combustible matter, being set on fire burnt and flashed in a horrible manner, and in * Pioui men i»w the immediate hand of Divine Providence in all this. Hutch- intoH. Ed. f The force* under Admiral Boeca- wen, Sir Charles Hardy, and Gen. Am- herst, found things vastly changed when they were sent to retake the place thirteen Aa year* later. The men led by Wolfe, Whitmore, and Lawrence, were not less eager to land, though in the face of forti- fications which made terrible havoc among them ; besides the drowning of twenty-tw.o men by the staving of boat*. Editor, '*^i^i mf^^ ^/j^f^tea^« >m i t'\ i 202 Taking of Louisbourg. [ApPENDIJf. the night increased the enemy's terror; that the wind also bearing a prodigious black smoke upon them, in which expedt- ing our army to enter, they were every soul frighted out of it into the city ; and that in the morning, but thirteen of our men observing there was neither fiag flying, nor chimney smoking, nor person appearing, but the gates open, ventured in and took possession.* **9. That yet the enemy aware of their fatal error, soon after came with forces in many shallowaesf to recover it ; but eight of the thirteen going out of the battery, and meeting with about eight more of our friends, ran to the water side, and so plied the boats with small arms, as damped and hindered them, till seeing more of our forces coming, the boats turned back to the town again. If they had come but one hour sooner, they had regained the battery before we found it deserted. And thus this strong fortress of thirty-two great cannon (thirty of them forty-two pounders), which might alone have maintained itself against all our army, the Lord delivered into our hands, without the loss of a man, or shot of a gun, and before we demanded it ; whereby He at once saved us both time, toil, and blood, and surprisingly gave us a great power over the harbor, as well as so many of the largest of the ene- my's cannon, with a great number of their own balls and bombs to improve against them. ** 10. That our army was preserved from the dangerous infeftion ; and though being open to the air, fogs and dews, upon the melting of the ice, in a raw climate and season of the year, the camp dysentery seized many, yet some of our physi- * Thl« was Col. Vaughan's exploit. It will be found differently reported in Apfknoix D. f Perhaps flat bottomed boats. The only instance of the occurrence of the word recolle^ed. Eti. n ■ ill ^^1^ AippENDix.] Taking of Louisbourg. 203 cians, in their letters signified, that it looked almost miraculous they should so soon and generally, without means, recover.* *' II. That they should be inspired with wondrous courage, eagerness, activity, and unfainting strength ; be supported under their extraordinary and constant toils, fatigues, and labors, in carrying stores, drawing cannon over hills and vallies, among rocks and through morasses, up to the middle in mire } and digging trenches, raising batteries, firing shot and bombs almost incessantly, both day and night, against the city jf and that God so spfeedily 'taught their hands to war, and their fingers to fight,' as presently to throw them with great exactness, and do continual execution among our enemies ; dismounting their cannon, beating down their houses, gates, walls, flankers, and greatly distressing them.t " 12. That when a new sixty-four gun ship from France, with near six hundred men, and great quantities of arms and stores, ''*' During the siege was constant dry, favorable weather. Next day, June 18, after we had possession of the town, the raining season set in, which, for want of our men being clothed and well lodged, would have broken up the siege. Dou- glast. E4. These contingencies served a good purpose then and long after. f Here we may observe, that by the herculean labor of our militia (many oi them were used to masting and logging), whose great achievements were most re- markable in quality of pioneers or laborers, they dragged these heavy cannon upon •ledges over morasses not practicable by horses or oxen. By good providence they had no occasion to show their conduA and courage in repulsing of coldiers. Dottglati. Ed. X The transporting the cannon was with almost incredible labor and fatigue, for all the roads over which they were dtawn, having here and there small patches of rocky hills, was a deep morass, in which, while the cannon, was upon the wheels, they several times sunk, so as to bury not only the carriages, but the whole body of the cannon likewise. Horses a)id oxen could not be employed in this tervice, but the wliole was to be done by n\tn themselves, up to the knees in mud ; at the same time the nights, in which the work was done, cold, and for the most p.irt foggy; their tents bad, there being no proper material to be had for cents in New England, at the time the forces were raised. Governor Shirley's Journal, page 14. Ed. M '\ ' ^diA 204 ^1 Taking of Louisbourg, [ArrEwwx. 1 came so near the mouth of the harbor, and before a fair wind, that two hours more would have given her entrance, she was happily discovered by some of our smaller ships, who led her along to the larger, and soon made her strike, though after near two hours' close engagement, wherein she lost above thirt-' men, and ours but five.* And though by the fog in the night they lost her, yet in the morning they happily recovered her; to the growing discouragement of the besieged, and our increasing strength and benefit. " That though to show our dependence on God continually. He was pleised to suffer the barbarous Indians twice to surprise and murder some of our people ; yet in several land encounters, both with French and Indians, in divers parts of the island, He was pleased to give us the victory. **That by means of extraordinary quick dispatch of a messenger, our Governor in February sent to the King for naval help. God was pleased to send so many men of war, successively, as by the I2th of June, with the 64-gun prize and those who were there before, to amount to eleven, to the sinking fear of the enemy, and the rising joy of our fleet and army ; and also to preserve a happy harmony between our various officers. ** That though God was pleased to humble us in defeating our attack in the night, on their strong Island Fort,t yet he ..i.x::,l I .* * Besides the Superb, the Mermaid, Eltham, Massachusetts Frigate, and Shirley Galley were all in the engage- ment. Gov. Shirley's Journal, page i%. Ed. f This was the mo«t unfortunate part of the whole siege, and was apparently very ill advised. Mr. Prince passes over it altogether too slightly. Dr. Douglass treats it more at it should be treated. He says, "About four hundred men, in whaleboats so thin and light that a flew musket balls were sufficient to sink them, rashly attempted the Island Battery, where is bad landing, against thirty guns of twenty-eight pound ball, served by one hundred and eighty men. We lost in this mad frolic, sixty men killed and drowned, and one hundred and sixteen taken prisoners." lb. 353. E4. I Appendix.] Taking of Louishurg. 10$ happily guided, and with surprising strength, agility and quick- ness, helped us to hoist up some of the heaviest cannon and mortars on the Light House CliiF, which overlooked that fort in which they trusted to hinder our entering into their harbor ; and then assisted in casting our bombs so exactly, as after the two or three first to throw in every one of the rest, and do such execution as quickly to beat them out of this strong hold they thought impregnable, and frighten the city to a quiet surrender. "• " That God shouiv. move them to it in that critical moment, when the navy and army had just agreed on a general, desperate and fierce assault, both by land and water, which was like to be exceeding bloody and of doubtful consequence ; for upon the capitulation, when our forces entered the city, and came to view the inward state of its fortifications, they were amazed to see their extraordinary strength and device, and how we had like to liave lost the limbs and lives of a multitude, if not have been all destroyed ; and that the city should surrender when there was a great body of French and Indians got on the island, and within a day's march to molest us. *■*• That in all our close and constant assaults and skirmishes, some of our batteries being within pistol-shot of the city, and receiving such a vast number of balls and bombs almost con- tinually by day and by night, we should not have above twenty slain in our batteries, and not above a hundred in all, in so raw a climate and season, and under such fatigues, not loose above a hundred more by sickness. And of so many vessels trans- porting and cruising, in so many storms in March and April, 1 *June 15th, when the mortar began seventeen fell within the fort, and one of to play fi-om the Lighthouse battery upon them upon the magazine. — Shirley's the Island battery, out of nineteen shells. Journal, p. 30. Ed, % — T-J*l i i i ft i i ^iii f iii ' i n uiiiiii j i i ii w iiii if ' ii / 206 Taking of Louisbourg. [Appendix. loose but one,''' though this a cruiser of a hundred men, supposed to be overset, is a grievous loss. **That in the time of the siege, there were many other surprising events in our favor, — such as timely supplies to our army, either by transports or prizes, as we were near to want them ;t that the very balls from our enemy's cannon were of no small service, being as fast almost as they fell catched up and put into ours, and returned with advantage } that digging a trench to protect our men, and meeting a rock in the way we could not remove it ; just as we left it, a bomb from the enemy came down in the most suitable spot, and without any harm, removed it for us. . " That from the army leaving Canso, April 29th, to their landing, April 30th, and during all the siege, there should be such a continual series of fair weather, as was never known in the place before at that time oi the year, till their entering into the city, June 17th, and then the clouds to gather blackness and pour down rains for ten days together, which would have spoiled our batteries, filled our trenches, and greatly hindered and disabled us ! It seemed to close the scenes of wonder ! " In the mean while, it is also remarkable, that the North American coasts have been unmolested by both French and 4.; ;?:' *Thi8 " one " wm the snow Prince of Orange, of sixteen guns, Capt. Smithurst. It is to be regretted that in all the ac- counts of the Cape Breton expedition which I have consulted, nothing is learned of this serious disaster, but its casual mention. I " The English, by the situation of their colonies, have had facilities which we do not possess. Boston is only one hundred and sixty to one hundred and eighty leagues distant from Louisbourg ; the passage is usually made in three or four days '; therefore, after landing at Gabarus [Chapeau rouge] Bay, they were within reach of supplies." — New York Colonial Documents, x, 4 See, also, Halliburton, Hitt. Nova Scotia, I, 116. 'fir LdiiMiiuaii MSMMHH I >^') ■ I "* ■ »ll« W illlll mnvk K^ li>»iiiJ> «iiii « ■ Appendix.] TakfTig of LoUtsbourg. 207 Spanish West India privateers^ till this great affair was ended.* And that by means of Du Vivier's projeft of taking Annapolis in the Spring or Summer, both our French and Indian enemies have been all this time diverted from our exposed inland borders ; they being drawn to Menis, and to make a trancient show at Annapoiis. So he was guided into his mischievous but fruitless project, and to go even to France to promote our safety, and give us an unmolested season for the taking of Louisbourg." Respecting the combination and continuance of fortunate circumstances which contributed to the capture of Cape Breton, a judicious writer has remarked : *' But these circumstances did not lessen the merit of the man who planned, nor of the people who efFefted the conquest ; which exhibited a high spirit of enterprise, and a generous participation in the war of the mother country. "f It was customary at this period, as well as in the earlier periods of the history of New England, to make a providential interposition answetable for whatever fortune befel the country, either good or bad. Hence our amiable author (Prince) has laboriously made it appear, that, in the Louisbourg expedition, more than in all others, the hand of Providence was especially on the side of the English ; that this was a proof that a Papal empire in North America was not to be tolerated by that Providence. That the men who undertook this enterprise against the French, deserved any better success than those who * But they had previously annoyed the and bid him take it to the English King, English commerce exceedingly; treating the seamen in the most barbaroui man- ner. "Captain Jenkins, master of a Scotch vessel, being rumaged by the Spaniards, they tore part of his ear off, and tell him, that they would serve him so, if they had him in their power." — Biggs's Af/Z/rory History, page i. ■f Halliburton, Hiitory of Nova Scotit, 1, lao-i. m 11 flii 208 Taking of Louisbourg. [Apmndix. had before gone on k oiilar «. icmpts under Sir William Phips, Sir Hovenden Walker, and othert., is hidden from the scrutiny of the historian. Had the expedition against Louisbourg been undertaken with- out orders from Great Britain, as its enemies said, its failure would have been the ruin of the country, as no relief could be expected from the crown. Tiuis argument was made use of to prove that it was a visionary undertaking. But it was not undertaken without the authority of the British government, as has already been shown. War existed between the two crowns, and the Governors of the respedive colonies were ordered to annoy the enemy to the utmost of their ability. Hence the undertaking was in stride compliance with the commands of the government. ill it;; iH; tA f ' ■ i'Ukh : '.:d,' ■■■':' ■mi w mmm^mmifm ■ffH*f>,l \ IJ"«Mi APPENDIX C. Page 7». |HE fortunate interception and capture of the French ship Vigilant, of sixty-four guns, Captain De la Maison Forte, are but incidently mentioned in the published accounts. The capture was of too great importance not to have a very prominent place in the history of this war. It follows here, detailed by Captain Tyng, one who bore a considerable part in the fight, in a letter dated May 23d, I745f probably on board his ship, the Massachusetts Frigate. *' My last was the 4th of April from Canso ; since which I have been at sea, and had no opportunity nor anything material to write about till now. *■*■ I now congratulate you on the good news of our taking a French man of war of sixty-four guns and five hundred men, about three days ago. (She is quite new.) " The manner of taking her was thus : The Commodore [Warren, in the Superbe of sixty guns], the Eltham [of forty guns, Capt. Durell], and the Launceston [of forty guns, Capt. Calmady*] lay off Louisbourg harbor. Mr. Warren had sent the Mermaid [Capt. Douglas, of forty guns] to cruise further to windward. About one in the afternoon, we saw the Mer- maid and the French ship engaged. They were standing right for us, till the Frenchman discovered us to be English. We - * The same, doubtleta, who lost his Islands, as already mentioned. He con- ship the year before at the Leeward tinued in the service till 1757. Bb it ^Ki I ' •^««..«^>« ]li: 2IO Capture of the Vigilant. [Afmhdw. all gave chase, but Rouse, in the Shirley Galley, being ahead, got up with him first, and gave him several broadsides into his stern. Capt. Durell was the next that gave him a broadside. It being very foggy, and night coming on, we steered by the report and flash of the guns. When the brave Commodore got alongside of him, yard arm and yard arm, they fired so briskly, with great guns and small arms, that tore his rigging and sails all to pieces. His intention was to board the French- man and mine the Commodore, and to run our men over him, but we could not get up in time ; our ship sailing much worse than before we lost our head and bowsprit. "The Commodore fired one broadside into him after tney had struck ; he not knowing they had cried for quarters. He shot by him and lost sight of him in the fog. The Eltham and our ship soon after took him in the night for the Commo- dore, till the Eltham fired, and we upon his bow had an oppor- tunity of firing at him again; the Elcham's guns firing over us, and ours over him, in such manner we were forced to leave ofF firing. We all lost sight of him in a minute, except the Mer- maid, who presently got sight of him again, and sent his boat on board, took the Captain out, and left only four men on board, and thought we had lost her. We lay by the Commo- dore all night. In the morning it cleared up - little, so that we saw the French ship lie like a wreck, with Capt. Douglas at a little distance from him (who had lost him in the night). We sent all our boats and some men on board, and took the prisoners out, and hope you will have them and about one hundred more in Boston shortly. a*!*! «i'ti i '' 1' ^ |: i 212 ^ Criticism. [Appendix. Gen. Waldo, Gov. Shirley, and all the officers engaged in the expedition, however experienced in fighting the Indians and French from year to year, and all the prisoners that had been captives at Louisbourg, and had reported upon its fortifications and condition, were " wrong-headed person*! if not natural fools ! " It is now left for the future reader to judge where the defeat of wrongheadedness was prominent among the crani- ums of that day ; while it may be conceded that the French commander committed a mistake in attempting to fight the English ships, instead of making all sail for the port without losing any time ; but Mons. Maison Forte was fairly surprised, having no knowledge of the large force of ships on the lookout for him. In the 'Journal of the Siege of Louisbourg^ is this con- cise paragraph : " May 2i. A letter came to the General from the Commodore, acquainting him he had taken the Vigilant, a French ship ^f sixty-four guns ; besides the Superb, the Mer- maid, Eltham, Massachu!:etts frigate, and Shirley Galley, were all in the engagement, and at the taking of her. * Three days after the taking of the Vigilant, Capt. [Richard] Edwards, in the Princess Mary of sixty guns, joined the Commodore ; and the next day Capt. [Frederick] Cornwall, in thfi Hedor of forty guns." r i ifii UMlNilllllllllilHIiaH .■.■>.a*>. ' M» n ! i»i A ' Appendix.] Shirley Oft Capture of Louisbourg. 215 following. That on the next day, a detachment of four hundred of our men* marched round to the North-East Har- bor, behind the range of hills there, where they burnt all the enemy's houses and stores in that neighborhood, at che distance of about a mile from the Grand Battery, whereby such a terror was struck into them, that the same night they deserted that battery, leaving the artillery, consisting of twenty-eight cannon of forty-two pound shot, and two of eighteen pound, and the ordnance stores belonging to it (except the powder, which they threw i' > a well), so precipitately that they only spiked up their cai 1 in a slight manner, without knocking off any of their trunions, or doing other damage to them, and but very little to the carriages. That the next morning, being the third of May, a party of about fifteen or sixteen of our men discovered that the enemy had abandoned the Grand Battery, and drove off a party of them which attempted to reland there that morning, in boats, notwithstanding they stood on the open beach, exposed to the fire of the enemy's cannon from the town, and their musquetry from the boats. f That notwith- standing an incessant fire from the enemy's cannon and mortars in the town, at the distance of five thousand nine hundred and 11 * They inarched under cover of night, and were led by Lieutenant-Colonel William Vaughan. The buildings which hit party let on fire produced a dense •moke, which the wind carried diredtly into the Grand Battery. This was the cause of its being abandoned by the enemy. ^ See Belknap's History New Hampihire (Farmer's edition), p. 274.. The four hundred, or all except thirteen under Vaughan, appear to have retreated after setting fire to the storehouses. f These "fifteen or sixteen men "were of Vaughan's party, Vaughan himself at the head of them. The enemy were coming to attempt to retake the Grand Battery ; " but Vaughan, with his small party, on the naked beach, and in the face of a smart fire from the city and the boats, kept them from landing, till the reinforcement arrived. In every duty of fatigue or sanguine adventure, he was always ready ; and the New Hampshire troops, animated by the same enthusiastic ardor, partook of all the labon and dan- gers of the siege." — Belknaf. If 1 t .■ I: ;i tmmmmm ■ ^1 I i-i^ iii •? «■*.. ' 21 6 Shirley on Capture of Louisbourg. [Appendix. thirteen feet from it, and from the Island Battery, at the distance of four thousand eight hundred feet, our troops, by the next day cleared three of the cannon in the Grand Battery, which pointed against the town, and returned their fire upon the enemy there, and also from other of the guns, which pointed against the Island Battery, and were by degrees unspiked in a few days.* That our troops, within the compass of twenty- three days from the time of their first landing, erected five facine batteries against the town, consisting of cannon, some forty-two pound shot, and others of twenty-two, and others of nine pound. Mortars of thirteen, eleven, and nine inches diameter, with some cohorns ; all which were transported by hand. But notwithstanding these difficulties, and many of the people being barefooted and almost without clothes, by means of this service, in which they had worn them out, and their being taken down with fluxes, so that at one time there were fifteen hundred men incapable of duty, occasioned by their fatigue, they went on cheerfully without being discouraged, or murmuring, and, by the help of sledges, transported the cannon and mortars over these ways, which the French had always thought impassable for such heavy weights, and was indeed ■'fe*?- ■^'i''- '<^ 1** 'lli'^^'i * Some singular incidents, which the general plan of the Governor's narrative did not admit of his going into, are not to be overlooked : a few are here given : " The next morning [after the enemy had been smoked out of the Grand Bat- tery], at Vaughan was returning with thirteen men only, he crept up the hill which overlooked the Battery, and observed, that the chimneys of the bar- racks were without smoke, and the staff without a flag, with a bottle of brandy, which he had in hig pocket (though he never drank ardent spirits), he hired one of his party, a Cape Cod Indian, to crawl in at an embrasure, and open the gate. He then wrote to the General, 'May it please your honor, to be informed, that by the grace of God, and the courage of thirteen men, I entered the Royal Battery, about 9 o'clock, and am waiting for a rein- forcement and a flag.* Before either could arrive, one of the men climbed up the stafl^, with a red coat in his teeth, which he fastened by a nail to the top." Vaughn was a volunteer without command. iiiiy.. »i ii i ' n i i 'ti ii |i |l > i|i ' i t >i ; >'<)fiMMM*iMMMMMM>- — Appendix. ] Siege and Capture of Louis hour g. 217 impracticable by any people of less resolution and perseverance, or less experience in removing heavy bodies ; and besides this, they had all their provisions and heavy ammunition, which they daily made use of, to bring from the camp over the same way upon their backs. " To annoy our people in making their approaches, and carry- ing on their batteries, the enemy eredted new works, where they mounted some cannon, from whence, as well as from the cannon of other batteries, and from their mortars, they continu- ally maintained a strong fire, till their cannon was silenced by being dismounted, or having their men beat off by our cannon. "The most advanced of our live batteries, which was finished on the 17th of May, was within a distance of two hundred and fifty yards from the west gate of the town j so that from this battery several of the enemy were killed by our musquetry, as were some of our men by the enemy's from the walls ; and indeed this battery was so near the enemy's works, that our men were obliged to load the cannon there under the fire of their musquetry, which was very sharp on both sides, the enemy generally opening the ad^ion every morning with the fire of their small arms upon this battery, for two hours, which was constantly returned with advantage on our side. The execution done from these, and the Grand Battery, was very considerable. The west gate was entirely beat down, the wail adjoining very much battered, and a breach made in it at about ten feet from the bottom of the wall. The Circular Battery of sixteen cannon, twenty-four pounders, near the west gate (and the principal one against ships next to the Grand Battery and Island Battery), was almost entirely ruined, and all the cannon but three, dismounted. Their north-east battery, consisting of two lines of forty-two and thirty-two pounders, in all seventeen ii' ^ i m»» iiii ) i|i>iii !!■ :! '', I • 'hi^ i:- 1 ' '{ 1 B i ■'I 1 \ 2 1 8 Siege and Capture of Louis hour g. [Appendix. cannon, another principal battery against ships, was damaged, and the men beat off from their guns. The west flank of the King's Bastion belonging to the citadel, and the battery there of six twenty-four pounders, which pointed to the land side, and greatly annoyed our works, was almost demolished. Two cavaliers of two twenty-four pounders, each raised during the siege, and two other cannon of the same weight of metal, run out at two embrazures, cut through the parapet near the west gate at the same time (all pointing against our batteries), were damaged and silenced. The citadel was very much damaged ; several houses in the city entirely demolished, and almost every one more or less hurt ; and Maurepas Gate, at the easternmost part of the city, shattered. And as cross fires from the cannon and tnortars, and even from our musquetry, ranged through the houses and streets in every part of the city, and through the enemy's parades, whereby many were killed, it drove the inhabitants out of their houses into casemates, and other covered holds, where they were obliged to take refuge for several weeks ; and besides this, the fire from the Grand Battery damaged also the barracks of the Island Battery. *' During this time, our parties of scouts so thoroughly ranged the woods, that they seldom returned without bringing in some prisoners,* which very much confined the enemy within their walls, who were constantly worsted in all skirmishes, and repulsed in every sally which they made, and frequently by an inferior number of our men, and with very little loss, upon these occasions, sustained on our side, the chief of which was a party of eighteen of our men straggling contrary to orders, * There were some of our men sur- going on iljore unarmed, as will presently prised by tlie Indians in their straggling be seen, though the exad date is not in the neighboring woods, and some by learned. Ed. iifiii i;n-f i itm4iJ,i,k i,bii^Ahii>tAiiUi»iirl, .< Appendix.] Siege and Capture of houisbourg. 2 1 9 being surprised and cut off by a large number of Indians, and another of nine, coming on shore out of one of the cruisers to water, without their arms, being likewise surprised and cut off by some Indians.* That on the 26th of May, after some ineft'eitual preparations for making an attack upon the enemy's Island Battery, which is a strong fort built on a rocky island, at the entrance into the harbor, mounted with thirty cannon of twenty-eight pound shot, and having several swivel guns upon its breast works, and two brass ten inch mortars, and one hundred and eighty men, it was at night attempted by a party of four hundred men in boats ; but from the strength of the place, and the advantage which the enemy had by being under cover, and our men exposed in open boats, the surf running high, our men not being thoroughly acquainted with the best place for landing, and the enemy besides (as is most probable), being apprised of their design, they were repulsed with the loss of having about sixty killed and drowned, and one hundred and sixteen taken prisoners ; yet under these disadvantages, several of them advanced within the enemy's battery, and maintained a fight with them for some time before they surrendered, and killed some of them. That it being judged of the utmost con- sequence to make ourselves masters of the Island Battery, as it was thought extremely dangerous for his Majesty's ships to have entered the harbor till the enemy could be annoyed in that battery \ and it being after the last attempt thought impracticable to reduce it by boats, it was determined to ere«nirifcMMI«ik«A4«lMkMil**MWt«lM»i^^^ Appendix.] Siege and Capture of Louisbourg, 2Zl V y' exhausted) Mr. Duchambon sent out a flag of truce to the camp on the 1 5th day of June, in the afternoon, desiring time to consider of articles of capitulation, which was accordingly granted them till next morning, when they sent articles in, which v/ere rejected by the General and Commodore, and others proposed by them in their stead, and accepted by the enemy. And hostages being exch: nged on the same day for the per- formance of the articles, on the 17th of June the city was surrendered to Mr. Warren and General Pepperell, and the garrison, consisting of about six hundred and Bfty regular troops, and the inhabitants of the city, being about thirteen hundred and sixty efFcdtive men, beside . women and children, made pris- oners by capitulation, with the loss on our side of no more than one hundred and one men killed by the enemy, and all other accidents from the time of their landing to the reduilion of the place, and about thirty who died of sickness.* " I omit mentioning the breaking up of the settlements at St. Peters, and eight other fishing settlements upon this island ; and the burning of several houses at St. John's Island within the time of the siege, by companies put on board of some of our cruisers." On the 1 2th of September, M. De Beauharnois and M. Hocquart wrote to Count Maurepas : f " You will have been informed, long before this reaches you, of our loss of Louis- bourg. The officers of the garrison, and particularly those * M. Duchambon wrote to the Count D'Argenson, August 13th [N. S.] 1745, from Belle Isle Road : " The enemy was greatly supe.ior in number to us, having about thirteen thousand sea and land forces, and I had at the commencement of the siege, including good and bad, but twelve to thirteen hundred men, who hare been reduced to eleven hundred." — N. r. Col. Doa., X, 3. It would be interesting to know how Mr. Duchambon made out his thirteen thousand men for the English. Dr. Douglass's charge of pohroonary may not have been very wide of the truth. See antt, p. 54. Ed. f See N. r. Col. Docs., X, p. 3. EJ. f t' I p !fii :1 i '1' ;i:1 iii. 1; ' -!■■ , 222 Siege and Capture of Louisbourg. [ A ppendix. who may be deserving of your confidence will have rendered you an account of all the circumstances which have accom- panied the blockade, the siege and the surrender of that place. We have not been able to learn any particulars thereof, except from some seamen who made their escape, from time to time, from the different harbors of Isle Royal [Cape Breton], and have arrived at Quebec, the major portion of them in Biscay- ennes (long boats); among the rest one Lacroix Girard, ship master, a native of St. Malo. This individual was in the place during the whole of the siege -, his journal of it has appeared to us true, because of its simplicity, and this circumstance induces us to address you a copy of it.* According to what M. Duchambon has communicated to Sieur Marin, in his letter of the 29th of June last, that commandant was obliged to capitulate, on account of want of men and powder," f These gentlemen give !:he English great credit for their per- severance and management of the expedition. They do not, like some pi the English, attribute all their success to good luck. On the other hand, they attribute it to their diligence, courage, and preparing beforehand to meet all emergencies, although they take into the account the favorableness of the weather during the early part of the campaign, namely, in April, May and June. Capt. Girard, before mentioned, left Louisbourg on the 15th of July [roth, English account]. He reported that the English had at that time begun to remove the artillery out of the Vigilant, and place it upon the ramparts of the fortifications. ' * Thui it appears there was a journal it I have ever met with. Ed. kept, within the walls as well as without, of the famous siege ; but that kept within + By what will presently be seen, there does not appear ever to have been pub- was a large quantity of powder found in lished, and this is the only reference to the city by the captors. Ed. M^ A ppENDix. ] Siege and Capture of Louis hour g. 223 The following letter, dated Louisbourg, July 4, 1 745, is not only valuable for its fa6ts, but for the pidlure it exhibits of the spirit of those who had participated in the great acquisition. The ensuing is an extract : "The more I view the works, the more is my admiration, and instead of twenty-five hundred [men] for the attack or siege, if the strength had been known before, ten thousand would not have been thought sufficient. The Island and Grand Batteries are the weakest of their works; for nature has on the back of the Grand Battery provided a shelter for an enemy's bombarding them out, which Providence gave us no occasion for, and the Light-House the same, which did such execution on the Island Battery, that the enemy was glad they could have recourse to the water to avoid the impending destruction of the balls and bombs. Our men, to their great honor, have been perfeft Herculcses in their labors and fatigues, and were so hardened to the enemy's fire, that they would run and stop the career of the shot, before they had run their distance. The French say they are devils, for the hotter they fired, the nearer advances they made to their fire, and let what will have been said to their prejudice, four times their number of regular troops would not have undergone the Herculean labors of drawing forty-two pounders over hills and dales, rocks and swamps, three or four miles. God has greatly blessed the whole undertaking ; and to describe the strength of Louisbourg city, and the vast labors of the French in casting up works while besieged, is beyond my pen to express ; and the additions we are making of forty pieces of cannon out of the Launceston, will make it almost impregnable.* Underneath is an account * The armament was taken out of of the prisoners, who were to be tram- that ship to prepare her for the reception ported to France in her. EJ. »! ! !t i min ■;i: 224 Siege and Capture 0/ LouisSourg. [Appendix. of the guns and ammunition found in the several batteries, viz : in the town, one hundred and forty-eight embrazures, eighty- five cannon, Rve brass mortars, and one iron. In the Island Battery, thirty-four embrazures, thirty cannon, two brass mortars, two small brass mortars in the store. In the Grand Battery, thirty cannon. Found in the town and the Island Battery, one hundred and twelve barrels of gunpowder, and some cartridges." To avoid foot notes the above paragraphs have been interpo- lated into Governor Shirley's letter, which is here resumed. This closing part of the letter is separate from the narrative part, and was evidently added to impress on the home govern- ment the great and just claims which New England had in the acquisition of Cape Breton. " By this representation of the services of his Majesty's land forces, I would not be understood to intend to exclude his Majesty's ships from their just share in the redudtion of this place. Mr. Warren, upon whom I very much depended from the beginning for assistance and success in this enterprise, did, upon his receiving orders by his Majesty's sloop Hind, the 9th of March, to proceed to Boston, and concert measures with me for the protection of Nova Scotia, and the annoyance of the enemy's settlements, &c., immediately proceeded with his Majesty's ships Superb, Mermaid, and Launceston, under his command, for Boston ; but, upon getting intelligence at sea of the departure of the New England land forces for Canso, though he was then within thirty leagues of Boston, without refreshments, or his complement of ordnance stores, and one of his ships not very fit for immediate service, sailed dire£lly for that place, where, having overtaken the forces, and conferred with the General by letter, upon his Majesty's service in the 'i ff;f t»j' ■ •-.^ihUU^SJtXk^'tSilt^. ■4tl » l III ii 1 1 1^ i V i ' |ir»»l»il« ■> A ppBNDix. ] Siege and Capture of Louis bourg. ii^ expedition } and it being thought advisable by both, that the ships should diredlly progeed before Louisbourg harbor to cut ofF aU supplies and intelligence from the enemy, immediately proceeded there, and most efFedtually blocked up the harbor ; and by engaging and taking the Vigilant, a French ship of war of sixty-four guns, bound for Louisbourg with some ordnance stores, cut off from the enemy all hopes of any supplies or succors, and gave great spirits to the land forces in carrying on the siege ; and afterwards, upon his Majesty's ship Chester's arrival from England, to reinforce him, and receiving advice that the Canterbury and Sunderland were following, determined to enter the harbor as soon as those ships should join him, and attack the town and batteries with his Majesty's ships, whilst the land forces made an assault upon the city by land \ which was agreed on, between Mr. Warren and the General, to be made the i6th of June, and the ships were accordingly clearing on the 15th of June, in ordei to enter the harbor, but were prevented by the enemy's making proposals for a capitulation. And indeed, Mr. Warren offered his assistance for his Majesty's service in every shape. *•*■ It is unnecessary for me to trouble your Grace with a detail of the plans proposed during the siege for a more speedy reduction of the place ; as far as I can judge, it was efFedted most happily in the manner which it was reduced in, as the success of the event was much more secure in this way ; and it has cost fewer lives ; and the place was gained without the least damage being done to any of his Majesty's ships. ■ ' " I hope these services of the New England troops in the field, which seem to have equalled the zeal of the Massachusetts Council and Assembly within their province, for his Majesty's service, upon this occasion, may be graciously accepted by his Dd . r ml t *? ! >i i 0- 'i'M ij m 226 Siege and Capture of Louis bourg. [Appendix. Majesty, as a proof of that perfect duty and firm loyalty which, I am persuaded, all the colonies concerned in the reduftion of this place (but especially that of the Massachusetts Bay, for which I can more particularly answer), bear to his Majesty's sacred person, and to his government, and of their ready dispo- sition to promote the general welfare of his dominions ; and I humbly beg of your Grace to lay this account before his Majesty, in such manner as your Grace shall think most proper. " I am, &c., ■ W. SHIRLEY." ',;, .V--.5 v,v < f i )'rt ) ifn( i l[.l i iHr»t |i fjfi Ml' iii;i W, i l i i « i! w ii i|« ]t li l i i iA i. 1 1 i V i iuT 'it . T i ^ • ' iiii i rii .Hi i f . SUFFERERS IN THE CAPE BRETON EXPEDITION. |HE following list has been prepared from the General Court Journals and other materials. It is not given as complete in any respect, but to "aid those who may desire to do something more in the same line. A principal design being to notice such as are not met with in the general accounts of the period : yflieriy Benjamin. In answer to a petition to the General Court of Massachusetts, was allowed "two pounds and fourteen shillings, in full for wages and expenses in sickness," while in the Louisbourg expedition. Jllen^ Joseph^ was allowed four pounds and ten shillings for his services and sufferings in the expedition, in August, 1746. He had previously petitioned. ' • - 'h Bacon^ Ebenezer^ was of Woodstock, " being wounded and lost his gun, valued at twelve pounds, O. T.," was allowed three pounds for his gun, and " four pounds for loss of time, sufferings, &c." Bane, David^ was of York ; went as a volunteer, and had received no recompense. On the 9th of January, 1747, the General Court voted him ten pounds. The family name was doubtless Btan, which was generally pronounced as given in the records. Bane. He was probably a son of Joseph Bean, long time a captive among the Indians, and an interpreter between the English and Indians on many important occasions. He was at the treaty of 1749, and 1753, and is frequently mentioned in ir Sf iim I *1 a- i; -_♦■ ■ 228 Sufferers in the Louis b our g Expedition. [Appendix. the affairs of those times. He was afterwards a captain, and employed in building the fort at Penobscot, and in 1759 peti- tioned for additional wages. " Steeven " Beane, aged twenty, and Thomas Beane, aged twenty-one, were emigrants to America in 1635. Barotty Timothy: He belonged to Westford, had an allow- ance granted him for wounds received during the expedition, and on the 13th of November, 1746, another of five pounds. Belly John^ was an armourer in the expedition. He appears to have been incapacitated by sickness, and to have returned home in consequence, but recovered and went a second time. On the 13th of August, 1746, a petition of his and Edward Bemis was a^L.,.»'.^'j.*-..:.!i. L.t lA.t ...u.,.. .,..1 . y..H y.,^i> ^ ^^ ^ Y^.. .f., y. - ^^.^ -^ j^f,. ^ ■ ! t H. 230 Sufferers in the Louishourg Expedition. [Appendix. him in his trade, nor allows him any subsistence ;" asks for wages due him while in the service. Nothing was allowed him, at least at this time, perhaps on the ground iliat his master had received his wages. „'*■"■;■ //■^"■-''■''■"■■■-■J;:'';-:,/^ • Buxton^ Stephen^ showed by a petition, that he was impressed into the service in April, 1 746, and was sent home again in July following ; that by the muster roll he was only allowed for that time ; yet " by his wounds he was incapable of service for a long time after." He was allowed pay for nineteen weeks additional, at twenty-two shillings and six pence a week } and in March following an order passed to pay him ten pounds and thirteen shillings additional. Carr.^ Richard^ belonged to Newbury. He was in the des- perate attack on the Island Battery, on the night of the 26th of May (1745), in which he lost two of his fingers. Five pounds were ordered to be paid him, • i ■ ^''; > ;^ Cheney^ William^ " petitioned in behalf of himself, and company of volunteers, under the command of Captain John Ruggles, who went to Cape Breton, for further allowance." The petition was dismissed. Choate. Mention is made of " Colonel Choate's regiment," but nothing is met with to show that it was in the expedition. Clark^ Edward. "Whereas, on the 31st of January last [1746-7], the following vote passed, namely, that Edward Clark be allowed lieutenant's wages, from May 29th, 1 745, to September 30th, following, which vote is mislaid and not recorded ; voted, that he be allowed," &c. Cqbb^ Sylvanus. A letter is received by the Secretary of the Province, from Admiral Townsend, who is at Louisbourg, dire£led to his Excellency ; also a journal of Sylvanus Cobb, October nth, 1746. wr ^wwwywitu i»iiiwni«W(t«il*!>r Appendix] Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. 237 Kenny, Nathan^ having received a musket ball in his thigh, "vt'hich had occasioned him great charge, trouble and pain," petitioned for recompense, and on the loth of October, 1746, fifty shillings were allowed him. KimlaWy John^ was a captain, and was at Louisbourg in the end of August, 1746. His pay roll was presented to the Court but was not sworn to by the captain } '^ and the soldiers who are alive, and the representatives of those who are dead, will be great sufferers if payment be delayed until said roll can be sworn to ; therefore it was voted that the Committee of War make payment on said roll." Leatherland^ "Jacob, was of Ipswich, a volunteer. He petitioned the General Court for remuneration, in the usual form, on account of his sufferings, but it was ^^ laid on the table." ■ .v.... . • ■■,'•..',■. -r...-:^^'^h^:^ Lewis, Thomas, was of Hingham. On the 12th of No- vember, 1746, complaint was made against him, that he had by a forged order, received part of the wages of Edward Ward, Jr., of the said Hingham, and had enlisted into the service and gone for Annapolis. An order was passed requesting the Governor to send for him, " that he may be brought to justice." Mention is made by Mr. Lincoln in his history of Hingham of a Thomas Lewis of this time in that town, but nothing of his having served in this war. Lovett, Joseph Woodward. On August 7th, 1746, a peti- tion from him and several others was taken up, but riot aded upon till September 3d. It was then "ordered that the Com- mittee of War allow J. W. Lovet wages for so long time as it appeared to them he was allowed subsistence." Marsh, Jacob, belonged to Newbury, was chirurgeon's mate in Colonel Williams's regiment, and chief surgeon in Colonel .J»M. n 1 I -. 1 ! r > 1 •I 238 Sufferers in the Louis bourg Expedition. [Appendix. Waldo's regiment. The Court ordered, " that, on due proof of what he alleges, full chirurgcon's pay he allowed him." March^ Johny was of Salisbury. For his hardships and sufferings, six pounds were voted him. McFaderty James^ petitions for reimbursement of twenty-four pounds, which he has paid his do£tor since the last grant of the Court in April, 1746. On July i8th, the Committee of War were direfted to pay six pounds " to whom it is due for nursing and board, and four pounds to the petitioner for his loss of time." Neversy Elisha^ was allowed two pounds and five shillings on account of his services and sufferings, August nth, 1746. NobUy yamesy Captain, was complained of for ill treatment of his men, which seems to have amounted to barbarity, as the General Court, on hearing the testimony against him, requested the Governor " not to suffer the said James Noble to sustain a post in the public service." He was in General Samuel Waldo's regiment of Cumberland county. Pierce^ "James^ of Wiscasset, was a volunteer, and among the sick soldiers. His petition for aid, of June i8th, 1746, was passed over. On the nth of November he was allowed six pounds "as a further allowance." On April 4th, 1747, four pounds were voted him, " and to be put into the hands of Josiah Pierce, for the best use of the petitioner." Pike^ Thomas y was of Newbury. He petitioned for an allow- ance, "showing, that on the 20th of June, 1745, he received a commission from Governor Shirley to be adjutant in Choate's regiment ; that he was before and after that, lieutenant, and performed the duty of both." But his claim was not allowed, at this time, July 19th, 1746. PineSy Thomas^ was of Boston. In the beginning of the iis M r* i : M iiWii>»iii»inii iii Ku Appendix.] Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition, 239 expedition " he enlisted and went a Serjeant under Captain Samuel Rhodes, and received wages as such to October, I745» that he continued to the 15th of May, 1746, in the service, but cannot get his wages, because Captain Rhodes has made up no muster roll." Preble^ Zebulon^ of York, claimed " that his son, who served at the redumtiMtn,iAtfc^'.M«iitf.«jMd^.^JwK««^ V t m n il , 11 ii n iW M i y H H »'» It f' 242 Sufferers in the Louishourg Expedition. [Appendix. the Albany sloop. This command was inferior to his hitherto place, but in time of peace such exchange from larger to smaller ships were common. In 1755, however, he appears as Captain of the Success, a twenty-two gun ship, and was soon after ordered to his old field of exploits, ah it Nova Scotia. Here he cooperated with Colonel Monckton. A letter written at Halifax, July i8th, the same year (1755), affords an insight into some of his brilliant operations : " The French have abandoned their fort at St. Johns river, and as far as in their power demo- lished it. As soon as the forts on the Isthmus were taken. Captain Rous sailed from thence, with three twenty-gun ships and a sloop to look into St. John's river, where it was reported there were two French ships of thirty-six guns each. He anchored off the mouth of the river, and sent his boats to reconnoitre ; they saw no ships there ; but on their appearance the French burst their cannon, blew up their magazine, burned every thing they could belonging to the fort, and marched off. The next morning the Indians invited Captain Rous on ?hore, gave him the strongest assurances of their desire to make peace with the English j and pleaded, in their behalf, that they had refused to assist the French upon this occasion, though earnestly pressed by them," Two years later (1757), we meet with Captain Rouse in the same ship, under Admiral Holburne, who, on his arrival at the Chibouftou, or Halifax station, dispatched him for the purpose of reconnoitering the French fleet at Louishourg. On his return he was removed into the Winchelsea of twenty-four guns. About the end of the year he returned to England, and was promoted to the Southerland, of fifty guns, and again returned to America, where he continued to signalize himself by his bravery and good conduft till after the fall of Quebec ; about which time it is believed he returned to England, igMaMHWilllMi ■^MU ^^^^^^^^^ir^mir^'mrrmmim Appendix.] Sufferers tit the Loutsbourg Expedition. 243 with greatly impaired health, and on the 3d of April following, died at Portsmouth. Rogers^ William. On January 21st, 1747, a petition, from him was presented to the General Court, praying compensation, for that he had served in a double capacity at Cape Breton ; namely, as commissary to a regiment and clerk to a company. The Court decided that "the time for receiving petitions was past, and consequently his was not then considered. The same was again presented, on the 21st of April following, but does not seem to have been acfted upon. RuggleSy "John^ was a captain in the Louisbourg expedition, and is only incidentally mentioned. Shuttleworth.^ Vincent^ belonged to Wrentham, Massachu- setts. He was among the badly wounded, and a pension of three pounds and five shillings was voted him by the General Court previous to November nth, 1746, at which time the same amount was ordered to be paid him yearly for life. The family name is found among the emigrants of 1635, in which year John Shettleworth' s name is found, though Savage appears not to have met with it. Spier^ David^ was of Woburn, Massachusetts, and died after the expedition, having "served during the whole siege of Louis- bourg. After which he was taken sick, and sent to Boston, where he died. He was son of John Spier, of Woburn, but no mention is found of the name of Spier in the history of that town, nor in the New England Genealogical Di^ionary. Stamvood^ "Job^ was a volunteer. In August, 1746, he petitioned for consideration on account of his sufferings, and on the 14th of November following, the Court granted him "five pounds for his present relief." The Stanwoods were early at Gloucester. Job and his brother David were both in this ii '^sm^ ^Sfititi)! 6 wi 'ii iS Eig m ai »a ! ! ' 244 Sufferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. [Appendix. m 'I I expedition, and both wounded. Job lost his left arm, and, in 1749, was given a pension of fifteen pounds a year during life. Str.ong^ E/ishoy was of Northampton, a volunteer. In January, 1747, "he petitioned for a further allowance, by reason of his services and sufferings. He was in Captain Hubbard's company. He was doubtless of the same stock as the late Governor Caleb Strong, the Rev. Nathan, D. D., and other highly distinguished men of the name. Tarranty Alexander ^ was "allowed for his present relief," twelve pounds and ten shillings. Tatnessy Samuel^ a volunteer, petitioned, in September, 1746, " representing his sickness and sufferings," and was referred "to the gentlemen appointed for such service." The next Febru- ary the Court ordered that five pounds should be paid him **in full for his sufferings and sickness." In April, 1747, Eleanor Drisdell, of Boston, brought in a bill " for boarding and nursing Samuel Tatness from June to January," seven pounds and ten shillings, which was allowed her. Terry, 'John, captain of a company of grenadiers, appointed by Gen. Pepperrell, but had received only a lieutenant's pay j that he advanced a considerable sum in provisions for his com- pany ; he therefore petitioned the General Court " for an allow- ance." The Court referred him to their committee, appointed to examine such claims, June 7, 1 746. Thomas, IVilliam, was 0/ Plymouth, and " under surgeon " in Captain Samuel Waldo's regiment, but was obliged to take care of Col. Gorham's regiment also. He was ordered to be paid wages as chief surgeon, by the committee of war, " pro- vided they find that Col. Gorham's regiment had no chief surgeon, January 12, 1747. Trayne, Joshua, was of Framingham, a volunteer. In Appendix.] Sufferers in the houisbourg Expedition. 245 March, 1 747, he petitioned for " consideration," on account of loss of time and sickness since his return from the expedition. A Joshua Trayne, probably the same, is mentioned in the history of Framingham, who married, in 1743, Mary Nichols. He was son of John Trayne, of the same town, and was rated there in 1746 and 1752. He may not have been assessed the intermediate years in consequence of his sufferings in the expe- dition. Nothing is said in Barry's History of Framingham about his service against Cape Breton. Turner^ Abner. In October, 1746, he petitioned for com- pensation, setting forth, that he was at the reduction of Louis- bourg, that aftef-wards he was shipped to carry some P'rench prisoners to France ; that upon his return he was put on shore at Philadelphia, and there was seized with the small-pox ; that that cost him nine pounds and ten shillings. The Court did not, at this time, entertain his claim. Twichel^ Daniel. In March, 1 747, he petitioned the govern- ment for consideration, as a soldier, wounded in the service, but in what service is not mentioned. Tyng^ Edward. A captain in the sea service, and one of the ablest commanders in the wars of his time, as will be found elsewhere detailed ; as well in other works as in these pages. In the Cape Breton expedition he was in command of the Massachusetts frigate. Early in this war he memorialized the government for a " further allowance for the do6lor, that he be kept in constant pay, and that he may be allowed a mate." Whereupon an order was issued, granting eight shillings a month to be added to the doctor's pay. A mate was also granted, with two pounds and ten shillings a month wages. Also a second lieutenant, with three pounds and three shillings wages per month. In February, 1746-7, he petitioned for a im I I : ■ ti|j n\ I !.* mi V f I;. 246 Sujferers in the Louisbourg Expedition. [Appendix. do6lor's mate, but whether this request were granted or not, does not appear. At this time Capt. Tyng was about sixty- four years of age. He died in Boston, September 8th, 1755, aged about seventy-two. His residence was in Milk street. In 1734 he advertised for sale "A likely Negro Man, aged about twenty-two years, speaks good English, is an excellent Barber, and endowed with several other valuable qualifications." In 1736, a large tra,! &r.- It is remarkable how many men of distin6lion served in America in this war, and that which immediately succeeded it. Commodore Anson was on his voyage round the world when France declared war against England; that voyage, so dis- ' O tWii M I f iiMMiiji tn » m » Ai- Appendix.] Sufferers in t6e LouisSourg Expedition. 249 astrous to hundreds who participated in it. In one of Anson's ships, the Wager, cast away on the western coast of Patagonia, was a midshipman, mentioned in the narratives of that voyage as the Hon. John Byron, then a young man. The majority of the crew of the Wager succeeded in reaching the shore of what proved to be a desolate island. Of about one hundred and cighty"s5iriby^*catcc twenty ever lived to reach their homes, the greater part having died from starvation and the exposures to which for months some, and years others were subjetSted. Mr. Byron, with some twelve comrades, refusing to proceed with the majority of the survivors by the straits of Magellan, bent their way northward, hoping by this course to fall in with some Spanish ship which they might capture, and in it to reach an appointed rendezvous of their commodore; but their numbers soon became too much reduced to admit of the enter- tainment of this idea, even by their fool-hardy captain. At length but four remained alive, among whom was the captain, whose name was Cheap, and Mr. Byron. These two, by the aid of the Indians, after some months of the most excessive sufferings, arrived at a Spanish settlement on the island of Chiloe. They now became prisoners to the Spaniards, who treated them kindly, furnished them with clothing and other necessaries, and finally they got back to England, by way of France, after about ive years' absence. Byron soon after resumed his place in the British navy ; was made a captain in 1746. In 1757 he commanded the America, a sixty gun ship, and afterwards the Fame, a seventy-four, in which he sailed to Louisbourg, with transports conveying engineers, etc., charged with the demolition of the famous fortification there, about which the English and French had fought so desperately. While at Louisbourg he learned that several French frigates Gg '1^ ii Is! f I i ; [ 250 Suffer er sin the Louis hour g Expedition. [Appendix. and storeships were lying in the bay of Chaleur, all of which he took or destroyed. He afterwards served under Lord Col- ville, and at one time under Sir Edward Hawk. He was governor of Newfoundland ; then an admiral ; commanded an exploring expedition round the world ; served during the war of the American Revolution; manoeuvred successfully with Count D'Estaing, and saved Admiral Harrington's command in the West Indies. This seems to have been among his last naval services. He married, in 1748, Sophia, daughter of John Trevanion, Esq., and died in 1786. Such was the grandfather of Lord Byron, one of the greatest poets of any time, whose singular career and fortune have given rise to one of the most lamentable and uncalled for crusades against his reputation to be found in the annals of scandal. 1 ■! I- ■!■■ ;!* r . 11 Hn'^ HI K^ ni ^'ti^mfmimmmtmNmamiemrtmmmi '^'fwy(!P%f<| i !i gjp f> /y, ' i ' »;^i7 ' ;w*;; i wt *'^^ Wpwgff^W pm i L iipi n ii r . M < w i» . mmmm APPENDIX E. Page no. THE REV JOHN NORTON. INTRODUCTION. |0 the narrative of the Rev. John Norton these pre- vious pages are indebted for many of the valuable facts detailed in them. After the manner of an older work, Mr. Norton entitles his ** W'f^f ItLt* ^(CntCD CSptfbPf being a narrative of the taking and carrying into captivity the Reverend Mr. John Norton, when Fort Massachusetts surrendered to a large body of French and In- dians^ August 20th, 1746." " IVritten by himself." Mr. No ton's captivity was of one year's continuance, wast- ing four days. His nairative was printed in 1748, in Boston, ** and sold opposite the prison." Who the printer was, or the bookseller, is not mentioned. As Daniel Fowle kept in Queen street at this time, and the prison was in that street, where the court house now is, he was probably the printer. The author was perhaps his own publisher. He appears not to have had much practice as a writer, but what is of more importance, he was evidently one of the most truthful, while the printer did not perform his part with much credit to himself, which might have been the occasion of his withholding his name to Mr. Norton's work. Mr. Norton was born in Berlin, Connecticut, 1716 } gradu- ated at Yale College in 1737. Four years after, namely, in r lit ! « r t !..j i if 252 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Apfindix. 1 741, he was ordained in Fall Town, since Bernardston, Massa- chusetts, and was the first minister in that town. Owing ** to the unsettled state of the times," he continued in Fall Town but about four years i the people had quite as much as they could do to maintain their families, while they were exposed to inroads of the enemy in a war already commenced. The statement of his having been settled at Deerfield in 1 741, is probably incorredt. After his return from captivity he was installed pastor of the Congregational church in East Hampton, Middlesex county, ConncAicut, November 30th, 1748, where he continued about thirty years, at which period he fell a vi<^iin to the small pox (March 24th, 1748). Bernard's Town, at the time Mr. Norton preached there was, as just mentioned^ called Fall Town. It was thus designated because it was granted to the soldiers, or the descendants of those soldiers who were in the fight with the Indians at the Great Falls in the Connefticut river. May i8th, 1676. While in captivity his wife applied to the government of Massachusetts for the wages due him as chaplain, and at one time received one pound sixteen shillings and six pence, then due, March 12th, »747- Mr. Norton was thirty years of age when taken prisoner ; and though he has given us a work full of valuable fadts, he evidently had had little experience in literary matters, and would have made his work much more valuable had he re-written it at a later day. But narratives of the kind of this of Mr. Norton's would not at the time of its publication, attract the attention of the reading public. His immediate friends, and the friends of f.hose in captivity with him, were about all who would take any interest in its publication. There was no charm of compo- sition about it. Its details are the dryest possible. Hence its : 1,. s: BH Bm msssm t^mm'mimmmiiwm^ Appendix] Norton* s Redeemed Captive. 253 circulation was of the most limited kind. This circumstance may account for its extreme scarcity, which scarcity probably extends back to within a very few years of its publication. Many of the most valuable works have beeii issued in small editions ; a few copies only bound or stitched up to meet the first demands of friends ; the rest are taken by the author into the country, perhaps in sheets, and eventually used for waste paper ; or, possibly left on the printer's hands to meet a similar fate. Such cases are known to the writer. Norton's Redeemed Captive. Mr. Norton thus begins his " Narrative," &c. [3]* "Thurs- day, August 14, 1746, I left Fort Shirley, f in company with Dr. [Thomas] Williams, and about fourteen of the soldiers j we went to Pelham Fort, and from thence to Captain Rice's, where we lodged that night. *' Friday, the 1 5th, we went from thence to Fort Massachu- setts, where I designed to have tarried about a month. "Saturday, i6th. The doctor, with fourteen men, went off for Deerfield, and left in the fort. Sergeant John Hawks,| with twenty soldiers, about half of them sick with bloody flux. Mr. Hawks sent a letter by the doU »i ! ' » Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive. ^SS good prospe "o names are given. II 4 r 1 i ' V? ' 1: il I I I 256 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. back, unless when we had a very good opportunity and fair prospeil of doing execution ; so that we fired but little. We had sometimes very fair shot, and had success. We saw several fall, who, we are persuaded, never rose again. We might have shot at the enemy almost any time in the day, who were in open view of the fort, within fifty or sixty rods of the same, and sometimes within forty and less; the officers some- times walking about, sword in hand, viewing of us, and others walking back and forth as they had occasion, without molesta- tion, for we dare not spend our ammunition upon them that were at such a distance. >?' "Towards evening the enemy began to use their axes and hatchets. Some were thoughtful that they were preparing lad- [6] ders in order to storm the fort in the night ; but afterward we found our mistake, for they were preparing faggots in order to burn it. This day they wounded two of our men, viz, John Aldrich they shot through the foot, and Jonathan Bridg- man with a flesh wound the back side of his hip. When the evening came on the sergeant gave orders that all the tubs, pails, and vessels of every sort, in every room, should be filled with water, and went himself to see it done ; he also looked to the doors, that they were made as fast as possible. He like- wise cut a passage from one room to another, that he might put the fort into as good a posture for defense as might be, in case they should attempt to storm it. He distributed the men into the several rooms. While he was thus preparing, he kept two men in the north-west mount,* and some in the great house, the south-east corner of the fort, to watch the enemy and keep them back. '^ I was in the mount all the evening \ it was cloudy and very * A sort of watch box in an angle or corner of the fort, on the top of the wall. *-..l..i»t««i4llWi. il WV[< *"ii»^i|' M W l 'i' J B»»'lW« i < -< *''< HMW.i ? tM IWrt i mmA i l ll M iii ■ 1^W:'c;lWW*'*^tiartf>Avl.i^i?i....i, Ml ..-^^j-^Mff 41 i^ rf piii ij i i i i ' iji i 'i':iriu i>iti i ii | i>ii)^ y' i>iiii ( i iU ( iV i ' w^. ^ i m if 4 Bi > »H|fcw»t w ^ii nto iiiW>iw»H • Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive. H7 dark the beginning of the evening. The enemy kept a con- stant fire upon us, and, as I thought, approached nearer and in greater numbers than they had in the daytime. We had but little encouragement to fire upon the enemy, having but the light of" their fire to dire£t us, yet we dared not wholly omit it, lest they should be emboldened to storm the fort. We firec^ buck-shot at them, and have reason to hope we did some exe- cution, for the enemy complained of our shooting buck-shot at that time, which they could not have known had they not felt some of them. They continued thus to fire upon us until between eight and nine at night, then the whole army (as we supposed) surrounded the fort, and shouted, or lather yelled, with the [7] most hideous outcries, all around the fort. This they repeated three or four times. We expedted they would have followed this with a storm, but were mistaken, for they diredlly set their watch all round the fort; and besides their watch they sent some to creep up as near the fort as they could, to observe whether any persons attempted to make their escape, to carry tidings to New England.* The body of the army then drew hack to their camps ; some in the swamp west of the fort, the other part to the south-east, by the river side. We then considered what was best to be done ; whethei to send a post down to Deerfield or not. We looked upon it very improbable, if not morally impossible, for any men to get off undiscovered; and therefore the sergeant would not lay his commands upon any to go; but he proposed it to several, desired and encouraged them as far as he thought convenient j but there was not a man willing to venture out. So the ser- geant, having placed the men in every part of the fort, he * It wtiR* odd at this day, that but writing of a locality in Massachusetts, little more than a hundred vears ago, one should refer to it as out of New England. Hh *,:.. |!;5. if:. , k . i -' [ ].|i 258 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. ordered all the sick and feeble men to get what rest they could, and not regard the enemy's acclamations, but to lie still all night, unless he should call for them. Of those that were in health, some were ordered to keep the watch, and some lay down and endeavored to get some rest ; lying down in our clothes, with our arms by us. I lay down the fore part of the night. We got little or no rest, the enemy frequently raised us by their hideous outcries as though they were about to attack us. The latter part of the night I kept the watch. "Wednesday, 20. As soon as it began to be light the enemy shouted and began to fire upon us for a few minutes, and then ceased for a little time. The serg[8]eant ordered every man to his place, and sent two men up into the watch- box. The enemy came into the field of corn to the south and south-east of the fort, and fought against that side of the fort harder than they did the day before ; but unto the north-west side they did not approach so near as they had the first day, yet they kept a continual fire on that side. A number went up also into the mountain north of the fort, where they could shoot over the north side of the fort into the middle of the parade. A considerable number of the enemy also kept their axes and hatchets continually at work, preparing faggots, and their stubbing hoes and spades, etc., in order to burn the fort. About eleven o'clock, Thomas Knowlton, one of our men, being in the watch-box, was shot through the head, so that some of his brains came out, yet life remained in him for some hours. " About twelve o'clock, the enemy desired to parley. We agreed to it, and when we came to General De Voudriule, he promised us good quarter, if we would surrender; otherwise he should endeavor to take us by force. The sergeant told ii4. Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive. 259 ,-;^'-; him he should have an answer within two hours. We came into the fort and examined the state of it. The whole of our ammunition we did not judge to be above three or four pounds of powder, and not more lead : and, after prayers unto God for wisdom and direction, we considered our case, whether there was any probability of our being able to withstand the enemy or not ; for we supposed that they would not leave us till they had made a vigorous attempt upon us; and if they did, we knew our ammunition would be spent in a few minutes time, and then we should be obliged [g] to lay at their mercy. Had we all been in health, or had there been only those eight of us that were in health, I believe every man would willingly have stood it out to the last. For my part I should ; but we heard, that if we were taken by violence, the sick, the wounded, and the women, would most, if not all of them, die by the hands of the savages ; therefore our officer concluded to sur- render on the best terms he could get, which were, "I. That we should be all prisoners to the French; the general promising that the savages should have nothing to do with any of us. "II. That the children should all live with their parents during the time of their captivity. "III. That we should all have the privilege of being ex- changed the first opportunity that presented. "Besides these particulars, the general promised that all the prisoners should have all christian care and charity exercised toward them ; that those who were weak and unable to travel, should be carried in their journey ; that we should all be allowed A i I i. ' i i ii ii ^i f ii i i ii iiiii Mi i WT iii W i ii H III i # iriiii i i»i ^-.>lM<»^^^li^^^(|^(l^|r|^^^|[il^^||^^ r i *9.-:' 260 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. to keep our clothing ; and that we might leave a few lines to inform our friends what was become of us.* "About three of the clock we admitted the general and a number of his officers into the fort. Upon which he set up his standard. The gate was not opened to the rest. The gentlemen spake comfortably to our people ; and on our peti- tion that the dead corpse might not be abused, but buried. They said that it should be buried. But the Indians seeing that they were shut out, soon fell to pulling out the underpin- ning of the fort, and crept into it, opened the gates, so that the parade was quickly full. They [10] shouted as soon as they saw the blood of the dead corpse under the watch-box ; but the French kept them down for some time, and did not suffer them to meddle with it. After some time the Indians seemed to be in a ruffle; and ,>resently rushed up into the watch-box, brought down the dead corpse, carried it out of the fort, scalped it, and cut off the head and arms. A young Frenchman took one of the arms and flayed it, roasted the flesh, and offered some of it to Daniel Smeed, one of the prisoners, to eat, but he refused it. The Frenchman dressed the skin of the arm (as we .iterwards heard) and made a tobacco pouch of it.f After they had plundered the fort, they set it on fire, and led us out to their camp. *'We had been at their camp but a little time, when Mons. Doty, the general's interpreter, called me a$ide, and desired me * Mr. Norton accordingly wrote a brief letter, which he placed upon the well crotch. It was afterwards found by the English. Its contents are given in th- history of this war, page izo. -j- It was no uncommon thing for the Indians to make use of the skin of their enemies in this way; but instances of the white people imitating them are rare. It is probably true that some of the ICen- tuckians, in the war of i8ia, were guilty of such adts, after General Harrison's victory of the Thames, and perhaps at other times. t.* Appendix.] Norton* s Redeemed Captive. 261 to speak to our soldiers, and persuade them to go with the Indians ; for he said the Indians were desirous that some of them should go with them ; and said that Sergeant Hawks, myself, and the families, should go with the French officers. I answered him, that it was contrary to our agreement, and the general's promise ; and would be to throw away the lives of some of our men who were sick and wounded. He said, no \ but the Indians would be kind to them ; and though they were all prisoners to the French, yet he hoped some of them would be willing to go with the Indians. *'We spoke to Sergeant Hawks, and he urged it upon him. We proposed it to some of our men who were in health, • whether they were willing to go or not, but they were utterly ' unwilling. I returned to Doty, and told him that we should by no means consent that any of our men should go with the Indians. [11] We took the General to be a man of honor, and we hoped to find him so. We knew that it was the man- ner of the Indians to abuse their prisoners, and sometimes to kill those that failed in traveling, and carrying packs, which we knew that some of our men could not do; and we thought it but little better for the General to deliver them to the Indians than it would be to -abuse them himself; and had I thought that the general would have delivered any of our men to the savages, I should have strenuously opposed the surrender of the fort, for I had rather have died in fight, than to see any of our men killed while we had no opportunity to resist. He said that the general would see that they should not be abused ; and he did not like it that I was so jealous and afraid. I told him I was not the officer, but as he spake to me, so I had freely spoken my mind, and discharged my duty in it ; and he had no reason to be offended, and I hoped the general would not insist 262 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. i. '- H *«. il on this thing, but would Tiake good his promise to all the prisoners. He went to the general, and after a little time the officers came and took away John Perry and his wife, and all the soldiers but Sergeant Hawks, John Smeed, and Moses Scott, and their families, and distributed them among the Indians. Some French officers took the care of the families, namely, Smeed's and Scott's ; and Mons. Demuy * took me with him, and M. St. Luc Lacornf took Sergeant Hawks with him ; and so we reposed that night, having a strong guard set over us. '* Thursday, 21. In the morning I obtained liberty to go to the place of the fort, and set up a letter, which I did, with a Frenchman and some Indians in company. I nailed the letter on the west post. This [12] morning I saw Josiah Reed, who was very weak and feeble by reason of his long and tedious sickness. I interceded with the general for him, that he would not send him with the Indians, but could not prevail. I also interceded with the general for John Aldrich, who, being wounded in the foot, was not able to travel ; but the interpre- ter told me they must go with the Indians, but they should not be hurt ; and that they had canoes a little down the river, in which the weak and feeble should be carried. We then put up our things, and set on our march for Crown Point, going down the river in Hoosuck road. I was toward the front, and within about half a mile I overtook John Perry's wife ; I passed her. M. Demuy traveling apace. 1 spoke with her, and asked her how she did ? She told me that her strength failed her in traveling so fast. I told her God was able to strengthen her. ' r * His name is variously written in the f Pierre de Chapt La Come. He was French accounts, as De Muy, De Muyes, constantly employed till the fall of Dumui, etc. ; he was a lieutenant in much Canada, and performed many exploits a£live service. against the English. \fK i \ --'■^--' ■ *--S- -I hy ^I ^ Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive. 263 In him she must put her trust, and I hoped she was ready for whatever God had to call her to. I had opportunity to say no more. We went about four miles to the place where the army encamped the night before they came upon us. Here I over- took neighbor Perry, which surprised me, for I thought he had been behind me with the French, but he was with the Indians. I asked him after his health. He said that he was better than he had been. I inquired after his wife. He said he did not know where she was, but was somewhere with the Indians ; which surprised me very much ; for I thought till then she was with the French. *' Here we sat down for a considerable time. My heart was filled with sorrow, expecting that many of our weak and feeble people would fall by the merciless hands of the enemy. And as I frequently heard the [13] savages shouting and yelling, trembled, concluding that they then murdered some of our people. And this was my only comfort, that they could do nothing against us, but what God in his holy providence per- mitted them ; but was filled with admiration when I saw all the prisoners come up with us, and John Aldrich carried upon the back of his Indian master. We set out again, and had gone but a little way before we came up with Josiah Reed, who gave out. I expedled they would have knocked him on the head and killed him, but an Indian carried him on his back. We made several stops, and after we had traveled about eight miles we made a considerable stay, where we refreshed our- selves, and I had an opportunity to speak to several of the prisoners ; especially John Smeed, and his wife, who, being near her time, was filled with admiration at the goodness of God in strengthening her to travel so far. " I saw John Perry's wife. She complained that she was liiiitite.i^i'ilitiV W I t ■ 264 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. almost ready to give out. She complained also of the Indian that she went with, that he threatened her. I talked with a French officer, and he said that she need not fear, for he would not be allowed to hurt her. Mons. Demuy, with a number of men, set out before the army, so I took my leave of her, fear- ing I should never see her more. After this Sergeant Hawks went to the general and represented her case to him. So he went and talked to the Indians, and he was kind to her after this. After we had traveled round the fields, I thought he was about to leave the river, which increased my fears. But I found out the reason ; for they only went to look some build- ings to plunder, and burn them. A little before sunset we arrived at Vandeverickes place, where we found [14] some of the army, who had arrived before us, but most of them were still behind ; and I had the comfort to see the greatest part of the prisoners come up : God having wonderfully strengthened many who were weak ; the French carrying the women. There were some few that tarried behind about two miles, where Mrs. Sneed was taken in travail : And some of the French made a seat for her to sit upon, and brought her to the camp, where, about ten o'clock, she was graciously delivered of a daughter, and was remarkably well. The child also was well. But this night Josiah Reed, being very ill, either died of his illness, or else was killed by the enemy ; which, I could never certainly know, but I fear he was murdered.* " Friday, 22. This morning I baptised John Smeed's child. He called its name CAPTIVITY. The French then made a frame like a bier, and laid a buck skin and bear skin upon it, * It might not have been perfeftly clear the captives, that the man died of his ^, to Mr. Norton when he wrote the above, malady. No captives were probably ever but it was made clear after the return of treated better under similar circumstances. ii« «»tn iiiiMi»iii«>«i iniOMiiiiiiitoiin i,iti^iimMmjmm»*MMM'»itjtmmmi>imma0K)H0iKit9ti^iitlk, Appendix.] Nortoti^s Redeemed Captive. 265 and laid Mrs. Smeed, with her infant, thereon; and so two men at a time carried them. They also carried Moses Scott's wife and two children, and ano' ' er of Smeed's children. The Indians also carried in their canoes, Br. Simon and John Aldrich and Perry's wife, down the river about ten miles. " We had remarkable smiles of Providence. Our men that had been sick, grew better and recovered strength. The enemy killed some cattle which they found in the meadow ; so that we had plenty of fresh provisions and broth, which was very beneficial to the sick. I then expressed a concern for the feeble people, understanding that we were to leave the river, and travel through the wilderness near sixty miles \ but Mons. Demuy told me I need not fear, for the general had promised those Indians a reward who [15] had the care of the feeble persons, if they would be kind and carry them through the journey. " This night I visited most of the prisoners. This night, also, died two Indians of their wounds. I'he enemy had got four horses. ; " Saturday, 23. This morning the general sent off an offi- cer with some men to carry news to Canada. This day we left the river and traveled in the wilderness, in something of a path, and good traveling for the wilderness, something east of north, about fifteen miles ; the French still carrying Smeed's and Scott's wives and children ; the Indians finding horses for brothers Simon and John Aldrich. Perry being released from his pack, was allowed to help his wife, and carry her when she was weary. About three in the afternoon they were alarmed by discovering the tracts of a scout from Saratoga. This put them into a considerable ruffle, fearing that there might be an army after them. But I presumed that they need not be con- Ii »WtPiM«MaM>^ 'Pi 'i!^ :;'!i i " Lord's day, 24. This day we set out in the morning and came to Sarratago river, crossed it, and came to our company, which had been before us. Here we came to a rich piece of meadow ground, and traveled in it about five miles. We had good traveling this day. We crossed several pieces of good meadow land. We went about eighteen [16] miles. John Perry's wife performed this day's journey without help from any. Our sick and feeble persons were remarkably preserved to-day ; for about two o'clock in the afternoon, there fell a very heavy shower of rain, which wet us through all our clothes. Mrs. Smeed was as wet as any of us, and it being the third day after her delivery, we were concerned about the event ; but through the good providence of God, she never perceived any harm by it, nor did any other person but Miriam, the wife of Moses Scot, who hereby catched a grievous cold. This night we lodged in the meadow, where was a run of water, which makes a part of Wood Creek. *' Monday, 25. This morning we set out and traveled about eleven miles. We had something rough traveling to-day. We quickly left the small stream we lodged by at our right hand to the east of us, and, traveling a few miles over some small hills and ledges, came to a stream running from east to west,! '**' This was doubtless the Hudson river, but the place of crossing is difficult to be ascertained. The two ponds do not ap- pear on any maps in the editor's posses- sion. Ed. f Hence they were at a stream which falls into Lake George; having its rise in the vicinity of Wood Creek ; the latter having its rise in Kingsbury, near the Hudson. The Indian name of Lake « * Appendu.] Norton's Redeemed Captive. 267 about two or three rods in width, and about two feet deep. We crossed it, our general course being north. Wc traveled about two or three miles farther and came to a stream runn.ng from south-west to north-east, about six rods in width, which we crossed. And this stream (which we suppose to be Wood Creek*), according to the best of my remembrance, and according to the short minute that I made of this day's travel, we left at our right hand to the east of us ; but Sergeant Hawks thinks I am mistaken, and that we crossed it again, and left it at the left hand, west of us. I won't be certain, but I cannot persuade myself that [17] I am mistaken. f The French and Indians helping our feeble people, we all arrived well at our camp, which was by a couple of ponds. Some few who were before us went to the drowned Iand.| . '* Tuesday, 26. This day we took our journey. Our course in the morning something west of north. In traveling aboui three or four miles we came to a mountain, a steep ascent, about eighty or one hundred rods, but not rocky. After we passed this mountain, our course was about west, five or six miles, till we came to the drowned lands. When we came to the canoes, the stream ran f:om north-east to south-west. § We embarked about two o'clock ; the stream quickly turned Oeorge is CaitiaJ-eri-oii, signifying tie tail of the lake. It is the Lac du Sacrt- ment of the French. Wood Creek the Indians called Otta-vaget. Ed. * No doubt that branch of Wood Creek which falls into the main stream at what is since Fort Anne — the summit level of the Champlain canal. Ed. \ Their difficulty seems to have been in mistaking a branch for the real Wood Creek. Ed. X These extend some three niles along South River on the east side, beginning near Lake Champlain. The Indians call them Ond-cri-fue-gon, or the conflux of waters. Basiier't Map, drawn by order of Gen. Amherst, 176a. Ed. J East Creek corresponds to this ; now called Pawlet river, I suppose, which hat ill rite in what it Dorset, Vermont. Ed. I I ili l| imMi I ,tii, l t. nMM S '.i / ^ i I 1 li^ t !P^' H-.-^. %^: 1 /P-: 268 Norton's Redeemed Captive. ' [Appendix. and ran to the north. We sailed about eighteen or twenty miles that night, and encamped on the east side of the water. " Wednesday, 23. [27th.] We embarked abeut nine o'clock, and sailed to Crown Point,* something better than twenty miles. Some of the army went in the night before, and some before the body of the army. The sails were pulled down, and the canoes brought up abreast, and passed by the fort over to the north-east point, saluting the fort with three volleys, as we passed by it. The fort returning the salute by the dis- charge of the cannon. This was about twelve o'clock. Here we tarried till the 4th of September. I lodged in an house on the north-east point. We all arrived better in health than when we were first taken. "Thursday, 28. This day I was invited by Monsieur Demuy to go over and see the fort, which I did. It iS some- thing an irregular form, having five sides [18] to it ; the ram- parts twenty feet thick, the breast work two feet and half; the whole about twenty feet high. There were twenty-one or twenty-two guns upon the wall ; some four and six pounders, and there may be some as large as nine pounders. The citadel an octagon built, three sto.-ies high, fifty or sixty feef diameter, built with stone laid in lime, the wall six or seven feet thick, arched over the second and third stories for bomb proof. In the chambers nine or ten guns ; some of them may be nine pounders, and I believe none less than six, and near twenty patararoes.f But as my time was short I cannot be very par- * The French built a fort there in f How much of a gun a patararot was, 1721, which they named Fort St. Fredv-'ric. it would have been well ;f the author had The Indiana gave that spot tha name of informed us, ae we may travel from Tek-ya-dough-nigarigee, which signifies Bluunt to Webster without finding out. two points oppooite to each other. Bat- Perhaps derived from the Spanish petardo, sier, ibidem. Ed. or, pataremo. Editor. SiBS Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Cap*:'ve. 269 ticular. They have stores of small arms, as blunderbusses, pistols and muskets. This night proved very cold and stovmy. " Friday, 29. This morning Smeed's and Scot's families were brought out of their tents into the house, that they might be more comfortable. It rained and was very cold all the day, and at night the wind was very high. *■*■ Saturday the 30th was something warmer. "Lord's day, 31. We had the liberty of worshiping God together in a room by ourselves. This day, about twelve o'clock, the enemy who went ofF from us from Hoosuck, the morning after we were taken, returned, and brought in six scalps, viz, Samuel Allen, Eleazer Hawks, Jun., two Amsdels, all of Deerfield ; Adonijah Gillet of Colchester, Constant Bliss of Hebron, and one captive, viz., Samuel Allen, son to him who was killed. He was taken with his father and Ealeazcr Hawks. The Amsdells and Gillet were killed in Deerfield South Meadow, August 25th. The Indians also acknowledged they lost one man there.* This lad [19] told us they had not then heard in Deerfield of their taking fort Massachusetts. A young Hatacook t Indian was his master, and carried him to St. Francois. "Monday, Sept. i. Tuesday, 2. Wednesday, 3. We tarried still at Crown Point. The weather was something lowry, but warm. I lived with the general and about half a dozen more officers, who lodged in the same house. Our diet was very good, it being chiefly fresh meat and broth, which was a great benefit to me. We had also plenty of Bourdeaux wine, which being of an astringent nature, was a great kindness to me (having at that time something of the griping and bloody I. * See History of the Fi've Tears War, f Perhapt a misprint for Scattacook, pp. 125, 126. Ed. Editir. WT' ippHvivi^miiM \l il % f 270 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. flux). While we lay here, we wrote a letter to the Hon. John Stoddard, Esq., at Northampton, to give him a particular account of our fight and surrender ; as also some other private letters; the French gentlemen giving us encouragement that they would send them down by some of their scouts to some part of our frontiers, and leave them ?o that they should be found ; but I have not heard of them since, and conclude that they destroyed them.* " Thursday, 4. We embarked for Canada about ten o'clock, and sailed about fifteen miles. Our course, I judged to be north, about 10° east, which I take to be the general course from Crown Point to Champlain. Towards night we turned into a cove, the east side of the lake, and encamped, having the land upon the south-west, south and east of us. Here we were to wait for General De Vaudriule, whom we left at Crown Point, and expe£led would come to us this night or in the morn- ing; but the night proved very stormy. [20] " Friday, 5. The wind blowing hard from the north, and some rain, we lay by to-day. " Saturday, 6. About nine o'clock this morning the general came up with us ; then we embarked and sailed with a pretty good wind the bigger part of the day. Towards night we saw it few houses on the west side of the lake, but I suppose that they were deserted. We sailed at least three score miles this day. We came to where the lake Vas but a few miles in width, and encamped on the east shore, where there was a windmill and a few houses, but were all deserted. f * One certainly found its way to the f No doubt the place afterwards called English, and was seen by Deacon Wright. Windmill Point by the English, and not See N. B. Hist, and Jen. Rtff., II, 210. far from the mouth of Onion river. Editor, Editoi . ■ ' ■ i l)iiiiiwW>i») i» Wi' '1 'iV, Appendix.] Nortori s Redeemed Captive. 271 Lord's day, 7. We rose early and set sail as soon as it was fair day-light, having a good wind, but the wind fell about eight o'clock, that they were obliged to ply their paddles. When we came to the end of the lake, about eleven o'clock, and were entering Champlain * river, we met a boat with three men in it, who brought a packet of letters for the officers in the army. They gave one to Mons. Demuy. After reading the letter he told me the news he had by them, viz., that there were a number of ships arrived from France to Quebec, who had brought them plenty of stores ; that they came in company with a fleet of forty large men of war from the Brest and Toulon squadron ; and gave the following account ; that the English fleet having blocked up the Brest squadron in the harbor, the admiral of the Brest squadron wrote to the admiral of the Toulon and Roch- fort squadrons to come to his assistance ; who, coming on the back of the English fleet, and the Brest squadron issuing out at the same time against them, there ensued a terrible [21] fight, in which the French prevailed, and sunk one-half of the English ships, and put the rest to flight, and then they sailed for North America ; f that the King sent with them twelve merchant ■* Chambly or ChatnbUe river is un- doubtedly meant ; called also Richelieu, and Sorel, by the French. Further on the same error is noted, where the author speaks of Champlain fort. He did not distinguish between Champlain and Cham- blee. Ed. f There appears to have been abso- lutely nothing out of which this great fabrication was made. It refers to the mighty fleet under the Due D'Anvillc, which was then in mid ocean, it having left Brest on the lad of June (1746), but did not appear on the New England coast until the beginning of September ^ and then in too shattered a condition to be feared. His fleet of men of war and transports amounted to about ninety- seven sail ; fourteen were ships of war, with three thousand five hundred troops. His fleet was watched by the English, and some of his ships taken. Capt. Leke took one of sixty-four guns ; Saumarez one of sixty-four ; Boscawen one of fifty, and 60 forth. The other French squad- ron referred to was probably that of M. De Tourmell. Saumarez was with Anson in his late voyage round the world. Ed. 'i. I I % i ■imp mr I film ffinwivagij 272 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. ^r.~^^B^B ;;: c'^^H^R ;'■ ', ships with stores of ammunition, clothing, wine, and brandy, and a thousand soldiers to strengthen Canada ; that the men of war were divided into two fleets, one of which did now block up Louisbourg, and were fighting against it, and the other part of the fleet was gone for Boston. He said their King was very angry with New England for their taking Cape Breton ; and it was probable he would bring them into subje£tion. He told me also that they brought news that Edward Stuart, the Pretender's youngest son, was in the North of England, and had a powerful army ; and that great numbers of English resorted to him daily,* and it was probable he would prevail to dethrone King George. I told him that, as for this and the fight at sea, I had good reason to think they were false, for I had news from England since the Brest fleet had sailed out, and there was no account of these things, but the contrary. He told me also that Prince William, the Duke of Cumberland,! was killed in battle at Culloden-Muir, and that he was the only person of the House of Hanover which the English nation loved ; so that although the King's army got the vicSlory, yet it was a loss to his interest ; for the Duke being dead, the English nation would revolt from the House of Hanover, being weary of it, and turn to the House of Stuart. But I told him that the Duke of Cumber- land was yet alive, and as he had been a scourge and terror to the King's enemies, so we had reason to hope he would still be. He grew warm in his debate, called the King [22] a usurper, the nation in bringing of him in, Cromwell's faction, and many * This, though guess-work, was much nearer the real state of the case than the other part of the story. They probably had heard of the defeats of the King's men at Falkirk Moor, Invernesa, etc. Editor, f William Augustus, brother of George II. He died tine prole, 1765. He put down the Pretender, but showed himself quite as much of a barbarian at thoM whom be conquered. Ed, Appendix.] Nortoti s Redeemed Captive. 273 other things, upon which we had a considerable debate, until he grew more mild and began to flatter ; and told me what an amiable man the Pretender was, and what good times it would be if he came to the throne of England; giving free liberty of conscience to all his subje6ls \ and he did not doubt but that they would return to the church of Rome, which was the true church. Our children, he believed, would come to a good union in religion. " We went on shore at the first house, about three miles above the fort,* where they were called together, and said their prayers ; and as soon as they had done, Mons. Dumuy read his letter. Upon which they all shouted, crying, Vive le Roy : q. d. Let the King live. Upon which several of the young men came laughing to me, and by signs endeavored to inform me what the news was. I concluded that these fine tales were framed and sent to meet the army, in order to keep up the courage of the common people and of the Indians, who seemed to repent of their engaging in the war, and to grow very weary of it. Though I found afterwards that the Brest fleet was a£lually come over, with a design against New England. " From thence we traveled down to Champlain,t where the gentlemen set up their tents, and we had great numbers to visit us of both sexes. There I expected we should have tarried that night. But a little before the sun setting, M. Dumuy came and' ordered his canoe's company to embark, and go down the river \ and told me I must go with them, and whatev " I stood in need of, his people would [23J give me : And indeed I wanted nothing ; having good fresh provisions and plenty of wine to drink ; but was something surprised at this sudden * ChambUcy or perhaps more probable, f Chamblee. The author perhaps had Fori St. John. no maps to refer to. Kk t -it •1: 'm t: ; I ^ ,( : .fflll'fW' , 111 274 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. m:\ remove, and could never know the reason of it, unless it was this, viz, some of the French and Indians going out from Crown Point, while I lay there, fell on a number of our men near Saratago ; had killed some and taken some prisoners, and were come to Champlain with one of them ; and they wanted to get what news from him they could, and so chose to get me out of the way, and some others, lest we might give him a cau- tion ; and he really wanted a caution, for he told them that which he had better have kept to himself, viz, the miserable circumstances of Sarrtago fort.* " We sailed down the river about three miles, and lodged at a poor man's house, who, according to his ability, was courteous to me. I lodged with him in his own bed, which was the first bed I had lodged in since my captivity ; and though it was a hard bed, and destitute of linnen, yet it was very comfortable to me. ....... " Monday, 8. This morning there came an Englishman to see me ; his name Littlefield. He was taken a lad from Pis- cataqua, and so continued with the French and lived, having a family at Champlain. f We had a considerable discourse together. About eight o'clock we embarked ; some canoes passing down the river on the opposite side. We sailed over the river and met with Mons. Dumuy and took him in. We sailed down the river about fifteen miles and dined with a priest. The country on Champlain J river appeared very poor; it being cold sour land. It is inhabited on each side, but the buildings are [24] generally but poor huts. This day Mons. Dumuy * This affair is mentioned in the Par were great sufferers in the earlier Indian ticular History of the Fi've Tears War, wars. See Penhalloiv, Indian ffa'-s, pp. page 127. 44, 47, 71. I Persons of the name of Littlefield J Chamblee. Ed. «.»* ■• www Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive. 275 tells me another piece of news, viz, ' that one of their men of war had taken an English man of war near Louisbourg, after a whole clay's engagement ; that the blood was midleg deep ■ upon the Englishmen's deck when he surrendered.' I told him they fought courageously. He said, * True, but they were taken notwithstanding.' He said ' they had taken three hun- dre^and twenty men out of her, who were coming up to Que- bec, where I should meet them.' This was nothing but the Albany sloop,. one of the men of war's tenders, which Governor Knowles sent with a packet from Louisbourg for Boston. There were but seventy men in her. She was taken by a French man of war near Jebu6ta. About two o'clock it began to rain, and continued a cold rain all the rest of the day. We sailed down the river between thirty and forty miles, and then carried over our canoes and packs across the land to St. Law- rence, which was about three miles ; and we came to it above Lozel,* and there we lodged that night, in a French house. " Tuesday, 9. This morning being something lowery, we did not set out very early. The wind was northeasterly and pretty high. About nine o'clock we set sail up the river for Montreal. It was good sailing. We dined at a French gentleman's house on the eastern shore. There was an Irish doftor came and dined with us — his name O'Sullivan. He pretended a great deal of respei'^^s!y"'t/m:''<«f%''fv<^rin'\xmmf£Wij: |! M 276 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. the more, I told him all that I could ; * then we set sail and went within about five miles of Mount Real. The weather was something tedious, and it rained in the afternoon. '* Wednesday, 10. This morning it rained very hard till near ten o'clock, about which time the general and some others passed by us, and we embarked directly upon it, and arrived at Mount-Real about twelve o'clock. " Mons. Demuy took me to the Governors. He said but little to me. He only told me, that for the time I tarried at Mount- Real, I should keep at Mons. Demuy's, but that after a few days he must send me with the rest of the prisoners, to Quebec. I went with Mons. Demuy, and was courteously entertained by him for the time I tarried at Mount-Real. In the afternoon came an Englishwoman to visit me. She was, I judged, between sixty and seventy years of age. She was taken when a child from Merrimack-River. Her name Hannah Rie. She had been married to a Frenchman, by whom she had four children, three sons and one daughter. Her daughter was married and had several children, and came to see me. I saw also one of her sons. She had been a widow about fourteen years, but was under very comfortable circumstances. There was another Englishwoman came to see me, who was taken from the east- ward, but I have forgot both her name and place where she was taken from. "Friday [Thursday], 11. This day I tarried at Mons. Demuy's, where the Major of the town visited me. He told [26] me that he married an Englishwoman whose name was Storer.f She was tak?.n when a child by Indians, from Pisca- * The author appears to have suspeflcd j- Mention was often made of child- Dr. O'SuUivan's sincerity with no good ren being carried off by the Indians, rea'on, judging from anything which he without any family being named; as in tells us. Editor. this case : " 1710. This summer, four Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive. 277 taqua } that one of his sons was down at the taking of us. Mrs. St. La Germine, one of his wife's cousins, who was also taken with her, came with the major, and was able to discourse in the English tongue. She told me that the Rev. Mr. Storer* of Watertown was her brother, and that she wanted to hear from her friends ; but I was not acquainted with any of them. "Friday, 12. This day, about two o'clock in the afternoon, we embarked in boats, and set sail for Quebec, and sailed down the river about five leagues. There were all that were taken with me but six men who were yet with the Indians, and John Perry's wife, who was at the Three-Rivers. There were also four Dutch with us, who were taken near Sarratago. We lodged in a house upon the north-west side of the St. Law- rence's river. "Saturday, 13. This day we had a fair wind, and sailed down the river twenty-five leagues, when we arrived at the Three Rivers. We went into an inn. The general and some others of the gentlemen which went down with us, presently went out to the Governors, leaving only their soldiers to guard us. And after a little time the Governor sent for Sergeant Hawks and me to come and sup with him. Accordingly we went, and were courteously and sumptuously entertained by him ; and while wt sat at supper the gentlemen fell into dis- course about the wars, and about the wounds they had received. The general's wound was discoursed upon, and the Governor desired Sergeant Hawks to show his scars, which he did. The children are taken at Exeter while at play." Discourses, 12. He died Nov. 27, 1774, Belknap (Farmer's edition), 378. Ed. x. 72. A. B. Fuller^ Record, He was * The Rev. Seth Storer was ordained born in Saco, the son of Col. Joseph at W., 22 July, 1724. Francis, ji. The Storer. Allen. Benjamin Storer was killed author speaks of notes in Mr. Storer's old at Wells, April 12, 1677. Hubbard. Almanacs, which he had seen. Three Editor. ■;; ■:msmmm!m. ':'?,;fgpjyi^gai |mn«»afiisi^\'$''t*v-\^^-'i4*^v^ffmif- >Wi | liW)J ! ,. J"^'» »if^i7H IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ,%* '^l 'm^^.^ ■i'^ihhm-.i-i tti. I ! t Ui ' u 'i ' 111 > ) J u 280 Norton* s Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. on purpose to see me, and to shew me a kindness. He gave me twenty-four livres in cash. From this time to the 23d, there was nothing remarkable happened, only this : — that the Jesuits and some unknown gentlemen, understanding I was short on it for clothing, sent me several shirts, a good winter coat, some caps, a pair of stockings, and a few handkerchiefs, which were very accepjtable. [29] *' Tuesday, 23. Capt. William Pote was taken ill with the fever and flux. Jacob Reed was also taken with the same. This day came into prison two of our men who had been with the Indians, viz, David Warren, and Phinehas Forbush, who informed that John Aldrich was in the hospital at Mount-Real. They informed us, also, concerning some other prisoners who were taken from New England, and with the Indians. " Wednesday, 24. There came unto prison forty-three new prisoners, who were taken at sea by a couple of French men of war. Among whom was Mr. William Lambert, master of the Billinder,* one of the men of war's tenders, who was taken near Jebu£ta, as she was going from Louisbourg to Boston, and Zephaniah Pinkham, master of a whaling sloop from Nan- tucket i and John Phillips, master of a fishing schooner from Marblehead. " Thursday and Friday, 25, 26. There came in about seventy- four prisoners, all taken at sea by the aforesaid men of war ; among whom were several masters of vessels. This day f there also came in Jacob Shepherd, who was taken with me, and had been with the Indians, and one widow Briant, taikf " the spring before, near Casco Bay. There was nothing further * Properly Bylander. A coasting ve»- f Oilober i, Jacob Shepard, of West- gel, go named at expressive of its along- borough, taken a*; !!oo8uck, was brought /tore use. I do not know why it is not to prison. October 3, Jonathan Bather- |n the di^ionariet. Ed. ick was brought to prison. How, ig. Ed. m iai. jnHj WW ■■■iHM Mm Afpbndix.] Norton's Redeemed Capthe. 281 remarkable in this month ; so that we were by this time increased to the number of two hundred and twenty-six. " Lord's day, 0£lober 5. There came in seventeen prison- ers, viz, three of our men, Nathaniel Hitchcock, Stephen Scot, and John Aldrich ; two taken by Indians at the Eastward, viz, Richard Stubs,'*' and Pike Gordon ; and twelve from the Bay Verde. " Lord's day, 1 2. There came twenty-four men taken at sea by the Lazora and Le Castore men of war. [30] " Wednesday, 22. I sent a petition to his lordship the General of Canada or New France, to permit me to go home to New England, upon a parole of honor, setting me a suitable time, and I would return again to him ; but I could not prevail. " Thursday, 23. Edward Cloutman and Robert Dunbar, two prisoners, broke prison and made their escape. But it was found out the next morning, and we were upon it threatened to be confined to our rooms, but this threatening was never executed } the only consequent in respe£i to us was to have a stricter guard kept about us \ but they sent out a number of men in pursuit after them.f "Friday, 31. Mr. Phillips and Mr. Pinkham, with about a dozen of their men, went out from us in order to return home ; but they went by the way of the West Indies. | " Here I shall speak of the sickness that prevailed among the prisoners. It had generally been very healthy in the prison before this fall ; f^r though there had been some prisoners there sixteen months, and about Hfty nine months, yet there had but * Taken at New Caico. Ibidem. Q€t. 19. Six seamen are brought to pri- »on. 06t, 20. Jacob Read died. Ibidem. ^ 0&. *7. A man wai brought to pri- lon, and uyi the Indians took five more, Ll and brought ten scalps to Montreal. HoiUf 19, X They may have been exchanged. The author seems not to have known on what terms they went away Ed. mmmmmmmm i-t.u..^ -i ,to.r.;. S I li 4 mimmmmmmmmmmmimmmmmmmmm 282 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. i) two died ; the first, Lawrence Platter.* He was taken at Sarratago, Nov. 17, 1745, and died the winter following. Johnesjf taken at Contoocook in the summer, 1 746, and died in August following. " But our people who were taken at sea by the two French men of war, viz, the Lazora and Le Castore, found a very mortal epidemical fever raged among the French on board their ships, of which many of them died. The prisoners took the infec- tion, and a greater part of them were sick while they lay [31] in Jebuda % harbor ; yet but one or two of them died of it. And when they set out from thence for Menis, some of them were sick, and some they left sick at Menis when they set out for Canada. Some of them were taken with the distemper upon their passage to Canada, and so brought the infection into the prison \ and the fever being epidemical, soon spread itself into the prisons to our great distress. " Those who brought it into the prison mostly recovered, and so there were many others that had it and recovered ; but the recovery of some was but for a time, — many of them relapsed and died. It put me in mind of that text, Jude, ver. 5, * / will therefore put you in remembrance.^ tho* ye once knew thisy how that the Lord having saved the people out of the Land of Egypt, afterwards destroyed them that believe not.' Not that J have any reason to think ill of those upon whom the sickness fell, and who died with it. Many of them, I hope, were truly pious and godly persons. I thought we might vet^ properly take up the Lamentation of Jeremiah, Lam. i, 18. *■ The Lord is * Plaftr it probably the name in- tended. See ParticnUr Uittory, 86, 87, where will be found an account of the depredation in which he was taken. Rd. f Thomas Jonea. See liidtm, 95. EJ. X Chebudlto, a bay and harbor on the S S. £. coait of Nova Scotia. Near iti head, on the west side, is Hali^x, set- tled by the English in 1749. ^^' Morse, G»»ettttr, ed. 1797, art. Chibucto. Ed. warn iMflHi Appendix.] Norton* s Redeemed Captive, 283 righteous^ for I have rebelled against his commandment. Hear I pray for you^ all people^ and behold my sorrow. My virgins and my young men are gone into captivity.' Ver. 20. * Jbroad the sword de^}oureth^ at home there is death.' " Monday, 20. Jacob Reed died. He was taken at Gor- ham-Town, near Casco Bay, April 19, 1746.* "November i. This day died John Reed, son to Jacob Reed, deceased. He had been a soldier in Annapolis, and was taken near the fort by some Indians, May 9, 1745. " Nov. 10. Died one Davis,t a soldier belonging [32] to the King's forces at Louisbourg. He was taken on the island of St. John's, July loth, 1746. "Nov. 13. Died John Bingham. He belonged to Phila- delphia, and was taken at sea. May 22, 1745. • "Nov. 17, died Nathan £ames.;{; He belonged to Marl- borough in the province of the Massachusetts Bay, was taken with me at Fort Massachusetts, August 20, 1 746. " Nov. 18. Died at night, Andrew Sconce. He was taken near Albany, August 17th, 1747. " Nov. 20. Died John Grote of Shene..«•■ Vil"'-'- mssmmsssi rmm AmNDix.] Norton's Redeemed Captive. 285 " Dec. 7. Died Martha Quaquinbush, a girl taken at Sar- ratago, N(w. 17th, 1745. She had a long and tedious sickness} what it was is uncertain.* "Dec. II. Died Mirriam the wife of Moses Scott. She was taken with me at Fort Massachusetts. She got a cold in her journey, which proved fatal, her circumstances being peculiar. She was never well after our arrival at Canada, but wasted away to a mere skeleton, and lost the use oi' her limbs. "Dec. 15. Died John Boon. He was taken at sea, May ist,t 1746. He died of a consumption } belonged to Devon- shire in England. "Dec. 18. Died Mary Woodwell, wife to David Wood- well,! of New Hopkinton on Merrimack river. She lay in a burning fever about a fortnight. She was taken captive, April 27th, 1746. " Dec. 23. Died Rebecca the wife of John Perry. She was taken with me at Fort Massachusetts, August 20th, 1746. Her illness was different from all the rest. She iiad little or no fever ; had a cold, and was exercised with wrecking pains until she died. " Dec. 24. I was taken with the distemper ; was seized with a very grievous pain in the head and back [34] and a fever ; but I let blood in the morning, and took a good potion of physic, and in a few days another ; so that I soon recovered again. " Dec. 26. Died Wm. Daily of New York. He belonged to Capt. Rouse's ship, and was taken upon St. John's Island, July loth, 1746. He had a very long and tedious sickness; * She WM ten years of age. How. X See Pcrtieular Hiitorj, etc., p. 94, f One of Capt. Robertion'i lieutenants where will be found some particulars of died. Hom. her singular Ticisitudes of fortune. it I .. -^ „ >.*i-«Ui lllt,.l l ll. I I 286 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appindix. several times he seemed to be in a way to recover ; but took relapses, till he was worn out. He swelled in his neck and side of his face, and mortified. "January 2, 1746-7. Died Thomas Atkinson of Lanca- shire in England } was taken at sea, May, 1 745 ; his sickness very tedious about eight or nine days before his death. " Jan. 3. Died Jonathan Hogadorn. He belonged to the county of Albany, and was taken on a scout near Fort Ann, Nov. 1 6th, 1745 ; had a long and tedious sickness of more than two months continuance.* " The sickness thus increasing, there were many taken sick, which I do n't pretend to mention. The sickness also got into the prison-keeper's family. He lost a daughter by it, the 4th instant. Upon this the Governor ordered a house to be pro- vided for the sick, where they were all carried the 1 2th instant, about twenty in number, with three men to attend them ; and after this, when any were taken sick, they were carried out to this house. " Jan. 12. Died at night, Francis f Andrews, of Cape Ann. He was taken at sea, June 24, 1746, and died of the bloody flux, after a tedious spell of it. *'Jan. 15. Died at night, Jacob Bagley,J of Newbury, after about two days sickness. He was taken at sea. May 26th, 1746. " Jan. 27. Died Guyart Brabbon,§ of Maryland, after ten weeks sickness i taken at sea. May 22d, 1745. i : * Jan. 4. The Rev. Mr. Norton was X Hew^ ibiJtM, gives the h€t thua : 10 far recovered from ticknen that he Jacob Baity, brother of Capt. Bailey preached two diicourtea from Pial. 60, 1 1 . aforesaid, died. f Hew, p. 10, gives the name Phineai \ Giat Braban, Capt. Chapman's car- Andrews, penter. Ibidtm. lji,--i-*l:'r!a!TKfl ii«i |ir i i ii > il ii i[*ii«iiiiti - ■HHitH i n hj uni i. ^- Appbndw.] Norton* s Redeemed Captive, 187 [35] " Jan- ^3* Died Samuel Lovet, after near a month's sickness. He was taken with me.'^ " Feb. II. Died in the morning, Moses Scot, son to Moses Scot. He was a child of about two years old, and died with the consumptioji In the afternoon died Wm. Galbaoth,t a Scots-man. He was taken at sea, April 4th, 1 746 j was sick about a month before he died. " About this time ! had another turn of illness. I had a grievous pain in my head and back. The AcQtoi blooded me, and advised me to go to the hospital } for, he said, I was going to have the distemper, but, by careful living, 1 soon recovered, and escaped the distemper. "Feb. 23. Died Richard Bennet. He belonged to Capt. Rouse's ship, and was taken at the island St. Jon's, July loth, 1 746. He belonged to the Jerseys, and had a long and tedious sickness. " Feb. 24. Died Michael Dogan, an Irishman. He listed at Philadelphia, a soldier for Louisbourg, and was taken in his passage by a French man of war. He had been sick, and recovered, but took a relapse the 20th instant. "March, 1747. The fore part of this month our people were generally better in health than they had been, and we were in hopes the distemper would abate ; yet there was a number sick. "March 5. We had news from Nova Scotia, that the French, under the command of Mons. Ramsey, had fallen m * He was son of Major Lovet of Men- treal to Quebec, rit., John Sunderland, don. Hne^ xo. John Smith, Richard Smith, William f Printed Gar-waft in flow, p. ao. Scot, Philip Scofil, and Benj. Tainter, Feb. !$■ My nephew, Daniel How, and son to Lieut. Tainter ^ Wcitborough. lix more were brought down from Mon- Hato^ 20-1. 288 II \ Norton* s Redeemed Captive. [AmwDix. ^! upon an English army at Minis, had killed one hundred and thirty-three, and had taken four Tjundred prisoners } but the truth I suppose was, that they had killed about seventy, and taken about as many more. ** March 18. Died Thomas Magra, an Irishman. He was taken in the Billinder. His sickness was very short. [36] "March 21. Died John Fort, servant, a Dutchman. He was taken on a scout near Fort Ann, November 16th, 1745. He died of a consumption. The same day died Samuel Goodman of South Hadley. He was taken with me at Fort Massachusetts, and died of the scurvy. " March 29. Died Mary, the wife of John Smiled, after a tedious sickness of about eight weeks ; was taken with me. " April 7. Died John Smeed, Jun. He was taken with me at Fort Massachusetts. He was seized with the distemper in October last, and was bad for a time, and then recovered in some good measure, and after a little time relapsed, and as he did several times, till at last he fell into a consumption, of which he died. " April 8. Died Philip Scaffield. He belonged to Pennsyl- vania soldiers, was taken near Albany, 0<^ober, 1746. His sickness was short, but his fever very violent. ** April 10. Died John Jordan, master of a vessel taken at sea, June ist, J 746. He came sick into pris'^n, but seemed to recover ; and so had frequent relapses till he died. He belonged to the Bay government. " The same day died Antonio, a Portuguese. He was taken in the English service, and so always kept confined. His sick- ness was short. "April 12. Died Amos Pratt. He was taken with me. He had a hard turn of the Fever in November and December, -'■"•■*• -"- . --"T' ■■■-■-— ---- I ....1—^., , AmNDix.] Norton* s Redeemed Captive. 289 but recovered } wast taken again the latter end of March, and to continued till he died. *'*' April 13. Died Timothy Cummingt. He was taken near George's fon, where he belonged, May aad^ I746> His sick- ness was short but very tedious. *^ April 16. Died John Dill. He belonged to Nantasketti was mate of a sloop, and taken at sea, near JebudU, May 29th, 1746. His sickness was upon him about ten days before his death. [37] "April 17. Died Samuel Evans of Newbury. He was taken at sea with Capt. William Bagley. He had a fort- night's sickness. "April 18. Died Samuel Vaughn,* one of Capt. Rouse's men, taken at St. John's, July loth, 1746. He belonged to Plymouth in New England. He was sick about eight days before his death. *' April 27. Died Joseph Denning of Cape Ann, master of a fishing schooner, taken at sea, June 24th, 1746. He was exercised with purging the greatest part of the winter, and was worn out with it and died. *^ April 30. Died Susanna Mc Cartees, infant child. " The 28th of this instant, when the prisoners were all con- fined in their rooms, but one or two in the lower room cook- ing the pot, the prison house took fire. It began on the ridge. We supposed that it catched by sparks lighting upon it. It being very dry, and something windy, it soon spread upon the house, and we could not come at it, having no ladder, to quench it. There were no lives lost, but many lost their bedding and clothing. We were conducted by a strong guard to the governor's K * Printed in HvwU Narrative, page »i, VtHhtn. Mm - '\ ^. I ^p PHI '»*0'mkkm f m0tim » ■'■ I tfe'.,Mi w i;! m ill • ■' V 290 Norton's Redeemed Captive. (Appindix. yard, where we were kept till near night, when we were con- duced to the back of the town to the old wall, in a bow of which they had set up some plank tents something like sheep's pens. We had boards flung down to lay our beds upon, but the tents generally leaked so much in wet weather, that none of us could lie dry, and had much wet weather this month. ** The gentlemen of our room sent in a petition the beginning of May, that they might be removed to some more convenient place. Upon which we had a house built for us in the prison- er's yard, about twenty feet square, into which we were removed the 23d instant. This was something more comfortable than the tents. In this yard we were confined, having the wall behind it and at each end, and the fort side picketed in, and a guard of about twenty men to keep us in both by day and night. "N. B. I should have observed that several prisoners were brought into prison before this; as Feb. 15th, there came in seven men from Mount-Real, taken the summer before. [38] In March there came into prison a Dutchman from Schanec- tada, and a woman from Saratago. " April 26th, there came into prison, three persons taken some time before at Saratago, and Jonathan Williamson, taken at Wiscassett, at the eastward, April 13th, 1747.* * Probably an error, and should be 1746, unleu this was the lecond time Williamson was a captive. His place was at Broad Ray, and Smith says — Jour- nal, ^% — news came to Falmouth, May 2 1 ( 1 746) that " the Indians had burnt all the houses at Broaa Bay." Sullivan says, page 168, that he returned out of cap- tivity the next year (1748). Williamson lived at Broad Bay, and was doubtless taken when the place was destroyed. If he were taken on the 1 3th of April, and delivered at Quebec on the a6th follow- ing, it was rather a short time (thirteen days) in which to take him through the wilderness, judging from what is stated respeding ;he tedious journeyings of Indian captives of that time. Nehemiah How also records the arrival of William- son, and How died May asth following ; hencf this reduces the journey to twelve days, if Williamson was taken in 1747. Circumstances seem to authorize the cor- redlion we have made. Editor. ('if, ■iiH Appendix.] Norton's Redeemed C apt rue. 291 (t May 9. Died Sarah, the rcli£t of Wm. Bryant. She was taken ~t Gotham Town, near Casco Bay, April 19th, 1746. Her husband and four of her children were then killed \ one escaping. She was taken sick the ist of May. '•'• May 1 3. Died Daniel Smeed, a young man. He was taken with me, and was son to John Smeed. He was first taken sick in November, and by frequent relapses was worn out, and fell into a purging, hv which he wasted away and died. " May 14. Came into priso.i John Larmon, taken at Dama- scota, in the eastward, by eleven Indians, April 27th, 1747, and informed that his wife and daughter were killed by them. '* May 15. Died in the morning Christian Tedder,* of Schenedada, taken May 7th, 1 746. He was taken sick about the beginning of this month. " The same day died Mr. Hezekiah Huntington, son to Col. Huntington of Norwich in Connefticut. He was taken at sea, June 28th, 1746. He was well beloved and much lamer.ted by all sober religious persons. f " This day also died Joseph Gray of Maryland. He was taken by sea. May 22d, 1745. A likely young man. Thus we had three likely young men taken from us in one day. "May 17. Died Captivity Smeed, an infant about nine months old, daughter to John Smeed. "May 18. Died Samuel Martin of Lebanon in Connecti- cut } a likely young man, taken at sea. His sickness short. " This day there came into Quebec, a schooner and sloop from Martineco. In their passage they took a sloop bound from Philadelphia to Antigua, and brought in four of her men. This day came up three prisoners from Bay Verde, viz., George * Hoiu hag the name Fether, f See Particular Hittory, p. 97. Ed. ■i ^^^ mt « : il.l 292 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. Schavolani, Zechariah Hubbard, and a Negro, and three from the frontiers of New England. - " May 19. Died Samuel Burbank, of New Hopkinson^ an old man, taken April 22d, 1746.* The same day died Abra- ham Fort, son to John Fort, decease taken near Fort Ann, November 1 6th, 1745. ;: j,. r' [39] " May 20. I was taken ill with a grievous pain in my liead, and a sore eye, that I was almost blind with it. The 2i8t I yielded to be sick. Capt. Roberts and Capt. Williams were also both of them very sick, being taken a few days before me. This day I was blooded., having something of the fever. The 23d I was blooded again ; the dodlor also gave me a bottle of eye-water, and advised me not to be concerned about the fever. I was sensible they did not apprehend how ill I was. I intreated of him to give me a potion of physic, which he did, the 25th, and it worked very well. In the night I fell into a sweat, and was in hopes it would go off, but I was sadly dis- appointed, for I grew worse the next day. My reason departed from me, and returned not, until the 14th of June. Part of this time I was given over by every one that saw me. J had the nervous fever, and was very much convulsed. .< was ex- ceeding lew and weak when I first came to myself, but I recovered strength as soon as could be expelled ; for, by the 24th of June, I got out, and went into the chamber. "May 21. Died Robert Williaiiis. He belonged to Eng- land, and was taken at sea. " May 22. Died Nathaniel Hitchcock of Brimfield. He was taken with me. * See Particular History, page 9a, died two chQdren, who were put out to the where the circumstances of the attack on French to nurse." How, zx. May 19, he Hopkinton are detailed. " At the lame mentions receiving a letter from Major time [the death ofMr.Burbank happened] WiUard, which is his last entry. Editor. m 'r^»:jismfmw''t^^^'^WW'r''''* Appendix] NortotC s "Redeemed Captive. 293 "May 25. Died Mr. Neheiriah How, of No. 2, aged about fifty-six ; taken at Great Meadow, OAober nth, 1745.* " May 26. Died Jacob Quaquinbush, and Isaac his son, both taken at Sarathtoga, November 17th, 1745. " May 30. Died Jacob Shepherd, a pious young man, well beloved and much lamented. He was taken with me. ** June 3. Died Robert David Roberts of Dartmouth, in England, master of a snow, taken at sea. May ist, 1746. " June 10. Died John Pitman of Marblehead, of the scurvy, taken at sea, May 27th, 1747. "June 12. Died .Abraham De Grave of Sechanedada, taken 06t., 1746. ' June 17. Died Samuel Stacy, taken at Menis, Feb., 1 746, 7. June 20. Died William Nason of Casco Bay, taken at Menis, February, 1746, 7. " June 30. Died Matthew Loring, taken at sea. May 29th, 1746. [40] ** This month there came into prison several prisoners ; first, there were three prisoners brought from Mont Real, two of which were taken at Sarratoga, Feb. 22d, 1746, and one from Canterhook, April loth, 1747. One man killed ; at the same time a woman and child captivated with him. ** June 5. Came in two men taken at Pemaquid. There were twelve men killed when they were taken. " June II. We had an account from the French, that they had taken a number of Indians and Dutch, who had first done some mischief in Canada. There was about fifty in the whole scout, and they had taken about ten or twelve of them in this * An account of hti captivity was pub- CallsBian of Indian Caftivitiu, 1839. See, lithcd in 1748, and republished in Drake's alto, Particular Hiutry, 85. Ed. u (( J . ism 294 Norton's Redeemed Captive. [Appendix. , t Si}. month. There came also thirty-six prisoners from Nova Scotia, most of which were taken at Mcnis, February, 1746, 7. "July 2. Died Archibald Gartrage, a child, and son to Charles Gartrage, aged nine months. .-, ; " July 4. Died William Prindle, a Louisbourg soldier, a New England man originally, taken at St. John's, July loth, 1746. " July II. Died Corporal William Norwood. He belonged to his Majesty's troops which came from Gibraltar to Louis- bourg, taken at St. John's, July loth, 1746. "July 16. Died James Doyl. He was taken at sea. May 29th, 1746. " The same day died Phinehas Forbush, of Westboro', taken at Fort Massachusetts with me. He was a very likely man. "July 21. Died Jonathan Brigman, of Sunderland. He was taken with me at Fort Massachusetts. r " July 25. We came on board the ship Verd Le Grace,* which the governor of Canada sent with ?. flag of truce to Boston. The 27th we set sail for New Engiand, at ten in the morning. August ist we came in sight of Cape Breton Island. "August II. Died on board our flag of truce, Nicholas Burt. He belonged to the West of England, and was taken at sea. May ist, 1746. Died in captivity, in all, seventy-three. "August 16. We arrived at Boston. The sick and infirm were taken to the hospital. Col. Winslowf sent to me and * The ship Vier,{e-de-Grace [Hand- lome Virgin], Captain Larregni. See N. r. Col. Docs., X, 118. EJ. ■f Probablyjchn Winslowjof the fourth generation from Governor Winslow of the \fayflower. He was in the calami- tous Cuba expedition of 1740; in the Nova Scotia expedition of 1755, *'*<' general and commander-in-chief at Fort William, 17565 councillor of the Pro- vince, etc., etc. ; died in Hingham, 1774, aged seventy-two. In the Newt-Lttttr of 5 June, 1760, is this notice: "In Capt. Watts came passenger General Winslow, who was welcomed ashore and congratulated by a great nun^ber of peo- ple, upon hia return to his native coun- try." Editor, Appendix.] Norton*s Redeemed Captive, 295 desired me to come and tarry with him while I continued in Boston. I thankfully accepted it, and was courteously enter- tained. This was a day of great joy and gladness to me. May I never forget the many great and repeated mercies of God towards me." End of the Redeemed Captive. POSTSCRIPT. — In the account of Capt. Rouse, given ante., pages 240-3 — in noticing the antiquity of the name of Rouse — the following interesting fa£ts would not have been inappropriate. In one of the Hrst voyages made into the West Indies by Capt. Francis Drake, namely, in the year 1572, he met there one Capt. Rouse. In the first published account of that voyage the name is spelt Rause; and in a later edition, sometimes Rause and sometimes Rawse. These spellings might lead one to suppose the original may have been Ross. But Sir William Davenant, who lived near Sir Francis Drake's time, and wrote a play which he entitled the History of Sir Francis Drake^ in which he introduces Drake's companions, uniformly writes the name of this one. Pause. Hence it is presumed that Ross and Rouse are distinct names ; and that Drake's companion was Rouse., and not Ross. Davenant printed his play in 1659, " Represented daily at the Cockpit in Drury-Lane at Three Afternoon Punftually." Perhaps some American Rouse may find himself a descendant of the old freebooter of 1572; if so he may derive satisfa£lion in this note, if not in his progenitor. •iji' 'ii ! m ;'] APPENDIX F. f 1 ; : ' .1 i ill I 'j ': ■ :i '1 ; .1 .;, i i! i t Page i6o. . • |HE following observations and criticisms on the affairs of the period of this war, admirably exhibit the condition of the country, the circumstances of the people, and the impressions upon their minds as to the conduct of their rulers. They are extracted from the close of Mr. Doolittle's Memoirs^ as well an adl of justice to him as for the reasons before stated. It should be remembered they were written before the war had fairly closed. ^^ The following remarks are easy and natural from the pre- ceding history : *' ist. What a great dijfFerence there Is between our managing a war and our enemies. The most we do is to defend ourselves at home ; but they are for an offensive war. And it is true if they have any they must have this ; for a defensive war they can have none with us : for not a man of ours has seen a French settlement all this war, except such as were carried cap- tive or went with a flag of truce. ^* 2dly. It is a rare thing we can obtain an Indian scalp, let us do what spoil we will upon them j so careful are they to carry off and conceal their dead. For at Fort Massachusetts, where, it is probable, near sixty * have been killed, never have been found more than three scalps, which shows us that our * The number killed at the tiege and the English at the time. But the be- died of their wounds. It leemt incredibly siegers showed uncommon daring, and Urge, too, in view of what wa« said by were numerous. i mtatm muatd Appendix.] Concluding Observations. 297 men will not venture out after the enemy on any scalping ad whatsoever. Our men will not venture their lives and service, on such uncertain encouragements ; * if they should be much greater than ever they have been. The like is demonstrated at Number Four, where they have killed so many of the enemy, never a scalp could be recovered. f " jdly. We may observe, of how much importance the enemy judge those two forts, at Number Four, and Hoosuck, to be tc us. Hence their repeated endeavors to destroy them \ which they would not do, were they not advantageous to us, and in their way in coming upon us. And it shows how much it must encourage our enemies for us to give up either of them. " 4thly. We may observe, how safely the enemy can draw off when they have done mischief. I think but one instance J has there been all this war of our pursuing and overtaking the enemy to do any spoil on them, and there are many reasons for it : One is, that no body may move till an account is sent to the chief colonel ; and then men must be mustered, which takes so long a time that there is no possibility of our taking them. Another reason is, that we never have men near, equipped to' pursue them in the woods ; and when they have gone a few miles in the woods, they are discouraged and return home. ^* Sthly. It is observable, that the continual changing of schemes renders all measures for the war unsuccessful. Before any one single scheme is tried, it is flung up, and nothing ever * Aa the bounty oflrered by the govern- % The author probably hai reference ment for icalps. Ed. to Capt. Melvin't expedition j or perhspi -f- Because the defender* in the garrison to that of the Mohawkt, of November, durst not venture out for fear of being cut 1746. However much the English were off by some in ambush, as they had too accustomed to the woods, the Indians often experience. Ed, were far more at home there. Ed. Nm ^Mi ■ »»'i»'itii>^ m « ii n »,i 4< M '* lift ■tJK!l 298 Concluding Observations. [Appfndit. prosecuted to advantage : There is scarcely any one scheme of more than six months continuance. "6thly. We may observe, that when the Province have voted any number of men for a particular service, by that time the commissary can furnish the men with their provisions, their time is expired ; and this was the case the summer past : * it took the greater part of the summer to supply the garrisons with provisions ; they were so scarce : And the soldiers who were designed as scouts towards Crown Point, were a good part of their time employed in guarding provisions to the forts. " 7thly. It is observable to all who know the state of these frontiers, that there is not due provision made to furnish the men out on any occasion after the enemy. There is neither bread nor meat, shoes, blankets, etc., that a number of men may take on any sudden occasion. They have their bread to bake, their meat to cook, and other things to get, when they should be on their march : f And so long as this is the case the enemy never need fear our annoying them when they have distressed us. -^ *' 8thly. It is observable, that all this war we have nevef kept men in the woods towards Crown Point, to discover their large bodies .nming down upon us, and give notice of an approaching enemy : So that they came securely, week after week, upon us } yea, we have since found that the enemy have camped several months within thirty or forty miles of Fort Dummer. " 9thly. Another thing observable, is the great temptation soldiers have to be unfaithful in the service. For there is no distinction made, as to their wages, between a soldier in an old town, one in a garrison, and one marching in the woods ; who * The summer of 1748. Ed many men were lost on the 4th of May, f This was specially the case when so 1746. See Vaatt'i Mancbesttr, 121, Ed. r I Appendix.] Concluding Observations. 299 when he is in the woods, wears out as many clothes as his wages will procure, besides all his hardships and sufferings. Soldiers therefore choose to lodge in the garrison ; and think hard if thejr must be kept in the woods, when others have as much pay in old towns, who eat and lodge well.* " lothly. We differ much from the French with respeil to the war. They will not give men commissions, 'till they have been out in the war and done some spoil on their enemies. If the like method was practiced with us, there .. >uld be fewer commissions ; and more, it is probable, would be done on the enemy, in order to obtain them. But so long as no regard is had to this in promoting of men, we cannot exped men will exert themselves as they ought to do. " iithly. The reader may observe, how much the people in the western frontiers must be distressed by the war, and how falsely they judge, who think the war is an advantage to them. Their case is most distressing. The repeated alarms take them off from their business, day after day, for forty or fifty miles together ; and the reader is to observe, that in the preceding history, there is mention of great number of times of the enemy being seen and shot at, both in the night and day time ; and of their setting open gates, and turning creatures into fields to devour crops. It was not the design of the author to give you an account of the people's losses, but of the mischief done. If any envy the inhabitants in the frontiers their portion, they may come and take their lot with them. * Wages in those days were very small. A common soldier had about £,1 51. a month; acergeant, £1 iii. ; a corporal, £1 %f.; a captain, £4 loi.j a major, £8 lOJ.; colonel, £10; brigadier-general, £15 i a surgeon, £4 loi. ; a surgeon- general, £5 5 clerk, £1 I2J. ; chaplain, £4 1 01. 5 captain of artillery, £9; lieut. of artillery, £4 lOi.; gunners, £2. This lift of wages was made up with refisrence to the Louisbourg expedition, and was somewhat modified subsequently. Ed. 1 • ■ f ''J 1^ •i ■'I i '6. H inm 300 Concluding Observations. [Appendix. ** I2thly. It ought to be observed, that great injustice is done the inhabitants in the frontiers, in pressing them out of (heir business into the Province service, either to follow the enemy or convoy stores, and not rewarding them suitably. They are sent out day after day, with their horses, and have not half so much per day as they must give a man to labor for them in the mean time. ** Lastly, we may observe, that in this war, as we increased in our number of men in our forts or scouts, the enemy have increased their numbers } and the longer the war continues, the oftener they come, and the more bold they grew \ which shows us what we must expert, if the war breaks out anew ; especially at this time, when there is no provision made for men in our frontiers." > '■• " END." ■ '.-•'''' ;-""':vv:-"'.' * If the people on the frontiers sup- frontiers probably grumbled berause they plied the contradors with certain arti- had not an opportunity to profit by the des, those able to supply them doubtless war. There can be no such thing ai an were benefited. Those away from the equality of burthens in war. EJ, ,,' , ,'',-'.'i^. .,>,■ '>■' \^ INDEX. ABANAp/JES, of St. Francii, 34, 36-3ti, 89, III, ia7, 148, 151. Abbot, , killed, 171. Abercrombic, James, 25. Acadie, origin of name, 51. Adami, Robert, a captive, 132, 283. Aix la Chapelle, treaty of, 172. Albany, in peril, 27, 18, 37, 39 j Indian conference at, 53, 63, 84, 1 1 3 i men killed near, 98. Alden, Timothy, 211, 241, 246. Aldrich, John, a captive, 119, 256, 262; carried on Indian's back, 263. Alexander, Capt., (hoots a Frenchman, 152. Algonkins, join the French, 36, 39, 41, 89. Allen, Benjamin, 227 ; Elijah, killed, loi ; Joseph, ih,, 229. Allen, Samuel, 93, 126, 153. Allen, William, 12, 15. Allen, Zebulon, captured, 146. American Magazine, 47, 48, 58. Ames, Jacob, severe fight, 156, 157. Amherst, Jeflfery, Gen., 25, 210. Amrusus, husband of Eunice Williams, 86. Amsden, Oliver, killed, 12$. Amsden, Simeon, killed, 125. Anderson, James, captured, 84 j killed, 132, 284. Anderson, Samuel, captured, 84. Anderson, John, captured, 1 54. Andrews, , wounded, 155; Francis, dies, 286. Anson, George, Com., 154, 248, 249, 271. Annapolis, attempted, 55; relieved, 57. Antonio, , dies in prison, 288. Argall, S., expedition to Canada, 51. Armadas, notice of, 129. Arresuguntoocooks, treaty with, 176. Ashley, Jonathan, 11. Ashuelot, since Keene, 78, 93, 96, I15 i attacked, 143, 149, 150. Askmacourse, harbor, 66. Athol, man killed at, 117; Indian name, ibidem Atkinson, Theodore, 176; Thomas, dies, 286. Attcnkins, number of, 34, 37. Auchmuty, Roberi, 22; Samuel, Sir, 22, 23. Aussaado, a Wewee'4ock chief, 176. Avery, , captured, 158; Oliver, wounded, 153. Avery's Garrison, some killed at, 158. BABCOCK, John, captured, 157. Bacon, Quartermaster, wounded, loi i Ebenezer, wounded, 227. Bagley, Jacob, dies in prison, 286. Bagley, William, dies in prison, 284. Baker, James, killed, 109. Ball, , killed, 158. Bancroft, George, 16. Bane, David, 227 ; Joseph, ibidem. See Bkans. Barber, John W., cited, 11. Baron, Timothy, a soldier, 228. Barrington, Samuel, Admiral, 250. Bassiere, should be Brassier, which see. Batherick, Jonathan, a captive, 280. Beaman, John, captured, 109, no. Bean, or Beane, John, killed, 116; Ste- ven, Thomas, 228. I .Jtk-wmmh. hi 302 Index. U; MS ■ ' '! ..t Beard, Robert, killed, 149. Beatton, R., cited, 47. Beauharnoii, M. de, 33, 76. Beckct, , Captain, 66, 67. Bedford, men ambuihcd there, 88. Belden, Aaron, killed, 1 71. Belknap, J., cited, 109, Z15, 177. Bell, John, armourer, 228. Bemii, Edward, armourer, 228. Bennet, Moaea, Captain, 228 ; Richard, 113; diea in priaon, 287. Berry, Thomas, at Indian conference, 63. Berwick, people killed at, 159, 160. Bickford, William, killed, 163. Bigga, William, cited, 207. Billinga, , killed, 168. Bingham, John, dies, 283. Blachford, Benjamin, a captive, 178. Blake, Nathan, taken, 93; ranaomed, 153. Blanchard, William, taken, 163. Bliaa, Constant, killed, 124, 126. Blodget, , killed, 166. Bollan, William, 29. Bolton, William, a captive, 150. Book of the Indians, reference to, 133. Boon, John, dies in prison, 285. Boovce, Peter, captured, 151. Boacawen, Edward, Admiral, 154, 201. Boularderie, M., defeated, 214. Bouquet, Henry, Col., cited, 133. Bourne, Melatiah, Sylvanua, 229. Boynton, John, killed, 149. Brabbon, Guyart, dies in priaon, 286. Bradbury. Jabez,Capt., 79, 80, 99, 151; Nathan, killed, 151. Braddock, Edward, Gen., 21, 25, 2 Bradley, Jonathan, killed, Ii6j Samuel, ibidtm. Bradahaw, John, killed, 76 ; one diea, 284. Bradt, ,Capt., 142; John A., killed, 170. Brainerd, David, death of, 151. Braatier, William, hit map, 267. Breda, treaty of, 51. Bret, Piercy, Capt., 1 54. Briant, William, killed, 90 ; Sarah, 280, diea in captivity, 291. Bridgman's Fort, attacked, 109; burnt, 'S3- Bridgman, Jonathan, 119; wounded, 236 J dies, 294; Thomas, 11. Broad Bay, depredation at, 99. Brown, John, wounded, 142} Joaiah, Capt., 105; Timothy, 96. Brunswick, men killed near, 80, , Bryan, William, murder of, 234. Buck, John, wounded, 96. Buckler, Robert, soldier, 229. Bull, Edward, 14;} Nathaniel, killed, ibidtm. Bullard, John, killed, 93. . Bunten, , killed, 88. Buntin, Robert, and son, taken, 158. Burbank, Samuel, taken, 92 ; dies, 93, 292. Burn, Patrick, a aoldier, 229. Burnet, William, built Fort Oawego, 52. Burnet, or Burnel, killed, 159. Burnet's Field, surprise at, 148. Burns, Robert, escape of, 88. Burt, Asahel, killed, 143 \ Nicholas, diea, 294. Butler, Caleb, cited, 157. Butler, Richard, of Boston, 229, Butler, Walter, exploit of, 138-40. Burton, Stephen, wounded, no, 230. Byron, John, adventures of, 249, 250. CABOT, pretended discovery of, 188. Cxsar, a saying of, ;2. Cacknawages, number of, 34. Cadaraqui, Lake Ontario, 65. Caldwell, George, killed, 145. Calmady, Warwick, Capt., 184, 209. Canada, population of, 34 j belonged to the French, 50; condition of, 65. Canajohara Indian killed, 144. Canceau, or Canso, captured, 23, 198} by the French, 54 ; great rejoicing in France, 57 ; Gut of, described, 42, 200. Cape Breton, importance of, 6 ; belonged originally to England, 88. Cape Cod Indian, feat of one, 216. Cape Sable Indians, 43 ; war declared against, 61, 82 j some taken, 77; infedlion among, 132. Captives, return of some, 172. Carqueville, Sieur de, exploit of, 40. Carr, James, killed, 158; Richard, wounded, 230. Carrying-place, at Wood Creek, 91. Carthagena, disastrous expedition, 195. Index. 303 C , a captive, 90, 91} escapes, 281. Cobb, Syivanus, journal of, 230. Coffin, , Capt., 173. Colbe, Timothy, a captive, 178. Colerain, men killed at, 97; fort, 104, 137, 138- Colmaii, Benjamin, 30; dies, 150. Colson, Timothy, a captive, 178. Colville, Alexander, Lord, 250. Concord, men surprised and killed, 1 1 6. Conde, Adam, killed, 170. Conessetagoes, number of, 34. Connedticut, in the Louisbourg expedi- tion, 28, 69, 84, 198; population, 35- Conntr, Francis, a captive, 170, 178 j John, killed, 234. Contoocook, attacked, 95, 1 16. Cook, Elisha, killed, 95 ; Thomas, 96. Cooper, Boyce, captured, 8 1 j Moses, killed, 156. Corbett, Jesse, drowned, 9a. Corlaer's Creek, 38, 39. Corne, St. Luc de la, at Fort Massachu- setts, 36. Cornwall, Frederick, Capt., lis. Cotton, Rowland, Secretz.y, 107. Covell, William, wounded, 131. Cox, John, Capt., killed, 145} Jocepb, killed, 146. Crecy, Joaeph, a soldier, 231. Creighton, David, killed, 81. Crisson, Thomas, captured, 168. Cromwell, Oliver, 51, 272. Crosby, Josiah, petitioner, 231. Crown Point expedition frustrated, 27 j French magazine, 28 ; Fort St. Frederick, 36 ; seized by the French, ja, S3i some Mohawks assault, 124. Croxford, William, killed, 173. Cumberland, Duke of, victorious, 171, 275, ^8. Cummingi, Timothy, captutdd, loo) dies, 289 DAILV, William, a prisoner, 113} dies, 285. Dalhonde, John, physician, 231, 232. Damariscotta, people killed at, 143, 144. Darling, Lieut., 169; killed, 170. Davarisks, James, deserter, 229. David, Capt. [Donahew.^], 4a, 43. Davis, , Capt., 113, 173; Jedidiah, 232 j John, wounded, 100, 233 ; dies, 283. D'Anville, Due, disaster of, 154, 271. Debeline, Mons., defeat of, 140-1. Deerfield, attack on, 125, 126. D'Estaing, Count, 250. Dexabrevoie, Capt., 36. De Graaf, Klas A., killed, 190; Abra- ham, dies, 293. Delancy, James, a6. Demuy, Mons., Lieut., 40, x6a, 264, 268, 271, 273, 274, 276. Denning, Joseph, dies in prison, 2J9. Diary of depredations, 6, 107-74. Dickinson, Nathaniel, killed, 143. Dill, John, dies in captivity, 289. Dixwell, Bazil, Lieut., 232. Doane, Elishii, Captain, 232. Dod, John, killed, 162. Dogan, Michael, dies in prison, 287. Dogaman, Peter, a prisoner, 178. * j Jw»«l>h«MH^Ki 304 Index. I'r : lit- I >■■■ ^"1 ™ F ■ ''h . ...14 .. . '( 'fefi': Dogt, employed, 101 j give notice of the vicinity of Indians, 114, 116, 117) order to diipote of them, l]a{ in the Florida and other wan, 133. Dolibcr, Thomas, 133. Donahew, David, Capt., 43 ; exploit, 66 { iurpriied and ilain, 75 ; of Newbury, 77. 8»» >99. »»9. a33. »84- Doolittle, Benjamin, 10, 13, 78, 94, 105, 109, 135, 152, 396} Hon. Mark, II. Door, Jonathan, a captive, iii. Dorman, Ephraim, exploit, 93. Doty, Mom., interpreter, 160, s6l. Douglai, James, Capt., 109. Douglait, William, cited, 17, 54, $6, 58, 6», 66, 67, 71, 75, i7», 103, an, an, a47. Dove", Allen, attacked, 116. Downing, John, 176; Robert, 113. Downs, Gershom, killed, in. Doyle, James, dies in captivity, 394. Drake, Francis, Captain, 395. Drake, Nathaniel, Captain, 114. Dresser, Nathaniel, killed, 14a. Drisdell, Eleanor, 344. Drown, Samuel, wounded, 146. Drowned Lands, location of, 367. Dubuque, , 31. Du Chambon, M., a poltroon, 54, aai. Dudley, Joseph, his war, 1 3. Dummer, Jeremiah, cited, ao, 33. Dummer, William, his war, 14. Dunbar, Robert, escape of, 90, 381. Dunham, Jonathan, dies in prison, 384. Dunn, John, Major, 333. Duplessis, Sieur, 36, 89. Duquesnel, Meneville, Gov., 54, 56. Durel, Philip, Capt., 209, 3io. Duvivier, M., takes Canceau, 33, 54, 183, 19a, 199. Dwight, Jasper, councillor, 195. Dwight, Joseph, Gen., 131, Dyer, Reuben, captured, 145, Dyre, Joseph, comprint of, 333. EAMES, Nathan, a captive, 119) dies, 383. Eaton, Cyrus, cited, 33, 80 ) Eben- ezer, killed, 159. Eden, Daniel, a captive, 178. Edghill, , a captive, 168. Edwards, Jonathan, 1 5a { Richard, Capt., aia. Egeremmet, a Penobscot chief, 176. Eliot, John, cited, 33$ Mr., killed, 14]. Ely, Joseph, wounded, 141. Eneas, a Norridgwok chief, 176. Epaom, people captured, 149. Erving, John, 30 ; Shirley, ikidtm. Eiparagoosaret, a Penobscot chief, 176. Estabrook, , killed, 133. Eustis, William, Gov., 31. Evans, Samuel, diet in prison, at9. FALAISE, Lieut., exploit, no. Fall Town, Bernardston, 96, 1371 men killed, 148. Falmouth attacked, 143, 144. Farmer, Daniel, taken, 168 ; John, cited, 315,377. Fainsworth, Stephen, 91. Farnsworth, Samuel, killed, lot. Fearne, John, at Louisbourg, 334. Fisher, Josiah, killed, 78. Fitch, John, and family, carried off, 165. Flag of truce, discussion on, 138, 139. Flathead, tribe of Indians, 38. Folles Avoines. See Wild Rica. Folsom, George, cited, 138. Poison, John, Killed, :49. Forbush, Phinehas, 380 } dies, 394. Fort, Abraham, dies, 393 ; John, Capt., dies, 87, 388. Fort Dummer, 101, 109, 153, 156. Fort Halifax built, 30. . , Fort Hinsdale, location, 137. Fort How, location, 1 37. Fort Massachusetts, 104; captured, 1 17, 118, 146, 159, 160; names of pri- soners, n9; French account, I33{ fight there, 146; other fadts, 353, 354, 359, burnt; 360,397. Fort Niagara, location, 53. Fort Pelham, men at, 137. Fort St. Frederick, 36; built, 53, 134. Fort Shirley, 137, 353. Fort, Southerland, a prisoner, 178, 179. Fort Western built, 30. Foster, , killed, 143. Fowle, Daniel, printer, 35 1. Fowler, Jeremiah, 93. Frankland, Henry, Sir, 39. Frement, Samuel, a captive, 179. ■■mm. i ,1 ,1. , „.i»n;V,n.^ iMrt.llfciijI U Index. 305 French, Nathan, killed, 16]. French, dncumenti, expeditioni, 9 ; war periodi, 13, I4{ a great arm»da lent againit New England, a6 ) barbar- iim off 32 ; their management of the Indians, 33; piwieued advan- tage* over the Englieh, 34; their account of rxpeditioni lent againit New England, 3;--4i{ their story of wrongi, 41-44 { receive early intelligence of thr declaration of war, 47; had a better title to New England than the English, 50, 53; run away with the bone, 5a; built their forts with English strouds, '•^•^\ take Canso, 54 ^ defeated by Dona- hew, 66; ships taken at Lcuis- bourg, 70 ; losses there, 70 ; prison- ' ers shipped to France, 71, 71; take Fort Massachusetts, 119-22; an armada sent against New Kngland, 129; great sickness among, 132; bounties for prisoners and scalps, 134; success at Pemaquid, 145, 146; defeat at Fort Massachusetts, 147; besiege it, 254; take and burn it, 260. Frost, John, killed, 163. Frousac, Strait, 42. Fuller, Thomas, saying of, 190. Furbuah, Phinehas. See Forbush. GABARUS BAY. See Chapiau- ROUGC. Galbaoth, William, die* in prison, 287. Galissoniere, Count de la, 278. Ganiengoton, takes scalps to Montreal, 37. Oanon, M., accusation against, 41. Gardner, John, a pilot, 234. Garrish, George, a smith, 234. Gartrage, Archibald, dies in captivity, 294. Oatienoude, an Iroquois, killed, 37. Gatroup, Mattee, a captive, 178. Gayton, Pierce, Capt., 183, 184, 234. George Second, King, 47, 272. George's Fort, 79, 82, 83, 99, 151. Gerrish, Samuel, 77. Gibson, James, Col., 22, 23, 72. Gillett, Adonijah, killed, 126. Gilson, Michael, wounded, 109. Girard, Lacroix, Capt., 222. Oo Girler, William, a pilot, 23$. Glen, Jacob, Jr., kilted, 170. Gort'e, John, Cipt., march of, 95 ; Wil- liam, a captive, 178. Goodale, Thomas, killed, i $3. Goodman, Samuel, a captive, 1 19 ; die*, 288. Gordon, Joseph, killed, i«8 { Pike, • captive, ibidem, 28 1 ; die*, 284. Gorham, John, Capt., 42 ; Col., 58, 129, «7!, 4J5- Gorhamtown, tragedy at, 90, 283. Gould, Nathaniel, killed, 153. Graves, Asahel, killed, 168; Samuel, wounded, 164. Graville, Aylmer, commissioner of ex- change, 172. Gray, Joseph, dies in captivity, 291. Great Meadow*, surprise at, 77 j location, 78,85- ■ . . Green Farms, location, 39. ,f ■ ' ■ Green River, garrison, 138. Gridley, Richard, Col., 69. Groot, Simon, killed, 98. Grote, John, dies in prison, 283. Groton, tragedy -at, 156. Groves, , Lieut., 146. Greely, Philip, killed, 116. Guerrefille, Greenfield ? 39. Gun, Samuel, killed, 164. HAGADORN, Jonathan, a captive, 87 ; dies, 286. Hall, Andrew, 77. Halliburton, T. C., cited, 67, 191, a66, 267. Hancock, Thomas, 231. Hardy, Charles, Sir, 201, Harry, Indian chief, 176. Harris, Thomas, 235. Harrison, W. H., Gen., 260. Harrytown, location of, 95. Hart, Ensign, his company surprised, 131. Hartwell, Edward, Major, 94. Harvey, Benjamin, killed, 151 ; Josiah, wounded, 100; Moses, 92. Hawes, Lieutenant, killed, 145. Hawke, Edward, Sir, 250. Hawks, Eleazer, killed, 1255 Gershom, wounded, 104; John, Sergeant, wounded, 97 j at Fort Massachu- setts, 118, 152-5, 277. i I \ w 1 1 1!^ 1 'J ►. i 306 Index. Hawley, Lirut., wounded, 171. Heard, Joseph, killed, rii. Heaton, Cornet, wounded, 105. Henderson, John, taken, 153. Hendrick, expedition into Canada, 135, 148. Henry Fourth, declares war, 51. Henry, John, captured, 168. Hicks, Nathaniel, wounded, 235. Hills, Daniel, a soldier, 235. Hilton, Ebenezer, killed, 149; William, taken, ibidem. Hinkley, , killed, 144. Hinsdale's fort, ambush near, iii, 153. Hitchcock, Nathaniel, a captive, 119, 281 ; dies, 292. Hobbs, Humphrey, Capt., 163-5. Hocquart, M., 76. Hodgdon, Mrs., killed, 159; Jonathan, ibidem. Hulburne, Adp^iral, 242. HoUis, Isaac, 160, 161. Holmes, Abiel, cited, 112. Holton, Jacob, killed, 94, Hoosuck Fort. See Fort Massachusetts. Hoosuck River, 39; Road, 262. Hopkins, Captain, 126. Housatunnuk Indians, 77. How, Daniel, Jr., taken, 68, 109, iio, 287. How, Nehemiah, taken, 85, 109; dies, 293. Howard, John, killed, 162. Howe, Caleb, 78. Hoyt, Moses, a soldier, 235. Hubbard, Zechariah, a captive, 292. Hunniwell, Roger, wounded, 235. Hunt, Eliakim, killed, 100. Huntington, Hezekiah, 97 ; dies in cap- tivity, 291. Hutchinson, Eliakim, 29, 31. Hutchinson, Thomas, on Shirley, 17; Speaker of the General Court, 107 j commissioner, 63, 84; portrait, 108; cited, 112; at the Indian treaty, 176; anecdote from, 177. NDIANS, easily imposed upon, 33 j chiefly on the side of tht> French, 34 ; numbers, ibidem ; tribes engaged with the French, 41 ; contagion spread among, 43 j had ^tcai »d- I Indians (continued) — '• vantages in a war, 41 ; had causes of complaint, 49 ; great conference at Albany, 53; St. John tribe, and others, attempt the surprise of An- napolis, 55 ; some employed as rangers, 58 ; Mohawks secured by the English, 59 j soniC sent to se- cure the Eastern Indians, 60, 635 war 'ieclured against, 61, 82 ; some killed near George's Fort, 83; bar- barously murdered, 84 ; conference at Albany, 84; surprise Saratoga, 86 j signal repulse at Number four, 105; attempt Rochester, iioj council at Albany, 113, 114; sur- prise men at Saratoga, 127, 131 { at Sheepscott, 132; attempts to Christianize the Stockbridges, 160; great assembly at Albany, 170} some at New York, 173 ; condition at the close of the war, 175 ; a dele- gation at Boston, 175, 176; treaty at Falnr.'iuth, 176; annoyance at Louisbourg 218,219; at Fort Mas- sachusetts, 255 ; enter it, 260; carry their prisoners on their backs, 263 ; and other ways, 265. Ingersole, Ensign, 246. Irish, Stephen, surprised, 103. JACKSON, William, Capt., 236. Jebudta. See Chebucto. Jedoure, murders there, 61. Jenkins, , Capt., 207 ; Philips, 236. Jennens, Paul, 147. Jennings, , killed, 166. Job, Col. (Indian), dies in prison, 83; his wife, 84; son-in-law, 100. Johnson, Joel, captured, 163; William, 26; Colonel, 138 ; Mrs., narrative of, 174. Johnson, Lieut., exploit of, 131. Jonea, Thomas, taken, 95 ; Captain, 66, 67 J dies, 282. Jonquiere, Jaques, P. de T., 40, 154, 180, Jordan, Henry, wounded, 236; John, d.es, 288. Jose, Francis, a p'lot, 236. Julien, , 31. ::^^4.:. ,. sjj^HWJpBSv***?' J Index. 307 KAKECOUTE [Schaghticoke'l, 39. Keene. See Uppf.« Ashuelof. Kellogg, Martin, Captain, 161. Kelton, Jonathan, armourer, 236. Kenny, Nathan, wounded, 237. Kilpattick,T., Lieut., 151 ; John, killed, ihidem. Kincaid, James, killed, 158. Kinderhook, attacked, 98, 14a, 163. King Philip's war, dogs used in, 132. Kinlade, James, a prisoner, 84, Kinsey, John, 85. Kinslaw, John, Captain, 237. Kintigo, a Mohawk, exploit of, 147. Kiskakon Indians join the French, 41. Kneeland, Abner, Rev., 174. Knight, William, captured, 142. Knowles, Charles, Com., 141, 142, 184, 275. Knowlton, Joseph, 120; Thomas, killed, n8, 258. Konkapot, Ensign, killed, 146. LACORNE, M.St. Luc, 262. Lahontan, Baron, cited, 188. Lake, Benjamin, captured, 159. Lake George, its Indian name, 267. Lake of the Two Mountains, 33, 37, 180. Lake Sacrament, 36. Lambert, William, prisoner, 28. Langdon, Capt,, men surprised, 131. Laplante, Sieur, wounded, 140. Larman, John, captured, 143, 291. Lawrence, Charles, General, 201 ; Tho- mas, 85 ; , captured, 168. Leatherland, Jacob, a soldier, 237. Le Heve, surprise there, 76. Leke, Thomas, Captain, 271. Lescarbot, names an island, 75. Lewis, Thomas, complaint against, 237, 248. Lion, Aaron, killed, 100. Littletield, , 274. Livingston, William, 17, 66, 142. Long Creek, man killed at, 103. Longueil, Chevalier, 153. Loring, Matthew, capture and death, 148, 293. Lothrop, Simon, Col., 69. Loudon, Lord, 25. Louis XV, declares war, 47. .. ;!;<.;;;. Louisbourg, expedition, 17; origin, 23; taken, 67 ; details of the capture, 71, 72, 107; strength .(^of, 190; siege of, 187-224, Loutre, M. Le, at Annapolis, 55. Lovet, Samuel, a captive, 119} dies, 287. Lovett, Joseph Woodward, 229, 237. Lo veil, Abner, wounded, 145. Lower Ashuelot, affairs of, 96, 115. Lufkin, John, killed, 116. Lunenburg, garrison taken, 165-7. Lydius, John Henry, 87, 180. Lydle, Leonard, captive, 90 j married, 283. McCARTEES, Susanna, dies, 289. McCoy, Mrs., captivated, 149. McFaden, James, a soldier, 238. McFarlane, John, wounded, 127. 178} Walter, a captive, returned, 177. McForney, Samuel, taken, 158. McGraw, Christopher, a captive, 178, McKenney, Daniel, wounded, 1645 wife killed, 93, 94. McNeer, John, captured, 132, 283. Mc^uade, James, killed, 88. Magawambee, a Norridgewok, 176. Magra, Thomas, dies in captivity, 288. Mai8onForte,de la, taken, 209, 211, 212. Mann, Daniel, killed, 162; Robert, Capt., 72. March, , Mr., taken, 143 j John, 238 Marechite, Indian tribe, 55. Marcy, Joseph, killed, 100. Mariens, John, killed, 170. Marin, Mons., defeated, 67, 76, 86. Marsh, Jacob, chirurgeon, 237. Martin, Samuel, died in captivity, 291. Mascareenc, Paul, Colonel, 55, 57. Massachu8ei,:8, population of, 34, 35; Shirley's services to, 74, 84; out of New England, 257. Materials for history, 8-14. Mather, Cotton, cited, 13, 33 ; Increase, 248. Maurepas, Count, 33, 76. Mayberry, , Mr., 150. Mayhcw, Benjamin, 145, 146. Mejagouche Bay, location, 43. Melvin, Eleazar, Cap'., 103 ; relieves Shattuck's Fort, 13/, i;:rpri8e and fight, 161. w ijini«,if|i|iii 1 1. 308 Index. 't Mihilt, John, wounded, 97. Mickmacks, attack Annapolis, ;;; sur- prise and kill Capt. D(;iiuhew and his men, 76 \ surprise Capt. Rouse, 1 1 a. Mills, John, killed, 148. Minas, location of', 67, 76. Missiquecks, number uf, ^4, 38 ; join the French, 41. Mitchell, Ebenezer, killed, 164. Moffet, Robert, attacked, 96. Mohawks, held in dread, ^8 ; some go against Crown Point, 114: and Canada, 135, 138; captives, 178. Mohegans, sickness among, 131 Mole, Adam, exchanged, 178 Monckton, Robert, Colonel, 25, 242. Monteson, M. C. de, exploit, 112. Moore, Samuel, Col., at Loiiisbourg, 69. Morell, , Miss, killed, 160. Morepang, Capt., defeated, 214. Morris, Col., killed, 83. Morrison, David, captivated, 114; Hugh, 104. Morse, Jedediah, cited, 282. Moulton, Jeremiah, councilor, 195. Mount Swag, people killed, 149, Moxas, Lieut. Governor [Col. Morris ?J, 83- Murray, Jamet, General, 25. NAKLOONOS,aNorri<{gewokchief, 176. ■' ;. Nason, William, capture and death, 136, 293. Nasqumbuit, a Norridgewok chief, 276. Nermon, a Penobscot chief, 176. Negroes, captured, 87 ; killed, 95, 96, 98. Nelson, Temple, 246 ; John, ibidem. Nevers, Elisha, a soldier, 229, 238. Newcastle, Duke of, 19, 65, 81. New England, deplorably situated, 49 ; population, 35 j losses and wrongs, 70. New England H. and G. Register, 25, 279. New Hampshire, services, 28 ; popula- tion, 35; in the Louisbourg expedi- tion, 695 French prisoners in, 72. New Hopkinton, surprised, 92. New Meadows Neck, one killed there, 144. New York, offers reward for scalps, 87. Nichewag, location of? 157. Nicolson, Joshua, a captive, 179, 180. Nidlumbouit, a Penobscot chief, 176. Nims, Elish.-*, killed, 104. Nipissings, 36; return with scalps, 37-9, 41,89; location of, 180. Niverville, Chev. de, 36, 89, 91. Noble, Arthur, surprised and killed, 136; James, Capt., disgraced, 238. Norman's kill, people slain, 99. Norridgewoks, treaty with, 176. Norris, Isaac, commissioner, 85. Northampton, man killed, 150. Norwood, William, dies in captivity, 294. Northfield, depredations at, 116, 137, «43» i7»- North Varmouth, depredations at, 116, Norton, John, marries two captives, 90, 28 3 ; chaplain at Fort Massachu- setts, n8; letter of, 120; his Re- deemed Captive, 251 ; notice of, *5>-3- . . Norwood, William, son killed, 98 ; dies, 113. Notre Dame, Te Deum at, 57. Nottingham, men killed at, 149. Nova Scotia, its importance, 5, 8,20; key to New England, 51 ; set off from Cape Breton, 188. Number Four, attacked, 94 \ men killed, 100; in distress, loi ; again at- tacked, 105, 1 14 J exposed, 1 17; brave defense of, 140-2; men sur- prised, 115. OBINACKS, number of, 34. Oequarme Fort [Number Four], «S4. Oglethorp, James, General, 47. Old Indian Chronicle, 48, 53. Old Tenor, value of, 62, 88. Ondcriquegon, drowned land, 267. Onondagos, former name of, 8a. Ontario, Cadaraqui, 65. Orange. See Albany. Osgood, Benjamin, captured, 163. O'SuUivan, , Dr., 275, 276. Oswego, fort built at, 52, 53. .ssm Index. 309 Otis, James, at Indian treaty, 176. Ottowas, join the French, 41, 8x. Outassago, leads against Saratoga, 36. Owen, James, killed, 76, 113. PADENUQUE, James, Indian, 4a. Paine, Capt., at Number Four, 100. Pais, , Mr., 179. Palatine, a German settlement, 98. Paper money, value, etc., 17, 62, 88. Paquage, location of, 117. Parker, David, wounded, 105 ; Isaac, captured, 91. Parsons, Usher, cited, 191. Particular History, of recent origin, 6, 7. Peace, proclaimed in Boston, 174. Pelham Fort, location, 153. Pemaquid, depredations at, 127, 144, 150. Penhallow, Samuel, cited, 240, 274. Penobscots, treaty with, 176. Pepperrell, William, Gen., 63; Lieut. - General, 69 ; at Boston, 108 ; coun- cilor, 195; at Canso, 198 ; besieges and takes Louisbourg, 187-224. Pereez, a Norridgewok chief, 176. Perkins, Moses, captured, 163. Perrin, Peter, killed, 100. Perry, John, a captive, 119, 262,263, -•,77; Rebecca, dies, 285. Peters, Obediah, killed, 116. Petipas, Bartholomew, a prisoner, 43. Pett, Jacob, killed, 145. Petty, Joseph, killed, 162. Philbrook, Job, taken, 158. Philip Fifth, war with, 47. Philips, John, a captive, 178. Philip, King, his war, 132, 246. Philipson, Philip, a captive, 179. Phillips, Ebenezer, killed, 114; John, 280, 281. Phips, Spencer, Gov., 83, 176; William, killed, 77, 78. Pierce, James, 238; Samuel, wounded, 100. Pike, Thomas, Lieut., 238. Pines, Thomas, a soldier, 238, 239. Pinkham, Zephaniah, a prisoner, 280, 281. Piper, Henry, a captive, 179, i8o. Piquet, Francis, a priest, 87. Pitcher, Reuben, captured, 81. <: Pitman, John, dies in captiTity, 193. Pitt, William, secretary, 50. Pixley, Noah, killed, i 59. Place, John, wounds an Indian, 147. Platter, Lawrence, dies, 282. Poependal, bloody fight near, 169. Point de Cheveux (Frederic), 36. Point Shirley, named, 25. Poquoig, location of, 157. Port St. Peter, location of, 43. Portois, Joseph, 279. Pote, William, Capt., a prisoner, 279, 280. Potter, Chandler E., cited, 23, 95, 149. Poutewatamies, join the French, 41. Powers, Ephraim, ca; "d, 168. Pownal, Thomas, < ,)ortrait, 24. Pratt, Amos, a capti 119; dies 288. Preble, Jedediah, Capt., 1735 Zebuion, 239. Price, Ebenezer, cited, 96. Price, Roger, commissary, 30. Priest, Eleazer, taken, 155. ' ■ Prince Edward's Island, 75. Prince, Thomas, portrait, 79; history of the Louisbourg expedition, 187-206. Prindle, William, a captive, •/(> ; dies', 113,294. Proftor, , Lieut., 83, 114, 142. Prout, Ebenezer, commissary, 238. ''. Puans, join the French, 41. Putnam, Seth, killed, 94, loo. Pynchon, Charles, physician, 239. Q UACKENBUS, Rachel, a captive, > 179; Martha, dies in captivity, 285 ; Jacob and Isaac, die, 293. RAMBAULT, Sieur G., 36, 89; taken, i 52, 153. Ramezay, M. de, defeats Colonel Noble, 136, 287, 288. Rawson, Joseph, killed, 115 j Edward, "6, Ray, Patrick, wounded, 109, '' Raymond, Count de, 44. Raymond, Benjamin, 229, 239. ■ • -' ' Read, Jacob, captured, 89; Josiah, dies, 118, 263, 264, 280 j dies, 281; John, dies, 283. Rebellion, southern, 17. Reddington, Nathaniel, a soldier, 239. iiL#f.5MffllliliJWJ*ililiii 310 Index. f ■>■'> Retaliation, discussed, 133. Rhode Island, men furnished, 28 ; popu- lation of, 35 j in tiie Louisbourg ex- pedition, 69 ; other services, 84., 198. Rice, Ralph, wounded, 164. Richards, John, a captive, 11 1. Richardson, Joseph, killed, 11 1, 163, Rice, Hannah, a captive, 276. Robbins, Williams, killed, 109. Roberts, Alexander, captured, ii6j Ro- bert David, dies, 293. Rochester, depredations at, 146, 147, '59- Rogers, Robert, Maj., 92 ; William, 243. Rose, Joseph, killed, 168. Rouse, John, Capt., expedition to St. John, ii2j at the capture of the Vigilant, 210; at Louisbourg, 182; biography of, 840-3 \ on the name, 295. Rugg, David, killed, 86. Ruggles, John, Captain, 230, 243. SABREVOIS, de. Captain, I2f. Saccarappe, depredation at, 142. Saco, men killed there, 43. Sadler, John, escapes, 126. Saint Blein, Sieur, 37, 40. Saint Francis Jndians, 34; a chief killed, ass- Saint John Indians, war declared against, 61, 64, 82. Saint John's Island, now Prince Edward's, 75; English surprised there, 113. Saint Luc, M. de, expedition of, 142. Saint Pierre, sent against the English, 35. Samuel, Capt., killed, 83. Saquish, a chief of Waweenocks, 176. Sarratoga [Saratoga], depredations suf- fered, 36, 40, 98, 127, 13J. '4». 147; River, 266, 274. Sartle, Jonathan, taken, 153; OLediah, taken, loi; killed, 174. Saunders, Thomas, Capt., 80, 135, 176. Sauteurs, join the French, 41. Saut St. Louis, 36, 38, no. Saumarez, Philip, served with Anson, '54- Savage, Arthur, of Femaquid, 104. Sawwaramet, a Waweenock chief, 176. Scalps, reward for, 62, 87, 134, 135; brought to Boston, 128. Scarborough, enemy there, 142. Sthaghticooke, location of, 39. Schavolani, George, a captive, 292. Sehenedady, men killed, 169. Schuyler, John, Col., 98 ; Captain, 127, 142. Scofield, Philip, a captive, no, 131,287; dies, 288. Sconce, Andrew, dies in prison, 283. Scooduck, men killed at, 127. Scott, Eli, killed, 164; Joseph, 119; Miriam, 266; dies, 285; Moses, 261, 262; Moses, Jr., dies, 287; Stephen, 119, 181 ; William, no, 287. Sedgwick, Theodore, Jr., 17. Sf.mblin, Sieur, 152. Sergeant, John, Rev., 59 ; recommends retaliation, loi ; Lieut. , killed, 156. Severance, Samuel, killed, 162. Shattuck's Fort, enemy appear at, 116; attempt to burn, 136; abandoned, 137- Sheepscott, people killed, 84, 85, loi, 106, 132 Sheldon, Eliakim, wounded, 184. Shepard, Jacob, a captive, 119, 280; dies, 293. Shirley, William, notice of, i 5 ; eminent services, 16; birth, etc., 18; stupid charges against, ibidem ; preserves Annapolis, 19; causes forts to be built on the Kennebec, 20; mar- riage, ibidem i appointed Major-Ge- neral, 21 ; his conduft triumphantly vindicated, ibidem j residence, 25; remains in King's Chapel, 25 ; his successors fortunate, 26 j Johnson's perfidy to, 26 ; misrepresented, 28 ; time of his arrival at Boston, 29 ; parentage, ibidem; his son killed, ibidem i portrait accompa.iying this volume, 30; early foresaw the war, 47; saves Annapolis, 55; declares war against the Eastern Indians, 61 ; plans the Louisbourg expedition, 67 ; speech on reimbursement of New England, 73 ; proceeds to Louis- bourg, 80, 81 ; his anxiety for the Wli Index, 311 Shirley, William (continued) — frontiers, loi ; recommends sending commissioners to Albany, 11 jj on the capture of Fort Massachusetts, 1135 recommends swivel guns, 118; message respecting the Mokawks, 135; writes the other governors about treating with the Eastern Indians, 175; speeches, 181, 186 j dedication to, 187; a principal former and promoter of the Louis- bourg expedition, ibidem ^ letter to the Duke of Newcastle, 213-26; careful that New England have full credit for the acquisition, 224. Shuttleworth, Vincent, wounded, 243. Simmons, John, attacked, 117. Simonds, Benjamin, a captive, 119. Simpson, Elizabeth, killed, 149. Six Nations, some at Albany, 53, 63,84, 170. Skillin, , 103. Sluyck, Tunis, buildings burnt, 98. Smeed, Captivity, baptised, 264 ; dies, 291 ; Daniel, 260: dies, 290; John, 119; killed, 153, 261; Mary, dies, 288. Smith, John, a captive, 1 10, 287 ; killed, 145, 146; Richard, no, 287. Smith, Thomas, cited, 290. Smithurst, Capt., lost at sea, 206. Soosephinia, a Norridgewok chief, 176. South Fort, 148. Southerland, James, a prisoner, 279. SpafFord, John, a prisoner, 91. Spier; David, death of, 243. Sprong, Cornelius, a captive, 178. Stacy, Samuel, dies in captivity, 293. Stanhope, Jonathan, wounded, 105. Stanley, Nathaniel, commissioner, 85. Stansbury, Elisha, a captive, 178. Stanwood, Job, wounded, 243, 244. Starkee, , killed, 144. Stevens, Arent, commissioner, 85 ; Charles, killed, 155; Enos, captured, 174; Henry, 163; Phinehas, 95; brave defence of Number Four, loo, 105, 140-2, 168. Stickney, William, captured, 116. Stiles, Ezra, cited, 232. Stockbridge Indians, 59, 160, i6i. Stoddard, John, Col., 63, 84, 132, 134. Stoddert, H., Lieutenant, 178-80. Stone Arabia, depredation at, 98. Storer, , Mrs., captive, 276, 277. Strong, Elisha, a soldier, 244. Stuart, Edward, the Pretender, 272,275. Stubs, Richard, a captive, 127, 281. Suitzer, Jacob, a captive, 179, 180. Sullivan, James, cited, 99, 290. Suncook, depredation at, 158. Sunderland, John, a captive, no, 287. Swanzey, Lower Ashuelot, 96. Swett, Joseph, shot, 104. TAINTOR, Benjamin, captured, 104, no, 287. Tarrant, Alexander, a soldier, 144. Tatness, Samuel, a soldier, 244. Taylor, Isaac, killed, 142; Thomas, cap- tured, 168; General Zachery, 113, Tedder, Christian, dies, 97; dies, 291. Temple, Robert, marriage, 30. Terry, John, Captain, 244. Thanksgiving, for the capture of Louis- bourg, 187. Theganacoeiessin, Iroquois chief, 36. Thesaotin, leads a war party, 37, 95. Thomas, William, surgeon, 244. Thompson, John, a captive, 178. Tol, Daniel, killed, 169, 170. Tomonwilemon, a depredator, 28. Topsham, depredation at, 80, 144. - • Toulouse, Port (Port St. Peter), 43. Tourmell, M. De, Admiral, 271. Townsend, Isaac, Admiral, 230. Toxus, a Norridgewok chief, 176. Traux, Isaac, missing, 170. Trayne, Joshua, a soldier, 244, 245. Treaty, of Breda, 51 ; of Utrecht, 189J with the Eastern Indians, 176, 177. Trent, Capt., fight at Sarratoga, 14,2. Trevanion, John, 250. :;"}; . Truth will prevail, 26. ' '; Turner, Abner, Captain, 245. Twichel, Daniel, a soldier, 245. Tyng, Edward, Capt., relieves Annapolis, 56-8; attends the Governor, 81; letter of, 209-11 ; appointed com- modore, 241 ; notice of, 245, 246. UPPER ASHUELOT, depredationt, 93. 94, 99. '67. Utrecht, treaty of, 189. •'■■iti i^mmw^: irn'^T'if'' 312 Index. VANALSTINE, John, buildings burnt, 14a. Van Antwerp, Dsniel, killed, 170. Vander Bogert, Francis, killed, 170. Vanderverick's, 164 ; Gratis, dies in pri- son, 284. Van Schaick, Anthony, Capt., 178. Van Slyk, Adrian, killed, 170. Van Vorst, Dirk, wounded, 169. Vans, Hugh, merchant, 232, Varen, Edward, a c;:ptive, 178. Vaudreuil, M. de Rigaud de, 40; invests Fort Massachusetts, 117; captures it, 118, 258; his loi^ses, 119 ; Town Major, 121; wounded, 122; pa- ternity, 254 ; kind to captives, 264. Vaughan, Samuel, dies, 113, 289; Wil- liam, 22~4, 202; exploits. 215, 216, 246, 247. Vedder, Alberc John, captured, 170; ex- changed, 178. Verazani, John de, discoveries of, 188. Vernon, Edward, Admiral, 195. Vielen, Cornelius, Jr., killed, 170. Vigilant, frigate, captured, 209. Villers, George, a soldier, 247. Volmer, Christian, a captive, 179, 1 80; J., a captive, /^/