IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) h /. :/. 1.0 I.I 11.25 Hf I4£ 12.0 1.8 U 111.6 V] <^ /i O: />< o / y^ Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14580 (716) 872-4503 « r (meaning "CON- TINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbols —»> signifie "A SUIVRE ", le symbols V signifie "FIN". Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre fiimis A des taux de reduction diff6rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reprodult en un seul cliche, il est film6 d partir de Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. 32X 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 WITH \ i ) ■I SPF.CIAL VIEW TO TIIJ^. PRRSENT TIMES S E R M O i\ I'RKACIIED fn THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH OF SCARBOROUGH, ON A DAY OF TIIAMvSGlVIXCJ, AND NOW rUBMSlIEIS Ur REQUEST OF THE CONGREGATION. BY THE KEV. JA3IES (lEORGE, MiNlSTEa OF SCAUBOnOLGlI. " Pro Keffe, Lr.^u ct Grcge " (Tovoiito ; PRINTED BY W. J. COATES. 1838. I Price 1^. m V i VA H •* Ill K- IV**. ( [ i3. V^, H THE DUTIES OF SUBJECTS TO THEIR RULERS, WITH A SPECIAL VIEW TO THE PRESENT TIMES ; SERMON PREACHED IN THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH OF SCARBOROUGH, ON A DAY OF THANKSGIVING, AND NOW PUBLISHED BY REQUEST OF THE CONGREGATION, BV THE REV. JAMES GEORGE. MINISTER OF SCARBOROUGH. " Pro Rege, Lege et Grege." Sovonto i PRINTED BY W. J. COATES. 1838. ^'^^^:=y' £" O ft (S- ST ^ REVEREND SIR, Wb, tho Members of tho Preibyterian Church of Scarborough, respectfully loquest, tliat you will grant us, for publication, a copy oi your Sermon on " the Duty of Subjects to their Rulers," preached on our IJuy of Thanksgiving. We believe that the sentiments contained ia that Dibcourso may have a beneficial efluct on the minds uf others. We remain, Rktcrend Sir, Your obedient Servants, (Signed m th« nam4 of the Congregation by) WILLIAM PATERSON, » Chairman, JAMES WHITESIDE, W Secretary Pro. Tern, Answer. MY CHRISTIAN FRIENDS, I have now made up my mind, and bog to say, tiiat 1 shall, with as little delay as possible, comply with your request. I have good reason, dear Brelliren, for thinking that there exists be- twJAt us the most perfect unanimity of sentiment on those matters that concern all men A'ho would be saved. This uuanimity, I take it, is of the groiite^t importance to the huupinoss and usefulness of a Minister of re iigioii. For if ho and his peoplo bo not " of the samo mind" on tha great doclriiios of Christianity, ho will have little comfort among them, njitl tlioy will derive but little advantage from his labours. But when unanimity on the highest subjects exists, it will not tend to lessen, but ratliiT increase the stonk of common good, if the Minister knows that his p uplu bolil similar views with himself, on matters of minor importance, hut slill matters of much consequence to the present happiness of men. Your reiiuoKt that I sJiould publish tho Sermon, delivered on tho Day of 'i'haiilujfiving,* is to me a gratifying prool that I labour among a people wiio cm fully sympathize wiih tho sentiments which it contains. I do not intend to say in thi:s what I think of your well tried constitutional principlfs ; I may be permitted, however, to observe, that no portion of the conimunity give a moro decisive proof of loyalty when tho revolt took jilaco last winter, than was given by tho people of Scarborough. And may I not iidd, witiiout any intention to pay a compliment, that your wish to have yuur duties as subjects plainly laid down before you is good cviii nee tiiat your loyalty is the product of sound principle, and is likely to bu u^ honourablu to yourselves as it must prove useful to your rulers. * It mnv li« proprr to mentinn, that the day appointed for a Public Thanksgiving, by tliH \u\f l.iiiit(!ii;ini-t;overn<>r, could not hu p^l^^illlly kept hh such liy the Coni;regBtioM of t'c arb'.mutrh. 'I'tifl rinsciii wn,« dimply this— the iipiininlineut wui not known until it wa« till) Intt' 10 e\vi> iniimntion In thn tloiiKrcKittiu". TiiH Tliankigivin); wai tonittquvnlly put nil . iiui n>i< at k'iiK
  • > tlir" nii^'iii oftlio nn,i,'islratc's power; the gromuls on wtiifli »i1'0niiit at wliicli, uikIi.t certain ciroiim- Hliiicrs. it ni;iy ctMsc ; and n.'sistance, on tlio lii''li principles of jiisii.v! ami mercy, liiHiome a sacred duty. \on will easily |M!rc(!ive, that were these propositions to he thoroughly discnss- ed, tin; di.scussi'in would yield mutter rather tor a volume than fi>r a p'irtion ol a S'TUvju. When sn<:h topics are I'ully inves- ti'jfated on purely philosophical principles, l»y n man of ripe I'a- jml'ies, the iiupiiry must afVord to the intellectual lahoin*er rich «,' ij^yiiient, and he [)rudiictive t»t" substantial advantages to iiihiMs. Vet, in trutli, all m(;n ni' good sense, and of virtuous dispositions, led no dilfieulty, under ortlinary circumstances, f)!" coming to just and satisfactory conclusions on thesi; and hi.uilar iii([ui:ies. At the same time it is well known, that thesis vi'iy iju- sliitns liiive furnished inexhauslihie themes for the l)(!ma^:>giie and tin? i)olitieal lim|)iric. Out of these they liav>) o'ti'O Ijiodght :lir!:iic'.i,s — n;)l li^'iit, confusion — not order. For what is lUMit; easy than for an ingenious sophist, or even a de- tciiniiicl wrangler, to lay hnld upon some recomlite piinciple ill p)liLlcs, <»r n;ligion, and oiil of that start diHieulties and iAi- j'jf.iioii.-;, which, in llic u\es of the ignoi'ant, may have an air of learning and originality, yet do not possess in fact one particle of s ili 1 wisdom, and serve no other purpose save to weaken til..' uiidi.-rstandiiig and corrupt the couscir'iice of men. It were r-:ally amusing, if it were not so exceedingly miscliiev(jus, to hear m"n of ilw." most moderate powcn's of mind prate ahout Ijvin.' tile fouu.la!ioiis of (lovernuient, as if this were vet to he (line ; ;ni 1 they, loisoolh, the only persons capable of doing it. ll wouKl be prudent in cintain nu;n to avoid, as much as |,oS' silile, all discussions (;n (Juvernment that turn oji abstract principles. (.);i l:ie (juostions to which rofersncehas been made, I shall only mak(^ a I'e.v simple i'ein;irks. And (1) I ol»serve, that how m;i.;h soeve.r llio torfii of lloveriiment may be liable to uiierations, from i!ie idianges incident to all conununities of mm ; anl niit.di as human wisdom in all cases must have to d ) in makin.^'SMiiable u odi!ie.ali(jns : :jtill it is al)undanlly plain, batli iVom ,,eriplnie and tl.e light of nature, that civil govern- ment is of divine ap[):iintnient. Clod is the author (»f this, as well as of every i>i!i(3r good thing which his creatures enjoy. J.ijitii'e, Truth. W!.; li.mi, I'ower and !Jene\olence, the osen tial elements of all g<»od govemmciit. have been, and i;vcr will be, the s.ime. Bat these elements w!i.!revi;r found to exist are from the Author of nature ; and, if I may so speak, are [larti? or rellections uflhe gi.'uiil pi ineipli's of His mvii moral govern- meiil. 'ii.e po'A'Jis th.il be, — ji' I'ic p!in':iplt>: that lemain, — . 4 are <»rcr hand, how many precious blessings have, under God, been secured to a people by the wisdom, integrity, and firm- ness of a I'rince, or a single statesman. A slight acquaintance with history will sufficiently illustrate both these positions. My Christian Brethren, think not that I make these re- marks merely to display the duties and difficulties of those in authority. No. They are made simply from a wish to im- press your minds with correct notions of the necessity of pray- ing earnestly for men, whose duties arc so arduous, and their station so responsible. (2) The temptations to which rulers are exposed is ano- ther powerful reason why subjects should pray for them. An elevated station — great and, to some extent, imper- fectly defined trusts — a keen sense of shame — ardent ambition, and vast means for its gratification — will naturally expose even solid virtue to serious danger. From these, and similar causes, rulers are liable to peculiar temptations — and to each temptation under peculiar disadvantages. Tnose who move in the humbler walks of life, exposed to temptution, yet re- taining their integrity, and keeping a good conscience, arc possibly not always aware, to what extent they are indebted for all this, to the narrowness of their sphere, and their very limited means. Let no one sneer at this, as a sly bow to greatness, or a heartless compliment to poverty. I am sure a little reflection will convince you, that those who occupy the higher places, and hold the greater trusts in Government, have their virtue often severely tried. Tlioy are, indeed, tempted on all hands, and through r.ll possible channels. They are tempted no'.vto substitute expediency for the principles of rec- 11 litude. At another time tliey arc tempted to sacrifice the claims of justice, or of mercy. Tliey are tempted to-day to give up the interests of the many for the sake of the few — to- morrow, to sacrifice the interests of the few to the caprice of the many. They are thi'eatened by parties — flattered by in- dividuals — and frequently deceived by all. To act a promin- ent part in such a scene, and newr err, is more than can be expected of the best of men ; while even to act with discre- tion, and with an ordinary share of integrity, must require a large portion of wisd©m, firmness, and pure moral worth. Pray that your rulers may possess these qualities in a high de- gree. For, bear it in mind, brethren, that the fall of rulers in- to certain temptations may cover a nation with disgrace, and may be the cause of wretchedness to millions. Such persons fall not alone ; " when the rulers sin the people suffer." And says the Apostle, pray for them, that ye may lead quite and peaceable lives. The reflections already thrown out naturally suggest a few remarks on this important truth. It is easy to conceive of a system of government so admirably constructed, that even great folly, or wickedness in the rulers shall not produce an instant derangement in the public affairs, or create any sudden or visible mischief. Things may go on for a time in their usual course ; just as you may have seen a ]uece of machinery when perfectly constructed, and fairly j>ut in motion, perform its operations for an hour, although intrust- ed to the care of persons who neither understood its princi- ples, nor regarded its safety. This, however, is a hazardous state of tilings. To drop the figure — of this be assured, that, that land will soon mourn bitterlv, the rulers of which are children in wisdom, but veterans in crime. If they are either men of weak intellect, or of depraved hearts, their conduct must — it cannot be otherwise — produce among the people confusion, crime, and misery. No form of government can prevent wicked men in power from doing mischief. Even in our own Government, spite of its admirable system of checks, it is easy so see how wicked men may -i^riginatc, and, if suffi- ciently powerful, may carry through measures, the ruinous ef- fects of which may soon be felt hi the remotest parts of the body politic. If you would enjoy the blessings of good gov- ernment, and wish to lead quite and peaceable lives, pray to Crod that your rulers may be men who possess much wisdom, — " men who fear God, and hate covctousness." And, may I be allowed to remark for once, — from this place it shall but be for once, — that when you are called upon at any time to choose persons to represent you in Parliament, do so with candour and wisdom. Banish all party animosities and all low st'llish considerations. Let your suliciage be giv- 12 en — honestly and fearlessly given lor men of talents — men sound in their political views — of genuine moral worth — lover* of liberty, but haters of licentiousness ; — for men who will nei- ther fear to oppose what is bad, nor shrink from the defence of what is good — who will neither cringe to the great, nor pander to the passions of the multitude. But, in fine, while you strive to act wisely in this matter, never lose sight of the important duty whi'^'i I have been urg- ing on your attention. The man who never prays for himself is mad — ^is utterly foigetful of God. He that prays for him- self, and will not pray for others — for rulers — neither under- stands the principles of our holy religion, nor have his feel- ings been purified or warmed by its graces. Happy is that Prince who rules over a praying people. Nor is it possible for a Sovereign to contemplate a more sublime and cheering spectacle, than that of a nation of families, as they approacli their heavenly Father, to supplicate blessings for themselves, at the same time implore the Divine Benefactor to protect by his omnipotent hand, and with all his good graces to bless their Sovereign. Around such hearths as these, a good Prince has no reason to fear that sedition shall ever be hatched ; while the hands thus lifted up to supplicate blessings on the throne, will be the first to be lifted up to defend a righteous throne when assailed by violence. "Would to God that lulers but understood how much their honour, safety, and happiness depend on the virtue and piety of the people. But 1 remark n. That it is the duty of suhjccts to pay taxes, that the Government under which they lice, and by which they are protected, may he supported. This duty is also enjoined by Divine authority. " Ren- der tribute to whom tribute is due, and custom to whom cus- tom is due," Rom. xiii. 7. In the context the reason for this, is in substance, stated to be, — that Government may be sup- ported, and subjects preserved in their rights, by an efficient magistracy. As to the obligatory nature of this duty, the Sa- viour's example will be held to be decisive by all who bow to His authority. Indeed, this, when viewed in the abstract, hardly admits of two opinions. All men are agreed on the principle. Yet, on this very matter, more than any other, have differences arisen which, in the end, have shaken Consti- tutions to pieces, and more than once changed the whole face of society in a country. It is not my intention to go fully into the subject. At the same time, its importance very plainly warrants, or rather demands, a few passing remarks. Taxes are, in a sense, tkc sinews of Government. For, except in the rudest couditious of savage lite, Government can- ■$ ^ 13 not be ^ipporlcd, save at considorahle expense ; whi'c, from the peculiar circumstances in wliich a people may be placed, the means required lor its support may, for a time at least, lie very great. On the relative merits oi'ditierent Governments, from their comparative expense, it were improper in this place to enter. Tl)e subject is one, indeed, which admits of declam- ation to any extent ; but on which wise men will find it diUi- cult, if not impossible, to come to any definite or pjactical con- clusions. Sufiice it to say, that the least expensive in appear- ance is often the most so in reality ; while the cheapest is of- ten, in every sense, the worst, because to the people the least ellicient. The parsimony that enfeebles a Governn)ent is not a whit less mischievous than the profusion that corrupts it ; while, on the simple principle of calculation, the saving is often a loss. Nothino: wei-e easier than to fix on cases in which the ill-timed economy of a certam class of politicians has frustrated the most beneficial and best concerted measures, and in the end led to the most ruinous waste of national resources. It is, however, a maxim as sound in politics as in morals, that a Government ought to deal as carefully and prudcntlij with tho public money as a wise man will deal with his own personal property. ' But, alas, wlio will say that this has always been the case? The truth is, rulers have often been guilty of wanton profusion, and gross dishonesty, in handling the public money. Men who thus act are foul stains on Government, and their conduct, more than any thing else, makes authority cheap and despicable in the eyes of the peo])le. And God forbid that I should say aught to screen the peculating courtier, or the min- ister prodigal of his country's wealth. The wickedness of apologizing for such men were, if possible, even greater than their crimes. When we think that a large portion of the taxes is drawn from the earnings of the hard toiling labourer, we cannot fail but look with horror at men, who, instead of laying out the money thus obtained for the public benefit, ex- pend it on the gratification of their own lusts, and in the ac- complishment of their own selfish ends. Such criminals stand among ordinary sinners, as 8aul stood among the people. The crimes of such men partake at once of the most loath- some meanness, and the most appalling guilt He that plun- ders his country, let him do it in what way soever he may, ought to be held up lo reprobation, and, if possible, brought to condign punishment. Yet, you must not suppose, that all that is said on the prodigality of rulers is true, or is said from a generous sym- pathy for those who bear the burdens. The public money niay be expended to a vast amount, yet there may be no It waste. Nothing more may be Itiid out than the exigencies of the time may absolutely require. Hence the opposition in power have oftener than once been compelled to own, that re- trenchment could be carried no further. This was candid. But, then, what are we to think of past professions, and past appeals ? The truth is — and it ought not to be concealed, the people need to know it — that much of the outcry against pro- fuse expenditure is often r *hing more than a low fete k of am- bitious and unprincipled men, by which they at once embar- rass those in authority, and minister to the basest passions of the most ignorant portion of the people. The tax, or finance, argument is, indeed, the patent argument of the demagogue. Without it, it is extremely difficult to see how he could at all get on. This argument he can at all times employ without an>/ expense of thought, and with the certainty of a considera- ble share of applause, such as it is. For who so generous, honest, and patriotic as the man who labours incessantly to save the people's money 1 All that is necessary, indeed, to render such men the first of patriots, and entitle them in all justice to profound gratitude, and the hir;hest applause, is merely konenty of motives, ac- companied with mature wisdom in their plans, and a rigorous consi'Stency betwixt their professions and their practice. Did they p 'Sess these qualities, it were almost impossible to ad- mire or praise their labours too highly. But, alas, for poor human nature : — the history of not a few of these disinterested patriots is the bitterest satire which their bitterest enemy can utter. Their professions when struggling to gain public favour, and their conduct after they have got hold of tiie pub- lic purse, and the patronage of tlie Government. — What a contrast ! But, admit that all uttered on this matter by the political economist is uttered in perfect sincerity, and still it may be good for nothing : yea, may turn out ruinous folly. Suppose that his savings are made at the loss of national honour, or that they shall endanger the existence of the state, by weak- ening its means of defence — cramp internal improvement — derange, or, it may be, utterly destroy some great branch of commerce — his folly, not his wisdom, his waste, not his sav- ing, woukl soon be made apparent in the most calamitous re- sults. The truth is, that with men of wisdom the question is not how much is expended ? but can it be spared — is it well laid out — will it contribute to increase the wealth, honour, and security of the people — will it enlarge their means Ibi inora! and intellectual improvomcnt — will it tend, oil )M-inci]>les of equity, to advance the political influence of the country ? — Those are obviously the cjucstioas that will engage the attcn- 15 tion of every statesman of sngncify and true patriotism; and by these questions will the wise financier be guided. But these are questions which the nnan of fractions has neither the will nor ability to investigate. Let it not be supposed, however, that these remarks are intended to encourage a profuse, far less a reckless, expendi- ture of the public money, or to cast odium on an honest, wise, and tempe ate opposition. For such an opposition the genius of the Constitution makes ample provision; while history furnishes abundant proofs that this is the best and most natural protec- tion of liberty, as well as an admirable security against Execu- tive extravagance. Yet, who can see the public mind abused by hollow professions, and the interests of a people sacrificed, under a fair show of generosity and patriotism, by fools who understand not one sound principle in politics ; or by hypo- crites who only seek their own ends, and not be filled with indignation, to which it is difficult to give utterance in decent terms. lie that robs the public mind of truth is surely not less wicked than the man who robs the public purse. What shall we think of him that would do both? No one entertains a higher respect for the good sense of the people than I do. But, this very respect, while it warrants plain speaking, forbids flattery. I must, then, tell you, there are two points in this matter on which the greater part of men must ever be very imperfect judges. First, the amount necessary for the support of Government. Second, the best methods of laying out a revenue. Any man, it is true, may, by a little reading and reflection, acquire some knowledge of the outlines of national finance ; but to understand this subject thoroughly demands means for obtaining information, as well as talents for making a proper use of that information, which few, indeed, possess. Now, let us suppose, — a thing that has often as- sumed more than the form of a supposition, — that whenever the people are taxed beyond what they think is necessary for the support of the Government, or when the revenue is not ex- ponded in perfect accordance with their preconceived notions of utility and Jhigality, although the whole may be done by their own representatives, they shall refuse to pay the taxes. Who can conceive the mischiefs, and general anarchy to which this conduct must give rise. Nor will the evil be much mitigated, should the popular branch of the Legislature with- hold the Supplies whenever it feels checked by the one above it. I am not to be told that the Constitution has made provi- sion for this, and, therefore, it may at any time be done. The Constitution allows the Sovereign to withhold the royal assent and thus prevent any bill from becoming a law. Yet in a hundred years th.is right has not been exercised by the crown; 16 llio power ill hoth cnsos is similar. It ia a sncrrd reserved power on wliich eithrr parly muy lull bark, and at a dea- porato crisis — never but llien — employ it. There is hardly any thing tiiat shows a man more clearly to be a fool, than when h(! is seen drawing the most remote exceptions, and the most delicate principles, into general rules and common prac- tice. 8uc!» an order, or rather disorder, of things would over- turn the whole social system in a day. Matters have come to a frightful pass, when the popular branch of the Legislature, can only cause its power to bo felt by stopping the Supplies. Depend upon it, this can not be often done without dissolving tlie Government, and bringing matters to an issue in another place than a Legislative Hall, and with other weapons than those of argument and votes. Men should understand this. — Still the principle in the Constitution to which we refer is ad- mirable as a reserve principle. But it must only be employed on extraordinary occasions. To use it otherwise is matchless folly and great wickedness. In short, without taxes no Government can be supported, unless it possesses great hereditary revenues. In modern times, revenues of this sort are not possessed to any great extent in the more powerful and civilized nations. Nor is it desirable that this source of supply should be increased. Hereditary revenues, held by the Crown, and, in a great measure, under the influence of the Executive — and theories apart, this must ever, to a great extent, be the case — it is easy to see how an ambitious Prince, aided by a set of unprincipled ministers, might enslave a people, or at least prevent them from enlarg- ing the foundations of liberty by safe and constitutional means. Had certain of the Princes of the House of Steuart not been under the necessity of calling the Parliament together to obtain the Supplies, the liberties of England might yet have been to achieve. Hence the tax, which the Government re- quires, and which the people, through their Keprescntatives, grant, though when viewed abstractedly may be regarded as an evil ; yet as a part of the s3'stem it becomes an efficient secu- rity against the usurpations of the Crown, and gives the people a right in the Government and a power over its measures whicli they otherwise could not possess. If men are to be free, ihcy must submit to taxation — they must support their own Government. Nor unless it is well supported, can it ever be efficient for good. If you realize these truths as 5'ou ought, you will pay tuxes, "not of constraint, but willingly." And is it not true, my friends, that the taxes paid hitherto in this country amounted to nothing more than a mere pepper- corn trihtUe. Had our taxes i)een less, w-i had absolutely for- gotten that we had a Government to support. I know of no r country, that Ims any tiling liko a regulnr form of Government, in which the people are ao lij,'htly taxed as they have been in Upper Canaiia. Nor is it dilfioult to account for this. We enjoy tho protection of the mightiest and most efficient Gov- ernment on earth without contributing any thing to its sup- Eort. Truth and common sense have often been outraged, ut scarcely ever to the same extent, as by the outcry raised in this Province, about oppressive burdens. There is an inso- lent impudence about the whole thing, which makes one for a moment torget the monsti js falsehood, in the insult offered to his understanding. That persons could be found who would utter this cry of oppression to answer an end,is not surprising; but that thousands should have been found so credulously mad as assent to it, is realiy fitted quite as much to excite a smile of pity at their weakness, as the conduct of their deceivers is fitted to provoke the frown of indignation. He were a ma- gician, indeed, who could as easily and completely persuade suffering men that they are happy, as certain persons have per- suaded happy men that they were wretched. And wretched they have made them. Long did they amuse, or, if you will, torture, their victims with fancied ills : at last, they have plung- ed them into real calamities. And had it not been for the generosity of that Government which they had so shamefully maligned, these calamities would have proved disastrously ruinous. There are others, verily, besides Satan that perplex the mind with gloomy phantoms, that they may drive their vic- tims to despair — to utter ruin. But 1 remark III. That subjects ought to honour their rulers. Respect, or a well tempered and enlightened veneration, for those clothed with authority, whether they be Parents, Princes, or subordinate Magistrates, is a dictate of nature. — On this the word of God is full and explicit ; while the Divine injunctions to honour superiors are enforced by numerous pro- mises and threatenings. " Honour thy Father and thy Mother, that thy days may be long upon the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee." " Fear God and honour the King." — •' Render fear to whom fear is due, and honour to whom honour is due." And, at the same time, men are warned against using language by which this respect for superiors may be weakened. Hence, says another inspired writer, " thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people." These are but a few of many passages in which this duty is brought before us in the Scriptures. Nor will the frequency, and the force, with which it is urged on our attention appear sur- prising, if it be borne in mind, that unless the principles of subordination are thoroughly instilled into men, society can- ' I ll 18 -.men, „,,, ,„, .^'-;^; "■ go do„-„ ,, ;, ,,„^ ',^;/--- mtnis are liM.iminn-. „,. " '' " I'mugli some of i,, „,„ .^'•'ng th.m under an V.^^i" ?"''^'-^^>' that lil "ulkl/ It, /or .'. ,n.>....... 'o lor or socking respect. Makino' jt y^^j, ••- --'iNur cannf^ for !""'"" ovo,-,i,j.o:";„:^i/;- ?'^! "■'■^'' •" -e 'hf ^1, I" lioiiour the rulers of il,„ " ' ?^ '■ '*'^' saoredl,- boun,i Many who neglect this „ i" treT'S;'" ^'"■'='' ''^ '">'«"- aic only viiiii men, or m^r ? ""^"' "'«>" with scorn "Sir;' '""'''■ ^'■' '"i -"'frfi*- ''''°y ^- ""■ suied]\ (ar more enliller; t^ . •^' "'' van Iv, is as ;n»n who refuses re nee m T''° J""^'"''^ *"n pity Th; -O'i'y.ashe vvho'SsTol^-^-b!;;'' "r ."^ --^ » -nd the more e.vcelient anv form „f n ''"•■J"st ll,e freer, ''"» Go" S""-" contempt, or assail w h „„ f "" ""» >•<>" Teat with « ".h its adlnini^rX." T hi^Ctt^'K' "" P™°- '"' ™ ^ -i|^:t'X^"---'ote^i^!:^'^^- -de|if„-rf^tr;;'^-t-^^^^^^^^^ 19 )nce lose or -the ise- ptly to transfer its fruits to thcmsclvci, or others cqrally \vorllilrM. But are they so ignorant as not to know, that, even vvei-c they entitled to respect, the course ihi'V piirsuo will ni\ieh snonor entirely destroy the principle, thiiii Inuisfer lis IVuiis. ir.tice, the reason why those who thus abuse ami ina(JiJ<'i) the tiiiiul of the multitude may be borne to-day on thfiir slioiildors into ])ower, and to-morrow Iruniplud under their I'ect. A'ataral and just retribution tiiis. But do not suppose that I wish to eneouraire a blind de- votion to those in authority, or would have you to present them with a gross and obsequinns hoiuagf. This is tlio in- cense which slaves may oflbr to lyranis. But tiiis, if ofl'^red to high-minded British rulers, would, I doubt not, be as IfUih- some to iliem, in our day, as it would be intolerable to their high mindeti subjects, if it were demanded. Than this nothing can be more at variance with the genius of uur free institu- tions, and the manly character of the jicoido. Our rulers aie not to be regarded as the Grand Lamas of Thibet — Suorcd per. sonagos whom few shall see. and of v.hom none shall speak but in terms of adulation. Those, who cxclniined, " it is tho voice of a god, and not of a man," beheld their itlol the next hour a lifeless corpse. And lie that would flatter, or teach others to flatter rulers, in the present state of the worlds is the most dangerous enemy to those in high places, l^ut are men to be doomed perpetually to the mischiels of exiicmcs ? When they cease to flatter, shall they abuse ; and when they do not abuse, shall they flatter? Alas, so it is ! And just be- cause sycophants and traitors find their account by it. En- lightened friends of their country — men who ie\ere those in authority from proper motives vviil do neither. They will cherish a sincere respect for those v\!io, under Cud, rule over the destinies of men, " and are a terror to evil-doers and a protection to those who do well." Hence the respect of such men is truly valuable. It springs from pure principles — it de- pends not for its existence on the sniili s of the great, the sph.'n- dours of a throne, or the trappings of otlice. It is as far n.- moved from cringing as it is from insolence — it is the product of the higher and severer virtues. In a word, my brethren, let us honour our rulers for the place which, under God, they have been called to occupy. If th'^y are wise men. let us ad- mire them — if they are just men, let us revere them — if lliey are benevolent men, let us esteem them. But, then, it will be asked, what shnll be done in cni^f* rulers are weak, vacillating, or wicked. The man who acti from right motives, and cherishes for good rulers the most, I'rofonnd rcfgard, will feel no difliculty here. If they aie weak, he cannot admire llicni — if thev arc vacilhitiiitr, ho can- 20 ■ft not esteem them — if tho)' are wicked and tyrannical, he must oppose them. Vet, even in his oppositiim, the res|)ect duo to authority will never, for a moment, be l.sst sigi.t ut. iiis obe- dience to the law will not be weakcnod iu the jili'^'htesl de- gree ; although, for a time, it may be under the diieclii>n of persons whom he can neither esteem nor !ovo. lie will nuver confound iho man and the magistrate! ; and w hile he strives, by all constitutional means, to relorm tiic erriii;^, or displace the guilty, statesman, he will never do so by trum})ling' on his of- fice, or by holding up to scorn the duties of his hit,'h station. Of worthless men in power he will speak with regret, and what is said will be said with the strictest regard to iruth — with moderation and ciuirity. He will niake all possible al- lowance for the circumstances amidst which the faulty ruler has been placed — the peculiar diiiiculties that may be found in the situation — the teniptuUons to which the individual has been exposed, as well as tlio explanations which the obj'jction- ftble measures may admit of. And docs he who acts thus manifest either u want of courage, wisdom, or love of order ? We think not. But the character of public men, it Is said, is public pro- perty, and, therefore, ought to be carefully scrutinized. Granted. ' nd, if it is candidly and temperately gone abcut, the scrutiny may be of real advantage to rulers as well aa subjects. The man who is able and i'aithful fears no investi- gation. But surely the character of public men is not public property to be abused. One would suppose, that what is so valuable to a nation ouglit to be carelully preserved. That country is deplorably forgetful of its best interests that permits the character of its rulers to be destroyed by insidious villains, or torn to pieces by a furious mob. Yet what is more common. Hence it is that the character of rulers of the highest worth is constantly assailed by every weapon which ingenuity can de- vise, and die most reckless malice employ. Dark surmises — si V insinuations — insolent jests — and gross falsehoods are the weapons employed. And the wretches that employ them are frequently as cowardly, and not less wicked, than those sav- ages that pierce the traveller with poisoned arrows from their thickets. It were bad enough if such attacks were made merely against the individual. Bu(, almost universally, in the individual — the authority with which he is clothed — the law — the Government with which he stands connected, are all, if the assailant has wit, turned into contempt, and, if he has only dull malignity, trodden down with a coarse and vulgar joy. Now, whether this be done through the Press, or in conversa- tion, it is alike to be condemned. It is wicked in design, and most hurtful in its efiocts. * '. 'le must t:t dtiB to ilis obo- iiitciii do- ecti.in of vill never ti ives, by pljico the on Ilis of- > station. ;rv.U and o truth — ssibJe ai- ilty ruler be found f'ual Jias )ijj'Jction- «i;is thus f oru'er ? bJic pro- ■utinizcd. e about, ^'cll as ) invcsti- >t public lat is so I. That permits villains, ommon. worth is can de- mises — . are the lem are so sav- m their ) made , in the law — all, if IS only ir joy. I ver sa- il, and Nor will it do to reply, that if what is saiil be slanderous, the ruler has arnpltj mcanh foi vindioaling — for indemnifying liimself. The law is open. Thcic is u deception in ibis. To see it clearly two things must bo taken into account. (1) The liberty of speech and of the I*r(!s.s i.s completely secured by our precious ('onstitulion. This liberty, one of its most in- valuiibhi and fuuibunental principles, isi dear to the heart of every liritish subject ; ami is guarded by each with the most jealous cure. Clod forbid it sliould ever be otherwise. Yet who can look at the way in w\ud\ this liberty is abused, when turncid into licentioiisnijss, and not be greatly shocked ? Yea, this capital priaciple in the ('onstitution is sometimes j>o vici- ously employed as to threaten its entire overthrow. Things nut less strange have happeufnl than that this libi^rty — licenti' ousness of the Press — should, in the end, lead to slavery, liecausc the Constitution has made the law of libel rigorously difficult and narrow for the prosecutor, and because men are patriotically delicate in giving u verdict for a slandered states- man, shall every low scribbler take advantage of these things, to spread abroad base surmises, and, by ail possible means, blacken the ciiaratUer of rulers ? Thus, alas, it is, that the most precious rights are abused. But (2) rulers, in many cases, cannot »o easily prosecute the slanderer as some per- sons seem to think, iwery contemptible defamer is not en- titled to the distinction which such a prosecution gives. An infamous notoriety is valuable to such wretches. It secures bread as well as furnp to them. Now they are not to be thus fed, or honoured. Prosecute them, and you give power to vice, and dignity to folly. Thus at least it is in many cases. Neglect is at once their punishment and their desert. Let the community thus treat them, and great good would follow. But further, a mind of true greatness, and cous(;ious rectitude, is apt to treat slander, in many cases, with silent scorn, and calmly leave its own worth to find proofs, or, if need be, vindi- cation, from time and events. JNor will it escape the notice of persons who reflect, that tlie dignity of office may forbid its possessor hastily to descend and moot some miserable calum- niator, either through the Press, or in Court. Under these means of protection — for such they really are — the olhcial and extempore slanderer pursues his vocation — disseminates the poison of calumny, until the public mind is, in the end, deeply and fatally affected by it. You are aware, that a falsehood may be so often repeated, and repeated under such a variety of forms, that it shall come at length to be credited by the Bimple-niinded as if it were really a self-evident truth- In this way the credulity of men is scandalously abused by those who speak evil of dignities — who malign Goverument. The most 22 1!|| •"erelv whtl , ^'/"^ whether all this hi 7 ,"''''' started-, ^'•' -and men are jus Inl ''''^'^'" ^"^ Gov^ernrnent """'"• '^, ^o all its horrors itt T''"'''^ ^^"' -na, c v " /. T"""' »'»« sor have s?""5^^ '^ '^^^'"i< to t ^.^^', ; ^^/'^^ '"^ra/s of a' ^'ave come itTV „ ^ ""' >''^'^^' '^^fcr year , m ' "'"'' '^"-'^ que„c„. ' °' ""> "•'■■^ "hid, it mvohx-sa, "^^^ ^ST"'""'' ■•■•itliorrcS. '"."'''''■''"='»»■''. •■ll"Ke.l.ervv;,l,h N ■ ■ ' ^'"" ^^ocl, we cannot 23 fail but think of the wliole with much uneasiness. Do you toll me this is mere peevisliness, or a wish to see arbitrary power establisluid. and men and children curtailed of their natural rights, and jtist liberties? Well — v/cU bo it so. If I am to be thus judged, be it so — but hear me — listen — remember I tell you that this spirit, if not checked, will produce a licentious- ness of intellect and of heart that will ere long spurn all just restraints — substitute will for law — fit men for ever" follv and every crime — and endanger the very existence of society. But lest any one should say that now, or formerly, when \ have spoken plainly on this matter, I plead merely for the au- thorities in civil Government being honoured, I answer no — not merely do I plead that aU civil authority may be respect- ed, but that all in authority may be honoured. And can i not appeal to yourselves to say, if I have not often and earnestly urged this thing home to the conscience of your children. And is there a parent sr> mad as to trifle with the respect, with the sacred honour, whicii is his due. If he does, he perils the peace, viitue, and happiness of his family. Let subjects re- fuse all honour and respect to rulers — treat thorn with ill the contumely they can muster, and dare manifest — and what is often witnessed in a family will be seen on a wider scale, and with the most dreadful results in a state. And never, O never forget that in the family circle only, can the principles of sub- mission and respect for authority be produced, matured, and first exemplified. Family authority universally neglected, and the honour and reverence due to parents universally withheld, and shall magistrates be revered and obeyed ? Vain thought. In any country where such domestic dissoluteness prevails, the throne of the Prince and the .Judge's bench will soon be- come things " for the slow moving finger of scorn to point at." But IV. It is the duty of subjects, in all cases, to aid their rulers ; and, if assailed by violence, to defend them. This may he looked at under two aspects. First, it is the duty of all subjects to aid their rulers in carrying the laws into efleot. It really matters nothing, how exce'ieni soever the laws ma/ be, unless the people generally are ready to lend their assistance in detecting offenders, and in bringing the guilty to punishment. Without such aid from the people, the magistrate will be impotent, and the law become a dead let- tor. And this truth and its consequences are just the more ap- parent the freer the civil institutions of a country are. Where disregard to the laws begins, all safety ends. Nor can there be a more dangerous state of things, than when criminals can count on impunity, from the protection thrown aroun- them 24 by the morbid sympathy of a coninTUiity ignorant or rogard- loss of" the high claims uf ju.'^tice. Evt-ry man— the meanest not less than the greatest — should feel that he has a deep in- terest in the laws being folly supported, and the claims of jus- tice bein;^ ever held inviolate. Hence, it is his duty to give all the assistance he can to the ministers o^ justice — the servants of Government. But. second, subjects must del end rulers if they are assail- ed by violence. Under ordinary circumstances, the regular force of the state is quite suilicient for the protection of autho- rity. There may, however, be enr-ergencies — you are ai no loss to conceive of such — when this force may either not be at haid, or may not be su'iicient. The path of duty is then phiin, — if the Government be unprotected, and assailed by vio- lence, every man who does not wish it overthrown will rush, if he possibly can, to its defence. And when he has done so, and cxpo?ied himself to danger, he has done nothing more than what was barely his duty. But the discharge of this piece of duty rests, of course, on the supposition that defensive v/ar is lawful. This, you ar« aware, has, of late, in this Province, been frequently called in question. This opinion is not novel, although it has acquired, in our times, rather a novel form ; and is found to embrace principles neither wise nor safe, and, in some cases, far from being honourable to those who hold it. I beg that it may bo distinctly understood, that it is my sinceie conviction that war on any other grounds whatsomever than those purebi defensive is the most heinous wickedness. And wore it possible to col- lect all the curses which the prophets of God ever pronounced against sinners, and pour them forth in one deep denounce- ment, that denouncement ought to fall on the guilty heads of those men who have been the means of originating and carry- ing on unlawful wars. Aggression in this matter is a sort of wickedness that has hardly any parallel. But does the crim- ality of this hellish conduct render defensive war unlawful ? We think the very reverse. It is just because men will make aggressive wars that defensive war becomes absolutely neces- sary, and, on the plainest and most sacred principles of justice, clearly lawful. I shall not take up your time by any length- ened argument in support of this. The people whom I ad- dress do not need argument on so plain a matter ; and they have, I trust, too much honesty and loyalty to pretend perplex- ity of judgment, where there is merely perversity of will. Those who deny the lawfulness of defensive war for the sake of consistency, ought to go a step further, and deny the use of all civil Government. For in such a world as ours — and we must just take men as tliey are, not as we could wish them to 55 xri- lest iti- be— a Covermnput without force will very quickly be resolved into a number of persons who t>ear titles — wear certain sym- bols — play their ros|)ective parts in a national pageant— com- placently hear, and impotently announce opinions. If con- tending parties choose to listen, good ; if not, the matter, as far as the Government is concerned, is at an end. But if force is used by those in authority, in order to carry out their de- cision, and if violence must be employed in giving effect to law— in defending the innocent— or in bringing the guilty to punishment — whether this shall be the work of five men, or of fifty thousand — the principle is the same. In a word, a Government without force among deprav- ed creatures, is iviU, in place of law. To this it must come ; and this, as it appears to me, is just no Government at all. Excellent state of things this for the cunning sharper, and the ruffian greedy for rapine : what it might be to the virtuous, Seaceabie, and simple-minded citizen, is quite another matter, lut the whole thing is as far wrong in an international point of view, as it is in a municipal. Assuredly, my brethren, the time will come " when nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more." Universal sub- mission to the Prince of Peace will bring all this to pass. But ere this consummation takes place — a consummation lor which all christians are bound to pray and to labour — it will be too soon " to beat our swords into ploughshares, and cw spears into pruning-hooks." It would he well if persons who speculate on this matter would look a little more carefully into the cause-- the true cause of universal peace. The complete triumph of the Redeemer's kingdom alone can bring about this. But to ex- pect universal peace in a world " that lieth in wickedness" is what neither reason nor prophecy warrants. And to suppose a Government to exist without power to enforce all its just claims, in the various relations in which it stands to its own subject^, and to foreign states, is the height of folly. A folly, it is triie, quite congruou ^ with the other notions bred in the minds of crazv enthusiasts. But what shall be thought of those who are now clamouring against defensive war, but who neither ask, nor are entitled to, the same apology which, in all fairness, ought to be made for the enthusiast ? Who can for- bear to smile, when he sees this affected humanity employed to hide principles as different from justice and mercy, as they are from loyalty ? Defensive war murder I Pity it is that John the Baptist did not understand this matter better, so that, instead of telling soldiers " to be content with their wages," he ought to have told them, in plain terms, that they were murderers. We wonder much what these persons would have said to St. Paul, when he accepted a guard of Roman 20 soldiers, to protect him from the dnggprs of assassins, on hrti way from Jernsalem to Cesare;i '? On more occasions than one did this Apostle find, that human law would have heen to him a poor protection, had the magistrate borne no sword, or borne it in vain. It is not a little surprising, sometimes, to see extremes meet. The upholder of despotic authority cries out, there must on no acci>imt whatever bo any uoiensivo war. Lie down and die. The man who is secretly prefiaring arms to overthrow the Government, exclaims how horrible to thinit of men kept on pay to destroy their fellow-creatures — all war is murder. All war, we presume, but his own. There is somethinj^ wrong — the intellect or the conscience IS diseased, or it is tncre hypocrisy in a man to declaim against defensive war. To execrate as murderers all who have drawn the sword in defence of law and human rights, is to execrate «ome of the noblest for moral worth whose names adorn the page of sacred or profane history. While to condemn the prin^ ciple in unqualified terms, is to shield the guilty — to hold out an inducement for the commission of the most horrid crimes — is to be wiser and more benevolent than Almighty God — is to play the fool or the knave in a manner truly deplorable — Wnat ! are we to s^e a horde of men — men in nothing; but tho form — plundering, burning, and murdering around us, aiul shall \ve meet them only with opinions and appeals? Is violence, v/hen suiTering helpless innocency is flying before its gory weapons, to be met with nothing but cool reasoning — Con- temptible madness, cruel mercy v.crc this. And when you See the Government and the Constitution uniier which you live, and in which you find so large a share of all your cartlily hap- piness treasured up, openly assailed by wicked men, are you to stand coolly by and witness all, all torn to pieces, and scat- tered to the winds, and a whole country filled with confusi(.in, lamentation, and woe? This you have not done. This, I venture to affirm, you will not do. All boasting apart, as morally indecorous, I fearlessly aver, that ere that glorious symbol of liberty that waves on a thousand towers, from the banks of the Ganges to those of the St. Lawrence, is torn to the dust in our Western Capital, by the hands of home-bred traitors, or foreign sympathizers, there are many hearts in Up- per Canada that will warm to desperate defiance : and if that day of deep desecration and woe comes, that shall see our Con- stitution and British connection perish, there are many hearts now warm that will be cold ere that day's sun shall go down. I shall now close this discourse with two general reflec- tions. First, 7 beseech you to think seriously of tJie civil blessings 27 ,i which r/ou enjoij, and beware of the men who icould deprive you oj ihcrn. You may not be profound polltiriians, and the greater part of you are incapable of estimating, upon rigorous principles, the relative merits of difibrent Clovernnienis. Willi any dis- cussion of this sort I shall not trouble you. There are. how- ever, a few questions to which I must beg your attention. Is not that Government good which protects every man in the full possession of ills rights — under which he may employ his powers and resources to the best advantage, and under which the fruits cf his industry are secured to him— and which will not allow him to sufler the slightest detriment in person or property, either from the g:ent clotlied with power, or from the mob bent on violence I And ean that Government be charged with oppression under which every industrious and prudent person has the means of prosperity, and really is prosperous ? And were it not as absurd, as wicked, to talk of tyranny, while the poorest inhabitant has the most perfect protection of laws made by men of ihe people's choice, and administered by Judges of the highest talents and integjity ? Now, my hearers, say are not these things true, — substantially true^ of the Gov- ernment under which you live ? In it there may be corruption, from vice or weakness ; just as there is, to a less or greater extent, in every Government under heaven. But oppression, where is it ? — Tyranny, who has felt it ? — Law prostituted, who has seen it ? — The industrious and virtuous wretclicd, where are they ? Assuredly there is much misery l:ere, as there is in every country in which sloth, imprudence, intemper- ance, and discontent prevail. But are these vices, and tnei/- dreadful consequences, to be charged against the Government? What folly ; and yet it is a fully into which thousands of self- ruined persons fall. They accuse the Government of corrup- tion, while the evil is hi their own hearts. Hitherto wc have been, as you VvcU know, a prosperous community. A winter of sad calamity may set in on us ; and if so, wise men will know where to look for the cause. Cursed sedition — infernal rebel- lion ! This is the cause, if our prosperity is to perish. And I must be permitted to say, that I do not know any part of the worldin which honest industry has reaped moresubstantial fruits than it has reaped in this country. And yet, forsooth, the world must be told, that we are a people peeled and oppressed, and, in every sense, wretched ; and, in order to improve us, we must be revolutionized, and every thing thrown into hope- less confusion. But, then, it will be asked, are there no evils that need to be reformed— no corruptions that ought to be rooted out ? I have, by implication, admitted both. And were tJiis stated 28 i: more explicitly I am sure, no sincere fiicDcl (o the cnuntry could either be uHeiided, or wish to deuy it. Every civil insti- tution is liable to corruption ; and one or other of it parts will, in course ot' time, require inodificatiou and repair. Conse- quently, there is room lor legitimate rciurm. And in bringing about this, every honest man will use what influence he may possess. Before, however, he commences in this work let him weigh carellilly the following principles: — (1) Let him be sure the thing is an evil, not a political misconception — not the fret- ting of a discontented miad — not a difliculty which has sprung from his own personal vices, or follies. (2) Let him be sure that it is a real abuse, not the watchword of a party. (3) Let him sec that what is complained of, be not an essential part of the Constitution which may create occasional inconvenience, but the removal of which would produce inlinite disorder. (4) Let him ponder well whether the thing really felt to be an evil has origninated with the Government, and whether the Gov- ernment has inlluence over it I And (5) let it be clearly ascer- tained, that llie thing is in itself, and i.i its consequences, really •mischievous. These o{)inions must be carefully icept in mind by all who wis^h to reform. How entirely these principles have been disregarded is but too well known. Nor did those persons to whom I refer merely overlook sound principles, but, •for years past, in tiie eradication of evils, tiiey have proceeded as an intoxicated Surgeon would do, wiio should commence iu a dark room to cut out a cancer, relying solely on his strength of arm, his decision, and tlie sliarpncss of liis instruments. The figure is only complete when it is borne in mind, tliat our State operators have thun cut more frequently at the sound, than in- to the diseased parts. Beware then wliat persons you foilow as leaders in re- form. He that is fuHv entitled to this character, in its high and proper sense, must be no ordinary man. One capable of dc- teciiiUi; defects and abu>C3, and safely applying the proper re- liiedies, must be possessed of a stroiig, I had almost said of a capacious, inteiiect. Cunning, pryiiiLf, bustiing men— men of mere management — active, and really useful among details, are often altogether unlit for dealing with a great plan or sys- tem of things. But this the leader in reform must be able to do with very great precision. If he requires a microscopic eye to detect mmor abuses, he must also possess a telcsco})ic vision to perceive th.e more distant objects and relations of things. He must thoroughly understand Government as a science. While the liistory of his country — ail its main rela- tions — the grand sources of its power, both moral and political, as well as the dangers to which it is peculiarly exposed, musi } 29 be distinctly understood by hlin, and the whole understood in system. A weak minded man is incapable of this, lie wul ot'ien mistake excellencies lor laults— a partial derangement for a radical defect, — the eflcct for the cause. While in the ap • plication of remedies he will employ means which, instead of improving what is faulty, may lead to ruin. A child entrusted with the command of a shattered vessel on a tempestuous ocean is not less lit for the task, than is the imbecile politician, who heads a party and sets about reforming abuses in a troubled state. — And do not suppose that imjtudciicc will ever be a substitute for moral firmness, or presumption an equivalent for high ta- lent. But, Further, a leader in reform must he a good man. No bad man ever was, or ever will be, an eHicient corrector of moral evils. Such a man wants the steadiness of purpose, the ardent philanthropy, the sincere love of truth, the admiration of moral beauty — and, above all, he wants the fear and love of God, without which no man was ever well ({ualified for dealing with human institutions that required either nice modifications, or severe correction. When God intends to reform and to spare a people, lie raises up among them wise and good men. But when the same Omnipotent Being is about to destroy a people for their sins, he permits evil spirits to arise among them. — And they arc destroyed. Woe, woe to that land ! the leading retbrmers of which are men without talents, or men of great talents and no principle --men who live by the mob — wield the minds of the rabble, by feeding their ii^solence and vanity with falsehood and adulation. Clod's vials of wrath are near to being poured out upon that country that is cursed with such influen- tial Demagogues. In a word, my brethren, stick to your British connection, cleave with heart and soul to the Constitution. While we have the (vonstitufion and British justice to look to, I will hi>pe for every thing that is cjood. But the t"ormer lost, and the Palla- dium is gone --end if wo are abandoned by Great Britain, or crushed by her just indignation, what is to become of us ? Then, indeed, shall liberty perish — then, iiulced, shall their be oppression, tyranny, and wretchedness to fulfil the predictions, and glut the revenge, of our bitterest enemies. Think, then, O think seriously of the civil blessings you enjoy, and let no maa cnjole you out of these, or violently rob you ot them. But Second, let mc. urge ynu to cherish a sincere respect for our Conslitalion, and also fur the country with which we stand coanecled. It were easy, as it were vain, to frame ideal systems, that might appear even more perfect than the British Con- 80 Klitution. But for all practical purposes, this nppears to me incomparably the best system <»f civil polity fur the people who live under it. But, then the cum plaint is, that we huvQ not had the Constitution in its fulness. To this 1 reply, that we have all which, under present circumstances, can be ex- pected — that we have more ol it than many dosiic, end, may 1 just add, more than some persons deserve. Were it asked wherein consists the ex'ccllenf^e of our Con- stitution ? I should answer briolly, that it consists in the obviou? truths — that, //ri7, a large poitinn of its eiemer.ts are dravv,i, either directly or indirectly, from revealed relif^ion. That, .sc- condly, its fundamental i>rinci})lcs are in jjcri'vict accordance with ihe soundest views of human nature. Thirahj, the im- provement which it has received from a long tract «)f ages.— Fourthty, the admirable division of power, by Vvliich at once the most perfect liberty is secured, and the most con)plete res- ponsibility. It i.^, indeed, take it as a whole, l!ic iiiil" British birth ! Is it not iriijxpressibly dis- gusting to see such men labouring to hide the excellencies, searching for the faults, and rejoicing in the anticipated ruin of their country. Tiiese bo the veriest wretches — the helots of humanity—the most choice miscreants of our race. What ! re- joice—and glory over the raIl--tho expected fall — of their coun- try, and such a country. These men do not so much hate their native land as they hate their race. Let the ligiit that now blazes from Britain be quenched, and all nations would feel that a great light had been put out, which the world could ill want. Let the power of Britain be destroyed, and the fulcrum on which the liberty of the world turns would be broken. Ho that wished that Rome iiad only one neck was harldly a wretch more hateful, than is that man who colls himself a British sub- ject, and yet would ro^joice to see his country covered with confusion, and a!! her glory pass away. Of such men I will say — "O my soul, come not thou into their secret ; unto their assembly, mine honour, be not thou united I"— And of our country I will say, •' If I forget thee, let my ri^ht hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth." THE SND. W. J, CoaUi, Printir, 160, King Strut, Toronto.