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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m<^thode. — — 1 2 3 4 5 6 M ARGUMENTS PR O and C N, I I Ji.^.i IN SEVERAL SPEECHES I u ■ For and Aga^nft an « IMPEACHMENT. Frovemehant Oratores novt, Stitlti, Adolefcentull 14xvius in Cicerone* LONDON: Printed for J. Roberts, near the Oxford- Arms in Warmck-Lane, (Price i s.) — V. !»• »•• > ; v^. f~ — --* . if *. r •■ • • -... vi. j^'^ i 4. - . .* V, .J. A i. < 1. j:. »*■ »• «n. ■•*■ • ^41aM<'*^«*"fHi't»^r M ♦ ^1 V ■ ^ • * 4 r '!. /.. -.'•/ ' i ? ■' '■'•'''*'^''. r,;'?..'"" ..V' '"V-i. . ) I - . . > ^ ^k. CO *. *' ' i f SPEECH I. lor the IMPEACHMENT. AM not infenfible, my L- — :^' that what I. am going to oifer, will not be fo agreeable to fome Gentle^ men, who have endeavcur'd with, their Clamours, to hinder or inti- midate the true Lovers of their Country, the Laws, our Liberty, and our Religi- on, as I could wifh all Things that contribute to the Safety of them, were to every Member that has the Honour to fit here. But, V£ij L- — s, I never intend to make the Threats, Murmurs, or Clamours of the Enemies of my Country, the Guide and Meafure of my A6tions •, and 1 fhall never fear to propofe any Thing for the Safety, Honour, Liberty, or Religion of mr dear Coun- try, tho' by fo doing, I ihould difoblige the moft intimate of my Acquaintance \ for Friend I Ihall never call any one, with whom I might have the Misfortune of an Intimacy, who could either by want of Underftanding, or Honefty, or for any private Aim, or View, e-igagein Meafures difad- vantagious to any of thofe facred Confiderations i have mentioned. I think, my L s, it is pretty vifible to all Europe, that fome Men, who have had the Advan- tage of the Ear of our late Sovereign LADY, of B pious CO pious Memory, have fhamefuU}'' turn'd to the Ruin of our dear Country, in its Irade, its Power, its Honour, Juftice, and Safet}''. They have had the AlFurance to complain of being prejudg'd, tho', when they had Power, they could vote a noble Lord an Enemy to his Country, for a Treaty which fccur'd to us the ineftimaDle BlclFing of his Majefly's Reign, and yet would ne- ver do him thejuftice to bring him to aTryal, and hear what he had to offer in his own Defence. The fame Set of Men impeached four other noble Lords for the Fartition-Tveaty^ but would never make good their Charge according to the Parliamentary Me- thods. But this I fhail obferve, that if the giving fo fmall a Part, and that of little Confideration, to the Houfc of Bourbon^ were a Crime worthy of Im- peachment, certainly the furrendering the SpamJI) Monarch}^', in its moft valuable Part, all Spaht, and the Wefi-hdies^ to that Houfe, muft be propor- tionably more crimirial, and by confequence as much more worthy of Confideration. \1 the Honour of your Country be prejudiced, if you are look'd on by Europe as League-Breakers, and Men negligent of the folemn Engagements of Alliances, it is your Bufinefs to doyourfelves and the Nation Juftice, by calling thofe Men to an Ac- count who have brought this Infamjr upon you. If you would give Credit to the Nation, to make frefh Alliances with foreign Princes, to fecure your common Liberties, and very Exiftence, you mufl: punifli thofe who have endeavoured to make the World believe, that no Alliances with us can be fecure, or depended upon. The Eyes of all Europe are upon you •, I am not urging you to condemn any Man unheard ^ bring thofe to their Tryals, who have had a Hand in thefe Tranfadions, and then condemn or acquit them. Your C3) Your Country, your Laws, your Liberties, ycur Religion, are Objeds worthy the Care of Patriots ^ and thefe all connnend themfelves to you on tliis great tpiergeiice. 'w^^^^iStCS C'^>::;ir ^^(xii^^^:):^xif^x<^:k SPEECH 11. Jgainhthe IMPE ACHMT^.NT. Y L s, I have been accus'd of be- ing always too much on the Referye, as never to fpeak my Mind in plain, dired, and intelligible Terms : I hope I have lately in Print removed that Obloquy, by an open Sincerit}-, which may^ perhaps, be thought lefs prudent, than my ufual Caution has allow'd. I ihall, however, here purfue the very fame manner, and lay down my Sentiments with a Franknefs, that nothing but a good Confcience could afford. I mull: therefore tell you, my L s, that I am very much furpriz'd at that Noble L s, Speech, who fpoke laft. What a Noife has he made of his Comjtry^ the publick Good, Liberty^ Laws, and the like! and with an Air uncom- mon, urges my Impeachment for betraying my Country, for deftroying the publick Faith, and a great many of thefe good Morrows. My L— s, this Cavt might do well enough among the Vuljrar without Doors, and might fpirit a Mob up, to put that Power in fome of 3^our Hands, whic h xvas once in mine: But to make fuch a Clam(7.r: of it within thefe Walls, amazes me more tlia)! any publick Pretence whatever, tho' never lb ill grounded. My L,— s, I hope you will ha B 2 ni-V- (4) more jufl: to jc feWes, and to me, than to let my Lite be thrown up to that Cry, in which there is no real Subftance. Is tliere any Man among you, whole real Aim is not Poivey, Jfealil\ Llgvity ^ Is there any Man among 3^ou, who makes the piiblick Good^ the Scffcty, Ho7wm\ and Glory of his Coimtry^ and his V) ijice, tlie Standard oi' his Adions, and tlie Mea- furc of his Conduct ? Is there any Man among you, who docs not in all he docs, firlt confider how to eflablifh his 07Pn Power ^ his own Family ^ his ow7t Hovom\ and next, (or perhaps not at all) how to make tlicfe join in with the real, at icafl apparent Good of his Coimtry ? If the pub- lick Good happen to be improved by your Ad- miniftration, that is only owing to a lucky Chance, to a fortunate Conjun6\ure of Affairs, and not to 3^our Merit, your real, and difinterefted Zeal, 3^cur Rofihm Love for /our Country, or the very Prince tiiat made jow. Give me Leave, my L s, to prove my AfTertion by undeniable Fad, and then I (hall* own fo much of my C^harge, that the Aim of Tny Adniiniftration, was, to confirm my Powe)\ in- creafe m}^ Jf^ealth, mv Bigmty^ and eftabliili my Family : Nor Ihall I, however, omit the Proof of the Juflice and Wifdom of the Meafures I have taken •, and fnew, that wherever I have err'd, the Whl^^s have been the fole Caufeofit. Tho' I might give various Tnftances of the Meafures taken b}^ the If^Jigs^ that were only cal- culated for the h'upport of their pr^fent Power ^ or to their gaining a future, yet I fhall reftrain my felf to one, becaufc the Ground of their pre- fent Power, is built en a Merit directly contrary to v/hat is juftly to be granted to be their De- fer!, They are rcpref^nted as the only Objeds of his (5) his Majefty's Favour, as being the o«/y, tnte Friends to the HAMf YtK SUCCESSION. But my L s, if I can Ihew thefe very Meo making a Propei ty ot this SUCCESSION, nay, refilling to fecuie it, joining with the Jacobites a- gainll: it's Security, ana tliis only for Fear, out of a Jealoufy tliat its entire Security being ol> tain'd, or even firll made by the Tories^ might lellen their Power, and render the PofieiFion of their Dignides very dubious, I hope you will then allovv, that I have gain'd my Point, and ac- quit me, when I Ihall (hew, that all that I have done, during my whole Miniftry, was direded to the iam.e End, and conduded b}'- the fame Meafures^ and if 1 have in any thing gone counter to the Good of our Comitry, it has been their Faults, who rendered it impoifible for me to be in Power, and a true Patriot at once. I think it is pretty plain to common Senfe, that nothing could have been a more ivfalUbk Security to the V^otefiayit Sitaejmt, than the Pre- fence of the Frotejlant Heirs -^ by which Means they could, without the leaft Hazard, have been ready to flep into the Throne on a Demife. But when this was proposed in a Parliamentary Way, who was it opposed it ? Who quafh'd it ? Who voted Profeciit707Js^ for the vindicating of this f?/- falUble Security ? Wliy tlie jrhigs ^ thofe very Gentlemen, who now accufe me of facrificing all to the eftabliihing my o-\vn Family, and my own Power. What was objeded againfl this In- vitation of the Froteftavt Heir ? Only what Lefiey, and the Jacobites themfelves objcded -, that it was not co7nphifa7it to her Majefty ^ that it put her in mind of a Coffin, and the like. But my L s, if the Tf^higs were aduated by that publkk tSpzVzt, the Good of their Country, and the like i (6 ) like fpecious Pretences, ot what Confcquence was the momentaneous Difquict ot* a Princels, who was the eafieft in the World to be brought to like Meafures, that were rcprefented for the Good of her Country ? But that this was in Reality only a Complement to their own Power, not to her Majeily's Quiet, is plain from the little Regard they had to it, in their Clamour for the Preience of the Duke of Cambridge^ the prefent moft Serene Prince of W A L ES, when her Majefty had been much more alarmVt with Fears that way, than ber- fore. The Truth of the Fad is, that on the firft Occaflon the Jf^higs were in Power ^ on the fecojid, they were out of all manner of Polls. This, I hope, will be fufficient to prove, that all of us of both Sides, let us put on what Vizor we pleafe to the People, either our only or chief aim is at our own Power, Wealth, and Dignity ^ and therefore I hope 3rou will hear me with Patience, when I fhall ihew, that I have purfu'd this End as faithfully as I could •, and if I have taken Meafures that you Gentlemen did not like, as contrary to yours, it was entirely your own Faults, fince you would not truft me, when you could not leften my Power-, which oblig'd me to join with Tory, Jacohite, or any one ^ or to quit that Power which I ow'd to my own Indu- ftry and Underftanding. When you will produce any one of the Party, who would quit his Power with his Prince when he could maintain it, then I will heartily fubmit to an Impeachment, Attainder, or even th^ Scaffold, without a Murmur. Giv^e me Leave therefore, to give you a Ihort and fum- mary Hiftory of the whole Affair, from the Rife of my Prme Mimflry, to my Lofs of the Staff. M^ mg ( 7) My Defign op my Advancement, waS ^lot to alter the Meafures abroad, except in the redtif'y- ing fome Things, and bringing our Allies to a more punctual Performance of their Stipulations, that the Burthen of the War might be more equally born. Nor was I rcfolv'd not to purfue the fame Meafures of Adminiftration, and even with the fame Perfons, except a very few. But I difplacd all the Whigs, true 5 but their Cla- mours compell'd me to it. I diflblv'd the Par- liament, true ^ but if I had not, they would have diffolv'd me, or v/hat is all one, deftroy'd my Power and Dignity. This was but SelfFrefer- vatio7u But I made twelve Lords at once, to the Difgrace of the Order, merely to fave my felf. Confeft, had 1 any other Way to efcape ? if not, why fhould I not make ufe of the only Means left, to fecure me from the vigorous, nay, deadly Attacks of my Enemies. If it be any Refledion, I take it to be on thofe worthy Perfons, who were fo zealous in m}^ Caufe, as to proflitute their Re- putations and Honour, to fave a Friend in Danger. Tis faid, there is no greater Love, than to die lor a Friend ^ yet, I am perfwaded, that to confels one's felf a Tool, and to facrifice the very Chara- d:er of a Gentleman, for a Friend, is a Piece of more exalted Friendfhip, than to die for him. Such Friends, had they been but conflant, had in- deed been as valuable as neceflary, to a Statel^ man who had fuch Difficulties to ftruggle wirh, and fuch Defigns to carry on. The Affair of the Catalans is the next Thing laid to my Charge, and that with the odious Sug- geftion of having abandoned a faithful People, whom we had drawn into a terrible War, to the Ruin of their Country, leaving them without fuf- ficient Care to preferve them from the Refentment of 'm (8) of the SpamJI) King, by not obliging that Prince to prefer ve their Lives, Liberties, Privileges, &c, en a Foot wi Ji thole oi" his other Siibjcdts. But, my L s, upon a full Lxainination of this Af- fair, it was tound, that v\'e hr; : tully an,i punctu- ally difcharg'd all Lngagemeiiis to ihem.^ hadob- tain'd Safety, an Ktt ct (./biivioiL. arid a Grant of as great Privileges to them, as they enjoy 'd when we firft engaged with them ^ that we left them in the Care of the Emperor, whofe Subjeds they chofe to be, and whofe Duty it was to have taken care of them, and to have made farther Conditions for them, if it had been reafonable •, and who could not be faid, not to have been as able to defend them, as they were afterwards to defend themfelves. That, however, the Obftina- C}^ of the Catalans^ and their demanding fuch Pri- vileges to be reftor'd to them, as tliey had loft be- fore we were any Way concerned with them ^ which Privileges we never undertook to procure for them, nor could reafonably exped, has been the only true Caufe of their Misfortunes. Yet, my L -s,we made fuch prelfmg Inftan- ces, both at the Spanifi and French Courts, for the Teace and Privileges of this unhappy People, that it was confefs'd, that more could not have been done •, and that the Catalana were fo refolute, and inlifted on fuch Grants, as no Sovereign could be luppos'd to ftoop to. Things appearing in this fair Light, on a full Examination into the Matter, it was confefs'd, by fome Men of Honour of tlie contrary Party, that they did not think that the Miniilry Iiad acted fo far for the Intereft of the Catalws, and that it was impofTible to do more, tlian to continue the fame preAing Inflances with the King of S^aht in their Favour, The Prince :es, &c. . But, his Af- :)unctu- had ob- Grant i:njoy'd we left ubjeds o have farther liable i )een as ards to bftina- :h Pri- [oft be- them ^ •rocure > been nftan- br the ;, that 3 been ?, and ilu be a full kI by , that acted hat it e the ain ill The (9) The next Crime they l$y to my Charge, is, my diftributing Penfions among fome of the Highland Clans in Scotland, which, by thofefirft, who were either willing to conceal what they knew, or really kijew no better, was fuggefted to be a Secret fiipporting of the Jacobites^ Enemies to the Con- ^^rtion, ^nd were Favourers of the Pretender, and th.e like. Bu;t when thefe Things were examin'd into in theHoiUfe of Peers, the People defcrib'd, ,tjie Nature of the Place, thePerfons to whom, and ik(^ End for \f^hich this Money was paid-, how fnialla Sum it was, how effe(Stually it had an- fwer'd th^ End \ and above all, when it appear'd, that the like Sum for the like Ends, was diftri- buted during tlie former Miniftry •, that by this Means, fo many, and fuch powerful Clans were kept in their Duty, in the Intereft of the Go- vernment, and prevented from taking the like, or greater Penfions, to enter into Engagements with France •, it was acknpwledg d^ that the Mo- ney was well employed. . ;■ '4 /\ - The laft Charge, and fomething a-kin to the former, is, my employing of prcfefs'd Jacobitesy and thofe the very Leaders of that Party in Scot- land, I confefs there was admitted into the Mi- niftry, a Party, who bmg really Jacobites in their Principles, went on wi^h the Miniftry, in Hopes of finding an Opportunity out of the ge- laeral Diftradions, to produce fomething to the Advantage of the Party they adher'd to, and to promote the Intereft of the Pretender. Thefe were fo far impos'd on, as to believe, that the altering the SuccelTion, was entertain'd by the Ma- nagers with whom they aded. Nor was this, my L , in my Opinion, an impolitick Step in me, if I took any Methods to nourifti their Folly hi . that Notion, fince it not only engag'd them C heartily ■j^^ I (10) heartily in the Meafiires of iht Mimfljy^ but ef- ledually took them off f'rcm all their other yaco- bite Projeds, and from all their foreign Interefts and Expedations ^ ^nd turn d their Hands and Eyes to a foolifli Hope and AfTurance, in which, had they had the leaft Foreiight, they could not but fee they were dropped in the Beginning, and muft be effedualiy difappointed in the End. No- thing, indeed, could be more abfurd, than this Phantom of the yacvbites, in believing me in their Intereft •, but by entertaining that Dream, they ham-ftring'd their Caufe, and luftefd them- felves to be made the Inftruments and Agents, to make that impojfible, which they fancy 'd they were bringing about. This Fancy made them be chofen Members, accept of Places, and pafs fuch Ads as loft them with their Party in Scot- land, and created fuch a Diffidence among them, that mutual Confidence was deftroy'd, and fo all their Aims to ad againft the Conftitution and the Pretender, wholly reduc d to nothing. Thus far, my L— '— , I have gone in Juflifica- tlon of my felf againft thofe f^fw^r)! Crimes that are laid to my Charge by the Enemies of my Admin iftration ^ and, I hope, I have fiifticiently juftify'd my felf to Men of your Knowledge, Pe- netration, and Experience in the Pra^ice of Man- kind ^ againft which,^ I flatter my felf, you will not let mere fpecithtive Notions prevail to my Prejudice : Notions, how beautifi.il and entertain- ing foever to the Fancy of Men unacquainted with Bvjivefs, are yet fitter for fiich Amufements as the Repiihlick of Plato, Evtopia, and the like SyJIe- inatical Politkh, than for the Dregs of our Age. Cicero accusVl Cato of this Fault, that he fpoke is ' if he livVl in Republica Platom, mn in Face RO AlULI, by that plainly infinuating, that he he was a Mai> wlioUy unfit for ijie Affairs of ROMEy which were, in his linie at kaft, oa a much diffejpent Bottom, i But if I have, my L , as I perfuade my felf I have, fufficiently remov'd all the Crimes thrown on me by my Accufers ^ I queftion not, but that the after-Services I did the Nation, in op- pofing the violent Meafures purpos'd by my Col- legues, will merit the Thanks of this Houfc, and indeed, of all the People that are now enrag'd againft me. My L , when I had vi6lorioufly carryM my Point in all Things, and the difplac'd Party had nothing to do, but to defpair-, then was the real Confiidt greater than ever •, for I h?.d much more Difficulty to reftrain the Rage of thofe who were for ufing this Advantage, and entirely crufhing and oppreffrng thofe wliom I had reduced, than I had either to reduce them, or preferve my felf. My L— , I confefs that I proceeded with a fteady Refolution to maintain the Power and Authority I pofTefs'd*, but that Victory being obtain'd, I haa no farther Schemes of Oppofition to perfue : No, my L , it was never in my Defign to crufh and ruin the Perfons I had this Struggle againft, or to eredt any Dominion over them, as Britom ^ I had no State-Tyramty to fet up, nor fecret Defigns to deftroy the Conftitutjon. This was the Caufe of that mortal Breach between me and the reft, which is too well known to infill on. But, myL , the Hands the Obflinacy of the difplac'd Party oblig'd me to make life of, were not the moft eafy in the World to be govern'd 5 one Part of which, I told you, were real Jacobites^ and the Advantages I made of them in the Go- vernment, T have fhewn you •, another Part were a Set of higli, hot, out of Temper Folitidavs^ C 2 whofe do ^hoie Vkw waS withiil themfelves^ 'i6id who afti cd upon Principles of abfolute Qovcrhmait Thefe, my L , found me t great deal df Trouble, tor thtf pufh'd hard to introduoe the tyrannical Part -into my Admihiftration. ' ^6 oblige me to k by theit Mumberi, thef fepatat€id from me, and fet up the OBobeir Qiibi, and pietefti dedtQ acl on theiy b\^ Schemed, difeMy deftrtt*- dtive of the diiplticici Pah)'-, and^ indeed, of tjie Conftitution, and themfblvts tok) •, I therefore, by fecret and gentle Ways, feparated this Fadion, fo that in fix Months Time, thiere Miras not To jniich as the very Name of the {jBober Qitb to be heard of in the World. Nay, I a£ted \^ith that Addteffi^ thatl loft not the Men, by'deftroying ih^ii Meafures, but rang'd thfem under my o^wti Bannei*j to carry on my Defigns. This was a tohfiderabk Vidbry, my L-— ^; for without it^ I had my felf been loft. My li^-^'^j after this, 1 endeavour*d to adl between the Extreams of both Parties \ and tho', by this Method, I was fenfible I ftiould pleaft neither, yet I fcii'vl that Methdd of Moderation could only fupport the Government, and that Time and Temper wolild carry the Point. The hot Ones had long ftrove to bring me to their Meafures, itrgingj that it was now high Time 'to ftrike home, and give the Whigs the Cdvp ' de Grace, that they might die at once, td turn out everjr 7f'h% or vwdevate Man in the Na* tion, to carry a flreight Reign, and make the Go- vernment formidable, extend th^ Prerogative^ and make the People know their Duty. They urg'd, that to rule by Law, was to put the I,aws in Exe- cution, to make the Law a Terror to the Feople^ and not to the Mir[ft)y : That they had gain d an entire Vidory, the Benefit of which, was not to be. loft for want of h vigorous following of the plow I h (15) BbW */ tftat "now was the Time of eWetkniWy fiipT pfefiinfe the Jf^bigs^ JiniSi that one homieJ Blow vfduid now knock them down fc* eVei?*i^J . . : , I, dn the contrary, my L— -^^ cduH h6t W brought to liften to their Fury^ nay, I preadfd tip: Mod^ratioh tti tJi^m. as thiir Jntereft, and greateft Securit}^^^ foty'as Temf^r atld Mbdera- tibft hadr given ilhbin all the Advantu^es they h^ ^in'd i, Ibiiwas it the dtily Way to fecure theifiiMves in thofe Wty Ad\^amfiges- whereas^ A«^ Contrary Meafuresy as they were unpispute^ sttid prodaiftive of Enemies and general Hatred^ fo WQ\itd certaihly. M their Ruin. To this I ad^ i€i' the Ca{e of the iSui;cejfi(m, in Terms as lively ihd prfeffing afe I was' a%le ^ reptefehting, that if the People iliould dnce have a general Notioii^ th^t they were not Friends to the Hdhdver Succef. pit, they niuft be fcettainly fplit updn that Rock. But I could not beat it into their impenetrable Heads, that it was their Intereft, as the Mmjlrf, td be well with the Princes of that Houfe, and and to let them fee that they were entirely in their Jntereft, rendering themfdves by that Means, the teal Suppdrt of the SucceiFibn, and that the Houfe of Hanover fhould iiicceed on the Foot of their Adminiftration. But, rny L , all I could fay, had no man- ner of Fffedt upon them, except to fix their Rclb- lutions againft all moderate Meafures, and ever)" Thing that w^s oppofite to their own: So that they now not only refused to concert with me the Meafures of theit future Conduct, but opposed ifte in all that I went about. Hence fiich a Breach enfu'd, that no Friends could make up ♦, they gave out to their Friends, that I was a J^Ojig in my Heart ^ that as I was bred a Fa- fiaticlc, fb I yet retained a warm Side to the DjJ- [enters \ ( H) /enters*^ thai vl had hitherto, only aflcd a Part with the Jiigh'Chunh^ taking them in ^)ut a^ Tools, becattfe:. 1 couli notixidL.jvithout them, the Wiigs xeivSmg to \tiuft;,;:OB):piit anyfConfi- dence in jnei.j 'It. 'it 01 [:y^:l{ 't 1 :[■:}' ■■j'-fj They were fatwfy'd, tbatiibefo Clamours might vent their PaiUons, but couldiiotdifgracc mie with her Majefty, uftkfs they could have fonlKt. Faft^ to charge me* with, which would give her^ Ma^ iefty Daiib|§ $>fmy finciereimenticai to theChurch. V^Umrh — r^r-% with; my'ufual Addrefs, IgeJt the Bill a^ainft Private Academies^ Sec which- was to be the Touch-llone of jn]^ Orthodoxy, and took from it all its perfecuting Power, and theft gave my Vote for it, and fo flifiippointed all their Malice tome, in this Attempt. .; Another Thing they mad^ ufe of againft me, was, my Zeal for the Honfeoffiawoi;^, in preiling the Payment of the Hanover. Troops, which yet they hmder'd •, and at the fame Time polTefs'd the Queen, ;as Jf I had urg'd fomething injurious to her Honour, and that I had form n an Interefl: in Havovcr^ at her Majefty's Expence. From thi$ Time they gain'd Ground of me^ but I have the Glory and SatisfaC-lion to find, that the only Rear fon of it was, that they found me inviolably attach'd to the Intereft of the Froteflant Succeffion, and infeparably engag d to that of tlie illuftrious Houfe of Hi:J?/owr. v ; i !, ' Here I defire your L — '■ — — s, . to eonfider the Strtights I was in ^ the difplac'd Party treated me very ill, as combin'd with the Pretender ^ and this Court-Faftion was at the fame Time undermi- ning .me, becaufe I was heartily at work for, and engag'd^in the Intereft of the Eleiftor of JFIaJto- ver. 1 V Twas Lear ,ly tort, iom I the me md rmi: tnd mo- •A Iwas C IS ) < ■'tw^asnow high Time for me ta he ini earnefi: to my felf •, my o\^n Prefervation, a Thing I had -not always liftned mtach to, call'd upon me to '^draW but from a Party who were refolute to precipitate themfelves, and the publick Affairs, iinto inexicrabk Lahyf inths. Nor was this all, but as the Succefs of all their Defigns, was to he their own Advantage, io was the Miir.arriage to be all at my Etpenc^ ^ for I being fup^os'd to he set thd Head of all Affairs, the Odium of every falfe Step was ftir^ to be laid there ^ the popu- lar Hatred was fure to center there 5 and I was like to be charg'd with the very Miftakes which I had (>penly ^nd avowedly opposU Nor was -this isbme to a contemptible Height, for as the Conduct of thefeMen gave dailjr Uneafinefs to the People, and the Charge of the Miuiftiy be- ing in the Intereft of the Pretender, very popu- lar^ it was not without Ground, that 1 was in Daiiger of being facrific'd to the Popularity, if any Attempt in Favour of the Pretender had really been made. For who can anfwer for the Rage of a Rabtjle, iii the Heat of a Tumult, when they have any High Man pointed out to them as the Catife; of all their Greivances ? It is true, 1 carry'd it with a fteady, unconcem'd Com- pbfure; all this While ^ but I could not be infen- fible of what the Folly of thefe Men tended to, and that the Reftntment due to their Condud, was pointed at me. While this was the Cafe, the Fadtion (for thefe, a- bove all the feveral Divifions, feem bell to defer ve that Name) went on to undermine and fupplant me with my Royal Miftrefs^ reprefenting me as ad:ing with fuch a Referve in all the puhUck Admim- ftrations, that not the Queen herfelf much lefs the reft of the Minlp^i were acquainted with any i • vi Thing ( I^) Thing -till thty (aw it done, pvw not ihfi-Frivy- Council it felf, but only for Form fake ^ and r^- ther to approve ^nd fet their H^ndp to what was already done, than advife what was proper tP do That I governed all Things with fuch an abfolme Authority, and carry d it in fo fi^^n- or a manner, that it wa? become infuppprt^hje to the jneft of the Minifiry^ who w^re JoxAy iis'd as jcppying Clerics to my Npgecfetionfe, and treated like Servant?, not Miniftcrs* ' wjno were entryfted by the Sovereign with the ftmie Adminiftration. The Sum pit all this was, t]\%t ^s the Succefs of all my Management w^s otr- ^ji^ to my being Maft^jr of ipy own Meaf^vep, ^ and I faw.gr^at Reafon not to ^ut my Schemes ijito fome Hands, who were rnighty impatient Xq be trufted, fince they ree^id^d lefs thie: pub- Jifk Good, than tlie gi^tiiying the Vanity rf b-ingejpipbgj'd •, for whi^h Re^nj they both tPQJc Oiience ther^, j^feere they, ought, had they b^qi in the famQ Ppft, to have-: a^Sed in thi? feipje manner; ,7 How it eam^ to pafs t^at th^fe Jnfinuatip^s preyaird fo fr.r with nay Royal Miftrefsi, oxth^t .1 began to be made uneafy jthieye, when ail the World beliQv'd my Intereft fofirm, as nQt tq fee (haken with any Arts,; or GontriyanGes wJl^^- ever. What Treachery of Inftruments tjiiswfts brought aboiit by —. \ I ftiiaU in Regard ©f the fiidden Lofs of her MajVfty, let remaija in .Silence." )^,^ ', .)?-.r.;v.- r'T-'iirV;' , It matter d not how %t VpWM ^a4 Gptitude oblig'd them to have afted Upftnipther Principlejs, when once their fecret Ii)|riltg^ce informld '^oi, that by this Means tb.^y had ? &ir ¥iew Qf bringing their Defigns to, paft, thfy foon< .br:pjGf through thfs littk Tbhg\r^ll% PMg^tkn^ fol- - : . r ' " getting ( 17 ) getting who rais'd them, and hy whofe Conduct they had been fupported, againft all the At- temps of a Paity^ wJiich, had they Hoed alone, would have cnilh'd them into Attorns of Dif- grace and Contempt, e\'en with one of their Fingers. But the Hopes of getting the prime Admin i- ftratr'on into their Hands, and their eager Deilres of having an Opportunity, by that Means, to put in f.-jcecution thofe wicked Defigns, wJiich had been long feated in their Imaginations, which they found, by many Demonfirations, I would ne- ver give way to, prevailed with them to trample under Foot, the Honour and But}/- of Sevant<5 to the Queen, and the Principles ofRefpedland Gratitude to that Superior Geniut whicli had for- merly ferv'd and obligVl them in the highefl: De- gree : and what was worfe, to quit all that Re- gard, which, as Minifters of State, they ow'd to the pjiblkk (3ood, and the Peace of their Country, which the}'' well enough knew was centered m that one capital Article of the CovJliUHojt^ viz. the Frotejlant Siiccejioyi. It can never be fuificiently lamented, how far the Honour, Dignity, and Reputation of the Queen, became a Sacrifice in the Hands of thefe Men •, how far they abandoned the Regard, which in Duty they ow'd to their Sovereign's Vera- city-^ how far they exposed the Sincerity which every one that knew intimately the Qiieen's Condud, knew her Majefty a6tcd with in every Thing Ihe did. How they expos'd it, I fa}r, to common Cenfure-, and how the Fnemies of the Government took Occafion, from their Condiift, to fuggeft, that her Majeft}?- was entered with them into Meafures injurious to the Proteftavt S^icceJUion ^ at leaft it was concluded, that if the D Quecu I ( *8) Queen v/as not really in the Defigh of thefc Men, and was not confenting to Meafiires fatal to the Proteftant Succeifion, it was not their Faults, nor, for Want of Irequent Attempts on their Side, to bring it to pafs : And tho* they Were not yet arrivd to that Height, as to own their Defign to her Majefty, ytt, a Genius of fery little Penetration, miglit fte, they were not fo remote from it as they pretended to be. But Things were not yet ripe for Execution, and therefore they would not declare themfelves on the main Point, 'till fome Obftacles were re* mov'd. The firil and moft dangerous of thefe, was my felf, whom when they found inflexible, and not to be brought over, but, on the contra- ry making Advances in the Intereft of the Houfc oi Hanover-^ and that if I went on, I fhould not only fortify the Inclinations of the Queen againft their Attempt, but do fome publick Thing that would render the Succejfion impreg- nable, pafl: the Power of their Party to Ihalce it, and out of Danger of being rejeded, whether the Qiieen fiiould live or die-, fo that now all their Endeavours were difpos'd to turn me out of Power, and, if poilible, out of her Majefty's Fa* vour likewife. In Duty to her MajeRy, and my Country, I laid all this Projed: before her, tho' I found not the like Succefs as I us'J to have with her Majefty, in Things not fo nearly relating to my felf Yet was I wholly uncon- cern d at this Event, but perform'd this Part as a Duty to the Queen, and a Difcliarge of that great Trtift which had formerly been repos'd in luc j and feeing what Concern, what Impreffion had been made another way, I contented my felf with havirg difcharg'd that Duty-, contem- nirg all that which Politicians call Self- PieferViitwii'y C.I9) Prefervatioft •, and entirely negledled that Party who were my inveterate taiemies, becaufe I left them, and facrific'd my Safety and Interefl, meerly becaufe I would not come into Meafures ruinous to my Country, and to the Intereft ot* my Sovereign. Statefmen mofl certainly ought to think it their indifpenfable Duty always to regard the Intereft and Safety of their Country •, to make it fuperior in all their Aims, to the moft ad- vantagious Profpeds, in the greateft of their De- figns •, and, in Cafes of Necellity, to facrifice their Ambition, and even their lawful Hopes, to the publick Good. But, I fear I have tir'd your Patience •, I there- fore fubmit to your great Wifdom what I have faid •, and hope the Juftice of my Caufe, and my differing, even for the common Good, nay, and for the JThigs themfelves, will gain a favourable Cenfure. i R.^^^ '.J:^J^X SPEECH III. For the IMPEACHMENT. HE hearing the L- who fpoke laft, out, without Interuption, na}^, the not flopping him, after the verr Beginning of his Sarcaflic Befevce^ is an undeniable Prcof of your flngular Humanity, and Eafinefs of Temper •, for, my L , he has laid the whole Strefs of his De- fence on a very grofs Abufe of your I. -. I aip not, I confefs, much fnrpris'd at tl;is uncom- , ' ' P 2 moi") (20) inon Conduct of that noble L •, for his has, i rid ted, been always very fingular, and out of the Way i and as the Principles he moves by, are pe- culiar to himfelf, fo are the Meafures he takes to compafs his Defigns, what no Man living, but himftlt, cculd ever have thought of. Thus, as the Nature of his Guilt is of the nioft uncommon Size, fo is his Defence the moll extraordinary, that ever was heard. He w uJd infinuate into youi: Favour, by perfwc ding you, that you all areas abandoned, as himfelf, both in good Senfe and Probity. Is there any Man among you (he de- mands) whofe real Aim is not Power, Wealth, and Dignity ? Is there any Man among you, (he goes on) who makes the pMck Good, the Safety, Honour, and Glory of his Country, and his Prince, the Standard of his Anions, and the Mea- fure of his Condudt ? Is there any Man among you, who does not, in all he does, firft confidet how to eftablilh his own Power, his own Family, his own Honours ? And next (or, perhaps, not at all) ftrive to make thefe join in with the real, oj: at lead, the apparent Good of his Country ? Iftlie publick Good happen to be improved by your Ad- vmiJlraUov, that is only owing to a lucky Chance, to a fortunate Conjundture of Affairs ^ and not to your Merit, your real and difinterefted Zeal, youf Ro7?:an I.ove for your Country, or the very Prince that made you. How defperate, my L , muft this Criminal be, when he can find no other plauiible Refource f om his Guilt, but by endeavouring to perfwade his very Judges, that they are as guilty as him- felf? He does, indeed, own, that he has betray'd his Country, and his Prince ^ that he has facrinc'd the publick Good, the Laws and Liberties of Bri- t^ift, nay, of all B^trop^y to that momentary Grandeur : I ; ade in- icur n (31) Grandeur, which his Art of Wheedling had gtin'd him over a Princefs, who being innocent ot fuch Thoughts herfelf, could not ealUy imagine, thofc whom Ihe had an Inclination to favour, could be guilty of. But, to be as favourable to that noble L^*-^ as poflible, I will imagine, that Want of Senfe, and not any real Defign to affront you, has made him commit fuch an Abfurdity as the calling you all Knaves and Traytors. He had heard that Self- Love^ ajid Self-Prefervatiov, were implanted in ail Mankind, and therefore extending this Maxim beyond its natural Limits, concluded that every one was infhienc'd by them, to do any thing for the Prefervation of his Power, and the In- creafe of his Wealth, without Regard to Right or Wrong. He had heard, that Si viohndum efi Jtts regftandi Caiifa, violandum ejl, c&teris rebiis pie- tatem cole. That the beft Excufe for the depart- ing from the Precepts of Right and Juftice, is to obtain Cominion, and that Piety and Juftict fhould be obferv'd in all our other Adtions. As to the firft, I Ihall eafily acknowledge that Salf'Love is a Principle in Nature, fpread through all Mankind -, but then I muft add, that this Self-Love, well or ill underftood, is the Source of all the Virtues and Vices of Man- kind. Now my L , the Self-Love that has directed the Adtions of this noble L , is that which is ill underftood, and therefore in- (duc'd all thofe Crimes, for which it will be niofi: juftly call'd to an Account by this Right Ho- nourable Houfe. Self 'Love, rightly underftood, will tell us, that we fhould never depart from the Meafures and Conditions of Self-Prefervatmi, which every Man does, who forfakes the Laws oi Right and Wroftg. who leflens the Safety and Honour •'■ • ^' ' of (22) of his Country, who weakens the Force of the L^ws i for all thefe weaken the Security of Par- ticulars, and are therefore Sins againft this Max- im of Self-LovCy which preferves the World in Motion, which only can be maintained by keep- ing up, and ftrength'ning Self-Fiefervation. For, how can the Power, the Wealth, the Dignity of any Particular, give a rational Satisfaction, when they are lett expos'd to the Will of a Foreign Potentate, or the Refentment of thofe Laws, which are the very Pledges of our enjoy- ing them, even a Month? Here, my L- , is the apparent Diffe- rence between that Self Love, which was the Guide of the Adions of the Whig-Mimflry, and that of the Tory •, I mean that of the late Pacific Gentlemen, who at once gave up the Power and Security of Europe, purchased with the Blood of fo many brave Soldiers, with a vaft Expence of Treafure, and by fuch wife Councils, as will give that Miniftry Place in the Front of the Heroes of our Times, when Poflerity ihali be an impartial Judge of their Condudt But, my h , I wiih this noble L— — would have done fo much Juftice, as to have Ihewn the leaft Particle of that Self- Lcv^, which directed his Av^ions in thofe of the Whlg-Mhii- ftry. Did not every Thing profper which they undertook? Had we not Vidories abroad as duly as we enteral the Field? Were not our Coun- cils the Meafurc of the Adions, and Condud of all our Allies ? Were we not admir'd and lov'd by all the "Nations of the Earth, nay, and fear'd too ? Could not they have made Peace as well as this noble T ? Could not they have purfu d the very fame Mcafures ? No, my L they coali) not, fur they were too wtft;,vvere Mafter?? 'of C 2? ) of too much Penetration, not to fee how fading that Power was, which was built on the De- ftrudion of Europe, and the aggrandizing a Mo- narch, who had no other View, than a Univerj fal Monarchy *, who could give no other Secu- rity to the Tools of his Dcfigns, but his bare Word and Promife, to which he never yet was found a Slave. - This, my L — , might be a fuificient Anfwer to his Obloquy, did he not endeavour at laft to prove this Allertion by an hjiance, which yet we fh'ill find incapable of producing what he aims at. I muft indeed do him fo much Juftice, as to allow that he has pick'd out the only queftionable Occurrence, that above twenty Years Adminiflration can afford. My L— — , I muft^ ^ with that noble L , allow, that there could be no greater Security to the Frotefiavt SticceJ/ioff, than the Prefence of the immediate Heir of tlie Protejlant Lifte in thefe Kingdoms, and I was my felf for it at that Time. But, my L , there were fuch ftrange Appearances, fuch unufual Phwnomena on this Occafion, as would far more furprize any one, than the great Eclipfe that happen'd on the twent}^ fecond of j^pril lafl^ for that was but the juft Effect of the natural Courfe of Things, but thefe were di- redUy contrary to the very Mature of the con* tending Parties. There were Tories clamoruos for the Security, that is, for that manner of Se- curity of the ProteJIaiit Succefiori, and Whigs as warmly proceeding againft it. Not, my L~-, that the JThigs were u.iwilling to confirm the Safety of that Succefiion by any thing, and by all Ways •, and that indeed by a Principle ofSelp Love and SelfPrcfervatiov, incapable of any tolera- ble way of feciiringthemfelves without it -J but the Gifts i I f (24) Gifts of an Enemy juftly adminifter Caufe of Sufpicion ^ and it is plain that they meant no- thing lefs, for when they were in Power, they were ib far from doing themfelves what the Whigs refused to do, that when the Succeifion was in apparent Danger, they deny'd the Duke of Cambridge, the prefent Prince oi W AL E S, the Benefit of his Writ, which every other Peer enjoy'd, and he had an undoubted Right to. This Cry was fet up, without any Defign that it fhould prevail at that Time, but only to throw an Odium on the Ifhigs, if they refus'd to enter into it, or to get the Reputation of be- ing for the Succefiofi, and fo deluded the People that confided in them, to the fole Prejudice of the iUuftrious Houfe o£ HANOVER. Cicero tells us, that the firft Romans made no Law againft Parricides, becaufe they thought it was impoflible that fuch a Wickednefs could enter into the Head of any Man, to kill his own Father. If this were fufficient Jufl ification of the Omilfion of thofe old Roman Legiflators, in imagining that the Corruptnefs of Particu- lars could never reach to the committing fnch a Crime i how much more are the Whig-Miniftry at that Time to be juftify'd, in not taking un- common Meafures, and uneafy at that Time, to the reigning Prince, fince they could never imagine, that, let the particular Wretchednefs, and vicious Principles of one or two, be never fo great, they could never fuppofe I fay, that tliere could arife a whole Set of Men, who would be fo wicked, nay, fo very foolifti, as to part with their own Security, and to facrificc it intirely, hy excluding the Proteftant Heir:, and calling in one of dubious Birth, attainted and bred in the Heighth rer Ind fo ire To Ith iy, I in Ihe ( 2$ ) Heighth of Popery and arbitrary Principles. But when Fxperience had convinc'd them, that there was nothing fo abfurd, or fo villainous, which fome Mens Policy could not efpoufe and pur- fue, they exerted themfelves to get that Heir by legal Meafures among us, whom they then wiflfd had been here, and even on that Toiy Projedt my L , that they were not neg- ligent of making the Succeilion as firm as Laws could make it, and eftablilli that verv Method, by which our Gracious Sovereign, God be'thank'd, gain'd the Pofleifion of the Cro\ni. If there \vere any Perfon, whofe Intentions were honed and well-meaning, for the true and fincere Service of the Royal Family, as I be- lieve there might be, I Ihall always be ready to give my Word for his Reward •, and I do not believe that any true Friend of his Majefty could be againft it ^ for how can he who is a Friend to the King, be an Enemy to him who was always faithful to his Caufe ? Thus triumphant, as he imagines, tliis noble Lord goes on, and takes it for granted, that he has proved, that you all have only Regard for your own temporary Power and Grandeur, and fo proceeds to- his Defence. He has indeed, in Print, tuld the World the fame Matter, if not in direct Terms, yet as it may plainly and fair- ly be deduced from what he fays. His Speech from this Place, feems compos'd in Juftification of himfelf firft, and then in Accufa- Vion of his Fellow-Labourers in our DeRrudion. I (hall take Notice of both, iu what I have to fay to him. But, my L -, T mufl tell you, that the Eyes of all Europe are upon you, to fee what you will do with a Set of Men, who were E fo (26) iu near undoing us, nay, I ma}'- fay, have to the^r Power undone both our felves and them. All Europe^ \\\\ L — ■ , are expecting what you will do with tliefe Managers, who broke the (Jravd AUiaiiLC^ by fending P r and M r to Fra7ice, to beg a Peace in the moil clandeftine Manner ^ wlio received a Miniftcr from thence, without connnunicatincT a Word of it to the Allks^ till the fhameful Conditions of a Treaty were agreed on : Who diflblv'd the Confederacy ^ who drew off with the BritiJJ) Forces and Auxili- aries from the Confederate Arm3% and expos'd ihem to the Rout and Sbiughterat Bevahi : Who bully \1 tlie Dutch to what the}^ knew, and dcclar'd to be againft their hiterej}^ and even Seciirhy : W1io abandoned the Emperor, and left thcC7f^/j7/.v to be butchered by the French and CaJH- liavsj notwithltanding their Neutrality^ who gave up our Trade to Fravcc and Spain •, who ob- tained Victories by Tumults, Violence, and the jnoft r.otorious Bribery •, who made Peers by Dozens^ wlio procur'd at one Time, 500000 I. to be given them juft before the Dijfolution of a Farlmnevt^ under Pretence of paying the Crowii- 33ebts, but diftributing tlie Money among thcm- felvcs and their Creatures, gave the Creditors of the Crown, only Thi-TidUes at ;o per Cent. Dif- count •, who infulted all the Lovers of their Country, and the Enemies of Fravue^ in both \ loufcs of l^arliament ^ wlio gave Seats in the "Houfc of Peers, to Scota L , known to be Iw llie Pretender's In tereft ^ and, at the publick Expence, r,nt others in tlic fame Interefl:, Votes m the Hovjc of Commmis : . Who affronted the Minifi'cr of Havovcr^ f^r prcfenting his Majeft3'^'s excellent Memorial, lliat foretold all their wicked Defign? ar:-j]nft cur future Elappincfs, who refused to Oif- heir )olh the be llick lotcs Ithe ty's IVed tus'd to ( 27 ) to admit his Highnefs the Dulcc of CamUUge^ to his Seat in Parliament, and lent away ano- ther ot the Minifters of Hamvev^ lor demaiid- ing his Writ: Who mrdelFd the Army, put- ting out Olhcers oi' known Zeal to the Pic- teJiaM SiicceffioVj and putting in 01 hers c fas known Hatred to it •, who promoted Sacheverell^ a con- demn'd Incendiary, to one ot the moit benefi- cial and populous Parilhes in F.vglwd-^ who put Men ot, no Fortunes into Commilllons cf the Peace and Lieutenancy. Wliat you will do withthefe Xfcn, my L , is the Subject ot the Expectation of all this Na- tion, and tjie reft of Em ope ^ and I am con/i' ^ dent, that there is not one good Eihov, but will rejoyce to lee the Rigour cf the Law exert it felf, and Juftice done to an iiijur'd Nation and Covfederacy. The Criminal, with fv great deal of Calmnefs, palTes over the Peace, as it a Thing of no man- ner of Complaint •, he tells^ us of his Advpjice- ment, and how . lie difpos'd of AtR^irs after- v/ards •, but lliculd he not have been fo juft to iiimfelf at Icaft, as to have repreft'ntcd in what a happ}?^ Condition our Aifairs were, when he began to embroil them by liis Cabals and mean Arts? Shovdd he not have told us, tliat the War, as now carrying on abroad, for the Security of our Religion and Li!je}ties^ was draw- ing to a ghrlous Ijfue? That the cxhorhitavt Poirer of France might have been fo rcducVi in one CJompaign more, (nay, at the very Kx pence c^ that Campaign, in whicli the only IJfe he niaje of our Arm}'', was, to betray the Confederates) that Lewis XIV would not have thought him- felf fafe in that Palace where he now Ihuffles with, and infullij us ^^ Should he not have faid, L ':: th;^*: ( 28 ) that the Credit of the Nation was then in a much more Hourilhing Condition, than it has been linre the Peace? That our Reputation abroad, was rais'd as much above all ether Nations, as it has funk below them fiuce he had any thing to do with us :* That we had a perfedt good Underftanding with our Allies, were trufled by them, and could truft one another •, and that all at once, by his hellilh Macliinations, we fell from this State cf Glay and Eiwy^ to one of - fvfamy and Covtciniit ? One would liave hopM, my L , if not ex- pected, to liave had a Word or two in Juftifi- cation ot the Peace ^ but that is funk as a Trifle not worth mentioning, tho' our Trade and Safe. ly were finking with it. W nat he fays of the Twelve Lords made at once by Jiim, to fecure himfcif, I leave to thcfe noble Peers to anfwcr for themfclves, and tlieir PolTerit}^ The firfl: Thing he endeavours to make an txcufe for abroad, is, for abandoning the Catalans. In An- fvver to vv'hich, he is pleas'd to tell us, that the mC'fl Jfycjjiy'g Irjla^tccs were made for them. But when were they made > Why truly, when we had done fighting for them •, when we had left the Confederates, turn'd the Balance to the Side oi Fraytce •, and the Managers knew full well, that Fh'illp and Lewis look'd on all their Inflan- (es on that Head, as mere (jiimace and Shcw^ they having put it cut of their Power to make them effedual ^ and, it is more than probable, had given up themfclves to Frajice, fo entirely n\ the firft Steps of their Treat}-, that flie knew jt was ill her Power to ruin then], if they would not fuffer her to ruin the poor Ca- tahjiSj and all the reft of the Confederates, of ■ '■■' ' TA^hich V > ke e ( 29 ) which our own Deflrudtion mufl: be the fiirc and fpeecly Confeqiiencc. My L , caft 3^our Eyes upon the Letters from the Govei mnqit and viilhary A) vi of Gitalonia^ upon the Submijiion of that Province to the Con- federate Powers •, and then fee whether they ex- pected nothing from us, but the Privileges they enjoy 'd under Charles II. Nay, my L , wliat Motive could they have of joining Charles III, and the BiltiJI) Troops, and enter into a very Jia- zardous War tor, and with him, if they expedkd no more than they enjoy 'd under Philip V, with- out any War, or any Hazard at all ? The Fre7iihy whenever they join'd them, took always Car that they fliould at leaft enjoy a greater Shew of liberty, than the}^ found under the Spaniard. Whatever was the Motive of Frajwe, yet it is cer- tain they never once defcrted them, never once gave them up to the Fury and Refentment of their inveterate Enemies, the Cafiilians^ as our no- ble Managers did*, never treated with Spalv^ with- out not only inliiling on, but obliging the Spa- nurds to leave the Catalans better than the Fi ench found them. Did the poor Catalam^ who thrc5w themfelves fo unanimoully, and fo gencroufly into the Arms of the FiigU/h, a Nation alieding an equal Love of Libotj with themfelves, expect to get nothing by it, but what the Cajliliav.s did then let them precarioufly pollcfs? Did the}'' ventujc every Thing tliat was dear to thcni, only to have Charles Ill's Name pat in the Place of Charles ll> Ridiculous Abiurdit}^ I as much againfl Reafon, ao againft Truth. All that lie is pleas'd to offer for his defcrtiiijf the Catalans, now buvyW in the Ruins of Earce- lova^ once the finefl City of Spahtj is, that we left them ia the Jimperor's Hands, whofe Sub- 1 t « ( 3° ) je^ts they chofc to be. What a vile Infinuation is this > As it they fought us, and not we them ^ as if we had not fent an Army to fupport them in that Choice, and a Declaration to unite them to it, as full of the moft flattering Advantages that their Revolt would procure them, and of Alfuran- ces of AlTiftance, with Threats to invade them, and lay their Country wafte, if they did not join us. But we left them in the Einperors Hands •, true, but in whofe Hands did we leave the Emperor ? In thofe of France^ who invaded him with an Army of ico,ooo Men •, himfelf we abandoned, as well as the Catalans, He fhould have taken juors Care of the7n, ikjs the noble L , tho' he had neither Ships nor Men to fend to their Aififtance, and our Ships refused all manner of Help. He (tliat is, the Emperor) could not be faid 7wt to he ciA able to defeytd them, as they have been to defend thenifelves. Was it not fufficient for him to give up fo many Thoufands of brave Men to be maf- facre'd, and that beauteous and wealthy City to be laid in Afhes, but he muft infult their Mifery, by fuch Suppofitions as he knows to be entirely without Ground? But, my L , I hope you will not let the Blood of thefe Defenders of Li- bctty be calling in vain for Revenge. This noble L has, in his Speech, and like- wile in Print, been fo free as to tell us, that he joind with the Jacobites^ advanced -nd employed them-, but would have us believe, that by this Means, he only betray'd them, and fecur'd the PyoteJIant Succejjion. But the Steps of his Politics were very extraordinary : One would imagine it but an odd Way of fecuring a Government, to admit the very profefs'd Enemies of it, into a Share, not of the Adminiftration only, but of the Lej^idat'irc -, for there is hardly one of the fixteen 9f ( 31 ) of that Time, but is mcntion'd in the Scots Me- moirs, as a Friend to the Fretender •, and many of them the mod adive and bufy in his intended Invafion. By this Means, his L ■ made Shift, by Dozens and Sixteem, to jumble up a Majority^ which carry 'd every Thing his L had a Mind fhould pafs for the Advantage of himfelf or Counfels. But what appears farther than his L would willingly have it, is, tliat thefe Ja- cobites were fo far from being baffled in their De- figns, by being admitted into the Adminiftration, that they had Power and Intereft to turn his L out of all Power and Intereft ^ and what elfe they might have done, had their Adminiftra- tion continued, I think is pretty obvious to all Men of common Senfe. But whether his concert- ing Meafures with the Leaders of the Jacobite Party for four Years together, and doing fo many Things daily, as fo weakened the Intereft of the Trotejiant Siiccejfion, as to bring it into the utmoft Peril, will be aton'd for, by declaring his Zeal for it, when he had no Power to lerve it, I leave to your L . It is plain, that all his Adminiftra- tion, it was attacked in Print, with the higheft Impunity-, nay, that this Zealot for the Prote- Jiavt Succejfion, got a Pardon for a Tra37-tor, who had written the moft dangerous Pamphlet againfl; his Majefty's Family, that was publiflui in thofe difmal Times. But thefe are Actions vv^hich give lis little Reafon to imagine he liad any better De- flgns, than he has charg'd his Fellow Managers with. As for all that Part of his Speech, in wJiirh he has play'd the Accufer, I fhall only obfervc two Things, Firft, That he plainly makes it out, that he was himfelf the chief, if not only the Spring of Motion in the Miniftry ^ ai.d that all the Reft had (30 had to do, was only to fign his Orders, and ap- prove his Condiid •, fo that if any Thing be done amifs, any Thing (:riminal, in my Opinion, he chiefly, it' not folely, ought to aniwer, and fuftcr for it. The other Thing I ihall obferve, is, that tho' lie had fo far forgot the Duty of a Statefnian, as to allow no Motive to his Actions, but his Aims at Power, Wealth, and Dignity, without Regard to Juftice, the Public Good, or the lilce : Yet, when the Warmth of his Refentment againft thofe who had thrown him into the Kumber of the Difplac'd, hadcarr3^'d him from his Ambition, to his Revenge, he could tell us, That a Statcf7?ian most cer- tahily ought to think it his tJidifpevfabh Dvty^ ahmys to regard the htterejl avd Safety of his Coufitry, to wake it fvperior in iheir Aims to the vio^i advavta- geous Profpe^is^ avd the greater of their Dejigm •, a7fd, in Cafes of Necellit}^ to facrifce their Ambition, and even lawfid Hopes, to the Public Good, Gut of thy Mouth will I condemn thee, thou wicked Steward. — Yet, my L , by the Con- clufion uf his Speech, he is felf-condemn'd •, and I hope, therefore, that your L will with me agree, that he ought, at leaft, by an Im- peachment, to be oblig'd to render a more folemn Account of his Adions, and undergo what is dui to his Defert, or Demerit. ! ;; .^i. SPEECH It 4 s, and ap- l be done )inion, he and fiiftcr e, is, that >tatefinan, t his Aims Jt Regard Yeu when :hore who Difplac'd, Revenge, Piost ter-. ity, always mvtry^ to i advavta- ^gns-^ avd. Ambition, lee, thou the Con- t'd j and /ill with an Im- e folemn at is du« lECH (33) SPEECH IV. For the IMPEACHMENT. SHALL, my L- in wliat t take have to offer to your L- no farther Notice of what m3r L« of has faid in his Speech, ffnce, I think, that is fufficiently an- fwer'd hj the noble L who fpoke lait. I fhall only lay before you the State of Affairs, aa they were during that Minillry, juftly now held in Deteftation by all Jimofe, except the commoij Enemy of Europe. Firft then, the late Mmjfry, who were then coming into Play, got the Parliament of Patriots difTolv'd : The next Step they take, is, to employ abandon'd Mifcreants, to traduce and villify the former AlhiiJIry, as well as all thofe who were for the glorious R E \ O L U T I O N, King ?/7/- I'hVH, and the Frotejlant Succeffio7i, and confequently againft the Pretender ^ and to banter our feafona- ble Apprelienfions of the Pretender, as well as to write for his Succeifion. They next rais'd all the Moh of Jacohites, Kon-Jurors, and Papijh, that burnt the Meeting-houfes of the Diflenters, to the great Hazard or once again firing the City of London. Next, by their riotous and tumultous Elections, they bought tlie next Hovfe of Ccjk" mom, and arraign the foregoing Mivijhy, by vo- ting Mifmamgejnents at Home and Al^road, which, had they been true, deferv d not only hnpeadmeiits^ but A T T A I N D E R S. But Jio w vlilahious w. s it to expofe that Miniftrv to tlie Hatred of the F Publid, ■ ; t 1 ( 34 ) Pdlkk, by Votes and Rcfolutions of tlie Coni?ficr.s oi G/t'jt hitain, without bringing tlieni to their Tiyal, that they might have clear'd themfelves it Jiinocent, or be broui^ht to condign Punilhment it guilty? Hovv^ villahious is it indeed, to vote any Miimanagementy and not impeach the Criminals ? For this is to encourage Male-Adminiltration, and to difcourage all faithtul Dealings in publick Aftairs, making the rirll; fecure, and the latter the contrary. In the next Place, our Embaffador in Spain of- fcr'd the Siuvijh Court, on the Part of her Majefty, what Number of our Men of War that Court had a Mind to, and fuch as they Ihould chufe, jnd at moderate Rates ^ and difcharging our" Sca-mcn, give them leave to lift in the Fremh Ser • \'-ice. Again, the hte Mmjiiy made her late Majefly break all her Alliances againft France^ iiid clap up a feparate Peace with Fvavce^ not- ^rithftandini:^ the late7>fjji/rfr aflur'd the Houfe of 1 ,ords, in a fokmn Debate, that there was no fe- ] arate Peace, and that the fame would be jooUifi, Jrav'iJJj^ and •aiUahcus. I'Tiis very Mhnjhy made I'.er Majefty dcfcrt the Fmperor, who.?n, by the firicleft Alliances, and repeated Declarations, fhe was bound to alfifr. Thus they made her give up ^l Tho\ by the Terms of Peace, the Frejtch King not only to acknowledge, in the ilrongelt roc wa 'J eims, the Protejknt SucceiTion, as by Law efta- Miiii'd, in the Hou(e of Hanover^ to theie King* drtms ^ but alfo to give an additional Security, by the Removal of that Perfon out of the Dominions cf France^ who had pretended to difturb this Settk- incnt. France, indeed, remov'd him to Bar-k-Duc in Lorahi •, but how can that be calfd^ out of his Dominions, wlien the Duke of Lorain is plainly, by his Anfwer to the Reprefentatioris of the Bi- iliop of London, no more than Lord Lieutenant cf his own Cbuntr}^, under France^ From this very Retreat, the Pretender had the AfTurance, under the Kame of James III, King of Great-Britahiy France, and Ireland, &c, to fend out his fblemn Proteftation to Utrecht, againft all that fhould be done againft his pretended Right. Farther, fup- pr'fin;» that Barkdvc were out of the Dominions cf If I Ill I (40) of France ^ yet, fiich a Removal would only be an evading the Terms of Peace, and no true Performan<;e thereof, fince it appears, he continues t(0 adhere tp his Inte^^ as firmly as ever, by (^uAng all the Couriers that pafs'd between Verf all- ies and Rajladt, to take their Way through £ar-le* due I and fince the Duke of Bermck frequently has gone between Verfailles and Bar-le-duc, &c, is not this breaking through a principal Article of the Peace h "Wj^^ if I fhpuld mention Dunkirk not yet dempliih' d, tho' it were to have been done within five Months after the Conditions of Peace were concluded and fign'd^ By thiB late Treaty of Commerce, between her late Majefty and the Frejtch King, it is agreed and concluded, that there fhould be a reciprocal and entirely perfect Liberty of Na\'igation and Com- merce between the Subjeds of each Prince, thro' all and every the Kingdoms, States, Dominions, and Provinces of their Koyal Majeflies in Europe, &c. But foon after, the French King, by a new Edid, prohibits all French Proteftants that are trading into France. Is not this a dired Violation of the faid Treaty ? So foon too ? What then may we expedt in a longer Time ? Can any one In- ftance, like this Behaviour of the French, ever be found in that of the Dutch, or any of our late Allies > . « . , The foregoing Miniftry were accus'd of being mifled by vilionar}'- Profpe61:s, and Romantic Views s and yet the late Miniftry would impofe on us, as a Reality, a firm Benefit, the South-Sea FrojeB •, by wliich we were to fend Ships thither a twenty Months Voyage, to trade with an Enemy, without Forts, or Means of maintaining them at this Diftance, if we had them j whilft the French have an open Trade to the SpaniJI) We^-Indies, I flioul4 C 4t ) ihould be glad to Iciiow what Ships we have al- ready fent thither ? How many more Hands have heen employed at Home, in working up Manu- fadtures to be exported thither, than before ? What Commodities we have brought back to employ our Poor, in working up into Manufactures ? What In- creafe of Shipping and Sea-men has been? But this Project, and giving up Spain to tl)e Houfe of Bourbon, the late Mmjiry thought moft proper to go together. Whereas, had the Emperor preferv'd his Footing in Spaui, and by the Peace have fe- tur'd it to the Houfe of Anjlria, we fhould have had a free Trade to the Spavifi WeH-Indies, exclu* five of the French This was agreed to by the late Emperors, and Power fent to put it in Execu- tion, as foon as the Vice-Roy in new Spain had fub- mitted to old Spai7i,then in the Hands of our Allies. It appears, therefore, my L* ■, by thefe plain Matters of Fact, and might be made yet more plain by other Inftances, that no Nation was ever fo long and fo fcandaloufly abus'd, by the Folly and Temerity, the Corruption and Ambition of its Domeftick Enemies ^ or treated with fo much Infolence, Injuftice, and Ingrati* tude, by its new foseign Frieiids. SPEECH H (40 SPEECH V. JgainH the IMPEACHMENT. Doubt not, my L- tliat it will xpeded, that I, who had fo con- iderable a Hand in thefe Attairs, mUil have as the Guilt or by Conftqiience 1 1 confiderable a Share in Glory of what was done, as any Man, fhould fay ibmething in my own Behalf: This is what ISIature requires, whofe firft Maxim is Self'Prefervatlon •, for, not to offer any Thing in my own Defence, is to make a tacit ConfelFion of the Guilt ♦, whereas, I flatter myfelf, that the Ju- flicc of fo many Britom, fo many wife and good Men, will weigh with mature Deliberation, not only the Fadts, but their Natures, their Circum- ftanccs, and Pr^fition, for much of their InnocencCj or Guilt, depend on thefe Particulars^ as far as I can collecl, from what has been urg'd, both within Doors and without. The principal Thing that we were charg'd with in the late Miniftry, is the making this Peace that we now enjoy, and that in the Manner of obtaining it, and in the Conditions on which it is built •, the iirft as dllho- nourable to the EvgUfJ) Name, the latter as de- ftrudive of tlie EvglijJ) Trade, Power, and Repu- tation. Peace itfelf, my L , I hope is no Crime 5' for fntc no Man is fo abandon'd to private Gain, as to be content there fhould always be War, pro- vided he had a large Share in the Benefits of it. J cannot think human Nature fo far corrupted a nd or le- 11-' d C 43 ). and debased, as to take Delight in Slaughter and Deilrudtion •, na)^, I would tain 3''et go larther, and think, that inoft Men would rather give up a little of- their juft Claim, to compofe Differences^ the violent Decifion f f which, would be very ex- penfive in Blood and Trcafnre. Arbitrations in Law, have often prov'd more beneficial to that Side that gains leail by them, than the purluing the Suit to the lall Sentence in the Houfe of Lords. If therefore, the Terror of a long, bloody, and expenfive War, had furpris'd us into a Defire of putting an Fnd to tlie Mifchicf, even witli fome feeming i)iradvantage, which the Continuance of the War wo^ild have a^^oided ^ yet, I hope, my L , that would be confidcrVi with a Tender- nefs, which would cover an}'' Peccadillo in the Management of a Treatv with a Perfon fo expert, and (b dehgning, as the F ntch King is known to be. We were, I own, my L- — -, but frelli Poli- ticians, to fo old a Stager, who, for above fixty Years had managed the Affairs of Europe to his own Advantage, by the Force of his own L^nder- ftanding. Tho' I ib.(>uld flatter myfelf, my L , with thefe Hopes from your Jui'tice and Gc^otlnefs, 3'^ct, if I am not extrcamly midaken, we iiave yet a furer Defence, by proving, firft, tliat the Autho- rity we walk'd by, was not only fufficient to jun:i- iy what we did, but was alfo unaccountable fx)r the Orders and Commands it gave. And next, that we have done no more in making this Peace, than what is agreeable to Jufticc, Honour^ and the Good of this Nation. As to the firfl, I fhall only fa)^ that it is the undoubted Right of the Crovvn, to make War and PeacCf — Which, if true, as I never heard it dif^ Q Z p'-itcd i , I I 'I C40 pi.tefl, what has any Body to do, to call us, or any other Minil'tcrs of the (viown, to an Account, for putting the (Orders of the Crown in Excution, in a Thing which is allowed on all Hands to be the proper Subjcft of the Prerogative of the Crown? i^ay, had it not been Sedition, or little lefs than Trcafon, for me to deny the Seals, when comman- ded by her Majefly, to put them to a Treaty, fhe, by her Mivijlers, had concluded? What, can the making of Peace, be the Prerogative of the Crown, and yet the Crown accountable for the making of Peace? Is not this a Contradidlion ? If theCrowii be rot accountable for a Thing, certainly the Mi- ni!: ers of the Crown muft be fo too ^ for, with- out Miniiters, the Crown is not iuppos'd to act ^ or can it indeed by it felf negotiate with a foreign Prince, but by Intciview, or by the Mediatioi) of Minifters on both Sides. If then it be thus plain, that we did nothing in the Mame of the Crown, nor b}^ its Authority, which was not its Right and its Due to ufe •, I hope, my L , there can be nothing criminal laid to our Charge, in paying Obedience to our Sovereign Lady, in an Adt, which in itfelf is fo far from being unlawful, that it is allowed on all Hands, to be the undoubted Prerogative of the Crown. But, my L— — , I fliall not fo fhelter our felves under tlie Prerogative of the Crown, as to throw up all other Defence. What we have done, we thought agreeable to the Interefl of our Countr}?', and then, how far it was agreeable to any Ally, was not worthy our Confideration. It is certain, that every ^iation has a peculiar Interefl: to perfue, which ma}^ interfere with the Interefls of another Nation, which, with Circumftances, and Conjun- diires of AffairSj might pre tempore engage in an ' " ' • Alliance ^ (45) Alliance ^ but when the Advantage of this Alli- ance is reap'd but by one Part, I can fee no Kea- fon why the other fhould not dilengage itlelf from Terms fo injurious to its Profit. I think the Parliamentary Sentiments made on that Affair, are a fufficient Juftification of what we have done •, the Negledl and Deficiency of our Allies, were abundantly made out-, and it was thence plain, that, at our own txpence, we con- quered for the Efnperor and the Dutch, with little 'or no Regard to any future Advantage to our felves. But the Ballance of Power is the fpecious Pretence which our Enemies make ufe of at this Time, to render this Peace odious to the People. t confefs, that during the Life of the late Empe- ror jfofeph,' I was againfl 3''ielding the SpamJI) Mo- narchy to the Houfe of Bourbon ^ but by the Death of that Emperor, the Face of Affairs was very much chang'd in Europe^ and principally in Rela- tion to the Ballance of Tower •, for all the vaft Do- ^Tiinions of the Houfe of Atiflria, being re-united with the Imperial Crown, in the Perlbn of one Prince, would forip in him a greater Power, than when they were divided into two Monar- chies ^ and this Change happening in the Things themfelves, the fame ouglit naturally to occafion an Alteration in the Meafures. Kor is there any iFear, I mean, any rational Fear, that the Intereft of France and Spain M^ill be united. The French King was then in the 74th Year of his Age, and could not therefore be fuppos'd to live long •, fo that in all Appearance, the Crown will defcend to a Minor, and the then governing Regent (not having tlhe fame Authority, or Forces, nor the fame Revenues, which the prefent King has) will have no farther Views, than to ])referve the King- dom, and will not think it advifeable to trouble the I 1 1 <4^ ) the Repofe of Europe. The King of Spjiht will perfue a nevv^ Scheme of Politics, arcl iind him- felf under a Necelfity of keeping in with the Ma}2ti7Jie Powers, and will court their FriendH)ip, by reftoring to them the Freedom of Trade. This la;!: Conlideration will remove any Difad- i^antagts, any Overlight ot rurs may have given us, as 10 either Frame or Spain Thus, myL , I hope I have fully clear a the managing Part of the late Miniftry, from thofe Crimes laid fo vio- lently to their Charge •, and fliewn, that as they acted by undoubted Authority, in the Conclufion of this Peace, fo they had as wife and honeft Views in it, as human Prudence, infpir'd by the hovt ot our Countr}^, could afford. ir^s .'.V. .".". .'St. .♦;*. •?*. f^» r-K j.v. .''1. »'^ f.^. ;'s. .*^, :'*. "-r. i^ .*'*. t-f. f^. y% -'^ ;?r. H *i* i»» t^ :•,• It* ',i-» niC ^li' •»♦ ■>*♦ -^t** •<»♦ •%»» ■>»' ■<»* ■>»' ■^»' » »♦ '^i' V^,* •^»' nV* •<»"»» -^ SPEECH VI. for the IMPEACHMENT. H E noble L who fpolce laft, my L , has given us the Sum of all that has been, or can indeed be urg'd by the late Aimjhy, in the Defence of what they have done. The chief Refcurfe is, the Prerogative of the Grown to make War or Peace •, the nvdoiihted Prerogative thQj call it. I confefs, I, who know not what they mean b}'' the '^■q^A^ may well be to feek in the Fxtent of it. I know, this, that it is a Word that is never, or very feldom us'd, but by thofe who have endeavoured to fet ug Aibkraiy Power ^ and advance the King's Will above all the Laws. Thus, 'my.xmes Us Tirne, it was judg'd to be the Prerogative le re (47 ) Prerogative of the Crown to difpenfe with, tliat is, ill Reality to dilTolve Adts of Parliament. This I know, that our bell Princes have never made any Ufc of tlie Word or Thing ^ and that nothing has been lb clainour'd, as Prerogative, when we have had Princes, whofe Underftanding exposed them to be the Properties of their own Creatures, and defigning Favourites. But as to Ptm-^andWar, either it is meant the Crown has an undoubted Right to make a good Peace^ or a good or bad Peace, without Regard to the Merit and Juftice of either Peace or War. If confined to the firil, no Man would make one Word of it ^ if llretch'd to the laft, then the Prince can difpofe of the Lives and Properties of his Subjects, as of Sheep and Cattle •, nay, make his Country tribu- tary, as King Johi did, to tlie Pope, and all juftly, and without any Complaint to be made. But a King of Jivghnd is not King ex Domimo, as they Gall it, but by Law-, nor can he give away that Right b}'^ Prerogative, which his very Office is made to preferve. Now, it is evident that Trade is as much the Subjedt's Property, as any Part of the Land of this Nation ^ nay, and fuch a Pro- perty as maintains much the Majority of the People. Such a Peace, therefore, as deftroys, or lefTens, or injures Trade, is difpofing of the Pro- perty of the People :, efpecially, a Trade fix'd on them by Atl of Parliament 5 fuch as that of New- fovvdlavd, which this Peace has betrayed to the Fiejtch in great Part. Whenever, therefore, the Crown makes an injurious Peace to the People, the Minifters who tranfad at it, are accountable for it, for the King can do no Wrong. Thus much my L , for what the nol)le Lord wlio fpoke lad, has urg'd on the formi- dable Head of the Prerogative of the Crown, in ( 48 ) in making Peace and War. I now come to the fpecious Keafons made by him, in Juftification of the Peace that was made. To fay nothing of Breach of our Articles of Alliance, in treating with the Enemy without the Confent or Knowledge of our Allied, whereby is broken the eighth Article of Alliance between Great Bntahty the Emperor^ and the States General, which imports. That the Tf^ar he- hig once hegun, it Jl)all not he lawful for any of the Allies to treat of Peace with the Ene?ny, imlefs it he jointly, and with the Participation and Advice of the other Party ^ nor Jlmll the faid Peace he con- eluded^ Yill a jiijl and reafonahle Satisfa&ion has been obtain d for the Emperor \ and that in the Trea- ties made in the Years 1705 and 1704, witli the King of Portugal and the Duke of Savoy, the Reftitution of the Monarchy of Spain to the Houfe of Aufiria, is laid down as a Foundation ^ and, in the Treaty with Savoy^ it is declar'd in particular, that the Queen of Great Britain, and the States General, look upon that Reftitution as their own Concern, I will not, my L — \ I fay, urge the Perfidy fhewn by our late Mi- niftry, in breaking through all thefe folemn En- gagements, fince that has been already mention'd to you by thofe noble L who fpoke to this Point before me. I fhall only confider whether the Intereft of this Nation, that is in Reality infeparable from that of the common Caufe, be efFe£tually fecur'd by this Peace, and the Meafures taken by the late Miniftry. It would be lofing of Time, to prove that the Intereft and Security of the Allies, and by con- fequence of Britain likewife, can no where be found, but in a perfect Ballance of Power be- tween the two Houfes of Aiijlrta and Bourbon^ becaufe every Body feems to agfee in it. The Queftioii IS be- (49) Qjieftion therefore was, at the Conclufion of thk Peace, Wherein it cojijijh ^ Jt is plain, that before the Year 171 1, h r Majefty and the Biitljh Par- liament, entertain'cl very differing Thoughts of this Matter, frc m the Coilcluders of the prelent Peace, as is plain from her Majefly's Speec h Novemk 9, 170^, and the Addrelfes of Thanks of both Houfes thereupon \ her Majeity's Speech the 27th oi Odober^ 1705-, the Addre'iTes of the Lords, November i, 1705-, the Addrefs of the Commons, iVb^^/ii'^r 6, 1705 \ the Queen's Speech, December 7, 1706 *, the Addrefs of the Tords, De- cember 5, and that of the Commons, Decemb. 19, 1706. the Queen's Anfwer to this laft Addrefs-, the Speech of the Lords Commiifioners to the Parliament, Kovenik iS, 1708, and tlie Lords Addrefs thereupon. After thefe vencralle Autho; hies, I think there needs no Reflections of mine •, for from thefe Things are apparent the Thoughts of the late King W'lUiam^ the Deliverer of G; eat B) itaht, and of her Majefty Queen Ame, and of both Houfes of Parliament, jointly and feparately, that is, the pureft Senfe of the whole BritiJI) Nation, of the High AlUeSy and,, indeed, of all Europe, (except the French only) who with one Voice cry out by the Mouth of the Britifl) Parliament, Th^ War is juft and necejfary •, the Balance of Power in Eu- rope cannot be rejford^ btft by rejhring the Monar- chy of Spain to the Hovfe of Auftria •, 710 Feace can be fafe^ honourable^ or lafiiji^^ whilfl the French King is in a Condition to break it. Nothing Ci^n be more forcible, more conviacing, and more to the Purpofe. But if we will have Recouvfe to Experience^ the fureft, tho' at the fame Time the deareft Way of Information, we have the Expe- rience of above forty Years, from the Peace of Munjfer, For, notwiihftanding thoie famous Trea- H tieSa \ I, •r C 50 ) ^ies, which reftorhig Peace to the Emperor^ and the Uifited Provinces, fcem'd to have reftor^d the Bala7jie ef Fowei\ and fecur'd the Liberty of Eu- rope ^ France carry'd on the War againft Philip in Spaijt^ Itcr/ji, and the Low-Countries, and forc'd that Prince to conclude a difadvantageous PeaC2 in the Year 1659. But as foon as this Pyrenean Treaty \vas fign'd, the Balattce of the two Powers was deftro}' 'd j and from that fatal Day, the In- fluence of France reach'd from one End of the World to the other, almoft without Exce^vtion. It was felt in the F.ctjl and Wejl-btdies, by the ruining of their Trade, and eltablilhing of fe- veral Ccniparies-, in Loraht, by the Oppreflion of Duke Chalks and his Subjedts ^ in Spain, by the folemn Preparations exaded from King Phi- lip, about the Difputes that happen'd between tm Embafladors of the two Crowns •, in Evg* latid, by the Sale of Dunkirk •, at Genoa, by the Neceifity impcs'd on that Republick, to expel Cardinal hnperiali^ one oftncir Nobles, who had taken Sanduary there \ in Africa, by the Wars againft Turns, Airier, and Tripoly 5 at Rome, by the Treaty of Pijli, the Eredion of the iptovii- fiious Pyramid, and the Legation of Cardinal Chigi, the Pope's Nepliew ♦, all wliich happen'd within the Space of feven Years. Then came the War of 1667, in which France took eleven Towns in one Campaign, and the whole French Comte in a few Days. This occafion'd the Triifle League in 1668, tho' the fame was broken three Years after, to the Damage of all Europe, In 1670 the moft Chriftian King feiz'd on all Lorain, without any Oppolition ^ "nd, in 1671, the bare Progrefs he made into the Netherlands, to fortify Dunkirk^ cad all Spain into an Alarm. In 1672, he fell on the United Provinces^ and penetrated beyond Utrecht, without Icn'.'ing fo much as a Herald to 5 umber and Goodneis of their Fortrefles. Sixthly, by the unneceifary Expences they defray. And, Seventhly, by their Victories and Conquefts. As to the firfl, the fix'd Revenues of the King of Fra7ice, did, in the Year 1688, amount to near fixty Millions of Crowns ^ and the extraordinary Sums he has rais'd fince, are not lefs than forty Millions of Crowns yearly *, fo that h.e does adually levy above 100 Millions of Crowns per Annum : Whereas thofe of the Monar- chy of Spain do not amount to above twenty Millions of Crowns •, nor do thofe of the Houie of Avftria exceed the fame Sum-, fb that the two Branches ot that Houfe together, cannot fpend above forty Millions of Crowns per Ainu which, in Proportion to the Revenues of the Houfe of Bourbon, makes only 4-" againft 4-. As to the fecond Foint, if we examine their Com- merce, the Proportion will be much the f]^me ^ tllfit of Spain being very little, that of Naplea and Sicily Icfs, and that of the Netherlands no- thing at all. We muft confider, that the Trca- fures of the hdies, which fupply the Luxury of all Europe, don t enrich the Spaniards •, and if the Kings of Spain had no more of them then what is their Due, they would fcarce be able to make a Million and half of Crowns per Anmm. Every one almoft knows the hereditary Domi- nions of the Houfe of Aujlria in Germany, are not proper for Commerce, either by their Situ- ation or Produdt : That the Gold Mines of Hm- gary, do not produce 1 5 per Cent to thofe that Farm them •, and, that excepting the Mines and Pearls of Silejia, the reft fignify nothiii^. As to the third Point, the Houfe 01 Auflria is lb far from being eqii^l to France in Number . . of i ^ ( 54 ) of Troops, that all the Confederates together are fcarce able to equal them. 'Tis well known, that the French King maintains 200000 Men in Time of Peace, and 350000 in Time of War : Whereas the late King Charles II, in the former War, kept only 35000 in Spaht^ 15000 in the Dutchy of Milan^ 16000 in Naples^ Sicily, Sar- dinia, Majorca, and Minorca ^ 2000 in the ]?laces of Tvfcany, and 20000 in the Netherlands ^ in all 85000 Men. The prefent Emperor has lately had on foot above 130000 Men, of which 1 00000 iiood againft France-^ but then he exerted his utmoft Efforts, and employ 'd all the Revenues of Italy and Bavaria for their Maintenance. The Houfe of AiiJIi ia might indeed, as formerly, en- tertain 200000 Men, provided the Spanijl) Mor narchy had not been taken from her ^ but what Proportion is there between 200000 Men dif- pers'd throughout Europe ^ and 350000 Men col- lected together in the Kingdom of France alone ? Where then Ihould we find the exorbitant Pow- er of the Houle of Aiijhia, of which our late Managers was fo fearful ? Perliaps (which is the Point ) in her Maritime Power ? and how do we know, but that the Court of Vienna may equip a Fleet on the Damthe, capable of bom- barding BreJ}, Toulon, and Loitdon ? Pardon the Railery, it was fo obvious from the Abfurdity of thofe Notions, that -I could not pafs it. But believing the Matter of Fa£t, that Charles II of Spain never had j 5 Men of War together •, and it is certain, that the French King had, in the Year 1689, 120 of the fineft Men of War in the World, 45 Galle3^s, and Arfenals and Store-houfes, not to be match'd elfewhere. In the ffth Place^ the fame may be faid of the fortify'd Towns, of which there are 130 in the Kingdom of France, the leaft of which, is able to hold out againft a KvysX ( 55 ) Royal Army, and 60 of them are Mafter- Pkces, juitiy admir'd by all that fee them. The Hcule of Aujhia has indeed as many, if not more^ but the Ditierence is, that thofe of Fravce lie fo contiguovis, that they feem fo many Bartions round its Contingent -, and the Court having its Refidence far in the Centre^ is always near enough to difpatch Orders, and fend im- mediate Succours •, whereas thofe of the Houfe oi Aujhia^ are difpers'd in Spain, Naples, Sicily^ Milafij Barbary, Low-Coiivtiies, Hungary, Travjilva- fiia, Carinthia, Aiiftria, Bohefnia, Silejia, Tyrol on the RhiJie, and elfewhere, which in fome manner bars any Communication. Befides, that the Fron- tiers guc;r-kd by thofe Places, are of ten Times greater Extent than thofe of France, and, which is more, are to be garrilbn'd out of the 2occco Men, which is all the Hcufe of Aujlria can maintain. Tho' (in the Jixth Place) unneceflary Fxpences don't contribute to the Greatnefs of Princes, 3''et they may ferve as Indications to form a Judgment thereupon. There never was a Prince more expenfive, magnificent, and gene- rous, than the Fm/f.^ King, witnefs his Furniture belonging to his Palaces, Gardens, and Feafts ^ the prodigious Number of his Domeftick Officers, and immenfe Riches he has heap'd on thofe that have ferv d him •, the boafted Works for the Communica- tion of Seas •, the vaft Number of Penfioners, both within and without his Kingdom. There is no- thing like this in the Houfe of Atiftria -, they have no Funds for Magnificence, being perpetu- ally harrafs'd by indifpenfible Wars. In the hft Place, to fpeak of the French King's Vidories and Conquefts, would be too tedious -, the Authors of that Nation having been vcrbofe e- nough on them, I fliall content my felf with giving a bare Lift of his Conquefts, from the" Treaty .-..>.■ in 1 t ;» t \i (56 ) Treaty of Mmjler^ to the Peace 0^ Ryfw'icL They comprehend eight Sovereign Provinces, two Arch- Biihopricks, nine Bilhopricks, thirty oftheftrongeft Places in the World, feventy Cities, fome of them being reckon'd among the fineft in the World, and about 3000 Market Towns or Villages. But it is pretended by the L that fpoke laft, that the Death of the late Emperor Jofeph^ has very much chang'd the Face of Affairs in En- ropy and particularly in Relation to the Balajice cf Power •, they pretend, that all the vaft Domini- ons of the Houfe of Avjlvia being re-united with the Imperial Crown, in the Perfbn of one, will form to him a greater Power, than when they were divided into two Monarchies \ and that this Change happening in the Things themfelves, the fame ought naturally to occafion an Alteration in the Meafures. I need not repeat the reft. — I con- fefs, I can clearly comprehend, that the Monar- chy of Sj^ahty being join'd to that of Germany ^ will form a new Monarchy, equal in Power to the two former •, but I cannot conceive that the new Mo- narchy will be any more powerful than the two before were ^ nay, there are a good many Reafons to fear the contrary. For the chief Caufe why the Power of the Kings of Sj^ain was not propor- tionable td their Dominions, feeing the Remote- neft of thefe from the Sovereign, which oblig'd him to govern them by Viceroys that Inconve- nience will be doubled by the Perfon of a fingle Monarch. The prefent Emperor indeed might, after the Example oi Charles V, divide his Refidence between Spam and Germany^ according as Occafion might require, yet will not his Dominions be ever the more join'd, his People more rich, or his Com- Iflwrce more fiourifliing, his Fleets ftronger, his Revenues larger, or the Exchequer lefs incumber'd : I:. They ro Arch- Irongeft of them World, es. It fpoke Jofeph, 5 in £it' Balance Domini- ;d with le, will m they hat this -^es, the ition in - 1 con- Monar- 'O', will :he two w Mo- he two leafbns "e why propor- emote- oblig'd conve- fiiigle er the Jtween might er the Com- T, his ber'd : (57; How then Will he be more powerful? What isal- ledg'das to the Imperial Dignity, concludes no- thing i for it is notorious, it brings no Reyenue to the Pofleffor, nor does he agitate and determine the Eftatesof the Empire, without confulting them, as has been urg'd. The Hiftory of the two laft Eledtors of Cologn, and of the Eleftor of Bavaria^ Son-in-Law to the Emperor Leopold^ and Brother- in-Law to the Emperor Jofej)h, clearly demonftrates the contrary. It is a Jell: to call that the lefler Power, which ,opprefles the other, takes Towns and Provinces, adlually maintains them, and has carry'd on a War for ten Years together, not only againft that other Power, but againft that of Europe^ united for the common Defence of their Liberty. As to the Confequences that are drawn froni the Childhood of the Dauphiit, in my Opinion, , my L — - — -, that we ought rather to apprehend the uniting of tlie Crowns of Fra7tce and Spam in one and the fame Intereft, than on the contrar3% to fee France become unconcern'd for the prefent King oiSpain^ and the latter heartily Zealous for the Maritime Powers. All Things are indeed fubjedl:, to change, and more furprizing Tiu:ns have hap- pened : But there is no depending on any fuch Change ^ nay, we ought rather to judge of Things to coine hj the prefent, than of the prefent by the Appearances. There are three Reafons which ought to engage France to endeavour to prefer ve an Authority in Spain : The firft is, the Riches of the Lidies, which thereby circulate through their Kingdom, and exclude all other Nations. The fecond is the Difpofal of all the Ports in Spain at Plcafure , and the third is the Dominion of the Mediterranean-^ and thereby the Advantage it gives all her De%ns alike on Italy, Afric, or the Levant Trade, aiuf Iier private Cabals at the Court cf I RoiJie, Rome. And there arfe three other Reafbns no left powerful^ ivhieh ought, to hinder the prefent. King of ^w and his SMCceiTors, from feparating their Intereft from thofe of France, f irft, that th^ Ctown finding it felf obliged to maintain War„ hewill.be always fure of its AlSftance. Second- ly^ by th& Afl^ftante^ he can eafily eftablilh fuchi an arbitrary Power in Sfaiiiy as is now in France. Thirdly, that there is no- Power m Europe that liea fo contiguous to do, him either n>uch Good, or Hurt, as^^Tfrr. We ina^' indeed, with' fome Shew of Reafbn be- lieve,, that during ^Mmrky^ th« Monarchy of J^ravce will be Icfraftive ^ the §pqd Will and Ploa- iire of the Regents, lefs forcible than thofe ok Lewis the Great, to opeu the Puyfes cf his^Subje^s •, and k Mi'ttdtit^ may procure u& a ?t'^ee for nine: or tepTc^r$; c^-twelVeati^ioft^ but aft^r this, a new- King ^H^1 Appear upon the Thrpii^, equally am-' bitiou^ ^ndundfertaKing ^I'ithhis Pi;edece(fo|:s : A long Peai;^ will have filFd his Eijcchequer v Traded wiji have brought Plenty into his Dominions, and his People will have forgo^tten their pafl: Miferies j. oldMaxiims will be reviv'd, the Seas will beca-, verd with Fleets, and the Field's with Armies,. andthenthe3t will crufli all together, or one after', anotheir.^ ., ' "'V •;"^"'.r. ; . _,^t , Ihis therefore beih^ thu^ fairly laid before ybu, yoi.i may make the fairer, Jurlgment of the Ojieftion, mA &c whethes m tkpeachmejtt is not rtibjuttehr neceflary to feoine thete Katicns and all jBto^^j'from thofe Evils which' are fo vifibly co- xnirigupon.us, by the Means of the Male- Admini- ftadbn of our Me Managers, /r. ? -*< , — ■ I Tt"* "* ;r,^ 3* '\ r f"l H I s. :/.• • ..•'4 «*»*'!a n , s