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HATCHARD AND SOS^ 187, PICCADILLY. 1849. ; .4. - ■'■'^ il(h II LONDON: ,„.,.,.K.. .V..... v.^..MKK,S.VOVS.^.KK.,KVHA^P. ^- 1 SHALL WE KEEP THE CANADAS ? i sruAM' It is not intended to enter upon the question which for some years past has agitated the public mind, the comparative merits or demerits of Free Trade. Its advocates have rapidly gained ground until we have at length reached a new era. The policy of our ancestors, which took as its motto, ships, colonies, and commerce, and which sought, by the conservation of British interests and the protection of colonial enterprise and industry, to promote the prosperity of the empire, has of late been denounced as the result of short-sighted ignorance ; and if the nation has reached an unexampled height of power, we learn that it is in spite and not by force of the commercial and colonial system we have so long proudly and confidently maintained. 15 2 -» «-4;.4.'i^SfeM««*^'*»--' The subject to which .tU^propo^^^^^^^ i„.hichAeyarepacedund theve ^^^^^ have recently found favour « the y tUle of Responsible Government^ ^^^.^^^^,y That the greatness of Englancl ^^^ connected with the ^^^T^^L^s^y -P'-,''rTf:rS'2o«s avoidance of acknowledged, and tu ^ ^^^^^„. the topic in the late Coin ^ J" Uiat stration at Ma„cl.ster ^^^<^J^, •„ , fi, the P"''"'^ "^'"l; a t!l, that our colonies state to receive .*e jecU ^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^-^>-'^^^r:'i:.^::7e:':-^^^^^^^ The sentimen ..U . ^ ^^^^^^_ supremacy of these islaus ^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^ But It IS not the es ^i,i,h •^^'^P^'^^'Stl startle the nation like Tetp^lfaLi: i which, notwithstanding i 5 draw ^orth ances which of the them- ler the ev the imately colonial versally lance of demon- ,ves that in a fit • colonies IS of the gaged in no general , a propo- cies would e maritime events may ition which nation like withstanding that the convulsions of thrones and dominions in continental Europe have deprived men of tlie power of wondering at anything, would yet inflict a painful shock and lay the foundation of lasting though fruitless regrets. The North American Colonies have grown up under a system supposed to be mutually bene- ficial, by which the productions of the mother- country were entitled to a preference over those of foreign countries in the colonial market, while the discriminating duties imposed on foreign traffic seemed to the colonies a reciprocal advan- tage in the ports of this country, the intercourse between t le two countries as well as the foreign trade of the colonies was regulated by the acts of the imperial parliament. The metropolitan government maintained a general control over the affairs of each colony, and the powers of the local legislatures were proper tionably restricted. Whatever views may be entertained of tiie system of which the foregoing formed the pro- minent features, faulty and defective as in many respects it undoubtedly was, it nevertheless pre- served essentially the kindred relation between the parent state and its dependencies. The colonies, though they might at times feel a little sore at an interference or restriction of the im- perial government, and with more or less of reason occasionally complain ; yet on the whole, 1 # 6 for many years past, have felt a general confi- dence in the kindly disposition cntertauied towards them. The acknowledoed misgovern- ment which tended with other causes to sunder from the crown the old American colonies now forming the flourishing republic of the United States, has been in a small measure corrected. Every idea of taxing the colonies which remained in a body when they are not represented has lono' since been abandoned, and in general a libeml policy has been pursued towards them The present North American Colonies, peopled as they are with the descendants of the old refucvees, whom a successful revolution drove from" their native homes, and receiving continual accessions by the settlement within their limits of men of sound principles and intelligence, many of whom had previously served in the army or navy, contain within them a population in- ferior to none within the British dominions in point of attachment to the government of Great Britain. That their loyalty is no empty boast was abundantly manifested in the war with the United States of 1812, and in the recent out- break of the French population in Lower Canada, and the rising which, fomented and increased by foreign influence, took place in the upper Pro- vince, and which was suppressed by the pro- vincials themselves without the aid of the mili- tary. si confi- rtaincd Tovern- sunder ies now United •rrected. jmaincd ited has men\\ a Is them. peopled tlie old )n drove continual sir limits elligence, the army lation in- inions in of Great ipty boast with the 3cent oiit- jr Canada, creased by ipper Pro- ^ the pro- \ the mili- -< Such until a very .ocent period was the con- dition of these colonies, but a new state of tilings has arisen. Commercial protection lias been to a great extent withdrawn, and its entire removal is threatened. In lieu thereof, the right to levy any amount of duties has been freely conceded, coupled, however, witli the condition that all imported goods shall be treated alike. Hence the reverse of the former course is now the rule ; and discrimination in favour of articles, the growth or manufactures of the mother-country, over those of foreign countries, is equally pro- liibited as a preference of the foreign articles British productions. This measure, there. is not only a renunciation on the part of Engk of any special advantage from the trade with her colonies, but the effect of it is, imperatively to require the colony to regard and deal with the mother-country as a foreign state ; or, in other words, a policy is adopted enforcing mutual estrangement, while the proximity of the United States will, ccBteris paribus, most inevitably attract thither the trade of the North American Colonies, so far as regards trade. Let us now turn to the political constitution of the Colonies : — Responsible Government, as it is termed, has been established, and the colonial people have been flattered with the idea that they have had J 8 conferred on them the hoori of an English con- stitution. Never was a grosser dehision, and never was it more necessary that a dehision sliould be exposed. In parliament, the great question seems to be in r Terence to any given colony, has it representative institutions and responsible government? If so, it is supposed to have obtained the grand panacea for all evds. All future concerns, either of the colonial office, or parliament, is rendered unnecessary, and all must go on as it should. The world is very apt to be misled l)y names, and .responsibility is doubtless a good thing. But let us examine the subject a little more closely. The present constitution of the North xYnierican Colonies is an anomaly. It is true, there is a shadowy resemblance to the institutions of Eng- land, and each of tiie three branches ot the legislative body has its appropriate representa- tion. So far as names go, the colonial constitu- tion is quite ortliodox, bu when its different parts are examined the analogy will be found wholly unreal. In Endand we have the Queen, Lords, and Commons. In the Colony, the Governor, (or Lieutenant-Dovernor,) Legislative Counr' and Assembly. Let us compare the transa itic copy with the English prototype. I. At the head of the English constitution is « 9 rlish con- sion, and L delusion the great any given tioiis and uv)p()sed to all evils, nial office, y, and all is very apt nsibilitv is tamine the I x\iiierican there is a ns of Eng- hes of the representa- ial constitu- ts different II be found Lords, and )vernor, (or younr'' and transa itic >nstitution is an hereditary monarch. The centre of a mighty nation ; powerful with all that rank the most exalted, time^honoure'. associations, and ample revenues cui confer. From the fundamental raaxi-n that the sovereign can do no wrong, whatever policy may be puv-ued, whether con- genial 10 the feelings of the nation or the reverse, the position of the sovereign is unalterable, except in thoje rare and extreme cases to which it is unnecessary to refer. The Queen continues unmoved, however the ministration -^f affairs may be condemned. Her Majesty is represented in the colony by a nobleman, or gentleman, selected by the colonial minister. He, it is true, occupies the colonial palace, comes down in state, takes his seat on the throne, opens and prorogue3 the provincial parliament according to approved par- liamentary usage, communicates with it by messan-e through a provincial minister. But the nominee of a colonial secretary, himself holding his office by the precarious tenure of public favour, occupies a very different position from the sovereign. He is, according to the present system, appointed for six years, but re- moveable at any time. It is quite clear that whatever the influence, superior talents or emi- nence of character in the individual selected may command, he has no independent position. He 6(jl Hi; m ma If Is m 10 receives his instructions from the colonial minister of the day, whatever may be the politics of that functionary. He is directed to proceed by the advice of the colonial council, whom he is to call to his assistance. As far as regards the ministry at home, he is a kind of diplomatic agent, while in regard to the colony he is invested with the attributes of the crown. His great object must be to reconcile the policy of the government which sends him with the opinions of his colonial ministry, to make all things work smoothly. Above all, to present no assailable point in t!ie administration of his charge to par- liamentary attack ; as to the rest, to let the affairs of ilie colony proceed according to the opinion of the dominant party in his colonial assembly. Confining myself for the present to the truth of the analogy between the two systems, and without stopping to consider the value of the substitute for the kingly power in the abstract, it may be observed that though these duties present a field for the exercise of considerable talent, it is rather tlie talent of a skilful nego- ciator that is demanded, who must depend more on his tact and adroitness than his authority. la the position of an officer, appointed from home, and whose term of service is thus limited within very narrow bounds, though there is mucli to stimulate exertion, and a fair field for IH u colonial e politics proceed whom lie o-ards tlie iplomatic 3 invested ^is groat ;y of the opinions inffs work assailable re to par- let the ig to the s colonial )resent to o systems, } value of e abstract, ese duties nsiderahle ilful nego- )end more authority, nted from lus limited h there is ir field for honourable ambition, yet in the eyes of the colo- nists two grand defects are manifest. Wanting as he necessarily must the peculiar and indescri- bable prestige of royalty, he can never be re- garded as the father of his people. First, inas- much as his authority partakes of the evanescent character of that of the minister, whose agent in effect he is ; and, secondly, because a priori there is nothing to identify tlie particular interests of the colony with these of the Governor. He is in genr/al an entire stranger, and without any stake in the country. II. The Peers of England are a body per se, powerful from their great wealth, and vast terri- torial possessions, from the remote origin of their titles, many of which the people have been accustomed to reverence for centuries ; holding hereditary station of which they can never be deprived, except for misconduct, and which they can never surrender. A body like this forn^s an effectual bulwark against prerogative on the one hand, and popular power on the other. The body which answers to the second branch of the English parliament is the legislative council, no way distinguishable by birth or rank from the rest of their fellow-subjects, with no claims, therefore, to respect, as a class, beyond those which their legislative appointment may be supposed to confer, having no hereditary title f H ^ 12 to the honour they enjoy, to which they are appointed in some instances for life, but more generally during pleasure. It is easy to imagine that a chamber so constituted, and consisting to a considerable extent of men holding provincial offices of emolument, under the government, can very inadequately body forth the full-orbed dignity of the peers temporal and spiritual of the father-land. The pressure from without on a body so constituted must be expected to be irre- sistible. In addition to this, in some cases the members of the legislative council receive a daily stipend for their attendance on their parliamen- tary duties, and this under a provincial act of only temporary duration, and to the continua- tion of which they must be beholden to the popular branch of the legislature. It is not easy to imagine an expedient better calculated to weaken the influence, even where it fails to affect the independence, of the body whose members are thus dependent on the representatives of the people. III. But if the representatives of the Crown and of the peerage fall short, it is very different with the third branch ; the powers exercised by the House of Assembly fully equal, and in some respects greatly exceed those of the Commons of England. Without the check of an hereditary peerage, and the representative of the crown, 13 they are but more ;o imagine isisting to provincial ivernment, full-orbed tuul of the hout on a to be irre- 3 cases the jive a daily parliamen- icial act of J continua- en to the , is not easy ilculated to ails to affect ie members tives of the the Crown 3ry different exercised by and in some 3 Commons n hereditary the crown, being ^uch as we have described, the House of Assembly; in fact, absorbs the whole real power in the colony, and there is nothing to withstand the popular will except the interposition of the imperial government wiiich has become (and is every year becoming more) infrequent. The North American Colonies, familiarly known by the name of the Canadas, consist of five separate dependencies, each under a distinct civii govern- ment quite independent of, and unconnected with, the rest, viz., Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, and New- foundland. In all of these, until lately, and in nearly all at the present day, the most important functions of a government, in addition to the legitimate duties of the House of Commons, are discharged, directly, by the Assembly. This will be manifest when we consider what are, and what are not, the duties proper to a colonial government. These, of course, differ very mate- rially from those of a metropolitan government. A colony has no question of peace or war to determine, and no foreign diplomacy to conduct. The duties of its government are principally threefold. First, The appointment to offices ; secondly. The internal superintendence of affairs ; and thirdly. The determining the amount and application of supplies necessary for the service of the colony, and the ways and means by which M \ii\ % ¥ 14 they shall be raised. In all couutiies, the last is the most important duty of the civil adminis- tration, as in this the working of the whole ma- chinery is involved. In a colony it is the main business. Now in all the North American Colonies, until lately, and in all now, we believe, except one, the ways and means are determined upon, not by the Governor and the Executive Council, but in Committee of the House of Assembly, where any member proposes any duty to be levied on any article that he thinks proper. So again, the disbursements for the service of the colony, (except such as are fixed by legisla- tive enactments,) as for roads, bridges, educa- tion, &c., &c., are determined on by committees of the House,— not according to any settled or adjusted plan submitted by a responsible minister, but according to the judgment or caprice of a body wholly irresponsible except at the hustings. Pecuniary claimants on the justice or benevolence of the province, make their application not to the Governor and Council, but direct to the legislature by petitions, which are presented by any member whether belonging to the govern- ment or not. These petitions are severally dis- cussed and debated in committee of supply on their individual merits. There is no doubt theo- retically a check in the Legislative Council, where, as in some colonies is the case, the 8 m 1 '5 es, the last v'il adminis- ? whole ma- is the mahi I American , we believe, determined 3 Executive I House of ses any duty links proper, e service of d by legisla- Jges, educa- f committees ny settled or ible minister, caprice of a the hustings. ' benevolence ation not to iirect to the presented by the govern- severally dis- 3f supply on doubt theo- tive Council, u case, the 8 -^ 15 various appropriations are submitted in detail for its approbation or refusal; but though on occasions they exercise, and with advantage, the power of rejection, yet, as may readily be supposed from the nature and constitution of the body, its control is on the whole rather nominal than real; not largely employed, nor long persevered in, in any instance where the popular will is strongly manifested. The total want of system which must flow from such a mode of supply and ap- propriation may be readily imagined. It is also to be remembered that the legislative counsellors, the colonial peers, are appointed on the recommendation of the Governor acting under the advice of his executive council, and that the tenure of power of the executive council depends on their representing the opinions of a majority of the House of Assembly ; that the members of the legislative council may be increased from time to time, and that such increase will of course be regulated hy the representation of the local government. Thus in effect the House of Assembly appoints to, and regulates in an important particular, that branch of the legisla- ture which is supposed to be its counterpoise in the colonial constitution. The constitution, therefore, on the whole, so far from being English, presents to view a democracy more unmitigated than in any of the it W ifi. 16 neighbouring confederated states. There the second branch, the senate, is a substantial power wholly independent of the House of Representa- tives. In the federal government the authority and influence of the senate is scarcely, if at all, inferior to that of the House of Lords, though differently derived. In the colonies, moreover, the responsibility of government, so much vaunted, when the subject is closely considered, is found to be equally fallacious with the analogy of the three several branches of the legislature. It is true, that on a vote of want of confidence the executive council must resign, and some three or four colonial offices change hands ; but considering the comparatively insignificant share of the governing power that the so called government exercises, and that the House of Assembly trusts the most important part of it to no ministry whatever, but retains it in its own grasp, the term Responsible Government would seem to be a happy irony, intending to express a system in which there is nothing to be respon- sible/or. In the new constitution given to Canada, on the union of the two provinces, much of this has been changed, but Canada presents its own peculiar difficulties, and the experience of the last few years has shown that there is a radical vice in its framework. That state of il 17 There the itial power Lepresenta- ; authority 1^, if at all, Js, though moreover, 3h vaunted, idered, is 16 analogy legislature. confidence and some lands ; but Picant share so called I House of art of it to in its own ment would f to express be respon- ;o Canada, s, much of Ja presents experience t there is a lat state of things which Lord Durham declared, would never be tolerated, the predomiuance of the French in the councils of the country has arisen, and the ministry of Lufontaine, receives the support of the Imperial Government. The con- sequence has been dissatisfaction and disgust on the part of the British portion of the population, who find themselves not only destitute of inilu- ence, but subjected to the tyranny of a majority consisting mainly of a people of whom neither the pr" iciples nor intelligence command respect. The consequence has been, the rapid alienation of the atfections of those who were the staunchest supporters of British connexion, while the same effect is being more gradually produced in the adjoining colonies from the changes in the com- mercial system, by which their industry has been for the time frustrated. Without the least desire to exaggerate, it may be affirmed that tiiere are sure grounas for believing that the change already produced is much greater than is at all generally imagined in this country. Events in the present day travel fast. Revolutions iii Europe are the work of a few hours. The dis- tance of the colonies, the small interest felt in them except by a few, and the want of informa- tion which prevails, prevent their affairs from attracting much public attention. Any one who has been a careful observer of the events passing c f >l ^i 18 on thj other side of tlic water, and has paid attention to tlie altered tone of the provincial prints, must be fully aware how serious an aspect the question has assumed, Since the foregoing remarks were begun, we have been astounded at the intelHgeuce just received from Canada, of the passing of the Cdl for the payment of tlie rebellion losses, and the consequent demolition of the House of Parlia- ment by an infuriate populace. It speaks trumpet-tongued in the name of the whole colonial empire. Can we retain the Canadas? and if we lose them, what effect will be produced on our other dependencies 1 We believe that if ever there was occasion for the talent, and judgment, of a great statesman it is the present. Our whole colonial system is vicious, and requires to be reconstructed from the foundation. Planted or occupied with various views, and under widely differing circumstances, they have been trained up from infancy to more or less of maturity with one obvious destination for them all, that they shall, when strong enough, cast off all connexion with the mother-country. We have fostered their commerce, protected them with our blood and treasure, and all for what? That when they become valuable and important they should cease to belong to us. They contain ai; fej- 19 (1 has paid 3 provincial us an aspect 1 begun, we ligence just V of the Bill ses, and the e of Parlia- It speaks hole colonial das? and if produced on s occasion for 3at statesman lial system is structed from is views, and L'es, they have nore or less of tion for them enough, cast country. We rotected them I all for what ? and important Thev contain 4/ m thousands and millions of subjects who regard England with sentiments of pride and attach- ment, whose best affections are identified with her g-lory and renown ; but we impose on them the inevitable doom of separation at no very distant day. This is emineatly the consequence of the principles on which they are governed. Responsible Government (so called) and Free Trade, alike point to independence. It may or may not be that these countries may become more prosperous under a system of Free Trade ; that is a question with which I seek not to inter- meddle; the present question is, whether they will or can remain colonies, when the ties by which they have been hitherto united to this country have been one after another dissevered. As well might we expect the regularity of the Golar system to be preserved, were the principle of gravitation annihilated, as that these countries should long remain dependencies under the existing state of things. Something must be done, and that without delay, or the boasted empire on which the sun never sets, will in a short time be contracted within much more modest limits. '. ..t there are great difficulties in the subject there is no doubt, and it has been my object to draw the attention of the public to the true state of the case, rather than to point out the remedy. 1 I Sl^ 20 This must be for the wisdom of ministers to discover, and its 7iodus vindlcc digniis, I pre- sume, however, to make a few suggestions. Two grand errors lie at the root of our wliole colonial policy. First, it has ever been defective in provisions to perpetuate in the colonies the institutions and habits of the mother-country. Secondly, it has failed to interweave and identify the interests of the colonists with those of the parent state. Tl]e framework of English society comprises much of the aristocratic element, that of the colonies is essentially democratic. Here is one great difference, and others will readily suggest themselves. But even a similarity of inctitutious, if it existed, would not be enough, the great and radical defect is tliat there is nothing to identify the colonist with the fatherland. His attach- ment is that of sentiment, rather than interest. There is no vital union. The native of a colony feels that he is merely a colonist, and so to continue. He may be a colonial lawyer, phy- sician, or even divine, or he may become the member of a colonial legislature. He maybe respected in the colony. But his colonial rank in the professions will give him no status as an Englishman in England. His lot is cast as a L^olonist, and so must for ever remain. So ulso, whatever parliamentary talents he may 6 21 linlstcrs to s. I pre- itions. ' our wliole 3n defective jolouies tlie jer-country. Liul identify liose of the f comprises tliut of tlie Here is one dily suggest inctitutions, le great and g to identify His attacb- ;ban interest, e of a colony , and so to awyer, phy- become tbe He may be colonial rank » status as an jt is cast as remain. So cuts be may 6 M ])rofos9 or fancy bimsclf mnstiM* of, tbero is no field for bim beyond tbe limited spbere of bis ONvn province. He feels bimself, in fact, sbut out from all tbe great prizes of tbe empire, and must content bimself witb tbe insignificant objects of attraction bis particular colony affords, and even tbcse bave not always been confined to tlie colonists. Again, if a native of one of tbe tbree kingdoms goes to a colony, and tbcre establisbes bimself, be feels tliat be is to spend bis days tbere, and makes up bis mind to consider bimself cut off from tbe land of bis birtb. Now, if tbe main- tenance of tbe colonial dominion be essential to ber greatness in order tbat it sliould be per- manent, Great Britain must identify berself witb her colonies. Tbey must become, wbat tbey certainly are not now, integral parts of one great empire. An uninterrupted circulation between tbe bcart and tbe extremities, and pervading tbe wbole system, must be in active operation. Tbis will elevate tbe colonies, and cause tbem to be viewed botb at bome and abroad in a very dif- ferent ligbt from tbat in wbicb they have been hitherto regarded. Tbe colonist will no longer feel bimself "cabined, cribbed, confined," within a narrow limit, doomed to a perpetual isolation by an impassable barrier ; tbe natural yearnings and aspirations of bis mind will be only bounded m •22 l,y the li.nits of the empire. On the other han.l, with whiit Uifferent eyes would families m tins country regard the departure of a .on to seek his fortune abroad ; when it was known that he was not necessarily to undergo a sentence of perpetnal banishment and proscription, but nugbt U.ok forward witi. hope at a future day, if lie succeeded in distinguishing himself, to claim the station to which his talents might entitle him in the land of his nativity. Tliis would do much to improve the tone and spirit of the colonics, and furnish an attraction to more respectable classes ot settler., who now betake themselves to a foreign luid The capital whicli now flows principally towards the Uuited States, wiiile a flood of pauperism is let loose on our impoverished colonies, would the.- fnrich the ,1-oper soil. Im- . provement would rapidly result, and we should cease to be mortified, as we now are continuallv, bv the disparaging comparison so frequent.,; drawn between the condition of British provinces and their republican rivals. The colonies saould be represented m the British parliament. The rule of the colonial ofiice is virtually at an end. It is effete and can never be revived. A colonial board has been talked of; this would be much better, inas- much, as experience and information would be preserved and transmitted. The affairs of forty- 11 23 her liaii'l, es in this seek Ins it he was ' perpetual inlit look succeeded he station in the land to improve nd furnish classes of a foreign principally a flood of ijioverished r soil. Ini- we should continually) freqiic^-U; ih pi'ovinces nted in the the colonial eff'ete, and 1 board has better, inas- ion would be iirs of forty- three colonic?, ought not to depend on tlie in- finitesimal amount of attention and control, which a secretary of state wlio lias never visiteil one of tliem, may be able to bestow on each, or, as is more usual, to the management of an iiie- sponsible clerk. Neither must the colonies be left to themselves ; the government of those of North America, we have shown to be a demo- cracy. And a democracy in the colonies, and monarchy at home, will not long consist. This will be looked on by many as flat heresy. From Mr, Gladstone to Joseph Hume politicians of various shades of opinion seem to think that the grand cure for all ill is to leave the colonies to themselves. This is the parliamentary delusion. But though a Board is free from many objections to which this rule of the Colonial Office is ob- noxious,— nothing will make up for the want of parliamentary representation. If that be con- ceded, the Government would have a right, as a condition, to transfer to the imperial parlia- ment the whole regulation of trade, leaving to the colony only the management of its own internal afiairs, to such extent, and by such in- stitutions, as on consideration might be deemed fit. The world has beheld in the triumph of steam, the solution of the great difficulty of colonial representation. Quebec and Halilax are now 24 vh-tually not .nore distant fro.n Westnnnster, than the EdiuburgUovDnbUn of the last century There is in the nature of things no reason why .half million of subjects should have the a solute vegulatiou of their own con.merco,becausethcy are sc:ttered over a large space in An>enca any ,nore than the sa.ne nun.ber of subjects re».d.ng TLiverpool or Glasgow. I"->« ^ ;~ plish and give eliect to a great n.easure b. the onsolidation of the ennnre, the CO b u^^^^^ be prepared, if the opponumty -s albt b emLeit in the spirit Of conhdenee. hey a,. .1 „ , f the inivileoes of liriUsh subjects, it unworthy ot tlic puMiegt, f ,i,,,i,. tUev be not willing, for the perpetuauou of the., union with this great country, to g.ve up some- thin, on their part, and to share the burthen IL their fellol subjects sustain. There won d be r.o disposition to make it press too heavdy ol then, and it is confidently behoved they Tould not shrink from a reasonable part,c,pat,oa of the onus in view of the benefits to be obta,ned. The present state of the No.th American Colonie!, after the discussions which have already taken place during the present sess,ou,„,ust ne- cessarily force on the attention ot -'>^-; - whole subject of our cobn,al rule. Whethei Government will be prepared to announce a large „.d co„,prehensive plan for their future ,-egu- lation, or will .econ.mend a parlia.nentary com- "li; 25 Liniiister, century. isoii why ; absolute e they are ■ica, any i residiu*^' LlCCOUl- e for the iiics must fordeii, to They are Hihjects, it )ii of their 3 i\\) some- ic burthen here would 00 heavily ieved they irtieipation )e obtained. American ave already 11, must ne- iuisters the Whether unee a large future regu- entary com- mittee, or a new commission of inquiry, remains to be seen. The whole subject should be probed to the bottom. It is not enough to deal with the |)resent and peculiar difficulty of Canada, the whole colonial question must be reinvestigated. It should be dealt with in a large and statesman- like spirit, with not merely a full understanding of the commercial and financial details of the question, but with a just appreciation of those springs of action which operate on mankind in all ages and countries, and by which the affec- tions and aspirations of men are conciliated and directed ; otherwise, however the present dis- turbance in one of our colonies nuay terminate, we may surely look forward, and that at no distant day, to the dismemberment of the em- pire. LONDON: PRINTED BY G. J. PALMER, SaVOV STREET. In 8vo. sewed, price ."is. CANADA, and the CANADA BILL, being an Exa- mination cf tlie ])Voposed Measnre for the futnre Government of Canada ; with an Introdnctory Chapter, contahiing some general views respecting the British Provinces in North America. By John Bevert-y Robinson, Esq., Chief Justice of Upper Canada. (1840.) ^ I