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Thoae too large to be entirely included in one expoaure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand eomef , left to right and top to bottom, as many framea aa required. The following diagrama illustrate the method: Un dee symboles suivants apparaitra sur la demiAre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbols «*• signifie "A SUIVRE". le symbols V signifie "FIN". Lee cartes, planches, tableaux, etc.. peuvent Atre filmte d dee taux de rMuction diffirents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul cliche, 11 est film4 i partir da I'angle sup^rieur gauche, de gauche k droite. et de haut an baa. en prenant le nombre d'images nAcsssaire. Les diagrammes suivants lllustrent la m^thoda. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 S 6 ^( 1^5- s. WOMANHOOD SUFFRAGE, V -,. f^ .■■•-'■^y ■-•■'■>•'-■;*'*?>.■ .-« -.»» ^■b:^:. / vl t' . 1 •' y.iX^^ ■■:-'■ ■ »V, ■ ' ' -V--'- £ d±r »HI F =riC 3TT fee '■S^'";'"'" ■.»;«. ■ ^. BY HON. JOHN DRYDEN, Minister of Agriculture. DELIVERED IN THE ONTARIO LEGISLATUEE, MAY 10th, 1893. On the Motion of Mr. Waters to Read a Second Time Bill No. 82, "An Act to Establish Womanhood Suffrage for the Legislative Assembly." TORONTO : printed by WARWICK & SONS, 68 and 70 FRONT STREET WEST 189S. hSi Sk •" -^ 1 WOMANHOOD SUFFRAGE. .*■ .A. SIPEEOEC 15 Y HON. JOHN DRYDEN, Minister of Agriculture. DELIVERED IN THE ONTAEIO LEGISLATUEE, MAY 10th, 1893. On the Motion of Mr. Waters to Read a Second Time Bill Nq. 82, " An Act to Establish Womanhood Suffrage for the Legislative Assembly," TORONTO : printed by WARWICK & SONS, 68 and 70 FRONT STREET WEST 1893. .3 t '?i t Hoa. Joha Drydea : I crave the indulgent 3 o'' th3 Home, while for the third time I give expression to my viewi oa the propDsltion contained in the honorable gentleman's Bill. I desire to congratulate him on the advanced position he now takes ai campirei with thit of former years. In all of his previous measures he proposed to give the franchise to certain classes only amon^ wonen; bub it is evident that the principle of the parliamentry francViise, if once con- ceded to women, must in the end b3 given to all, as it was given to all men. I prefer, therefore, to discuss the subject on this broad basis rather than piece by piece. On some former occasions, when this mitter has baen brought to the attention of the L3gislature, it has bean the custom to treit it in a light, trifling mmner, and to consider it as something which merely forms amusement for the tima being. But, in my judgmant, it is by no means a light matter; it is a mist serious qa^stion; it involves far-reaching results, and it is, undoubtedly, one of the most revolutionary measures ever submitted to this Lagisiature. The measure proposes to introduce at one sweep into the political arena at least one hundred per cent, more voters— more than doubling the number that we have at present on the rolls — and these of a class yet to be educated in the political aSairs of the Province. And not only this, but it would double the cost of the preparation of the voters' lists throughout the Province^ and vastly increase the labjrs of the canvass in every political campaign. I am aware that different persons will form their opinion of the merits of this Bill from very dififarent reasons. Some who may not stop to think of the effects of such a measure are ready to siy ; " If women so wish, let them vote." Others desire to inquire how the measure will affect the pirty— if it will aid to the pxrcy's strength they are ready to endorse it ; bub, if not, they would oppose it on that ground. Others, who may be already meoibsrs of the Lagisla- ^m ture, or have aspirations in that direction, are content to look upon it merely from a personal point of view, and the question they ask themselves is how it will affect their chances of success at the polls. I do not desire, however, to discuss the question from any of these considerations. If such a measure is in the interests of society — if it would tend to the promotion of the well-being of the community as a whole — my judgment is that it ought to secure the support of all right-thinking men. Under such circumstances, I ought to support it, even though I feared it might interfere with my personal advancement or the advancement of the party with which I happen to be in accord. I prefer, however, rather to look at it and discuss it, first, as a matter of right or wrong; and second, as to its expedi- ency in the interests of society. m Scriptural Teaching. My honorable friend who presented the Bill has introduced the Bible to support his contention. I propose to bise my first argu- ment on that authority and I shall give him some quotations which seem to have entirely escaped his notice. To discover whether this measure is right or wrong I shall not force on your attention merely my own opinion ; but I shall refer to this higher authoiity, the only standard from which there is no appeal iu matters of right or wrong. I am aware that all will not accept this standard as final, as 1 do. They will either assert that its statements to ^hich I shall shortly refer are old and not applicable to the present age or discard it altogether as not worthy of credence and of no account, especially as it does not acsord with their views. Mrs. Harriet Law, an advo- cate of women's suffrage openly repudiates the Bible on the ground that " its teachings oppose that liberty of speech and action which she as a representative woman demands." Another lady writer states that " if the Bible stands in the way of women's rights then the Bible and religion must go." These are strong statements, which will not be endorsed by many who support this Bill in this Legislature or outside of it. 1 ! All of those who have baen members of this L-^gislature in previous Parliaments know that I have very strong convictions in reference to this subject. I am free to say to you that these convictions as to whether this measuie is right or wrong, have been formed from a careful study of the teachings of the Bible which bear upon it. I accept these teachings as of divine origin, and they cannot, therefore, change from age to age. Humin progress has never yet reached the ideal depicted by that BoDk, and it^ principles are jint as applicable now as at any period in the world's history. There is no word in it from beginning to end about women's suffrage, nor indejd about suffrage of any kind, but there is a great deal in it about the rela- tionship of m»n and woman which determines their respective spheres in the world for all time. If we go back to the account of creation, we shall find that min being created, the various animal creationa which had baen brought into existence were brought before him in order that he might name them. Bit among them all there did not appear any that could ba utilized as his associate — after they hive all passed before him he is still left alone and has no compinioa, Tnen the stateme it is mide that "It is not good for min to be alone; we will m).kean help- meet for him." And in after ages, when the apoatles mide reference to this ste.tement they used these words : " M in wa^ made and then the woman; the mm was noi made for the woman, but the womin for the man." The point I want to emphasize in this regard is that womm was formed to be an associate, a CDmpanion,- a helpsr of min, and not to usurp authority or control over him. They are two persons, yet they are spoken of as one — of the same flesh, one the com- plement of the other. The same rule applies in their formation as in the animal creation everywhere. Man's appearance indicates force, authority, decision, silf-assertion, while that of a woman show.s exactly the opposite, and indicates instead, trust dependence, grace and beauty. In other words, man was made in such a form when compared ti woman as stamps him with the attributes of authority, government and control. 6 h Longfellow beautifully expresses it in the following lines : — " As unto the b<>w the cord is, So unto a man is woman ; Though she bends him, ►he obeys him ; Though she draws him, yet she follows ; Ueeless each without the other. Then in the record follows the account of the fall. The woman eats of the forbidden fruit and gives to the man, who also eats. The curse follows, and in pronouncing this on the woman, these words are used : — '* Thy desire shall be to thy husband and he shall rule over thee." These are not my words, and if there be any quarrel with them, the quarrel must not be with me but with their author. In the garden of Eden before sin entered, love and harmony pre- vailed. The man stronger, the woman weaker, yet both rejoicing in the place assigned to them and acting always in unison. After the fall the same relationship is fixed, but there has entered the element of sin and hatred ; the man still exercises control according to the language of the curse, but this control is not now always exercised in love ; force, cruelty and oppression are seen, and yet, in the midst of all, how true is the statement, "Thy desire shall be to thy husband." Eeceiving in some cases harsh treatment and cruelty, she yet submits and is ready to defend him. In spite of his cruelty and bad behavior in how many* cases does she continue still to make him her idol ! ]f woman is weaker, and must, in accordance with the authority I have quoted, be in subjection to man, how shall we secure the nearest approach to the happy condition which existed in Eden? How can woman's condition in this regard be improved? My honorable friend says: — "Give her the ballot and you will accomplish the desired result ; let her aysume to exercise authority over man ; teach her that it is her right to under- take in self-defence to control man and you will have placed her, according to his conviction, on a higher plane. I say no, you will not by so doing place her in any better position ; it will be giving her only a stone when she demands bread. There is only one way to accomplish it, and that is to change the nature of t both by the uplifting influences of Christianity. Where its prin- ciples are imbibed and the truths of the Bible are receivod you will have the nearest approach to the original condition before the fall. New Testament Authority. Coming, then, to the New Testament times, where these principles are enunciated, what is woman's position ? It is still the same. We have such statements as these, " As the head of every man is Christ, so the head of the woman is the man " ; *' I suffer not woman to hold authority over the man " ; " Wives submit yourselves unto your husbands as unto the Lord, for the husband is head of the wife, even as Christ is head of the Church. Therefore, as the Church is subject unto Christ, so let wives be to their husbands in everything." What does this headship of Christ in the Church involve ? Certainly obedience on the part of the Church to Christ its head ; it is a sink- ing of the human will to the divine. On the other hand, how is this authority exercised on the part of Christ, the head ? It is always exercised in love and kindness. Christ, the head of the Church, assuming the place of authority, exercises that power always in the interest of the governed and for their highest welfare. No one can dispute this. So is the man to accept the place of authority over the woman. According to this teaching, it is not to be exercised in harshness or cruelty, but always in love and kindness, as Christ exer- cises authority over the Church. The same authority which declares the subjection of woman gives directions as follows, " Husbands love you wives " ; and again, let every one of you love his wife as himself; and let the wife see that she reverence her husband." When, therefore, men and women accept this authority as binding, and act upon it in their relations to each other, you have the nearest approach to the original condition in Eden that it is possible to find on this earth. Look over the nations of the world and tell me where among them woman has the freest enjoyment, the highest privileges and is most respected and honored among men, and in every case you will find that it is in those nations where the prin- ciples of Christianity, as enunciated in these passages, have most power and influence. ^^-w^m^m'mmwmBS^&i^m 8 In savage nations, wh3re such principles have never been heard and have never exercised an influence, you have the nearest approach to the equality which is sought for by those advocating women's suffrage that can be found anywhere in the world. Men and women follow similar avocations ; but the same rule holds good in their case — the man who is the stronger, rules over the woman and forces her to do the most menial service ; she is not respected, loved and admired as in Christian nations, but is made to work and slave and exhibits submission in accordance with the curse pronounced. In view of these statements, and others which might be quoted, I therefore conclude that woman's place in accordan ;e with Bible teaching is to be in submission to man, and not to assume the place of authority. When my honorable friend seeks to give them the ballot he in effect says, "I propose to give woman control of public affairs ; T wish lo place in her hands governing power to compel man to accept her dictation." That proposition, according to my argument, is against the teaching of Scripture, and there- fore is not and cannot be right. Is IT Expedient ? 'I Apart altogether from the reasons I have given I want now to inquire whether the measure is expedient or advisable ; whether it is or will be in the interests of the community as a whole. The only real means of testing this would be the experi- ence of many years where the experiment has been tried. This we cannot have. We must therefore judge it by the teat applied to other new measures ; we imagine the law to be in operation and try to fore- cast what would follow as a result of it. Let me examine what are the reasons frequently urged why this measure should become law. I presume by far the larger number of those who support woman's suffrage do so because of the aid they feel sure would thus be given in support of temperance or prohibitory legislation. If this object could be attained and would be followed by no evil results, I might consent to withdraw my objection to the measure. But even in reference to this legislation the argument means that women will use the I 9 It 'I I ballot to compel men to mike laws which they otherwise might not consent to. Up to the present time, under constitutional govern- ment, the casting of the ballot signifies that there is the physical power behind to enforce the will expressed by the ballot — it is always the power of the majority. Women can exercise no such power in the enforcement of their will. They would never think of using physical force. The question then presents itself, would the majority of men consent to be coerced by the will of woman 1 I am afraid not ; and I think the answer given by Sir Oliver Mowat to the deputation a short time ago was correct, that, if the majority of men will not consent to pass prohibitory legislation, prohibitory legislation when passed could not be enforced. Loving Persuasion. Women have exercised and will exercise more power without the ballot than with it in matters of this kind. What has changed tho drinking customs of this country from the drunken revels of the past to the orderly, sober conduct of to-day 1 It is largely due to the influence of women. How has this influence been exercised 1 Not by force, not by control, nor by authority, but by the strongest of all forces, loving persuasion. Women to-day can do much more in this direction than they have ever done in the past if they will unite in creating a sentiment in favor of sobriety and right conduct. Woman has in this regard immense power over man if she is willing to exercise it. Most of us have seen examples of this influence. When in Chicago a short time ago I listened to Dr. Henson, ona of the great preachers of that city, relate in connection with this subject a little experience in his own family. One of his sons wag inclined to be rough in his appearance and dress, refusing to wear a collar or to take any pains in brushing his hair and regardless generally of his personal appearance. The father reasoned with him, the mother had enticed and coaxed him, but nothing seemed to avail. After a while, however, a change appeared ; Dr. Henson noticed that the young man was frequently seen before the glass arranging his necktie, brushing bis hiir and making himself generally present- \i ' 10 able. After noticing this on several occasions he inquired of the boy's mother what had happened. The reply was, " Why, don't you know 1 Jack has a girl ; some nice, young girl has won his affection, and to please her he is trying to improve his personal appearance." Now, this is not unusual ; many of us have seen instances of this kind come within our observation where the efforts of a pure-minded and intelligent girl have been the means of uplifting the young man whose affections she has won. Reversing Natur. 's Law. I notice that Mrs. Rockwell, the lady who seems to stand at the head of this movement in this country, writes in one of the public papers that man cannot legislate for woman, and that woman, therefore, needs the franchise for her own protection. In that statement you have an utter repudiation of woman's dependence upon man ; it is an assertion of independence ; it is a desire to I've and work sepa- rately. She says, " Give us the franchise and we will protect our- selves and our sex." Now, I repudiate entirely this doctrine. Do what you will you cannot, and you ought not if you could, reverse nature's law. Woman always was and always will be dependent upon man, and whether some women who are manhaters like it or not it cannot be changed. This lady's statement means that man has no regard for wife, mother, sister or daughter — that he, their rightful protector, will see them injured and refuse to come to their aid. I have at this moment in my mind's eye a scene which occurred in my own home something over 40 years ago. It is the picture of an affectionate mother nursing a sick boy. The boy has been alllicted with a malignant fever, he is tossing and moaning on his bed, his mind has given way and he is as crazy as a lunatic. He is very troublesome to manage, and none but a mother's hand and a mother's attention can bring quiet and rest to that boy. She never leaves him and refuses to take rest. By day and by night she waits at his bedside. By and by her labors are rewarded ; the fever is checked and the boy begins to improve; but in her case weak nature 11 gives way ; she, too, is attacked by the disease, and in less than a week she is laid away in her grave. Do you mean to tell me that I can ever forget such affection as this, and that if this mother were living to-day I would not be the first, if any law were pressing heavily upon her, to go to her relief and rescue 1 Does this woman mean to say that there is no response in man to such affection and such proof of love 1 I repudiate the idea and say that it is an out- rageous and abhorrent statement which should never appear in print again . This same lady tells us that women do not receive equal pay with men for equally good work. How can the ballot correct this ? Can you compel by law the payment of a higher scale of wages '? So long as women are willing and anxious to work for less wages than men, ao long will they be paid less. Would the use of the ballot compel the mistress on Bloor street to give her servants higher wages 1 Would it insure the dressmaker down town more wages for her work ? All this is regulated by the law of supply and demand, and is in no way affected by the ballot. To Refine Politics. The advocates of Women's Suffrage tell us that the ballot is wanted in order to refine politics, in order to bring better candidates before the public. That depends on what you consider better candi- dates. Is it better looking men who are required. I can easily understand looking around this Assembly, if a few, especially in this corner, were excluded, including the Attorney-General and perhaps the leader of the Opposition, it is possible better candidates in this regard might be secured. But speaking for myself, I am not aware that there is any particular necessity for refining politics in this country. I believe that our political campaigns in these days are conducted in a very orderly manner already. Do these people mean that if women were to engage in political struggles there would b? less quarrelling, less anger, less disputing in our assemblies ] I fear that such would not be the result if the experience of the present time is a criterion. I took a couple of 12 clippings the other day out ot the same paper which bear directly upon this point. One comes from Chicago, and reads thus : — " Presi- dent Mrs. Potter Palmer surprised the board of lady managers this morning by arising as soon as the meeting was called to order, and say- ing that she would have to resign if the ladies did not quit quarrell- ing and behave in a more dignified manner," That looks as if they were in need of some men in that assembly rather than more women to give it a refining influence. The other comes from across the sea. It is a cable, and reads as follows: — "The meeting of the British Women's Temperance Association to day was of a very exciting character, and attended by evidencv. of temper and even ebullitions of passion. The delegates seemed hardly a Die to control their feel- ings and their tongues, and a feverish feeling seemed to pervade the assemblage. It is expected that owing to the vote of yesterday re- electing Lady Somer^at as president, and thereby virtually endorsing her proposition to bring politics into the association, 175 branches of the association will secede. It is stated that the secretary of the convention, feeling that she has been insulted, has gone home in a passion." How does that corroborate the idea of a refining influeuce by manly women taking part ir. public discussions ? No ; man is not and cannot be refined in that way. He has been refined in the past rather by attentions and courtesies paid to women because of her recognized dependence on him as being his weaker and more helpless companion than by any act of wo nan herself. And thus it will ever be When woman stands ap^ rfc from man, and assumes independ- ance ; when she assumes to control him by force of numberi, she will ^hen lose her refining influence and add fuel to the flame instead of decreasing it. Evil Effects on Society. m But my strongest objection to the Bill of my hon. friend is the evil effects which in my judgment would result to society and to woman herself. These results would hot be seen immediately ; they would not be observed at the first few elections, they probably would take 13 years to work out, but in the end the result would be evil, and evil alone. The right to cast the ballot carries with it the right to be elected by the ballot. If woman is part of the people, as is alleged, if she stands on an equality with man, having the same rights in the body politic, having equal intelligence, equal education, equal busi- ness training, by what process of reasoning can you show that the right to vote in her case does not carry with it the right to be voted for ? The right to vote in a temperance lodge carries with it the right to be elected to preside. The same result would follow here. The right to vote for a member of the Legislative Assembly would carry with it the right to be elected a member of this Assembly, the right to preside here, the right to take part here in all its delibera- tions. I think I hear the question coming to my ears. And why should they not take part? My answer is, not because woman is not intelligent, nor because she is not sufficienily educated, bui because she is woman, because by putting her thus out of her sphere you unsex here, you are seeking to make her a man, to induce her to fill the place of a man ; to seat her in Parliament making laws and governing the stronger sex — ^^sitting as judge on the bench and as juror in the box. A Lo V Type of Womanhood. I am well aware that this is the ambition of some women, /nascu- line in character, disliking their own sex, having only selfish ambi- tions, deploring the fate that brought them into the world as women, and determined at all hazards to break the bonds of womanhood, and to take the pari: of * m.-.n. Such a woman says, " give me a chance and I will show you that I am not dependent ; I refuse to take the place of humble submission which nature has assigned me ; I am as able as any man ; I can fill his place anywhere." Such a person I describe as a manly woman — the lowest type of true womanhood. An effeminate man or a manly woman is not the ideal type of humanity. They are nowhere in demand. The masculine, manly woman is not respected by her own sex — they generally despise and mock her — and I am certain that she is not strongly admired by 14 many men either. It is not her misery that she cannot be a man, but rather that she cannot be a woman. I appeal to true womanhood if its highest joy is not to know that in man they have a protector, one who loves them, provides for their needs, not by force, but willin^,ly, because he delights to do it, and I appeal to true manhood if the strongest incentive to active exertion to do their best in every way is not the fact that there is dependent upon them a loving, dutiful wife, or a mother, daughter or sister. Injury to Home. Can you not see that when you have brought women into the rightful sphere of man you will have revolutionized society, and so changed altogether the relationship of man and woman 1 Will such a course bring greater harmony 1 Will the happiness of the people be thereby increased ? Will, as these people imagine, all sin thus be stamped out 1 How will such a course affect the home life ? Suppose that men and women vo^ed differently, the mother against the son, the husband agaiust the wife, and so on. If they did not thus vote diff'erently, according to the argument, all these supposed wrongs could never be righted, and no object would be gained by adding this enormous number to the list of voters. If they did vote differently, is it possible that this svould add to the joy of the home ? Will it permit in many cases harmony and love to continue 1 Women are more strongly partizin than men ; they admire more strongly, and when one has bacome the idol of their choice there is nothing they would not do to sesure his election. This was instanced in the case of the Duchess of Devonshire, who, it is stated, arranged with a butcher on whom she called to vote for her candidate on the condition that she allowed the butcher to kiss her, and, of course, the butcher immediately closed the bargain. Imagine the female portion of a household the members of one partizin committee and the men arrayed on the other side. Imagine the men of the opposite party holding consultations with the women of one's own household in the heat of a party contest. It is impos- I) 15 sible under such circumstances that bitterness should not come into that home. Its harmony would be gone ; it would no longer be a place of joy and love and trust ; these would certainly give place ta jealousy, hatred and malice. I am firmly convinced that one of the curses of this age is that there is not enough of home life. I think that home life is the strength of any nation. Scotchmen, whom we find in almost all parts of the world taking a fron^ rank, owe more than most people think to the power and influence of home life. The demand for woman sufi'rage is a blow at this power. If I had the privilege, and wished to bring the greatest blessing possible to our people, 1 should choose to increase and develop the influence of the home, to endeavour to change the tendency of the times, and to encourage young people together to build hemes where mutual companionship, harmony and love might prevail : such homes as would prove a greater attraction than the street parade, the saloon or the theatre ; homes where character would be built which would increase right conduct and prove a shield from temptation. Women Without Homes. One reason urged why woman suffrage should be granted is because so many women are without homes. I know that this is true, and that the tendency in that direction is increasing, but it is largely the result of the prevailing fashion among young people to desire neither to be mistress of a homo nor to work in the home of another. They choose in preference the factory, the counter of a store, and the tailor shop : anywher^ to be entirely independent and to live unto themselves. I hive no quarrel with them if they wish to do this, but I want to say that it is certainly not conducive to increasing morality. Intemperanoe ?s spoken of as the greatest evil, but I ask those who have observed more closely the workings of society whether or not the tendency to forsake home and home life does not lead directly to that end ? I ask whether the pre- vailing vices of cur cities and towns are not the direct outcome of forsaken homes, and do not lead directly in the way of the saloon IG and the grog shop ? To introduce women into the political arena is to add to this tendency, and those who advocate it are incurring a great responsibility. I certainly shall not be one of them. The home is woman's place of power ; if she is a true woman she rules there, although she does not assume that authority. This is her queenly station in every Christian country. Here her nobility, grace and moral power can be felt, and will always wield a greater influence on the nation than bhe ever could by assuming to take control in the political world. Degrading Woman. I have already stated that w^oman is most respected in Christian and civilized countries. Introduce her into politics ; make her an active agent, an active canvasser in political campaigns ; bring her upon the platform and let her try her hand at sarcasm and ridicule ; let her drop her winning ways and patient persuasion ; let her shake her fist in man's face : let her undertake to fight her way thus to fancied freedom, and declare her power to compel him to submit to her dictation, and what inevitably must be the result? Shall I still be expected to lift my hat in respectful deference ] Will man anywhere give place to her, in the car or on the street ? In so doing she declares her equality, and constantly states that she is not depen- dant. She will in the end be taken by most men at her word and left in public to look after herself. Let me quote here in corroboration of this view the statement made by that great and eloquent statesman, the late John Bright. It appears that Mr. Bright had at one time, to accommodate his friend Mr. Mill, voted for some measure looking toward women's suffrage. In a note which he afterwards wrote to a friend, he expressed his regret at having given that vote, and declares his opposition to the view that women's suffrage would be beneficial. He concludes with these words : — " I cannot give you all the reasons for the view I take, but 1 act from the belief that to introduce women into the strife of political life would be a great evil to them, and that to our own sex no possible good could arrive. If women are not safe under 17 the charge and care of fathers, husbands, brothers and sons, k is the fault of our non civilization and not of our laws. As civilization, founded on Christian principles, a«^vances, women will gain all that is right for them, although they are not seen coatending in the strife of political parties. In my experience I have observed evil results to many women who have entered hotly into political conflict and discussion ; I would save them from it. If all the men in a nation do not and cannot adequately express its will and defend its interests, to add all the women will not better the result, and the representative system is a mistake." Women Don't Want It. Again, I object to this Bill because it is not wanted by the vast majority of women. If their opinion could be had as we propose to take it on the temperance question, I venture to say that it would show that a very limited number indeed ask for this concession. I am here to champion the cause of those who do not wish thus to be dragged into party politics against their will and consent. They are satisfied to be women, and to shine in their own sphere, and in their own homes. You say they need not vote if they do not wish to. I answer that they must vote. Our voters' lists are not prepared as in the United States ; there a person desiring to vote takes the initia- tive step and presents himself or herself for registration. The officers of the municipality in this country place the names upon the voters list. By this means women would be placed upon the list without any effort on their part. Their names would be found there by political partizans, and when votes were wanted there would be no hesitation in bringing such influence to bear as would compel them to take their place as voters in the contests. I say, therefore, that until a greater demand is seen among women for the franchise, it is neither reasonable nor fair thus to compel all women to take part in political warfare when the majority of them do not desire to do so. Wyoming's Experience. It is urged that women have voted in Wyoming for many years, and that good results have been seen. Personally I do not know 2(w. s.) 18 what these results are. But I should be very careful about taking testimony coming from a country where the population is sparse. Indeed, in the early days, when Wyoming was a territory, I would not 80 greatly tear the evil results of women voting as I would in the older districts and the centres of population. My honorable friend has read the resolution passed by the House of Representatives of Wyoming (elected by the votes of the women of that State), as an argument why we should pass the same law and enfranchise the women of Ontario. Let us see what it says : — " That the possession and exercise of suffrage by the women in Wyoming for the past quarter of a century has wrought no harm and has done great good in many ways ; that it has largely aided in han- ishinff crime, pauperism and vice from this State, and that without any violent or oppressive legislation ; that it has secured peaceful and orderhj elections, good government and a remarkable degree of civiliza- tion and public order ; and we point with pride to the fact that, a!ter nearly twenty-five years of woman suffrage, not one county in Wyo- ming has a poorhouse ; that our jails are almost empty, and crimen except that committed by strangers in the state, is almost un ''nown ; and, as a result of experience, we urge every civilized community to enfranchise its women without delay." It has secured " peacejid and orderly elections^ We have this boon now and do not need it for that. It has given Wyoming *^ good gov- ervmeid." The Attorney-General will endorse ray statement that we already have that blessing. Then it has brought a " remarkable dBgree of civilization and public order." It is credited in this reso- lution with the result of " few poorhouses, empty jails, little crime except committed by strangers." All this is now true of Ontario, and, therefore, this resolution has no force nor weight in this Legis- lature. Example is given us of women in history who have figured as rulers of nations. We are frequently pointed to queens who have taken a notable place in history, but it will be observed always that these women have occupied this position only because they appeared in the direct line of descent, and because there was no male to fill I I 19 the place. Our own Queen is pointed to as an example of what a woman can do in ruling a great nation. She has won *,he respect and admiration, not only of her own people, but of the whole civilized world. But how has she done this? Is it because she has assum'^J the position that these persons desire women generally to take ? Has she assumed the position of a dictator, that she might have her will and her way ? I think not. She has always shown her dependence upon men by choosing from among her people the wisest and best men upon whom to place the responsibility of the great work of governing her vast empire. She is admired to-day, not because she is a ruler, but because, in the midst of all her queenly duties she still maintains the womanly part ; she is esteemed because of the admirable example she has placed before her people as a dutiful wife and an affectionate mother I do not wish to be misunderstood by anyone. I am conscientious in my statement of the caPie. I am not seeking to degrade woman, but. am anxious, rather, chat she should maintain her present high place, and be beloved still more, if possible. What I have said here I have said in her defence. I am here to defend my wife and my daughters ; 1 am here to stand in defence of our home ; to stand in defence of the influence and power of woman in the home, in the church and in society, and I call upon the hon. members of the Leg- islature not to treat this matter as ? trifling question, to pass it by with a smile and vote for the Bill bt cause they think they are thus paying a compliment to woman. It is not a compliment to them to vote in favor of my hon. friend's proposition. I call upon them to take the manly part ; to join with me in defending woman from the degrading influences which are sure to foilow if she takes part Jn political warfare. I am prepared to vote *' Nay " squarely against my hon. friend's Bill, but as I am anxious that some members of the House, who do not take such strong grounds as I do, should vote with me, especially the Attorney-Oeneral, I therefore beg to move in amendment : — ! ) 20 The Amendment. Moved by Mr. Dryden, seconded by Hon. Mr. Bronson, That all the words in the; motion after the word " that " be omitted, and that tliere be inserted instead thereof the following words : — "That whilst the propriety of the extension of the suffrage to women has been strongly contended for by many in this country and elsewhere, the opposite view has generally prevailed hitherto wher- ever representative governments exist. That women have not votes at elections for the Imperial Parliament, the Dominion Parliament, or for the Legislature of any Province of the Dominion or the em. pire, or so far as known, of any other country in the world except the State of Wyoming, in the United States of America That the extension of the suffrage to women in this Province would double, or more than double, the number of electors, and might, therefore, involve the transfer to women of a preponderating voting power in all manners affecting the laws and institutions of the Province. That such a far-reaching change in the electorate is a subject which has not been seriously dealt with or considered at any general election in this Province ; and that, under all the circumstances it is, in the opinion of this House, the present duty of the House to refuse its assent to any measure providing for female suffrage at parliamentary elections ; and this House therefore orders that the said Bill be not now read a second time, but be read a second time this day six months." Upon the Question being put the Amendment was adopted by 57 yeas to 16 nays. ^