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Un des symboles suivants apparaltra sur la derniire image de cheque microfiche, seion le cas: le symbols -^ signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbols V signifie "FIN". l\/laps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmbd at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included In one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre filmte A des taux de rMuction diff Arents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seui clichA, 11 est filmi A partir de I'angle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droits, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images nAcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 i «• SKETCH OP THE RISE AND PALL OF THE MANUFACTURING SYSTEM. X 'af- ^ it -. . <. I ■' . a- f » ♦ -i ': ', /. '^ .■ H f 1 ;J / i i-J': W. POPLEt rniNTEB, «7, Chancery !*>»«» **"*<>"• SIKIB^DIEI or TME RISE vVND FALL 0)' Ct)e iHanufartimng ^j)stem OF GREAT HRJTAIN. In which nreilkowii THE MISCHIEVOUS EFFECTS OF OUR PRESENT RESTRICTIVE LAWS AND THE BKXEFICIAL HKSULTS That would accrue from A FREE TRADE. LONDON : PRINTED FOR J. MILLKR, lUKLlNCTOX-ARt ADK, riCCADILLT. 1820. II i I i ! . ! ) ' ' J ' i SKETCH • ■' i . l>i;'t-"'l>; OFTIIK ■ ■' - ■ ' ■■ •■ RISE AND FALL •:'';) ': ) - ^' : ■ OF THE MANUFACTURING SYSTEM, ■ ui r > I j ih':Jj-/^U.i It is now universally admitted throughout the continent of Europe, that the Commerce and Manufactures ot Great Britain furnished those copious resources, that enabled her government to oppose such a resistance to the aggrandizing spirit of the militaiy adventurer, who swayed the sceptre of France, as, after being for a time the only check to his colossal power, at last ac- complished his overthrow. Pew, however, will have the hardiness to deny, that this unexpected strength of the British people was one of those fortuitous occurrences, which the evervarying tide of the affairs of nations is continually throw- ing up. X ^ That the great finance minister of the day, Mr. Pitt, did liot expect events to turn out as B 1 • i If llicy (lid, c'vitleiicc most conclusive is still to he found in the published accounts of his speeches ; and they who had the fortune to hear his ora- tory will no doubt recollect, that he never ap- peared to entertain an idea of England's rising in the stniggle, his only hopes of success resting on the ruin of the finances of France, and the assistance of the confederated powers of Ger- many. In fact he cowkl not be expected to foresee such a perfect paradox in political economy; but he perceived the bands of civil society about to be rent asunder by a daring system of innovation, sounded the alarm with all the ma- gic of his eloquence, and how he was listened to must still be remembered by many yet in the vigour of life. Here lay Ws real merit; and those overzealous friends, who would raise his judgment above the sphere of htimanity, only induce others to search for facts, of which there is no scarcity on record, to prove his pmphetic talents by no means superior to those of other men. That, though the summit of his wishes was at length attained, all his progiH)6tications proved erroneous, no one will now dispute ; and this may serve to instruct the rising statesman^ how feeble are the powers of the keenest eye, when they attempt to penetrate the mists of fu«^ turiiy. ,,^ .,.,, .,;. It never entered into Mr. Pitt*s calcolatioiU 8 (and who would indeed have cntertanied the sup- position ?) that the success of the French arms in the Netherhmds wouhl provi; an advantage to England : and France as Httle inuigined, while she was driving a British prince and a British army before her victorious troops from the Scheldt to the Rhine, thatshewas at the same time driving the capital of the Continen* to enrich the British funds ; or while laying the towns of Flanders under contribution, and ruining their manufacturers, that she was conferring on Great Britain a complete monopoly of the trade of Eu- rope. But, if the unlooked for prosperity of the country engendered an ardour, that might be deemed extraordinary in a nation struggling under the difficulties of a highly expensive war, the gloom in which wc are now involved seems proportionally great : and though the experience of four years hiiS ^iven a fatal contradiction to those buoyant spirits, who insisted, that our difficulties were the result solely of a sudden transition from war to peace, the careful inves- tigator will not be surprised at all we have suf- fered, or the greater difficulties still in store for us, if We obstinately persist in the policy so un- fortunately adopted. ^ ■ It is difficult to say, whether this erroneous policy spring from the mistaken notions of our cabinet, or from the unfortunate necessity it b2 i iubuurs iiiiilci' ui conciliating such vuiious inte- rests, to ivecjj it's niajoritics whole : but, what- ever it's source may be, it is equally fatal to the prosperity of the nation. Self-interest is often blind : but the defects of it's vision arc never so striking, as when it seeks to benefit by means of connnercial restrictions. Scarcely had the nation begun to feel the first difHculties, to which she was exposed on the establishment of peace, when restrictive enact- ments were called for on all hands. The lead- ing members of what are termed the different interests, like the inhabitants of a house on fire, each sought a rug to cover him, and left the mansion of his former prosperity, the stay of his future hope, a prey to the flames. It is truly lamentable to reflect, that such a superficial policy should Lave grounded itself so deeply among men of such enlightened under- standings as our hereditary nobility and country gentlemen. It is to be accounted for only from the facility, with which men are imposed upon by a specious first appearance. On no other ground surely can we imagine, that the present corn law could ever be looked to as a perma- nent security for keeping up the value of land. How can it ultimately prove any advantage to the great landholder, to get ten shillings a bushel for his wheat, if those, who formerly ate both wheaten bread and beef, must now content I. ! ■ 5 ihcmselvcs \v\ih bread alone ? or sulisliiule salt- fish for beef, or potatoes; for bread ? ( -an any ad- vantage accrue from raising the price of hisc^orn, if the additional price can be paid only by dimi- nishing the consumption of meat, butter, and cheese ? To lay the question of the import price entirely at rest, suppose it three times eighty shillings if you will, it can answer in the end no earthly purpose to raise the price, if >ou cannot create a proportionate demand. Ima- gine, for instance, the price of corn, to be kept up by a restrictive law, till the mechanic cannot afford bread and beef both ; and this state of things to continue, till the consumption of but- cher's meat is reduced one half: the consequence will be, that half the pasture land of the king- dom will bo ploughed up for corn, as it would be useless to employ it in feeding cattle, that could not be sold. Imagine this system of ploughing up pasture land to be carried on, till the country is able to furnish the whole of the corn consumed in it, which would soon be the case, and even more than this : of what consequence would it be, whether the importation price were four pounds or twelve, when Great Britain became an exporting country ? and in addition we may ask, to what country could it export ? - ..»»>o ., Let not the landholder suppose this to be an idle theory : the article of hops in the present year affords a practical demonstration of the 6 Hi \u !! i case. Wc raise the hops required fair our own consumption. Two years ago the price of hops was sixteen pounds per cvvt. Last year a good crop succeeded a diminished demand^ and the price fell to seven pounds. This year we had another good crop, while some of last year's remained on hand ; and the consequence is, the best Farnham hops may now be bought at four pounds ten shillings per cwt. Most assuredly the same thing will take place with respect to corn, when the quantity of grass land ploughed up renders the supply more than equal to the de- mand. ••■.:: ? : ; .-i-f : :::; ;_; /i_i' { -icil). The landholder, who thinks, that the opera- tion of the law is advantageous, because his rents were regularly paid last year, will find himself sooner or later miserably disappointed. He must be a careless observer indeed, who does not see a more natural cause for the tem- porary prosperity of the farmer, than the effects of any ill-timed bolstering system whatever. We have had two such seasons, as have not fol- lowed in succession for at least a quarter of a century : and it is well known to every person versed in country affairs, that the cultivator of the soil is invariably better paid by aja abundant produce, than by an} additional price ever ob- tained in years of scarcity. Prussia, at the present moment, is precisely in the situation, to which we are driving. She has »a Jie iad r's lie ►ur :he in. also had two good crops ; and, being an export country, has no consumption for her superfluous produce. The consequence is, Dantzic wheat, which generally brings a price equal to the best Essex in Mark Lane, can now be bought in any quantity at twenty shillings a quarter. After this fair statement is laid before his eyes, can any reasonable man believe, that restric- tions, though they may keep up the price for a moment, can ultimately answer the end pro- posed ? On the judgment and industry of the hus- bandmau the landholder may depend for the quantity of his produce ; but to the merchant and the manufacturer alone must he look for a permanent support of it's price. They are all equally conducing to the increase of his iticome : and the butcher in the market may as well say, he is independent of his customer in the square, because his bill is paid by a house-steward, as the nobleman imagine the prosperity of the manu- facturer does not affect the value of his landed property, because his rents are paid by the far- mer. The political economist, who separates, and classes as different, interests, which are in reality the same, we may strongly presume, has only skimmed the surface of the question ; and^ upon a more complete investigation, will not have better cause to be satisfied with his judg"- ment, than with his philanthropy. 8 Having tlius endeavoured to remove a preju- dice, which lias done incalculable mischief in dividing the energy of the country, by inducing men to seek in restrictive and irritating enact- ments, what, dispassionate reason will convince us, can be obtained only by general prosperity ; I shall proceed to observe, that it would be highly advantageous, to conciliate the political and theoretical opinions held by many gentlemen of th . first respectability ; at least, so far as to pre- vent their operation from being injurious to the investigation necessary for allowing the activity, industry, and moral habits of the people a fair chance of reinstating our manufactures and commerce in the road to prosperity. .. • I sincrely wish any person, holding this in view, would consider the small chance emigra- tion affords of any immediate relief for our press- ing difficulties. Assuredly the rapid success of the Spaniards formerly in South America, or of our own countrymen in Barbadoes, will not be adduced as arguments in it's favour ; since, to the shame of civilized man, both were more nearly allied to the adventures of robbers, than to the peaceful pursuits of agricultural settlers. Even suppos- ing our present emigi^ants were equally destitute of principle, where could they find so good a harvest ? The wild inhabitants of the Cape are not likely to make such obedient slaves as the .. !■•! 9 13JU- ft • in (Jaril)!)ee Indians ; or the Caffres to be as well provided with treasure as the peaceful Peruvians. Indeed the delay attending the first steps to- ward emigration seems to militate against any well founded hope from this quarter. Nearly six months have now elapsed, since fifty thou- sand pounds were voted for a trial of emigration ; and what has been done ? Nothing more than sending off two hundred and sixty men, chiefly paupers, who sailed only last v/eek. Surely emigration on such a plan can never be recom- mended as a remedy for the distresses of nearly a million of people, who are acknowledged on all hands, to have sold their last rags, to satisfy the cravings of hunger. ^ ■ ... . ' Parliamentary reform, too, has been suggested as a remedy for the evil ; but it is much to be questioned, how far this could operate in a case, that requires an immediate remedy. That a parliament formed on a broader basis of popular representation would render any generally ob- noxious measure diflicult to be carried, or even impossible, may be granted: but what could this do, to still the imperious demands of hun- ger ? Wiiat we want at the present moment is not legislation, but food. A good system of legislation may guard against future evils ; but we now require a remedy for an evil already pressing upon us in all the aggravated forms of 1 _ « , V '» ! I 1 1 t «■ • ' .1 • ' 1 «. I ,i 1., f :| 10 Assurtxlly parliiimentary i-efoi'iu does not Htand in need of sueh arguments, as the present state of the oountry affords ; and it would ])e deeply to be regretted, should it's bare name deter it*s opponents from joining in a philanthro- pic attempt, to remove a grievance now louring on England, and threatening with ruin it's ex- igtence as a nation. - • «' '■ "■•'■"^ ^f^* --'* ' 5"'* And iast of all I must mention with feelings of undisguised indignation that fariago of cru- elty and absurdity, which, to the disgrace of the diay, seems still to draw recruits to it's unhal- lowed banners. It has been said, and unblush- ingly said, that we can never expect relief, till population restricts itself to a wholesome level. If this mean any thing at all, it must mean, till two thirds of the jK^ulation are starved to death, or relieved by the kind hand of some friendly typhus fever. And do the advocates of this iiendlike doctrine suppose, that, if 666,667 of the TmUion., who now can earn upon an average only five shillings a week, were actually stai-ved to death, in oixier to. enablethe remaining ,333,333 to earn fifteen sluUings weekly, this third will be able to consume as much beef and bread, as the whoie million would have done? or will the chan- cellor of the exchequer imagine, that one third of a population can require as many exciseable arti- ekiSj as ar» demanded by the whole ? Was the consumption of commodities contributing to the I ^ not Sent he line II'O- ■ing ex- 11 revenue ihruu^lioiit the king"dom, at the time of it's greatest glory, ever more than is reqiusite at the present moment, to answer the exigencies of the state, and prevent recurrence to a loan ? It is much to be doubted, whether this whole- some adjustment of population would be found as salutary in practice, as it professes to be in theory ; or whether the country gentleman woukl consider his state in any degree improved, by having two thirds less demand for his cattle and corn : and it is by no means likely, that the ap- petite of the stockholder would be benefitted by the idea of a national bankruptcy. • '-^-'^ -^ •• But, setting policy out of the question, this theory seems branded with the foulest stain in point of mere moral feeling. The Hindoos, who carry their dying to the sides of the Ganges, and fiU^their mouths with it's sacred mud, are patterns of himianity compared with the advocates of the modern system. The Oriental barbarians only- stop the breath of beings insensible to the pain : we administer the sad prescription to those in full possession of every feeling, and of every sense. The detestable law, that doomed to immediate destruction every Hebrew male infant;, and caused the sacred historian to owe his life to the humanity of the daughter of Pharaoh, sinks into utter insignificance, when compared with this recent refinement on cruelty. But let us drop 12 the subject ; and may it's last recollection rot with the callous heart that gave it birth ! That Great Britain, if she would continue to pay her taxes, and retain her rank among the principal nations of Europe, must continue a populous and a manufacturing country, seems as clear as day. From the moment she ceases to be so, she must retrograde ; and the nobleman of 1819 will soon fall back to the situation, in which his forefathers were in 1500. The in- crease of our manufactuiing population, far from a scourge, is the real source of all our greatness; and the wealthy landed proprietor, who does not view things with the jaundiced eye of prejudice, will see in it only so many more human beings, all labouring, through their own wants, to promote his ultimate gain. ^ » i. . Consequently, tliat such a population requires the fostering care and protection of every real lover of his country : . :. ..r That it's present distresses cannot be relieved by emigration : That any mitigation of our present state aris- ing from parliamentary reform would be too tardy for the pressing energy of the case : - ? ' >< ' That the redress talked of from reduction of the population is equally crude and visionary : Seem conclusions, which, when guided by dispassionate reason, we have a right to draw. 13 I With lliis view of the matter, it naturally sug- gests itself, that tlie best prospect of relief for the present, and of success for the futiu-e, will be found in removing those restraints, which debar our mercant.le interests from a fair competition with those of other states, and through the mer- cantile, affect the manufacturing classes of the community. « iijf To elucidate a subject of such importance, it may be advantageous, to show the origin of such laws, their bad consequences, and the small risk there would be in commencing their gradual abolition. It has long been a maxim with the best poli- tical writers, that all restrictive systems are ul- timately injurious to the country, that adopts them into it*s legislation ; and they have found proofs enough of the justness of the doctrine, without the instance of Spain. But the mutual desire of retaliating the injuries of war occa- sioned many restrictive laws to be adopted dur- ing the late arduous struggle, which the com- mercial policy of Grea^ Britain would have con- demned in other times: and that such laws should remain, after the cause that gave them birth is no more, all sound policy must instantly disown. To extinguish the influence of the French among the northern powers, a duty was laid upon iron and timber, tantamount to a pro- hibition of them. This duty still remains, and 14 it's crttiscquences ftre severely felt. Sweden has nothing to sell but her timber, and her iron; and, if we will not buy Iier produce, she has nothing to enable her to purchase our manufac- tui^s. Accordingly her people are compelled to substitute their own rude manufactures for those, with %yhich llicy would otherwise be furnished from England. ' 1. 1 . 1 - 1 ( « < • ■ ' The proprietor of an English iron mine, and the speculator in timber from our forests in America, will no doubt say, that the restriction 18 beneficial, because it compels us to depend upon our own resources ; but this argument will he found correct, no farther than their private intertots are concerned. These resources would not be diminished by our not continually using them : in fact they would rather be husbanded against any future emergency. The trees of America will not cease to grow, because we do not cut them down ; the iron will not waste in the mine, because the ore is not extmcted : and the matter in dispute comes exactly to this ; we place our hardware manufacturers under a dis- advantage, compared with those of foreign coun- tries^ by means of the duty on iron ; and we deprive our woollen manufacturei-s of the benefit of the Swedish markets altogether, because we will not trade with the Swedes. ' r,M^'i^'^i n m>^k -Thus, by giving a motiopoly t^ the proprietor of iron mines and the speculator in American i « 15 n has iron; te has iiifac- led to those, ishecl , and ;sts in •iction epend lit will rivate w^ould using" anded ;es of we do ste in : and i ; we I dis- 30nn- id we 3nefit ?e we 'ietor rican timber, wc inflict a general injuiy on two of our ^•eat manufacturing Iwdics ; raise a class of overgrown capitalists, at tlie expense of onr trading population ; and foster the system, which is hastening with rapid strides to root out the middle ranks of society, and convert us into a nation of princes and paupers. .. -.^1 ;;n At the same time an evil spirit of retalia- tion is generated abroad, and antioommercial feelings are nurtured on all sides. The northern states look upon us as the leaders of the reCitric- tivc scheme, and the continental system of Buo- naparte becomes the favourite plan of retalia- tion. In Russia and in Piiissia it is well known to be at the present moment the favourite topic, on which their merchants declaim^ and which they strenuously advocate. •, fv. . ,.,>.•....-. If the necessities of the state, and the sufferings of the people, can ever be supposed to warrant an imperious call on the government, to step for- ward with a power sufficient to overawe the indivi- dual interests concerned in supporting restrictive measures, the present is assuredly the time. We are now in a fair train for lo^ng the trade of the north of Europe, and the market that hals long been open there to our manufectures. The nor^ them states fi*et vmder the same galling re- straints as ourselves ; and, did o«|r government show atjy disposition to relax, it would instantly do ^WAV all the exi^ng prejudices against as ; 16 W and excite such a burst of ft'cVmg amon^ the merchants abroad, as well as among the nobles, who derive the principal part of their incomes from articles of export; that it would com- pel the most arbitrary government, to bend before the altar of public opinion. The present law for regulating the importa- tion of corn^ to say nothing of it*s general ten- dency, is fraught with much commercial evil. Called for as it was by the landholders, and drawn up in a way least likely to irritate the rankling wounds of the indigent population, it's imperfect construction will be readily excused by all, who know how difficult it is, to conciliate the jarring interests of men : but now, when the discounts of the Bank must be regulated by foreign exchanges, that clause, which makes foreign corn marketable only when the home price exceeds a fixed sum, will be found a very serious evil. ti i; ? ur,-' « The opening of the ports, as it is technically termed, almost instantly sets on foot a spirit of gambling adventure, accompanied with every evil incident to a fluctuating exchange ; while the steady, regular intercourse, the very life- blood of trade, creeps on with difficulty, from the links of it's chain being thus unnaturally severed. A permanent duty, even if we con- sider it in it's worst light, would certainly be less injurious to trade ; and it is very question- 17 riljlc, wIk'IIiit il. would be more dctiimoulal to inaniithctnrcrs. It may be thought, that this appears hul dis- tantly conuectt'd with the distresses of Lanca- shire and Yorkshire ; but whoever has had an opportunity of seeing, how a gleam of prosperity instantly diverges through all the ramifications of the manufacturing world, will readily allow, that inferior and even more remote considerations are well worthy attention. Having endeavoured to show the injin-ious consequences of restrictive laws, where the interests, or imagiiuu'y interests, of certain classes may be supposed to stand in the way of their abolition ; we now come to others, which seem even divested of this shallow excuse for their continuance. To what a pitch of absurdity has this restric- tive mania arrived, when we will not allow goods in transit to l)e imported without paying a duty! The present state of the country renders a re- visal of all laws on this head partic'ularly de- sirable. Take, for example, the article of fo- reign linens ; and suppose we were to allow them to be imported free of duty, under bond for exportation, instead of paying a duty of tweny-fivc per cent, as they now do, which is in fact a prohibition. The consequence would be, the linens of Germany would find a market in England, for the purpose of being resold in North and South America ; and a demand for ■c -■ 18 British cotton and woollen goods would be (!ruute(l in (Tcrniany in return, or as h(K)U hh bills on London could be readily obtained on advantJi<»eous terms. Similar causes would pro- duce similar ellects tlu'ou^liout all our mercan- tile connexions ; and, instead of being obliged to invest our capitals in foreign government se- curities, we could employ it in trade. No doubt in the first place it would be paid away ; as the wheel must be set in motion by those, who now hold the drag that confines it : but the difference would be this, our warehouses would be filled in return with foreign linens, instead of hav- ing our portfolios filled with foreign govern- ment securities ; and, should any political nip- ture take place, it requires not a conjurer to determine, which is the preferable Becurity. Let it not be supposed, that 1 mean to throw blame on the large investments daily made in foreign stock : on the contrary, while our res- trictive laws prevent us from employing our ca- pital in direct trade, it is so far advantageous, as the loan, by enriching our neighbours, ena- bles them to be better customers to us. But the question is, would not the repeal of duties in transit enable us to employ this money in trade with equal advantage, and on better secunty ? In what has been said, our connexion with the neighbouring countries has been chiefly con- sidered : but they who are acquainted with the i 19 state ot our inltMiMnii'se with tlie IJniteil SUitcM of Amcricji, with the West Indies, and wit>! other established channels of Traiifiatluntic trade, well know the inconvenience and vexa- tions, to which it is exposed by our restrictive laws ; and how much these retard and diminish the exportation of our mamifactures. This re- mark, howt'ver, is only made in passing ; for to enter fully into the subject would extend this sketch far beyond it's limits. But I cannot avoid considering it of the liighest importance, to call the particular atten- tion of the government to a new channel of trade; to it*s peculiar advantage in certain parts, and it's almost boundless extent as a whole ; which now opens to the sphere of Bri- tish capital and industry. It is true, wc are here met in the outset by a branch of our mo- nopolising and restrictive system, which, like our evil genius, pursues us from the frigid to the torrid zone : but, since the advantage we now contemplate as a consoling balm to our suf- fering manufacturers cannot prove in the slight- est degree injurious to the interests of that great commercial company, which possesses the ex- clusive chartered privilege of trading to that quarter of the world, let us hope we may be enabled at least in one instance to say, that a monopoly has not stood in the way of the public welfare. c 2 '•t 20 P j i 1 1 III! ■ Perhaps t his may be deemed too sanguine an anticipation ; l)ut, in whatever way we view the question, it is impossible to suppose, that the East India directors can refuse to their own suffering countrymen a privilege, which is al- ready enjoyed by the Americans in a way be- yond theii* control. Whether we Jook to the company as a body of opulent men, deeply inte- rested in the prosperity of Great Britain ; or as sovereigns of an extensive territory, in which it must ever be their leading policy, to impress the natives with a high idea of the physical and moral strength of the British people a well-founded hope appears, that the favour re- quires only to be fairly asked, to ensure ifs be- ing freely granted. ' (; . ' v: .( , The directors nuist know, as well as all other intelligent men, that Britain cannot long exist, ur^ess some vent be obtained for her manufac- tured produce. Neither can they be supposed to be ignorant of the dangerous shock given to their power by the frequent and continually increai ing intercourse between the Chinese and Americans. The deafest ears and dullest capa- city must both hear and understand the bitter invectives, and supercilious derision, with which the trading Americans invariably treat every thing coupled with the English name. Yet the Americans carry on a trade between China and the continent of Europe, the value of which is '21 r the the own s al- y be- the inte- or vhich ipress jrsical , -.js scarcely to be credited, from whicli liritish in- dustry is eoiiipletely cxchidcd by the openition of the Company's charier. The value of all ])ranches of trade imperfectly known is naturally liable, to be much question- ed : but happily on this before us wc have evi- dence, that it is scarcely possible to discredit. By the report made on the state of American Currency to the House of Hei)resentatives of the United States, it appears, that " the exportation of dollars from America to China . i»i 1 81 7, amounted to twejve millions ; and the sale of China goods on the continent of Europe," cannot be esti- mated at less. The quantity of China produce consumed in the United States amounts to nearly five millions annuall}^ Hence it may be concluded, that the United States acquire a clear gain of five millions annually by the Chi- na trade." 'Were Great Britain allowed a fair competi- tion in this trade, the advantage would not be confined to the inc^'ease of her naval power, and the security of the company's possessions in Hindostan, which may now be considered as an integral part of the British dominions. The bills obtained on the continent of Europe for the China produce conveyed to it by our ship- ping would have a favourable operation on the rate of exchange, a circumstance that is become one of the highest importance to us, since the 129 i discounts of the Bank will now be regulated by it. But more than all, as our ability to sup- ply China with cotton goods at such prices, as render them marketable under all the disadvan- tages of the existing monopoly, is now beginning to be known, it would open a market for our manufactures, greater than we had in the proud- est day of our prosperity ; and convert the cot- tons of Lancashire, and woollens of Yorkshire, into the medium of exchange between China and Europe. Considering the proverbial cheapness of la- bour in China, many may be inclined to doubt the fact, of the combined operation of capital and machinery being able to produce a finished manufacture sufficiently cheap for such a mar- ket : but fortunately on this point we have not to rest on spedulative theory, and darken our hopes by doubts ; we have the fact on record, that, while the cotton goods sent to China in 1810 did not exceed the value of eight thousand pounds, the shipments last year amounted to a hundred and fifty thousand ; and these too for the grei'ter part ordered by Chinese merchants. This fact speaks for itself. l With this evidence before our eyes, the im- mense population of China affords a pleasing prospect to all, who are desirous of revivifying the strength and resources of our country : and when experience proves, that the industry aad ted by o sup- es, as idvan- inning )!• our )roud- cot- Lshire, China af la- doubt apital lished mar- ^e not n our cord, na in isand [ to a ) for ants. ! im-- sing and and 23 ingenuity of our manufacturers can defray the carriage of the raw material from such remote regions, and return the finished fabric for sale at a cheaper rate, than it could be afforded for on the spot ; what opinion must we form of the judgment of those politicians, who look upon such a population as a grievance ? or how ap- preciate the hv.art, that with coldblooded delibe- ration can doom the unoffending children to squalid want, and consign the parents to an un- timely grave through hunger and disease ? But we seem to have acquired a particular aversion to looking any thing fairly in the face ; and a juggling sleight, peculiar to the day, of shutting one eye against real misery, and opening the other to speculative philanthropy. The church, too, appears to be no way behind hand in adopt- ing the fashion of the moment. There was a time, when it would not have been counted quite orthodox, for a clergyman to have insinuated, that the plans of the Creator of the universe were founded on error ; and that he had given po- pulation a natural propensity to increase beyond all possibility of an adequate augmentation of it's means of support : but that time seems now to have gone by, and the church appears to take a more prominent part in our temporal concerns, than is well suited to our good, or to her own dignity. Passing by the conduct of clerical justices, as a subject too delicate to be handled 24 Jicic ; it caiiiiol be lorgotten, tiiat llie Report of the Committee upon tlie Police of the Metropo- lis exposes some speculations of a subpillar of the altar, not altogether suited to the cloth. Proceeding at this rate, perhaps in time we may be favoiued with an Arreoy under ecclesiastical patronage ; and hear the diminution of the in- habitants oi Otaheite urged to prove, how ad- mirably the institution is calculated to remove the evils of our alleged superabundant popula- tion. : ,. . ,,-,.•.-.- .,;, .' ;.,i: ■; ^, , -,.M . ^. ,:-■; ■• But to return to our subject. ""Ve have not China alone to look to for a market, if once the trade of the Eastern seas were fairly opened to us. Borneo, Celebes, and Java, according to the reports of their several historians, contain nearly ten millions of ijihabitants ; and we may fairly compute the other islands in the two Ar- chipelagoes, and in the Pacific Ocean, to contain as many more. From the traffic constantly car- ried on between the Americans and taese is- lands \ve know, that the inhabitants are all willing to exchange their produce for European manufactured goods : and we know well, that such produce finds a ready market on the con- tinent of Europe, in the West Indies, and in South America. Let not the reader s'Tppose the statement here presented to be any way over- coloured, because the advantage displaying it- self in the features of this trade is so far beyond T 2S what he may probably have expected ; innume- rable instances might be given in detail to bear out the most flattering prospects. Cochin Chi- na alone is said to export annually above thirty- five thousand tuns of sugar to China Proper, and to take in return European manufactured goods, which are furnished principally by the Portuguese. Who could doubt the effect of British capital and enterprise, if allowed a fair competition in such a trade as this ? If we may calculate on precedents, would it not in all probability fall entirely into our hands in the course of a few years ? But to such a pitch of folly has our restrictive system led us, that our own colony in New South Wales can receive no supplies from this country, except through the means of the East India Company's ships, or government trans- ports : and the consequence is, the Americans reap whatever benefit is to be derived from this traffic. Nay, to crown the whole, we learn by the last accounts from that settlement, that ma- nufactures are encouraged there ; as if it were deemed advantageous, to render the colony in- dependent of the parent state, and wait for the birth of a second Washington on some future day, to bid defiance to our power. A very mistaken notion seems to pervade the minds of many, that the Chinese are averse 2(i to every tblu^ except payments in specie. But tlieir giving a decided preference to the Russian tommerce, because the Russians bring tliein furs and cloth, evidently refutes this opinion. No doubt a great quantity of specie is sent an- nually to the oriental seas. Pulo Penang is said to receive half a million of dollars for the article of opium alone. But when we reflect, that Bri- tish manufactured goods can now come into the market only through the expensive and tardy medium of the East India Company, or the cir- cuitous voyages of the Americans, we may justly say, our manufactures have by no means had a fair trial : yet we find, in spite of all tbese dis- advantages, the demand has increased since 1810, in the wonderful degree already men- tioned. 1,. J...,. (Sj/i rr,ii ^.' ., ir^'.i/ : The Chinese are a cunning and suspicious people, and far from such greenhorns in politics, as some may be inclined to imagine. We can- not wonder, tbat they should lend a deaf ear to any application for trading establishments, when courted with the accompaniment of a frigate and hostile array. They cannot be supposed ignorant of the manner, in which we first got footing in India; or of our gradual metamor- phosis from merchants into sovereigns. Indeed they have very pointedly shown their suspicions oti this bead, by withdrawing the liberty a pri- vate individual had enjoyed, as soon as a formal ^ 27 embassy from t)ic Russian government made it*s appearance. But whatever opinions may be entertained of the Chinese as politicians, there are few merchants, who have had any dealings with them, but pretty unanimously agree, that they distinctly enough give us a quid pro quo : yet on the great point of reciprocal intei-est we may safely rely for the sale of our manufactures, if the removal of the restriction only allowed a single cargo of cotton goods, to find it*s way to Canton at such a price, as to undersell their home manufacture; and we might leave the trade ever after to rest on it's own merits. Let it not be supposed, that the foregoing re- marks are designed to cast the slightest odium on the East India Company. As individuals they arc justly entitled to the highest esteem: and surely it can be no disparagement to them to say, that it is utterly impossible for a minute attention to be paid to economy in an establishment like theirs. Of this they seem to be fully aware, when, on a late concession obtained from them, they made a successful stand against the admis- sion of small vessels into the Indian seas. The reasons adduced were, no doubt, different from those, by which they were really actuated ; and the dread of piracy was substituted for that of rivalry. But such delusions are now at an end ; and the most credulous could not be persuaded, to fear an English pirate in seas, that swarm 28 ■i li WiUi native freebooters ; men from whom the crew of our ambassador's frigate \' ith difficulty escaped: and it is sincerely to be wished, that, whenever government enters into treaty with them again, freedom for vessels of all sizes in- discriminately will be obtained. We know, that small ships are much better fitted for trad- ing among the islands of the Archipelagoes ; and likewise, that the Americans will make two voyages in a vessel not worth 1500/., while the company's servants are making one in a ship worth upwards of 30,000/. Knowing, that it can be of no consequence to the East India Company, whether teas be carried to Hamburgh by a British vessel or an Ame- rican ; and consequently certain, that no consi- deration of commercial disadvantage can inter- fere; it may not be out of our way to inquire, how both the nation and the company are inte- rested on the score of naval and territorial pre- servation. From an account of the trade of the Pacific Ocean, published some time ago by a gallant naval officer, to which I am indebted for several of the facts already stated, it appears, that of twelve ships, which touched at the Sand- wich islands in 1810, only two were English, and both of these whalers ; one was a Russian, and all the rest were Americans. The latter indeed' have established a mercantile house on one of the islands, having a branch at New York. . ^:i 29 Not contented wilh waiting the arrival of tlie Malay vessels at the ordinary marts, as is done by Europeans, these adventurous people traffic l)crsonally throughout the whole Archipelago, and thus have constantly a large maritime com- munity in those seas. The burden of their ships employed in the China trade in 1817-18 amounted to eighteen thousand tuns, and they were navigated by fifteen hundred seamen ; while the tonnage of the East India Company's shipping the same season was only twenty-one thousand, and their men two thousand ; being only three thousand tuns, and five hundred men, more tlian were employed by the Americans. At the same time we cannot estimate at less than two thousand men the addition necessary to be made to the strength of the Americans, in con- sequence of their trading in the Archipelago, and Indian sea, where their numbers cannot be aacer^ tained. Should hostilities at any future period break out between the two nations, is this a force to be looked upon with indifference in a quarterof the world, where our empire is most vulnerable ? Tlie native princes have ever shown themselves ripe for revolt against us, on any prospect of assistance from Europeans : what eflfect then may we not apprehend from the weight, that the Americans may in time be empowered to throw into the scale? , ,j.^j^;,, .j, .,,^, ,,.,,; ^^ .u.Uu, The trade of the Americans is already greater TT 30 than ours ; and, being free from tlie shackles of monopoly, may be expected to increase with greater rapidity : while that rancorous hatred, the Jirst and last of every American's ambition to avow against all that is English, shows plainly how their power would be used. Tt is their invariable practice, to represent us to the natives as a nation in the wane of our power, the dupes of a besotted government ; and point out their own superiority with far too much ap- pearance of truth. Let not the directors despise the power of the Americans, beciuise their civic garb makes them less imj.osing to the eye than the troops of a sultan : their vanity, ambition, and thirst of aggrandizement, are parallelled, and parallelled only, by their daring spirit of adven- ture : and since the end of last war they openly boast, that America will in time dispute with Great Britain the sovereignty of the seas. This may perhaps be discredited by those, who form their judgment of the national feeling solely from the documents published by the government : but different, far different, will be the opinion of all, who have any intercourse with the peo- ple, and closely observe their conduct. Notwithstanding all this, the United King- dom is still great. She possesses an elastic energy in the capital, industry, and moral habits of her people, which has expanded to the asionishnient of the world in enabling her to 31 tMiiei'gc iVom lier dinicuUies; and so it would ajrain, were a fair field allowed Ibr it*8 aetion. Only remove those restrictions, which chill and deaden her commercial spirit ; and leave trade to itself; private energy ^will work the pnhlic good. It is true, Great liritain cannot effect impossihilitics : she cannot pay her increased taxes with a diminished population ; she cannot long remain mistress of the seas, if her ships lie rotting in the docks, while those of another na- tion are navigating the seas, and trading in their stead. But she could support a population greater than she has ever yet possessed, if allowed a fair competition in the disposal of her industry ; and still contiiiue sovereign over her native element, \f her own ships were permitted, to carry abroad her own manufactures. Deeply impressed with the truth of these im- portant facts, not from any impulse of the mo- ment, but from years of careful observation, the author unhesitatingly ushers into the world the foregoing hints, which but a few days ago were known as his opinions only to a narrow circle of friends ; feeling confident, that the geiierous sympathy of a British public will overlook, in the advocate of her distressed manufacturers* the weakness of the man. THE END. Ill ! 0*',')(li fit] W. POPLK, PIUNTEU, or, Chancery Lane, Lonilan. I ft