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Tous les autres exemplaires originaux sont filmAs en commenpant par la premiere page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la derniAre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la derniAre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbole — »• signifis "A SUIVRE", le symbole V signifie "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre filmAs A des taux de reduction diffArents. Lorsque In document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul clichA, il est filmA A partir de I'angle supArieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images nAcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 'If' SPEECH OP MR. WILLIAM W. CAMPBELL, OF NEW YORK, ON THE OREGON QUESTION, Delivered in the House of RepresentiUives, U. S., January 27, 1846. The House having resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole upon the state of the Union, and the following resolution, reported from the Com- mittee on Foreign Affairs, being under consideration, to wit : " Rtsolved by the Henatc and Hotise of RrpresttUutives of the United SttUes of America i?i Congress assembled. That tiie President of the Uiiilfd States forthwith cause notice to )«; ,'jivcn to the Government of Great Britain, tlwl the convention between the United States luid Great Britain, concerning llie territory of Oregon, of tiie Gth of August, 1827, signed at London, shall ht an- nulled una abrogated, twelve montliM after the expiriition of the said term of notice, conformably to the second article of the said convention of tiie 6th of August, 1827." Mr. Inoersoll proposes to amend l)y erasing all after the word " shall," and insert the following : "Shall be annulled and alirosfated at the expiration of the term of twelve months from and aAcr said notice shall be given, confurinal>ly to the 2d article of tue said convention of the tith of August, 1827." Mr. W. W. CAMPBELL, of New York, obtained the floor and said- Mr. Chairman: I approach the discussion of this subject widi diffidence and under a deep sense of responsibility; with diffidence, because I have no experience as a parliamentary debater; under a sense of responsitiility, be- cause I represent on this Hoor probably the largest district in the Union — a district, numbering over one htmdred and twenty thousand inhabitants — a district, rich in this world's goods, rich in intellectual wealth, and engaged in a commerce which is literally vexing ev( v n.a with its keels, and whit- ening every ocean with its canvass. I have saio it is a district rich in this world's goods. Among my immetliate constitue 'ts is that distinguished man who, more than half a century ago, can>c a poor and friendless boy to seek a home in this western world; who, b\'^ great energy and industry, at- tended with almost unparuh led success, has placed himself, as far as wealth is concerned, among the princes of the earth; the man who planted the first American settlement upon the banks of the Cohnnbia — 1 mean John Jacob Astor. I have said the district is rich in intellectual wealth. Amorg 'le numerous men of distinction, of learning, of fame, is that other celebrated man who, more than half a century ago, came to make his abode with us, and who, under our fostering laws and free institutions, rose to great emi- nence as a legislator and statesman, who has filled many posts of honor and trust with great credit to himself and to the land of his adoption, and whose name is intimately connet'ted with the early negotiations relative to the Ore- gon territory — 1 mean Albert GiiUatin. Both these venerable men are now far down the vale of life; their heads are whitened with the frosts of inore than eighty winters; and they have retired from the strifes and turmoils of active life; but they are looking with interest upon the scenes now enacting^ at this Capitol by the councils of the nation. J. ai e. B. Uideoii, printen. i • t ' : -4 » » 2 The district, as well as the whole of the city of New York, is extensively engaged in foreign commerce. We have heard it slated, that if war comtis that comitiercfc would be destroyed, and that noble city, the coniniercial em- porium of the continent, would be besieged by hostile fleets; its harbors and rivers filled with the vessels of the enemy ; that its noble wurehouscs would be sacked; its splendid public edifices and the palaces of its merchant j)rin- ces, would be given to the Uames; it? marts of trade and its pleasant places, would be laid wasle. It may be so. But when the time shidi come — anJ may that time be far remote — when we shall be involved in a war, I can as- sure the gentlemen that the cily and the Slate of Mew York will do their duty to the country. 1 know it is the habit to speak lightly of conmiercial interests and commercial men when questions of war agitate the country. It is said they are apt rather to take counsel of their fears — apprehensive, not so much that liie honor of the country Uiay guller,as that their own pecuniary iui-cresls may be endaiigced. Do those who make this charge consider from what source the revenues of the country, the sinews of war, are derived? Do they consider, also, that commerce sufl'ors, not only from war, but from rumors of war? That, like the sensitive j)hmt, which shrinks from the rude wind, commerce withers and dies under the blasting inlliience of war, and trembles as it hears the roar of the tempest in the distance ? It is natural that it should be so. It is the first interest generally which sulFers. A nmr- itime war might sweep our vessels from the ocean, might lay waste our com- mercial cities, and yet the business of the husbandman would go on— his home and his land would icmain to him. It is therefore to be sujjposed that connuercial men will be sensitive when subjertsare agitated which may lead to a war with the most powerful nation of the world. I repeat, sir, that if war should come, the city of ISew "^'ork would be as ready as any portion of the Union to contribute the means to sustain it and to carry it for- ward to a successful issue; but she nuist be convinced that it is a necessary war, and that it was resorted to only after all eflbrts for an honorable com- promise of the difiiculties were exhausted. At a suitable time I intend to oiler a series of resolutions expressive of my views on the subject, for die consideration of the House, lecitinglhat, in the judgment of Congress, the liuie has arrived when the interest of the people whom they represent requires Uiat the convention for the joint occupancy, with England, of the Oregon territory shall cease; that Congress is desirous of terminating that convention amicably, and without disturbing the peace of nations; that the President of the United States be authorized to give the requisite notice, and at the same time it be reconnnended to him to renew negotiations; and to accept the proposition of the forty-ninth parallel of lati- tude as a basii of settlement, if it be tendered to him. In my judgment the time has come when this long and vexed question ought to be settled, and that tiie moat certain and speedy settlement will be attained by giving the notice, qualified if possible, but at all events in some form. The public mind has been, and is now, greatly agitated by the Oregon question, and will continue so to be, and to a greater extent, if it should longer remain unsettled. It cannot escape the attention of ihe most casual observer that many causes exist for continuing and increasing this agitation, if the notice should not be given . Look at the Texan question and its com- bination with party movements. Objectionable as it was in some of its fea- tures to a large proportion of the people, especially at the north — aye, a large xtcnsively ivar cornea lerciul em- nrbors and tses would liant, piin- 11) t places, oine — atu' , I can as- II do their )iijmst casual igitation, its com- d( its fca- i, a large p'oportion of those , too , who sustained it — yet the plilical prize was toa valuable to be rejected; the acquisition of so large and fertile a country was too important. The Texan banner was unfurled during the late political canvass, and it was borne on in triumph. Let this House refuse to give the notice — letUic Oregon banner be unfurled — let the fiat go forth — the watch- words be emblazoned upon that banner, "the whole of Oregon, or fione,^* and then the result in my opinion can be easily foreseen. With the strong^ argument in favor of our title to the whole, with the prospect of adding a free and extensive territory, important for our future commerce, no power could resist the onward march. Under that banner a great political victory would certainly be won; and then England must abandon her claim, must yield the whole of the territory, or we must fight. If gentlemen suppose that by delay in giving the notice wc shall obtain the whole of Oregon with- out a contest, I think they are certainly mistaken. They can get it, if the present time for action is neglected , only by a successful termination of a contest — successful either in the negotiation of terms of peace, or by driving England by force from her occupation of the coimtry. If we could roll back the tide of events, if we could blot out all that has transpired in Uie last few years rel.ilive to both Texas and Oregon, then indeed delay in giving a no- tice might be wisdom and prudence. If we could wave a magic wand over the land, and at once hush to silence and repose all the elements of party strife, and remove all the temptations of successful party triumph, and if England would remain quiet, and allow large bodies of American emigrants to move noiselessly forward to the setdeujent of the whole country, then in- deed delay would inevitably bring with it the wished for result. But this cannot be, and we nuist act upon Uie existing slate of things. We should give this notice, because the title of England has been strengUiened radier than weakened by past deljiy. For nearly thirty years we have been nego- tiating with her. Twenty-four years ago she passed a general law establish- ing courts, exercising a civil and criminal jurisdiction, not only over the whole of the teriilory, but also over all the inhabitants, whether subjects of Great Britain or citizens of the United Slates. When the Hudson's Bay Company, in 1S38. asked for a renewal of Uieir charter, they alleged that they were settling the country for England. Suppose, now, we submit this question to arbitration. England inight well say that she had for nearly a quarter of a century exercised exclusive civil and criminal jurisdiction over the whole country and over all the inhabitants; that the act passed by Par- liament was a public one, knowit to all; that it was also known that the Hudson's Hay Company was settling the country, and yet the United States had acq 'iesced in all these movements; she had neither given the notice to terminate the convention, nor had she remonstrated against the exercise of jurisdiction over the American citizens who had settled in Oregon; and i% might be argued before k commission or arbitration that such an acquiescence for so long a time should be taken as an admission of the superior title of England to a greater part if not to the whole of the territory. Again; there is another reason for giving this notice now, which is based on the character of the reccht news from England. The sro?ifli uuin from Virginia who preceded me, (Mr. Baylv,) said we thoulu delay and give time for setlioiueiit, that we miglil "agree with our adversary." Now, I would add, "• gree with thine adversary quic/dt/, while thou art in the way with him." i have read carefully ilie articles which have recently appear- cd in the English papers on ihis subject, nnd they show to my mind con- dusively that great eflbrls are making to prepare the pnbhc mind there for a compromise according to the terma wliich our Government recently offer- ed. The Times, which is the most iniluential journal in England, and which is considered the organ of Lord Aberdeen, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, has been employed with its usual ability in gradually removing the prejudices from the English mind against the establishment of the 49th par- allel lis a boimdary. The London Morning Chronicle, said to be the organ of Lord Palmerston, is al?o moderate in its tone, and engaged in the good work of promoting a right feeling on the question . So are many of the pro- vincial papers. Therefore I would say, in view of the manifest interest of both nations, that now is the time to press the settlement; and if the notice shall be given, with a recommendation for a compromise, it can hardly be doubted that a salit^factory disposition of the whole matter will be made. The interest and wisshes of both nations will be promoted. Though we are two nations, we are of the same family, speaking the same language, and partaking in a considerable degree of the same destiny, as far as it is our destiny to civilize and christianize the world". F^ngland antl An)erira at this time arc doing more to advance the great causes of civilization and Christi- anity than all other nations togelher. Let us agree with herquickly, while we are in the way with her — give and receive fair terms of compromise. This we can do, and England can do, without dishonor or the abandon- ment of prinrjpl:;. When a nation is conscious of its power, it can always afford to act in a spirit of magnanimity. Thus can England do, and thus can we do. It has been argued that our ac(iuisilion of the Spanish title did not strength- en our claim to Oregon. It seems to me that no lawyer or historian , in the exercise of an independent judgment, could come to snch a conclusion. I revert to the Spanish tilie with feelings of deep interest. It is connected with the wild and romantic scenes of ihe early discovery of this continent. When old Juan Ponce de Ijcon was governor of Porto Rico, and musing over the hot contests in which he had been engaged upon the plains of Gre- nada, and amid the rugged passes of the Spanisii highlands — while he was listening to the Indian tales of that spring of magic waters far away to the north and west, in which he might bathe his scarred and battered limbs, and come forth restored to all the freshness and elasticity of youth — while he was coasting along the shores of Florida, adding by riglu of discovery that land of flowers as another jewel io the Spanish crown, receiving however a wound from the poisoned arrow of an Indian, which caused his death instead of finding there the waters of life; while these things were transpiring, other Spanish adventurers were crossing the continent, discovering new lands, and looking out for the first time upon the waters of the Pacific as they broke upon the shore; other adventurers were building vessels and coasting along the shores of Mexico, of California, and afterwards of Oregon , planting there the standard of Spain, and claiming it in the name of their monarch long years before the bays and harbors of Oregon sent back the echoes of the EngUsh sailor's "yo, heave yo." When we purchased Florida from Spain, we purchased also all the territory on the Pacific belonging to her north of the 42d parallel. We obtained the Spanish title, not by conquest, not by violence, not at the point of the bayonet; we wrested it not from Spain un- der threats of force, but we obtained it by peaceful negotiation, and on the payment of a full and adequate consideration. 5 If Spain did not perfect her title by full and complete occupation, as sha' 'did in moat of her other colonial possessions on this continent, yet she al- ways insisted upon her rights to the country as the iirst discoverer, and she watched over the whole Pacific coast with a restless and jealous eye. Her title, if not under the law of nations exclusive, was far better than that of any other nation. The country, if not settled entire, was early occupied in part by her citizens. The convention of 1700, with Cngland, recognised her rights, and by that convention the sovereignty over the territory was to remain in abeyance. The discoveries which tingland made between 1790 and 1796, when the convention was terminated by a w;»r between Spain and England, could not enure to the sole benefit of England; to thatconven* tion the United States were not a party. The discovery by Grey of the mouth of the Columbia, in 1792; the subsequent exploration of the sources of the Columbia, and the vast valley which it drains, by Lewis and Clark, and the settlement by Mr. Aator near the mouth of the river, were made under no treaty or convention which should give the benefit of such disco- veries and explorations to an adverse party. They were for the benefit of the United Slates alone. If you add to these the Spanish title, founded on discovery and partial settlement, and which was fairly purchased, the claim of the United States to the Oregon territory , if it can not be considered ex- elusive, seems to me to be far better than that of England. Still, I think it caimoi be affirmed, with certainty, that England has no rights. In this opinion I concur v/ith the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Baylv,) .vho has just taken his seat. If our claim be the best, it does not follow that England has no rights. It doe3 not follow, either in justice or equity, that she has no rights, though our claim may be paramount to hers. Admitting that the rights acquired by England from Spain in 1790 had been abrogated by the subsequent war in 1796, and that the discoveries made between the two periods did not enure to the benefit of England; ad- mitting that the treaty of 1816 revived only the commercial treaties relating to the direct trade between Great Britain and Spain, and not the trade with the Spanish colonies, which is understood to be the construction which the English ministry recently put u]X)n the treaty of 1816, still it does not follow that England has no rights. Such controversies are not to be decided by the strict rules of law which might govern in an action of ejectmer', '-(etween two individuals, where the title to a tract of land is involved; far , her and more liberal views should be taken, and far different rules must rt^^ulate the actions and decisions of powerful nations. Nations, in their intercourse with each other, must he. Just if they are not generous. If the argument be sound, that we are destined, in the ordinary course of things, to occupy all of North America, how long would it be, after we have planted the American flag, and established American institu- tions along the line of the 49th parallel, before the residue of the territory would be given to us by that same inevitable destiny? When it shall be ripe for the harvest, the sickle of American institutions can gather it in. As I have said, the time has come for giving the notice; and it seems to me- that it will be a measure of peace , especially if accompanied by the sugges- tion that we are still willing to negotiate for that boimdary. My friend from Pennsylvania (Mr. Levin) has said, that this is an Ame- rican question — a Native American question — and to some extent it may be ao. It may be well, while we are debating the question of our destiny — • of the integrity of otir soil — to consider also, whether we ought not so ta legislate , as to render the character and views of our people more homoge- neous — to do all that we can to Americanize them. I confeea that I heard with regret the avowal upon this floor, that persons of foreign birth ought to be preferred to those born upon the soil. I cannot concur in such ii sen- timent. I value too highly my American birthright, to barter it for political prefcjrment; I would not sell it for a mess of pottage. When the great apostle to the Gentiles learned from the Roman centurion, that wiih a great price he had purchased his freedom as a Roman citizen, the reply of the apostle was, " but I was born free." He spoke of himself — not as a soldier of the cross, not as a freeman whom the truth had made free — but he spoke of himself as a free born citizen of that great empire which had spread itself over so great a part of the then known world; which had planted its eagle banner alike upon the banks of the Euphrates, the Danube, and the Rhine — at the cataracts of the Nile, and along the shores of the western ocean; and in view of this great empire, with all her power and temporal glory, he who said he would not boast, save in the cross of his Redeemer, yet gave utterance to the expression, " but I was free born." We have heard, Mr. Chairman, in the course of this debate, much of the extent and power of our own fair land, and my own blood warms in the contemplation. It is a noble land. The waves of the stormy Atlantic beat on the one side, and the billows of the Pacific sing their lullaby on the other j the rays of the morning sun sparkle and play on the chrysial ice of our northern lakes, and when the same stm goes down, the coiton tree and the magnolia cast their long lines of shade over the dark and turbid waters of the Mississippi; and over all this land the eagle standard of our Union floats, or will float, when this Oregon question shall be settled. I would that throughout its length and breadth one universal shout might go up—" but I was free born." I speak not so much in reference to existing institutions^ recognised by the constitution of the country; over that institution which shadows a part of our land we have no power, save that of moral suasion. But I would that those who regulate the legislation of the country, might feel the importance of those who exercise the elective franchise — wlio make and unmake rulers and legislators — being, if not freeborn ,al least by study and long experience after their emancipation from foreign despotic powers, well qualified for the discharge of the high and responsible duties of an American citizsn, that they should be permanently identified with the country and its institutions. I recollect, many years ago, listening to the recital of an eloquent Indian chief, who came here to the capilol of the nation to ask protection for him- self and for his people. I knew the history of his own and his people's wrongs. He spoke of the efforts which he had made to obtain rediess, though in vain; and in his own beautiful and expressive language he added, ''I knocked, and knocked, and knocked, at the doo<- of the President's mansion, and asked for protection, but my voice was borne away down Pennsylvania avenue and /os^." Sir, I could not but think of this appeal of the Indian chief, when a few weeks since the few representatives sent here by the Native American jxiriy, asked of this House the privilege of being heard, through a select couunit- tee,onthe subject wliioii they have so deeply at heart. Their appeal to the magnanimity of this House was disregarded, and their voices were borne I not so to e honioge- int I heard irih ought iioh u sen- ov political the great iih a great iply of tho IS a soldier ii he 8poke pread itself td it$> engle the Rhine crn ocenn; I glory , he , yet gave uch of the ms in the laniicbeat I the other; ice of our ee nnd tho I wnters of )ion Hoais, .rould that lip—" but isiiturions^ on which suasion, ry , might lio make study and vers, well Ainericark ry and its nt Indian for him- peo pie's redress, ic added , resident's ay down away and lost. I hope on another occasion (o bring my views on this sub- ject before the House, and to show that vc are no enemies to our foreign population as stich, that we would take away none of the rights that they HOW enjoy as naturalized citizens; that all legislation on the subject should have reference wlely to those who shall hereafter come to the country; and that then; is a well founded belief that these mea^uics would tend, in the end, to (h«« |)ermanent well-being of the immigrant himsolf. I have spoken, in the commencement of these remarks, of two dislinguished foreigners, and I could add a long list of men who liave shed honor on this the land of their adoption. No man will more freely accord to them the meed of praise than mysolf. I would that all our inmiigrant population brought with them, or phould afterwards accpiire, such sterling principles, and such knowledge of the laws and institutions of thecoufiiry of whicli they become citizens. Pardon, sir, this long digression. On this occasion, and on the great <)uestion before the House, 1 belong to no parly but that of the country. I rejoice thai no parly lines are drawn, and all feel themselves free to act as they may deem ihe best interests of the country require. With many others, I believe that the pro|K)sed notice will bring a settlement, and all the at- tendant train of peace. Sincerely do I believe so, if the tone of the notice shall be conciliatory, and such as beconies a great people, conscious of their power, and of their position among the leading nations of the earth. 1 wish to see all causes for future ruptures ended, that we niay hear no more, if possible, of wars and rumors of wars. But if after we have done all that we can to secure a peaceable termination of pending difficulties, war shall come, then the nation will be united, I trust, as one n)an, feeling that we are right in the approbation of our own consciences; right in the intelligent judgment of mankind; and right, if war is ever riglit, in the eye of him who regulates the destinies of nations, and controls the affairs of the indi- vidual man. en a few an ixuty, connnit- tppeal to ere borne