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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent ia mAthode. 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 ^^H i 4 , \ > .. it I * o r SPEECH. On tht re$olution of noHu to Great Britain to abrogate the conventum of jdnt oeeupancy relative to the Oregon territory. Mr. CLARKE obtained the floor and addrewed the coowiiitMu fbllowK Mr. CbuhIiui: It ia with much diflUenee that I ri^a to addreaa thia committee for the flrat time on a aubject which, in my estimation, is ao imroediaiely connected with the peace of the country, and on which cendemen of much more ability and experi- ence diner in aomereapeeta ao esaentially. Butaa a large portion of those whom I have the honor to rq>r«aent aeem to ftel a Tery eonaiderable interest upon the subject of Oregon, if I may be permitted to form an opinion ofthe extent of that interest by the resolutions lately adopted in their primary naetinga, it is but proper^indeed, sir, it may be expected by them — that I ahould express my Tiews upon this subject. Such aa I hare, they are entitled to, and I will give them to them; premising, iiew- erer, that if pn a question of this important charac- ter I ahould uniortunately have mistaken their wishes, it will be my pleasure, as it certainly is my duty, to rectify the mistake and to carry out what- ever may be their purposea in the matter. Amidst all thedifferencea of opinion on this subject, how- ever, to which I have adverted— ad iflerence of opin- ion both as to the extent of our rights and the best way of maintaining those rights — it is ^T.'if^ I..^ m witness the unanimity of all on one ' aatly import- ant point connected with this C4iiuuveray. If all eflforta to settle this matter peaceably shall te of no avail, and if war ia to be the dreadful alternative, we have the aaauranee of men of all parties, that they will unite, aa if with one hand and with one heart, to give efficiency to the war, and to terminate the conflict, so far aa human agency may prevail, honorably and gloriously for the country. What emotiona of pride doca not this assurance excite in the breast of every one; what a eommeniaiy docs it not Aimish upon our firee institutions, and upon the chanKterorour confederacy; and what a promise does it not hold out of our ateady, gradual, and iire- aiaiible progresa aa a people to that mognificf nt destiiiT which ia in reverse for us, if we will only befUuAilto ourselvea! However, therefore, this aMtier mav be settled— whether by negotiation or by war; whether peaceably or by the clash and din of arma thisfcctiaef ineatimuile value, and cannot ftil to exert a powerAiI .uforal ioSucnce upon As growth and prosperity of our common country. It will alao give ua confldence in the patrioliam of each other ; it will blunt, in some dcgiee, it ia to b* hoped, the acerbity of party suirit; and it will tell to foreign nations, in terms which cannot be miaundei> stood, that however much we may differ on quea* tions of domestic policy, when a foreign foe ahall touch our noil, we are prepared to give him, in tlw langu^e ofthe honorable gentleman from IlliiMii^ [Mrf DocGLASt,] "the best fight we have on hand,*' and that is a untied fieht. Aa these assurances hpr* front time to time fallen upon the ear of the HoIm^ the inr iry haa involuntarily forced itself upammy mind, whether it were possible that thia eo ild be the result ot the annexation of Texas, wlietber it were possible that thia could be the cvidenoa of that alienation of attachment to our free institntiona, which wss predicted by some as sure to follow the coniummation of that great deed. Certainly, afltec so much was said about the dissolution of the Union, and the disaffection of a portion of our people to their own government, it was hardly to have been expected' that in so short a time we sliould witness the gnti> fving spectacle of men of alt partica coming up to~ the altar of their country, and there making a ilre» and voluntary offering of devotion to her in everjf emereency. But, sir, it is as true as it is gratifying. The North and the West, the South and the Beat,. without distinctiuii of paiiy, unite in the hearty, prompt, and cheerful declaration of a determination to stand by their country when t^e shock of war' shall come. I was for Texaathen, and am for Oregon now. 1 was for adopting the mott prompt and vigorous measures when the former waa to be in- troduced into our sisterhood of Statr s; and 1 will' now go OS far as any one in adopting such meas* - ures as may be necessary, in the event of war, to- maintain our riehts and establiah our authority ii. the latter. And, sir, if there could be any diflerence- in my zeal in the two cases — which I do not, how- ever, admit-— I must confess that my zeal would be the greater in favor of Oregon; for we have learned from those who have had the management of thia case from the beginning, that Oregon is ours, our own soil, our own patrimony. Texas, on the other hand, until admitted into our Union, was the land of another people. In contending for Or^en, we %\ ,J' 1" ; !.M are but striving to nMn our preient poaieHiona, anilMfrd to us by the recollection and by the «ehieveine'>*ji of our ancestoni. In contending for Taxu, we were but etri °.'!n» tj extend our possei- wana, to increaae our wealth, our power, our re- «nurcea, and to diaaemimtc the blessings of our Union — reauita certainly grati yini; to Our pride and crtRouraging to our hopes, but w'^ich can hardly be •lid to be e(|ual to the outy of holding on to our «wn, of keeping that which we huve already eot. What proflt, I aik, can it avail us, if w<.> nccumuTate with dne hand to-day, and give away and squander witli thft other to-morrow? What seeming fickle- ness, at one time to peri' the peace of the country in «Ner to aeqmrt territory, and at another time heni- tale, for fear of ensountering the dreaded power o( aaother nation, to assert and prepare to vindicate 4nir just and manifest rights! Nor can the consider- sitinn that one of these territories is to be the abode of freemen only, whilst the other is to be peopled in oart by slaves, be allowed to have any influence Hrhatever on my mind in bringing it to a conclusion as to the course I ought to pursue on a great ques- tion of national tights. Nor do I look to that bal- ance of power which has been too frequently advert- ed to in this House and throughout the country, be- tween the sluveholding and non-slaveiiolding States of this republic, as necessary Ibr the protection and aneurity of the peculiar institutions of the Souths . Tiiese depend for their present support upon the \-'^|knee8sion« on that subject which are to be found in '. •• constitution of the United Statm, and without wkieh that instrument eouti.* nothNve been ratified; they depend for their fiHure support uflbn the i of iustice on that Bubjsct which can alone pre- £re and perpetuate that i'nstru.nent. When these II cease to oMrate, little is to be expected from it. It is worse titan idle to place any reliance what- ever or. a. mere abstract balance of power founded perats, the .ance of power by which those institutions are to be supported will be one lut founded on numbers, baton might — the success of which will depend much more on the justice ofthe cause Jn which it is to be extrtcd — to wit: the maintenance of our just lights— thttn on nny mere seeming superiority bused oa mhjoriiies. This is the view in which the two cases present themselves to my mind; and viewing (hem in ttiti light, I cannot but say that ray zeal for Oregon is at least equal to what It was forTexau. I lepciit it, therefore, what seeming fickleness at one time to peril the peace of the country in order to aijcjuire territory, and at another time heijitate, fo^; fear of encountering the dreaded power o£.an.?'-!icr nation, to assert and prepare to vindicate our just and riLinifcst rights— our cWr and indisputable title to the (»rcgon territory! But the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. Ewiko] denies timt our right to any jportioii of that territory cun, with any propriety whatever, be pronounced clear and indisputable. The title to any of it is, in his estimtrtion, doubtful; «nd ihis doubt he attributes to the uncerts|inty — nut to say unsoundness — ofthe print^pUs, by which we lay claini to the country, wbep wjitea by any known and acknowledged principles of international law. The gentleman alleges, for instance, that — 1. llvis doubtful, under the law of nations, wheth- : or the discovery ofthe mouth of a river gives a right .e right by continuity to .that conferred by discovery and settlement, I would auk the honorable gentle- man if she did not extend her possessions far be- yond the most distant sources, both of the principal rivers and their tributaries? if she did not push them even beyond the Alleghany mountains, and limit them only in their western extension by the great Mississippi river? The sincerity of Great Britain in jiving this interpretation to the laws of nations cannot be ciuesti(.y different nations, and dilTerent times, and alao in the nature of a judi- ^d aettle them. It must, id that this present con- ain; and if she, by her cial interpretation to cer- >nai law, it ia but fair ' to that construction; and properly applied to this n territory, it certainly ry great departure from , When speaking to her, title to that couutry is " Now, I would' aak, territorial rights on tjia It haa not given certain- loctrine :hat the discoTe- r, followed up within a ent, gave her title not ^atered by the principal IS watered by ita varioua tilful conjunction of lift conferred by discovery the honorable gentle- her posaesaiona far t>e- es, both of the principal if she did not puah them ' mountains, and limit extension by the greal cerity of Great Britain to the laws of nations ise in 1760 she went to I it. She was not only r before the world as a those laws, but for the tion she was willing and ey, anil sacrificed ibou- ecta. Give us, then, as , tne rights to the same settlement have confer- the eastern part of thia -and to tliis, let us add rould give us, regulated our tide is complete. 9uld give us title to the the Columbia and its le 42d degree of north the east throughout its mo-jntaina, and on the reached the mouth of •f 49°, when it would h aeparaie the watera r river valleya jp to benefit of continuity — ith only half the vitaii- t ty and efficacy with which it worked out territory for Great Bniain on thia our own continent, and we take in Fraeer river valley, and become at once united to the Pacific. And, sir, if there ever was a country in which the doctrine of continuity would operate in the extension of territorial rights, the up- per part of thia Oregon valley ia plainly and e/npbat- icallyone. The very reason and object of '.he prin- ciple is, that a people may the more fully and con- veniently enjoy that portion of any cou:itry which is clearly and confessedly theirs by discovery and occupation, or by some other acknowledged manner of acquiring territory. The valley of the Columbia is ouiB by the discovery of Gray in 1792, and by subsequent aettlemen I within a reasonable time, as acknowledged by the ^lurrender of it after the last war; and this valley extends as far north as 54*^ 40\ The inhabilanl4, tneretbre of the northern part of thia regi'on would have to travel the whole extent of liie Columbia river — n (iintance of some thousand or twelve hundred miles — liefore he could embark the products of his labor and skill nn the mild bosom of the Pacific, in search of a foreign market. This long, and tedions, and toilsome journey he must take, with the Pacific wilhi:4 two hundred miles of his home, and Fraicer's river within one-fourth of that distance, because Prazer'a river was discovered by a subject of Great Britain ! But this discovery, however, was not until the latterpart of the year 1793, •omelS months after our citizens had discovered the Coluinbia, and therefore ei«:hteen montha after this principle of continuity — if it has any application, •ny force whatever — had extended our right to the Pacific. But admitting that we throw out of con- sideration any advantage we might claim tothe Frazer Valley by continuity, and concede that to Great Britain, and then our title to the south of 49°, from the Rocky mountains to the Pacific, would be indisputable; and to the north of that parallel we would have the Columbia, and Great Britain the Frazer valley. Both these valleys are now, by the treaty of 1827, in the joint occupancy of the two countries. This, then, is the only portion of thia northwest country— the portion to the north of 49° — which, in the most unfavorable view for us, can bo the proper subject of diviaion. A line heginnini; on the Pacific, somewhere between 51° and 52°, and running along that parallel to the Rocky moun- tains, would give to Great Britain a portion of the teiritory we claim, and to us a portion she claims — would give us each aline of the Pacific coast equal to our Tine on the Rocky mountains, and would al- ao secure to the honorable gentleman from Tennes- see [Mr. Gentry] that straight fence he so much desired. By discovery, settlement, and continuity, therefore, the whole of Oregon is ours. Throw continuity out of the account, and confine ua to dis- covery and settlement, and we have the very clear- est title to 49°, leaving only the valleya of the Ore- gon anil Frazer rivers, to the north of that parallel, to be divided between ua. A line between 51° and 52P would accomplish the most just or equitable di- vision; or, in consideration of our taking Vancou- ver's island, the line might be located on the Slat degree of latitude. But we are here met with ati- otaer propoaition of the honorable member from Tenneasee, [Mr. Ewino,] in which he asserts "that it is doubtful whether both discovery and settlement | give title to a nation, unless mode under government { authority." However this may be, by the laws of! nations Great Britain is estopped, by the character I of her own pretenaions to any portion of this coun- try, from ifltting up any such doctrine. Mfhat, I would ask, is the oeginning, the very foundation, of all the claim which Great Britain now sets up to any part of this country.' Is it not all to be traced — does ahe not heraelf trace it, through the Nootka convention — to the mere temporary occupation of a part of Vancouver'a ialand by Lt. Mearca — who, it IS true, waa one of her subjects, but who, so far from acting under the direction of the "governmenk authority" of his own country, was, at the time, sailing and operating und'T the Portuguese flag. But, sir, if it be true that "government authoritv" must accompany diacovery and setllemeni, in oraer to perfect the title to this territory, does it not foltow that Great Britain has the clear title to the whole of this northwest territory, because she, as early aa 1603, and then again in 1821, extended her law* over it, whilst wo have n<»t, to this day, exiendai either our authority, our laws, or our institutiona over the country? And does the gentleman rcalTy ipean to be understood throughout the countiy ■> denying that we have any rights in Oregon? I io not believe that he desires to be so understood; uhI yet thia is the practical result of his positions — the necessary conclusion from his premises. Thus far of our title acquired by the onterpriM and adventure of our own citizena, which I regaWI as the most reliable part of it. Let us now look in- to our tit!e from Spain, by the treaty of 1819. By that treaty Spain ceded to the Uniteo States "all bar rights, claims, and pretensions to \he northwest ter- ritory." So far as prior discovery is coneeriMi, "these rights, claims, and pretenaions" of Spain extended, and were complete, as far north «a S4P 40', at least. Between 1774 and 1779, exploring expeditions, sent out by their government, had das- covered the Pacific coast as far north as the paralial of 60°, had landed on it at various puinu, had tradafi with the Indians, and had taken formal possession of the country in the name, and for the benefit, aT th^ir government. Whereas, the first English nav- igator who saw any portion of thia coast north of 42°, waa Cook, in 1778, after every portion ftf the coast he visiteil hod previously been visited by the Spaniarda, Perez, Heceia, and Bodega. The government of Great Britain, however, c, are uliroijatfil Ly war; v/liltt iliosr wliicli cpiUVr ii'.;hts, icniiun luitiuiilic 1. Tliin, rs n scnernl rule, i^i ffilui'ily wauling nf (l'st::ictr.i'Bi, fo:- some privili ft;t nrc inosiceitiiiiily ri^ilii.''. Tlic: only distinrtion wliicli Pivura tn inc to Ij": iit w\i:r seniiiblc and c t- tlo boundaries — wliic'i limit 'r cr.;.f;r ti'.'iii,-ii!al rights, ni'i; uruiffcc'.cJ by iiiiy and tu-ry cKr.iii^e i.i tho re lalionH ljr:t«ecn the two nir>i!i'c.i. TIij lrt.,i- ty of 17!>0 hi'uprn Spain an.l G.v.a! Priiaji is' clearly cm lirwi! ill til f l.iili.'r c!:i.-s. !l|iiiviJ d To; trade wiUi tlic Iirllu..',, ar.d f -r tell' ■i.un' ••, i'..i tlu' purposes of trade, nnd i'.ir iliat iiiir[)vi»o ./.'ily. Tiie right to inako srtll mr-iils (V.ii, hy no fur cii.-.Kinir,- tion, be r.'^arded lu; a ii;l,l w aiviMrutalf 1< iii'.Ty. Sfuch a coris'liuutiijn i,s not warranted \:y tin una ii- Liguou3 i.icaiiir'r (.f I'l^- terms i'tii|il'.yi/i!; ami w1.<-m we refer to cxti-ani-ons coiuiidoia'ioni, in order (o aid U9 ir r.omii'jr f' i!n< moanin,: of tlio jv.rtioH, tliisconstnirti'iii Ur.s rrill less on which to slanii. If territorial rights were inicndrd to be s.ecuri I, it is o I'lflcction to snpivise tl-.ut two nuch iiii.-rijjcm na- tions would not havi; rmploycd Icfis crjiiivocal an.! more preciso and definiii; terms. Siill Ir.;.: :•«» it Im believed that Great Krilain, wlio won t!ie p.irty lo I'c benefited, would liav lo'"t such essential and potn-.n- nent rights to impiicuiion and conatniciion. h i.s only when she seeks lo extend her cloiois f.ir Ik!- yond the meaning and intention of thepowfr with. which «kc ia tiealing, that she employs (^ov.htl'iil and ambignons phiasf-.s It is by the arti and tVi.-ks of diplomacy, she aims to accomplish her wi.-slic.', ■when more open und direct means have failed of success. Again, at the time when this treaty v. atr made, and for many y(i.rs before, Spai.i aicuiod to be beset with a perfect monomania for thr ;"":;ni- aition of territory — for ihcdiRcovery of new islands and new continents. Her esplorinf^ vessels were sent out into every sea, and to the uttermost puts ofrthe earth, in srarcli of some new spo; or. which to plant the standard of !ier enterprise and power. Is the idea that the treaty of 1790, acknowledged joint territorinl rights in this noriliwent territory, which was clearly the property of Spiin by dis- ' ■ ■ li «ovory, between these two nations, consistent will the avarice of Spain — with her rage for tho acipiisi- t more natural, more consi.stent with the circumstances of the two nations at that time, to be- lieve that Great Britain represented to Spain what ah* now say.!iou!d So far imitate the ex- aiiiple v/!iich hac oi'en Bot n;) to cxprcH.>i my fipin- lo'.ii'on tliai po!."it. I venture to .I it would produce, the loss of lilV it wi/iild o('ca!)loii, the injury to coiiimtrce it won!.] cflrect. But ih'-ge arc the invariable and uii- ;rv,iid.i!.!i'f fleets of all w.tr; ed'-cls which would bo vioi'c I on Cireai Hrilain in a dtgrcc equal, at least, to what we mi^flit experience ol them. And if the invariable and unavoida'dcefTcctr^of wnraretobe ef- fti:ii.ftllv urijtd o!;ninfit the ninintcnance of our juKt rin'ilf, it retpiires no Solomon to see that tfieso rii;hts an" forever to lie abandoned wheiiover their asserti )n wotdd, by the moot remote jn-obability, lead us into a conflict with another people. It ap« pears to me that in aicertaining our right». and in r.oniin°; to a determination to vindicatu them, con- yidcnitionB of pcare or war should not be allowed to exercise a con'rolling inflnence. In case of doubt a'id uncertainly as to our rights, I admit that they slnudd be allowed to turn the scale in favor of a compromise, or, if necessary, an abandonment of our pretensions. But when our rights arc "clear and indif^putable," as clear as a sun-beam, as we have beri! taught to rog.-^rd them in respect to Ore- :.^on, it will not do to listen to them, unluiis wc are prci)a!cd to deprecate war on any occa-iion, and for any purpose. It appears to me, sir, that the exam- ple of our revolutionary fathers is the only proper one in such rases, and one which recommends itself to our'moBt favorable consideration. When they w.-re al)otit to engage in a conflict with the dreaded power of Great. Britain, and that, too, at a time wlirn the odds were a hundred-fold greater against them tlian they arc against us, did they stop to cal- culate the consequences of the truly appalling con- test in which they were about to cngaga' No, sir. They but satisfied themselves of their rights, and they went ahead to vindicate them, leaving the con- sequences to Him who rules the destinie-i of nations as well as of individuals. Their sufTerings, and los.ses, and hazards were far more startling than any that can possibly befa) us. Their sulTerings were imprinted by their bloody foot-steps on the frozen earth — their loss, if overwhelmed, would have been the loss nf freedom — their hazard was that of reap- ing the death nf the traitor, and the ignominy of the rebel — suffering, and losses, and hazards which in no possible event can come to us. I; V S V -«s ■.a.i»RA««*' I ^ni or ita mountain*, liwriin •ppropritjion fo Orepon territory. I'O"" «ft«r the cl.io P'ould have ptaced prill portion of thi. f Kon from the latter J admit, without in- l«no surrendered to If and; Spain? I, |ii« right to the ter. 1 neis, preaaed now Pne of our offer to ■t ncknowlcdjment I permanent righu Mr. Chnirman, to 'f'."-")g upon the lilies, and I trust I '«r muinie the ex. xi)re«« my „pin. ««y thai no one f^» wnr will, Eng. ' Jrmt that 1 fe|| [■"'Ji'Cl', the loss of III ciiiunieice it ivnriahle and „„. I winch would bo ''cm. And if the " wnrnrelobeef- innceof our juit whenever their niolc probahilitv ' people. It apl [' "«ht». and in ic«<«' ihem, con- "ot be allowed in case of doubt ad-nit tliut they 'le in fiivor of i abandoDrnent of i«ht8 are "clear n-hcam, as we respect to Ore. I unless we are wuiion, and for tliat the exam- ple only pr„p„ ommends itself . When they ih the dreaded '"°.«la time Teator against -y stop to cal. "PPoJIin^ con- ?ge? No, sir. "■. "ghis.and ivinj the con- lai of nations mennge, and 'J^g than any TerrngB were "the frozen l«l have been ""t of reap, fnorainy of wda which Sueh waa tke ipirit that actuated our aneeaton then, and aueh I believe to be the spirit by which a Iar||« portion oflhe American people are actuated now. If war therefore ah ould unfortunately grow out of thia matter, iia responsibility, whatever it may be, whether for glory or for shame, must and will nst upon those who have proved before the American people their clear and indisputable title to the whole of Orei^on. Convinced that it is theirs, they win be unwilling to yield a single inch. When required to do so, they will desire to know why it is urged. And what will you tell them? You can- not tell them that our title is involved in doubt and uncertainty; and, therefore, that it i' a fitsub|ect for compromise. You cannot toll them that, because you have already convinced them, that our title to the whole of it is clear and unquestionable. It will not do to tell them that the country is poor, not worth having, and that we would miike a good bargain to give it away. It could not but occur to them that it would be worth as much to ur as to Great Britain. You would have to como out with the honest, bare-faced confession, that you wanted to give it away in order to appease her wrath — in order to avert her power — in order to avoid the con- flict with her, which would benecesiiary tomniniain our rights. Such appears to me to be the com- plexion of the case, so far as regards all thns? who think our title to the whole of Oregon is clear and indisputable, and are still willing to give up a por- tion of it. Now will the assertion of our manifest and ack- rowledged rights, of our clear and unquestionable title to the Oregon territory, involve us in a war? And here I will take occasion to observe, tlint what I shall say in this ronnexion, as well as what has been said by others here, is at best but idle and vague . conjecture. 1 deem this avowal necessary, for (ear it may be supposed by some of my constituents that I waa in possession of some facts unknown to them, on which I predicaic my opinion. For their infor- mation, it may not be amiss to state, that I know ho more about the matter than what has been publish- ed and sent forth to the world, and upon which they can speculate as much, and perhaps more cer- tainty than I can. I will not stop to inquire wheth- ■ev the mere giving the notice is a just cause of war. I consider the notice as preliminary only to the adoption of such measures as may be necessary to maintain our rights, wliatever they mny be, in the Oregon territory. It is evident that the Prcsideutso regards it, when he says in his message, "at the end of the year's notice, should Congress think proper to make provision fur giving that notice, we ahall have reached a period when the national rights in Oregon must either be abandoned or firm- ly maiatained." It is the effect, therefore, of the measure* which are to follow the notice, and with- out which the notice would be an idle mockery, and not of the notice itself, to which we must direct •our attention, when arguing the probable consequen- ces of ovtr conduct in this matter. The portion o{ that territory to which we may lay claim, and the courae which we are to pursue in order to establish our exclusive authority in it, are the proper conside- rations to be taken in the account when we under- take to anai^er the question whether there will be war. And here I would observe, that my opinion on this queation is entitled to but little weight when put in opposition to the opinion of the hutnblest citi- zen in this country. Unsophisticated in the arts of di- jilomacy, wholly unacquainted with the arts of craf> tT politicians, accustomed to look at thinfs h I ss« tnera, and hear them, and read them, and to form my opinion accordingly, it may be that I am daeeii^ed by false appearances. But if much that I sea, and hear, and read, be not intended for other times — for the year 1848, for instance— if there bo nothing of scenic cfTact in all that atrikes my viaion, I ahould aay that the prospect of a war between this country and Qreat Britain, about thisOregon territory, is v^ ry far from being visionary and chimerical. I do not say that we are to have it the next week, or the next month, nor perhaps the next year. But if it shall not come before two years, it cannot but bare- garded aa imminent and impending, for it will take until that time to get ready for it. When I say that the prospect of a war is far from being visionary, 1 take it for grinted that we are to go in for the whole territory — nothing more nor nothing less. A major- ity of the people are for the whole of it — a majority of their representatives, I believe, are for the whole of it — and the President appears to be for the whole of it; nor do I believe that the President will accept shy tiling short of the whole of it. Can nny person believe otherwise of his views? Sir, I have great confidence in that_ officer — more than all, 1 have groat confidence in his candor, a quality which has laid hold on the feelings of the people; and which, as much as any other, and, perhaps, more than all others he pos- sesses, has given him an abiding place in the very affections of the people. He declarea that our title to. the whole of it is "clear and unqueationablsr '* It is true, that in obedience to the actions of his pre- decessors, he submitted a lino of boundary to tho British government, which, if accepted, would have given us less than the whole country. But no soon- er is the ofTer rejected, than he instantly puta an end to further negotiation, as if rejoiced that na.is rid of the trammels by which he is surrounded; as if glad that ho is at last thrown upon his own resources and left to follow the dictates of his own judgment. From considerations like these, I do not believe that the President will accept anything abort of the en- tire country. And if '.e are to take possession of I he whole territory, can gentlemen be really sincere in thfl declaration, oft made and oft repeated, that we arc to have no conflict ? Can members bring them- selves really to believe that Great Britain will suffer her citizens to \xi quietly, peaceably, and uncereino- niously dispossessed of their present position throughout that whole country, without making an^ effort to sustain them— without raising so much as her right arm in order to stay the hand of the'spoil- er ? They who thus count upon her tame submis- sion, and most speedy abandonment of her preten- sions, seem to have forgotten her pride-j-her ambi- tion — her avarice for territory. They blindly dose their eyes to what the events of the fsw last years cannot have failed to impress upon the government of Great Britain— and that is, that sooner or later, she will have to strike a blow for even a foothold on this North American continent; nay, that she will have to strike it now, strike it for Oregon, or submit seoa to see the sceptre of her power forever removed) If she falter now, her doom is sealed. This she can- not fail to see and to feel, and seeing and feeling i^ ile^ pend upon it, this taking posseasion of the whole of Oregon will be no holyday business, as a distin- guished senator, [Mr. Wbbstbs,] once said, when encountering the popularity and power of th^nere of New Orieans. And, 8ir,if, after notice, we consent to limit our claim by the 49lh deg., I still have my fears -* # ♦ j.iSt.E;.* ^lumM — t-«>K«A T **■■.»< .>» ^ lgl..«.V..,^.. tiMt (TUi thvi WW ia not ifflprob«bl«. I am aware that the pteM of thia country, and the politicians, too, have ezprcMMl a lup*, and many or them a belief, that the dUTereneea vill all be amicably adjtiated. We haVi alto, within a week or two pant, heard from the preaa of the other party, and they, too, expreia the hope, and most of them a belief, that the two countries will yet peaceably settle their present controversy. This, air, ia creditable to the humanity of the two peo- ple. But when the press and the politicians of the reapeetive parties attempt to specify the manner in which it may be peaceably compromiaed, you at once peroeive that their hopes are delusive. On our I aidetne 49th degree seems to be the ultimatum with ' aaeh party,and with every man. On the part of Great Britain it is the 49lh degree, with Vancouvcr'H inland i|i «nd the free navigation of the Columbia. This, sir, ia the difference, with some variation, which has it aeparated the two countries for the laft twenty-five " or thirty years. And the question stiil occurs, which will recede from its pretensions } Can any one propose that our country shall recede further than the 49tth degree? And who can say with any certainty, or proMbility even, that G.eat Britain will curtail her demands. .The free n.ivi{;ation of the Columbia appears to be the tine qua non of all her offers to compromise, und that the President lias declared he Mnnot accede to; and for this determin- ation I believe he will receive a hearty and almost universal response from the whole American peo- ple. _ Oreai Britain may recede, and I sincerely trust 'sh'i will; but as yet I hsve seen no evidence of it. Of this I have my fears, and upon these fears rest my apprehension that this matter will sooner or later interrupt the peaceful relations of the two gov- ernmentc. On our side, also, there is much which has trans- pired of late which is calculated to prepare the minds of the people for, and to hasten on, a con- flict between these two great and powerful govern- ments. Irritation has succeeded irritation, and ag- gression has followed aggression, until our people aeem to be not only ready, but many of them aiix- ioua, for a conflict with that haughty power. In the fint place, the people of the United States look upon Great Britain as having overreached us in theaettlementof the northeast boundaiy, and that, too, by fraud and imposition. They have not for- gotten that her statesmen held up in the British radiament, before the face of the whole world, a map which waa in their poesession during the ne- gotiation, in order to show what they had gain- M over us by management and art, and as an evi- deiiee of our ignorance or of our submission. Thia fact haa aunk deep in the bosom of the Amer- ican people, and disposes them to Anything rather than a twcking out of their pretensions to the Oregon territory. Her secret and officious interfe- rence also with the authorities of Texas, in order to deftat the great project of her annexation to this country, ia of too recent origin to have lost any of ita atirring and harrowing eflect on the public mind. To thiamav be added her interference with a colony planted under our auspices on the coast of Africa — her claiming, and in aome few cases exercising, the right of searching our trading vessels in the Mediter- * ranean — and last, though not least, her avowal of a (determination to preserve the balance of power on %hi8 continent — a determination which she has al- >>-eady commenced tu enforce among the South imerican atatea, and which, at some convenient time, if we fail now to act with daeiaion and tlm;- ness, she will seek to extend to ua. It ia in view of all iheaeeonaiderationaofaggreasionon the one eide, and of irritation on the other, that I am conatrain- ed to say that I have my fears that the peace of Iho country does not reat on such a sure foundation as' aome seem to suppose. I repeat it, air, that mv opinion ia entitled to but little weight, for after all, it is vague speculation; and I am willing to admit that from my extreme ignorance of the w^ in which thimc! things are managed, I may be most grossly deceived by appearances. But I agrea w> h the honorable member from Massachusetts, V ho sits usually behind me, [Mr. Wintiirop,] that we should speak plainly in this matter. Whatever our rights in that country are, I go for maintaining them at every hazard. But sir, even among those who are agreed as to our right to the whole of Oregon, theie is a diversity of opinion as to the best manner of a Asserting and securing our rights there. Whilst one portion of its friends are decided in the opinion that we should come boldly out — declare our claims before the world and prepare to defend it if necessary with the strong might of the country's arm — there ia another portion who are for leaving it to .tim<< and emigration quietly and peacefully to effect the lame result. It appears to me that time and emigration have been looked to long enough to adjudge and de- cide this matter. Twenty-five or thirty years ago, this name matter was left to the arbitrament of time, and it may be asked, what is now the state of the- ■case.' Why, sir, we nre now further from a deci- sion of it than when it was tirst submitted to that tri- bunal. The two governments nre actually getting further and further apart all the while in their efforts to bring about a satisfactory adjustment of that mat- ter. And pray, sir, what has emigration done all the while.' It too has been tardy and inefficient, and is now altogether hopeless. It is true, that there are now in Oregon some seven thousand Americans, but the time when these seven thousand people went there is an important inquiry in this connexion. I would ask, if it be not true that they have nearly or quite all of them gone there since the spring of 1844, when the democratic party in convention at Baltimore declared our title to the whole of Oregon? and if it be not true, that yet n larger portion of these have gone there since the people of this coun- try, in the great popular election of 1844, ratified and confirmed this declaration? Mr. Greenhow states, in his History of Oregon, that so late as the fall of 184.3 there were but four hundred Americans in the whole territory. These, then, are . the assurances that have carried them there — assu- rances that the country was ours, that it was to be taken under our own dominion, and that they would be protected by our laws. Refuse now to give the notice, and thereby manifest a distrust of our title, or a backwardness in adopting measures, to maintain it, aiid you will not only, in my opinion, effectually arrest emigration thither, but that thou- sands of those who have already gone there will re- turn to the States. Or if emigration shall be continued, it will be limited entirely to Ae south of the Columbia, and thus will give to Great Britain all that she dc- sires. I must confess, that I have no confidence in the wonder-working-effects of "inactivity,"' whether it be called wise and masterly, or stupid and bun- gling. It never has done anything either for nationa or for individuals. Activity is the main-spring of suc- cess and prosperity in all our undertakings. Accor- j^ » ,* i^-^^mm »,»•-»- ..^ a* A^fc«>^ m,< It ii in Tiew of on the one bide, I am conitrain- he peace of Iht ■ I foundation at' I, air, that mr it, for after all, villing to admit viay in be moat I agret Maiiachuwtta, (''iNTiiRop,] that ler. Whatever for maintaining ftre agreed aa to lie is n divereity a RMcrting and one portion of that we should ma before the eaaary with tha arm — there ia it to .tiri!'' and effect thf) lume- and emigration adjudge and de- lirty yeara ago, trament of time, the state of tho- er from a dtci- litted to that tri- BCtunlly getting I in their efTorts ent of that mat- uration done all inefRcient, and true, that there and Americana, ind people went connexion. I ley have nearly w the spring of n convention at hole of Oregon? rger portion of ie of this coun- 1844, raUfied Mr. Greenhow. that so late as four hundred rhese, then, are . !m there — aaau- lat it waa to be and that they Refuse now to St a distrust of ipting measures. in my opinion, but that thou- le there will re- ill be continued, f the Columbia, all that she de- 10 confidence in ivity,"' whether tupid and bun- ther for nation* n>8pring of s'uc- tkinga. Accor* (ling to the gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. RniTT,! ottr revolutionary (atbert tried botii, and the letolt of their oxperiment ia ■ glorious eommen- tary upon the snperiority of deurmination— of firm* neaa, of a«(i«ily. We are told by him that they en- dured for ten yeara the hardahips, and onpreaaiona, and exactions of the mother country, before they took up arma to redress themselves; nnd we are wl- moniahed to imitate the" patient forbearance. But what did this forbearance effect for them? liiactivity but brought upon them an accumulation of wro.ngs, an increase of exactions, and an addition .of hard- ships. It waa activity — a Arm and open uvowal of their righia, and a determined etTort to maintain them — that worked out a vindication of their rights, and a redresa of all thrir grievances. Let ua imi- tate them in their last resolve — let us declare our right not merely to establish forte and post-routes, but our right to the territory, to the soil — and by the time we shall need them, we have tit\y thousand people in Oregon. Instead of seven thousand men, women, and children, we shall have twice that ni r, ber of fighting- men— men of nerve and skill in the use of tne deadly rihe — ready and on the npot to defend their homes and their firesides. But ihon" gentlemen who promise to get for us the whole m' iregon if we will not pass the notice, tell ua that their plan will not lead to war. Theirs is t' " p tcific policy, if we would trust to their skill in prophecy. But let us analyze their plan and see how it is to work in practice. They, like us, advocate our right to th" whole, and that we shall take posses- sion of it, or e.-ieourage our people to do so. The only diiTirence between us is, that we pro- pose to notify Great Britain of our intentions— they propose to do the same thing without any notice. Well, how do they propose to take (losoesHion? Why, by erecting forts, by entabliahin^ post offices and post routes, and by extending our laws over our emigrants, and by encouraging them to make per- manent settlements in the country, and to reduce and cultivate the earth. And all this is to be done throughout the whole extent from 49" to 54<^ 40'. To limit these establishments to the Columbia, or by the 49°, is at once to admit that you intend to surrender the balance of the territory. Can Great Britain fail to see in all this a determination to oust her from the country? Is she so blind that she can- not see — so deaf that she cannot hear— so dull that she cannot understand? Think you that our actions will not apeak to her louder than any words we could employ? Will not our forts, and our militia, and onr farms, and our workshops, apeak to her in language stronger than what we can put into any written notice^ we ean serve upon her, and tell her of our determination to appropriate the whole coun- try? And if she is determined to retain any portion of it, will she not prepare to do it at once, at the point of the bayonet, and at the cannon's mouth? To expect anything else, is to calculate largely upon the blindness or tame submission of that haughty power. The geiuiemen appear, themselves, to hove some apprehension after all that their plan nlay not work so peacefully and quietly; and they attempt to prepare and reconcile us to the war which their plan may bring about by telling us that it will make Great Britain the aggressor; and they amplify most eloquently upon the manifold advantages of being in the defensive. I am willing to udniit that there are great and manifest advantages in being on the defensive in any controversy, whether it oe of a warlike or other character. But it would seem to me that no war will ponibly giow out of this tpia^ lion in which Qreat Britain will not neeeaaarily aiU unavoidabijr be the aggftsaive party. Even if Ike notice is given, and war ahould enaua, she muat begin it. All will admit that we can populate that country more rapidly than ahe ean. ThagenikH men wno propoae to get the whole country, if iIm notice be not given, count largely if not entirely on our auperior Mvantages for colonizing that country. So long, therefore, aa we can do that, and thereby secure by our majoritiea the control of the country, what n\ore do we aak? What ia there to fight fur? Nothing, certainly, on our part. Ourpoaition would give ua every advantage. So far, therefore, as the question of war ia concerned, the praetinol results of both plans would seem to me to be the same. The one may bring it on a little more speedily than tha other, but war is as likely to follow the one aa the other, and in either case Great Britain muat begin it. I am, therefore, in favor of the notice, because I believe that there is a disposition on the part of al- nost every riember of this House to take poases- ''■"H of some portion of tha' territory — to encour- n.V' our citizens to emigrate there, and to make per- iianent and exclusive settlements, and to extend our laws and institutions over them. Thia cannot be done, in my estimation, consistently with aubaiatinr treaty stipulations, until ufter the notice is given and the treaty abrogated. The notice is the only way in which we can in proper faith rid ouraelvea of our obligationato Great Britain. And this courae ia aa ii«(^es8ary for those who think our claim does not extend beyond the 49°, as for thoae who would be satisfied with nothing less than the whole. For the suljjects of Great Britain have the rights of ingreaa and egress and of trade into every portion of the territory — to the south tij well as to the north of 49'^, and to the south as well as to tho north of tho Columbia. To curtail or destroy these privileges by any measures which shall operate either directly or remotely to produce such a result, cannot jually be done witliout first putting an end to the treaty of 1827. And 1 very much doubt whether we shall be able to get the signature of the President to any laws, the immediate or remote effect of which would be to exclude Great Britain from any portion of the country, until the notice has been first given. Trea- ties, when once concluded, are invested by the con- stitution of the United States with the force and' name of laws, and bv that same inatrument the President is bound by his oath to see that the lawa are faithfully executed— /aiJI.JL .*.^« MfS^VWKtS^i JL^ •"- — -r any other aubject, I je my vi«w» on that »uldbetoputniy.po- is keeping, to be con- it think proper. He i on one side, in order tion into which, above e to place roe. Again: iety can it be said that Massachueetta is the in favor of the notice? ocralic party was the bought that their dele- ;larea our title to the it formed a part of the entered the political ! were opposed and re- in Massachusetts, and with him. And now, his might and main, nly candidate that wan ntennnce of our rights ipas'the leader of all jiice. It will not do. object. They ought to 5 democratic party have from a spirit of opposi- )f their connexion with f our common country, lonorablc gentleman de- : of the political princi- For some time past, pro- \o have preceded me in jre we proceed to adopt sibly lead to war, we not only of our rights, sufficient vhlue and im- to that dreadful alterna- trouble the committee n the value of Oregon; 1 consider it with respect facturing, and comraer- i respects its agricultural m willing to confess tliat irs from the very imper- irtiona of that territory ored, the prospects are IB agriculture is concern- r portions of the habit- br instance, the smooth- [ississippi, nor yet per- t the parts of it already ry considerable induce- nd that a more thorough o the discovery of other to the same desirable without the range of hu- every year is rewarding eer with the discovery of richness of scenery— in location, and aalubiity o' iqual extent in the world. ,of the Willamette, and ■rom time to time, burst rdy a( ped mountiiins have been converted into fruitful ^^urdens, and her very rocks have beeir made to bloom with thefrcKhness of vegetation. And of a majority of the old States', how small is the por- tion of their surfaces that gives employment to the IiusbandmRn. But in all thnt contributes tp the nurture of flocks and herds, ami to tlie .support of manufaRtiirin<; establishments, Oregon bids fair to stand unrivalled on this northern continent. Her valleys, her hills, nnd her very mountains produce spontaneously and in abundance the most nourishing graades, adapting her above all other countries to the growing of wool — a commodity fur which we are now so largely dependent upon importations from abroad. And though her rivers and water courses arc broken by fulls and compressed in places into narrow defiles, olTering no safety on their bo- eoms to the vessel or the siciimship, these very deformities, if I may so express myself, make them invaluable to the manufacturer. Our political opponents have for a long time been pre^riine. upon the country the unspeakable advan- tages of making everything within ourselves, and beiniT dependent on foreign nations for nothin<;; and really, sir. when we are once in the peaceable posucEsion of Oregon, I shall feel that we ore about to experience the realities, whatever they may be, of their political hallucinations. We can then cer- tainly make our own cotton, our own wool, our own meat end breod, our own clothes, and our own gold and silver. Vcs, sir, our own gold and silver; for who can tell of the countless stores of mineral wealth which lie embedded in the bosom of her mountains. For her mountains are but a continu- ation of those which, in Mexico, have poured out their trc.nsures in such astonishing profuHlon into the laps of her citizens. But it is in regard to the commercial importance of this wonderful country that prophecy has ventured her most antazing spec- ulations. It is in this point of view that Oregon be- comes invested with an interest and importance which it 18 not given to the most sanguine imagin- ation to i^rasp. We are told that whatever nation in the history of the world has monopolized the trade ot the East, hna exercised a controlling influ- ence over the destinies of the other nations of the earth. Phenicin, Carthage, Greece, Rome, Venice, Genoa, niid Holland, have been successively the successful Competitors for the glittering prize, and they were succcBsively the maeters and sehool*mn«- ters of the world, giving to it law, civilization, the arts that embellish and the sciences that dignify and ennoble human nature, and pouring into the laps of the other nations the luxuries of a refined and cul- tivated existence. The sceptre of this edl-pervading power ii now in the hands of Great Britain, and she stands confessedly the master power of the world. To secure this trade by the only practica- ble route which new presents itself, her merchants are compelled to traverse an ocean way of some tens of tiiousanHs miles, and requiring for an aver- age voyage some five or six months. If Orcson shall become ours, and the project of a railroad between the Atlantic and Pacific shall ever be realized — and realized it will be — that trade ' must pass through uur country, because the route from the East to Europe would be shortened by , some two-thirds. 0>ir country must then become the thoroughfare of this great trade, and into our hands must pass the sceptre of that power, which, in all ages that are past, has given such controlling mor.tl and physical intliience to its fortunate pos- sessor over the kingdoms of the earth. Considera- tions like these — considerations, loo, far from being fanciful and visionary — invest Oregon with an inter- est nnd vnl'ie which will not justify us in surren- dering it as a barren waste. I nm aware of the at- tempts made at times to depreciate and underrate it. I know that it is represented by some as a des- ert waste, in which mountain is piled upon moun- tain in wild nnd steril confusion, fit only to be the abode of the murderous savage, and of the prowl- ing wild beast. But, tiir, I must confess that I like the country for the very wildness of its mountains. Mountainous countries are the,nurseries of freemen. The love of country which they inspire is to be found nowhere else. The inhabitant of the plain loves his country, but it is often a cold, selfish, and calculating attachment. Point out to him a place where his interest will be more promoted, and country is lost sight of, amidst the engrossments of interest. The mountaineer loves his country with a romantic devotion, partaking of the grandeur, the subUinity, the sternness of the scenery by which he issurroonded. And, sir, when liberty is about to de- part from any country which it has once blessed with her presence, her last and lingering footsteps are to be seen in the defiles r.nd lecesacs of its mountiiins. And when our country shall have reached the meridian of its glory, and, in obedience to that Inw which nature lias impresecd all things human, shall begin to wane and decline^ perhaps some pi'.triot Wallace, with his few valiant, devot- ed followers, will, in the rude mountains of Oregon, stay for a while our downward course, and drive back for a time the mercenary forces of the usur- per. 1 will now proceed to answer some of the state- ments made on this floor by gentlemen on tiic other side. Some of them tell us that we are not pre- pared for a conflict with Great Britain; that we have no fortifications deser^'ing the name; no navy; no ar- my; no militia; whilst she is represented «8 having preparations in all these respects, never before seen in the hands of any power in the history of the world. Statements like these are the standing and stereotyped arguments of all those, who, in the his> tnry of the United States have been opposed to war. They are considerations which were urged just before our revolutionary anU our last war, and urged with on ingenuity, and eloquence, and seeming proprie- ty which tSey can never bring with them again. They carried with them little or no force then, and '/ ^ >.«».* J:. .''^ r* ■ m 12 they CM carry with t|tem Uill leas mw. wheiithe re- sist of both tboM wara, buteapeeially of the latter, has praved that our strentth consists in our resources, in our material for realy preparatio*, and in the in- domitable spirit of our people, rather than in any extended previous preparation. To argue thjat we ■hottld adopt no measares which, by any possibility, will lead to war, until we are an an c(^uility in point of preparation with the power which it mav be sup- posed we will offend, is to argue against all war, n3 well as against the advocacy of any meas>r. ^ which, however remotely, may operate to produce hostili- ties. For the sense of our people, the spirit of our institutions is opposed to large standing armies, to expensive navies, and to extensive fortifications, so that our preparations are always mada after war is deelared, or considered inevitable. Other gentlemen tell us that the certain effect of a war for Oiegon will be to lose the whole of it for a while, at least, and that its probable effect will be to lose it to us altogether. Bat, sir, I cannot bring myself to believe that we shall lose it even for a time. I cannot but believe that we shall be able to send men enough into that country to expel any torce which Great Britain can send there, and supply with the necessaries of life and the munitions of war, for any considerable time. And as to her Indian allies, very little is to be dreaded from them, except in their attacks upon defenceless women and children. Oreat Britam managed in both our wars to get them upon her side, but we w^re an overmatch for both of them, and that, too, when the Indians were much more numerous and powerful than they are ai this time, and when we were far leas so, and when the Indians were far more formidable than the half-brute creatures which bear that name on the west of the Rocky mountains. Indeed, I am inclined to the opinion that the Inilians have but served to fetter and clog the operations of their civilized allies. This is emphatically so, in all their pitched and regular battles. In all such engage- ments, the British would have done better without them. I repeat it, therefore, sir, that I cannot but believe that we can employ a force in Oregon that will enable us to retain possession of it against any force which can be sent there. I have great confi- dence in the enterprise and prowess of our western citizens whose invaluable services as hardy pioneers, both in possessing themselves of the country, and in the rapid population of it, was so graphically de- scribed by the honorable member from Indiana, [Mr. Kennbdt,] and whom he so faithfully repre- sents on this floor. I never can believe that they will allow the cross of St. George to float in triumph over any portion of that territory. But if misfor- tune should lose us the country in the beginning, there uever can be any possible chance of our losing it altogether. If Great Britain should expel out people from the territory, we can take po.sseasion of Canada, and New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia; and when we become tired of fighting each other, she will give us Oregon, and we will probably surrender these countries to her. But, if we should unfortu- nately lose it altogether, we shall have the gratifi- cation of remembering that it was lost by the for- tmes of war, rather than by ignoble surrender — that we were at least true to the motto which wie have adopted in the management of our foreign relations, "to ask nothing but what is right, and to submit, with impunity, to nothing that is wrong" — and that we have not been altogetner false to our reiterated aaaertion that our title to the whole of Oregon WM clear and indisputable. Othir gentlemen have deieanled mo«t beautifully upon the proaperity tf< our coitntry; ita wealth, ita commerce, and the achievements of its arts and in- dustry; and we are bid to look upon them all at the trophies of peace, That peace is th* immediate cause of all this, I am ready to admit. But there is a class of causes, called remote causes, and they are frequently entitled to more weight, when results are to be considered, than those causes which are seem- ingly more direct and manifest. And among the re- mote causes, which have enabled us to attain our present position, in all that aggrandizes a people, the two wars through which we have passed^ are cei^ tainly entitled to no little weight and consideration. The first war brought out our independence, and gave K3 existence ^ a free confederacy of States. And the second gave our people a name for valor and unconquerable determination, and for jealousy of our rights, which challenges' respect (or ua in every sea and in every port. This respect, sir, is the chief element and support of extended commer- cial prosperity. Let us forfeit that by any surrender of our just and proper rights, and these monuments of our erttcrprise and adven- ture, to which Vfc now refer with so much, and with such just pride, will be humbled and levelled in the dust. And, I would ask, if Great Britain stakes nothing in this conflict ? Where are her wealth, her pro8|)erity, her commerce, and the achievements of her arts and her industry.' Where are the thousands and tens of thousands of her peo- ple, who are now employed in manufactories, but who, if the supply of cotton shall be cut off* by war, will be thrown out of employment, anc* reduced to beggary and starvation.' Where are the mutier- ings of the gathering storm, which pre con- stantly heard amongst her enslaved and starving populace, and in the very heart of her kingdom ? Where is Ireland, with her convulsive throes for the very birthright of freemen — direct representa- tion? Where is the wild, the brave Afighan, who, in the rude mountains of his native land, is beating back with fury and destruction the wave of Biitish power, as at each returning wave it seeks to overrun his own, his native land? Where are her numerous colonies and settlements, scattered throughout the habitable globe, bound to her only by fear, and who are seeking the first favorable oppor- tunity to throw off* the yoke of her exactions and oppressions? Where are all those nations of the world, who, according lo the honorable gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. Hitnter,] are standing by, panting for her overthrow, and ready to gather up the spoils of her dissolution? Is it true that we have everything to discourage, and she everything to prompt and urge her to the conflict ? If the sym- pathy of mankind be the platform on which we are first to place ourselves in order to ensure success, where,! would ask, amid the realities of the pic- iiire I have drawn, she is to obtain even a foothold? There is yet another and a distinct class iji this House — for on this question there are several classes, as well as shades of opinion— I say there is a class who are opposed to this notice, because they are of opinion that the President and Senate have that authority, as the treaty-making power, and they are opposed to what they consider unneces- sary and unauthorized legiilation. It is true that the President and Senate have the power to make L\ ole of Oreson ed mo« beautifully try; iu wealth, ita I of ita ari« and in- l>9n then) all as the th* itrmediate Jmit. But there is usee, and they are lit, when reaults are lea which are seem- And among the re- A us to attain our indizes a people, the r led ive paasedf are cer- and consideration, independence, and onfederacy of States, aple a name for valor ion, and for jealousy ti respect (or us in 'his respect, sir, is the f extended cominer- )rfeit that by any proper rights, and tcrprise and adven- er with so much, and humbled and levelled ask, if Great Britain ict ? Where are her commerce, and the icr industry? Where thousands of her peo- in manufactories, but ihall be cut off by war, ^mcnt, an(< reduced to Vhere are the mutter- rm, which ere con- enslaved and starving heart of lier kingdom ? ;r convulsive throes for len— direct representa- I, the brave Affghan, of his native land, is lestruction the wave of turning wave it seeks ve land? Where are settlements, scattered le, bound to her only by a first favorable oppor- of her exactions and ill those nations of the e honorable gentleman ER,] are standing by, and ready to gather up 1? Is it true that we ;e, and she everything le conflict? Ifthosym- itform on which we are rder to ensure success, le realities of the pic- obtain even a foothold? t distinct class in this lion there are several )f opinion— I aay there to this notice, because e President and Senate t treaty-makiflf power, It they consider unnecee- lation. It is true that ive the power to make I X. • - _ 13 treaties by the constitution. But that the power to make carries with it the power to anaul and abro- gate, may admit of some doubt. It' is true, there ■re caaea in which they may destroy a former treaty, by making a later one, whose provisions con- flict witft thp former; but. this ia but the conse- quence of their power td make. But that they ir<>y of'their own mere motion, by way of notice, p'O- damation, or otherwise, put an end to a subsisting treaty, when the terms or the treaty confer no such power on either, may well be questioned. And when reference is had to another clause of the conbtitution, which gives to treaties, when pro- perly concluded, the force, and power, and name of a/ow, this view of the case would appear to re- ceive additional strength. This. ".lause would seem to brifig treaties, when oqce made, under the con- trol of the law:-making power, whicH embraces the President and both houses of Congress. If these considerations, which would seem to confer the power on Congress, the President co-operating, are entitled to any weight, and there be likewise any force in the arguments which confine this power to the President and the Senate, these conflictmg opin- ions and arguments but show that the ouesiion is involved in doubt. And where there is doubt as to the question, whether any power is properly to be exercised by a part or by the whole of^ the legisla- tive authority of the government, that construction «ught to prevail which refer it to the whole, as bemg more safe and more in unison with the spirit of Our institutions. Regarding it, therefore, as o question of doubt, the President certainly acted with prudence in conceding the power to Congress con- jointly with himself, and the people will commend him for his prudence. Again, the ouestion of terminating the treaty, and the measures by which it is to be mllowed, are so intimately connected, in- the estimation of many, with the'pjeace of the country, that even if the power were clearly with the President and- Senate, there would be no manifest impropriety in taking advice of Congress, inasmuch as if war do follow, Corigress must declare it — must vote the money ne- cessary to carry it on — and inasmuch aa the people we. represent will at last have to furnish the pecu- niary and physical material for prosecuting it. It is from no desire to shun any just responsibility o( hia position thAt lie refers the matter to Congress. Whatever of responsibility is to attach to the g:iving ofthenolic< he has boldly assumed bel'ore the fact of the count'-y by recording, under the solemnity of his donstitu ional ui ligations, his opinion that the notice should be ;^iven, and given at once. And it is to be feared that many of those who ere now most ready to brand the. President with a de- sire to shun the responsibility nf his station, would, if the notice had been given by him and war have unfortunately ensued, and proved disastrouH in its termination or its progress, be foremost in de- ' nouncing him as heedless, reckless, and. wanting in respect to the representatives of the people in a nial- ter concerning their peace and their very, lives. The passage of this resolution has been branded in advance as an infVingement of the powers of the executive. But I must C9nfess that I am at a loss to perceive how, in any possible view of the citse, it can be so regarded, What 1 understand as an infringement of any power, ia an arbitrary and un- solicited interference and usurpation of it. In the case now before as, we an called on to ad »t Ike instonce of the Executive, and at bis reqwa at , ad- rising wiMt may be beat for the inteieat of his country. And, Mr. Chairman, itis A little tamark- able that the obieciion that Congreaa wiould not in- terfere in the giving this notice, but that tka whole of it shouM b« leti with the President, ia urged wiih the greatest pertinacity by those very gentlemen who, for the last four or five years, have been en- veighing with the moat violent denunciation against the already over-grown and irresistible power of the executive, as they were pleased to term it. It cer- tainly was hardly to have been expected that, iii so short a time, they would be found in a case of dotAlful right, ready to leave to the Executive the exercise of a power which, according to their own confession, must almoet necessarily lead to war. Before I take my seat, I will make but a remark or so upon the amendment of the honorablie gentle- man from Alabama, [Mr. Hilliabd.] His amend- ment proposes to empower the President to give the notice when, in hU opinion, the public interest re- 3uirea it. The President, sir, under the solemn ischarge of his duties under ' the constitution has stated to this House and to the country his belief that the notice should be given neie— should be given at once — and that without delay. To aii- lhori7.e him, therefore, to girt the notice, when he shall think it best to do so. is to authorize him to do it now; and that is precisely what the original reso- lution, reported by the Committee on Foreign Re- lations, proposes to do. And, sir, for us to Miopt the amendment of the ^-dntleman from Alabama [Mr. Hilliard] would look very much like ques- tioning the sincerity of >he President or his firmness when he made that deci.> ration. It is very much like saying to him, we know you have told us in your message that, in your opinion, the notice should be given forthwith, but we can hardly think you in earnest, and will therefore empower you to do it, when you really do get in the notion, that it ought to be given. The adoption of the amendment will certainly furnish very strong evidence either that we question his sincerity, or that it is the de- sire of a- majority nf this House that the notice should be postponed, or that we nre unwilling to share witli him any ru^ponsibility whatever of the consequences whicli may follow the notice. The first inference would be unjust to that officer; the second would be contrary to the wishes ofa major- ity of this House, and to manifest an unwillingness to share with ilic Kxecutive the responsibility of the notice and the consequences to which it may lead, is exceedingly unkind in his political friends, and looks very much like turning the "cold shoulder' when oiie's friend in in a crisis, and that, too, a crisis into whirrh those very friends have been in- strumental in bringing him. The democratic friends of the President marie the assertion of nnr title to Oregon one of the cardinal doctrines to which they pledged him before .lie peo(>le; and now, when he comes forward to take the first step necessary to re- deem that pledge, these very friends are called up- on to turn their backs upon him, and tell him, "Sir, you must lake all the responsibility; the business begins to look rather, squally, and we had rather have as little to do with it as possible." Call you this supporting your frienc"^ Will it not rather go to some extent to verify the predictions made on this floor that the President, friends and all, will iL\ ^ 4 14 bKk out from thii whokmauuf FortkeMra». tfcpwtBMDli of tlMgoMmment viUn** the notice • mom uteeiKefor good what iteodd "otwl? 1^ ....£> "«Mn of a part only of M. mdnyeonelaMie itbia bhUm; iiNky tatak ttWIIortlMMMOoftlM I ill the waiateateweof wuatrjr. <., ■\ ,,iy ^ 1 I