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Meps. plotes. cherts, etc.. may be filmed at different reduction retios. Those too lerge to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hend corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, plenches. tableaux, etc.. peuvent Atr«< filmAs A des taux de reduction diff Arents. Lorsque le document ebt trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul clichA. il est filmA A psrtir de I'engle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite. et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images nAcesssire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. rata elure. 2X 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 ^ \ \^ SPEECH OF Pf-> , V SIR WILLIAM MOLES WORTH, BART. M.P. IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. ON TUESDAY, 25rH JUNE, 1849, FOR A ROYAL COMMISSION TO INQUIRE INTO THE ADMINISTRATION OP THE COLONIES. LONDON: .TAMES RIDGWAY, PICCADILLY. ,mi M M [PRICC ONE SHILLING.] ■.^^^. i.ovnoN : RICHARIlS, loo, ST. MABTIN's LANE. Ij re a oi w tl d P i a »i:> % mir- \ SPEECH ETC. ETC. Sir, — Before I ask the House to consider the motion Petition which I intend to make, I wish to present a petition which I ^°"J ^^^ received yesterday from Wellinj^ton, in New Zealand. It is signed by a large portion of the adult population of that settlement. The petitioners state that their reasonable expectations of obtaining representative institutions have been disappointed, that their governor has established a form of government repugnant to their feelings, and inefficient for good government; and they pray that Parliament will not sanction any measure which will delay the introduction of representative government into the southern settlements of New Zealand. I heartily support the prayer of this petition : because 1 believe, that the petitioners are in every way well qualified to enjoy representative institutions ; and that with representative institutions, New Zealand would soon become one of the greatest and most flourishing colonies of the British empire. I now proceed to move that an humble address be pre- Motion for sented to her Majesty, praying that her Majesty will be '"i""^- graciously pleased to apj)oint a commission to inquire into the administration of her Majesty ""s colonial possessions. I make this motion because I share in the belief which now prevails, that our system of colonial government is in many respects faulty, and ill-suited to the present state of Great Britain and of the colonies. Therefore, I maintain that it requires revision ; and for the purpose of revision I ask that a searching inquiry should be made into the colonial polity of the British em[)ire. With the permission of the house, I will state, as briefly as I can, what, in my opinion, should be the nature of the inquiry, and to what subjects it should be directed. But first, in order to satisfy the house that there ought to be an inquiry, I will endeavour to show what has produced the general conviction, that there are grave errors and defects in our colonial polity. I— .A <"«. «rv^ ^X 4 CiiKinittl polity. Its origin. Motlfvii culdiiiul «' injure. Systt'iii of UiiVi nniir lit What I mean by the term " colonial polity of Great Bri- tain" is of recent date, not more than three quarters of a century old. For, when we began to colonize, the Govern- ment had little or nothing to do with it, and, strictly speak- ing, there was no colonial polity. Our first colonies were ])lanted l)y adventurers, who left this country for various reasons; some in search of the precious metals; ot "s to escape from intolerance at home ; and others to enjoy iiiloler- ance abroad. Tiiey settled on the shores of America with the nominal sanction of the Crown. Fortunately for them, civil conflicts in England, and the weakness of the Executive, left them for many years unmolested in full enjoyment of virtual independence. They flourished ; their numbers in- creased raj)idly ; they became wealthy and powerful. Mean- while, tlie Executive in this country gradually acquired !?trcngth ; its attention was directed to the prosperity of the colonies ; it attempted systematically to interfere in their government ; the colonies resisted ; some rebelled and became independent; the remainder submitted; and the present system of colonial government was founded upon the ruins of our old colonial empire. By far the greater portion of our modern colonial empire is of recent acquisition ; all of it, with the exception of the plantations in the West Indies, and two or three old colonies in North America, has been acquired within the last ninety years, most of it within the last fifty years; for instance, tiie Canadas in 1759; Trinidad and other West Indian islands, Ceylon, and New South Wales, in the interval between 1763 and 1797; the rest of Australasia, New Zealand, the whole of South Africa, British Guiana, the Mauritius, Malta, the Ionian Islands, Heligoland, Hong Kong, and Labuan, are not (as the noble lord the prime minister once called them) precious inheritances from our noble ancestors, but have been added to the British dominions since the beginning of this century. These colonies have been acquired for various reasons. Some we conquered because we grudged the possession of them to rival powers, and fancied that the miglit of a nation was in proportion to the extent of its territory ; others we held as outposts, on the l)loa of protecting our own trade, and injuring the trade of other countries ; and others we occupied as places of punish- ment lor our criminals. Thus our colonial empire consisted ehietly of conquered provinces, garrison towns, and gaols. Their government was entrusted to a central authority in Eiiuland. The invariable tendency of such an authority is to gia-[) as Mjueh power as possible, and to resist every measure which seems likely cither directly or indirectly to gu« of go; ati< nii( uni of diminish that power. In conformity with these tendencies «•'!"«» t»»kt the colonial polity of Great Britain was framed ; and the '' '* '^^""''' Colonial-office laid claim to omnipotence and infallibility in all matters concerning the colonies. That claim was long recognized in this country, and scarcely disputed in the colo- nies. But of late years it has been contested not so much within as without the walls of this house ; and every colony has repeatedly and energetically protested against it ; and now the conviction is daily gaining ground throughout the empire, that our colonial system is not well suited either to the state of Great Britain or of the colonies. The conviction that our colonial polity is faulty has ac- incrensiiiR quired strength in this country in pro})ortion as public opinion nutu.tidn to has been more and more directed to colonial nuestions, and of '^"'""I"' , ... .-11 ' P 'I'lUStlOllS. late years greater attention has been paid to those questions lor various reasons. First, because within tlie last quarter of a century Great Britain has begun again to colonize, and on a inucii greater scale than ever before. For, during that period, at least 2,000,000 of persons have migrated from this country; iialf of them have gone directly to our independent colonies of the United States ; the other half to our dependent colonies, whence a large portion of them have re-emigrated to the United States. This great emigration, though chiefly onut directed to our independent colonies, has made the subjects emigraiioii, of colonization and colonial government matters of deep and increasing interest to a large portion of the community, especially to the humbler and middling classes : for there is scarcely one amongst them who has not some acquaintance, friend, or relation in one of the Colonies or about to emigrate; and also many of the aristocracy and gentry have friends or kinsmen residing in the colonies as governors, or in other situations of trust and [)rofit. In consequence of this great emigration, the relations between Great Britain and her dependencies have been profoundly changed ; and there ought to have been a corresponding change in her colonial polity, which was framed without reference to any emigration except that of convicts. Secondly, public attention has been very much directed of WritinKs of late years to colonial questions by the writings of distin- "1"*""K"'''''- guished men, who iiave carefully investigated the economy of new societies, examined into the [)rinciplcs of colonial government, and attentively studied the subjects of coloniz- ation and emigration, with the view of rclievinn; the econo- mical difficulties of the United Kingdom and of planting the uninhabited portions of the globe with conimunitics worthy of the English name. Of these writers, Mr. ^V^akefield is eil iiifii. 6 Writings oC Mr, M'ake- tii'lil. UisoiiNsiiiiis on Vtve trade uiul the N'aviga- tiuu laws. r Events of the hist lit', teen years. tlie most eminent; by his writings he produced a i)rofoimd impression on the minds of some of tlie ablest men of our day, as, for instance, iFohn Mill, Grotc, and others ; and there arc few persons in this country, who have paid much attention to colonial questions, who will not readily acknow- ledge, even when they do not adopt all Mr. WakefieUrs con- clusions, that they are deeply indebted to that gentleman for a considerable portion of their most valuable knowledge of matters relating to the colonies. Thirdly, public attention has been much directed of late years to colonial questions, in consequence of the discussions which have taken place with regard to free-trade and the navigation laws, and which have led to a great change in our commercial polity. For most of the statesmen of this country have maintain.ed that there is an intimate connexion between the colonial and commercial polities of Great Britain. They have generally defended the acquisition of new colonies, on the [)lea, that such foreign possessions afforded markets for the exclusive benefit of our manufacturers, and produced a trade for the exclusive profit of our merchants and ship- owners ; and they persuaded the nation that, in return for these privileges, it was worth our while to pay vast sums of money for i)rotecting and governing the colonies. These pri- vileges being abolished, the question seems very naturally to arise, why are we to continue to pay for them ? The colonies are free to trade with whom they will, and in what manner they will. Therefore, they will only trade with us and ctn- ])loy our shipping, when it is most profitable to them to do so. Therefore, as far as trade is concerned, they are become vir- tually independent states. And this revolution in our com- mercial polity has directed public attention to the question, whether there ought not to be a corresponding change in our colonial polity ? Fourthly, the attention of Parliament and of the country has of late years been constantly occupied with colonial ques- tions, in consequence of a series of remarkable events in the colonies, which have annually occasioned heavy demands to be made on the public purse. In the course of the last fifteen years, the colonics have directly cost Great Britain at least ()0,000,000/. in the shape of military, naval, civil, and extra- ordinary expenditure, exclusive of the 20,000,000^. which were i)aid for the abolition of slavery. Therefore, the total direct cost of the colonies has been at least 80,000,000/. in the last fifteen years. Now, if honourable members would merely take the trouble of recalling to their minds the chief events which were taking place in the colonies, whilst this luoiicy was expending, they must at once ndniit, that the Kvphu ff result of the expenditure has been far from satisfactory, either ''"' '**' "^ to tiic United Kingdom or to the colonies ; and I think that **"' ^*"'" they Avill likewise admit that there must be something essen- tially faulty in a polity which, at such an enormous cost, producea the results which 1 will briefly enumerate to the House. In the first place, in our North American dependencies, n*""''! within the last fifteen years, there has been a conflict of races, '"""^"• ending in civil war; two rebellions — one in Upper Canada, one in Lower Canada, suppressed at great cost to this country; various constitutions destroyed or suspended ; two hostile provinces imited by means of intrigue and corruption ; and now, it is said, I hope most untruly, that the war of races is about to be renewed ; if this should ha[)pen, and should lead to civil strife and rebellion ; and if Great Britain should, imhappily, attempt to suppress it by force of arras, that attempt, if successful, will cost many millions more than the former rebellion ; for the rebels will be, not the poor igno- rant habitans of Canada, but tlie fierce and energetic Anglo- Saxon population. Secondly, in the West Indies, within the last fifteen years, The West a proposal to lend fifteen millions, was converted into a gift ^"'^""'" of twenty millions, and followed by the universal ruin of the planters ; in one colony (Jamaica) the constitution was pro- posed to be suspended ; in another colony (British Guiana) the supplies were stopped ; and now again in British Guiana, and also in Jamaica, the supplies are stopped ; in Santa Lucia there are insurrectionary riots ; and in all the other sugar plantations there is discontent bordering on despair. Thirdly, in South Africa, within the last fifteen years, Soiuii perpetual border feuds with ra[)acious and warlike savages, ^'"^'* whom the Colonial-Office, with characteristic ignorance, one time mistook for peaceful and harmless shepherds: with these savages two fieroo wars, with lavish expenditure, enormous peculation, and no accountability ; three rebellions of the Boers, ever striving in vain to escape from our hated tyranny, and I »n (erring to dwell amidst wild beasts and wilder men, to the detested dominion of the Colonial-Office; and, finally, the acquisition of a huge, worthless, and costly empire, ex- tending over nearly 300,000 square miles, chiefly rugged mountains, arid deserts, and barren plains, without water, without herbage, without navigable rivers, without harbours, in short, without everything except the elements of great and increasing expense to this country. Fourthly, in Ceylon, abuse of patronage, official inapti- ^^oy'""- 8 New Zealaiiil. Vancouver's l!«1aiipulation ment, all ,500,000 persons, 3 present ifactures } not ex- than our s of the )mparing scarcely I emigra- the most jen wars, ,nd enor- its fruits, d defects 8 conclu- arrived ; d men of ial polity in it, ex- mtleman, and, with infitchlcss courage uiul dauntless determination, maintains th.'it nothing can be more perfect than our colonial polity ; that nolliing can he more judicious than tiie conduct of tlio Colo- nial Secretary ; and that nothing can be njorc praisowortliy than all the a[)pointmcnts made by his noble friend, — a solonni silence reigns around him, scarcely, if ever, interrupted by a fiiint cheer. For the House, reflecting on the history of the colonies since the year 1846, cannot fail to remember that many of tiie most important events to which I have just re- ferred as indicating colonial mismanagement, have occurred since the present Secretary of State for the Colonies took office ; for instance, the alleged renewal of the war of races in Canada ; the stoppage of the sui)plic8 in IJrltlsh Guiana and Jamaica ; the mismanngcment of tiie Kafir war, with peculation, extravagant expenditure, and no accountability; the rebellion of the Boers, with the foolish extension of ou^ emj)lre in South Africa; the hasty transportation of convicts to the Cape of Good Hope; the strange ignorance of the financial condition of Ceylon, with its lamentable and dis- graceful conf*e(pienccs; the abandonment and the renewal of tran!>portiitlon to A'^an Dlemen's Land; the blunders about the C()nstltuti»)n of New Zealand; and the transfer of Van- couver's I.sland to the Hudson's Bay Company, — the honour of all tliese events belongs to the administration of the present Secretary of State for tlie Colonies. Therefore jjublic opinion can make no excc|)tlon in his behalf when it condemns the colonial polity of Great 15ritaln, distrusts the department tliat conducts that polity, and j)Uts no faith in its recognized organs in either House of Parliament. Whether right or wrong, this notorious state of public o})inion is dangerous, and much to be regretted. It forms one of my chief arguments for the in- quiry which I propose to the House. 1 think the House ought to assent to my motion, because, in fiict, it is the legitimate sequel to various motions with reference to the colonies, which during this session have met with the favourable consideration of the House. 1 refer to the motion of the honourable gentleman the member for In- verness-shire, with regard to British Guiana and Ceylon ; to that of the honourable gentleman the niembcr for North Staffordshire, with regard to convict emigration to the Cape of Good Hope ; and to that of the noble lord the mcnd)er for Falkirk, with regard to Vancouver's Islands, which would have been carried but for a manceuvre. Each of these mo- tions implied censure of something which had been lately done in the colonies ; each of them met with the general approbation of the House; and each of them raised colonial n Ai\iiiiiii*ilrA' tidii III' iho jiri'scnt ("i>- Iiiiiiiil Mjiiii- ler. Conilpiiined hy jiiiblic oiiiiiioii. Motions of tliis srxsion with regard to tliti colo- nics. 10 Motions of tliis session Mitli reijard to the colo- nit's. •p. Indicate state of opinion. Henils of inquiry. Colonial goveniinent, Faults of systt'iu. questions of great Importance, well worthy of further consi- deration and of serious inquiry. In addition to these motion.^?, which were virtually carried, two other motions condemna- tory of our colonial polity have this session received the sup- port of considerable iuinorities ; I mean the raotion of the honourable gentleman the member for Berwickshire, for a committee of inquiry into our colonial system, and the motion of the honourable gentleman the member for Sheffield, for leave to bring in a bill to amend that system ; and also notices have been given of two other motions impugning portions of our colonial system, one by the honourable gen- tleman the member for Montrose, the other by the right honourable gentleman the member for the Universitv of Oxford. These events indicate the state of public opinion with regard to our colonial polity ; and that state of opinion existing in this House, throughout the country, and through- out the colonies, together with the events which have lately occurred in the colonies, appear to me to constitute good parliamentary grounds for the inquiry which I propose to the consideration of the House. I will now state what, in my opinion, should be the chief subjects of inquiry. They may be arranged under the three heads of Colonial Government, Colonial Expenditure, and Emigration or Colonization. First. — An inquiry should be made into our system of colonial government, with the view of removing the main causes of colonial complaint. Now, the one great cause of colonial complaint is irresponsible government from a distance. The faults inherent in our government of the colonies have been forcibly described in words which I will read to the House, and to which I am sure hon. gentlemen will listen with attention, in memory of a late distinguished member of this House. That system " has all the faults of an essentially arldtrary government, in the hands of persons who have little personal interest in the welfare of those over whom they rule ; who reside at a distance from them ; who never have ocular experiejice of their condition ; who are obliged to trust to secondhand and one-sided information, and who are exposed to the oi»eration of all those sinister influences which prevail wherever publicity and freedom are not established." The power of tiiese persons "is exercised in the faulty manner in which arbitrary, secret, and irresponsible jjowor must be ex- ercised over distant communities. It is exercised with great ignorance of the real condition and feelings of the people sub- jected to it; it is exercised with that presumption, and, at the same time, in that 8i)irit of mere routine, which are the in- 11 Br consi- motiona, ndemnsi- the sup- n of the re, for a e motion field, for and also ipugning ble p;en- lip, rip;ht ersity of ( opinion opinion throu<2;h- ive lately ute good )se to the the chief the three ture, and lystem of the main : cause of L distance, nies have id to the vill listen lember of ssentially lave little bliey rule ; ive ocular trust to e exposed cli prevail d." The manner in ust he cx- ,vith great eople sub- ui(l, at the re the in- herent vices of bureaucratic rule ; it is exercised in a mis- Results of chievous subordination to intrigues and cliques at home, and ^y*'*""- intrigues and cliques in the colonies. And its results are, a system of constant procrastination and vacillation, which occa- sions heart-breaking injustice to the individuals, and continual disorder in the communities subjected to it. These are the results of the [)resent system of colonial government, and must be the results of every system which subjects tlie inter- nal affairs of a peoi)le to the will of a distant authority not responsible to anybody." Those were the words of my late friend, ISIr. Charles ciiaries Buller. They expressed his deliberate and unchanged con- ^"''*^'- victions, and are deserving of the utmost respect ; for no one had more carefully or n)ore ])rofoundly studied colonial ([uestions, no one had brought greater talents to bear on those ([uestions, no one was more anxious for the well-being of the colonies, no one was better qualified as a statesman to govern the colonies ; and those who knew him well, and loved him, did fondly hope that the time would arrive when he would be placed in a position to be a benefactor to the colonies, and to make a thorough reform of the colonial system of the British empire. But, alas ! Providence has willed it otherwise. Our colonial system is essentially the same as it was when Mr. Charles Buller wrote the words which I have just read. In reply to this assertion, the honourable gentleman the Un- der-Secretary of State for the Colonics will in all probability boast again, as he lias boasted before, that of our forty-three colonies, twenty-seven have had representative institutions v'"'"!'"**'"/*' 11 1 11 1 • 1 1 1 ''^'' ""*titu- conccdcd to them. Hut the lionourable gentleman must uous. acknowledge that, of these twenty-seven colonies, eight have only hiid the promise oi' representative institutions ; and that the remaining nineteen had representative institu- tions long ago, when the noble lord, the Secretary of State tor the Colonies, was an energetic assailer of Colonial-office government. In consequence of those assaults upon our colonial system, it was expected that, as soon as the noble lord came into office, he would hasten to bestow representa- tive institutions on many colonies which were well deserving of them. But what his he accomplished, in this respect, during the last tliree years? lie has imagined a nondescript constitutioii for New Zealand, and iinmediately suspended it ; he then sent it to New South Wales for inspection, and New South Wales rejected it : having failed to reform the constitution of New South Wales, he now, at a late period of the session, introduces a bill to bestow the unreformed 12 tiuiis. R.presontii coiistitutioii of Nevv Soutli Wftles upon the other Australian !!)',.'"*''*' colonies ; and finally, he has coniraissioned the renowned Sir Harry Smith, the great Inkosi Inkolu of the Kafirs, to devise a constitution for the Cape of Good Hope. I will not ven- ture to anticipate the results of these measures. I hope and trust they will be productive of benefit to the colonies con- corned ; but, in order that they may be as beneficial as pos- sible, I maintain that they ought to be accomi)anied by a thorough revision and refi^rm of our colonial polity. Under the existing colonial system, in most of our colo- nics (I may, indeed, say in all of them with the exception of Canada) representative institutions are rather shams than Katlior How tliuy WOllf. 13 simniss tiiim realitics, for they seldom lead to the legitimate consequences reu itics. of representative gove*' imcnt, namely, responsible government according to the will of the majority of the representatives of tlic people. In almost all the representative colonies the Colonial-Office generally attempts to carry on the government by means of a minority of the representative assembly, with the assistance of a legislative assembly composed of the no- minees of the Colonial-Office. The consequence is, a per- ])etual struggle between the majority of the Representative Assembly and the party of the Coloiiial-Otfice — a struggle carried on with an intensity of party hatred and rancour hap- pily unknown to us — each party rejects or disallows the mea- sures of the other party; thus legislsition stands still, and enmity increases ; after a time the supplies are sto])ped, and a dead lock ensues ; then the Imperial Parliament is called on to take the part of tiie Colonial-Office, and a constitution is sometimes susi)cndcd; next, to |)roserve order or to j)ut down rebellion, the military force is augmented; and, finally, a demand is made upon the purses of the British peoj)lc, who have invariably to pay the piper at every colonial brawl. AVithin tlie last fifteen years events of this kind have taken jilace in most of our largest colonics ; for instance, in both the Canadas, in Nova Scotia, Jamaica, and British Guiana ; and they seem likely to be repeated in Jamaica and British Guiana. Tlius both in the colonics which have representative assemblies, and in those which have them not, the one great cause of complaint is irresponsible government from a dis- tance; that is, government by rulers who are necessarily ignorant of the state of their subjects ; who, sometimes with the very best intentions, propose and insist upon the very nimi.ins of worst measures. It would be easy to take colony after colony, iii.L'di.pnmi. .^,^,1 g|,Q^Y j,^ q.jqJ^ j^ scrics of lamentable blunders which have been conunitted by the Colonial-Office. For instance, how the war of races was stimulated in Canada; how the ruin of OlUoo. 13 strallan ned Sir a devise lot vcii- ope and ies con- as pos- id by a ur colo- tcei)tion nis than iquenccs crnmcnt ativcs of tiies the ernment )ly, with * the no- i, a per- scntativG 8tru^<;le our hap- the uica- still, and cd, and a called on itution is )ut down in ally, a ij)le, who il brawl, ve taken in both Guiana ; 11 British sentative one great in a dis- Qccssarily mes with the very jr colony, liich have ncc, how le ruin of 3. the planters was made inevitable in the West Indies ; how a niundfrs of valuable portion of our fellow-subjects in South Africa were *'»' Colonial driven into the desert and became rebels; how the immorality ^"''^®' of Van Diemen's Land was fearfully augmented ; how the colonization of New Zealand was spoilt; how Vancouver's Island was thrown away — all through the ignorance, negli- gence, and vacillation of the Colonial-Office. Ignorance, negligence, and vacillation are three inseparable Viccsiniio accidents of our system of colonial government. Ignorance [^1^*'"*^'* is the necessary consequence of the distance that intervenes between the rulers and the ruled ; negligence is the invariable result of the want of efficient responsibility, and the respon- sibility of the Colonial-Office to Parliament is merely nominal, in consequence of the ignorance of Parliament with regard to colonial affiiirs. And whenever there is either ignorance or negligence, there vacillation must also exist. To illustrate these positions by events of recent occurrence, I will cite, as a case of negligence, the act of the 5th and 6th Victoria, Nogiigentc. c. 70, which was passed in 1842, for the purpose of bestowing a constitution on New South Wales. One of the chief ob- jects of that act was to create district councils in that colony. iMuch importance was attached to the establishment of those councils, therefore great care ought to have been taken in iVaming the clauses with regard to them ; on the contrary, there was the greatest negligence : when the act reached the colony, after a journey of six months, the Governor discovered that the 48th clause, which ought to have contained an im- portant provision with regard to the district councils, was without assignable object or discoverable meaning — in fact it was utter jargon : the conseearing to censure the persons connected with it. In order to overcome this diffi- culty, I declare that my object is not to censure any person. My motion may be considered to be a vote of censure on our colonial system, but it is not intended to be a vote of censure on the Secretary of State for the Colonics. For, in my judg- ment, the colonies have not been worse governed by the pre- sent Secretary of State for t]»c Colonies, than by any one of his predecessors who have had equal opportunities of so doing. I know that a different opinion on this subject, prevails both in this country and in the colonics ; that, in consequence of former speeches made by the present Colonial Minister, very exaggerated expectations were formed of what he would do when in office ; that those exaggerated expectations have been disappointed ; that that disaj)pointinent has been embittered by the injudicious praises of friends and subordinates ; and that hence his name is most unpopular. But, in my opinion, it would be a great mistake to sujipose that either his removal froni office, or any mere change in the staff of the Colonial Office, would be of any real benefit to the colonies. The fault is in the system. The wonder to me, is, not that the system works ill ; not that it produces discontent and com- })Iaint ; but that it works no worse than it docs. Consider, sir, for one moment, the nature of its working machinery. To govern our forty-three colonies, scattered over the face of the globe, inhabited by men differing in race, language, and rcli~ gion, with varitnis institutions, strange laws, and unknown customs, the staff of the Colonial- Office consists only of five superior and twenty-three inferior fimctionaries. The supe- rior functionaries are, the Secretary of State, the two Under- Secretaries, the Assistant Under-Secretary, and the Chief Clerk. The Secretary of State and the Under-Secretary leave office with the Government, and rarely retain office Jbr more than two years at a time : they ra'c the ostensible heads of our Colonial syi.tL»ii, and are responsible to Parliament for the government of the colonies. The three other superior func- tionaries being permanent, are the real heads of our Colonial system ; they are screened from responsibility by the political functionaries; they are unknown to Parliament, scarcely known to the public by name, but have become celebrated of late years under the witty designation of Mr. Mother- country, api>Hed to them by Mr. Charles BuUer. Subordinate to these gentlemen, there are twenty-three clerks, making r('iis!ir(< fill systiMii, lint on Cnloiiiiil Minister. Miirliiiierv or(,'oli)iiiii1- Onicc. Mr. Mdflirr- couiilry. 16 nillit'snftho roloniiil Minister. ■I'lw Wan. tlfriii^.Irw. His oct'iijin tinns, in all twenty-eight persons for the government of forty-three colonies. Therefore, even with an equal division of labour, there would not be one official for the government of each colony. But no such division of labour is j)racticable. The Secretary of State for the Colonies is responsible to Parlia- ment for the government of every colony. It is his duty, therefore, to be acquainted with the affairs of each of the forty-three colonies ; to read and study every despatch, and to be prepared to answer, cither in his own person, or by his Under-Secretary, cvciy question which may be put to him, in either House of Parliament, with regard to the colonies. If he could divide his time equally between the colonics, as there are furty-tiircc of them, he could give about a week a year to the affairs of each se})arate colony ; but to no single colony could he at one time spare a week of continuous attention ; for every colony, more or less, requires his atten- tion simultaneously. At one time he can only give a few hours to one dependency, then a few hours to another, and so on, turn and turn about, traversing and retraversing, in his imagination, the terraqueous globe ; flying from the Arctic to the Antarctic i)ole ; hurrying from the snows of North America to the burning regions of the Trojiics ; rush- ing across from the fertile islands of the West Indies to the arid deserts of South Africa and Australia ; like nothing on earth, or in romance, save the Wandering Jew. For in- stance, one day the Colonial Secretary is, in Ceylon, a finan- cial and a religious reformer, ])romoting the interests of the coffee planter, and casting di.scrodit on the tooth and religion of Buddha ; the next day he is in tlie W^est Indies, teaching the economical manufacture of suu;ar ; or in Van Dlemcn's Land, striving to reform the fiends whom he has transported to that pandemonium. Now he is in Canada, discussing the Indemnity Bill and the war of races ; anon he is at the Ca])e of Good Hope, dancing a war dance with Sir Harry Smith and his Kafir subjects ; or in New Zealand, an unsuccessful Lycurgus, coping with Iloni Hcki ; or at Natal treating with Panda, king of the Zoolahs ; or in Labuan, digging coal and warring with pirates ; or in the midst of Soutli Africa, de- feating Pretorius and his rebel Boers ; or in Vancouver's Island, done by the IIudson"'s Bay Com])any; or in Victoria, alias Port PlilHp, the chosen roi)resentatlve of the i)eople ; or in the Mauritius, building fortifications against a hostile po- pulation ; or in the fair isles of the Ionian Sea, enjoying, I hope, for the sake of my dear friend Mr. Ward, a life of luxurious ease and perfect tranquillity. Thus the most incon- gruous events succeed each other, and are jumbled together ■"' 17 in the brain of the unfortunate Secretary of State for the His ocoupa Colonics, as in the wild dream of a fevered imagination ; and ''"""• ere the unhappy man has had time to settle one grave colo- nial question, another of equal importance presses on his wearied and worn-out attention. I repeat, that the wonder is, not that our system of colo^ nial government works ill ; but, that it works no worse than it does. I maintain, therefore, that that system requires revision. To ascertain in what manner it ought to be re- vised, iiow the machinery of the Colonial Office can be im- Qnfistions ])i-oved, and whether more local government and mure self- T'^'' T*^".*'! I 1 . " 11 /. 1 , . to colonial government ouglit to be given to some or all oi the colonies, government, should, in my opinion, be the first groat subjects for the inquiry which I propose to the consideration of the House. In pur- suing this inquiry, the commission should draw a broad dis- tinction between those colonies which have or ought to have representative institutions, and those of the Crown colonies which are unfit for free institutions. IJccausc the line of inquiry, the questions and the conclusions with regard to the host mode of governing the one class of colonics, will be very different from those with regard to the other class of colo- nies. In both cases, the more the iiovcrnment is local, the better I believe it will be. It will, therefore, be an impor- tant subject for inquiry by the Commission, what is the best Ibrm of local government for those Crown colonies which arc unfit for free institutions. The second head of inquiry which I propose for the Com- Colonial mission, is Colonial Expenditure. I have calculated that, on uxpciiiiiturc the averao;e of the last fifteen vears, the direct cost of the l??'*^"' colonies to (jreat Jintain, under the four heads of civil, navai, military, and extraordinary expenditure, has amounted to at least 4,000,000/. a year, exclusive of the sums i)aid for eman- cipating our slaves. The civil expenditure has been between 200,000/. and 300,000/. a year; the naval expenditure, I believe, I have under-estimated at 1,000,000/. a year. The military expenditure nmst have exceeded 2,500,000/. a year ; and at least 200,000/. a year have been iviiulrcd, on the average of the last fifteen years, to cover the extraordinary expenses of Canadian rebellions, Kafir wars. etc. I believe that, with a reform of our Colonial system, and with a search- ing inquiry into the cost of our colonies, a large reduction could be made in colonial expenditure, especially in military expenditure. Last year the military force of the colonies consisted of Military fi)rty-seven regiments of the line, nine colonial corps, one '" '!"'"","'),„ regiment of cavalry, thirty-eight comi)anies of artillery, about c 18 Military I'orw! mid rxpcntlittire. Stores. Ordnance works. North America IVIoney tiu'Dwn Mii a.y. 800 sappers and miners, and about 100 engineer officers ; in all about 45,000 men of all ranks. The cost of those troops ibr i)ay and connnissariat exi)cnses alone, has been returned to Parliament, for the five years ending 31st of ISlarch, 1847, at 9,742,000/., and at the rate of 1,918,000/. a year, exclusive of ordnance or other expenditure. These troops are scat- tered al)out in various stations, over thirty-seven colonies. In the ordnance estimates of this year, reference is made to fifty-four military stations, in which there are either barrack or ordnance establishments, generally both, with barrack- inasters, barrack-sergeants, storekeepers, deputy-storekce])ers, clerks of the works, &c. This year the sum of 197,000/. is required for the salaries of the officers and the wages of the workmen belonoino; to these establishments. The storehouses of these stations contain stores of the estnnated value of 2,500,000/., a sufficient amount of stores, if they do not perish of themselves, for about twenty years' consumption dui'ing peace. In most of these stations, considerable sums have been annually expended on fortifications .and other ordnance woi'ks. Tlie sum required for these purposes in the estimates of this year is 21G,000/. ; and the total sum expended upon them in the course of the nineteen years from 1829 to 1847 has amounted to 3,500,000/. For instance, during that period we have expended in North America on ordnance works, at Kingston, o42,000/. ; at Quebec, 330,000/. ; at Montreal, 18(),00()/.; at Toronto, 05,000/.; at the Kidcau canal, 67,000/.; at Halifax, 215,000/. ; in Newfoundland, New Brunswick, &c., about 100,000/.: making in all about 1,300,000/. spent on ordnance works in North America within the last nineteen years. Many of these works are uncompleted, and to com- j)lete them large sums of money will still be required ; for instance, at Kingston, 140,000/. Much of this expenditure has, I believe, been unnecessary ; some of it absurdly so. For instance, in 1840' an estimate was presented to Parlia- ment by the late Government for certain ordnance works in Canada. Those works Avere supposed to be wanted because the dispute with America concerning the Oregon was not settled. However, before the estimate was voted, the late Government left office, and its last act was to announce the settlement of the Oregon question. The present Govern- ment adoj)ted the estimates of their predecessors ; they never thought of examining those estimates, but ])assed them in a heap, military works in Canada included. The money being voted was spent ; and after it was spent it was discovered that the works had been commenced after the reason for 19 in commencing them had ceased ; that is, the works supposed Money to be required because the Oregon question was not settled, ''"'"^^" were commenced after the Oregon question was settled. The *^*"^* money so thrown away has amounted, I believe to about 90,()()0/. It is lucky that a larger sum was not ex[)ended, for I can discover no existing cheek upon this expenditure. In the West Indies 601,000^. have been expended on West Indies. ordnance works in the interval between 1829 and 1847. During the same period 313,000?. have been expended for similar purposes at Malta and Gibraltar, and it was estimated Maitu. that a further sum of 250,000?. would be required to com- Ciiinaitur. plete the ordnance works in progress in those colonies. During the same period we have expended in Bermuda 183,000/. on Binuiniu. ordnance works ; to complete them another 100,000?. will be required. I understand, however, on good authority, that the introduction of steam has made these works of little value for purposes of defence ; and to defend those works it is said that a flotilla, composed of small steamers drawing little water will be required. Before I proceed to the Mauritius, I must observe, that. Two cinsses according to the highest authorities, our colonies should be "'^"i'""i^^»- divided into two classes with reference to military works ; the one class consisting of colonies conquered from the French, Dutch, and other nations ; and the other class consisting of colonies planted by our own people. The latter may at times be very much dissatisfied with Colonial-Office government, but being inhabited by Englishmen, they always prefer our dominion to that of a foreign nation. Therefore, in the event of a war, they may be safely intrusted with their own defence. For instance, troops and military works are not required in Australia : it is true that a hostile [)ower might destroy Syd- Australia. ncy, burn Melbourne, and commit other acts of vandalism, but it could never kecj) permanent ])ossession of New South Wales, or Victoria, against its English inhabitants. On the contrary, in our conquered colonies we cannot trust the popu- lation ; and in those colonies troops or military works are required more against our own hostile subjects than against foreign enemies. This is said, on high authority, to be the case of the Mauritius. It is said that in the event of a war, Mauritius. if Port Louis were not well fortified, it would be difficult for us to retain possession of it ; and if we were to lose it, it would be difficult for us to regain possession of it ; in both cases for the same reason, because an influential portion of the popula- tion are hostile to us. Now, it is said that the Maiu'itius is an imi)ortant military station, that in the last war, before we took possession of it, prizes of the value of 7,000,000?. were 20 MuiuHius loniiiii Islauds. WoiKs at Coiiii. carried into it. ITcncc tho supposed necessity for extensive ordnance works in that island, botii on the seaside against foreign enemies, and on the hind side against domestic foes. On those works above 200,000^. have been expended since 1829. To complete the del'enccs on the side of the sea at least 200,000?. more will be required, exclusive of tlie cost of the land defences. However, it is ])roj)osed to expend oidy 5,000/. a-ycar on these works ; therefore, at least i'orty years will elapse before they can be completed! May we be at peace and never require the use of them till they are finished ! In the Ionian Islands nearly half a million has been ex- ))endcd on ordnance works since the peace. The case of the Ionian Islands is a capital instance of the manner in which public money has been thrown away upon worthless colonies, on the absurdcst pleas. In 1815 the great Powers of Europe, not knowing what to do with the free and independent States of the Ionian Islands, ])laccd them under the protection of Great Britain. Lord Lansdowne and other distinguished statesmen remonstrated, on the grounds that such jiosscssions would be burdensome, exjiensive, and of no use; l>ut Lord liathurst maintained that they would be most valuable; that the country would gain innnensely by them ; and that they would defray all expenses incurred on their account. On such nons(3nsIcal pleas our colonial empire was extended. What, however, have been the facts? Our export trade to the Ionian Islands has not, on the average of the last ten years, exceeded 122,000/. a year; and the Ionian States have been wholly unai)le to fulfil their pecuniary engagements to this country. They have cost us 130,000/. a year on the average, or about 4,500,000/. since the [)eace. We have built fortifications at Corfu, the original estimate for which, as sanctioned by the Duke of Wellington in 1824, was 182,000/. ; this estimate was increased in 1831 to 227,000/., in 1834 to 240,000/., in 1839 to 340,000/.; that sum having been expendcfl. we voted last year 12,873/. ; we are to vote this year 9,200'/. for these same works ; then to eomi)lete them at least r)0,()OOL more will be required ; and when these works, originally estimated to cost 182,000/., shall be completed, at a cost of above 400,000/., th>>y will be so extensive, that in the event of a serious war it would hardly be expedient to spare forces sufficient to man them ; and the wisest plan would be to blow up tiie fortifications, to abandon the islands, and to concentrate our forces at Malta and Gibraltar. For as long as we retain the supremacy of the ocean, we could always reconquer them for a trifle, provided there be no for- tifications to resist us; and were we to lose the supremacy of 21 the ocean, with the best fortifications, wc could only keep pt)ssc8sion of them for a few months. In South Africa wc spent, between 1829 and 1847,271,000/. snuiu on ordnance works. A considerable portion of this sum has A'"''"- been expended on the eastern frontier of the colony of the Ca])e of Good Hope, in brid«^es over unknown rivers, and various works, offensive and defensive, ag;ainst the Kafirs. Our ordnance expenditure in South Aiiica is, however, only con)nicncinirc. of niijjhl" argiiiiieiit. ! ; rites and wonderful discourses ; if he is to add desert after desert to oui biirrcn empire in South Africa, till it become as hu'hould inquire what questions slioidd be considered as inq)crial ones, and what cpicstlons should be looked upon as local ones. It should attemjjt to ascertain what powers the Imperial (jovern- ■ ment ought to reserve for the benefit ol' the enq)ire at large, and what powers onglit to be (Udegated to the colonial legis- latures. It apj)ears to me that it wouhl not be difficult to classify and deiine the ])owers whicii ought to be reserved as imj)erial ones ; and then all other powers not so reserved, should be held to be local powers. The advantages of such a classification, if sanctioned by the Im])crial Legislature, are self-evident. It would enable the colonial legislatures to know precisely what they are entitled to do, and what they must abstain from doing. It would thus greatly diminish the chance of hostile collision between those legislatures and the 2D lie Imperial Government ; and last, and not least, it would spare us many a useless debate about colonial questions with which it is impossible for us to be well acquainted. I have now assigned my chief reasons for the motion which I have proposed. 1 have shown that there is a growing con- viction in this country, and an intense conviction in the colo- nies, that there are grave errors and defects in the colonial polity of the British empire. I have thence inferred that that polity requires revision. For the purpose of revision, I have asked that a searching inquiry should be instituted ; first, into our system of colonial government, with the view of removing the causes of cohmial discontent and complaint ; secondly, into colonial expenditure, with a view of diminishing the cost of the colonies ; and thirdly, into the subjects of emigration and colo- nization, with a view of affording free scope for individual en- terprise in the business of colonization, and of removing the obstacles which stand in the way of emigration to our depen- dencies. If this inquiry be properly conducted, it will fur- nish the means of settling the great practical questions of colonial government ; for instance, what colonies ought to have free institutions ; what is the best form of self-government for colonics with representative institutions ; what is the best kind of local government for colonies unfit for self- government ; what defences are needed for what colonies ; what should be the nature and amount of imperial expen- diture for the colonies ; what would be the best checks both on imperial and local expenditure in the colonies ; to what colonies, convict emigration, if not abolished, would be least mischievous ; for what colonies free emigration, and of what kind, would be most beneficial ; what rules should be adoi)tcd for the disposal of colonial lands, and by whom those rules sliould be framed ; and lastly, with regard to the settlement of all these questions, and of many others of equal importance to the colonics, and with reference to each class of colonics separately, what i)owcrs should be reserved to the Imperial Government, and what powers shoulil be delegated to the local authorities ? I am convinced tliat upon the practical scttloincnt of these <|ucstions the maiiito- nance of our colonial cmj)irc mainly depends. I believe that the stability of tliat empire is in innninent danger from tlicir non-settleniont ; first, in consequence of the colonial discon- tent engendered thereby; secondly, in consequence of the opinion, which 1 am sorry to say is thence gaining ground in this country, that these colonial questions are insoluble ; therefore that good colonial government is impossible ; therefore, that colonics are nuisances and burdens ; and there- Smiimpry of reiwiPiis for inijuiry. Qiicjilions to Imj settled. Iinportanue ol' st'ttli'.ig tht'in. ! Importance or settling them. By whom shouUl the iiiqiiiry be conducted ? By a royal commisiiion. 30 fore, the fewer ihcy are in number, and the sooner they are got rid of, the better. I lament the growth of these opinions. I am satisfied they will spread and acquire strength in projjortion as the settlement of the questions to which I have referred is delayed. To settle those questions without inquiry and assistance Parliament is at present utterly incompetent. The experience of this session has shown that a debate on a colonial question is confusion worse confounded, wherein scarcely any two speakers .agree; the few listeners are puzzled by the con- flicting oj)inions of pretended authorities ; and the house, in utter despair of understanding the subject, generally gives a reluctant and distrustful vote of cohfidcnce in the Colonial-office. The results of that confidence I have dis- played to the house, in the shape of wars, rebellions, recur- ring distress, perpetual discontent, and enormous expenditure; the necessary consequences of the ignorance, negligence, and vacillation, which I have shown to be inseparable from our system of colonial government. Not as a cure for these evils, but as the uecct'sary preliminary step towards a cure, I ask for the inquiry, the nature of which I have just described. It is evident that the good to be obtained from an inquiry will depend upon the manner in which it is conducted, and the persons to whom it is entrusted. On a former occasion the honourable gentleman the member for Berwickshire proposed that a similar inquiry should be conducted by a committee of this house. Though I voted for his motion, I was compelled to acknowledge that the inquiry would be too vast and too complicated for a committee. I voted for his motion because I felt satisfied that, if a committee were a[)- pointed, it would soon discover its inability to perform its allotted task, and would recommend that the inquiry should be conducted in the manner which I now propose, that Is, by a royal commission. If the house should accede to my motion, and her Majesty should be graciously pleased to appoint a com- mission, I should presume to recoumiend that it should con- sist of not more than five persons ; that the commission should report from time to time to her Majesty ; that their reports should be laid before Parliament ; and if a[)})roved ol' by Parliament they should be the bases of colonial h^gisla- tion, id of a reform of our colonial [)olity. The task which the nmission would have to perform would be an arduous as w 'S an important one. The question will be asked, to whom biiould the performance of such a task be entrusted ? what should be the qualifications of the members of suoii a 31 tliey are of these acquire tjucstions tic those iincnt is ; of this question any two the con- ic house, generally ce in the have dis- is, recur- snditurc; gligence, iblc from for these 3 a cure, lave just 1 inquiry ;ted, and occasion viekshire :cd by a notion, I Id be too I for hid were aj)- 'forni its y should lat is, by J motion, nt acom- )uld con- nmission hat their )roved of [ legisia- sk which arduous isked, to trusted ? )f su'ji» a commission ? It may, perhaps, be maintained that the inquiry By a rojni which I propose should be conducted by the department to «"'""'»*•*>"• which the management of our colonial affairs is entrusted. And if the inquiry were to be merely into the details of colonial administration, into the machinery of the Colonial Office, into the number of functionaries which are required in that office, and into the best division of labour between them, I might then admit that such an inquiry might be left to the management of the Colonial Office. But the inquiry which I propose is a much more extensive one, namely, into the whole colonial polity of the British Empire. Now, first, the func- tionaries of the Colonial Office are too much occupied with the daily administration of colonial affiiirs to be able to spare time for so extensive an inquiry as that which I contemplate. And, secondly, I must say, without any intentional disre- spect for those gentlemen, that having been accustomed to the existing system, they would, in my opinion, be apt to look upon that system with too favourable an eye. There- fore I object to entrusting this inquiry to the Colonial Office. To whom then should this inquiry be entrusted? It is evident that it ought not to be conducted in a party spirit ; and, in fact, it is not a ])arty question ; for each party is equally interested in the good government of the colonies, in the reduction of unnecessary Colonial expenditure, in the promotion of Colonization and Emigration, and in short in everything which can conduce to the prosperity of our Co- lonial empire, and to the happiness of our Colonial fellow- subjects. Therefore, if a Commission be appointed, I should Chosen from reconuuend that it be fairly chosen from the four divisions of ^'^^^.^|j°"^j,'^'*' this House : for example, one member should be appointed the House, from the ministerial benches, — such a person, for instance, as my honourable friend the Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department ; one member from amongst the friends of the right honourable baronet the member for Tamworth, — as, for instance, either the right honourable baronet the member for llij)on, or the right honourable gentleman the member for the University of Oxford, or the noble lord the member for Falkirk ; one member from the ranks of the Protectionist party ; and one from the section of the House to which I belong. To the four members so selected, I would recommend that there should be added one of our most distinguished economical and political writers, — such, for instance, as Mr. John Stewart Mill. I think a Com- mission so constituted, with full powers of inquiry, would deserve and obtain the confidence both of this country and of the colonies, and would lead to che most important results. 32 Conclusion. I hopc that I havc succeeded in giving the house a clear notion of what \s the object of my motion, and that I have satisfied the iiouse that I am actuated by tlie desire of pro- moting the well-being of the colonial empire. In conclusion, I must beg the house to observe, that by agreeing to my mo- tion, the house will not pledge itself to any specific principles of colonial polity, or to any positive legislation, but only to the position that there ought to be a searching inquiry into our system of colonial administration. Can any one deny that such an inquiry is desirable, and that it may produce great benefits both to Great Britain and the colonies ? There- fore, in the firm conviction tluit my motion is both a practical and a useful one, worthy of the consideration and approval of Motion. the house ; I now beg leave to move that an humble address be i)resented to her Majesty, praying that her Majesty will be graciously pleased to ai)poiiit a commission to inquire into the administration of her Majesty's colonial ])osscssions, with the view of removing tlie causes of colonial complaint, dimin- ishing the cost of colonial government, and giving free scope to individual enterprise in the business of colonizing. I] I mciiAiiDH, i'ki.mi;r, 100, si. maku.n'.s i.ane. clear have r pro- usion, y mo- ciples ily to y into deny oduce 'licre- ctical ^^al of Idress T will ! into with iniin- 3Cope