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OF Rsfd^ Executive, •■»; '\» ]II£ISSA6E Fno» THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,' Transmit ling the papers relating to the recent arrangement in relation ^ io the trade between the United States and the British Colonies, SfC, January 3, 1831. Read , and referred to the Committee on Comnerce. To the Senate of the United States: I communicate to Congress the papers relating to the recent arrangement with Great Britain with respect to the trade between her colonial po3ses- sions and the United States, to which reference was made in my message at the opening of the present session. It will appear from those documents, that, owing to the omission in the act of the 29th May last of a clause expressly restricting importations into the British colonies in American vessels to the productions of the United States; to the amendment engrafted upon that act in the House of Represen- tatives, providing that, when the trade with the West India colonies should be opened, the commercial intercourse of the United States with all other parts of the British dominions or possessions should be left on a footing not less favorable to the United States than it now is; and to the act not specify- ing the terms upon which British vessels coming from the northern colonies should be admitted to entry into the ports of the United States, an apprehen- sion was entertained by the Government of Great Britain, that, under the contemplated arrangement, claims might be set up, on our part, inconsistent with the propositions submitted by our minister, and with the terms to whibh she was willing to agree; and that this circumstance led to explana- tions between Mr. Mf'r-f.ne and the Earl of Aberdeen, respecting the inten- tions of Congress, and the true construction to be given to the act referi'ed to. To the interpretation given by them Ut that act, I did not hesitate to agree. It was quite clear that, in adopting the amendment referred to, Congress could not have intended to preclude future alterations in the existing inter- course between the United States and other parts of the British dominions; and the supposition that the omission to restrict, in terms, the importations to the productions of the country to which the vessels respectively belongs was intentional, was precluded by the propositions previously made by thTp Oovernment to that of Great Britain? and which were before Congress at the ^ [ Doc. No. 22. 3 ■ • . . • 1 ■ • ■■ ■ time of the passage of the act, by the principles which govern the maritime legislation of the two countries, and by the provisions of the existing com- mercial treaty between them. Actuated'by this view of the subject, and convinced that it was in accord- ance with the real intentions of ('ongress, I felt it my duty to give effect to the arrangement by issuing the required proclamation, of which a copy is likewise herewith communicated. ANDREW JACKSON. Washington, 3d January, 1S31. ZAst of papers accompanying the Message of the President of the '3d January, 1831. Extracts of a letter from Mr. Van Buren to Mr. McLane, dated 20th July, 1829. Extract of a letter from same to same, dated 5th August, 1829. Copy of a letter from Mr. McLane to the Earl of Aberdeen, dated 12th December, 1829. Copy of a letter from the Earl of Aberdeen to Mr. McLane, dated 14th December, 1829. Copy of a letter from Mr. Van Buren to Mr. McLane, dated 26th De- cember, 1829. Copy of a letter from Mr. McLane to the Earl of Aberdeen, dated 16th March, 1830. Extract of a letter from Mr. McLane to Mr. Van Buren, dated 6th April, 1830. Extract of a letter from Mr. Van Buren to Mr. McLane, dated 18th June, 1830. Copy of a letter from Mr. MeLane to the Earl of Aberdeen, dated 12th July, 1830. Copy of a letter from same to Mr. Van Buren, dated 20th August, 1830. Copy of a letter from the Earl of Aberdeen to Mr. McLane, dated 17th August, 1830. Copy of a letter from Mr. Van Buren to Mr. McLane, dated 5th Octo- ber, 1830. Copy of a proclamation of the President, dated 5th October, 1830. Copy of a circular, instructions from the Treasury to the Collectors, dat- ed 6th October, 1830. Extract of a letter from Mr. McLane to Mr. Van Buren, dated 6th No- vember, 1830. . Copy of a letter from Mr. McLane to the Earl of Aberdeen, dated 3d November, 1830. popy of a letter from the Earl of Aberdeen to Mr. McLane, dated 5th November, 1830. Copy of the British order in Council, dated 5th November, 1830. Copy of the British schedule of duties. Extract of a letter from Mr. McLane to Mr. Van Buren, dated 22d No- Vfcmber, 1830. 't/ [ Doc. No. 22. 3 ii Extracts of a letter from Mr. Van Buren to Mr. McLane^ dated July 20, 1829. First. The trade between the United States and the British •American Colonies. The policy of the United States in relation to their commercial intercourse with other nations is founded on principles of perfect equality and reciprocity. By the adoption of these principles, they have endeavor- ed to relieve themselves from the discussions, discontents, and embarrass- ments, inseparable from the imposition of burthensome discriminations. These principles were avowed whilst they were yet struggling for their in- dependence, are recorded in their first treaty, and have since been adher- ed to with the most scrupulous fidelity. In the year 1815, they repealed all their acts imposing discriminating tonnage duties on foreign ships or vest sels, and of impost, so far as respected the produce or manufacture of the nations to Which such foreign ships or vessels might belong — such repeal to take effect in favor of any foreign nation which should abolish similar du- ties, so far as they operated to the disadvantage of the United States. In the year 1817, they restricted the importation into the United States, in foreign vessels, to articles of the growth, produce, or manufacture of the country to which such vessels belonged, or as could only be, or were most usually shipped in the first instance from such country; provided that such regulation should not extend to the vessels of any foreign nation which had not adopted, or should not adopt a similar regulation with regard to them. In the year 1824, they declared the suspension of all discriminating duties, in relation to the vessels and produce of several European nations, and of their territories in Europe, which had accepted of the terms proffered by the act of 1815, and conferred authority upon the President to extend the same ex- emption to all nations thereafter complying with its requirements; and in 1828, an ict was passed, authorizing the President to extend the exemption in regard to alien duties, which, by the acts of 1815 and 1824, was restrict- ed to the productions of the country to which the vessel belongs, to the pro- ductions of any foreign country imported into the United 3tates in the ves- sels of any nation which would allow a similar exemption in favor of the Unit- ed States. The terms proposed by our act of 1815 were adopted in the commercial treaty between the United States and Great Britain in the same year, which has been twice extended, and is now in full force. By it, the commercial intercourse between the United States and the British possessions in Europe is established upon just and equal terms. The United States desired to place their trade with the British American colonies on the same footing. The Government of Great Britain would not then consent to that arrangement, and it was consequently stipulated in the treaty that the intercourse be- tween the United States and His Britannic Majesty's possessions in the West Indies, and on the continent of North America, should not be affected by any of its provisions, and that each party should remain in complete posses- sion of its respective rights with regard to such intercourse. The trade and intercourse between the United States and the British colonies previous to and at that time, were only such as were permitted by British legislation, or regulation by orders in Council. It had always been of a restricted and unequal character, and every previous attempt to place it upon just terms had wholly failed. Since 1815, both Governments have uniformly admit- ted it to be their belief that a commercial intercourse between the United States and the British colonial possessions referred to, upon term?5 of fai): re- ciprocity, would promote their mutual interests. 4 [ Doc. No. 22. 1 To establish it upon such terms has always been the sincere object of this country, and, until a very late period, the avowed wish of Great Britain. The twelve years which have elapsed have, with occasional intermission, been employed in endeavors to arrange those terms by negotiation, or to se- cure them through the agency of separate legislative enactments; and al- though the two Governments have more than once concurred in each other's views as to the conditions to which they would assent, their respective acts have resulted in the almost entire suppression of the trade. Since the 1st December, 1826, there has been a total non-intercourse between the United St&tes and the British American colonies in British vessels, and the same in regard to American vessels, (with the exception of the permission allowed to the latter, to carry on a direct trade with the British North American possessions, the Bahama islands, and the island of Anguilla, upon terms pre- scribed by Great Britain alone.) The acts of the two Governments which have led to this result are so intimately connected with the positions which they respectively occupy, and of a nature calculated to have so much influ- ence on the measures of conciliation and redress which may be adopted, as to render it important that they should be fully known and accurately un- derstood. Your participation in the public councils has given you a general view of their principal outlines; but it is thought advisable to furnish you with a more particular exposition than the opportunities you have enjoyed would allow you to obtain. A very brief sketch of such as are most prominent if, with this view, submitted to you. The direct trade between the United States and Great Britain was found to be so interwoven with, and dependent upon, that between the United States and the colonies, as, in a great measure^ to deprive the former of the ad- vantages intended to be secured to them by the treaty of 1815, so long as the intercourse with the colonies was monopolised by British navigators. Seve- ral efforts were consequently made, between the years 1815 and ISIS, to in- duce the British Government to adjust this collision of interests by amicable negotiation. They were unsuccessful. In 1817, a proposition was submit- te-l to our Minister at London by the Secretary of State tor Foreign Affairs, Lord Castiereagh, which was said to contain all that could then be assented to by Great Britain towards admitting the United States to a participation in the trade between them and the colonies. By this it was proposed to ex- tend to the United States the provisions of their free port acts, which autho- rized a limited trade with portions of her colonies to the colonial inhabitants of foreign European possessions, in vessels of one deck, with some addi- tional provisions in relation to the trade with Bermuda, Turks island, and the British territories in North America. The terms contained in this proposition were decided by the Government of the United States to be inadmissible, and countervailing measures were resorted to. The act of Congress of the 18th of April, IS18, concerning navigation, was passed. Its object was to counteract acts of a like character long before existing on the part of Great Britain, restrictive of the trade with her colo- nies in vessels of the United States. By that act, the ports of the United States were closed against British vessels coming from any British colony, which was, bi/ the oi^dinary laws of navigation and trade, closed against vessels of the United States; imd British vessels sailing with cargoes from ports of the United Stales were laid under bonds to land their cargoes in some port or place other than a colony closed against vessels of the United States. I 4» I I f. k I ( r Doc. No, 22. ] 6 I- J ,v The negotiation was in the same year renewed, and another attempt, equal- ly unsuccessful, was made to open the trade, and establish it upon principles which were claimed by our Government to be ifiose of fair reciprocity. The act of Congress of the 15th of May, 1820, '* supplenietilary to an act entit'ed *An act concerning navigation," followed. By it, the ports of the Uni- ted relates were, after a certain day, closed against British vessels coming or anriving by sea from any British colonial port in the West Indies or Ame- rica; and similar bonds were required from British vessels sailing from the ports of the United States, not to land their cargoes in any British American colony. Articles of British West Indian and North American produce were allowed by this act to be imported into the United States, only direct from the colony of which they were wholly the produce, growth, or manu- facture. Thus establishing a non-intercourse in Brit i,sh vessels with all the British American colonies, and prohibiting the introduction into the United States of all articles the produce of those colonies, except that of each colo- ny imported directly from itself. Such was the relative state of the intercourse between the United States and the British colonies, respectively, from September, 1820, till the pass- ing of the act of Parliament of the 24tli of June, 1822, and the consequent proclamation of the President. By the act of the 6th of May, 1822, in anticipation of the passage of the British act last referred to. Congress authorized the President, upon his be- ing satisfied that the British colonial ports were opened to the vessels of the United States, to open their ports to British vessels upon terms of recipro- cal advantage. The act of Parliament of June, 1822, repealed several ex- isting acts, and opened certain of the colonial ports to the admission of American vessels laden with certain articles of American produce, upon specified conditions, and restricting the intercourse to the direct trade be- tween the United States and the colonies. The President, by liis procla- mation, issued immediately after the receipt of the British act, opened the ports of the United States to British vessels engaged in the colonial trade, subject to a Hike restriction, and upon terms which were deemed to be of reciprocal and equal advantage, but retaiiiing our discriminating duties. The retention of the discriminating duties was made the subject of com- plaint and discussion on the part of the British Government. The measure was justified by ours, as being only a fair equivalent for the imposition of protecting duties on American produce in all, and export duties in some of the colonies. The King had authority, by act of Parliament, to interdict the trade to all nations which refused to allow privileges to British vessels engaged in the colonial trade equal to those granted to foreign vessels by the act of the 24th of June, 1822, and, also, to impose countervailing duties; but neither power was then exercised. The act of Congress of the 1st of March, 1823, was the next material step in the movements of the two Governments. At the period of its pas- sage the two countries were engaged in an extensive and valuable trade be- tween the United States and the colonies, by virtue of the British act of Parliament and the President's proclamation, our discriminating duties re- maining unrepealed, but continuing to be a cause of complaint on the part of Great Britain. Tlic influence which the passage of this act has obviously had upon the course of aflairs in relation to the trade in question, together with the cir- 6 £ Doc. No. 22. ] cumstance that the closing of our ports was the effect of its terms, renders it important that its provisions should be distinctly understood. They were in substance the following: Ist. It continued the suspension of the acts of 1818 and 1820, already ef- fected by the President's proclamation, and opened our ports to a direct trade only with such of the British colonial ports as had been opened to us by the act of Parliament of June, 1822, subject, as things then stood, to the payment by British vessels of our alien or discriminating duties. 2dly. It put forth a claim which had been previously advanced by us in our negotiations upon the subject, but always resisted by Great Britain, viz; that no higlier duties should be imposed upon the productions of the United States in the British colonial ports than upon those of Great Britain her- self, or her other colonies, and which had been levied lor the protection of their own produce. This was done by giving an authority to the President to suspend the payment of our discriminating duties by British vessels coming from the colonies, upon being satisfied that no such duties were le- vied in the colonies on our produce, and by declaring that, until such evi- dence was given, payment should continue to be exacted. 3dly. It restricted the trade to such British vessels as had come directly from the colonial ports, and had not touched at any Other port after they left, the colony. 4thly. It declared that its provisions should only be in force so long as the privileges granted by the act of Parliament of June, 1822, were allowed to our vessels, and that if at any time thereafter, the trade, or any part of it, was prohibited to us bv Great Britain, through an act of Parliament or order in Council, and t ict proclaimed by the President, each and every of its provisions shouiv .ease, and the acts of 1818 and 1820 be revived and in full force. The passage of this act was followed by the exercise of the authority giv- en to the King to impose countervailing duties; and they were accordingly imposed to an amount equal to ours, by an order in Council of the 21st July, 1823, upon all American vessels and their cargoes arriving in the colonial ports. Under these reciprocal impositions, the trade between the United States and the colonies was carried on from that time, until it was suppress- ed by both Governments, in the rrianncr hereinafter stated. The negotiation was resumed by Mr. Rush in January, 1824. In its course, propositions for regulating the trade were submitted by him, which received the assent of the British Plenipotentiaries, with the exception of that prohibiting the imposition of protecting duties in the colonies, to which their dissent was expressed in the strongest terms. < sV- - . •. Mr. Rush's instructions jHccludcd him from settling the matter upon any other terms, and the negotiation was suspended in the month of June fol- lowing. On the 5th of July, 1825, an act of Parliament was passed, allowing the trade with the British colonies in North America, and the West Indies to all foreign nations, upon conditions which will be hereafter referred to. It limited the privileges thus granted to foreign vessels to the ships of those countries, not having colonics, which should place the commerce and naviga- tion of Great Britain, and her possessions abroad, upon the footing of the most favored nation, unless the King, by order in Council, should in any case deem it expedient to grant the vitliole or any of such privileges to the ships of any foreign country, although the required condition was not in all respects complied with by such country. : i ed to Or the not theti Briti! then Ml order: Vllfur ed to princi terms coloni eign ] The w of 18S law re( out do the 17 and al Parliai 1820 t Ont embra( tions; i that on period valid; ( ports a| were in The I stated. '\ tish col in Cour tions fn . thorizec of this I [ Doc. N». 22. ] ved to it, was In its Iwhich lion of Iwhich )n any le fol- igthc lies to 10. It those kviga- )f the lin any "to the in all Mr. King was sent to England in the summer of 1S25, but without instruc- tions upon this point. His continued indisposition induced him to return In the summer of 1826, and during that period no step was taken by eithef Government. In the winter of 1825-'6, an attempt was made in Congress to meet the act of Parliament of July, 1825, by correspondent legisliftion ; but it failed; and although the trade might, and most probably would, have been saved, if the act then introduced had become a law, it is nevertheless true, as has been stated, that it would not have been a strict compliance with the British act, if it had passed In the summer of 1826, Mr. Gallatin was sent to England with instruc- tions, which authorized him to conclude an arrangement of the colonial ques- tion upon terms substantially the same with those which were offered by tho British Plenipotentiaries to Mr. Rush in 1824; but his authority was confin- ed to an adjustment by treaty stipulation. On the 27th of July, 1826, the King, by order in Council, founded upon the act of Parliament of July, 1825, declared that the United States had not complied \yith the conditions of the act, and therefore directed that the trade and intercourse between the United States and the greater part of the British colonial ports should cease from and after the 1st day of December then following. Mr. Gallatin arrived in England a few days after the publication of those orders in Council. The determination of the British Government to decline nil further negotiation upon the subject was promptly and definitively announc- ed to him. The foundation of this determination was avowed to consist principally in the reiterated refusals of this Government to accept of the only terms to which Great Britain would agree, and a subsequent change of the colonial policy of that Government, by opening her colonial ports to all for- eign nations upon the conditions set forth in their acts of Parliament. The whole subject was laid before Congress by the President in the winter of 1827, and an unsuccessful attempt made to obtain the passage of a law requiring our ports to be closed also. Congress having adjourned with- out doing any thing in the matter, the President, by his proclamation dated the 17th day of March, 1827, declared the trade between the United Slates and all the British colonies, with which it had been allowed by the act of Parliament of 1822, to be prohibited, and the acts of Congress of 1818 and 1820 to be revived. On the 16th of Jul)^ 1827, another British order in Council was issued, embracing the regulation of the colonial trade of Great Britain with all na- tions; reciting the passage of an act of Parliament, by which it was declared that one year from the time of passing the act of July, 1825, should be the period in which an acceplfpce of its provisions by foreign nations should be valid; declaring what nations had so accepted the same, and closing their ports against all those that had not; among the latter, the United Stated were included. The extent and operations of our acts of 1818 and 1820 have been before stated. The commercial relations between the United States and the Bri- tish colonies have been regulated by their provisions, and the British order in Council of July, 1827, from that period to the present day. By instruc- tions from this Department of the 11th of April, 1827, Mr. Gallatin was au- thorized to announce to the Government of Great Britain the acquiescence of this in the proposition that the colonial trade should be regulated by 8 [ Doc. No. 22. ] law, and to ascertain the disposition of ihe Urit.ish Government to open the trade by separate acts of lecjishition. This was distinctly done by Mr. Gal- latin, in his note to Lord Du ' ' No answer was made by the British Government to Mr. Gallatin's note of the 4th of June, 1827, announcing the willingness of this Government U arrange the trade by separate legislation; and Mr. Canning, on being ap- plied to by Mr. Gallatin to know whether he might expect a reply, in- formed him that such was not the intention; that they considered that note as merely furnishmg explanations; and he expressed his surprise Uiat any doubt could exist as to the final disposition of the British Government upon that subject. After Mr. Canning's death, the willingness of the United States to accept, through the medium of separate legislation, the terms of the act of Parlia- ment of the 5th July, 1825, was again communicated by \lr. Gallatin to the British Government, by a note to Lord Dudley of the 17th August, 1827, in which he requested to be informed whether, if Congress complied with the recommendations which the President was willing to make, the Unit- ed States would be admitted to the trade and intercourse allowed by the act of Parliament of the 5th of July, 1825. Mr. Huskisson, in a subsequent conference, informed Mr Gallatin that Great Britain considered the colonial intercourse as exclusively under her control, and that whatever terms might be granted to foreigners, would be considered as an indulgence; that he was nc^L ((Ppared to say whether, in any way, or, if at all, on what terms, it would be opened to the United States, in case of their repealing their resti'ictive acts. Lord Dudley, in reply to Mr. Gallatin's letters of the 4th June and 17th August, after reviewing the grounds urged by the United States to justify themselves in omitting to accept the terms of the act of Parliament of July, 1825, declined committing the British Government as to their course in the event of the United States adopting the measures proposed, on i/;; fol- grounds, viz: 1st, that much must of necessity depend upon the t;'.':'"'!s of the act which Congress might pass; 2dly, more on the condition of the coun- try at the time of the passage, and the views which the British, ilnvyrn- Bient might then have of their interest in the matter; and, 3dly, that any the froi wit exj cd, out subf fron Gov favo oft! tribu draw natio Su ioniei In ed tOj upon resist! nies; direct 1 givpn Other by the before withotf tribute sessini connec cable, Thel j characf i it is cil • tion o/ States^! Britisl the ore Consee countrj ported hroughj ofParll except growth! States The P'jsly rj ;n the •. Gal- urther ;, at its and to al pro- jnlrics 'course Great Great /hether revoca- iminat- to the he 5th ,0 hini) 5 act of pen the the Bri- n's note ment Iv ;ing ap- iply, in- lat note Jiat any nt upon accept, f Parlia- in to the t, 1837, ed with le Unit- the act itin that nder her vould be jther, in United nd 17th » justify of July, jourse in ine fol- ]etr>''ls of he roun- ilnvern- t':.at any r I I, [ Doc. No. U'Z. ] »j Blipulations on the subject, would be a virtual departure from the j^round taken by his Government to regulate the trade by law, and to decline all further negotia^'on concerning it. The last information in the possession of this Governnfient, in relation to the views of the present British ministry upon this subject, is derived from Mr. Barbour in January last. He states that, in a communication held with Lord Aberdeen, in the presence of the Duke of Wellington, the former expressed his desire of having the colonial trade question judiciously adjust- ed, and his conviction that the interdict was injurious to the colonies, with- out a proportionate benefit to any other section of i\\e empire. But from subsequent conversation with his lordship, and from information derived from other sources, Mr. Barbour was induced to believe that the British Government does not contemplate any relaxation of its colonial system in favor of this country; that our late tariff, together with a strong convictioa of their incapacity to compete upon equal terms with our navigation, con- tributes to this disposition; and that that Government would willingly with- draw the privileges of trading with its colonic? which it has granted toother nations, if that could conveniently be done. Such is the present state of our commercial relations with the British co- lonies; and such the steps by which we have arrived at it. In reviewing the events which have preceded, and more or less contribut- ed to, P result so much to be regretted, there will be found three grounds upon which we are most assailable, 1st, in our too long and too tenaciously resisting the right of Great Britain to impose protecting duties in her colo- nies; 2aly, in not relieving her vessels from the restriction of returning direct from the United States to the colonies, after permission had been givpn by Great Britain to our vessels to clear out from the colonies to any other than a British port; and, 3dly, in omitting to accept the terms off*ired by the act of Parliament of July, 1825, after the subject had been brought before Congress, and deliberately acted upon by our Government. It is, without doubt, to the combined operation of these causes, that we are to at- tribute the British interdict. You Will therefore see the propriety of pos- sessing yourself fully of all the explanatory and mitigating circumstances connected with them, that you may be enabled to obviate, as far as practi- cable, the unfavorable impression which they have produced. The trade, although not wholly suppressed, is altogether changed in it? character. Instead ot being direct, active, and profitable, as it once was, it is circuitous, burthensome, and comparatively profitless. The importa- tion of the produce of the British West India colonies into the United Statesy may be said to have substantially ceased. It is wholly prohibited ia British vessels, and allowed only direct from the producing colony. By the orders in Council, the admission of American vessels is prohibited. Consequently, whatever of British West India produce is brought into this country (with the exception of what has been recently allowed to be im- ported from the Bahama islands, and the island of Anguilla) must either be brought by the vessels of other nations, which are permitted, under the act of Parliament of July, 1825, to clear from the colonies for any other ports, except in Great Britain and her possessions, or it must be imported as the growth or produce of other colonies, to which the vessels of the United States are admitted, and thus introduced in evasion of our law. The export trade has been more considerable, though greatly and injur^i i>'jsly reduced. The decrees of nature, bv which the British West Indjcj. ? 10 L Dog. No. 22. ] c*- are made dependent on the United States for a great portion of tlieir neces- sary supplies, though erroneously resisted, have not been altogether frus- trated by the retaliatory and improvident legislation of the two countries. Large quantities of American productions still find their way to the co- lonies. The uncertainty as to how much of our produce is used in the ports to which the exportwlions are nominally made, renders it impossible to speak with accuracy as to the amount actually consumed in the British West India colonies since the ports were closed. In the opinion of intel- ligent merchants, it is about half as much as immediately before the interdict. It is carried in American vessels to the inlands of St. Thomas and St. Bar- tholomew on the one handj and to the open ports in the British North American possessions on the otlier. From those ports, it finds its way to the British West India colonies, under difierent regulations in British ves- sels. This trade is burtheaed with double freight and insurance, the char- ges of landing and re-shipping, and also commissions and duties in the neu- tral ports, for that portion which goes by the way of St. Thomas and St. Bartholomew. The extra expenses thus produced have been estimated at fifty per centum on the first cost of lum4)er, and at from fifteen to twenty per centum on provisions. A great reduction of the quantity of our ex- ports, and the entire exclusion from the trade of many articles of a perisha- ble nature, which cannot now be sent in consequence of the increased length of the voyage, with its unfavorable efiects upon our navigation, are the chief injuries which result to our citizens from this state of things. It oppresses the West India planter, by unavoidably increasing the prices of such articles of American produce as he still finds it his interest to purchase, notwith- standing the disadvantages imposed upon their introduction. It is moreo- ver understood, that the indirect trade is carried on on British account, and that, therefore, the principal part of the extra expenses to which it is subject- ed comes ultimately out of their pockets. It is the anxious wish of the President to put an end to a state of things so injurious to all parties. He is willing to regulate the trade in questioa upon terms of reciprocal advantage, and to adopt for that purpose those which Great Britain has herself elected, and which are prescribed by the act of Parliament of 5th July, 1825, as it is understood by us. You are directed to make a full and frank exposition of the views and wishes of the Presi- dent in this respect, at as early a pci lod, and in such manner, as you may judge best calculated to accomplish them, and to put it in his power to com- municate the result of this overture to Congress at the opening of the next session. He is admonished by the past of the inutility of protracted discus- sions upon a subject which has been over and over again debated. He does not, therefore, wish to occupy you, or harass the British cabinet by their repetition. You are authorized to say to the British Government, on the part of the United States, that they will open their ports to British vessels coming from the British colonies, laden with such colonial productions as can be imported in American vessels, and upon terms i" all respects equally favorable; and that they will also abolish the i^estriction contained in our act of 1823, confining the trade to a direct intercourse, upon condition that Great Britain will allow American vessels the privileges of trade and intt course which wereofiered by the act of the 5th of July, 1825. The President indulges a confident expectation that the British Govern- ment will assent to an adjustment upon these terms. He is compelled to iWjik st> from a conviction that such an arrangement would promote tht>: [ Doc. No. ^. ] U • neces- sr frus- Lintries. the co- in the sible to British >f intel- iterdict. it. Bar- North way to ish ves- 16 char- he neu- and St. nated at twenty our ex- perisht- id length the chief ppresses li articles notwith- moreo- int, and } subject- if things questioa 56 which act of directed Presi- ro\i may to com- the next d diseas- ed. He by their on the vessels tions as i equally our act ion chat id int( Govern- lelled to mote th'P true interests of both parties — a result which he is confident is as much desir- ed by Great Britain as it can be by himself, because she has heretofore given her deliberate assent to these terms, (and he finds nothing in the con- dition of the question which renders them less proper now than they worn then;) and, finally, because he is unwilling to believe that Great Britain would make so invidious a distinction as to exclude us from a trade which she al- lows to the rest of the commercial world. The United States do not con- trovert her right to monopolise the trade with her colonies; and if the same interdict which excludes them from her colonial ports was extended tooth- ers, they would .lot complain. But the British Government cannot be in- sensible to the tendency which a discrimination of the character referred to must unavoidably have, to alienate those liberal and friendly feelings now en- tertained towards her by our people, and which it should be the pleasure, as it is the duty, of both Governments, to cherish and perpetuate. If the omission of this Government to accept of ihe terms proposed, when iieretofore oflfered, be urged as an objection to their adoption novv, it will bo your duty to make the British Government sensible of the injustice and in- expediency of such a course. \;^''?. The opportunities which you^lJave derived from a participation in our public councils, as well as other sources of information, will enable you to speak with confidence (as far as you may deem it proper and useful so to do) of the respective parts taken by those to whom the administration of this Government is now committed, in relation to the course heretofore pursued upon the subject of the colonial trade. Their views upon that point have been submitted to the people of the United States; and the counsels bj'^ whicli your conduct is now directed are the result of the judgment expressed by the only earthly tribunal to which the late administration was amenable for its acts. It should be sufficient that the claims set up by them, and which f-aused the interruption of the trade in question, have been explicitly aban- doned by those who first asserted them, and are not revived by their suc- cessors. If Great Britain deems it adverse to her interests to allow us to participate in the trade with her colonies, and finds nothing in the extension of it to others to induce her to apply the same rule to us, she will, we hope, be sensible of the propriety of placing her refusal on those grounds. To set up the acts of the late administration as the cause of forfeiture of privileges which would otherwise be extended to the people of the United States, would, under existing circumstances, be unjust in itself, and could not fail to excite their deepest sensibility. The tone of feeling which a course so unwise and untenable is calculated to produce would doubtless be greatly- aggravated by tlie consciousness that Great Britain has, by order in Council, opened her colonial ports to Russia and France, notwithstanding a similar omission on their part to accept the terms offered by the act of July, 1S25. You cannot press this view of the subject too earnestly upon the conside- ration of the British ministry. It has bearings and relations that reach be- yond the immediate question under discussion. Should the amount of our protecting duties upon the productions of her co - , lonies, or upon the manufactures of the mother country, be referred to, in con- ;,nexion with this matter, you will be at no loss for the reply. The duties upon our agricultural productions, when imported into Great Britain, are be- yond comparison greater than those imposed by the United States on the pro- ductions or manufactures of Great Britain or her colonies; and the denial of her right to impose duties on articles the production o[^ the United States, H [ Doe. No. 22. ] H '.'> when imported into the colonies, in order to protect thosie ot" the colonied themselves, or of the mother country, was a leading and avowed motive for the stand taken by Great Britain in relation to the colonial trade. This is a subject on which each nation must judge for itself. It is one upon tvhich, it is well known , there exists great diversity of opinion among our own citizens, but ia respect to which no stipulations can be made with a foreign power; at least without reciprocal engagements on the part of such power — engagements into which there is no reason to believe that the Government of Great Bri- tain would at this lime enter. If, by the imposition of those duties, the United States can secure the production of the same articles at home, it is their right and their duty to persevere. If not, the principal burthen falls upon their own citizens^ and consequently furnishes no cause of complaint on the part ol others. If the encouragement, by Great Britain, of her North American possessions in the growth and production of similar articles to those with which we supply her West India colonies, is the motive, the objection is no less ob- vious To that end^ the parent Government now exercises, ^vithout com- plaint or objection on our part, the common right of imposing higher du- ties on articles which are not, than on tlic^e which are, the growth or pro- duce of their North American possessions; and in doing so she exercises to the full the right conceded to all nations^ of encouraging home productions by the imposition of protecting duties. The exclusion of one nation from the privilege of bringing into the ports of another articles that come in competition with home productions, whilst their introduction is conceded to the rest of the world, is a measure which cannot find its justification in any principles applicable to the protective system. If, however^ the President should be disappointed in his expectations, fountled on these and other corres- ponding views of the subject, he wishes you to ask (a request which he is confident will be readily granted) that you may be favored with an early and definitive answer to the propositions you are authorized to submit. He makes this appeal to the candor of the 13ritish Government, that he may be enabled (in the event alluded to) to lay before Congress, at the com- mencement of the next session, the result of this overture, to the end that that portion of the capital and enterprise of our country which is now waiting the decision of the question may seek other channels of employment. ' Should your advances be met in the spirit in which they are ofl'ered, it will become important to consider of the form in which the proposed adjust- ment ought to be made. This Government has heretofore strenuously contended for an arrange- ment by treaty, and that of Great Britain has as strenuously opposed any other mode than that of separate legislation. The President is willing to adopt either mode. If the views of the British Government are now differ- ent in that respect, and an arrangement by treaty be acceptable, you are au- thorized to conclude it upon the principliBs of these instructions. In that event, the President relics upon your known discretion and intelligence that the articles to which you agree shall be in such form as will carry in- to full and fair effect the views of this Government as now expressed, r If (which is more probable) a resort to mutual legislation is preferred, the coniiideration of the mode best calculated for the satisfaction of both parties will occupy your iittention. • That may be efff cted in one of two ways, viz: either by an order in Coun- ♦?iL opening the British ports to American vessels after a certain day, in th«^ ■J ft lit I pri IJi pk I; Doc. No. 22. ] 1^ eolonicd otive for rhis is a vhich, it citizens^ )ower; at igements reat Bri- Lities, the me, it is lien falls omplaint ssessions hicli we ) less ob- out com" igher du- ll or pro- ercises to )ductions ;ion from come in iceded to )u in any ?resident 3r corres- ch he is an early nit. He he may he corn- end that is now oyment. flered, it adjust- arrange- osed any illing to w differ- 1 are au- In that elligence 3arry in- ressed. Ted, the 1 parties in Coun- ts, in th« feVent of the United States having before that time complied with the con- ditions of the act of Parliament of the 5th of July, 1825, by opening our ports to the admission of British vessels, and allowing their entry with the same kind of British or colonial produce as may be imported in Ameri- can vessels, the vessels of both countries paying the same eharges; by sus- pending the alien duties on British vessels aud cargoes, and by abolishing the restrictions in our act of 1823 to the direct intercourse between the United States and the British colonics — thus leaving Great Britain in possession of the circuitous (rade between Great Britain proper and the United States, through the British colonies. Or, the President will recommend the same measures to Congress, at their next session, on be'iig assured by the British Government that the passage of an act of Congress to that effect will lead to the revocation of the British order in Council of July, 1827 to the abo- lition or suspension of all discriminating duties on American vessels in the British colonial ports, and to the enjoyment by us of the advantages of the last mentioned act of Parliament. You are authorized to agree to either mdde, but the former is, for many reasons, to be preferred. In all that is said upon the subject, it must be borne in mind that the President, whatever may be his wishes, or tiie course he might otherwise adopt, has no authority to move in the matter without the aid of Congress. The onl)' laws relating to this subject, now in force, are the acts of 1818 and 1820, b}' virtue of which our ports are closed against the admission of British vessels engaged in the colonial trade. They do not confer a dispensing power on the President, and he has lo such au- thority derived from any other source*. Some explanatory act, or a stipulation having a prospective view to such provision as Congress may make, will certainly be necessary to enable the United States to avail themselves of the privileges offered by the act of Par- liament of 1825. By that act we are required, as a condition to the enjoy- ment of its advantages, to place the commerce and navigation of Great Bri- tain and her possessions abroad upon the footing of the most favored nation.. If it is meant by the condition that the commerce and navigation of Great Britain, and of her possessions abroad, shall be gratuitously and generally ' :ed on the same footing with those of the most favored nation, by grant- to them privileges Vvhich are allowed by us to other nations for equiva- placed lents received, it would be wholly inadmissible. By the laws of both countries, the vessels of each are prohibited from im- porting into the ports of the other any other productions than thos' of the country to which such vessels respectively belong. By the laws of the United States, this restriction is applied only to those countries which apply a similar interdict to onr commerce. Almost all other countries have ex- cluded it from their navigation codes: such nations, therefore, enjoy the pri- vilege of importing from any country upon paying our alien duties — a pri- vilege which we cannot extend to Great Britain, because her laws deny it to us. Our discriminating duties, also, have, in ^.onsequence of arrangements by treaty, been abolished as to certain nations, anil their vessels and cargoes admitted on equal terms with those of the United States. W e have, more- over, treaties with Central America and Denmark, by which it is stipulated that whateve- can be imported to, or exported from, either country, from or to any foreign place, in its own vessels, may be so imported or exported in •^he vessels of the other country, on the payment of the same duties. Shouhl 4^ 14 [ Boc. No. 22. ] I the terms "most favored nation" be understood l)y Great Britain in the sense I have referred to, she would entitle herself, in case of a literal com- pliance on our part with the terms of the act of 1825, to all those privile- ges for her European navigation and commerce, without reciprocating them to the United States — a privilege she would, it is hoped, be too just to de- sire, and which, certainly, the United States could not for a moment think of granting. The force of these objections, and the necessity of preliminary explanations upon this head proceeding from the British Government, was virtually admitted by Lord Dudley, in his reply to Mr. Gallatin's notes of the 4th of June and 17th July, 1826; but he considered them as answered by the statement of Mr. Gallatin, that the President was willing to recom- mend certain specific measures to Congress, as a fulfilment of the conditions of the act of 1825, and the President would have adopted them himself if he had been clothed with authority to that effect. The simple and sufficient reply to this view of the matter is, that those measures were proposed by the United States, not as a strict compliance with the conditions required, but as all that they could offer, and with an accompanying declaration that they fell short of what the act of 1825 requir- ed, and would still leave our commerce with the colonies dependent upon the future dispensation of the British Government. The validity of this opinion Lord Dudley did not attempt to controvert. -, ■ If it is then true that either further preliminary legislative acts, or a pros- pective stipulation on the part of Great Britain, be necessary, a previous order in Council should be preferred: First, Because it would obviate the two principal objections stated by Lord Dudley to her binding herself for the future. Those objections were, that the future course of Great Britain must, necessarily, in part, depend upon the details of such act as Congress might pass; and that the very fact of making such a stipulation would be a departure from a ground which their Government had taken upon full deli- beration, that they would not suffer themselves to be drawn into any nego- tiation upon the subject of the colonial trade, but claimed for themselves the right to regulate it by their own separate and independent legislative acts» The mode proposed would manifestly obviate the first objection, and avoid the other. Secondly, Because such an act on the part of Great Britain, after the past transactions of the two Governments on this subject, could not fail to remove all asperities from the minds of our people, and contribute more than an adjustment in any othe: form to produce that spirit of mutual kind- ness between the two countries which it is the interest of both to cherish, and which the President is earnestly solicitous to maintain. Assuming that the step can be taken by Great Britain (as it assuredly can) without disparagement, the consideration stated would, it is believed, have a persuasive influence on her conduct, in issuing such an order in Council, the British Government would only be acting upon the same policy which it has in part already pursued in relation to the 13ahama islands and the island of Anguilla. Great Britain revoked her order in Council of July, 1827, as to those islands, becau.se it was required by a due regard to her interests. That being ascertained, no consideration of form or matter of feeling was allowed to interfere. What good reason can be assigned why the same should not be done for the maintenance of greater interests, and under more eligible circumstances? Should that mode, however, be declined, it is hoped that the only remaining one will be adopted without hesitation. _ , ;-' . . .. . I [ Doc. No. 22. ] Id i I will add nothing as to the impropriety of suffering any feelings that Itnd their origin in the past pretensions of this Government to have an adverse influence upon the present conduct of Great Britain. Without such an assurance on hor part, your mission, so far as relates to the colonial trade, must be wholly inoperative. If this result is produced by a real change of opinion on the part of the British ministry with respect to the reciprocal advantages of the trade, and a determination to exclude the United States from it, in order to promote her own interests, and that is iVankly and promptly avowed, the whole matter will be at least intelligibly concluded. If, however, they are not prepared to take this ground, but suffer themselves to desire that the United States should, in expiation of supposed past encroachments, be driven to the necessity of retracing their legislative steps, v\ithout knowledge of its effecl, and wholly dependent upon the indulgence of Great Britain, they cannot be iasensible of the ex- treme improbability that ai:y further measure will be taken by Congress, before whom (in the event alluded to) it would probably be the pleasure of the President to lay the whole matter. i^*^ '^■■'S . -ft. Extract of a letter, dated 5th Jiugust, 1889, from Mr. Van Bur en to Mr. McLane, theii at New York. I forgot to speak to you upon the subject of the probable impression that will be made upon the British Ministry by the rumors and speculations that have appeared here in regard to the character of your instructions, and to suggest the importance of putting them informally, but fully and early, in possession of your views upon that point. . .^ - /'■ ,. t,\ M .V ■.■Stf, more kind- lerish, uredly ieved, rder in policy Js and. icil of ard to matter signed ;erests, or, be without * '''f.-'-' - . Mr. McLane to the Earl of Merdeen. ' . , y, Chandos Street, Cavendish Square, December 12, 1829. >.. My Lord: I had flp.ttered mj'self with the hope of receiving before this iiir,c ^decisive answer from his Majesty's Government to the propositions w'lich I had the honor to make some time since for an arrangement of the trade between the Utiited States and the British American colonies; but, while I regret the delay that has taken place, I am aware that it has hitherto been unavoidable. In the hope, however, that, after the various conversa- tions which I have had the honor to hold with his Majesty's Ministers in the course of this negotiation, they may be prepared definitively to dispose of the subject, I beg leave to make your Lordship the present communication. In entering upon the negotiation, I separated this from the other objects of my mission, and presented it singly before his Majesty's Ministers, that it might receive their early consideration and prompt decision, and that I might thereby the better promote tbe views and wiahes of my Government> X early informed your Lordship of the anxious desire of the President of the United States that the question may be put immediately and entirely at rest. In this he is influenced not merely by a wish to liberate and give ac- 16 [ Doc. No. 22. ] * tivity to such portion of the capital of his fellow-citizens as may be awaiting the decision of this question, but also by the higher motive of speedily terminating a state of things daily becoming more prejudicial to the friendly relations of the two countries. Disclaiming, on the pj'.rt of the United States, in reply to certain observa- tions of your Lordship, all hostility to this country in their system of pro- tecting duties, and disconnecting that system from any arrangement of thiar particular question, I endeavored to lay this subject before his Majesty's Ministers divested of all considerations but such as peculiarly relate to this branch of the commerce between the two nations. Conceiving that experience had already proved the existing colonial regu- lations to be injurious to the interests of both countries, the President was induced to hope that true policy alone would dispose his Majesty's Govern- ment to change them. He could perceive no good reason why Great Bri- tain should now refuse her assent to the terms of arrangement which she herself had heretofore voluntarily proposed; and, as the order in Council of July, 1826, did not embrace Russia and Sweden, though both were within the scope of the act of 1825, ana as it had been subsequently rescinded as to Spain without equivalent, he was unwilling to suppose that any unfriendly motive could induce a peculiar and permanent exclusion of the United States from participation in a trade thus conceded to the rest of the world. In fact it appeared that a material alteration had taken place in the colonial system, and in the relations between the two countries, produced by the re- cent relaxation of the order in Council in favor of Spii, which left the United States the sole excluded power, and by the injurious operation of the existing regulations upon the interests of Great Britain. It was nol unreasonable, therefore, to suppose that the negotiation might be advanta- geously resumed; that the British Government might be induced to rescind entirely their order in Council of 1826, and that a satisfactory arrangement might immediately be made by the reciprocal acts of both Governments. In the course of my negotiation, however, I have met with difficulties much greater than had been anticipated. There were objections opposed to any arrangement. Among these were the measures of the United States restricting the British colonial commerce subsequently to their failure to accept the terms offered by the act of Parliament of 1825, and the claims to protection urged by those interests which are supposed to have grown up in faith of the act of 1825 and the order in Council of 1826. Indeed, I distinctly understood that these were insuperable obstacles to any relaxation in the colonial system of Great Britain, unless sonie previous change should be made in the legislation of the United States. With this understanding, though I by no means admitted the force of these objections, I deemed it expedient, in this state of the negotiation, to make the following proposition: that the Government of the United States should now comply with the conditions of the act of Parliament of July 5, 1825, by an express law opening their ports for the admission of British vessels, and by allowing their entry with the same kind of British colonial produce as may itst imported in American vessels, the vessels of both coun- tries paying the iMrtite charges; suspending the alien duties on British vessels land cargoes, and abolishing the restrictions in the act of Congress of 1823 to the direct intercourse between the United States and the British colonies; and that such a law should be immediately followed by a revocation of the British order in Council of the 27th July, 1826, the abolition or suspension >Ky w 1 ift-i 1 of j [ Doc. No. 2i2. ] 17 i awaiting speedily e friendly i observa- n of pro- nt of this Majesty's ite to this nial regu- ident was 9 Govern- rreat Bri- ^hich she !ouncil of re within cinded as infriendly e United he world. le colonial 3y the re- I left the eration of t was not advanta- o rescind mgement ments. ifficulties jposed to States ailure to le claims re grown ndeed, I elaxation :e should force of ation, to 1 iStates July 5, British colonial th coun- 1 vessels of 1823 [^olonias; n of the ^pension ;d of all discriminating duties on American vessels in the British colonial portti, and the enjoy ment, by the United States, cT the advantages of the act of Parliament of the 5th July, 1825. By this offer on the part of my Government, I hoped to remove even the pretence of complaint against its measures; and I trusted that, in thus throwing open, by its own act, to all of his Majesty's subjects, a trade at pre> sent enjoyed by but a few, it would effectually silence those partial inten sts which, springing out of a system of restriction, and depending as much upon the countervailing laws of the United States as upon the regulations of their own Government, subsist entirely upon the misfortunes of the British VWst India planters, and the embarrassments of the general commercial capital and enterprise of both nations. In repeating the proposition, as I now have the honor to do, and in re- newmg my solicitation that it may be taken into early and candid coasidera- tioik, and produce a prompt and favorable reply, I refrain from leading to further discussion and delay by a more detailed reference to the vat'ious suggestions by which, in the course of the negotiation, I have had the honor to recommend it. Entertaining, however, the conviction I have heretofore expressed, of the wasting effects of the present regulations upon the substantial interest of the two countries, I cannot close this letter without again remarking that delay can only tend to increase the difficulties on both sides to any future adjust- ment, and tiiat it will be difficult for the United States to reconcile the marked and invidious relation in which they are now placed with their idea of justice, or with the amicable professions of this Government. That rela- tion involves consequences reaching far beyond the immediate subject in discussion, and of infinitely greater importance to the future intercourse of both countries than any value which the trade affected by these regulations may be supposed to possess. It is this view of the subject which unites the sympathy of all interests in the United States with their commercial enterprise, which touches the pride and sensibility of every class of their population, and which, I trust, will make its due appeal to the candor and liberality of his Majesty's Govern> ment. I pray your Lordship to accept the assurance of the high consideration with which I have the honor to be Your Lordship's most obedient And very humble servant, LOUIS McLANE. To the Right Honorable the Earl of Aberdeen, &<:. &c. &c. The Earl qf Jiberdten to Mr. McLant. FoREmx Office, December 14, 1829^ Sir: I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 12tfa instant, for- mally recording the desire entertained by the Government of the United States (and previously declared by yon in verbal conferences) for the re- moval of the existing restrictions on the intercourse between th« British .3 I 18 [ Doc. No. 22. ] West India colonies and the United States, with the view of placing the Cf^mmrrce of the two cnuntri«:^a on a footing more consonant with the siib- 8tjnti;il iutvMots of both nations, and with the amicable relations which happily sulisi t between them. 1 shall lose no time in bringing the propositions contained in your letter under the consideration of his MHJesty's Government. Whatever may be the result of their deliberations on this question, of which you are -drealy apprised of some of the difficulties, you may be as- sured that hiH rviajesty*s Government will enter into the consideration of it with »he mort friendly feelings towards the Government of the United States. I have the honor to be, With high cons'. ierntion, sir. Your most obedient humble servant, ABIlRDEEN. Louis McLane, Esq. &c. &c. &c. pal fori ad( •taJ her u Mr. Van Bur en to Mr. McLane. Department or State, Washington^ 26/ h Dec. 1829. Your despatch No. 5 has been didy received, and submitted to the Pre- sident From snbseqiieiit but unofficial information, he is induced to be- lieve that un.ts of t.'tis country from the injuries that might result froni long delay- Your intimate acquaintance with the whole subject renders it unnecessory for me to enter into a particular con.o the extent of the pro|)osed delay which wou'd be acoepiabte here, in reference to the ailjustment of this important inteicst. Independently of the steps necessary and practicable "o open and improve new channels for the trade which would thus bt permanently abandoned, the justice and propriety of defeating tlie ited views of the northern British colonies is a subject which is earnestly pressed upon the considera- tion of this Government. Tlie desire so sTungiy manifested in that quarter to give permanency to a state of things altogether artificial in its character, and ns much at variance with the repeated and solemn opinions of both Governments as with the best interests of the two countries, has excited much sensibility her*-; and the active agency which that interest is understood to exercise in thvv;i) ting i| your efforts to place matters on their only natural and true Ibotiot;, serves greatly to increase that feeling. The propriety of an immediate legislative provision, prohibiting ourtrade with the Canadas, and other free ports, alter a certain day, if the present colonial regulations of Great Britain should at that time remain unchanged, is strongly advocate'', hut the President is » disinclined to bring that subject to the notice of Congress iluring the pend- ency of your negotiation, by the apprehension that the step might, un«ier these circumstances, be regarded as wearing the appearance of menace, and thus give an acrimonious character to a negotiation which it is his wish should be of the most kind and amicable nature. It is hoped that the President's message will aid the liberal views which (the principal members of the British cabinet are understood to en'ertain upon this point, by disabusing the mind of the English public in r» gard to the views and ishes of this country, and by impressing it with just noatins of the sentiments of the President. There certainly never was a time bet- ter calculated for the improvement ol the relations etween the two coun- tries than the present. The solicitude sincerely felt ijy »he President upon this head is greater than the occasion referred to would allow him to ex- press: and I am persuaded that there has been no event in his public life that has caused him as much regret as he would experience in faili g lo be instrumental in the establishment of the very best understanding between the United States and Great Britain. .,. 1 am, sir, with great respect. Your obedient servant, M. VAN BUREN. 09 I Ddc. No. 22. ;i I'i !. Mr, McLane io the Earl of Aberdeen. 9, Chandos Street, Portlawd Place, Londouy March 16, 1830. The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America, in calling; the attention of the Earl of AbonJeen, His Majesty's principal Secretary of State for Foreign Afljiirs, to a proposition which he had the honor to submit in writing on the I2ih of December last, for an arrangement of the trade bet'> een the United States and thn British American colonies, and in praying for a decision thereupon, is influenced, not merely by considerations of duty, urging hini to avoid fur- ther delay, but by a hope that the time already afforded for deliberation has been sufficifnt to enable His Majesty's Ministers to judge of the reason- ableness of his demands. The Earl of Aberdeen is already aware that, whatever may be the dispo- sition which His Majesty's Government may now be pleased to make of this subject, it must necessarily be final, and indicative of the policy to which it will be necessary, in future, to adapt the commercial relations of each coun- try. As the regulations on the part of the United States which will follow the decision of this Government can be adopted by the Congress alone, it becomes the duty of the undersigned to ascertain and transmit such decision during the present session of that legislative body. But, while the under- signed again solicits the earliest convenient answer to his proposition, he can- not but repeat that it will be happy for both countries if their measures shall coincide in cultivating those liberal principles of mutual accommodation which are the elements of common prosperity and united strength. However the fact may be regretted and condemned by enlightened states- men, it cannot be concealed that ancient prejudices and m vorthy animosi- ties do still linger among the people of both countries; and the Earl of Aber- deen has been too distinguished an observer of events not to perceive the operation of those causes in fostering a spirit of commercial jealousy, especial- ly in relation to the colonial trade. It shouil be the desire, as it is the interest, of both Governments, to ex- tinguish those causes of mutual bitterness; to correct the errors which may have interrupted the harmony of their past intercourse; to discard from their commercial regulations measures ot hostile monopoly; and to adopt, instead, a generous system of frank and amicable competition. There has never occurred, in the history of the two countries, a fairer op- portunity than the present to effect this desirable object; and the undersign- ed feels pleasure in remarking the favorable disposition professed by both Governments on the subject He begs to suggest, however, that this period of amicable expressions deserves also to be signaiised by acts of mutual con- cession, which may remain to the people of both countries as earnests of those liberal relations which their Governments have resolved to cultivate. Such would be embnced in the proposition which the undersigned has al- rea'^y had the honor to submit; namely, that the United States should (!o now that which they might have done in 1825 — rescind the measures which may be allegeii to hav esp: ricuni new hendj en-ricti howc whiU ton and n ly to Iti 8tale< Great the in I 1 [ Doc. No. 22. ] 21 1830. otenliary B Earl of I Affairs, e 12tli of d States ereupon, void fur- iheration e reason- he di spo- ke of this which it »ch coun- II follow alone, it 1 decision le under- I, he can- ires shall modation id states- animosi- lof Aber- eive the especial- fs, to ex- iich may [om their instead, lirer op- Idersign- Iby both Is period lual con- rnests of iltivate. has al- u!o now |ch may which low to a The undersigned is unwilling to pass from this topic without re-assiiring the Earl of Aberdeen that it is from considerations of this kind ihnt «he subject derives its highest importance in the view of hit* Govornmf.nt. There is no disposition to deny the injurious effects of the exislii g regula- tions upon the commercial and navigating eiiierprise of the people ol the United States, associated, as it evidently is, with the substantial prosperity of the British West India colonies. Much of the injury, however, and esp:*ciall} that irising from the temporary inactivity of a portio. of A ne- ricun capital, might soon be remedied by acts of the Legislature, opening new channels for commercial enterprise. But the evil most lo be appre- hended is, that, in recurring, on both sides, to the remedy of ieglshitivc euHctments, a spirit of competition might be immediately awakened, w .i'h, however dispassionately it might commence, would be too apt, in a liiile while, to become angry and retaliating. In cases of the kind, as has been too well proved, one step necessarily leads to another, each tending more and more to estrange the two nations, and to produce mutual injuries, deep- ly to be deplored when they can no longer be remedied. It is far from the intention of the undersigned to intimate that the United States could be disposed to complain of any commercial regulation o Great Britain, which, by a system of reasonable preference, should consult the interests of her own subjects, provided it were done in a spirit of ami- ty and impartiality, and that it should place all nations on an equal footing. Bi:t, when the United States shall think they have grounds to consider themselves singled out from all other nations, and made the exclusive object of an injurious regulation; when they shall imagine it levelled at their pros- perity alone, either in retaliation of past deeds, or for interested purposes — to Becure some adventitious advantage, or to encourage a hostile competition, by means of commercial monopoly; however justifiable, in such case, they may admit the regulation to be, in point of strict rijfht, they will hardly be able to refrain, not merely from complaint, but from a course of mea- sures calculated, as they may think, to avert the intended injury, though pregnant, perhaps, with consequences to be ultimately lamented. Wliile the undersigned would, in no degree, impair the full force of these considerations, he would, at the same time, be distinctly un'"i wiihl ing i| •oil Wes< It th»n worti tutin) givenl deprif It this deprii •acrifi priviU pro vie accorc vndert Other •ould Tht •ion or direct has so oensurt kave si aanctioi revived atate of no wan mistake States a Beglect, there o to previ The I of the f States I repeal ir ipteresti to exclii apt, th( Britain extend eonditie direct ti ; It is I ^e of 8 by the deprive I T' \ f Doc. No. 2«. 3 33 live trade of the West India plHiiters. They conferred on the northern p05«>>»'ssM)iis a I'r^v a\m\ illrect traile, not only with the European porlN, but wiih the continent ot' South Anerica, in which are countries daily iiicreaa- ing ill re.oiHirci's, and destined, beyond a doubt, when ttie advantage^ of their •oil and climate shall he properly cultivated, to become rival growers of the West India produce. It may be safely aifirmed that these are privileges of greater magnitude th»n any conferred by the same act on the West India islan'^s; and it is worthy of remark that they are still enjoyed by those possessions, consti- tuting a source of profi' and pro?ed by those who made them — have received no the rigid Sanction from the people of the United States, and that they are not now itercourse, revived. If it be t' e intention of Great Britain to perpetuate the present State of things from a belief that it is more for her interest, she will require no warrant from the past; and if she intend it for any other purpose, the Mistakes of the past will not justify a policy observed towards the United States alone, while unenforced against other nations chargeable with similar Beglect. If these mistakes have led to the mutual injury of b.»th countries, there ought rather to be inspired a disposition to remedy such injury, and tD prevent its future recurrence. The undersigned, therefore, may be content to admit, that, in consequence )reviou8ly of the failure by the past administration of the Government of the United orld. It States to comply with the provisions of the act of Parliament of 1825, by vepealing certain restrictions in their laws dee ned incompatible with the ipterests of the colonies. Great Britain thought proper, by order in Council, to exclude them from the direct trade authorized by that act. But it can- apt, therefore, be supposed that they were thus excluded because Great Britain had repented of the regulations of lS-:i5, which she continued to extend to all other nations, though some of them, too, had neglected the conditions of that act; neither could it be supposed that the importance of a islands; direct trade with the United States had in any degree diminished, he ports ; It is not a fair inference from any measure, neither is it avowed on the r fice of any public document of Great Britain, that, by the interdict applied ensurate by the order in Council, she intended, permanently and unchangeably, to xte. sive deprive the United States and her West India islands jof the benefit of a direct prospec* the di£- ^'S1ion» by listers, he taled. lie r an early tions con- ic he may t has been he United I, with its Irjuie per- jould con- uihori/ed. IS not urge sidereit its luta recur- he United i)cen inter- : portion of sty's reign, year, could prevented, exclusive len made. n t sts of the 1 was the 25, which ore exten ng them i of which affording regard for be found >ssessions fected by on the Ifixed and jtlv from 34 [ Doc. No. 22. ] i!.:! ! '' ';a \ w m 1 ^ I ill J' I M' trsctey which had always been deemed of the first importance to both. The opposite is the natural inference; and it is due to the character of Great Britain, and to her knowledge of her true interests, to believe that the ad- justment of trade with her several possessions by the act of 1825, was, in her opinion, salutary, and that she sought to secure it in every part, and to give it more complete effect, by her order in Council, the true intent of which WIS to exclude the United States from the direct trade merely until ihey should consent to engage in it on terms mutually advantageous. It was thus, whdst her other possessions were left in the enjoyment of their privi- leges, Great Britain intended to secure to the West India islands the com- mercial benefits which had been designed for them by these regulations. Nor are the answers herefofciC given by this Government in the course of previous negotiations, incompatible with this interpretation of the order in Council. Afterapplying the interdict for the purposes of the act of 1825, it was> not unreasonable that the time of its removal should bi; ^idapted to the aame ends. It might have been designed, not merely to evince the predi- lection of Great Britain for regulations adopted in 1825, but to manifest to all other nations the mutual advantages of that course of trale, and to yield to a liberal spirit when that effect should be produced. The language of the late Mr. C«nning, arid of Lord Dudley, authorizes this be- lief. Mr. Canning said no more than that the British Government would not feel bound to remove the interdict, as a matter of course, whenever it might suit a foreign nation to reconsider her measures; implying, surely, that, under other circumstances, our overture would not be rejected. In the ne- gotiation with Mr. Canning, moreover, the American pretensions, which, before that time, had embarrassed an arrangement, were not conceded; and on that ground, particularly, Mr. Gallatin's proposition was then declined. At the time of the negotiation with Lord Dudley, neither party had felt the effects of a state of thiugs which neither hud ever contemplated, and for which Great Britain had never, until then, manifested any desire. Without attempting here to Doint out the error of Lord Dudley's concep. tion of Mr. Gallatin's proposition, the undersigned contents hiniself with suggesting that his answer most particularly referred to the proposition merely in regard to the form and the time. It neither said nor intimated, as, had such been the intention, it unquestionably would have done, that Great Bri- tain designed, by the order in Council, permanently to abandon the object! «f her act of 1825. It must be admitted that such inference would be incompatible with the views entert-'itied by the present ministry, as expressed in the order in Coun- cil of 1828, gratuitously extending and continuing to Spain the privilege! granted by the act of 1825, which she, also, had forfeited, by failing, up to that period, to comply with the conditions. On no suppositioi., consistent with ordinary impartiality towards a friend- ly nation, can this order be reconciled, than that the whole subject rested in the discretion of the ministry, to be changed and modified at any time wher they might deem it expedient. The undersigned, therefore, takes leave to suppose that the present state o things is new and unexpected in the colonial history of Great Britain; thattht interests and advantages dependent upon it are adventitious, subordinate, if noi opposed, to the objtcts of the act of Parliament of I8.i5, .ind injurious to thi interests contempl.ited by that act; and that it was iieither inteiulen to bf produced nor perpetuated by the order in Council of 18«6. He is induced ilS !e to both, er of (rreat hat the ad- 125, was, in part, and to jnt of which 1 until they us. It was their privi- Is the com- ulations. 1 the course Qf the order act of 1825, iapted to the ce the predi- to manifest f tra le, and iueed. I'he •izes this be- nt would not jver it might surely, that, In the we.' »ions, which, anceded; and len declined. 1 had felt the ated, and for ire. ey'a concep- hiniself with proposition Tiated,as,ha(i at Great Bri- m the object! ible with the rderin Coun- he privilege! ailing, up to irds a friend- ject rested \i y time wher resent state o itain; thatthf rdinate,if nol jurious to th( iteiulen to b( le is induced [ Doc. No. 22. ] therefore, by these considerations, to renew his hope that Ihfe real pUl'posesJ of that order may now be fulfilled, and the cardinal object of the act of 1825 effectually promoted. He would venture to ask, moreover, Whether those interests which have recently sprung up out of this adventitious slate of things, ivhich depend upon accidental causes, and subsist upon the Sdfferings of others more ancient in standing, and at least equal in magnitude, have any peculiar claim to be upheld? They connected themselves with a course of trade subversive of* the leading motives of the act of 1825, and necessarily temporary, and which it would be unreasonable to convert into a permanent arrangement, unless it could be proved that it had attained^ or was likely to attain, in some othei' way, all the objects contemplated by that act. The regulations of the sixth year of his present Majesty's reign were not adopted without reason, or uncalled for by the condition of the We^t India colonies. The improvident legislation with which their trade with the United States has been unhappily restricted, subsequently to the year 1822, had produced embarrassments which all acknowledged, and which the mea- sures of 1825 proposed to obviate, by extending the market for their produc- tions, and enlarging the means of a cheap supplv. Such, it must be admitted, was the obvious remedy for the evilj and, if their own picture of actual distress and embarrassment be not overdrawn, the situation of the West India planters is more in need of its application at present than in the year 1825. Seldom, indeed, if ever, have their dis- tresses been more intense, or their supplications for relief more urgent. It is also true that, according to usual custom in periods of public dis- tress, the evils which now afflict the W'"dt India planters have been as- cribed to causes various in their nature, and not always consistent. For evils of general prevalence, however, there is always some cause of general and uniform operation; and it certainly is not unfair to argue that the same circumstances which have led to such a calamitous state of things at one period, may lead to similar effects at another; therefore, that an aggravation of those causes which produced the embarrassments prevalent from 1822 to 1825, may produce the same, in a still more oppressive degree, at present^ and may render them insupportable hereafter. That there is an immense reduction in the value of colonial produce, i^ not a matter of conjectural speculation. It will not be denied that it has been taking place gradually since the interruption of the direct trade, until it may be affirmed that the nett proceeds of a single hogshead of sugar are less, by ten pounds sterling, than they were in the last year. It is not a matter of doubt to the undersigned that the total loss to the West India planters of a direct trade with the United States, the most natu.'-al source of their supplies, and the most profitable market for their productions, by enhancing the price of the one, and not merely lowering the price, but diminishing the quantity of the other, is suflicient, without the aid of other causes which might be cited, to produce a state of distress greater even than that of which they at present complain. The Earl of Aberdeen will scarcely need be informed that the consump- Uion, in the United States, of West India proouce, is very considerable; ^but it may not be superfluous to state that, of foreign sugar alone, it is cer- tainly little less than sixty millions of pounds per annum; of foreign mo- lasses, it is not less than thirieen millions of gallons; and of foreign rum, it is equal to three millions and a halfj and yet, in consequence af the presest ^7^ ' i II ^^ Hi ^6 [ Doc. No. 2^. ] 8! '!i:; embarrassments ol' the direct trade, the importation of British West India produce has substantially ceased. It does not appear, in the mean time, that the planter has been indemni- fied for his loss by any other market. In that of London, he certainly has not: it neither requires the surplus produce thus left on the hands of the planter, nor offers him an equal price for that which it consumes. The freight to New York is one shilling, and to London five shillings per hundi ;d weight; the difference of insurance between the two places, also, is as one to six per cent. The price of sugar, therefore, ought to be proportionably higher in the London market. The Earl of Aberdeen will perceive, however, by a reference to the prices current of Philadelphia, Boston, and London, already submittad to his inspection, that, instead of being greater, the price i» less in the market of London than in that of the United States, The sugar of St. Croix, which is of an inferior quality to that of Jamaica, is quoted in the prices current of the United States at from eight to ten dollars and fifty cents per hundred weight; and while the price of nine dollars and fifty cents, after deducting freight and duty, would nett twenty-five shillings sterling, the prices in London, it is believed, do not nett more than twenty-two shillings per hundred weight, for sugar of similar quality. The undersigned begs leave also to remark, that an exami- nation of the same prices current, for the purpose of comparing the prices of the lower qualities of sugar, as well as of rum, would present a more striking disparity in favor of the market of the United States. It may not be necessary to assert the impossibility of supplying the West India islands at present without the aid, directly or indirectly, of the United States. If this were not the case, unless the supplies could be drawn from other possessions of Great Britain, the undersigned will not imagine that there could be any motive or pretence, as between other nations, to ex- clude the United States; more especially as it is not likely that any other nation could furnish them on terms equally advantageous. But the undersigned may assert with perfect safety, that, for a great por- tion of their principal supplies, especially flour, Indian meal, rice, boards, staves, and shingles, the West India islands must be, for a long time, de- pendent upon the United Stales; for rice, in fact, they must always be so. The proximity of the ports of the United States and the West India isl- ands to each other; the adaptation of their productions to their mutual wants; the capacity of the United States to uirnish the prin. pal articles of provisions, at all seasons, in a fresh state, and by a cheap navigation; and, above all, the extent and steadfastness of their demand for the islaftd pro- ductions, not only constitute them the best customers of the planters, but give them advantages for such a trade not possessed by any other nation. Even the British northern possessions, if in fiict they were equally capable of producing the necessary articles, could not enter into competition upon equal terms. The physical impediments which, for yt least half the year, embarrass their intercourse with the islands, compel the latter, during that time, to look elsewhere for any immediate supplies of which they may stand in neetl. Not to dwell too minutely on this point, the undersigned will content him- self with referring to the general course and extent of this trade in all past times; to the value of the supplies uniformly furnished by the U. States, under all the disadvantages of a restricted and embarrassed intercourse; and to the vast amount which is even now finding its way through indirect and difficult;. this. i [ Doc. No. 22. ] 99 2St India ndemni- linly has Js of the shillings places, Tht to be deen will adelphia, d of being at of the quality to States at while the ty, would lieved, do p sugar of an exami- the prices nt a more r the West jy, of the 1 be drawn )t imagine ons, to ex- any other great por- je, boards, time, de- rays be so. India isl- sir mutual articles of ition; and, islartd prn- anters, but ner nation, capable tition upon the year", luring that they may itent him- in all past tates, under 1; and to the Ind difficult.. and consequently expensive channels, under a positive and total interdict of the direct trade. Surely if other parts, with which the tradti^ not merely direct, but highly favored, were actually able, from their own resources and productions, to furnish these supplies, there would be no recourse for them to the United States. The undersigned is unable to speak with precision of the amount of pro- visions and other articles actually supplied from the United States in the present course of business. There is a difficulty in tracing the trade through the numerous channels into which It has been diverted from its natural course. Tabular statemtnts are not, in all respects, full and accurate; especially when they relate to merchandise transported across the frontier lines, and passing down the St. Lawrence to the northern possessions; of such there being but little, if any, account taken in the custom-houses. These circumstances render all conclusions on this subject more or less mat- ters of conjecture. It is the opinion, however, of the most intelligent per- sons engaged in the trade, both before and since the order in Council of 1826, and an opinion which, it is believed, cannot be controverted, that an amount equal to more than a half of that heretofore exported through the dircctchanncls still continues to go by the present circuitous routes. It has even been assert- ed by mtelligent commercial men, that. Jamaica has not consumed less of the ^our, and provisions generally, of the United Stales, though at an additional and oppressive expense, than when the trade was direct. The routes through which these supplies now pass comprehend not merely the northern posses- sions, which have the solitary advantage of occasionally affording a better as- sortment of goods, but the islands of St. Thomas and St. Bartholomew's, Martinique, Guadaloupe, and the port of St. Jago de Cuba. It is believed that those facts will be fully sustained, so far as certain official returns in the archives of this Government, to which the undersigned has had access, may be relied on. One of these, being a comparative account of the quantity of provisions and lumber imported into the British West Indies in the years 1825 and 1828, the undersigned has already submitted to the J]arl of Aberdeen as deserving of particular attention. It would appear from this, that, of the cornand grain imported into tho ? islands in 1825, amount- ing to 383,332 oushels, 237,248 bushels were introduced from the United States, 7,012 from the British colonies in North America, 9,249 from the foreign West Indies, 1,584 from foreign Europe, and the remainder from the United Kingdom, and the islands of Jersey and Guernsey; thus constituting the United States, in the regular course of the trade, the natural and cheap- est source of supply. It also appears that in the year 1828, of the aggregate im- portation, then reduced to 351,832 bushels, 27 bushels only wore introduced directly from the United States; but, from the foreign West Indies, 126,221 ; from the British colonies in North America, 45,495; from foreign Europe, 464, and from the United Kingdom, &c. 172,718 busiiels. In 1825 there were imported into the same islands 202,737 barrels of meal and flour; of which the United States supplied directly 161,568, the British colonies in North America 4,232, foreign Europe 400, foreign West Indies 81,090, and the United Kingdom, &c. 15,447 barrels. In 182S the aggregate importation of the same articles was 206,653 barrels; of which the United States sent directly 940 barrels, and the foreign West Indies 142,092, the British colonies in North America 36,766, foreign Europe 1,135, and the United Kingdom 25,331. « « I ' i ■■ 'i I,' ' iff; ^ [ Uoc. No. 22. ] A similar rcsult is more strikingly presented in the arliclc of rice; and it is also shown by the same account, that, of the amount of lumber introduc- ed since the interruption of the direct trade, nearly one half of the most valuable kinds, which previously went directly from the United Stales, pass- ed through the foreign West Indies; of shingles, considerably more than one half; and of staves, a greater number were imported from the foreign West Indies in 1828 than were introduced directly from the United States in 1825. It will not escape the attention of the Earl of Aberdeen that the foreign West Indies derive their means of exporting these articles principally, if not exclusively, from the United States; and that, while the importance to the planters of their direct trade with the latter is thus exemplified by these state^ menls, it is also shown that the diversion of it into indirect and circuitous channels does not confer equally substantial advantages upon the British northern colonies. With this view of the subject, the undersigned takes leave to ask, why may not these supplies, which must thus necessarily be drawn from the United States, be furnished by means of a direct trade? It must bo admitted that the evils of the indirect trade fall upon the planters. Among these may be considered the charges of double freight and insu- rance, the expenses of transhipment, and the commissions and duties in the neutral islan-'i, estimated at 50 per centum on the first cost of lumber, and from 15 to 20 per centum on provisions. So far as this estimate relates to lumber, it is fully warranted by the official account of the comparative prices of that article in Jamaica in the years 1825 and 1828, already submitted to the Karl of Aberdeen; and as it respects provisions, the duty of five shillings per barrel on flour, and in proportion on other articles, as completely sus- tains it. But to these evils, great as they arc, must be added the total loss of the market offered by the United States under a direct trade, the extent and advantages of which have already been shown, and would have continu- ed for an indefinite length of time, if not interrupted by these restrictions. It is true the cultivation of sus^r had been commenced, and is extending in the United States, but under difficulties and impediments arising from the nature of the climate, and the frequent injury of the crops by the variableness of the seasons. It has to contend, also, with the superiority, if not the indis- pensable necessity of foreign sugar for the purpose of the refiner. The de- mand of the latter is steadfast and increasing, being commensurate, not mere- ly with the consumption of refined sugar in the United States, but the grow- ing trade in it with all parts of the world. The exportation of refined sugar has also been further encouraged by a recent augmentation of the drawback, placing it on an equal footing with domestic sugar in respect to foreign mar- kets. Under these circumstances, while the direct trade remained open, there would, as has been said, have continued a great and augmenting de- mand for the West India sugars for an indefinite length of time. The pre- sent restrictions, however, menace the planter with its total loss, if, in fact, they have not already ensured it. In proportion as they augment the env barrassments and expense of the trade with the British West India islands, they compel the United States to grow their own sugar, and act as bountie* to encourage and improve its cultivation; or they induce them to look foi their indispensable supplies to other islands, more liberal in their commercial j'egulations. Piii. [ Doc. No. 22. ] 29 ice; and it r iiitroduc- f the most states, pass- re than one reign West d States in the foreign )ally, if not ance to the these state' d circuitous the British ask, why 1 from the t must be e planters. and insu- luties in the umber, and te relates to •ative prices iubmitted to ve shillings ipletely sus- le total loss , the extent ive continu- jtrictions. is extending ing from the variableness ot the indis- r. The de- :e, not mere- ut the grow- •efined sugar e drawback, foreign mar- lained open, menting dc- !. The pre- 1, if, in fact, lent the em- idia islands, t as bounties I to look foi ' commercial In the mean timC; the planters, while they lose a market, ample, constant, profitable, and contiguous, find no indemnification in that of the northern possessions, whose consumption is comparatively limited, nor in thatot the mother country; for there, in addition to the low prices already adverted to, they must encounter the sugar of the Mauritius, which, being now placed ou an equality with their own, has increased the amount of its importation, in the course of five years, from four thousand six hundred, to a little less, as it is believed, than thirty thousand tons. From this state of things, therefore, serious injury arises to the trade, both of the United Statcsandof the British West India islands. So far as that injury presses upon the latter, it is confi- dently submitted whether plenary relief can be found, as has been supposed, rn the reduction of the duties upon their produce, unless it be in a manner to give them a monopoly in the home market equal to that of which they have been deprived in the United States; or even then, unless the reduction be in proportion, not merely to the loss of the market, but to the increased charges incident to the indirect trade for their necessary supplies. The supply of sugar is already greater than the demand of the home mar- ket; and the amount of reduction of duty could not be a clear gain to the planter, because it would be also attended with a partial fall of the price, and his gain could be in proportion to the latter only. This mode of relief, with- out a correspondent reduction of the bounty allowed to the refiner, would be prejudicial to the revenue, but, with such reduction, much more injurious to the refiner; and if, as it may be well supposed, one half, at least, of the su- gars imported from the West Indies are manufactured for exportation, it is not likely that such mode of relief would, in any event, be beneficial to the planter. It is suggested with great respect and deference, that the more ob- vious and natural remedy for an evil, which all must admit, would be to re- move the cause. This would be done by cheapening the supplies, and ex- tending the market for the productions of the islands, and by authorizing a direct trade with the United States to a degree commensurate with the inte- rests and necessities of the islands, and on such terms as are now allowed, for similar purposes, to all the rest of the world. The partial application of a like remedy produced a salutary effect from iS25 to 1826; and, therefore, it may well be presumed that a more thorough experiment on both sides, at present, would be still more beneficial. At that time, undoubtedly, the British northern possessions neither complained nor had cause of complaint; still less can any such cause have arisen since, as their monopoly of the direct trade, instead of relieving, has only aggravat- ed ihe sufferings of the planters! It has been stated to the undersigned, however, as the opinion of Great Britain, that, while devising measures for the relief of the West Indies, it i.«, at the same time, indispensably necessary to consider the claimsof the north- ern possessions to be protected in the enjoyment of certain accidental adv .- tages. Though the undersigned by no means admits the justice of these claims, he would observe, that, if they are to receive protection, it ought, at least, to be effected in some way not inconsisteiit with the meditated relief of the planters. This might be done by granting greater facilities for the in- troduction of the produce of the northern possessions into the mother coun- try — a measure which would not merely benefit them, but would ensure im- portmt advantages to Great Britain, by increasing her revenue, and augment- ing; and perpetuating the consumption of her manufactures in those posses- sions. il 30 [ Doc. No. 22. ] li ,:, ( !1 y> But the proj';c::ilion does not go to exclude the productions of the uorlli- crn colonics, or even to exj)ose ihcm without protection to a competition with those of the United States. It supposes, on the contrary, that, as far as the for- mer are capable of ])roducing the articles in demand, a fair preference is al- ready secured to them in the West India market by the scale of duties jirescribcd by the act of 1825, and fully commensurate, consistently witli the interests of the planters, with that object. That scale could only prove insufficient if the cajjacity to produce did not exist, or should depend for its existence upon an exclusive monopoly ruinous to all other interests. It is not for the imdcrsigned, therefore, to object to that scale of duties as regulated by the act of 1825, though it must be allov/ed to give the produc- tions of the norlliern possessions of Great Britain an equal, or even a better chance in the West India market; but he requires that the United States, as far astl-ey are capable of supplying its wants, may be permitted, in common with the rest of the world, to contribute supplies by a direct trade, and that they may be the carriers of such of their own productions as are indispen- sable or liighly necessary to the planters. That the northern poss ssions have an interest in the present state of things, the undersigned does not mean to deny, nor particularly to state. It is sufficient for him to repeat what has been already remarked, that the interests which have grown up in that quarter are adventitious in their character, and subordinate to all the great considerations connected with this subject. They may be of some importance in themselves, and 3'et there may be views of higher moment and grander scope, to some of which allusion has already been made, before which, in every sense, they ought to give way. It will be difficult to maintain the propriety of the claim by the northern possessions, that they should he secured in the enjoyment of a direct trade with all parts of the world, and that it should be denied to other possessions of Great Hritain, to whom it is more necessary. Of the capacity of the British West Indies to supply with their produc- tions all the demands of the northern colonics, there can be no doubt; yet those colonics, by a direct trade, may introduce similar productions from fo- reign countries; why, then, may not the British islands be permitted by the same medium to introduce those articles which the northern possessions cannot su]iply, and for which they are dependent upon others? If the Ca- nadian may import from foreign countries by a direct trade merchandise of which he is not in need for his own subsistence, and which he may procure from other colonies of Great Briiain, why may not the West Indian re- ceive from the United States in the same direct manner that whiui is indis- pensably necessary to him, and which none of his Majesty's colonies can supply? The undersigned does not pretend to state, since he is unable to obtain the information requisite to enable him io state with accuracy, the precise j)ronortion which the productive capacity of the northern possessions bears to ...o wants of the West India islands. It is the general opinion that the jjroductions of those possessions, especially corn and other bread stuff?, but little exceed the quantity required for their own consumption; and that the amount of those articles, and even of lumber exported by them to the mo- ther country, the West Indies, and to other parts, is derived principally from the United States, and from some ports of Europe. This opinion would seem to be confirmed by the state of the trade between those posses- sions and the United States, and by the encouragement given heretofore? sUid fatter Th COnsii ]tearl csums millic theU Th ports thou precij weigl apcoi down count that, ern rels of the norlli. 1 petition willi i'ar as the for- iference is al- ale of duties iistently vvitli d only prove lepend for its rests. e of duties as 3 the produc- even a better led States, as , in common ade, and thai ire indispen- n poss ssions ned does not im to repeal grown up in te to all the be of some ^iier moment made, before the northern direct trade r possessions heir produc- ) doubt; yet ions from fo- litted by the possessions IftheCa- rchandise of nay procure Indian rc- iCi is indis- jolonies can )le to obtain the precise ssions bears on that the stuffs, but nd that the to the mo- principally lis opinion lose posses- herctofore* [ Doc. No. 22. ] 31 djid at present, by low duties, to the introduction into their ports from the Tatter of most, if not all, of the foregoing articles. The exports from the United States to the British American colonies consist principally of flour, meal, Indian corn, whtjat, shipbread, rice, pot and ftearl ashes, butter, and lumber; amounting annually, according to the cir- cumstances of the year, to from two and one half and three and one half millions of dollars, and little inferior in value to the aggregate exports from the United States to the British West India Islands in an open trade. The Earl of Aberdeen has already inspected the oflicial tables of the ex- ports of domestic articles from the United States during the year 1827; and though, for purposes of comparison, similar tables for 1S28 would be more precise, it is believed they would not diminish, if they did not add to the weight of those of 1827. From this statement, and a recurrence to the account already explained, to say nothing of the amount of produce passing down the St. Lawrence, of which, as has been observed, little, if any, ac- count is taken in the United States, the Earl of Aberdeen will perceive that, after a full experiment of the advantages afforded to the British north- ern colonies by the present course of trade, they are in fact dependent upon the United States for considerably more than double the amount of their exports to the British West Indies. By these statements, it appears thai, in 182S, the British northern colonies exported to the British West India islands 45,4.95 bushelsof corn and grain, and, as far as the trade in 1827 may be considered indicative of that of 1828, they received from the United States S8,45G bushels of the same articles; that, of flour and meal, they received from the United States 136,770 bar- rels, and exported to the West Indies only 36,766; and that a like propor- tion is observable in the articles of ship bread, and biscuit, and rice. Of lumber, the oflicial tables of the United States are not supposed to afford any satisfactory account; and in respect to pot and pearl ashes, the British state- ment is silent; though it will probably bo conceded that the supplies of the hitter articles are principally from the United States. On looking to the large amount of importations from the United States by the British northern colonies, the comparatively small exportation from the lotter to the British West Indies cannot escape observation. I'hat these isl- ands require much more than the quantity furnished them by the north, is shown, not only by the table of their direct trade with the United States, but by the amount furnished at present, under all the pressure of the dis- criminating duties, from the foreign West Inilies. It is a matter, in fact, that does not admit of a doubt. That the northern colonies do not, under these circumstances, send more of the produce received by them from the United States, must be either because a great part of it is absorbed by the demands for the home consumption, or that it is necessary tor their export trade with Other parts of the world. The first cause satisfactorily evinces the incapa- city of those possessions, even under their present advantages, to augment, in any considerable degree, their own producliop.s; the last does not merely evince this, but manifests more strikingly the inexpediency of their claim tb a monopoly of the trade with the West Indies, to the exclusion ot the United States, upon whose productions they arc themselves dependent, not only for their trade with the West Indies, but also for that with the mother country, and with the foreign European party. If these facts should be considered as requiring further confirmation, it tiay be found in the testimony of several of the most intelligent inhabitants « 32 [ Doc. No. 22. ] I'll Mh of the northern colonies, taken in 1S2G, before the select committee on emi- jijration, by which it appears that, at thai period, and previously, Lowei Canada did not supply any flour suited to the West India market; and that the whole of the exports of the Upper Province, not exceeding 40,000 bar- rels, were disposed of in the ports of Newfoundland, New Brunswick, and Halifax, and were insufficient for their wants; that Quebec depended, in a great degree, for provisions, upon the supplies furnished by the United States; and that Canada, at the time, found the utmost difficulty in subsisting her own population. It was further stated in that testimony, that ''there was not sufficient corn grown in Upper Canada to induce any foreign mar- ket to deal with them; and that it would be extremely desirable, for some years to come, to introduce American flour into the Canadas, in order to make up their deficit for the supply of the West Indies:" that, in fact, their own supply to the West Indian merchant was very inconsiderable, and '*that they formed a very secondary consideration in his estimation." One of the persons examined on that occasion, a legislative councillor of Lower Canada, gave it as his opinion, and as one which he thought would be taken for granted, that the provinces of the two Canadas would not be able, from their own produce, to supply a single barrel of flour to the West Indian market for the next twenty years. Without presuming that any of these opinions are in all respects accurate, but making every allowance for the character of such answers, which, if in any degree erroneous, are likely to err in favor of the Canadas, it may be safely and confidently assumed that the northern posessions do not now, and cannot for a great number of years, however they may be favored and encouraged, produce the requisite supplies for the West Indies. They must rely upon other sources, and principally upon the United Slates, not merely to furnish the deficiency, but as con- sumers of the West India produce. To this extent, and for these purposes, the proposition of tlie undersigned asks for a direct intercourse. The un- dersigned would here observe, moreover, that the northern colonies offer as little advantage in their demand for the produce of the British West India islands, as in their capacity to furnish supplies. He is aware of the erro- neous supposition that the United States, in their direct trade with the Bri- tish West Indies heretofore, did not take so much of their produce as of specie, to be invested, as it was imagined, in the produce of other islands. So far, however, as it may be thought to argue an unfavorable course of trade between the United States and those islands, he may confidently rely for its refutation, not only upon its obvious improbability, but upon the past, and even the present course of live trade. It is obvious that the restrictions by which the trade of the United States with the British West Indies has been so frequently embarrassed, offered peculiar inducements to the importation of specie; but on this head the un- dersigned may venture to affirm that the amount of specie has not, at any period of the direct trade, exceeded much more than one fourth of the im- 'portation into the United Stales through those islands. Without stopping to detect the error of supposing any thing unfavorable to the general result of trade from the exchange of sj>eciefoF produce, which Lord Aberdeen is aware is a natural occurrence, incident to commerce in all parts of the world, it will be sufficient to observe that, as the ad- vantages of the direct trade to the West India planter were never doubted, it may fairJy be inferred that the exchanges were mutually made in the most profitable medium. That specie was occasionally received for part of the [ Doc. No. 22. ] d9 .ee on emi- jly, Lower jt; and that 10,000 bar- iswick, and ended, in a the United n subsisting that '< there areign mar- e, for some in order to hat, in fact, [lerable, and ion." One >r of Lower }\d be taken e able, fron) Vest Indian my of these mce for the are likely to assumed that her of years, lisite supplies i principally but as con- ise purposes, The un- )nies offer as West India of the erro- vith the Bri- roduce as of ther islands, urse of trade y rely for its he past, and Jnitod States ssed, offered ead the un- 1 not, at any h of the im unfavorable luce, which commerce ., as the ad- ►'er doubted, le in the most Ir part of the Supplies furnished by the United States, need not be denied; which would prove, only, that, from the general result of their traffic with other parts, the West India planters were enabled to deal more profitably in specie for the produce of the United States— this affording additional illustration of the jnutual advantage of their intercourse. But the undersigned takes leave wholly to doubt that specie was so taken for the purpose of being invested in similar articles in the foreign islands. Unless an occasional instance of the kind has been produced by the pres- sure of those restrictions which it is now proposed to abolish, the occurrence of it would argue in the merchant the unaccountable folly of submitting to a prolonged voyage, but reduced freight, and to the other disadvantages of a circuitous trade, in the search after commodities which lay ready at hand, and which he might convey immediately to his market by a direct voyage, and at a better freight. It will doubtless, however, occur to Lord Aberdeen, that, whatever may have been the course or nature of the exchanges in a direct trade, they Were not merely adapted to the nocessitics of the parties, but are not likely to be improved under the embarrassments of an indirect trade; or that more Jjroduce and less specie would pass off through the circuitous than the direct channel. < Though the northern colonies may become the carriers, they do not there- by become the consumers, except to a limited extent, of the West India pro- duce. Their capacity to consume in produce the value of all supplies car- ried by them to the West Indies, or even of that pai c going from the United Stales, will not be asserted; and therefore, it is not perceived how such pro- duce can be received by them, unless from a reliance on the consumption of it ih the United States, or other foreigp parts. Indeed, in some of the official lind other statements furnished by those provinces to the British Govern- inent, the advantages of a free transit of American flour through the north- cfrn possessions are argued from the expectation that those districts in the 0nited States which furnish the flour will receive from the Canadians for- ego produce in barter! Not to advert to the complete annihilation of such ^pectation by an interdict of the supply through such a channel* it must be obvious that the United States will not take more produce or less specie under the embarassments of an indirect intercourse. It is, on the contrary, rtasonable to infer that, in such case, for the more bulky articles of West India produce, they would be led to rely, in a still greater degree, upon, fbreign islands, with augmented facilities; and that they would require specie m return for that portion of their supplies passing through the northern co- lonies; thereby increasing rather than diminishing the drain of that article, Hit far as it may be supposed to be affected by those regulations. ' 'The undersigned would beg leave further to observe, that a refusal of the jfroposhioa which he has had the honor to make can have no other obvious M^tence than, by means of a monopoly, to give a forced growth to the pro- auctions of the northern possessions, and, in the mean time, to compel the eirrying of the produce of the United States and that of the British West liidies through their ports! "^l The very necessity of a monopoly to effect such a purpose, liowerer, dfearly points out the difficulties of production, and the embarrassments of sAch a course of trade, and shows the losses and distresses to vs^ich the planter must be subjected for an indefinite length of time. It is by no means certain, however, that these objects aro consistent with 5 34 [ Doc. No. 22. ] j; ^ 1: ii-; . r K : t each other, and tliat the ahundant supply of the productions of the United States through the northern ports would 'not as effectually discourage the productions of tJiose possessions as the direct trade, and in this way per- petuate the monopoly. Such a result is shown to he more than probable by the foregoing observations, and by the official statements to which they ap- ply. But it is perfectly certain that, if this monopoly should have the in- tended effect of fostering the growth in Canada of the articles required for the West India market, it would also have the effect of impelling the United States to the cultivation within themselves of the articles for which they have been accustomed to depend upon the West Indies, and consequently of diminishing their demand for those articles. The ability of the north to supply the planter, therefore, would be attended with the loss to the latter of the means of purchasing the supply. The reasonable duty proposed by the act of 1825, even without the aid of the additional privileges to which the undersigned has heretofore pre- sumed to allude, by gradually and reciprocally developing the resources and the means of consumption of the northern possessions, by providing a ne- cessary revenue for the planters, and in the interim affording them an ad- vantageous market, would be much more effectual in attaining all rational and desirable ends. From an impartial view of all the considerations involved in the subject, may not such a course be deemed worthy at least of an experiment? VVlie- ther we regard the general deductions of argument, or the series of indisputa- ble facts arising out of the course of trade before and since the order in Council of 1826, it can scarcely be denied that the present slate of things lias, thus far, produced greater injury to the British West Indies than bene- fit to the British northern possessions; and that the regulations of the act oi 1825 would be extremely beneficial to the planters, if indeed not absolute- ly remedial of their great distress, will not be questioned. From a recur- rence to those regulations, therefore, much positive good is certain to arise; whereas the injury apprehended to others exists only in conjecture, can be ascertained only by experience, and may always be remedied by the pro- tecting measures of Great Britain. It would appear, therefore, to the un- dersigned, not merely courteous to the United States, but just to the various possessions of Great Britain, to recur to the expedient of trying, under the favorable legislation of both countries, the real utility of the adjustment ot 1825. If the encouragement of the northern productions be not sufficient in its results to justify the permanent exclusion of those of the United States from the British West India islands, it is equally unreasonable to insist that the latter and the produce of the islands shall bo carried circuitously through the northern ports, at a loss to the producer. The present demand, in addition to the indemnities actually enjoyed by the northern ports, strips the West In- dia planter of every advantage intended for him by the act of 1825, taking from him not merely the general benefits of a direct trade, but at the same time depriving him of the revenue provided for the support of the local go- vernment. That the productions sent through the Canadas are not cheaper in the West Indies than those going through other ports, is shown by the fact, already made apparent, that a very important part of their supply is carried in the Utter way, and especially through the Danish islands ; but, as no duty is collected on that coming from the British possessions, the planter, on his paying the same price as for that charged with a duty, must, in addi tion, make up, by some other means, the loss to his revenue. li ' [ Doc. No. 22. ] 35 the United courage the lis way per- probable by ch they ap- liave the in- required foi ; the Uiiiled which they onseciuently the north to .0 the latter lout the aid -etofore pre- ?sources and i^iding a ne- them an ad- ; ail rational the subject, nent? VV ho- of indisputa- the order in ate of things s than bene- of the act ol lot absolute- rom a recur- tain to arise; ture, can be by the pro- i, to the un- 3 the various under the djustment ol [Hcient in its 1 States from isist that the 7 through the 1, in addition the West In- 1S25, taking , at the same the local go- ; not cheaper 10 wn by the eir supply is ands ; but, as , the planter, nust, in addi It is at such sacrifices of public considerations, and of important interests of Great Britain herself, that the present claim is made, of forcing the trade of the United States with the British West India islands through the Bri- tish northern possessions. The undersigned might here ask the question, whether advantages like these now claimed, uncertain and contingent as they must necessarily be, deserved to be cherislied at the risk which musrt eventually attend them? Are they of suflicient magnitude to justify the encouragement of a spirit of jealousy between two neighboring nations, whose prosperity, it is admitted, would be best promoted by mutual good will, or tiie sowing in the popula- tion of these northern possesions the seeds of commercial hostility, which may pro(h)ce roots of bitterness, difficult to be eradicated. The undersigned, however, liopes to be excused for asking Lord Aber- deen to consider whether this claim be not as dilficult of attainment in fact, as it is of justification in reason? That the United States may be prevented from enjoying a direct trade vfith the British West India islands, is not to be questioned; but it does not follow that they can be compelled to carry on the indirect trade through the Bri- tish northern possessions i'n preference to the other ports, and in opposition to the interest and inclinations of the American people. To ensure a con- tinuance of sucli a constrained state of things would require a far greater de- gree of favor than Great Britain gives to those possessions at present, or could give at any time without effecting the ruin of her West India planters. The present course of trade through those colonies, in fact, owes its ex- istence, in a great measure, to the toleration and forbearance of the United States. They have submitted to it for the moment, in the expectation that the regulations of the order of 1826 were merely temporary, and would yield, in due time, to a liberal regard to the general interests of commerce. But when Great Britain shall avow the intention permanently to exclude the United Stales from the direct trade with her West India islands, and to com- pel the interchange of their products to pass through her northern possessions, for the purpose of creating or sustaining rival interests in that quarticr, it will then be for the United States to decide whether their indirect trade may not be more profitably conducted through other channel" So entirely dependent are the northern possessions upon the will of the United States for the advantages which they now enjoy, that a simple repeal of the restrictions alluded to in the proposition which the undersigned had ^he honor to submit, if the United States could be supposed so entirely un- mindful of their navigation interests and enterprise as to make it, without any act on the part of Great Britain, would effectually destroy their mono poly. And moreover, if it should be deemed necessary or proper to aim mea- sures at these provinces alone, the permission of a direct trade from the ports of the United States to the British islands, in British vessels, other than those owned in the northern ports, would not only break up the existing trade in that direction, but would for ever blight even the imaginary prospects of future production. The advantages to the United States, however, of employing *heir own liavigation in a part, at least, of the trade — of enlarging and con' .ating their interests in the colonies of France, Spain, Sweden, and Denrr . ., and, by re- ciprocal accommodations, of gradually increasing the mari » ' in those parts^ both for demand and supply, would powerfully, if not i- 3sistibly, tempt their trade into those channels. Indeed the official returns heretofore ex- l^ 36 [ Doc. No. 22. ] ! plained suflicienlly show tliat it ha?, in fact, been already invited thither, in a considerable degree, by advantages which it would not be difficult to augment, until the commodities could be introduced as cheap as those of Great Britain, unless the latter should be protected by a higiiei scale of du- ties than was contemplated by the act of 1825, and one beyond the abili- ty of the planters to endure. The Earl of Aberdeen will do the undersigned the justice to believe that, in discussing the contingent policy of the two countries in the arrangement of their commercial enterprise, he holds forth no apprehended event Iwith a view to intimidate, or through a desire that it may take place. He will also perceive that the measures last alluded to would not necessarily imply, on the part of the United States, either resentment or retaliation; biit would be resorted to as the system of commercial regulation calculated, under the circumstances of the case, to give the best. direction to an important branch of their enterprise. To such extent they would be altogether practicable, and might be suppos- ed indispensably necessary. They might, indeed, from the natural tenden- cy of such measures, and the peculiar influence of events, and in the total loss of the trade between the United States and the British northern posses- sions. In such a view of the sui\ject, though the undersigned will not here un- dertake to pronounce upon the value of the trade in question, he would sug- gest that it may be wortliy the consideration of those who claim the advan- tages of monopoly rather than of fair competition, whether the loss of it, with the chance of contesting with the foreign islands for the trade with the West Indies, be preferable to a reasonable enjoyment of both? That the United States possess the means of effectually controlling their trade through and with the British northern colonies, the undersigned is fully confident. He is aware, however, that a contrary idea has been entertained by some, who may have regarded the subject in a narrow or interested point of view. In adverting to this topic, the undersigned will not permit himself to sup- pose that the possibility of evading the revenue laws of the United States, and of producing a course of contiaband trade, in violation of their legitimate re- gidations, can for a moment enter into the calculations of thi.s Government, or receive the remotest degree of encouragement or countenance from its mea- sures and policy. If no other motive opposed the adoption of such an alternative, Great Bri- tain would find a sufficient one in the certainty that, however, for the moment, it might minister to the jealousy, or appear to favor the interests, of her subjects in thecoionies, it would eventually produce the most baneful efiects upon their morals and their habits. Thus corrupted, the skill and hardihood acquired in evading and transgressing the laws of a neighboring country, would afterwards be practised against those of their own Govern- ment. But in addition to the general disfavor with which any expectation of be- nefit from a contraband trade should be met, Lord Aberdeen may be assur- ed that it would not be diflScult for the United States to prevent such a trade altogethei . A more efficient cordon of police and a greater degree of vigi- lance might be requisite than in ordinary times; but the fidelity of the Ame- rican custom-house officers has been thoroughly proved, and their exertions, even upon this frontier, have in general been ade5[uate to all substantial pur- 1 I [ Doc. No. 22. ] 37 cd thither, difficult to as those ol scale of du- d the iibili- elicve that, rraugement /t-ntlwith a le vvdl also lily imply, ; hut would , under the taut brnncii ; be suppos- iral tenden- in the total lern posses- ot here un- would sug- I the advan- e loss of it, de with the oiling their lersigned is d by some, nt of view, self to sup- States, and Titimate re- irnment, or )m its mea- Great Bri- er, for the le interests, ost baneful e skill and leighboring vn Govern- ation of be- ly be assur- uch a trade ree of vigi- the Ame- * exertions, tantial pur- poses. Such was the case even when they were called upon to enforce the embargo and non-intercourse laws, when they received hut little sympathy or encouragt^ment from the moral sense of the community. 'J'he fact is, how- ever, too clear to require argument, that the amount of trade to be carried on by smuggling, however successful, would be inconsiderable in compari- son with the extent and profits of a legal and regular intercourse, and there- for;- is entitled to but little weight, even when regarded with a view to pecu- niary results. Lord Aberdeen will not require to be reminded, that, to prevent illicit trade, it is chiefly necessary to remove the temptation of nigh prices, or to create a risk greater than the reward to he gained by suc- cessful fraud. Nothing could be more easy thaji this, in respect to the mode of intercourse now under consideration. The interposition of the custom-house oflicer would scarcely he requisite to prevent the introduction of West Indin produce into the United States through the northern colonies. Arrangements could readily be made with the powers to which the foreign islands belong, to furnish the requisite sup-* plies of West India produce from those islands, on cheap terms, and in stea- dy and abundant quantities. These arrangements would of themselves for- bid competition. But whilst American flour can he carried to the British West Indies as cheap from the United States through the foreign islands as through the northern possessions, though subject to the discrriminating duty, in favor of the latter, of five shillings per barrel, it will not be supposed that the bulky articles of sugar, rum, and molasse.s, vviihout such aid, can be tempted through the northern possessions by the risk of detection and the penaltiesof the law! • > The undersigned does not believe that the temptations and facilities for the introduction into the northern colonies of flour and other articles, from the United States, arc materially greater. So far as the trade with the British West Indies can operate as an induce- ment, it has been seen already tnai American produce is carried thither as cheap through the foreign islands as the northern ports. The supply of American flour in the northern colonies is believed to be principally furnish- ed by the Genesee country and the country bordering upon lake Erie; and it stands admitted in the evidence upon the archives of the House of Com- mons, that, for flour, the market at New York is generally better than the market at Montreal and Quebec. Indeed so important is the operation of these facts, that the most intelligent merchants suppose that so much of the American trade with the Brit'sh vVest Indies as passes through the northern colonies, instead of the foreign islands, is chiefly diverted thither by the greater facilities of procuring in those pons an assorted cargo suitable to the W. ,• I . You will have been made acquainted, in the instructions which have been heretofore given to you, with the opinion of the President as to the course which would most probably be pursued by the United States if Great Bri- tain should think proper to insist, as a preliminary measure uponti ; uncon- di'cional repeal of our laws, or should be so sellish as to desire to engross for its navigation the whole of the carrying trade between this country and its West India colonial possessions. But that your negotiation may continue to be characterised by that spirit of frankness which it has hitherto been a leading object on our part to infuse into it, I am directed explicitly to statC; I 40 ^- - , i i l' t [ Doc. No. 2a. ] upon this occasion, that the President will consider it his duty, in case thai negotiation should eventuate unfavorably upon this point, to recommend to Congress an extension of the interdict now existi'ig as to the West India possessions of Great Britain to those which she holds in the northern parts of this continent, and the adoption of proper measures for enforcing its rigid observance, as a course which would, in his judgment, best comport, in such an event, with the interests of the United States, and correspond with the respect which is due to the character and past conduct of this Government. It is not for him, however, to anticipate with certainty the effei.t of such suggestions upon the national councils of the Union, though it is not to be supposed that, in such a case, any thing will be omitted on their part to vin dicate the honor and maintain ^hc interests of this Governmeat. iftei Snd lie )mH T lesj las »g )r jad^ Si iut M?\ McLane to the Earl of Aberdeen. I, i! ii ■ 1.: !;;■■» 9, Chandos Street, Portland Place, July 12 ihj ISm The Right Hon. the Earl of Aberdeen, &c. &.c. &c. The undersigned. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, has had the honor already, in a personal conference, to explain to the Earl of Aberdeen, his Majesty's principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, certain measures adopted by the Congress of the United Stales, during their late session, which have an immediate and im- portant bearing on the relations of the tw countries, and upon the propo- sition heretofore submitted by the undersigned, respecting the West India trade Having received from the Earl of Aberdeen an intimation of the propriety of communicating those measures in a more formal manner, the undersigned has the honor herewith to transmit such information on the subject as he is now in possession of. The first of the measures alluded to is an act of the Congress of the United States, authorizing the President, in the recess of Congress, to an- nul all the restrictive and discriminating measures of the United States, and to open the ports to British vessels trading with the British West Indies in the manner particularly pointed out in the act; a copy of which, for the better explanation of the case, the undersigned begs leave to subjoin. The undersigned has the honor also to inform Lord Aberdeen, that, dur- ing the late session of the Congress of the United States, several other laws were passed, by which, in lieu of the duties imposed upon certain articles of the produce of the West India islands, and of the possessions of Great Britain, by previous regulations, the following duties only are to be collect ed; tliat is to say: Upon molasses, a duty of five cents, instead of ten cen'r, per gallon, r^owing at the same time a drawback of the duty upon all run^. which may be manufactured from that article, and exported from the United States; On salt, a duty of ten instead of twenty cents per bushel; On cocoa, a duty of one cent per pound on all imported 'Aiiei the 31st of Dccembep, 1S30, or remaining at that time in the custom-house stores under the bond of the importer; \ [ Doc. No. 52. ] 41 in case thai commend to ! West India )rthern parts cing its rigid 3ort, in such Mid with the rovernment. OTect of such i is not to b(; part to vin ACE, th, isno. nipotentiary conference. Secretary of gress of the iate and im- the propo- West India ation of the nanner, the ition on the ress of the jress, to an- States, and Vest Indies ich, for the jjoin. , that, dur- other laws ain articles is of Great be collect f ten cenr , )on all ruov the United the 31st of ores under And on coffee, a duty of two, instead of five, cents per pound, from and ifter the thirty-first of December, 183G; and of one cent per pound irom bd after the thirty-first day of December, 1831; and the same duties to \r taken on oofVe remaining at the respective times under boad in the cua» )m-housc stores. ^.^ The undersigned will not permit himself to doubt, that, in the first oj lese acts, emanating from the frank and friendly spirit which the President bs uniformly professed., and passed with an avowed reference to the pend- »g negotiation, the Earl of Aberdeen will see new and irresistible motives r concurring in the promotion of the end to which this measure directly ads. Such a measure could not have been recommended by the President with^ t incurring a deep responsii)ility towards his own country, and feeling a confident reliance upon the justice and magnanimity of this. It is a voluntary and leading step in the conciliating policy of the two na* ons, taken in disdain of the restraints of form, and which, if met in a cor- sponding spirit, cannot fail to produce that friendly intercourse and reai armony so ardently desired by those who consult the true interests and ory of huth countries. It concedes in its terms all the power in the regU" Jtion of the colonial trade, and authorizes the President to confer on British ssels all those privileges, as well in the circuitous as the direct voyage, hich Great Britain has at any time demanded or desired. It has dooB is in the only manner in which it was possible for Congress, at the present ment, and under existing circumstances, to act^ without a total abandon* entoi even those advantages conceded Iiy the present regulations of Great itain, and without raising up new interests to oppose or obstructthe' fav ir- Ic disposition expressed by this Government. Nor will the undersigned aceal his hope and belief that this act will stamp the negotiation with a ew and more favorable character; and that the Up'ted States having thus ;ken the first step, and particularly defined the terms of their legislation, e mode of adjustment inay be disencumbered of even those objections witji hich it was supposed to be embarrassed when submitted to Lord Dudley, d by the answer which on that occasion was given to Mr. Gallatin. The ^^jjcctions suggested at that period on the part of Great Britain had ao spe- J^Vi! or exclusive reference to the measure in question, but to the giving of i'/f respective pledge by which she might commit herselt to the adoption nv specific line of conduct contingent on events which could not be reseen, and to the entering into any informal agreement as to mutual acts legislation while it was impossible to anticipate the details with whioh ose act night be accompanied, or the position and circumstances in which e two countries, and the commercial commonwealth generally, might Ije >aced at the time when the laws enacted should come into efiect. If these jjections could at any time have been essential to the subject, which the idersigned by no means admits, they certainly are not so at present. The act of Congress has been passed without any pledge, prospective or her wise; it therefore relieves the adjustment of this subject from that art of the difficulty. The details of the colonial legislation on the part oC e United States are precisely defined and fully explained by the law. rankly announcing all this, it leaves to Great Britain herself the selection the mode and time in which, according to her conception of her own in- rests, she may restore the direct trade between the United States and the 'est Ip4ie8. She is enabled deliberately to do this with a full knowledge ''' . ^ v 6 y 42 [ Doc. No. 22. ] of the beforenientioned details, and of the precise position and circumstances, as well of the two nations as of the commercial conimonwealih in general, at the time when the measures are to come into effect. This she may do without any risk as to the future, and with the certainty that, while doing an act of justice to a friendly power, and relieving it from an invidious ex- clusion from advantages allowed to all other nations, she is contributing ma- terially to the prosperity of her possessions in the West Indies. The undersigned will not dismiss this subject without expressing the hope and persuasion that, in the other measures of Congress alluded to, the Earl of Aberdeen will find not merely all the considerations heretofore urged for giving new facilities to tlie trade between the United States and the British West Indie." materially strengthened, if not absolutely confirmed, but that a further and more favorable alteration is thereby made in the object and character of the negotiation. . These measures manifest at least a laudable desire to loose the shackles ot trade and commerce, which, if England is so disposed, she cannot better encourage than by a relaxation of her own restraints upon the pavticulai branch of trade under discussion. The Earl of Al -'^cr has been already informed that the consumption of foreign molasses * United States is not less than thirteen millions ol gallons, even under the * .sconragement of the high rate of diityS^and a denial of the drawback, which nearly proved fatal to the chief source of consump- tion — the distilleries of New England. It is obvious, however, that the re- duction of the duty to its present low rate, and the allowance of the draw- back, must swell the demand for this article even beyond the ordinary amount, which, in the regular course of a direct trade, would seek its prin- cipal supply in the British West Indies. Of coffee, not less than thirty-seven millions ot pounds were annually imported into the United States; and of those in a regular trade, not less than eight millions from the British West Indies. Of four hundred thousand pounds of cocoa annually imported into the United States, little less than one fourth was brought from the British West Indies. The Earl of Abcnleen will readily perceive that the reduction of duty on these articles, and especially on coffee, to a rate which will soon be little more than nominal, cannot fail to at least double the importation. These remarks apply with even additional force to the article of salt, the consumption of which is more dependent on the rate of duty than that of any other necessary of life. The enormous quantity of this article requisite to supply the wants of twelve millions of jjeoplc is too obvious to need any conjectural assertion; but it is worthy of observation tiiat, notwithstanding the extent of the home supply encouraged by the high duty of twenty cents per bushel, the annual importation of tiiat article from abroad seldom amounted to less than five millions of bushels. Of this amount more than three millions came from Great Britain and her possessions, her West India islands furnishing al least one million. To what extent this amount may be enlarged by the increased consump- tion arising from the low rate of duty and the advantages of an easy trtiflft; the Earl of Aberdeen may readily conjecture. It should be remarked, also, that, while the consumption of this article i:^ thus augmented, the diminution of the duty must proportionably diminisK ■f •*;, rcumstanccs. in getieral, she may do while doing nvidioiis ex- ributing ma- ing the hojje to, the Earl )re urged for [1 the British d, but that a object and shackles ol :annot better ic ^particulai onsumptioii 1 millions of and a denial af consump- that the re- f the draw- he ordinary 2ek its prin- ire annually ade, not less ted into the British West :ion of duty oon be little of salt, the than that oi he wants of il assertion: 3f the home f the annual 5S8 than five came from irnishing al :1 consump- easy traHe, lis article is ly diminisK [ Doc. No. 22. ] 43 the price of salted provisions. So far as these, therefore, formi part of the aliipplies to the West Indies, the subsistence of the islands will be cheapened.^ "rhilo the demand fur their produce is increased. It should not escape the attention of the Earl of Aberdeen that the pro- Ksions of these acts of the Congress, so far as they relate to cocoa, coffee, ind salt, confer encouragement on the trade of the West Indies with the Tnited States, which did not exist, and could not have been contemplated at »c per >d of passing the act of Parliament of 1825. They therefore su- ?radd new and important motives for restoring the trade then offered, and )r restoring it upon terms not less favorable. I While the participation of ihe British islands is invited in the advantages t|D be derived from this enlarged and increasing demand of the United "Itates for the produce of the West Indies, tlie undersigned takes leave to iggest the expediency of securing that participation before the trade may le exclusively diverted into other channels by the superior uxlvantages of a lirect intercourse witli other islands. In closing this communication to the Earl of Aberdeen, tlic^ undersigned till take the occasion to repeat his deep interest in the subject, and a re- jwed hope of an early aiul favorable issue. The Earl of Aberdeen will Jot fail to appreciate the spirit and motive by which the President was ac- lated in recommending, and the Congress in passing, the act to which allu lion was first made. The effects of delay upon the commercial enterprise pf tlie United States, and the disappointment of interests desirous of a Kfierent measure of legislation, though they offered great embarrassments, lere not the greatest difficulties attendant upon that act. To give to Great Britain thfe fullest time to consult her own interest and convenience; to make further and a signal effort to place the commercial relations of the two Ibuntries upon a footing of sure and lasting harmony; and to guard, in a janner consistently with duty, against delay during the rccGs;sof Congress, )uld only bo done by a measure calculated also to awaken at once the spi- rit of commercial speculation, and to create new expectations of favorable |aspositlons on the part of this Government. If, as the undersigned will continue to hope, the British Government lould find it their interest to realise these expectations, their measures will ierive additional grace from the frankness and promptitude with which they ay be adopted; and if, unfortunately ^ these hopes are destined to experi- ;i5nce a disappointment, it is not less the duty of his Majesty's Government :|o quiet the public expectations thus excited, and to mitigate, as far as ma}' fee in its power, the injurious effects thereof, by giving an early^reply to- ^c application which, in behalf of his Government, the undersigned has .pad the honor to submit. ^ The undersigned avails himself of this occasion to renew to Lord Aber- leen the assurances of his highest consideration. LOUIS McLANE. . 31r. McLane. to Mr. T'an Bicren. London, August 20, 1830. Sir: I have the satisfaction to forward herewith a letter from the Earl iff Aberdeen, dated the 17th instant, by which it will be perceived that my itiHegotiation fov.the coijnia trade is successfully closedj and' that this Gq- H [ Doc. No. 22. ] I . .1 i> i- ■I I* t 14 vernment consents to restore to us the direct intercourse willi her America/: colonies, upon the terms of tlie proposition submitted l)y me on the 12th oi December last. It will be perceived, also, that, from an apprehension that the late act of Congress might admit of an interpretation incompatible with the terms ol my proposition, and the act of Parliament of the 5th July, 1825, the Bri- tish Government have accompanied their consent with an explanation of the construction which, in their opinion, the law ought to receive, and to which tiieir proceedings will be conformed. This is precautionary, how- ever, and intended to guard against misapprehension in future. The pro clamation of the President, which is authorized upon evidence satisfactory to himself, will be immediately followed, upon the part of Great Britain, by the revocation of the order in Council of July, 1827, the abolition ol the discriminating duties on American vessels in British colonial ports, and by extending to the vessels of the United States the advantages of the act of Parliament of the 5th July, 1825. If it had been admitted that the late act of Congress varied intentionally from the terms ot our proposition, and the British act of the 5th July, 1825, and demanded advantages not contemplated by the latter, it would have been considered as reviving pretensions already given up, and must have had theefl'ect of^ entirely defeating any hope of recovering the colonial trade. Recurring to your letter of the 18th June last, communicating the President's message to Congress, and a copy of the law, I did not doubt that the act was, in fact, intended to authorize the President to give effect, in the recess of Congress, to the known and uniform object of the negotia- tion, and to accept a renewal of the trade upon the terms of the proposition which I had been authorized to make. I felt it my duty, therefore, to con- cur in the suggestion, that the supposed deviations in the law from the ad of the "Sth July, 1825, were apparent merely, and neither intentional, nor for the purpose of advancing any new ^claim upon the pprt of our Go- vernment. My instructions authorized me to propose that the United States shouM now comply with the conditions of the act of 5th July, 1825, by repealing; our restrictive laws, "if such a measure would lead to the revocation of the order in Council of July, 1827, to the abolition or suspension of all discri- minating duties on American vessels in the British colonial ports, and to the enjoyment by us of the advantages of the last mentioned act of Par liament"-"/ 'r^ '■■ -. ^''t[rir.<^':< ::■ ,'i.::^^'. -C'^v' These instructions were literally pursed in the proposition which I sub- mitted in December last, and, together with it, were communicated to Con- gress. But it will be apparent to you that, if the law necessarily autho- rize a different construction than that adopted by this Government, it will not be a compliance with the conditions of the act of Parliament, but de- mand advantages which, by that act, are expressly denied, and by this Government allowed to no other country. The navigation act of Great Britain, by which all her previous acts upon that subject are repealed, and her system permanently established, passed simultaneously with the act of the 5th July, 1825, regulating the trade of the British possessions abroad; and by that act the importation, both into her European and colonial ports, is restricted to the vessels of the country of which the articles imported shall be the produce. Nor has this restric- tion been considered inconsistent with our commercial convention with T cr Americatt 1 the 12th oi je late act of the terms ol 525, the }3ri- ns now reserved by the construction adopted by this Government wore jolutely conceded by ours before the present negotiation commenced, could not have been renewed at present with any hope of success. |ore than has been secured by the present labors, the concessions of the it administration precluded us from demanding. But if this had not been, more could not have been obtained. hi the letter of Mr. Gallatin to Mr. Clay of the 27th October, 1S26, the janing of the British act of Parliament of 5th July, 1825, which does not )earto have been previously understood by our Government, is fully and jlligibly explaiaed. To ascertain the precise state of the regulations at It period, and the ex'.ent of the conditions and restrictions prescribed by the famous act of July, 1825, Mr. Gallatin reviewed all the British statutes l^jion this subject, and superadded the following observations. ; <'From what precedes, it follows, first, that the restriction which limits the •||kportations in foreign vessels of goods into the British West Indies and icrican colonies, to ve^sds of the country of which the goods are the iduce, and coming direct from sitch country ^ having been revived by navigation act of the 5th July, 1825, is still in force; secondly, that the itriction which limited the exportatioiis in foreign vessels of goods ex-' rted from the Brttish West Indies and American colonies, to a direct ex- tation to the country to which such vessel did belong, is so far repealed a» that such exportations in such vessels may be made to any country what- «ter. Great Brit{nin and its dependencies excepted.'* 40 ■ii« 11 f ! r •; i'-i .'.f [ Doc. No. 2a. J "Although tlujre is no prospect that any arrangemctit will shortly tako l)lace on that siihject, yet it is desirablo to be prejwied for any contingency. And I wish that the Pjcsidcnt would take into consideration whether, sup- posing an arrangement, cither by convention or by mutual modification on both sides of existing laws or regulations, to be practicable, it would be*pro- per, so far as relates to navigation, to agree to the terms continued in the acts oj Varliamenty "The most imjwrtantof the restrictions on the direct or circuitous trade, that which limited tlie exjwrtation from the IJritish West Indies iri Ameri- can vessels to the United States, hay been repealed; and there remain but two — such exportations cannot be made in American vessels to Great Bri- tain or her dependencies, a point on which wooannot insist, and which is al- ready given up by the instructions; and the importations into those colo- nics of Jinierican produce, must, if made in American vessels, he di- rect from the United States. Is it necessary, on that account, to insist on the right of preventing British vessels, other than those coming direct from the colonies, from cicaringfrom the United States for those colonies? Or, in other words, (for it is clear that with such restriction no arrangement is prac- ticable,) is it worth while, on that account, to continue to cut off altogethd- the intercourse between the United States and the British colonies? On that question I beg leave to submit two observations. First, the right of importing produce of the Dnited States into British West Indies from other places than the United States, is in itself of no great value. It might occa- si' .lally be convenient when the market of Cuba or of other ports in the Gulf of iSlexico was glutted with American produce, to have a right to take it in American vessels to the British West India ports; but it is but rarely that these will not, from the same causes, be also glutted at the same time, and that the expense of a double voj^age and freight could be incurred, Secondly, whilst contending for a nominal reciprocity, we must acknow- ledge that the other party must consider how far this reciprocity will be real. It is now ascertained that four-fifths of the tonnage employed in our intercourse with Great Brtain herself are American, and only one fifth Bri- tish. Considering the species of population, the climate, and commercial capital of the West Indies, and the distance of Great Britain, it is utterly impossible that the direct intercourse between the United States and the British West Indies should not, with equal duties and charges, be carried or in a still greater proportion in vessels of the United States. The only compensation, in that rospcct, to Great Britain, is to be found in the circuitous ' voyages which British vessels may make from that country through the United States and herWest India colonies;and 1 feel quite confident — I thinli any man acquainted with the subject will be of the same opinion — that even granting them that privilege, will leave more than three-fourths of the in- tercourse to our vessels!!" * ■* ^t^ * * " It will not escape you that the intercourse by sea between the Uniteti States and the British West Indi-s and North American colonies, has al- ready been considered as necessarily connected together by the Britisl: Government, and that this connexion has been kept up in the acts of Parlia- ment, in the articles proposed to Mr. Rush, and indeed in all former propo sals on their part." '-'V ■ ::ivv^ /...v,,,;*;.;v;^.^: In consequence, as it may be supposed, of this explanation and advice from Mr. Gallatin, our Government thenceforward abandoned whatever preten M \% I hbrtly tako antingcncy- lether, sup* lification on ould hc*pro- dned in the ■ jitous trade, ;s ill Ameri- 2 remain but ) Great Bri- which isal- ) those coin- ssds^ be di- ;, to insist on r direct from )nics? Or, in. nncnt is prac- off altogcthd Dlonies? On the right ot es from other t might occa- ports in the right to take is but rarely 16 same time, be incurred, nust acknow- y will be real oyed in our one fifth Bri- commercial it is utterly tates and the be carried oc The only the circuitous through the ent— I thinl( ,n — that even ;hs of the in- 2n the Unitec onies, has al the Britis!. acts of Parlia- former propo' id advice fro» atevcr preteiv [ Doc. No. 22. ] M- ^ons they may have previously set up beyond the acts of Parliament. In IcttiT from Mr. Clay, dated the 11th April, 1827, containing further in- rucnons to Mr. Gallatin, he was informed *< that the President is willing recommend to Congress, at its next session, first, to suspend the aljn^ [uties on British vessels and cargoes, and allow their entry into our pcWy rith the same kind of British or British colonial produce as may be im^- ^orted in American vessels, the vessels of both countries paying the same larges; and, secondly, to abolish the restriction in the act of 1S33 to the lircct intercourse between tlie United States and the British colonies, leav- »g Great Britain in the exclusive possession of the circuitous trade belwe«i rrcat Britain proper, through her colonies, and the United States. Mr. Gal- Uin will inquire whether the passage of an act of Congress to that effect rould lead to the revocation of the British order in Council of July, 1827, the abolition of the discriminating duties on American vessels in the Bri- sh colonial ports, and to the enjoyment by our vessels of the advantages Fered by the act of the 5th July, 1825." These propositions were communicated by Mr. Gallatin to the British government, in a note to Lord Dudley, of the 17th August, 1S27; in which remarks that "this mode would repeal all former acts of the American [(pvernment which had been objected to by Great Britain, fulfil the condi- m in the act of Parliament as now understood, and remove every obstacle the way to an arrangement; but that it would be useless for the President DTiake such recommendation without first ascertaining the intentions of British Government;" and he therefore inquired " whether, upon the ssage of such an act as the President proposes to recommend, the British jvernment would allow to American vessels the privileges of trade and tercourse according to the act of the 5th July, 1S25?" VV^ith these conj- mications, it will be seen that my instructions, and the overture by rae )mitted on the 12th December last, and now assented tjo by Great Bri- Rn,are entirely coincident. v; I have been thus minute that the precise and uniform object of our nego- * ition with this Government should not be mistaken ; and that the President, parly and explicitly understanding these, may feel no hesitation, when exe- ting the law, tj interpret each particular clause :* . conformity with the ^vious scope and design of the act. XjLess difficulty, if possible, than on these points, can exist in regard to the -®|lry of British vessels and their cargoes in the ports of the United States, ^m the islands, provinces, or colonies, designated in the second section of act. According to Mr. Gallatin's despatch, *'thc intercourse by sea be- jen the United States and the British West Indies and North American Ibnies, has already been considered as necessarily connected together by British Government, and that this conn-^xion has been kept up in all the of Parliament." It will not, therefore, be now separated. The general [■ms employed in this section arc sufficiently comprchcusive to embraae description of entry; and in his instructions to tlie several collectors, President may properly direct an entry similar to that specified in the jSlet section of the bill, and in the spirit of our proposition. Such, I presume, was the purpose of the law. I have, however, suggested ithis Goverrment, in answer to the difficulty felt upon this point, the pos- ility that these general terms may have proceeded from an apprehension the existing discriminating duty of one dollar per ton on American ves- iMs in \Jhes?i northern colonial ports. Should such h^i\\t case, it wiJl not 1 1'' ' 's! J I :• f I iv : •'! 48 [ Doc. No. 22. ] escape you t4jat this duty i» prescribed by the order of the King in Coiincii in 1823, in retaliation of our law of that year; and that, by the terms of my proposition, it will lx» now abolished. ,1,11* the remaining words of apparent difficulty constitute a provision incon- sistent with our proposition and the act ot 5th Joly, 1825, I am obliged t«» confess myself incapable of comprehending either their object or meaning. I refer, of course, to the following clause: ** leaving the commercial inter- course of the United States with ail other parts of the British domi- nions or possessions on a footing not less favorable to the United Stales than it now is.'' Such a provision, or any thing resembling it, is now introduced for tht first time into our legislation upon this subject. With all other parts of the British dominions, our commercial intercourse is regulated either by tht convention with Great Britain, or, with the exception of the ports in the northern provinces, absolutely prohibited by acts of Parliament. No legis- lation on either side can alfect the stipulations of the converftion, and any rc- laj^ation of existing prohibitions must be be'neficial. This clause, as it stands, if it be not altogether nugatory and out of place, would seem rather to apprehend some evil, not understood or explained, from advantages to be confi -'jd on our trade by Great Britain. In any view of the subject, how;ever, it can properly I'elate only to the footing on which our commercial intercourse with other ports will be leftat the time of conceding such advantages. Happily, therefore, with whatever object the clause may have been introduced, the President nray issue his proclamation with every assurance thai the correspondent acts on the part of this Government will leave "the commercial intercourse of the United States with all other part? of the British dominions on a footing not less favorable to the United States than it now is." That you may have all the British acts of Parliament relative to this sub ject before you, and compare without difficulty the various provisions of tlir act of the 5th July, 1825, for the encouragement of British shipping and navigation, and of that of the same daie regulating the trade with iha Bri tish possessions abroad, J have the honor herewith to forward you ^^Ilume^s Custom LawSf" containing all that may be useful in your researches. The observations of the Earl of Aberdeen re'itivc to the scale of dutief in favor of those interests incidentally fostered by the suspension of the in- tercourse between the United States and the West Indies, are less unfavora ble than, at the date of my despatch of the Gth Aprilj I had reason to appre hend. It was on the ground of this apprehension, principally, that, in my note to Lord Aberdeen of the 12tli July last, I alluded so particularly to the acts r i Congress reducing the duty on several articles of West India pro duce. Though it may be probable that the schedule of duties adopted contem pOraneously with the act of Parliament of the 5th July, 1825, will be here ifler modified, the effect must Ije more severely felt by the West India plant «r, already overburthened, than by our merchants; and in this there is asaf( guarantee against any excessive alteration. There is good ^ason to believe; moreover, that such modification, whenever it shall be made, will consist h reducing the duty on some important articles, while it may increase it or others; and that our trade, in the aggregate, will not be materially affected This modification, ho^vever, is not a part or condition of the present arrange mcnt natio COUtll wew Cfnct Itfopc pons, foot Ml mercl J n the tr mime just it tmhn their a(piin£ which ofatti and fr in the In an} ly. cor the foi To the The Affairs Envoy of Am measut obstacli cial int nies. Prev meiit hi 16th M 12th of dersign n^t an< w«re ac United was aui ■ .■! . •• ' '-, [ Doc. No. 22. ] 49 ; in Council Lcrm» of my ision incon- 1 obliged !«• or meaning. '^rcial inter- 'ilish domi- liied StaicH jced for thi parts of the iither by the 3orts in the . No legis- > and any rc- DUt of place, )Iained, froir. any *'iew of >n which our of conceding e clause may n with every ernment will 1 other part? Inited State? to this sub isions of tlu (h?pping and ith the Bri ►u ^^Humeh irches. tale of duties )ii of the in- !ss unfavora ion to appro that, in my irticuljirly tc !St India pro )ted contem [will be here India plant Ihere is a 8af( )n to believe; jill consist ir Increase it or illy affected Isent arrange mcnt, and will tiicrcrore depend u|)on future contingencies, of which each nation will be free to take advantage; and ours, pariicuiarly, to resort to countervailing duties, ii that course be deemed expeilient. On this question, we will always have the West Indian interest on our side; and that, after the Cfncessions heretofore made, is all we can expect. The arrangement now {proposed will restore to our vessels the direct trade with the British colonial ports, and place the navigation of both countries in that trade upon an equal footing. We may safely rely upon the skill and enterprise of the American merchants to accomplish the rest. I need scarcely refer to the period for which this question has embarrassed the trade of our citizens and the relations of the two countries, nor to the numerous failures which have attended the efforts of our Government to ad- just it. But it ought not to be forgotten that, in producing these failures, technical interpretations and misapprehension of legal provisions have had their full share. Sensible of thi.s, I lelt it ni}' duty to guard, if possible, against their recurrence; and after the solicitude and perseverance with which 1 have conducted the negotiation, I could not shun the responsibility of attempting to reconcile the apparent obscurities of the law with the clear and frank object of our Government. I am happy to believe, moreover, that,, in the attempt. I am fully sustained by the soundest principles of construction. In any event, I vshall feel conscious that, with the sincerest desire to conform t(^|,he instructions and sustain the character of the Executive, I have faithful- ly.^ contributed to succor the enterprise of my fellow-citizens, and to place the foreign relations of the country upon a foundation of lasting harmony. I have the Jionor to be, Sir, Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, LOUIS McLANE. Tq the Hon. Martin Van Buren, ^ J Secretary of State, fVashington. The Earl of Jiherdeen to Mr, McLane. Foreign Office, */iugust 17, 1830. . The undersigned, his Majesty's principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the note of Mr. McLane, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America to this Court, dated the 12th ultimo, communicating certain measures which have been adopted by Congress with a view to remove the obstacles which have hitherto impedeil the re-establishment of the couiiner- cial intercourKse between the United States and the British West India colo- nies. Previously to the receipt of this communication, his Majesty's Govern- ment had already had under their consideration Mr. McLane's note of the 16th March last, explanatory of the proposition contained in his letter of the 12th of December, 1829, with reference to the same subject ; and the un- dersigned assures Mr. McLane that his Majesty's Government, in the ear- nc|it and dispassionate attention which they bestowed upon this proposition, w«re actuated by the most friendly feelings towards the Government of the United States, and by a sincere disposition to meet the proposals which he was authorized to make in the spirit with which they were offered. 7 k i . J' I i' I 60 [ Doc. No. 2Q. ] But the iinderHiRncd considers it wnncccss.iry now 1o enter into .iny de- tailed discussion of the points embraced in ihosc pieviuus eonimnnicatiotis of Mr. McLane, heoause they are in a j^reat measure superseded by tlie more specific, and tliercforc more satisfactory propositions contained in his note of the I2tb idtimo ; to the contents of which note, therefore, tiip undersigned will principally confine his present observations. Of the character and effect of the recent measure of the American Con- gress, Mr. iMcLane observes that "it concedes in its terms all the |)o\vor in the rej^ulation of the colonial trade, and authorizes the President to con- fer on British subjects all those privileges, as well in the circuitous as the direct voyage, which (Ireat Britain has at any time demanded or desired." In thihi'eclaration the undersigned is happy to observe the same spirit and cli9|)Osition which dictated Mr. McJ-^ merely a provision for "admitting toe) try, in the ports of the United States, 13ritish vessels or their cargoes fror the ibluiuls, provinces, cr colonies of Great Britain, on or near the Nort American continent, and north or east of the United States," It iTii,. indeed be presumed that vessels from these colonies are intended to be ad niiticd upon the same terms, in all respects, and to be entitled to the sani privileges, as British ships from any other British colony. The act of Congress requires, as a furiher condition, that, when the ir tercoursc with ihe West India colonies shall be opened by Great Britair " the commercial intercourse of the United Stales with all other parts ( the British dominions or possessions shall be left on a footing not less favo: able to the 1 Jiittd States than it now is." Although it may be most truly stated that there exists, at this time, n intention to make any alteration in the commercial policy of Great Britnir and equally that there is no disposition on the part of His Majesty^ Ck vernnicnt to rest'-ict, in any measure, the commercial relations between th country and the United States, yet the positive condition to maintain ii; crtftiiged, or upon any particular footing of favor, every part of our syste; of trade affecting our intercourse with America, could not, with propriet) be made the subject of any specific engagement connected with the rene^ al of the colonial intercourse. Whether that intercourse be renewed ( not. it ought to remain at all times as free as it now is, both to the Govei mentof Great iiritain ana lothptof the United States, to adopt, from time' time, such commercial regulations as either State may deem to be expedie for its own intcesls, consistently with the obligations of existing treatiejf, It is due lo the candor with which the communications of Mr. McLar have been made on this subject, that the undersigned should be thus explic in noticing the passage in the bill to which he has now adverted. Mr. McLane, in his note of the 12th ultimo, has described andexplaim the material diinn ution which has been made in the duties payable in ti United States on the importation of certain articles of colonial prodii i This measure has been viewed ly His Majesty's Government with since satisfaction, as indicating a disposition to cultivate a commercial interconr with His Majesty's colonies upon a footing of greater freedom and recipr cal advantage than has hitherto existed. 13ut the undersigned must frank state, that, in the general consideration of the question now to be be del mined, no weight ought to be assigned to the reduction of those duties, forming any part of the grounds on which the re-establishment of the inti course may be acceded to. Those changes are part of tli*^ general schenif taxation which the Government of America may, at all times, impose modify, with the same freedom as that which Great Britain may exercise the regulation of any part of its system of duties; and it is the more esseni: thit His Majesty's Government should not contract, by implication, ai engagement towards that of the United Slates with respect to such al'ci tio)is, because His Majesty's Government have already had under their co sideration the expediency of introducing some modifications into the schedn cf duties attached to theact of Parliament of 1825, with a view more effect aliy to support the interests of the British North American colonies. I those interests, fostered, aslhey have mcidentally been, by the suspension th*^' intercourse between the United States and the West Indies, His Majt ty's Government will coitinue to lot>k with an earnest desire to afford tlui such protection by discriminating duties as may appear to be consiste [ Doc. No. Q2. ] 53 liTiitting to ei r cargoes fror lear the Nort es." It mii ruled to be a(i sd to the sani , when the ir Great Britair 1 other parts i not less favo: t this time, n Great Britnir Majesty s G( IS between th ) maintain u; of our systc; vith proprieti ith the renev »e renewed ( to the Gover t, from lime I ,o be expedie ting treatieii, f Mr. McLar )e thus explif ed. and explaim payable in ti Duial prodii ( it with since: ial intercour n and recipr must frank to be be del .hose duties, It of the intt eral scheme es, impose lay exercise more esseni plication, in such alici nder their re to the schedii r more effeci colonies. I 1 suspension js, His Majt to afford the be consiste with the interests of other parts of His Majesty's dominions, and with a eound policy in the commercial relations of this country with all other States. The undersigned has thought it desirable that this pointshould he distinct- ly understood on both sides, in order that no doubt should exist oi' the right of Great Britain to vary those duties from time to time, according to her own views of expediency, unfettered by any obligation, expressed or implied, towards the United States or any other country. The undersigned adverts again wiih satisfaction to the verbal explanations which he has received from Mr. McLane of those passages in the act of Congress which have not appeared to the undersigned to be literally arlapted I (to the provisions of the act of Parliament of 1825. He concurs with Mr. McLane in thinking that these wMl be found to have been merely apparent deviations from the conditions of that statute, because the whole of the re- cent proceedings of the American Government and Legislature in this mat- ter have been maiufestly and expressly founded upon a determination to conform to it. Any other view of the subject would be entirely at variance with the tenor of the several communications from Mr. McL.ane before ad- verted to, which have all been conformable to the explicit proposition con- tained in iiisnote of the 12th December, 1829, "that the Government of the United States should now comply with the conditions of the act of Parlia- jncnt of July 5, 1825, by an express law, opening their ports for the admis- sion of British ve.>sel'^ and by allowing their entry with the same kind of British colonial produce as may be imported in American vessels, the ves- sels of both countries paying the same charges; suspending the alien dutiei? on British vessels and cargoes, and abolisrhing the restrictions in the act of Congress of 1823 to the direct intercourse between the United States and the liritish colonies; and that such a law should be immediately followed by a revocation of the British order in Council of tho 27th July, 1826, the aboli- tion or suspension of all discriminating duties on American vessels in the British colonial ports, and the enjoyment, by the United States, of (he ad- vantages of the act of Parliament of the 5th July, 1825." It only remains, therefore for the undersigned to assure Mr. McLane that, if the President of the United States shall determine to give efiect to the act of Congress, in conformity with the construction put upon its provisions both by Mr. M "Lane and by the undersigned, all difficulty on the part of Great Britain, in the way of a renewal of the intercourse between the United States and the West Indies, according to the foregoing proposition made by Mr. McLane, will thereby be removed. The undersigned has the honor to renew to Mr. McLane the assurances of his highest consideration. ABERDEEN Lewis McLane, Esq. &.c, &c. &c. 4 Mr. Van Buren to Mr. McLane^ Department of State, f fVasfiington, 5th October^ 1830. Sir: Your despatch of the 20th August was, on the 3d infant, received at this Department, aitd, witU it? Gvnteiil«, laid before the President; .w 54 [ Doc. No. 22. ] .1 i!; I i n 1 i n' ' I You will perceive by the enclosed proclamation, and instructions from tin. TrcMSury DoparJmcnt to the collectors of customs, that the President has adopti'd without reserve the construction given to the act of Congress of the 29th of May, 1830, by Lord Aberdeen and yourself, by accepting the assur- ance of the British Government, with the accompanying explanations, as n compliance with its requisitions, and by doing ail that was necessary to car ry the prujjosed arrangement into complete effect on the part of tlie United Stoles. By virtue of the President's proclaniation, and the operation of the act of Congress above referred to, our restrictive acts are repealed, and the portsofthc United States opened to British vessels coming from any of the Bri- tish colonial possessions mentioned in both sections of the act, upon the terms •tated in that act, and in the accompanying instruction. The President doe? not doubt that, having thus given effect to the arrangement on the part of this Government, that of Great Britain will without delay do what is necessary on its side to remove all existing obstructions to the renewal of tlie inter- course between the United States and the British colonial possessions refer- red to, according to the proposition submitted by you and accepted by that Government. He allows himself also to expect that the circumstance that the ports of the United States are forthwith open to British vessels, whilst the opening of those of Great Britain must await the action of the British Govern- ment, thus producing temporarily an unequa\ operation, will induce his Majesty's Government to give to the matter its earliest attention. The President has derived great satisfaction from the candor and liberali- ty which have characterised the conduct of his Majesty's ministers through- out the negotiation, and particidarly in not suflering the inadvertencies ot our legislation, attributable to the haste and confusion of the closing si^enes of the session, to defeat or delay the adjustment of a question, with respect to the substance of which, and the interest of the two countries, in its ad- justment, both Governments are now happily cf one opinion. He cherishes the most lively anticipations of the solid benefits which will flow from the trade that is about to revive, as well as of the benign influence which the satislactory removnl of a long standing and vexatious impediment to the ex- tension of their commercial intercourse is calculated to exercise upon the relations between the two countries. It is his wish that you should make his Majesty's Government acquainted with these sentiments, and assure it that he will neglect no opportunity which may present itself to prove his sincere desire to strengthen and improve those relations by every act vviihin the sphere of his authority which may contribute to confirm the good un- derstanding so happily established. It is also to me a pleasing duty to express to you, as I am directed to do, the entire satisfaction of the President with your conduct on this important occasion. The untiring zeal, patriotic exertions, and great ability, which you have displayed in the diflicult negotiation thus satisfactorily concluded, realise all the anticipations he had formed from the employment of your talents in this important branch of the public service, and entitle you to the thanks of your country. To these sentiments 1 beg leave to add the ex- pression of my own unqualified approbation of all your acts since the com- mencement oi'ywur mission near the Government of Great Britain. 1 am, with great respect, Your obedient servant, M. VAN BUREN. TliOuis McLane, Esq. Envoy Extraordinary y Sfc. Src. tsveij videj faciq in itl Amcl islani term! the of to| impc posse may articl posse State try v^ articl count the ci Briti! ed St Unite Cong denct ports as th nial I tonut levie said '. sels t or ar State orr tl an a( sand the c ports twen the c A port: by g the I Ore; east [ Doc. No. 22. ] 55 ons from tJK 'vpsident has I) gross of Ihc ig the acsur- lations, as d ssary to car f tlje United ration of tht led, and the ly of theBri- on the terms 'esidcnt doee lepart of this is necessary of tlue inter- ssions refer- pted by that instance that Is, whilst the tish Govern- 1 induce hib n. and liberali- ;ers through- 'ertencies oi osing soenes with respect 3, ill its ad- ie cherishes Dw from the c whioh the it to the ex- se upon the louM make nd assure it o prove his act vviihin le good un- cted to do, s important ity, which concluded, nt of your you to tlie (Id the ex- :e the com- in. lUREN. Si/ the President of the United States of America. A PROCLAMATION. Whereas, by an act of the Congress of the United Slate?, passed on the tjjventy-ninth day of May, one thousand eight hundred and tliirty, it is pro- Tided, that, whenever the President of the United States shall receive satis- fociory evidence that the Government of Great Britain will open the ports in its colonial posst^ssions in the West Indies, on the continent of South America, the Bahama islands, the Caicos, and the Bermuda or Somer' islands, to the vessels of the United States, for an indefinite or for a limited term; that the vessels of the United States, and their cargoes, on entering the colonial ports aforesaid, shall not be subject to other or higher duties of tonnage or impost, or charges of any other description, than would be imposed on British vessels, or their cargoes, arriving in the said ccflonial possessions from the United States; that the vessels of the UniiCil States may import into the said colonial possessions, from the United Stales, any article or articles which could be imported in a British vessel into the said possessions from, the United Slates; and that the vessels of the United States may expoj't from the liritish colonies aforementioned, to any coun- try whatever, other than the dominions or possessions of Great Britain, any article or articles that can he exported therelVom in a British vessel, to any countrj other than the British dominivns or possessions aforesaid — leavmg the commercial intercourse ot the United Stales with all other parts of the Britis.i dominions or pu^ssessions on a footing not less favorable to the Unit- ed Stages than it now is — that then, and in such case, the President of the United States shall be authorized, at any time before the next session of Congress, to issue his proclamation, declaring that he has received such evi- dence; and that, thereupon, and from the date ot such proclamation, the ports of the United States shall be opened indclinitcly, or lor a term fixed, as the case may be, to British vessels co \The undersif;ned having stated to Mr. McLane, in his above mentioned note, that, under such circumstances, all diiliculty on the part of Great Britain, in the way of the renewal of the intercourse between the United ^tates and the West ludies, according to the pruposition made by Mr. McLane, would be removed, he has now the honor to transmit to Mr J^cLane the accompanying copy of an order issued by His Majesty in Council this day, for regulating the commercial intercourse between the United States and His Majc-ty's possessions abroad. r ■'SL ' 'it I ftf i IH^ V.' i, 60 [ Doc. No. 22. ] The undersigned cannot omit this opportunity ol" expressing to Mr, JVIcLane the satisfaction of His Majesty's Gcernment at the promptitudr and frankness with which the President of the United States has concurred in the view taken by them of this question; and at the consequent exten- sion of that commercial intercourse which it is so much the interest of both countries to maintain, and which His Majesty will always be found sin- cerely desirous to promote by all the mcatjs in his power. The undersigned avails himself of this occasion to renew to Mr. McLani the assurances of his highest consideration. ABERDEEN. Louis McLane, Bsq., &.c. &.c. &c. At the CouiiT AT St. Jaaies', November 5, 1830. Present: Tlie King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. Whereas, by a certain act of Parliament, passed in the fith year of the reign of his late Majesty King George the Fourth, entitled " An act to re- gulate the trade of the British possessions abroad," after reciting that, "by the law of navigation foreign ships are permitted to import into any of the British possessions abroad, from the countries to which they belong, goo(l> the produce of tho.>e countries, and to export goods from such possessions to be carried to any foreign country whatever, and that it is expedient that such permission should be subject to certain conditions^ it is therefore en- acted, that the privileges thereby granted to foreign' ships shall be limited to the ships of those countries which, having colonial possessions, shall grant the like privilege of trading with those ^ ssessions to British ships, or which, not having colonial possessions, shall place the commerce and naviga- tion of this country and of its possessions abroad upon the footing of the most favored nation, unless his Majesty, by his order in Council, shall in any case deem it expedient to grant the whole or any of such privileges to the ships of any foreign country, although the conditions aforesaid shall not in all respects be fulfilled by such loreign country:" And whereas, by a certain order of his said late Majesty in Council, hearing date the 27th day of July, 1826, after reciting that the conditions mentioned and referred to in the said act of Parliament had not in all respects been fulfilled by the Government of the United States of America, and that, therefore, the pri- vileges so granted as aforesaici by the law of navigation to foreign ships could n.ot lawfully be exercised or enjoyed by the ships of the United States afore- said, unless His Majesty, by his order in Council, should grant the whole or any of such privileges to the ships of the United States aforesaid, his said late Majesty did, in pursuance of the powers in him vested by the said act, grant the privileges aforesaid to the ships of the said United States, but did thereby provide and declare that such privileges should absolutely cease and determine in His Majesty's possessions in the West Indies and Soutli America, and in certain other of His Majesty's possessions abroad, upon and from certain days in the said order for that purpose appointed, and which are long since passed: And whereas, by a certain other order of his said late Majesty in Council, bearing date the IGth of July, 1827, the said las* men Pari certjj thei Vnh tioni mam there His Ofth id ,ve custo tish Maje the I from with powe year Pirli of Jul oil of lltes tlvel) id pu to" th afore! State: carrie Ae Treai ty'sf in, as Co M # [ Doc. No. 22. ] 61 ssing to Mr, J promptitudr lias concurred equent extcn- tcrest of both be found sia- Mr. McLam CRDEEN. ES', er 5, 1830. 1 year of the ' An act to ri- ng that, "by to any of the belong, goo(l> possessions to xpedient thai therefore en- all be limited IS, shall grant ish ships, 01 ;e and naviga- ooting of the mcil, shall in privileges to said shall not hereas, by a the 27th day d referred to filled by the fore, the pri- ;n ships could 1 States afore- the whole or said, his said r the said act, tates», but did 3ly cease and and Soutli lad, upon ami d, and which r of his said , the said las* mentioned order was confirmed: And whereas, in pursuance of the acts of Parliament in that behalf made and provided, his ^laid late Majesty, by u certain order in Council bearing date the 2lst day of July,- 1823, and by the said order in Council bearing date the 27th day of July, 1826, was pleased to order that there should be chargeu on all vessels of the said United States which should enter any of the ports of His Majesty's posses- sions in the West Indies or America, with articles of the growth, produce, or manufacture of the said States, certain duties of tonnage and of customs therein particularly specifictl: And whereas it hath been made to appear to His Majesty in Council that the restrictions heretofcre imposed by the laws of the United States aforesaid upon British vessels navigating between the aaid States and His Majesty's possessions in the West Indies and America have been repealed, and that the discriminating duties of tonnage and of customs heretofore imposed by the laws of the said United States upon Bri- tish vessels and their cargoes, entering the ports of the said;,Statcs from His Majesty's said possessions, have also been repealed; and that the ports of the United States are now open to British vessels and their cargoes coming from His Majesty's possessions aforesaid. His Majesty doth, therefore, with the advice of his Privy Council, and in pursuance and exercise of the powers so vested in him as aforesaid, by the said act so passed in the 6th year of the reign of his said late Majesty, or by any other act or acts of Parliament, declare that the said recited orders in Council of the 21st day of July, 1823, and of the 27th day of July, 1S2G, and the said order in Coun- cil of the 16th day of July, 1827, (so far as the such last mentioned order re- lates to the said United States,) shall be, and the same are hereby, respec- tively revoked: And His Majesty doth further, by the advice aforesaid, and in pursuance of the powers aforesaid, declare that the ships of and belonging to the United States of America may import from the United States aforesaid, into the British possessions abroad, goods the produce of those States, and may export goods from the British possessions abroad, to be carried to any foreign country whatever. And the Right Honorable the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury, and the Right Honorable Sir George Murray, one of His Majes- ty's principal Secretaries of State, are to give the necessary directions here- in, as to them may respectively appertain. JAS. BULT.EJ?. A true copy. Council Office, Whitehall, Nov. 6. IS.SO. T l!H 62 [ Doc. No. 22. ] '^ ''Wi I'llESENT AND I'ltOPOSKl) IMPORT DUTlliS IN THE AMKIllCAN COLONIE^ Uil f ^\* W' ■ I I,? u i TJ3BLE OF DUTIhlS on certain arficles of provisions, and of jvnci and lnmhr>^ not f)ri)is^ t/if i^rowtti, production, or nK/nn/octnre of lli United Kini^dom, nor of ani/ Jiritis/i possession, imported or f)ron^l hy sat, or by inland carriage or navigation, into the several Brilb possessions in ^imerica. 1. SOUTHERN C0LOME8. Imported or brought into llic Hritish posses- sions on the continent ol Soulii America, or in the West Indi'^s, the Bahama and lier- niiula islntids included, viz: Provisions, viz: Wheat, the bushel - - . Wheat, imported from the northern colo- nies _ - _ - - Wheat flour, the barrel - - - Wheat imported from the northern colo- nies, except Newfoundland, Bread or biscuit, the cwt. - Flour or meal, not of wheat, the barrel, - Peas, beans, rye, calavances, oats, barley, Indian corn, the bushel, Rice, the 100 lbs. net weight, Live stock, . _ _ . Lumber, viz: Shingles, not being more than 12 inches in length, the 1000 Shingles, imported from the northern colo- nies, - - - - - Shingles being more than 12 inches in length, the 1000, Shingles imported from the northern colo- nies, - - . . - Staves and headings, viz: red oak, the 1000, white oak, the 1000, imported from the northern colo- nies, - - - - . Wood hoops, the 1000, - - - imported from the northern colo- nies, - - . - - White, yellow, and pitch pine lumber, the 1000 feet of one inch thick. Presfiit cliitv, £ S. d. 1 1 5 1 1 G 2 6 7 2 6 10 per cent. 7 duty free. 14 duty free. 15 12 G duty free. 5 3 duty free. 1 1 Proposed "'. V-. i' it ,>*<"'• V", %. ■<^<.- i^i- • ' •..-,> » .^•; *^ i r ^ s fe BurcHy dated ^ledulc of diitie ird of Trade, i . to believe tlu influence of th on. The rccon d I am now ii dergo some wv c colonial tracfi V i«( Y j>*»'' "n ■4 ' .^.^>'■•"