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L'exemplaire filmd fut reproduit grdce d la gdndrositd de I'dtabiissement prdteur suivant : La bibliothdque des Archives publiques du Canada Les cartes ou les planches trop grandes pour dtre reproduites en un seul clich6 sont filmdes d partir de I'angle sup6rieure gauche, de gauche i droite et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images n^cessaire. Le diagramme suivant illustre la mdthode : 1 2 3 1 2 3 ' -«■ - •: 6 :• Price 10 cents. ADDRESS BV Hon. Edward Blake, M. P, DELIVERED IN h BOSTON MUSIC HALL Wednesday Evening, January 31, 1894. /» published by The Municipal Council of the Irish national Federation Ok" Boston and Vicinity. p. I! A SKETCH OF MR. BLAKE'S CAREER. The lion. Edwanl IJlak^', Q. C. LL. I)., and now a nitMiiluT of tlio Biiti.sli House of Commons, was horn at Adelaide, Ontario, Canula, Oct. l;i, ls:5.'!. He became M. A. of Toronto University in 1.S5.S, l)e{;an tlie study of law in 18.7.), and in IHlU lieeame a Queen's Counsel. In 1S(J7 Ik; was (dected to tlie Dutario Lefjislature, and aftca'ward to tli<' Dominion I'arliament, and in 1871-1S72 was Premier of Ontari(.. He relaine, andi(!nce presided over by tins Hon. Nathan Matthews, Jr., Mayor of Boston, gri^eted the Hon. Edward Blake on his ajipearance at Boston Music Hall on the (ivening of January 31, 181)4. Seated on the i)latform and scatt(!red through the audience were many of Boston's most distinguished citizens, whose marked attention and earnest enthusiasm was manifested during the entire discourse. Among thoiiis whu m(!t and congratulated Mr. Blake up(Ui his ai)p(;arance in Boston were Hon. tJathan Matthews, Jr., Mayor of Boston ; ilon, A. \V. ISeard, Unit(Hl States Collector of Customs of the Port of Boston; Hon. Jonathan A. Lane, President Boston Merchants' Association; Judge Charles L(!vi Woodbury; Ex-Mayor Thomas N. Hart; Hon. Thomas J. Gargan ; Chairman of State Committee I. N. V., Hon. Alfred Hemenway; Hon. E. A. Pillsbury, Attorney General; Hon. Ha'-\'ey N. Shepard ; Hon. John Conness, Ex-United States Senator; Hon. Patrick Maguire, Editor of Republic; James JelTrey Roche, Editor Pilot; Edward H. Clement, Editor Transcript; Clias. H. Taylor, Editor Globe; Stephen O'Meara, Editor Boston Journal; Eliot Lord, Editor Trav(dl(ir; W. F. Murray, Esij., of Boston Herald; H. H. Fletcher, Esij., Manager Associat(!d Pre.ss ; Hon. W. W. Doherty, United Stat(!S Marshal; Hon. Eneas Smythe; Hon. John R. Murphy; Hon. Henry F. Naphen ; Wm. J. Burke; Christoi)her Blake; Dr. P. J. Timmins; Dr. Phillip P. K(Jlly; Col. Thomas F. Doherty ; D. P. Sullivan ; Domini( k T(jy ; James B. Hand : T. B. Fitzpatrick; P. J. Flatley; Geo. Phillips; Wm. Andn^ws ; Lawrence Reade; P. B. Magr.iin; Capt. P. S. Curry; James F. Roche, Esq., and many others. The Bost(m Herald justly .says of it: "Arguments of history, of expediency, of humanity, and even of practical politics, were marshaled one by one, in irresistible manner, to prove the pressing necessity for home rule, not only for Ireland, but all parts of the United Kingdom, and the frecjuent and prolonged bnrsts of enthusiasm k ADDKESS OP HON. EDWARD RLAKE, M. P., with wliich the gentleman's utterances were received proved beyond cavil that the great audience was entirely in agreement with his views. " His speech was full of the tire which is so closely associated with the general ideas of Irish oratory, yet with it all there was a careful (almost a judicial) calmnesa of statement which was admirable throughout. " He prescTittKl his arguments in a m;>nuer suggesting the great pleader engaged in a great case before the high court of last resort of modern times — the public opinion of the world." The Hon. Tliomas J. Gargan presented in a few well-chosen words His Honor Mayor Matthews as presiding officer of the evening. SPEECH OF MAYOR MATTHEWS. Mayor Matthews was given a very enthusiastic greeting as he rose in response to the pleasant introduc^tory speech. He said: — "Ladiks and Gentlemkn: The people of this city are, as the size of this great audience hears witnefjS, deeply and sinc'crely interested in the home rule movement, and tliey are in liearty sympathy witli the "fforts of the people of Ireland to secure once more the inestimable benefits to be derived from the exercise of self-government, denied to them for so many centuries. We on this aide of the ocean recognize in this movement an attempt to regulate the relations between Great Britain and Ireland according to the federal idea of gov- ernment, which was first applied in a large and successful way to the political institu- tions of the United States of America. We feel a certain pride of authorship in the federal system of government, and we are naturally desirous of seeing that system spread and its benefits extended to the people of other lands. Despised, derided, and decried at first by foreign statesmen, the experience of this country has proved its worth, and the present generation has witnessed the adoption of the federal idea in the great empire of Germany, in the Dominion of Canada, where our honored guest to-night took his first political lessons, — [applause] — and in other parts ' the civilized world. As we look dispassionately without prejudice abroad, I think we cannot fail to agree that there is no country ii the world more apt to realize benefit and profit from the adoption of the federal system than the Empire of Great Britain, a part of v/hich already is constituted upon this basis, and another part of w^hich — and that the part we are most concerned with to-night — is engaged in a determined, and I believe soon to be successful, struggle to realize the blessings of home rule. [Applause.] Accustomed as we American citizens are to a systematic .sub-division of the func- tions and powers of government, it is almost inconceivable to us that intelligent and conscientious men anywhere should object to giving home rule to Ireland. If there is any form of government that the ingenuity of man has yet devised that seems to us wholly unsuited to conduct safely and triumphantly the march cf democratic progress, it is that in which all power, local as well as general, is centralized and concentrated in a single legislative body like tlte English Parliament, which has no real executive behind it to prevent by veto the enactment of hasty legislation, which is hampered by none of the checks and balances provided by a written constitution, and whicn is thus practically the sovereign arbiter of all the details of public business in every section, county, town, and city in the land. [Applause.] We and all in this country, 1 think, favor home rule for ourselves and for the people of Ireland, for England and for Canada; and we are always ready to do honor to the men who have distinguished themselvs in that cause. But there is another reason, gentlemen, to which I beg to call youi" special attention, why we should be ready to do honor to that particular statesman who visits us to-night. The methods by which the home rule movement has been promoted have been changed in recent years. Under the leadership of this gentleman and his colleagues that move- ment is being carried out now solely upon constitutional lines and by parliamentary methods. The will of the majority [applause] in respect to party leadership and party tactics is recognized and obeyed, as it should be [applause] ; and while the ultimate end, the restor- ation of self-government to the people of Ireland, is never lost sight of, these gentlemen believe it to be their patriotic duty to take also into account existmg conditions, political contingencies and all considerations of a practical nature, [Applause.] In other words, the agitation for home rule is now bemg carried on as a matter of practical politics in a practical, constitutional, democratic, American way. [Applause.] And let me tell you, my friends, speaking as an outsider, that is one reason why the people of this country are more generally in favor of home rule for Ireland now than formerly. [Applause.] It seems to me that the Irish people have home rule within their grasp to-day. They have only to keep their courage up, to practise the patriotic virtue of patience, to act together, and to follow the wise counsels of their present leaders. [Applause.] We met in this hall something over a year ago, to bid God-speed to our guest of this evening in his mission to assist in framing and in passing through the House of Commons, if he should be sleeted to that body, a practical and sufficient measure of home rule for Ireland. . We meet to-night to congratulate him upon his personal and party success in the House of Commons. [Apilause.] ON IRELAND S CAUSE 3 that the 3 general calmness engaged ic opinion iis Honor response this great lovement, to secure .rernment, 9 regulate ea of gov- al institu- it, and we led to the tatesmen, ration has ny, in the il lessons, annot fail and profit , a part of id that the 1 1 believe mse.] l the func- ligent and If there is lems to us progress, icentrated ixecutive pered by 1 is thus •y section, le people the men attention, |-nieht. In cnaiiged lliat move- ]iamentai-y tactics is restor- jentlemen |s, political matter of Lpplause.] Ithe people \ formerly . lay. They Ice, to act lest of this !)ommon8, lome rule Ithe House We meet to listen to such explanations, as he nriy find time miil si'c fit to give us, of recent history of the h.jme rule movement, and of the prosL-ut pilioy of its lenders-, and wo meet *o extend to him again, both in his own person (wliicii we liavc learned to iionor and respect) and on acconnt of the cause he represents, the sympathy and support of the people of Boston, [Applause.] I now have the great honor, ladies and gentlemen, to present to yon Hon. Edward Blake, member of Parliimont for r^onglord. Mr. Blake on rising was greeted with great enthusiasm, and delivercid the following ADDRESS. Mr. Mayor, Ladies and Gentlemen — I must renew the ex- pression of my heartfelt thanks for the very kind and complimentary invitation extended to me to revisit Boston, and to speak upon the present phase of the Home Rule question. When I addressed you more than a year ago, I endeavored to discu.ss the general principles which should obtain in the framing of a measure of Home Rule for Ireland, and entered at some length into the conditions of tlie past, the circumstances of the present, and the demands of the future ; and I endeavor*id to state what, in my opinion, should be the aims and policy of Irish Nationalists. I am glad now to come before you, with the conviction that the forecast upon which I ventured has been substantially realized, and that the hopes of that day have advanced a long way towards ;:heir fulfilment. I shall, to-night, engage as little as may be in remote i-etrospect, or in historical recital of tlie lamentable past. It will be difficult enough to find time to deal with the great issues of tlie day. Effective Conferences with Irish Parliamentary Party. Shortly after I left you, those conferences, the expediency of which I had suggested, between certain members of the Irish Parliamentary party and one of the ministers mainly responsible for the Irish policy, began, and they continued for some months. In the result a great measure of constitutional freedom, not indeed in every minor detail exactly such as some of us might have wished, but the best practicable, and, after all, substantially satisfying the Irish demand, and unquestionably constituting an improvement in the bill of '86, was introduced into tlie House of Commons. The Fight on the Bill. The bulk of those opposed to us declared that the Liberals and Nationalists would never hold together ; that the alliance would break up, and the bill so fail. There were those opposed to us who declared that, even did we hold together, yet the bill would never pass that House. And it soon became apparent that a struggle of unexampled severity and obstinancy was to take place. For many months the bill was fought even on the smallest and minutest details, and many hundreds of amendments were tabled, and many hundreds of speeches were delivered. It was known that much important and some absolutely essential business was also to come before Parliament ; and it wavS hoped that the necessities of public ADDRKSS Ol< HON. KHNVAKD I'.LAKK, M. T., affairs would ensure the abandonment of the Home Rule measure. But, splendidly led by Mr. Gladstone, and ably officered by those under his command, the nllied hosts of Liberals and Nationalists pressed forward in firm and unbroken array; and, though obliged in the end to overcome ol,)struction by means which were thought somewhat drastic, we cairied our measure through the popular House. This was a great and even a decisive stej) ; for no first class measui-e which has gone so far has in the end failed of being inscribed on the statute book. Home Rule carried, but not yet Law. But it has not yet become law. The House of Loids, after three days' debate, rejected by a majoiity of about 9 to 1 the measure on which the Commons had spent many months, and this partly on the ground of inadequate consideration there. That step was not unexpected, and it occasioned no dismay. But I understand that, not unnaturally, there exists in some quartei's over here an appre- hension that this attitude of the House of Lords may prove a per- manent barrier to the consununation of Home Rule. Do not be afraid, it is absolutely impossible that an irresi)onsible and non- representative assembly, of whom the vast majority hold their legis- lative power from no higher title than this — that they are the sons of their fathers — can for any considerable time obstruct the will of the nation. Even when their power was much greater and that of the people much smaller they could not do so. Still less can they now. In the opinion of the great majority of Liberals and Radicals they have already stepped be5'ond their constitutional rights in declining to bow to the voicv3 of the nation as expressed at the last general election. Home Rule and the Lords. But the wisest of themselves do not pretend that they will have any rght to disregard that voice when it shall be raised again. Let me prove this statement by a single quotation. The Duke of Devonshire, who was subsequently chosen to move the rejection of the bill, used these words last summer : — " The House of Loids Ijhow very well the limits of their power. All that the House of Lords can do m this qiustion is to he the instrument by which the stronger forces will have full play and full effect. All that the House of TiOrds claims or will claim to do, is to enable the i)cople of this country to express themselves a final judgment upon this bill vvlien it has assumed a complete shape and not tlie vague and ind( finite form in which this policy has hitherto been veiled." Depend upon it, gentlemen, that the issue of Home Rule will be determined by the verdict of the people at a general election, and that a verdict favorable to our cause will be turned into a law. The Lords know this well ; and therefore we have to light them in the desi)erate effort they are making to carry the next election. Hut you ma^y ask : Why is not the bill to be introduced again icasuve. ly those ionalist.s •liged ill thought popuhir 110 tirst A being ter throe isure on V on the was not ,nd that, n appre- re a per- not be md non- leir legis- tl^e sons le will of i that of can they Radicals isjlits in the last vill have lin. Let Duke of lection of All that by which House of Is country Is assumed Lias policy le will be [tion, and a law. thoni in lion, led again ON Ireland's cause. 6 in this Parliament and before an election ? It is not to be introduced again because we know that the House of Lords would reject it again in this Parliament on tiie ground just mentioned, and that the time spent in its redisuussion in the Commons would be time worse than wasted. Why the Bill will not come up again in Parliament before Election. It is quite true that the Tories and Liberal-Unionists hoped and believed that we Nationalists would insist upon this re-introduction. Theii desire was that the Government should be forced by us to discuss nothing but Home Rule. They believed that our necessities, political and pecuniary, would constrain us to demand this course, and they rightly thought that from it they would derive mucli polit- ical gain. Listen to what Lord Randolph Churchill, one of their active leaders, said last summer : — " The Opposition is a large Opposition. It is the largest since the days when the party of Pitt overcame that of Fox. The Opposition is a powerful one and has resolved to give Gladstone no quarter, no breathing time, not a moment in which he can design matters so as to play his tricks off on the House of Commons. What next will happen? The Home Rule Bill will be thrown out by the House of Lords by an enormous majority, and Mr. Glad- stone will have all his wicked work to do over again. We have heard his boast and his threat that he will carry his bill through an autumn session. We take do account of this threat. The forces which are gathered togethei against him are absolutely irrepressible. They are not only the forces of men, they are tlie forces of time. To save the Union there is nothing in legitimate action to which the Opposition will not resort. He may have an autumn ses- sion if he likes. Xobody cares whether he has an autumn session or whether he has not. There are only eight or ten weeks in which that distinguished man can accomplish anything, and we'll take care that he accomplishes noth- ing. He must re-introduce his Home Rule Bill next year, if he does not re- introduce it this year. I will tell you why. The Irish party will compel him to do so. The fact of the matter is the strain upon their pecuniary resources, the tremendous strain on their private business in Ireland, the strain on their physical strength and mental energy and patience will be too great. They will compel Mr. Gladstone to do their will, as they have done before. Mr. Gladstone is absolutely in the power and under the control of Mr. Sexton. He will be driven like any galley slave and will be compelled to place his Home Rule Bill before the House of Commons again. The House of Lords will throw out his bill again by a majority equal or greater than their former majority, and, in the face of dissolution, pol'Lical ruin will await him. Now, we of the Opposition are determined to force the question, to keep a clear issue before the country. He shall not cheat and deceive tiie country as he did at the last election. The issue between the parties shall be Union or Separation, and nothing else." Well, it is quite true that the strain upon the Irish members has been, is, and will be of the very severest character; and that the strain upon the patience of the Irish people has been, is, and will be great. But it is not at this crisis of our fate that either the Irish members or the Irish people, within or beyond the shores of Ireland, are going to prove unequal to their high duty. You and we are, I believe, determined to stand that strain. 6 ADDRESS OF HON. EDWARD n.AKE, M. P., And you liavo already seen Lord Randolph Churchill's boasts belied by events, ant) fjreat progress made by our allies in several of their large measures, though obstruction threatened sometimes to prevail. Reasons against Immediate Dissolution of Parliament. But you may say : If it is useless to introduce the Home Rule bill in this Parliament, why not disf-olve at once ? Well, gentlemen, there is an old proveib that " It is useful to learn from the enemy." What the enemy want is an immediate dissolution. I do not think that it is a very good reason why we should give it. They want it because they think it will be to their advantage, and I agree with them. Therefore I am indisposed to give it. Why would it be to their advantage ? For this obvious reason : At the last election the Liberals and Radicals, true to their pledges made nearly eight years ago, made Heme Rule the very front plank in theiv platform, and they have kept it there ever since. If Home Rule is not law, it is not their fault. But they did not make it the only plank in their platform. They added important, popular, and democratic proposals which are pressing for solution. They have obtained a majority. They have kept their pledges to Irish Nationalists so far, and they intend to keep them to the end ; and they invite Irish Nationalists to enable them to use the majority so obtained to press forward, during this year, those other Liberal and Radical and Democratic measures which they promised the people in case they obtained power. If we refused ; if we declined to reciprocate sacrifice for sacrifice, to give help for help ; if we showed ourselves unconcerned for the interests aiid wishes of the allies upon whose good-will and strength we depend for our ultimate success, what right would we have to expect to triumph? But with' even still greater force I may ask, if we sent the Government back to the polls withou. having made even an effort to carry through the House of Commons the measures which they promised, what right would we have to expect a majority next time ? Tlie Objects of Some Delay. It is not to an American audience, versed in popular elections and the play of parties, that I need enlarge upon this topic. You all apprehend the situation. The truth is that with that prescience which distinguished him, as long ago as 1881, more than five years before the formation of the happy alliance between the Irish Nation- alists and the Liberals, Charles Stewart Parnell pointed out one road to victory, when he used, in a letter to the Irish National League, these words : — - ./,■■■ " The second and only olher alternative appeared to be that we Should steadfastly labor on, deepening the lines and widening the area of our agita- tion, appealing to the masses of the population of England and Scotland, who are much less represented in the House of Commons than are the masses of Irtland; appealing, I aay, against territorialism and shop-ocracy, which ON IRELAND S CAUSE. boasts 3ral of nies to e Rule :lemen, nemy." t think ly want ee with 1 it be glection ly eight latform, ot law, lank in nocratic ;ained a s so far, te Irish to press ical and ise they siprocate urselves n whose 5s, what en still to the ugh the at right ions and You all escience ve years Nation- lone road League, ve should )ur agita- Scolland, ■le masses r (lominalo I'arliat nt, to llie workiiiffmen and farm laborers of Britain, who clearl_y h-.ive no luiertisl in the nii-governint'nt and perseeutiou in Ireland, . . . Tlie second alternative presents to us many elements of solid and ulti- mate success. As 1 have said, Parliament is at present governed by the landlords, manufacturers, and shopkeepers of Great Britain. At election times tlie springs are set in motion by the wire-pullers of the two political parties, and the mass of the electors are driven to the polling booths to register the decree of some caucus, with place and power, and not the good of the people, as its object. Public opinion in England is also deliberately and systematically perverted with regard to Ireland, but a vigorous agitation in Englan'l and .Scotland would change all this. The glad approach of house- hold sullrage, a practical certainty before the next ge 1 election, wi.l sound the doom ot the English land system, whde the siu )f the workingnien's or agricultural laborer candidate in every British .-ttiiuency would soon bring House of Commons radicalism to its senses. I'he juncture between the English democracy and Irish nationalism upon the basis of the res- toration to Ireland of the right to make Irish laws, the overthrow of territo- rialism in both countries, and the enfranchisement of labor from crushing taxes for the maintenance of standing armies and navies, would prove irre- sistible, would ternunate the strife of centuries, and secure lasting friendship bised on mutual iutertst and confidence between the two nations." The Fruit of Parnell's Labors. The suffrage has been widened as Mr. Parnell predicted. The^ masses of the population in Britain have obtained a much greater share of electoral power. Those masses have been to a great degree enlightened upon the Irish question. But more, much more than. Mr. Parnell hoped, he accomplished. He made an alliance not only with the Radicals but with the Liberals, and a combined organizar- tion, far more powerful than he indicated, was achieved when he came to terms of honorable settlement with Mr. Gladstone. The cause has advanced far faster tlian it could otherwise have moved,, and we must observe in the future the conditions of our successes in the past. My quotation shows you that Parnell contemplated an alliance based on the redress of popular grievances in Britain as well as in Ireland. The alliance between the British and Irish democracies has shown, itself in the House of Communs, where even during the discussions on this very Home Rule bill, when we were once or twice con- strained, as a protest against some well-meant but ill-judged conces- sions, to vote in opposition to some amendments of the Government, we Irish Nationalit found ourselves backed by the flower of the English Radical party in numbers even greater than our own. With the British democracy we never had, at a,uy rate we have not now, any quarrel. Its mind being informed, its heart being moved, its conscience being touched, it has conceded the justice of our claims, and is determined to sustain them. And we, on the other hand, looking to the claims of natural equity, to the claims of friendship, to the character and the directly beneficial results to our- selves of the reforms proposed in the interest of the BHtish democ- racy, must heartily second the efforts to pass them into law. Thus 8 ADDRESS OF HON. EDWARD BLAKE, M. P. ! I shall we, instead of weakening or breaking, solidify and cement the alliance upon whicli we rely, and strengthen the forces by whose aid we are to win. What is the nature of these reforms? Broadly speaking, they divide themselves into two classes ; one, connected with the making of the legislature, a matter in which Ireland is deeply concerned — for example, an improved register under which the masses may have in reality the opportunity of voting ; equality in the political rights of all capable citizens b}' the limitation of one vote to one man ; simultaneous polling throughout the kingdom ; the payment by the public of the public expenses of election, now largely borne by the candidates, and so conferring an advantag'e on the rich and inflicting a disability upon the poor; the payment of indemnity to members, thus rendering it possible for workingmen to send those of their own class to represent their views ; the shorten- ing of Parliaments, so as to give more frequent opportunities to the people to express their will by the choice of representatives ; and if need be, as 1 dare say need there may be, some reform which shall limit the power of obstruction of the House of Lords. What American is there, what Iiishman is there, who does not sympathize with such a programme, who does not see that these are stei)s, each one of which helps on the cause of popular government and gives Home Rule a better chance at the next election? Then as to measures of specilic reform. I do not go over the roll including several labor measures directly affecting Ireland; but I point out to you that many of them embrace and emphasize the sacred principle of Home Rule. Tiie Parish Councils Bill, now being fought, gives Home Rule to the village ; the proposed disestablishment of the churches in Wales and Scotland is based expressly upon the recogni- tion of the right of each of these great divisions of Britain to a competent voice in determining the character of its own institutions • in a word, upon the principle of Home Rule. And so I mighi go on. Do you suppose that a campaign of this description can be other- wise than most valuable and -important in widening and deepening the convictions of the British public in favor of Home Rule for Ireland? Do you think if we were to thwart the British democracy in their effort to attain these reforms, we should have, or even deserve, their help in bringing about Home Rule for Ireland? No. Home Rule is to be settled at the polls; and we are doiiig what we can to get strength at those polls. We are determined then, on all grounds, to give an earnest helping hanfl to the Biitish democracy which has come to our relief, and, so far as in us lies, to secure to them for this year, progress in the popular measu/es which they have at heart, knowing that, in so doing, we shall more effectively than by any other means advance the cause which we have most at heart — the passing of the Home Rule Bill. But what is this Home Rule Bill? I ON Ireland's cause. 9 nent the 'hose aid Broadly Dimected •eland is 3r which equality n of one :ingdom ; ;ion, now ntao-e on LJ ^ment of ignien to shoiten- es to the 3 ; and if lich shall i. What 'mpathize :eps, each ind gives en as to including nt out to principle ^ht, gives it of the B recogni- ;ain to a titutions • I mighi be other- ieepeuing Rule for leniocracy or even nd? No. what we len, on all leniocracy secure to lich they iffectively e most at The Present Home Rule Bill. Let me bring once more before you as briefly as T can tlie leading principles and features of that great measure as it is now presented, &o that you may judge whether we are right in our acceptance. It is based upon the principle that for a certain limited number of large objects there is rational ground for a union between Great Biitain and Ireland. That proposition has been affirmed by a long line of the most distinguished Irish patriots who have led in the popular cause ; and it is now proposed to consecrate such a limited and rational union by the free consent of both peoples. Basis of a Free, Limited, and Rational Union. For what purjjoses then are the two kingdoms to remain united, working under one head and one Parliament? For objects con- nected with the Crown and its succession ; for relations with foreign l)owers ; for purposes of offence and defence, includuig military and naval armaments ; for questions of colonial and other depend- encies ; for subjects of common and external trade, including duties of customs and excise ; for taxation necessary to carry out these common objects; and for certain other analogous but minor matters. You in the States, as we in Canada, can understand a union for purposes like these ; and you as well as we know that such a union may be highly beneiicial to all parties, and is entirely compatible i with Home Rule, as existent in your country in the different States, and in ours in the different Provinces. The bill proposes that the common concerns should be managed in a common Parliament; and in that common Parliament Ireland is to be, as she ought to be, represented in proportion to her numbers. A question arises with regard to which I shall not trouble you in detail, as to the voting powers of that representation. Enough to say that Iicland claims no more than she should have — the right to speak and vote in matters in which she is concerned, and does not herself ask for any power to interfere in purely British concerns. The Irish Legislature. So much for the Union. But what of our great question. Home Rule ? This — that an Iiish Legislature is to be established, and an Irish executive set up, responsible to that Legislature ; that this Irish Legislature is to have control over all exclusively Irish affairs, including the land, education, police, juuiciary, the administration of justice, property and civil rights, municipal institutions, local devel- opment, the thousand things which affect the daily life of the peoj)le. Not merely is Ireland to make her own laws on these vital subjects, but she is also to administer those laws. Postponemeiits. It is said, indeed, that there are restrictions and postponements. There are. As to the postponements I regard them lightly. They 10 ADDRESS OF HON. EDWAUD BLAKE, M. P., \ i I ! I I t are not unirapovtant ; but no sensible man would seriously suggest throwing away the bill which gives so much at once, only because it delays for a brief space the actual fruition of some part, which fruition, however, it secures in the near future. For example, the land question cannot be dealt with by the Irish Legislature for thiee years. The transformation of the police is to occupy six years ; and so on. I will only say that, though there are some difficulties, there are also some compensations connected with these provisions. Restrictions. What of the permanent restrictions ? The main subjects are in principle unobjectionable. It is provided that no law shall be made for the establishment or endowment of any religion, and that no man shall be by law prejudiced or preferred in consequence of religion : that every child shall be entitled to attend any school for which public money is paid, without attending the religious instruction at such school; and that no man shall be deprived of Iiis property with- out just compensation, and so on. You here are familiar with such restrictions. They are, in truth, only the record of what are re- garded on this continent as fundamental principles of real freedom ; for real freedom does not involve the power of a majority to injure or oppress a minoiity, or to take away its rights. And we here, on both sides of the line, believe that religion is a concern between man and his Maker, and that the less the State has to do with the Church, the better for Church and State alike. Other Securities. Provisions there are, in accordance with the forms of the British Constitution, not to be overcome without a revolution, under which, in case a violation of the spirit of the Irish Constitution is attempted, the Imperial Executive, under its responsibility to the Impeiial Parliament, can instruct tlie Viceroy not to give his assent to such a bill. This is a security to the fancies and fears and frenzies of the minority ; and the Irish people do not ol)ject to it any more than did Mr. Parnell, who expressly agreed to it. We do not object, because our intention is to observe in good faith the spirit and principle of our great charter, and we know that while we puisue that course the sword will remain undrawn. So, again, the Imperial Parliament retains that of which indeed it cannot divest itself, its power to pass laws about Ireland ; but that power once again, it is fidly understood, is to be exercised only in case the spirit and principles of the charter are grossly violated. In all great constitutional compacts, it is the essence and spirit which is vital. It is the purpose and object of the great com- munities concerned which will regulate the working of the plan. And since the main purpose and objects of this bill is to allow the Iiish to govern themselves, we rest tranquil and content in the ) ON IRELAND S CAUSE. 11 y suggest jecause it it, which niple, the for thiee ears ; and Jes, there IS. )ts are in . be made it no man religion : for which uction at erty with- with sueli at are le- freedom ; to injure e here, on wP:in man with the le British er which, tution is ty to the lis assent ears and )ject to it We do faith tlie hat while So, again, it cannot lat power II case the ind spirit eat com- tlie plan, allow the it in the ! belief that once the bill becomes law, that result will follow. And all our colonial experiences prove the trutli of this view. Questions of Finance. One word as to finance. We insisted that the financial scheme was unjust to Irelaud, in that it called for too great an Imperial contribution, having regard to her tax-paying power. A reasonable adjustment has been made. For the comparatively short period of six years the share of Ireland towards Imperial purposes is to be based upon the amount of her present net contribution, as ascer- tained on the average for the preceding three years, subject, however, to a reduction in respect of a proportion of the extra cost of the constabulary during the period of transformation. The Tories say we are to pay ten millions of dollars a year too little. We say we are to pay too much. How is tlie question to be settled? A commission is to be appointed within a few months to investigate the whole subject of the financial relations between the two countries, the old adjustments included, to inquire into their relative tax-paying capacity, to take all evidence, obtain all the information, elicit all the opinions which can be had, and to report to Parliament. The whole question being thus threshed out, the more permanent adjustment is to be made between the two countries during the six-year terra, to take effect at its close ; and this seems an equitable plan. A Charter of Liberty. It is for this great constitutional settlement, which will, when consummated, once again give us the control of our own affairs, that we are struggling ; and I ask you if I have not sketched out a charter of liberty deserving of grateful acceptance by the Iri'jh people? This is certain, that it is a charter better and fuller than that which in 1886, under Mr. Parnell's lead, the Irish people did accept, and from that acceptance they have no intention of receding. The Land Question. If there were time I would like to enter upon some of the many pressing Irish questions, which, with ever increasing weight and volume, call for solution, but which are necessarily, as far as possi- ble, to be postponed or dealt with perfunctorily, pending tha settle- ment of the great subject which includes them all. I discussed with you last year, to some extent, the subject of the land, which, although in some aspects largely solved, is in other aspects becoming each year more urgent still. The principle of compulsory sale, which I told you I thought essential, is rapidly advancing in estimation ; an in- quiry is to be made into tlie working of the lands acts which we claim have not been administered in their true spirit; some legislation on the subject of the evicted tenants is to be proposed in a few weeks; and sooner or later drastic steps must take place for the relief of the coii- 12 ADDRESS OF HON, EDWARD BLAKE, T^l. R., pested districts, the position of which is admitted even by Mr. T. W. Jiussell to be aijpalling; the time for the revision of the judicial rents draws nigh, and our future hirgely depends on that revision b«.:ng made in an equitable spiiit. I also last year .adverted to that bureaucratic, anti-popular, and centralized system of government and administration which prevails in Ireland, known as the Castle System. Rural Government, the Catholic Majority, the Protestant Minority. Neither on the Land nor on the Castle system will I say a word more to-night ; but I wish to point out that, evea in those matters in which there is now nominal control in the Irish counties over ruial affairs, it is not a popular control, but an ascendancy of the Protes- tant and landlord minority over the Roman Catholic and Nationalist majority which o' tains. I doubt that many Americans, I doubt that many even Irish-Americans, long out here, are fully alive to the shameful facts; and it is well that you should learn them. Examples. I take as example five counties whose cases wei'e brought up in the House of Commons last session. The keystone of county gov- ernment is the grand jury, which is nominated yearly by the sheiiff, which sheriff is, in practice, suggested by the grand jury to the judges, and by them recommended to the Viceroy. This grand jury, thus in effect largely self-elected, amongst other functions, appoints most of tlie county officers, and distributes the local taxes or county cess, amounting, in more than one of the cases which I shall cite, to over -f200,000 a year. Now take the County of Donegal. Its population is 185,000, of whom 142,000 are Roman Catholics, almost entirely Nationalists, and 42,000 Protestants, mainly Unionists. The grand jury are, every man of them, Protestant and Unionist, mostly landlords and landlords' agents. Of the sixteen cess collectors, who are api)ointed by the justices, thirteen are Protestants and Unionists. The two county surveyoi-s, with salaries of $2,000 and $2,500 a yci^r, the secretary of the grand jury, the solicitor to the grand jury, the clerk of the crown, the sub-sheriff, are all Protestants and Unionists. Poor Law Guardians are elected on a four-pound franchise, with a cumulative vote, under which the landlords are able to overbear the Catholics and Home Rulers, who are thus placed in a minority in five of eight boards, of which the vast majority are Protestants and Unionists. In Donegal Union, for example, five only, out of twenty elected guardians, are Catholics and Home Rulere ; and the officers, namely, the clerk, the master, the matron, the nurse, the teacher, the relieving officer, the porter, the doctor, and the dispen- sary doctors, are all Protestants and Unionists. Of the Poor Law collectors, three are Protestants and Unionists. The county court judge, the clerk of the peace, the crown solicitor, the registrar, the ON IK INLANDS CAUSE. 18 Mr. T. W. licial rents jiion being pillar, and ch prevails Minority. say a word matters in ; over ruial the Protes- Nationalist doubt that live to the light up in iounty gov- the sheriff, ury to the riiis grand functions, local taxes les which I 185,000, of ationalists, jury are, dlords and appointed The two ye.vr, the T, the clerk Unionists. lise, with a ^'eibear the minority in *rotestants ly, out of ; and the nurse, the the dispen- Poor Law unty court ^istrar^ the I icsident magistrate, are all Protestants and Unionists. Of the jus- tices of the peace, 140 are Protestants, and only thirty Catliolics, and of these some have only been lately named under the existing Liberal Government. Thus you see the whole County Government is monopolized by the small minority. And yet in this county, amongst the moni!)ers is one Protestant Home Kuler, elected of course by the Catholic Nationalist majority. Now take the County of Waterford, with a ])opulation of 97,000, of whom 92,000 are Catholics and 5,000 are Protestants. Twenty-one of the grand jury are Protestants and Unionists, two are Catholics and Unionists. Tliere is not a single Home Kuler. Nearly all the officials are, as in Donegal, Protestants and Unionists. But the member in the last Parliament was, and in the present Parliament is, a Protestant Home Kuler. Take tlie County of Tippeiary, with a population of 173,000, of whom 102,000 are Catholics, and 11,000 Protestants. The i)osition of the grand jury and of almost all the officers is the same. For example, look at the Clonmel Asylum, the twenty-one governors of which are composed of sixteen Protestant and three Catholic Union- ists and only two Catholic Home Kulers ; while of tlie inmates, as you would expect from the relative numbers of the sane population, 000 are Catholic and 30 are Protestant. In the County Kerry, with a population of 173,000 Catholics and 0,000 Protestants, and the County Sligo, with a population of 80,000 Catholics and 9,000 Protestants, the results are about the same. As a general result, summing up the grand juries in these five counties with a population of 000,000 Catholics and 73,000 Protestants, there are two Catholic grand juroi's and 114 Protestants. I might continue this examination at great length and in other departments, but ] think I have shown you enough to prove there exists still an ascendancy which ought to be put down, and that the minority in truth rules the majority in Ireland to-day. It is for the continuance of that rule that they art struggling. Holding to Basic Principles of Irish Party. Now, gentlemen, let me say a word as to the principles upon wliich we 1 ave carried on and aie carrying on our stiuggle, and your approbation of which we confidently expect. Unity. We hold fast by that fundamental principle on which the Irish Parliamentaiy paity was formed under Mr. Parnell, by the main- tenance of which it luus so far succeeded, and through which alone it can hope to win, the principle of absolute unity. Within the party, difTerences of opinion must be expected ; men's minds will vary. These differences must Ix^ thorougldy threshed out amongst ourselves. The utmost freedom of discussion within our councils u ADDRESS OP HON. EDWARD BLAKE, M. P., I must exist. But a decision must, in the end, be taken; and by that decision all who remain members of the Irish Pai'iiamentary party must abide. Thus acting as a unit, marchinef and voting as one man, thus, and thus alone, can we exercise the force and power essential to success. Alli&nce. Next, we intend to maintain, just so long as the Liberal and Radical oarty is faithful to its pledg'^s to the Irish National party, the allia ice which Mr. Parnell formed between those two parties for the ]>urposes, and on the gesieral alliance on which he formed it, as applied to the conditions of to-day. That alliance has wrought great things. And it will, we believe, achieve our final triumph. Independence. Next, we intend to maintain as sacred the principle which Mr. Parnell also laid down, of the absolute independence of the Irish party. We are allies of the British Liberals, but we are not British Liberals. We are Irish Nationalists, and Irish Nationalists only. We act in cooperation with the party, but do not identify ourselves with it as members of the same party. The grounds and reasoiis of our concerted action are open and public, and the character of our alliance is Itnown to all men. We have, of course, a large voice in controlling +he legislative policy to be pursued towards Ireland. Nationalists hold the Kty of the Position. We hold the key of the position, but we hold it for the good of our country ; and our vision is unclouded, our action is unhampered by any personal connection, any official connection, any pecuniary connection, any titular connection, with the party in power. We have responsibilities ; but we take nooilfices; we receive no emolu- ments ; we accept no lionors. We are the ministers of the people, not the ministers of the Imperial Crown. The situation is abnormal ; it has its dis.advantages. In some respects good might be done, and mistakes might be avoided were othei' conditions practicable. But the advantages to the Irish cause enormously overbear those in- conveniences ; and we hold fast by the p inciple that the Irish Nationalist party, till the cause of Ireland be won, must remain absolutely independent, and devoted only to the service of the Irish people. Service of Irish Members. That service is not a light one. Its duties and responsibilities are great and exacting at any time ; they have been extraordinarily heavy lately; and they will so continue till the close of the struggle. Almost our whole time and efforts and energies are devoted to the public cause ; and you will have observed, from the quotation I gave from Lord Randolph Churchill, his not unjust estimate of the strain, the exhausting strain upon us, and his cynical calculation that we would bend to that strain. ON IRELAND S CAUSE. 15 en ; and by uiiamentaiy id voting as e and power Liberal and ;ional part}', two parties 1 he formed has wrought triumph. Q which ^[r. of the Irish B not British nalists only, ify ourselves and reasons character of irse, a large ued towards • the good of unhampered ly pecuniary power. We ^e no emolu- the people, is abnormal ; be done, and icable. But ar those in- it the Irish nust remain vice of the sponsibilities traordinaiily the struggle, are devoted he quotation estimate of 1 calculation I I Encouragements. What sr.pports, what encourages, what enables us to go forward? First and mainly, of course, the conviction that we are in the right path, in the path of duty, and the belief that the pursuit of that path will eventuate in triumph fox* our country. Bvit we are supported also by the reflection that the Irish people, within and witl.out the limits of Ireland, have in a wonderful way exhibited their political sagacity, their temper, their patience, their moderation, their firnuiess, and their resolution, in recognizing the condition and approving the policy I have endeavored to set before you, and that they have stood, stand now, and intend to stand solidly, at our back. The Irish Cause Outside of Ireland. The Irisli cause has been largely dependent upon the sympathy of the liberty-loving peoples of the world, and it hirgely depends on that sympathy to-day. But it has de})ended in a still more special and absolute sense, not merely upon the sympathy, but upon the devotion, the affection, the undying attachment which binds to the sacred cause the hearts of all Irishmen all the world over. And nothing proves more clearly our clear title to that measure of self- government we claim, than the continued existence of that deep attachment and determined effort on the part of those who can claim to belong to the Irish race, wherever their lot may be cast, or in whatever land they may have been born. Old Remittances. In days gone by the Irish abroad sent millions upon millions of their hard earnings back to Ireland, and their conduct v/as applauded by everybody, landlords and alL They found, after long and bitter experience, that they were but contributing to the payment of exorbitant and unjust rents and rendering possible the continuance of an ini(piitous system. In these later years they have done much to put an end to that iniquitous system and to restore the liberties of their country, by contributing thousands, instead of hundreds of thousands as before; but in another way — in aid of the national movement. Publicity of Accounts and Estimates. The present Parliamentary party thought it right, raoie than a year ago, to publish an audit, by sworn chartered accounta .s, of its financial transactions ; and it has repeated within a few weeks that operation ; so that all the world, friend and foe, knows what we have received, from what quarters we have leceived it, and how it has been applied. I thougiit it a natural sequel to that course to make public, as I did a few weeks ago, my estimate of our requirements for this year, and all the world now knows that, too. The Needs of the Irish Party. We need in all a sum of about $240,000, of which $45,000 is nrrr 16 ADDRESS OF HON. EDWARD RLAKE, M. P., * H I \ I I required for the payment of allowances to members. You here understand that question. The wise men who framed th(3 Constitu- tion of the Republic prescribed that members should rective wages. The Irish party makes no pretencr to be a wealtny party. You know who has tlie wealth of Ireland, Aid how and why the masses of the people have remained poor. One-half of us are so circum- stanced that we can, and of course we do, maintain ourselves by our own exertions while we sit in Parliament; but there are some on >.Iiom is imposed a much heavier sacrifice than that which falls \\[)on tis, because they are called upon to give up to their country the golden yeai's of life and their opportunities for making an independ- ence. These receive and must receive from the Irish nation the bare means of subsistence, for it is no more, while they are discharg- ing their duty to Ireland. It was only last session that the imputii- tion was laid upon us that we were in the pay of the wealthy Gladstonians. That imputation was resented and denied, and its author apologized in Parliament to tlie party he had insulted. We do not choose to be placed in any such relatiori to the Liberal party; we choose to meet them on terms of absolute and perfect independence and equality. It would be a humiliation to accept their money, even tendered, as no doubt it wouhl be tendered, in an honorable and respectful spirit. But it is no humiliation to Irish- men, fighting the Iiish battle, to owe some part of the means of carrying on that contest to fellow-Irishmen ; and it is to our fellow- Irishmon we make our appeal. We require $45,000 towards the expense of the general election. You may be surprised to know that in the old country the public charges connected with an election, for example, for hustings, polling booths, returning officers, clerks, advertisements, and so forth, are borne not by the public, but by the candidates, and thus an enormous tax is placed upon the popular party. In order to diminish our resources, seats absolutely hopeless are contested by the landlords, who have made up a great fun .. For example, take the two divisions of Longford, for which Mr. McCarthy and I sit. Our elections were contested, though it was perfectly well known we would, as we did, poll about ten votes to one of our opponents ; and thus a fine of betweeji two and three thousand dollars was inflicted on us. There are expenses for the registration of voters, largely con- ducted at the cost of those interested in the political movement, for which we estimate a contribution of $10,000. Then, are expenses connected with the British propaganda, by pamphlet leaflet, public meeting, speaking, canvassing, and so forth, through w nich enormous results were achieved between 1886 and 1890, but which we have been obliged almost to abandon for want of money ; which we desire to resume with a view to the next election ; and for which we estimate $20,000. And I niay say to you that our advei-saries, whose funds are practically unlimited, are using these methods with ! i ON IRELAND S CAUSE. 17 ;. You here tlu! Constitu- ective wages. pai"t3\ You ly the masses ve so oircum- ou.. selves by B are some on ich falls ni)on • country the an indepeud- sh nation the are discharg- t the imputa- the wealthy mied, and its suited. to the Liberal e and perfect ion to accept iudered, in an ition to Irish- the means of to our fellow- ) towards the ised to know 3ted with an irning olilicers, le public, but sed upon the its absolutely e up a great )rd, for which ted, though it )out ten votes ;wo and three largely con- no vement, for are expenses leaflet, public lich enormous hich we have y ; whicli we ind for which r advei-saries, methods with tremejidous energy and, of couree, with some degree of success. Are we to meet them ; or are ve to let ihcm take and keep the iield without opposition? There is the cost of maintaining the evicted tenants during this year, in the course of which we are promised some legislative relief. Their cause is a sacred one ; Jiishmen cannot ai)andon them ; and Ireland herself is undertaking this part of the movement. The reduced estimate on this head is ,772 10 11 We have examined the foregoing Account, witli tlie Books and Vouclier3ir)f the above Fund, and certify the same to he correct. KEVANS AND SON, 8th December, 18!);?. Chartered Accountants, 22 Uame street, Dublin. FROn 31st OCTOBER, 1892, TO 3l5t OCTOBER, 1893. 1892. REVEll'TS. Oct. 31 — To Balance from previous Account . Date of Pulilica- Subscriptions — America. tioii. Apni 20 — Irish National Federation of America, per Eugene Kelly .... £2,000 May 11 — Ancient Order of Hibernians, Philadel- phia . . . . . . 10 " 13 — Irisli National Federation of America, per Eugene Kelly . . . . 800 June () — An American sympathizer, per Justin M'Carthy, M. P 20 " G — Irish National Federation of America per Eugene Kelly . . . . 1,000 " 6 — Fall River, Massachusetts, per Rev. M. M'Gabe . • . . . 20 " G — St. Paul, Minnesota, per Thos. Grace, &c. 324 12 " 28 — Irish National Federation of America, per Eugene Kelly .... 1,000 July 13 — Insh National Federation of America, per Eugene Kelly . . . . 1,000 " 20 — Ancient Order of Hibernians, Minnesota, per J. C. Hessian . . . . i)2 7 " 20 — St. Patrick's, Minnesota, per James Dillon, &c. . . . 10 " 24 — Irish National Federation of America, per Eugene Kelly .... 1<|000 28 — Butfalo, N. Y., per Rev. P. Cronin . 1,021 8 1 — A.ncieut Order of Hibernians, Atlantic City, per B. Conway . . . 21 10 30 — W. J. Hynes, per James Sullivan, Chicago 10 £1,022 2 7 Aug. 8,329 17 * This sum of £3,500 is a refund to the Evicted Tenants Funds on accoupt of £4,060 taken from the National Fund during 18!I2, for the use of the Parlia- mentary Party, and is included in the sum ol £18,450 debited to the Evicted Tenants Committee in the audited account of the National Fund to October, 1892. IRISH PARLIAMENTARY FUND. 21 • mjT2 10 11 £2,030 £1,022 2 7 — 8,329 17 SiJBScniPTioNS — Canada*. Nov. 15 — Toronto (Irisli Home Rulo Executive Cotiiniittcc), [n-.v Hon. E. Blake, M. P. 180.1. Mill-. 2 — >ron(r("(il, iifr Hon. E. IJIiikis, M. V. May lo — Toronto (Iii.-tli Honic Hiil(! Excciitivi! Conitnittnc), per Hon. E. lU.ikc, M. P. Jnnc (> — Toronto, from it few friends, per C. H. HifJKinn ..... " 0— St. C«tlierine'.s, Ontario, per Hon. E. Uliike, M. V. .... (i — "ue'itli, Ontario, per Hon. E. IJIake, .M. P. (5— lebec, per Hon. E. Hiake, M. P. " 17 — V '.nent Order of Hibernians, Hamilton, 1' itario, per M. Malo'ie . July ;il -- Montreal, per Hon. E. Hlake, M. P. Australia, New Zkai.vm), and Othkk Placks AllROAD. 1892. Nov. ;5 — Vietoria Irish National Federation, per N. M. O'Donnell . . . . " 18 — " MeUionrne Advocate " Fund, per J. Winter .... 1893. Jan. 12 — J. Daly, New Caledonia Feb. 13 — AVellinf,'ton, New Z(!aland, Irish National Federation, per J. P. M'AUister June 28 — C. P. Collins, Sydney July 24 — J. C Brown, Surinam, Dutch Guiana, per J. R. Cox .... Aug. 1 — Sydn(!y Irish National Federation, per F. B. Freehill, &c. Si'iit. 19— Hastings, New Zealand, per P. M'Malion, etc. ...... " 19- Thonuis M'Elroy, Shanghai, China . " 20 — Dalysford, Victoria, per Rev. T. S. Collins Subscriptions, Ireland and Individual Subscriptions. 1892. Dec. 1 — J. Shields, Kilsytli, Scotland Swords, Co. Dublin, per Rev. J. Dnnphy, C. C. . J. 1893. Jan. 12 — Major J. E. Jameson, London " 2G — Sologhead, Co. Tipperary, per Rev. T. O'Dwyer, P. P " 20 — A Friend, per John Dillon, M. P. April 3 — "William Baillie, Belfast June 28 — An Irish Sympathizer, per Justin M'Cartliy, M. P Aug. 30— A Symi)athi7,er, per Sir T. H. Grattan Esmon(h', M. P. . Sundry Smaller Subscriptions To Election Expenses refunded . To Interest ..... * Note — In achlition to tlie subscrip- tions from Canada, a sum of £5.39 Kis Id, which was received from Cana(hi for this Fund, was acknowledged in and lodged to the credit of the Home Rule Fund, in audit of wliich it will be found. £1,(V 100 1.50 24 (I 1 .58 9 7 1(17 (i 8 5 111 210 £.",00 241 19 11 5 14 10 10 10 500 70 7 (i 5 34 4 5 £4 8 100 10 20 5 50 50 10 £1,717 9 5 1,187 11 10 257 35 2 5 £12,551 6 4 T 112 ! 22 HOME RULE FUND. 1892. Nov. 17- 1893. Jan. 2(3 — April 19 — " 19 — Juno 23 — Sept. 5 — By a it it n t, tt (( (( i( 4( (( it tt it tt tt PAYMENTS. Trea.surers of Parliamentarv Party, J. F. X. O'Brien, M. P., John Barry, M. P., and Alfred "Webb, M. P. . Do do Do do Do do Do do Do do Evicted Tenants Committee, J. F. X. O'Brien, M. P., and u. Sheehy, M. P. Do do T. Curran, >f. P., — Repayment on account of Loan Do do Dr. Fox, M. P., for Expenses of Mission to America . Grants to members Meath Election Petitions (on account of Costs), P. A. Chance, M. P. Clare Election Petition (on account of Costs), P. A. Chance, M. P. Cablegrams . , . . Interest on overdrafts . Balance to next account £1,000 1,000 1,775 500 2.400 2,400 £9,075 1,800 750 350 450 17 13 3 18 104 14 Sept. 5 — " 15 — 1,500 300 9 7 July 28 — Sept. 8 — :i0o 250 1892. Nov. 17 — 150 200 Nov. 7 — 1893 Jan. 9 - 200 250 ■; • £12,551 6 4 We have exaininod the foregoing Account, with the Books and Vouchers of above Fund, and certify the same to be correct. KEVANS AND SON, 8th December, 1893. Chartered Accountants, 22 Dame street, Dublin. HOME RULE EUND. ACCOUNT OF RECEIPTS AND PAYMENTS FROn lOth nARCH, 1893, TO 3l5t JCTORBR, 1893. RECKIPTS. To subscriptionfi published in " Freeman's Journal and National Press " :- Ireland ...... England and Scotland Date of Publica- tion, America- 1893. April 11 — Wilkes Barre, Pennsylvania, per Rev. A. M'Andrews ..... " 20 — T. Coleman, Laurenceburg, Indiana May 25 — Rev. M. J. Heban, Ashley, Pa July 13 — Andres Gcoghegan, Estaneia Etnmett, Buenos Ayrea .... £4, ,026 12 7 9C7 3 3 £23 10 2 12 (> 2 39 It] EVICTED TENANTS FUND. 28 . — £»,075 — 1,80() ~~ 750 - 350 460 17 13 3 18 104 14 7 £12,551 6 4 1(1 Vouchers of IN. street, Dublin. rs £4,026 12 7 007 3 3 Canada — Ai)ril 3 — Montreal, per Hon. E. Blake, M, P. " 3 — Ottawa, per same . . . ; " 11 — Winnipeg Home Rule Association, per P. D. O'Phelan . . . , " 22 — Ottawa, per Hon. E. Blake, M. P. " 29 — Winnipeg Home Rule Association, per P. D. O'Phelan . , . ' , Australia — April 13 - Irish National Federation, Adelaide, per John Dillon, M. P. . . . New Zealand — April 3 — Irish National Federation, Wellington, per P. M'Alister . . . . Africa — July 27 — Irishmen of Kimberley, per M. Cornwall Miscellaneous Less, Subscriptions acknowledged in error, transferred to — Irish National Federation Irish Parliamentary Fund £100 203 17 23 6 11 203 17 8 15 2 £539 IG 1 i:i0 14 10 (i6 12 C 38 10 £5,823 5 £5 119 10 124 10 PA YMENTS. By Evicted Tenants Committee, J. F. X. O'Brien. M. P. and David Sheehy, M. P. . . " Treasurers Parliamentary Party, J. F.X. O'Brien, M. P.', John" Barry, M. P., and Alfred Webb, M. P. . . Irish National Federation (for Registration and General Expenses) • . . . , " Election Expenses • . . . " Law Costs • . . . . " Travelling Expenses . , " Printing and Stationary " Advertising • . . . . " Office Expenses ...... !,' ^" 9"."^J*' ^- ^•' Repayment on account of Loaii Cash in Hands of Secretary . " Balance in Bank £5,098 10 5 1,200 1,142 8 G 1,350 391 1 3 210 5 18 17 10 5 4G 9 11 15 8 8A 760 9 15 5A 547 11 2 fi,«. ^^ l^ examined the foregoing Account, with the Books and Vouchers of the above Fund, and certify the same to be correct. "ucuers or «fi, r. 1 ,o«o KEVANS AND SON, 8th December, 1893. Chartered Accountants, 22 Dame street, Dublin. EVICTED TENANTS FUND. ACCOUNT OF RECEIPTS AND PAYMENTS FROn 14th OCTOBER, 1892, TO 3Ht OCTOBER, 1893. RECEIPTS. 89 Hi To subscriptions published in "Freeman's journal and National Press " :— Ireland ...... England and Scotland Date of Publica- tion. America — ^f,^- „1 - •^^J'riend, per ^' Irish Catholic " Feb. £15,856 4 n 856 4 G oi ~ T * "^'iia. per " Irish Catholic " . 24 — John Conroy, Inalip, Washington 26 — Rev. Q. Clarkaon, Milford, Michigan £2 2 1 "r 24 EVICTED TENANTS COMMITTKE. Fcl). 'ir> — Ilcv. M. Klciiiiiig, Hastings, MicliiEtan . Miir. 1(> — Woonsockft. KIkmI.' Island, |)cr llt^v. M. M'Cahc, tln-oiifili liis Grace tlio Arcli- l)isli(p|) (if Dnldin .... Nkw Zkaland — I'Y'l). ?,— IrisliNatiunal rcdcratinn, AuckUmd, piT M. J. Slicelian, tliro'-'rii ,TcIin Dillon, M. P. . . 1.") — Do do du Anonymous, &(; , £1 i-"(; 2 6 <; r \ YMEXTS. By Evicted T.-nants Connnitt.cf, .7. F. X. O'iJricn, M. V. David Shccliy, M. 1' " Ollicc Exjicnsi'H, Dublin and l^oik .... " Convention Expenses ...... '• Advertising ...... " I'rintinj,' and Stationary ..... '■ National Fund (to elose) .... " Balance and .i;!08 A-1 'J i; 274 Mil ,:'>■■'.(•, 1] 1(1,1!).-) 17 H ■.v.\'> U) :; «.■) l!l L' 1!k; ;! (1 it.i il 4 (iO 17 4 :!70 ]« s £l7.:i;j(i 11 We have examined tlio foregoing Account, with the Hook-; and Vouchers. and certify the same to be correct. KEVANS AND SOX, 8th December, 1893. Chartered Accountants, 'J:2 Dame street, Dublin. EVICTED TENANTS COMMITTEE. The Kv!< ted Tenants Coiniiiittei' wa-^ appohittvl iiv tin' CeiiiiHiitce of the Irii-'i i'ailia- inentar.v I'avty, and consists of .Me.-^si-s. Midiael l)iivilt, Willhiin olJnen, M , I'.,.!. K. \. O'ISvicn, .M. I'., .IdIui Dillon, M. 1'., and Oavil .Shecliy, M. 1'., of whom Aiu.^f-rs. .1. K. X. O'Brien ami David Stieeli.v arc al.-»o Treasurers. The following Is the Audit of the Kxiiemllture of the Fuud vote 4 12 £1!),:!(15 7 7 We. liave examined tlie foregoing Account, with the Books and Vouchers, and certify the same to be correct. KEVANS AND SON, 9tli December, 1893. ChartertMl Accountants, 22 Dame street, Dublin. .f ; ) I v.m <) : 1) 1 — 4'_' 'J (J '.'74 J.'17,. •!:!(; 11 111(1 1(1,1!)-) 17 8 ■.',:\'2 ir. ;! «.") l!l 2 1!K) ;! (i !);! i) 4 CO 17 4 .",70 IH S i:i7,.'i;j(i 11 s am 1 \'nll(]icis, 50X, stvi I'ft, Dublin. ;e. ' the Irl^t! i'ail liijer., M, I'.,.!. lioin Mu.if^r.-*. .1. K. K. ic C'oiiimiitoc :- - ;nts 93. 8 — -t'l.W . l(i,l!l,') 17 l.MHt 1,'JOO 4 !•_' 14 17 S 8 ;! £1 !),;'(!,'") 7 7 — ti!),; t."i7 7 :; ir, — 4 12 .t:i!),:;