IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I HO 1^ UL ^ 1^ ■ 2.2 us Itt ■a 140 I 2.0 L25 iU i 1.6 <^ vl /: •^ '/ /A Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 873-4903 o '% ■^\*^4l j,thc magnetic ti^lcgruphic lines on tbis con- tinent and Europe," I transmit th.nt and directors of ttie New York, Ncwtbundlund, and Loudon Telegraph Coia- pany. W. L. MARCY. To the Presidknt of tlie United States. UpriCE OF Tlie New York, NEwrouNOLAND, AND London Teleorapu Cohpant, New York, December 15, 1856. Sir: The undersigned, directors of the New York, New- foundland, and London Telegraph Coiapauy, have tlK honor to inrorm you that contractfi linve been mnde fbr the manufiicture of the gubmarinc telegraphic cable to connect Uio continent* of Europe aud America ; and that it is ex- pected to have the line bctwpcn New York and London open for business by the 4th of July, 1857. A communica- tion to ttiis effect having been laid before the Lords Com- mijaioncrs of her Dritaiinic Mi^esty's Tie isury, elicited a reply, of which we have now the honor to submit to you an ojlcial copy, Just received by the United States mail steamship Atlantic, from Cyrus W. Field, Esq., vice pros- iw^t of this company. As the work has been prosecuted thus (hr with American capital, aided by the eflbru of your Administration to ascertain the feasibility of the enter- prise, it is the earnest denire of the directors to secure to the Government of the United States equal privileges with those stipulated for by the British Oovernment. To this desire the Lords CommissioncrB of the Treasury have ac- ceded in the most liberal spirit, by providing '■ TImt the British Government shall have a priority in the convey- ance of their messages over all others, subject to the ex- ception only of the Government of the United States, in the evn\t of tlieir entering into an arrangement with the telegraph company similar in principle to that of the Brit- ish Government, in which case the messages of the two Governments shall have priority in the order in whicli they arrive at the stations." In view of the great international interests of this Government, and the constant recurrence of grave questions, in the solution of which timt- nill be an eMential element, we cannot doubt that the reservatiim mai::. <•! I', 'orof the United States will he dcnmcd of gr°at tr'.Miiii'. We therefore hasten to communicate the facts to }> :< and to request, in view of the Act that the present i c-u^ .08* will soon terminate its existence, and tliat the cable will be laid, if no accident prevents, before the new Congress commences its session, that you will take such action in tlie premises as you nm;' deem the interests of this Government to require. The company will enter into a contract with the Govern- ment of the United States on the same terms and condi- tion* as it has made with the UritiKJi Government; such a contract will, we suppose, fall within the provisions oftlie Constitution in regard to poi tal arrangementt!, of which this is only a new and improved form. We have the honor, also, .o call your attention to the iKoond proviso in the letter of tlic Lords Commissioners, to the following efl'ect : " Her Majesty's Government engages to furnish the aid of ships to make what soundings may still be considered needful, or to verify those already taken, and favorably to consider any request that mny be made to furnish aid by their vessels in laying down the cable." We are informed that no private steamships now built are adapted to laying a cable of such dimensions as is pro- posed to be used, but that the ' 'arsteaniers recently finished by our Government are arrb :^ed to the very heat advant- age for this purpose. To avoid fhilure in laying the cable, it Is desirable to use every precaution, and we therefore have the honor to re- quest that you will make such recommendation to Congress aa will secure authority to detail a steamship for this pur- pose, 80 that the glory of accomplishing what has been Justly styled "the crowning enterprise of the age" may be divided between the greatest and freest Governments on the fhce of the globe. With great respect, we have the honor to be, sir, yytr most obedient servants, PETER COOPER, Preiidcnl M. O. ROBERTS, MOSES TAYLOR, WILSON G. HUNT. DirecloTi. The rRE8iDE.NT of the United States. Treasury Chambers, November 30, 1806. SiR : Having laid before the Lords Commiesioncrs of lii-i Majesty's Treasury your letter of the 13th ultimo, addressed to the Earl of Clarendon, requesting, on behalf of tlie New York, N..wfoundland, and London Telegraph Company, certain privileges and protection in regard to the line of lol egraph which it is proposed to establish between Netv foundland and Ireland, I 4m directed tty their lordships tu acquaint you that they are prepared to enter into a contract witli the said telegraph company, based upon the following conditions, viz : 1. It is understood that the capital required to lay dovm the line will be (dS 350,000) three hundred and nf\y tliou sand pounds. I 3. Her Majesty's Govarnment engage to*nirni8b the aid of ships to take what soundings may still bo considered needful, or to verify those already taken, and tiivorably to consider any request that may be made to furnisli aid by their vessels in laying down the cable. 3. The British Government, from the time of the ooni- pletion of the line, and so long as it shall continue in work- ing order, undertakes to pay at the rate of (£14,(H)0) four- teen thousand po- honor to be,iii,yvir ER COOPER, Prttidml. >. RORERTiS, ES TAYLOR, SON G. HUNT, Dirtdon. It. , Novemier 30, 1856. I Commiaiioncn of lit^r 13th ultimo, addrcRM-il , on behalf of til A New Telegraph Company, egard to the line of tri ablish between Ne'.v- d by their lordshipa to enter into a contract icd upon the fullowing required to lay doy-ii indred and flf\y ttiou ige to*ftirniih the aid ayatill bo connidcred ikon, and flivorably to lada to furnisli aid by e. the time of the oom- liall continue in worl(- ite of (£14,1)00) fbur- al the rate of four \wt xcd remuneration for rernraent, in the coii- :hcir messages. ThiH roflia of the company per cent., when Uiv ) ten thousand pounit.4 iri). iho Government iies- iffrate charged to the 1 additional payinciit >. all have a priority in r all others, subject to ofthelTiiitedStatuti, irrangeincnt with thi; DtotbatoftbeBriibh iges of the two Gov- nrder in which they e fixed witli the con- e increased, without lathis contract hiMM. AMES WILSON. ■eet, Eit the bill woiriheroisisthi«: nrn; future time, and ?i;incnt8 we might up — at least, war ip. There can bt- i^ould save us the lity is, if we ever im— which 1 hope hen have to strike IS, if not both, in B benefit of it. In uise shall be sus- we shall not havn cd. According to iGovornmeni will , and wo shall be alter over another ystem. My own ihic wire is once between the Uni- I think it will re- jnturies, perhaps, ; the expense of 8 preventing war. Jonncction as this chances of war, grce that it is nol isidcration at the I that subject, and graph in time of •oper subject for between the two not less probable »3 the other, that Ler this bill shall liat shall we gain Teement? If we rnment has only pually, and they IS wire, without ilyin war but ia t with the com- ■fit of it in time 3lay the dangers r. it would abro- in regard to this lonorable Sena- treaties can be s obligatory by fe have all the the purpose of Making such treaties hereafter, without the least reason to infer that there would be any reluctance no the part of the Kritish Government to enter mto that negotiation with uo, if we should desire to do no. In the mean lime, ihe delay would pro- tract and endanger the completion of this enter- priite, and throw it back. The wire is ready, except that a nnlional vessel is wanted for the fmrpnte of laying it. It involves no expennc — ninpracticable to lay down a lino of telegraph across thK ocean. At that time everybody supposed it wtiuld be a matter of vast importance, politically, ■oeially, and commercially. tabs abin to iranamtt in a few minutes the intolligence which w« ip ccive from Europe which now requlrns from Un days to two weeks for its tranHiniaslon, Nom> experiments have been miidu in layiiif down a tiilegraphic wire under the water, and II haalM>«N fouud to work well. Knterprising American a||1. zeni started the idea for the purpose of nhorlanlni the time for the reception of various kinds of in- formation, political, social, and coinmnri^inl.whkh is transmitted between this country and Kuropi-, They made an experiment which I'onvinr.ndlhtim that it was practicable to lay down a wiro aernc* the ocean. They gut together and riilasil the money that has been spent, and hav" gona ou and astonished the public mind with thti rapidKy of their movements. Those Aniericnn ewtxtt* applied to the British Government for aid In ihiM business. The British Ciovernnioiil ciiine forward at once and extended aid. Now, sir, the aid which is uski'd from (hxdof • ernmeiit of the United Stales will plarwi u* pr» cisely on an equal footing with Kn|j;luiid in this enterprise, which 1 rr^-ard as the greiil nnlurpriiw of the ago. This is not the only uubmnrln*! UtI egraph that is going to be located. It would Uf dilficult for us now to tell where Uwy will nut Im put. The British Government madu Ihla prop- osition, and our own citizens come baek and Mh us to take an e ual share in the expurimant, and in the benefits and profitu, if wo mnks it ft MtMrt of dollars and cents. If we have nn inleniouria with foreign nations— if it is not a inntt»r nf iW' portance for us to know anything of tlia politiMl afl'airs.of foreign countries, tliiin wu hava no interest as a Government in it. If it in not iiit portant for us, we have been puriiuiii|f A fooliak course, for we are spending a greiit flum of money in sustaining a large dipliHiiitllu eorpt at diflerent places to obtain political inrormniiou for the use of our Government. The advantages of this work will bo mutual, and they must be muturU, lielwenn l\m l/nitcd States and Great Britain. It is iinpoNsibloforoM nation at this age to get a great advanlA||a OVfr another in means, of communicution. b«MUM>, when a communication is made, it will ba mMil to the inteliigenco and enterprise anil eHpltalof all. If I were inquiring into the advanwgtf t« result from this measure, 1 should bu itt a lOM to find any branch of industry that would not b« benefited by it. I should be at a loss to And any portion of the community that would not, mora or less, feel the benefit of a communination bt' tween this country and Europe whieh would or- cupy but a few moments. If 1 were to aeleet any particular section of the country that would b« more benefited thaa another, I would a«|«et ihfi very section from which the hoiiorablfl 8en*tor from Georgia and myself come, W« have vary large commercial intercouiso with the (European Powers, especially with England, ItidlhaMntrtl impression (and I think very wull foMniled) of practical and experienced men, that rtt|lid trana- |)ortation of intelligence in commuruial mattttrtia of very great importance. It is a Having of labor and a saving of capitol. If you can trsnamll In- telligence rapidly, it puts all th9 advantafM •/ a 8 new state of th« mark«t at the diiposition of all *hoic whom it cnn reach. What enters rrore larsoly than any other thinf; into our commerce wiUi the world? Cotton. The section of country from which the honorable Senator and myself coiiie, exports upwards of |1()(),U(X),(IU0 worth of coUon every yeiir; and I do not know of any nrti- oie of commerce or production in rej^ard to wluch rapid intelligence from the place of its consump- lioB and the market where it is sold, is of greater iaportance than to the cotton grower. On the 32d of January the debate was resumed. Mr. SEWARD said, in regard to some objec- tion made by Mr. Punu: So far as any national rights are at hazard, or are involved in this question, they naturally would fall under the Rupervision of the Prcsiuentof the United States, who has charge of the foreign relations of the country. If he shall deem it necessary to pro- tect any interest of the United States in peace or war he will be able to d" so; and this bill, when it becomes a law, repuses the whole duty to be performed by it in the President and in nis dis- cretion, and is not mandatory on him at all. If, therefore, the President shall think the public in- terest requires to be protected, it is to be presumed he will not enter into this contract until a treaty kM been made for that purpose. Mr. BENJAMIN said: The sum of money that this Government proposes to give for the use of this telegraph will amount, in the twenty-five years, to something between •£300,000 and .€400,000. Now, if this be a matter of such immense im- portvice to Great Britain — if this be the golden opportunity— and if, indeed, her control of this liae bo such a powerful engine, whether in war or in peace, is it not most extraordinary that she proposes to us a full share in its benents and in ita control, and allows to our Government equal rightJi with herself in the transmission of com- munications for the sum of about <£ 300,000, to be paid in annual installments through twenty-five yean f It is obvious that this is not looked upon by the British Government in the light in which the Senator from Ohio views it. It is obvious that, if this be indeed a very important instru- mentality in behalf of Great Britain for the con- duct of her commerce, the government of her poHeasions, or the efficient action of her troops iR time of war, the ut to the people of the United States, we say to tlic men engaged in a privutf enterprise, thai if they will embark in this enter- Erise, we will hire their services in advance at a xed rate. It is by the allurement of this ofTw of something of extra pay that they will be in- duced to hazard their own fortunes in an enter- prise which, if successful, will bring fruits to them; if unsuccessful, will entail no losses upon us, for we are to pay nothing until they begin to carry our messages. Now, if there be no objection on the constitu- tional ground, and if the advantages of this tele- graphic wire, as a war measure, have been ao much exaggerated, as I nm inclined to think they have been, what earthly objection can be mad* to this appropriation? Observe, Mr. President, that this is our position: Great Britain holds the two termini of this line. She holds it; and can appropriate it exclusively, whenever she pleases, \o the use of her own Government and her own citizens. She has appropriated to it a certain amount of aid; and if it were as important am clement in time of peace or war as gentlemen make it out to be, and as I am inclined to think it is, it would be perfectly within the power of that Government to control its use forever. It need not come offering to us to neutralize its undoubted possessions, and give us equal advant- ages with itself and its citizens for the miserable pittance of .£350,000 sterling, to be paid to a private company, many of whom are themselves American citizens. So far from pursuing this niggardly and unwise policy, the British Gov- ernment, having the whole matter in its owi hands, has said with great liberality — with credit- able good feeling towards this country: •* We will not take advantage of this exclusive control; we will give money freely to aid this private company in this great enterprise; and we will go further — we will recognize the recent testimonial of good feeling that has been sent to us by our brethren across the Atlantic, and we will repay that testimonial of good feeling sent to us by a tender to them of that which is infinitely more vaKiabU — they have was a gracf ucrifice of mvely poBsi the spirit ol servative of much to rh we all do bi Now, sir the result? shall have I with the G( «>rnment hai it uses the pleases, for eluded fron with the c( you that, c influence ar will, after tl nfree to ca Qovernmor they are an will be ind an opportu cation on t If we give quire equal rights — out eommunica whole coun Vre can sec iK>me paltr Britain mnj future time Mr. Pres of war; let The amoui Governmcr ftin, would have to paj the entire t do you not be aufiicieii the comme tries, so as twelve moi able, beyoi wise occur or nine mo five years, had our G and our pc during pet Sir, wh( to think I public, th( Govern mc propositio the Senat( of this grc British si days mor of the Un ain's po\i power to held it, sb ich a fMrviee for Brtbrm Ihitt acr >urQov(>rnmeni u» that pay for ot be able hen- ■ii Wfl ahall hava I not make thai • side, will not he issue of tiu> h oxactiona an tnt to »m> tkt I think of que*- f tho Oavnri' sr carrying it« ly a lolegraphie [iforconyeyinj ctric leloerapb. prise authority by the Consti- n in CQnatruri- tUvanceawork orest, not only c of the United in a priTuif* c in this enler- I aHvance at a of this offm ey will be ia- s in an entpr- )ring fruits to 10 losses upon they begin to \i the constitu- s of this tele- lave been so to think they can be mad* [r. President, tain holds the is it; and can rsho pleases, and her own >, it a certain important aa as eentlemeN inod to think the power of ! forever. It neutralize its equal ad van I - ■he miserable )c paid to a •e themselTea ursuing this British Gov- in its owa -with credit- ntry: " We sive control ; this private d we will ^ use of the telagraph by this Govern- ment. This is all there is of it; and when the profits of the company shall equal six per cent. on the cost, we are to pay only $50,000 a year. I think we gain more tlian that even in the sav- ing of mail service. It is now a matter of vast importance that our mail steamers should go across the ocean in the shortest possible time. Our vast pp> uniary interests depend upon the earliest possible intelligence. When this wire shall be in operation what dilTerence will it make whether the vessels take ten days, or twelve days, in crossing the ocean with the mail bogs, when your commercial intelligence is going through oach day and each hour? If you have a friend on the other side of the ocean, you can communi- cate with him in a few hours, if not in a few min- utes. If you have any business transactions, you can conduct them as well without the mail as with it. It therefore dispenses with that stern necessity of saving a few hours in the transmis- sion of the mails. I need not spend the time of tlie Senate to prove that probably one half of the expense of transporting the mails across the ocean is occasioned by the effort to snve five or six hours or one day's time in a voyage. You can get your mails carried for half price if you will allow tho vessels to take two days more in the voyage. It is for the speed that you pay the bounty. The high bounty is for the greatest possible speed. When I look into this proposition, I cannot CO ceive on what ground objections to it rest. I cast out of view entirely the war argument; I look upon it solely as a peace, as a commercial, and as a business '.".easure. In that point of view I believe the Government will obtain more ser- vice for the amount of money, than by any other contract that we have ever made, or now can make, for the transmission of intelligence. It i<5 a mail operation. It is a Post Office arrange- ment. It is for the transmission of intelligence, and that is what I understand to be the function of the Post Office Department. I hold it, there- fore, to be as legitimately within the proper pow- ers of the Government, as the employing of a stage coach, or a steam car, or a ship, to trans- p<)rt the mails, cither to foreign countries or to diiferent portions of our own country. Is the amount to be paid too much? Clearly not. I will venture now the assertion, that every Senator on this floor was astonished at the small amount of money asked for to accomplish this great object. I had supposed it was going to occasion an expense of several hundreds of thou- sands of dollars a year instead of $70,000. I look upo'n it as a wise and economical measure, as one •oming pr.'ijicrly within the conceded powers of i;his Govoniinent, and involving no lutitudinous or wide construction in order to find the author- ity of the Government for the measure. Mr. SEWAIIP. There was an American citizen who, in the year 1770, or thereabout, in- dicated to this country, to Great Britain, and lo the world, the use of the lightning for the pur- poses of communication of intelligence, and that was Dr. Franklin. I am sure that there ia not only no member of the Semite, but no American citizen, how r humble, who would be willing to have sti .i out from the achievements of American invention thl^ great discovery of Ihe lightning as an agent for the uses of human society. The suc,gestion made by that distinguished and illustrious American was followed up some fifty years afterwards by another suggestion and an- other indication from another American, and that was Mr. Samuel P. B. Morse, who indicated lo the American Government the moans by which the lightning could be made to write, and by which the telegraphic wires could be made to supply the place of wind and steam for carrying intelligence. We have followed out these suggestions of these eminent Americans hitherto, and I am sure at a very small cost. The Government of the United States appropriated $40,000 to test the practicability of Morse's suggestion; the $40,000 '.hus expended established its practicability and its use. Now, there is no person on the face of the globe who can measure the price at which, if a reasonable man, he would be willing to strike from the world the use of the magnetic telegraph as a means of communication between different portions of the same country. This great inven- tion is now to be brought into its further wider and broaddr use — the use by the general society of nations, international use, the use of the society of mankind. Its benefits are large— just in pro- portion to the extent and scope of its operation. They are not merely benefits to '.he Government, but they arc benefits to ihe citizens and subjects of all nations and of all States. 1 tliink there ia not living in the State of South Carolina, or Ten- nessee, or Kentucky, or Virginia, a man who would be willing to have the use of the telegraph dispensed with or overthrown in reducing the cost of exchange of his particular products to the markets of the United States. I think so because of the celerity with which communication of the state of demand and supply in a distant market affects the value of the article in the hands of tho producer, and reduces by so much the cost of the agencies em|)loyed in its sale. Precisely the same thing which thus happens at home must necf^s- sarily happen when you apply it to more remote markets in other parts of tne world. I might enlarge further on this subject, but I forbear to do so, because I know that at some future time I shall come across the record of what I have aid to-day. I know that then what I have said to-day, by way of nnticipation, will fall so far short of the reality ci the benefits which individuals, States, and nations will have derived from this great enterprise, that I shall not redect upon it without disappointment and mortifica- tion. Mr. TOUCEY. No one has made an objection that there is any want of constitutional power, nor that this is not a legitimate object for oux 12 Government. Every objection which has been made resolves itself into one of expediency; and upon that of course there may be a variety of opinions. It is true that the termini of this tele- graphic line will be within the dominions of Great Britain exclusively. It is true that with- holding thi^ appropriation on the part of our Government will not put an end to this telegraphic communication) provided it be practicable. It will be established; it will go into operation; and it will be a tremendous instrument m the hands of some one to affect the most vital interests of this country. It will put into the hands of those who have the exclusive control of it ten days' information in advance of all the community, with regard to the markets of the European world. When I say that, I say everything that can be said to convey to the mmd the vast im- portance of this communication, if it shall be successful. Then what is the question here ? It '8 simply a question whether we, now that we have an opportunity, shall, by the appropriation of 1^70,000 per annum, be placed upon a footing of perfect equality with the Government of Great Britain, within whose dominions will be the two termini of this line; and whether our citizens shall have an equal advantage and an equal right with the subjects of Great Britain, or any other country in the world? Can tiiere be two opin- ions on that point ? Is it possible that the appro- priation called for by this bill can be placed by any one who looks at the vast interests that may be involved, into the opposite scale, to weigh down the merits of this bill .'' The object of this appropriation is to commu- nicate instantaneously with England by our Gov- ernment, and very briefly, or at least in a short period, with all the Governments of Europe, certainly in time of peace, and possibly, and probably, in time of war. It is moreover to secure to the commerce, the agriculture, and every other interest of this country, an instantaneous communication with the whole civilized world on the other continent. Now, how is it possible that there can be any diversity o^ opinion with regard to the expediency of such v measure.' If it be constitutional, if it be to promote a legitimate object under the charg*; of this Government, (and that it is no one doubts,) if the appropriation be a small one, and be connected with interests of such vast magnitude, I am ac i\ loss to discover how any gentleman can be opposed to this bill. I shall vote for it cheerfully. Mr. BAYARD. I cannot, for my own part, appreciate t!ie objections taken to this measure on the part of those who consider that it involves the interests of this country in the event of a war. It is a proposition springing from a private com- pany, on the face of the papers, who have pro- posed to the Government of Great Britain to aid them in the construction of a yet untried project of establishing a submarine telegraph between the British possessions in North America and Engl«ind proper. It is, of course, a hazardous undertaking. There is no certainty in it; and it ip not unnatura', under these circumstances, that ifidiyiduals should desire to see at least on what tffDAB they are to atand with the Government of the two countries most deeply interested, in the event of the success of their enterprise. Their proposition, in the first place, asks nothing nnles? the enterprise succeeds, except that the Govern- ment will take the soundings, or verify the sound- ings already taken, and in the event of these soundings proving the former ones to be accurate, that they will suffer their vessels to be employed in laying down this telegraphic wire. That ii« the proposition. The British Government have accepted it only to a limited extent. They agree, not in a contract, but in their acceptance, that they will enter into a contract for the purpose of affording aid in verifying the soundings, and wiH give a favorable consideration to a proposition to afford such aid as the Government may see fit in laying down the wire. The expense, therefore, will be very trivial in this respect to our country by entering into a similar engagement. If this were a war measure — if it looked to war, or was connected with war as a consequent in the eye of the Government of Great .Britain, does any gentleman suppose that Government would, for a consideration of $70,000 additional, which is the amount of expenditure here, or even ^700,000 additional, pause for a moment in sc ur- ing the control of a measure which looked to its interests in the event of war? If it is of such formidable moment to her in the event of war, and would throw us into such an inequality in a contest of that kind, is it possible to suppose that Great Britain, having the termini of the line in her own dominions, would not at once, if she looked to it in that point of view, secure to her- self the control of this formidable engine for pur- poses of offense in war? In my judgment it is not so looked to; and I think gentlemen exagger- ate the importance of this telegraph in the sup- posable event of war taking place between Great Britain and the United States, although I admit unhesitatingly that its construction would tend to the prevention of the probability of a war of that kind. I think it must be so viewed by the Government of Great Britain; but I am at a loss to perceive to what great extent she could avail herself of its advantages after war had commenced. Be that as it may, however, it is very certain that the telegraph will be made, if it is practicable, whether we pass this bill, and enter into this arrangement securing us the right that we secure to ourselves by it, or not. If it is made without our aid, are we not in the same condition? Do gentlemen suppose that an expense of $70,000 a year will prevent the making of this teli-graph if Great Britain considers it important to her inter- ests in peace and war? She pays now $900,000 a year for the transportation of the mails between the United States and England. Do you sup- pose $70,000 a year is a sum which will make her pause if, on consideration, she presumes it will be of great benefit to her in the event of war, or even in peace ? 1 hold it to be certain that this telegraph wire, if practicable, will be laid, whether we consent to It or not. Are we not better off— is it not a fair arrangement to us if it secures to our Gov- ernment, as a Government, means of communi- <;^cn with our agenu in Europe during time ol peace, crested, in the rprise. Their nothing nnleB? ftt the Govern- rify the sound- !vent of these to be accurate. be employetl wire. That ic ernment have They agree, jceptance, that the purpose of dings, and wiM proposition to ; may see fit in nse, therefore, to our country nent. f it looked to ) a consequent Grrcnt .Britain. t Government )0U additional, 2 here, or even nent in sp nr- 1 looked to its ■ it is of such event of war. nequaiity in a suppose that of the line ia t once, if she secure to her- ngine for pur- judgment it ti ;men exa^er- ih in the sup- jetwecn Great >ou;^h I admit n would tend y of a war of riewed by the 1 am at a loss le could ayail d commenced. ty certain that 3 practicable, »ter into this hat wc secure made without indition? Do ! of $70,000 a is telegraph if t to her inter- low $900,000 mails betwecM Do you sui>- ch will make I presumes it event of war, Icgraph wire, r we consent —is it not a I to our GoT- of communi- triag time o( n peace, although all means are cut ofF in the event of war? Arc the terms asked too great? There la nothing asked in the first instance except the ordinary use of the vessels of the Navy. You can comply with that with only a trivial expense; and it is only in the event of the service being successful that you are to pay $70,000, if the proceeds of the company do not amount to six per cent.; and if they do, you are only to pay $50,000. That is all you are to pay for the ex- clusive right, in connection with the Government of Great Britain, of the prior transmission of in- telligence that may be deemed important by your agents in Europe, or by your Government here to your agents there, to the exclusion of the pub- lic at large. Is not that of immense importance to the Gov- •aument of this country? Is it not of sufficient importance to justify an expenditure of $50,000 a year? In my judgment it would justify an expenditure of five times the sum rather than undergo the disadvantages which you would be placed under by excluding yourselves from this right, which is all the right granted to Great Britain, and which the Government of Great Britain, when the proposition was made, at once accepted ? I confess I think the terms of their acceptance are in a spirit of entire liberality to this country, securing as they do to this Gov- ernment, as well as to the Government of Great Britain, equal rights throughout. I see no cause for jealousy here. I see no cause in this case, whatever there may have been in others, to im- pute to the Government of Great Britain a desire to take any advantage from the construction of this submarine telegraph. The terms are oflfered, and the answers are before you. After saying what she is willing to pay, she stipulates (and these are the only things material to us) that the British Government is to have priority in the con- veyance of messages over all others, except the Government of the United States; and that as between her and the Government of the United States, the rule is to be, the message, when re- ceived, shall be first transmitted. Mr. MALLORY. It seems to be conceded on aU.hands that there is no constitutional objection to the passage of this bill, and the arguments against it have resolved themselves into consid- <«ations of expediency solely. We may differ SB to the expediency of passing the bill; and I have therefore noted, with a great deal of care, the objections taken in the debate on the point of expediency. I noticed particularly those from the chairman of the Committee on Finance, [Mr. Hunter,] whicii were characteristic of the posi- tion he occupies before the Senate as chairman of that committee. I will briefly notice these objec- tions, to show how slight they are, and how im- mediately they vanish on investigation. The first was the gres' consideration of the cable parting in laying down the wire. I understand the Gov- ernment is not liable if the parties do not succeed in the enterprise. The second was, that we shall pay more than our dispatches are worth. Who knows it ? Who knows what the dispatches will be worth ? Contingencies may arise in the his- tory of this country when a single dispatch may be worth $5,000 a word, or ten times that sum. Another objection, one made by the chairman of the Judiciary Cooimittee, [Mr. Bvtlbr,] was, that this was simply a mail service under the sur- veillance of Great Britain That is not tenable. The authority given in the bill to the President to contract with the parties includes the power of contracting on conditions; and we must sup- pose he would be recreant to his duty if he wer« not to contract that all dispatches by, or to th« Government of the United States, should pass through its confidential agents alone. The sys- tem would not only be worse than useless, but it would be a great injury to us if your communi- cations were to pass through any other than our own confidential agents; and as a matter of course the President would so contract. I had drawn up an ame.idment for that purpose; but when I saw that there was in the bill ample power for the President to do that, I refrained from offering it. If we decline the proposition made to us by this company, what is to preclude Great Britain from acquiring the right of exercising a surveil- lance over both termmi of the line r And in ihc exercise of this power, implying a knowledge of every dispatch sent over it, we can readily per- ceive the blighting influence she might at pleasure exercise upon our public affairs. Sir, l under- stand that my friend the chairman of the Com- mittee on the Judiciary, speaking of it as a war measure, said that the interests of the two coun- tries will preserve peace, and no device of this kind will save us from the perils of war. I concede that, but this is one of those measures which multiply the interests of the country, which bring the cotton-planters of his State within twenty -four hours of the great markets of Europe. It'wilf take the profits heretofore shared by the cotton speculators of Europe, and place tl em at the door of the cotton-planter. He at all times during his growing crop will have power to know what his crop is worth in the markets of Liver- pool, which govern the markets of the entire world. As a war measure this project cannot be con- sidered. War will put an end, as a matter of course, to all these relations. The project con- ceived by the Senator from Ohio of neutralizing one portion of the American continent was, 1 presume, introduced for the simple purpose of killing the bill; but certainly not with any idea that Great Britain would ever consent to neutral- ize any portion of Newfoundland, or the oth€r side of the continent, for our accommodation in the event of war. She has, in a recent postal treaty with France, stipulated expressly that each party shall have one mail steamer across the Channel, which shall not be molested or inter- rupted during war; but I know of no similar con- cession that she has ever made, and certainly shs never would make one of this kind. My friend from Illinois spoke of fishing this cable up. He has not probably looked to thtt details of the soundings made by our own sea- men, and to the effect that tjiis wire will sink some foot or more — we cannot tell certainly — beneath the surface of the bottom of the ocean. The idea of fishing in between seventeen hundred and fiftyand nineteen hundred fathoms of water, with an anchor, for this chain, is novel and un- tenable. American genius, sir, has discovered or prac- tically devised the means, as I conceive, of belt- ing the world instantaneously— of sending the 14 principles of American freedom, in the language of Shakspeare, around the globe. In this at- tempt to unite two continents, we are gravely debating whether we will accept the boon or not, for it is a voluntary one ! The trifling sum of money is so small that scarcely a Senator here objects to it as a money consideration at all. That docs not enter into our calculations. If there be anything said on the subject, it is sur- prise that we are to get the advantages, as we suppose them to be, for so small a sum of money. I ahull vote for the bill. At the conclusion of the debate the bill was passed, as follows: A bill to expedite telegraphic Rommunirntion for tlie uses of the Gflveminent in itt* foreign intercourse. Be it enacted by the Senate and Home of Representative* oftKe 1/niti.d States of America in Connresi assembled, That toe Secretary of State, in the discretion and under th« direction of the Pretidimt of the United States, may con- tract with any competent person, persons, or association, for the aid of the United States in laying down a submarine cable, to connect existing telegraphs between ilie coast of Newiouodland and the const of Ireland, and for the use of inch Bubmarine communiciition, when established, by the Uovernment of the United States, on such terms and con- ditions as shall seem to ttie President Just and reasonable, not exceeding $70,O0U per annum, until the net profits of ■ucb person, or persons, or association, shail be equal to a dividend uf six per cent, per annum, and then not exceed- ing ^^,0()0 per annum for twenty-flvc years : JProvuled, That the Uovernmont of Great Britain shall, before or at tliu same time, enter into a like contract for those purposes with the same person, persons, or association, and upon terms of exact equality with those stipulated'by the United States : tSnd provided, 1'hat the tarilf of prices for the use of such submarine communication by the public shall be fixed by the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States and the tiovcrnmcnt of Great Britain, or its authorized igents : Provided further, That the United States and the cittsens thereof shall enjoy the use of the said submarine telegraph communication lorn period of flfl;' years, on the name terms and condition:^ which shall be stipulated in favor of the Government of Great Britain, and the subjects thereof, in the contract so to be entered into by such per- son, personn, or association, with that Government: Pro- vided further. That the contract so to be made by the British (lovemment shall not be different from that already pro- posed by that Government to the New York, Newfoundland, and London Telegraph Company, except such provisions as may be necessury to secure to each Government the trajMuiission of its own messages by its own agents. APPENDIX. The follov/ing correspondence is as interesting as it is pertinent in this connection: House of REPRESENTA'iivEs, Washington, December 30, 1856. Sir: The submarine communication which now excites so much attention, both in the Congress of the United States and the country, will, I per- ceive by the mnp of the survey, teiniiiiatii on this side the Athintic in the British possessions, i. e. in Newfoundland. \yill you do me the favor, at your earliest con- venience, to answer the following questions, to wit: Is 'here a point, under our flag, which would answer for the western terminus? If not, what are the obstructions? What influence would it have in a military point of view ? Very respectfully, your obedient servant, C. C. CHAFFEE. Lieutenant Macht, Ututtd Slatts J^avy. U. S. N. Observatory and Htdroo. OFriee. Washington, December 31, 1856. Sir: I have received your note of the 30lh instant, making certain inquiries in relation to the submarine telegraph of the Atlantic, and wishing to know what are the obstructions which prevent the western end of the wire from being Drought straight across the sea to our own shores. The difficulties are manifold, and, in the pres- ent state of the telegraphic art, they may be con- sidered insuperable. The shortest telegraphic distance between the British Islands and the United States, without touching English soil by the way, is, in round numbers, three thousand miles, and the lightniufi: has never yet been made to bear a mensnge tnrougti a continuous wire of such a length. Here, there- fore, is an obstruction. The distance from the Western Islands to thr nearest port on our shores is about equal to the distance Detwecn Newfoundland and Ireland; and the distance between the Irish coast and tbs Western islands is about fifteen hundred miles. Therefore, with a relay on the Western Islands, a line from Ireland, via those Islands, to our own shores, is electrically practicable. But ! wire by that route would have to cross the Atlantic at its deepest part, and then the Portuguese Government, as well as the English, would have control of the line; so that, in a mil- itary, commercialjor politicalpointof view, noth- ing would be gainea by unaerrunning the At- lantic with the telegraphic wires by that route. Moreover, that route would lead the wire across a volcanic region. These constitute obstructions that, in the present state of our knowledge, are fatal to such a route. The only practicable route for a submarine telegraph between the United States and England appears to be along the " plateau" of the Atlantic, whereon it is proposed to lay the wire that is now in process of construction. But suppose a line were to be constructed by American enterprise from the British shores, submarine, ail the way to one of our sea-port towns: cuiiono? In time of peace the line along the " plateau" would, by reason of its great ad- vantages, take all the business; and in war the British authorities need but cut the American cord, or take charge of its office at the other end. to render the whole line inoperative or perfectly useless to us. It cannot but be regarded by every wise and good man as a fortunate circumstance that this great enterprise of the sub-Ailaniic telegrapli is the joint work of England and Ami.rica. This circumstance ought of itself" to serve us a guar- antee to the world that in case of war — should war unhappily ever be waged between ijiese two nations — that that cord is never to be broken, or to be used otherwise than fret'ly and fairly alike by the two nations, their citizens and subjects. We have just seen the great nalioiid of Euroor emerging from the horrors of a fierce and bloouy war; and yet, to their honor and the glory of the age be it said, that that strife, vengeful though it was, was not savage enough to break a single line of telegraphic wire. The lightninj ran to and fro with messages between St. Petersburgh and the capitals of France and England, aa it now does. Am after that means and Suiet botto Jovernmei the face of age, convt turned aga Our fell and broKg sagaciousa lying as it foreign Po Gotha and were about bed of th( war; but th and trustei The Britisl use of that age is aga the pale of English na sucn a thin if they cou might as w the railwajj of abrogati be turned a WhenC CO very, Fr King of Fri cruisers de in case any recollect tl: science;" e war had or they fall in him, in the memory of that act am his reign. A little r time confei nations of of their re| of physica form lor th for markin currents, tl ment of thi to his own war, this t as a sacred cruisers of ing in thii touch that This sul ment whi( had somct it likely tl any Powe it may be those nati and joint physical i ning has bi ♦•^e ocean, fhissyi over and c exduBiy; 15 [tOROO. OFriCK. m&erSl, 1856. ote of the 30th 8 in relation to e Atlantic, and itructionswhicli ivire from being our own shores, nd, in the pres- ley may be eon- ice between the States, without ly, is, in round nd (he lightning nessnge til rough 1. Here, there - n Islands to the )ut equal to the nd Ireland; and coast and tha hundred miJcB. ''cstern Islands, nds, to our own il have to cross , and then the as the Engiinh. ) that, in a mil- it of view, noth- inning the Al- by that route, the wire across ite obstructions tnowledge, are a submarine ■8 and England of the Atlantic. le wire that is constructed by British shores, our sea-port 3 the line along of its great ad- and in war the the American the other end. ire or perfectly very wise and ance that tiiis ic telegrapl) is mirica. This rve us a guar- war — should ■een these two be broken, or nd fairly alik« .nd ■subjects, ojid of Euroi>r Cfi and bloouy le glory of th'tt ^cful though it ik a single line J ran to and lersburgh and ad, aa it now does. And in case of war with this country, after that electric cord is stretched by the Joint means and enterprise of the two people upon the quiet bottom of the deep sea, neither of the two Governments would dare take that cord, and, in the face of the Christian States and people of the age, convert it into a military engine, to be turned against its joint owners and partners. Our fellow-citizens who contrived, planned, and brought forward this noble work, are too sagacious and patriotic not to have perceived that, lyin^ as it does wholly within the control of a foreign Power, that Power, were it a nation of Goths and Vandals, might turn the path they were about to make for the lightning along the bed of the ocean against their own country in war; but they knew the people on the other side, and trusted to higher and nobler sentiments. The British Government interfere with the free use of that cable even in war ! The spirit of the age is against such an act, and no State within the pale of Christendom, much less that great English nation of noble people, would dare to do such a thing. Her people and rulers would not if they could; they could not if they would. We might as well think of tearing up now, in peace, the railways between Canada and the States, or of abrogating the steam-engine because it may be turned against us in war. When Captain Cook was on his voyage of dis- covery, Prance and England were at war. The King of France was requested not to let his armed eruisers destroy the records of that expedition in case any of them should fall in with it. You recollect the noble reply: " I war not against science;" and forthwith every French man-of- war had orders to treat Cook as a friend, should they fall in with him; and assist, not interrupt him, in the object of his cruise. To this day the memory of that King is held in more esteem for that act and sentiment than for any other act of his reign. A little more than three years ago, at the mari- time conference of Brussels, where the principal nations of the world assembled in the persons of their representatives to devise a uniform plan of physical research at sea, and to report the best form for the abstract log to be used on board ship for marking the observations upon its winds and currents, those functionaries alluded to this senti- ment of the French Monarch, and appealed each to his own Government to order that, in case of war, this abstract log should also be regarded as a sacred thing. It is made so. The armed cruisers of the various nations that are cooperat- ing in this system of research are required to touch that record with none but friendly hands. This submarine fclcgraphic line is an achieve- ment which this very system of research has had something to do in lirincing about; and is it likely that it will or can be monopolized by any Power for war purposes ? Fairly and clearly it may be considorcd as the joint property of those nations who are oporiiting as coworkers and joint colaborcrs in tliat beautiful system of physical research by which a way for the light- ning has been discovered under the sea and across •''e ocean. This system of research, it has been proclaimed over and over again, was not undertaken for the exdufliy^ Advantage of any one people or nation, but for the benefit of commerce, the advancement of science, and for tbe benefit and improvemcAt of the whole human family; and with this under- standing the nations of Europe entered into it. Being joint owners and equal participators ia such a great enterprise as this, we may with pro- priety, under these circumstances, demand a fair participation in all its advantages. But suppose we should stand aloof, and that the enterprise now on foot should be abandoned by our citizens and Government, and then sup- pose war to come; in less than six months after Its declaration, the British Government could, on its own account, have a wire stretched alone this telegraphic plateau between Newfoundland and Ireland. You do not desire me in your note to consider the christianizing, political, social, and peace-pre- serving influences which this fascicle of copper threads, when once stretched upon the bed or the ocean, is to have, and therefore I do not offer any of the views which present themselves from such a stand-point. This much, however, I may say: submarine telegraphy is in its infancy, bat il IS in the act of making the stride of a full-grown giant; and no problem can to my mind be naore satisfactorily demonstrated than is the practica- bility of realily, and almost without risk, laying the wire from land to land upon this " telegraphic plateau" of the Atlantic. Respectfully, &c. M. F. MAURY. Hon. C. C. Chaffee, House of RepresenlalivtSy Wasliii^ton. London, Five o'clock, a. m., October 3, 1856. Mt dear Sir: As the electrician of the New York, Newfoundland, and London Telegraph Company, it is with the highest gratification that I have to apprise you of the result of our experi- ments of this morning upon a single continuous conductor of more than two thousand miles in extent, a distance you will perceive sufficient to cross the Atlantic ocean, from Newfoundland to Ireland. The admirable arrangements made at the Mag- netic Telegraph Office in Old Broad street, for con- necting ten subterranean gutta-percha insulated conductors, of over two hundred miles each, so as to give one continuous length of more than two thousand miles during the hoursof the night, when the telegraph is not commercially employed, furnished us the means of conclusively settling, by actual experiment, the question of the practi- cability ns well as the practicality of telegraph- ing through our proposed Atlantic cable. This result had been thrown into some doubt by ihe discovery, more than two years since, of certain phenomena upon subterranean and sub- marine conductors, and had attracted the atten- tion of electricians, particularly of that most em- inent philosopher Professor Faraday, and that clear-sighted investigator of electrical phenomena Dr. Whitehouse; and one of these phenomena, to wit: the perceptible retardation of the electric current, threatened to perplex our operations, and required careful investigation before we could pronounce with certainty the commercial practi- cability of the Ocean Telegraph. ^ 16 I am moat happy to inform you that, &ti a crowning result of a long series of experimental inresligation and inductive reasoning upon this subject, the experiments under the direction of Dr. Whitehouse and Mr. Bright, which I wit- nessed this morning, — in which the induction coils and receiving magnets, as mouified by these gentlemen, were made to actuate one of my re- cording instruments, — have most satisfactorily resolved all doubts of the practicability as well as practicality of operating the telegraph from Newfoundland to Ire'and. I Although we telegraphed signals at the rate of j 910, S4I, and, according to the count at one time, even of S70 per minute upon my telegraphic regis- i ter, (which speed, you will perceive, is at a rate I commercially advantageous,) these results were j accomplished notwithstanding many disadvant- 1 ages in our arrangements of a temporary and j local character — disadvantages which will nut occur ill the use of cur submarine cable. | Having passed the whole night with my active | and agreeaolc collaborators. Dr. Whitehouse and j Mr. Bright, without sleep, you will excuse the | hurried and brief character of this note, which I could not 'refrain from sending you, since our j experiments this morning settle the scientific I and eommercial points of our enterprise satisfac- j torily. I With respect and esteem, your obedient. servant, SAMUEL F. B. MORSE. To Ctrus W. Field, Esq., Vice President of the .A/eu> York, JiTewfoundland, and London Telegraph Company, 37 Jermyn «'»•««(, St. James's street. London, October 10, 1856. Mr DEAR Sir: After having given the deepest consideration to the subject of our successful experiments the other night, when we signalled clearly and rapidly through an unbroken circuit of subterranean conducting wire, over two thou- sand miles in length, I sit down to give you the result of my reflections and calculations. There can be no question but that, with a cable contpining a single conducting wire, of a size not exceeding that through which we worked, and ■with equal inaulation, it would be easy to telegraph from Ireland to Newfoundland ht a speed of at least from eight to ten words per minute; nay, more: the varying rates of speed at which we worked, depending as they did upon diflferences in the arrangement of the apparatus employed, do of themselves prove that even a higher rate than this is attainable. Take it, however, at ten words in the minute, and allowing ten words for name and address, we can safely calculate upon the transmission of a twenty-word message in three minutes; Twenty such messages in the hour; Pour hundred and eighty in the twenty-four hours, or fourteen thousand four hundred words per day. Such are the capabilities of a single wire cable fair!/ and moderately computed. It is, however, evident to me, that by im- prcvementi in the arrangement of the signals themselves, aided by the adoption of a code or system constructed upon the principles of the best nautical code, as 8ua;geated by Dr. While- house, we may at least double ti.*; speed in the tranpmission of our messages. As to ihe structure of the cable itself, the last spec'm<»n which I examined with you seemed to combine so admirably the necessary qualities of strength, flexibility, and lightness, with perfect insulation, tlu>t I can no longer have any mis- gividgs about the ca&c and safety with which it will be Bubniorgcd. In one word, the doubts are resolved, the diffi- culties overcome, success is within our reach, and the great feat of the century must shortly )m accomplished. I would urge you, if the nanufacture can be completed within the timo, (and all things are possible row,) to prcsd forward the good work, and not to lose the chance of laying it during the ensuing su;iimer. Before the close of the present month, I hope to be again landed safely on the other side of tiic water, and I full well know, that on all hands the inquiries of most interest with which I shall bo met, will be about the Ocean Telegraph. Much as I have enjoyed my European trip this year, it would enhance the gratification which 1 nave derived from it more than I ciin describe to you, if on my return to America I could bo the first bearer to my frienc'.s of the welcome intelli- gence that the great work had been begun, by tho commencement of the manufacture of the cable to connect Irchnd with the line of the New York, Newfoundland, and London Telegraph ^/ompa- ny, now so successfully completed to St. John"'. Respectfully, your obedient servant, SAMUEL F. B. MORSE. To Ctrub W. Field, Esti., Vice President qfthe ^ew Yorkf 'Muifoundland, and London Teltgrapk Company, January 27, 1857. The following dispatch was received here this morning. When it is consid- picd that the difference in time between St. Johns, Newfoundland, and this city is little over one hour, and that the message was, owing to the use of different instruments, and the working of separate electric circuits, rewritten no less than six times, the fact that it was received just one hour biforc it was sent, may be understood; and show the wonderful expedition in the transmission of intel- ligence from this to Europe when the Atlantic line is completed: St. Johns, (N. F.,) Toesdat, 11 a. m., January 97 CvRus W. Field, Kational Hotel, WasKington : I think you will approve of tho rcasona in I'avor o4 Trinity Bay for tlie landing of the Atlantic cable. A, BIIEA. P. 8. This message was received at the House Printine Telegraph office, Washington, D, C, at ten o'clocK a. m. J. L. ELLIOTT, Operator. The distance from St. Johns to Washington is nineteen hundred and sixty miles by the route of the telegraph.