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Hiotographic

Sciences

Corporation

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WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580

(716) 873-4903

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U.A

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32X

THE ARGUMENTS

m FAVOR or

THE INTERNATIONAL

SUBMARINE TELEGRAPH,

IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.

PREPARED BY RICHARD SUTTON, REPORTER.

WASHINGTON:
JPRINTfiD AT THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE.

1867.

♦ •

On Tuesdf
Mr. Seward
ate, and it w
the PresidenI
to the Senate
concerning t
pects of a pi
marine wirce
continent an(
on the 7th of
Senate a re;
which was n
Office and Pt

On the 9th
leave to intrc
tfilegraphic <
Government
read twice, a
Post Office a
January, it \
without ame
the Senate p

The bill f
in the discre
President of
with any coi
lion, for the
down a sul
telegraphs b
and the coas
mibmarine c
tJie Govern n
u;rms and ci
dent just an
vided thatth
before or at i
iract for tlio
persons, or i
equality wit
States; and
such subnia
shall be iixe<
of the Unite<
Britain, or
States is to (

INTERNATIONAL SUBMARINE TELEGRAPH.

< ►

Om Tuesday, the 23d day of December, 1856,
Mr. Seward submitted a resolution to tin; Sen-
ate, and it was unanimously adopicd, requi.'.sting
the President of the United States to commonir.ate
to the Senate such information as he mizht have
concerning the present condition and the pros-
pects of a proposed plan for connecting by sub-
marine wires the magnetic telcgra[)h lines on this
continent and Europe. The President in reply,
oi) the 7th of January, 1857, transmitted to the
S<,'nate a report from the Secretary of State,
which was referred to the Committee en the Post
Office and Post Roads.

On the 9th of January, Mr. Seward obtained
leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 493) to expedite
telegraphic communication for the use of the
Government in foreign intercourse; wliich was
read twice, and referred to the Committee on the
Post Office and Post Roads; and on the 13th of
January, it was reported back by Mr.Coi.LAMER
without amendment. On the 31st of January,
the Senate proceeded to its consideration.

The bill provides thai the Secretary of State,
in the discretion and under the direction of the
President of the United States, may contract
with any competent person, persons, or associa-
tion, for the aid of the United States in laying
down a submarine cable to connect existing
telegraphs between the coast of Newfoundland
iind the coast of Ireland, and for the use of such
mibmarine communication when established, by
tJie Government of the United States, on such
u.-rms and conditions as shnll seem to the Presi-
dent just and reasonable. It is, however, pro-
vided that the Government of Great Britain shall,
before or at the same time, enter into a like con-
tract for those pi-poses with the same person,
persons, or association, and upon terms of exact
equality with those stipulated by the United
States; and that the tariff of prices for the use of
such submarine communication by the public
shall be fixed by the Secretary o' the Treasury
of the United States and the Government of Great
Britain, or its authorized agent. The United
States is to enjoy the use of this submarine tele-

graph communication for a period of fifty years,
on the same terms and conditions which shall be
stipulated in favor of the Government of Great
Britain, in a contract to bo entered into.

Attb" request of Mr. Cullamkr, the documents
transr...aed to the Senate by the President of the
United States, in response to Mr. Seward's res-
olution of the 23d of December, were read, as
follows:

To Ike Senate of the United States!

In compliance witli a reaoliitinn of the Scnato of the '£i(i
instant, requusting tlio President to cnmmunicate '■ to tbn
Bnnate, if not inconipatible witli tlie public interest, such
infnnnatioii as he may hiivu concerning tlie present condv-
tion and prospcnt:< of n propoiied plan for connecting, by
i-ubmarinc wiri>j,thc magnetic ti^lcgruphic lines on tbis con-
tinent and Europe," I transmit th<! accompanying report
froifi the Secretarv of State.

FRANKLIN PIERCE.

VVashisoton, Decemler '29, ltf56.

I»'.PARTMKST OF STATK,

VVasm'.4oton, December 36, Itiiifi.
Tlin Secretary of ritiitf. lo wlioiu was referred tlie reso-
lution of the Senate of the -Jlid instant, requesting the Presi-
d(tnt " to communicate to the Senate, if not incompatible
with the public intererit, Kiich information as be may have
concerning tlie pri^scnt condition and prospects of a proposed
plan lor connecting, by submarine wires, the mignetictcH-
graph lin<!9 on thi^ continent and Europe," has the honor
to lay before the President a copy of a letter of the ISth
instant, AViiich h<! hiix also reti'rred to this DcparUneiit,
addressed to him by the pit:!!iil(>.nt and directors of ttie
New York, Ncwtbundlund, and Loudon Telegraph Coia-
pany.

W. L. MARCY.
To the Presidknt of tlie United States.

UpriCE OF Tlie New York, NEwrouNOLAND,

AND London Teleorapu Cohpant,
New York, December 15, 1856.
Sir: The undersigned, directors of the New York, New-
foundland, and London Telegraph Coiapauy, have tlK

honor to inrorm you that contractfi linve been mnde fbr the
manufiicture of the gubmarinc telegraphic cable to connect
Uio continent* of Europe aud America ; and that it is ex-
pected to have the line bctwpcn New York and London
open for business by the 4th of July, 1857. A communica-
tion to ttiis effect having been laid before the Lords Com-
mijaioncrs of her Dritaiinic Mi^esty's Tie isury, elicited a
reply, of which we have now the honor to submit to you
an ojlcial copy, Just received by the United States mail
steamship Atlantic, from Cyrus W. Field, Esq., vice pros-
iw^t of this company. As the work has been prosecuted
thus (hr with American capital, aided by the eflbru of your
Administration to ascertain the feasibility of the enter-
prise, it is the earnest denire of the directors to secure to
the Government of the United States equal privileges with
those stipulated for by the British Oovernment. To this
desire the Lords CommissioncrB of the Treasury have ac-
ceded in the most liberal spirit, by providing '■ TImt the
British Government shall have a priority in the convey-
ance of their messages over all others, subject to the ex-
ception only of the Government of the United States, in
the evn\t of tlieir entering into an arrangement with the
telegraph company similar in principle to that of the Brit-
ish Government, in which case the messages of the two
Governments shall have priority in the order in whicli they
arrive at the stations." In view of the great international
interests of this Government, and the constant recurrence
of grave questions, in the solution of which timt- nill be
an eMential element, we cannot doubt that the reservatiim
mai::. <•! I', 'orof the United States will he dcnmcd of gr°at
tr'.Miiii'. We therefore hasten to communicate the facts
to }> :< and to request, in view of the Act that the present
i c-u^ .08* will soon terminate its existence, and tliat the
cable will be laid, if no accident prevents, before the new
Congress commences its session, that you will take such
action in tlie premises as you nm;' deem the interests of
this Government to require.

The company will enter into a contract with the Govern-
ment of the United States on the same terms and condi-
tion* as it has made with the UritiKJi Government; such a
contract will, we suppose, fall within the provisions oftlie
Constitution in regard to poi tal arrangementt!, of which
this is only a new and improved form.

We have the honor, also, .o call your attention to the
iKoond proviso in the letter of tlic Lords Commissioners,
to the following efl'ect :

" Her Majesty's Government engages to furnish the aid
of ships to make what soundings may still be considered
needful, or to verify those already taken, and favorably to
consider any request that mny be made to furnish aid by
their vessels in laying down the cable."

We are informed that no private steamships now built
are adapted to laying a cable of such dimensions as is pro-
posed to be used, but that the ' 'arsteaniers recently finished
by our Government are arrb :^ed to the very heat advant-
age for this purpose.

To avoid fhilure in laying the cable, it Is desirable to use
every precaution, and we therefore have the honor to re-
quest that you will make such recommendation to Congress
aa will secure authority to detail a steamship for this pur-
pose, 80 that the glory of accomplishing what has been
Justly styled "the crowning enterprise of the age" may be
divided between the greatest and freest Governments on
the fhce of the globe.

With great respect, we have the honor to be, sir, yytr
most obedient servants,

PETER COOPER,

Preiidcnl
M. O. ROBERTS,
MOSES TAYLOR,
WILSON G. HUNT.

DirecloTi.
The rRE8iDE.NT of the United States.

Treasury Chambers, November 30, 1806.
SiR : Having laid before the Lords Commiesioncrs of lii-i
Majesty's Treasury your letter of the 13th ultimo, addressed
to the Earl of Clarendon, requesting, on behalf of tlie New
York, N..wfoundland, and London Telegraph Company,
certain privileges and protection in regard to the line of lol
egraph which it is proposed to establish between Netv
foundland and Ireland, I 4m directed tty their lordships tu
acquaint you that they are prepared to enter into a contract
witli the said telegraph company, based upon the following
conditions, viz :

1. It is understood that the capital required to lay dovm
the line will be (dS 350,000) three hundred and nf\y tliou
sand pounds.

I 3. Her Majesty's Govarnment engage to*nirni8b the aid
of ships to take what soundings may still bo considered
needful, or to verify those already taken, and tiivorably to
consider any request that may be made to furnisli aid by
their vessels in laying down the cable.

3. The British Government, from the time of the ooni-
pletion of the line, and so long as it shall continue in work-
ing order, undertakes to pay at the rate of (£14,(H)0) four-
teen thousand po-<nds a year, being at the rate of four (H-r
cent, on the assumed capital, aa a Axed remuneration for
the work done on behalf of the Government, in the con-
veyance outward and homeward of their messages. ThiH
payment to continue until the net profits of the company
are equal to a dividend of six pounds per cent., when tJiv
payment shall be reduced to C £ 10,000) ten thousand poun<1:«
a year, for o period of 'wenty-fivo yuars.

It is, however, understood that if the Government i les-
sagcs in any year shull, at the usual tariff rale charged to th«
public, amount to a l.trger sum, such additional payment
shall be made as is equivalent thereto.

4. That the British Government shall have a priority in
the conveyance of thtir messages over all others, subject to
the exception only of the Government of the United Status,
in the event of their entering into an arrangement with thi;
telegraph company similar in principle to that of the Britbli
Government, in which case the messages of the two Gov-
ernments shall have priority in the order in which titey
arrive at the stations.

5. That the tariff of charges shall be fixed with the con-
sent of the Treasury, and shall not be increased, without
such consent being obtained, as long as this contract hutx-

I am, sir, you: obedient servant,

JAMES WILSON.
C'i RDS W. Field, Esq., 37 Jermyn ».' -eel.

Mr. HUNTER suggested that the bill woi-ld
be more satisfactory if the amount to be expend'-d
by the President were limited.

Mr. COLLAMER replied: The bill expressly
provides that the Preaident sliall be limitea to the

l«rm« whicli
nroposition
British Trei
the cost of t
grant is lim
of the ex per
that percent
It is stipul
Treasury, t
messagea o
«t the priot
exceed jf 14
the excess,
price stipulf
Qovernmen
which that

Mr. am

by the comj
Governmen
tiiat Goveri
ships in lay
not exceed
when com|
secure to th
per cent, uf
ilal require
propose to
ernment ha
stipulations
and in thos
shall have tl
want to use
the United
was doubil
Governmen
equally wit
the line, an(
In the fin
the contraci
emment, ee
proposition
the British
likely to cl
ernmentof
desire that
uhould be {
themselves
exactly on
whole pow
part, in th
experiment
The ainoui
Treasury
g70,000 ft 3
Mr. SE
se.'ious Of
objection t
lated to m<
of detail; i
low me, I
offer to rei
the words
line, to ini

Noteicee
such person
dividend of
log #50,000]

> honor to be,iii,yvir

ER COOPER,

Prttidml.
>. RORERTiS,
ES TAYLOR,
SON G. HUNT,

Dirtdon.

It.

, Novemier 30, 1856.
I Commiaiioncn of lit^r

13th ultimo, addrcRM-il
, on behalf of til A New

Telegraph Company,
egard to the line of tri
ablish between Ne'.v-
d by their lordshipa to

enter into a contract
icd upon the fullowing

required to lay doy-ii
indred and flf\y ttiou

ige to*ftirniih the aid
ayatill bo connidcred
ikon, and flivorably to
lada to furnisli aid by
e.

the time of the oom-
liall continue in worl(-
ite of (£14,1)00) fbur-
al the rate of four \wt
xcd remuneration for
rernraent, in the coii-
:hcir messages. ThiH
roflia of the company

per cent., when Uiv
) ten thousand pounit.4
iri).

iho Government iies-
iffrate charged to the

1 additional payinciit
>.

all have a priority in
r all others, subject to
ofthelTiiitedStatuti,
irrangeincnt with thi;
DtotbatoftbeBriibh
iges of the two Gov-
nrder in which they

e fixed witli the con-
e increased, without
lathis contract hiMM.

AMES WILSON.
■eet,

Eit the bill woi<ldl
It to be expendi^d

'iie bill expressly
I be limited to the

t«rm8 which the British QoTcrnment raake. The
proposition of tiic Lords Commissionera of the
Krilish Treasury is to pay a certain per cent, on
the cost of the work, amounting to •^14,000. The
•frant is limited so as not to exceed four per cent.
of the expense of laying the telegraph down ; and
that percentage is calculated to amount to ^14,000.
it is stipulated by the Commissioners of the
Treasury, that if the British Government send
messages over the line in any one year which,
Ht the price charged to the community, would
exceed ^(14,000, tney are to make allowance for
the excess. The President is not to exceed the
price stipulated in thi^ contract made l)y the P'itish
Government, and we are to have all the rights
which that Government may possess.

Mr. RUiL^K said: A proposition was submitted
by the company, asking for the aid of the British
Government, and an answer was received rVom
tliat Government agreeing to furnish the aid of
ships in laying down the wire, and to pay a sum
not exceeding -irHjOOO for the use of the work
when completed. In other words, they will
secure to the company an amount equal to foui
per cent, upon what they said womUI be ths cap-
ital required to complete the work. Then we
propose to do precisely what the i^ritish Gov-
ernment has done. They have miide r^rtain
stipulations as to having the use of the telegraph ;
and in those stipulations they provide that they
shall have the preference over every one that may
want to use the line, except the Govornment of
the United States. This leaves an opening, and
was doubtless intended to do so, to permit the
Government of the United States to contribute
equally with the British Government in aiding
the line, and then having an equal use of it.

In the first place, 1 think there is no danger of
the contract being changed by the British Gov-
ernment, especially when it has been based on a
proposition made by the parties, and accepted by
the British Government. They would not be
likely to change it without consulting the Gov-
ernment of the United States, because they seem to
desire that the Government of the United S.ates
uhould be put on precisely the same footing with
themselves. The bill puti the two Governments
exactly on the same footing; and it places the
whole power in regard to tliis contract, on our
part, in the hands of the President. It is an
experiment, and a very important experiment.
The amount which it is likely to tnke from the
Treasury of the United States will be only
#70,000 a year.

Mr. SEWARD. If this is to be the most
se.-ious opposition to the bill, I can remove all
objectixtn to it by proposing amendments calcu-
lated to meet the objection, it is only a matter
of detail; and if the honorable chainnrn will al-
low me, I will read the amendments 1 propose to
offer to remove the objection. The first is: afler
the words "just and reasonable," in the eleventh
hne, to insert:

Not exceeding $70,000 per annum, until the net profltt of
such person or person^ or associaiion shall be equal to a
dividend of six per cent, per annum, .'nd then nut exceed-
ing f50,000 per «aiinm for t\venty-flve /cars.

This amendment brings it down to the proposi-
tion already made. I propose, aUo, a further
amendment at the close of the bill:

Provided fuflhtT, That the contract so to be made by tils
British Government Nliall not bcdifTi^rent from that already
! proposed by that Government to the New York, New-
foundland, and liondon Telegraph Company.

I This amendment narrows the bill down to thr

j very proposition now made by the British Qov-

; ernmcnt. Details were avoided in the fra.ning

of the bill. Take these two amendments together,

and they remove nil the objections to the bill

which have thus far been made.

Mr. RUSK. I was going to say that the bill
proposes, in its present shape, only |70,000 a
year for .\ very importent experiment, about
which it is innecessary for me to speak to the
Senate. Every one can see that it is of great
importance. With a reasonable piobability of
success in an enterprise of this scription, cal-
culated to produce such bcncfici:i :ults, I should
be willing to vote $'.2lJ0,U00.

I shall vote a<;ninst the amendments proposed
by the Senator Aom New York, because I anpre-
lif3nd no danger from the bill in its present snipe.

As the papers which have been read show, this
is an experiment. A portion of the ships of the
United States arc to be used in it. The British
Government propose to lurnish ships for laying
down the cable; and we, I take it for granted,
will do the same thing.

Mr. DOUGLAS. I regret that the Senator from
Texas cannot vote for the amendments of the
Senator from New York. If the amendmentfi
should be adopted, the proposition will be pre-
cisely what the Senator from Texas understands
it to be without the amendments. What, then,
is the objection to their adoption? As the bill
now stands, it is liable to tlie objection which
has been made of uncertainty as to the amount
of our obligation.

For one, I am willing to agree to the nrop«si-
tion to pay a sum not exceeding |70,000 a year
for the services which this telegraphic company
propose to render our Government under the cir-
cumstances; but I prefer to specify on the face of
the bill the extent of our obligations.

Mr. SEWARD. I think, if the Senator from
Texas will reconsider his opinion, he will find
that we do not probably impair the probability
of getting this great enterprise accomplished by
adopting the amendments I have proposed. I
wian to remark that the wiiLd required to be laid
down is already made. The whole enterprise
has heretofore been conducted with American
capital. On the 4th of July next, if this bill shall
pass, there will be, for all practical purposes, an
eleciiic grirdle around the world. All that is
wantid IS to pass this bill. All that this, bill
proposes is just what the British Government hfl«
agreed to do. It is proposed to use the vesaeis
belonging to the United Slates Navy, and the
British Government has agreed to lend vessels
belonging to the British navy, for the purpose of
laying the wire. The reason for this requisition
is, that there is ::ot, in the commercial marine of
either country, such steam Teasels as are adapted

1(1 •pinning out thin wire along the bottom of the
Atlantic ocean.

Further: the Driliiih Oovornmcnt ngreea to
iwy . providi-d wc will agree to pay, a sum not
ixcoedins ^14,UU0 aterling, which, nt |4 80 to
tho pound, in somithinj^ieas than |7U,000 a year,
for the uno of tlif ttlugraphic wire. 1 he bill pro-
noica that wc pay tlic mime sum for tho like uhr.
These pnymenta to continuo until tho pcrsonM
laying tho wire shall, by the torifT to be agreed
upon by the two countries, secure profits equal
to six per cent, per annum; and then tho annual
piiymcnts to be made for the use of the wire bv
tttch Government are to be reduced to <l^lO,OUi),
or something less than f .')0,U()U a year.

With respect to tho 8U!j2;eHtions made by the
honorable Senator from Virginia, I have framed
two nmendmenis which will exactly limit this
ImII to tho proposition which hm been made by
the Hritish Government to the company, and
which the company have not accepted, because
they wait for the action of this Government, but
which they are prc.fiarrd to accept, provided we
maitn tho same contract with them. If we do
not mako this contrart, the HritiNh Government
will have tho priority of me^Hagcs, and wc will
hsTo to pay according to the turitriheycKtablish,
If we make thia eontrnct, each party will have
priority accordingly as its messages arrive first
at the office of the telegraph company. Will the
honorable Senator irom Texas waive his objec-
tifin to the amendments?

Mr. RUSK. I do not core particularly whether
the amendments be adopted or not; but I shall
TOtA against them.
The amendments were agreed to.
Mr. HUNTER. Thereisanothermaltorwhich
snems to me to require some snfcguards. Both
the termini of this telegraphic line are in the
Hritiah dominions. What security are we to have
that in time of war we sliall have the use of the
tnlepTttph as well as thu Hritish Government?

Mr. SEWARD. It appears not to have been
contemplated by the British Government— and I
hope they proceeded rationally when they made
this proposition to this telegraphic company —
that there would ever be any interruption of the
amicable relations between the two countries.
Therefore nothing was proposed in their contract
for the contingency of war. When this question
first came up that difHculty presented itself to
my mind, and I suggested to the telegraphic com-
pany that it ought to be the subject of a treaty
MtWGcn the United ^States and Great Britain. I
■«nt them to the President of the United States
and the Secretary of State for the purpose of
•Ming whether the whole matter could not be
regulated by a treaty which would secure provis-
ion fcr the contingency of war; but such nego-
tiations and other difficulties would protract the
whole ttflair until after the 4th of July, which is
after this session. The papers were returned to
the Senate without any notice of the question
now raised, conccrnin"; the contingency of war,
or, indeed, any other, by the President; and now
the question arises, w!iat shall be done?

That the two termini are both in the British
iotnlaiont is true; but it ia equally true that there

is no other terminus on this continent where it is
practicable to make (hat communication except
in the British dominions. We have no domin-
ions on the other side of tho Atlantic ocean.
Theni is no other route known on which the tel-
egraphic wire could be drawn through the ocean
so as to find u proper resting-place or anchorage
except this. Tho distance on this route is sev-
enteen hundred miles. It is not even known that
the telegraphic wire will carry the fluid with suf-
ficient strength to communicate across those sev-
enteen hundred miles. That is yet a scientiftir
experiment, nnd tho company are prepared to
mako it.

In regard to war, all the danger there is is this:
There is u hazard of war at some future time, and
1 have to sny, whatever arrangements we might
make, war would break them up — at least, war
would probably break them up. There can be
no stipulation of treaty that would save us the
benefit desired. Tho probability is, if we ever
get into a war with Great Britain — which 1 hope
may never happen — wc shall then have to strike
for one of the two terminations, if not both, in
order to secure to ourselves the benefit of it. In
the mean lime, if this intercourse shall be sus-
pendid, in such case certainly we shall not have
to pav for it after war is declared. According to
the theory of the bill, the British Government will
have to pay the whole expense, and wu shall be
as well oifas now.

A di-hiy would throw the matter over another
year, nnd delay the whole system. My own
hope is, that after the telegraphic wire is once
laid, there will be no more war between the Uni-
ted SutcH and Great Britain. I think it will re-
sult, nfur some years— some centuries, perhaps,
or hair centuries— in reducing tho expense of
(liplorriiitic intercourse, as well as preventing war.
I believe that whenever such a connection as this
shall l». mnde, we diminish the chances of war,
and diminish them in such a degree that it ia not
neccssiiry to take them into consideration at (he
present moment.

I h:ive only one other word on that subject, and
that is, that the use of this telegraph in time of
war, if it should come, is a proper subject for
treaty. The spirit manifested between the two
countries is such as to make it not less probable
than desirable, on the one part as the otner, that
it can be regulated by treaty after this bill shall
have passed.

Let UH see where we are ? What shall we gain
by refusing to enter into this agreement? if we
do not make it, the British Government has only
to add cf 10,000 sterling more annually, and they
have the whole monopoly of this wire, without
any stipulation whatever — not only in war butia
peace. If we make this contract with the com-
pany, we at least secure the benefit of it in time
of peace, and we lostpone and delay the dangers
of war. If (here shall ever be war, it would abro-
gate all treaties that can be made in regard to this
subject, unless it be true, as the honorable Sena-
tor from Virginia thinks, that treaties can be
made which will be regarded as obligatory by
nations in time of war. If so, we have all the
advantages in time of peace, for the purpose of

making sue
reason to in
on the partT
into that ml

to do NO. ll

trnc( and el
prise, And f
except that!
[mrpole ofl
no contribil
The Briiisf
sition as til
certainly ll
U'leKraphui
Mr. ha]
.tnd the cc
little too oil
have no nel
are to be gl
they woulff
atop the ga
would at r
our ocoar. i
iht interco
Britain am
would be <
municutioi
If we a
pursuing
■lenta on
liguoua to
have to be
as it is, b«
her citisci
guns.

What¥

ijood for i

their end (

1 believe 1

us togeth(

cne of the

tries toge

will hold

of those V

onstrated

attd valu!

cause of

diflfuaion

policy w

of war il

that wou

ll would

retard ii

advancei

and a m

one whi

Mr. I

bill as a

—but n<

let us r«

cfld of (

ease, I

niodifio

York.

Mr. I
tmprac
ihi; oce
would

ontinnntwhereitis
munication except
'e havo no doinin-
110 Atlantic ocean,
n on which the trl-

Ih rough the ocean
pliico or anchorafp.

this route is »ev-
ot even known that

till! fluid with «uf-
e across those acv-

•8 yet a scientific
y are prepared to

?:'>riheroisisthi«:
nrn; future time, and
?i;incnt8 we might
up — at least, war
ip. There can bt-
i^ould save us the
lity is, if we ever
im— which 1 hope
hen have to strike
IS, if not both, in
B benefit of it. In
uise shall be sus-
we shall not havn
cd. According to
iGovornmeni will
, and wo shall be

alter over another
ystem. My own
ihic wire is once
between the Uni-
I think it will re-
jnturies, perhaps,
; the expense of
8 preventing war.
Jonncction as this
chances of war,
grce that it is nol
isidcration at the

I that subject, and
graph in time of
•oper subject for
between the two
not less probable
»3 the other, that
Ler this bill shall

liat shall we gain
Teement? If we
rnment has only
pually, and they
IS wire, without
ilyin war but ia
t with the com-
■fit of it in time
3lay the dangers
r. it would abro-
in regard to this
lonorable Sena-
treaties can be
s obligatory by
fe have all the
the purpose of

Making such treaties hereafter, without the least
reason to infer that there would be any reluctance
no the part of the Kritish Government to enter
mto that negotiation with uo, if we should desire
to do no. In the mean lime, ihe delay would pro-
tract and endanger the completion of this enter-
priite, and throw it back. The wire is ready,
except that a nnlional vessel is wanted for the
fmrpnte of laying it. It involves no expennc —
n<i contribution on the part of the United States.
The British Oovernmcnt, if it had such a dispo-
•uion as the honorable Senator supposes, would
certainly have proposed to monopolize all this
Hegraphic line, instead of proposing to divide it.

Mr. HA Lie. It seems tome that the war spirit
.tnd the contingencies of war are brought in a
little too often upon matters of legislation which
have no necessary connection witTi them. If we
are to be governed by considerations of that sort,
ihey would paralyze all improvement; they would
««ip the greot appropriations forcommerci ; thny
would at once neutralize that policy which setu
our ocoar steamers afloat. Nobody pretends that
tkc intercourse which is kept up uetween Great
Hritnin and this country by our ocean steamers
would be continued in time of war; nor the com-
munication with France or other nations.

If we are deterred for that reason, we shall be
pursuing a policy that will paralyze improve-
mr-nta on those parts of the coast which lie con-
tiguous to the lukcs. The city of Detroit will
have to be abandoned, beautiful and progressive
iu It is, because in time of war the mansions of
ht-r citizens there lie within the range of British
•runs.

What will the suspension bridge at Niagara be
«;ood for in a time of war.' If the British cut ofl"
their end of it, our end will not be worth much.
I believe that iimoiig the things which will bind
us together in peace, this telegraphic wire will be
•ne of the moMt potent. It will bind the two coun-
tries together literally with cords of iron that
will hold us in the bonds of peace. I am not one
of those who are to hesitate about this if it is dem-
onstrated, and I believe it is, that it will be useful
and valuable in peaf'n, subservient to the great
cause of the advancement of civilization and the
diffusion of information. I repudiate entirely the
policy which refuses to adopt it, because in time
of war it may be interrupted. Such a policy as
that would drive us back to a state of barbarism.
It would destroy the spirit of progress; it would
retard improvement; it would paralyze all the
advances which arc making us a more civilized,
a.nd a more informed and a better people than the
one which preceded us.

Mr. DOUGLAS. I am willing to vote for this
bill as a peace measure, as a commercial measure
— but not as a war measure; and when war comes,
let us rely on our power and ability to take this
efld of the wire, niid keep it. In that view of the
ease, I have no trouble In voting for the bill as
modified on the motion of the Senator from New
Vork.

Mr. RUSK. A short time ago it was regarded as
>inpracticable to lay down a lino of telegraph across
thK ocean. At that time everybody supposed it
wtiuld be a matter of vast importance, politically,

■oeially, and commercially. tabs abin to iranamtt
in a few minutes the intolligence which w« ip
ccive from Europe which now requlrns from Un
days to two weeks for its tranHiniaslon, Nom>
experiments have been miidu in layiiif down a
tiilegraphic wire under the water, and II haalM>«N
fouud to work well. Knterprising American a||1.
zeni started the idea for the purpose of nhorlanlni
the time for the reception of various kinds of in-
formation, political, social, and coinmnri^inl.whkh
is transmitted between this country and Kuropi-,
They made an experiment which I'onvinr.ndlhtim
that it was practicable to lay down a wiro aernc*
the ocean. They gut together and riilasil the
money that has been spent, and hav" gona ou
and astonished the public mind with thti rapidKy
of their movements. Those Aniericnn ewtxtt*
applied to the British Government for aid In ihiM
business. The British Ciovernnioiil ciiine forward
at once and extended aid.

Now, sir, the aid which is uski'd from (hxdof •
ernmeiit of the United Stales will plarwi u* pr»
cisely on an equal footing with Kn|j;luiid in this
enterprise, which 1 rr^-ard as the greiil nnlurpriiw
of the ago. This is not the only uubmnrln*! UtI
egraph that is going to be located. It would Uf
dilficult for us now to tell where Uwy will nut Im
put. The British Government madu Ihla prop-
osition, and our own citizens come baek and Mh
us to take an e ual share in the expurimant, and
in the benefits and profitu, if wo mnks it ft MtMrt
of dollars and cents. If we have nn inleniouria
with foreign nations— if it is not a inntt»r nf iW'
portance for us to know anything of tlia politiMl
afl'airs.of foreign countries, tliiin wu hava no
interest as a Government in it. If it in not iiit
portant for us, we have been puriiuiii|f A fooliak
course, for we are spending a greiit flum of
money in sustaining a large dipliHiiitllu eorpt at
diflerent places to obtain political inrormniiou for
the use of our Government.

The advantages of this work will bo mutual,
and they must be muturU, lielwenn l\m l/nitcd
States and Great Britain. It is iinpoNsibloforoM
nation at this age to get a great advanlA||a OVfr
another in means, of communicution. b«MUM>,
when a communication is made, it will ba mMil
to the inteliigenco and enterprise anil eHpltalof
all. If I were inquiring into the advanwgtf t«
result from this measure, 1 should bu itt a lOM to
find any branch of industry that would not b«
benefited by it. I should be at a loss to And any
portion of the community that would not, mora
or less, feel the benefit of a communination bt'
tween this country and Europe whieh would or-
cupy but a few moments. If 1 were to aeleet any
particular section of the country that would b«
more benefited thaa another, I would a«|«et ihfi
very section from which the hoiiorablfl 8en*tor
from Georgia and myself come, W« have vary
large commercial intercouiso with the (European
Powers, especially with England, ItidlhaMntrtl
impression (and I think very wull foMniled) of
practical and experienced men, that rtt|lid trana-
|)ortation of intelligence in commuruial mattttrtia
of very great importance. It is a Having of labor
and a saving of capitol. If you can trsnamll In-
telligence rapidly, it puts all th9 advantafM •/ a

new state of th« mark«t at the diiposition of all
*hoic whom it cnn reach. What enters rrore
larsoly than any other thinf; into our commerce
wiUi the world? Cotton. The section of country
from which the honorable Senator and myself
coiiie, exports upwards of |1()(),U(X),(IU0 worth of
coUon every yeiir; and I do not know of any nrti-
oie of commerce or production in rej^ard to wluch
rapid intelligence from the place of its consump-
lioB and the market where it is sold, is of greater
iaportance than to the cotton grower.

On the 32d of January the debate was resumed.

Mr. SEWARD said, in regard to some objec-
tion made by Mr. Punu: So far as any national
rights are at hazard, or are involved in this
question, they naturally would fall under the
Rupervision of the Prcsiuentof the United States,
who has charge of the foreign relations of the
country. If he shall deem it necessary to pro-
tect any interest of the United States in peace or
war he will be able to d" so; and this bill, when
it becomes a law, repuses the whole duty to be
performed by it in the President and in nis dis-
cretion, and is not mandatory on him at all. If,
therefore, the President shall think the public in-
terest requires to be protected, it is to be presumed
he will not enter into this contract until a treaty
kM been made for that purpose.

Mr. BENJAMIN said: The sum of money that
this Government proposes to give for the use of this
telegraph will amount, in the twenty-five years,
to something between •£300,000 and .€400,000.
Now, if this be a matter of such immense im-
portvice to Great Britain — if this be the golden
opportunity— and if, indeed, her control of this
liae bo such a powerful engine, whether in war
or in peace, is it not most extraordinary that she
proposes to us a full share in its benents and in
ita control, and allows to our Government equal
rightJi with herself in the transmission of com-
munications for the sum of about <£ 300,000, to be
paid in annual installments through twenty-five
yean f It is obvious that this is not looked upon
by the British Government in the light in which
the Senator from Ohio views it. It is obvious
that, if this be indeed a very important instru-
mentality in behalf of Great Britain for the con-
duct of her commerce, the government of her
poHeasions, or the efficient action of her troops
iR time of war, the <if300,000 expended upon it
are but as a drop in the bucket when compared
witb the immense resources of that empire. I
think« therefore, we may as well discard from our
consideration of this subject all these visions
about the immense importance of the govern-
mental aid in this matter, to be rendered under
the provisions of this bill.

Again, sir, it has been suggested that there is
a question of constitutional power. If we have
a nght to hire a warehouse at Port Mahon, in
the Mediterranean, for storing naval stores, have
we not a right to hire a company to carry our
miessages ? Does this bill propose the construc-
tion of a line of telegraph by the Government?
Doea it propose the appropriation of money out
of the Federal Treasury for any purpose not
aaticipated by the Constitution? Not at all, sir.
A company cornea here and tells us, " If you will

pay us BO much per annum for such a service for
such a length of time, we will perform that icr
vice for you; it is one in which yourGovernmcni
is interested; if you will not give us that pay for
that service, we may or wo may not be able here-
after to render it upon terms which we shall havo
the power to exact; but if you will not mate that
contract now in advance, we, our side, will not
bind ourselves; you must obido the issue of the
enterprise, and be subject to such exactions aii
we please to impose if you want to use the
work."

That is all; and I should as soon think of ques-
tioning the constitutional power of the Govera-
ment to pay freight to a vessel for carrying its
mail bags across the ocean, as to pay a telegraphic
company a certain sum per annum for conveying
its messages by the use of the electric teleeraph.
Wo are not engaging in any enterprise authority
for which is not committed to us by the Consti-
tution. We do not propose to join in construct-
ing this work: hut deeming it in advance a work
of ^reat public importance and interest, not only
to the Government, i>ut to the people of the United
States, we say to tlic men engaged in a privutf
enterprise, thai if they will embark in this enter-

Erise, we will hire their services in advance at a
xed rate. It is by the allurement of this ofTw
of something of extra pay that they will be in-
duced to hazard their own fortunes in an enter-
prise which, if successful, will bring fruits to
them; if unsuccessful, will entail no losses upon
us, for we are to pay nothing until they begin to
carry our messages.

Now, if there be no objection on the constitu-
tional ground, and if the advantages of this tele-
graphic wire, as a war measure, have been ao
much exaggerated, as I nm inclined to think they
have been, what earthly objection can be mad*
to this appropriation? Observe, Mr. President,
that this is our position: Great Britain holds the
two termini of this line. She holds it; and can
appropriate it exclusively, whenever she pleases,
\o the use of her own Government and her own
citizens. She has appropriated to it a certain
amount of aid; and if it were as important am
clement in time of peace or war as gentlemen
make it out to be, and as I am inclined to think
it is, it would be perfectly within the power of
that Government to control its use forever. It
need not come offering to us to neutralize its
undoubted possessions, and give us equal advant-
ages with itself and its citizens for the miserable
pittance of .£350,000 sterling, to be paid to a
private company, many of whom are themselves
American citizens. So far from pursuing this
niggardly and unwise policy, the British Gov-
ernment, having the whole matter in its owi
hands, has said with great liberality — with credit-
able good feeling towards this country: •* We
will not take advantage of this exclusive control;
we will give money freely to aid this private
company in this great enterprise; and we will go
further — we will recognize the recent testimonial
of good feeling that has been sent to us by our
brethren across the Atlantic, and we will repay
that testimonial of good feeling sent to us by a
tender to them of that which is infinitely more

vaKiabU —
they have
was a gracf
ucrifice of
mvely poBsi
the spirit ol
servative of
much to rh
we all do bi
Now, sir
the result?
shall have I
with the G(
«>rnment hai
it uses the
pleases, for
eluded fron
with the c(
you that, c
influence ar
will, after tl
nfree to ca
Qovernmor
they are an
will be ind
an opportu
cation on t
If we give
quire equal
rights — out
eommunica
whole coun
Vre can sec
iK>me paltr
Britain mnj
future time
Mr. Pres
of war; let
The amoui
Governmcr
ftin, would
have to paj
the entire t
do you not
be aufiicieii
the comme
tries, so as
twelve moi
able, beyoi
wise occur
or nine mo
five years,
had our G
and our pc
during pet
Sir, wh(
to think I
public, th(
Govern mc
propositio
the Senat(
of this grc
British si
days mor
of the Un
ain's po\i
power to
held it, sb

ich a fMrviee for
Brtbrm Ihitt acr
>urQov(>rnmeni
u» that pay for
ot be able hen-
■ii Wfl ahall hava
I not make thai
• side, will not
he issue of tiu>
h oxactiona an
tnt to »m> tkt

I think of que*-
f tho Oavnri'
sr carrying it«
ly a lolegraphie
[iforconyeyinj
ctric leloerapb.
prise authority
by the Consti-
n in CQnatruri-
tUvanceawork
orest, not only
c of the United
in a priTuif*
c in this enler-
I aHvance at a
of this offm
ey will be ia-
s in an entpr-
)ring fruits to
10 losses upon
they begin to

\i the constitu-
s of this tele-
lave been so
to think they
can be mad*
[r. President,
tain holds the
is it; and can
rsho pleases,
and her own
>, it a certain
important aa
as eentlemeN
inod to think
the power of
! forever. It
neutralize its
equal ad van I -
■he miserable
)c paid to a
•e themselTea
ursuing this
British Gov-
in its owa
-with credit-
ntry: " We
sive control ;
this private
d we will ^<t
t testimonial
us by ow
B will repay
to us by a
initely more

(

valuable — inflnitely more important than what
they havo done for Great Britain." Ours, air,
waa a gracrful act of generosity; hers is a great
sacrifice of national advantages which she oxclu-
mvely possesses, and which rho tenders to ua in
the spirit of amity — in a spir i which will be pre-
aervativc of that nonce wtiich wo all profess so
much to cherish, nut which, I am much afraid,
we all do but too little to preserve.

Now, sir, without this bargain, what will be
tiie result? This line will be laid; and after it
ahall have been laid, by the terms of the contract
with the Government of Great Britain, that Gov-
<nrnment has the precedence with all its dispatches.
It uaoa the telegraph aa it pleases, and how it
pleases, for governmental purposes. We are cx-
duded from it; or if we horeafter make a bargain
with the company, after the line is done, think
you that, controlled aa they will be by British
influence and bv British interests, that company
will, after they have succeeded in this enterprise,
agree to carry tho mesaagea of this people and
Qovernmcnt for lens than they now offer, when
thev are anxious for our aid, of which then they
will be independent? Never, sir, shall we have
an opportunity of making use of this communi-
cation on the same advanti^cous terms aa now.
If we give equal aid with Great Britain, we ac-
quire equal control; our Government has equal
rights — our citizens have equal power to use this
eommunication for the common interests of the
whole country. Shall we give up all this when
We can secure it for so small a pittance, upon
some paltry jealousy of the use which Great
Britain may make of this communication at aome
future time in some possible contingency of war.

Mr. President, let us not always be thinking
of war; let us be using means to preserve peace.
The amount that would be expended by this
Government in six months' war with Great Brit-
ain, would far exceed everything that we shall
have to pay for the use of this telegraphic line for
the entire twenty-five years of the contract; and
do you not believe that this instrumentality will
be aufHciently cfHcient to bind together the peace,
the commerce, and the interests of the two coun-
tries, so as even to defer a war for six months or
twelve months, if one should ever become inevit-
able, beyond the period at which it would other-
wise occur ? If it docs that, it will in six or eight
or nine months repay the expenditures of twenty-
five years, during all which time we shall have
had our Government dispatches conveyed gratis,
and our people entitled to the same use of the line
during peace as the citizens of Great Britain.

Sir, when I reflect on this subject, I shudder
to think of the advantages which the English
public, the English commerce, and the English
Government will have over ours if we reject this
proposition. It was very well said yesterday by
the Senator from Texas, that in all the bargains
of this great bargaining and commercial country,
British subjects will have the advantage of ten
days more recent information than the citizens
of the United States. It is new in Great Brit-
ain's power to effect this end. It is now in her
Kower to monopolize this communication. If we
eld it, should we not be disposed to monopoliM

it? From what I have heard in the Senate on
this subject, my judfrroent is that we should be,
or many of us would ue, in favor of monopolizing
it; and yet, without price, without condition,
upon a fTxitini; of perfect equality. Great Britain
says to this Government, "Come forward; join
us in giving the same aid tn this great eiitcrpriN
that we ourselves are ready to give, and your
Government and your people may take advant-
age of it, though wo own the two shores on each
side of the Atlantic at the sole point on eurth
whore those two shores can be combined and
united together by telegraphic communication."
That is tendered to us unconditionally; and gen-
tlemen say they will not take it because Great
Britain, if we should ever have a war hercaAer,
might refuse us in time of war all these benefits
which she is offering to us in time of peace.
I must confess, Mr President, tl.at this argu-
ment appears to mu to be very strange. She can
hold all. She offers us a fair share of every-
thing while peace shall last. We all profess to
be desirous of peace. We all suppose peace will
be enduring — not forever; I do not believe in the
arrival of the Utopian age; but we all profess to
believe that peace will be enduring; ana shall we
cut off our Government and our people from the
use of this communication for, perhaps, genera-
tions to come, upon the fear, or the pretext of the
fear, that some day Great Britain may use it in
time of war? Once again, sir, I say, if'^she wants
it for war she will put it there at her own ex-
pense. It is not throe hundred thousand pounds
or four hundred thousand pounds that will arrest
her. If, on the contrary, this be useful to com-
merce — useful in an eminent degree — useful for
the preservation of peace, then I confess I feel
some pride that my country should aid in eatab-
lishing it. I confess I feel a glow of something
like pride thai I belong to the great human family
when I see these triumphs of science, by which
mind is brought into instant communication with
mind across the intervening oceans, which, to our
unenlightened forefathers, seemed placed ti.ere by
Providence as an eternal barrier to communication
between man and man. Now, sir, we speak from
minute to minute. Scarcely can a gun be fired
in war on the European shore ere its echoes will
reverberate among our own mountains, and bo
heard by every citizen in the land. All this is a
triumph of science—of American genius, and I
for one feel proud of it, and feel desirous of
sustaining and promoting it.

Mr. RUSK. Men of enterprise, men of intel-
ligence and skill, originated the idea of establioh-
ing a submarine telegraph between this continent
and Ireland. They organized a company, and
have had, I believe, from our ships, a great many
soundings to ascertain the practicability of hiying
down this wire. Then an American citizen,
Cyrus W. Field, goes to the English Government,
and asks them what they will do in aid of thii
work. He is a resident of New York. The
British Government entertain a proposition from
an American citizen, and offer to ao certain things:
" Her Majegty's Government engage to furnish the M
of ships to talce what soundings may still be considered
needfUl, or to verify those already uken ; and flivorably t«-

II'

roiuider any request that may be made to furnish aid by
their resaels in laying down the cable."

It is not denied that it will be of important
benefit to commerce. Tlie Senator from Virginia
admits that it will be a matter of great importance
to the commerce of the country; and yet he says
we ought not to incur this large expenditure of
sending a ship to make a few soundings, anu !<e1p
to lay down the cable, becauae it is an expense
for tne benefit of commerce ! My opinion is that
it will be of more benefit to our commerce than
to that of Groat Britain. We have sent outships
to make explorations and observations in tlie Red
Sea and in South America. We sent one or two
expensive expeditions to Japan, and published at
great cost some elegant books narrating their ex-
ploits. What object had we there but to extend
our commerce } The expense even in ships alone,
in that instance, was at the rate of twenty to one
here, but no cry o." economy was then raised. I
come now to the money portion:

"The British Government, from the lime of the comple-
tion of the line, and so long as it shall eoiitinuc in working
order, undertake tL pay at the rate of £14,000 a year."

The line must be completed before any pay-
ment can be made, and the payment is only to
be continued as long as the line is in working
order. That is the whole of the great assault on
the Treasury.

I am not disposed to consume the time of the
Senate; nor am I inclined to talk to grave Sen-
ators about the importance of this expevitnent,
which I regard as the experiment of the age, in
bringing nations nearer togct.ier, and doing away
with the causes which exist for disagreement and
war, and extending commerce, by which civi'ized
nations exist. I will not undertake to talk to
Uiose who know as well as, and perhaps better
than I do, of the vast advantages which may rc-
•ult from this telegraph. At all events, the money
is not to be paid unless the experiment is success-
ful. The snips may be sent there to assist in
Icying the cable. I think that is better than to
keep them rotting at the navy-yards with the
officers frolicking on shore.

Mr. DOUGLAS. I do not regard this as a war
measure in any sense of the word. It is essen-
tially a peace measure — a commccjal measure,
80 far as its advantages arc concernuvl, and I am
disposed to look upon it purely in that light. I be-
lieve its tendency will be to cultivate brttur feeliiigs
between the two countries. I believe the closer
it brings us together, the more it will obliterate
those prejudices which certainly do exist to a
considerable extent between the two nations.

Our policy isessentiallyapolicy of peace. We
want peace with the whole world, above all other
considerations. There never has been a time in
the history of this Republic, when peace was
more essei/tial to our prosperity, to our advance-
ment, and to our progress, than it is now. We
have made great progress in time of peace — an
almost inconceivable progress since the last war
with Great Britain, rweniy-five years nlore of
peace will pui us far in advance of any otiier
nation on earth. Upon examining the memorial
of thia company to the President of the United

States, I find that they ask for the use of but one
ship. They want one British steamer to start
from the coast of Ireland with the wire westward,
and one American steamer to start with the wire
eastward; and when the two ships meet, they are
to fasten the wire together, and let it drop, and
the work is done.

What injury is this to the United States in a
pecuniary point of view, or in any other respect ?
Will it cost anything to furnish the use ot one
of our steamships.' They arc idle; we have no
practical use for them at present. They are in
commission. They have their coal on board, and
their full armament. They wi'l be rendering no
service to us if they are not engaged in tiiis work.
Why not allow the use of one of our steamships
to transport this wire from the coast of New-
foundland to the center of the ocean, where they
are to meet the British ship ? If there was notiiitu^
more than a question of national pride involved,
I would gladly furnish the use of an American
ship f-x* that purpose. England tenders one of
her national vesstls, and why should we not
tender one also.' It costs England nothing, and
it costs us nothing.

But American citizens have commenced this
enterprise. The honor and the glory of the
achievement, if successful, will be due to Amer-
ican genius and American daring. Why should
the American Government be so penurious — I do
not know that that is the proper word, for it cost*
nothing — why should we be actuated by so illib-
eral a spirit as to refuse the u.sg of one of our '
steamships to convey the wire, when it does not
cost one farthing to the Treasury of the United
States.' We did furnish more— infinitely more
than that, to help to take the soundings across
thia very line for the benefit of commerce. We
thought it was a matter of honor and credit to
this Government to be engaged in the great scien-
tific work of determining the depth of the ocean,
and the tr'-.cks of vessels across it, in order lo
save life and expedite the transportation of per-
sons and property. Why not use one ship for
this purpose .'

Then the only remaining expense to the Jnited
States is iJ70,000 a year, that we are to furnish
for the transmission of intelligence over th'.s line.
If you look into this proposition you will find
that the expenditure is to begin when the line ia
in operation. Our compensation is to be the same
that thr^ British Government make. We are not
to pay a dollar of money for laying down the
wire. We are not to contribute a dollar to the
establishment of the telegraph; but we are to pay
for the intelligence that we cause to be transmitted
over it after it shall be in operation. The propo-
sition is this:

" The British Government, from the time of tho comple-
tion of tt : line, and so long at it shall conliiiiio in working
order, undortakea to pay at the rate of (£11,093) fourteea
thou.sand pounds a year."

We do not undertake to pay a dollar unless the
enterprise is successful. Suppose tlic-y go on and
Jay down this wire, and it proves unsuccessful:
what rcRponsibility do we incur.' What loss
hare we occasioned ? Nothing, except the uae

the use of but one
sluunner to start
ihe wire westward,
start with the wire
lips meet, they are
id let it drop, and

Jnited States in a
any other respect*
sh the use of one
! idle; we have nu
ent. They are in
coal on board, and
'1 be rendering no
;aged in tiiis work,
of our steanjships
le coast of New-
ocean, where they
there was nothing
ml pride involvea,
J of an American
d tenders one of
y should we not
land nothing, and

commenced this
the glory of the
I be due to Amer-
ng. Why should
) penurious — I do
• word,foritco8l»
tuatcd by so illib-
isG of one of our '
when it does not
Liry of the United
J — infinitely more
soundings across
commerce. We
nor and credit to
in Ihe great scien-
epth of the ocean,
S3 it, i:i order lo
iportation of per-
use one ship for

ense to the Jnited
we are lo furnish
nee over th'sline.
ion you will find
I when the line ia
I IS to be the same
ike. We are not
laying down the
te a dollar to the
but we are to pay
I to be transmitted
ion. The propo-

I timo of tho coinple-
comiiiuc in working
r (£11,000) rourtoeu

I dollar unless the
se they go on and
'OS unsuccessful:
!ur? What loss
;, except the use

of one steamship in transporting the wire from
the American coast to the center of the ocean,
where it is to meet a British ship, and the wires
are to be attached to each other, and the commu-
■ication made complete. If it works well, we
then incur the responsibility of paying $70,000 a
year for tbi> use of the telagraph by this Govern-
ment. This is all there is of it; and when the
profits of the company shall equal six per cent.
on the cost, we are to pay only $50,000 a year.

I think we gain more tlian that even in the sav-
ing of mail service. It is now a matter of vast
importance that our mail steamers should go
across the ocean in the shortest possible time.
Our vast pp> uniary interests depend upon the
earliest possible intelligence. When this wire
shall be in operation what dilTerence will it make
whether the vessels take ten days, or twelve days,
in crossing the ocean with the mail bogs, when
your commercial intelligence is going through
oach day and each hour? If you have a friend
on the other side of the ocean, you can communi-
cate with him in a few hours, if not in a few min-
utes. If you have any business transactions,
you can conduct them as well without the mail as
with it. It therefore dispenses with that stern
necessity of saving a few hours in the transmis-
sion of the mails. I need not spend the time of
tlie Senate to prove that probably one half of the
expense of transporting the mails across the
ocean is occasioned by the effort to snve five or
six hours or one day's time in a voyage. You
can get your mails carried for half price if you
will allow tho vessels to take two days more in
the voyage. It is for the speed that you pay the
bounty. The high bounty is for the greatest
possible speed.

When I look into this proposition, I cannot
CO ceive on what ground objections to it rest. I
cast out of view entirely the war argument; I
look upon it solely as a peace, as a commercial,
and as a business '.".easure. In that point of view
I believe the Government will obtain more ser-
vice for the amount of money, than by any other
contract that we have ever made, or now can
make, for the transmission of intelligence. It
i<5 a mail operation. It is a Post Office arrange-
ment. It is for the transmission of intelligence,
and that is what I understand to be the function
of the Post Office Department. I hold it, there-
fore, to be as legitimately within the proper pow-
ers of the Government, as the employing of a
stage coach, or a steam car, or a ship, to trans-
p<)rt the mails, cither to foreign countries or to
diiferent portions of our own country.

Is the amount to be paid too much? Clearly
not. I will venture now the assertion, that every
Senator on this floor was astonished at the small
amount of money asked for to accomplish this
great object. I had supposed it was going to
occasion an expense of several hundreds of thou-
sands of dollars a year instead of $70,000. I look
upo'n it as a wise and economical measure, as one
•oming pr.'ijicrly within the conceded powers of
i;his Govoniinent, and involving no lutitudinous
or wide construction in order to find the author-
ity of the Government for the measure.

Mr. SEWAIIP. There was an American

citizen who, in the year 1770, or thereabout, in-
dicated to this country, to Great Britain, and lo
the world, the use of the lightning for the pur-
poses of communication of intelligence, and that
was Dr. Franklin. I am sure that there ia not
only no member of the Semite, but no American
citizen, how r humble, who would be willing
to have sti .i out from the achievements of
American invention thl^ great discovery of Ihe
lightning as an agent for the uses of human
society.

The suc,gestion made by that distinguished and
illustrious American was followed up some fifty
years afterwards by another suggestion and an-
other indication from another American, and that
was Mr. Samuel P. B. Morse, who indicated lo
the American Government the moans by which
the lightning could be made to write, and by
which the telegraphic wires could be made to
supply the place of wind and steam for carrying
intelligence.

We have followed out these suggestions of
these eminent Americans hitherto, and I am sure
at a very small cost. The Government of the
United States appropriated $40,000 to test the
practicability of Morse's suggestion; the $40,000
'.hus expended established its practicability and
its use. Now, there is no person on the face of
the globe who can measure the price at which, if
a reasonable man, he would be willing to strike
from the world the use of the magnetic telegraph
as a means of communication between different
portions of the same country. This great inven-
tion is now to be brought into its further wider
and broaddr use — the use by the general society
of nations, international use, the use of the society
of mankind. Its benefits are large— just in pro-
portion to the extent and scope of its operation.
They are not merely benefits to '.he Government,
but they arc benefits to ihe citizens and subjects
of all nations and of all States. 1 tliink there ia
not living in the State of South Carolina, or Ten-
nessee, or Kentucky, or Virginia, a man who
would be willing to have the use of the telegraph
dispensed with or overthrown in reducing the cost
of exchange of his particular products to the
markets of the United States. I think so because
of the celerity with which communication of the
state of demand and supply in a distant market
affects the value of the article in the hands of tho
producer, and reduces by so much the cost of the
agencies em|)loyed in its sale. Precisely the same
thing which thus happens at home must necf^s-
sarily happen when you apply it to more remote
markets in other parts of tne world.

I might enlarge further on this subject, but I
forbear to do so, because I know that at some
future time I shall come across the record of
what I have aid to-day. I know that then what
I have said to-day, by way of nnticipation, will
fall so far short of the reality ci the benefits which
individuals, States, and nations will have derived
from this great enterprise, that I shall not redect
upon it without disappointment and mortifica-
tion.

Mr. TOUCEY. No one has made an objection
that there is any want of constitutional power,
nor that this is not a legitimate object for oux

Government. Every objection which has been
made resolves itself into one of expediency; and
upon that of course there may be a variety of
opinions. It is true that the termini of this tele-
graphic line will be within the dominions of
Great Britain exclusively. It is true that with-
holding thi^ appropriation on the part of our
Government will not put an end to this telegraphic
communication) provided it be practicable. It
will be established; it will go into operation; and
it will be a tremendous instrument m the hands
of some one to affect the most vital interests of
this country. It will put into the hands of those
who have the exclusive control of it ten days'
information in advance of all the community,
with regard to the markets of the European
world. When I say that, I say everything that
can be said to convey to the mmd the vast im-
portance of this communication, if it shall be
successful. Then what is the question here ? It
'8 simply a question whether we, now that we
have an opportunity, shall, by the appropriation
of 1^70,000 per annum, be placed upon a footing
of perfect equality with the Government of Great
Britain, within whose dominions will be the two
termini of this line; and whether our citizens
shall have an equal advantage and an equal right
with the subjects of Great Britain, or any other
country in the world? Can tiiere be two opin-
ions on that point ? Is it possible that the appro-
priation called for by this bill can be placed by
any one who looks at the vast interests that may
be involved, into the opposite scale, to weigh
down the merits of this bill .''

The object of this appropriation is to commu-
nicate instantaneously with England by our Gov-
ernment, and very briefly, or at least in a short
period, with all the Governments of Europe,
certainly in time of peace, and possibly, and
probably, in time of war. It is moreover to
secure to the commerce, the agriculture, and every
other interest of this country, an instantaneous
communication with the whole civilized world on
the other continent. Now, how is it possible that
there can be any diversity o^ opinion with regard
to the expediency of such v measure.' If it be
constitutional, if it be to promote a legitimate
object under the charg*; of this Government, (and
that it is no one doubts,) if the appropriation be
a small one, and be connected with interests of
such vast magnitude, I am ac i\ loss to discover
how any gentleman can be opposed to this bill.
I shall vote for it cheerfully.

Mr. BAYARD. I cannot, for my own part,
appreciate t!ie objections taken to this measure
on the part of those who consider that it involves
the interests of this country in the event of a war.
It is a proposition springing from a private com-
pany, on the face of the papers, who have pro-
posed to the Government of Great Britain to aid
them in the construction of a yet untried project
of establishing a submarine telegraph between
the British possessions in North America and
Engl«ind proper. It is, of course, a hazardous
undertaking. There is no certainty in it; and it
ip not unnatura', under these circumstances, that
ifidiyiduals should desire to see at least on what
tffDAB they are to atand with the Government of

the two countries most deeply interested, in the
event of the success of their enterprise. Their
proposition, in the first place, asks nothing nnles?
the enterprise succeeds, except that the Govern-
ment will take the soundings, or verify the sound-
ings already taken, and in the event of these
soundings proving the former ones to be accurate,
that they will suffer their vessels to be employed
in laying down this telegraphic wire. That ii«
the proposition. The British Government have
accepted it only to a limited extent. They agree,
not in a contract, but in their acceptance, that
they will enter into a contract for the purpose of
affording aid in verifying the soundings, and wiH
give a favorable consideration to a proposition to
afford such aid as the Government may see fit in
laying down the wire. The expense, therefore,
will be very trivial in this respect to our country
by entering into a similar engagement.

If this were a war measure — if it looked to
war, or was connected with war as a consequent
in the eye of the Government of Great .Britain,
does any gentleman suppose that Government
would, for a consideration of $70,000 additional,
which is the amount of expenditure here, or even
^700,000 additional, pause for a moment in sc ur-
ing the control of a measure which looked to its
interests in the event of war? If it is of such
formidable moment to her in the event of war,
and would throw us into such an inequality in a
contest of that kind, is it possible to suppose that
Great Britain, having the termini of the line in
her own dominions, would not at once, if she
looked to it in that point of view, secure to her-
self the control of this formidable engine for pur-
poses of offense in war? In my judgment it is
not so looked to; and I think gentlemen exagger-
ate the importance of this telegraph in the sup-
posable event of war taking place between Great
Britain and the United States, although I admit
unhesitatingly that its construction would tend
to the prevention of the probability of a war of
that kind. I think it must be so viewed by the
Government of Great Britain; but I am at a loss
to perceive to what great extent she could avail
herself of its advantages after war had commenced.
Be that as it may, however, it is very certain that
the telegraph will be made, if it is practicable,
whether we pass this bill, and enter into this
arrangement securing us the right that we secure
to ourselves by it, or not. If it is made without
our aid, are we not in the same condition? Do
gentlemen suppose that an expense of $70,000 a
year will prevent the making of this teli-graph if
Great Britain considers it important to her inter-
ests in peace and war? She pays now $900,000
a year for the transportation of the mails between
the United States and England. Do you sup-
pose $70,000 a year is a sum which will make
her pause if, on consideration, she presumes it
will be of great benefit to her in the event of war,
or even in peace ?

1 hold it to be certain that this telegraph wire,
if practicable, will be laid, whether we consent
to It or not. Are we not better off— is it not a
fair arrangement to us if it secures to our Gov-
ernment, as a Government, means of communi-
<;^cn with our agenu in Europe during time ol

peace,

crested, in the
rprise. Their
nothing nnleB?
ftt the Govern-
rify the sound-
!vent of these
to be accurate.

be employetl
wire. That ic
ernment have

They agree,
jceptance, that
the purpose of
dings, and wiM
proposition to
; may see fit in
nse, therefore,
to our country
nent.

f it looked to
) a consequent
Grrcnt .Britain.
t Government
)0U additional,

2 here, or even
nent in sp nr-

1 looked to its
■ it is of such
event of war.
nequaiity in a

suppose that
of the line ia
t once, if she
secure to her-
ngine for pur-
judgment it ti
;men exa^er-
ih in the sup-
jetwecn Great
>ou;^h I admit
n would tend
y of a war of
riewed by the

1 am at a loss
le could ayail
d commenced.
ty certain that

3 practicable,
»ter into this
hat wc secure
made without
indition? Do
! of $70,000 a
is telegraph if
t to her inter-
low $900,000
mails betwecM
Do you sui>-
ch will make

I presumes it
event of war,

Icgraph wire,
r we consent
—is it not a
I to our GoT-
of communi-
triag time o(

peace, although all means are cut ofF in the event
of war? Arc the terms asked too great? There
la nothing asked in the first instance except the
ordinary use of the vessels of the Navy. You
can comply with that with only a trivial expense;
and it is only in the event of the service being
successful that you are to pay $70,000, if the
proceeds of the company do not amount to six
per cent.; and if they do, you are only to pay
$50,000. That is all you are to pay for the ex-
clusive right, in connection with the Government
of Great Britain, of the prior transmission of in-
telligence that may be deemed important by your
agents in Europe, or by your Government here
to your agents there, to the exclusion of the pub-
lic at large.

Is not that of immense importance to the Gov-
•aument of this country? Is it not of sufficient
importance to justify an expenditure of $50,000
a year? In my judgment it would justify an
expenditure of five times the sum rather than
undergo the disadvantages which you would be
placed under by excluding yourselves from this
right, which is all the right granted to Great
Britain, and which the Government of Great
Britain, when the proposition was made, at once
accepted ? I confess I think the terms of their
acceptance are in a spirit of entire liberality to
this country, securing as they do to this Gov-
ernment, as well as to the Government of Great
Britain, equal rights throughout. I see no cause
for jealousy here. I see no cause in this case,
whatever there may have been in others, to im-
pute to the Government of Great Britain a desire
to take any advantage from the construction of
this submarine telegraph. The terms are oflfered,
and the answers are before you. After saying
what she is willing to pay, she stipulates (and
these are the only things material to us) that the
British Government is to have priority in the con-
veyance of messages over all others, except the
Government of the United States; and that as
between her and the Government of the United
States, the rule is to be, the message, when re-
ceived, shall be first transmitted.

Mr. MALLORY. It seems to be conceded on
aU.hands that there is no constitutional objection
to the passage of this bill, and the arguments
against it have resolved themselves into consid-
<«ations of expediency solely. We may differ
SB to the expediency of passing the bill; and I
have therefore noted, with a great deal of care,
the objections taken in the debate on the point of
expediency. I noticed particularly those from
the chairman of the Committee on Finance, [Mr.
Hunter,] whicii were characteristic of the posi-
tion he occupies before the Senate as chairman of
that committee. I will briefly notice these objec-
tions, to show how slight they are, and how im-
mediately they vanish on investigation. The first
was the gres' consideration of the cable parting
in laying down the wire. I understand the Gov-
ernment is not liable if the parties do not succeed
in the enterprise. The second was, that we shall
pay more than our dispatches are worth. Who
knows it ? Who knows what the dispatches will
be worth ? Contingencies may arise in the his-
tory of this country when a single dispatch may
be worth $5,000 a word, or ten times that sum.
Another objection, one made by the chairman
of the Judiciary Cooimittee, [Mr. Bvtlbr,] was,

that this was simply a mail service under the sur-
veillance of Great Britain That is not tenable.
The authority given in the bill to the President
to contract with the parties includes the power
of contracting on conditions; and we must sup-
pose he would be recreant to his duty if he wer«
not to contract that all dispatches by, or to th«
Government of the United States, should pass
through its confidential agents alone. The sys-
tem would not only be worse than useless, but it
would be a great injury to us if your communi-
cations were to pass through any other than our
own confidential agents; and as a matter of course
the President would so contract. I had drawn up
an ame.idment for that purpose; but when I saw
that there was in the bill ample power for the
President to do that, I refrained from offering it.

If we decline the proposition made to us by
this company, what is to preclude Great Britain
from acquiring the right of exercising a surveil-
lance over both termmi of the line r And in ihc
exercise of this power, implying a knowledge of
every dispatch sent over it, we can readily per-
ceive the blighting influence she might at pleasure
exercise upon our public affairs. Sir, l under-
stand that my friend the chairman of the Com-
mittee on the Judiciary, speaking of it as a war
measure, said that the interests of the two coun-
tries will preserve peace, and no device of this
kind will save us from the perils of war. I
concede that, but this is one of those measures
which multiply the interests of the country, which
bring the cotton-planters of his State within
twenty -four hours of the great markets of Europe.
It'wilf take the profits heretofore shared by the
cotton speculators of Europe, and place tl em at
the door of the cotton-planter. He at all times
during his growing crop will have power to know
what his crop is worth in the markets of Liver-
pool, which govern the markets of the entire
world.

As a war measure this project cannot be con-
sidered. War will put an end, as a matter of
course, to all these relations. The project con-
ceived by the Senator from Ohio of neutralizing
one portion of the American continent was, 1
presume, introduced for the simple purpose of
killing the bill; but certainly not with any idea
that Great Britain would ever consent to neutral-
ize any portion of Newfoundland, or the oth€r
side of the continent, for our accommodation in
the event of war. She has, in a recent postal
treaty with France, stipulated expressly that each
party shall have one mail steamer across the
Channel, which shall not be molested or inter-
rupted during war; but I know of no similar con-
cession that she has ever made, and certainly shs
never would make one of this kind.

My friend from Illinois spoke of fishing this
cable up. He has not probably looked to thtt
details of the soundings made by our own sea-
men, and to the effect that tjiis wire will sink
some foot or more — we cannot tell certainly —
beneath the surface of the bottom of the ocean.
The idea of fishing in between seventeen hundred
and fiftyand nineteen hundred fathoms of water,
with an anchor, for this chain, is novel and un-
tenable.

American genius, sir, has discovered or prac-
tically devised the means, as I conceive, of belt-
ing the world instantaneously— of sending the

principles of American freedom, in the language
of Shakspeare, around the globe. In this at-
tempt to unite two continents, we are gravely
debating whether we will accept the boon or not,
for it is a voluntary one ! The trifling sum of
money is so small that scarcely a Senator here
objects to it as a money consideration at all.
That docs not enter into our calculations. If
there be anything said on the subject, it is sur-
prise that we are to get the advantages, as we
suppose them to be, for so small a sum of money.
I ahull vote for the bill.

At the conclusion of the debate the bill was
passed, as follows:

A bill to expedite telegraphic Rommunirntion for tlie uses
of the Gflveminent in itt* foreign intercourse.
Be it enacted by the Senate and Home of Representative*
oftKe 1/niti.d States of America in Connresi assembled, That
toe Secretary of State, in the discretion and under th«
direction of the Pretidimt of the United States, may con-
tract with any competent person, persons, or association,
for the aid of the United States in laying down a submarine
cable, to connect existing telegraphs between ilie coast of
Newiouodland and the const of Ireland, and for the use of
inch Bubmarine communiciition, when established, by the
Uovernment of the United States, on such terms and con-
ditions as shall seem to ttie President Just and reasonable,
not exceeding $70,O0U per annum, until the net profits of
■ucb person, or persons, or association, shail be equal to a
dividend uf six per cent, per annum, and then not exceed-
ing ^^,0()0 per annum for twenty-flvc years : JProvuled,
That the Uovernmont of Great Britain shall, before or at
tliu same time, enter into a like contract for those purposes
with the same person, persons, or association, and upon
terms of exact equality with those stipulated'by the United
States : tSnd provided, 1'hat the tarilf of prices for the use
of such submarine communication by the public shall be
fixed by the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States
and the tiovcrnmcnt of Great Britain, or its authorized
igents : Provided further, That the United States and the
cittsens thereof shall enjoy the use of the said submarine
telegraph communication lorn period of flfl;' years, on the
name terms and condition:^ which shall be stipulated in
favor of the Government of Great Britain, and the subjects
thereof, in the contract so to be entered into by such per-
son, personn, or association, with that Government: Pro-
vided further. That the contract so to be made by the British
(lovemment shall not be different from that already pro-
posed by that Government to the New York, Newfoundland,
and London Telegraph Company, except such provisions
as may be necessury to secure to each Government the
trajMuiission of its own messages by its own agents.

APPENDIX.
The follov/ing correspondence is as interesting
as it is pertinent in this connection:

House of REPRESENTA'iivEs,
Washington, December 30, 1856.

Sir: The submarine communication which now
excites so much attention, both in the Congress
of the United States and the country, will, I per-
ceive by the mnp of the survey, teiniiiiatii on this
side the Athintic in the British possessions, i. e.
in Newfoundland.

\yill you do me the favor, at your earliest con-
venience, to answer the following questions, to
wit:

Is 'here a point, under our flag, which would
answer for the western terminus?

If not, what are the obstructions?

What influence would it have in a military
point of view ?

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
C. C. CHAFFEE.
Lieutenant Macht, Ututtd Slatts J^avy.

U. S. N. Observatory and Htdroo. OFriee.
Washington, December 31, 1856.

Sir: I have received your note of the 30lh
instant, making certain inquiries in relation to
the submarine telegraph of the Atlantic, and
wishing to know what are the obstructions which
prevent the western end of the wire from being
Drought straight across the sea to our own shores.

The difficulties are manifold, and, in the pres-
ent state of the telegraphic art, they may be con-
sidered insuperable.

The shortest telegraphic distance between the
British Islands and the United States, without
touching English soil by the way, is, in round
numbers, three thousand miles, and the lightniufi:
has never yet been made to bear a mensnge tnrougti
a continuous wire of such a length. Here, there-
fore, is an obstruction.

The distance from the Western Islands to thr
nearest port on our shores is about equal to the
distance Detwecn Newfoundland and Ireland; and
the distance between the Irish coast and tbs
Western islands is about fifteen hundred miles.
Therefore, with a relay on the Western Islands,
a line from Ireland, via those Islands, to our own
shores, is electrically practicable.

But ! wire by that route would have to cross
the Atlantic at its deepest part, and then the
Portuguese Government, as well as the English,
would have control of the line; so that, in a mil-
itary, commercialjor politicalpointof view, noth-
ing would be gainea by unaerrunning the At-
lantic with the telegraphic wires by that route.
Moreover, that route would lead the wire across
a volcanic region. These constitute obstructions
that, in the present state of our knowledge, are
fatal to such a route.

The only practicable route for a submarine
telegraph between the United States and England
appears to be along the " plateau" of the Atlantic,
whereon it is proposed to lay the wire that is
now in process of construction.

But suppose a line were to be constructed by
American enterprise from the British shores,
submarine, ail the way to one of our sea-port
towns: cuiiono? In time of peace the line along
the " plateau" would, by reason of its great ad-
vantages, take all the business; and in war the
British authorities need but cut the American
cord, or take charge of its office at the other end.
to render the whole line inoperative or perfectly
useless to us.

It cannot but be regarded by every wise and
good man as a fortunate circumstance that this
great enterprise of the sub-Ailaniic telegrapli is
the joint work of England and Ami.rica. This
circumstance ought of itself" to serve us a guar-
antee to the world that in case of war — should
war unhappily ever be waged between ijiese two
nations — that that cord is never to be broken, or
to be used otherwise than fret'ly and fairly alike
by the two nations, their citizens and subjects.

We have just seen the great nalioiid of Euroor
emerging from the horrors of a fierce and bloouy
war; and yet, to their honor and the glory of the
age be it said, that that strife, vengeful though it
was, was not savage enough to break a single line
of telegraphic wire. The lightninj ran to and
fro with messages between St. Petersburgh and
the capitals of France and England, aa it now

does. Am
after that
means and

Suiet botto
Jovernmei
the face of
age, convt
turned aga
Our fell
and broKg
sagaciousa
lying as it
foreign Po
Gotha and
were about
bed of th(
war; but th
and trustei
The Britisl
use of that
age is aga
the pale of
English na
sucn a thin
if they cou
might as w
the railwajj
of abrogati
be turned a
WhenC
CO very, Fr
King of Fri
cruisers de
in case any
recollect tl:
science;" e
war had or
they fall in
him, in the
memory of
that act am
his reign.

A little r
time confei
nations of
of their re|
of physica
form lor th
for markin
currents, tl
ment of thi
to his own
war, this t
as a sacred
cruisers of
ing in thii
touch that
This sul
ment whi(
had somct
it likely tl
any Powe
it may be
those nati
and joint
physical i
ning has bi
♦•^e ocean,
fhissyi
over and c
exduBiy;

[tOROO. OFriCK.

m&erSl, 1856.

ote of the 30th
8 in relation to
e Atlantic, and
itructionswhicli
ivire from being
our own shores,
nd, in the pres-
ley may be eon-
ice between the
States, without
ly, is, in round
nd (he lightning
nessnge til rough
1. Here, there -

n Islands to the
)ut equal to the
nd Ireland; and
coast and tha
hundred miJcB.
''cstern Islands,
nds, to our own

il have to cross
, and then the
as the Engiinh.
) that, in a mil-
it of view, noth-
inning the Al-
by that route,
the wire across
ite obstructions
tnowledge, are

a submarine
■8 and England
of the Atlantic.
le wire that is

constructed by
British shores,
our sea-port
3 the line along
of its great ad-
and in war the
the American
the other end.
ire or perfectly

very wise and
ance that tiiis
ic telegrapl) is
mirica. This
rve us a guar-
war — should
■een these two
be broken, or
nd fairly alik«
.nd ■subjects,
ojid of Euroi>r
Cfi and bloouy
le glory of th'tt
^cful though it
ik a single line
J ran to and
lersburgh and
ad, aa it now

does. And in case of war with this country,
after that electric cord is stretched by the Joint
means and enterprise of the two people upon the
quiet bottom of the deep sea, neither of the two
Governments would dare take that cord, and, in
the face of the Christian States and people of the
age, convert it into a military engine, to be
turned against its joint owners and partners.

Our fellow-citizens who contrived, planned,
and brought forward this noble work, are too
sagacious and patriotic not to have perceived that,
lyin^ as it does wholly within the control of a
foreign Power, that Power, were it a nation of
Goths and Vandals, might turn the path they
were about to make for the lightning along the
bed of the ocean against their own country in
war; but they knew the people on the other side,
and trusted to higher and nobler sentiments.
The British Government interfere with the free
use of that cable even in war ! The spirit of the
age is against such an act, and no State within
the pale of Christendom, much less that great
English nation of noble people, would dare to do
such a thing. Her people and rulers would not
if they could; they could not if they would. We
might as well think of tearing up now, in peace,
the railways between Canada and the States, or
of abrogating the steam-engine because it may
be turned against us in war.

When Captain Cook was on his voyage of dis-
covery, Prance and England were at war. The
King of France was requested not to let his armed
eruisers destroy the records of that expedition
in case any of them should fall in with it. You
recollect the noble reply: " I war not against
science;" and forthwith every French man-of-
war had orders to treat Cook as a friend, should
they fall in with him; and assist, not interrupt
him, in the object of his cruise. To this day the
memory of that King is held in more esteem for
that act and sentiment than for any other act of
his reign.

A little more than three years ago, at the mari-
time conference of Brussels, where the principal
nations of the world assembled in the persons
of their representatives to devise a uniform plan
of physical research at sea, and to report the best
form for the abstract log to be used on board ship
for marking the observations upon its winds and
currents, those functionaries alluded to this senti-
ment of the French Monarch, and appealed each
to his own Government to order that, in case of
war, this abstract log should also be regarded
as a sacred thing. It is made so. The armed
cruisers of the various nations that are cooperat-
ing in this system of research are required to
touch that record with none but friendly hands.

This submarine fclcgraphic line is an achieve-
ment which this very system of research has
had something to do in lirincing about; and is
it likely that it will or can be monopolized by
any Power for war purposes ? Fairly and clearly
it may be considorcd as the joint property of
those nations who are oporiiting as coworkers
and joint colaborcrs in tliat beautiful system of
physical research by which a way for the light-
ning has been discovered under the sea and across
•''e ocean.

This system of research, it has been proclaimed
over and over again, was not undertaken for the
exdufliy^ Advantage of any one people or nation,

but for the benefit of commerce, the advancement
of science, and for tbe benefit and improvemcAt
of the whole human family; and with this under-
standing the nations of Europe entered into it.

Being joint owners and equal participators ia
such a great enterprise as this, we may with pro-
priety, under these circumstances, demand a fair
participation in all its advantages.

But suppose we should stand aloof, and that
the enterprise now on foot should be abandoned
by our citizens and Government, and then sup-
pose war to come; in less than six months after
Its declaration, the British Government could, on
its own account, have a wire stretched alone this
telegraphic plateau between Newfoundland and
Ireland.

You do not desire me in your note to consider
the christianizing, political, social, and peace-pre-
serving influences which this fascicle of copper
threads, when once stretched upon the bed or the
ocean, is to have, and therefore I do not offer
any of the views which present themselves from
such a stand-point. This much, however, I may
say: submarine telegraphy is in its infancy, bat
il IS in the act of making the stride of a full-grown
giant; and no problem can to my mind be naore
satisfactorily demonstrated than is the practica-
bility of realily, and almost without risk, laying
the wire from land to land upon this " telegraphic
plateau" of the Atlantic.

Respectfully, &c. M. F. MAURY.

Hon. C. C. Chaffee,

House of RepresenlalivtSy Wasliii^ton.

London, Five o'clock, a. m.,
October 3, 1856.

Mt dear Sir: As the electrician of the New
York, Newfoundland, and London Telegraph
Company, it is with the highest gratification that
I have to apprise you of the result of our experi-
ments of this morning upon a single continuous
conductor of more than two thousand miles in
extent, a distance you will perceive sufficient to
cross the Atlantic ocean, from Newfoundland to
Ireland.

The admirable arrangements made at the Mag-
netic Telegraph Office in Old Broad street, for con-
necting ten subterranean gutta-percha insulated
conductors, of over two hundred miles each, so
as to give one continuous length of more than
two thousand miles during the hoursof the night,
when the telegraph is not commercially employed,
furnished us the means of conclusively settling,
by actual experiment, the question of the practi-
cability ns well as the practicality of telegraph-
ing through our proposed Atlantic cable.

This result had been thrown into some doubt
by ihe discovery, more than two years since, of
certain phenomena upon subterranean and sub-
marine conductors, and had attracted the atten-
tion of electricians, particularly of that most em-
inent philosopher Professor Faraday, and that
clear-sighted investigator of electrical phenomena
Dr. Whitehouse; and one of these phenomena,
to wit: the perceptible retardation of the electric
current, threatened to perplex our operations, and
required careful investigation before we could
pronounce with certainty the commercial practi-
cability of the Ocean Telegraph. ^

I am moat happy to inform you that, &ti a
crowning result of a long series of experimental
inresligation and inductive reasoning upon this
subject, the experiments under the direction of
Dr. Whitehouse and Mr. Bright, which I wit-
nessed this morning, — in which the induction
coils and receiving magnets, as mouified by these
gentlemen, were made to actuate one of my re-
cording instruments, — have most satisfactorily
resolved all doubts of the practicability as well
as practicality of operating the telegraph from
Newfoundland to Ire'and. I

Although we telegraphed signals at the rate of j
910, S4I, and, according to the count at one time,
even of S70 per minute upon my telegraphic regis- i
ter, (which speed, you will perceive, is at a rate I
commercially advantageous,) these results were j
accomplished notwithstanding many disadvant- 1
ages in our arrangements of a temporary and j
local character — disadvantages which will nut
occur ill the use of cur submarine cable. |

Having passed the whole night with my active |
and agreeaolc collaborators. Dr. Whitehouse and j
Mr. Bright, without sleep, you will excuse the |
hurried and brief character of this note, which I
could not 'refrain from sending you, since our j
experiments this morning settle the scientific I
and eommercial points of our enterprise satisfac- j
torily. I

With respect and esteem, your obedient. servant,

SAMUEL F. B. MORSE.
To Ctrus W. Field, Esq., Vice President of the
.A/eu> York, JiTewfoundland, and London Telegraph
Company, 37 Jermyn «'»•««(, St. James's street.

London, October 10, 1856.

Mr DEAR Sir: After having given the deepest
consideration to the subject of our successful
experiments the other night, when we signalled
clearly and rapidly through an unbroken circuit
of subterranean conducting wire, over two thou-
sand miles in length, I sit down to give you the
result of my reflections and calculations.

There can be no question but that, with a cable
contpining a single conducting wire, of a size not
exceeding that through which we worked, and
■with equal inaulation, it would be easy to telegraph
from Ireland to Newfoundland ht a speed of at
least from eight to ten words per minute; nay,
more: the varying rates of speed at which we
worked, depending as they did upon diflferences
in the arrangement of the apparatus employed,
do of themselves prove that even a higher rate
than this is attainable. Take it, however, at ten
words in the minute, and allowing ten words for
name and address, we can safely calculate upon
the transmission of a twenty-word message in
three minutes;

Twenty such messages in the hour;

Pour hundred and eighty in the twenty-four
hours, or fourteen thousand four hundred words
per day.

Such are the capabilities of a single wire cable
fair!/ and moderately computed.

It is, however, evident to me, that by im-
prcvementi in the arrangement of the signals

themselves, aided by the adoption of a code or
system constructed upon the principles of the
best nautical code, as 8ua;geated by Dr. While-
house, we may at least double ti.*; speed in the
tranpmission of our messages.

As to ihe structure of the cable itself, the last
spec'm<»n which I examined with you seemed to
combine so admirably the necessary qualities of
strength, flexibility, and lightness, with perfect
insulation, tlu>t I can no longer have any mis-
gividgs about the ca&c and safety with which it
will be Bubniorgcd.

In one word, the doubts are resolved, the diffi-
culties overcome, success is within our reach,
and the great feat of the century must shortly )m
accomplished.

I would urge you, if the nanufacture can be
completed within the timo, (and all things are
possible row,) to prcsd forward the good work,
and not to lose the chance of laying it during the
ensuing su;iimer.

Before the close of the present month, I hope
to be again landed safely on the other side of tiic
water, and I full well know, that on all hands the
inquiries of most interest with which I shall bo
met, will be about the Ocean Telegraph.

Much as I have enjoyed my European trip this
year, it would enhance the gratification which 1
nave derived from it more than I ciin describe to
you, if on my return to America I could bo the
first bearer to my frienc'.s of the welcome intelli-
gence that the great work had been begun, by tho
commencement of the manufacture of the cable
to connect Irchnd with the line of the New York,
Newfoundland, and London Telegraph ^/ompa-
ny, now so successfully completed to St. John"'.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

SAMUEL F. B. MORSE.
To Ctrub W. Field, Esti., Vice President qfthe
^ew Yorkf 'Muifoundland, and London Teltgrapk
Company,

January 27, 1857. The following dispatch was
received here this morning. When it is consid-
picd that the difference in time between St. Johns,
Newfoundland, and this city is little over one hour,
and that the message was, owing to the use of
different instruments, and the working of separate
electric circuits, rewritten no less than six times,
the fact that it was received just one hour biforc
it was sent, may be understood; and show the
wonderful expedition in the transmission of intel-
ligence from this to Europe when the Atlantic
line is completed:

St. Johns, (N. F.,) Toesdat, 11 a. m., January 97
CvRus W. Field, Kational Hotel, WasKington :

I think you will approve of tho rcasona in I'avor o4
Trinity Bay for tlie landing of the Atlantic cable.

A, BIIEA.

P. 8. This message was received at the House Printine
Telegraph office, Washington, D, C, at ten o'clocK a. m.
J. L. ELLIOTT, Operator.

The distance from St. Johns to Washington is
nineteen hundred and sixty miles by the route of
the telegraph.