LETTER 
 
 Ol- THE 
 
 HON. EDWARD BLAKE 
 
 TO THK 
 
 WEST DURHAM REFORM CONVENTION. 
 
 TO WHICH IS APPENDED 
 
 Correspondence as to the Inverary Meeting. 
 
 ^Toronto ; 
 
 THE BUDGET PRINTINCJ AND PUBLISHING COMPANY, 64 BAY STREET. 
 
 lSc.I. 
 
To the Members of the West Durham Reform Convention 
 
 IIUMEWOOD, 
 
 ToROXTO, March 'nn, 1891. 
 Gen't/.emkv, 
 
 1. Oh the 11th February last f addrossod to your President the following letter: — 
 
 " Some days ago I requested to be allowed to wait on the Convention. 
 
 " My object was to ask that my natr.e sliould be withdrawn, as I fonnd it impossible to accept the 
 " honor of a nomination ; to give my reasons for this conchistion ; to return my heartfelt thanks for tiie 
 " unbounded kindness of four and twenty years, and to Ind my faitliful friends an affectionate farewell. 
 
 " With this view 1 had prepared a paper for commnnication to them. 
 
 " It has been intimated to me that it is not desirable that I sliould take the course that I had 
 "chalked out, and conseijuently I defer the commuiucation. 
 
 " Will you have the goodness to read this letter to the Convention. 
 
 " I will only add that the writing of it is the most painful event in the political life of which it i.^ 
 " the close.'' 
 
 2. I have now to ask you to receive niy inoit i^rateful acknowledgements of your re- 
 solution of 12th February, couehed in terms which I know are e.xtrava;4antly l^eyond any 
 deserts of mine, and which 1 can accept only as a last and crowning mark of your kindness 
 and partiality. 
 
 3. I have feared from the beginning that every hour's fighting in the contest which 
 ends to-day, must widen the rift between us ; and that its close must leave me isolated in 
 opinion, and deprived of any right to expect your continued confidence. 
 
 4. Therefore, I am cheered by no such expectation now. 
 
 But I must give you " vera pro gratis," truths for compliments. You should know the 
 grounds of my retirement. 
 
 And witli that view, all excuse for reticence having ceased, I subjoin the paper referred 
 to in my quoted letter. 
 
 I have, etc., 
 
 EDWARD RLAKE. 
 
 PAPER REFERRED TO IN THE ABOVE LETTER. 
 
 To the Member^ of the West Durham Reform Convention : 
 
 HUMEWOOD, J iiave been anxious then to retain the seat with 
 
 Toronto, February 6th, 1891. which the ha))its and interests of my life are inter- 
 
 Gkntlemek, — woven ; and to the duties of which I had arranged 
 
 1. I hope you will not deem me presumptuous in to devote the V)ulk of my time, 
 
 assuming that my name may be submitted to you A re-norrdnation for West Durham would be my 
 
 as a Liberal candidate for West Durham. greatest prize ; the severance of our connexion wil' 
 
 By your extraordinary favor I have been permit- inflict a bitter pang. 
 
 ted to serve you for the greater part of four and Therefore I pray you not to suppose th.it it is 
 
 twenty years, during which long interval public despondency at tiie failure of past efforts, or prefer- 
 
 affairs have mainly occupied my time and thoughts. ence for ignoble ease oi sonliii toil, or indifference 
 
 There is much to be done and much to be preven- to your warm friciidship and generous constancy, 
 
 ted at Ottawa ; and, while deeply sens.ole of many that leads me to ask the withdrawal of my name, 
 
 shortcomings, it yet seems reasonable to suppose It is due to both of us that you should know my 
 
 that the experience of all thMe years has made me reasons. 
 
 less unfit than formerly for your service. 2. Irrespective of the trade question, it is impor- 
 
 This is the sphere which offers the best prospect tant in the interest of our country that the Liberal 
 
 of usefulness to my country, during that short party, even if it fails to win the election, should 
 
 remainder of life in which I would fain labour for yet maintain and increase its strength, rn order to 
 
 her, as remembering that " the night cometh, when the efficient discharge of the great general duties 
 
 no man can work." devolving on it— duties at this moment cast into the 
 
shade ; but none tlie less egseiitial to tlie [lublic 
 good. 
 
 3. Yet, plainly, the issue which the party has 
 thoiif,'ht lit to tender for the judgment of the Elec- 
 torate is tiiat of Unrestricted Keciprocity, or abso- 
 lute free trade with the Stutes ; an issue whicii has 
 been maintained as "the sole party plank" ever 
 since it was put forward in 1S87. 
 
 4. J5eing at that time in Europe, I wrote, and 
 after my return fidly stated to leading men my 
 views on this head. 
 
 It was agreed that, unless tlie conditions should 
 change, it would clearly ))e my duty, when called 
 on to address tlie Constituency, to make known 
 those views ; but the desire was expressed, in the 
 party interest, tliat they should not be then pub- 
 lished. 
 
 Having decideil to yield to every wish of my 
 friends compatible with honor, and hoping against 
 hope that some turn of events might ameliorate a 
 situation to nie most painful, I yieldeil to this wish. 
 
 5. I.,ately, when a I'rovincial Convention was 
 summoned, and our fifth session was approaching, 
 I thought it right to convey to the Riding Associ- 
 ation, as a Ijasis for discussion, some brief intim- 
 ation of my opinions. 
 
 IJut, on the statement of prominent men that 
 its publication would, even then, be iletrimental 
 to party interests, my letter was held back for a 
 few <lays. 
 
 Pending discussions on the matter, the dissolu- 
 tion has been precipitated ; we are now in the 
 throes of the election ; and I feel bound to limit 
 my confidence to you alone to-day.^ 
 
 6. Even when reiiuced, by the elimination of 
 essential political considerations, to its simplest 
 form, our Trade and Fiscal policy remains a vast 
 and complex question, on which it is impossible, 
 within the limits of an Address, to give much more 
 than general conclusions, omitting many qualifica- 
 tions of statement and links of argument. 
 
 Of these conclusions some are in their nature 
 speculative, and not demonstrable ; and their 
 realization may be precipitated, modified or re- 
 tarded by political and sentimental, as well as 
 commercial and economic considerations, and by 
 events alike beyond our ken and our control. 
 
 They are stated then by no means dognuitically, 
 which would be absurd ; but only as the best 
 forecasts in my power on doubtful matters, about 
 which, had the times allowed, silence might have 
 been more prudent than speech. 
 
 •So much premised, let me tell you what I think. 
 
 7. In our present political condition, a moderate 
 revenue tariff, approximating to free trade with 
 all the world. an(t coupled with liberal provisions 
 for reciprocal free trade with the States, would be, 
 if practicable, our best arrangement. 
 
 But — though we may and should greatly improve 
 our tariff, whose defects, anomalies and oppres- 
 sions, very serious in 1886, have been much aggra- 
 vated since ; and thoi'^^n we may .ind should 
 substantially retrench t le public expenditure, — 
 yet, as explained at .Malvern, the result of our 
 policy for the last thirteen years is that we shall 
 be compelled for an indefinite time to raise the 
 bulk of an enormous revenue by high duties on 
 imports. 
 
 On the other side it seems to be the settled 
 policy of the .States to decline a limited reciprocity. 
 
 So that what would be best is not now attain- 
 able. 
 
 8. The Canadian Conservative policy has failed 
 to accomplish the predictions of its promoters. 
 
 Its real tendency has been, as foretold twelve 
 years ago, towartls disintegration and annexation, 
 instead of consolidation and the niaintenance of 
 that British connexion of winch they claim to be 
 the special guardians. 
 
 It has left us with a small population, a scanty 
 immigration, and a North- West emjjty still ; with 
 enormous additions to our public debt and yearly 
 charge, an extravagant system of expenditure, and 
 an unjust and oppressive tariff: with restricteil 
 markets for our needs, whether to buy or to sell, 
 and all the hosts of evils (greatly intensified by 
 our special conditions) thence arising ; with trade 
 diverted fro'ii its natural into ffjiceil ami tiierefore 
 less profitable channels ; and with unfriendly re- 
 lations and frowning tariff walls, ever more and 
 more estranging us from the mighty P^nglish speak- 
 ing nation to the South, our neighbors and rela- 
 tions, wit'h whom we ought to be, as it was proni- 
 ised that we should be, living in generous amity 
 ami liberal intercourse. 
 
 Worse ; far worse I It has left us with lowered 
 standards of public virtue, and a death-like 
 apathy in public opinion ; with racial, religions 
 and I'rovincial animosities rather inflamed tiian 
 soothe<l ; with a subservient parliament, an auto- 
 cratic executive, liebauched constituencies and 
 corrupted and corrupting classes ; with lessened 
 self-reliance and increased dependence on the 
 public chest and on legislative aids ; and possessed 
 withal by a boastful jingo spirit, far enough re- 
 moved from true manliness, loudly proclaiming 
 unreal conditions and exaggerated sentiments, 
 while actual facts and genuine opinions are sup- 
 pressed. 
 
 It has left us with our hands tied ; our future 
 compromised ; and in such a plight that, whether 
 we stand or move, we must run some risks which 
 else we might have either declined, or encountered 
 with greater promise of success. 
 
 9. Vet let us never despair of our country I It 
 is a goodly land ; endowed with great recuperative 
 powers and vast resources, as yet almost unde- 
 veloped ; inhabited by populations moral and re- 
 ligious, sober and industrious, virtuous and thrifty, 
 capable and instructed- the descendants of a choice 
 immigration, of men of mark and courage, energy 
 and enterprise ; in the breasts of whose children 
 still should glow the sparks of those ancestral 
 
 /res. 
 Under such conditions all is not lost ! " Though 
 much be taken, much abides." And if we do but 
 wake from our delusive dreams, face the stern facts 
 in time, repair our errors, and amend our ways, 
 there may still remain for us, despite the irrevo- 
 cable past, a future, if not so clear and bright as 
 we might once have hoped, yet fair and honorable, 
 dignified and secure. 
 
 I'J. Let me glance at some of the economic pro- 
 positions which are advanced for our approval. 
 
 And, first, as to that revival in Britain of Home 
 and Colonial Agricultural protection which Conser- 
 vatives invite us to expect. 
 
 Fairtraders and Federationists, Tories and Pro- 
 tectionists to the contrary, notwithstanding— there 
 is I believe no reasol»b!e prospect that the people 
 of the United Kingdom will seriously engage in a 
 struggle, to which their whole Liberal party is 
 opposed, and which their Conservative Prime 
 Minister has likened to a civil war — a struggle to 
 turn back for forty years the clock of time, and 
 to achieve a social, industrial and economic revolu- 
 tion — in order to re-impose protective duties wliicfi 
 shall effectively restrict, in favor of their own 
 
landlonls, and of Colonial proflucers like ourselves, 
 
 the siip{)ly of tlieir staple foods. 
 
 Till! incieaHo of foreign nianufactuies, in part 
 stimulated hy lu)stile tariffs, may rather darken 
 and contract t]\c prospects of Hi ittin as the woik- 
 shop of the world ; some of her dependencies may 
 propose to ussert their manhood, and even to 
 assume their places, alone or in partnership with 
 others, in the frreat family of nations ; she niay 
 justly discredit to-day certain of the doj^masof tlie 
 older school of politic il economy ; her present 
 generation niay he less instructed in its funda- 
 mental and iinpregnahle propositions than were 
 their fathers who lived tiirounh the Corn law 
 campaigns ; her impatient Democracy may incline 
 to tiie suggested remedies, however unsuited to 
 her case, of retaliation or reciprocal preference ; 
 yet, for all that, I cannot liring myself to believe 
 tliat she will ever decide to tax the bread and beef 
 which sustain the toilers in her industrial hive. 
 
 And, indeed, it seems iliHicult to conceive a 
 suggestion which, coming from Canada, would be 
 more calculated than this to alienate Hritish feel- 
 ing ; even thougli accompanied by the sop of a 
 delusive differential duty in favor of liritish 
 manufactures. 
 
 11. While that free market which the United 
 Kins/doni, on a just conception of its own interests, 
 opens permanently to all the world, is to us of 
 very great value : and while every prudent effort 
 should be maile to enlarge our exports there and 
 elsewhere beyond the seas ; yet the results of all 
 such efforts must be far below those to How from a 
 free market throughout our own continent. 
 
 12. Though the United States tariff will (and, 
 indeed, unless very high sugar duties be reimposed, 
 must) tor a long time remain, like our own, 
 decidedly protective ; still there is a fair expecta- 
 tion, based on the last election there, that sounder 
 econonnc views than those of the sitting C'ongress 
 will soon prevail, and that their tariff will Ije re- 
 adjusted on a basis much more moderate and 
 favorable to tlic consumer than that which pre- 
 ceded the McKinley Hill ; and may eventually 
 approach what is known as a revenue tariff, 
 incidentally, though still substantially, protective. 
 
 l.S. Having regard to this expectation, unre- 
 stricted free trade with the States, secured for a 
 longterm of years, would (even though accompanied 
 liy Tugher duties against the rest of the world than 
 I for one admire), give us in practice the great 
 dessing of a measure of free trade, much larger 
 than we now enjoy or can otherwise iittain ; it 
 would greatly advance our most material interests, 
 •<,nd help our natural, our largest, most substantial 
 and nujst pronusing industries ; it would create an 
 influx of population and capital ; and promote a 
 rapid development of forces and materials now 
 almost unused ; in three words it would give us 
 men, money and markets. 
 
 Thus it would emphatically be for the general 
 a,.d lasting good. And this, although of course 
 it would produce, as all great changes do, 
 temporary derangement of business, and local 
 losses ; would strike hard some spindling and 
 exotic industries, wholly tariff born, tariff 
 bred, and tariff fed ; and would put upon their 
 mettle a good many manufacturers unaccustomed 
 to the keen breath of competition, and others who 
 would be obliged to adopt the specialization and 
 the improved methods of production and distribu- 
 tion, which, to the signal advantage of the general 
 consuming public, a large market allows and 
 demands. 
 
 14. Assuming consent on the part of the States, 
 our tiiiaiicial diliiculty is to lie considered. 
 
 Obviously, any practicalile plan involves differ- 
 ential duties against the United Kingdom and the 
 rest of the world. 
 
 Hut, even with such duties, the gaps in our revenue, 
 due to tlie liis.s of present taxes on imports from the 
 States and on imports from Hritain, to be replaced 
 by Home and U. S. iniinufactures, would be 
 very great : incapable of being filled by a tea 
 and coffee tax, a bill tax, and otner available taxes 
 of a like nature, and by practicable economies. 
 
 Uirey't taxation, even in its most promising form, 
 a succession tax, is, 1 regret to say, at present out 
 of the (juestion. And of the financial problem 
 presented by Unrestricted Reciprocity I have seen 
 no solution which woulil leave us without a great 
 deficit. 
 
 1"). I have said that any feasible plan involves 
 differential duties ; but it <loes more. It involves 
 as to the bulk by agreement, and as to much 
 from the necessity of tlie case — the substantial 
 assimilation, in their leading features, of the tariffs 
 of th(! two countries. 
 
 The absence of agreement would give to each 
 country power to distuib at will the industrial 
 system of the otiier ; and Unrestricted Reciprocity 
 without an agreed assimilation of duties is an un- 
 substantial dream. 
 
 ?\jr example, the States could not at present, 
 without destroying their industrial system, admit 
 free our woollen or iron manufactures, the produce 
 of wool or iron freely imported by us from beyond 
 seas ; nor could we, without destroying ours, levy 
 on raw material." higher duties than those laid by 
 the States. 
 
 At the same time, our revenue necessities would 
 constrain us to call for duties, at the most pro- 
 ductive (which, of course, does not mean the 
 highest) rate, on whatever imports might remain 
 available to us for revenue purposes. 
 
 Again, differing rates of duty on imported goods, 
 of a clasi also produced here or in the States, 
 would open a wide door to frauds on the transfers 
 of goods of that class between the two countries — 
 a door which could be but imperfectly barred by 
 increased, vexatious and rigorous Customs exami- 
 nations into the country of origin. ---' 
 
 10. Since any practicable arrangement does sub- 
 stantially involve, not only differential duties, but , 
 a conunon tariff. Unrestricted Reciprocity becomes, 
 in these its redeeming features, difficult to dis-^ 
 tinguish from (,"onimercial Union. 
 
 And ('ommercial Union — establishing a common 
 tariff, abolishing international custom houses, and 
 dividing the total duties between the two countries 
 in agreed proportions— is the more available, per- 
 haps the only available plan. 
 
 It is much more likely to be accepted by the 
 States ; and it would also have advantages for 
 Canatia, in both the Trade and the Revenue asfwcts, 
 over Unrestricted Recipro'jity ; which, while fail- 
 ing to secure to us substantial control over our 
 tariff, would provide still less adequately for our 
 revenue needs, and would greatly hamper trade by 
 its stringent Customs examinations. 
 
 17. Permanence in the new relation is of high 
 consequence, both directly aiul indirectly, to the 
 Agricidtural interest ; and is absolutely essential in 
 order to secure the full development of other great 
 interests, to prevent needless disaster to important 
 industries and to realize many of the benefits of the 
 plan. 
 
 "^ 
 
Without asHiireil permiini'ticc some Conscrviitivo 
 predictions of evil, else fitlliicioiis, woiilil coirie 
 true ; for our uiiileiiialile ii.itiiriil adviiiita^es in riiw 
 materials, liil)our, situation iind facilities woidil Ke 
 unnaturally liandicapped. 
 
 NO nianufa<;turer, looking,' to the Continental 
 market, would lix or even enlarj;e his capital or 
 business in the (country of live millions, at t)ie risk 
 of being cut off from the country of aixty-tive 
 millii'iis. 
 
 Our neigldiors, instead <>f enj,Mging in manufac- 
 tures lu^re, would take our markets witli g((ods 
 manufactured there. 
 
 And our raw materials, instead of being tinisht'd 
 on the ground, would l>e exported to be tiiMshed 
 abroad. 
 
 Uncertainty would alarm capital and paralyze 
 enterprise ; aixl therefore I repeat that permanence 
 is essential to success. 
 
 18. The revenue requirements and otiicr financial 
 conditions of the two countries are not identical ; 
 each will change ; and each may change diversely 
 from the other. 
 
 It ndght be possible to agree on a taiitT for a year 
 or two. It would be impossible for either country 
 to fix its tariff for a long term. Changes in the 
 stipulated tariff must therefore l)e provided for. 
 
 19. It would not lie practicable to remit thedeci- 
 sion as to such changes to a .Joint Moiird. 
 
 And whatever shape the arrangement might take 
 it would be necessary to concede t(i the .States, if 
 not a formal, at any rate a, practical control in 
 respect of changes. 
 
 The latter result would flow from a provision 
 that, in case of difference, either party might ter- 
 minate the treaty ; a stipulation wliicli would in all 
 human probability result in concession by Canada 
 to the States ; while its existence would deprive the 
 treaty of that assured perinanency whose import- 
 ance has been demonstrated. 
 
 I see no plan for combining the two elements fif 
 permanency of the treaty and varialtility >>! the 
 tariff, which does not involve the practical control 
 of the latter by the States. 
 
 And I can readily conceive conditions under 
 which, notwithstanding her right to threaten a 
 withdrawal, Canada would have much less in- 
 fluence in procuring or preventing changes tlian 
 she would enjoy did slie compose several States of 
 the Union. 
 
 20. Amongst the British people the Canadian 
 preference of United States over Uritisli nianufac- 
 tures would be, perhaps, less unpopular, con- 
 sidered on economic grounds alone, than the 
 alternative scheme of food taxes to which J liave 
 referred. 
 
 Accompanied, as it ought to be, by a fair settle- 
 ment of all differences with the Stat<;s, and by the 
 establishment on a firm basis of cordial relations 
 between all Knglish speaking peoples, it would 
 secure high political advantages to the United 
 Kingdom. 
 
 And the greater prosperity of Canada, in which 
 the British investor is deeply concerned ; and 
 from which, spite of all tariff obstacles, the 
 British manufacturer too must reap some slight 
 advantage; would mitigate hostility to the scheme. 
 
 But after all, it would be taken in very bad part, 
 on economic grounds, by tlie liritish manufactur- 
 ing interests, and on Imperial groun-ls, by other 
 important elements of tlie popu'.ation ; and i . 
 would seriously affect the present tone and feelings 
 in regard to the Colonial relation. 
 
 21. The tendency in Canada of unrestricted free 
 trade with the States, high rluties being main- 
 tained against tin; United Kingdom, would be 
 towards Political Union ; and tlie more successful 
 the |>lan the t-trooger the tendency, both by 
 reason of the comniurdty of interests, the inter- 
 niiiigling of popidations, the more intimate busi- 
 ne.i-s and social connexions, and the trade and 
 
 /fiscal relations, amounting to dependency, which 
 Ig it woidd create with the States ; and of the greater 
 isolation and liivergency from Britain which it 
 would produce ; and also, and especially, through 
 inconveniences experienced in the maintenance, and 
 a])prehensions entertained as to the termination of 
 the treaty. 
 
 (Jur hopes and our fears alike would draw one 
 way. 
 
 We would then indeed be " looking to Washing- 
 t(;n."' 
 
 \or is there any fair comparison, in this respect, 
 between the new and the (dd reciprocal arrange- 
 ments. 
 
 22. It is not absolutely certain that the States 
 would, un<lei- existing circumstances, enter into a 
 treaty for Unrestricted Reciprocity. 
 
 Though the benefits would be in truth far more 
 wiilely diffused, yet it is oidy our Neighbour's 
 nr)rtli<"rn fringe that actually realizes the existence 
 of a material interest in free trade with Canada ; 
 and, even there, protectionist fallacies greatly 
 obscure the judgment ; various events have excited 
 in many (juarters unfavorable feelings; and there 
 is a strong prejudice against lasting treaty arrange- 
 ments. 
 
 But the dominating fact is that perhaps fifty 
 millions of their population know little, and care 
 less, about free trade with Canada. 
 
 Thus it happens that mutually beneficial business 
 relations between the two countries, on principles 
 fair to each, areyet of far more obvious and pressing 
 importance to us as a whole tliaii to them as a 
 whole. And it is this fact which perhaps nujst 
 strongly emphasizes the supreme folly of a Cana- 
 dian retaliatory policy. 
 
 The national sentiment, which is essential to 
 secure their assent to the arrangement, cannot 
 then be ev()ked by its business element alone. 
 
 The advantage of adjusting, by a comprehensive 
 settlement, all causes of difference between the 
 two countries would be very great to both, and 
 might advance the plan : but, on the same reason- 
 ing, this advantage also is clearer and greater to 
 us than to them, ar.d cannot therefore be safely 
 reckoned on to evoke the desired sentiment. 
 
 An underlying feeling, however, there is — latent 
 it may be and inactive, half unconscious and un- 
 formulated ; disguised in sonie quarters, doubted, 
 deprecated or repudiated in others ; likely perhaps 
 (sliould party lines be drawn), to be favored rather 
 by Republicans than by Itemoerats — yet real, deep- 
 seated and widespread ; and eminently calculated 
 so to attract the popular imagination and fire the 
 popular heart as to tranecend all party lines, and 
 to become indeed a truly national sentiment. 
 
 This feeling is that, some day, sooner or later, a 
 political reorganization of the continent should 
 and must take place ; not by force, but by the free 
 consent of its inhabitants. 
 
 This sentiment, I believe, will largely color 
 opinion as to the plan ; which, accordingly, may 
 on the one hand, be favored as the best step in the 
 direction of political reorganization ; or, on the 
 other, discountenanced upon the mistaken theory 
 
that its r«'j(!utioii would lie tiit- bent 8tep in the 
 Biaine direction. 
 
 And there nre <il)viouH forces and nietliods in our 
 neighlior'H, as in all fi(i|iiilur politicH, Mhich forhid 
 liH altof^ether to di«r<'>,'ard the latter contiiij^ency. 
 
 The treaty once made, the vantaj^i! ground it 
 f^ave would naturally he uned for the acconipliifli- 
 rnent of its ulterior purpost; ; and thin political 
 end would he a j;reat factor in the (consideration hy 
 the States of Canadian vieWM upon chanj,'eM in the 
 joint tarid', ',r hh to the maintenance or termina- 
 tion of the treaty. 
 
 ti'.i. The reorganization to whicii our neighl)or« 
 look is, of course, the unification of the continent. 
 
 Hut next to, though much less warmly than, 
 Political Union, they woidd favor Canadian In- 
 dependence ; and it is ipiite possible that, in con- 
 nexion with sucli a policy, advantageous Interna- 
 tional arrangements rm various most important 
 points, not here hronght into discussion, might lie 
 i»ecured. 
 
 '2i. Without needless lengthy recapitulation, 
 you will see, hy contrasting my views with those 
 of the present advocates of free trade with the 
 States, several serious (piestions of diiliculty and 
 difference — for example, uniformity of tariff, and 
 its control ; deficiency of revenue, and its supply — 
 on whicli 1 am unahle to adopt their opinions. 
 
 2'). IJut one large topic remains, arising out of 
 or rather imdcjrlying this whole statement, the 
 bearing of which I had hoped, until the news of 
 the dissolution, to reserve for oral discussion. 
 
 You will doubtless have inferred my opinion 
 that the policy of absolute free trade with the 
 States is intimately connected with, and cannot 
 properly be divorced from the (juestion of our 
 political future, which therefore it must force into 
 the party field. 
 
 While not ilisguising my view that events have 
 alrjady greatly narrowed our a])parent range, and 
 impeded our appaiciit freedom of action, I hohl by 
 the suggestion that our future should not be 
 settled (as we have allowed it to be settled in tin; 
 past, perhaps much further than we yet realize), by 
 accident or unwittin>,'ly ; bj' sidewinds or the in- 
 glorious policy of drift. 
 
 It should ratlier be determined, so f.^r as it 
 remains within our own control, of fixed purpose, 
 after due discu-fsion and deliberation, as becomes a 
 free people resolving on their lot. 
 
 This large problem, involving in our case various 
 suggested plans to whicli others must be parties, 
 demanded the anxious weighing of conflicting con- 
 sideri tions, and a long course of courageous and 
 independent, but calm and dispassionate handlinu, 
 before it could be advantageously introduced into 
 a party field like ours. 
 
 Such handling it has not yet received. 
 
 Nor, indeed, could that have been deeme<l in 
 the least degree necessary by those promoters of 
 free trade with the .States, who advance their plan 
 in the belief that it by no means involves our poli- 
 tical future ; and that it tends, not to the weaken- 
 ing of existing or the creation of new political rela- 
 tions, but rather to the strengthening of the present 
 connexion. 
 
 Thus it has come to pass that the public mind is 
 in one sense even more unready than formerly, 
 and is at any rate quite unprepared, for the in- 
 telligent decision, and haidly disposed even for 
 the fair and candid discussion of the question. 
 
 26. It would not be possible here even to epito- 
 mize the many points which occur upon the several 
 projects for Federation with the United Kingdom, 
 
 for Independence, and for Political Union with 
 the States, all of which are thought to have once 
 been, i>r still to remain, open in some sense to our 
 choice. 
 
 Were that possible, it would yet be abourd to 
 employ the critical moment of an election in the 
 preliminaries of such a wide debate. 
 
 Nor do I belicv<', as I have said, that a wise 
 solution is to be advanced by bringing the discus- 
 sion into the party field to day. 
 
 And at any rate I am anxious that you should 
 have the opportunity, if you think it worth your 
 while, of considering what I have been obliged to 
 set before you, unprejudiced by any further inti- 
 mation of my views on this point. 
 
 Thus I do not a<ld to the many nuitters with 
 which you have been necessarily troubled any specu- 
 lations of my own as to our future. 
 
 27. It is not needful that I shouhl. 
 Whatever you or I may think on that head ; 
 
 whether we like or dislike, believe or disbelieve in 
 Political Union ; must we not agree that tlie sub- 
 ject is one of great moment, towards the practical 
 settlement of which we should take no serious step 
 witliout reflection, or in ignorance of what we are 
 doing ? 
 
 Assuming that absolute free trade with the 
 States, best described as Commercial Union, may 
 and ought to come, I believe that it can and should 
 come only as an inci<leiit, or at any rate as a well { 
 i:nrlerst(jod precursor of Political Union ; for whicli 
 indeed we should be able to make better terms 
 befo"-., than after the surrender of our Commercial 
 luflepcndence. 
 
 Then so believing— believing that the decision of 
 the Trade <|uest!on involves that of the Constitu- 
 tional issue, for which you are unprepared, and 
 with which you do not even conceive yourselves to 
 be dealing — how can I properly recommend you 
 now to decide on Commercial Union ? 
 
 28. I^o not suppose that these are with me ques- 
 tions of yesterday. 
 
 Long ago, while leader of the Liberal party, it 
 became my duty t:> examine into a similar design, 
 submitted by a political architect of some reputa- 
 tion. 
 
 I thought the foundations insecure, the lines 
 defective, and the estimates of cost inadequate. 
 
 It seemed to me that the proposed structure 
 could be erected only on that different foundation, 
 those other lines, and that larger cost whijli has 
 been describe<l. 
 
 For this it was conceded that the people were 
 not then prepared. 
 
 And I was unable to propose the design for adop- 
 tion as a party plan. 
 
 My views remain unchangetl to-day. 
 
 29. It has caused me deep distress to differ from 
 my political friends. 
 
 Cravely distrusting my jutlgment as to opinions 
 unshared, dilliculties unfelt, and consequences un- 
 foreseen by them, I sincerely wish to be found — as 
 I have earnestly striven to find myself — in error. 
 
 '.iO. I{ut it is to our own convictions, right or 
 wrong, that we nnist, after all, be true. 
 
 To put forward opinions we do not hold, or 
 ignore difficulties we cannot solve, or deny or con- 
 ceal the tendencies and results of policies we un- 
 dertake to propound, would be dishonest and 
 unworthy. 
 
 And therefore I could not address the VAectovBoi 
 West Durham without speaking my mind freely on 
 the points i have advanced. 
 
 31. Had the elections been deferred to the usual 
 
8 
 
 iind expec'tpil titiie, I hIioiiM prolmlily Iiavo felt it iinexpecte<l!y i>Iiiiij;e<1 tli«' IjImthI pnrtv, to take a 
 
 right within a Khort HpiK't' .sii til ailili'cHH tlit'iii. (litTt'i'tiit tjuk, or to turn otic hriHtilc gnu .'igainHt 
 
 Hut I do not tiiul myself free t«-ilay to speak my tht; wi'lllovfcl fricnilM, in «hoM(' company, wiu'tlicr 
 
 mind. hh comrailc or romninnilcr, ( have- Hailed ho many 
 
 - Witliotit Itfiing HO prcHiimptuoim aH to imagine Htormy mchh, ,uid fonyht ho many hot cngagementM ; 
 
 that my Judgment in entitled to uc^ight when nm-on- whoHt- general cfiurHe I approve ; an<l wlmne Bhipft I 
 
 firmed by that of my politieal friemiM, I yet recog- wiMJi, not w reeked, hnt cafe in |>ort. 
 
 nize tlie exlensivi^ and etFeetive use, too eommonly .'t.'l. \\ liat tlien i". left forme to do? 
 
 made l>y the advernary, of tlie slightest divergent 'I'Imh oidy. Sini (• I ciilinot help, to hurt as little 
 
 expression rif opinion from tiie hnmldest memherof as I may ; and tlierefore to go down, with my own 
 
 an opposing orgaiu/ation. little ship, in silenee ; hearing for the moment all 
 
 My late relation to the party emphaHi/CH the eoni^e()iwnt iniHeontrnetion ; and leaving, till the 
 
 present application of this remark, Iiles of Mareh lie past, tlie explanation of my aetioii. 
 
 And I have come to tiie (•onciiision, eoiilirnied liy ',U. May I lieg yon tin n to treat my stateinent, 
 
 the judgment of leading men, that the piililication made n'>w to you aloni-, as given for the time in 
 
 of these opinions would inllict much more damage sacred contidence ; to .-.ccept my heartfelt thanks 
 
 on my friends than the sligiit injury wliicii may and undying gratitude for your past kiniliiess; and 
 
 result from my ileiit witiidrawal. I to let mt; hid yon, with emotion deeper than 1 can 
 
 ',i'2. Now, while unaiile to light uniler false colours, express, an all'ectionate fau'well. 
 
 neither can J endure, at the very height and crisis ^'ollr faithful servant, 
 
 of the hattle Mito which a wrongful dissolution has KiiwakIi Bi.AKK. 
 
Corrcspoiiiicucc between Mr. Hlake aud Mr. Kirkpalriek 
 as to the Inverary Meetin<^. 
 
 (Mk. lil.AKK Tn M U. K IUKI>ATI!I<K ). 
 
 ToKONTo, Mar.-li '-', IH!M. 
 
 Mv Dkak KikkI'ATKIi'K, I «n(;l(mi! ;i mttiiiK 
 from tin- h'lii/iu-r <if II tflifgriiphio r(;))ort of ii iiKU't- 
 iii^; at Iiivoniiyoii J'V'b. 27111,111 wliioli yoi; arc Hiii'l 
 to liavB liefii [uv.Hiiut. 
 
 I Hhall l)e iiiiiuli ()ltli><(!il liy your iiiforuiiii^; ni« 
 liow far til'- itfport is roircct ; arwl iliclatin;; for 
 my iin(! ail acritrat*; Ktateiiioiit of wliat occiirifil. 
 
 I am Biirc! yon will forgive tliin tioiihle ; ami will 
 believe that i would ilo a>< miii;ti for you. 
 YoiiiB faithfully, 
 
 KllWAIiri lil.AKK. 
 Hon. (!. A. KlKKI'ATKKK, 
 
 KiiigMtoii. 
 I'luam; rcturii the cutting. 
 
 [ Knclognre. ) ' ' Kin/iire. 
 
 "SLAM)KKL\(; HinVARlJ IJLAKK. 
 Sir Kicharu Cartwrioht'h Hon Lkao.h tiik 
 
 " LlliKI.Lors (lANfi. 
 
 " KiNiiSTON. Fell. '27.— At Inverary Lint iiiKot 
 
 Harry Mawdt'ii, the <irit candidate whom .\lr. 
 ' Kii kjiatrickdefeated in the lantclcutioii, in M|icak- 
 
 iiig of Mr. [{hike's retirement, said lion, Kdwaid 
 ' lihike hail been paid .^'J.'i.fMK) by the (I V. li. to 
 ' kce[i liiH mouth »hut, and that wa« why he was 
 • silent. 
 
 " .Mr. KlIiKl'ATKU!K— I deny that utatement ; it 
 ' h a diHgivieefiil thin>< to Hay of an honorable gen- 
 ' tleiiiaii, and I call for the prod of it.'' 
 
 " .Mr. Uav/hkn — I can prove it. I call on .Mr. 
 ' Cftitwright (.Sir Kichard'n son, who was pre«ciit) 
 ' to prove it."' 
 
 " .Mr. Alex, ('artwiight Wi» ;;oining forward to 
 ' siiliMtantiate I'.awden's statement, but, .Mr. Kiik- 
 ' Patrick iiiHiHting on the prfidiution of proof, .Mr. 
 ' Cartwright said, ' I have no written proof.' " 
 
 (Mb. KrKKJ'ATKICK TO .Mil. Bf.AKK). 
 
 Kingston, Ont., 3rd March, 1801. 
 
 My Okak IJr.AKK, — In answer toyour>< of ye.ster 
 day, I have to any that I waH present at the meet- 
 ing in Inverary on Tliurxday, 'J(ith iilto., when .\lr. 
 liawden, s[H!akiiig of you, or your retinMneiit from 
 public life, said " Mr. Hlake liail biieii paid .*J."),000 
 l)y the (J.P.K. to keep liiH moiitii shut." 1 was 
 sitting on the platform beitide him and I at once 
 arose and said " That is not true ; it is scandalous 
 (or dingraceful) to say it of an honorable man, and 
 I demand the proof of it." .Mr. liawden, to my 
 astonishment, said " I can prove it,'' and called Mr. 
 A. ('artwright, who was at the other end of the 
 room near the door. Mr. Cartwright then 
 attempted to come forward through tiie crowd, but 
 before he had come very far, I said, " I want tlie 
 proof," Mr. Cartwright stopping said, "I have 
 
 tiot the printed proof" or " the written proof,' I 
 forget which. The crowil cheered, and after 
 silenire was restored .Mr. liawden continued his 
 npin-ui. Mr. ('artwright HuliMfijuently spoke, unci 
 he sa.d yon wi^re an honorable man, but you had 
 received as a professional fee, as you had a perfect 
 •il,dit, the largest fee ever given in (,'anada, though 
 such large fees were not iiifrei|uent in Knglnnd, 
 !*'2."i,(XH) as a retainer from the (.'.I'.K. in the ease 
 about the <;rossing of the Manitoba and .South 
 Western Hallway, and that you had received other 
 fees as a professional man from the ('.1'. II., and 
 that you felt a delicacy in sitting in the House nini 
 voting r»n iiuiasures atfecting that company. 
 
 List evening at I'.rewers .Mills .Mr. Cartwright 
 made a stat(Miient about the matter, and said he 
 had not slandered you, but had s)ioken of you as 
 an honorable man, and called upon tne t^i corrobo- 
 rate his stat(;m<;nt. I said he had spoken of you 
 as an honorable man, and had not slandered yon, 
 but his companion .Mr. Bawdeii had done ro, and 
 had called upon him to prove it, which he coiihl 
 not do. .Mr. (.'artwright said he dill not hear Mr. 
 liawden use the words imputed him, and, being at 
 a distance, pi^rhaps he did not hear the otrensivc 
 words used. He feels very much hurt at the idea 
 of his saying anything which could be construed as 
 ofrcnsive to you, and 1 do not think he intended to 
 do so. 
 
 I f(dt hurt at the accusation made by Mr. Baw- 
 den and at once resented it. 
 
 V'ours very truly, 
 
 (iKOKlii; A, KlKKPATKICK, 
 
 Hon. Kkwark Bi.akk, (^C, 
 Toronto. 
 
 I', IS.- -I return the cutting. 
 
 (Mk. lil.AKK TO .Mk. Kikki-atkkk). 
 
 Ml MKWOOli, 
 
 ToKONTo, .March 5, 1891. 
 
 Mv DkAK KlKKI'ATKKK, - 
 
 I am obliged by your letter of .'Jrd. 
 I observe in the papcTS the following telegram : — 
 "KiMJsTos, Ont., March .'<. -The statement 
 " that I said the Hon. FMward Blake was paid 
 " *!'2.'),()(K) to keep his mouth shut, is false. I ap- 
 " predate the honor of Kdward Blake too highly 
 " to make any such statement. 
 
 "(Sd.) Hkn-rv Bawukn." 
 
 I assume that this document is not authentic ; 
 because I should be sorry to think that the late 
 Liberal cindidate for l>*rontenac had aggravated 
 the slanderous falsehood of the speech by the 
 hypocritical falsehood of the denial. 
 
 As to Mr. liawden's witness, Mr. Cartwright, 
 notwithstanding your too generous words, the 
 spirit in which he offered and gave his " evidence " 
 is too obvious to be misunderstood or explained 
 
10 
 
 away ; nor am I able to adopt his opinions on the 
 point of honor. 
 
 Were it true that I had accepted a retainer of 
 $25,000 in such a matter as the Manitoba Crossings 
 case, I should have t iken, not a reasonable fee to 
 secure my professional services in a court, but an 
 enormous gratuity, so disproportionei' to the osten- 
 sible object as to be dishonorable to giver and re- 
 ceiver alike. 
 
 Were it true that I had thus or otherwise placed 
 myself in such a relation to any clients that " I 
 felt a delicacy in sitting in the flouse and voting 
 on matters affecting " them, I should have been 
 false to the views of duty on which I have acted 
 for close upon a quarter of a century of time, and 
 at a loss of far more than a quarter of a million of 
 money. 
 
 In the latter of these two allegations there is not 
 the smallest modicum of truth. • 
 
 The former of them, from which the latter is 
 inferred, is a mountain of most monstrous fiction, 
 elaborated out of a molehill of most innocent fact. 
 
 It is true that I was oflFered retainers on both 
 sides in the Manitoba Crossings case ; the Company 
 happened to come first ; "first come first served" 
 is the reasonable obligation of our profession ; and 
 
 therefore, according to rule, I accepted the re- 
 tainer of the Company, and not that of the Mani- 
 toba fiovernment. 
 
 But it is not true, as Mr. Cartwright stated, that 
 my retainer was 3'25,0O0. It was but one-fiftieth 
 part of tliat sum, a modest 8500 ; and, though I 
 say it that should not, I gave my clients more than 
 value for their money by my labours in the cause. 
 
 Forgive me, my dear Kirk, if I add that I should 
 not have troubled you had these attacks been 
 made by certain of my opponents and your friends. 
 To such attacks from such quarters long habit has, 
 I am sorry to say, made me callous. 
 
 But the sources and circumstances of this par- 
 ticular calumny have induced me to give it more 
 notice than it perhaps deserved ; and certainly 
 more than it would otherwise have received from 
 me. 
 
 Pray accept my grateful thanks for your own 
 kindness and sense of fair play in the matter ; and 
 believe me, 
 
 Faithfully yours, 
 
 Edward Blake. 
 
 The Hon. (1. A. Kirkpatrick, 
 Kingston, Ont. 
 
 PBESS OF THE BUDUET, BAY STREET, TORONTO.