LETTER Ol- THE HON. EDWARD BLAKE TO THK WEST DURHAM REFORM CONVENTION. TO WHICH IS APPENDED Correspondence as to the Inverary Meeting. ^Toronto ; THE BUDGET PRINTINCJ AND PUBLISHING COMPANY, 64 BAY STREET. lSc.I. To the Members of the West Durham Reform Convention IIUMEWOOD, ToROXTO, March 'nn, 1891. Gen't/.emkv, 1. Oh the 11th February last f addrossod to your President the following letter: — " Some days ago I requested to be allowed to wait on the Convention. " My object was to ask that my natr.e sliould be withdrawn, as I fonnd it impossible to accept the " honor of a nomination ; to give my reasons for this conchistion ; to return my heartfelt thanks for tiie " unbounded kindness of four and twenty years, and to Ind my faitliful friends an affectionate farewell. " With this view 1 had prepared a paper for commnnication to them. " It has been intimated to me that it is not desirable that I sliould take the course that I had "chalked out, and conseijuently I defer the commuiucation. " Will you have the goodness to read this letter to the Convention. " I will only add that the writing of it is the most painful event in the political life of which it i.^ " the close.'' 2. I have now to ask you to receive niy inoit i^rateful acknowledgements of your re- solution of 12th February, couehed in terms which I know are e.xtrava;4antly l^eyond any deserts of mine, and which 1 can accept only as a last and crowning mark of your kindness and partiality. 3. I have feared from the beginning that every hour's fighting in the contest which ends to-day, must widen the rift between us ; and that its close must leave me isolated in opinion, and deprived of any right to expect your continued confidence. 4. Therefore, I am cheered by no such expectation now. But I must give you " vera pro gratis," truths for compliments. You should know the grounds of my retirement. And witli that view, all excuse for reticence having ceased, I subjoin the paper referred to in my quoted letter. I have, etc., EDWARD RLAKE. PAPER REFERRED TO IN THE ABOVE LETTER. To the Member^ of the West Durham Reform Convention : HUMEWOOD, J iiave been anxious then to retain the seat with Toronto, February 6th, 1891. which the ha))its and interests of my life are inter- Gkntlemek, — woven ; and to the duties of which I had arranged 1. I hope you will not deem me presumptuous in to devote the V)ulk of my time, assuming that my name may be submitted to you A re-norrdnation for West Durham would be my as a Liberal candidate for West Durham. greatest prize ; the severance of our connexion wil' By your extraordinary favor I have been permit- inflict a bitter pang. ted to serve you for the greater part of four and Therefore I pray you not to suppose th.it it is twenty years, during which long interval public despondency at tiie failure of past efforts, or prefer- affairs have mainly occupied my time and thoughts. ence for ignoble ease oi sonliii toil, or indifference There is much to be done and much to be preven- to your warm friciidship and generous constancy, ted at Ottawa ; and, while deeply sens.ole of many that leads me to ask the withdrawal of my name, shortcomings, it yet seems reasonable to suppose It is due to both of us that you should know my that the experience of all thMe years has made me reasons. less unfit than formerly for your service. 2. Irrespective of the trade question, it is impor- This is the sphere which offers the best prospect tant in the interest of our country that the Liberal of usefulness to my country, during that short party, even if it fails to win the election, should remainder of life in which I would fain labour for yet maintain and increase its strength, rn order to her, as remembering that " the night cometh, when the efficient discharge of the great general duties no man can work." devolving on it— duties at this moment cast into the shade ; but none tlie less egseiitial to tlie [lublic good. 3. Yet, plainly, the issue which the party has thoiif,'ht lit to tender for the judgment of the Elec- torate is tiiat of Unrestricted Keciprocity, or abso- lute free trade with the Stutes ; an issue whicii has been maintained as "the sole party plank" ever since it was put forward in 1S87. 4. J5eing at that time in Europe, I wrote, and after my return fidly stated to leading men my views on this head. It was agreed that, unless tlie conditions should change, it would clearly ))e my duty, when called on to address tlie Constituency, to make known those views ; but the desire was expressed, in the party interest, tliat they should not be then pub- lished. Having decideil to yield to every wish of my friends compatible with honor, and hoping against hope that some turn of events might ameliorate a situation to nie most painful, I yieldeil to this wish. 5. I.,ately, when a I'rovincial Convention was summoned, and our fifth session was approaching, I thought it right to convey to the Riding Associ- ation, as a Ijasis for discussion, some brief intim- ation of my opinions. IJut, on the statement of prominent men that its publication would, even then, be iletrimental to party interests, my letter was held back for a few <lays. Pending discussions on the matter, the dissolu- tion has been precipitated ; we are now in the throes of the election ; and I feel bound to limit my confidence to you alone to-day.^ 6. Even when reiiuced, by the elimination of essential political considerations, to its simplest form, our Trade and Fiscal policy remains a vast and complex question, on which it is impossible, within the limits of an Address, to give much more than general conclusions, omitting many qualifica- tions of statement and links of argument. Of these conclusions some are in their nature speculative, and not demonstrable ; and their realization may be precipitated, modified or re- tarded by political and sentimental, as well as commercial and economic considerations, and by events alike beyond our ken and our control. They are stated then by no means dognuitically, which would be absurd ; but only as the best forecasts in my power on doubtful matters, about which, had the times allowed, silence might have been more prudent than speech. •So much premised, let me tell you what I think. 7. In our present political condition, a moderate revenue tariff, approximating to free trade with all the world. an(t coupled with liberal provisions for reciprocal free trade with the States, would be, if practicable, our best arrangement. But — though we may and should greatly improve our tariff, whose defects, anomalies and oppres- sions, very serious in 1886, have been much aggra- vated since ; and thoi'^^n we may .ind should substantially retrench t le public expenditure, — yet, as explained at .Malvern, the result of our policy for the last thirteen years is that we shall be compelled for an indefinite time to raise the bulk of an enormous revenue by high duties on imports. On the other side it seems to be the settled policy of the .States to decline a limited reciprocity. So that what would be best is not now attain- able. 8. The Canadian Conservative policy has failed to accomplish the predictions of its promoters. Its real tendency has been, as foretold twelve years ago, towartls disintegration and annexation, instead of consolidation and the niaintenance of that British connexion of winch they claim to be the special guardians. It has left us with a small population, a scanty immigration, and a North- West emjjty still ; with enormous additions to our public debt and yearly charge, an extravagant system of expenditure, and an unjust and oppressive tariff: with restricteil markets for our needs, whether to buy or to sell, and all the hosts of evils (greatly intensified by our special conditions) thence arising ; with trade diverted fro'ii its natural into ffjiceil ami tiierefore less profitable channels ; and with unfriendly re- lations and frowning tariff walls, ever more and more estranging us from the mighty P^nglish speak- ing nation to the South, our neighbors and rela- tions, wit'h whom we ought to be, as it was proni- ised that we should be, living in generous amity ami liberal intercourse. Worse ; far worse I It has left us with lowered standards of public virtue, and a death-like apathy in public opinion ; with racial, religions and I'rovincial animosities rather inflamed tiian soothe<l ; with a subservient parliament, an auto- cratic executive, liebauched constituencies and corrupted and corrupting classes ; with lessened self-reliance and increased dependence on the public chest and on legislative aids ; and possessed withal by a boastful jingo spirit, far enough re- moved from true manliness, loudly proclaiming unreal conditions and exaggerated sentiments, while actual facts and genuine opinions are sup- pressed. It has left us with our hands tied ; our future compromised ; and in such a plight that, whether we stand or move, we must run some risks which else we might have either declined, or encountered with greater promise of success. 9. Vet let us never despair of our country I It is a goodly land ; endowed with great recuperative powers and vast resources, as yet almost unde- veloped ; inhabited by populations moral and re- ligious, sober and industrious, virtuous and thrifty, capable and instructed- the descendants of a choice immigration, of men of mark and courage, energy and enterprise ; in the breasts of whose children still should glow the sparks of those ancestral /res. Under such conditions all is not lost ! " Though much be taken, much abides." And if we do but wake from our delusive dreams, face the stern facts in time, repair our errors, and amend our ways, there may still remain for us, despite the irrevo- cable past, a future, if not so clear and bright as we might once have hoped, yet fair and honorable, dignified and secure. I'J. Let me glance at some of the economic pro- positions which are advanced for our approval. And, first, as to that revival in Britain of Home and Colonial Agricultural protection which Conser- vatives invite us to expect. Fairtraders and Federationists, Tories and Pro- tectionists to the contrary, notwithstanding— there is I believe no reasol»b!e prospect that the people of the United Kingdom will seriously engage in a struggle, to which their whole Liberal party is opposed, and which their Conservative Prime Minister has likened to a civil war — a struggle to turn back for forty years the clock of time, and to achieve a social, industrial and economic revolu- tion — in order to re-impose protective duties wliicfi shall effectively restrict, in favor of their own landlonls, and of Colonial proflucers like ourselves, the siip{)ly of tlieir staple foods. Till! incieaHo of foreign nianufactuies, in part stimulated hy lu)stile tariffs, may rather darken and contract t]\c prospects of Hi ittin as the woik- shop of the world ; some of her dependencies may propose to ussert their manhood, and even to assume their places, alone or in partnership with others, in the frreat family of nations ; she niay justly discredit to-day certain of the doj^masof tlie older school of politic il economy ; her present generation niay he less instructed in its funda- mental and iinpregnahle propositions than were their fathers who lived tiirounh the Corn law campaigns ; her impatient Democracy may incline to tiie suggested remedies, however unsuited to her case, of retaliation or reciprocal preference ; yet, for all that, I cannot liring myself to believe tliat she will ever decide to tax the bread and beef which sustain the toilers in her industrial hive. And, indeed, it seems iliHicult to conceive a suggestion which, coming from Canada, would be more calculated than this to alienate Hritish feel- ing ; even thougli accompanied by the sop of a delusive differential duty in favor of liritish manufactures. 11. While that free market which the United Kins/doni, on a just conception of its own interests, opens permanently to all the world, is to us of very great value : and while every prudent effort should be maile to enlarge our exports there and elsewhere beyond the seas ; yet the results of all such efforts must be far below those to How from a free market throughout our own continent. 12. Though the United States tariff will (and, indeed, unless very high sugar duties be reimposed, must) tor a long time remain, like our own, decidedly protective ; still there is a fair expecta- tion, based on the last election there, that sounder econonnc views than those of the sitting C'ongress will soon prevail, and that their tariff will Ije re- adjusted on a basis much more moderate and favorable to tlic consumer than that which pre- ceded the McKinley Hill ; and may eventually approach what is known as a revenue tariff, incidentally, though still substantially, protective. l.S. Having regard to this expectation, unre- stricted free trade with the States, secured for a longterm of years, would (even though accompanied liy Tugher duties against the rest of the world than I for one admire), give us in practice the great dessing of a measure of free trade, much larger than we now enjoy or can otherwise iittain ; it would greatly advance our most material interests, •<,nd help our natural, our largest, most substantial and nujst pronusing industries ; it would create an influx of population and capital ; and promote a rapid development of forces and materials now almost unused ; in three words it would give us men, money and markets. Thus it would emphatically be for the general a,.d lasting good. And this, although of course it would produce, as all great changes do, temporary derangement of business, and local losses ; would strike hard some spindling and exotic industries, wholly tariff born, tariff bred, and tariff fed ; and would put upon their mettle a good many manufacturers unaccustomed to the keen breath of competition, and others who would be obliged to adopt the specialization and the improved methods of production and distribu- tion, which, to the signal advantage of the general consuming public, a large market allows and demands. 14. Assuming consent on the part of the States, our tiiiaiicial diliiculty is to lie considered. Obviously, any practicalile plan involves differ- ential duties against the United Kingdom and the rest of the world. Hut, even with such duties, the gaps in our revenue, due to tlie liis.s of present taxes on imports from the States and on imports from Hritain, to be replaced by Home and U. S. iniinufactures, would be very great : incapable of being filled by a tea and coffee tax, a bill tax, and otner available taxes of a like nature, and by practicable economies. Uirey't taxation, even in its most promising form, a succession tax, is, 1 regret to say, at present out of the (juestion. And of the financial problem presented by Unrestricted Reciprocity I have seen no solution which woulil leave us without a great deficit. 1"). I have said that any feasible plan involves differential duties ; but it <loes more. It involves as to the bulk by agreement, and as to much from the necessity of tlie case — the substantial assimilation, in their leading features, of the tariffs of th(! two countries. The absence of agreement would give to each country power to distuib at will the industrial system of the otiier ; and Unrestricted Reciprocity without an agreed assimilation of duties is an un- substantial dream. ?\jr example, the States could not at present, without destroying their industrial system, admit free our woollen or iron manufactures, the produce of wool or iron freely imported by us from beyond seas ; nor could we, without destroying ours, levy on raw material." higher duties than those laid by the States. At the same time, our revenue necessities would constrain us to call for duties, at the most pro- ductive (which, of course, does not mean the highest) rate, on whatever imports might remain available to us for revenue purposes. Again, differing rates of duty on imported goods, of a clasi also produced here or in the States, would open a wide door to frauds on the transfers of goods of that class between the two countries — a door which could be but imperfectly barred by increased, vexatious and rigorous Customs exami- nations into the country of origin. ---' 10. Since any practicable arrangement does sub- stantially involve, not only differential duties, but , a conunon tariff. Unrestricted Reciprocity becomes, in these its redeeming features, difficult to dis-^ tinguish from (,"onimercial Union. And ('ommercial Union — establishing a common tariff, abolishing international custom houses, and dividing the total duties between the two countries in agreed proportions— is the more available, per- haps the only available plan. It is much more likely to be accepted by the States ; and it would also have advantages for Canatia, in both the Trade and the Revenue asfwcts, over Unrestricted Recipro'jity ; which, while fail- ing to secure to us substantial control over our tariff, would provide still less adequately for our revenue needs, and would greatly hamper trade by its stringent Customs examinations. 17. Permanence in the new relation is of high consequence, both directly aiul indirectly, to the Agricidtural interest ; and is absolutely essential in order to secure the full development of other great interests, to prevent needless disaster to important industries and to realize many of the benefits of the plan. "^ Without asHiireil permiini'ticc some Conscrviitivo predictions of evil, else fitlliicioiis, woiilil coirie true ; for our uiiileiiialile ii.itiiriil adviiiita^es in riiw materials, liil)our, situation iind facilities woidil Ke unnaturally liandicapped. NO nianufa<;turer, looking,' to the Continental market, would lix or even enlarj;e his capital or business in the (country of live millions, at t)ie risk of being cut off from the country of aixty-tive millii'iis. Our neigldiors, instead <>f enj,Mging in manufac- tures lu^re, would take our markets witli g((ods manufactured there. And our raw materials, instead of being tinisht'd on the ground, would l>e exported to be tiiMshed abroad. Uncertainty would alarm capital and paralyze enterprise ; aixl therefore I repeat that permanence is essential to success. 18. The revenue requirements and otiicr financial conditions of the two countries are not identical ; each will change ; and each may change diversely from the other. It ndght be possible to agree on a taiitT for a year or two. It would be impossible for either country to fix its tariff for a long term. Changes in the stipulated tariff must therefore l)e provided for. 19. It would not lie practicable to remit thedeci- sion as to such changes to a .Joint Moiird. And whatever shape the arrangement might take it would be necessary to concede t(i the .States, if not a formal, at any rate a, practical control in respect of changes. The latter result would flow from a provision that, in case of difference, either party might ter- minate the treaty ; a stipulation wliicli would in all human probability result in concession by Canada to the States ; while its existence would deprive the treaty of that assured perinanency whose import- ance has been demonstrated. I see no plan for combining the two elements fif permanency of the treaty and varialtility >>! the tariff, which does not involve the practical control of the latter by the States. And I can readily conceive conditions under which, notwithstanding her right to threaten a withdrawal, Canada would have much less in- fluence in procuring or preventing changes tlian she would enjoy did slie compose several States of the Union. 20. Amongst the British people the Canadian preference of United States over Uritisli nianufac- tures would be, perhaps, less unpopular, con- sidered on economic grounds alone, than the alternative scheme of food taxes to which J liave referred. Accompanied, as it ought to be, by a fair settle- ment of all differences with the Stat<;s, and by the establishment on a firm basis of cordial relations between all Knglish speaking peoples, it would secure high political advantages to the United Kingdom. And the greater prosperity of Canada, in which the British investor is deeply concerned ; and from which, spite of all tariff obstacles, the British manufacturer too must reap some slight advantage; would mitigate hostility to the scheme. But after all, it would be taken in very bad part, on economic grounds, by tlie liritish manufactur- ing interests, and on Imperial groun-ls, by other important elements of tlie popu'.ation ; and i . would seriously affect the present tone and feelings in regard to the Colonial relation. 21. The tendency in Canada of unrestricted free trade with the States, high rluties being main- tained against tin; United Kingdom, would be towards Political Union ; and tlie more successful the |>lan the t-trooger the tendency, both by reason of the comniurdty of interests, the inter- niiiigling of popidations, the more intimate busi- ne.i-s and social connexions, and the trade and /fiscal relations, amounting to dependency, which Ig it woidd create with the States ; and of the greater isolation and liivergency from Britain which it would produce ; and also, and especially, through inconveniences experienced in the maintenance, and a])prehensions entertained as to the termination of the treaty. (Jur hopes and our fears alike would draw one way. We would then indeed be " looking to Washing- t(;n."' \or is there any fair comparison, in this respect, between the new and the (dd reciprocal arrange- ments. 22. It is not absolutely certain that the States would, un<lei- existing circumstances, enter into a treaty for Unrestricted Reciprocity. Though the benefits would be in truth far more wiilely diffused, yet it is oidy our Neighbour's nr)rtli<"rn fringe that actually realizes the existence of a material interest in free trade with Canada ; and, even there, protectionist fallacies greatly obscure the judgment ; various events have excited in many (juarters unfavorable feelings; and there is a strong prejudice against lasting treaty arrange- ments. But the dominating fact is that perhaps fifty millions of their population know little, and care less, about free trade with Canada. Thus it happens that mutually beneficial business relations between the two countries, on principles fair to each, areyet of far more obvious and pressing importance to us as a whole tliaii to them as a whole. And it is this fact which perhaps nujst strongly emphasizes the supreme folly of a Cana- dian retaliatory policy. The national sentiment, which is essential to secure their assent to the arrangement, cannot then be ev()ked by its business element alone. The advantage of adjusting, by a comprehensive settlement, all causes of difference between the two countries would be very great to both, and might advance the plan : but, on the same reason- ing, this advantage also is clearer and greater to us than to them, ar.d cannot therefore be safely reckoned on to evoke the desired sentiment. An underlying feeling, however, there is — latent it may be and inactive, half unconscious and un- formulated ; disguised in sonie quarters, doubted, deprecated or repudiated in others ; likely perhaps (sliould party lines be drawn), to be favored rather by Republicans than by Itemoerats — yet real, deep- seated and widespread ; and eminently calculated so to attract the popular imagination and fire the popular heart as to tranecend all party lines, and to become indeed a truly national sentiment. This feeling is that, some day, sooner or later, a political reorganization of the continent should and must take place ; not by force, but by the free consent of its inhabitants. This sentiment, I believe, will largely color opinion as to the plan ; which, accordingly, may on the one hand, be favored as the best step in the direction of political reorganization ; or, on the other, discountenanced upon the mistaken theory that its r«'j(!utioii would lie tiit- bent 8tep in the Biaine direction. And there nre <il)viouH forces and nietliods in our neighlior'H, as in all fi(i|iiilur politicH, Mhich forhid liH altof^ether to di«r<'>,'ard the latter contiiij^ency. The treaty once made, the vantaj^i! ground it f^ave would naturally he uned for the acconipliifli- rnent of its ulterior purpost; ; and thin political end would he a j;reat factor in the (consideration hy the States of Canadian vieWM upon chanj,'eM in the joint tarid', ',r hh to the maintenance or termina- tion of the treaty. ti'.i. The reorganization to whicii our neighl)or« look is, of course, the unification of the continent. Hut next to, though much less warmly than, Political Union, they woidd favor Canadian In- dependence ; and it is ipiite possible that, in con- nexion with sucli a policy, advantageous Interna- tional arrangements rm various most important points, not here hronght into discussion, might lie i»ecured. '2i. Without needless lengthy recapitulation, you will see, hy contrasting my views with those of the present advocates of free trade with the States, several serious (piestions of diiliculty and difference — for example, uniformity of tariff, and its control ; deficiency of revenue, and its supply — on whicli 1 am unahle to adopt their opinions. 2'). IJut one large topic remains, arising out of or rather imdcjrlying this whole statement, the bearing of which I had hoped, until the news of the dissolution, to reserve for oral discussion. You will doubtless have inferred my opinion that the policy of absolute free trade with the States is intimately connected with, and cannot properly be divorced from the (juestion of our political future, which therefore it must force into the party field. While not ilisguising my view that events have alrjady greatly narrowed our a])parent range, and impeded our appaiciit freedom of action, I hohl by the suggestion that our future should not be settled (as we have allowed it to be settled in tin; past, perhaps much further than we yet realize), by accident or unwittin>,'ly ; bj' sidewinds or the in- glorious policy of drift. It should ratlier be determined, so f.^r as it remains within our own control, of fixed purpose, after due discu-fsion and deliberation, as becomes a free people resolving on their lot. This large problem, involving in our case various suggested plans to whicli others must be parties, demanded the anxious weighing of conflicting con- sideri tions, and a long course of courageous and independent, but calm and dispassionate handlinu, before it could be advantageously introduced into a party field like ours. Such handling it has not yet received. Nor, indeed, could that have been deeme<l in the least degree necessary by those promoters of free trade with the .States, who advance their plan in the belief that it by no means involves our poli- tical future ; and that it tends, not to the weaken- ing of existing or the creation of new political rela- tions, but rather to the strengthening of the present connexion. Thus it has come to pass that the public mind is in one sense even more unready than formerly, and is at any rate quite unprepared, for the in- telligent decision, and haidly disposed even for the fair and candid discussion of the question. 26. It would not be possible here even to epito- mize the many points which occur upon the several projects for Federation with the United Kingdom, for Independence, and for Political Union with the States, all of which are thought to have once been, i>r still to remain, open in some sense to our choice. Were that possible, it would yet be abourd to employ the critical moment of an election in the preliminaries of such a wide debate. Nor do I belicv<', as I have said, that a wise solution is to be advanced by bringing the discus- sion into the party field to day. And at any rate I am anxious that you should have the opportunity, if you think it worth your while, of considering what I have been obliged to set before you, unprejudiced by any further inti- mation of my views on this point. Thus I do not a<ld to the many nuitters with which you have been necessarily troubled any specu- lations of my own as to our future. 27. It is not needful that I shouhl. Whatever you or I may think on that head ; whether we like or dislike, believe or disbelieve in Political Union ; must we not agree that tlie sub- ject is one of great moment, towards the practical settlement of which we should take no serious step witliout reflection, or in ignorance of what we are doing ? Assuming that absolute free trade with the States, best described as Commercial Union, may and ought to come, I believe that it can and should come only as an inci<leiit, or at any rate as a well { i:nrlerst(jod precursor of Political Union ; for whicli indeed we should be able to make better terms befo"-., than after the surrender of our Commercial luflepcndence. Then so believing— believing that the decision of the Trade <|uest!on involves that of the Constitu- tional issue, for which you are unprepared, and with which you do not even conceive yourselves to be dealing — how can I properly recommend you now to decide on Commercial Union ? 28. I^o not suppose that these are with me ques- tions of yesterday. Long ago, while leader of the Liberal party, it became my duty t:> examine into a similar design, submitted by a political architect of some reputa- tion. I thought the foundations insecure, the lines defective, and the estimates of cost inadequate. It seemed to me that the proposed structure could be erected only on that different foundation, those other lines, and that larger cost whijli has been describe<l. For this it was conceded that the people were not then prepared. And I was unable to propose the design for adop- tion as a party plan. My views remain unchangetl to-day. 29. It has caused me deep distress to differ from my political friends. Cravely distrusting my jutlgment as to opinions unshared, dilliculties unfelt, and consequences un- foreseen by them, I sincerely wish to be found — as I have earnestly striven to find myself — in error. '.iO. I{ut it is to our own convictions, right or wrong, that we nnist, after all, be true. To put forward opinions we do not hold, or ignore difficulties we cannot solve, or deny or con- ceal the tendencies and results of policies we un- dertake to propound, would be dishonest and unworthy. And therefore I could not address the VAectovBoi West Durham without speaking my mind freely on the points i have advanced. 31. Had the elections been deferred to the usual 8 iind expec'tpil titiie, I hIioiiM prolmlily Iiavo felt it iinexpecte<l!y i>Iiiiij;e<1 tli«' IjImthI pnrtv, to take a right within a Khort HpiK't' .sii til ailili'cHH tlit'iii. (litTt'i'tiit tjuk, or to turn otic hriHtilc gnu .'igainHt Hut I do not tiiul myself free t«-ilay to speak my tht; wi'lllovfcl fricnilM, in «hoM(' company, wiu'tlicr mind. hh comrailc or romninnilcr, ( have- Hailed ho many - Witliotit Itfiing HO prcHiimptuoim aH to imagine Htormy mchh, ,uid fonyht ho many hot cngagementM ; that my Judgment in entitled to uc^ight when nm-on- whoHt- general cfiurHe I approve ; an<l wlmne Bhipft I firmed by that of my politieal friemiM, I yet recog- wiMJi, not w reeked, hnt cafe in |>ort. nize tlie exlensivi^ and etFeetive use, too eommonly .'t.'l. \\ liat tlien i". left forme to do? made l>y the advernary, of tlie slightest divergent 'I'Imh oidy. Sini (• I ciilinot help, to hurt as little expression rif opinion from tiie hnmldest memherof as I may ; and tlierefore to go down, with my own an opposing orgaiu/ation. little ship, in silenee ; hearing for the moment all My late relation to the party emphaHi/CH the eoni^e()iwnt iniHeontrnetion ; and leaving, till the present application of this remark, Iiles of Mareh lie past, tlie explanation of my aetioii. And I have come to tiie (•onciiision, eoiilirnied liy ',U. May I lieg yon tin n to treat my stateinent, the judgment of leading men, that the piililication made n'>w to you aloni-, as given for the time in of these opinions would inllict much more damage sacred contidence ; to .-.ccept my heartfelt thanks on my friends than the sligiit injury wliicii may and undying gratitude for your past kiniliiess; and result from my ileiit witiidrawal. I to let mt; hid yon, with emotion deeper than 1 can ',i'2. Now, while unaiile to light uniler false colours, express, an all'ectionate fau'well. neither can J endure, at the very height and crisis ^'ollr faithful servant, of the hattle Mito which a wrongful dissolution has KiiwakIi Bi.AKK. Corrcspoiiiicucc between Mr. Hlake aud Mr. Kirkpalriek as to the Inverary Meetin<^. (Mk. lil.AKK Tn M U. K IUKI>ATI!I<K ). ToKONTo, Mar.-li '-', IH!M. Mv Dkak KikkI'ATKIi'K, I «n(;l(mi! ;i mttiiiK from tin- h'lii/iu-r <if II tflifgriiphio r(;))ort of ii iiKU't- iii^; at Iiivoniiyoii J'V'b. 27111,111 wliioli yoi; arc Hiii'l to liavB liefii [uv.Hiiut. I Hhall l)e iiiiiuli ()ltli><(!il liy your iiiforuiiii^; ni« liow far til'- itfport is roircct ; arwl iliclatin;; for my iin(! ail acritrat*; Ktateiiioiit of wliat occiirifil. I am Biirc! yon will forgive tliin tioiihle ; ami will believe that i would ilo a>< miii;ti for you. YoiiiB faithfully, KllWAIiri lil.AKK. Hon. (!. A. KlKKI'ATKKK, KiiigMtoii. I'luam; rcturii the cutting. [ Knclognre. ) ' ' Kin/iire. "SLAM)KKL\(; HinVARlJ IJLAKK. Sir Kicharu Cartwrioht'h Hon Lkao.h tiik " LlliKI.Lors (lANfi. " KiNiiSTON. Fell. '27.— At Inverary Lint iiiKot Harry Mawdt'ii, the <irit candidate whom .\lr. ' Kii kjiatrickdefeated in the lantclcutioii, in M|icak- iiig of Mr. [{hike's retirement, said lion, Kdwaid ' lihike hail been paid .^'J.'i.fMK) by the (I V. li. to ' kce[i liiH mouth »hut, and that wa« why he was • silent. " .Mr. KlIiKl'ATKU!K— I deny that utatement ; it ' h a diHgivieefiil thin>< to Hay of an honorable gen- ' tleiiiaii, and I call for the prod of it.'' " .Mr. Uav/hkn — I can prove it. I call on .Mr. ' Cftitwright (.Sir Kichard'n son, who was pre«ciit) ' to prove it."' " .Mr. Alex, ('artwiight Wi» ;;oining forward to ' siiliMtantiate I'.awden's statement, but, .Mr. Kiik- ' Patrick iiiHiHting on the prfidiution of proof, .Mr. ' Cartwright said, ' I have no written proof.' " (Mb. KrKKJ'ATKICK TO .Mil. Bf.AKK). Kingston, Ont., 3rd March, 1801. My Okak IJr.AKK, — In answer toyour>< of ye.ster day, I have to any that I waH present at the meet- ing in Inverary on Tliurxday, 'J(ith iilto., when .\lr. liawden, s[H!akiiig of you, or your retinMneiit from public life, said " Mr. Hlake liail biieii paid .*J."),000 l)y the (J.P.K. to keep liiH moiitii shut." 1 was sitting on the platform beitide him and I at once arose and said " That is not true ; it is scandalous (or dingraceful) to say it of an honorable man, and I demand the proof of it." .Mr. liawden, to my astonishment, said " I can prove it,'' and called Mr. A. ('artwright, who was at the other end of the room near the door. Mr. Cartwright then attempted to come forward through tiie crowd, but before he had come very far, I said, " I want tlie proof," Mr. Cartwright stopping said, "I have tiot the printed proof" or " the written proof,' I forget which. The crowil cheered, and after silenire was restored .Mr. liawden continued his npin-ui. Mr. ('artwright HuliMfijuently spoke, unci he sa.d yon wi^re an honorable man, but you had received as a professional fee, as you had a perfect •il,dit, the largest fee ever given in (,'anada, though such large fees were not iiifrei|uent in Knglnnd, !*'2."i,(XH) as a retainer from the (.'.I'.K. in the ease about the <;rossing of the Manitoba and .South Western Hallway, and that you had received other fees as a professional man from the ('.1'. II., and that you felt a delicacy in sitting in the House nini voting r»n iiuiasures atfecting that company. List evening at I'.rewers .Mills .Mr. Cartwright made a stat(Miient about the matter, and said he had not slandered you, but had s)ioken of you as an honorable man, and called upon tne t^i corrobo- rate his stat(;m<;nt. I said he had spoken of you as an honorable man, and had not slandered yon, but his companion .Mr. Bawdeii had done ro, and had called upon him to prove it, which he coiihl not do. .Mr. (.'artwright said he dill not hear Mr. liawden use the words imputed him, and, being at a distance, pi^rhaps he did not hear the otrensivc words used. He feels very much hurt at the idea of his saying anything which could be construed as ofrcnsive to you, and 1 do not think he intended to do so. I f(dt hurt at the accusation made by Mr. Baw- den and at once resented it. V'ours very truly, (iKOKlii; A, KlKKPATKICK, Hon. Kkwark Bi.akk, (^C, Toronto. I', IS.- -I return the cutting. (Mk. lil.AKK TO .Mk. Kikki-atkkk). Ml MKWOOli, ToKONTo, .March 5, 1891. Mv DkAK KlKKI'ATKKK, - I am obliged by your letter of .'Jrd. I observe in the papcTS the following telegram : — "KiMJsTos, Ont., March .'<. -The statement " that I said the Hon. FMward Blake was paid " *!'2.'),()(K) to keep his mouth shut, is false. I ap- " predate the honor of Kdward Blake too highly " to make any such statement. "(Sd.) Hkn-rv Bawukn." I assume that this document is not authentic ; because I should be sorry to think that the late Liberal cindidate for l>*rontenac had aggravated the slanderous falsehood of the speech by the hypocritical falsehood of the denial. As to Mr. liawden's witness, Mr. Cartwright, notwithstanding your too generous words, the spirit in which he offered and gave his " evidence " is too obvious to be misunderstood or explained 10 away ; nor am I able to adopt his opinions on the point of honor. Were it true that I had accepted a retainer of $25,000 in such a matter as the Manitoba Crossings case, I should have t iken, not a reasonable fee to secure my professional services in a court, but an enormous gratuity, so disproportionei' to the osten- sible object as to be dishonorable to giver and re- ceiver alike. Were it true that I had thus or otherwise placed myself in such a relation to any clients that " I felt a delicacy in sitting in the flouse and voting on matters affecting " them, I should have been false to the views of duty on which I have acted for close upon a quarter of a century of time, and at a loss of far more than a quarter of a million of money. In the latter of these two allegations there is not the smallest modicum of truth. • The former of them, from which the latter is inferred, is a mountain of most monstrous fiction, elaborated out of a molehill of most innocent fact. It is true that I was oflFered retainers on both sides in the Manitoba Crossings case ; the Company happened to come first ; "first come first served" is the reasonable obligation of our profession ; and therefore, according to rule, I accepted the re- tainer of the Company, and not that of the Mani- toba fiovernment. But it is not true, as Mr. Cartwright stated, that my retainer was 3'25,0O0. It was but one-fiftieth part of tliat sum, a modest 8500 ; and, though I say it that should not, I gave my clients more than value for their money by my labours in the cause. Forgive me, my dear Kirk, if I add that I should not have troubled you had these attacks been made by certain of my opponents and your friends. To such attacks from such quarters long habit has, I am sorry to say, made me callous. But the sources and circumstances of this par- ticular calumny have induced me to give it more notice than it perhaps deserved ; and certainly more than it would otherwise have received from me. Pray accept my grateful thanks for your own kindness and sense of fair play in the matter ; and believe me, Faithfully yours, Edward Blake. The Hon. (1. A. Kirkpatrick, Kingston, Ont. PBESS OF THE BUDUET, BAY STREET, TORONTO.