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Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The foiiowing diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre fiim^s A des taux de rMuction diffirents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul cliche, il est filmi A partir de Tangle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images nicesssire. Les diagrammes sulvants illustrent la m^thode. 1 2 i 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 1: >- ^'i^ MEMOIRS -^ '^V^'^^' ^.-4 OK THt; •\'. ^ American Museum of Natural History. HARLAN I. SMITH. SAClNA'.v, v.. L-. i-,a;H;i.*.N. Volume II. ANTHROPOLOGY. ;'? I. , The Jesup North Pacific Expedition. IV. — The Thompson Indians of British Columbia. By JAMES TEIT. Edited by FRANZ BOAS. April, 1900. '^ .■■-^^.-■, .■■-* •:_ ..*:^,:j^'^. KV- •'S. i, ■a.^As-^-.v,-;, ^ '^MiiXu ^inffSiSfei'^"'- 544^&e The following method of transcribing Indian words is used in the publications of the Jesup Expedition : a, e, i, o, u have their continental sounds (short). 1, e, t, 0, a long vowels. A, B, I, o, u obscure vowels. *, *, ', *, * vowels not articulated, but indicated by position of the mouth. ( in German Bar, k aw in law. .■.-,-. t « in German voU, e tKnbell. f imhUl. - separates vowels which do not form diphthongs. ai I in island. au Me> in how. \ as in English. U very long, slightly palatized by allowing a greater portion of the back of the tongue to touch the palate. 1 posterior palatal /; the tip of the tongue touches the alveoli of the lower jaw, the back of the tongue is pressed against the hard palate, sonant. L the same, short and exploded (surd). q velar k. k English k. k' palatized k, almost ky. kx posterior palatal k, between k and k'. 8 velar g. g' palatized g, almost gy. X ck'xn German Buck. X X pronounced at posterior border of hard palate. x° palatal x as in German kk. s, c are evidently the same sound, and might be written x° or c', both being palatized; c (English sk) is pronounced with open teeth, the tongue almost touching the palate immediately behind the alveoli ; s is modified in the same manner. <; M as in tkiek. d,t I b, p V as in English, but surd and sonant are difficult to distinguish. g.k J h as in English. y as in year. w, m, n as in English. ! designates increased stress of articulation. ' is a very deep laryngeal intonation. v ' ERRATA. p. 183, ad line of footnote, " Fig. laa " should read, " Fig. 120." p. aaj, in legend to Fig. 198, "jifi " should read " %\^." ^^' .> IV. — The Thompson Indians of British Columbia. By James Teit. Edited by Franz Boas. Map, Plates XIV— XX. / CONTENTS. Editor's Note 165 I, Introduction, Historical and Geographical 167 Name of the Tribe 167 Habitat 167 Divisions of the Tribe 168 Population 175 Migrations and intercourse 178 Mental Traits 180 II. Manufactures i8a Work in Stoae 182 Work in Wood 183 Painting 184 Preparation of Skins 184 Basketry 187 Mats 188 Weaving and Netting 190 III. House and Household 193 Habitations 192 House-Furnishings 199 IV. Clothing and Ornaments 206 Clothing of Upper Thompsons 206 Clothing of Lower Thompsons and Upper Fraser Band 220 Modem Clothing 220 Decoration of Clothing 221 Personal Adornment 223 C163] f "64 CONTKNTS. V. Subsistence 230 Variotii's and Preparation of Food J30 Preservation of Staple Foods J34 Dishes 236 Seasons 33^ Hunting 235 Fisliing 249 VI. Travel and Transportation ; Trade 255 Travel and Transportation 255 'I'mde 258 VII. Warfare .,63 VIII. ('fames and Pastimes 272 IX. Sign Language 283 X. Social Organization and Festivals 289 Social Organization 289 Festivals 2()() XI. liirtli, Childhood, Puherty, Marriage, and Death 303 Pregnancy 303 Childhood 306 Twins 310 Puberty 311 Marriage 3,, Cuslduis regarding Women 326 Ilurial Customs of the Upper rhompsons 327 Hurial Customs of the Lower ThcniipsDns 335 XII. Religion ^,y Conception of the World 337 Prayers and Observances 344 Festivals ' ^jo Guardian Spirits 354 Soul 357 Shamanism 3(50 Prophets 365 Kthical ("oncepts and Teachings 366 XIII. Medicine, Charms, Current lieliefs 368 Medicines -jfig Surgical Operations 370 Charms 3», Current Beliefs 3^2 XIV. Art (by Franz Boas) 3^5 Decorative Art 3^5 ^'"'*''^ 383 Dancing 385 XV. Conclusion (by Franz Boas) 387 Appendix 30, EDITOR'S NOTE. Tlu; followinjT (lescriptidii of tlu: Thompson Indians is hasvcl on two manu- scripts prrpared by Mr. Janius Ttii, - th('on f "Thompson" Indians, taken from the name of the river in the nei^^hboihooij of which they have their homes. Ihey call their entire tribe Ni.ak-apamux. They are also so dcsi^fnated l.y all the neijrhborin^' tribes of the interior, althoujrh they are sometimes called I.iikatimii \ and Salic by the Okanajron, and Nkoata- mux by the Shuswap. The Lillooct occasionally call them Ce'(itamu.\, which name is derived from that of ihompson River. In all these wonts the (;ndin),' "-mux " means "people." The Inilians of tiie I'Vaser Delta, whos(- territory ad- joins theirs on the souiiiwest, call thcni Si;m,l'mila (said to mean " inland people," "inland hunters," or "people up the river"). Their 'inj,ruaj,'e belongs to the Salishan stock. Haiutat. — ri.. ir habitat is the southern int(!rior of British Columbia, mostly east of tli>: Coast Ran^-e, l)ut it extends far into the heart of that ranj,'(- (see opposite map). It is about a hundred miles in lenj^ah, by ninety in breialth. 'Ihrou.nh thi , territory (low three rivers, — I-raser River; its principal tributary, Thompson River; and a smaller tributary of the latter, Nicola River. In the valleys of these rivers, or in close |)r()ximity thereto, are found the princi- pal villajrcs of the tribe, while the country on either side is their huntin.ij-trround. Their neighbors to the north and east are the Shuswap, to whom they are nearest akin. To the northwest of their K^ritory live the Lillooet, to the south and east the Okanagon, while at the mouth of the cafton of I-'raser River they border on the Coast Salish. In former times a small tribe of Athapascan affinity inhabited the upper portion of Nicola Valley. They have become merged in the Thompson Indians. The tribes with whom they are familiar, and their names, will be found on the map. The Upper Thompson Indians had no knowledge of any Coast tribes except those of Lower l-raser River. Some of the tribal names, such as Smileqamux ("the people of Similkameen "), signify the location wliich the people inhabit, regardless of their tribal affiliations. A number of more distant tribes, the location of which is not given on our map, were known to them by name. These were most of the .Salish tribes of Montana, Idaho, and the in- terior of Washington ; the Sahaptin ; the Kootenay ; and the most northern Shoshone tribes, who were called " tail people " because the> wore attached to their head-dresses a long string of feathers reaching down to the feet, A tribe to the southeast called Stiltx-, ten days' journey from Spcnces Bridge, neither Salish nor Sahaptin, came sometimes to trade fish near the mouth of Nicola River. The Crees were also known by name. Before the advent of the whites no other tribes were known. The Hudson Bay Company's employees are called [167] 1 68 TEIT THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. "the real white men," a name also applied by a few Indians to French-speaking people. Divisions of the Trihe. — Their territory may be divided into two parts ; the dividing-line being near Lytton, at the junction of Thompson and Fraser Rivers. Here the latter enters a deep caflon, through which it rushes with impetuous force, until it emerges at Yale, some fifty-seven miles farther down, having cut its way through the Coast Range. Tlie country on cither side is extremely rugged. Towering mountains, which reach beyond the snow-line, extend on every hand. The valleys are very deep and narrow, often merely gorges. The rainfall is abundant, especially in the southwestern part of this district, and therefore the whole country is clad with heavy timber, mostly fir and cedar. As might be ex- pected, agricultural and pasture land is scarce ; game is also rather scarce : so that the Indians depend mainly on the products of the streams for their livelihood. The winters are short, but there are occasionally heavy falls of snow. Such is the country of the Lower Thompson Indians. The country north and east of Lytton, and immediately east of the Coast Range, is of a totally different character. Although it is rugged and hilly, the contours of the moiuitains are round, and their slopes gentle. They are inter- sected by numerous deep and narrow valleys, while still farther east rolling hills or plateaus prevail. The valleys and lower parts of the country are covered with sagebrush, grease-wood, etc., — evidences of a dry climate; while the higher grounds and mountain-tops are covered with grass and scattering timber, mostly pine. The condition > are favorable for stock-raising, and patches of arable land are found. Game, especially deer, is much more abundant here than in the lower section, and there is much greater facility for engaging in agricultural pursuits. The climate is extremely dry, with hot summers and moderately cold winters, the latter generally short and accompanied by slight snowfalls. The country below Lytton is named Uta'mqt (meaning "below," or "to the south"), while that above Lytton is called Nku'kCima (meaning "above," or "to the north "). By adding "-mux " (" people ") to the previously mentioned names, we have the designations by which the inhabitants of the two scxtions are known ; viz., Uta'mqtamux ("people below") and Nku'kiimamux ("people above"). The former name especially is often used without the "-mux." These two divisions are the "Lower Thompsons" or "Caflon Indians" and "Upper Thompsons" of the whites, by which terms I shall designate them. The Lower Thompson Indians have their villages at favorable spots along the banks of Fraser River, from a little below the village of Siska in the north, to a few miles below Spuzzum in the south. Their hunting-grounds extend west- ward to Harrison Lake and the mountains east of the lower course of Lillooet River, southward to the head waters of Nooksack and Skagit Rivers, and eastward to the head waters of Tulameen and Coldvvater Rivers. Along this line they come into contact with the Lower Lillooet ; the Coast Salish, whose villages and TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COF.UMBIA. 169 hunting-grounds are confined to the immediate vicinity of Fraser River, while the Thompson Indians hunt in the mountains a few miles to the south ; the Klickitat; and the Okanagon. The villages of the Lower Thompson Indians seem to have been much more stationary than those of the upper division of the tribe. Many families wintered for generations, in fact as long as can be remembered, at the same spot. Since the advent of the whites some of the smaller village-sites have been abandoned. The inhabitants removed to the larger villages, which happened to be near settlements of the whites. Decrease in the number of inhabitants has been one of the prime causes of removals. The present villages of the Lower Thompson Indians, from south to north, are as follows : — Name. Location. 1. Spo'zem (" little flat ") Spuzziim West side of Fr.iser River, about 9 miles above Yale, 2 miles below Spuzzum station, C. 1'. R., and no miles from Pacific Ocean. 2. Ti'kwalus, known as Chapman's Bar among the whites East side of Fraser River, about 13 miles above Yale. 3. Skoxwa'k West side of Fraser River, about 15 miles above Yale. 4. Tce'tawe East side of Fraser River, about 16J miles above Yale. 5. Noie'ltsi (" burnt body ") West side of Fraser River, about 23 miles above Yale. 6. Kalula.aiF.x ("small house of owl ").. East side of Fraser River, about 24 miles above Yale. 7. Koia'um ("to pick berries "), called by the whites Boston Bar East side of F'rastr River, .about 25 miles al i..e Yale. 8. Ntsuwi'ek West side of Fraser River, about 27 miles aliove \'ale. 9. Kapatcitcin (" sandy shore "), called by the whites North Bend West side of Fraser River, about 28 miles above Yale. 10. Npikti'm or S'inpukti'm (" white hol- 'ow ") East side of Fraser River, about 30 miles above Yale. 1 1. Tsa'umak East side of Fraser River. 12. Sinta'kL (" reached the bottom ") West side of Fraser River. 13. Spa'im (" flat land " or "open llat "). . East side of Fraser River. 14. Skwa'uyix West side of Fraser River. 15. Kimu's (" brow " or " edge ") East side of Fraser River. 16. S'nk (" valley " or " depression ") East side of Fraser River. 17. Nkattsi'm East side of Fraser River, about 38 miles above Yale ; near Reefers station, C. P. R., but on the opposite side of the river. 18. Staxeha'ni (" this side of the ear or cliff ") East side of Fraser River. 19. LiqLa'qEtin ("ferry" or "crossing- place ") East side of Fraser River, about 3 miles below Si'ska. In this list detached houses have been grouped with the nearest village. Some Indians think that Si'ska ought to be included with the Lower Thompsons. In 1858 Koia'um (Boston Bat) was the largest and most populous village. I70 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. At the present day Kapatci'tcin (North Bend) and Spd'zfim are the largest villages. They contain fully one-third of the whole population. All the other villages are small. The Upper Thompson Indians are divided into four minor divisions more or less recognized. These are : — 1. The Lkamtci'nEmux ("people of Lkamtci'n," the Indian name of Lytton) or NLak'apamux'o'e ("the NLak'a'pamux proper"), sometimes called "Sa'lic" by the Lower Thompsons, the Indians of Lytton and vicinity. They are sometimes simply called Ni.ak'a'pamux. I shall call them the Lytton band. 2. The SLaxa'yux, the people along Fraser River, above Lytton. Their territory extends up Fraser River about forty miles, where they come into con- tact with the Upper Lillooet a few miles below the town of Lillooet. Their hunting-ground is chiefly on the west side of Fraser River, and comprises all the eastern slopes, and the sunmiii^ of the Lillooet Mountains. It does not extend far east of Fraser River, the country there being generally used by the Indians of Lytton, Spences Bridge, and Ashcroft. I shall designate them as the Upper Fraser band. 3. The Nkamtci'nEmux ("people of the entrance"), taken from the name of the land at the mouth of Nicola River (Nkamtci'n), and probably having refer- ence to the confluence of the two rivers, or the " entrance " of one into the other. These are the people of Spences Bridge and vicinity in particular, but the name is often applied in a general sense to all the Indians along Thompson River from a little below Spences Bridge upward. They extend along Thompson River to Ashcroft, where their territory adjoins that of the Shuswap. Their hunting- grounds extend back for thirty or forty miles on each side of Thompson River, and include the upper half of Hat Creek. I shall call them the Spences Bridge band. 4. TheCawa'xamux or Tcawa'xamuv (■' people of the creek," taken from the name of Nicola River, Tcawa'x or Cwa'ux, meaning "creek"), comprising the Indians along Nicola River from a few miles above Spences Bridge to consider- ably above Nicola Lake, where their territory adjoins that of the Okanagon, whose nearest village is at Douglas Lake, some thirty-five miles from Nicola Lake. Their hunting-grounds are on either side of Nicola River, and extend thirty or forty miles back. In early times their villages did not extend more than fifteen miles up the river. They visited the upper part of the valley on hunting trips and for fishing in the lakes. I shall call this division the Nicola band. The Spences Bridge band sometimes call the Upper Fraser band Skwotl'ki- namux (" people of the other or opposite side of the ridge or mountains"), be- cause they are divided from them by a narrow range, which follows the east bank of Fraser River, The Lytton band who live along the shores of Fraser River, and the Upper Fraser band, are sometimes collectively called "people of Fraser River." The Lytton band who live along Thompson River above Lytton, and TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF URITISH C01,UMBI.\, 171 the Spenccfi Bridge band, are sometimes collectively called " people of Thompson River." Besides tliese, there are the usual names attached to every little band or com- munity, which is simply the name of the place or village they inhabit, with the suf- fix "-mux " ("people"), as we might say in our language "people of London," "people of Liverpool," etc. This method of designating their folk according to the several towns to which tliey belong, is, so far as I know, the only one em- ployed by the Lower Thompson Indians. Among the I'pper Thompson Indians, the people of some of the bands or villages arc sometimes called after the name of their chief. For instance, the people on Thompson River immeiliately above Spences Bridge, who occupy two or three small villages, but are under one chief, are called Sa'itkinamuxs ha CumaxaiKtza ("people of CumaxaiKt/a," this being the name of the chief). This custom, however, is of recent origin. The differences in dialect between tin: several divisions of the tribe are very trilling. A few words only are used in a different sense, wliile others vary slightly in pronunciation. The difference in dialect between the lower and upper divisions is most clearly marked. The former seeir to have borrowed several words from their neighbors of the coast. During the last twenty-five or thirty years, ;)v.ing to increased intercourse and prolonged visits among the different divis ons of the tribe, there appears to have been a tendency towards assimilation of tlie dialects. The lower half of the tribe affect the dialect current among the upper half. Through association with the white man, several new words have been introduced into the language. Most of these have reference to names of things new to the Indian. The following is a fairly accurate list of villages belonging to the upper divisions of the tribe : — Villages of the Lvtton Band Name. Location. 1. NLaqLa'kitin ( " the crossing-place, " " place for crossing the river"). Kan- aka Bar On Fraser River, about 1 1 miles 'oelow Lytton (some Indians class it with the Lower Thompsons). 2. Siska ( " uncle "), Cisco On Fraser River, about 8 miles below Lytton. 3. Nqa'ia (from nqa'iEX, " to swim " ) . . . West side of Fraser River, about 2 miles below Lytton. 4. Lkamtci'n ("confluence" [of rivers] ), Lytton .South side of Thompson River, at its junction with the Fraser. 5. Nfiqa'umin or Nqau'min (so named be- cause the water comes from a lake called Nqauma'tko [" wolf lake or water " ], from sciaum [ " wolf "] ), Thompson South side of Thompson River, about 10 miles above Lytton. '72 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. Villages of the Lvtton Basd — Ct»i/inueJ. ^"""^- Location. 6. TftxEzcp (shortened form of .\flze'e|), " sharp ground or place for pitching lodges," so called from small sharp stones around there) Kast side of Fraser River, about , mile above Lyilon. 7. N atqelptKtEnk ("yellow pine little „ ,^ ^'°P^ , ) ^^'*-'st side of Fraser River, about i mile above Ly tton. 8. Nx omi n (meaning doubtful) West side of Fraser River, jj miles above Lytton 9. AnKxtc-'t'tim (" stony little hollow " ), Kast side of Fraser River, 3 miles above Lytton. 10. StaiEn, or Strain (meaning doubtful), Styne Creek West side of Fraser River, about 5 miles above Lytton 1 1. Npuitci n (" low ridge shore ") West side of Fraser River, 8 miles above Lytton 12. N(ioikin ("black pine ridge," so called because young firs grow thickly there like nekoe't | " black pine '^°''^^' " 1 ^ Kast side of Fraser River, 8 miles above Lytton 13. No ot or NEro't (allied to roit," sleep"), West side of Fraser River, 13 miles above Lytton. 14. Ntce'qtcEqqokenk or Ntceqtreqko- kinnk ("the red little side hill or *'°P* " ) West side of Fraser River, 15 miles above Lytton. Villages of the Upper Fraser Band. ^"""- Location. 1. NLip'pa'Em ("to extract marrow," from s'Lipp.i', ' marrow " Lof bones]). West side of Fraser River, about 22 miles above Lytton. 2. Nqa ktko ( httle rotten water " ) West side of Fraser River, 28 miles above Lytton. 3. Iiaks (refers to nose or point in the river), Fosters Bar East side of Fraser River, about 28 miles above Lytton. ■*■ ^,' V' '•' ^ i.'" ''"'' ''""°"' °' '^"' " )• ^^''-'•'' ^'^"^ "^ ''"^"^^ *^'^"' '-^bout 38 miles above Lytton. 5. bkEkaitin( place of coming up above, or reaching the top " ) West side of Fraser River, about 43 miles above Lytton. The last-named village is the e.xtreiiie northern limit of the tribe on Fraser River. Here their territory adjoins that of the Lillooet, whose nearest village is SEtL (near the town of Lillooet), five miles above, on the same side of Fraser River. Villages of the Spences Bridge Band. ^'">"- Location. 1. No'qEm (from s'nO'k, "valley"), Dry- J'°'^^ • • South side of Thomjison River, 16 miles above Lytton. 2. NsqaqaultEn ("little looking for game place " from s'ke'aut, " to stand in a place and look around for game when hunting "), Spences Bridge South side of Thompson River, 23 miles above Lytton, and half a mile below Spences Bridge. TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 173 Villages of the Spences Bridge Band — CoHtinueii. Name. Location. 3. Nkamtci'n ("confluence" or "en- trance "), Nicola Mouth South side of Thompson River, at its junction with the Nicola, al)out 24I miles above Lytton. 4. Atci'tcilcEn (meaning doubtful), or Nkaitu'sus (" reaches the top of the brow or low steep "). The trail gets up on the top of a bench here, and enters the Spa'piam Valley North side of Thompson River, about 3 miles back in the mountains from Spences Bridge. 5. PEinai'nfls ("the flat underneath or near the brow or steep "). A low flat extends along the river here for some distance South side of Tlionipson River, about 28 miles above Lytton. 6. Nqoe'itko (" little lake or pond "). '['here is a stngnant pond at this place South side of Thompson River, 30 miles above l.ytton. 7. Zaxxauzsi'kEn ("middle ridge or hill "). Half a mile back from Thompson River, on the south side, about 31 miles above l.ytton. 8. PE'qaist (" white stone " ) South side of Thompson River, 32 miles above Lytton. 9. SEmEXA'u (" little lynx," from sKniEra'u, " lynx ") North side of Thompson River, 32 miles from Lytton. 10. Spa'ptsEn ("little Indian hemp place," from spa'tsan, "Indian hemp"), Spa- tsum South side of Thompson River, 35 miles above Lytton. If. Nie'qEm ("to make muddy," or " muddy creek "), Oregon Jacks North side of Thompson River, about i mile back from the river, and about 39 miles above Lytton. 12. Snapa' ("burnt place," from s'pS'a, "any burnt place in the mountains or forest "), Black Cafion South side of Thompson River, about \\ miles back from the river, and 42 miles above Lytton. 13. Nukaaiko, Nukaa'tcjo, or NnkaS'tko (from nko or nkwa, Shuswap for 'one," as Nkwaa'tko, "one little water," similar to Npea'tko, which means the same) North side of Thompson River, about 43 miles above Lytton. 14. SLaz or SLetz (meaning doubtful), Cornwalls About i mile luck from Thompson River, on the north side, about 45 miles above Lytton. 15. l.oLowO'q ("slides," from Lowfl'q, applied to places where gravel, small stones, or sand keeps sliding or fall- ing down) On Nicola River, about 8 miles from Spences Bridge. Si.az village is the farthest up Thompson River. Beyond, on both sides of the river, the country is inhabited entirely by Shuswap. •74 TKIT, IHE THOMPSON INDIANS OF IIRITISI! COLUMBIA Vii.i.ACF.s OF THE NicDi.A Hand. Name. Location. .. Kapatci'tdn (" little sandy shore ") . . . Near Nicola River, about , . miles from Spences Bridge 2. Caxan.x( little stone or rock ") Near Nicola River, about .6 miles ab-.e Spences Bridge. 3. x-O'tx-atkawe-i ("holes by or near the trail ")••■••• Near Nicola River, 23 miles above Spences Bridge 4. xanF.xRwcT ('-stone by or near the trail )....,. ^rear Nicola River, 27 miles above Spences Bridge. 5. Qaiskana or Koiskana (from kOOs or kwO'es, a bush the bark of which i^ used for making twine ; some say it is a Stuwix" or Athapascan name, but this seems doubtful), Pitit Creek . Near Nicla River, 29 miles above Spences Bridge. 6. N a.Ek or N ink ("the bcarberry "). Near Ni.ola River, 39 miles above Spences Bridge. 7. Isulus or .Sulus ("open" or "o|>fn „ nli" ?"'i:":': W: : ''^"'' ^'^"^^ X'vcr, 40 (?) mlles above Spences Bridge. 8. I'titKk or PKtutEk("lillle spring" |of ^ "'■'"'-'''] ) Mioiii 4' miles above Spences Bridge 9. Nsi'sqF.t ("the little split or di- " vide," perhaps because near a deep or rocky gulch). 10. Ntsi,a'tko or Ntsaia'iko ("cold water "), Coldwaier. ' '• ^■"'' <"'^'^"'"K doubtful) :. Near west end of Nicola Lake. 50 miles above Spences liridge. 12. Qvviltca'na (meaninj' doubtful) Near the middle of Nicola Lake 13. Ntcekus or Stcc'kus ("red rising ground or eminence," or " red face "), About ■ mile back in the mountains from Qwiltca'na. Qwiltca'iia may be saitl to l.c the tenninal villa-c in this direction. Three niile.s above ,t is tiie n.^irest vilia-e of the Okanaoon. The neare.st four viHa-rs of the latter are as follows : — ■"" Near Nicola River, a few miles from the west end of Nicola Lake A^ime. Location. About 3 miles from Qwiltca'na. 1 1 miles from Qwiltca'na. Qe'-iamix or i.kaiamix (Okanagon word, meaning " broad patch of bushes". . . Spa'xEmin ( " shavings " or " cuitings," as of wood or bone), Douglas Lake Komkona'tko (" head water " or " head , '-'''« ")• F'sh I-ake 2 , ,„jies from Qwiltca'na. ZutsEiiiin or Zu'tsamin ("red ochre or earth "), Vermillion ()„ Upper Similkaineen River. The Indians of all these Okana-on villa-es have a considerable admixture of Ihompson Indian blood, and speak both languages. The pure Okanatron IS not found until Ni.kius and Keri;myauz, on the Similkameen, are reached^ Many of the villages in the above lists are very small, consistinjr of two or three families ; while others are laro;e, and contain about a hundred' or more mhabitants. Very few occupy old viIIa-(.-sites. A list of the villages thirty-five TKIT, THK TIIOMI'SON INDIANS OK URir^SII COI.UMHIA. '/"5 to fifty j'cars ii^o woiiUl hv very ililTiTcnt. These villaj^^cs an; alinosi all situated on reserves. Some places where Indians live in detached houses have been included under the name of the villajj^e near«'st to which they are locatt.-d. So far as currcint tradition tells, the tribal boundaries have always ixcn the same as they are at the present day, except that about sixty or more years a!.,ro the Shuswap-speakinij; people exti.nded a few miles farther down Thompson Riv<'r than now, and the countr) around Nicola Lake was held by an Athapascan tribe. Both of these have been absorbed by the Thompsons. l\)i'Ui..\iioN. — The tribe is at the present day greatly reduced in numbers. The existence of numerous ruins of imderground houses might be considered as sufficient proof of the decrease of the trilje, were it not that the same famil)- sometimes constructed several of these houses, and that after the first epidemic of small-pox many of the survivors moved, for protection or support, to larger communities, and constructed. new houscis there. After the formation of small towns or settlements by thj whites, who set up trading-stores in different parts of the country, many Indians removed to their neighborhood for convenience of trading with or working for them. Moreover, the Indians began to st what use the whites made of arable lands, and they obtained " reserves," and gained some; knowledge of farming. Then many who had no arable land moved either to more favorably situated places, or to their " reserves " when convenient, ]iy this means the number of old house-sites was considerably increased. Nevertheless, according to the testimony both of the Indians themselves, and of white men long resident in their country, the Thompson Indians were certainly at one time much more numerous than at present. The old people say that forty or fifty years ago, when travelling along Thompson River, the smoke of Indian camp-fires was always in view. 'This will be better understood when it is noted that the course of Thompson River is vi.ry tortuous, and that in many places one can see but a very short distance up or down the river. The old Indians compare the number of people formerly living in the vicinity of Lytton to " ants about an ant-hill." Although they cannot state the number of inhabitants forty years ago, there are still old men living who can give approximately the number of summer lodges or winter houses along Thompson River at that time, showing clearly the great decrease which has taken place. In 1858, when white miners first arrived in the country, the Indian population between Spuzzum and Lytton was estimated at not less than two thousand, while at present it is probably not over seven hundred. If that be correct, and assum- ing that the number in the upper part of the tribe was in about the same propor- tion to those in the lower as nov»', the population of the entire tribe would have numbered at least five thousand. Notwithstanding the fact that a year or two before the arrival of the white miners the tribe had been depopulated by a famine, which infested nearly the whole interior of British Columbia, the actual decrease of the Indians has taken place only since the advent of the whites, in 1858 and 1859. 176 TKir, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OK URIIISII COI.UMHIA. Small-pox has appeared but once among the Upper Thompson Indians ; but the Lower Thompsons ..tate that it has broken out three; or four times in their tribe. Its first appearance was near the beginning; of the century. Nevertheless this disease has reduced the numljers of the tribe more than anything else. It was brought into the country in 1863, and thousands of Indians throughout the interior of British Columbia succumbed to it. If the evidence of the old people can be relied on, it must have carried off from one-fourth to one-third of the tribe. In many cases the Indians became panic-stricken, and tied to the mountains for safety. Numbers of them dropped dead along the trail ; and their bodies were buried, or their bones gathered up. a considerable time afterwards. Some took refuge in their sweat-houses, e.xpecting to cure the disease by sweating, and died there. It was early in spring when the epidemic was raging, and most of the Indians were living in their winter houses, under such conditions that all the inhabitants were constantly exposed to the contagion. The occupants of one group of win- ter houses near Sp(Mic'!s Bridge were completely exterminated ; and those of another about thrt;e miles away, numliering about twenty people, all died inside of their house. Their friends buried them by letting the roof of the house down on them. Afterwards they removed their bones, and buried them in a graveyard. Since then the tribe has been gradually decreasing, until at present I doubt if it numbers over two thousand souls. About fifteen years ago it was reckoned by a missionary long resident among them as numbering about twenty-five himdred. Many suppose that the decrease among Indian tribes in general is chiefly due to the dying-off of the old people and to the sterility of the women. My obser- vations lead me to a different conclusion, at least regarding the Upper Thompson Indians. There are comparatively (v.w sterile women among them. The following statistics concerning the Indians of .Spences Bridge will serve as an illustration of the decr(\'ist' of the Indian community. They were collected by myself, and extend over a period of ten years. While they may be no criterion for the whole tribe (some bands having remained almost stationary during this period, while others have decreased considerably more than the one to be discussed), still I think they will show what is happening, to a greater or less extent, in several bands of the tribe. In 1884 the Spences Bridge Indians numbered 144 (not including;', 13 tem- porary residents from other tribes or bands). During the period 1884-94 I recorded the following changes : — Increase. ( Full-bloods 30 Births ■{ II If 1 J j Half-hieeds 4 — 43 Immigration of Indians from other villages 10 'I'otal increase 53 TEIT, THK THOMPSON INDIANS OK HRIIISH COI.UMIUA. Dkcrease. {Infants and children born after 1884 35 Children born before 1884 5 Adults under 60 years ■^^ Adults over 60 years 5 — 72 Removal of Indians to other villages 17 Total decrease 89 The resulting decrease during this period is thercfi)re 36, Ieavinj,r a population of 108.' It will be seen from the above that althoiit^h there was a very hif^h death- rati', the birth-rate was also hij,di, and that tlu; principal cause of the band's decrease was the great mortality among ch.ildren. At the present time about thirty-three per cent of the people composing this band rue about lifty-five years of age or upwards, and therefore were ailidts when tlu; white miners first came to the country. In the nearest neigiiboring band there are twenty-live per cei.t who may be placed in the same categorj-. The heavy death-rate is attributable principally to two causes, — epidemics and consumption. Epidemics such as nu'asks, inlluen/a, etc., fall far more heavily on them than on the whites. Measles especially carries off a large number of children. The majority of deaths between the ages of eighteen and fifty are from consumption. Some deaths among the joung people are directly ihie to venereal diseases (originally inli uluced by the whites), and to the use of wiiiskey and its concomitant evils ; but the percentage of sucli tleaths is relatively cpiite small, although these vices are the indirect cause of inan\' cii!aths. To this cause are also attributed, to a great extent, the birth of weak ciiihlren, and sterility among some of the women. If the Indian Department would i)rovide for resi- dent physicians for the Indians, these conditions might be materially improved. During the last few jears there has been a slight improvement in some places. In a few of the more remote villages the birtli-rate has risen, and the rate of mortality among children has fallen. In tliese jjlact^s the population seems now to be about holding its own or is slowly increasing. Places such as North Bend, which are situated close to towns, and where tiiere is much association with the whites, still show a very high mortality. The birth-rate among the Lower Thompsons seems to bi; higher tiian among the upper division of the tribe, wliilc the mortality of children seems to be lower. During the last years there has been a preponderance of surviving male children among the upper division, and of surviving female children among the lower division, of the tribe. Little care is taken of the children during a certain age. From their birth until they are able to walk they are generally wrapped up, and, we might say, even ' For statistic!) for i8g4-9>) see Note i, at the end of this paper. I7S TKir, rilK IHOMl'SON INDIANS OF BKH'ISII COI.UMIIIA, taken too much care of; l)iit as soon as tlity lan walk, and from that tiin«; up to till" ix^v of ten, they an' often allowed to run aroinul exposed to the weather, with little or no clothinj; other than a cotton shirt. It is durinj; this period of life that most of their children die. The l)e''ef that they are doomed to extinction seems to have a depressing' effect on some of the Inilians. At almost any },'alherinj,' where chiefs or leading; men speak, liiis sad, hauntinj,' helief is sure to he referred to. Mi(;k.\i iMN>, AND Inh;k( (11 usi;. — There is no historical tradition, so far as I am aware, of anj' former mi<,rration of the peopK', with perhaps one e.xception. This, even if true, is very uncertain. The tradition is to the effect that a hantl of Indians from ilu; neij^hhorhood of I^ytton, owin^ to a dispute, hroke away from the main hody, crossed the mountains to the south or southeast, and (eventually settleil somewlu-re near Columbia Ri\er. Some relate tiie story in exactly the reverse way, claimin!,^ that it was a party from Columbia River who mij^rated, and settled at or near Lytton. The bare fact is stated without any details. As only a few of the old Indians are familiar with this tradition, the events narrated therein must have happened a lon;^' time aj,'o, if thity ever ilid happen. About fifty years a>,fo many of the Nicola band moved into the Stftwi'x" country, around Nicola Lake, and some of them intermarried with the Indians there. Some members of the Spences Mridtfe band, who were related by marriajjc to the Nicola band, also moved up there. .About the same time the Okana^'on, whose huntinjj;-j;rountl hail been in the Douglas Lake country, commenced to makt' pi'rmanent settlements in that ni'ij^diborhood. There seems to !iav(; been vt-ry litlK' direct intercourse between the upper and lower divisions of the tribe. The Lytton band, who occupy a central portion, intermarried and had freijuent intercourse with the Lower Thompson Indians and with the other bands of the upper trii)e ; but the latter seldom or never inter- married with the Lower Thompson Indians, and had little or no intercourse with them. Very few people from .Spences Bridge ever went beyond Lytton. This may be partly owing to the difficidty of access to the lower country ; but another re.ison was the feeling between the divisions of the tribe, the Upper Thompson Indians considering the lower division as a rather inferior race. I'"ormerl\' i\u: villages of the Lowi-r Thompson Inilians had little intercourse with one another, owing lo ti\e difVicully of travel in the T'raser Carton. Communi- cation between .Spuzzum and the villages of the Coast Salish was fairly (easy, and consequently intercourse and intermarriages were not infrequent. Since the ar- rival of the whites, the construction of the Caribou wagon-road and the Canadian Pacific Railway through the Fraser Carton, and the awakening of a desire among the tribe in general to better their condition, there has been much intercourse among all portions of the tribe, with the result that many persons belonging to the lower division have married others of the upper division, and settled in the country of the latter. The Lower Thompson Indians, seeing the more favorable circumstances 'IKir, Till', IIIOMPSON INDIANS (i| llklllSII COIUMHIA. '70 iintliT which thr Nicola ami Spciucs Mriil^c liamls livcil, movt-il t(i tlur country of th(! hitter, whose fertile soil affonled a much Ixtter opportunity for farniinr the Hake was the same as that of the Carriers of northern Hritish Columbia ' '" 1 10 onto .S„5, p f,5|, „lso s,„„e In.ple.nents of the I'otomrtc-Chc.snpeckc Ti.lcw.ater 1-rovince by W II |lo|m« (l-.ftccnlh .\„,u,:,l Report of the Bureau of Kthnology, WashinKlon. 1S07, p. 81). e, 1 y \N . 11. Holmes [.82] TF.IT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF HRITISH COI.UMHIA. >8:> rigs. I3U IjliDiit), 121 I [Ut>. Stnne Haiiiiners. J nat, si/e. Fig. 122 (bo"fi). Stniic Axe. I nat, size. W'liKK IN WiiiiD. — For work in wood a numlxr of tools were iistil. '1 rvv.s, wrxii cut down l)y means of wcdtjcs madt; of clk-antlcr ( I'i;: i iq), which were driven in with hand-hammers. "' 'IMu.'se differed somewhat in sliape in different regions. A type found amonj^r the ujjper division of the tribe is sliown in V\'^. I20. The Lower Thoni;^- sons often imported hammers from the Lillooet ( l-'i.ij. 121). The hitter reseml)les the style 1^ of hammer in use amony the Indians of Vancouver Island.' Sometimes wooden mallets made of a piece of a trimk of a tree, with attached branch that served as a handle, were used. Occasion- ally stone clubs with Hat sides were used for drivint;- wedges. Most of the rougher work in wood was done with wedge and hammer. Adzes and axes of jade and serpentine (I'ig. 122) were in common use. The method employed by the upper di\ision in hafting chipped stone a.\es is shown in Fig. 123. The lower division used adze-handles similar to those of the Vancouver Island Indians (Fig. 124). Stone chisels were fas- tened into handles with sockets, in which the stone was inserted. These tools were also used for building canoes. I'or cutting and carv- ing, chipped stone knives ( I'ig. 125) or beaver-tooth knives (Part III, Fig. 49) were used. The former were similar to the crooked knives of the Coast Indians, but they had shorter handles. I-'ig. i 26 shows a chipped carving- knife carefully trimmed on one side, with curvetl point. Drilling was done by means of stone points. Many bone objects are decorateil with small circles (I'ig. iiS; see also I'arl III, big. 109). These were made with a notched point made of bone, preferably that of the bear, one end of which was placed in the centre of the circle, while the other was used to scratcii tin- circular line. When one of the Fig. i2j fT^Si^- Stf^ne .Adze. I nat. size. Fin. 124 (,Bi*). Haiiclle of Adze. ^ nat. size. ' See Fig. ove, was found at I-ytttni. 1 84 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. Ki|^. w6 (fllfi). Point of Stone Knife. FriMit and Flack Views, j nat. size. 'Cnifc. ^ nat. Stone Ki size, points was blunt, a circle without a central clot was produced. Nowadays these circles are made with augurs and bits. Bone was also sharpened and polished with gritstone and sand, or with the stems of Equisetiim} The Lower Thompsons and the Lytton band made dug-out canoes of cedar and pine. After the dug-outs were finished, they were filled with water, which was boiled by means of red-hot stones. Dried salmon-heads were put into tile water, which was kept simmering for twenty-four hours or more. The wood absorbed the oil from the salmon-heads, and was thus rendered less liable to crack. Occasionally canoes were made of spruce-bark with the smooth side out, sewed with spruce-root, and stretched over a wooden frame. The seams were calked with melted gum. Tiiey were not much used by the Lower Thompsons. Painting. — i\Iany of the implements and utensils made of stone, bone, wood, bark, or skin, were painted. Red and brown ochre seem to have been used most extensively for this purpose. Copper clay was used for blue paint; white, calcareous, and yellow earths were also in use (see Part IH, p. 133). A white paint was also made of burnt deer-bones. Powdered char- coal was used as a black paint. A powdered fungus that grows on hemlock- trees also furnished a red paint. Al! these paints, before application, were mi.xed with melted deer-grease and heated, and applied with a small stick or with the finger. The paints were kept in vessels made of steatite or of other stone, or on flat pieces of hide. The root of I Uhospermtiin angustifolinm Michx. was also usee! as red paint, particularly for tainting dressed skins. The fresh root was dipped into deer's grease and rubbed on the object to be painted. It was also used as a facial paint. The flowers of Dcl/y/niiiiim Jl/cfi:n'sn DC. were used both as a blue paint and as a dye. The juice of yellow lichens furnished a yellow dye. Grass used for decorating basketry was dyed brown and black by being placed in mud. Green and blue dyes were obtained by boiling rotten wood ; a light red dye, by boiling bark of the alder. Recently washing-blue mixed with oil has been extensively used by the Lower Thompsons for painting canoes and paddles. Ml these paints and dyes have nearly gone out of use. Paints were fixed on skin by being rubbed with heated Opitntia. Preparation OF Skins. — The skins of numerous animals were used for clothing, bedding, bags, etc. The skin of deer and elk was of greatest impor- tance, but those of the bear, wolf, coyote, lynx, fox, marmot, hare, and marten were also in demand. The Lower Thompsons made use of the wool of the mountain- go'it. Skins are prepared in the following manner. The skin is first dried, and the flesh side scraped free from fatty substance with a sharp stone scraper. Then It is rubbed all over the inside with the decomposed brains of deer, with marrow ' See Note 2, at the end of this paper. TEFT, THE THOxMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. iS.S extracted from the larger bones, or with the oil extracteil from salmon-heads hy boiling. It is then rolled up and put in a cool pla :e. This latter process is repeated each morning for two or three da\s, until the under side of the skin is soft and oily. If the weather is not hot or breezy, the skin is drietl near a fire. After it has been made soft and pliable, it is stretched on a frame- work of four poles (the ends of which are tied together), and beaten or pounded until quite soft by means of a stick sharpened at one end, or a stone scraper inserted into a wooden handle three or four feet in length ( iMg. 127, also Plate XIY, Fig. 1). This completes the dressing of skins intended for robes or blankets. Buckskin for shirts, iCgging.s, etc., is first scraped by means of a stone scraper or a bone or horn chisel of the same form as that used in woodwork. This is held in one hand, while the other hand is pulling off from the outer cuticle of the skin th. nair which the scrape: loosens. Skins for moccasins are often smoked on a framework of bent sticks, the ends of which are inserted in the ground near the edge of a hole about a foot nnd a half in depth, scr^^er/'ji';/, siie."' and not much more than a foot in diameter, dug for the purpose. In this hole a fire of rotten fir-wood, or any other wood that makes a smouldering fire, is kin- dled. Fir-bark broken up fine and mixed with dry yeMow-pine cones {Piiiiis pon- derosa Dougl.) is considered best. Wormwood or sagebrush {Artemisia frigida Willd.) is frequently used, especially by the Nicola banu. If it is desired to have the skin very dark, juniper {Jiinipenis Virginiana L.) is added to the fire. An old blanket is spread over all to keep in the smoke and exclude the air. When the under side of the skin is sufficiently colored, it is reversed, so that the other side may be treated similarly. The process at present most in vogue is somewhat dif- ferent. The dry skin is thoroughly soaked in water for several days. It is then placed loosely on a piece of poplar log about five inches in diameter and four feet or so in length, the bark of which has been previously peeled off, leaving a smooth surface. The log is then placed with one end resting on the ground, and the other against a tree, in the bark of which a notch is often cut to keep the stick in position. As part of the skin is allowed to hang over the top end of this stick, the pressure against it prevents the skin from slipping. The part of the skin extending along the smooth surface of the stick or log is then scraped, and the work is finished by moving the skin over the log as required. The scraper used is a deer's ulna (Fig. 128) or a horse's rib (Fig. 129,, which are sharpened a little. They are held with one hand at each end of tiie bone, and worked much as a person would use a "draw-knife." The ends are covered with sagebrush and skin. The same kind of scrapers were in use in prehistoric times (see Part HI, p. 147). Iron scraping-knives are now often used, but these are more liable to cut the skin than bone knives. After the inside of tiie skin h-^s been scraped, the hair side is treated in the same way, care being taken to rem.ove the outer cuticle along with tii<; hair. 1 86 TKII', THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF URIIISH {'OI.UMIIIA. 'I'luMi the skin is Iiuiil; over a pole and tlriml. When liricil, it is smoked as he- fore descriijed, put into a hasket or other vess(,'I with some warm water anil a stron,L,f sohition of soap, wliere it remains for twenty-four hours or mor(', and is tiien rolhul lengthwise, to^u;ther with a little dry -rrass. One end is fastened with a rop(! to a lo},r, while the other end is folded around a short stout stick held in the hands. The stick is then turned until the skin is well twisted and the water wruni,^ out. The dryjj^rass is intended to soak up the moisture oozing out on the inside. Fig. ij8 (,A5nl. Skin-Scraper, if nat, size. Aft(!r wrinj^rino", the skin is stretched on a frame; and pounded on the insidi; in the usual way until ([uite dry and soft, when it is again smoked as before. To assist the drjing process, especially in cool weather, a fire is often lighted close by, and tlu; stretched skin gently warmed in front of it from time to time. In cold weather, skins are dres.sed inside the house. 'I'o give a skin a bright yellow color, dry corncobs with a little wood aie burned under it. I-'awn-skins are generally softened by spreading over the knee and rubbing with a sharp stone or scraper. .Skins are also tanned in a decoction of Bclitla papyrifcra Marsh. Sometimes skins are left in water in a warm place till the hair can be pulled off. Hy this mcians the outside cuticle of the skin is left on. Skins thus treated are never smoked, and after l)eing softened prestmt a glossy appearance on the outside. These are gen(;rally made into gloves. The Indians prefer the first Fig. I2*jl,ft5n'. Slcin-Scraper. J iiat. s' method of curing. .Some Indians claim that the custom of smoking buckskins was learned from tht; Okanagon. It is said that, after being smoked, the skin does not shrink so much when it gets wet as it otherwise would ; while many insist that if the skin be rubbed with i^rains, it need not be smoked at all. The implements formerl)- used for sewing skins were wooden, bone, and horn needles, and awls of different sizes. Bone awls are still used, but steel needles have entirely supplanted the old-fashioned needles. In sewing skins, glovers' TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 187 steel needles are now used. In place of pins long thorns were used. Thread was made of willow and other bfirk, and also of deer-sinew and buckskin, and the same is still used. In olden times embroidery was done with porcupine- quills, often dyed different colors, and more recently, but before the arrival of the whites, with horsehair, which was also often dyed. Beads also were very largely used prior to 1858. Embroidery in beads rapidly went into disuse after the year 1858, and was superseded by embroidery done in silk thread, which at the present day is almost universal. Very little beadwork has been done by the tribe for the last twenty or twenty-five years. Although some of the patterns wrought at tiie present day with silk may be old, most of them are copies of the white man's patterns. Baskktkv. — Basketry-making is an im- portant industry among the tribe. Above Lytton, baskets of various shapes were made of birch-bark, while spruce-bark was used for the largest kind of baskets. The bark is generally cut as shown in Fig. 130. The edges are stitched with split spruce or poplar roots. The rim is strengthened by means of a hoop made of split willow- twigs that is placed on the inside, over which the bark is stitched with split spruce- roots. The rim is often ornamented with stitches made of the bark of Pncnus demissa Walpers. The outside of these baskets .^ often ornamented \n\\\ incised or red painted designs. The lower division of the tribe and the Upper Fraser division make beautiful coiled basketry of cedar-twigs. This .ype of bas- ketry is made by the Chilcotin, Lillooet, Lower Thompson Indians, and by a number of tribes inhabiting the Cascade Mountains, in the .State of Washington. Only women and girls occupy themselves with this work. These baskets are made from the small trailing roots of the zkt(\.7vx {Thuja gigantea Nutt.). They are dug np with an ordinary root-digger, and pieces of the desired length and of about the thickness of a finger are cut off. These are buried in the ground to keep them fresh. When recjuired, they are taken out, and peeled or scraped with a sharp stone or knife. They are then hung up until dry enough for use. Next they are split into long strips by inserting and pressing forward the point of the bone awl used in basket-making. The awl is made of a long bone of a deer, which is split and pointed. The pieces which split the desired width and thickness throughout their entire length are used for stitching purposes. Fig. i3o(iJ?3>. Pattern for Birch-bark Basket. 1 88 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. while the others which split irregularly, or are too short or too thin to be used for that purpose, are put together in bundles of about a dozen each, to form the coils. In weaving, these are kept continuous and of uniform thickness by adding fresh pieces as required, and the whole is covered by whip-stitching with the long regular pieces of splint already mentioned. The coils are laid around, one on top of another, and stitched over and under, commencing at the bottom of the I)asket (Fig. 131, a). With each stitch the awl is made to split part of the splint whipped around the lower coil. The bottom of the basket is made either of coils worked in the ordinary manner, or of thin pieces of wood stitched over. Most of these baskets are water-tight. In another kind of basketry thin pliable strips of cedar-sap or other wood are used as coils instead of the bunches of split ro'^ts. These are stitched over in the same manner and with the same material as the other kind, but are neither as strong nor as durable, nor are they water-tight. Ornamentation in basketry is produced by hooking in strips of grass and bark with the stitches, so that they cover the latter on the outside only. This is done by bringing the piece of grass over the outside of the last stitch, then doubling it back and catching the doubled end with the next stitch. The outsides of some baskets are completely covered in this manner, so that the whipped cedar-splints can only be seen from the inside. The grass used is that called nho'itlexin. It is long, very smooth, and of a glossy yellow-white color. To make it whiter, diatomaceous earth of the same kind as is used for cleaning and whitening goat's hair is sometimes spread over it, and it is then eaten with a flat stick on a mat or skin. The grass is seldom dyed, as the colors are said to fade soon. The Upper Fraser and the Lytton bands sometimes use Elymus triticoides Nutt. instead of this grass. The bark used is that of Prumis demissa Walpers, which is either left its natural light reddish-brown color, or is dyed by burying it in damp earth. By thus keeping it underground for a short time, it assumes a dark-brown color, while when kept longer it becomes quite black. Large open-work baskets made of cedar-twigs (Fig. 131, ^) are also used by the Lower Thompson Indians, while they are unknown on the upper courses of the rivers. These baskets are of the same make as those used on the coast. The rim is made by forming a coil out of the upper, free ends of the twigs, and whip- ping it with another long twig. Nowadays the Upper Fraser band occasionally make baskets from the stalks and leaves of Indian-corn. Mats. — The Upper Thompson Indians make a variety of mats of tule {ScirpHs sp.) and bulrushes (Typha latifolia L.), which are woven or sewed with twine made of the bark of Apocytmm cannabimim L. The method of making large tent-mats is shown in Fig. 131, ^. The end of the mat is made of rosewood. The reeds are strung on bark strings, and held in place by other bark strings which pass around them near their ends. Mats made of young reeds and bul- rushes, which are used to cover the floor of the lodge and as table-nats, are le ih \s % Fig. III. Details OF Weaving. Mnt.nat.sUe; rM?.'. ,■ (,J?,>, Round Bag, » ■<«■ »'«• r g^^ IQO TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. woven in a different manner. The selvage consists of a two-stranded bark string, which holds the warp. The latter is of a lighter two-stranded bark string, which is passed through the selvage string, as shown in Fig. 131, d. The grasses are woven into this groundwork as indicated in the same figure. By using grass of different colors, patterns are obtained. Sometimes strands of wool are woven into the mat in place of grass. At the lower end the rushes are generally cut off. This kind of matting is also used for making pouches. Some table-mats are woven in a still different manner. They are made of young tule or bulrushes, and tied with a twine made of Apocynum cannabiman L. or Ehcagmis argctitea Pursh. (Fig. 131, ^,/^). This method of weaving is identical with that used by the Coast Indians in making cedar-bark blankets. It is also used by the Thompson Indians in weaving matting for the manufacture of bags, and in weaving blankets of twisted strips of rabbit-skin (Fig. 131, g)^ pouches, and socks of sagebrush. Weaving and Netting. — Threads were made of the fibre oi Apocynum can- nabinum L. and of Asclcpias spcciosa Torn The former was traded to the Lower Thompsons. When bark-fibre was not available, the Lower Thompsons used nettle. The fibre was shredded and cleaned by being pulled with the left hand over the sharp edge of a small board held in the right, the bark being pressed down against this instrument with the thumb of the right hand. This fibre is spun on the bare thigh into a two-stranded twine. Bags are also woven in the following manner : The threads of the warp, which consist of two-stranded bark twine, are held in sets of two by loops of the woof. In each row the loops of the woof hold that pair of warp threads which in the preceding row belongs to two adjoining loops (Fig. 131, li). The fabric is thus considerably strengthened. The selvage edges of these fabrics are often made of strips of skin. Round bags of this kind are woven by first tying the warp of two-stranded twine with the woof. This portion forms the bottom of the bag. The woof is continued down spirally, and the bag is widened by putting new warp strands around the extreme lateral woof strands (Fig. 131, i). When the bag is to be nar- rowed towards its upper end, the warp strands are joined into the loops of the woof as required. The jjFisi^ijI" (iMi). Detail of Woven Bag. upper end is finished by sewing the loose ends of the warp into a strip of buckskin (Fig. 150). Wallets are also made of a twined weaving, the character of which is shown in I-'ig. 132. Designs on these fabrics are made in embroidery or by weaving colored grasses or bark twine into the fabric, as shown in the same figure. This style of weaving seems to have been acquired recently through intercourse with the Sahaptin. The Lower Thompson Indians weave mats of strips of cedar-bark of the same style as those used by the Coast Indians (Fig. 133). TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OK BRITISH COLUMBIA. 191 Fig. 133 (bJ5i)- Detail of Cedar-Iiark M;. ) iKtt. size. At the present day rajj mats or rugs are often made from scraps of cloth, calico, etc The patterns on these are mostly the same as those on basketry. The weaving of blankets was an important industry among the Lower Thompson Indians. The Coast Salish utilized both dog-hair and goat-hair in their manufacture, but the Thompson Indians seem to have used the latter only. .Sometimes the wool was made whiter or cleaned by mi.xing a quantity of baked wlute diatomaceous earth with it and beating the whole with a flat stick. The manner of making the thread is exactly the same as that described by Dr. Boas as the process employed by the Songish.' The loom and spindle are also the same, excepting that both disk and shaft of the latter are of wood. I cannot describe the exact manner of weaving, as I never saw it done ; but the whole process of blanket- making, and the implements used, are said to be exactly the same as those found among the Lower Fraser Indians. Most blankets had a fringe of tassels, six to nine inches in length, along one end. Black bear's hair made into threads, and spun threads of goat's hair dyed either yellow with lichens or red with alder-bark, were woven into the blankets in patterns similar to those used in bas- ketry. The Indians of Spuzzum continue to make these blankets at the present day. For making nets, thread of the bark of Apocynum cannabimitn L. was used. A wooden netting-stick (Fig. 134) served for making the meshes of equal size. The meshes were made with a double knot. ' Ninth Keport of the Committee of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, on the Northwestern Tribes of Canada, 1894, p. 567. III. — HOUSE AND HOUSEHOLD. Habitations. — The houses of the tribe were similar to those of the Shuswap and Okanagon. Liiiii)( rsfclc'd them. The his* one went out of use among the Spences Hriilge hand about uSgo. PhUe XV shows the remains of an under^jround house in Nicola Valley, as it appeared in 1897. After these dwellings were deserted, the framework disappeared, and a circular hole remained. Great numbers of these are found throughout the country (see Hart III, Plate XIII). The Indians of Yale constructed a few of these dwellings shortly before 1858, but ordinarily they lived in large lodges made of split planks Only one single instance is known of a lodge of tiiis kind being built in Spuzzum. It was constructed about forty years ago, by people related to the Coast Indians. Throughout the year, excepting the three coldest months, the abode of the Indians was the summer lodge, — a framework of poles, covered with mats or bark. These lodges were square or round. The latter was the kind common among the Nicola and Spences Hridge bands. Elsewhere the square lodge was universally used. The construction of either kind was very simple. The square lodge was built as follows: A flat piece of ground was selected and cleared of obstructions. Two pairs of stout poles (Fig. 137, a) were tied together with willow withes at their small ends, and set up about ten feel apart, forming the gable ends of the lodge. They were held in position by three or four cross-poles (6) on each side, reaching horizontally from one pair to the other. Two or three poles running parallel with the two pairs of poles (a) were sometimes tied to these. The gable ends were formed by placing several short poles (c) with their lower ends set out some distance and their tops leaning against the two main poles. The doorway, or entrance, to the lodge was in one of the gable ends. Over the bottom of this framework, around the circumfer- ence, were spread long reed mats, measuring about five by twelve feet. An- other row of mats, slightly overlapping the lower ones, was laid above these, and so on to within about three feet of the point where the poles met. The space above was left open for the exit of smoke and the admittance of light. This type of lodge, covered with strips of cedar-bark, was also used by the Lower Thompsons. In a common variety of the square type, the four corner poles were made to converge at the top to within about two feet of one another, where they were held in position by four short cross-pieces, just as in the winter house. This kind of lodge (Fig. 139) looked almost circular, and very much like a winter house covered with mats, excepting that the ends of the four poles protruded, and that there was no ladder visible. In some (Fig. 138 ; Plate XVI, Fig. 3) the two sets of poles were tied together as in the ordinary square lodge, and were set slanting toward one another to within three or four feet of meeting. In building circular lodges, which were larger than the square ones, a dozen or more long poles were placed some distance apart, with their butts upon the ground, outside the cleared space, forming a complete circle from fifteen I 196 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. to twenty feet in diameter. The poles were placed with their small ends toward the centre of the space, where they met and supported one another without being fastened together. Other methods of building the framework of the round lodge are shown in Figs. 140 and 141. The plan employed in the lodge shown in Fig. [41 is also illustrated in Fig. 2 of Plate XVI. Fig. i of the same plate shows the completed lodge. The mats were placed as on the square lodges. At night and in bad weather the opening at the top was covered by a flap, which consisted of a mat or skin fastened to a long, slender pole. Some- times the earth was banked up half a foot around the bottom of the lodge, and two or three layers of mats were used. Among the Nicola and Spences Bridge bands, skins — chiefly buffalo-hide, or deer, elk, moose, or caribou skins — were often substituted for mats. These were often painted in different colors and figures. The Lower Thompson Indians did not use round lodges. The lodges varied in size. They often measured twelve feet from the surface of the ground to the smoke-hole. The floor was covered wiili small fir-branches, which were spread more thickly near the wall where the people slept. The fire was in the middle of the lodge ; and the doorway was a space, three feet by five feet or less, left in the lower row of mats, over which was hung a piece of mat, skin, or blanket, a little larger than the hole, and stiffened at the lower end by a thin piece of stick. Ail these types of lodges are still used by the older people ; bu'c the young people prefer, in the summer-time, tents of cotton drilling or light canvas. They are easy to pitch and stake, and light to carry. To accommodate large numbers, such as gather at potlatches, fishing-places, etc., the Indians made use of large lodges (Fig. 142), closed or covered at the back, but open in front. The roof rested on long, slanting poles (a), which were supported by shorter braces (6), to which they were tied. These poles were set ten or twelve feet apart. Long horizontal poles (c) were placed across the roof poles. These were covered with mats, tenting, etc. Opposite, at a distance of fifteen feet, was placed another shelter of the same kind. The open sides faced each other ; and in the space between, large log-fires were lighted. For better protection against the wind, gable ends of fir-branches or brush were laid across from one shelter to the other, making one huge lodge, which was often fifty or sixty feet in length. Besides these, the Upper and Lower Thompsons use the hunting-lodge. Its shape is that of the square lodge, but larger, with heavier poles. Instead of mats, sticks and bark spread with fir-branches are used for covering. It is gener- ally built in sheltered valleys in the mountains, close to good hunting-ground, and used in the fall of the year. Another lodge, generally used but once, is the "brush-house," thrown up temporarily by hunting-parties in the winter or early spring, and consisting of a square or conical framework of light poles covered with fir or spruce branches. % a i /•♦ TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 197 Where good bark was abundant, as in i!otani Valley, these lodges were built on the plan of the square type. Spruce, balsam fir, or black pine, in long strips and as wide as possible, was spread over the poles with the smooth side of Fig. >3r- Fig. nQ. Fig. I^n. Fig. 141 Fig. 14a. Fig>. I37-I4a. Framcworli of Lodgn. the bark out. The Lower Thompsons use cedar-bark only. Frequently the temporary lodges of the Lower Thompsons were only a single slanting roof, similar in construction to the large shelter described before (Fig. 142), but much smaller. 198 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. Close by the hunting-lodge, or near an Indian village, is sometimes found a temporary structure for the habitation of girls when coming to womanhood. It is conical, and made entirely of 'ir branches and tops. Four small fir-trees are placed in a square, and their tops are tied together. The branches of the trees are knotted together, and the open spaces filled with fir tops and twigs. Another house is built for women during their periods of menstruation. As these are occupied a few days only, they are roughly made of brush, while the Lower Thompsons use cedar-bark. They are generally conical. The last two dwellings are made large enough for a person to sit inside with ease. In the "cntre oi most of the lodges for adolescent girls there is a small circular hole into which the girl places her feet, or in which she squats down. These houses are fast going out of use. Still another structure is the " s.veat-house." These houses are always found close to water. They are similar to those in use among the Shuswap, and generally consist of a dozen or more willow wands bent over, and both ends stuck into the ground ; the longest ones in the middle, and the shr -test ■■■-< s on each side. One half are placed ai nght angles to the other half, g" |'_ ''■■ tructure a round shape, and are fastened at each intersection with withes (/Mate XVII, Fig. 2). To form the door, the wands are placed Ur enough apart tc admit a man creeping on hands and knees. A hole a foot square is dug on one side of the entrance to hold the hot stone. Some sweat-houses are made of shorter wands with their butt-ends in the ground, their small ends bent toward one another, and interwoven. They are shaped like the others (Plate XVII, P'ig. 3). When in use, the structure is covered over with blankets to keep in the hot air and steam. When the person sweating has finished his bath, the blankets are taken away to be used on another occasion. Sweat-houses near favorite camping-places are built with more care. A larger number of willows are used, forming almost a network. The structure is then covered thickly with dry pine-needles, and that again with a thick cove.nng of earth (Plate XVII, F'ig. 1). It is then perfectly tight, excepting the door, which is covered with a piece of blanket or skin whe.;i the building is ' 1 use. Some are covered all over or only around the bott )n with bark; with these a blanket is also used. The floor is covered thicklv \ t' the ends of fresh fir-boughs, often mixed with juniper, sagebrush, or other aroiat:'- plants. These houses accommodate from one to four persons in a squatting pos- ture. When wands are not available, the Nicola band build the framework of their sweat-houses of poles, as in a conical lodge. The cache is used for the sf^orage of provisions and utensils. Caches are sometimes made on the lower limbs of a large tree with spreading top. A few poles are spread from one limb to the other, their ends being tied. The articles are then placed on top of these poles ; and the whole, covered with bark and mats, is secured with ropes. The most common cache is the Ip'^'an cellar. This is used solely for the storing of berries, fish, etc. A circular ' o/r ; "jout four ';pt in depth, and of the necessary diameter, is dug. In it are caretuny laid thv: aiiirles TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 199 to be stored. If these are berries or roots, they are placad in ba'kets, and wrapped over with birch-bark. The roof is then put on. It consists ol small poles laid closely side by side across the excavation. Above these are laid in the same manner, but at right angles, another row of poles. The structure is then covered with pine-needles and earth. An opening is left in the centre of the poles for removing stored articles. This is generally closed by putting sticks or bark across it, and covering them with earth. Sometimes these cellars, especially those for storing fish, are made in the side of a bank, in which case the door is generally in the side. The cache common among the Lower Thompsons is in the form of a large box, usually of boards, with a slanting roof sometimes on both sides, like that of a house. It is generally raised on posts five or six feet above the ground, has a small door in one of the gable ends, and is approached by a short ladder placed underneath (Plate XIV, Fig. 2). At the present day mai.y of them are roofed with shingles instead of bark, and a roll of tin is nailed around part of each post, to keep mice and other animals out. The Upper Thompsons build scaffolds of poles, about five feet aLove the ground, near their houses. They are used for storing cumbersome articles, such as saddles, etc. (Plate XVI, Fig. i). At the present day the Thompson Indians live in villages of well-built log- houses, most of which are floored with lumber and have shingle roofs. Some of these buildings are inhabited the whole year round, others only at intervals throughout the year. The inhabitants often camp near their favorite hunting, fishing, root-digging, or gold-mining resorts, or on their reserves, and engage in agricultural pursuits. Many Indians, during the farming season, live in small log-houses. There still remain a few Indians of the tribe who prefer to camp out in summer lodges during the entire year. House-Furnishings. — The Indians slept on a thick layer of brush or dry grass covered with skins or grass mats. The rolled-up ends of these, or skin bags filled with down of bulrushes or of birds, served as pillows. Hammock beds were used inside of winter houses. These were made of buckskin stretched on thongs, which were fastened to the beams or posts of the house. Other mats, spread on the ground at meal-times, served for tables. These measured about three feet by five feet. The people squatted round the mat, helping themselves to the food. When at home, they usually squatted or sat on the ground in a reclining attitude. The tribe still do so when in camp, but most of their houses are novy tolerably we'i furnished. Baskets and Ba^s. — Baskets and bags are used for storage as well as for carry- ing and various o'.her purposes. The lower division of the tribe sell many of their cedar-root baskets to the upper division, so that they are quit-:; often found among the latter. Large oblong baskets with lids are used for storing food and clothing. Smaller ones of the same kind serve for holding sewing-materials and trinkets. Their lids slide up and down on a string, which at the same time serves as a handle. Recently the lids have been hinged to the baskets (Fig. 143). The I ! Wk 200 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. Fig. 143 (liti). Oblong Basket. Height, 13 inches. most common kind of basket is somewhat conical (Fig. 144), and is used for carrying. Still another kind, which is rounded, or, as the Indians say, nut- shaped (Fig. 145), was formerly used for holding water. Round, open bas- kets served as kettles, the food being boiled by throwing hot stones into the baskets into which it had been placed. Still another kind of basket has a flat back, which is made to hang against the post or wall (Fig. 146). In shape it is sim- ilar to the fish-baskets used by anglers. Such baskets are used for holding tobacco and pipes, a hole in the centre of th^ lid allowing the pipe-stem to protrude. At one time they were much used for holding bait and fishing-tackle, for which reason they were called " used for bait." Some Indi- ans belonging to the Lytton band formerly used the same kind of baskets for saddle-bags. Recently, in imitation of objects seen among the whites, the Lower Thompsons have begun to make baskets in the shape of trays, pitchers, goblets, etc. The upper division of the tribe used more frequently than cedar-root baskets those of their own manufacture, made of birch-bark, and occa- sionally of poplar and spruce bark (Fig. 147). These bas- kets varied much in size, and were used for purposes of storage and transportation, as buckets and cups, and for cooking. Large baskets, about three feet high, three feet long, and two feet and a half wide, made of poplar or spruce bark, the smooth side turned outward, were used in the winter houses for the storage of provisions. They had hoops around the middle and around the rim, and were often painted with pictures. l^ig- M4 Uiits)- Conical Baslcet. Keigtit, i-j inches. TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 20 1 Fig- MS- fit- >45 ( couple of times around the leg, and held in place immediately under the knee by a garter, generally of twisted otter-skin, and left open at the ankle. Some of the old men continue to wear such leggings. Poor people wore short leggings made of sage- brush-bark. In Nicola Valley they used bulrushes instead. With the long leggings was worn a breech-cloth, — a piece of buckskin which passed between the thighs (Fig. 167). The ends were fastened to the belt in front and behind, or the front end or both ends were held by the belt, down over it. In place of this, some of the old men hung a square buckskin or buffalo-skin from the waist in front. Later the Indians imitated the trousers which they saw worn by Fig. 165 (litol. lluckskin Cnat. hanging piece of the em- IKl'I'. THE THOMPSON INDIANS OK IIRI'I'ISII COI.UMltlA. 209 ployees of the Hudson Hay Company. These were made of buckskin. From the lower half of the thijfh down, they were frin^'ed, thi; frin^^(! often increasinjf 'I ••5 F .!. t(- llrtccli-cl..!!.. FIb. 166 lM>). Unglnij. in width as it neared the feet(Fi^'. 168). Buck- skin trousers as short Buciiiicin as a breech-cloth were also used ; while others reached below the knee, and were worn with short leggings. The Indians wore moccasins. The soles of all moccasins are made of unsmoked buckskin. Skin of the black-tailed deer {Car- iacns Columbiatiits), obtained from the Lower Thompsons, is best adapted for making moccasins. The leg-piece is made of smoked doeskin. They are sewed with thread made of deer-sinew. The style of moccasin used about fifty or sixty years ago differed from the one prevailing at the present time. In former times the whole moccasin up to the ankle was made of a single piece (Fig. 169). There was no seam at the inner side, but the skin was turned over the foot and cut off to conform to its shape, and so that the seam would extend along the toes and backward Fig. 168 (ligs). Ituckskin 'rrouscrs. .'•; |l !f' •0 •< 2IO TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUM HA. on the outer side of the foot, risinj* gradually towards the heel. A strip of skin, often fringed, was sewed into this outer seam (a, a). The fringing sometimes began near the toes, and increased in width towards the heel, or it began at the instep and extended back to the heel. The top of the moccasin was brought Kip. 169 (pVb'. Moccasin round to the heel, and both sides cut off at the heel end and sewed together (6, b). When this was done, a strip of the sole was left extending backward over the heel. This was not cut off so as to form a seam with the pieces that v.ere folded over the sides of the heel, but was i>;ft standing in the shape of a trailer. The part of the moccasin that lay over the instep was then cut so as to form a tongue {c). The upper edge was cut off straight at about the height of the ankles, and furnished with a lacing. To this edge the leg-piece was sewed, which was gener- ally pinked. When in use, the leg-piece lapped over the tongue in front, and was tied with the lacing. Sometimes a fringe was inserted in the seam joining the upper to the moccasin. Another cut of moccasin was made as follows (Fig. 1 70) : A piece of skin larger than the sole of the foot was turned up and gathered over the toes and the side of the foot, extenc .g up behuul nearly to the ankles. The heel was made in the same .nanrer as in the moccasin just descnbtd. The up- per extended nearly to the toes, and a strip of skin was sewed over the seam which joined it to the bottom piece. Tiie upper extended upwar'l in a broad tongue. The leg-piec<; was the same as ii: the preceding kind. Many Indians claim that this style of moccasin was „. ,ju,, ., introduced about t);e beginning of this Fig. ;7o(rtVt. Moccisin. o o L TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 21 1 century from the Okanagon, while others maintain that it has been borrowed from the Athapascan tribes to the north. In the modern style of moccasin the bottom piece is cut : till larger, so that when turned over the foot it almost reaches up to the instep. The upper of this moccasin is therefore very small. The bottom piece is gathered in in tiie same way as just described ; but, owing to the great distance between the upper and the toe, a wedge-shaped piece is cut out of the bottom piece in front, and the latter sewed up, so that a seam runs from the upper to the toe, over the middle of the foot. The leg-piece and the tongue are the same as in the moccasin just described. This style of morcasin is frequently used in winter. It is made very t: •< |-| ..«>*''° I''ig 17' Ui-j). Moccasin. Kig. i7(. Trailers of .Moccasins. large, so that socks of sagebrush or pieces of skin may be worn inside. Nowadays the Indians use a coarse linen for the leg-pieces, because it dries more easily than smoked doeskin (Fig. 171). Sometimes the toe is cut and sewed in a way similar to that shown in Fig. 172, but this style has nearly gone out of use. Almost all moccasins ha\ j trailers at the heel, from about one inch to two inches and a half long (Fig. Ji). For walking on slippery grou-.d, two strips of skin are sewed to the undei side of the sole of the moccasin, running crosswise (Fig. 171). Another modern moccasin is made just like a slipper, with a sole, and an upper which is sewed up at the heel. To this is attached an ankle-piece, which is laced in front. ye a 'i m ppp 212 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. The moccasins were occasionally ornamented with porciipine-qiiills, goose- feathers, or horsehair, either dyed or undyed. In place of socks or stockings, grass or sagebrush-bark was put inside the moccasins. In winter the wealthier people substituted bear, buffalo, or other skin, with the hair side next the feet. Some of these bits of skin were sewed into the form of socks. Buffalo and bear hair, sagebrush-bark, and grass were used for weaving socks. Some of these have closed heels, are laced in front, and padded with loose sagebrush-bark ; while others are open at the heel, and have a tongue in front (Fig. 1 74). They also wore stockings reaching to the knee, usually made of the leg-skin of the deer, the hair being inside. Poor people also wore long boots made of sagebrush-bark, Figs. 174 (liSi)) *ioia). Socks made of Sa^,ebrU5h-b.irk. Fig. 17s (Mn). Knit Stocking. that reached up to the thighs. These were par 'ed with loose sagebrush-bark. The upper part was decorated with two featheis hanging down from behind. Recently they have begun to use knit stockings of their own manufacture. They are made of coarse wool of two colors, and show the same designs as were used for decorating bags (Fig. 1 75). Formerly gloves were not used, but in winter the Indians wore mittens, which were fastened round the neck by a long string. These mittens were also made of the leg-skin of the deer, and were worn with the hair inside. Most of the Indians wore a plain or twisted narrow band of skin encircling the head. More recently head-bands made of cloth have been worn (Fig. 176). Often the long hair was gathered behind and tied with a thong which was at- TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 213 tached to a beaded strip of buckskin (I'ig. 177). Caps made of skins of various animals, sucii as beaver, deer, fox, lynx, loon, hawk, and eagle, were frequently worn. Sometimes the head-skin of the animal served as a cap (Fig. 178), while the skins of smaller animals were worn so that the head formed the front of the hat, and the tail hung down behind. Many men wore caps made of the skin of the animal that was their guardian spirit. Fig. 179 shows a head-band made of two coyote-tails, and decorated with chicken-hawk feathers. Red and grcn 1^ tl' '''■^^^Zj^uii^" Kig. 176 iiISi)' He.iiJ-bnnd made uf Clutti. Vh-'l^'Mi). Skill C,,p. *\ \ 'M Fig. fiMt). H .il- Fig. \^^ (liSsl- Heacl-l.ana made of -**- - Coyolct.iili. ribbons are tied to the back feathers. Tiic front of the band is daubed with red ochre. Hunters and warriors wore more elaborate liead-dresses. Fig. 180 repre- sents a hunter's head-band. It is made of covoie-skin daubed with red ochre. In front is a cross-piece of horsehair, buck^'-m fringe, and eagle-down. The buckskin fringe is daubed with red ; and the body of the horsehair is dyed yellow in a decoction of lichens, while the tips are dyed red. The feathers on top of the band represent deer's ears. On the right-hand side are attached hawk- 214 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. feathers and eagle-down ; on the left side, an eagle-feather with tip dyed red, and eagle-down. Warriors used buckskin bands painted in various de- signs with ochre. Tail-feathers and down of the bald-headed eagle were at- tached to these (Fig. i8i). Sometimes wing-feathers were used. The hunter's and warrior's head-band often had a long streamer attached, which was also worn tied into the hair (Fig. 182). The specimen here figured is made of buckskin daubed with red, and cut in the form of a snake. Pairs of feathers of the bald eagle are attached to it, with tips dyed black in imitation of feathers of the golden eagle. The base of each feather is surrounded by yellow horsehair, and Fig. 180 (iJJt»- Hunter's Heid-biind. Fig. 181 ( , JJb . Warn ir s HcicI bjnd. wound with red wool. At the upper end are two chicken-hawk feathers and eagle-down. Shamans wear high head-bnnds, the upper rim of which is .stiffened by means of a hoop. In Fig. 183 a band ol this kind is represented. In front are two eagle- feathers with tips painted black. To the base of each is attached a feather of the red-winged flicker, and horsehair dyed yellow, and the whole is wrapped in red wool. Behind are two tassels of yel'ow horsehair and eagle-down, wrapped in red wool. Designs in red are painted on the sides, — on one side a star ?.nd a man with a head-band ; on the other, a star and a wolf (see Fig. 304). The wolf is the favorite guardian of the shaman. Sometimes four ermine-skins an; attached to head-bands of this description. They are also made of beaver-skin TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 215 The dress of the women differed little from that of the men. Buckskin shirts were worn in the same way, but were generally of greater length, and or- namented with more fringe, especially around the breast and back of the shoulders ; and the seams, front, and edges often had strings of dentalium shells sewed into them. The body of the shirt shown in Fig. 184 is made of two doeskins. Sleeves Fig. 183 <\\h*- Shaman's Ilcad-band. f^' ■-^'**m Fin. i8a (iilH>. Wairicr's Hsir- ribbun. Fig. 184 (i^Sql- Woman's Huckskin Shirt. and fringe are made of a third doeskin. The neck is tied over each shoulder with a skin lacing. Near the lower edge of the shirt is a painted zigzag pattern, which represents a seam. The pinked edge below represents arrow-heads. The holes, according to some Indians, represent stars. Many shirts had a fringe of skin attached across breast and back. Den- talium shells, beads, and trinkets of various kinds, were attached to these. Some shirts had two or three rows of fringe ; and many were highly decorated around pa •* d 2l6 TKIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. the seams, borders, shoulders, and breast with dfntalium shells, dyed porcupine- quills, goose-feathers, horsehair, and, more recently, with colored glass beads and with thread. The cut of the woman's shirt showed a great deal of variation. Some were very wide, and others narrowed considerably below the waist. They were often held in by a belt. Kig. iSjilflV,). Huckskin IJodici'. Fig. 186 (jAlig)' Huilice maile of Sugcljrush-bark. Fig. 187 (iVflt. Short Legging. IP Fig. 188 (ii3ii). Woman's Head-band. A long piece of buckskin, the lower part cut into a fringe, encircled the body, forming a kind of bodice (Fig. 185). Many of these reached up to the breasts. Sagebrush-bark of the same shape, the loose ends reaching to the knee, was sometimes substituted (Fig. 186). The Lower Thompsons used cedar-bark instead. Sometimes the Upper Thompsons wore aprons made of horsehair, either white or white and black. The women wore long leggings and moccasins, the same as the men, but many wore short leggings (Fig. 187). These were sometimes ornamented along TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRI IISH COLUMBIA. 217 the sides. They wore either broad head-bands or caps. Fig. 188 shows a head- band of deerskin, pinked along the upper edge, and painted with red designs. It is set with rosettes of deerskin, which are painted red in the centre. Some forms of women's caps made of deerskin are shown in Figs. 1 89-191. r~ CO :o l! Fig. 189 (, 11,1. Woman's Clp. Fig. i9o(|S}r>> WomanVs Cap. Fi^;. lyl liiSio'- Woman's Cap. Fig. igali^So). Maiden's Hrccch.cloth. Many of the poorer people had to be content with only the breech-cloth, moccasins, and a deer or dog skin blanket to cover the body. Maidens wore a breech-cloth like the men, but of a tighter fit and of thicker buckskin (Fig. 192). The specimen here figured is of buckskin, and sewed with bark thread. Th lower end of the sides and the waist can be let out or drawn up. Some girls wore a small narrow breech-cloth underneath, made of softened sagebrush-bark, so as to prevent any chafing. It was renewed from time to ?a c^ CO 2l8 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. Fig. iQjdiS^). Mniden's Head-band. time. Tliey always laced their robes tight in front with bucltskin strings, so that the breasts were not visible. They wore their hair plaited in four „ - ■- — . . braids. They wore hair ornaments -^Wirr-'wj'' -. ^*"W/**l^-Jf,i, /' (lis Roiii/inKui Dou^d.). spruce {/'/ecu sp.), balsam-fir {rlbics grandis Lindl.), Cottonwood (ropn/ns Ircmnhudcs Michx.), and Douglas spruce {Psaidotstiga nouglasii Carr), was much sought after in spring for the same purpose. That of the yellow pine was often dried for winter use. 'Ihe cambium of Abim rubra Bong, was also sometimes eaten. To separate the bark from the tree, a short piece of horn or wood was used, and the cambium was scraped off with an imple- ment of bone or horn sharpened to an edge. Such implements were similar in shape and size to those now used by the Athapascan tribes of the northern interior (Fig. 214). At the present day, knives are used for scraping. The heart or inside part of the cactus {O^imlia sp. ) was utilized by the Spences . Bridge band, and was cooked in the ordinary ground ovens, or steamed. Two kinds of mushrooms were peeled and eaten raw, or were slightly roasted before the fire. Nutlets from the cones of the J'inns albicoul/s \ix\g. were a favorite food among the uppc r divisions of the tribe. These nutlets, after being cooked in ovens or roasted in ashes, were sometimes crushed, mixed with dried service- berries, and put into sacks for winter use. The yellow-pine nutlets were some- times gathered. 'l"he Lower Thompson band used hazel-nuts, which they sold to the upper bands. The seeds of Balsamorrhiza sagittala Nutt. were also eaten. The Indians seldom drank pure water when eating, but they substituted for it the water in which meat or fish had been boiled. The stalks and leaves of wild celery and of a plant called " Hudson Bay tea" or " Labrador tea," fir-twigs, rose- bush leaves and stalks, bearberry stalks and leaves, were dried, and used for preparing drinks. ' Not much used. cs t • £3 ,t ■ ^i i Z> ;■ CI »34 TEI'l', rHE IHOMI'SON INDIANS OF HRiriSH COI.UMIIIA. Prkskrvation' UK Stai'I.k Foods. -Meat was preserved in the followin}^ manner : The fat of largo ^ame was cut off, and stored in deerskin sacks. The flesh was then cut into thin slices, and, to further assist in the drying process, each slice was pierced with numerous holes or slits some five or six inches in length. These slices were then dried by the sun and wind on a framework of poles placed a few inches apart anil about five feet above the ground. I"re- quently artificial heat was resortcil to. Meat was also spread on pok^s above the fire inside the lodge, or hung up near the roof and dried in tlie smoke. The In- dians of Nicola N'alley, in case of necessity, ilricil their meat in the sweat-house, but the .Spences Hridge band preferred roasting it on sticks before a hot tire. The fat of deer, elk, or bear was often melted down in the following way : Large pieces of fat wen; spread out by running several thin sticks through their entire length. The centre stick was made to protrude a few Indies at each end. and was then placed r cross two forked sticks which were set firmly in the grouml. The drippings were caught in several trough-shaped dishes of bark, wood, or stone, which were placed under the slices of fat (see Fig. 155). The most common kind was large, oblong, and shallow. Close by, a small but hot fire was kindled. When all the fat was melted, it was tied up in a deer's paunch, and stored away for future use. The lari'ir bones were broken u|). and the marrow was melted and stored in deer or elk ..idders. Salmon were dried in tiie following way : 1 lie fish was cut up along the belly, and all entrails and blood removed. The backbone was separated from the back, and the knife drawn deeply across the fic^shy part of the fish several times, leaving an inch or so between each cut. 1 he Lower Thompsons use the same form of fish-knife as is used by the Coast trii)es. It consists of a curved blade with a short handle, similar to our chopping-knives. Those of the Upper Thompsons were similar in shape to those found in prehistoric sites (see Part III, Fig. 34). The fish was then stretched, and kept open by thin sticks, the ends of which were inserted into little holes cut near the outside edges of the fish on each side. Finally the whole was hung over a long pole to dry. The part containing the backbone hung on one side, and the rest on the other. In this manner about a hundred fish were generally suspended a few inches apart on one pole, and hung there until quite dry and hard. They were then taken down, piled in heaps, and carried to the winter cellars or fish-caches, where they were stored. Birch-bark was then put under, around, and on top of the fish, or the cache itself was lined with birch-bark to prevent any moisture which might soak through from damaging the fish. Salmon caught late in the fall were also dried. The backbone was not taken out. They were simply gutted, and cuts an inch apart made deep in the flesh along the whole length of each side. The Lower Thompsons stored the dry fish in elevated wooden caches, in which they remained all winter. In spring they were removed arid placed in cellars, where they were allowed to lie until the following spring, when they were taken out, and aired by being spread on flat rocks. They were then returned to the cellar, and kept TKir, TFiK IHOMPSON INDIANS OF URl IISH COI.UMIIIA. 235 perhaps for another year. Most families thus kept the surphis of each season's catch of salmon for two or three years, for cases of cmerj^ency. Salmon-heads were also dried and stored away. Salmon-roe was wrapped up in dry ^rass or bark, and buried in the jfroiind until it was nearly rotten, when it was taken out and roasted or boiled. The Indians compare the taste of the roe prepared in this way to that of cheese, It is not much eaten by the upper division of the tribe. For making salmon-oil, a hole three or four feet square and about two feet deep was dug in the ground. This was Iint;d at the bottom and sides with large slabs of stone, ;ind all holes ami seams were plastered up with mud. In this re- ceptacle a number of fat salmon were placed, with water enough to boil them. Heated stones were thrown in, and after a while the boiling mess was broken up and stirred with a stick. More water was added if required, and the whole kejit simmering until all the oil was extracted. It was then allowed to cool off, and all the oil floating on the top of the water was skimmed off. The boiled salmon was afterward taken out, squeezed in the hands, and put into baskets, to be e.iten at once or dried in cakes. Salmon-oil was put up in salmon-skins, which w(!r«' scraped, blown into shape, and dried for the |)urpose. They were tied at each end, and sealed with salmon-roe where tied. Some of the Upper Thompsons put up in salmon-skins a mi.xture of salmon-oil and deer's or elk's grease. A mixture of about one (juarter salmon-oil and three (piarters roasted or partly roasted salmon-flesh which had previously been pounded up fine was also k(|)t in salmon-skins. The Nicola band prepared oil of catfisli in the same manner. It was principally obtained from th( liver. Roots are threaded on strings of bark or grass and hung u|) to dry. Ser- vice-berries, soapberries, wild cherries, huckleberries, raspberries, brambleberri(;s, and rose-pips are dried by being spread thinly upon mats exposetl to the hot ra)s of the sun. Sometimes they were baked in cakes without drying, and were then put into a cedar-root or birch-bark basket, and boiled by means of hot stones. When somewhat cooled off, the stones were taken out, and the berries were mashed with a stick or kneaded with the hand, and finally spread rather thickly on a layer of fresh pine-needles, leaves, or dry grass, which was supported on a framework of poles, where the sun and wind dried them. The juice left in the basket was poured over the berries as they dried, and formed into cakes. A good deal of juice. Fib- '"S IliSn*). Drying-frame, i iiat. size. '* X3 -.*5 Ml «<* 5 »■• z> : CI 1 236 TEIT. TIIK THOMPSON INDIANS OF liRITISII COI.UMHIA. however, if not drunk, was thrown away. Small framt-s of s()Iit cedar-wood (I'ij^. 215) were frequently used by the Lytton band for drying; service-berry cakes on. iierri'-s ami meat were mashed witli pestles ( I'ij^. 120) on larj,M; Hat ston(;s, which are fretjuently found in villa^n:-sites ( Part 111, Im^s. 32, ^^3). DisiiKs. — I'ood was boiled in baskets into which red-hot stones were thrown. It was roasted on spits in front of the fire, under aslus, or in underj^rround ovens. Pried venison and dried berries were sometimes ])()imded toj;cther anil mixi'd with hot d(;er-i;rease. This mixture: was cooled in cakes and put into sacks, or wrapped up in bark or skin. A favorite dish was made of roots of a floury nature (j^cnerally bitter-root) and service-berries boileil together until soft and thick. A little deer-j^rease was then aiUled, and tin; whole eaten with a spoon. Sometimes Alccloria was added and the deer-fat boiled with it. Salmon- roe and bearberries were boiled in the water in which salmon or trout had been cookeii. Deer's blood was a delicacy. It was mixed with roots, berries, and deer-fat, and boiled until thick. Tiu; Indians at the present day often pre|)are flour by boilin}f it with dried service-berries and fat until it resembles porridge, su^ar bein_t( sometimes added. 'I'liey also burn flour in a pan until it is brown, and then mix it with fat and sugar. Tin: tails of large fish, such as salmon and trout, were roasted before the fire until tlie bones and skin were cjuite crisp. Salmon were sometimes soaked in water for a week, until half decayed, aud were then cooked with berries ami roots. I'"ried salmon or trout were soaked for a while, and were then pounded uj) fine with a stone or wooden masher, and eaten with grease. Dry roots are cooked in the following manner: A circular hole is dug in tile ground to the ili'pth of tw(j feet anti a half, and large enough in diameter to contain the roots to be cooked. Into this hole are put four or five flat stones, — one in the centre and the others around the sides. Above these is piled a large heap of dry fir-wood, on which is placed a quantity of small stones. The wood is then kindled, and allowed to burn until nothing but the embers remain, when the small stones drop down to the bottom of the hole. The unburnt wood is next taken out, leaving nothing but the ashes and stones. Enough damp earth is then shovelled in to cover thinly the top of the stones, and this is overspread to the depth of half a foot or more with the branches of bushes, such as the ser- vice-berry, maple, alder, etc. Next follows a layer of broken fir-wood branches, o\'er which is spread a layer of dry yellow-pine needles, and still another layer of fir-branches. By this time the iioie is nearly filled up. The roots are then placed on the top, and covered carefully with a thick layer of broken fir-branches, a layer of dry pine-needles, and again a layer of fir-branches. The whole is covered with earth, and a large fire of fir-wood is kindled on top. In this way immense quantities of roots are cooked at one time. They remain in the oven — according to the kind being cooked — for from twelve to twenty-four hours. The root of the wild sunflower is difficult to cook, and it is therefore allowed to lie in the oven for two days. A large root from a plant resembling a large lEIT, TIIK TIIOMI'SON INDIANS OK HKITISII COIUMIIIA, 2.U lily was strung; and drit-d after it was cooked. One kind of tlish is inadr of the roots of Lilium Columbianum Hanson, Ptuctdanum macrocarpum Nutt., and salmon-roe which had been biiricil, boiled together. Cactus and Alcitoria, as well as many roots, were steamed in the foliowinj; way : Before any branches were put into tiu; hole, a stick from an inch ami a half to two inches in diameter was plantt I perpendicularly in the j^^round, reachinj,' con- siilerably above the level of the hole. When evi:rythinj; was covered up, the stick was pulled out, leaving an aperture into which water was pound, causinj^' steam to rise from the hot stones underneath. When sulViciently steamed, the usual fire was kindled on top. Wild onions were tlavori'il by piittin^^ them into the oven close to leaves and llowers of the luimmin^-i)iril [ilant ; sunllower-roots, with flowers of Pcnlstcmon Menziesii Hook, Othc^r roots are flavored with llowers and stems of Fragaiia Cii/i/onii(ti Cliam. and Schlecht. The seeds of litihtxmorrhiza sagiltafa Nutt. were mi.\ed with deer-f^rease, and boiled by means of hot stones. The gum of the tamarack was used for chewing. Berries and roots are still gathered, preserved, ami cooked as formerly, but not in large quantities, and are only supplementary to other footl. .Salted salmon put uj) in barrels has in a great measure taken the place of dried salmon. Many Indians of the upper division dry them only when there is a large run. Nowadays the principal diet of the Indians is venison anil other fresh meat of the chase, fresh fish and beef, flour, rice, sugar, tea, coffee, oatmeal, beans, etc., obtained from stores. Vegetables which they raise themselves, such as potatoes, s irc. q tins inontli). --Tile we.ither Ipclmiis t x'conie leaii. ("spriiii; I winds I time," so n.inied because Clii nook winds generally i)low in this nioiill; m.llino all the mk.w). I improves, ,ind the sprii ^ plants hej^iii to sprout. The peopl e Weather winter lioiist /'///// A/ooii. or N\nilin (" <'oiniiiL;-foi tli I •pie iMine forlii froni theii winter I e eome onl ol their line, so named liecanse tli< out in the I'oiirtii month). I' winter liouses. ■Sixt/i Moon. II lou ,es in this month, allhi.iiidi many came !ie orass ;rows, and people come forth Irom the oou. I he people catch tronl with dip-nets, ,ind he^iii to oo to ll akes to trap !isli. I'he trees pnl lorth eaves, ,ind the w.iteis increase, Si;uillli Mo lie people (hi;- roots. /•.li^/i/Ii .]/oo„, or Kwi kwekwait (phiral of the Jiminulive lorm of k wait, " ripe, "thev aieahtlle ripe"). The deei drop their yonnj;, and serv hej^iii to ripen. ce-herries A'iii//i Moon, Slimmer solstice), people Imnl. i i\waii/si keiitin ("middle time," so named I I he Sim reiiiriM, and all the i lecanse oi ihi r ll TiHlh Moon, m- laxa'ks (" first of I he sockeye or red salmon run. le iierru's ii|ien. .Some of the nil," lin.t or "nose" of asceiidiin- llsli). •///< ). I he cohoes or silver salmon come, .md i "('//, or Kwisin ("Ipooij hsh") kekaitkain (' tiiey reach ll I'luy I each the sources of lli le salmon liet^ni lo j..ct p lor. e ri\ ers. IJi, A',:,/ V ///,■ ) I'll)', or 1 w Inini .md the Imcks he^in I .iistin ("fall time"). Tile people trap and o run. 11 le Lower rilolll ipsons ,ilso cilled the months hy iinmer,ils up In I somelimes eleven, llie remainder of the yt'ar heiiiL; called ll n. lines are as follow /''/I si J/,-//. The rimiiiij time of d le anl imn. en, or iK'ir eer. Sir<>'t() into their winlir houses. peojile ^() into iheir winter ho;;-,es. I'.uiili Moon, or Nxnxnet ("litl 1 sn iilx- (" tile last i^oiiiH in " ). I'he last of the wind " ). .Aiternat e coiiiiiil; oi t ") skapts (' priii^ or warm a tune e cold .and w.irin winds. Somi; people camp out in lodijcs fo /''///// Moon, or N'lilx-wa'iias (" ).roi into winter houses attain for a short tiiii (.(Oini,'- 111 ,l!.;,iin "). Last cold. I'eople j^o Sixlh /J/, I'on. or People catch fish in h.ii^iiets. Nxii'it (" comiiij; out "). Winter Iionses left f or eooii :j£ ll'.ll'. I'llK IIIOMPSON INDIANS Ol' HRHISII COI.UM HIA. 2.^0 Sauuth Moon. I'copU- v^o on shorl Iniiils. liijl^htli Moon. W^oyV- pick licnics. Ninth Moon. ri'oplc commciu-c to tisli salmon. Tenth Moon. I'copic lisli ami cnrc salmon. I'.liXHiith Moon, or KoUan.si nm's ('' l<> ''"'l f<'<»' ■' little"), so named licianse people prations of tlu' riiompson Indians. 'The Lower '1 iiompsons, althoiii^h they had an ahiindance of lish, spent ninili time in hnntini^. IIkn even hunted on the monnt.iiiis on the we oi the Coast Kanqe. llnnt- iiij.^-parlies wlio visited the most southern p.ul of their huntin^-^ronnds were soim tl times .\hsent for seven months, retnrnini; only when the snow ii 'ijan to m elt n the monntanis. ){ ih. ows ami arrows w( hesl hows ol the t rihe were suiew-hac il of ., hacked. Most of them were m.u re the princip.d weapons used in the pursn am<'. \v of iniiiper-vvood. The Lower Thonipsons iisen hemlock, yew-wood, .iml :: CI (1 1-1 240 I'KI'l', IHE I'HOMPSO?-! INDIANS OF HRITISH COLUMBIA. Fi«. 2iC' (liJo^. Sinew-backfti Bow. J niit. si/e, (I, Side view ; />, Front view ; c, Crns5-scclii)n. Fij;- 2i7w woiiiul with Hark, i nat. size. Fig. Ji8(,l^,). How rnvrred with Siiakeskiii. (1, Siile view, ;;:h1 /-. Front view, /j nat. si/c ;*, i;»- Fig. 2ig(,i5,). I!ow w.. unci with M.irk. ,; n.il. size. Cri>ss-secli, b. The heads of war-arrows were inserted in a line parallel to the nock, while those of hunting-arrows were inserted at right angles to the nock. It will be noticed that when the bow is held hori/ontall)', the head of the war arrow is horizontal, while that of the hunting-arrow is vertical. The Indians maintain that thus the head more easily penetrates betwei'a the ribs. More recently iron points have replaced the stone points. The points of war- arrows wer? generally barbed ; those of hunting-arrows, leaf-shaped. Some ;0 « Ml* CI 1:1 -ff**.* tWi 242 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF niUTlSH COLUMBIA. h -U vt-fS Fig. 112, » 1 ,iV.I, /« 1 ,4!,l, , I ,A3«ill. ii"vtT. war-arrows liad a cletacliablc fon-shaft (l'\^. 222 J>). 'I"hc forcshafts of thcsi' were often made of antler or of bone. They were ljarl)c:d, and poisoned willi ihc juice of (lowers of Ranun- culus sp., or with ratth'- snake poison. l'"or small game, arrows w i t li o u t points' {y'\%. 222,'( )' were used. Some of tliese were barbed t l•i!^^ 222, /). Sliil others had a dctac]ial)le head, wliich was tied witii a strin_i^ to tlie middle of the shaft (I'"i.u. ---• A' )• Wiu-n the head was dis- en<;a,ij;(Hl, the movements of the animal were im- ptideil by the drat;->,dn_i4- shaft. These were used particularly when hunting in underbrush. The winj,^- ed end of the arrf)W was often painted red. Spiral lines or rings were painted on the arrow-shaft. < )ft(n the figures of animals were branded on the shafts of hunting-aiiows, those ol men on the shafts of war-arrows. The latter were often painteil black. I lawk, grouse, and the red-winged dicker were used for winging arrows. Hawk-feathers were preferred for war-arrows. Quivers were made of tanned deer, elk, or buffalo hide (I'ig. 223) with a wide fringe, and were often paint- ed on the outside. They were often made of clipped buffalo-fur with hair turned in, the outer side being scraped white and painted. They were also frequently made of wolverine, dog, coyote, and other skins, with the hair left on, the tails forming an ornament at the lower end. Sagebrush quiv- ers were also in use ( iMg. 224). Small game, such as grouse, squirrels, and other small animals, were ti.'d ■'■ iasS^A i^. Hb. ?-'4ii!S«'. J" ish Qiiivcr. a o ., Ml* 1:1 |gi» •I' •I'll iiji t 244 'IKIT, IIIK rHOMI'SON INDIANS OK nRITlSH COF.UiMBIA. Fig. iiS (lion)- Quiver with Cover. to buckskin strin,L,rs fastonwl to the quiver. Some quivers had small pouches attached for holiliii.,^ fire-drill and tinder. Some had covers (Fig. 225) for the protection of the arrows. The first guns used by the Thompson Indians were llintlock muskets, which were soon adopted in warfare and in hunting. Some of the old men still use them, but re|)eating- rilles of tlu' latest Win- chester and Colt models are now general!)- used. 1 hey used wooden ])o\v- der-horns decorated with feathers, and suspended from the right shoulder by a buckskin strap ( big. 226). The powder-horn was worn under the left arm, while the ammunition-pouch hung on the right-hand side. Deer were generally hunted with bow and arrows. The hunting-dog was of great assistance in the pursuit of the deer. The dogs of the Thompson Indians resembled in appearance the coyote. ThrougJi interbreeding with the dogs introduced by the whites, they have become totally extinct. The nu- merous dogs found among the tribe nowadays are mongrel hounds and curs of every description. ., 1 he native dogs were rather poor "■*•■= watch-dogs, but good hunters. The best ones for deer-hunting were valued highly, and were taken great care of. For several days before starting to hunt with them, they were tied up, and fed s[)aringly on good food. Some Indians went so far as to purge them with medi- cine, and sweat-bathe them. The hunter starl:U'- ll..K-liaUfrs, Jnal.M/c. In the fall of the year, during the rutting season, and also at a later date when the deer came down from the higher mountains to their wint(T grouiuls in the lower hills, the people of the Spences Ikidge band lay in wait f(jrganu; dur- ing the night at the regular swimming-places, and shot them with bow and arrows as they landed. It is said that formerly during these seasons large numbers of deer were in the habit of swimming from the south to the north side (jf Ihompson River, where there were favorite rutting-grounds. In the winter-time, owing to exposure to the sun's rays, there was also generally less snow on thesc^ hillsides than on the south side of the river. During the last ten years or so the deer have almost entirely stopped swimming the river, as was their wont : hence this method of hunting has become obsolete. This change of habit is probably due to th.; scarcity of deer in the south, and to the erection of a line of fence, which extends along the railway the entire length of Thompson River on the south. 'I'his fence has been built within the last twelve years, and the Indians say that during that time there has been a perceptible decrease in the number of deer freciu(MUing the north side cA the river in the winter-time. Hunting with dogs has also gone Jo « Ml" „ Ml'' iir. :> Ml* i- p 346 •i;ri", THE riioMPsoN Indians ok liRiTisn coi.umhia. completely out of use, because the old breed of doj^s has become extinct, and but few of tiiose which tliey now possess are of any use for deer-lumtinj^. The law is also a^'ainst the jjractice. Another method of huntint,', in vo<,nie amonjf the Spences Bridj^eand Nicola bands, was that of shootiufr deer by moonlii^ht at their favorite salt-licks. Dur- int; tlie liot weatiier of summer, deer are fond of repairini^ to tliose places at nit;ht to liclx the salty njround. W'iliiin e'asy ran_L,f(; of these licks tin; Inilians dug shallow |)its, and planted a few Ijushcs in front of them as a screen. 'Ihere the hunter lay until ,1 deer appeared, when he shot it. Sometimes, if bushes or trees were at haml, tlu:y were used for concealment instead of pits. Deer were also sliot in this manner at their favorite drinkintj-places. This method is still i)ractised by the Indians. To hunt deer sini,de-handed recjuired intimate knowledge of the di,'(;r's habits and of the i;round which they frequent at different seasons, ability to take ailvnntaire of cover and to jrcnm^ a shallow hole was scooped out, and a snare made of bark string was placeil ni it ( I'l^. 22.S). This snare was also fastened to the small end of a long sprin^r.pole (.?), which was placed in position on one side of the opening. The snan: rested on a number (ei^dit or more) of small sticks (/>), which lay over tlu= shallow pit, and served to release the tr.xp. The sprin--pole was held down by a tri^^-cr (r) which was pushed thr, ihey I)ressed down c, and thus i^leased th(; tri-^cr <: 1 he snare was hidden under a thin c(>verinj,r of dry spruce-needles, which .overed the lower end of the sprin^r-i,,,],.. A piece of lojr was plac('d on the ground a suf- ficient distance from the snare on each side to compel the ch^er, in stepi)inL; over, to l'"i«. 2i8. Dccr-fcTicc. place his foot in the snare. As soon as the deer did this, the pole sprang up. drawing the snare ti^ht around his le^, and suspending him in the air, or at least liftinir him oi^ the ground. Sometimes, when a very lar-e buck was cL^ii^^ht lie would pull the spring-pole out of place, and go away with it attached to his leg, but he never went far before becoming entangled in the bushes. Deer-iences were not much used by the Lower Thompsons. This method of hunting was very successful if the snares were kept dry. The Lower Tiiompsons set nooses on deer-trails. The head of the animal or its antlers were caught in these nooses. When two or three men hunt together, they generally start simultaneously, at a distance of a few hundred yards from each other, to walk over the prescribed ground, and meet occasionally at given points for consultation. If the party is large, the general method employed is that of driving. A leader is chosen to direct the hunt, generally one of the more experienced men, and one who knows well the ground to be hunted. In winter, one of the larger gulches may be chosen, -as the deer frequent such places during cold weather, home of the best marksmen are stationed at those places for which the deer are expected to make. The rest of the party, who are the drivers, then make a circuit to the top ol the : P I a ; IK* I Ml"' <■'» i:» i:i III* 348 TKir, THE TFIOMI'SON INDIANS OF IIRITISH COLUMIIIA. jjiilch, ami come down in a line in the shape of a crescent, walking about a hun- dred yards apart. The deer, if not shot, are driven before them, and try to make their escape u|) the slopes leading out from the sides of the gulch. They arc then eitiier siiot down or frighten(;d back by men stationed at these places. As they cannot get back, owing to the drivers, they are fijrced to go towards the bottom of tile gulch, where most of them are shot by the main body of the marks- men, who are stationed there behind trees or under otlu;rco\(;r. Sometinvs a large number of deer are killed in one drive in this way. The Ujiper Tli mipsons sometimes surrounded a valley from all sides, and drove the deer towards the centre. Generally the oldest hunter prt;sent diviiled the deer, which was cut into nine pieces. Ihe forelegs were cut away from the body. The two ribs or sides were separated from the back. The brisket was cut out, and the back cut in two near the shoulders, leaving the head and neck attached to the front half. In a fat buck, besides these cuts, the (leshy and fatty part of the body between the skin and the bones was laid off in an entire piece. This was considered the best part of a fat buck, as there were no bones in it, and it contained a large part of the fat of the animal. When the party was not very large, the drivers were necessarily a consider- able distance apart, which gave the deer a better chance to escape. In this case the drivers resorted to shouting. This of course frightened the deer, and caused them to run away from the drivers. Sometimes, when there were hot hunters enough, and it was desired to " drive " a certain place, women and boys were pressed into service. In some of the flatter and more open parts of the country, deer were sometimes hunted by the Indians on horseback ; but most of the country is too rough for hunting in this manner. Formerly deer were also caught in nets. These were about seven feet high and from fifteen to two hundred yards long. This method of hunting was prac- tised by the Spenccs Bridge and Nicola bands, but to a still greater extent among the Okanagon. Ihe nets used were generally made of the bark of Apocynum cannabimim L. They had large meshes, and were set at evening in open patches, between clumps of bushes, forming a corral open at one side. The nets were tied to the bushes, shutting off the open space between them. I'hey were often set across deer-trails. Generally early in the morning there w(;re some deer in the corral unable to find their way out. Then the entrance was guarded, and men went in to shoot the deer or drive them into the nets, in which they were en- tangled. Deer were also driven into the corral by men, women, and children, who formed a large half-circle, and gradually drove towards the entrance of the net. Large hunting-parties would sometimes kill elk by driving them over cliffs which border plateaus in some places. Deer and elk were also killed in winter, when there was very deep snow in the mountains, by being run down by hunters on snowshoes, who shot or clubbed them when near enough. Dogs also soon ran them down when the snow was deep and had a thick crust. TF.ir, IIIK IMIOMI'SON INDIANS OT MKI IISII COMrMHIA. 249 Flu. 3H)iii^t). Snnre fur Small (iniiie. At tile i)r»s(-nt (lay tlic men i>f tin; UppiT I'liDinpsoiis luint a i^ooil deal. Even those; ontjaj^ccl in farminjf and other work often make short hiintin^r-tri|)s, especially in wiiitcr-limc, when, as a rule, there is not much oth(;r work to he ilone. Hares, squirrels, and grouse of several varieties, were either snared in their haunts or shot with arrows, as descrihcd above (I'ijjf. 222, i,'). A trap for small ^rame is shown in V\^. 229. 'Ihe snare, like all others, is made of twine of Apocynuvi jj C(Viiiii/>/ii7ii>i \.. The sides of the loop rest in notches cut in the sides of the trap- stick. These snares were set on tile animal's run. The spriuj^-pole is generally from five to six feet long. Hears were generally hunted with how and arrow, but sometimes with dogs. Tiiey were also trapped by means of dead falls. Mountain-goat antl big-horn sheep were hunted with bow and arrows, lieaver were also occasionally hunted with dogs. They were killed with a spear with a bone point. Coyotc's and fo.xes were often caught by digging or smoking tlum out of their hoIi;s. To kill black bear or cougar was considered no great fei t ; but the hunter who had killed, single-handed, grisly and especially silver-tip bear, was highly respected for his courage; and for this reason many young men hunted the grisly. Many stories are related of desperate encounters with this animal. The introduction of the repeating-rifle has minimized to a great extent the dangers of such encounters. The Indians claim that the grislies were much less fierce in some parts of the country than in others. Stories are related of an Indian who lived a couple of generations ago, and hunted the grisly with weapons peculiar to him- self. One of these was a bone, which he held by the middle with his hand. It was sharpened to a point at both ends. Mis other weapon was a stone club. When the grisly opened its mouth and stood up to fight him, the Indian shoved the hand holding the bone (with the points up and down) into the animal's mouth. When the beast closed its mouth, the sharp points [jierced it, causing it great pain ; then, while the bear was trying witli its paws to take the obstruction out of its mouth, the Indian clubbed it. Excepting some of the older men, very few of the Indians now trap or snare game or fur-bearing animals. The young men prefer hunting to trapping. FisiiiN(;. — In the larger rivers, where the current is generally rapid, salmon and other fish are caught by moans of the bag-net (Fig. 230). The net is E a o < tm* 1 Ml-' >■ !::» ISI* Its IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) .** %^^ 1.0 1.1 I 1.25 m Ui 12.2 ^ U& 110 ^U4 -> ^ ^ '/ Photographic Sciences Corporalion ^ V <^. ^ :\ \ 23 WKT MAIN STMIT WIBSTH.N.Y. I4SW (716)l7a-4503 ;\ 4io ■I 250 TKIT, THR THOMPSON INDIANS OV URITISH COI.UMHIA. '1 Fig. 230 (^,Jf|). Mag-nft. made of bark twine woven in lar^'e meshes. The size of the mouth is about equal to the space enclosed by a man's extended arms with the middle fingers tonchin<,f each other. Ihis bag is fas- tened on a hoop, generally of fir or cedar, which has a long, straight handle of the same material. Around the hoop there are small horn rings, to which the bag is attached. In nets used for the capture of small fish the meshes of the .et are fastened to the ho ip. A string, to which a small piece of stick is fastened at one end, for a handle, is attached to the bag. and this is held in the hand of the fisherman while manipulating the net. When he is sure of a capture, he lets go the piece of stick, when the weight of the fish causes the horn rings to come together, and thus close the mouth of the net. The fisherman then draws the net ashore, pulls the stick, thereby opening the bag. and throws the fish'out. It is then put into a rather large circular hole made by scraping away bowlders, which are piled up around the sides, leaving a clear space u{ pi • turn TRir, THK THOMPSON INDIANS OK BRI IISH C.GI.UMHIA. 2St to which they moor their canoes, and then dip for salmon with the bag-net. No platform is then needed. Hauls made this way are not as heavy as those frmi platforms. On Thompson River, which has clear water, this kind of hshing is generally done at night ; but on Eraser River, where tlie water is very muddy, fishing is carried on in the daytime. The lower course of I'Vaser River is particu- larly well adapted to this method of fishing. The waters are exceedingly rapid, compelling the fish to keep close to the banks. .\t the same time the salmon are in good condition, having left the sea shortly b.=for.. reaching the Iraser Carton. Nume-ous low points of rock jut out into the river, forming admirable stations for the fishermen. Under these circumstances the Lower Thompsons catch plenty of salmon, even in years when there is a comparative scarcity of fish ; therefore they confine themselves to curing the choicest fish only. l he king salmon is considered best. From it much oil is obtained. The handles of bag-nets in use in the Fraser Carton are frequently ve. y long, to facilitate their use from points some height above the water. As suitable rocks are plentiful, fishing-platforms like those erected by the Lpper I hompsons are used in but few places. Fig- ,1 (lilnt- FUh-spearwilh DetachaMe Poinu. 1 nat. sire. Another favorite method of fishing is by spearing from the shore while the salmon are running. The spear (Fig. 231), which has a handle fifteen feet or more in length, consists of two long prongs, each of which has a barb pointing inward fastened at the end. The spear-head is attached loosely with a line to the handle. When a fish is struck, the barbed points become detached from the spear-head The fish, with the detached barbed points in its body, is then hauled ashore by means of the line. It is said that in some of these spears the whole foreshaft is detachable. A spear consisting of a head with one long barbed point is also used. Some of these are detachable, others not. I he spear is thrust right through the body of the fish, and is used with a very long handle, for spearing" fish off rocks or a considerable distance from shore. In the stiller reaches of water, fish are speared from canoes at night by torchlight. The principal kind so caught is a large species of trout weighing from thirty-five to fifty pounds. Every s,.ring. about April, the Spences Bridge band, the only Thompson Indians who spear large fish in this way, used to gather near the % «•■ • !»• ' Ml* IW* i:» i:» 1:1 353 TEIT, THK THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMUIA. mouth of Nicola River to catch these large trout. This was done from plat- forms on the south side of Thompson River for half a mile or more below the mouth of Nicola River, to nearly half a mile up the Nxola. Above this point they built a weir across Nicola River to stop the trout ascending, and speared them. Large numbers of men of the Nicola ami Lytton bands fished here at the same time, so that there were at this season a hundred tents SD ►f»« Kii;. ^la'iAJfl'. 'I'lirec-proinir.! Kish-spe ir. \ nut. si/e. or more at Nkamtcin and Nskaptse Ix. I'or this kind of trout a spear is used the head of which consists of three prongs (Fig. 232), — two long ones with barbs, and a short one in the middle with a sharp point. The head is securely fastened to a comparatively short handle. The same kind of spear, only much smaller, is used for spearing small fish. Formerly these spears were made of firwood, and the barbs of deer-antler. Iron is now substituted for the latter. It is said that a few of the spear-heads could be detached from the handle. They are always used for striking down on the fish over the back, the barbs settling into each side, and are specially ailapted for spearing from canoes. Fishing-canoes are manned Ijy a cn-w of four or at least three men, who wear masks or eye-shades (hig. 233) as a protection from the glare of the light. One man in the stern manages the canoe so as to make it drift broadside down the current ; another, in the centre, holds a torch ; while a harpooneer stands on each side of him. The fish are speared from the downstream side of the canoe. X'ery cold weather with running ice is considered most propitious for spearing. It requires considerable skill to spear the heavy fish in this manner, and also to throw the fish out of the barbed spear-head when taken into the canoe, as the side-barbs sink deep into its flesh. The Lower Thompsons hardly ever spear fish, owing to the muddy state of the water of Fraser River, which prevents the fish from being seen. in winter, fish were speared through holes in the ice. The spearman cov- ered his head and shoulders with a blanket or mat for shade, that he might be better able to discover the fish under water. No bait was used to attract the fish. Sometimes the fisherman cut a large hole in the i.x-, through which he ••'B- '33'il3al. Kyc-sh.iilc. TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 253 fish He oe, fishes' eyes, ants' ejjgs, did not wear an eye-shade. fished with hook and line. He used as bait woodworms or grasshoppers, flies, and meat. Others, again, speared anything seen when walking along the edge of the ice. The hooks were made of hare, dog, and deer bone ; and the lines, of Indian-hemp bark. The former have been supplanted by metal hooks, but the latter are still used. Some nooks consisted of two bone barbs tied together (Fig. 234, a), others were made of a shank of rosewood and a bone barb (Fig. 234, d). A short string was attached to the hook, and served for tying on the bait. The fish-line was generally kept wound on a reel. The Lower Thompsons hardly ever fished through holes in the ice. Sturgeon are fished on Fraser River, near Lytton, with hooks and lines, from the shore, but more generally from canoes. Large bone hooks about half an inch in diameter, with a wooden shank five or six inches in length, and a heavy bark line from seventy to a hundred yards long, are used. A stone sinker is fas- tened four and a half or five feet above the hook. The largest sturgeon are caught in the stretch of water from Si'ska to Lillooet. They often measure from nine to eleven feet in length. _ The bait used is generally the tail-end of a salmon. Sturgeon of a small s.ze are caught by the Lower Thompsons. No sturgeon frequ.mt the nvers and lakes of the country inhabited by the Spences Bridge and Nicola bands. For fishing catfish, a stake is driven into the river-bottom near shore, and a rather thick, short line is fastened to it a little under water-hne. lia*«4'.i»liil.>- Hsh-hoolt.. Jn,it. .iM. 5 8: Hi* - & •el's •I 254 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS Of URITISH COLUMBIA. A few feet above the hook a stone sinker is fastened to the line. The whole line is coilwl up in the hand, and thrown out into the- stream as far as possible, then gradually hauled in. Thi; liait used is roe of salmon-trout. Weirs and traps were also used for fishing. The former were built in shal- low rivers, and intended principally for catching :;almon. They were made of small poles, sticks, and limbs of bushes, set close together in the water, standing Fig. 235. Fifh-wcir. upright, and stretching across the river like a fence. These were fastened to- gether or to horizontal cross-poles, and the whole was supported and kept in position by large poles with braces set in the river (Fig. 235). The salmon ascended to this obstruction, where they were stopped and speared by hundreds. The fish were raked out with gaff-hooks. These hooks have come into use within the last twenty or thirty years. Spears were formerly used. Traps are of two kinds. One kind is made of split pieces of pine-wood, sometimei, in the form of a box, with the slats so placed that the fish can go in but cannot get out again. The other kind is cylindrical, and composed of willow switches made into a basket. There are several varieties of these. The traps are used in the spring or fall for trout, and are set in streams near the outlets of lakes, the stream on each side of the trap being dammed up to allow no other passage for the fish. Weirs and traps were hardly ever used by the Lower Thompsons. 1 tarn VI. -TRAVEL AND TRANSPORTATION; TRADE. Trwfi, am. TuANSiM.in ATioN.-The canoc-s used by the Thompson Indians xvere mostly duu-outs made principally from cedar by the lower division, and sold by them to the other divisions ot the tribe. They were seldom over twenty- five feet in length. I-'orty or fifty years ago, cnnoes were manufactured in large numbers, and were cheap and plentiful. The .Spences Bridge band genera ly bought their canoes from the Lytton band, and they in their turn from the Lower Thompsons, although the Lytton and Upper Eraser bands manufactured many themselves, chiefly of yellow pine and cottonwood ; but canoes made from these were heavier and more liable to split than those made from cedar. 1 he nine dug-outs of the Lytton band were generally of fine workmanship and almost if not equally as well made as those of the Lower Thompsons. 1 he Spences Bridge and Nicola bands, and to a lesser degree the other upper divisions of the tribe, were indifferent canoe-builders, and they had very little wood in their country, at least in proximity to the rivers, suitable for that work. Bark canoes were not much used by the Lytton band, probably because the material could not be obtained in abundance in their country, and because cedar canoes were cheap and easily obtained. Bark canoes were formerly used by the bpences Bridge band, and possibly by the Nicola band and the Athapascan tribe of Nirola Val- ley,— by the former on the lakes, where much fishing was done. Lakes and deep mountain streams were generally crossed on canoes of this kind (I'ig. 236). They r\u n<>. i.arkCano...f u,wcrihump»oni..dia„s. have been out of use for the last thirty • years or more. The Lower Thompsons used various types of dug-outs made of cedar, which are shown in I'ig. 237. '^A — IP IP •I __J Fig. 2jT. Types of Dug-oul». The prows, stern-pieces, and gunwales of these canoes were in many cases carved, and painted red, white, and black. More recently blue and yellow have also been used. Canoes were frequently ornamented with rows of elk or caribou teeth and shells along the outside of the gunwales and on the sides of the bow and stern. The Lower Thompsons ascribe no meaning to carvings on canoes other than that of decoration. They probably copied the designs from their L*SS] Ml 256 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. / I Fig. ij8. Paddln. > neighbors on the coast. The paddies used for propelling canoes were of shapes similar to those ol)t:»ining among the Coast Indians (iMg. 238), and were fre- quently painted different colors. Rafts made of dry logs tied together with withes were used for fishing and for crossing rivers, and are still occasionally used. The Nicola band use rafts made of bundles of rushes. At the present time canoes are expensive as well as scarce. .Some of the Lytton Indians have within the last few years adopted boats of cedar or pine. Thes(; they make themselves, and occasionally manipulate them partially with sails. In olden times goods were transported by land on the back by means of tump-lines (Fig. 213). Meat, baskets filled with berries and roots, and the few necessaries of a travelling family, were transported in chis manner. The Upper Thompsons use tump-lines made of buckskin, while the lower division use also cedar-bark lines or those woven of mountain-goat wool. The designs on these are the same as those used on basketry ( I'ig. 311). Dogs were never used for sleighing or packing purposes, as among the tribes farther north, probably because the country was too rough and mountainous, and also on account of the light snowfall in the valleys. While hunting or travelling in the mountains when the snow is deep, the Indians make use of snowshoes. Six forms are distinguished, accord- ing to the form of the netting : i. The "owl sole," which is used by the Lower Thompsons; 2. The "magpie sole" (I'ig. 239), wliich is used by the Lytton band, the Upper Fraser band, and to some extent by the Spences Hridge band ; according to mythology, these two forms were used by the Owl and the Magpie ''espectively ; 3. A variety of the second form, used by the same tribes ; 4. The " Stuwi'xamux sole" (Figs. 240, 241), which is used by the Nicola and Spences Bridge bands and by the Okanagon ; it derives its name from the Athapascan tribe of Nicola Valley, who are said to have used it ; 5. The ordinary snowshoe ; 6. Still another type, which is used by the Spences Bridge and Upper Fraser bands, but is obtained by trade from the Shuswap. It is from four to five feet long, generally pointed at both ends, has two cross-sticks, and is more or less firmly netted. It is best adapted for a flat, open country with loose snow. The Fig. ajq ftUJi)- Snowshoe, " Miimiic Sole I'vpe. I nat. size. ^ TKI I, I Ilf-; rilOMl'SON INLUANS 01' BRll'ISH COLUMBIA. 257 frames of the Lower Thompsons' snowshoes are, on the whole, rounded (Fig. 242). this form i^einif hist adapted for travel on steep mountains. Their meshes are rather wide, which is considered favorable for travel in moist snow. Those in use amonj,' the upper portion of the tribe are much longer, although generally not so long as thosi; used by the Athapascan tribes of the northern interior. They are also much better and mon' closely netted. The front of the snowshoes is turned up. When bending them, the frames of the two shoes are tietl together, and the points spread apart by means of lig. 240, Fig. 241. Kigs. 340 Ifllft, 241 (iltnt. Snnwnhnes, " Stimi'x.ininx Solv" I >'|iC. t\ Hk. a4J •4H,it. Ordiil.try Siinwslifie, | nilt, lire. a short stick, in this position they are steamed until they assume the proper shape. The frame is made of one piece of mountain-maple or yew wood, and the network is of raw deer-hide cut into fine strings and slightly twisted. A temporary snowshoe is sometimes made use of. It consists of two pieces of fir- branch about three feet long, and tied together afboth ends. I*"our or five small sticks are tied across to stretch the shoe and to sujjport the foot (Fig. 243). A few men of the Nicola band at the present day occasionally use the long wooden snowshoe, after the Norwegian style, which they have adopted from the whites. Hunters sometimes used toboggans made of fir-branches for sliding down snow- covered hillsides. Horses were introduced among the Upper Thompsons towards the end of the eighteenth century. In the beginning they were extensively used for food. They became common about fifty or sixty years ago. It seems that the first :> IP > •« g I 258 TKIT, Tlir, TiroMI'SON INDIANS f)F HRITISH COLUMBIA. horses were obtained from the Sahaptin, Shoshone, and Cayiise. Horses were introduced amonj,' the northern Shiiswap about the year 1S30. They reached the Carriers not before i860. At present horses are used for ridiny and packing. Pack- saddles an- generally made of |)oplar or birch. Ihe articles to lie placed on the horse are put into s(|uare packiiiK-skins of scraped horse or buffalo hide, of the same kind as those used by the Indians of the IMains. Tht; ])acks are strapped to each side of the pack-saddle. The saddle-jfirih is made of canvas or woven of horsehair. Before the arrival of the whites, ridin).{- saddli's other than those of their own make were unknown. They were made ot wood, and padded with soft skins, deer-hair, or jjrass. Many were frinj^ed and ornamented with porcupine- (|uill embroidery or with beadwork. They used cruppers made of buckskin, leather, or canvas, stuffed with horsehair or hay. The stirrups were formerly made of wood (I'ijj. 244). Many were carved, and the desijrns filled with red paint. Most of the Indians rode bareback. Instead of bridles and bits, a noose of .skin or horsehair was put on the horse's nose and fastened to the lower jaw. Leather saddles and bridles with Mtjxican bits are now common. Saddle-blankets were made of sajjebrush-bark, willow-bark, or grass, woven like bed-mats, or of deer, bear, buffalo, and goat skins and dressed buckskin. I'ormerly llat-backed baskets ( Fig. 146) were used as saddle-bags by the Lytton band. Nowadays such bags are made of cloth or buckskin. Many of them are fringed, and highly ornamented with embroidery (Fig. 151). Pack ropes and halter-ropes were made of bark-fibre, grass, and horsehair. Some halter-ropes were made of a black and a yellow horsehair rope twisted together. Trade. — There was in early days a considerable trade between the different divisions of the tribe, and even with neighboring tribes of the interior and of the coast. The Okanagon sold to the Spences Bridge band buffalo-hides, painted skin robes, bark o{ A pocynum canna- binum L., deer-nets, skin bags, dressed moose-skin, scent, paint or red ochre, horses, bark made into twine for snares, bone or horn beads, salmon, roots, berries, and sometimes shells. The Nicola band, who had very little salmon in their territory, bar- tered buffalo-skin bags, buckskins, and horses, for salmon, berries, roots, and Indian-hemp bark ; but some of them fished with their friends at Spences Bridge. Many of the articles traded for with the Okanagon were sold again to the Lytton band ; but, besides, the Spences Bridge band sold to them buckskin of their own Fig. »«'i»liii. remporury Snowihne. Lrnsth, 66 fnchet. Fig. 344 (lUi^. Slimip. Height, 7 inchei. Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History New York. PUBLICATIONS OF THE JESUP NORTH PACIFIC EXPEDITION Edited by FRANZ BOAS. t; *he Jesup North Pacific Expedition was or- ganized in the year 1897 for the purpose of in- vestijfating the tribes in- habitinjf the extreme northern part of Asia and the northwest coast of America, with a view to determining the relation- ships between the races, languages, and cultures of this area. It was hoped that the results of the in- vestigation would contrib- ute towards the solution of the question of the earliest relations between the races of America and Asia. The funds for this enterprise were furnished through the liberality of Mr. Morris K. Jesup, President of the American Museum of Natural History in New York ; and the investigation was in charge of Dr. Franz Boas, Professor of Anthropology at Columbia University. The operations of the Expedition extended from the year 1897 to 1903, Leiden. — E. J. BRILL Ltd, Printers and Publishers. New York. — G. E. STECHERT & Co. Chukchee Herdsinnn Throwing a I.asso. IS iU'i --^sJ THE JESUP NORTH PACIFIC EXPEDITION. and covered the area from Columbia River northward to Berinjjf Strait, and westward from Bering Strait to the Amur River. A number of expeditions were organized. Field-work in America was car- ried on by the leader of the Kxpedition, by Prof. Roi.ANn B. Dixon of Harvard University, Prof. LiviNr.STON Farrand of Columbia University, Mr. Gkrarp Fowkk of St. Louis, Mr. Hari.an I. Smith of the American Museum of Natural History, Dr. John R. Swanton of the Bureau of American Ethnology, and Mr. James Tkit of .Spences Bridge, B. C. The work on the Asiatic Continent was carried on by Mr. Waldkmar BoGORAS of St. Petersburg, Mr. Gkrard Fowkk of St. Louis, Mr. Waldkmar Joiiiklson of St. Peters- burg, and Dr. Bkrtiioi.i) Laukek of Columbia University. All these gentlemen have contributed to the publications of the Expe- dition. The results of these investi- gations arc being published in a series of volumes, in the same form as the present prospectus. The books are amply illustrated with text-figures and heliotype plates, representing .specimens col- lected on the various expeditions, types and views. The whole series is planned to embrace twelve volumes, ranging from 500 to 700 pages each. The first ten volumes are devoted to a discussion of the results of the .single expeditions, and contain detailed descriptions of the tribes inhabiting the northwest coast of the American Continent, and the northeastern part of Siberia. Special attention has been paid to giving a full representation of the various aspects of the culture of all these tribes. For the solution of the special problem of the Expedition, it has seemed particularly important to collect the fullest possible data on mythology and art, which will therefore be found to be discussed in consider- able detail in all the volumes. Many of these volumes contain also comparative material bearing upon the relations of the individual tribes to their neighbors. All the expeditions have collected a large amount of anthropometric material, skulls, and other somatological information. Stone Sculpture. Vancouver Island. I louse- Post. Ilaidn Indians. ;-5 iC IImmhmw- - :af THE lESUP NORTH PACIFIC EXPEDITION. This will be published in the eleventh volume of the series. In the twelfth volume Professor Boas will give a general summary and state the final results Model of a lUiiU Cnnoe, of the Expedition. The material collected has shown clearly a close affiliation between the aboriginal tribes of northwest America and of Asia. The first and s ud volumes of the publications are devoted entirely to a description of Amir" in tribes, more particularly of the Salish tribes of British Colur.iMa and of the State of Washington, and to detailed discussions of the archxol- ogy of southern Briii;jh Columbia. The third volunu.' and the tenth volume contain the linguistic results obtained by the expeditions of Professor Boas and Dr. Swanton, the former dealing with the Kwakiutl of northern Vancouver Island, the latter with the Haida of Queen Charlotte Islands. The results are given in the form of texts, largely of mythological character, in the native languages, with parallel trans- lations. The fifth volume contains also the results of these two expeditions, the first part being a detailed dis- cussion of the social organization of the Haida Indians of Queen Charlotte Islands by Dr. Swanton, while the second part will be devoted to a description of the ethnology of the Kwakiutl Indians of Vancouver Island by Professor Boas. The fourth volume is largely devoted to a description of the Amur River Stune Dish. Cowichan liny. UritUh Culumbia. J!5 Hliil if i: THE JESUP NORTH PACIFIC EXPEDITION. tribes, . the first part being a discussion of the decorative art of this area by Dr. Berthold Laufer; while the second part will contain a contribution by Dr. Leo Sternberg on the material culture, religion, and social organization of the Gilyak and Gold, with comparative notes on the Ainu. The sixth volume is entirely devoted to a detailed description of the Koryak by Mr. Waldemar Jochelson, to which is added a brief description of the Kamchadal by Mr. Waldemar Bogoras. In the seventh volume Mr. Bogoras treats in a similar manner the ethnology of the Chukchee; while volume VIII is largely devoted to the mythology of this tribe, part of which is also given in the form of texts with parallel trans- lations. The same volume will contain a brief description of the Eskimo of Siberia by Mr. Bogoras. In the ninth volume Mr. Jochelson describes in considerable detail the Yukaghir, and those Tungus tribes of Arctic Siberia that have come under the influence of the Yukaghir. Besides these volumes, an album of twenty-eight plates of the types of British Columbia has been published. '■■4, > PLAN OF PUBLICATION. [Part, marked with an a.teri.k (•) are In preparation.] Flor. Boas 12 p., 6 pi. 1898 II. The Mythology of the Bell' Coola Indians. Fran^ Boas. .03 p.. ^_ III. Arthtologf of Lytton. British Columbia. Harlan I Smith. 34 P-. ^ _ .IV. Thl Thompson 'lnk?s'of British Columb^ James Teit. 228 p., 7 pl-- ^^^^ V.BalVy'DXs'ofthe'salishlndian;. 'Livingston Farrand. .op., ^ ^^ VI Archtlogy'of "the'^^h^mpson River Region. Bri'tish Columbia. Harlan __ I. Smith. 42 p.. 3 Pl-. 50 figs. '900 ''°'" ""Traditions of the Chilcotin Indians. Livingston Farrand. 54 P; -QOO. 3-75 i Smtof British Columbia and Washington Harlan I. Sm. h and Gerard Fowke. 22 p., 5 pl- 9 fig*-. «"»?• '90i • • • • • III. Traditions of the Quinault Indians. Livingston 1-arvand. ass.sted by ^^^ W. S. Kahnweiler. 56 p. 1902 ' ' ^' , " u- ' Unrlan IV. Shell-Heaps of the Lower Fraser River. Br.t.sh Columbia. Harlan I Smith. 60 p., 2 pl.. 51 figs. 1903 ^' ' \' .CO V The LUlooet IndLs. James Teit. .08 p.. 2 pl.. 40 figs. .906 ^ _ . 4-50 Vl" Archeology of the Gulf of Georgia and Puget Sound. Harlan I. Sm.th. ^^^ 142 p.. 3 pl-. 98 figs. 1907 • • • • 15 _. VII. The Shuswap. James Teit. 37° P- 2 pl. 1909 VOL. III. Kwakiutl Texts. Fran. Boas and George Hunt, viii t 533 P- ^^^^ 1902-1905 ''°'" ^The Decorative Art of the Amur. Tribes. Berthold Laufer. 86 p.. ^^^ 33 pl.. 24 figs. 1902 •II. The Tribes of the Amur River. Leo Sternberg. ""''■^'contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida. J. R. Swanton. 300 p., ^^ _ „. Thfl^;^:tlS'vi:::^;"Ld. F.n. Boa. -220 p.. 26-pl. .9.0 25.- , l.-lor. = D.. 0.40 = Sh. 1.8= Fts. 2.10 = Mrk. 1.70. fl m^ mv: THE JESUP NORTH PACIFIC EXPEDITION. Vol. VI. The Koryak. Waldemar Jochelson. ""• I. Religion and Myths. 382 p., 13 pi., 58 figs., map. ,905 .... 2, - II. Material Culture and Social Organization. 429 p.. 27 pi., .94 figs. igoB. 30.- VOL. VII. The Chukchee. Waldemar Bogoras. I. Material Culture. 276 p., 3, pi., ,99 figs, ,nap. ,904 . . . . so- il. Religion. 260 p., 3 pi., 102 figs. 1907 * "_ HI. Social Organization. 196 p., i pi. iqoq '^ ^ ^ 7'SO Vol. VIII. I Mythology of the Chukchee. Waldemar Bogoras. 197 p. ,9,0 . . 62^ II. The Eskimo of Siberia. Waldemar Bogoras. " Vol. IX. I. The Yukaghir and the Yukaghirized Tungus. Waldemar Jochelson. ^33 P-. 7 P'- i i^-'^p. 1910 Vol. X. I. Kwakiutl Texts. _ Second Series. Franz Boas and George Hunt 270 p. 1906 " II. Haida Texts. John R. Swanton. 532 p. 1908 ........ / Tq Vol. 'XI. Physical Anthropology. Vol. 'XII. Summary and Final Results. tm- A discount of 207, will be allowed to Subscribers to the whole Series. SOME OPINIONS ABOUT THE PUBLICATIONS. J. R. SW ANTON, Contributions to the Ethnography of the Haida. Vol. V. i. Wiedcr ein grosses mit zahlreichen Tafein und Textabbildungen versehenes Prachtwerk dcr ergebnisreichen Jesup-Expedition, das Beitrage zur Ethnographie der Haidaindianer auf den Konigin Charlotte-Inseln an der amerikanischen Nordwestkiiste bringt. Wahrend Dr. Swanton seine sprachlichen Forschungen spater in den Reports des Bureau of Ameriran Ethnology zu veroffentlichen gedenkt, behandelt er im vorliegenden Werk zunachst die hochinteressante gesellschafdiche Organisation der Haida. Da er lange unter ihnen gelebt, gewahrt er uns tiefe Einblicke in den ausgebildeten Schamanismus, das System der Zauberei und der Tabugebrauche, die eine ganz hervorragende RoUe spielen. Der Band schliesst mit einem Verzeichnis der Familien, Dorfer und Hauser der Haida, welche wie auch aus den Karten zu ersehen, wertvoUe Erganzungen zu den Karten der britischen Admiralitat bringen. (Globus). WALDEMAR JOCHELSON, The Koryak. Religion and Myths. Vol. VI. i. Es ist dieses der sechste Band der vom amerikanischen naturwissenschaftlichen Museum in New York veranstalteten so erfolgreichen Jf sup-Expedition, ein wiirdiges Standard- werk des russischen Verfassers, der schon z im zweiten Male zum Zwecke ethnogra- phischer Forschung den unwirtlichen asiatischen Nordosten von Kamtschatka bis zur Beringstrasse bereiste. Das Ergebnis seiner Arbeit, um es vorweg zu nchmen, ist ein ausserordentlich wichtiges, es lautet: Die Mythologie und die Sagen der asiatischen Korjaken und der nordwestafrikanischen Indianer, wiewohl beide Volker heute durch gewaltige Zwischenraume und das Meer getrennt sind, hatten in weit zuriickliegender Zeit rege und andauernde Beziehungen zueinander, und beide Volker tauschten gegen- seitig ihre Ideen aus. Das ist ein fiir die Volkerkunde hochst belangreiches Ergebnis, welches auch durch anderweitige Forschungen der Jesup-Expedition bestatigt wird. Das grundlegende Werk umfasst gegen 400 Seiten, enthalt einc grosse Anzahl Tafein und bringt am Schlusse eine grosse Sprachenkarte, welche die Verteilung der Tun- gusen, Jakuten, Tschuktschen, Korjaken, Kamtschadalen, Eskimo und Russen im nordostlichen Asien zeigt. (Globus). WALDEMAR BOGORAS, The Chukchee. Material Culture. Vol. VII. i. In diescm Werke, das den ersten von drei Teilen iiber die Tschuktschen bildet, liegt eine zuver- lassige und allseitige Scliilderung der materiellen Kultur dieses Volkes nach den modernen Anforderungen der Volkerkunde vor, wahrend wir bisher nur Materialien dazu besassen. Mit hohen Erwartungen diirfen wir nach dieser Probe der Bearbeitung der , Religion" und der ,sozialen Verhaltnisse" entgegensehen, die zu erfassen ungleich schwerer ist. Bogoras hat aber bereits in dem Kapitel iiber die ,Charakterziige", die Spiele", von denen ein grosser Teil besonders bei religiosen Festen stattfindet, und an andern Stellen auch auf diesen Gebieten eingehendes Verstandnis fiir die Wichtig- keit von Einzelheiten bewiesen. (Petermanns Mitteilungen). s > :**■ Ink «■ SOME OPINIONS ABOUT THE PUBLICATIONS. BERTHOLD LAUFER, The Decorative Art of the Amur Tribes. Vol. IV. i. This monograph, like all the memoirs of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, consists of the presentation of entirely new material. Sumptuously illustrated with 250 drawings, it deals with the decorative art, which is practically all the art, of the Gold, Gilyak, O^ochon, and other tribes of the Amur region, including the Ainu. More articles of the Gold are described than all the other tribes together. Various arts are represented — carving in relief, ornamental painting, cutting of patterns in birch- bark and paper, and especially embroidering. A great variety of decorated objects are treated of, such as eye-protectors, mittens, spears, baskets, coats, and spoons. The bulk of the book consists of a reproduction in illustrations of a large number of specimens of this art, and of an analysis in the text of the ornamental forms so shown. This analysis is carried out with great detail and much accuracy. . . Dr. Laufer's analysis, in addition to being marked by caution and good sense, has the inestimable advantage of being founded on that of the natives. (American Anthropologist). HARLAN I. SMITH, Shell-Heaps of the Lourer Fraser River, British Columbia. Vol. II, 4. II est impossible de ne pas admirer le patriotisme avec lequel les Am^ricains s'occupent des antiquit^s de leur pays et les sommes considerables que les riches capitalistes ddpensent pour aider au progres scientifique sous toutes ses formes. Au premier rang, je citerai M. Jesup, le president du Mus^e am^ricain d'histoire naturelle de New- York et les expeditions organis^es par lui dans I'extreme Nord de son pays. Des pleiades de jcunes gens distingues sont accourus a son appel. Leurs recherches, leurs fouilles faites avec soin ont ^te couronn^es de succ^s et leurs recits publies par le Musee, mcritent les belles editions qui leur sont consacrees. Parmi ces savants, je nommerai M. Harlan Smith qui vient de publier un excellent travail sur les kojkkenmoddings qui existent a I'embouchure du Fraser dans le golfe de Georgie. (U Anthropologie). ft *J'. :::• TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS or BRITISH COI.UMIIIA. 259 manufacture, elk-skin, dried venison ; also Indian-hemp bark, wild sunflower, and bitter-root, which grew in abundance only in their country. They received in exchange dried salmon caught in Fraser River, canoes, dried huckleberries, cedar-root baskets, and sometimes steatite for making pipes. The cedar-root baskets were often resold. When the Spences Bridge band bought canoes from the Lytton band, they generally h.red a couple of the latter Indians to bring them up the swift waters of Thompson Carton to their country. This was done by paddling, poling, and towing. These men were paid in buckskins. The Lytton band traded also with the Lower Thompsons. They gave buck- skins, dentalia, tobacco, big-horn sheep spoons, buffalo-skin bags, bark-twine bags, pipes, mats, dried roots (such as Pcucedanmn macrocarpuni Nutt., and Lewisia rediviva Pursh.), berries (especially service-berries, soap-berries, and wild currants), bark for making thread and string, and red ochre, in exchange for canoes, dried salmon, smoked salmon-heads, salmon-grease, cedar-bark, wood of different varieties for making pipe-stems, siskelp-wood for making bows, skins of black-tailed deer for making moccasins, hazel-nuts, dried huckleberries, vegetable paint (white and red, the latter made of a fungus growing on hemlock-trees), woven goat-hair blankets, and baskets. Recently the Upper Thompsons also in- troduced horses and tomahawks. The Lower Thompsons sold to the Coast tribes dried goat's flesh, goat-skins, goat's hair, dried " kwol'a " salmon ; dried soap-berries, service-berries, and huckleberries ; moss-cakes ; roots of the wild lily (Lilium Columbianum Hanson); "skametc" roots; deer, elk, and goat fat; dressed elk and deer skins ; bark twine ; cedar-root baskets ; and dentalia. They received in return "nxo'itlaxin " grass, rush mats of one kind, dried dog-salmon, sturgeon-oil, canoes, and abelone shells. There was considerable trade between the Upper Thompsons and the Shuswap, who exchanged principally caribou and deer skins, and dentalium shells, for dried fish from the Spences Bridge band. These shells were said to be obtained from the Chilcotin and the Carriers, and sold again to the Upper Thompsons and Okanagon. At long intervals small parties of Okanagon came down to Boston Bar and bought dried salmon, paying for them with roots of Peucedanum macrocarpuni Nutt., and Lewisia rediviva Pursh., some kinds of dried berries, and dressed buffalo and deer skin. A noted resort for trading and fishing was at the " Fountain," near the borders of the Shuswap and Lillooet territory, where also the Lower 'illooet came. Here, on Fraser River, salmon were caught in abundance. Later on, a pack-train from the Hudson Bay Company came here once a year to buy salmon and to trade. When fish were scarce in Thompson River, the Spences Bridge and Nicola bands, Okanagon, and eastern Shuswap came here for salmon. One of the principal points for intertribal trade was Spences Bridge. Occasionally Indians of the Spences Bridge, Nicola, and Lytton bands, but principally the last, traded in the fall with the Similkameen at or near Keremeous. Later, when the Indian tribes were more friendly to one another, bands of southern Carriers came into the Shuswap country to trade for fish. A few years previous to 1858, P 'I :| I tr' M- 360 lEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF MRITISH COLUMBIA. at two different times, these people came as far south as Thompson River to buy food, aiul wintcrtd in tlie n( i,i;hborh(Mxl of Spenccs Uridine. The northern Shuswap sometiines wintered near Sponccs BridL;(; ; and llie Otcanago". wintered on the Lower iNicohi, a lew miles from its mouth ; l)ut the WaUa '.\aila seldom or never wintered among the; Tiiompson Indians. Indian-iicmp bark was put up in bundles about two feet long and two inches in diameter, tied at both ends, and six of these bundles constituted a "package." Dried salmon were generally sold by the "stick," each stick num- bering one hundred fish. Buffalo-skins were sold tanned with the hair on, and without the neck or shoulder. Some of them were cut in halves. Some buffalo- robes were painted when bought. Wild-sunflower root, as well as bitter-root, was sold largely to the Lower Thompsons, in whose country it did not grow. Both were of about equal value. I'ern and other roots eaten by the Lower Thompsons were not bought by the Upper Thompsons, who did not care to eat them. Goat-hair blankets made i)y the Lower Thompsons seldom or never went farther east than the Lytton band. The Spences Bridge band did not like them, as they made their skins itch, and they thought they did not look as well as the skin robes and clothes in which they themselves dressed. After the Hudson Bay Company and the Northwest Company established forts in different parts of the country, articles obtained from the wiiites by the Indians belonging to the neighborhood of these places were often resold to those Indians who lived at a greater distance from the trading-posts. At that time there were no trading-posts in the country of the Lower Thompsons. I believe the Northwest Company commenced to trade at Fort Kamloops abv)ut the year i8io, and were superseded by the Hudson Bay Company in 1821. Kamloops, although in Shuswap territory, was the post to which the Upper I hompson Indians carried their furs. Sometimes Hudson Bay Company employees would come as far down as Spences Bridge, trading tobacco, ribbons, etc., for furs and dried salmon. !n later years, the Lower Thompsons did most of their trading with the Hudson Bay Company post at Yale, which was near the borders of their country. At the present day the whites have many stores in the Thompson country, where, at a moderate price, the Indians can obtain almost anything they desire. Many of the older Indians, however, claim that the clothing now sold to them lasts no time, and that they would willingly pay double the money, if they could obta'n the same quality as was formerly sold to them by the Hudson Bay Company. I give below the principal commodi'^ies of trade, with lists of articles for any one of which they may be exchanged. For i stick dried salmon ; I woven bag. I red or yellow stone pipe (catlinite stone). I iQimliawk. I hatchet. I pipe. For I stick dried salmon : I painted biiffjlo-skin bag trimmed with fringe. I fathom Hudson Bay red cloth. I fathom Hudson Bay tobacco. TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 261 For a sticks dried salmon : I tanned biiffaln-skin with hair on and with neck or shoulder. I dressed moose-skin. For 3 sticks dried salmon : 1 tanned biiff.ilo robe without hair. 1 large dressed buckskin. For 4 to :; sticks diied salmon : I die-- d elk-skill. For 6 sticks dried salmon : I second-hand flintlock gun. I two-year-old horse. For 5 dried salmon : 3 sticks of perfume (each 4 to 6 inches long). For I large dressed hu(kkin : 4 to 5 sticks dri'-il >iimon. For 2 iTitge ute^scd t!k-=kin3 : I flintlock gun (nearly new). For I lat^e cedir-root bisk-t : I niedium-si^ed buckskin and half of a doeskin. 1 large dressed buckskin. For i medium-sized basket : 2 li irk-t«ine sacks. 2 mats. For I small b isk.t : EnouRh thick buckskin to make a pair of moccasins. For 1 cano > : 5 to 3i t .ith'>ms dentalia threaded on string. I Hudson Hay tomihav\k I laige dies.-)ed buckskin. 5 p,icka-es In iian-hi-mp birk. 1 cedar-root bask.-t, l.irg, st size. 2 salmon-skins lull of >ahnon oil. 3 sticks salmon. I copper k rttle. I old mnskel. I steel trap. For 12 packages Indian-hemp bark : I pair c'^oth leggings with fringe ornamented with ribbons I second-hand Hudson Bay coat or shirt. I dressed doeskin. For 5 packages Indian-hemp bark : 3 to 3i fathoms dentalia threaded on string. 1 largest size cedar-root basket. 2 salmon-skins full of salmon-oil. I large dressed buckskin. I Hudson Bay tomahawk. 3 sticks salmon. I copper kettle. I old musket. I steel trap. I canoe. For 1 slave : I large net for catching salmon. l''or I good slave : 10 fathoms dentalia, 2 dressed buckskins, and I dressed elk-akin. For I slave of less value : From s double fathoms dentalia to 5 doiihir fathoms dentalia and i canoe. a :i %* zt > 262 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. For 2 pairs long buckskin 'legginRs : 4 tail-feathers of the fplden eagle. For I pair second-hand long buckskin leggings : I fully rigged dip-net for catching salmon. I large spear with very long handle. I medium-si/ed dressed buckskin. For I pair cloth leggings with fringe ornamented with ribbons: I second-hand Hudson Bay coat or shirt. 12 packages Indian-hemp bark, 1 dressed doeskin. For I mare : 2 stallions. For 1 horse : I Hudson Bay blanket and 1 Hudson Bay coat with hood. I good black-fox skin. For I two-year-old horse : 1 second-hand flintlock gun. 6 sticks dried salmon. For I one-year-old colt : 2 to 3 tanned buckskins. For I second-hand Hudson Bay coat or shirt : I pair cloth leggings with fringe ornamented with ribbons. 12 packages Indian-hemp bark. I dressed doeskin. For I fathom Hudson Bay red cloth : I painted buffalo-skin bag with fringe. I stick dried salmon. For I fathom Hudson Bay tobacco : I painted buffalo-skin bag with fringe. I stick dried salmon. For I Hudson Bay tomahawk : 5 packages Indian-hemp bark. I cedar-root basket, largest size, 1 large dressed buckskin. 2 fathoms dentalia. 3 sticks salmon, I copper kettle. I steel trap. I canoe. For t Hudson Bay blanket and i Hudson Bay coat with hood : I good black-fox skin. I horse. For I large net for catching deer : I slave. ::» VII.— WARFARE. The weapons of the Thompson IntHnns were bow and arrow, spc;ir, knife, war-club, and tomahawk. I'Or defincc, shields and armors were used. Hows and arrows have already been described (pp. 23^-243). Some war- riors named their arrows after fierce animals or birds, whose pic- tures they painted on the shafts. They also poisoned their arrows with the juice of a small yellow flower (Ranunculus sp. ), or with rattlesnake poison. 'Ihe common kind of spear was from three to four or even six feet in length. ^t'-'x .Short spears were preferred in wooded parts of the country. The spear-heads were similar in shape and material to the arrow-heads, except that they were larger. Iron spear-heads, and knives attached to shafts, became common in later days. The base of the spear-points was often ornamented with hawk- feathers or hair. I'ig. 245 repre- sents a short spear with stone point. It is painted red and white with the design of a skeleton. The white spots on the blade represent the orbits ; the middle line, the nose of the skull ; the red and white rings and the shaft, the ribs. Large knives, often made by the Indians themselves from steel traps, hoop iron, files, etc., with handles of antler, were used. The handles often had spikes for striking the enemy. Fig. 246 shows a common style of war-knife. The blade is made out of a file ; the handle, out of a gun-barrel ; the guard and ring, of brass welded with lead. The Lower Thompsons used a double-edged war-knife with a simple handle. F'ormerly double-pointed bone daggers were used, with a hand-grip in the middle. These were un- known to the Lower Thompsons. A kind of war- club, consisting of a round stone enclosed firmly in thick hide, and fastened to a handle which was at- tached to the hand and wrist by a thong, was swung around for striking the enemy on the head (Fig. 247). Another kind differed only in having t^he^^^^i^is^iijitj)-. stone loose in the skin (Fig. 248). Sometimes balls of wood were used in place of stone. M t Fig. 245 (lili Spear with St( \ nat. sixe, ,.J. Short Itone Point, War- inches. :3 ••• 1*^ e 264 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF RRITISH COLUMBIA. Another weapon was made of a polished ^rreenish stone. Its blade, sharpened on each cd^'e, was from three inches to thne inches and a half wide, terminal injj at one end in a lon^' point for stahhinjr. The other end was small, and tinishcd with a knob for K'''''"i'^">s '" •'"' hand. The whole weapon was about two feet lonj^. It was scarce, and lii.;hly prized by the Indians. It «as evidcntU' similar to the slniie dat;;j;irs found by ll.irlan I. Smith in the sliellhrap of Eburne on the delta of b'raser River (Fi)^'. 24c)). Shorter stune clubs of this kind, of Fli,. J47. Kijj. J48. Kigj. J4; djjji, J48 i,j|n). War-clubi, 1 n.il. size. Fig. J4i)- Slonr FLigger. Lciirflh, ij in. Y\i. j^.). .1 (4lK,l. // IiJItI. Short .Slunr Clubi. ^ nat. !tt/p. . »1 square cross-section, were often concealed about the person, and used in sudden attacks ^Fi,i,^ 250). A similar instrument was made of elk antler, bone, or wood. The one represented in Fig. 251 is made of birch-wood. fhe groups of cross- lines represent ribs. To this class of weapons belongs the copper club found at Spuzzum (Part III, Fig. 82). Still another kind had a broad, thin head ending in a spike in front. Into a wooden handle a foot and a half in length, stone heads, often axe or tomahawk shaped (Fig. 252), or V (Fig. 299) or spike shaped, were fastened with thongs. Some of these had back spikes. Sometimes horn or bone was substituted for stone. Tomahawks were not used by the Ti:n, Tllli TIIUMI'SON INDIANS OK URH1SH COLUMIUA. 265 Lower Thompsons. Pipe tomahawks, and other steel or iron tom.ihawks and hatclicts (if iliffeicnt shajics, were used in recent times, being prociireil from the lliiilson Hay Company and the ()kana),n)n. A coat of in.iil was sDnuiiinrs maiU; in the form of a cuirass. It consisted of f.>url)oar;elhi r witli b\iikskin, and the whoUi covercil with liiick elk-hidc A vest of armor was madi' of narrow strips of wood from half an inch to an inch in tiiickntss (lijj. 253) or of rods (I"'ijf. 254), ami went entirely around the body. Ihe strips of wood were placed vertically, and lactal to- j,^ ther with bark strinj^s. 'I'll is vest reached from the I i)llar-bone to the hip- bone, and was heUl over the shoulders by means of thongs. Such vests of armor wcrej^enerally cov- end with one or two thick- nesses of elk-skin, with a 'Ut frinj,'e around the bottom, and painted with animal and ji;eometrical desij^iis, accordinj^ to the dreams of the owner. Some of tiiem wert; also ornamented with feathers attached to the bottom or shoulders. Another kind of armor was in the form of a tunic of elk-hide, that reached about halfway to the knee. The sleeves came to the elbows. Before being used, it was soaked in water, and was then said to be perfectly arrow-proof. It must then have also been of enorinous weight. Shields were made of wood, and covered with the hide of some large animal, such as the elk, bufTalo, or bear ; or they consisted of two or three thicknesses of hide only. They were small, circular, and flat in shape, bein>,r probal)ly not over two feet in diameter, ornainented with elk-teeth, hair, and feathers, generally the last-named. Ihe large copper kettles which the Indians bought from the Hudson Bay Company were beaten out, polished, and made into small circular Fig. 351 ItHo' Birch-wood Club, i n.it. si/t. l'.jriiah:iwl(. :;:3 :;;:3 i::3 ■I % :;» :;» 11% ::> •I ■• '•*! '.\ 266 IKII, Till', rilOMrsON INDIANS OV URUISII ('Ol.l'MHIA. FiiniiM shields. AnotluT kind of shield consisted of a larjfc, almost squr.re piece of stiff elkhidc, sometimes double, lonjj cnou^jh to cover most of th'j body, being from four to five feet in len^jth, and three or four feet in width. It was fas- tenoil around the neck or shouldor with a thong, and two loops were attached for the thumbs of both hands, by which means it was shifted around to pro- tect any part of the body (1^'K- 255)- ' li*^ decora- tion of the shield figured here represents two suns. .Shi«;lds were not used by the Lower Thompsons. All the aboriginal wea|)ons here mentioned have long been out of use, excepting, perhaps, the bow and arrow, rough specimens of which are sometimes used by the boys as toys. The car- rying of weapons, except while hunting, is aban- doned ; although some old men still wear a sheath- knife, which they use when eating, and for many other purposes. . No stockades seem to have been used by the Thompson Indians, but fortresses or fortified houses were at one time in use in a few places. These were small, and made of logs laid lengthwise on the ground, one above another, somewhat as in a log-cabin. The roof was also of logs laid close together. Loopholes were left in some places between the logs. The whole structure, or at least the greater part of it, was covered with brush and earth. They were built generally Fig. 354 foUr'- Armor. Fin- >SS (Ml). Hide Shield. A nal. tlie. HMlP TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 367 1 not far from the main rivers, and had two or more lonjj entrances, which con- sisted of trenches roofed with sticks and brush, and thickly covered over with earth. These passages were low, and were blocked at the mouth by lar^jo stones. Food and water were kept on hand inside. These fortresses were saitl to be impre^rnable, as they could not be broken into successfully, and they could not be set on fire from the outside. "Siefje was never resorted to. No war-parties were strong enough to maintain a siege in an enemy's country ; besides, they carried no food with them. The fortresses of the IJIIooet were (piite different in construction, and were sometimes taken by storm or set on fire with arrows to which lighted cedar-bark was attached. Before the arrival of the fur-traders, the Thompson Indians often engaged in war-expeditions. Up to 1858, and even later, regular tribal wars, in which one whole tribe was arrayed against another, were very rare. Most of their war- fare was for the sake of plunder, adventure, or revenge. War-parties numbered from five or six individuals to companies of several hundred. A man who refused to join in these war-expeditions lost the respect of his fellows. Though many of the chiefs favored peace rather than war, yet there was «»^ldom much difficulty in obtaining men for these expeditions, many joining for the sake of the spoiLs, others merely from love of adventure or to obtain distinction. Many are the stories told of the exploits of these war-parties, some of which make conspicuous their endurance, courage, and prowess ; but these tales oftener recount the most revolting cruelty and the basest treachery. The object of these parties was to surprise their enemy by a stealthy attack or sudden onslaught. Ambuscades were also frequent. It was considered a very brave deed to take a stockade or fortified house by storm, but this was not often done. The war-party was under the command of a war-chief. Young men of little experience were always kept in the middle of the party. The best men always led. A number of scouts were sent ahead, and watched the camp at night. Large parties employed four scouts. The warriors communicated by signals, such as imitations of cries of birds or other animals, and by sign language. Notices were left for distant members of the party by means of sticks placed in peculiar positions, etc. The war-party took little food along. They ate spar- ingly. The food was distributed by the chief, who passed it around the circle of warriors in a direction opposite to that of the sun's course. They also lighted as few and as small fires as possible, preferring for this purpose yellow-pine bark, called the " enemy's firewood," because its fire goes out quickly, and it is difficult to tell how long the fire has been made. The men of a war-party wore little clothing, so as to have the greatest free- dom for action. Many went naked above the waist, while others covered most of their body with armor. Before engaging in a hand-to-hand contest, the bow and quiver were often thrown aside. During the march, and particularly before an attack, the warriors put on their war-paint, and dressed their hair in the style peculiar to the warrior (see p. 226). They painted the face, and often all the lit? Ul'l » 'I* :;i • k I 368 TEIT, THK THOMPSON INDIANS OK BRITISH COLUMBIA, body above; the waist, in red, or in red and black. These colors were put on in narrow red stripes a little distance apart, sometimes alternating with black ; or sometimes one side of the face was painted black and the other red, or the upper j)art of the face retd and tlie lower part black, or vice versa. It is ilifficult to state defiiiilely wliether otlu-r colors than red and black were used as war-paint, thou;;li sonut assert that yellow and white wCre occasionally <;mployed. Some painted patterns on face and body accf)rdinjf to what they saw or wen; told in tiieir dreams. Other war-|>arlies were all painted in one way, so that in an encounter there should be no mistakinj^ one anotlurr for an enemy. Some warriors fasted the day Ix^fore an imminent attack. In a hand-to- hand stru^j^le, siicii as the <;nterinj^ and takinj^ of a fortifi<-d house, the front men used short spears ; the m,dit was Jjoing on, was frefpiently shot by his companions for his cowirdicc!. The w;ir-chief jjenerally divi(i(-d the booty and slaves ; tin; bravest warriors, or those who had distinj^uished themselves, beinj,' j^iv<:n the best shares or their choice of every- thing,'. .Som(;tiin(;s little or no ord(;r was ()bserv<;d, and every one took what he wanted. I'VetpieiUly they fou;,du amonjf th(;mselves over the division of the; spoils. Sometimes a warrior who did not kill an enemy was not allowed any of the booty. Sc.dpin^f or beheading' was not much practised by th<; Thompson Indians, althou^li they occ.isioiiaily n;sorl(;d to both, anil would brinj; home for display the head of some; distinguish<;d enemy slain, after which it was thrown into the river. Somt; warrifirs n<;v(;r took a scal[) ; others scalped ev(;ry male (;in;my that they killed. riu;y ornanientt^d their weapons, .and sometimes tii(;ir clothes, with locks of hair from the <;nemy's sc.il|), from th«; lonjft;st of which they made bt;lts and braids, with th(; addition sometimes of eagle-feathers. When going to battle, tli(;y oftIumljia Kivir, lay concealed for two days in order to attack a band of Spences Hridyje Indians; but so watch- ful \v<*re the latt*;r, that the (Jkanaj(on r(;lurned without strikinjf a IjIow. At another time, a tribe southeast of tiie farthest Okanaj^on penetrated to Nicola River, and abducted two women of the Athapascan trilx; of lliat vallc)'. The Thompson Indians had little contact with the Athapascan Indians of the north until lat(;r days, and then for trading purpos(;s only, thou^jh about a hundred years aj^o a war-party supposed to be Chilcolin penetrated into tin; territory of the Shuswap, and went as far south as the north side of Thompson Riv«.T, n<;ar Spences Hrid^((\ Here they were discov>'! t. -1 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 273 thread or with a painted ring around the middle. I do not know exactly the points which each stick won. The players kneeled opposite each other, and each spread out in front of him his gambling-mat (Fig. 257), which was made of deer- skin. Each had a bundle of dry grass. The man who played first took one of the sticks with the ring, and another one, — generally one representative of his guardian spirit, or some other which he thought lucky, — and put them on his mat so that the other player could see them. Then he took them to the near end of the mat, where his knee was, and where the other man could not see them, and rolled each stick up in dry grass until it was completely covered. Then he placed the grass-covered sticks down on the mat again. The other man then took his pointer (Fig. 258), and, after tapping each of the grass-covered sticks four times with it, moved them around with his pointer four times, following the sun's course. Then he separated one from the other by pushing it with his pointer to the edge of the mat. Then the other man took up this stick, and drawing it back, and loosening the grass around it, shoved it back into the centre of his set of sticks. Then he took up his sticks, and, after shak- ing them loosely in his hands near his ear, threw them down on the mat, one after an- other. After all had been thrown down, and only one trump or ringed stick was found among them, then it was known that the other was the one left in the grass, and therefore that the other player had left the winning stick. But if both trumps came out when the sticks were thrown down, then it was known that he had put aside 'he winning stick and left the other, and thus lost. Afterwards the first player had to guess his opponent's sticks in like manner. The stake was valued, according to agreement, at so many counters, and so many counters a chance. If a man lost four times in succession, he frequently lost the stake. Each player had his own set of sticks, his mat, and his pointer. The names of the designs on the set represented in Fig. 259 are given in the legend of the figure. They often accompanied this game by a song. This game has been out of use for many years, as well as another game, greatly in vogue at one time among the Indians, which was played altogether by ! / e k i jktmnopqri Fig. 259 '■> r- ' < 274 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. I-! men. They found it warm work, and used to strip off all their clothes except the breech-cloth when playing. The chief implement in this game was a ring (Fig. 260) from two inches to four inches and a half in diameter, and sewed over with buckskin, the framework often being made of a stick bent round. The buckskin covering was loose and the space inside not taken up by the stick was filled in with sand to make the ring solid and heavy. The player set this ring rolling. Then he followed it, running, and threw a small spear at it. The object of the game was to throw the spear in front of the ring, and make the latter fall on it. Generally the playing- ground was marked by two long poles, which prevented the ring from rolling too far. Six different marks, which determined the number of points, were sewed on the buckskin inside of the circle. In later times these. were made with different colored beads. The number of beals was six or four. Four were always blue or some other dark color, and two were some light color, generally light blue, but frequently white or red. The light beads counted ten points each. If both fell on top of the stick, it counted twenty. The dark beads counted five each. If two fell on top of the stick, it counted ten ; if one dark and one light, fifteen. If the ring did not fall on top of the throwing-stick, but stood up against it, it counted forty, which was the highest. The beads were not then counted. Before beads were known, porcr ine-quills were used as marks on the rings. The two light marks were in white or yellow, and the four dark marks were black. It seems, therefore, that the colors were not exactly fixed, further than that they had to be light and dark. Another game was played with the same ring and throwing-stick, and the points were counted as in the game just described. In fact, this game was like that, except that in this the players sat facing each other, and rolled the ring from one to the other. One man started the ring rolling, and then threw his stick in front of it, so as to stop it, if possible, before it reached the other man. Sometimes one man rolled, and the other threw, in turn, instead of both men running abreast and throwing their sticks in front of the ring, as in the other game, one after the other. If the player missed, the other man took his turn. Another game was generally played by boys and girls, but occasionally by adults. It was played out of doors, but also, in cold weather, inside the winter houses. In this a ring from six to ten inches in diameter was used. It was m;- ie of pliable sticks, around which bark or dry grass was thickly twisted. Sometimes it was made of reeds (the same as those used in tent-mats) bent in the form of a (•ill), i U»f) . nf (1, 3) inches Ullf'' Ring and Spear for Game, length of 6, aq\ inches. C .„ ;:i> '■■»» .■J i. lit; TEXT, THE THOMPSOI. INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 2 75 circle, around which other reeds were twisted. The players sat in two lines, some distance apart, facing one another. At each end of the lines sat a person who set the ring rolling from one to the other between the two lines of players. When the ring was in motion, the players threw darts at it, the object being to make these darts hit the ring. If they passed through the ring without touching, it counted nothing. The darts were about six or seven inches in length, some thick in the middle, and small at both ends (Fig. 261). One end was feathered, while the other end was brought to a very sharp point. Many darts had the shaft all one thickness to near the point, where it was forked into two sharp points. These darts had property- marks consisting of notches, dots, circles, or paintings, to indicate the owner. The wood used was that of the wax'esfi'Ip-bush, A peculiar custom in connection with this game was that some- times the old people would put some of the darts which the boys used for throwing at the ring into the fire of the winter house, the lads not being allowed to get them except by catching the ends of them with their teeth. Sometimes all the darts were gathered to- gether and thrown outside. The boys were made to scramble for them. The one that obtained the most was the victor. A boy who was unlucky in playing, and lost all his darts, could get them back again by putting up his back as a target, every arrow fired at it be- coming his property. This game, like the preceding one, has now gone out of use. In another game a ring the size of a finger-ring was placed on the ground about nine or ten feet away from the players. Each player had two darts, which he threw so as to hit the centre of the ring, if possible. The darts were feathered, had sharp points, and were made rather thin. Boys and girls, in playing these games, won or lost their darts. They did not gamble for anything else. There were no special months for certain games, excepting that some games were better adapted for special seasons than others, and consequently were played only in those seasons. Another very common game, played principally by men, was the " guessing game " (known to the whites as "lehal"). Many Spences Bridge women used to play it, and had a different song for it from that of the men. Lower Thompson women seldom or never played this game. The players knelt in two rows, facing one another. Each side had two short bones (Fig. 262), one of which had a sinew thread tied around the middle. The side playing passed these bones through their hands, the opposite side having to guess the hand of the player which held the plain bone. The side playing sang a " lehal " song to the accompaniment of drums. They generally kept time by beating sticks on the floor or on a board. Sometimes neither drums nor sticks ^Fig. a6i Ml,). Dart, Length, la inches. ij Fig a6a (t4|,). Gambling'b ones. I nat. stxe. 276 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. were used, but they simply sang. Many of the players wore over their knuckles pieces of weasel or other skin from which hung many thin strips of buckskin (Fig. 263). Some of these skin covers reached up to the wrist, where they were fastened. Other players used strings set with fawn's hoofs around the wrists to make a rattling noise. This game is still often played by the young men.' The Indians also have a game some- what similar to cards. The cards are rather small, and made of birch-bark painted with dots (Fig. 264). There are two cards of each kind in the set. Four cards are laid down, face up. Each man chooses two of these. The dealer then throws down the balance of the cards in succession. Whoever chances to get his cards mated first is the winner. The game is also played as follows : The cards are shufifled, and the first two Fig. 363 (tllr)' Knuckle-covering for " l.chal " Players. ''U ■jj\\ \ mi i^ . '"j-j.' u ■N^rJ c I. 'II Fig. 164 (ilti). Set of Birch-bark Cardi. a, Sun ; ^, Man (kokwoi) ; c, Dog ikokwoi) ; d, Fiihes } .?, Backbone of fish ; /, Roots of Litium CotHfnbiaHum Hanson ; g, Loon-neckUce (?); 4, Crossing of many trails ; i, Croising of trails, bridge, or the four quarters ; j\ Trails ; k. Trails, creeks, or trunks of trees (xwa'akst), placed on a mat, face up. Next, the man who deals gives three cards, backs up, to the other player, and keeps the next three himself. The other man plays first. If he has the mate of either of the two cards lying face up, he throws it down, face up, on top of its mate, and then, taking up both together, he lays them aside ; that is, he has won a trick. But if he does not hold the mate of either of these cards in his hand, he simply throws down one of his hand cards, ' See Note 3, at the end of this paper. Tf»Tri TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. ^n face lip, alongside the other two. Then the other man plays his card, either taking or discarding, as the case may be. Thus they play in turn until their cards are used Ujj. Then the man who deals gives three cards to the other man again, and takes thr .L 'himself ; and thus they play until all the cards are out. The man who is able to win a " kokwoi " gains five counters ; both " kokwoi," ten counters ; a " xwa'akst," ten counters ; a " xwa'akst " and a " kokwoi," fifteen counters ; both " xwa'akst," twenty counters; both "xwa'akst" and both " kokwoi," thirty counters. If he gains the last, which is the highest, it is called "tsispikst" or "tsispelk." The man who gets the most cards gains five counters. There are thus four pairs of winning cards. Some have a fifth pair called " kerastcut," which counts five counters each. Every article gambled for is valued at so many counters. The pictures are suggested by the dreams of the owner of the pack. This game has also nearly gone out of use. Formerly a favorite pastime was playing ball. The ball used was a kind of knot found on fir-trees. This knot was nicely rounded off, and sometimes covered with buckskin. Other balls were of stone, or of deerskin stuffed with vegetable material (Fig. 265). There were two ways of playing it. One way was quite similar to that of " rounders." The bat used in this game was a short straight stick about four inches wide at one end (Fig. 266). Each side took turns in batting. Four stones were placed about twenty yards apart, in the form of a square. These were called " houses." The man who held the bat was bowled to by a man of the opposite party, who stood about in the centre of the ring. If the batter missed the ball, his place was immediately taken by the next man of his party. If he struck the ball with his bat, he immediately dropped the latter, and ran to the first house, or the second if he could manage it. The object of the opposite party was to catch the ball as quickly as possible, and strike the man with it while he was running from one house to the other, thereby knocking him out of the game. If the man managed to get back to his starting-point, he was allowed another chance to bat. This game is still frequently played by the young men. The other game was similar to that of " lacrosse." There were two sides and a goal for each, marked by stones or wooden pegs, or by long stakes half the height of a man, or more. The ball was like that used in the other game. It was placed in the middle of the ground, between the two goals, and the object of either party was to drive it through the other's goal. This was done by lifting Fig. 265 (4l!«). size. Hall, i nat. j^ iiat. si/e. 366 (<)!■)' Bat. I J ■• \r „ 278 TEIT, THK THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. "S and throwing it with the toe, or by striking it with the sticks which the players held in their hands. These sticks were about three feet long, and had a very crooked head (Fig. 267, a), so that the players could catch the ball with them, and throw it from them toward the goal of the enemy. Many men ran with the ball held in the crook of the stick until stopped by an opponent, when they threw the ball toward the intended goal. Others preferred, if they had the chance, to lift the ball with the toe, and before it fell strike or catch it with their stick. . One man always tried to take the ball from his opponent with his stick. When bend- ing the end of the stick to the desired crook, bark string was used, connecting the latter to the straight part of the stick. Some Indians played with the strings still attached, thinking to get a better hold of the ball, but this was considered unfair. In some games all the players used crooks with nets similar to those of lacrosse sticks (Fig. 267, />). Often a guard-stick was used to protect the ball from Fig. 367, rt (iilT), ^^ii?i). I.acrosse-sticlia. | nat. liie. F Fig. 368 (iI8t). Oiiaril-sticli fiir prntcctinR Ball. J nat, size. the players of the opposite party (Fig, 268). Any person who touched the ball with his hands while playing went immediately out of the game. Sometimes, to the amusement of the men, the women were persuaded to play the game. Within the last few years this game has fallen altogether into disuse. The Lower Thompsons had a ball game in which the ball was thrown up by one player. The player who caught it ran with it until overtaken by another player, who in his turn ran with it ui til a certain goal was reached. A boys' game was played as follows : A small but rather long ball of grass was attached to the hand with a string. In the same hand was held a wooden pin. The ball was thrown away from the hand, but pulled back again by the string. On the way back, the hand was raised so as to catch the ball on the end TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 279 of the pin. This was done as often as possible. After the first miss, the ball had to be handed to the next boy. Boys threw pebbles over smooth ice, trying to hit stones or to see which could throw the farthest. Another boys' game was to take a pebble about three inches in diameter and covered with skin, and roll it down a hillside. Other players, with scoop-nets about one foot long (includ- ing the handle), stood at the bottom, and each tried to catch the bounding ball as it reached him. The nets were made of a pliable stick or wand bent over at the top so as to form a circle, which was filled in with a netting of bark twine. A game similar to the last was played with a skin-covered ball,' to which a short tog- gle was attached (Fig. 269, a). The players held a kind of hoop with handle (Fig. 269, d, c), by means of which they tried to catch the ball by its toggle. A shooting-game was played as follows : A steep sandy bank ^ was generally cho- =f sen. had An was Each player two arrows, extra arrow fired at the " ■ II f bank by one of the party, to remain there as a target. Each player in turn fired his ar- rows at this target. The person who struck the notched end of the arrow- Fig. ,69, »(.».). *(,i!.).f (.»!■) naii una Ciuching-hoop,. «, j .,«. ii« ; «, c j nat. »i«. shaft or target, . , • -ru thereby splitting it in two, won the greatest number of points. 1 he man who shot his arrow so that it stuck into the bank alongside the arrow tar- get, touching the latter all along the shaft, won tlie next highest number. A man was stationed near the target to call out the name of the s.iooter and the place where the arrows struck. The distance chosen to shoo t from was according 1 The stone shown in Part III, Fig. 39, may have been used for the same purpose. I II fb tto TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF HRITISH COLUMBIA. F to the wishes of the archers, generally from forty to a hiinilred yards. In another game one man sliot his arrow as far as lie couKI, the others tryiny to shoot as near to it as possible. The one who shot nearest then tried to fire as far beyond the first arrow as possible, and the game was repeated. The man that could shoot the farthest and truest generally won. A large open space with rather soft ground was best suiteil for this game. The Indians used to gather at a bluff close to Nicola River, and about ten or twelve miles from Spences Hridge. Here they tried to shoot their arrows over the top of the bluff, and passers-by did the same. Only the strongest shooters could shoot easily over the bluff. Shooting-games are no longer in vogue, although a few of the young men compete at rille-shooting once in a while. Foot-races were frequently run, and bets made on the result. The best run- ners travelled long distances to meet each other. Sometimes celebrated Okana- gon, Shuswap, and Thompson runners competed with one another. The largest bets were made on races between champions. It is said that when the Indians were numerous, and almost all the men in constant training, there were some excellent long and short distance runners among them. Two men of the Spences Bridge band were said to be the fastest runners in the surrounding tribes. One of them raced against horses and against canoes paddled downstream. Games at jumping (high running jump and long running jump) were also practised by young men, and bets made on the competitors. One young man from Spences Bridge used to take a short run and jump right over a horse's back. After horses became common in the tribe, horse-races were frequent, bets being made upon the horses. The Spences Bridge and Nicola bands sometimes had riding tournaments to see who could ride wild horses the best. Wrestling-matches were also sometimes indulged in. Neither taking hold around the neck, nor tripping with the legs or feet, was allowed in their style of wrestling. Sometimes a good runner or wrestler would make a bet that he would run or throw all comers. Each man that competed with him had to put up something equal in value to the original stake. A man would thus sometimes run five or six men om: aiter another, or throw from five to eight men one after another, until at bst he was thrown himself. Games at tug-of-war were also played by both boys and men. An equal number of men pulled en each end of a rope. Bets were made on this too. Another pastime was the lifting of heavy stones to test the strength of the players, or the carrying of large stones to see who could carry them farthest. A stone used for this test was near the village of Slaz. Most of the men who passed that way tried their carrying powers, because this stone was known all through the neighborhood. Gambling is now carried on principally by means of cards, the common games being monte and poker ; but gambling of all kinds has greatly decreased during the last ten years. TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 281 Swimming was also a favorite amusement. Almost .ill the men, women, boys, anil girls could swim. Some of them were able to swim across lakes three or four miles wide, and across the widest rivers of the country. Tlieir mode of swimming was, as a rule, animal fasliion, very few of tiiom using a breast stroke. They turned partly over on their left side, and drew the left arm underneath them, at the same t>me reaching .ibove wattir and forward with th(;ir right. This was in turn drawn underneath, palms backward, the hanil being held somewhat cup shape. Then they turned on their right side, raising the left hand as they had the right, and so on. The legs were sometimes shoved back- wards together, but just as frequently one afttir the other ; while some shoved only one leg, the other foot striking the surface of the water. The men and women always bathed in different places. During the months of July and August, many of the Indians still indulge in gambolling in the waters of the Thompson River. Many children's games were played by the smaller boys and girls. " Cat's- cradle " was one of these (Fig. 270). Strings were fi.\ed on the fingers in different ways, so as to present many forms, such as the " beaver," the " deer," the " buck- skin," the " conical lodge," the " women's house," the " man stealing wood," etc. Games of hi' !>ic fingers. 35. Thou. — The right arm and forefinger extended, and pointed towards > person's breast. 36. Ye. — The same sign as No. 35, but hand with extended finger moved to left side and then to right side in horizontal plane, directed towards people or a person. Sometimes the finger was pointed slightly down. 37. All around, look all around, or the horizon. — The same sign as No. 36, made with the finger pointed slightly up, and hand moved farther to left and right respectively. 38. All. — Right hand held in front of breast, p^.... downwaif! n.oved around horizontally. r 1" 1:3 tl M» 4* U vj: TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 285 ,Q There -The right arm raised to a level with the top of .l.e head, then extended forward to nearly full length ; hand closed excepting forefinger ex- tended upwards, slightly bent, and then dropped so that .t is parallel to the arm, but the bent finger pointing slightly down. 40 Here. - Hand and finger in the same position as in No. 39. but moved sharply downwards to left side of body, or sometimes moved down in front ol ^""^^Ai /attention or j/^// — Hand raised, open palm forward, then shaken. 42 5-/c;^ /- Hand raised, open palm forward, hand pushed forward. 43 Attention ! (from a long distance.) - Hands raised high above the head, then moved from side to side, or more often to and fro from each other. 44. Quick. — Right arm pushed upward and forward, slightly to the right, at the same time left fist striking the breast. ^, . , j 45 Good.6y; or you re main, we go {irom a dht^nce).- The nght ^rmmo^ed forwards to the right, and describing a half-circle downwards, with the back of the hand outwards. . , . , 46 Good-6y, or you remain (from near by). -Right arm lent at the side elbow Extending outwards, the palm held forwards, then the whole arm and hand several times moved slowly outwards, and hand out and downwards. 47. Dont come. - Both hands held out in front of the body or face, palms ^"'"^ 48^' Z?o»V.- Right hand raised, palm forward, then shaken near right shoulder. 4Q Z^o/fr. — Right aim and forefinger extended outwards. 50 No or / will not. - One or both hands raised, open palm forward, then shaken! and at the same time the head shaken from side to side. 51. Iwillnot.S^xue sign as No. 50. and immediately afterward the head drooped, and turned to the left side. . . , . c 52. Will not listen. - Head dropped and turned to the side, and fingers shaken close to each ear. u u j * 1, ,, ^ff anri 53. I do not understand. - Palms clapped on ears, then hands taken off and ^ ^ 54. Running. --eAho^s close to body, forearms held horizontally, hands closed, elbows moving out and in from the body. c<^ Shoeing. - Left arm extended, with hand as if holding a bow, and with right hand h.ld at left upper arm or shoulder as if holding the end of an arrow. S6. Shooting a gun.-The same sign as No. 55- but with one eye closed c7 lired or shot. - Same sign as No. 55. but with the right hand opened so that ihe fingers are apart, and extended, the hand not otherwise moved 58. Four shots ox arrows fired. - Same sign as No. 57- but the hand opened and shut four times. , 59. Attack or i>«j^/. - Palms brought together suddenly so as to make a sharp noise. II III "■%> 1 ■ - tp r (..:: J K p .:> i 286 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. m 60. Folloiving ( . one following behind the other. — One hand held in front of the other, the forefinger of each extended, both hands being moved with short jerks backwards and forwards, but gradually forwards or away from the body. 61. Racing. — Both hands closed and held a little distance in front of body, with forefingers extended outward and slightly upwards, parallel to each other and not far apart, and the fingers moved alternately out past each other. 62. Yes. — Nodding the head. 63. Sleep or retired to sleep. — The right hand somewhat bent and placed near the right cheek, palm inwards, at the same time head bent in that direction. 64. Pulling. — Each hand partly closed, and then put quickly one in front of the other. 65. Falling backwards or upsetting. — Both arms thrown suddenly upwards au'. ' j': rards, with palms backwards. 'tiling forwards. — Both arms suddenly extended forwards, with fingers straigii; ad palms down, and at the same time arms moved downwards. 67. Union, or married, or married couple. — Tue forefingers brought together from quite a distance apart, and kept together for some time so that they touch each other along their entire length, thumbs down ; also first and second fingers of one hand placed together horizontally in front of the body. 68. Walking together. — Same as preceding, with a forward motion. 69. Standing together. — First and second fingers of one hand placed together vertically. 70. Separation. — The two forefingers brought together in the same manner as in No. 67 on a horizontal plane, and then suddenly parted, both fingers describing circles in opposite directions. 71. Met or meeting. — The forefingers bent and tips brought •^ogether, the closed thumbs also touching each other underneath. 72. Lying down. — The left arm held outward to the left side and horizontal with the breast, palm upwards and fingers relaxed, the right hand held down- wards, fingers slightly downwards, and arm held near to the body but hand towards the left hand, at the Game time the head bent slightly to the left side. 73. Wrestling ; fighting. — Hands with palms Hpt together moved slowly upwards and downwards above and below the I cad, and from side to side, first the back of one hand being down, then the back of the other. 74. Cross trails or crossed over. — One forefinger crossed at right angles over the other. 75. Come out. — The forefinger of the right hand extended (rest of the hand closed), and the hand moved down in front of the body, then suddenly outwards and upwards. 76. /Appearing. — The same sign as No. 75 except that the hand is carried upward to front of face and held there for a second wi ;h the forefinger upward. 77. Sudden appearance. — The same sign as No. 76, but done very quickly. 78. Growing. — Right hand held in front of the body, back downward, fingers \; TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 287 apart and extended upwards, the hand at the same time raised some distance upwards somewhat slowly. 79. Tke same; alike. — Both hands closed and held a little distance in froiit of body, with forefingers extended, and outward, and sometimes slightly up- wards, parallel to each other and not far apart. 80. The same people. — The same sign as No. 79, but with the fingers held perpendicularly. 81. Very small. — One hand nearly closed, and the extreme tips of the forefinger and thumb pressed against each other. 82. Good. — The palms held opposite each other (thumbs up) and near together, and about opposite and a little in front of the middle of the body. 83. Bad. — The palms brought opposite each other and near together a little in front of the body, then turned down and the hands moved apart quickly to their respective sides in a horizontal plane. 84. Cold. — Both arms crossed in front of the chest, hands clinched, and arms made to tremble. 85. Nothing, or no. — Both hands lifted together to the front of breast, then suddenly thrown out to their respective sides. 86. Good will or blessing. — Both arms extended above the level of the head, and moved forward, then gradually together downwards to a level with the legs, palms at first outwards, or towards the person, then downwards. 87. Good will or respect. — Shaking hands with a person. Cries or sounds of different kinds were also used as signs or signals. To shout once generally meant "Where are you?" If answered, to shout once again meant " Come nearer." To shout twice in quick succession meant " Come here," or " Come together ;" three times in the same way, "Come quickly." To shout once at length, and to follow it by two short halloos, meant generally that a deer was slain, and help was wanted to butcher it. To cry like an owl when the hunters were all out of sight of one another, at different points, and each had to walk a given beat, meant " Proceed." The cry was passed from one to another, so that the hunters knew each man was in his place. In hunting in the high mountains, in those places which were thought to be the haunts of spirits, a different call was used, because, If the ordinary call were used, the spirits, it was said, imitated it, and might call one of the hunters to him. Signals were generally left at camp-fires or on trails, as notices to parties who were to pass that way. For instance, four small wands were stuck in the ground to denote that four persons had left that camp. These were placed slanting in the direction in which the people had gone. If one stick was placed behind the other, and all slanted in the same way, it meant that they had all gone in the same direction. A longer stick, placed at the side of the others, pointed to where the sun was when the party left. Fresh leaves were placed II •' III II* Hi -A usipni 288 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. ; -^'K near the sticks to enable the next party to tell about how many days previously they had left. If bones or hairs of any animals were placed near or tied to the stick, it indicated how many of these animals had been killed or captured, accord- ing to the number of the hairs or bones. Hairs from a horse's tail, according to their number, told how many horses the party had. Horse's hairs and deer's hairs tied together, one of each, told how many horses were packing meat. A stick placed apart and upright, with a root or fish-bone tied to it, meant that the party were unsuccessful in hunting, and were living principally on roots or fish. A stick with notches cut in it, placed upright, told how many days the party had been camped there. Sticks with black stripes painted across them told how many of the enemy a war-party had killed. Fires lighted on tops of hills or at any appointed or recognized place were intended as signals of something that had happened, or to signify tliat an enemy had been sighted. Branches of trees were also broken and left hanging along the way a party had gone, to give notice to other parties following the same trail. J X. — SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND FESTIVALS. Social Organization. — The Thompson Indians had neither hereditary chiefs nor a recognized nobility. The ranli of each person was determined by his wealth and his personal qualities. Their " chiefs " were therefore men of the tribe noted for wealth, wisdom, oratorical powers, or prowess in war. A war-party, for better management, had a war-chief, who was the one con- sidered by his companions best qualified to act as a leader. As the Indian is naturally fond of power and honor, he seldom refused the offer. The chief rarely decided a question without asking the opinion of his fellow-warriors. In hunting-parties, the most efficient man took the lead and directed the others, at their request, but subject to their approval. In religious ceremonies, a capable man who was looked upon as taking the most prominent part was called the "chief" of the ceremonies and dances. Orators possessed great influence and power, often swaying the mass of the people as they chose. Most of these are said to have favored peace and harmony. When at the same time wise and wealthy, they exerted a very great influence over the people, who willingly obeyed them. Some of them vere looked upon as the chief men of certain large districts, the people negotiating vhrough them with strangers ; yet they selfiom or never acted in matters of publ'c interest without obtaining the consent of all their people. Wealthy persons also held prominent positions in the tribe. The more liber- ally they gave of their riches, the more highly were they thought of : hence public feasts and presents were frequently given. They made a point of treating strangers well, that they might become known among the people of other tribes. Under these conditions the title of "chief" could not be hereditary; but the fact that a man was the son of a chief gained him a certain amount of popu- larity. If, however, he failed to possess or attain the necessary qualifications, he was not called " chief," nor would he be considered in any way different from the mass of the people. Nevertheless chieftaincy has descended in some instances, particularly among the Lower Thompsons, from father to son for several genera- tions. There were no female chiefs. No particular costumes or ornaments were worn by the chief. It has been mentioned before that the influential men always consulted with the men of the tribe, but there were no formal councils. Whenever a man had an undertaking in view that concerned the band, he invited the men of the village to discuss it. At these councils such subjects as the organizing of war-expedi- tions, marriages, or other matters of public interest, were discussed, each man having a voice in the matter. Generally the advice of the oldest or the most experienced was taken. If the advice or the help of some leading man noted for his wisdom, who lived at some distance, were desired, a messenger was sent to him. The man who had called the meeting, and his immediate friends, were [»89] -;«(< _ 'I ',V, ;3 390 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. -si expected to furnish food for the people assembled. If a war-council decided for war, a war-chief was elected, who sent an active young man through the country to invite the .varriors to join the party. They generally accompanied the herald upon his return to the meeting-place or to the home of the war-chief who had sent him. It was considered a mark of distinction for a young man to be chosen for this purpose. He dressed in his war dress and paint, and generally went first to the house of the recognized chief of the district. Women had no voice in these councils, nor in any other matters of importance. Captives made in war became slaves. When a captive woman bore children to her master, she was considered one of the tribe, and neither she nor her chil- dren were ever afterward called slaves, at least openly. Some captive children were treated well, and were even adopted into the family of their master, but other slaves were often treated cruelly. It appears from these remarks that the whole organization of the tribe was exceedingly loose. Neither the band nor the village community formed a perma- nent social unit ; but it was the duty of members of the tribe to avenge the death of those of its members whose blood relations were unable to do so. There were no totems, except at Spuzzum, where two families who were descendants of mem- bers of the Coast tribes claimed the totems of their ancestors. They used certain masks and carvings on grave-boxes, and owned traditions and songs relating to the acquisition of the totem by the ancestor of the clan. The names of these two clans were Tsatsa'kwe, which originated at Yale, and Wau'as, which originated at Hope. The right to the privileges of the clan descended in both male and female line, but the person marrying a member of these clans did not acquire their privileges. Blood relationship was considered a tie which extended over generations, both in the male and female line. The relatives of a person killed by a mem- ber of some other tribe had to avenge his death by a war-expedition against the offending tribe. If they failed to do so, they were called " women." Time was of no account in this vendetta ; and old scores were sometimes paid off after the lapse of ten or twenty years, or even after the death of the originators of the feud. This idea of the unity of the family is most strongly brought out in the hereditary names of the Indians. Each family had certain names, and no one but members of the family were permitted to use them. Thus the same names in different dialectic forms are found among the Shuswap, Okanagon, and Upper and Lower Thompsons. These names can always be traced to a common ancestor of the persons bearing them. They do not seem, however, to have been the property of families for a long time, new names being often invented. It is not known whether there are any other customs based on the idea of the unity of all the descendants of a remote ancestor. Children receive a name some time after they are able to walk easily. A few children, however, are named while yet in the cradle. A child could be named t TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 291 from either its father's or mother's ancestors or people. The most honorable and satisfactory method of giving a name is that of calling the neighboring peo- ple together, giving a feast, and proclaiming before them the name by which the child is to be known. This was also the custom when grown-up people changed their names, although it is not much in vogue now. The name generally chosen is that of some deceased relative, such as father, brother, uncle, etc., in the case of males. Through this custom some Indians have been known by four or five different names during their lifetime. The name of a deceased relative is not taken until at least a year or more after his death ; and it is a matter of pure choice, among a group of relations, who shall take the name of the deceased relative, or whether it shall be taken at all. However, the nearest of kin gener- ally takes it, and the older takes precedence of the younger. No two persons in the same tribal division bear the same name. Even in the whole tribe there are few persons bearing the same name. New names are being invented all the time, and these are often transmitted to children and grandchildren. Such names are nicknames, like " Struck-on-the- !■ ad," the name of a man who when a boy had been struck over the head by a warrior ; " Shot-back," a man who had been shot in his back by an arrow ; " Hairy-face," a man who had heavy whiskers. Other names were taken from sig- nificant dreams that a person had had. " Lakes-similar-to-each-other," " Reached- the-top," " Able-to-make-a-blaze," are names of this kind. The names used by men and those used by women are distinct. The majority of names of men of the Upper Thompsons end with the nominal suffixes -fiskit (" day "), -qain (" ^f>r>d "), -dst (" stone "). Such names were, for instance, " Bright-day," " Knife-day," which latter was taken by a man who had the knife for his guardian spirit ; " Grisly-bear-day," a war-chief whose guardian spirit was the grisly bear. The last two names originated three generations ago, and have since been used by the descendants of their bearers. Others are " Arrow-day," " Straight-day," " Slow-moving-cloud-day," " Young- man-day," " Wet-day," " Sleepy-day." Compounded with the suffix " head " are such names as " Evening-head," " Many-heads," " Flying-head," " Little-head," "Coyote-head," and " Head." Compounded with "stone" are such names as " Running-stone," " Iron-stone," " Dance-stone," " Flame-stone," " Walking-stone," " Arrow-stone." Most of the women's names end with the suffixes -ko (" water") and -inek ("bow"): as " Returning-water," " Dried-up-water," "High-water," " Twin-waters," " Walk-in-the-water," " Dance-in-the-water," " One-bow," " Big- bow," " Revolving-bow," " Red-bow," " Standing-bows," " In-view-bow." Names of both men and women end in -itsa (" skin " or " robe "), as " White-skin," " Veratrum-Cali/ormcum-Dur&x\d-Koh&," " Stabbed-skin." Some men have names taken from objects in nature, mostly those of their guardian spirits. Such are "Sun," "Sky," "Sunset," "Stars," "Moon," "Mountain-range." Names taken from animals are less frequent among the Upper Thompsons, while they are common among the Lower Thompsons, as " Goat-sucker," " Buffalo," " Black- bear," " Weasel," " Dog," " Humming-bird." The Lower Thompsons also take hW ^ Wq^^ltMR' rtl ^ ,J, T *CT Bff f r« \ "^ ■"^i tr ► r^ L; 392 TEIT. THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. names of plants : " Yellow-lily," " Nuts," " Mushroom," " Soapbe: y," " Bramble- berry," " Choke-cherry." It is said that some of these are also nicknames. For instance, the name Oo'za originated about three or four generations ago among the Spences Bridge band. A chief who had lost one eye was eating roots of the lavender lily (makEO'za), which are round and about the size of a human eye. He said : " I ought to take the name of the root. I have one eye, like a laven- der-lily root." So he took the name of Oo'za, a shortened form of makKO'za. Women also have names taken from animals and plants, or from certain attributes of men, animals, or inanimate objects, as "Female-mountain-sheep," "Owl," "Dark-clothing," " Falling-at-intervals," "Shallow," " Dumb." Most of the names are pronounced differently from the ordinary word that has the same meaning as the name. They are either contracted or amplified. As the Indian names are hard for the white people to pronounce, and Indians will not or can not translate them, those working for white people, or who are well known to them, either adopt white men's names, or are given names by which they are known to whites. These names are often given in joke, the Indians not understanding their meaning ; but oftener they are familiar English or French names, such as "Jimmy," " Billy," "George," " Louis," etc. Those Indians who belong to the Roman Catholic or English churches have also baptismal names. The former obtain French names, and the latter English. A few Indians are known to the whites under corrupted forms of their Indian names, while others are name J after the places they live in. Dogs were generally named from some peculiarity in their markings or color ; but some were called after aniinals and birds noted for swiftness, ferocity, or hunt- ing capabilities, or which they were thought to resemble. Here are a few examples: " Wolf-face," " Chicken-hawk," " I lawk-eye," "Little-grisly." Horses were named in the same way as dogs, but more often they were given names like people. In the names for both horses and dogs, -6'lst is used for males, and -i'nfik for females. The following are examples of names for horses : " To-tell-a- lie," " White-feet," " Bark-of-tree," " Bay-color," " Bridle," " Far-foot." At the present day some Indian horses and dogs have been given English names similar to those obtaining among the whites, as " Tiger," " Bull." etc., for dogs, and " Charley," " Nelly," " Pete," etc., for horses. In domestic affairs each male member of age had a right to express his opinion or give his advice, although in most cases the father's or eldest son's ad- vice was taken. The father and eldest son seem to have been looked upon as the highest authorities, although custom required that they should not do anything of importance to the family without first consulting its other male members. From the detailed descriptions of marriage customs, which will be found in the next chapter, it will be seen that on the whole the wife followed the husband to live with his family, although a curious compromise has developed which com- pels the young couple to return temporarily to the woman's relatives. Levirate prevailed. It will also be described in the next chapter. The property of a m TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMHIA. 293 father, on his death, was divided among his sons. th»; dauj^hters also sometimt-s getting a share. Property was also often divided among all the relatives of age, male and female, cousins included ; the nearest kin receiving the largest shares, and males taking precedence of females. In some cases it was taken by the nearest male relatives of the deceased, to the exclusion of all others. The sons inheriting the property of their father had to provide for their mother, and a greater share of the property of a father who left an orphan child was given to the relative who was to take charge of the child. A woman's effects were looked upon as distinct from her husband's. If a couple separated, the wife took all her property with her, even the roots and berries she had gathered. A man and his wife often made gifts of their individual property to each other, and the father or the mother often made presents of their property to their several children. None of these presents were returnable in the event of death or separation, but remained the inviolable property of the person to whom they had been given. Land was looked upon as neither individual nor family property, since every one had a right to all parts of the common country for any purpose. There were no particular hunting-grounds peculiar to, or the sole property of, certain families or bands. Of course each band had their usual hunting-places, naturally those parts of the country nearest to their respective homes; but Indians from other villages, or other divisions of the tribe, frequently hunted in each other's hunt- ing-grounds without being considered intruders ; and sometimes hunting-parties representing two or three tribal divisions would hunt over the summer hunting- grounds of another division without rousing any feelings of resentment. The fol- lowing is an instance : Formerly, about the end of each April, a large number of members of the Lytton band, sometimes upward of two hundred, crossed the mountains by way of Thompson Siding, and went down into the Upper Nicola Valley, where they hunted elk, and fished trout, often going as far as Douglas and Fish Lakes, returning home when the sprvice-berries were ripening around Lytton, and when it was time to repair to the root-digging grounds at Botani. Other smaller bands used to go up about April, and lived with the Spences Bridge band, fishing with them at their spring-fishing place near Spences Bridge, or going with them to their lakes, where they fished trout. These parties also returned to Lytton abou*^ the same time as the Nicola party. The hunting-territory seems to have been considered the common property of the whole tribe. Among the Spences Bridge and Nicola bands any member of the Shuswap or Okanagon tribes who was related to them by blood was allowed full access to their hunting-':^: j., ids, the same as one of themselves ; but members of one division of the tribe ' . ■• . not allowed to build deer-fences in the territory of another division. If, however, a person who was not related to a Thompson Indian were caught hunting, trapping, or gathering bark or roots, within the recognized limits of the tribal territory, he was liable to forfeit his life. The only exceptions to the above rule were salmon-fishing stations, and places in the mountains where fences were erected for catching deer. These places, but only c r i 294 TE[T, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. ' 11 for fishing and trapping purposes, were looked upon as the property of the indi- vidual who built the station or maintained the fencf.*. The erection of another fence in the same pass, in proximity to the first, would materially affect the chances of capturing deer by it. Eyries of the golden eagle were also owned by individuals or families. The berrying and root-digging grounds were also common property. Among the Upper Thompsons an old woman, chosen by the others or acting voluntarily, watched the larger and more important berry-patches, to see that no one picked the berries until they were ripe. When they were fit to pick, she sent word to the other women ; and whoever wished picked the berries until the season was over. This custom has gone out of use. Women of one village could pick in the berry- patches of another as long as they did so at the proper season. Botani Valley, situated in the mountains, some ten miles from Spences Bridge, and about fifteen miles from Lytton, has been from time immemorial a gathering-place for the upper divisions of the tribe, chiefly for root-digging during the months of May and June. Sometimes over a thousand Indians, representing all the divisions of the tribe, would gather there. The Lower Thompsons even permitted the Coast Indians to gather berries on their territory. Each division had, besides, its separate and recognized camping-ground. Deer-fences, fishing-stations, and eagle's eyries were inhf ''f^djjy all the male children, the eldest having the right of dividing, and taking hoice. If he was a hunter, he generally took the deer-fence, leaving the fish .tion to his next or some other brother who might be a fisherman, and vice versa. Sometimes these places were used by all the sons in common, until some of them died, the survivor claiming all, and his sons inheriting from him. If a man died without sons, the nearest male relatives took his hunting-places. If the deceased had no near male relatives, his daughters and sons-in-law inherited the property. If a widow had children, she inherited the lodge of her deceased husband, and it be- longed to her and her children. The widow or female children inherited all the kettles, baskets, cooking utensils, and some of the blankets or robes. Males always inherited canoes and all fishing, hunting, and trapping utensils. Those dogs of the deceased that were not killed became the property of the male children. The horses were divided among all the children, both male and female ; the former, however, taking twice as many as the latter, or at least having the first choice. Daughters were supposed by some to inherit a deceased father's horses in preference to all male relatives, excepting their brothers. A number of regulations determined the distribution of game killed by hunt- ing-parties. The brisket and the skin were considered the share of the man who shot the deer, while the rest of the animal was equally divided among the other hunters, as was also the fat from the intestines. If a strange hunter, not one of the party, arrived on the scene when Indians were butchering a deer, he was ac- corded some share of the meat. Among the upper portion of the tribe, large game of all kinds was invariably divided among the members of hunting-parties. TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF HRITISH COLUMHIA. »95 A man belonging to a certain village, who shot several deer while hunting alone, distributed part of his spoils among iiis friends, not only because it was the recognized custom, but to show his liberality and regard for his friends, and that he might be treated likewise. The Spences Bridge hunter brought the game to his own house, and gener- ally went around and distributed the meat himself. Among the Nicola band the hunter brought the deer within a short distance of the village. Then he would say to people who were poor, or indifferent hunters or fishermen, " I left some meat in the mountains for you;" or, "I left some sinew in the mountains, which you may look for ; " or, " I left one or two skins in the mountains. Go and look for them." He would then describe the place where he left the meat, and they would go and get it. By so doing he would be applauded for his hunting qualities and for his liberality. Among the Lower Thompsons, when a hunting-party was ready to return home, the hunting-chief took all the fat, meat, and skins, and divided them almost equally among the party. The best hunters were allowed a skin or two, or a lit- tle more fat than the others. When a nan hunted alone, and was lucky enough to kill a number of animals, or more the n he could carry, he took only a little of the meat home. Then he invited as mnny friends as he wished to help him carry home the meat, and they skinned and cut up the animals. When they had finished, the hunter divided all equally among them, giving any person such por- tions as he desired, so long as it was not unfair to the others. If a man who was hunting alone killed one deer or goat, and carried all of it home himself, no per- son had a right to claim any of the meat, although he generally gave portions to his friends and neighbors, so that he might be treated in like manner by them, in the event of their shooting game. Skins and meat of animals which a man trapped belonged entirely to himself. The division of labor has been incidentally mentioned on p. 182. The In- dians consider hunting the most honorable occupation, and among the Upper Thompsons hunters looked with pity, not unmixed with scorn, on fishermen. Lads who had shown themselves skilful in hunting were called " grown," in the sense that they had attained manhood ; whereas others, although adults, were not called "grown up " unless they had so distinguished themselves in hunting or war. It was considered the man's duty to hunt, to trap, to fish, to snare, to fight, to make all the tools and weapons, to fell trees, to instruct and advise his children, especially his sons, to help look after the horses, to look after the hunting-dogs, to be energetic, to protect his wife, and to beat her if she were lazy, or admonish her, etc. Married women had to do almost ail the work of the house. Some men, however, helped their wives in the tanning of buckskin, putting-up of lodges, etc., and often manufactured articles for them, such as root-diggers, etc. It was con- sidered the woman's duty to gather and carry all firewood ; erect the lodges, keep them clean inside, and light the fire ; gather and carry brush for beds, etc. ; make I ! W^M mm ■::^ 296 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. all kinds of mats, baskets, sacks, and ba^js, as well as all clothing, including moccasins ; wash am! cook ; dig and cure or cook roots, and gather and cure ber- ries ; help to clean and dry fish, to carry meat or game shot, and to look after the horses; dress all skins for clothing, etc. ; fetch water; look after and nurse the children ; and educate her daughters to be diligent in their work, and faithful and obedient to their husbands ; etc. Nowadays chiefs are elected by a vote of the people, no doubt influenced by the priest or the Indian agent, and remain as such so long as they acquit them- selves honorably, or the people are |)l<;ased with them. These chiefs look after the ecclesiastical affairs of the band, and are the preachers and spokesmen of the tribe. They also take charge of ail matters connected with the reserves, and settle in council all petty disputes and minor affairs among the Indians. Festivals. -The Indians have always been fond of gathering for feasting and talking, as they are at the present day. Feasts of all kinds took place in the winter, when the Indi.'ns were in their winter houses. Many feasts were simply social gatherings, where one family who had a large supply of food invited the neighboring families to partake of their abundance and spend a day or so in feasting and conversation. This kind of feast showed the good will and liberality of the donor. A iiother feast of the Upper Thompsons was that where a fnmily or group of families decided to visit a friend in either the same or a near-by village. Gener- ally a woman, but sometimes a lad, was sent ahead to announce the intended visit. This liiessenger would rush suddenly into the house of the friend, and, after shout- ing " Ntcixa'nk!" would as suddenly disappear. Sometimes the messenger wore two suits of clothes ; one suit, which was removed on entering to deliver the message, being intended as a pr"sent to the friend. The latter then made ready for their reception. His neighbors and i.iends assisted him by contributing food for the prospective feast. The principal food prepared was a dish composed of roots, berries, moss, etc., to which deer fat was adikd, many kettlefuls of which were cooked. Besides this, there were venison, fish, roots, and berries. On their arrival, the guests were treated to tiie various dishes, and their s. / lasted for from two to three days. The night before their departure they gave presents to those who had assisted their host in preparing the feast, The person giving the presents danced and made a short speech with each gift. There was no exchange of presents between the guests and the host, nor were the former obliged to give a return feast at a later dat<,'. Another custom, of the Up])i:r Thompsons was the following : A man wlu) wanted to lake a social visit to the house of another went to the latter's winter house, and let down through the top or hole, by means of a rope, a bundle of food. While doing so, he said in .i loiiil voice, " I aui letting down." He was then invited to enter, and was fcasied on a snvjil scale. The present of food which he brought with him was given to his host in lieu of the food which he ate. This custom, as well as the preceding one, has become obsolete within the last r TEIT, THE THOMPSO;; INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 297 few years. The two last-mentioned customs did not prevail among the Lower Thompsons. Another social custom was as follows : A kettle bcdocked with feathers and strings, and with a lijijhtcd slow-match of cedar-hark attached to it, was fdled with food. With this, and .several bundles of clothes, skins, and food, three or four men repaired to a friend's winter house just ahoiil i)edtinic. Lowerinj^ the kettle with the attached burninjj slow-match by means of a \on^ strinij, they swunjj; it vio- lently around inside of tht; house. At the same time they began to sing. As soon as the people within tried to catch the kettle, those outside ilrew it up, and con- tinued lowering it, swinging it, and pulling it up until it was at last caught by the people inside. Then those outside threw in the bundles of food, clothes, etc., and those inside scrambled for them. Afterward the people of the house visited those who had given the presents, and treated them similarly. l'"ormerly a stone was us(;d instead of the kettle. It was painted with bright colors, or sometimes only with red, and decorated with feathers, strings, and slow-match of cedar, which, when lighted and swung around, looked like a fiery ball. About fifty years ago or more, accordmg to the Indians, the giving of " ])ot- latches," a custom previously unknown to them, came into vogue among the Upper Thompsons, while the Lower Thompsons had adojjted the custom (;ven earlier than that. A chief, .so called on account of his wealth, gathereu a large number of people at iii.; house, and, after feasting them on horse-llesh, distributed numerous presents among them, thereby gaining a great name for liberality and wealth. Cixpe'ntlem, a chief who died about eight years ago, was famous for often giving this kind of potlatch. It is said that he was able to give one every two or three years on a very large scale, and that either he or his father was the originator of the custom. The giver of the presents distributed at these pot- latches neither received nor expected any return presents. Hefore the custom of the i)otlatch was known, only a man who was possessed of much wealth gave feasts to his friends, keeping an open house, while two or three of his wives were employed most of the time in cooking. If a stranger came along, he was invited in, and on departing was given some small present, thereby spreading the fame of his entertainer. The potlatch as described was succeeded about thirty years ago by the pot- latch of the present day, which, among the Thompsons, is a small and local affair compared to that of the Coast tribes ; in fact, I doubt if there is much similarity between them. "; ie Indians state that the custom was at its height about t(;n or fifteen years agr, since which time it has been on the wane ; nevertheless, seldom does an autum.: or winter pass without some man or woman of the tribe giving a potlatch. Any one can give a potlatch who is possessed of sufficient wealtli to do so. The potlatchcs of the present day are mostly given by one individual to another of the same tribe, to one who is considered wealthy, and likely to give a return potlatch at some future day. Sometimes, however, they are given to a mem- ber of another tribe. This kind of feast is perhaps best described by an illustration. r f " ( f... 5> ( 398 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INHTANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. "<« ... ^ We will suppose that O. has determined to give a potlatch to S. O. sends a messenger to S. to announce his intention. The messenger, mounted on a horse with good saddle and bridle, and with some tobacco rolled up in a new pair of blankets tied to the saddle, arrives at the home of S. and delivers his message, adding : " These presents are from O. to you as a surety of the truth of my mes- sage, and he awaits your coming in a few days. The tobacco is for your friends to smoke." He then delivers the horse and all the articles attached to it to S. The messenger often wears two suits of clothes. In such case, he divests himself of the outer one, and presents it to S. as a gift from his master ; but sometimes it is the custom for the young men to attack him, and take the clothes off without ceremony. S. then invites his friends to accompany him. Each of them gives him presents of more or less value. Then he mounts his host's messenger on another horse, attaching an exact equivalent of the articles received, and gives him another suit to put on over his ordinary clothes. This is a return pres- ent to his master. S. and the rest start on horseback for O.'s house. They take with them two or three pack-horses loaded with presents, and other horses, also intended as presents. On the morning of the day on which the guests are to arrive at O.'s house, the messenger leaves them, and hurries to his mai-'ter to tell him that the guests will arrive that afternoon. At the same time he delivers the return present of the horse with the attached articles, saying, " These are surety of .S.'s speedy arrival." Young men and women are then sent out to meet the guests, and to treat them to refreshments or a meal on the road, which they are supposed to need after their journey. In the afternoon the guests appear. Drawing up in line some distance off, they beat their drum to give notice of their arrival, and commence to sing. A man, called the "speakc-." is then sent out to invite them to take possession of the long, half-open lodge (see p. 196) which has been prepared for their accommodation. There they are met and welcomed by their ho^t, or the host's speaker, who makes a speech to his chief guest, S. This compliment is returneu by the latter making many flattering remarks to his host. Supper is then spread for ths guests on rows of large table-mats, around which fifty or more individuals squat at a time. After the meal is over, O. and his friends also partake of supper. Huge log t .res are then lighted between the long lodge of the guests and that occupied by the host and his friends. A present of tobacco is then made by O. to his guests for them to smoke, after which S.'s speaker gives away the presents which S. has received from his friends. With each present he maki;s an oration, and occasionally causes much laughter by alluding to the article in a jocular style ; or, holding it up before all the people, he says, "This is from S. to O., because he has seen him." The host's speaker repeats his words, and then the article is handed over. These presents, though nominally given to O., are really intended for O.'s friends who have given him presents. Between the giving of presents, the donating party generally extem- porize a song, accompanying it with the beating of drums and dancing. Some- times the principal of the donating party dances to the accompaniment of drum I "!. i ! I TEIT, TH«? THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 299 and song. Any person of the o,)posite side v/ho praises the dancer is entitled to a present. The chief or best singers sit in a circle round the drummer or leader of the songs. The next night O. gives presents in the same manner. The first of these are given to S.'s friends, and are about equal in value to those received by O.'s friends the night before. In this way the friends of each party are requited for the presents which they have given to their respective leaders. The principal presents are then given to S. by O., which ends the potlatch. These latter pres- ents are generally repaid the next year, when S. invites O. and his friends to a return potlatch. Oii the morrow the remaining food is divided among all present, as are also the cups, plates, knives, spoons, mats, etc., which wer^; used during the feast. The articles principally interchanged as presents are horses and blan- kets, money, guns, clothes, ai-d food. The drums usetl at these and other ceremonies of which dancing or singing forms part are similar to the tambourine, but larger, and are covered with favvn- .skin. They are frequently painted red, in patterns (Fig. 315, «), with deer-hoofs attached round the sides or in a bunch underneath, to make a rattling noise. They are beaten by th:; hand or a short stick. The drumsticks often have a padded end, the handle being ornamented with feathers (Fig. 315, b). Many of the singers keep time by beating one stick against another, or on the ground, or on a piece of board. At such feasts it was formerly considered necess? "y for the host, in order to preserve his good name, to supply the company wit., iresh meat. Accordingly large numbers of horses were killed and eaten. Within the last twelve years, however, cattle have been slaughtered instead, or a party of hunters have gone into the mountains beforehand to obtain venison for tiie company. Sometimes a man would offer a present to llie person who sang the best song. He himself i^enerally the judge ; but sometimes it was decided by vote of the people assemlji' i. Both men and women competrrl. Some accompanied their singing with a 'irum Nowadays the present is generally five dollars in cash. Any kind of song may 1 -ung, and in any language. Another custom which still obtains, i - that of one individual giving presents to another, either as a mark of good will or as a sign of recognition. This is [)articularly the case between friends or blooi' viations living at some distance from each other. It is also often dom- when one meets a distant relative or friend for the first time, especially if he sits one's house. In every case an exact equivalent as a return present is exp( cted at some future date. Every Indian is welcome at another's house to eat a meal without any charge, even if he be an enemy ; and as long as one has a morse! i at, he will share it with his friends. When the winter provisions of 1 'W were exhausted, he was sometimes compelled to go begging. This was uoiie in the following manner: he put on a dogskin blanket and rolled dogskins around his legs. He wore a mask made of birch-bark, with holes for the eyes, and with whiskers made of horsehair or other hair glued on to it. The whole mask, or part of it, was painted black. He m ■■-. > ■■■n ili ammom 300 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. '■ m entered the underground house, carrying a staff in his hand and a basket Oi. his back, and went up to the fire and warmed himself. Such a person was much dreaded by children. After a little while he began to dance, grunting. The people put some presents of food into his basket, and he left the lodge. The Thompson Indians, at least the upper division, have smoked from time immemorial. Their substitute for tobacco was a plant, a genuine wild tobacco (N/colr'ana altenuata Torn), which grew in the warmest valleys. The leaves were gathered, dried, and greased, and when used were broken up and mixed with bearberry-lcaves, which had first been dried or roasted over a fire. This wild tobacco is now almost altogether replaced by the tobacco of the whites, of which most members of the tribe are very fond, though hardly any of them will smoke it alone, preferring to mix it with bearberry-leaves. Among the upper division of the tribe the women sn oke equally as much as the men. Two or three generations ago, however, women seldom or never smoked. Smoking was looked upon as the privilege solely of the men. Only such women smoked as laid claim to being strong in " medicine." , The pipes formerly used, as also many of those of the present day, were made almost altogether of stone, generally with high narrow bowls and long stems (Figs. 271-275). Two kinds of stone are used, — a soapstone of dark-greenish color, and slightly transparent (Fig. 272) ; the other apparently a soft slate, which, when rubbed with grease and smoked a while, turns a rich glossy black. Sometimes pipes are made of sandstone (Fig. 276) or of white dry. Sagebrush- root and buck's horn (Fig. 277) are also used. The stone pipes are frequently carved, and .' carving filled in with melted lead or German silver. Formerly red paint was 'ised. The stone pipe shown in Fig. 277 has a bowl of peculiar form. Maple-wood is preferred for making the stems, which are rather thick, and from five or six inches to a foot and a half in length. Some of the old pipes had bowls carved into figures representing heads of animals, birds, and men, while some had a narrow carved ridge extending down the front of the bowl. Others had a square piece at the bottom of the bowl, through which a hole was bored for the attachment of a string connecting it with the stern, and on which were often strung beads, etc. Siiamans' pipes (see Fig. 306), were often decorated with eagle-feathers. These, and also the pipes smoked at gatherings or councils, were of a much larger size tlian the ordinary ones. Besides these pipes of their own manufacture, catlinite pipes were bartered from the tribes to the southeast, and pipe tomahawks were obtained from the same source and from the Hudson Bay Company. Sometimes pipes with double bowls were used. Tubular pipes such as de- scribed by Harlan I. Smith as found in Lytton and in Kamloops (Fart HI, p. 155) are remembered by old Indians to have been in use, although they were not so common as the ordinary pipes. One was seen in use in eastern Washington as late as 1896. The custom of passing the pipt around among all the men in a circle is still TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLLMBIA. 3°! ^TW ill Fig. a?'- Fig. 273. "?*«.., Fig. 273. Fig. 274- Fig. J75. Fig. 276. t^P: Fig."a77- Fig...7. (tH.), .7. (rfl.). ^73 (.H.), .M (,ll.), >75 (.«.). ^ i^UA). ,77 iM.)- Pip«. Fig. .,«, i na.. ,i« ; o,h=r.. i n... si«. ''\v.. 1 -» V- t I 302 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. practised to some extent. This is done before making speeches or discussing business transactions. The pipe was passed around, and is yet, among a group of friends while a person is speaking. Especially is this so at gatherings ; and it is also customary, when a man or a woman meets a friend with whom he or she wishes to converse, for them to sit down together, and for one of the parties to fill the pipe and smoke it with the friend, alternately taking a few whiffs. In these cases the pipe is passed round the company in the direction of the sun's course. All this is looked upon as a sign of good will. If the pipe is passed in a direction opposite to that of the sun's course, it is a sign of displeasure, anger, or evil wishts, as is also the case if a man tear his shirt or some other part of his clothes. If this be done while talking or quarrelling with a person, it means that the latter is considered an enemy. XI.— BIRTH, CHILDHOOD, PUBERTY, MARRIAGE, AND DEATH. Pregnancy. — When a newly married woman was with child for the first time, both she and her husband had to ^o throii),di certain ceremonies similar to the puberty ceremonies (p. 311); t)therwise many (.-vil consequences might result. The couple had to bathe often in cold water, and to sweat-bathe. While bathing, the woman prayed, " May I have no trouble and give birth to my child easily!" or, " May I have no trouble when I am giving birth ! I rely on thee, Dawn of the Day. Pity me!" The man had to go out hunting many times; and both had to pray much to the Dawn of the Day, and sometimes to the Water. The spring at which a v oman wlijo was with child, or her husband, had drunk or washed, was liabk to run dry or to decrease in volume, to avoid which, the Indians put a stone into the water. Many restrictions were placed upon a woman with child, such as the follow- ing : she was not allowed to touch with her hand or to eat the flesh of the porcupine, or anything killed by an eagle or hawk, since, if she ate of tliem, it was said that her child would resemble them in form, feature, or habits. If she ate flesh of the hare, the child would have a harelip. She must not eat the flesh of a lynx or a dog on account of the part played by those animals in mythological traditions, nor of the marmot or certain kinds of trout. She was not allowed to eat anything her husband was restricted from eating. She must not eat black- bear flesh ; for if she did, she would have no more children. There were no re- strictions regarding a pregnant woman eating game which had been shot through certain bones or parts of the body. She must not eat food of which a mouse, a rat, or a dog had eaten part ; for if she did, she would have a premature birth. If she met or saw a snake, she had to turn and walk away in the opposite direc- tion. If she stepped on the tracks of a wolf or otter, her child would be still-born or die shortly after birth, and her children ever afterward would die in infancy. In such case she had to repair to a shaman who had the otter or wolf for his guardian spirit, and after he had treated her, her children would not die. She must not look on when a corpse was being prepared for burial ; if she did, the navel-string woi 'd become twisted around the child, like the string tied around the corpse. She was not allowed to smoke. She was permitted to eat the roasted flesh of the weasel or fisher ; and, if their entire skins were stretched and hung up above the head of her bed, her child would be good-looking, like those animals. Besides the restrictions above mentioned, if pregnant for the first time, she was not allowed to touch salmon with her hands, or to eat salmon-heads, nor must she put aside food to eat at another time. If any food were left over after eating, she must give it to another person. All this was done that she might have an easy birth. She must not scratch herself, because it would leave marks. She had to do up her hair in the style used by girls reaching puberty. Some people observed these latter restrictions before the birth of the second child also. If a [303] }:> . 13 ■^: 304 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. F : pregnant woman felt something small moving backward and forward inside of her belly, she knew she would have a male child. This feeling was said to be caused by the child's penis. Then the father made a miniature bow and arrows, and, shortly after the child's birth, placed them in his hands, saying, " Here are your bow and arrows. Hecome .acquainted with them, and may you use them well in after-years ! " The following restrictions were placed on the husband of a pregnant woman: He must not hunt the black or grisly bear, nor eat their meat, else the child would dissolve or cease to exist in the mother's womb, or would be still-born ; neither must he eat or hunt porcupine and hare. Hunting and eating willow- grouse or fool-hen were also forbidden, that the child might not be foolish. He must not hunt or eat squirrel, else the child would cry much when young. He must not hunt or snare otter, wolf, coyote, marten, and badger. He must not eat the flesh of lynx or dog. He must not kill snakes of any kind ; should he do so, the child would resemble a dead person or ghost. He may hunt deer, weasel, and fisher ; but if his wife were pregnant for the first time, he must not eat the meat of deer he had killed until after it had been dead one day ; if he did, he would see no more game. He must not walk in the tracks of a wounded deer, because he might have bad luck afterward in hunting. HiRTii. — Among the upper division of the tribe, a woman, when giving birth to a child, lay on her side, with her head and shoulders somev/hat elevated, and took hold of a rope placed there for that purpose. Many women had recourse to the services of an elderly woman experienced in such matters ; but others never accepted help of any kind, or only that of their husband, or of such women as were in the house. Elderly women who acted as midwivcs generally received a deerskin blanket for their work. The midwife did not require any purification afterward, beyond wasliing her hands. The afterbirth was takcm away and hung up on the branch of a tree, that no dog or snake might touch it. If it were touched by either, the woman would have no more children. It was not supposed to kill the tree. Among the Lower Thompsons it was buried near water. If a woman had a premature birth or a miscarriage, the afterbirth was thrown into the river, or occasionally it was buried in wet ground. Any blood lost was buried. The navel-string, after being cut with an ordinary knife, was tied up. It was generally cut the length of the outside joint of the first finger (about an inch), tied with something soft, as hair of a squirrel or hare, and smeared with black-pine gum. It is said that some people, and more especially the Lower Thompsons, did not tie the string at all, but simply smeared it with tree-gum and the pollen of the tule. Immediately after the birth occurred, the father went outside and fired an arrow into the air; if this were not done, it was said that the child's navel would swell. At the present day a shot is fired from a gun instead. The piece of the infant's navel-string outside of the ligature, after dropping off, was sewed up by the mother in a piece of buckskin which was embroidered with hair, quills, or beads. It was then tied to the broad '1 TKir, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF nRMISlI COLUMBIA. 305 buckskin band that extended round the hcml of the cradle on the outside. Numerous thonj(s depended from it, tf» which were attached fawn's hoofs, hirjje glass beads, and bone bciids, some of each on every thonjf. These made a jin- gHnji noir.e when the cradh: was moved. .Slei^h-belis are now often used for this purpose. If this piece of the infant's navel-strinj; could not be found after it had dropped off, or if it were lost, it was looked upon as a calamity, as it was believed that the child would in after-years become foolish, would do foolish, bad thinjjs, or would be lost while huntinj^ or travellinjf. Indian women, even at the present day, almost invariably give birth to children with the greatest ease. Very often they are walking around, attending to their duties, two or three hours bf-fore the birth takes |)lac(;, and again a few hours afterward. If a woman has a hard delivery, her husband goes to the water and bathes. He must dive or plunge once so that his whole body is covered. Then he runs to his house nude, with the exception of his breech-cloth, and walks or runs around it four times, following the sun's course. Then he enters, and stands at his wife's head. After this slie will give birth to the child quickly. Immediately after giving birth to tlie child, the mother is given a hot drink made by boiling branches of service-berry or of another berry bush. Among the Lower Thompsons, a decoction made from cedar is drunk instead. Before delivery, if there is much pain, the midwife rubs the abdomen with her hand, and gives the woman warm water to drink. Should a woman about to give birth to a child send word to all the people, she would have a harder birth. It is said that the child shrinks back when aware of the presence of peopU;, or wh(!n it hears a noise, but comes forward again when all is quiet. Abortion was rarely practised, and was effected by the drinking of medicine. Newly born babes were sometimes, but very rarely, summarily disposed of by .strangling or drowning, but women who did so were thought very severely of, and publicly reprimanded. For a period of six weeks after child-birth, the mother had to wash herself each morning in the water of some creek. .She also drank an herb tea ; and her husband separated from her until her washing period was over. The period of purification and separation was formerly three or four months. At the present day one month is generally considered a sufficient length of time to purify and to exercise restraint. I'or four days after confinement the woman did not go near the fire, especially when people were cooking food ; and when passing near it, a mat was placed between her and the fire. A woman at that period was not allowed to cook. Immediately after birth, the child was well washed with the hand, in warm water in which spruce-bark, balsam-bark, etc., had been boiled. Tamarack-bark was also used for this purpose, as the ciiild who was waslied in such water was said to become strong in after-years. Sometimes shortly after this the child was smeared with a mixture of black-pine pitch and deer-fat. This was said to make it quiet, and to cause it never to cry or to be peevish. WM -. u 306 TEIT, THK THOMPSON INDIANS OF nRITISH COLUMBIA. P : Ciin.Diiooi). — When a (cw ilays did, tli(; Indian baby is placed in its cradle, or rather its carrier. Ainon^ tiie Upper Tiioniiwons these carriers are mostly made of one piece of birch- FIk. 1,.^ (,i],l. Comliiil for L'radle «( Femulc Infant. Kis- J71) I iJifij'. L'radle (.f I.'.wcr 'DiDijipst.ns bark, the sides turned up and sewed together at each end. r'ormerly many of these birch-bark carriers were cov- ered with buckskin. To the sides were sewed buckskin (laps for hold- ing the baby in while beinj^ carried. These were fastened toj^ether by a buckskin lacinjr. Near the toj), reachinif over from side to side, was a hoop to keep th(! blanket or cloth off the baby's face, and to give it breathinjj-space when it was neces- sary to cover it over. To this hot)p were attached trinkets in the shape of bells, beads, etc., to attract the child's attention. In the bottom end was a wooden or birch-bark conduit to carry off the moisture of the infant. Fijrs. 2(So and 278 show the forms of conduit used respectively for male and female children. The carrier of the Lower Thompsons, thouj^h of the same shape as those just described, was made of coiled basketry (Fig. 279), and decorated on that side which is visible when the cradle hangs on the back. Like those iiiailc of birch-bark, it also had a onduit The Up- per I'raser band us'xi car- riers similar to those of the Lower Thompsons, and made of spruce-root. The Lower Thompsons sometimes made cradles of the hide of the black bear, the hair side inward. All these cradles were carried by means of the ordinary packing-line, the ends of which were fastened round the cradle, allowing it to lie horizontally FiK. s8ol,J3 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF URITISH COLUMBIA. 307 across the back. Some birch carriers had packinj^-lines made of a very wide piece of double buckskin, often embroidered, sewed to the buckskin covering. The covering itself, and the flaps which held the child, were also often highly ornamented. Fig. 280 represents a baby-carrier of the Spences Bridge band, made of two pieces of bark sewed together with Indian-hemp thread. A hoop of maple-wood forms the edge, to which the bark is sewed. It is further strengthened by strips of bark fastened inside. The edge is covered with doe- skin, and fringe of the same material hangs around the outside. It is carried by a strap of doeskin that is attached to the cradle. The hoop is made of maple- wood. Its position can be adjusted by means of buckskin strings, and it may be folded back over the head. Outside, at the head end, is attached a bunch of rat- tling deer-hoofs. The cover, which is not shown in the drawing, is made of fawn- skin. A few of the Thompson Indians in the neighborhood of Spences Bridge, and most of the Nicola Valley Indians, used a different kind of carrier. With these the child was put into a thick buckskin sack, only a place for its face being left open. The sack was tightened in front by a buckskin lacing. The carrier was a flat piece of board the length and breadth of the infant, with a hoop near the head, as on the birch-bark carrier. To the sides of the board were fastened strong buckskin flaps, which, after the baby was put on the board, were lapped over its body from the head downward, and drawn tight with a buckskin lacing. Two holes, for the attachment of the packing-line, were made in the side of the board, near the upper end (Fig. 281, a). When carried, these cradles hung down the mother's back ; and when riding, they were often hung from the pommel of the saddle ; but, if the mother were working, they were suspended from the branch of a tree. Sometimes the top of the board had a handle by which it was suspended, in place of the two lateral holes (Fig. 281, 6). Fig. 181, a (lUi), Cradle of Nicola Band ; I, Handle! of Cradlei. The blanket in which the baby was wrapped was made of softened fawn-skin with the hair on ; and for greater softness the bottoms of the birch-bark carriers were strewn with grass, small fir-twigs, sagebrush bark or branches, over which [> 308 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. •^1 were laid skins, such as those of the hare, squirrel, fawn, coyote, etc., and, among the Upper Fraser band, of the dog. The Lower Thompsons laid softened cedar- bark in the cradle. By some, branches of wild currant were put in the bottom of the carrier, which were believed to quiet the child. Others placed there the dried tail and lower part of the backbone of the silver salmon, so that the child should not urinate often. The carriers here described are the only ones in use at the present day. The Thompson Indians, like the other interior tribes, never compressed or deformed their children's heads in any manner, and looked with derision on the custom. A few of the Lower Thompsons, who had married women from the coast, permitted them to deform the heads of their children. Moss was put between the feet of the infant, or they were bandaged with buckskin to give them the proper shape. Shortly after birth their noses were pulled, — v/nerally by the midwife, but sometimes by father or mother, — to prevent them from developing into " pug " noses. At the same time the midwife opened the child's eyes wide by pulling the upper eyelid up and the lower down, in order that the child should have nice, round, open eyes. All parts of the body were pulled or rubbed by the father or mother, so that the limbs, etc., should be well formed. According to the manner in which the features were pulled and shaped after birth, would the child, on reaching maturity, be pretty or ugly. When the child could walk, it was allowed to run around naked, or nearly so ; but girls wore a breech-cloth or a robe, this being the only wearing ipparel until they reached the age of puberty. Up to this time they had no •^'^- , ht or care, being allowed to play or do almost as they liked. Only two restrictions- were laid on them : they were made to rise early, and wash frequently in cold water, and were not permitted to play after simset or to make too much noise. Children were often s_cared into quietness by being told, " The Owl will come and take you, and will put you into his basket, which contains snakes or crawling insects, and will then fly away with you." Young children at the present day are generally very much afraid of the owl.' When a child lost its teeth, each one, as it fell out, was taken by the father and stuck into a piece of raw deer-flesh until out of sight. This was then given to a dog, who of course swallowed it whole. I cannot obtain any reason for this custom. The custom of giving children to friends to bring up was formerly prevalent. If a child died, sometimes a friend of the parents who had many children would give them one of his, a few years of age, to take the place of the dead child ; and they were expected to rear it until it reached the age of maturity. If a married couple had no children, and were thought highly of by the other people, a friend or relative who had many children gave them one of his, that they might not be lonely. Many of these children, when grown up, preferred to live with their foster-parents rather than with their real ^^arents. Barren women desirous of ' See Traditions of the Thompson River Indians, by James Teit, p. 63. r ? r w ■ 11 •ij TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 309 having children ate a roasted mouse of a certain species. Buck's penis was sometimes eaten by women, that they inijjht bear male children. When a mother went up the high mountains to ilig roots, etc., taking her baby there for the first time, the first evening after reaching her digging-ground she would break a branch from a trcp, and hang her child in its carrier on the brt ken limb. She painted her whole face, and sometimes the top of her head, red, and danced there before the infant, sometimes all night. She put her hands close together, as if holding something, blew in them, and ran off some distance ; then, opening them, she made the motion of throwing away something. This was symbolic of taking disease or evil from the infant, and throwing it far away. She prayed constantly to the spirits of the place, or to the mountains themselves, asking that her child might never be sick, and that, if it were ever bewitched, and no shaman were near to help, nevertheless it might not die, or that she herself might have power to defeat the evil. She also addressed the spirits of the mountains on her own behalf, kneeling down, spitting on her hands, and rubbing her body upward over the front to the face, then over the top of the head backward, meanwhile praying that she might be delivered from all disease or trouble, that she might never be hurt in body, or be bewitched, and that, if sick, she might get well soon. When the child had outgrown the cradle, the latter was suspended from the branch of a tree some distance from the village, never to be used again. The first-born and the second-born child of a family were considered to be heavier of foot than the other children of the family. They were also believed to be unlucky, especially in hunting. The youngest child of a family was consid- ered the luckiest. On the birth of a child, the father generally gave a feast to the neighbors. At this feast sometimes an old man or woman would ask to have the child placed in his or her arms, and, holding the child for a while, would bless it. To the one blessing the child, the father would make a present of a skin. Only parents who had bf °n married by the ceremonies described on p. 332 gave birth feasts. In the winter-time, children of both sexes had to pass through an ordeal called "whipping the children." This ceremony was generally performed twice a year, while the Indians were all living in their winter houses. An elderly man cut some long thin switches, generally from a service-berry bush. These he tied together at one end, making a formidable whip. He then went to the hole of the winter house and struck it four times with his whip. The children inside then knew what was going to happen, and many of them would hide in terror. The man then came down the ladder, and held up the switches, saying, " Who will pick my berries?" If the people inside wished to save the children from going through the ordeal, some woman would arise, take up her basket, and commence to dance opposite the man, pretending to pick berries off the stick into her basket, and often at the same time singing a song. T le man, being then satisfied, went out and threw away the switches. Sometimes the people set the children an J i ^^'1 •mn t-, ► i-. in 310 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. example of courage and endurance under pain. They refused to dance and pick the berries off the switches, and instead one of them pulled off his shirt, stepped up to the man, and held up his clasped hands and arms straight above his head. The man then struck this substitute; for the children four times across the middle of the back with the supple switches, each time harder than the preceding. Then the man, being satisfied, went outside and threw away the whip. If, however, the people of the house wanted the children to be put through the ordeal, none of them would volunteer to " pick berries" or to take a thrashing. Then the flogger commanded the children to come forward one by one, and to pick berries. Each boy and girl of about the age of eight years and upward then went forward one at a time, danced, sang, and went through the motion of picking berries into a basket. If all did this, then the flogger went away; but if any refused, either through fear or bashfulness, or in order to show their cou.age, they had to come forward, and were struck four times over the bare back. Sometimes a lad asked for and took more than foiu* lashes. If he stood up without flinching until all the switches were broken in lashing him, he was presented with the stumps and told to go and wash : he had done a great feat. Often his whole body was covered with blood. That winter house was exempt from the ordeal for a considerable time. Girls and boys were subject to this ordeal until married, or until they had distinguished themslves in some way A boy who w^j not bashful, but went up and met the flogger as he came into liie house, made a speech to him, and, hold- ing out his hands, blessed him, was generally exempt from the flogging. The remains of the whip were always thrown into the river. Af .r going through the ceremony, all the children were sent to wash in cold water. The morning after the performance of the ordeal, the old man who gave the thrashing invited to a feast all the people of that winter house, and the children in particular. It was said that if the flogger struck the children with the same whip tha«^ he had used on a V'oman, the evil influences from the latter would be transferreci to the children. One reason given by the Indians fcr this custom wp to help the children overcome their bashfulness, to make them courageous, and capable of enduring great pain without fear or flinching. The Indians also say that this ceremony was performed to find out tiie character of the boys. A boy who at once stepped forward, threw up his arms, and took his flogging, v;ouId be a good warrior. It was also believed that those who had undergone the flogging, if shot or hurt in battle, would recover quickly. Within the last fifteen years the custom has gone out of use. Twins. — A woman about to be 'delivered of twins was generally made aware of the .act befoiehand by tlu repeated appearance of the grisly bear in her dreams ; therefore twins were regarded as differen'' from other children, and were treated ciccordingly. They were called " grisly-bear children " or " hairy feet." Immedi- ately after their birth, the father put on a head-band and went outside, walking round the house in a c'-cle, striking the ground with a fir-bough, and singing the grisly-bear song. These children were supposed to be under the special protection r r- TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 311 of the gr.sly bear, and were endowed by him with special powers. Among these was the power of creating good or bad weather. Twins were supposed to be unable to see a grisly bear. The grisly was not looked upon as the real father of the children, but only as their protector. When twins were born, if it were possible, a young man was selected by the father to sing when they first cried. Such a man had several duties to perform. It was considered a privilege to be thus singled out, as such a person was thought to become proficient in the mystery of the grisly bear, and obtained him for his guardian spirit. He became unable to see the grisly bear, who always kept out of his way. This man wore a head- band, generally of the bark of Elaagmis argentea Pursh., into which were stuck eagle or hawk feathers. He painted his whole face red, and held a fir-branch in each hand. If the twins were male and female, he leld a male fir-branch in the right hand, and a female fir-branch in t!ie left.' As soon as the children began to cry, he went four times around them, following the sun's course, at the same time singing the grisly-bear song, and striking the children with the branches, — the female with the one in the left hand, and the male with the one in the right hand. He always took care to strike the elder first. The parents, during the ceremony, had their faces painted red. The grisly-bear painting was a picture f a bear's paw in red on each cheek. The impression of a man's hand in red was used to represent a bear in facial paintings. Instead of their father, the singer some- times staid with the twins during the entire period of separation ot the parents, and took them under his special care, washing them and singing over them. He, as well as the parents, constantly kept two fir-branches, corresponding to the sex of the twins, near their pillows. The mother always took care to suckle the elder first. If she should not do this, one of the twins would die. After the birth of twins, the parents moved some distance away from the other people, and lived in a lodge made of fir-boughs and bark, and continued to live there until the chil- dren were about four years of age. During all this time the twins were taken great care of, being bathed, washed with fir twigs or boughs dipped in water, and not allowed to come in contact with other people. While this washing process was going on, the father described circles around them with fir-boughs, at the same time singing the grisly-bear song. A male passing by a lodge in which twin children resided, always whistled. When wishing to see some of the inmates, he called them by whistling from a distance, but he did not enter. Puberty. — A gr.'at many ceremonies were performed at the time when boys and girls reached puberty, the object of most of which was to make the young people healthy, and successful in that particular walk of life to which they might devote themselves. Puberty of Girls. — A girl, on attaining puberty, was at once separated from all the other people. Sometimes parents, when one of their daughters reached ' It is not quite clear what the Indians call male and female plants. It seems that on the whole the size of flower and branch determines the supposed sex of the plant. The male branches o( coniferous trees art called by the Indians famale. tw ' ■--■ h- 1 ^ tr. : J 312 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. *■ ^' this age, would move into the wilder parts of the mountains to give her a better opportunity to perform the required ceremonies. A conical hut of fir branches and bark was erected at some little distance from the other houses, and during the daytime the girl was made to squat on her heels inside of it. A circular hole, so deep that its top was even with the girl's shoulder-blade when she squatted, was often dug inside the hut, and in this she had to sit. The location of this hut away from the other houses was to prevent the smoke of the lodges from blowing down on the girl, as it was believed to make her unlucky or sick. On the first indications, and on each succeeding morning during her first men- struation, her face was painted red all over. Her hair was done up in two knots, one behind each ear (Fig. 208). Into one of these knots an implement for scratch- ing her skin, made of deer-bone (Fig. 282), was often stuck. She was wrapped in a heavy blanket, which covered her body from top to toe. This blanket was generally put on over her clothes, and fastened round the waist with a sash or string, and at the breast with a wooden pin or button. Formerly a heavy skin robe was worn instead. She was then made to run as fast as possible to some goal, gen- erally twice going and twice returning, until she sweated profusely. The first night of her separation the girl was made to repair to some prominent place in the mountains, such as a peak or the top of a hill. Here she gathered a quantity of fir-wood, preferably wood which was black or which had been burned at some former time. This she piled around the foot of a tree near the top of the hill, and set fire to it. Then she spit four times into the fire, pray- Fig. a8a a (.Mi), * (iMi). Scratcher.. J and i nat. size, ing to it that she might Hcver sufler hunger. She next danced around the fire and its em- bers, singing and praying until daybrieak. This custom was confined to the Upper Thompsons. Among the Lower Thompsons she carried a staff for one night. About daybreak she leaned it against the stump of a tree, and prayed to the Day-dawn that she might be blessed with a good husband, which was symbol- ized by the staff. Among both the Upper and Lower Thompsons she had to run as fast as she could, praying at the same time to the Earth or Nature that she might be fleet of foot and tireless of limb. She split small fir-trees in two from top to bottom, so that she might be strong of muscle and body. Somewhat larger ones she bent over or twisted around, sometimes tying the ends of the trees into knots. The trees thus treated were from three to five feet high. She dug trenches, that she might be capable of doing a large amount of ^-m TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 3«3 digging and other hard work. The trenches were from twenty to thirty yards in length, and generally shallow. Others were short and deep. They were near some trail, and parallel to it, always on the lower side of the trail. The excavated dirt was thrown on the lower side of the ditch. This was believed to shorten the duration of her monthly periods. She planted at each end of the trench a single fir-branch or the stick with which she had dug the ditch. Sometimes she planted her root-digger there, or deposited a single M^^ smooth stone, on which she painted pictures ; ^J or she placed two or three unpainted small stones at each end. Sometimes the pebbles that the girl let drop out from under her dress when running were used for this purpose (see p. 314). She also wiped her eyes and her face with small fir-branches, that she might be good-looking, and never become blind or have sore eyes. After the ceremony the fir-branches were hung on the branches of a tree. These ceremonies were repeated for four nights or mornings in succession, four tir.ies each morn- ing, and each time she supplicated the Dawn of the Day. She also wandered some nights to lonely parts of the mountains, where she would dance, imploring the spirits to pity and protect her during her future life. Then she would lie down and sleep at these places. The first four days and nights she did not wash. She had to fast, but was allowed a little water. Her drinking-water was kept in a birch- bark cup painted red. For the first four days a new cup was given her each day, which was thrown away at night. Her mouth must not touch the surface of the water : therefore she drank through a tube (Fig. 283) made from «"«•'" mg. '< 314 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. r: the early morning, she took off this head-dress, and placed it on the top of four different tree-stumps, one after another, each time praying to the Dawn, that, in like manner as she was liberal and crowned these stumps, even so might she be liberal to her friends, if she were granted riches. Moreover, she asked that her friends might be equally liberal toward her, and return her presents, etc., freely and abundantly. The crowning of stumps was rarely practised by the Lower Thompsons. Another morning ceremony was to run four times, carrying two small stones obtained from underneath the water. These were put into her bosom ; and as the girl ran, they passed down between her bare body and her clothes, falling to the ground. As she ran, she prayed to the Dawn that it might come to pass, that, when she should be with child, she might be delivered as easily as she had been delivered of these two stones. After the first four days, during the rest of the period of isolation, she was allowed to eat, to wash, to lie down, and to comb her hair. She was sparingly fed by her parents or guardians. Part of the first four scanty meals had to be buried in the earth beneath where the girl sat, or, more generally, at the crossing of two trails, or at both places. This was done in order that for the remainder of her life she should never want for a little food or drink. She had to repair to the water, preferably to a spring. She carried four stones in her bosom, which, on reaching water, she took out and spat on, throwing them one at a time into the water, praying at the same time that all disease might leave her as these stones did. Here she washed and bathed herself, drawing a small fir-branch — among the Lower Thompsons sometimes a hemlock-branch — over each part of her body four times, at the same time praying to the Dawn that every part of her body might be free from disease or pain in future years. Hav- ing finished washing, she stood up and addressed the Dawn thus : " If it should happen that my body be afflicted with sick- ness, may it leave me as easily as this fir- branch does ! " at the last words tossing the branch away from her, between her legs, and backward. In washing, she never touched her body with her hands, but used a brush made of fir-boughs tied together, which she dipped into the water as required. She gen- erally sat in the water while washing. Now she was also allowed to take off the heavy robe, which, however, she con- tinued to wear when sleeping, and when walking from the lodge to her washing- place. After the first four days some girls put on aprons of buckskin reaching to their knees. On them were pictures painted with red paint. Fig. aSs a, 6 itiit a, 6). Girls' Combs. \ nat. size. I! I TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 315 For combing, the girl used a four or five pronged comb, that her periods of menstruation might never be prolonged over that number of days (Fig. 285). On the fifth morning she received a new birch-bark cup, which she kept during the rest of the period of isolation. She continued to drink through her tube. Should she drink from a stream or spring without using her tube, the spring would dry up. Each morning, on reaching the water where she washed, she sucked four mouthfuls through the tube, and spat out each. Afterwards she could drink through the tube. To make her body pure, the' girl tied together around the middle and one end four needles of the yellow pine, and, when washing, she stuck their sharp ends into the flesh of her armpits until it bled. At the same time she prayed that her armpits and the skin of her body might never become noxious, but always smell sweet. For this purpose, pads of wild strawberry-leaves were worn under the armpits by some. Some used to spit four times on the top of a fir-twig held in the hand, at the same time praying to the Dawn that they might never have a foul breath. Girls were also in the habit of repairing to places where the yellow pine grew, and at break of day they rubbed their bodies, hands, and heads against the trunks of these trees. At the same time they prayed to the Dawn for deliverance from all sickness and evil influences during their lifetime. The girl, when carrying home the fir or (among the Lower Thompsons) hemlock branches with which she strewed the floor of her hut each morning, had to stroke her back and head with a branch, praying that those members might never get tired when carrying heavy burdens. She also stroked her legs and feet, that they might never get tired when travelling long distances. She did the same to her moccasin-strings, that they might never break. Moreover, she made moc- casins of sunflower-leaves and grass, and prayed that her real moccasins, even when thin and frail like these, might not wear out or burst when travelling. She often set up sticks and fir-branches near the crossings of trails. The girl was .ways expected to be back in her hut at sunrise. During the day she often busied herself by picking one needle at a time off two large fir- branches suspended from the roof of her hut for that purpose. While thus engaged, she prayed that she might never be lazy, but always quick and active at work. The prayer was generally addressed to the fir-branch. During her period of training, she had to make miniatures of every article which women were in the habit of making, so that in after-years she might be capable of making those articles properly, — baskets of root and birch-bark, mats of different kinds, rope, thread, etc. Four large fir-branches were placed in front of the girl's hut, a little distance apart, leaving room to step once between each two, so that when she went out or in, she had to step over them. These branches were renewed each morning, the old ones being taken away and thrown into the creek, the girl praying, " May I never bewitch any man, nor my fellow-women ! may it never happen ! " The first four times that the girl happened to go out or in, she addressed the branches, saying, "If ever I step into trouble or difficulties. 1 -^ 1 -I '^^ 3'6 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. L ] I or step unknowingly inside the magical spell of some person, may you help me, O Fir-branches, with your power ! " After eating, the girl was not allowed to wipe her mouth with her hand, as hair would grow around her mouth : she used for this purpose a bunch of cedar- bark or sagebrush-bark, which she kept hanging by a string around her neck. To this string were also often attached her comb, her scratcher, and her drinking- tube. Each day she painted her face afresh, and she wore strings of parts of deer- hoofs around her ankles and knees, and attached to her waistband on each side of her body, which made a rattling noise when she walked or ran. Shortly before finishing her period of training, she repaired at night to the trench she had previously dug, and erected two poles several feet in length, one at each end, or four poles, one at each corner of the trench, and suspended from them all the miniature articles she had made during her training period. Other customs were as follows : some of the first menstrual fluid was preserved by the girl, and tied up in a rag. It was afterward taken to the top of some lofty ridge, deposited in the windiest spot which was devoid of vegetation, and there burned by the girl, who prayed lat she might never be troubled with prolonged periods of menstruation. If the girl was short, and wanted to be taller, her lodge was made very high ; she took hold of one of the lodge poles with both hands, at the same time standing up and addressing the Dawn. Then she put her palms together, with the tips of the middle fingers almost touching her mouth, and, taking a mouthful of water, she blew it four times through her tube over the tops of her fingers, each time beseeching the Dawn to make her taller. If she considered herself tall enough, her lodge was made very low, sometimes so low that she had no room to stand erect ; she put the palm of her hand on the top of her head, and prayed to the Dawn that she might not grow any taller. If she thought she was too fat, when washing in the stream or spring she put both her hands together in the shape of a bowl, and, filling them full of water, lifted them to her mouth, then blew the water out of her hands over the fingers, and implored the Dawn to make her thinner. If a girl was afraid she might have large feet, she spat on them at break of day, and, rubbing the toes with her hands, prayed to the Dawn that her feet might be small, or that they might not grow any larger. In her lodge she frequently washed her face and head with a decoction of the stems and flowers of wild flax (^Linum perenne L.), or with a decoction of the tops of young yellow pines. This was said to give her a fair complexion, smooth skin, and an abundant head of hair. She picked lice out of her head, and dropped them into the hollow stem of a species of Eqiiisetum. This she did on each of four days ; then she repaired to a stream, and, placing the reed with its cargo in the current, allowed it to float away down stream. Meanwhile she prayed to the Day-dawn that in after-years she might be free from lice on her head or body. TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 3'7 She made a record of her offerings, and the ceremonies she had passed through, by painting pictures of them with red paint on bowlders and on small stones placed at the ends of her trenches. This was believed to insure long life. The pictures were generally all of the same character, and consisted of fir-branches, cross-trails, lodges, mats, men, etc., and were put on toward the end of her period of training (Plate XIX). She painted pictures of men, symbolic of her future husband. Children were forbidden to go near her hut or to converse with her, as they might get sick if they did. After being isolated for four months, she was allowed to live with the other people. She had to help her mother with cooking, sewing, other household work, root-digging, etc. She washed herself morning and evening. Her dress is described on p. 2 1 7. The Indians say that long ago the period of isolation extended over a year instead of four months, and that fourteen days elapsed before the girl was allowed to wash for the first time. In rare instances the girls sweat-bathed toward the end of their training period, if that period extended to six months or a year. They used a sweat-house constructed of four wands or of four fir-branches, which were covered over, of course ; and they used four stones for heating the house. This was done by girls who wished to be shamans or to become wise. The hut in which the girl had lived during her sequestration was allowed to remain as it was until it fell down. The four branches over which she had stepped were thrown into the water. The dress which she had worn was taken to a hilltop and burned, and the rest of her clothes were hung up in trees. The girl, during the training period, was allowed to eat any kind of roots or vegetables, also dried salmon and trout. She must not eat fresh salmon or trout, nor grouse or other birds until the day after they had been killed ; she must not eat deer or other quadrupeds, either fresh or dried ; nor berries until a month after the first ones were ripe : else she would be liable to sickness or to be bewitched. A young woman should never eat bear-meat ; if she did, she would have no children. A man who had a maturing daughter should not hunt or trap for about a month, as he would be unsuccessful. He should cut off the head of the first grouse he snared, take out its eyes, and place two small roots of Zygadenus elegans Pursh. in its orbits, and another in its mouth. It was then hung above or near his pillow. If this were not done, he would not be able to snare any more grouse or other small game. Other hunters would not give any deer-meat to the father of a maturing girl, and he generally did not give any to other hunters. Puberty of Boys. — The ceremonies which boys had to perform depended upon their aspirations. Those who desired to become great hunters had to prac- tise hunting and shooting in a ceremonial way. Those who desired to be warriors prayed to the Sun to give them their wish, and performed mimic battles. The would-be gambler danced, and played with gambling-sticks. Only warriors prayed to the Sun. The others prayed to the Dawn of the Day. If a boy wanted to .>;« I J 3'8 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. r: r develop into an extraordinary man, the ceremonial isolation and practice were extended over years, which he spent alone with his guardian spirit in the moun- tains, fasting, sweating, and praying, until he gained the desired knowledge. Boys painted their faces afresh each day, according to their dreams, and did not let any person see the painted design until after they had obtained their protectors; therefore when they returned home, after their excursion in the mountains, they wore no face-paint. Adolescent boys commenced their regular training when they dreamed for the first time of an arrow, a canoe, or a woman. This happened generally between the ages of twelve and sixteen years. They were then made to run races, with their bows and arrows in their hands, until they sweated, when they were sent to wash in cold water. This was done four times on each of four successive days. During these days their faces were painted red all over, and they had to wear a head- band of cedar or other bark (Fig. 286), or sometimes of deer or other skin with hair on. The band was often narrow and twisted. They also wore deer-hoof ornaments round their ankles and knees, and used a tube for drinking through, and a bone to scratch their heads. They wore aprons on which were painted designs symbolizing their future occupations (see Fig. 302). On the night of the first day they had to repair to a mountain-top and light a fire, and dance and sing there all night. The next three nights they repaired to the same mountain-top, or some other near by, where they spent the night dancing, singing, and praying to the Dawn of the Day, al 1 firing arrows at targets in the early morning. They lighted the fire and prayed, that they might live long and always be healthy. The fire was also intended, it is said, as a signal to all the world that they had at- tained puberty. They then left their homes at intervals, and went to the lonely parts of the mountains, where they remained for from two to ten days at a time. If the weather were good, they generally staid away a month or two at a time, living on what game they shot. The first time they returned to the mountains, they had to stay four days and nights, during which they were supposed to fast. Some staid eight days. For two days they did not drink. When at home, they ate sparingly and kept away from the fire, bathing morning and evening in the nearest creek. On repairing to the mountains, they took along a water-basket and a fire-drill, also a mat. There they fasted Fig. 3S6 (ilh)' Boy'i Head-band. ii TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 3'9 sometimes for many days. They also purged themselves with medicine, made themselves vomit by running a thin pliable stick, or four small sticks tied together, down their throats, and purified themselves by means of the sweat-bath and by washing in cold water. This last, however, was not done until the second sojourn in the mountains, or about ten or more days after the beginning of the ceremonies. The door of the sweat-lodge always faced the east, and was made of four sticks thickly interwoven with fir-branches, being movable in one piece, and made to fit the doorway. There was no rule as to the number of stones used to heat the sweat-lodge : many used eight, and some only four. The youths often struck their bodies with nettles while sweat-bathing. When the stones cooled off, they took them in their arms and ran with them, throwing them in front of them one after another, and praying that all disease and all laziness might leave them as these stones did. While in the sweat-lodge they prayed and sang, addressing the spirit of sweat-bathing, and asking to be made physically strong, agile, wise, brave, lucky, and wealthy, good hunters, trappers, and fishermen, etc.; also that they might never be bewitched, nor sick, poor, lazy, easily tired, etc. They addressed the spirit of sweat-bathing as " The Sweat-bathing Grandfather Chief." After sweat-bathing, they rubbed on their faces and under their armpits withered sun- flower-leaves which had been pounded up, fine silt or mud sediment gathered off stones which had been deposited on the river-beach by the summer floods, or the white dusty covering on bark of cottonwood-trees. This they did that hair might not grow on their faces, nor their armpits smell bad. Four times they filled their mouths with water, and gargled their throats, that they might have a sweet breath. They rolled themselves, naked, in the dew, or washed their bodies with branches covered with dew. They did not paint quite as much after marriage as before. Some men were told by their spirit to paint either the left or right side, or to decorate their clothing in a certain manner, which they always did. They also went through a system of gymnastics, jumping over sticks or bars placed between trees, logs, etc. ; ran up and down hills as swiftly as possible, and without stopping ; and took long runs or walks until fatigued, sometimes shoot- ing at objects along their path as they ran. All the time they prayed that they might be made swift of foot, and strong of limb and lungs. They also practised shoot- ing at marks with bows and arrows, and also shooting in the dark, or in moonlight and at daybreak. They set up a deer's humerus horizontally on a stick. The bone was cut crosswise, and the open end was placed toward the marksman. Some- times immediately above this bone were suspended three additional marks, in the form of miniature figures of deer made of deerskin stuffed with grass. They were hung by strings from a branch, one above another. These represented a buck, a doe, and a fawn. The first-named had antlers, and was hung uppermost ; the doe, in the middle ; and the fawn, underneath. After dark each night, or in moonlight, for four successive nights, they fired four arrows at these targets from a distance of about thirty yards, then went up to the objects to see if they had hit them. If they had missed them, they went away and ran for about a 1 ►» C'-i ■-^; F: t 320 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. mile, then came back and fired four arrows at them apain. If they were still unsuccessful, they continued shootinp and runninjj all night, and at daylight retired to their sweat-baths, where they sweated, and prayed to be made good marksmen. If a lad did not hit these marks during the first four nights, he would be a very indifferent hunter ; if he hit two of them, he would become a fairly good hunter ; if he hit all of them, he would be a great hunter ; if he hit the buck, he would shoot more bucks than other deer; and so on. If he hit the bone, he would be a good marksman, and hit animals in vital places. If he gavt: the first squirrel, or chipmunk, or grouse he shot, to some old person to eat, he would be lucky and shoot more. He made round holes in rocks or in bowlders with a jadeite adze, which was held in the hand. Every night he worked at these until the holes were two or three inches deep. When making them he prayed, " May 1 have strength of arm ; may my arm never get tired — from thee, O Stone ! " This was believed to make the arm tireless and the hand dextrous in making stone implements of any kind. When repairing to certain peaks and lonely places in the mountains, some youths set up a stone, danced nd sang around it, and finally fired an arrow at it. If the stone moved or cr. J out, it was a sign that their efforts to become great hunters had been crowned with success. The ceremonial rites continued until the lad dreamed of some animal or bird. These particular animals or birds then became his protectors or guardian spirits for life, and to them he afterward prayed. Besides helping him, and pro- tecting him from danger, they also became mediums, imparting to him power and magic, also knowledge concerning the world of the living and that of the dead. They furnished him with a song, with which he called them up. Some Indians had only one protector, while others had many ; but of these usually one was chief. After receiving a guardian spirit, they painted their faces with designs symbolic of this spirit, often suggested by their dreams. They also decorated their clothing in accordance with instructions received from the guardian spirit. The lads then set out with bows and arrows to hunt the subject of their drca.Tis. Having shot it, they took off the skin, which they preserved entire. Sometimes a boy would have dreams similar to those of his father, or at least about the same guardian spirit. Sometimes his father would give him a piece of the skin or a feather of his own guardian spirit to take with him into the mountains. This was supposed to help him. Often the boy dreamed about it, and it thus became one of his guardian spirits. Fathers would sometimes ask their sons about their dreams, would interpret them, and would give advice in regard to them. Many Indians carried about with them wherever they went a bag into which they put the skin of their guardian spirit. This bag was made of the entire skin of some bird or animal which was one of the guardian spirits of the person. Others preferred taking a part of the feathers or skin, and wearing it around their . > i r • i 1 , ; TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 32» person, especially tied to their hair. It has been mentioned before (p. 219) that ponchos, neck-bands, etc., were made of the skins of jfuardian spirits. Boys at the period of adolescence did not j^o near the lodge of a menstruat- ing woman ; should they do so, they would bleed at the nose. As a rule, they did not touch the winter-house ladder with their hands, because women defiled it with theirs ; but if they did, they had to wash their hands afterward. Youths when at home never washed in close proximity to married people. If a youth should enter a sweat-house where a married couple were or had been sweat-bath- ing together, he would become a poor man. A young man while training did not drink the brew, or water in which deer or other flesh had been boiled, as it would make him heavy-footed. He did not eat berries or roots, or any food prepared by women. He ate only deer and other animal meat, but especially the former, either fresh or dried, grouse and other birds, and fresh or dried salmon or trout. He always ate alone. Lads painted records, which were pictures representing their ceremonies and their dreams, on bowlders, or oftener on cliffs, especially in wild spots, like caflons, near waterfalls, etc. These were generally pictures of animals, birds, fishes, arrows, fir-branches, lakes, sun, thunder, etc. Figures of women symbolized their future wives. It was believed that the making of rock-paintings insured long life. The perforations for nose-ornaments and ear-rings were generally made about the time of puberty or after the ceremonial training. At the present day a few females have their ears bored when infants. Tattooing was also done at about the same time. T'lis applied to both males and females. Almost all the customs connected with the puberty of males have fallen into disuse. They are practised by a very few in a much modified form. Those per- taining to the puberty of females are still maintained to a great extent ; but some of the old rites have also become somewhat modified either in their observance or in their form. Sweat-bathing is still very commonly indulged in, especially by men, but principally for sanitary purposes. The practice of having a cold bath after each steam-bath, as among the Shuswap and the Okanagon, is maintained. The custom of a man or a woman dressing and bdiaving like a member of the opposite sex, which is so frequent among the Coast tribes, did not prevail among the Thompsons. Only two people at Spuzzum were known to do so, but they were more closely related to the Coast tribes than to the Thompsons, and spent the greater part of their lives at Yale. Marriage. — Girls were often betrothed while mere infants to men some- times twenty years their senior. They were considered marriageable only after they had finished the ceremonies attendant upon reaching the age of puberty. This was approximately in the seventeenth or eighteenth year, but sometimes the ceremonies were continued until the twenty-third year. Most of the men married from three to seven years after finishing the puberty ceremonials, and it may be said that most of them married between the ages of twenty-two and twenty-five 1 ilii 1 • l[ tf. 333 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. F: years. In most cases the husband was about five years older than the wife ; but it was by no means a rare occurrence for a girl of twenty years to marry a man of forty or fifty years, in these cases, however, the man was almost always a widower or already married. Young men very seldom married women much older than themselves, except in cases where a younger brother had to take his older brother's widow. At the present day men and women marry at the age of about twenty and eighteen years respectively. Marriages between young girls and old men are much rarer than they used to be, while young men quite frequently marry middle-aged women. One of the modes of marriage considered the most honorable was that called " to place down," probably having reference to the laying-down of presents before the parents or relatives of the girl sought in marriage. A young man who desired a girl for his wife sent a relative or some person, generally middle-aged, to the girl's parents to lay his intentions before them. This messenger took with him the presents which the young man proposed to give to the parents. After stating the object of his visit, he placed the gifts before them. The parents took them, and, after laying them aside, told the messenger that they would consider the matter. A meeting of the girl's nearest kin was then called, and the subject of the proposed marriage discussed. If all agreed in thinking the young man a suitable person, the girl was asked if she liked him. If she assented, which she generally did, not caring to go against the wishes of her relatives, the messenger was informed of it, and the suitor was invited to the house of the parents of the intended bride. Offers of marriage were often made at gatherings or public assemblies. The young man, or, if he was bashful, some man appointed by his parents, proclaimed before all the people that the suitor made an offer of marriage to a certain girl, the " daughter of So-and-So," and that these were the presents, at the same time throwing them down, or, if a horse, leading it out. As in the preceding case, if the offer was refused, the presents were returned ; but if the proposal was accepted, the presents were retained. Although nominally given to the parents of the girl, they were never retained or used by them, but were divided among the girl's blood relatives. Among the Lower Thompsons, wealthy people, if pleased with the new son-in-law, returned the marriage presents to him. This custom, however, was exceptional, and may have been introduced from the Coast tribes. It was only done by some of the rich. Sometimes a part of the presents only was returned. In another form of marriage, equally honorable and probably the commonest, the girl's family took the initiative.. The parents of the girl, having singled out some young man who they thought would make a good husband to their daughter, approached him or his parents. If favorably received, they betrothed their daughter to the young man, who was to come for his bride at some future date, the time for their meeting being also arranged. They were then looked upon as man and wife, both parties being thus bound inviolably. In both these forms of marriage the ceremonies did not end here. The young man, when invited, U V U i TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 323 did not at once repair to the bride's house to claim her, but generally waited several days, until told by his parents to do so. He then went to claim his bride, staying at her parents' house several days. Then he took her to his father's house, where she was well treated, and not allowed to do any work. After a few days or weeks, or even a moirh or more, the young man's father called the neighbors together, and informed them of his intention to conduct the newly married couple back to the house of the bride's father on a certain date. His friends and neighbors then gave the bridegroom's father presents of food or other articles. On the day mentioned the people assembled. The father presented his son with a new suit of clothes, and the mother presented her daughter-in-law with a similar gift, and these in both cases were immediately put on over the other clothes. When the food and presents h^d been gathered together, the company started, carrying them ; 01 if they had plenty of horses, the horse carried the gifts, and the party was mounted. The bride and bridegroom were mounted on two of the best steeds, generally a present to the former from her father-in-law. On arriving at the house of the bride's father, they gave him their presents of food, ' which was immediately cooked, and a feast spread for friends and neighbors. After that the bride's father prepared a large Uast for his guests. When all the feasting was at an end, the newly married pair divested- themselves of their new clothes, and gave them to the bride's parents, who in their turn gave them to some of the bride's kin. The presents were given by the guests nominally to the parents of the bride, but in reality to the friends of the parents, among whom they were divided. Another feast was given in the morning, and then the party returned home, leaving the bride and bridegroom with the relatives of the former. After a while these friends paid a return visit in the same manner, conducting the newly married couple back to the parents of the bridegroom. P'easts and presents were given in the same manner as on the former occasion, the presents being divided among the friends of the bridegroom's father to repay them for the pres- ents given by them to the latter. Suits of clothing were given, as on the former occasion ; and the married couple, on starting, were mounted on horses presented to the bridegroom by his father-in-law. On the return of the party, the couple were left with the relatives of the young man's father. Here the marriage cere- monies ended, the couple living with or visiting their respective parents afterward, just as they felt inclined. Sometimes, if a man's son had set his heart on a girl who belonged to another tribal division, and lived a considerable distance away, the fathe: rolled up the presents, and carried them himself to the house of the girl's parents, and there put them down, saying, " I have come to seek from you a daughter-in-law." If his son's suit was accepted, then he went back next morning, taking his new daughter-in-law with him. Another form of marriage was that contracted by a man touching a girl's person. Even if he touched her accidentally, he was compelled to marry her. A man who touched the naked breasts or heel of a maiden transformed her at once into his wife, and there was no retraction for either party, so that henceforth Mi :i :> r 324 IKir, rilF, IHOMPSON IN1)1\N.S OK HRITISH COLUMBIA. J tlicy lived togellK.T as rn.i.. ;m«l \\\W:. If a joiinj; man intentionally touched a yoiini,' woman witli his arrow, it was thtt same as askinjf her to become his wife. If she hiMij^ down her head, it was taken as an assent. Tlu; j^irl told her paients th:.t .So-and-.So had asked licr to marry iiitr, and she wished to do so. Two ilays afterward thc' yoimj^ man repaired to her house, and if the people called him "son-in-law," and treated him well, h<; knew that he was accepted. The man who cut or lr)osed one strinj^- of tiie lacing wiiich covered a maiden's lireast, cut her lireeth-cloth, or lay down beside her, iiad tf) marry her ; md she at one; became iiis n'eognized wife wit limit further ceremony. Sometimes a young man would .(■pair to the imuse of his sweetheart after every oni; had gone to bed. He knew when; she sle|)t. He would (juictl)' li(; tlown beside hei' on the edge of her blankc-t. .Some'tinujs siie would give an alarm, and he w(iidd have to run out, but ()ft(;n she would ask who he was. If she did not care for him. .she told him to leave, or struck him ; but if she liked him, she said no more. He lay this way on lop of her blanket, she underneath, neither of them talking, till near daybreak ; then he crept iioiselessly away, just whisijvring to her " Good-by." He would comt; and do likewise for three nights more. On the fourth and last night she would ]nit In-;- ami and hand outsich; the bl.inket. This was a sure sign that he was acce|)led, th'irefore h.; took !ier hand in his. I'rom that moment they were man and wife. On tJK; ne.' 1! ^': m^\ TKIT, THK THOMPSON INDIANS OK BRMISH COLUMBIA. 329 After burial, the deceased was addressed by an elderly person, and asked to take pity on the widow or widower and not to trouble him. Some food was often thrown on the ground near the grave to be used by the deceased while visiting his grave, and that he might not visit the house in search of food, causing sickness to the people. On the burial of a child, its clothes and cradle were hung up near the grave, or, if no tree or bushes were at hand, they were buried in the vicinity of the grave. Sometimes, when a mother died leaving an infant child, the latter was wrapped up in a robe and buried alive along with the mother, in its birch-bark or other cradle. This was done because, they say, the child would die, anyway, and it was often hard to obtain any other woman to suckle it. A small heap of I^owlders was often placed on top of the grave to mark its site. Over most graves were erected conical huts made of poles covered with bark or with fir- branches. Others, those belonging to the richer people, had conical tents made of skins or mats put over them. Sometimes a pile of stones was placed inside the tent. Poles were also erected at many graves, and on these were suspended many of the arti- cles belonging to the dead person. The poles always had the bark peeled off, and were painted with red ochre their entire length, or sometimes for a distance of a few feet above the ground. .Some were marked with circles or with bars one above another. These, the Indians say, had no special meaning : it was just customary to paint them thus. On many graves, particularly in the country near Lytton, the canoe of the de- ceased was placed bottom side up. On some graves were wooden figures almost life size or larger than life size, carved as nearly as possible in the likeness of the deceased person, whether man or woman (Figs. 287- 289). The Indians say that a long time ago grave figures were not used b\- the Upper Thompsons, and tliat this custom was borrowed from the lower division of the tribe. East of Ljtlon very few of these figures were found. The figures were often painted in the favorite style of the deceased, and had hair glued to the heail Fig. j88. rigs. 287 (,J»,), m (ilf.l, iSg hignna. Length!,, 8 h. i in., q ft. a in. Fig. aSg. (,«,). i;r..vc ,8 ft. 4 in. t- 330 TRIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. •wlik'r-l>urials. They also buried their dead in shillow graves, and placed a large heap of stones on the top (see Part VI of this vlutne). It is said' that the Shuswap i«ed some'imes to repair in the early morning in a body to graveyards, and spend some time in praying. t:- ti '■ ••. 'i •^ 33a "RIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. t .. ' ! ) is not safe, except for a person who has a strong guardian spirit, to smoke out of the pipe of a man who ha,s recently died. The tobacco will burn up in it faster than usual. This is a sign that the deceased wishes the pipe. If a man's traps or snares were desired by his relatives, they were taken some considerable distance away from either human habitation or graveyard, and hung up in a tree for a long time before being used. The first night after the burial of a person, the people of the house to which the deceased belonged made four miniature figures of deer (two does and two bucks) out of dry grass. These they suspended on small strings to the roof of the winter house, and shot at them with arrows made of sharp-pointed sticks until they fell down. Sometimes the deer would fall down after a few shots, but at other times not until they were full of arrows. They divined by this whether an- other death would occur soon or not. If one of the figures fell down with the first arrow, it was said another death would occur very shortly. If it was a doe, they said a woman would die. If all the figures had several arrows in them before they fell down, the people said another death would not take place for a long time to come. A string of deer-hoofs wich a short line attached was hung across the inside of the winter house. This was to hinder the ghost from entering. During four successive nights an old woman pulled at this string frequently to make the hoofs rattle. Branches of juniper were also placed at the door of the house, or were burned in the fire, for the same purpose. After a death, the people generally moved camp to a distance for some time. The name of a person recently deceased must not be mentioned. Terms of affinity unde^-go a change after the death of husband or wife. If a father or mother died leaving an orphan, the latter was forbidden to eat venison for two years. Parents bereft of a child did not eat fresh meat for several months. Children whose mother had died were made to jump four times over the mother's corpse. If they were too young to jump, they were lifted by their friends four times over the corpse, or wore made to v/alk four times past the feet. Widows or widowers, on the death of their husbands or wives, went out at once, and passed througli a patch of rosebushes four times. They also had to wander about, lither during the hours of the evening or at daybreak, for four days after the death of the deceased, wiping their eyes with fir-twigs, which they hung up in the Kianchcs of trees, praying to the Dawn. They also rubbed four times across their eyes a small smooth stone taken from beneath running water, and then threw it away, praying that they might not become blind. The first four days they must not touch their food, but ate with sharp-pointed sticks, and spat out the first four mouthfuls of each meal, and the first four of water, into the fire. Immediately on the death of husband or wife, they donned a narrow head-band made of the bark of Elcvagnus argentciX (Ult'sh. Nowadays a narrow white hand- kerchief is used instead of this, \gx a yt^ar they had to sleep on a jjei) made of fir-branches on w)^ TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 333 rosebush-sticks were also spread at the foot, head, and middle. Branches of bear- berry, mountain-ash, juniper, sage, etc., were also in the middle of the bed. They slept with head toward the north, never toward the west. Some widowers slept with head toward the south. Many wore a few small twigs of rosebush and juniper in a piece of buckskin on their persons. They did not paint their faces. They had to wash themselves in the creeks, and clean themselves with fresh fir-twigs, morning and evening, for a year. The twigs were laid side by side, with their butt-ends toward the east. If they failed to perform these ceremonies, they would be visited with sore throat, loss of voice, or loss-- of sight. They were also forbidden to eat venison or flesh of any kind, fresh fish, moss-cakes, sunflower-root, wild cherries, service-berries, and bear-berries, for one year. Some would eat fresh salmon, if a day or more had passed since it had been caught. They abstained from smoking for half a year. A widower must not fish at another man's fishing-place, or with another man's net. If he did, it would make the station and the net useless for the season. If a widower transplanted a trout into another lake, before releasing it he blew on the head of the fish, and, after having chewed deer-fat, he spat some of the grease out on its head, so as to remove the baneful effect of his touch. Then he let it go, bidding it farewell, and asking it to propagate and become plentiful. Any grass or branches that a widow or widower sat or lay down on withered up. If a widow should break sticks or branches, her hands or arms would also break. She must not pick berries for a year, else the whole crop of berries would fall off the bushes, or would wither up. She must u^i cook food or fetch water for her children, nor let them lie down on her bed, nor should she lie or sit where they slept. Some widows wore a breech-cloth made of dry bunch-grass for several days, that the ghost of the husband should not have connection with her. A widower must not fish or hunt, because it was unlucky both for himself and for other hunters. When on horseback, he generally tied ; small piece of fir- branch to the horse's mane or to the horn of the saddle. He 'lid not allow his shadow to pass in front of another widower, or of any person who was supposed to be gifted with more knowledge or magic than ordinary. If a widow or widower blows downward on the tips of the fingers, he or she will grow thin. When they wish to grow stout, they place their finger-ends in front of the mouth and draw in their breath. If they blow on various parts of the body while bathing, they will grow stout. An orphan, widow, or widower ought to eat only few but hearty meals. If they should eat little at a time and often, they would always be hungry. On the fourth day after the death had occurred, the widow or widower cut the hair short, or square across the neck. The detached hai"- was tied up in a knot, attached to a stone, and thrown into the river. The same day the widower, and often the widow, tied buckskin thongs round the right ankle, knee, and wrist, and round the neck. Sometimes pieces of rosebush-wood were attached to them. They also wore twigs of fir in their belts or in the bosoms of their shirts. When 1 ■» 334 TEIT, I'HP: THOMPSON INDIANS OF URITISH COLUMBIA. •si mourning a father, buckskin thongs were worn on the ankles and knees of both legs, and also round the neck. These thongs were cut off at the end of a year, unless they had fallen off sooner. A widower should not marry until they have fallen off. The use of conical tents, canoes, and wooden figures at graves has become altogether obsolete among the Upper Thompsons. P'or a time, poles on which were hoisted flags and streamers of different colors, and sometimes guns and blankets, were used in place of these. People who were well off renewed these every two or three years, also giving a feast to the people who came to witness their renewal. This custom has fallen greatly into disuse, and has been succeeded by the putting-up of neat fences around each grave, and another fence around the whole graveyard. These fences are painted different colors, white predomi- nating. Crosses are put up at almost every grave, some of them having money nailed to them. Within the last fifteen years small carved figures of birds, etc., have been placed on graves by some of the Spences Bridge and Nicola bands. They are generally placed on top of crosses, on top of the gate-posts, or on the corner- posts of the graveyard fence. Ihe figures represent roosters, ducks, grouse, etc. ; also the moon, canoes, etc. They do not, as a rule, represent the guardian spirit of any person interred there, but are used for ornament only. This custom was probably copied from the Lower Thompsons, being formerly unknown. Some people still bury certain articles with the deceased, such as clothes, shoes, money, etc. ; and several pairs of new blankets are wrapped around or thrown on top of the coffin. Hats, babies' cradles, and other articles, are still hung up near graves by some. At present, the day about a year after the death of a person is made the occasion of a large " paying " day by the relatives of the deceased. This cere- mony is often confounded by the whites with the potlatch already described (see p. 297). When the event comes off, the people from all around are called to the house of the dead person's chief relative, and are sumptuously feasted by the lat- ter and his friends for several days. At this time a fence is generally erected around the grave, the assembly being called out to witness it. After entertaining the people several days, the relatives of the deceased announce that they are going to " pay." The payments consist of money, blankets, horses, etc. The man who washed the deceased gets a certain amount,.the man who made the coffin so much, and likewise those who dug the grave, made the fence, etc. The messenger who went out to announce the death, and the women who cooked the food for the company, are also liberally paid. If the deceased owed anything to other people, and they substantiate their claim, these debts are also paid. Many horses are generally given away to the assembled company " to wipe away their tears." These are sold on the spot to the highest bidder, and the money divided among the people, each person's share seldom amounting to more than a dollar. The payments are made with the same ceremony as in the potlatch. A TKIT, 'I'HE THOMl'SON INDIANS OK HRITISH COLUMBIA. 335 speaker stands up, exhibits the article, and makes a speech with each payment. The relatives of the deceased sit in a circle in front of the assembly, sometimes on the opposite side of the fireplace, and thiir s[)eaker stands near them. While arranging the payments, the male relatives smoke a large pipe, which is constantly passed around in the direction of the sun. An old man has to fill it as soon as it is empty. Sometimes, at the present day, the relatives of a deceased person will pay out on these occasions from ten to fifteen horses, about twenty or thirty pairs of new blankets, fifty dollars or more in money, also guns and other things, besides the cost of the food required to sustain for several days a hundred or more people. Very few like to be considered mean or stingy in making payment for services rendered to a dead relative, therefore they pay liberally in goods. The buckskin thongs worn by widowers are cut after this festival. One rather curious custom was [jeculiar to the Spences Bridge band. When an adult died, the male relatives of the deceased, after burying and mourning their friend, said to one another, "We are sorrowful: let us wipe away our tears," which they did by setting out on the war-path. They did not return un- til they had " wiped away their tears," and stayed their grief, by the slaughter of one or more enemies, generally Lillooet, after which they settled down to the usual routine of life. These parties numbered from two or three to upwards of a dozen individuals, consisting of the nearest male relatives of the deceased and any outsiders who wished to join. If a stranger were among them, some one might kill him, and perhaps bury his body, as a funeral offering, within or over the grave of one of his relatives v/.\o had recently died. Burial Customs ok the Lowe i Thomi'sons. — The Lower Thompsons have a tradition that very long ago they bjried their dead ; but for many generations they have followed the custom of placing the bodies in large square cedar boxes, which were often painted and carved. The boxes had lids, and were supported by posts, which were also often painted and carved. Each box belonged to a certain family or group of families, and many bodies were placed in the same box. When the boxes were full, a new one was made and placed near by. Some of these boxes had pitched roofs. Poles and grave figures were put up around the boxes. Articles of clothing and other offerings were often attached to these. It was permitted to remove an article hung up in this way, provided it was replaced by some other similar article, although inferior in quality. Streamers were flying from the tops of the poles as a token of respect to the deceased. A few old burial-places consisted of a staging erected on poles or posts. The bodies were wrapped in mats of cedar-bark in a sitting position, and deposited in boxes or on the stagings. Carved figures and poles surrounded these burial- places also. This method of disposing of their dead was the only one practised near Spuzzum, the custom being probably copied from the Coast tribes. The Lower Thompsons made grave figures much more frequently than the Upper Thompsons. One figure, which is said to have been near the village at Boston IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ^A''' ■•'/^ 1.0 v^ ^ ^^= itt Uii §2.2 II 1*1 It ^ W^^B m t^ ^ nic Sdaices Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STRUT WliSTM.N.Y. 14SM (716)t72-4S03 ■^ ^ s r ft •■"•si If h ... „ 336 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. Bar, was made in the form of a man of colossal stature, having a hole in its back large enough for a person to squat inside. It was used as a receptacle for the dead while awaiting burial. The Lower Thompsons also put up carved wooden figures of birds, sometimes of quadrupeds, at graves, instead of the usual grave-figures representing a man or a woman. Grave-figures were manufactured in solitary places. If they were seen before being finished, the artists would not be able to finish them properly. The bones of a deceased relative were frequently taken up, bundled together, and re-covered with new material, as among the upper divisions of the tribe. As it was usual to give a large feast at such times, the custom was confined in a large measure to the wealthy. Through the influence of the missionaries and the whites, the Lower Thompsons have now adopted the custom of bury'ng their dead. They have removed their old grave-boxes, and buried the contents. In some instances, where the boxes were of comparatively recent construction, built of lumber in the shape of a house, they have allowed them to stand, and have buried the bones inside. The last grave-box was treated thus in 1898. In the same year the people at Spuzzum, while digging into a bank for gold, came accidentally on a prehistoric burial-ground near the mouth of Spuzzum Creek. This site was quite unknown to the present inhabitants of the neighbor- hood. The bones were found, in some places, nearly fifteen feet below the surface, as the wind had caused an accumulation of sand over them. Others were covered to the depth of five or six feet only. During the early part of the century the Spuzzum people had a large grave-box over this spot. About twenty skeletons were dug out, all apparently buried on the same level, and in a circle around ashes which seemed to be the remains of a large lodge fire. They had been interred in a sitting posture, and some of them had evidently been wrapped in birch-bark. With many of the skeletons were found stone hammers and £.dzes, long stones similar to files, dentalia, grisly-bear claws, and, with one skele- ton, a copper club (see Part III, Fig. 82). The Indians removed all the bones, and reburied them in the present graveyard of the Spuzzum people. Near this grave-site are the remains oi' some very old winter houses,' some of them showing holes from six to eight feet deep. In the centre of these are growing large wil- low and alder trees. It seems probable that this may have been the burial-ground of the ancient inhabitants of these houses. This burial-place recalls the customs of the Liliooet, who sometimes buried a person in the lodge, not far from the fireplace, afterward removing the lodge. Then, when the next relative of the man thus buried died, he was placed alongside the first body. So, eventually, where the lodge had been, there was a graveyard with a circle of bodies around the old fireplace. The Liliooet also sometimes used birch-bark for lining the grave, or for wrapping or covering the body. ' According to some Indians, the same ones as those mentioned ir .raditioni of the Ixiwer Thompsons. .1) ■.•■«« I' XII. — RELIGION. ■I Conception of the World. — The earth is believed to be square, the corners directed toward the points of the compass. Some believe it to be nearly circular. Lytton is the centre of the world, because here Coyote's son, when returning from the sky, reached the earth.' The world is comparatively level in the centre, but very mountainous near its outer edge. It is surrounded by lakes, over which hover clouds and mists. The earth rises toward the north, and for this reason it is colder in t'te northern parts. All the rivers rise in the north, and flow south- ward into the lakes surrounding the earth. East and west are the two most im- portant points of the compass. North and south are but seldom mentioned. Centre, zenith, and nadir are of still less frequent occurrence in tales or rituals. Consequently four is the mystic number tnat occurs in all ceremonials and myt^s, while seven is rare. Mountains and valleys were given their present form by a number of trans- formers who travelled through the world (Teit, 3ia., p. 19). The greatest of these transformers was the Old Coyote, who, it is said, was sent by the " Old Man" to put the world in order. At the same time three brothers named Qoa'qtqaL travelled all over the country, working miracles. There lived still another transformer, whose name was Kokwe'la {Peuccdanum ntacrocarpum Nutt.). The brothers were finally transformed into stone, while the Old Coyote disappeared, and retreated to his house of ice. Then the Old Man travelled over the country. The beings who inhabited the world during the mythological age, until the time of the transformers, were called spfita'kL. They were men with animal characteristics. They were gifted in magic, and their children reached maturity in a few months. They were finally transformed into real animals. Most of the rocks and bowlders of remarkable shape are considered as trans- formed men or animals of the mythological period. At that time it was very hot and windy, and, according to the Lower Thompsons, very dry. There are three rocks situated about five miles east of Spences Bridge. These are called " the privates of the Coyote and of the Coyote's wife, and their basket kettle" (Plate XIX, Fig. 2). It is said that the Coyote and his wife were cooking a meal at this place when the Qoa'qi,qaL passed along. They tried to kill the Coyote and his wife by their magic, but failed, owing to the superior magical powers of the Coyote. They managed, however, to turn the parts of the Coyote and his wife above mentioned into stone, and also their basket kettle. Cold winds are caused by a people who live far to the north, where earth and sky meet. When they leave their house, a cold wind begins to blow. Hot winds are made in the same way, by another people who live fnr south. In former times these peoples used to make war on each other, thus exposing the eartii to alter- nate spells of hot and cold winds. These wars were ended by the marriage of the ' Traditions of the Thompson River Indians, by James Teit, pp. 25, 104, I337] 3;i8 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, f r ~ \m r: daughter of tl e chief of the south to the son of the chief of the north. Their child was eventually thrown into the water, and became the ice drifting down the river (Teit, /it'd., p. 55). In one legend (Teit, /6t(/., pp. 87, 1 18) the wind is described as a man with a large head, and a body so thin and light that it fluttered about and could not re- main on the ground. In the beginning the Wind blew a gale all the time ; but he was snared by a young man, and released only after he had promised to moderate. The thunder is said to be a bird a little larger than a grouse, and of some- what similar shape. Some describe the color of its plumage as wholly red ; while others say that it resembles the female blue grouoC, but has large red bars above its eyes, or has a red head, or some red in its plumage. The Thunder-bird shoots arrows, using his wings as a bow. The rebound of his wings in the air, after shooting, makes the thunder. For this reason, thunder is heard in different parts of the sky at once, being the noise from each wing. The arrow-heads fired by the Thunder are found in many parts of the country. They are of black stone and of very large size. Some Indians say that light- ning is the twinkling of the Thunder's eyes. Fog or mist is said to be the " steam of the earth," which rises when it is heated ; while some say it is caused, or was originated, by the Coyote. When he turns over, fog comes. In the beginning there were no lakes and rivers. They originated after a deluge, which also carried fish into the ponds. Only the Coyote and three men escaped the deluge (Teit, /6i(/., p. 20). Fire and water were in the possession of certain animals, and had to be liberated in order to become common property (Teit, /6td., pp. 56-58). The Indians believe in the existence of a great many mysterious beings. The "land mysteries" are the spirits of mountain-peaks. In the lakes and at cascades live " water mysteries." Some of these appear in the form of men or women, grisly bears, fish of peculiar shape, etc., emerging from the water. Any person who may happen to see these apparitions will die shortly afierward. The lakes and creeks in the high mountains to the west and south of Lytton are noted for being frequented by these mysteries. People passing within sight of these places always turn their faces away from them, lest they might see these ap- paritions, and die. Between three mountains near Foster's Bar a lake is situated in which strange mysteries may be seen, such as logs crossing the lake with dogs running backv/ard and forward on them, ranoes crossing without occupants, and ice changing into people who run along ihe shore, all of which finally vanish. To see these is considered an evil omen. A lake in the mountains near the country of the Coast tribes has never been known to freeze over, no matter how cold the weather. There is sometimes seen on its waters an apparition in the shape of a boat with oars, manned by Hudson Bay employees, dressed in dark-blue coats, shirts, and caps, and red sashes. They f) * r ^ TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS Ok-' BRITISH COLUMBIA. 339 always appear at the same end of the lake, and row across to the other end, where they talk with one another in French. Then they row back as they came, and disappear. If four men are seen in the boat, it is considered a good omen ; but if eight men, the reverse is the case, and the person seeing the apparition will become sick, or will die shortly afterward. A lake at the head of Salmon River becomes very tempestuous as soon as people touch its waters. They appease it by throwing the white inner bark of the cedar on its waters. The Indians claim that some of the rock paintings to be found in their country, especially those on rocks which overlook water, are the work of the spirits of those places. One of these was on a rock facing the pool between the little and big waterfalls of Waterfall Creek, near Spences Bridge. The pictures were made in red paint, and represented the sun, the stars, the coyote, wolf, grisly bear, etc. They were at one time very plain, but within the last few years have become obliterated. The Indians say that this is a sign that the " spirit " has left the place. Another painting of this description was above NEqa'umin Waterfall, near Thompson Siding. Still another was on a cliff overhanging Nicola Lake, not far from Kwiltca'na. This painting is said to be still visible. The Indians, while passing below in canoes, avoid looking at the place, because, if they do so, they say che wind will immediately commence to blow. Another painting is on a rock overlooking Kamloops Lake, not far from Savona. This picture is also ascribed by most Indians to a supernatural agency, while some claim that it was painted by the Shuswap to commemorate a victory gained at that place by the latter over a war-party of Thompson Indians. The Lower Thompsons believe in different kinds of monsters to be met with occasionally in the mountains ; as, for instance, a human body of a white color, without any limbs, which constantly rolls over the ground, uttering cries like an infant. A pet son who sees any of these monsters will die shortly after- ward. Such monstrosities as these seem to be unknown to the upper divisions of the tribe. On some clifTs, pictures in brilliant colors are seen, which vanish as suddenly as they appear. The Upper Thompsons believe in a race of dwarfs who inhabit ste^ p cliffs and forests. They are just like men ; but their skins are pale, and their bodies very gaunt. They are only about two feet tall. They wander around the moun- tains, sometimes shouting, groaning, or weeping. Their eyes are sunk very deep in their heads. They run away from hunters, and go into inaccessible places. Some Indians had them for their " guardian spirits." The Spences Bridge Indians claim not to have seen any for the last fifteen years. Formerly they were very numerous in the Okanagon country.' The Lower Thompsons say that they can make themselves v'sible or invisible at will. According to their ideas, the dwarf women do not exceed three feet in height. A f j\ :>f the men, how- ever, are tall, surpassing the tallest Indians in stature ; but none of them are of medium height. They all wear clothes similar to those formerly worn by the 340 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISri COLUMDIA. P: '^■f Indians, but have never been seen with bows and arrows. They inhabit low, dense forests, or live in dense woods in the mountains. It is said that they never kill, steal, or chase people. Some people believe they are cedar-trees, or their spirits, and that they have the power of transforming themselves. They are rather fond of joking, and playing tricks on people. They tel! of a man who was making a cedar canoe. Feeling tired, he stuck the wedge that he had been using into the wood, lay down, and fell asleep. He was awakened by the touch of a hand, and beheld a dwarf standing before him, with the wedge in his body. The dwarf said to him, " Why do you stop working at me ? You ought to cut me up quickly. I will give you some advice. When you wish to make a canoe, always paint your face red, and the wood will work easier." Having said this, the dwarf vanished. They also tell of a woman who was sleeping over night in the forest. About daybreak a dwarf, seeing her asleep, pushed a piece of burnt cedar-wood into her. She awoke, and, after freeing herself of it, went to camp and told the people. They wished to find the perpetrator of the trick, therefore they followed the trail of the dwarf, who could be traced by pieces of charcoal which he had dropped as he went along. Eventually all traces of him disappeared ; and the people, looking around, saw a large piece of charcoal on the side of a cedar-tree. Beings of another kind are occasionally seen. They are of the same size and height as ordinary people, but naked, like dwarfs and ghosts, and of a ghost color. They are very gaunt, the shape of all their bones and joints being visible. Their eyes are very large and round, and protrude from their heads. Like ghosts, they chase people, but are more persistent. If a person chased by a ghost turns off the path, the ghost will generally stop when he comes to that place, and will follow no farther ; but this being will continue his pursuit regard- less of obstacles. When he overtakes a person, the latter faints, unless he be a man of great mysterious power. According to the beliefs of the Upper Thompsons, giant"? about thirty feet tall inhabit the Okanagon country, and were quite numerous in the Upper Thompson country until forty or fifty years ago. They have no upper eyelids, and never sleep. They dress in bear and deer skins, and hunt game, which they run down. They can be recognized at a great distance by their strong and peculiar odor ; and even their tracks, and branches of trees which they have touched while passing, smell for a long time after they have gone by. These giants are very powerful, and can carry a grisly bear or an elk on their backs with the greatest ease. Their homes are in caves situated in precipitous rocks. They never harm people, but are believed to have run away with women from the Nicola and Okanagon. They are fond of fish, and sometlnjes go to the river or lakes when the Indians are fishing, causing a sleepiness to fail over them while they ire helping themselves to the fish. The Lower Thompsons believe that these giants do not Jive in their own country, but that they come down occasionally from that of the Okanagon and Upper Thompsons. They dress in bear or dog skins. Some wear long black robes, while others again go almost naked. Sometimes. <"> TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 341 they chase or steal people. They are not knowti to have any weapons. Once a giant is said to have chased two hunters, who sought refuge in a large fir-tree. Presently this giant was joined by two very tall friends, who tried in vain to reach the hunters. The latter shot at the giants, who caught the arrows in their hands and broke them. After a while one of the giants discovered that he had lost his dogskin apron, and seei.ied very much concerned about it. They all concluded to go in search of it, and left the hunters, who then came down from the tree, and went home. High mountains are believed to be the residence of the Old Man (Teit, Ibid., pp. 50, 109), who, by scratching his backside, makes rain or snow. Accord- ing to others, he makes rain by urinating. The Lower Thompsons believe that an old woman makes rain and snow. The Coyote's house is said to be in a glacier; according to others, in the upper world. The latter is described as a prairie occupying the top of a plateau with steep sides (Teit, Ibid., p. 23). The ideas held by the Indians regarding the Sun are conflicting. He appears as a cannibal. In the beginning he was too near the earth, and moved away only on receiving presents (Teit, Ibid., p. 53). In another tradition he is said to have been a chief at Lytton (Teit, Ibid., p. 54). A halo round the sun or moon is termed by them " entering the house " or " forming the house," and is said to portend cloudy weather, rain, or snow. Sun-dogs are called " throwing away his children." When the Sun gets tired of one kind of weather, he becomes angry and throws away or turns out his children, it is said. Therefore, when cold weather prevails and a sun-dog is seen, it is a sure indication of mild weather, and vice versa. The Moon was formerly an Indian. He would be as bright as the Sun, if his sister, the Hare or Frog, did not sit on him. At one time, when the Moon had invited the Stars to his house, it was so crowded that there was no room tor his sister to sit down, and she jumped on his face, where she has remained ever since. Whenever it threatens to snow or rain, he builds a house (the halo) and enters it. The cirrus clouds are the smoke of his pipe. He always holds his pipe in his hand. Therefore it is seen in the moon, where also the basket which he uses as a hat may be seen (Teit, Ibid., p. 91). The waxing and waning of the moon is caused by the position of the sister's shadow. At full moon, her shadow does not fall on his face ; at new moon it is entirely obscured by her shadow. In other legends the Lower Thompsons describe the moon as the light carried by one of their transformers. The stars are generally considered as transformed people. In one legend they are described as roots growing in the upper world (Teit, Ibid., p. 22). The Pleiades are called " bunch " or " cluster." They are the friends of the Moon (Teit, Ibid., p. 91). The Indians used to tell the time of night by them, reckoning by their position in the sky. The star that follows the Pleiades is called " the dog following on their trail." The Morning Star is called " the bright face," or " bringing in the daybreak." The Great Bear or Dipper is called I ■ ,1 m ^U 34a TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. "grisly bear." The three stars of the handle of the Dipper are said to be three hunters in pursuit of the bear. The first one was brave and fleet of foot, and fast gaining on the bear. The second was slower, and leading a dog, the small com- panion star. The third was afraid, and not very anxious to overtake the bear. They were all in this position when turned into stars. Another star is called the "swan." Others behind it are called the "canoe." The latter was said to be filled with hunters in pursuit of the swan. Still others are called "women engaged in roasting roots," "fishermen fishing with hook and line," "weasel's tracks," " arrows slung on the body." These are said to have been a hunter carrying his bows and arrows. The Lower Thompsons believe the Dipper to be the Transformers, the children of the Black Bear turned into stars. The Milky Way is called " the trail of the stars," or " what has been emptied on the trail of the stars." It is also called " the gray trail," or " the tracks of the dead." The Rainbow is said to have once been a man, a friend of the Thunder, who was in the habit of frequently painting his face with bright colors. The country of the souls is underneath us, toward sunset. The descrip- tion of the trail leading there is contained in reports of visits of shamans to the lower world. The trail leads through a dim twilight. Along this trail are visible the tracks of the people who last went over it, and the tracks of their dogs, if they had any with them. The trail winds along until it meets another road, which is a short cut used by the shamans when trying to intercept a departed soul. From this point on, the trail is much straighter and smoother, and is painted red with ochre. After a while it winds to the westward, descends a long gentle slope, and terminates at a wide shallow stream of very clear water. This stream is spanned by a long slender log, on which the tracks of the souls may be seen. After crossing the bridge, the traveller finds himself again on the trail, which now ascends until it reaches a considerable height. On this height is heaped up promiscuously an immense pile of clothes. This is the place where the souls leave the belongings which they bring with them from the land of the living. From here onward the trail seems to be perfectly level ; and as the man goes on, the dimness or darkness which has hitherto overhung the trail gradually disappears. Three guardians are stationed along the trail of the souls, — one on this side of the river, the second one between the river and the land of the ghosts, and the third one at a lodge which is situated at the end of the trail of the ghosts. The first of these has a sweat-house quite close to the trail, in which he spends most of his time. It is their duty to send back souls whose time to enter the land of the ghosts has not come. But some souls pass the first two of these men unmo- lested, only to be turned back by the third one, who is considered their chief, and who is an orator who sometimes sends messages to this world with returning souls. All these men are described as very old, gray-headed, wise, and venerable- looking. At last the soul reaches the door of the large lodge at the end of the trail. The lodge is made of hard white material similar to limestone or to hard rj> r '^ ^1i ■ M ■ r m TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 343 clay. It extends a long distance from east to west, while it is much shorter from north to south. Its top is rounded, and similar in shape to an ant-hill. Seen from the east, it looks like a rounded mound. There is a doorway at the east end, and another one at the west end. The trail leads up to the eastern door, while the entrance to the land of ghosts is through the west door. Throughout the length of the lodge is a double row of fires. The eastern entrance is just large enough to let a soul pass through, while the western doorway is much higher and wider. There are always some people in the lodge. When the deceased friends of a person expect his soul to arrive, they assemble in this lodge to v/elcome him and talk about his death. On top of the lodge, or near the east- ern doorway, is stationed one of the old men before mentioned. When the deceased reaches the door, he hears people on the other side, talking, laughing, singing, and beating drums. Some people who stand at this door welcome him and call out his name. On entering, a wide country of diversified aspect spreads out before him. There is a sweet smell of flowers, an abundance of grass, and all around berry-bushes laden with ripe fruit. The air is pleasant and still, and it is always light and warm. More than half the people are dancing and singing to the accompaniment of drums. All are naked, but do not seem to notice it. The people are delighted to see the new-comer, take him up on their shoulders, run around with him, and make a great noise. Many Indians say that the traditional account of the spirit-land describes the souls as clad in clothes similar to those they were accustomed to wear while in the body. Others describe many of the people as living in lodges ; but they claim that there are no fires to be seen, nor winter houses. In another tale the way to the country of the souls is described as leading over a lake which must be crossed in a canoe. After several days' paddling in a dim atmosphere, it grows lighter, and. the shores of the country of the souls are seen. Fig. 290 shows a sketch drawn by an Indian, illustrating his conception of the world. There is a current belief, although somewhat sTElW'iKfnuof'SecomVSi" vague with many of them, that certain animals have worlds of their own, which are situated underground, and the entrances to which are hidden. Animals are born there, and consequently are very numerous in those worlds. They wander out into our world ; and some of them are born, live, and die in it, but many of them go back to their own world at times. Then these animals are scarce in this world for a time. Some say that the spirits or Fig. < Ftg. S91. Facial Painting!. Festivals. — The people of each neighborhood met at intervals for the pur- pose of feasting, dancing, and praying. Each gathering lasted a whole day. The people of some parts of the country observed these rites more strictly, and danced oftener, than others. In the winter the people danced in the large winter houses, but during the fine sea<;on all danced outside at certain places. The spring dancing-ground of the Indians in the neighborhood of Spences Bridge was at Nskaptsfi'lx ("spring house ;, so called because the Indians gathered there in the spring of the year for "»• TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 35' the purpose of fishing (see p. 252). It is on the south side of Thompson River, about half a mile below the confluence of Nicola and Thompson Rivers. The dancing was carried on there on a small, rather sandy flat overlooking the river ; and the circle worn in the ground by the feet of probably generations of dancers may still be seen. On the appointed or recognized day, the people, dressed in their best clothes and with all their ornaments, assembled at the place very early, each woman bringing food with her. No knives or weapons were allowed to be brought to these dances. Every one had his or her face painted red. The chiefs always had perpendicular stripes down the entire length of their cheeks, made by wiping the color ofT with the fingers, which were drawn down over the face. Some of the men, probably warriors, used black facial paint. Some women had their faces covered with red ochre, over which were painted spots with sparkling specular or micaceous hematite. Other women daubed the greater part of their faces with this material. Both men and women also used alternate stripes of red and yellow ; and some men, alternate stripes of red and white, or black, white, and red. It seems that there was no particular pattern of face-painting for these dances. Many men and women painied their faces in the same style as under ordinary circumstances. Some of these patterns are shown in Fig. 291. Almost every person wore a sash or wide beii 3nd head- band of some description. The majority were of unsmoked buckskin. Sometimes they were ornamented with large, round, flat brass buttons obtained from the Hudson Bay Company ; but they were usually plain or simply fringed. The head-bands were mostly of buck- skin, those of the women often ornamented with perpendicular rows of dentalia. Some women donned head-bands and sashes made of the inner bark of the cedar, which was shredded into very long fine strips. The bark was generally used in its natural white state, but was occasionally painted with narrow stripes of red (Fig. 292). While dancing, the long thin strips hung down over the body, or fluttered out on the breeze. The chiefs always wore cedar-bark head-bands, which were tied in front in a knot that was painted red. The ends hung down their backs, entirely loose. The men were at liberty to arrrange theirs in any style ; and many had feathers or birds' down on their heads. The Indians took great care in the preparation of their dancing-places. They smoothed the ground nicely, and, if it was too sandy, spread clay brought Fig. >9t, a (lih). ' (iHr). Head-band and Saih. The women wore their hair II rr^ i Si ill 352 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. <^^ u:'''-=<.^ II Fit. •Ba- Fig. 144. ng!. 193, J94. [:: from a distance over the circle, watered it, and tramped it down. After a while this became quite hard. The dust was always kept down by watering. The dancing began at sunrise, when four dances were performed in succession. The dancers arranged themselves in a circle. They stood three abreast, the un- married men, unmarried women, and married people (Fig. 293) each forming one group in the circle. There were two chiefs. The head chief, generally an elderly man, stood in the west, outside the circle. He made the principal speeches and prayers, kept time, and gave orders. He was supposed to have frequent visions, could prophesy, and used to j? — ^^ tell about the future world. The other chief, who stood in the east, also outside of the w circle, was a younger man. He woke the people at day- break on the morning of the dances. He led the singing, and in every way helped the other chief. Sometimes new songs were introduced into these dances, which the chiefs declared they had re- ceived in visions from the Great Chief. The head chief prayed, and then gave the order to begin the dance. The chief in the east began a song, and, stepping into the circle, took t'le lead of the dancers (Fig. 294). All stamped with their feet, and walked slowly around. While dancing, those who were on the outer and inner sides of the circle held on to the sashes of the dancers in the middle row. Young children danced with their parents. The dancers all sang, and while dancing moved forward a step or two at a time. Some slowly extended both arms in front and above their heads, drawing them back slowly in the same way until reaching the breast, the palms opposite each other and close together, the fingers slightly bent. This sign means "to draw out slowly or extract," and was symbolic of drawing nearer to them the power to which they prayed. They also made the sign of good will and blessing (see p. 287). In another sign the hands were extended toward the right about the height of the middle of the body, and in a horizontal position, the right hand foremost, palm up, the left hand following slightly above, palm down. The hands moved forward in three or four short jerky motions, then suddenly turned, and moved similarly toward the left side, but with the left palm up and right palme shape of clothes or orna- ments ; for instance, anything pertaining to the old style of dress, as feathers, fur hats or caps, or head-bands made of skin. They say that a strange shaman, seeing them wearing anything of the kind, might test their powers ; and that in consequence they might be bewitched or killed, because none of them have performed the puberty ceremonials properly, and most of them have no guar- dian spirits. If a boy who is wearing a cap made of animal skin, or a head- band with feathers, intends to go to town, or some other place where he may be seen by many Indians, particularly by strangers, his parents will tell him to take off his head-dress, and wear a hat or cap of white man's manufacture. This partly accounts for so little of the old Indian style of dress bejng worn by young people at the present day. Sometimes shamans were killed by the relatives of a man whom it was thought they had bewitched. Fearing witchcraft, tha people .treated the shamans with respect. Certain actions were considered offensive by shamans. To startle a shaman, or to eat meat, especially venison, without first inviting him to eat, were among these. No one allowed his shadow to fall on a shaman ; but there was no harm if the shadow of the latter fell on the form(;r. It was held that sometimes a spell of bad luck was thrown on a hunter or trapper by a shaman. In such cases the spell sometimes remained for years, unless the victim had re- course to some person possessed of the power or knowledge to break it. It was said of a person under this kind of spell, that a ghost walked beside him while he was hunting. The animals were aware of this, and would disappear before he had time to shoot them ; or if at times the animals did not see, hear, or smell him or the ghost, but gave him a chance to shoot at them, he was unnerved by the ghost, which, unseen to him, accompanied him, so that he always missed his mark. If the spell were thrown on him by a man whose spirit was the deer, the deer knew or were warned of his coming, and kept out of sight. Shamans also had the power to kill animals by their spirits, except the rep'-esentatives of their own guardian spirits. The only animal which no shaman could kill by bis spirit was the deer. — For fear of being bewitched, hunters always spoke very modestly of their successes, else they might excite the envy of greater hunters, who would throw a spell upon them. — A stranger ought not to be awakened by shaking, but by calling only. He might bewitch a persoft who awoke him rudely. The shaman, when called to visit a sick person, appeared with his face painted red, and either wearing a large fur hat decorated with eagle tail-i'eathers and with the skins of small animals as pendants, or else having these ornaments 'm' •ft ('J $6a TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 1 '« fastened in his iiair. Sometimes he wore a kind of mask made of a mat pinned together over his head. Around his knees and ankles he wore strings of deer-hoofs, which rattled as he walked or danced. Skiii of albino deer was considered to possess mysterious power, and was generally worn by shamans, or made into caps or into tobacco-pouches by them. The shaman did not accept any payment for the first j>atient whom he treated. It is said that some shamans were able to ascertain the cause of sickness, only after their guardian spirits had entered their, chests. If the first guardian spirit whom they called did not give the desired in- formation, the shaman called another- one. If the guardian spirit refused to enter the shaman's body, but jumped back as soon as he approached him, it was a sure sign that the patient would die. After seeing the patient, the shaman de- clared the nature of the disease, generally adding that he had gained knowledge about it by certain dreams which he had previously had. No matter what he pronounced to be the cause of the disease, the process of curing it was much the same in each case. Having painted his hair, and sometimes his hands and chest, red, and divested himself of his robe and shirt, he proceeded by means of incanta- tions to expel the disease from the body of the patient. He had a small basket standing near him, in which he kept some water, which he put into his mouth, and sprayed it either over or in front of the patient's body. Some shamans were said to be able to make the water in their basket increase or decrease, or boil, by supernatural means. Others had a small fire burning near them. They swallowed glowing embers and burning sticks. Some shamans seem to have had some knowledge of sleight-of-hand ; and others possessed the power to hypnotize. Probably ventriloquism was not altogether unknown to some. There is no doubt that the majority of them believed themselves to be possessed of the powers they claimed. Some shamans, when treating a sick person, disliked to have people yawn, scratch their heads, or make any noise, as it was said to interfere with the spell. During the greater part of the time that the shaman was performing, he kept up his song which had been given to him by his guardian spirit, and sometimes he imitated the latter both by voice and gesture. At intervals he turned his song into a conversation with his spirit, which was rather unintelligible to the listeners. Some shamans improvised their song. While he was singing, he gesticulated, sometimes with his arms and sometimes with his body, while he kept time with his feet. Sometimes he would break into a kind of dance, in which he went through many jerking and jumping motions with his body and legs. He also often blew on the body of the patient, and repeatedly made passes over it with his hands. Some shamans, after singing their songs, thereby invoking the aid of their spirits, immediately proceeded to remove the disease by sucking. If successful, they showed the disease to the people by spitting it out of the mouth. The disease was then seen to be a deer-hair, if the patient had been hurt by deer or the non-observance of certain customs in hunting ; or blood, if he had been r> TEXT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 363 hurt through the evil influence emanating from a woman during her menstrual periods ; or a bone tied around the middle with deer's hair, if 1.^ was bewitched by a hostile shaman. When a person was believed to be bewitched, a powerful shaman was summoned, who sucked the disease out of the person's brow. A hole or marV v.a:, l-ft in the brow, from which blood flowed. Then the shaman showed the bone he had removed, with bloody deer's hair twisted around it. He threw it a long distance away, and before long the shaman who had shot the bone was taken sick. In other cases the shaman, after pulling out the dibi^ase, turnt a towards the west, threw it in that direction, and blew at it four times. Often contests occurred among shamans, where the one having the most cunning or powerful spirit conquered the others, resulting in their death, or in leaving the marks of his victory in the shape of distorted faces or crippled bodies. Sometimes the shams n ordered certain parts of the patient's body to be painted according to his dreams, or to the order of his guardian spirit. As a rule, the painting had no relation to the affected part of the body. The meaning of these designs was known only to the shaman himself. The usual parts of the body painted were the chest from the navel up, or across the chest between the nipples. Occasionally other parts of the body were also painted, such as the legs or arms. One shaman had a great reputation for treating childless women. He made them eat the root of Peucedanum macrocarpum Nutt., painted the upper part of their faces according to his dreams, and made them promise to give their children the names he had. assigned to them. Such names were according to his dreams, and consisted generally of names of mammals, birds, water, or natural objects. Before beginninqr to treat a patient, the shaman frequently pulled out his long pipe, from which hung eagle-feathers, and took a smoke ; for smoking was looked upon as a means of communication, not only between the shaman and his guar- dian spirit, but also between him and the spirit-world. For this reason many Indians will not use a shaman's pipe. An explosion that takes place in a shaman's pipe is considered a " mystery," and is supposed to be a bad omen, especially if it happens when he is practising, or laying a ghost. By some, however, it is thought to be a good omen. Eagle-down was sometimes worn by shamans on their heads while dancing ; but rattles, except the rattling anklets, were wholly unknown. Sometimes, if a person were very sick, the shaman declared that the soul had left the body of its own accord, by being sent to the sun by another shaman, or by being drawn away by the dead. In such cases he put over his head the conical mask made of a mat, and went in search of the soul, acting as if travel ling, — jumping rivers and other obstacles in the road, — searching and talking, and sometimes acting as if having a tussle to obtain possession of the soul. The soul is supposed to leave the body through the frontal fontanelle. Shamans can see it before and shortly after it leaves the body, but lose sight of it when it gets farther away toward the world of the souls. Therefore, when a per- son believes that his soul has been taken away, he must send a shaman in pursuit ill l&:if I *' '*ir 1^ ■' ■ ' ■ I ■«» (0 'I r: 364 TEXT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. within two days, else the latter may not be able to overtake it. When a shaman sees a soul in the shape of a fog, it is a sign that the owner will die. When a shaman discovers that a person's soul has left him, he repairs at once to the oIj trail. If he does not find its tracks there, then he makes a systematic search of the graveyards, and almost always finds it in one of them. Sometimes he succeeds in heading ofif the departing soul by using a shorter trail to the land of the souls (see p. 342). Shamans can stay for only a very short time in that country. The shaman generally makes himself invisible when he goes to the spirit-land. He captures the soul he wants just upon its arrival, and runs away with it, carry- ing it in his hands. The other fouIs chase him ; but he stamps his foot, on which he wears a rattle made of deer's hoofs. As soon as the souls hear the noise, they retreat, and he hurries on. When they overtake him once more, he stamps his foot again. Another shaman may be bolder, and ask the souls to let him have the soul he seeks. If they refuse, he takes it. Then they attack him. He clubs them dnd takes the soul away by force. When, upon his return to this world, he takes off his mask, he shows his club with much blood on it. Then the people know he had a desperate struggle. When a shaman thinks he may have difficulty in recovering a soul, he increases the number of wooden pins in his mask. The shaman puts the soul, after he has obtained it, on the patient's head, thereby returning it to the body. Sometimes shamans were called upon to treat horses and dogs, but only valuable or favorite ones. They proceeded in the same manner as when treating people. Sometimes a shaman would declare that his guardian spirit had told him that a plague -"as coming. It was seen by '; m in the shape of an approaching fog. If the epidemic was to cause a great many deaths, it was seen as a large cloud of vapor approaching close along the ground. Then he made the people paint themselves in the same way as. he was painted. He asked them to join in his song, and they danced as in the religious dance (p. 350). Then they all brought him food. He cut a little piece from each offering, and sacrificed these to the spirit of the plague, which often appeared in the form of a man. After- ward the offering was thrown into the stream ; and the rest of the food presented to the shaman "as divided among the people, or was eaten on the spot. This was said to prevent the people from having the sickness. Instead of making an offering, sometimes the shaman escorted the sickness to the west, and there blessed it, and told it to leave. When a shaman failed to effect a cure, he had to return his fees to the relatives of the deceased. If a shaman v.as well paid for his services, his guardian Fpiiil was well pleased, an TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 373 This is known by the taste. — If an owl perches very close to a habitation at night, and cries in a peculiar manner, the death of some friend of the inmates will take place soon. — The crying of a coyote night after night close to a dwelling, and in a peculiar manner, foretells the death of an inmate of the house, or of some friend in another place. — Repeated and long-continued howling of a dog, or crowing of a cock, portends the death before long of some one near by. — If one imagines he hears weeping outside or near a house, some person in that house, or a near friend of the inmates, will die very soon. — The finding of a dead young mouse on one's path portends the death of some young child of his acquaintance soon. — Formerly a common practice of elderly men was to place clippings of their finger-nails, one at a time, on top of a hot stone in front of the fire. If the nails gradually burnt up, it was a good sign ; but if one jumped olif the stone, the man said, " I shal die soon." — On the trail up Salmon River there is a rock called " The Marmot," through which there is a narrow passage. The trail passes through it, and there is just room enough for a man with an ordinary pack to pass without touching the rock. They believe that a person who is going to die shortly cannot go through without sticking in the passage. He is also further forewarned of his early demise by a marmot running out of the pass in front of him, and crying. Even a child, if it is going to die soon, cannot go through the rock without sticking. A buckskin thong around the neck ought not to be cut by the e rson wearing it, because this would be symbolic of cutting one's own throat, and the person would meet with a violent death. — The ends of all thongs worn as neck- laces, wristlets, etc., are tied, with the exception of those used as anklets. The last-named are fastened by lacing one end into two slits on the other end. A sudden and peculiar crack accompanied by a hissing noise made by the fire is taken by the hunter as a sign that he will kill deer on the morrow ; if the noise occurs repeatedly, he will kill several deer. It is considered lucky for a hunter to go out in the morning before eating. He will be light-footed, alert, and will see many deer. To carry a lunch is unlucky, although some carry dried service- berries. Four is a lucky number ; therefore, in counting and dividing, and particu- larly in gambling, the Indians count by fours. — Buzzing in the ear is the dead calling. — For a tree to fall in calm weather is a bad omen. If hair is touched with the fingers by either male or female, it will never grow long. — If a person sneeze, some person is talking about him, or mentioning his name. — If the heart beats hard, it is a sign that one will hear news, probably bad news. If a dog lies down, and places his lower jaw on both front paws, it is a sign that a visitor bearing a pack of food or presents will come. — For a cock to crow after dark and before midnight is a bad omen (this belief is of recent origin) The black bear will have premature young if the falling leaves touch her back, therefore she goes into her hole when the leaves begin to fall in the autumn ; whereas the male black bear does not go into his den until long afterward. — A 51' * ^) 374 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. married man was believed to be luckier at gambling than an unmarried man. — Warts on a person show that he is stingy. Corpses were believed to have a contaminating effect upon everything that came in contact with them. This explains the regulations regarding the treat- ment of persons who prepare the body for burial (p. 331). — When a corpse is taken across a river in a canoe, no fish will be caught for four days. — When a person is drowned in the river during the salmon-run, the fish will cease to run for several days. When there are many red worms in wild cherries, there will be many salmon (Lower Thompsons). — If a person bathe in the river, he must do so below, and not above, fishing-platforms, as the salmon are affected a mile or two below the place .Inhere a person bathes. — Children are forbidden to mention the name of the coyote in winter-time, for fear that that animal may turn on his back, and immediately bring cold weather by so doing. — Fog or mist is said by some to be caused whenever the coyote turns over. If a person burns the wood of trees that have been struck by lightning, the weather will immediately turn cold. — It is also believed, that, if a person steps over wood of this kind, his legs will swell, and that whoever steps on such wood will shortly afterward be attacked with some kind of sickness. — A person who, finding a lightning arrow-head, touches it or takes possession of it, will sooner or later go crazy. — For a cat to roll over is a sign that it will be good weather. The death or burial of a person causes an immediate change in the weather ; that of a shaman or some other " powerful " person, a sudden and extreme change. The birth of a child, and especially of twins, has the same effect. The open- ing of graves, a person reaching the age of puberty, a man or woman powerful in magic washing their bodies, any person powerful in magic weeping or smoking, Indians intruding on the haunts of spirits in the mountains, — all these are considered the causes of changes in the weather. Weather changes of this kind are called " warning day." — Kokwi'Ia-root was chewed, and then spit out against the wind, to cause calm. — Distant lightning not accompanied by thunder is a sign of steady hot weather. — To throw a stone into the river may cause a gust of wind. — When mosquitoes suddenly become thick and bite badly, it will rain very soon. — When the loo'^. calls often and loud, it will rain soon. — When crows gather together in the suninier-time, it will rain before long. — To imitate or mock the cry of the loon may cause rain. — To burn hair of the beaver will cause rain. — The first visit of Indians to Botani in each root-digging season causes rainy weather. — The short spell of showery weather usually occurring about the beginning of June is said to be caused by the deer dropping their young. The rain is to wash the young fawns afterbirth. — To burn the feathers of the ptarmigan, or hair of the mountain-goat, big-horn sheep, or the hare, will cause sudden cold weather or a snowstorm. — Persons who have the weather for their guardian spirit can produce rain or snow by smoking their pipes. — A sec- ond or third crop of strawberries and other berries in one season indicates a hard TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COIUMHIA. 375 or severe winter coining. — Large numbers of hares in the fall portend a hard winter. — The early migration of hares to lower grounds in the fall portends an early winter. — The early changing of the hare's and weasel's coats, and the plumage of the ptarmigan, to white, indicates the early setting-in of winter; as; does also the arrival of large flocks of the small birds called tsaitsfi iKnwa'uiKn ("bringing in the cold a little"), and of the gray-crowned finch of Hepburn.— To burn the feet, skin, or bones of the hare will also cause cold weather or snow. Occasionally, when it snows, some of the Indians will be heard to say, " The Old Man scratches himself ; " or, when it rains, " Your Grandfather urinates," or " Your Grandmother urinates," or " The Coyote urinates." Some small muscles located in the leg just above the instep move up to the knee when a person grows old, thence they gradually ascend to the head : a person is then really old, and sits with his knees up past his ears, as in extreme old age. Tiiese knots or muscles are situated in the left leg only. Some say they go only to the knee, and then move back again. 'f^i 1 P: ^) I 1 ■ 1 'ii'*." ' ■ •r. i XIV.— ART. By Franz Boas. Decorative Art. — The almost complete absence of works of plastic art among the Thompson Indians is most striking, particularly when compared with the highly developed art of the neighboring Coast tribes, who model almost all their implements in animal forms. Their dishes, spoons, hammers, lances, clubs, fish-hooks, harpoon-points, canoes, repre- sent animals, distorted, and adapted to the shape of the objects. Among the Thompson Indians very few carvings of this kind are found. One stone vessel representing a frog (Fig. 1 53), and another one representing a snake coiled around, a cup (Fig. 154), have already been de- scribed. Here also belongs a spoon with the head of an animal carved at the end of the handle (Fig. 156). A few hammer-stones show an animal head instead of a knob at the upper end (Fig. 295). Plastic decoration was rare in pre- historic times also. Mr. Harlan I. Smith has figured a fragment of a steatite pipe from Lytton (Part III, Fig. 113) representing an animal's head, and two remarkably well executed carvings in bone — according to the Indians, toggles of dogs' halters — representing animal figures (Fig. 296). Excavations at Kam- loops also have yielded but few specimens of this character. Notable among these ai'e a sacrificial stone vessel in the shape of a man, and two beautiful war- clubs made of antler, the handles of which represent heads of warriors (see Part VI of this volume). Carvings representing human or animal figures are also F'FtK. ags (liti)' Hammer-itone with Animal Head, Height, 6| incnct. Fiff. 2g6, (t, /> (thi^\ ** (illf). Bone carvings. s represents the crossing of two trails (Plate XIX, Fig. i, No. 8) ; dots near such a cross, offerings made near the crossing of trails (Plate XX, Fig. 13 «). A single or double straight line signifies a trench ; and lines or dots placed near its ends, sacrifices placed there (Plate XX, Fig. 13/). The object sacrificed is furtiier suggested by the form of the line or dot. A line signifies something long, such as a pole (Plate XX, Fig. 13 /), while dots sug- gest food and painted bowlders. A line connecting a number of designs desig- nates that they belong together or are near each other. Thus on Plate XX, Fig. 13, a represents the grisly bear going by way of /; to the laker ; on Plate XIX, Fig. I, No. 3 are fir-branches in front of a hut; No. 25 represents a fir-branch placed at the crossing of trails. It will be seen that s>. Tie of the conventional signs are ambiguous. When found on implements, the use of the latter often determines the meaning of the designs, because they are always symbolic of the use of the implement ; while Fig. 297 (,4?,). House Ornament represent- ing a Man. \ nat. size. 378 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. Iji in ceremonial implements they represent the dreams of the owner. In other cases the accompanying figiires define the significance of the ambiguous design. On the pipe shown in Fig. 306 we see on the left-hand side of the upper side of the stem a circle with a long line. It signifies a lake and a river flowing into it. This meaning is determined by the beaver and otter running toward the river from the right-hand side next to it. On the tongs (Fig. 160) we see almost the same design, but there it represents a basket and adle. In some cases where the use of the implement determines the significance of Mil I I A g J^ * k Co) A-Q-^r\ ysysysy^ in n o p Fig. 2()8. Conventional Designs, a, The crossing of trails ; i. Fir-branches used bjr airls in their puberty ceremonials ; r, Unfinished basketry or a pile of fir-branches ; (ft Matting ; «, A trench with earth thrown to one side ; /, Underground house with protrudini; ladder ; g; Grave-poles ; A, Trades of grisly bear : i\ Tracks of bear cub ; j\ Loon • <&, 'I'wo lalces connected by a river, the ihner circle representing the water ; /, Cascade ; m, Inotintain, the curved lower line r 'presenting the earth, the lines running down the sides of the mountain representing gulches, and the ciic'.e on top representing a lake on ' e mountain ; n, Sun ; o^ Star ; /, Rainbow ; ^, Mountains and valleys or track of a snake ; r, Lightning, the design, all attempt at reproducing the form of the object, or even of its cca ventiona! sign, is abandoned. Thus the red ornament on the stir'-er (Fig. 159) represents food. The red tip signifies salmon ; the lines in the middle, roots ; the red on the handle, trout. The red at the end of the tongs (Fig. 160) represents the spring from which water is obtained, and the lines on the back of tue tongs are water-snakes. The symbolism of designs is well expressed in the decorations of weapons. On the inner side of the bow (Fig. 218) we find two rattlesnakes, represented by a red zigzag band and white cross-lines for the tail, crawling into their den, which is represented by a red band in the middle oi the bow. On ar hi/ bow (Fig. 216) are represented a hunter and two dogs, and a warrior decora^-i" th feathc.ri. The red ends of the bow represent trees ; four lines on one end, wood-worm.^' TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 379 under the bark. These are rubbed by young men on their arms to gain strength for spanning bows. Lances were often painted with the design of a skeleton (Fig. 245). The lance-head represents the skull, indicated by the two orbits and the aperture of the nose. The rings on the shaft repre- sent the ribs. The stone war-axe, Fig. 299, represents a woodpecker. The point of the axe is to be as powerful in piercing skulls as the beak of the woodpecker is in piercing the bark of trees. The wooden club shown in Fig. 251 is decorated with designs representing the ribs of a skeleton. DrinKipcr-tubes used by girls during the puberty ceremohials are often decorated with symbols of the crossings of trails at which they staid, of trenches which they dug, or of other objects connected with their ceremonials (Fig. 284 b). The crosses on the holes of the tube shown in Fig. 284 a are said to represent stars, while those at the ends represent crossings of trails. The design shown in Fig. 300 is an olc" design found on robes and pouches ma^e of buf- falo-skin. Its meaning is unknown. Designs representing the guardian spirits and supernatural dreams of the owner are very frequent. These were believed to be the means of endowing the f'*- 'WiHi). W»r-a«e representing woodpecker. Inat. sUe. implements with supernatural powers. Men decorated their clothing according to instructions received from their guardian spirits (see p. 206), and painted their dreams on their blankets. In Fig. 301 a mountain rang„ resting on an earth-line is shown above the fringe. On the upper part of the blanket two suns are shown, outside of which there are two large beetles called " kokaum " (June-bugs). In the centre is a buck deer pursued by two Indians. The figures near the right and left margins are grisly bears. On the lower part of the blanket two loons are shown. They are painted on a large scale, because they are the principal guar- dian spirits of the wearer. Between them there is a lake , with trees around one side, and a canoe and a man in the Fii. 300 (,J|,) Design on Flap of ■ „. t| .. •ll- j ^l 1 • i- , , PoiicTi. jnat. size. Centre. 1 ne trail nnes under the loons mdicate that they Delong to the lake. The owner's pipe is painted in the lower right-hand corner. Ip-"l»* mmm—mm^mWim h H' ' f^'A IP::' f% , ' '« 'i\ „ n-: > ■ a .; 1 ^l/l ■ Fig. 301 (jIIt). Blanket with Dream Design, Width of upper edge, s| U. h 1 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. Boys, during the pubert) ceremonials, painted their aprons and blankets in the same manner. In Fig. 302 a painted apron of this kind is shown. The central top figure is the lad himself in the attitude of a dancer, with a feather head-dress and his apron. The bow and arrow painted at his side are symbolic of his future professions of hunting and war. Two moons and six stars painted around him suggest his nin^htly trav- els. He must become familiar with the deer and salmon, the pursuit of which will occupy much of his time in future years, and furnish him with most of his food ; therefore the figures of a buck or an elk anr) of a salmon are painted beneath him. Under them is painted a lizard, of which he has dreamed, or which he has already obtained, or is anxious to obtain, for his guardian spirit. On the left of the apron is a picture of the Dawn of the Day, to which he prays, and which he awaits daily in his solitude. The light-colored cloudy portion is the daylight rising from the dark line, which means the horizon. Underneath are pictured four mountains resting on an earth-line, with a lake between two of them. These are the mountains over which he travels. At the bottom are the principal mountains where he resides while trying to obtain a guardian spirit. The short spikes around the edges rep- resent trees ; and the long lines inside, gulches. Another example of a pictographic design is shown on the drum, Fig. 314. The drum was made to be used at a pot- latch. On one side is a dancing man and a woman. The horse represents the com- monest gift at a potlatch, which is gener- ally given away after a man or woman has danced. The other paintings have no special significance in reference to the potlatch, but were painted on the drum to suit the fancy of the 1 len who made it. Clubs were often decorated with designs representing the owner's guardian spirits. On the arrow. Fig. 222 d, the water-snake is represented. On the war- club. Fig. 303, already figured on p. 264, we see sky and the thunder-bird. Thv Fig. 3o« (f)l%>. Painted Apron, ^j nat, site. ':) TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 38 1 black and red lines on the handle represent the earth, and the four lines con- necting earth and sky represent lightning. The quiver, Fig. 225, is painted red and black, with mountains rising over a line representing the earth, and two suns. In Fig. 304 is represented the painting on the shaman's head-band shown in Fig. 183. On one side the wolf and a star are shown, and on the other a star and the shaman himself wearing a feather head-dress. Gambling-implements were decorated with designs supposed to secure luck. On the pouch holding a set of birch-bark cards. Fig. 305, is the figure of the sun. The dots signify stars; the cross means either the crossing of trails or a reel for winding string. Handles of digging-sticks often had carvings represent- ing the dreams of the owner. The specimen shown in Part III, Fig. 21, was explained in this manner. The shaman's pipe, Fig. 306, shows inlaid in the stone stem the loon necklace design, which signified the necklace with pendant loon's head that was sometimes worn by sha- mans. On the stem are shown the following : on top, at the left, a lake, and a river flowing into it ; a beaver ; an otter ; two earth-lines ; a wolf ; track of the grisly bear ; two mysterious lakes of several colors, connected by a river ; a mountain with fog on top. On the side is a snake ; under- neath, at the left, a rattlesnake; then a buck deer, earth- lines, the sun, earth-lines, and a loon necklace. On the appendage of another pipe (Fig. 307) is carved, on one side the sun, on the other a man with a spear in his hand. On still another (Fig. 308), the appendage is given the shape of a canoe. On one side is carved in relief the head of a big-horn sheep, on the other an otter. On the stem, ribs are represented in red. The pipe represented in Fig. 309 shows the design of ribs inlaid in the stem of the bowl. To this class of designs belong most of the rock- paintings found so fre- quently in the coun- try inhabited by the Thompson Indians. Almost all of these were made by boys *'■*• 3°« *•*••>• !'"'■>'•■'« <">Shaman'iHeacl.band.»|n»t.iize. and girls during their puberty ceremonials. The figures composing each painting were generally made by different individuals and at different times, and consequently the figures are disconnected. On Plate XIX some of these paintings will be found that have been reproduced from photographs. On Plate XX others have been reproduced from drawings collected by Messrs. James Fig. 303 (jJIb). War-club with Desiin of Sky, Earth, and Thunder-bird, j nat. sixe. ■I u: l-:4 R ^ I r» 382 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. Teit, Harlan I. Smith, and John Oakes, in the region between Lytton and Spences Bridge and in Nicola Valley. All the explanations were obtained by Mr. Teit. Sometimes the connection between ornamentation and object is difficult to understand. The cap, Fig. 193, shows a series of lodges on a line representing the earth, and dentalia sewed on in a mountain design pver the earth-line. The dots on the cap represent stars. A piece of skin for playing the stick game (see Fig. 257) we find surrounded by a line, inside of which is a circle. These rep- resent the world. The short lines extending inward are clumps of trees. Two men and a doer are seen in the centre of the world. The bat for playing ball, Fig. Fig. 305 (,1 J,). Front and Back of a Pouch for Birch-bark Cards, with Design 267 rt, repreSCntS a Small Water- of Sun, Stars, and Crossing of Trails, ) nat. size. 1 >^ 1 1 snake. On a tobacco - pouch (Fig. 310) is represented a lizard in applique skin. Many objects are decorated with the " butterfly " or " eye " design ; for in- stance, the arrow-flaker (Fig. ii8) and the tweezers (Fig. 210; see also Part III, Figs. 109, no). The design of the wood-worm was also frequently used. It consists of a series of short parallel lines, the ends ukT Fig. 306 {|iSi>, Shaman's Pipe, n. Inlaid Design'on Bowl ; ^, Designs on Stem, ) nat. size. of which are sometimes connected by long straight lines (see Part III, Figs. 21, 112). The specimens in which the painted or etched designs are closely adapted to the form of the object are very few. The butterfly design just mentioned is often adjusted in such a way as to bring about a decorative eftect. The same is the case with the arbitrary symbols of food and trees on the stirrer, tongs, and bows mentioned above (Figs. 159, 160, 216, 211S), while the less conventional designs] are littlejinfluenced in form and position by the decorative 'f 5 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 383 field. The only exceptions to this rule are the basketry and weavinsrs of the Lower Thompsons and the bead-work which evidently developed from the former. The peculiarities of the decorative art of the basketry of the rc!}.;ion will be discussed in Part V of this volume. The woven carrying-straps, Fig. 311, show the arrow pattern adapted to a long narrow band. Fig. 312 (and also Fig. 200) represents a snake pattern in beads. One of the very few purely ornamental designs for which no explanation is obtainable may be seen on the shaft of the root-digger shown in Fig. 2x2 b. Fig. 307. Fig. 308. Fig. 309. Fig- 307 (liljj). Pipe with Design of a Man. \ nat. size. ' ■ Fig. 308 (,Hj). Pipe witli Designs of Otier and Big-horn Siieep. o, Reverse of Bowl ;*, Top of Stem, j nat. size. - Fig. 3og (jJ8«). Pipe with Design of Ribs. \ n.it. size. The rhythmic arrangement of beaded strings is often very elaborate,' as illustrated in Fig. 313, which shows the grouping of strings composing the fringe on a pair of trousers. When worn, the fringe hangs down (see Fig. 168) so that the arrangement of the strings cannot be seen. Nevertheless the same motive is applied throughout, which consists of five elements, — one string of one glass bead and two bone beads in alternating order, one undecorated string, one of alternating glass and bone beads, one undecorated, one of one glass bead and two bone beads in alternating order. Music. — The Thompson Indians used very few musical instruments. Their songs and dances were accompanied by the drum, which consisted of a round wooden frame covered with skin. That of a one-year-old deer was con- sidered best, and was often worn before being used on the drum, because this was believed to improve the sound. The drums were generally painted with symbolic ill 384 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. designs. Those made for use at potlatches (see p. 297) had desijjns referring to those festivals. Such a one is shown in Fig. 314. Fig. 310 (ilia)* Tobaccopouch with Design of Liz.ird, I nat. size. Fig- 311 (ilSf)- Arrow Designs on Carr>'>ng- Btraps. i nnt. size. It is only recently that square drums, like the pres- ent specimen, have been made, a box being used for the frame. The paint- ings represent, on the sides, the rain- bow, the sun, a male and female dancer, and a horse tied to a post, to be given away as a present. On thetop is painted a grave -post with attached sacrifices, stars, and on the upper part a deer- trap, the curved lines representing the spring-poles (see also p. 380). On rig. 31J (ill,). Beaded Ncckl.ncc wilh Snake Design. J nat. size. anOther drUm rFip 315 a) is seen a cross painted in red, which represents the points of the com- pass. The four white lines are said to represent bridges, more particularly the one at Botani, '^rom which Coyote fell (see Traditions of the Thompson River Indians, by James Teit, p. 26). The white cross-lines at the ends of the long white lines represent the ends of the bridges. No explanation has been ob- tained for the rest of the painting. The drum- stick (Fig. 315 d) is made of skin padded with deer-hair and decorated with hawk-feathers. The Thompson Indians used no rattles ex- cept rattling anklets made of deer hoofs, which were worn at dances. The Indians have a great many songs, which they divide into classes. The principal classes of songs are the lyric song, treating of love, deeds of valor, etc.; the dance song ; the war song ; the shaman's song ; the song sung in sweat-houses ; the mourning song ; the prayer or religious song ; the gambling song for the gam.j lehal ; and the cradle song. ^'K- 3<3 (li^l^' Fringe sliowing Rhythmic Repe- tition tif Five Dements. ^ nat. size. i TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 385 One song is called the cricket song. The tune is an imitation throughout of the cricket's chirp. The cricket is supposed to say, " Mend the fire," or " Put fuel on the fire," consequently the words of the song are the same. Dancing. — Some of their dances are described on p. 352. Dances also take place at potlatches and other festivals. One or more (generally women, per- haps three or four at a time) get up and dance. Many of these dance as long as they have the breath to do so, after which they hold out a present of a dress or a blanket, saying, " This is because you have seen me dance." This present is then Fit;. 314 (jiri). Drum. Length of side, 16 in. V'K 3>.'>. " lilln A), Drum (iliam,, 16 in.); /■ (,ij„ I!), Dnimslitlc (IcnKlH, 11 in.). handed over to the guests. Sometimes a man gets up and dances, holding a rille in hib hands, with which he goes through many manoeuvres, uttering at the same time grunts and exclamations, and then the rifle is given to the guests. At times some of these men and women imitate in their dances certain birds and animals, such as prairie-chicken, hare, or goose, in sound and gesture. Sometimes the whole actions and motions of the birds or animals while feeding, etc., and the hunting of them, were gone through, causing much merriment to the onlookers. These particular animals were selected because their motions were well suited to this kind of dance ; and, besides, these animals or birds were seldom the guardian spirits of any person. They were not the guardian spirits of the persons who imitated them. The particular songs or tunes for those dances were called by the names of the birds and animals. In the majority of feast dances, no animals or birds were imitated. Some Indians think that the custom of imitating birds, etc., in these dances, may have been copied from the northern Shuswap, who carried it to greater perfection than any other tribes. When trading-parties of the northern Shuswap wintered in the Spences Bridge country, as they did sometimes, the latter gave feasts to the former, and m'ce versa. When the former entertained the Spences Bridge band, they frequently gave exhibitions of these animal 386 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. u dances on a grand scale. The favorite animals imitated were the moose and the caribou ; the dancers being dressed to resemble these animals, even -.o the antlers. All the actions of the animals in the rutting season were gone through ; and the whole process of hunting them, and their final death, were all acted by several men. Generally one or two men acted as hunters, showing how they hunted the animals, and finally shooting and skinning them all. The hunters painted their faces in perpendicular stripes of red and black. Many of the actors held in their hands rattles made of cow's or sheep's horn, with shot inside. Each person danced separately at a considerable distance from the others, never moving from one place while dancing. Occasionally some of the women danced close together, facing the guests. They remained stationary, moving only the body, head, and arms, or went forward and receded, accompanying their motions with a hissing sound. Sometimes they danced one behind the other. In the latter case, the dancers were women, who advanced slowly toward the speaker, and either gave him presents or received them from him. Sometimes the prin- cipal of the party giving presents arose and danced to the accompaniment of drum and song. A guest who praised the dancer was entitled to a present. The chief or best singers, both male and female, sat in a circle round the drummer or leader of the singing. Formerly, when dancing at the potlatch, some of the men and women put birds' down on their hair. Any kind of down was used, except that of the eagle, which was looked upon as being the peculiar property of the shaman. Some people kept this down in bags made of bow-snake's skin. Some used to paint their faces red or with perpendicular red stripes. t t[ k I N ■i r XV. — CONCLUSION. By Franz Boas. The culture of the Thompson Indians which has been described in the preceding pages, resembles in many respects the culture of other tribes of the western plateaus, and bears evidence of having reached its present stage under the influence of the culture of both the Plains Indians and the tribes of the North Pacific coast, although the affiliations with the former seem to be by far the stronger. The Salish tribes, of whom the Thompson Indians are one, are remarkable not only on account of their far-reaching linguistic differentiation and the diversity of physical types represented in the various groups, but also on account of the great variation in their cultural status. While the most northern Salish tribe, the Bella Coola, have absorbed all the important elements of the culture of the Northwest coast, which they have developed in their own peculiar way (see Part II of this volume, p. 120), we find that the tribes farther to the south have adopted this culture to a much less extent. The most northern tribe of this group are the Comox, who live on the central part of the east coast of Van- couver Island. While they still possess many of the characteristic features of the culture of the Northwest coast,— such as totemism, highly developed plastic art, and a peculiar mythology, — these decrease in number as we proceed southward, until on the coast of the State of Washington most of them are found to have disappeared. • The most southern tribe of Salish affiliation, the Tillamook, who live in northern Oregon, have developed a culture which is strongly innuenced by that of the tribes of northern California. East of the Cascade Range and of the Coast Range of British Columbia we find Salish tribes who, partly on account of dififerent environment, partly on account of eastern influence, resemble in their culture, in many respects, the tribes of the Plains. The Lillooet, who live in one of the large valleys of the Coast Range of British Columbia, are the only one among the Salish tribes of the interior, to whom they belong according to their linguistic affiliation, who have absorbed many elements of Coast culture. All this tends to show that the Salish tribes have been subject to foreign in- fluence rather than that they themselves have exerted a strong influence upon the tribes with whom they have come in contact. This may have been due to a low stage of development of their en'} culture, or to social conditions unfavor- able to a continued growth of their c > .' ulture. One of the most important questions in regard to the early history of the Salish tribes is whether the home of the tribe was situated on the coast or east of the mountains. On the whole, the evidence seems to be in favor of an inland origin of the present Coast tribes of Salish affiliations. Archsological investiga- tion of the coast region indicates that in very early times the culture of the [387] ' *. w S9» TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. Ill ':V P; southern coast of British Columbia was quite similar to the culture of the northern coast. While at the present time the type of man found in that area is characterized by very broad head and face, we find in the earlier period, which is indicated by the lower strata of the shell-heaps, interspersed among the broad-headed type, a peculiar type with narrow face and narrow head, which has no analogue on the coast. These finds indicate a period of mixture of two distinct tribes. The vo- cabularies and grammatical forms of the Coast Salish dialects prove clearly that at an early time the tribes speaking these dialects must have formed one group of the Salish people, and that they must have differentiated after their arrival on the coast. This is shown most clearly by the fact that theirs alone, among the Salish languages, possess pronominal gender, and that a number of terms refer- ring to the sea are common to most of them. The phonetic disintegration of these dialects, on the other hand, suggests the effect of profound cultural revolu- tions, many of which may have been due to mixture with foreign tribes. That such mixture has taken place is also borne out in the variety of physical types represented in this area, in the variety of cultural forms, and in the changes of mode of life which are evidenced by the changes in burial customs that have taken place in some of these districts in prehistoric times. The existence of small isolated foreign tribes, such as the Chemakum and Athapascan of Washing- ton, substantiates these views. All this is the more striking in comparison with the uniformity of physical type, of dialect, and of culture, which we ' among the tribes of the interior. When comparing the culture of the Coast Salish with that of u.v, interior, we find that both have a number of features in common, and that these points are the ones in regard to which the Coast Salish show a marked difference from their northern neighbors. This is particularly true of their social organization, of their art, and of their mythology. While the northern tribes are characterized by a division into exogamic totems, the Salish tribes consist of a number of village communities of very loose social structure. Only the Bella Coola and the tribes north of Puget Sound have adopted to a limited extent the more elaborate organization of their neighbors. I have tried to show elsewhere how the totemic system of the north was probably introduced among the Salish and Kwakiutl tribes,' and that we may assume that originally all the Salish tribes were as loosely organized as we find the Thompson Indians of to-day. I have also tried to show that the mythology of the Coast Salish has not been much affected by the myths of the northern tribes." We may therefore conclude that the period of contact between the two groups of people does not cover an ex- cessively long time. This view is corroborated by a consideration of the art of the Coast Salish, ' Social Organization of the Kwakiutl Indians (Ann. Rep. U. S. Nat. Mus., 1895), p. 333 ; Mythology of the Bella Coola Indians (Part II of this volume), p. 120. * * Sagen der Indianei von der Nordwest-KUste Amerikas, p. 346, :; I i TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 389 whose works are much cruder than those of the northern tribes. They have never adopted to its fullest extent the method of the latter, of adjusting decoration to the decorative field, but adhere more or less to the pictographic style of the in- terior. Even on their totem-poles we find a number of figures carved on a board rather than a succession of intricately connected figures covering the whole post. The petroglyphs of southern Vancouver Island particularly are of the same pictographic character as those of the east and as the rock-paintings of the interior of British Columbia, while those of the northern coast resemble in style the conventional paintings and carvings of the Northwest coast art. We must also mention here that a number of objects, particularly pipes, found in southern Vancouver Island and on the Lower Fraser River, are identical in type with specimens found among the archaeological remains of the interior. When analyzing the culture of the Thompson Indians, we find much evidence of a strong influence of eastern culture by way of the Nicola Valley. The style of dress, the use of feather ornaments, the cradle of the Nicola band, are decidedly due to contact with the east. The Nicola band have always been in close contact with the Okanagon ; and t .stern products, such as pipes and painted buffalo-hides, and eastern fashions an 1 customs, such as styles of dress and the method of building round tents !i. stead of square lodges, have been introduced in this manner. Even the first vague traces of Christianity seem to have found their way to the tribe along this route. In many respects these resemblances between their culture and eastern culture are common to them and to other tribes of the western plateaus. The sinew-lined bow, the occurrence of the tubular pipe, the peculiar woven rabbit- skin blanket, the high development of the coyote myths, and the loose social organization, combined with the lack of elaborate religious ceremonials, characterize them as resembling still more closely the culture of the western highlands. The decorative art of the Thompson Indians is quite similar to the art of the Indians of the plains and of the plateaus, in that it consists in the application of pictographs for decorative purposes. It is, however, much simpler than the elaborate art of the eastern tribes. Their manufactures show many affiliations with those of the coast. Sagebrush- bark fabrics are of the same make as the cedar-bark garments of the coast ; the tools for wood-work used by the Lower Thompsons are evidently copies or importations from the coast region. Ornaments made of dentalia and abelone shell must be considered as evidence of trade rather than as copies of ornaments worn on the coast. The hand-hammer, harpoon, and fish-knife may also be counted as copies of implements used by the Coast tribes. One of the elements of their culture that is most difificult to explain is the occurrence of the beautiful basketry made of cedar-bark, and of woven fabrics made of mountain-goat wool, among the LowerThompsons. Coiled basketry of this type is found in many places along the Pacific coast. Prof. Otis T. Mason has p; 39c* TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. pointed out that the coiled basketry of the Arctic Athapascans, which belongs to this type, may be related to the coiled basketry of the Apache and Navajo.' Since the publication of his paper, much material has been gathered which is strone[ly in favor of this view. The same type of basketry is found not only amon^ the Athapascan tribe of the Mackenzie Basin, as Professor Mason points out, but also among the Chilcotin of British Columbia (see Part V, Plate XXIII, Fig. 1 2, o ■ this volume). It occurs all along the Coast Range and the Cascade Range in British Columbia and in Washington, and attains its greatest beauty in Californi?. Isolated Athapascan tribes are found throughout this area. Their existence proves that at one time a wave of Athapascan migration must have swept southward along the coast. It would seem, therefore, that this art originated among the tribes who now practise it, at the time of the Athapascan migration. It is remarkab!", however, that such basketry is not found in Nicola Valley, which at one time was the horrie of an Athapascan tribe. It may be that the scarcity of wood in this area is responsible for the restriction of the art to the w'istern portion of the country. The style of weaving applied in the woollen blanket of the Lower Thompson Indians suggests that its origin is due to the application of the technique of weaving found in th» interior to a different material. The method of weaving these blankets is the same in principle as that applied by the Upoer Thompsons in making rabbit-skin blankets and matti.'-gs. In a general way, we may say, therefore, that the Thompson Indians are in appearance and culture a plateau tribe, influenced, however, to a great extent by their eastern neigh bois, to a less extent by the tribes of the coast. Their whole social organization is very simple ; and the range of their religious ideas and rites is remarkably limited, when compared to those of other American tribes. This may be one of the reasons why, in contact with other tribes, the Salish have always proved to be a receptive race, quick to adopt foreign modes of life «nd thought, and that their own influence has been comparatively small. ' Report 'i the Smithsonian Institution, 1883-84, I'.'-rt II, p. 295. "I' APPENDIX. • ' Note i (see p. 177). From 189s to 1899 the vital statistics of the band were as follows : — 1895. 1896. 1897. 1898. 1899. Births, Males. Females. ..2 2 1895. 1896. 1897. 1898. 1899. Deaths. Males. Females. ■■ 4 3 >3 7 Total increase ao 2r 12 Total decrease 33 Deaths classified according to Acs. Infants.. . Children . Adults under fifty g Adults over sixty ' 14 33 • « NoTK 2 (see p. 184). Stone drills were made of glas-.y basalt, which was flaked like the arrow-heads. They were hafted in handles made of antler or wood. Stone knives and stone chisels were hafted in wooden handles by being placed in a slit which was filled with gum. Then a lashing was applied around the wood. They were also hafted in '. : »rl '"^" ? '"^^ ^°"^'^' '° ^' '° """^^ " ^"f'- Then the stone blade was driven into Its end. When cooling and drying, the antler became very hard, and held the blade firmly, so that no lashing and no gum were required to hold it in place. Both of these methods are appli-d at the present time in hafting iron tools. It would seem that handles of antler, such as described here were not attached to wooden handles. This method of hafting seems to have been in use among the tribes of the Fraser Delta. ^ Note 3 (see p. 276). The stake was generally vMued at twelve counters, which were represented by twelve sticks Each party had six of these ouniers. When one party guessed wrong, they forfeited a counter" which was thrown over to the party opposite. When one of the parties guessed right, the gambling^ bones were thrown over to them, and it was their turn to sing and to hide the bones. When one party won all the counters, the game was at an end. When a large number of gamblers took part in the game, two pairs of gambling-bones were used. ' No deaths were recorded of adults between fifty and sixty. L391] 398 APPENDIX. Additional Notes. The Indian:! were in the habit of taking half-grown eaglets from the eyry, sometimes descend- ing the cliffs with ropes for this purpose. They raised the young birds, and when they were full-grown pulled out their tail-feathers and set them free. It was believed, that, unless the oldest eaglet was fed first, the brood would die. Suicide was formerly very common, and is so at the present day, principally among women. The causes are generally shame, remorse, disappointment, or quarrels with relatives, and hanging is the method most generally resorted to. Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. II. Plate XIV. Fig. I. PREPARATtDN OF Skins. Fio. ». Storehouse. The Thompson Indians of British Columbia. 'emoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. II. Plate XV. Fig I. Underground House. F"iG. 2. Inierior of Underground House. The Thompson Indians of British Columbia. Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. II. Plate XVI. Fig. 1. Lodge covered with Mats. Fig. 2. Framework of Conical Lodge. Fig. 3. Framework of Lodge The Thompson Indians of British Columbia. Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. II. Plate XVII. *^-:*'t«- ..■> fll'V •■^■A-^ .:^^^^>'r:'3-:s ■ ''■.J^:-r ... Fig. I. SwEAi- HOUSE. Fig. 2. Framework of Sweat-house. Fig. 3. Framework of Swfat-housc. The Thompson Indians of British Columbia. Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.. Vol. III. Plate XVin. I The Thompson Indians of British Columbia. PLATE XIX. EXPLANATION OF PLATE XIX. Fic. I. — Painting on a Rowlder near Spevces Bridge, i, 2, Crossings of trail'.; 3, 4, Fir- bri.nches , 5. Girl's lodge, and fir-braiiclies hanging down from roof ; 6, 7, 8, Crossings of trails ; 9, 10, Fir-branches ; 11, Roof of girl's lodge with fir-branches hanging down ; 12, .jnake ; i.-j, Sacrifices put Uj) at crossing of trails; 14, I.fiifinished basketry; 15, Crossing of trails; 16, Two trenches; 17, Fir-branch; t8, Unfinished baskef-y ; 19, Dog; 20, 21, Fir-branches; 22, Dog; 23, Un.'inlshed ba:ikttry; 24, Fir-branch; 25, Crossing of trails and (ir-branch put up as a sacrifice ; 26, Uiifinished basketry ; 27, 28, Fir-branches. (Sec Bull. Am. Mils. Nat. Hist., Vill, p[). 227-230.) Fii;. 2. — Pak.ting on a Bowlder cam. Kb " The HA.iKET of Coyote's Wife,' near Spences BkiLiGi;. I, Centipede c trse blown rn-or ; 1, bnderground house; 3, Fish-weir; 4, Fish ; 5, Trench with sacrifice's ; 6. I'robably girl's lodge with fir-branches hanging fr^^.Ti roof ; 7. Trench with dirt thrown it to one side ; 8, F"ir-branch. iMemoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. II. Plate XIX. / <" ■ j^^^BBj^ffi»fflfg^f!gy^A^^^I^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^B %^Mmm' ■ : - ;■■• ■.'<^'4^i.: - - Fic. 1. ■"^^^iSJ?^^! 1M(1. 2. The 'T^hoin[)son Inditms of Britisli Columbin. I>f ATI .AT!- XX. r EXPLANATION OF PLATE XX. Figs. 1-5. — Paintings on a Bowlder called " The Basket of Coyote's Wife " (see Plate XIX). 2, — a, Karth, water, and trees ; b. Tree. 3. — a. Catfish. 4- — a, Juniper-bush ;*, Fir-branch. 5. — a, Trench and poles. Figs. 6-12. — Rock-Paintings from TsIxpaa'uk CaSon, 19 miles from Spences Bridge. 6. — Three men, two of them with feather head-dress. 7. — a, Black bear ; b, Fir-branch ; c, Snake ; d. Lakes and river ; e. Trench and dirt thrown out. 8. — Face with tears. 9. — Beaver. 10. — a, Trench and poles ; b, Unfinished basketry or pile of fir-branches ; c, Man ; d. Arrow-heads or cedar-branches. II. — Dog or horse struck by an arrow. Fig. 13. — Paintings on a Bowlder called " The Coyote's Wife." a, Grisly bear ; b, Track of grisly bear ; c, Pool of grisly bear ; d. Fir-branches ; c, Vulva of Coyote's wife ; /, Trench with poles ; g. Coyote ; //, Fish ; /, Arrow ;>, Cap with fringe ; *, Otter; /, Gruve-poles ; ;/;, Insect ; n, Crossing of trails, sacrifices of food, and pole ; o, Insect kilaxwa'us. Fig. 14. — Paintings on a Bowlder near Spences Bridge. Trail, with horse, deer, trees, and cross-trails. Figs. 15-17. — Rock-Paintings from Stine Creek. 15. — Mountain-goats. 16. — a. Vision ; b, Trails ; c, Lakes connected by a river. 1 7' — -. Cascade ; b, Lakes connected by a river ; tracks of bear and bear cubs. Figs. 18, 19. — Paintings on a Bowlder near Spences Bridge, a, Rainbow ; b, animal hit by two arrows. Fig. 20,— Paintings on a Bowlder in Nicola Valley, a, Eagle; b, c, Beavers; d, Bear; e, Fir-branch. Fig. 21. — Rock-Paintings from Stine Creek, b, Mountains and glaciers in valleys ; c. Water mystery ; d, Bear. Fig. 22. — Rock-Painting from Stine Creek. Vision. Fig. 23. — Painting on a Bowlder half a mile North of Lytton. Star, and two men with feathers. Fig. 24. — Paintings on a Bowlder two miles East of Spences Bridge, a, Rainbow; 6, Men ; c, Fir-branches ; d, Cedar-bark towel ; e, Crossing of trails, with sacrifices ; /, Birch-bark cup, with drinking-tube attached to a string. Plate XX. .5 S O o •Si Cm m u "O Pi 1-1 P ^ H