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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 f. fSc t /I PKIOB TWOPENCE. D- H . t . ^ rr No. 8. i'. Imperial Federation (Defence) Gonunittee. This Committee adopts the following Resolutions passed by the Con- ference which founded the Imperial Federation League in 1884 : — That in order to secure the permanent unity of the Empire some form of Federation is essential. That no scheme of Federation should interfere with the existing rights of Local Parliaments as regards local affairs. That any scheme of Imperial Federation should combine on an equitable basis the resources of the Empire for the main- tenance of common interests, and adequately provide for an organised defence of common rights. It also adopts the expansion of the principles of those Resolutions by the Special Committee of 1892, as expressed in the summary taken from the Report adopted by the Council of the Imperial Federation League in the same year. In particular, the Committee recognises as the lesson to be drawn from the experience of the nine years' working of the late League — 1. That an adequate system of Maritime Defence is the primary necessity common to all parts of the Empire. 2. That such a system of defence does not exist under present conditions. 3. That, given a common system of Maritime Defence, provided by all parts of the Empire, the most essential point in the Federation of the Empire is attained. 4. That combination for the defence of common interests is there- fore — as was recognised in 1884 — the one essential point, and the test of the practicability of Imperial Federation. 5. That if the self-governing Colonies take their share in the cost of such a system of defence, they must have such a repre- sentation as will enable them to exercise a supervision over the disposal of the fund to which they contribute ; and if those Colonies be not willing to take their share in a com- mon system of defence, it is evident that Federation is not practicable, whatever arrangements may be proposed or adopted as regards interchange of commerce, means of intercommunication, monetary standards, etc. 6. That proposals involving participation in the cost of general maritime security, which has hitherto been enjoyed by those Colonies without expense, cannot be expected to come, in the first instance, from Colonial Governments. It will therefore be the first aim of the Committee to call the attention of the people of the United Kingdom to the anomalous and precarious state of affairs now existing, and to induce Her Majesty's Government to make to those Colonial Governments, in an official manner, such state- ments as to the present means by which defence is provided, and such proposals regarding the future, as will elicit from them an expression as to their willingness to take part in such a combination. In order to narrow the issue as much as possible, and thereby to concentrate effort upon this one essential point, it is specifically declared that the objects of the Committee do not include any proposal involving an alteration of the fiscal policy either of the United Kingdom or of any of the Colonies. I Kl^iL No. 8. 1 COLONIES AND CRISES. " In my opinion no MinlBter In this country wlU do hln duty who neglecta any opportunity of reconstructing as muoli as possible our Colonial Empire, and of responding to those distant sympathies which may become the source of incalculable strength and happiness to this UlsxO."— speech of the Earl of Bsaconsfieid, June 24th, 1872. The expressions of loyal attachment to the Mother Country and to the Imperial connection on the part of the great Colonies, evoked by recent crises in Foreign Affairs, recall vividly the statesmanlike words that have been taken as the text of this pamphlet. Happily, there is good reason to hope that the present opportunity will not be neglected, but that the statesmen who now sway the destinies of the British Empire will not fail to recognise it as their duty to avail themselves of the favouring breeze of popular sentiment, by making an earnest and practical effort to transmute the existing patriotic feeling and language of our Colonial kinsmen into correspondingly patriotic and useful action. The time, therefore, seems fitting to gather up in a few pages those gratifying utterances of statesmen and politicians, of press- writers and publicists, that have come to us from Canada and Australasia during the crisis of the Epipire that had a part of its origin in South Africa ; to see how these have been received by public > men and the press in the United Kingdom; and to examine briefly into the direction that may be given to events by the combination of these two great forces of public opinion. L— COLONIAL ADDRESSES. AUSTRALASIA. On January 12th, within less than a fortnight of those events in South Africa which came so close upon the heels of the grave national crisis arising out of President Cleveland's Venezuelan Message, a telegram from Sydney announced that the Hon. G. H. Reid, Premier of New South Wales, had, on behalf of his pw^np [ ^ ] own and all the other Governments of Australia and Tasmania, addressed the following telegram to Lord Salisbury : — "The Governments of Australia and Tasmania view with satis- faction the prompt and fearless measures adopted by her Majesty's Government in defence of the integrity of the Empire. We drsire to convey our united assurances of loyal support. The people of Australia are in full sympathy with the determination of the Mother Country to resent foreign interference in matters of British and Colonial concern." Some twelve days later a Melbourne telegram informed us that Mr. Chamberlain's imperially-minded speech, delivered on the 2 1 St of the same mor^h (of which presently), had been "received with enthusiasm throughout Australia. His name was greeted with ringing cheers on the Melbourne Stock Exchange, followed by the singing of ' Rule Britannia.' " At the beginning of February it was announced that the Earl of Glasgow, ^Governor of New Zealand, had forwarded to Mr. Chamberlain a telegram received from the Prime Minister of that Colony containing a resolution passed by a meeting of colonists at Auckland, to the following effect : — " Recent statesmanlike and patriotic conduct of Imperial Govern- ment, with reference to the Venezuela and Transvaal Republics has been such as to intensify loyal sentiments to the Queen of England, making us prouder than ever to belong to the Empire of Great Britain." CANADA. Contiguity to the United States has always had the effect of bringing the question of the Imperial connection home to the minds of Canadians more vividly than elsewhere as an actual matter of practical political application. The Liberal party in the Dominion has contained within its ranks men of great weight and influence, whose loyalty to the British con- nection has not been always quite unquestioned in the face of difficulties and temptations besetting them from across the border. The manifesto from which the following extracts are made is the more significant, therefore, inasmuch as the Hon. J. W. Longley, Attorney-General of Nova Scotia, is a distinguished member of the Liberal party in Dominion politics. Referring (shortly after the Venezuelan Message) to the deplorable possibility of war between England and the United States, Mr. Longley said : — ' i [ 3 ] "Nevertheless, there must be no misunderstanding as to the attitude of Canadians in the event of such a war. Every man of sense and wisdom in Canada will deplore such a war, will hope that all possible means will be taken which prudence can suggest to prevent it, and will pray that its evils and horrors may be averted. But if come it must, Canadians as one man will be on the side of the Empire. Let there be no misconception. Canadians will be practically a unit. There will be no parties, no divisions. The invading foe will confront five millions of Britons whose hearts will be truj to the Empire, and who will not shrink frcm any sacrifice necessary to main- tain the national honour. " But what of French Canada ? The answer is easy— Loyal to the core. French regiments raised in Quebec and officered by French- Caaadians would stand side by side with the English regiments of Ontario m defence of the country, and no brayer men would march to battle than the pious descendants of heroic and glory-loving France." On the same authority we have it that the very day after the crisis occurred the Morning Chronicle, one of the oldest and most influential of the Liberal organs of Canada, used these editorial words : — "We are Britons. We believe in the rectitude and justice of British statesmen. We are as much concerned in the honour of the Empire as the inhabitants of the British Islands, and therefore, if war must coift, let it be distinctly understood that all Canadians stand side by side with Great Britain in this contest from the beginning to the bitter end. Whatever resources of men and money we possess are at the service of the Empire, and in this view our counsels are united, and our voice is the voice of one man. That we are not directly interested in the originating cause of the war has nothing to do with the case. The honour of the Empire is at stake, and the honour of the Empire is ours." The Toronto Globe (we further read), one of the greatest news- papers in Canada and the great Liberal organ in Ontario, uttered editorial sentiments equally ringing. The Montreal Herald, the leading Liberal paper in Montreal, was equally clear and emphatic. The London Advertiser, the Ottawa Free Press, the Hamilton Times, the Kingston Whig, the St. John Telegraph— evQxy one of them daily Liberal organs of influence and power — spoke out in tones most patriotic and devoted to the Empire. Indeed, there was but one voice from the entire press of Canada, English and French, and that was, " Britain's honour must be maintained, and Canadians must help maintain it." In a speech delivered before an immense Liberal meeting at Montreal while the President's Message was the leading topic, the Hon. W. S. Fielding, Premier of Nova Scotia and one of the Liberal leaders of Canada, declared amid [ 4 ] prolonged cheers that if war came Americans would face not a party, but five millions of united Canadians. The above have been printed first because they are prior in date to what follows. No less entirely satisfactory are the more official parliamentary utterances of many of the leaders of politics in the Dominion House of Commons. On January i6th, replying to Mr. Laurier, the Opposition leader, who criticised the proposal of the Government to strengthen the Defences of Canada, Mr. G. E. Foster (Minister of Finance, and leader of the House of Commons) said in his place in Parliament : — " No person can in the present circumstances, whatever may be said at other times — no person in Canada who loves his country and desires its peace and prosperity — can think of breathing a spirit of defiance or jingoism. It is the furthest remove possiblt ."rom the sensible and well-meant sentiments of this country, which, while it respects other countries, feels evidence of its own strength in its arms, feels in its heart a full purpose to defend the country, and stand by it whenever it is threatened ; but he would read the signs of the times not aright, in these somewhat troublesome days when the great mother Empire stands SPLENDIDLY ISO LATE I > in Europe, with interests stretching over the wide world, v^h a com- merce the greatest that any nation of the world ever possessed, and vulnerable in every quarter of the sea, who did not feel, as Great Britain feels to-day and is showing, that the country's weal, the country's progress, the country's stability, and all the country's pride and glory must be based upon the strong arms and willing, loyal hearts of the citizens of that Empire from one end to the other. (Cheers.) It is the right and duty of Britons, of Britain herself, and of every dependency that belongs to her, to be ready, aye ready, as well as steady in their sentiments of loyalty and admiration for the Empire as a whole. It is in that spirit, and not in any spirit that asks for war or trouble, that that modest reference was placed in the Queen's Speech, and in pursuance of that it is the determination of this Government to put the militia and the defences of this country, as far as it possibly can be done by Canada, into a state which is adequate to the feeling, interests, and security of this country in itself and as a portion of the Empire." (Loud cheers.)] On the same date Mr. M'Neill, an Ontario member, gave notice of the following important resolution : — "That, in view of the present threatening aspect of foreign affairs, this House desires to assure her Majesty's Government and the people of the United Kingdom of its unalterable loyalty and devotion to the British Throne and Constitution, and of its 'onviction that, should occasion unhappily arise, in no other part of tne Empire than in the Dominion of Canada would more substantial sacrifices attest the determination of her Majesty's subjects to preserve unimpaired the [ S ] integrity and inviolate the honour of her Majesty's Empire ; and this House reiterates the oft-repeated desire of the people of Canada to mamtain^the most friendly relations with their kinsmen of the United States." Mr. McNeill's motion came on upon February 5th, when thirteen members took part in the debate. All the speakers, Ministerialists and Opposition members alike, were in accord in their expressions o\ loyalty to the Empire, and there was not one unfriendly utterance respecting the United States. In the course of his speech, Mr.'McNeill said:— "How has England, our own England, -orne herself in the midst of the menace and anger which compass her about ? She has borne herself like the mighty mother of heroes that she is. The great heart beat fuller and prouder in the hour of danger, and the spectacle of i?.ng)and s composure and unflinching self-reliance in the presence of the undisguised and altogether unexpected hostility of so many of the great Powers of the world has sent a thrill of admiration and pride through the veins of every loyal subject of the Queen. (Cheers.) ^ "We wish the people of England and of Ireland and of Scotland to know that the people of Canada are no mere fair-weather friends. We want our kinsmen in Australia, some of whom we welcomed here so recently, to know that we are with them in this issue, heart and hand. We want the people of the world to know that, come what may, in whatever part of the Empire they may happen to reside, the British people are one people, animated bv one spirit, and determined to stand as one man in defence of their common rights and m the maintenance of their common interests. We desire peace before all. We regard war with horror, but we are prepared to accept It with all its consequences, come from what quarter it may if it be necessary to do so, in order to maintain and defend the honour and integrity of our own Empire." (Prolonged cheers.) Mr. Davies, leader of the Liberals of the Maritime Provinces, seconded the resolution, and in the course of his remarks said : — "As part of Great Britain, Canada, more than any other part, is open to attack. With thousands of miles of continuous frontier and divided only by an invisible line from the United States, with many exciting international questions calculated to cause bitterness and strife, it becomes doubly our duty so to conduct ourselves that we shall lessen and not increase Great Britain's difficulties. Recent troubles have accentuated our determination to remain part and parcel of the Empire. The splendid dream of Imperial Federation has never yet presented itself in such practical form to the Colonies as to command their adherence, but its underlying sentiments evoke hearty sympathy from many who could not openly support a scheme." Sir Richard Cartwright's speech was noteworthy. He said that [ 6 ] he was not accustomed to make profession of loyalty, but he thought that the resolution was appropriate. He did not think war with the United States was possible, but in slightly different circumstances there might have been real danger in President Cleveland's Message. " But," continued Sir Richard Cartwright, " while we desire, as long as we are part of the Empire, to do our duty to the utmost, while we are prepared to shrink from no proper sacrifice for the purpose of assisting the Empire to the best of our means, yet as a Canad'- n I take leave to tell the country that there is not a question of obligat i between Canada and the Empire, or if there be a question of obligatiw .1 the obligation is by no means confined to our side. Among her hundreds of Colonies, Britain has but one which was founded and created by men who did not leave the shores of England to benefit themselves, but who gave up all they had for the purpose of maintain- ing their loyalty to England, and the name of that Colony is Canada." (Cheers.) Two French-Canadian leaders, Sir Hector Langevin (Con- servative) and Mr. Laurier, leader of the Opposition, heartily endorsed the resolution. The latter spoke with his usual eloquence. He eulogised the achievements of Great Britain whether in war or in peace. In conclusion, he said : — "When England should have to repel her foes, I am quite sure that British subjects all over the world would be only too glad to give to her what help they could — British subjects all over the world, not only British subjects of her own blood, but British subjects who are not of her own blood, but who have received from her the inestimable blessing of freedom." (Cheers.) Mr. Foster, leader of the House, expressed the concurrence ot the Government with the resolution, and it was adopted unani- mously amid prolonged cheering. In February the Legislature of the Province of Ontario, also, on the motion of Sir Oliver Mowat, the Premier, seconded by Mr. Marter, leader of the Opposition, adopted the following resolution : — " That an Address ^should be sent to the Queen, in view of recent events, affirming the unalterable love and devotion of the people of Ontario and declaring that, in the event of any troubles aftecting the interests of the Empire, no sacrifice that circumstances might demand would be considered too great for the people of the Province, should they be called upon to repel an invasion and defend the integrity of the British Empire.' The motion was carried by acclamation, amid great enthusiasm, 1 [ 7 ] the members rising in their seats, raising cheers, and singing the National Anthem. II.^THE ENGLISH RESPONSE, WHAT STATESMEN HAVE SAID. These hearty and robust expressions of opinion and support did not fail to awaken an echo in the Mother Country. Appro- priate official acknowledgments of the loyal addresses from Australasia were of course made. In reply to Mr. Reid's telegram from Sydney, Lord Salisbury cabled : — " Her Majesty's Government heartily thank you, and through you the Governments of Australia and Tasmania, for your patriotic assurance of sympathy and support. Nothing can give us greater confidence in mamtaining the rights of our country than the know- ledge that we have the full approval and goodwill of our fellow- subjects in the great Colonies of the Empire." . And upon receipt of the New Zealand message, Mr. Chamber- lain telegraphed to the Governor : — "Convey cordial thanks of her Majesty's Government to your Prime Minister and people of New Zealand for their message." But the most important and far-reaching declaration on this side of the water has been the great speech which Mr. Chamber- lain, as Secretary of State for the Colonies, seized the occasion to deliver at a complimentary banquet given on January 21st to Lord Lamington, on his departure to take up his appoint- ment as Governor of Queensland. Mr. Chamberlain in pro- posing the toast of the evening — the health of the new Governor — said : — * The Solidarity of the Empire. " I think that I see before me a representative gathering of British subjects, whose chief, or, at all events, one of whose principal, interests lies in that great group of Australian Colonies, whose present greatness and importance give us but a faint indication of the splendid future which awaits them. (Cheers.) For of one thing I am certain, whatever may be the fate of the old country— and even as to that I have sufficient confidence (cheers) — no man can doubt that our vigorous offspring in the Southern Seas are bound at no distant time to rival the older civilisation of the Continent of Europe in wealth, in population, in all the attributes of a great nation. (Hear, hear.) But, although, as I have said, your interests lie in this direction, I have an * The Committee have to thank the Secretary for the Colonies for personally revising the following report of his speech for this publication. i . [ 8 .] instinctive feeling that to-night you are thinkiro" not so much of Australian politics and of Austr9lian progress as you are of events that have recently! occurred (loud cheers) in another quarter of the globe, and of their connection with Imperial interests. And if that be so, I hail the fact as another proof of the solidarity of Imperial sentiment in making it impossible that a blow can be struck, or a chord soundv.!;,. in even the most distant part of this Empire without an echo coming back from every other part. (Cheers.) It would be inopportune in me, it would be improper, if I were to dwell on the incidents which have diverted attention to South Africa. Those incidents will be the subject of judicial inquiry in this country and in Africa, and I assume that, with the fair-mindedness which dis- tinguishes them, my countrymen will wait to hear both the indictment and the defence before they pronounce a judgment. (Cheers.) But, in the meantime, I will venture to say that I think there is a tendency to attach too much importance to sensational occurrences which pass away and leave no trace behind, and not enough to the general course of British policy and the general current of Colonial progress. I have heard it said- that we never have had a Colonial policy : that we have simply blundered into all the best places in the earth. (Laughter.) I admit that we have made mistakes. I have no doubt that we are answerable for sins of commission as well as for sins of omission ; but, after all is said, this remains — that we alone among the nations of the earth have been able to establish and to maintain Colonies under different conditions in all parts of the world, that we have maintained them to their own advantage and to ours, and that we have secured, not only the loyal attachment of all British subjects, but the general goodwill of the races, whether they be native or whether they be European, that have thus come under the British flag. (Cheers.) This may be a comforting assurance when we think of occasional mistakes ; and when we are rebuked even for our misfortunes (laughter) we may find some consolation in our success. (Cheers.) Splendid Isolation. " There is, gentlemen, another consideration which I think is not inappropriate to such a gathering as this. A few weeks ago England appeared to stand alone in the world, surrounded by jealous com- petitors and by altogether unexpected hostility. Difference! between ourselves and other nations which were of lonj standing appeared suddenly to come to a head and to assume threatening p»'oportions ; and from c[uarters to which we might have looked for friendship and consideration (cheers) — having regard to our traditions and to a certain c