IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) 1.0 I.I ||||| l.25 £f LS. 12.0 ■IWU - 6" FhotogFaphic Sciences Corporalion ««v. A 13 WIST MAIN STRUT WIBSTIR.N.Y. I4SM (716)t73-4S03 v\ >1^> t^^ ^ CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHIVI/ICIVIH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductians historiquas Taehnical and Bibliographic Notas/Notaa taehniquat at bibliographiqua* Tha Inttituta haa attamptad to obtain tha baat oriflinai copy availabia for filming. Faaturaa of thia copy which may l»a bibliographieally uniqua. which may altar any of tha imagaa in tha raproduction. or which may aignif icantly changa tha uauai mathod of filming, ara chackad balow. □ Colourad covara/ Couvartura da coulaur I — I Covara damagad/ D D D D D Couvartura andommagia Covara rastorad and/or laminatad/ Couvartura raataurte at/ou paliiculAa □ Covar titia miaaing/ La titra da couvartura manqua □ Colourad mapa/ Cartaa g^ograr^hiquaa an coulaur Colourad inic (i.a. othar than blua or black)/ Encra da coulaur (i.a. autra qua blaua ou noira) I I Colouraci H'ltaa and/or illuatrationa/ Planchaa at/ou illuatrationa an coulaur Bound with othar matarial/ RaliA avac d'autraa documanta r~pi Tight binding may cauaa shadows or distortion along intarior margin/ La re liura sarrie paut causar da I'ombra ou da la distortion la long da la marga intAriaura Blank laavas addad during rastoration may appaar within tha taxt. Whanavar possibia, thasa hava baan omittad from filming/ 11 sa paut qua cartainaa pagaa bianchas ajouttas iors d'una rastauration apparaiaaant dana la taxta, mais, iorsqua cala Atait possibia, cas pagas n'ont pas 6X6 filmtes. Additional commants:/ Commantairas supplAmantairas: T t< L'Institut a microfilm* ia maillaur axamplaira qu'il Sui a *t* possibia da sa procurar. Las details da cat axamplaira qui sont paut-Atra uniquas du point da vua bibliographiqua, qui pauvant modifiar una imaga raproduita, ou qui pauvant axigar una modification dans la mAthoda normaia da f iimaga aont indiquAa ci-dassous. I I Colourad pagas/ D This itam is fiimad at tha raduction ratio chackad balow/ Ca documant ast film* au taux da reduction indiqu* ci-dassous. Pagaa da coulaur Pagaa damagad/ Pagas andommagAas Pagas rastorad and/oi Pagas rastaur*as at/ou pallicul*as Pagas discolourad, stainad or foxat Pagas d*colorias, tachatdas ou piqu*as Pagas datachad/ Pagas d*tach*es Showthroughy Transparanca Quality of prir Qualit* in*gaia da i'imprassion Inciudas supplamantary matarit Comprand du material suppl*mantaira Only adition availabia/ Saula Edition disponibia r~n Pagaa damagad/ I I Pagas rastorad and/or laminatad/ r~pi Pagas discolourad, stainad or foxad/ rn Pagas datachad/ ry\ Showthrough/ r~7| Quality of print varias/ I I Inciudas supplamantary mataria'^ I — I Only adition availabia/ T P o fi O b tl ai 01 fii ai or Tl ah Tl w M dil •n ba rig ra( mi Pagas wholly or partially obscurad by errata slips, tissues, etc., ve been ref limed to ensure the best posb Ab image/ Les pages totalament ou partlellement obscurcies par un feuiilet d'errata, una pelure, etc., ont 6X6 filmies 6 nouveau da fapon 6 obtanir ia meilleure image possible. 10X 14X 18X 22X 26X 30X "! v/ 1 • 12X 16X 20X 24X 28X 32X ^■'^'issir Th« copy fllm«d hmn ha* b«on r«produo«d thanks to tho gonorotlty of: Library of the Public Archive* of Canada L'exempiaire film* fut roproduit grica i la 04n*roslt4 da: La bibliothiqua dee Archives publiques du Canada The images appearing here are the best quality possible considering the condition and legibility of the original copy and in keeping with the filming contract specifications. Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed beginning with the front cover and ending on the last page with a printed or Illustrated Impres- sion, or the iMck cover when appropriate. All other original copies ere filmed beginning on the first page with a printed or Illustrated Impres- sion, and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impression. Les Images suivantes ont At4 reproduites avec ie plus grand soin. compte tenu de la condition at da la nettetA de l'exempiaire film*, et en conformity avec les conditions du contrat de fllmage. Lee exemplalres originaux dont la couverture en papier est ImprlmAe sont filmte en commenpant par Ie premier plat et en terminant solt par la dernlAre page qui comporte une empreinte d'Impression ou d'lllustratlon, solt par ie second plat, selon Ie cas. Tous les autres exemplalres originaux sont fiimAs en commenpant par la pramlAre page qui comporte une empreinte d'Impression ou d'iilustratlon et sn terminant par la dernlAre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. The last recorded frame on each microfiche shall contain the symbol — ^- (meaning "CON- TINUED"), or the symbol y (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams Illustrate the method: 1 2 3 . Un dee symboles suivants apparaUra sur la dernlAre image de cheque microfiche, selon Ie cas: Ie symbols -^> signifle "A 8UIVRE", Ie symbols V signifle "FIN". Lee cartes, planches, tableeux, etc., peuvent Atre filmto A dee taux de reduction diff Arents. Lorsque Ie document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seui cllchA, 11 est film* A partir de i'angle supArleur gauche, de geuche A droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant ie nombre d'images nAcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants iiiustrent la mAthode. 32X I "*■ ■ ■. :A ■•:: r ■;::»,.;: T^MXi THE CRISIS OF SIR ROBERT PEEL'S MISSION ; Ills AMIRTIOW OP TBI OMinPOTIJfCIl Of PAkUAMIMT, IW IIIB BOOM OP TUP, OilinPOIRJICIl OP PrINCIPLP, AfORAl AXD CoXf TITCHO If At, Mimr— If we would prevent unfortunate LegUlatioa beoominii n oauio of Rcvolu.ion, after losing the Coloniea and our lupremaey on the 8e»— PRBOiPiTATB UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE. DSHOORATIO LMIIlAnmf, HOWITIR, A* BRIMO aTRORTMOVI WITH iniRLSMO Tm LABOCR AND FiZBD Pr5PBRTT OP niR CODNTRT PROU TRl AUSN MONCV-POWBR, I» THI BrM OR OKLT PrRIIANRNT SROORITT POR MoNAROOT I.V THE ExEOUTITB, IN THESE RATI It' itSVOLCnON * ARV, WITHOUT THANKIKO Sw R. PrIIi, WB UIOHT TAKE OOORAOB— IP WE ONLT RAD A MAX SUCH AS WE LOST IK LoRD GeORGE BbrI inCK, OR LIRE WlIiUAM PiTT, AT TRR UBLU— PBOM THE PACTS THAT TBK OoNSTITUTION HAS INTARIADLT BERN STRBNOTHEN'ZD BT TRB WnkBNINO OP THE FrANO^IEB, WHBTnBB IR THE TIME OP KiNa JoHX, ChARLBS I., OR THE MIIRR BRPRNT RrPORM BiU, ARD THAT VHE Natioatioh Law was the work op Ouvbb Cromwell and tue Lono Paruamsnt, whilh our Colonial. Stbtrm, althouor it MAT date its nominal ORIGIN PROM QuREN ElUABETH, OWED ALL ITS TITALITT ARD DEVBLnPMENt TO THE BXTRRUR DEMOCRACT OP TBB OBBAT Rebellion. — Odr Universal Sdppbaob should also be used to elect the Upper Mouse, which is at pbbsent wiirout moral WEIGHT IN THE COIHITRT, PeBRS AND BAnONRTS. WITH THEIR So.VS, BEING EUOIBUt AS MrMBKRS OP IT HEREAPTER.— FROM TUE NEWSPAPER WRITINGS OF ISAAC BUCHANAN, PORMBRLT PRESIDBNT OF T» BOARIMI OP TRADE OP TORONTO AND HAMILTON, O. W., AND MEMBBR PM T0R9XT0L THE THEN METROPOLIS IN XnB FIRST PARUAMBNT OP UNtlBD CANADA. ' " The protective rystem is pnreljr derooeratic in its tendency. It fosters industry, and enables the poor man, who has no capital bat i town labour, no surplus but what is found in his own sinews, to acquire n competency to support and eduoate his fnmllv It ii de< I algned not for the few, but for the many ; and though it will be productive of the common good, its peculiar blessings will full' npon the I labouring classes. But there is a sort of looseness in the phrase ' Fi ce Trade,' which renders this discussion embarrassing The adrO' I wtes of tnis dootrine do not tell us with suHiclcnt nreoision what they mean by the plirnse. If they mean that we shoald take off all n- [itriotions from commerce, whether other nations do or not, it is one thing ; but if they mcnntbntwo should do ittowai^s those nations [which will reeipmcate the favour, it is quite another thing. But the phrase must lin(>ly a trsdo which is mutuallv bonefloial or it Inust not. If it dors not imply a trade that is mutually unrestricted and mutually bencHclal, thnt is a good reason for reieotine it [I have not made sufficient proHcicnoy in the science of political non-resistance to udvocate a system of trade which enriches othtr inations by impoverishing us. I cannot consent to open our ports, duty free, to those nations which throw ovary embarrassment in I the wny of our commerce. My political creed does not reqtiira me to lore other nations b«tt«t' than my own. But if Free Trade im- {lies a trade mutually advantngeoMs, I am willing to adopt it ; but thit can neutr be done by talcing off all eommereial reitrietioiu. fthe trade is to be mutually bonofieial, it must not only imply a reeiproeitp in eommereial regulationt, but a eimilarltu in eondi^ ttion. We, as a nation, are peculiarly situated, w™ ■»«.«„..-.«.j «■..«„, n,„ m.i ur„.ij i-_ .1:-. — ji_i. -» . . Itions. Our leading oharacteristio f TIONS TENDS TO ELEVATIi EtEMUNERATION rOR lIlS Xk/^u. Aui9,niNa«»v |i,i\^vi inwuur XL *WKnAXM-H3 Jlix:, AJ/IUVU CVEiH A BIAIN. HO lOUff SB- n retain this our national characteristic, by protcoting our own industiy, our conntry will be prosperous. But let the pleMine bnt- elnsive doctrines of Free Trade obtiiin in our land— let that policy under wliicli we have grown np and provpered be abandonea and' t OS open our ports to the fabrics of those nations whose hai-uy iubourers can obtain but a shilling a day, and board themselves' and' ^ requvcs no spirit of prophecy to predict the embarrassment and distress which would ensue. Wheu oar navigators are drivni rem the ocoan, and our luanulacturei-s and raoohanics from their mills and their worlishops, and all are compelled to onltivate the oil, the beauties of Free trade would be realised. We might have agrioultaral producta, but we should have no market Bb* RO DEFBRDBNT UPON OTUER NATIONS POR MANY OP TIIR COMPORTS OP LIFE, AND AT THE SAME TIME DBPRIVEO OP A MARKIT POR OUR PRODITOB -I SHOULD BR COMPELLED TO TOIL POR A MERE FITTANCB, ARD SHOULD, LIKE TaNTAICS IN IHB PABLB, PBBISH IB THB MIDST OP AOBIOVLTU- L PLEHIT." — From Ilunt'i New York Merehnnu' MdgoMine. " In democracies, where the right of making ^awa resides in the people at large, publie virtue and goodness of intention is more kely to be found than in either of the other qualities of Government. Popular assembliesare frequently foolish in their oontrivanee nd weak in their execntion ; but generally mean to do the thing that is right and just, and have always a degree of patriotism or nblic npMt."—Slaek$tone. From the published conversation of a French gentleman, (at Clnremont, in November 1848). with Louis Philippe late Kins of be French : — Gentleman. — But the expression of Lafajrette, ' Sire, yon will be the best of Republics !' King. Tliis was not Mid ; the Hotel de yillo ; but a week prev'""*'" **•'"» ^"'•'" I*""*' ""■' *■"••*■■-""• in^.im. :» _:»i./v..4 _-i- t- n — ) best of B publioan I From [£»ulti This and the above quotations gn to show that had the legislation been Rcpuhiicnn, Louis Philippe could not have Ioiied ) it ms&is able we may soon have an example there of tlic state of things, which Peel's unprincipled course must inflict on England.' ao/«JU " At present, indeed, such is the state of Francr.-, that the exercise of the supreme power Vepels more than it attraoia. and the ling statesmen of tho nation liave shown more anxiety to escipe from the responsibility of so arduous a position than to-resone gottntry from insurmonntable dangers at the cost of their own reputations. • • • • * • jj jg q£«J^ ioofthe eonfusion stiU prevailing in France, that the most oppmite and inconsistent political doctrines are expressed with claims sip oottntry from insurmonntable dangers at the cost of their own reputations. ' ' • « « • jt is chano eonfusion stiU prevailing in France, that the most oppmite and inconsistent political doctrines are expressed 1 ivaX ODSnness ; and the nation is lc« adverse to the regret publicly displayed by the partisans of the late dvnasty, or to the clii TftstiU more formidable Pretender, than it is to the extreme theories of the democratic Repubiio. • '• • * « most of the departSMnts an impression prevailed favourablo to tho revision of the Constitution, but none nndoi'took to nIBrm what extent the requisite changes ought to be carried, or what result tuey should produce. * • • • • Sona ' of the eentral districts openly professed the doctrines of the Reretension8 of the President. Nevertheless, it is still the o^I ion of many of the most profound and experienced ohecrvers of the French nation, that, with the assistance of oprni tunity and of 'I lie urgent tune, an imitation of tlie Empire la the next transformation we are destined to witness. , „^ uneaL ■ant of money for the support of tliis quasi-royaltv— the claims of a needy and ambitious fomily— and perhaps evcntimily tlie atti. tide of a powerful Opposition in the Assembly, will precipitate the crisis ; and as I.nula Napoleon has fully suereude.l in n 'lintidii lig his popularity with the army, it is possilxs tliat in.the hour of action that powerful instrument may again decide ■ "u • Ivoar of an Imperial dynasty .^natft, lintain. lime in ^ GREENOCK: PUBLISHED AT TUE ADVERTISER OFFICE, [And to bo bad at the Offices of the Gretnoef Advtrtiter in Greenock and GIasrow (-10, Union Sireet) : at Mr >' mii's. Bookseller bmhill, London ; and at Messrs John Ilortbili A Son*, Waterloo Plaeo, i::diubu'gh— where mr.y also be h|.l<' tu iii.Miirection : and the returning influence of which has not failed to produce the same alarming oonsequene lere the '•nndi>'< .> rs i: Jamei tiraham'i Ptimphlet on Com aud Currtnq/, publhhed in 1827. " lie liegged the hoiue would pay particular attention to tlie petition which he held in hi* hand. It wm of no common olianio- ter, but that of a sreat and imoortant body, all of the Hrat ronneotabilltv, praying that tliow nMulutioiiH wliicli were intended to be iubmitted to tie Iioumi mlglit not bo carried into effuct. llo bogged leave to itate hii opinion, that thu pctitioneii were the beet Judge* of *uch a meaaure. lie would add also, that nllhoush tliov were intimately conneotrd with nil that concerned the wel- fan of the country, tho nioat experienced men. and the beat qiiulitivd n-om their connection with our miuiiilactui-ci and commeroe, »«( they had not btm txamined by the rommittee ; he hoped, therefore, that before a meainrc 3o destructive of the conimeroial inter- cat* ol tho country wa* passed, (nnd when he said that, honourable niembe>^ would conclude every other interest to be combined with tlMMW, and to go along with them,) the house would pnH«o awhile, in order to collect that infoniintioii which they so particularly wanted. In lookimj at tho rtport$ ivhieh had htr.n fntUithed on the luhjert, he mtiit toy, that the u'iiiic>${» nun' not inen likely m 'five ami information to government, not men no/uaiiiled v/M the flute of the country ; thf lait men who thouhl huve been ouestiontd, if government waMed to arrive at the meritt of the tare" of Parliament in 1830 (with which I shall close tho Introductory Article), ought to put an end to the notion that, 'in expreaainK our irt«cnncilcable objections to i'cel'* principles and meuaures, wo have any personal hostility to the Right Honourable linrt. " And it may not be inapropoi that I here quote the following from my letter in tho Glasgow Re/ormert' Gazette of 14tb March, as proring the inestimable value of colonial trade a* well ns the hiohtt fluctdation which is thc i (sepahaulk cuabaotir or tbadk WITH ALT. OOURTMKI WHIflH ARC BKTOND THIt PALI OV OCR OWN CURREKCT LAWr AND RR0ULATI0N8 : ' I dcsiro shortly tO rCOUr tO the SUb- jeet of ooloniid trade to show it* infinite superiority over a foreign trnde, or a merely manufaetv -imj commerce, and I take my figuraa nvm the official (tntements. of the export* and import* of Great Britnii. in 1843, not having the later roturiis at hand. In the trade with Britain and her colonies in tho western world, about 00,000 nenmon are vcarly employed, for whom tho amount of wage* and cost of provi*ions cannot be le*s than £3,SOO,000 per annnni ; and the repairs, insurance, and replacing of capital in the ships £4,000,000 more. In the tntda between Britain and India and China, 10,000 seamen are employed, and at a similar rate their wages, provisions, Ac. will amount to £000,000 ; and the replacement of capital and inoreaae £800,000 ; in all, £1,300,000. The whole, or ncnrly the whole of the suppNe* peces*ary to maintain these seamen and tonncge, are tho productions of British soil and labour, which, in a national point of view, shows the superiuritv ol such a trade over h merely manufarturing commerce. A com- parison of tho trade of the eastern with that of the western world, taking the value of import* and exports, stands nearly thus :— From nnd to China and tite East Indie*, about £16,000,000 ; and from and to British North America and tho West Indian Coloniea, £14,000,000. It thus appear* that the latter or Britisn America'.) trade requires nearly five times more ships, tonnage, and seamen to oarry it on, than the former or trade to all India and China ! thereby alfording an incalculable advantage to a naval power, and the support of a nnval force, and also to the employment of British Inhour and capital. From the official stateraoiit of toe exports and Imports of Groat Britain to tho different part* of the world for the year 1843. to which we have alluded, we find that the whole weight of cotton yarn and cotton goods exported from Great Britain annually is 120,000 tons, and the vatuo £23,000,000. It fol- lows, then, that one-half the tonnage employed in carrying the West Indian exports (value £2,882,441) would be suffioient to carnr the whole cotton export trade of this countr^ ; and as regard* the North American trade, one-seventh of tho tonnage would be sum- cieni to carry all that cotton trade about whieb Mr Cobden Ims made such a noise, but whose real and gre:it intrinsic importance t* the enviire, no nf I'ioulturist nor colonist ha* ever shown any disposition to undervalue that I am aware of. I cannot better finish off this Btateme>"i than by repeating that, while the trade of B. Ameriea and the West Indies, stated inl843.to be only £14,000,000, employs 2,000 snipn of 070,000 tons*, and 00,000 seamen, our trnde with the United States, estimated at £'23.000,000 three-fifths be- ing imports of raw cotton, Ao„) is carried in 300 ships of 233,000 tons; and the import from China, amounting to £0,000,000 is brou|ht in 84 ships of 30,713 ton*. The trade of America wA(!n our euton;^ in 170Uemployed, on the avemgo of three years, 1,078 ships, and 38.010 seamen, and tho value of the goods taken from Great Britain was £3,370,000 ; the exports of tlie colony being £9,M4.000. The population of the United States is now nearly ten times what it then was, without any great permanent increase hi our exports to America, (cause* over which we had no control, brought them down in the year 1842 to £3,028,807.') Before closing n|y remark*, 1 desire to recur to the disingenuouf oonclusiun oF Sir Robert Peel's great speech, which I have quoted from. Yes, the Premier triumphantly concludes—* Thii it what you have to decide by your vole on this tjueetion — Will you advance or will yott tt- eedt f And again—' What tkould b€ the motto of a country like thie ! Should it advance or retrograde /' Now, Sir Robert Fed knew full well that he had not shown, and could not show, how frxs tradb is to advance, even tem|>(>rarily, any one of the gre«t interests of this country. And Sir Robert Peel knew, moreover, that neither has any class of politicians, nor any body of men in England felt, or expressed, any wish or determination to rrckdi or retrooradb in the ubbrauxt op ovb lboislatioii for the regn- Ution of commeroe. Nor is Sir Robert Peel ignorant of the fact that all pabtibs arb wii.lino and anxious to advancr to the greatest extent thev think they can without giving a tiatal blow to the industry of our own people, whether artisan* or agrioulturisls. All that Sir Robert Peel's former friend* oharge him with is that he show* HiMSEur detbrmined to oo forwars in toe dark ! They aniy demand an explanation, and it seems high time tliat they should do so, when they can now «ee in the Premier teareely tht $ha- dow of bis former principles. Pausing, — Sir Robert Peel's followers simply address their political leader a« Hamlbt did tne Ghost ef his fathei^- Aopii/oe«" on the subject of Peel'* Money Law f And in Die ease of ISa Emanoipation of the Catholic* did they not t:o farther with him than any lover of constitutional government ohii over pardon, (howevermuchlikeniyKclfheniay hare desired the emancipation), when at that ti'ne they pa«' much cnnfidoiino in the nioritllty uf public opinion to ka them bolioTo that the uountry will ovcroomo to regard 'he present Peel men utherwUe than with tho anma nUHplnion with whlcli wn reuard the potatoes of a blighted lot. The ohnngfl in lilg^mind oan no more bo explained tlnin the corruption In the potatoes ; and political is lilce feiunlo virtno, ono« gone no charm can restore it. Decency, thoretbre, united with the public interest in leading us to hope that wo should hoar no mora of Peri and still less oi Wn creatures. lie has wonnded tho honour and inaullcd (he rank of BtatcHmnniihlp, bv nNsoeialin); ita character with his prolligate principle that " the end JnstiHes the means." Public opinion may n t nt once ho Hnffloieiitly lMdc|>cn- dent to repudiate utterly n man whono name was lately powerful, but if so, let him think whiit value should be placed on n judgment whioh eonid approVo of priuci|ilo8 beinK admissible in public which nro repudiated in private life, and of ponnlarity lieiiie taken as ■ d only as the /iWoH'fi- of consistent and correct pi'incipli's. Peel has yet— sa^ his old frlunds- flTMiife. instead of being valued i is — liy cover- ing himself with the oblivion of political death, an opportunity of roeordlug whut must Ijo his opinion ol' what will bo tho just and certain fate of all men who licrcaftor may lyetiny native Industry, like him, allowiuR themsidves to be ihbnui-hnl by Mr Cobden, " the friend of o»ei7 country hut his own." All men are fallible, and why Hhould Peel not bo willing to confess the tintli that, oven if it wore proved that he did a fortunate thing, this can novei' excuse his setting the example of a disregard of Iho constituencies, which, if followed, might lose this country its host secured and most valued inslitutiona, and oven ihe crown iticif, although no voico may liavo been lifted against these at tho hustings I lie knows well that the ex putt facto assent of tho cunstitnencics only showed that their independence was gone, and that the country could luivo nothing worse in tho shape of olcetora. This, .Sir Uobert knowtt, could not do awav his guilt ; it could only save him, ns a criminal is saved, from jinniihment, A public man is judged of by his acts, and Sir 11. Peel's new IVkiuls at Abcnkcn tan only bt; held to npostrophlsn tho principU of n Member in Pnrliauicut doing the contrary to what he pioinised at t'lO liustlnj,'s ! as if Lord John UumcH, who has been sent into A public man is judged of by hi lemlior in Pnrliauicut doing the c Partiaincnt to build up a free trade ^ ) system, wore to use the power wi,l> which the conlldinp; cnustitucncioj have entrusted him to hurl tho whole free trade fabric to tho ground. So great an outrage on constitutional principle, as this would be on Lord Jolin'i part, and as Peel's course was on his p.irt, can only bo ju.-^tilied by the enemies of constitutional principle, Haynau, Tonington, O'Fcrall, and Elgin may as easily ho justilled by our Alcnleot friends in tho principles of mercy and justice. Ilut tho " crj/" of "motive!! not men" will have small chance of putting out tho good olil "c!" of "measures not men," while tho "cry" of the mnsses is for " food ;" and tho Mnnehestor school will in vain attempt to ron of our cnrrtHoj to fnrnish the capitalist with half the amount ot his claim in hard cash to send abroad in payment of foreign l:\b mr. thus fostering and inore.isins that foreign industry to cunipoto with which Is impossible for us under our national burden-t or (oven thouirh treed from these burdens) till our population is reduced below the eircumttnncea of tho foreign serf or slave, for tho acttiMl ic dim of tho latter must over remain fewer than those of a people with h.ibits such nsours, and living in so much more rigoi-ous a cliiimte as that of (Jrcat Britain- Tlio'o subsisting on wages, the great component part of price in commodities, have been deeply injured by tho onfiicM formed by Sir U. Peel's law ot 1819, between gold and moneu, out of which has arisen all the^ovils of our worKing population. Even when we get wliont in return for gold, wo have a right to complain of the importer being paid In " gold r.s a money," or gold at a fixed price. Tlie foreigner is a buyer, and having it always in his power to get gold at £3 ITs 105 d per ounce, he prefers it to liritish commodities wlienever tho prices of thc«e rise above the starvation point, or Peel price. For instance, with wages near tlie starvation point in this country, the foreigner finds ho can for fd get either an ounce of gold or 80 yards of cloth nt Is per yard, and he may probably take tho cloth in preference ; hut as soon as prosperity raises prices, say to la 3d per y.ird, til'.- foreigner flnds his advantage in taking away our gpid, of which, from its being fi.vod in price, ho can still get an ounce, while m tho cloth he can now only get 81 vards for .£4. This state of things is tho more g.alling and positively unjust to our home induslry, ns it is clear that for the comnio-il to be pui-ohasin" the material, and contr.icting for the material on which I operate. In 1837, 1 lost by my stock in hand, £20,'»00, as compared wiih the stock-taking in 1835, 1830, and 1838 ; the average of thoso three yenr», when compared with 1837, shows iliat 1 lost <;30,000 by my business in 1837 ; and what I wish Ui add is, that the whole of this loss arose from the dcpra- elation in the value of my stock. My business was as prosperous ; we stood as high as printers as we did previously ; our business since that has l>ei'ii as good, and there was no other cause for the losses I then sustained, but the depreciation of tho value of the articles in w^iivlionse in my hands. What 1 wish particularly to show is, the defenceless condition in which we manufacturers are placed, and ii .-v fompletely we arc at the mercy of these unnatural Huctuatiflns. Although I was aware that tho losses were coining, it was impossii.l'.' I could do otherwise than procoed forward — with the certainty of sull'..'riug a loss on tho stock ; to stop tho work of 600 hands, and (» fail to supply our customers would have been altogether ruinous ; that is a fact drawn from my own experienoe. I wish to point to Miothcr cxampiR of a most striking hind, shewing thcoffect of tlicse fluctuations on merehanis. I hold in my hand a lisfofSOar" • "' ■ :- i^o- ,...,.., r,,.. ...., , ,...„., .• ». , I ... Mr Brooke ness, and i on thoso 31 . ^iat'o places aln:'^st. This, I presume, is n fair guide, to show the losses which other mcrcliants incurred on similar articles.' Mr Cobdei: i.iw, however, denies that the price of gold is fixed at all in this country I but wo arguo that the price of gold i* fixed, seeing th; ; any one can go to ths mint and get coin for gold bullion at the rate ot .£3 178 lOldper ounce. Mr Cobden ro» plies that this :-> nit'iely the government putting their stamp oh tho sovereign, to attest its fineness and weight, the same as a huihel meanure '.•.■ wheat is stamped or regnlatcd by authority. It is cloar, however, that the ono case is not parallel to tho other, as tho wheat i.s i.;ily measured, not priced, by l.iw. For the gold when stamped, as euntainiii^ 5 dwti and 3 grains, called a sove- reign, yon can (i ii:.iiid 20s worth of any other commodity, and with it you cannot liquidate any debt not more than 20s. Law may tlitiu fix thcpnVr (;( wheat or gold, althougli no legislation can supplant the operation of the natural law of supply and demand, which detcrinin '■■••-' *-- * :•• -i-— " — i = :— i- •-— -•« 1-.:— /...•..!__ ^. — i^. l s *_.-.. . would be The reduct the luoptrty and ii.dustry of the country. termini n aii naluct. And if wheat were tixed in price by lav/, its variations (arising from its being plentiful or scarce) driven t- c.\;>i-ess themselves in the increased or decreased price of money. This is exactly what now occurs with gold, ction o! ; ill- stci k of gold is expressed by the rise in the pricj or exchongeblo value of money, and the consequent ruin of '-^ Vt'- rJ*J*^ . *wi?t«i* -...^^T^ i ,«•'•' PKEL'S UNPRINCIPLED AND FATAL COURSE. I the olillilren «ltliout tli'.ir country will ofitbliKlitod ) virtiiR, ono0 tiuuUt lioar no HHnoinlini; It* intly indcpen- •n n jiiilgment 112 titkoii Rl ft Kli— liy cover I tlic just and Cobtli'ii, " the lut, oven ir it onoiiM, which, no voico mny y Mhowod that t knows, could .lie princifiU of been arut into I'uateil hiui to II Lord JuUn'i u, Tori'ingtoD, the "cry" of " cry" of the 1/ of Sir Itobtrt Id dupiiort him, rnrliuuicntary ford to M-ouble thus much poli- i|{ thoiu in tho -ns lilu or death tlio people, and w t(irci||u stan- 1840, liowever, II iiinrc reduced lasiug a want of •Ivcs paying the linli'yeur ; but, ctt'd li> ihtJ intt- nildition lo pny- ly will have, out •ond in payment idcr ouv national ijjn self 01' slave, in 80 much more idilics, have been in nil thucvils of : importer being to B'^t gold at £3 lit, or reel price. ounce of gold or I prices, say to 1» can still get an vcty unjust to our paper, or " pros- local paper inonty 1 trade is not un- roigiiH lor clipped I'eel's abominable atliei- among our- tlio benelit of the fact derived from I, by those Huctaa- tho market ; and , whiitover change 1 have lixcd ma- •ices may be, I am 1 lost by my stock lion compared with )se from tho dopre- msly ; our busineM of the value of the .manufacturers are iisses wore coming, ;o stop tho work of own experience, 1 I bold in my hand a e very well knownj 'egular way of busi- oss is 37^ per cent. fact all the interme- lar articles." the price of gold it ee. Mr Coboen ro» ight, tho same as a [trallel to the other, rains, called a sove- han 208. Law may supply and demand, ' plentiful or scarce) w occurs with gold. c conwquent rum of money llill of 1810 was the great argument fcir tho excessive restrictions rctninod upon imiwrts, , _... , , .„ prcvoiitN, our ability tnincranso our export trade, and till lis repeal our only safu uourse was to restrict our iinporis. ns thus al< couid ii'taiii our banking facilities, by iirovcntinD an oiport of gold. What, then, are we to think of Sir II. I'ecl's doing awa this breakwater, if he had no ulterior views 1 Thu not of a statesman, however, has no diHorant effect whether done from irot London .Tuw houses, In taking foreign loans, w« should have, on the statute bunk, a law which, by making gold and money •yne«(> mous, makes the export of gold equivalent to tho export of our p.iper money, the withdrawal of all moroantilo ooiiAdouoe, an«l tka annihilation of our bank fniilitios. If we do nut assume that Sir It. Peel inttntU constitutianal changes, wo must bold bis intclleot in supreme contempt, and he- llevo tho Tory papers that, iuoapablu of an original idea, he bai-ely understands the borrowtJ priuolples of his own measnrra, awl ccitainly has not the guilt of being able to Ibrcsco their result. Kvory onobut himself knew (if ho did not), that theexisleneeofkto Peel's money bill prevented, and still us alone «• : away with this breakwater, If he had no ulterior views f ihu ant nt a statesman, however, has no ditforant effect whether done from imbeolUlv or dc^i^ii, and ruvolutionnry olinnges miis^ assuredly How fi-oiu I'eel's having in 1810, Judas like, betrayed with n kiss the cause oC our nativn industrv, which till then, hn had prufuised, was tlio cause of his heart. Every one knew that patriolio selttshnessor tka fostoriog of llritisli industry was tho vital interest of tho t'ulonie.t, and that the loss of these noble appendages of thu llritish Crown must fulinw thu admission of foreign nroducu on the nnme terms as Uolimial as certainly nt effect follows cause ; so that Ted's raaeh Yaunted movement in 1840 amounted to Ihu reduetluu of Great Uritain from thu lofty heariiig of n great Kmpire, tho mistress of the seas, to the position of a petty country. And even were such eliangc shown (as it never could be), to be the intei-cst of this oountiy, why not have ertccteil so important a transaction with thu sanclinn of tho ooiistitueiioics ? Why not let oven the Colonists, who Iwd ever been foremost In Invo lo Uritish rule, have iom( little « 'kmIy :— !* lit a fomitr number it watthown that irveeiproeal trade mutt nteftarily.iit ill very u'xtuie, lone xis the eoloiiiti, lernnml t!te priiicipit of prottetinn abaiiilunetl, the eoloiiinl ij/atem (whieh in a mere braneh ofi$J, falli lil'o, <»', nihat it to my mind far wul-je, una c ntlil unl;i Iwl a ynir or two, the eoloniu berome n dray on tho empire, haviny etaied to benefit the inulher eonntry in any waj after thty have thru, that the landowners will bo thu permanently predominant .tnd popular or poworl'iil interest, tiio weavers having been onu-lialf driven back again to tho fields by want of manulhcturing oniploy- mont. Tho olfect, in fact, of Sir Iluliert IVul's measure will bu to in-evcnt all progress in mnnufactiiring, nnd I'ediice tho wliule of tba Interests of the country into a nari-ower oonip.-vss, in whicli, in thu way 1 have pointed out, iigrioulture will loom the largest, not be- cause lar"e, Imt liocuiw all other interostt have boon made smaller in proportion by Sir llobert Peel's liberal measni-e." Corrobora- tion of thii, if wanted by any one, is found in tho lato address of tho llritish .Vmerioan liCaguu, of which tho fnllnwlnj is tho charatf- tor ; -" During a loiig_ period, cheqiierod by adversity and prosperity, the people of this colony Imvo, in war, rallied round the flag of thoir forefathers, and in peaco have oiideavourod to conionl tliu niiioii with tliuir futlierland by the strongest ties of amity nnd inter- est. In return fnr this devotion, thu Uritish Unvernmcnt has lung extended to the colony a oommorcial preference in her markeia. The harmony wliinh so long existod— interrupted b); an abortive robjilion— was again restored iit its close ; and the progrons of tha colony bcoamo almost unexampled, under tho fodtoring influence of a wise imperial legislation. Uut unhappily for Great Uritain, an empire whoso colonies are the strong arm of her power — she has recently opuned her ports to foreign nations, itpon equal turins iritli her colonics ; thus virtually excluding us from bur markets, by throwing us into a rujnous competition with those to whom her ports aro moro immediately and chonpjy accessible. In her promulgation of free trade principles, the lieu lost tiyht of the interests of her eolonism with tho (vain ?) view of obtaining from all nations riciprooal free trade, nnd thereby inundating the world with her manufneturai. The new policy of the uniiiire has recentl,v produced its intvitaUe retalm. Unprotected by an adequate tariff, we have continued to consume .1 vast amount of Uritish mnnutacturoH; while our pruiliiee— tho principal source upon which wu rely for their payment— ha.s rarely entered tho English markets, except at n sacriUco. The reiult hat been a monetary pretture, exlentiva banl-ruptay, aiul (jentral dittresi," Ireland, too, looks on Peel as a man with his throat cut* would do on the perpetrator who could unblushingly stop to npostropbisB his MOtivei ; but, say Peel's friends, ai>o tho great statosinan about to lead on a forlorn hope fur Ireland ! see him, we reply, having killed tho man getting the public to subscribe fur his fatherless family ! 'I'he Timet comes to the aid of the bold men ot Aberdeen. [.ANO, Tiiisn tho and by n petitio principii, suggests that a good act (Irrcoiprooal Free Trade to wit) cannot have n very bad motive, and we mi^t feel able to hope that, by way of resnuing the motive. Peel's still-born Iris' '^'-' ' ' ' ' ■ ... _ _ rish-Schcmo may bo cooked up into something better than a mere flourish of trumpets, were tlio whole thing not too manifestly intended only for effect. In fact, in nothing previously haa Sir R. PclI como out so unmistakoably in the character of a quauk as in his Iriuh i'iautatioii Scheme. In its preliminary confls- catian and banishment of the present proprictoi-s, it is like the cliulera, if. as has been said, itcnmmeneus whero natural diseasee end —in death. In politics as in medicino, tho quack professes to eare, while the profession of thu regular practitioner is to no more than allaying tho morbidity, so ns to allow nature to work its own cure, which it always does (wlicn onee tho morbid excitement is allayed) it suflicient stamina in tho constitution remains ; but Sir Kobeil's plan would remove whatever stamina remalna in Ii'claa'il, leaving only tho alien church ns a onisAT tuuour on an emaciated i.ifkless trunk ; nnd I never can believe that any minia- try or man can have either the power or the will to rjiise Ireland out of tliu wretched condition :t vh in without Hrst nttomptinc to remove, and luceceding in removing, Ti-eland's ecclesiastical tumour. Uut even if the whole i •: : t,io of tho Irish CJiuroh wera devoted ns I would wish to ragged schools (to tench reading, writing, aritlimetic, and trades, lea'::;, tho religion of the childratt to thoir churches and guardians), I yet beliovo that prosperity would be impossible, as the wiioi.k av:ji;s or mfk or Uritisu ahb Inisn IXDUSTRT HAS UEBN WITHDRAWN DY THE wiiHDRAWAL OP piioiKOTioji TO NATivK LABOUR. I thereioro vicw Ireland OS liopelesi, if loft in such hands as Peel's. Mere phraaomoiigcr.s, and men who have to appeal beyond their measures for their motives, will no longer do for Ireland. It now becomes very apparent that if Ireland was Peel's chief dijftculty, the Ex-promier has, in a far higher sense, been Ireland's chief difficulty ; and as to his motive) let us see what Lord Anglesey siiys. (Sco Lord Anglesey's letter to Lord Cloneurry, dated Rome, 28th January, 1835 ; )— " I do not quite_ see into the state of affairs, but it appears to me that, take what view yon will of them, thev are frightful. _ Can the Peel and Wellington Government stand i I am sure it ought not; and if there bo common honesty and fair dealing in man it will not. Dut can any one count upon honesty and fair dealing in these days ? I think not. I strongly suspect what aro called the moderate Whigs. I have no faith in tliem. I believe that in general they nro frightened, nnd omy show liberalism as long as tho tido runs that way, and as it turns (if turn it do) they will oat back with It. Neither have I any faith in the ultra-Tories. I suspect that n great part of them, with a view to office, or at aU events to retaining in ofHco men who, upon tho whole, they like better, and believe themselves to bo safer in the hands of than the honest Liberals ; that with a view to nrescrt'iiig in power, I sny, tho present leaders, they will sacrifice all their principles, and eat nil their words, and vote through thick and thin for reform— ay, even for Church reform. Here, then, if 1 be right, will be a tolerable equipoise of baseness, nno thus Peel nnd Wellington will continue to hold the reins, and, with a bad grace, give all the reforms that wcro in contemplation by tho last Government, and which, if my voice had bcicn attended to, would, as far ns the Irish Church is coucorned, have been sot smooth three yoara ago. " • ;• • I am sure I have no inducement to take any part whatever in pub'ic affairs. You, with your usual kindness and partiality, express awish that Ishould, in thcevont of a change, again return to Ireland, or else go to the Horse Guards. Uut of what use could 1 be in either situation 'i It has been my fate ta be unkindly and nngcncrously treated, both by friends and foes, and I do not Be_< why I should again allow myself to be made nn- happy by cither. The truth is, I have not the capacity for acting with men who have recourse to trick nnd diiplicity. I have inaepcndent thought ; and if I go I must go ray own way. I could not oonFcnt to allow Ireland to be governed in Downing Street^ and thcretorc I did not suit ray employer and employers generally." Itjs but too true that the British Governmeut has been practoally the worst :'ossible govcrr.ment in Ireland and the Colonies^ * With leik than half Great Britain's popnlation, Ireland has about as maiiy souls dependent on agrioulluVe ; and the Dubiiit Evening Mail thus describes the condition of li-eland— " She 'b undone— irri trievab'y unduiio, lie? Trade, then, in corn and provi- tionf , is progresaiTe ruin to Great Britainr-to Ireland it ia sadden and untimely death. I'KKl.S L'NI'ClINCtl'I.KO AND FATAL C'OUnSE. I t i iMcanM DTfrythinB d"" •!«» "'""V" •"'•» ••«•'««»•' •" ••"' ''uiUlnB op^or«n nlian MUblUbed churah. Th« InhabiUnU urt* enliroly .r 1 /.• _ r i.t..-*„ r. i.t..i. ..«M««i.nt«M* U wiifiti*f1 but thtt iJiurAh nuiwtlnn nravania tnOir COrniAl 0O-op«rAl)oil-— for Ifl- tliMe being tbe tntliKHJefi ol b, I rould not vnta for him ■ each in«llTlaM>n«hlo protection. I will TOt« for it for all branolira of indnUry alike— for the i-nllor in hia veenal. for thu airieulturlit In hia farm, and for the artiian at hlH loom •••••• I have mrn with Indignation tliU noble iiland reduced to miaery and ini><>.. of hia mnnolnrv law lind made the mnmon in lliin country, an that our population would never have " . the* " felt" It and could ni-vor have bctn (icriiundcd that riieapneia la only • bleaalng on condition that the labourer li able to pay la hia lalionr ('tho only thing ho hna to pay with), or. in iilhcr word*. i» fully empfoyed by the growera of the brendatuflli he oaU, If ho ht a manufacturing artlian, or bv the furniahera of hi« clotliing and implcincnta, if he be an agrieultural labourer. Thu* (wo mav luppoxe It juat poaaible), that I'rri may have thnuvlit that politicnl diirontent and convulaion might temporarily bo atavod off by hiaeonrae—thu« Rivine make-ohift government another chanoe. If he could hftve, in 1840, foreacen tho continental ivvoiutiona of 1848 hia caae would be all the better: bnt to attribute any far-alghtrdt «*• to tbft puny atntcamen wo now have, would, in ray opinion Im very abeurd. Our Fret Traitt, however. Iina hac. ita "mlaalon" In leaving bnd aulOceta without gruunda of agitntion; we mny'allnw thia. and yet aoo thnt our aocalled Kice Trade muit atiil have ita natural and neee**ar* reaulta. ir(ni I aupposo It niuat) it diniinialicn employment, it will sooner, or later, cnu»e wWe-apiead slnrvatlon, not in one, but In every cinaa, and tliii, without •OT dinioyaity to tho aovereign, muat end either in revolution, or in the repudiation of ' govtrntntnt by thtory, or pnlitlenl economy. 1 allowed nil this to l.onl (ieorgo Hentinek early in 1846, in Cavendiah .Snuare. My worda were nearly aa follow*. Theae I remoiober the better that I ;ifterwarda inaertcd them in a ittatement of viewa eonaidered bv me eaaential to the triumph of n Native Industry party:—" F.ven if your Lordahip and Mr Iii*raeli. niui nil the inemhera of both houaea of Parliament, and all tho people in the country at their back, were to go over to the Whigs a* Sir K. Peel ha* done, all would notw ft>r I«rd Metoalfc in Upper Canada, when colonial pnblio opinion ran as strong in favour of his I'ctireal ministera (the same to whom Lord Elgin has sucoumbtid) as British public opinion was made to appear to be in favour of Com Law Repeal ; but his Lordship was also aware that I had in aimilar Ian- Giage to the foregoing, always pointed ont to Lord Metcalfe, that [though we were certain to triumph at the moment, our cans* ing neither mora nor less than tliat of British connection^ the true frienda of Great Britain could not possibly have a permanent triumph, because church questions split them up. The ministry who deserted Lord Metcalfe, in the vain attempt to coerce that groat man, and to make the British Government the mere tool c« a parliamentary omnipotence in Canada, were aupported after- wards, not because they (or moat of tbem ) were rebels, hut because, even aa rebels, tbey were preferred to Church 'lories ; and, I believe that both Canada and freland hare to endur.-> anti-Britirii Government, and have in a word been brought into the states tbey now are (very similar to each other, in many renpects,) because atatesmen eannot be found independent enough to do away with Eeoleaiastiral ineqnalitie*. Lord (ieorge Bentinck, however, instead of putting down the English Chnrch in Irelnnd, Would ham endowed the Catholics, and, had he got power at once, his career would have been a short and a not rery popular one, probably doing more harm than pood to tlin cause ot Briti^li industry, as asaociating H with Church Toryism ; but my anticipation was that he would have left public life (for a while, at least,) as abruptly aa he entei d it. My fond hope, however, was that he would havo- been called tor by public opinion sonic years afterwards, and that, in the mean time, he would have got convinced [aa I explained ii> the subjoined * sketch,] that all must be sacrificed to tlietafety of a protestant throne, and thus have been prepared to hei^ the La- boor-power against the Money-power of tbe country, as the leader of a new partj of Soelal Economists. LThe following is the sketch alluded P Dbatr or LoBD Gkoroi Bsntisck— Thb ixracTsn Hbad of a Nativb iMnusnT Pabtt, to Above as it appeared at the time in the Olaigow ExaniMr.] " In Lord George Bentinck, second son ofthe present Di>h« of Portland, and nephew of the distinguished nobleman who lately repmented the city of Glasgow, the country has lost its moat promising sUtcsman, and a perfectly honest man. Hnmanly speaking, no man could be a greater loss to the empire at this moment, for the great drawbodi to bis lordship, his morbid attachment to Lora Stanley, could not, in such a mind— the ven soul of honour— have outlived the eenvietion that bis noble and mneh admired friend u 1_ .u- .-.„x. .. •! . ..J... ,__...- ,_^ .,..._.,.. bo called In the true sense a states- them the reiiw of government for ' or chief wonldhave become an Leird George Bentinck to'beeeme emphatically the man xt tus pbopLb. Into his alHsr and better hands— such was onr fondhOTe —the government must have coiiie. for before Peel can again have a party be mujrt |)«T« prineii^ and the Vhigs' inoapaoitr in inatwe piwents us nquiring to look fiirtbcr for reasons Why lAey are only »ted fdr ah op|l«itiaa, not for a fovomment. And UH George Bentinok^-as the honest man we believe him to bav« been— muirt, in the oouatiT* •xtrsmilgr, have risen with the draun-^ in tlid we iijJ Htatesi efthel Sip Hi t.-«iiicd ine rnllroly lion— for In- iintl|KMle» ol vota for him I which each lod Kml dell- iteit itinount I n vnluiitKrjr •il, mpeolAlly irlncMl, Ihttt la union, nna :iioU of TOur • upon tlioMi otion. 1 will nrtiun kt hlN — I hftve neon UONOMr." wp nro bcilnit principle o»n- Incry wo h»To [> oTila it ocoa* (legrwieil tbfi tho truth till li able to pay I he ontK, if ho I'hui (wo may Rtavoit off by revolution* of would, In my R of agitntlon; iipponoltmuat) d thii, without Itlciil economy. Fto I remember lativo Iniluatry people In tho ut irreciprocal they aro not, inists can com a mn»t bo a prc- liithed for their The Keforma- ,bour, or of tho 1 to involve the is also required e empire. Tb© , oannet. Some »rt. But let us irnings and anl- eir fellow-Chris- Iriih Poor Law, he State cuaran- lialf for llag6*ared and forward outlet for Brttuh e,lnitoadof, aaat per Canada, when rabcd) as Brltlsb «d in similar Ian- aoment, our eaus* have a pervanont apt to coerce that e supported after* sh Toriea ; and, I ntothestaUstbmr to do away wlthr eland, Would hare lular one, probably tioipatiou wm that that he would haT» , Im I explained in «d to head tho La- I the akctoh ftlluded oUeman who lately Humanly speaking, attachment to Lord neh admired flriend tme sense » states- • of goremment (or Duld l^ave become u Is point ws expected I was onr fond hope rWgs' i»M»P««J»7 •% irnment. And Lor* lea witli the oirsvm- PEKI/8 UNi'RINCII'I.KI) AND FATAI- COUaSK. My enjoying tho conlldei nevV^PMl M Meteainithv^iuj Afknu> In India of hi* nnola, Lord Wllllnm ItoiUiiiolc, w»4 tbeonose «t my inteiruurit* with L«rd (imrse nentliiek being unrnslrnlneil by the poMlhility of doubt as to tiio oltjet'ta I would reoonimend being nioilornltt luiil iiraotioni, altlinuffli 10 nflen oliithi'd by my iniliirnjitlnii In vMunt languago. At our lint meetlrig I |)ointed out !• I^urd (IflorRe tlint IVet'i Hui-ition nrtli« omnipotence of riiilisnicni, in theism of tho omninotenno of rriiioipio moral and coMll- tutionHl, uumt (if we would onivent unl'oitunate legislation liecoming a cauxn of revolution) lead to th<- leaponaibllity of our I,Mri». Inlive Act* Im'Iuk tmnitfurred to tlie eiktire neople, beeausu nmiil|inu>nru may lieoonio tyranny, wliinh eoulil only Mifuly l>o exere&sd hy prlnul'inla. /Ind I expreMed to hi* t.oi-d^hip my opinion thst IVel'* unprineiploil eourae would l>n fttnl to (rauan the altoratiaa ol) every inatitution in the country, exeept the emwn, c'latlnctloua hitherto vnluablo Iweanao r«|{iilateil by priiicipio buing now m iiuiKRUoe— my worila were nearly tlioan :— " Thk ruRMian lua i.srr im in a ookoitioh wnnsa than pot.iTiiAr, ciuoi, a» uavinii NoanaD i;i nr oun pniKi'ii'i.Ks. Kvrn thk rniNnri.a that aai.r-rniaKiivATiow la thk rinsr i.aw or natusb ua* hrrn hrpiidiatkd ; anh IInitmb rni.iTira mavr rkxn naniinin i^iro thk two oniuiftAi, ai.KHKxta or ai.i. xationai. ■•oi.iTiiia— thk I.Anoun-rowaii and tun Mokit- powKii. i'uK I.AHuua-pownn Muat roMr to bb hkpiiibrntkd nr Sorui. Kt'ONOMiar*, nn phadticiai. muh, ob I'ATniora, tub rnARaoma UK wnnau i.Koiai.ATioN wii.i, na that it takk* thk cikcuunrA^iiiKa or oua own «oc'iktt into AtuouNT ; tmn Munkt-powbh aaiMi nKi'nr.NrNn.n nr Political Ki'ONOMiaTH on uoaMOpni.iTAN 'riiKOHisTi, who wooi.d havb thii countrt lkoiilatk ron tub want*, wmi.i! TH».v viKw I'nLini.'AL SriKNci; A* A *tstrm or PUHB uathkuatii'*, OB, AT bb*t, o.xb roa thi ciisation or wkalttii, wiTHOvr un RKiiAiin m ira iiiaTiiiniiTiox." IndiTil, lo my minil, it never nppeared that tlio permnnently important iiuoNtion wa* a* to whether It waa » right or a wioM llilntr, /«''' «'', tliut I'eel did in iniu, Ilia liiipoliey, linwevor iji'uat, npprtira to nio to stand, in relittlon to hia repudiation of nioral ami ooiiatituticinni principle. Jiiat as n miafnrtuno dova ton criinn, I niyaelt', for ln»lRni-e, lUii oppnacd (o Katablialied Ijliurelio*. o*MS illlie'O were tlie boat ehureliea po^allile, viowinx partiality to any ein'aa of licr Mnjeaty'* aulijccta an inipcdiinent to euxeral eonf • denen in the I'rown nnd l,aw of the T.nnd : but give me the power to injui-e the (.'hui'oh, or any other vital Intorvat l»i a niile uitmd, wniild I, ua n niiniatnr, or <'vcn na n I.OiiinUtor do it ? H'thu eonatituonniua don't wish the C'hurcli di'inoiisbcd, dare 1', their lervwil, put it down f And iftlie oniiaiitueneie* do wiah it put down, what need ia there for mo to interfere iindnly 1 It liaa alwayt acoraad to me to l>n tlie duty of n nilniater ratlior to try to find evidence In favour of a rcspeotnltlo exiatency ; and n state of thlnita does net ili'-ioi'vi' llin iianio of oonatitulioiinl nr of iiiorni, unleaa it ia one In which a (irent InteriMt ean repoao with even more safety in th* liniida of Ita avowed enemy, arcing timt lie, as iin lioiiourable nmii, woiilrl require tlie greater evidence for its overthrow, to Isave mt sii:idri\v ol' ,1 auapioion, even in hia own mind, that Ilia pcraonitl prediloctiona liad iiilliicneed hia conduct lis a public iniin. 'i'liL' revi'iae of llie pieture is a very humbling one. Heboid the constituaiicii'H of the enipiri', standing in the poaition of truataaa ef the entire people, employing, iia njjent under tho truat, the ninn of Tamwnrth, who imnivdintelv turns round and repudiates all •ItllgntioM to abido by the tenimof tlio truat demi, or even to net on any prlnciplo whatever! And what are we to think of our« teniptiblo truatcea in auhniitting thna tolin bullied If What are wo to think of llielionuur of ourcoiiatlliiencies in delegating, by their f jiofi fnrtn iiaaeiit to I'eel'a conduct, nn oninipotruce nr arbitrary power to parliament wlilrh lliey had not to kIvi' ! My own view hna alwiiya been lliat we have in tbia trnna^iction so groaa a violation of our Leginlative conititutionaa toninnunt (whatever inavhAT* lieen \'mW intention at tlie time) to a virtual nbdieatinu by tliu present conatitueneios. I?ut tlio immediate iiiiportance ef tuls ■■- principled proeoedini; ia what we have ohielly at proaent to do witb. nnd that ariaea from tlie act ponb brlnq in iTaKLV vitai.lt waona, aa tcmlini; to leaaen inalead of to inerenae the cmployinont of our maaaes, at home, at aoa, and in tho eidoniea — tliiia containing in It tliL- aeeda of Itevidution, liolh at home and in our foreign ilRpcndcnoioH, whether done const Itutionally or iinconatitutionjilly. In A woi'il, I wo grctt objeeta iirosent tliemaclvea to llritiah suhjeota — luf, viewlnj; Britain In the isolated and aim pie liglitof acoMi- trii, to save it from rnvohltion by savin;; its indiiatrioua iniitaca from atarvation — 2d, viewing ourselves aa inemtMM'a of a grMt gloriou', nnd eommamliny empire, tho triiatoo of lilierty anil proirresa, to pre«erve ita integrity. Tho Hcennd of thcac objects can* unt be attained except l>y having peculiar privllogoa to bratow on, ns wo roi|uiro pcouliar duties of, our (ioloniai follow-suhjaaU ; but tlii^ lirat may bo otherwise attained, nt leaat in a great dearee— viz., I>v our adoption of paper money na the legal tender, rhera inuit lio a (llll'iM-unt value attributed to mimfy in l'u sat together in one ministry, and that a very short lived one ; and w* felt sure that one short trial is all the country wanti< oi ^ord Stanley. Tho Stanley ministry past, we hoped to sc» a puivly Itentinek or " native industry" administration, one that, disdaining to dwindle ita re.aourcos in party ttrwjgtet, would throw itself for suppert •n tho entire democracy of tho country, on tho principle ol allegiance only to thu throne. And had a pure-minded man, like Lord Oeorgo Bentinck, of the highest rank, with the greatest firmnuss nnd ability, adopted such a course, who can doubt its success f— wiio can doubt, what is far better, that a class of politics, whose alpha and omeca were the elevation into men first, and then inU» «'hi'istians of our now wretched masses, deserved success ? Thus it is tiiat, with bitter and deep regret, we lament tho prematuw decease of one of the noblest of the British people, in every sense of tho word. The memory of Lord George Bentinck ia one whiflh will for ever bo groen with the laurels of his country's best and warmest affections. In common with no.trly tiic entire country, (this was to appear in a liberal paper,) wo at ono period iKiliovcd him wrong in his almost superhuman exertions to impress on tho com- munity that Sir Robert Peel had not introduced Free Trade, but only free imports. But, however opposed to ti:o moans by whieh Lord George Bentinck would attain tlie prosperity of this gre.^t country, no ono ever doubted that such was hia pure and lofty por- ])osc. Lord George Bentinck never doubted (oven in what lie conaiderod the country's darkest day) that tlie British empire lias got within itself more clomonta of greatness and prosperity than ttiis or any otlier country over before possessed, if only they could ba reduced from their present state of chaos by some master mind. Such a mind was his own, although Lord George Bontinok's elmr- sioterlstic modesty made it hia unceasing roaret that there had not bi-ort found a better man than himself to fight tlio battles of bin country's working classes. With all the advantages of early political training availed of by ."^ir ilobert I'eel and Lord John KasBetf, we ourselves have no doubt that tho subject of our present notice would have been immeasurably their superior ns a flho British char- aotcr and statesman. And by men of all parties and all shades of opioiou, he will, ut least, bo allowed to have been one of ourSaent examples of the " Justum et tbnackm pnorosiii vibuk." * '* But it will not do for the friends of native industry and monetary reform to dwelt too long on the heavy loss wc have sastaiaei in the death of a friend of the people, so commanding at once in his character and practical talents. Whatever our instrumenls ha, we muit carry our purpose, «r a revolution rouit soon be the coiise<]ucnee of diminiahed wages and lessened employment. If all tha. Rtatcsmcn, backed by all the electors in the country, were on one aide, they could nrtt make ourono-siilcd Krco Trade to work. Maaiy •f theprotoctioniafa— sp!iniel-liko,/au;)ii./,<» the more then art Icieied—nre already deolirini; that no man ia left for them to follow hat Sir R. I'eel ! We urgj tho friBinU of the working daises to lie united. We ouraMvc" do not see hjv any uiited action can bo at> latiicd otherwise than throuRh tlio iu"ans of a compKit'.dy new orgnnisation in politics " VFJ.VS UNl'lllNCII'LED AND FATAI. CCURSR. n f-n;i - th« colony. Ami whllo wo ovItlTatlon of wtiloli ii riiu>e m CQKiTatiun o. -...».. .. .»— .JllicUnlV<7r liio"lmp.«t ,iior« than la l"r «"" o« „ ". .rr ?r ft'oro uiy letter to the Olaxjov Kmrnintr of Mth May, I8i8 :— " 1 aUo btain to kavt my ryti iiptntd to tht ubtolult aii"' •* tkallMtiml»tliyo/lh* country ikoulU rrpmiiuti Ihl Ndtional iHbt, Uavina UtoU paid by th* proptrty of th* country. Commitiiontn of the Aational btkt mould tkut havi to pay Ik* hitcrttt by levying a KoJtJ p»r ctnton our Fivt Tkouiand iHHiotii of Proptvty, real and p»r$onal, but tk* p*r ctntaat utxt year would conn to bt reduced by (M balaneein the hamli of the Chancellor of the krrhelvyafordedb,,^^ Ilr no other lueani than thua ectliug the tixjUih money uMrket at d*fianee, oan the Hxed property and liiduatry of tul* oouotry orer aei renroicntcd by a srcat party in the State. A party MirariiNTATiva or unoia (which in intervat i* the iitmo a* fixed pro. pert/ ax it U labour that given property it* Taluc). will of courie never get the lupiiort of tho money market ; m Uritith induitry mult either be contented to remain unrcpreacnted (Hiipiotectcd), or the iupport of the money market niuat bo voted, aa above, to ba no longer ncceuarv, tm day of Escnaqiaa DirncvLTiKa tiuni.^o out, or Kaartao out k Mimbtry, uaiao maub to risa to Tua tomiof ThoM who have itlll doubti whether reel'* coiirio ueceeearily involve* the rovolulionar> change* which 1 indicate, luve not ■ttidled our poiition luffiolently. Tho combined iijnarnnce, tclflahneu, and eventual unpopulaiity of the landlord*, have been Sir lU- bert Peel'* (o»i. .vui»,; ••• .».• »,_ vimuiihh rmi tu uaw vuv Kuwnuoj i»w, wuoav oblcot (they were told.) wa* to reduce wage* and the pricca of arttclce in j^'n^nif of which they wore purobaaor* and not leilori ! Thli continued to be the «olBih policy of tho agriciilturiaU, foi- in 1827 Sir Jauiea Graham *ay* (page lii of the pamphlet ou corn and cniw nncy) : "Am l>ody up to tbi* moment tlicy remain undeceived ; for it i* well known that in thi* laat aoaaiou tncy bargained wUh ths King'* rolnifftcn to anppoi-t th^ further contraction of the currency, ou condition that the government did not deitroy their mono* poly ny a repeal of the com law*. It wns not poaalblc to mtike a more impradont bargain ; tliey eonovded a meaanro which, without oollatcral safcEunrda, must prove fntnl to their intcrrata ; mid they received, aa tlie con*id«ration, ou the preoariuui tenure of one year, the aliadow of a benoflt. in fact illusory by tlieir own conccsaion." • • • " It ia impoasible to perpetuate in thia country any ieniaiativo enactment, the tendeney of whicli i* to degrade and to impoveriab the labouring olaasea ; yet »ueh ii the decided effect both of our preaent Corn Law* and of Mr I'eol'a Act of 1810, unaccowpanied by kny adjuatment of contract*, or adequate reduction of indirect tnxe*. Tlio paramount dotv of every government i*, attention to tha interoatiofthecommnnity, of which tho labourer* must form the great m^oiity; tho right of property itiolfia inatituted for tho ood, not of the few who posae** wealth and honoiiia, but of the many who have them not : if the ra%)ority Ui deeply injured, the pub> ic peace ii in danger ; ir the majority want food, rniviTE propertt bbooim* a HviaANoa." Then in ISIO Peel found, In the dciervcd unpopularity ot the landlord*, an effloient initrumcnt for onrrjlng througli hi* unpa- triotio de*igni againat Britiab induatry, for tho entuc repeal of Sir II. I'eel'* oom meaanro of 1843 wn* not carried on it* own uierito, but bceauae Reform wa* rc*i*tcd by tlie landlords, who, alway* a *clfl*h and *upereilioua, bad become a bated, cla**. All the rcallv British cla8*ea hnvo a certain oncncu of intereat, (fur if one of the iegltimato intereat* of the body politic of a oona- try prosper*, all the other membora proapor with it ;) and the case, therefore, would not have been lo bad if any otlior aeotion of tho eoranmnity, than the MONaraD mrKHxaT, had been iotl, through Peel and hi* men deeerting to the Whig*, the one conetitutional party in the State, or tho one repre«!ntcd intereat in Parliament. Oat the monegr power had, by Sir R. Pcel'i Bill of 1810, been made aa alien oiau, having ita intere*U at cnmitv with thoae of the fixed property and induatry of the country. To lee thir clearly wo hara only to roiloct that the export of gold, which ia tho vaatett of evil* to the propertied and Induatrion* olaatea. cnhaneea the exchanso- mble Talno of the money of the annuitant* and money monger*, through reilMcing wage* and prioei of.commoditie*, while it raii«> tna rate of di*count or intereat which they charge te the eoinmunitr. Such are tho atrong imprenion* on my mind, long turned to th« Bhiio*ophy of politics, which eaa*ed my now*paper writing* early in 1846 and •nbae<|uentl]r [my roaton for oontinuiojg tbeae being tha ■mallne** of the minority in which till lately my opinion* liave been] ; and I may here repeat one of the earlieat of tbeie my warning* to the public :— " Even the A'ad'onaf Debt of Enaland uiill b* found to b4 only eo mutk uxut* paptr if we ptriiet in our jprutnt luicidal tourtt. for it it itcxtred only by the protpertty of the empirt, from wkick we kavt taken etway tkt ability to perform pceuUar dutiet and htar peeuUar burdeni, by the removal of all ifi>eeuliar privilege*." 1 feel that in thi* general view of Peer* unprincipled and fatal mane, I cannot do bettor than extract from Dr Litt'a Dia IimBNATioHAu Uardu. f tho remainder of the paragraph, part of whlob ^bpoar* at the top of thi*, *hoffing tho rum which in the United StaUi nniformlf lowed horn far le** irrational LegiaUtlon than oan« in the directibn of free imporU. If the reauef will also turn to the article headed Oauim or thc RavoLt or Tna Ou> Auirioak Co- UHcix* he will *ee that the mo*t prominent cause of offvnoe to ow TranaatUntio fellow-ialdeeta waa our interference with their looU Cii«T«nci aatietr, juit a* it i* of tha air we breathe. t " It wa* in 1780 that the firat Ameriean Tariff waa framed, impoaing a trilling duty on the meat important articles of import, Triflina a* the rate of the duty wa*, it* effects on the prosperity of the eountiy became so manifaat, that Washington in his luessaM ilTOl ) alnady congratulated the nation on the douriahirig state of manufaetnrea and agrienltnre. Encouraged bf tho success of tna irit attempt, the Congitai railed, in 1804, the Import Duties to IS per eent., awl ia 1814 tho manufactures of the United Statea alroadT employed (according to the Report of the Commeroial Oonmitteeto the Coagreas) 100,000 hand*, and the annual amount of thoDrodueaaaionnted to aixtymiliMn of dollar*, while the value of Und and tlM prices of all *ortaofcpod*,asal80of wages, rose tO' an «traordinarT degree. After tho peace of Ghent the Congreta doubled the rate of duty for the first year ; but pressed by ther wnmentaof thedieeiplasofFrae Trade, it lowered the terlff in 1819, after which tho ealamitiea of the period of 1780 to 1701 inoa made their r»appeanu>ee, yia., rain of the mantitwttirm, TaiB ulw inaM «f predottioBa, and a M in tlw yalae of landed pro* olon, U M li i »na tha IK pflllllMI ,vu no ufun I* r«*ull of Itite* of ««»• l;/ «*« i/r««l tiiim.' a iuu»l dM* powor, our iMKCT, TUM oranyotbM h nu lurtlin e nil ontlrtly ir uuuiitrjr or Iha ColonUl ilutj entirely mor* Ihan IB V whole duly *uvor, M win PERL'S UNIMUNCIPt.KI) AND f ATAL COURSE. lento, U«*o "<>* v« iMien Sir lU- I willi Hxed pro- ' the oountry oa vn ihciu bjr tha onetnry hoMiii* ,t>eltc»! Thll II corn and Ol»" rgnined wHh tM iroy their moao- I which, without )( tenure of oo» id to Impoverltb iMjcoiniNiuled by •ttentlon to tha nttltuted for tha lq]urod, the pub. irough hii unpo- m it* own monta. fpoUtloor«ooaa« ler teotlon of tha iMtitutional party )10, been ni»ae an It clearly wo hay* leca the exobanM* wbllo it roi'M' US long turned to tha ng these being tbfl theM my warainga lur prtuat iuieidal ^tuliar dvitiu and irincipled and fatal «ph, part of whloli gUlatlonthanoon* Ou) Amibjcwi Co- Dca with their local B Innji, «how« hojr but the meroanUia ', juit as it i* of tha t articles of Import, igton ill his meuaga by the »uccc»a of tha >f the United Stotoa he annual nmount ot iho of wRgM. •■»",*• J but prewed by thf ^od of 1780 to 17B1 yalm of landed pro< < I • Th«05"»»'«i with Ihfl fact* befora thuin, «eetn ina«p<\l(la nf •ntloipallnf (ha onormntw Ineraara to American Rt- porti nfairlcnltural produiHi which miiit arlae from thu mora »»(,- aihI cheap coii»«yaiiee of it fnmi llm Intorlor of tho St«t«», eren without laliinii into coiiilileral Ion thj' almoat Innaloulalilii incniMa of prmluollun In a conntry to whicli tho D«i«i'ot« of Kuropo ara drtvlnK awar Iholr «iilij.«et» inorn ami more. The rollnwinir IntxiiMtinii facta, on thl« aulijMt, am fiiMn llin limf of Olli S«hI., IMV: _•• A llmt n.n<)rt of •nine ii»n(.rlim|nt« on the bread-atuITi of thn ITnltKil Stale*, mad* by IVofiiwui- Duck fur thn govornnient at Wn»limgt"M, hin JiMl ln<«n iMililUlied. (he iil^Joel having Uien to av.trtaiii how tli« Inlrlniin vnliiu of tliii varloii« klnla of grain ma; Iw ciclirminiil, tlmlr liiliiry gimrdiMl ngainxt, and tliclr ailullur.ilioii) i|.l„t. Tho qimntity of wlioat li ■ii|i|i..HC(l to Ini aliout 101) milllunii of bimliuU, and It U to wh.' it uml wimat-Hiiur that tlio prnnent roiiort ii oonllnmi, With royard to (Iii< iiinoiiiit of ivatfr Boiiluinwl In lh« varloui mirta, tho ro^tolt* olitnioKd l»y l*rof««rir Hook irifo 18 to W per cont. for Ala.itTan, 14 to Hii-rc-nt for Kngli.h. IJ to U por went, for Amoiir-an, and II to II per cent, for Afnnan and Sicilian, In relation to tha nninniit if uiiitin in viirloiw •(implc* of Hour fitmi diffi rent |mrt< of tliu United Stntca and Kiiro|H), tlii« piefcrinco \n awarded to tha Kuliiiiika variety, from the 'outli nf lliitnia. <)nth«i ■''-' ' ' "^ " ^ »._-i-. A .. , ... Htnleil that the hnnk* of it aln Kuliiiiika variety, from the •outli nf Kiitnia. On th«i lultjeo't of In., by tho priwiioe of moinlurr, iVoiii want of duo pnr.iutiont. it la Htateil that the fwok* ofu ulngle Inptpo.tor in Now York city «ho«e I tint, in HIT, hn in»pe«toi 'JIM I17l» lianolii ol lour and niuity fluiir, mid ihiit In uvcry year the total lo«i in tho Uiiiled Statoa from molituro In wheat and Hour U oitimatud iil from A,1,00U.I)0O to ,>!!.i".,noo,0()0," Itut, that Sir KolMTt l'e«l made a fearthl blunder in as^umlu!; that Kngll'h agrloultum o.in auf^ccii^fully coni|)eto with tha Bgriniiltiire of .\nicrica, Ciinnot Ik' Ix'tter iihown than by lljo f illowlng extract from tTio patiiiihlot of tlio lloiinurablu Abbot Law- renci', already rcCKncd to. That oxpi-rlonoed nnd iiractiual •liloiinan Mhowii that it la vain oven for th > Did or Athintio Statoa of Amnirn, to allcinpt to conipclu In ngrlLMiltiiro with tho vir.'in ^inlU of their own country, iH'yniid tlio llivcr Oliin. Ilii ohjoct wal. when lie wrote, (In 1810,) to dirtict the eni'rgloa of bin frinmU in Vir/iiUt to llelda of untorpri/.« in which nuceen could lunaunnbly ba pxiieeteil :— " I'he wittleiiieiit and ilovolopment of tho roDonrena of iho We^itcrM country, have bi-ousht Into cxiittuiieo an active and cfli'etual conin.-tltloii with your poopio. In tho groat ataploa of your ajrloultunil nioduota, n.imoly, VVIinat, Indian Corn and Tobnooo. Marvl.ind and North Catoliim, liku vituru'lvoii, are oHiontially .ilffL'tod bycoiiiiietilion froin tho aaiiioiioartor— from Ohio, Kciituoky, Indiunii, Illinoh, Miwouri, Mlejiiij.in, Wiaonniin an|iMntity and value, to a greater extent than all the foreign world ha> •idea 'I'he Internal linproveni 'nla of tho country already Hiiithud, have hrought lliwtoii, by ateaiii, within tlio diataiico of four day*' travel of Clncliinntl, bv way nf Unlf.ilo; and a contomplatel r.iilroad from Hurlinjfton, Vermont, to Ugdeniburgli, .Now York, will brini; iia praetienlly yet nearer to thoau fertile regions of the Weat. Tho oxpenae of traniportatinn ia eaaentlally ruducud wtierever rnlln'nila or cniLiUliave been conafructcd, and even the Mlwiatippi livmelf beam down ii|>on iinr bowni the produnta of the Weat, at lo^a tliiin liiiir the iViiBht that wat chirgcd u few years aRo. 'I'liirty yeara linoe, a few amall auhooners were aulHuinnt to carry on tho oomiiierce liettvein this city ai\d New Orloana : now, within tlie \Mt year, we haia had one hundred nnd aixtv-ilvo arrivaU from Now Oileiiiia at fliia poit, nnd many of tlieiio vesaola am of tho lar^-oiteliwi ; bIi{;i] IVoiii Hvo luindrod to seven humlrul tona btiithon, Thoy have hronght \\y\ Tolmeeo, ht.llitu 1,'orn, Klonr, Cotton, llcef, I'ork, Lard, Lead, Ao., amounting in tho ag^regato to m.iiiy niilliooa ofdoll.ira. Of tliu Hrtt three nfthoNo artiulea, wliich now Roiiio to iia In such iinantitios from Now Orle.ina, our lin|iot'tnt!ni)s, la former timea, were almost cxeliiaivoly from Virginia, North Cainllna and Maryland. Can you uxpeot to cuinpute aucceaafully with the >Ve'm:, to tui icaa, than liio average eropa of the laat-nioiilioncd Slates ?" And even if wo, aa a nation, wci-u in ciicuinalanees to anerillci' nnr acrloulturiata, It la clear that I'eol'a niiprinciidtid coiirao will ba fotai to cver.v iiitei'eat in tlio country, by npaetting tho money niiuket and itoliii; nway with our ILinkint,' avateni, tlio iinimrt of grain bciiiK only another term for the ab^trnctlon of our paper iia well an our niotal ciiciilation. In the caao nf V Irginlii '"liuded to above, the money did not leave .\mcrlcn, butoiilva iiartioular state, and hero we liavo the bad working of Kri'oTradoovi ■ 'twciii oount'^ioa oratatea liaviiiE a common mnney ! I'rels friends try to ll.iitvr iih here in tho north, by calling him ,\ follower of .\da\i Smiiii. Ilul If n follower of Adam Smith, why did ho repeal Iho Navigation I,.iw.h I And why ilooa lie not aoo the advantii';e of Homo and Colonial over Koreiun Tr.ide, iia itated iiy Smith f " The capital wlileh ia employed in piireliiiaiiig in one part of the country, in order to ecll in nnolher tlie iiidlu.'u nf llio indnatry of that country, geiicnilly repl.icea hy aueh o|ierntion two dUtinet eapltala that bad been employed in the ii^rieultiirn or nianul'acturea of that cniinln', and iheruliy enabloa them to coiitinuo that eniplojrment The c'lpitiil which xewU Scotch nianufaoturcs to London, anil bi'iii|{x hack ICiinliah corn and m^uuifnoturra to Eilinburgh, lu'oossarily roplnc.'a by every atieh operation two Itriliah eapitula whicli had both been emplaved in tho ajriionlturu ami manufuetuica of Ureal llrilain Hut thu cupit.il whieh aonda Hiitiah foul to l'or[ii;(,il anil brinss b.iuk I'ortugiieau goods to Great ll.itain ro- placoH by every aneli opDi'.it ion only nno Dritiah capital. Tho otii /r la a l'orlugue.4i) ono." The fact is, tliit I'eol and l^iUJon have only followed Adniii Sniitli in crrnra wliieli ao shrewd a man would not have committed had he lived in our day. Aduin Smith either forgot or did not know the eft'oet Krco Trade would liavo in upH-ltio)? the b.ioking tystom nl a country ;_ and 1 think no oir< cin sup- fin''c nftor reading the followiug from his " Wealth of Nationa," tli:it ho would have been tlio advocate uf any ajKtom which directly or ndireetly (tlnou>;h the witliilrawal of Hank facilitirs or otherwiie) was the ouuso of lo«aencd or limited produetioii : — "Tliei'o is ano- ther hal;\noi', indeeil, which baa already been explained, very ilitf 'rent froui tho llalaiiee of Trudc, and which, aeeoi ding ai it hap- pens to be either favourable or nnfavourablc, neocHsarily nciasiima tho pro.apcrity or doeajr of every n.Uion. 'I'hia ia the b.ilaiiceof the annual produce and conaiimption. If tlio exchangeable value of the annual ,;ro.luco, it has alrc.uiy been obaerved, exeeuds that of the annual consumption, Iho capital of the aocietv must annually inei'e.ise in propntioii to this c.tucai. The hooiety in tliisoaso lives within ita revenue, and what ia annually aavcd out of its roveiine is naturally iidil.d lo its capital, and employed so aa to !n- nrcasn still further the annual produce. If liio exehungeablo value of the annual produco, on the contr.iry, fall sUoi't of tho annual consumption, the capital of tlio aociety lunat annually decay in proportion to th,' de;lcicncy. Tho expcnae ol the aociety in tliia caao exceeds ita revenue, and iicceasaiily onoroaches upon ita capital : ita capital, therefore, must neonsaarlly ' e ly, and, together with it, the exchangeable value of tlie annual produco of its industry." Mr l''ox, the late Lord Urey, Ihirko, ^^\\^ .Slieridaii, woru decidedly omioHcd to the dclusivo tlieories of Froo Trade. This is adiiiitted in the EJinburijh Review ol Januarr, 1818. " We must in candour I admit .-vnd lament that thnac maxims of policy taught by li,- Ada:n Smith, which bind nations together by the reoiprocal bunoftte of COmnuTce [there ia no reciprocity— lo. if.] produced less clfcot ou the minds of the Whirf leadera than on tint of Mr I'itt." In fact, all the vital interoats of this country require (even the aafety of the state requires) tho protection of native industry ; lit, Throiinh such a radical change of the Money Low as will roniovo our homo trade beyond tho inllucnco of any dislurbunro 'o our in- ternal I uricney, llowing IVum the foreign trade lieing able to demand gold at the foreign, not tlio Hritish, price ; 2d, Th ough tho inipo.-itioii, without dtlay, of a lixid dutv on corn when the price is under ^ua tho quarter, with moderalo duties on nil other artiiles. excepliii}; col toil for the present.' And those who doubt that we arc on the ovc of great constitutional chaiigoa, for which we shall have to thank Sit 11. I'cel's deviation from principle, have to consider whether I'AnLiAUK.Ni as vow constituibd being ropro- scntatives of, or \xtn\a the inlluence of, tho money market, can bo expected thua (by tho measnres indicated) to raise tho prico of labour and comiiiodilicH, nw\ propartionably reduce the cxohangoaWo value ol their article, money. Hitherto certainly the inmetary ball le has always been lost by the sclfisliiiess of tho " knowing onks" in I'arliiimont. The "dodge," to use iVlr Cobdeii's elegant ^liras,', hna hccii to confuse or mingle it up with tho baidimj quarrel, with which it has no necessary cunncotion. I explained this as ol!.>ws in my conimuniention to the aianioti) Examiner of liJth August, 1848 : — '• We have always seiu clearly that f)ir Uobcrt Peel must of necessity have temporarily a triumph over his present oppononta in pniTini.cnt on the (I'ueslion of Money, becauao tlicir ignorance and want of practical experience of the country's trade and other rent interoats lend them to go to isauo with Sir 11. I'cel on the bill of 1814 only, instead of on tlio bill of 1811). The bill ol 1841 had iniiilv for its object to give inurcascd security to the holderof bank notes, oiid in this object it has doubtlessly succeeded. Wo may Jgucstion whether the country has not been made to 'pay too dear for its whistle.' Wo may think it outrageous that Sir Itobort pei ty. After tho counti-)- had thus again, during the second war, enjoyed tho blessing of peaco, it once more experienced nil the previous evils after the coiicluaion of jieace, when a groat influx of manufactures ogam toninodities, appears at first sight greatly to alleviate tbe eifeot of the bill uf IHIO or the Hxed Uuld Standard— u>JUeh has for its object to reduce the priee of British cmnmodities and labour by making money dear, (this being a convertible term for making gold cheap nominallu, and at the same time making British eoinmodities and wages low or worthless in exchangeable value. J Bot this happy nnd nntural influence of paper money, as old Sir Robert had busineu Knowledge enough to sen inevitable, is nearly altogether lost to the industrv of this ceuntrv by the mnlign influeneo which Sir itobert I'cel's monetary logislntiun causes our Fo- reign Trade to exert ns the dictator or regul.tlor of prices, and conse^iuently of wages, and as the great lenener of employment through Usuning the circulatirxi medium. It is only, therefore, when prices are down to a ruinous level — ii'Aii7i nnfortunotely they usually are «Niiuint<( holds true that the foreign trade is now carried on practically in the same way as if we bad u barter system, or if there was no more paper money. Undbh a dahtsh systkm tiik roiiKioMKR wuuld oey a loW miOB FOR nis commodities, but ux woitLD oET OUR OOLD AT .NO LOWBR PRioK TtiAK AT rRKSRNi '. Tho otticot of our lucasure, as Mone- tary Reformers, is to do away the influence of the foreign Kxehanges on the circulating medium, while it will pi-ovent the price of commodities and wages — as measured ut paper, wukii will BKrRESBNT, and always bb ooNYRurnaK into, oold at its Uiiitisii puicb —lieing as at present )ior;t>cr»ii7t<.'(i to rise above the level of tl dcDce that the father knew more about Monet than the son, that tiic petitions to Parliament ef the l.oiulon Merchants and Bunkers from 1793 to 1847 have been in substance the fame as this letter, wliieli indeed embodies tlio views uf almost every practical man who had studied the subject 1 have ever met with. I have always disputed the olaiiii of our opponents to be tlio " Laissex- /oA-e" politici.ins. Our position is not timt by legislation the prosperit) of a country can always be secured. Indeed our object '—as explained above— is not to introduce any new principle, but only to reniovo away the mal-leuislation of 1810, which has subverted tills country's independence of other countries, and rendered the permanent prosperity of our labouring classes n thing impossible. It may not bb generally understood that Peel's father, wheu thus Itistil.v opposing his sun's llicn«ure| said on a public occasion tliat the Act of 1810 would add half-a-million sterling to his fortune ; but such being tho fact, articles like the following, which I takefrom the London Standard, in answer to the Aberdeen demonstration, are not to Tie wondered nt '■ — " Sir Robert ohaflcnges any so^ieion of liis motives. Now this is hardly fair, but the challenge thrown down must be taken up at any risk. Lord Grey, un able • Sir RonERT Pi.kl's father to the Hemlxrs of both Houses of Parliament. — My Lords and Gentlemen, — Will you penult an old man to address you on tho sniiject of our Currency ? 1 sat in Parliament thirty years, during wliish lime I freiiueutly heard this importKut question discussed in tho house by Mr Pitt, Mr Fox, nnd other distinguished eliniactoi's. On the passing of the Bank Re- striction Act, I was entrusted liy the merchants and citizens of London to present their petition ugalnst the measure. Though my opinions were embodied in their case, my best endeavours to serve thum were not sueeessfu!. Having been long and extensively en- gaged in commercial deulinfis, I often witnessed a national embarrassment arising I'rnm a defective and impure ('uirency, wliicn re- sembled the present stagnation in trade ; and 1 lament to observe, that suffering and experieiico have failed, in this instance, of pro- ducing their usual good effects. In the eiilargeof business carried on by this country, embrneiiig n great variety of pui'suits, a reliance on a metallic circulation alone ever did, and ever will fail us. Gold, though In itself massy, often disnppOHis in consequence of war or speculation — nay, the breath of rumour itself is sufficient to disperse it. Our doniestlo Cdiicvrns are interrupted and confi- dence lost lor want of an ample and approved medium of traffic. I am no t'riend to an unrostriiined issue of paper money, nnd saw with concern, in tlio absence of u due quantity of specie, bills admitted into eiioulation issued by peinons of respectability, possessing Propertv, but evidently unable to meet a sudden and large demand upon them. More than two years ago, 1 iiieiitioned to a friend high in his Majesty's councils my fears of the mischief likely to ensue if tho practice wurp not discontinued, neeumpauicd with a sug- gestion to conjine future ismea of paper money, or tokens, to the Bank uf England nnd other cunijiuteut bodies of men, who would give seeurily in land, the public funds, canals, buildings, or other tangible property, amounting, at least, to one-half of the value of tlieir bills or tokens in circulation. My proposition was not favoured with any notice, yet had it been adopted, t am of opinion that most of thepanic and (/i.«een deelureil by high iiuthuiity to proceed from " over trad- ing and "u'ld speeuhitinn." Infant nations and establishments are liablo to misoarry fioiil want of experience and solidity. Tbadino and .Spkci'lation being natives of this island, and parents of our wealth and imlependeiiuu, are surely exempt from such an '^putation. The same authority bus declared " gold and paper money ara ineomputible with (itch other, and oiniiot exist together." The population and Irtidc of the emfiirc having been much increased, a proportionate I'lirriinoii in tho uu'diunt of circulation is culled for ; and when gold is found tnsujficicnt, rectmrse must be had to paper, which, if improvtd on the jiriuciple already snggcted, the twstanccsuould be found in the same piiekt I without dimuion. Anxious to see our situation Ullieliorated, I trust the currency luoy be mended, without changing or impairing tlie national cunimereial character ; which iiieuHure, if resorted to, would resemble the policy of diverting from its course n powerful river that had long given fertility and liappiiiess to a large district, luci-ely because, from PTf.—ivo niins. it had sometimes exceeded its natural limits, and prodiieid partial injury.— 1 am, my Lords uud Gentlemen, your faithful and obedient servant, Drayton Manor, April 3, 1620. Roiikbt Pbkl. And ever cloqucnci could gi- our great Corn Bil beasts " Peel and ture. " / but also I observin though , painted | canvas, done wit excelleil their rcsp IIASIU* ^eu.ris HIJISKLP, of his own prais And' i nosruT , • II, I with the 1 i a most iiu i herotofiire I duty of 83 [do not eon 1 brought h B of buying I tain thu a I this count of nianiit'n altogether ■dens, it w( iposed an a^^ abundnncel nodufy ntf L '^'''e" 1 receive froj Yesterday c that the on uont to its] 0111 niuniL ^ovcriuueil l^ngland, if orter, woil mdo, I cai i' an infaiil In the coasl pcaiw at p| ttthe old A, ill the capital ia nto of cir- notiis at* 0, bfciuwe oioai- tli»t afcif iicc u/ I connEXOt iULAtlON TO • «n tlii'ouiib 1 i(i»A(>iic»J, lid, utttucb utme wtiijltt Me at time* 3\tV iWo 'UH Id bo sood, de woi'o our »i of Uiitish i lentith our at gold gtt» learev to the gecucnlly the I Stnndiird— tiblt una for wallc vuhiej »blc, is nonrly lauDCS our ro- iimtut through !tU «»"«"!' "''*' • in tlio sauio ILI) OBt A 1.0* lurc, as Mone- nt the price ot HuniHii riiicB 1 gold. Wc »c» ly the want ot 1 which ho has case under our a drain of out of gold that i» itotk Rols down !», the country s in the absence of ,he Haine thing, remedy for this \loing away n't«» the full emyloij- a of dtmareation nciidts of I'fcl » Slrt, which give» t dreadful Hocial there a this evi- >nta and Bankers i every practical bo the " Lai>»»: Indeed our object ioh has subverted ting impossible, a public occiision jllowing, which 1 n*, challenges any Old Oioy, an able you permit an old uieutly hoard this KoftheUankRc- ure. Though my nd extensively cn- uronoy, which ve- il instance, of pro- aricty of pursuits. Ills in coiiscquenco •runted and confi- r money, and saw lability, possessing iitioned to a triend ipnuied with a sug- 11, who would givo r tlio viiluo of their vniiiioit that moBt of iUe banking system exchange oii'jtnat- d from •■ overlrad- ioiico and solidity, empt from such an not exist togcvher. •rculatioii is cme votes himself to the urotcctionof the money order, remains in a IIousc of Commons which must for many reasons be disagreeable to faim, and lielpn an administration which he dotests, but wliicli i. io,, would ratify the decision of the Aberdeen people uiid Sir Itobcrt's own decision in favour of the perfect propriety of his motives." But why. I may be asked do you nngle out poor Peel — if all our statesmen are guilty of having something nearer their heart ihan the omployraciit of their countrvmon, and the moral and ruliijious elevation of our masses. I answer — Peel * has sinned against his light and his convictions, while the Whigs luve done so in their ignoranoe, and in tho utter absence of practical views that dis- tinguishes them as a party, so that Peel is as ninch more guilty, than the Whigs, as the murderer acting frani impulse and in tlto presence of his renran, is a more guiltv man than tho manioc committing the same act would be. It has indeed been said, that I'ecl deceived even his own Cabinet, leading them unawares within the enemies' walls, and that Lord Aberdeen held up his hands ! when ho was told what Peel, then on his legs in the House of Commons, was saying " the miaiitnj would do." The sad fact th;it wo do know, however, is that Peel's mora immediate friends, who were the flower of British statesnisn (so-called, but really only Rcd-Tiipists) indorsed his fnUo step, and have thus cruelly snatched from us what would have been some little consolation, our being able without qualification to say — He stood alone, a renegade He stood alone amidst his band, '' , ''' '/ ''}*'," Against the party he betrayed ; Without a trusted heart or hand. It may, however, be said that, if Peel deceived the protectionists of native industry, Cobdcn deceived Peel. I may, therefore, bo allowed tn draw the line between what was once Peel the statesman, and what is now Peel the artist, and the rival of Cobden ; for it is only in the world of nrt or of simulation thst one can be deceived. A statesman is a personification of principles, and in the world of principle there is no deception — " Fiat justieia ruat cccluiti." So that us a minister of the constitution Peel had no honourable course hut to witiistaiid thu Anti-Corn-Iaw mob or any other violence or throats from beyond tho palo of that constitution, till th* constituencies could be appealed to. ■lu i .1 „ \;i -.•:.--,, Jnstum ct tenac«m propositi viru'ii. Dux inquieti turbidus Hadriic . , ' ' Non eivium ardor pravajubentiuni. Nee fulniinantis magna manus I. ' Non vnltus instantis ty<'anr.i Si fractus illabatur orbis, Mentc qiiatit solida, ntjque Austor, Impavidum ferient ruintc. And even n« nn artist Peel by his own confession is inferior to Cobden and all his no longer doubted motives, and all his unadorned eloquence I_ One is almost tempted to suspect Mr Cobden of being the American who "grinned the bark otf the tree"_{0hl_that he our Con beasts" when showing the unprincipled or bat-like character of the Times newspaper,] wo are struck with the resemblance of Feel and Cobdcn's struggle for mattery, to a rivalry of ancient times between two men in their way great artists or simulators of na- ture. " /euxis ( Peel) was a celebrated painter, born at Horaclen. In the art of painting, he not only surpassed all his contemporaries, but also his master, and lieoame so sensible, and at the same time so proud of the value of bis pieces that lie refused to se!! them, observing that no sum of money, however great, was sutiicicnt to buy them. His contest with PAaniusius is weli-knowii ; but though he represented nuturo in such perfection, and copied all tier beauties with such exactness, he found himself deceived. He painted grapes, and formed an idea of the goodness of his piece from the birds ( Protectionists ? ) that came to eat the fruit on the canvas. But he soon ackuowledgcd that the wliole was an ill-executed piece, as the figure of the man who carried the grapes ras not done with BulHeient expression to teiTify the Birdd ! PAannAsius (Cobden) was a great master of his profession, and particularly excelled in strongly expres.sing the violent passions, ile once entered the lists against Zeuxia (Peel), and when they had pre ''aoed their respective pieces, the Birds camo to pick with the grcai-est avidity tho grapes which Xeitxia Imd painted. Immediately arr- lusiu) exhibited his piece, nnd ^buxis said, remove your curtain that we may see the painting. The curtain was the painting, and Xnixit ncknowledgod himself conquered, by exclaiming, Zfuxis has deceived the Birds, hut PAuniiAsius das deceived /euxis HIMSELF, [There will Ims found iis little behind the name. Free Trade, as behind Parrhasius's enrtain.'\ Parrhasius grew so vaiu of his art, that he clothed himself in purple, and wore a crown of gold, calling himself the King of Painters. Uo was lavish in his own praises, and by his vanity, too often exposed himself to the ridicule of his enemies." And whence is tn come our National Remedy, if not from an kntihe remodbixino of parties, the fostf.rino or British In- DV3TKT DEI.no THE rRINCIPLB UniVBRSALLT ADHITTBb, AND OUR aUAURELS OR l)UR8T10.NS JIEINO ONLY AS TO THE DE8T METHOD OF AT- * I here givo two of the many proofs of Ped's knowing that British industry could not compete in growing wheat and sugar with the foreigner :— " Sir Robert I'ecl, in his address to tho electors of Tamworth, June 28, 1811, said :— ' i now come, I repeat, to a most important riuestion — that of the introduction of foreign corn. I must repeat to .vou here the opinion which I have declared I iierntnfore, which 1 have dcrlared to you, and also in the Commons' House of Parliament, that I cannot consent to substitute a fixed ; duty of 83. for tho present ascending and descending scale. I prefer tho principle of tho ascending and descending scale, and I do not consider, when I look to the Jiurden which land in this country is subjected to, that a fixed diit^' of 8s. per quarter ou corn brought here from Poland and the north of I^urope, will alford a suflicieut protection to the land of this country. The proposition I of buying corn in the cheapest market, is certainly tempting in tlioory : but before you determine that that is just, you must useer- I tain thu amount of burdens to which land in ottior countries is subjected, and compare tliem with the burdens imposed on hind in [this country. Look at the amount of poor i-ates levied from land in this country, compared with tho amount levied from the pi-ofita of raaniifactiires. Who pays tho highway rate ? Who pays the cliuich rate ? "Who pays tho poor rate nnd tho tithe ? 1 say not altogcMier— but chiefly— the landed occupier of this country ; and if there be corn produced by other land not subject to those bur- Idens, it would clearly bo not lust to the land of this country to admit that corn on ejiual terms. Thu duty of 8s. per quarter is pro- Iposcd ns a fixed nnd invariable duty. Now I foresee that if you apply that duty, this will be the consequence. You will have an abundancK of foreign corn introduced just at the time you do not want it, when your own produco is most plentiful." [Let us have no duty at 458. and upwards.— Ic. B j Then wo have Peel's letter to Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton :— " Whitehall, April 18, 181 1. Dear Sir— It ia gratifying to me to k'eccivc from you, the untiring and disinterested friend of humanity and of the African race, the assurances of wliich your letter of vesterday conveys. In tho present temper, and with the present views, of the ruling authorities in Brazil and Cuba, I cannot doubt that the openinL' of the market of this country to Bratilian and Cuban sugar, at greatly reduced duties, would give an encouragc- Tiont to its production by slave labour, to which there would ba no check, eitlior from the influence of humane and mural feelings, rom municipal law, or from international obligations. The state of things in Cuba, since tho removal of Ucneral Valdcz from the government, is most unsatisfuctory, This is a critical period in the annals of slavery, and the slave-trade ; and th'j exumpio of England, if she were now to relax her honourable exertions in that cause, of which she is in truth tho only active and scalous sup- ''orter, would have a very extensive nnd very evil influence. If the exertion of force will avail for the suiiprcssioii of the slave- mdo, 1 cannot conceive a use of force more jastiHalile in the eyes of God than the employment of it in tlie defeat and punishment bf nn infamous trnfiic. If it will not avail, thougli justifiable, it would be of course i.ipulitio, but the experience of a few months In the coasts of Africa and Brazil, were every British cruizer withdrawn, would, I fear, demonstrate the inelUeacy of any other nieans at present for tlie suppression of the slave-trade. I luve the honour to be, &q., iic. IIouert I'kkl." oqucncc : _ one is almost tempted to suspect Mr Cobden of being the American wuo grinned tlie bark on tlie tree (Uli : that ne mid grin it on again,) ; for till his day the "wy^tni/ o/ Me iin/s i>/rA(!iV6u>A," the tree of tbcconstitution, as achieved by Peel was ir greatest performance ; and if wo view the birds as representing tlie friends of British industry,, deceived by Sir R. Peel from the Di'n Bill of 1815 downwards, [I represented them elsewhere tu be the birds in tlie fable of "the battle of the birds and the 13 FEEL'S UNPRINCIPLED AND FATAL COURSE. TAniRO Tiiia OREAT onjEOi ? Ilaro not the present race of inflnentiHl itatosmen fallen below oven the lowered scalo of patriotism tu be expected in the public opinion of a country so oruriheacrillced at suttees,— and even all the lives lost, and mii^crics endured, by ouiymgon the necurscd slave trade,- dreadful as thc»e things arc, fail to exhibit, in their immediate and remote eftccts, a mass of bliuan suffering cqiinlly appalling." Our worst fenture is that tho intelligence, on the vital subject of Money or the Currency, of our upper and middle classes is actually getting behind tliut of tho_ lowest class. In regard tu the future, we are deluding ourselves with tbe cry of peace, peace, when there' is no peace in prospect. Even our working men now begin to see that when tliey hire out their bbour or skill for wages, they, under our monstrous money law, are buyers ot gold, and that when gold is ho.'\rdcd or fxporlcd to the diminution t>f its quantity, they must (according to tho eternal law of supply and demand) give more time for leta gold, so that their wages fall, even if tliey aro not completely deprived of employment. In a word, the Biiitisii artiza.n mas to oivr mork time ob l,uiouR FOR ooLD, nuT THE LoNDo:< Jkw AND TUE FOREiti'Kit UATE NOT TO QiTKMonK MONEv FOR ooLD. This ci'uel I'csult to the Working men and their t'aniilies (felt equallt in beducino tue rnicE of all pnoi-ERTr) arises from no cause within tlieir own control. Prudence could not prevent it ; sn prudence gets to a discount in their o.ve8. It arises from the ebbs and flows of foreign trade being per- mitted to regulate directly, and most arbitrarily to affect, tho value of all property, including the labour of the poor man's linmls, although ho may never Iiavo worked for a foreign market ! The means by whicii this is effected is tho making tho plentiful article money (it should bo plentiful if productive property, or value, of which money is niei-eiy tho rcpi-rsentutive is plentiful) always bold tho same value ns tho scarce article cold, a consummation which .Sir Robert I'ecl effected when, in 1810, ho upset Mr Pitt's money law, and thus gavo tho neck of the industry of this country to the feet of the money monopolist!) by a violation of the law of aupply and demand so outr.igenus, that its very impudent excess blinded tlio pnblio to it nt first, and has ever siiice con- tinued to do so. No minister wouUldare have attempted the same result above-board. If the gold were made to rise ns indigo or any other oommodity docs, without wages and prices exchnnged for it being permitttd '^ to rise c(|ually, the minister would have been stoned ; but the very same thing is done indirectly, only that the nit in gold i> directly exprehed, not bv the rise oft/old, but by the rite of the rate of interest, and which never tails to cause a fall, not n rise, in wages and prices ! And I feel that 1 cannot better oloeo this introductory article than in the words of a most cxci llcnt pamphlet, to wliich I partly owe my having been so early con- flnncd in the views I am now humbly endeavouring to get the public to see their deep interest in. (" Currency Fallacies Refuted," 1833. ) " If we arc to adhere to a metallic currency on the present system, it is certiiiti that heavy taxes cannot be paid much longer by "tbe productive classes. They have found that out ; ana this makes them so clamoruus for tho repeal of the houie and windouu "taxes. Whenever these aro abolished, otiiers will remain, equally obnoxious, as tho supposed causes of their distress : they must "also bo reduced ; till at last tho minister, driven to extremes, will consent to, if he docs not originate, a property tax, in lieu of all "other imposts pressing particularly on the industrious cla^iscs. Let this be agreed to, and what then will be tho condition of tho "landeharc of the public debt. Will the remaining hnlf snflico to discharge his other private obligations, all of them enuanted "iR the same dkorek ? [With wheat at COs, wc paid CO millions sterling of taxes, with 20 million quarters, but wc shall have to "nve 40 million quarters wheat when the price is 30s, to which it is coming under Free Imports. — Isaac Huchanan.} Kven if it "ahould, what a prodigious revolutiou will cave been quietly effected in a few years, by that bill for restoring cath paymcnu, whioh " was passed with acelamutions by tho wealthy inenihers of the State, but which has brought with it so much misery to the productive "dasaea! and how truly docs it illustrate the Miiork of a late eminent Christian philosopher, (the Rev. Robert Hall,) 'In tbe "moral system^ it is a part of the wise arrangements of Providence that no racml>er shall sufler alone ; and that if tho lower clasies "are involved in wretchedness and beggary, the more elevated shall not enjuy their prosperity unimpaired,' " ' . RE.ViEDY FOR PEEL'S MONETARY MEASURES. Some hard, but always successful bhltlcfi, in support of Government and on'er, have brought under my notice how littlu talent is rcouired to le a cooil fault-finder, anil how mud. easier it is to object to an existing system than to propose a better ; so tluit, for myself, I never would hiivo written a line against Peel's lueasuros, although luy personal opinion was that they aro outrageous, till I felt that there wa.s at hand an easy and effectual lemidy against their exticmc consequcnics. Without supposing that no more is required to promote British Industry, I have nlwavs seen that the mere preservation of the Ejace of the eountiy would be rtfectually Pccuied l)y simply changing Peel's Bank Uill of 1844 and 1815, so as to admit of New anks, under the same restrictions as at present, and by sf-tiko amdk the rnixciriE {fixed golJ standard) of tue Bill of 1810; the Bank of Kiiglmid's notes being a legal tender of its own counter excerit when it has over twenty millions of specie, and even tben the pnyment to lie at the market price of (lie gold or silver ; all Banks to issue one pound notes ; the capital of the Bank of England to lie doubled ; and the Bank of l-'ngland to be bound never to have less than fou. teen millions specie in its vaults. Ac- cording to the Time.', a very bad measure cannot have a very good motive, and the sense and indepciidcnee of Aberdeen will conic to repudiate the actoi-s in the late farcical transae'ion. Tho fact is, that no tyrant of i^nciunt or modern times ever did so piactieally cruel an net as did Peel in 1810, when ho decrc^ii that our local circulation, or home imploymcnt, should depend on tho state of the roBXiGN trade or exchanges '. Peel's friend, .Si- James Gi-aham, in his pamphlet in 182. thus speaks of its eailv operation :— " They (Peel's collcajiucs) knew that it was intolerable ; they were merciful ; they were disinterested : regardless ot the increased value of their own salaries, tliey felt for the debtors, the tax payers, the great body of the people ; and preferred their interests to tho profits of the crtditoi-s, the tax enters, 'the blood suckers %f Lord Chatham. They thought wholesome food and constant employment better for tho people than wliolesomo curreney and hunger They turned aside, therefore, from tho 'stern path of duty ;' Iicy er, amidst landlords without rents, and manufacturers without profits. . .. / they relented for a time, and lenewed the Bank Restriction act ; with an increase of the ciicnlating medium, prosperity returned. I cannot fail also to remark the immense sum added to tlie debt during the period iif the great depreciation of tlie currency; according to tho ancient standard, which was then suspended, wo generally borrowed about 15» in the poii' .1 ; and with our return to that standard, we arc now required to poy the entire 20<. The letter of the bond, and the pound of lltsli, are claimed by tho creditor." And on the occasion of the enactment of the bill of 1810, Peel's father is related f to have said to him, " Robert, Robert, you've doubled your fortune and ruineil your country ;" well, then, iiiav wc appeal against it :— ' Ye friends of truth— ye statesmen that survey The rich man's joys increase the poor's decay, 'Tis yours tojudgc how wide tlio limits stand Between a splendid and u happy land." _ • •' It istbvioHs tliatthei-imovalof theplugis not the catxeof thcrise of water, but is only that which )/i'i-»ii'<« it to rise ; the cause is the ti ci'jht of l/ie atthOfphcre, mid it ceases to act when an equilibrium is eained. So, in like manner, tlio extension of the currency is not the C( use of tho rise of prices, as many think, but is only that which peimitt it; tho caiue is the weight of taxation, and the rise will tea c wlienevcr a pi ice which wi'l form an «quilibriuiii when tho weight of taxation is obtitined."— Mr Capps. t " Parliamentary Usurpations," published by John OUivier, London 1847. A NEW PARTY OF SOCIAL ECONOMISTS MUST ARISE. 18 kti'iotism to r to us likfl HcoininE to r apparently ■ tii« hoards cglnnce, his an evidence piople's tale ur cnorinouB ncl BuflforingB oney Power, mil to bo the Ruecio oomM " Refutation clmllongc, by )lmvoaccoin' that taxation rv of this bill ■(Ivrfcd bodies tual sncrificea uggcrnaut,— I endured, by tg, a mass of irrency, ofouc ouraelvcs with liiie out thoir )r exported to I gold, so that i MOBS TIME OB e working men rol. Prudence rade being per- r man's liands. g tlio pleiititul ve is plentiful) 10, he upset Mr violation of the ever since con- ^s indigo or any lould have been ijold, but by the 1 cannot better en so early con- liicies Refuted, 1 much longer by use and uiindoiu less : they must ax, in lieu ol all Condition of the lan's property to THBU ESHANTBD wc shall have to UN.] Even if it iiaymcnw, which to the productive tUall.) 'In the tho lower cUsics rcseivatlon of the i to admit of New UB lUi.L ov 1^19 ; ,t specie, and even iiliital of tlio Bank in its vaults. Ac- rituen will come to ■ did so pructicnlly oil tho stiito of the peiiUion :— " They increased value ot crests to the piotits iistant eniploynicnt eis without profits, striction act ; with I to tlicdcbtdunng ndcd, wu generally 20«. The loiter of bill of 1819, Pcd 9 well, then, way wc A NEW PARTY OF SOCIAL ECONOMISTS MUST ARISE. V/IIAT MUST PE THE PRINCIPLES OF A NEW PARTY ORGANISATION ? I ANSWER-TIIE ANTIPODES OF TUE PRINCIPLES OF THE POLITICAL ECONOMISTS OR MONEY POWER. " There is anotlior balanco, indeed, w"" ; '.as already been explained, very dill'ercnt I'ronj tho Halnuco of Trade, and which, ac- cording aa it happens to be either fa»o». ^ • unfavourable, necessarily occasions the prosjwrity or decay of every nation. This is tho balance of the anniinl produce nnrt oo^ ..,'tion. If tlio cxcliangenble value of the annual produce, it has already been ohwrved. exceeds that of the annual consumption, ♦!:.. capital of tho society must annually increase in prorortion to this excess. The society in tills case lives within its revenue, and what h annually saved out of its rovenuo is naturally added to its capital, and employed so as to increase still further the annual pro fHOU TUB CrOWN BCINO FOR HKRVIOIB TO THE OOUNIRT — AND THAT IBK PRKaRNT AND ALL FUTDHB NATIONAL DKnTS ML'HT UK VIKW3D TO DE A CLAIM ONLT ON THE REALIiBO PROPBRTT OF THE COUNTRT, LAHDBD AND PERSONAL. We MAT INSIST THAT TIIE CnANCKLLOR OF THE ExOIIKqUER SHALL OIVE OVER Till mOVIDINO POH TUB INTERBST OP THK MATIOMALDEOT TO NATIONAL COHMISSIONERS OF TIIE Ul lit, TIIE EXCHEQUER UAVINU HEREAFTER NO MORE TO DO WITB THE DEBT, BXCBPI THAT n WILL PAT OVER TO THB NATIONAL DEBT COMMIMIONKHS ITS SURPLUS BACH TEAR — TOOK DEDUCTED PROM THE AiSBSSMENTB ON PROPBRTT rOR THE FOLLOWINO TEAR — THIS BBINO VIEWED TU BK TIIE MEASURE OF PROTECTION TO NATIONAL INDUSTRT AFFOROBD BT THE PROPBRTT OF THB COUNTRT. Wo should liko to SCO thi3 Glftsgow vicw Jeclttred to bo that for oiio ycnr a h»lf per cent, be raised from tlio whole pro- pertjr of Great Britain, leaving the assessmiint next year to be reduced to tho extent of tlie balance durina the first year of the RBTBNCB FROM TRAD! alludcd to abovo. The property of Great Britain is estimated at Ave thousand millions of pounds sterling, and ono-hidf per cent on this Is twenty-five millions. _ Uut under a resuscitated state of prosperity in tho country we would calculate that ona-eijihth per cent, would be more tkan enough in times of peace. We may bo asked how GIoskow can make a more praotieal eflbrt than Birmingham at the present orisls. We need only refer to our views as stated above. Glasgow mhj, in its monetary rcfonn, combine the i>ullionist bnsis for tho legsl tender pnper with the total eradication of the hard money monopoly— which is tho objeot of the Birmingham school, although to attain it tliey would involvo us in an evil only less fatal, dtpreciation from insgoubitt. Glas- gow, in a word, may hold to the simple cure of making the state of tlie foreign exohanges, or the export of gold, be indicated in a rite in the eommoditii goUl inatnnd of in the enmmoilitii moneii, the bank note being only representative of gold at the market price of gold in the London market, and tlio Bank of England being entitled to have notes out to the full London market value of the gold in its vaults— besides the fourteen millions— the bank thus being made interested in supplying any vacuum of circulation through the ex- portation of gold by an increased issue of paper up to tho increased market value ol the gold in its vaults. We mat be asked how ihk GLASOOW school has views SUPERIOR TO THOSE OF TUE MANCHESTER SCHOOL. Wl) ANSWER THAT WE OO THE LENOTII OF SUOIAI, BCONOMT, HOT STOPFINO SHORT AT POLITICAL BCONOMT. OUR VIEWS ARB PATRIOTIC— OR HAVB nEFERENCE TO OUR OWN COUNTRT ; for We do UOt OX- peot to get credit for our good intentions towards the world, till after we have practically illustrated them in our own families ; in a word, we must (to use the words of Burns) " bo loved nt home" before we can be "revered abroad" :— " From scenes like these old Scotia's grandeur springs, ' •'"■*''„. >■ '. ■ ' , * That makes her loved st home, rovcr'd abroad." ' ' • ' ' ' ■ The MaNCHEHTER views are COSUOFOLTTE— FOROETTi.XO THAT TUOl'On CIIARITT SHOULD NOT E.VO AT UOUG IT SHOULD DBOIN THERE. GUsgOW, in fiict, may go for reciprocal free trade, as opposed to the Manchester commercial atheism jof irreciprocal free trade ; or, in other words, we may hold that the main question is employ.men't, which may bo regulated by Oritishlaws, and noti>riV«, which we can never control by British legislation, except that by so framing our laws as to give to our own people, and to those who will reciprocate with us, a prt- ference of our nationaj euioloyment- at homo, at sen, and ii> the colonics— we may gradually increase the bidden for the poor man's labour, and thus indirectly raise his wages. Tdk oueatest emplotment of uur workino classbs, irrespective of price, must be THE Glasgow principle. While acknowledging price to bo an important element of consideration, we must see rmplotmbnt to be the vital question. We of course hold that (be principle of free trade would, if attainable in practice, be the best for this country, because wo have more capital, more industry, and more economy than any other country ; and none could object more than our- selves to the protection, for it> own lal-e, of any class interest in this community. We, however, have always expected free trade to ' be, at least to a great extent, reciprocal, bccnus ■ wo have alwaj's seen the absolute necessity of our currency— the life's blood of all our interests — being protected from invasion at the will uf our foreign opponeit?, by their draining us of our precious metab ; And we now give below our sketch of a Free Trade Uecii'rocal League : — A RECIPROCAL LEAGUE, OR BRITISH ZOLLVEREIN, MUST BE PROPOSED BY TUE SOCIAL ECONOMISTS. I«t; We would at once. procUim entire Fi-ce Trade with our colonies, thus making them integral parts of the empire, and reoeiv- log their sugar, wheat, and every other production free of dut^ ; and by the same Act of Parliament we would provide (so great is our confidence in British manufacturing superiority) that foreign productions be also received duty freo from all countries which agree not to charge us more than fiiteen pt:r cent, duty on the value in Britain, on any British manufacture. 2d. We conceive it to be rea- sonable that such countries as will not take British labour in payment should have deducted from tho price they get in England for their productions, a certain sura equivalent to the national and local burdens and taxes, which weigh to tho earth our native or Colo- nial producers of the same articles. And our Act of I'arliament would provide that on all foreign articles except cotton (the production ofcountriet that nill not accept the above liberal terms of reciprocitjij, on which there is now no duty, or a duty less tnan fifteen per cent, on the value in Britain, the said duty of fifteen per cent, bo levied by our Custom Houses. 3d. The foreign price of gold to be done away— the price hereafter to be that indicated by tho foreign exchanges, so that bad times will hereafler raise tho price of the commodity, gold, in which foreigners and annuitants are alone interested, instead of, as at present, the price of money (to keep down the value of which is the interest of all classes in Great Britain and her colonies, except tho more annuitants), and so that the anuoi- tants or money market, finding gold goins: to an increased price as oorapared with their money, may be driven to co-operate with our working classes in pushing the export of British labour, in which way alone it is evident the price of gold can bo brought back to the £nropean price, or. in other words, the onnuitants niado to regain the present value given to it by tho money law of Sir Robert Peel. In a word, we decidedly are freo traders ; but in common with almost tho entire working classes, and most practical mauufacturen* *"ii JS *5 '*''** P'*""'' ""^''' «ounf ry to their party— we now see that what is not reciprocal, is not in truth free trade. By our w- caued free trade measures, it now appears that we have only set free foreign and not British industry. We must, by withholding the great boon we have it in our power to give, till we get lomething approaching an equivalent, make it the interest of^the foreign grow- ers of wheat and other produce to use all their united influence with their respective GoveiTinients in favour of the British manufac- turer ; for we seo reciprocity to be absolutely necessary to prevent so greot a reduction of omployraent as in this country and her colonies must lead to revolution, although there exists no disloyalty to the Monarchy. ." ■ " ■ .-'f ■ - ■': ■ ■'■■•|. ".' - MEANS TO TIIE FOREGOIXG GREAT ENDS OR MACHINERY OF THE SOCIAL ECONOMIST PARTY. Universal Suffrage, need be the only thing aeitated for, because the Parliament once popularized, the other Reforms will follow as a naattur of Murso ; but our Universal Suflrage must bo by the ballot, and we must use it as a machinery for tho election ol both bouses of Parliament, if we would prevent aristocratic prejudices from hindering popular legislation, and from thus precipi- tating such a state ol things as exists on the Continent. We would not degrade tho Lords from being an ennobled class, but before permitting any of them to interfere in the country's legislaiion, wo would require him to gain the votes of one of the same constituen- cies as elect the Commons, and we would mak.' eligible for the House of Lords all the descendante (when registered) of all English, irisn, and Scotch peers, along with the whole baronetcy of the empire, and their sons, with perhaps the Knights, and such men as navebeen elected to scats in the House of Commons in three ditturent Parliaments. But It may be asked, how cannot the money-law be changed, and tho rijhts of labour asserted, with Parliament constituted as at present ? We answer— Even if the Whigs and political economists were beaten in Parliament by the friends of the working Classes, and even it the theoiies of politic.nl economy were to break down (as no doubt they will) from sheer inherent woaknesi, the mciKis ol the people will still be secuiitics may fall more by a protracted and vehement debate, than by an i actual settlcniiiit, s.icli as alone would now bo iniule."-" Ukaso.vs foii i-ayi.ng the Divii.Eius.-The moral grounds for paying the anH ..HI- ..f,!"^ "." ''/.'".""■J'' •"■ dt'Pending on the original ei.nti act, but secondary, viz. ( 1. ), Because of the imminent and great dangers BnWi!. inil. if- .1 " o'""""."' >.'c'i repudiation would caufo. (2,) Bocansc each succcssiivo parliament has in turn connived at the public sale ol the claims of individuals over the proceeds of future taxation." . I.oyaltj by all classe iind with th lesty's subje Rrretchcdnei Bul)jcct, is I filegea of th JiDly absolui lact, that tl |ion, and tl en to whi however, w before we a| ^ill of 1819 ^four worii Ihe country L. "'^''0* kill be chc( Bct's privili y interest i lital iieocss rhat he at I pehool Edul Jively callMl luestinn of I low, I pu|,| yonttitiition i UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE TOE ONLY ALTERNATIVE LEFT US BY PEEL. 15 if UnWcwal Suffrage in the only nie«n» of getting rid of the Church, it ia tho only meant of rendering it pouible for us to have the VOKiTioK OP lABOiiR Considered— the only way, in our opinion, to avoid rovolutlon (even although no diiloyalty to the Crown or to the person of tha Sovereign exists in this country. ) Such is tho result of the desertion by Bishops and other churchmen, under Sir R. I'cel, of Hritish industiy. 1 laid these views, nearly in the same words, before the late Ui-d George Bentinck, on the breaking nut of tho revolutions on the Continent, appealing to him, for tho anko of liis country, to come out on tho Intirist or Laboob, as the iiead of a great native industry party. My question then was. Can tub British Monamciit be prkservid ?— ihk orratist— the MOST UNDUniNO— THE MOST ni8INTRRK8T«D— PERSONIFICATION OP niUHT AND PHAfTICAL PRINCIPLKS THAI HAS BEEN TESTED BT TIME !— and with my answer on that occasion I shall close this explanation, alrcndy, I fear, too much extended for the general reader :— " I answer No^emphaticaHy No, unless our Upper Classes permit tho immediate adoption of measures which their personal in- ■"'" ""' '■"' " ca prefers risking the gland are as loval aa- .. „ ,. „ ,, ^.,. , ,-..„- r- -— iblishmonts, exclusive universities, or the uncontrolled intorterenoc of tho nobility in the legislation of the country. The tiino has come when the possiai- I LiiT OF sAviNo THE CROWN ITSELF, deMuds OH oup having it distinctly undcretood, that the objects of the Government are just the " 1 answer No, emphatically ino, unless our upper Classes permit tho immediate adoption of measures which tereat will, I fonr, make them denounce at revolutionary, just as tho Slave-breeding Lord of Republicim America i integrity of the Republic rather than yield the wretched ' inttltntion' of slavery. 1 believe the people of Englan over to the Monarchy, but I don't believe their self-respect will any longer permit thorn to tolerate church estal)lis . ECONOMISTS. UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE THE ONLY ALTERNATIVE LEFT US BY PEEL. I'.Y LEAVING THE LABOUR AND FIXED PROPERTY UNREPRESENTED BY ANY EFFECTIVE PARTY, PEEL HAS LEFT THE COUNTRY NO ALTERNATIVE BUT A CHANGE IN THE CONSTITUTION OF PARLIAMENT. ' After a trial of seventeen years, It. cannot be denied that, with regard to any systematic legislation for the amelioration of the I moral and material condition of the workiiig classes, the Reform Act Iirs fulled to make good the professions which it held out, and I by means of which cliicily it was carried. '1 ho objects which its nutlior»> then professed to desire have not been attained by the mea- Jsure which they prescribed as sufficient to effect them. • ' • *. • • •• •-• Our complaint. ■other hnlf ho scattered to the winds. Since 1832 wo havo had a systematic course of legislation, in which the wants and wishes of ■the middle class havo been carefully attended to, and their interests habitually consulted. But have wo seen signs of the same soli- Icitude with respect to tho necessities and interests — certainly not less pressing nor less important — of tlio working classes ? We do Inot, indeed, for an instant suppose that there can bo any antagonism or contrariety between the interests of the employer and those of jthc employed ; no error coulu be more fatal, no doctrine more mischievous. Wo are most anxious to assert that tho gain of the for- liner is ultimately, though indirectly, the gain of the latter. But, while we admit tho concurrence of their interests, we deny that Ithoy arcat all pointfico-cxtcnsivo, * * This is our charge against tho reformed House of Commons — that it has dealt effectually with Ino questions where tho interests of the middle class ceased to be co-oxtensivo with those of the working class. The long and anxious Idiasussions, the thorough and effective loKislation, on all commercial questions — contrasted with the inditfereni^e to educational and *~anitary measures, and with the miserably insufficient provision for these objects — completely establish our position. Tiie prcdo- ainant influence in tho legislature had no direct interest in these questions, and they consequently went to the wall." — From the Peel lOrffan, the Momiiu/ Chronicle, of 6th September, 1840. I . "By tho Reform Bill two-thirds of the scat'* in the House of Commons wcro.givcn to the boroughs, and two-thirds of the voters ■in the borouijlis, in the new constituency, were shopkeepers or those in their interest. Thus a decisive majority in the House which. |evidently soon be in a minority." — From MackwooU't Magazine for July, 1840. " Ilenoe we can say to the gontlemen of the Reform League, Your project fillsus with no terror on account of what wo may lose. IWe are not inclined to receive a new constitution at your hands ; but as for the existing system of representation, it came from the Birmingham mint — A Lambton was its principal inventor, No Conservative assisted at its fabrication ; nor will any Conservative nourn when, as base mctnl, it shall be cast away. • • Wc end, as we began, by I'ecommending these matters to the consideration of the Conservatives. Tlicro is nothing in the e.xistinc system for which they are bound to fight. And any change in which justice and common sense are not tbiown quite out of view, must do a change lor the better. So saying, however, we give no accord or approval to the Drury-Lanu proceedings. Wc doubt the honesty of the promoters of that movement. VVe fear that (/i(.-iru2(ima(eo&j'ecti« to gettlie government of the couutri/, bit fair meant or by foul, into their own hantif. But this conviction makes us only the more anxious that a great question, such ns that'of the representation, should not be left entirely in their possession." — Morning Herald, Aug. 18, 1810. " In regarding Peel's monetary school, or the House of Commons as at present constituted, wo fully sympathise with Ci-umwell vban he told the parliament to mako room for better men. The original policy and present effort of Peel s class is to bribe the moncv aarket, by givinc moncii a monopoly of the property and labour marUets. Peelism seems altogether incapable of seeing that in afl ountrics tho goodness or popularity of a government is just in tho proportion that it sides with the labour, as opposed to tho moneii, power." — From my communication to the Glasgow Examiner, of ith .Vov., 1848. 1ST PARTY. , and the creditor will Loyalty to the monarchy and devoted attachment to tho Sovereign .we shown by her Majesty's recent reception in Ireland, and by all classes hero (in Scotland), to be quite compatible with our cnturtaintiii; tlie gravest objections to the nation's Legislative acta and with tho firmest determination on our part to have a radical alteration in tlie mnchinory of Parliament, for millions of her Ma- iesty's subjects are well known to havo boon brought to feel that no rciuec'y short of Universal Suffrage will avail to cure our national' Irretebedness. Wo of oour«o see that as i> man on being called on to act as a special constable, or to perform any other duty of the Rut^ect, is not interrogated as to his possessing a ten pound qualification, neither should this be a condition to his enjoying tlie pri. vileges of the subject ; but we also see that the wresting of the practical monopoly of legislative power from tho moneyed interest is not only absolutely necessary to the improvement and moral elevntion of tho working classes, but to their very existence. We think, in fact, that the overthrow speedily of the doctrines of political economy or " cheapness " is necessary to save our people from starva- iion, and tlio country as a necossary consequcnco from political trouble and confusion. Comparatively few seem to have their eyea ipen to what is passing around them, and this is what induces the republication of those letters in this shape. The writer's aim, ' however, was orii;inaliy, and is nose, only the humble oiio of leading abler minds to the subject of our critical position as a nation' >efore we again find ourselves amid commercial difficulties like those in 1847, which were wholly caused by Sir Robert Peel's money Bill of 1810, or surrounded-by other continental Revolutions, when all our danger would be felt to flow from the reasonable discontent bf our working masses. At the breaking out of tho late French Revolution the writer endeavoured to express this critical position of ■lie country in a letter (published at the time) to tho late Lord George Uentinck, datedNew York, 25th March, 1818, as follows ; I " Tho time has come when wo must lio in a position to havo a reasonable cxpeotation that eveiy class of her Majesty's subjects vill be cheerfully prepared to do all the duties of the subject, and when, ns a matter of courjo, we must yield to every one all thesub- ect's privileges. A man can scai-cc'lyjbo expected to lay his life and property on the altar of his country, if he has not the same extent T interest in, and attachment to, the Government as is enjoyed by his neighbour. Upon this ground alone then I would insist on the rital necessity of immediately doing away with (Church establishments and exclusive Universities. 1 would let each incumbent eniov proteotii . . _ low, I published tho following remarks on this vital point : — ' It'will soon become palpable that there are not rcallii two [iorkina Vonstitutional Parties in the Slate, and that the W.'iigs or Political Economists have a Monopoly of Power : for it ivill 'be 'clf-evideut 19 UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE THE ONLY ALTERNATIVE LEFT US BY PEEL, that the txhienee of Church qve$t{uni prevcnit the ;M>»l^lU(;/ of ovkjeininti the ProtfetionitU, or truiting them uiilA pouitr, though on all other tufyectf tliey might eome to he a belter repreaenlation o/publia opii'iion thcnt the Whigt. I'he ditniuiott of the great and vital queitioH of labour will (Aii* haue no ehante affair plati, and the gnateet lUitrete and mieery iviU be the inevitable eoHte'iiieuec, if we eould ewppwe itjottible that theworliing eUtntee ivouhl remain ijuiet, and ycrmit Ih' throat of their peculiar intercit, the QiilsTiON of Li> BOUB, thui to be cut. Ai reasonably might we exjjfet the pnblift to tolerate the evlpahh. leaving of impedimentt in the way of an exprtu Railway train, to leatter certain death and de.'truelion all arouml. .So certainly, therefore, titould 1 calculate on the Church qiieiliott being epcedily ditpatehed, or tht Whige blamed for retaining it aa a aouree of pamt political capital, that I earneitly deeirt the present ilinintry to tecure their tenure of vjjl'ee, hi itrengthemng theuuelvet on the j»i«««iun of labour, inetead of leaning on tht political weakneie of their opponeiite, atiiriinj from mott of the j'fotectionietf being Church-Toriei.' In this droadflil condition the woi'kiiigolnssei will bUnie, and juBtly ko.'tliu GuveiiimeAt. The Uovcrnincnt will plead its good intentioiia, but tliis will not feed the Rtnrving mnMCS, who will,' in reply, chnrgo the Government with at lean not having ability to prevent, even it' It did not cause their dismBtei-s, Is'o change tn people in tlie^e circumtlanccs cnn be tor the woi'io, and a Revolution may come upon England, if Uetrenchmcnt and the most Bwccpiujr refnrni of the C'urrcncv nre not made, without a moment's delay, *imul(ancoui)!y with luob political alterations in Ii-elond, and othertviso, nn will throw the now gloomy minds of the population forward to a happier futur*. The Peel Conacrvativ es, in order to popuhtriac tlicinsclves us a party to conierve the Churon, saoriUoed what they had told thoir constituents they in their hearts believed to be the interest of tlic Hi itiah labonror ; and the^ are now a moral nullity, inca|>nblo of serving the Crnwn, while the retention of peeuliiii' privileges by their cla.odica in death, the other their souls. The total want of all patriutio principle, or tangible principle of niiy kind, in Irreciprocal (Vco traders, may appear temporarily to bo blessed, iust as the total absence of ret'peet for religious principle may bo ; but either peradventure is a very miserable calculation, and I cannot understand how any man, or set of men, feeling fully the responsibility of a government, would dare to rely on such delusioni. J tlierefore think that there exists at present no party in England witli sufficient power or influence to save the working classM from starvntiun ; and that if the CnonN cannot oivoanish ak Exkcutivk capabli! of this first duty of a Govebnment, it must or KECBBSITT IK OVERTlinOWN. TlIUS IT An-EAHH 10 SlY .\tlXD, THAT IF THE MoNAnCIlT IB TO BK SAVED, IT MUST BE BT A MOKE PATRIOTIC (l.ISS cosuopoLiiB) coMBi.NATioN, IN TUK SHAPE OF A .\'f:w PAHTV RCPRESKNTATivK OF LABOUR. VVoro I & public man ill England, at tills criti- cal moment I would not hesitate to ni(M-t tlio Chartists more than halfway. I wonld cull the new parly the social economists (as opposed to political economists), wliose objects as a party I would state tu be— 1st. The Social Economieti will hold it to bo the first duty of a covernnicnt, at whatever sacrifice, to nmko nil sure, who are willing to work, of tho actual necissaries of life. 2dly. They will hold that every means should bo adopted to raise tho outward comfort of the working classes, as well as to elevate thera muraUjr and religiously— a church establishment not being one of these means. Other things I view as only subsidiary, or means to thesueiids. After perusing the matter under the heading " Alteration of the Money Law," tho reader will, I doubt not, agree that a Untveb- SAL Suffrage Pariv is imperatively- called for, if for no otiicr purpo!- ...» .. iy.- ,» APPENDIX. IT PATRIOTIC VIEWS OF THE AMERICANS ON THE SUBJECT OF NATIONAL LABOUR. Mb Lawhesck to Ma Rive«— Numher II. Uoston, Januftiy 10, 1810. Mr Dbah Siu,— I stated in my letter of tho 7tli, thiit 1 slioiilil wiito to von »gftin, upon llio «ubjctt ol'tlio oiitiie olinnge propos- ed by till) I'renident of tliu United StaleH, and tho Secretary ol the Treasury, in our Kevenuu Ijiws it is no oDier, than the adontionof a(iio/orem for spcoiiic duties, and a reduction of tho whole to 20 jiL-r cent. ; this Wma tho innxiniuni at which tliu^Se- ciul.irv supposes tho larjjfst revenue can bo obtained. I shnll not I now ditcusi tho riitc» of duty that will produce tho greatest I auiount of revenue, i will -eiivo tho Secretary to settle that ques- I tion ; but siinll endeavour to show what the elfeet will bo upon I tliu country, if his reconiniendalion should bo adopted by Cou- I (,MC»a. 1 DEKM lUB HOUEMIi rU0i>0tjED TO CoNunKSS, l.N THb MAIN, I A CUnENlY QIIKSTIOX, AXU ONE WIUOU, IF CAllIlIBD OLT, WILL REACH, IN IIS Ol'EKATION, THE OtCi;l'ATION AND UUgl.VESS OF KVKUT MAN IN 1 TUE LnIIED .VrAIKd. ! Have tlif pc»|do of tlio South and West fovgotton their trou- ' bles of IHUT to 1342— to the hour of the passage of that Law, I which has reducmed the credit of the Ciuvornnicut, and restored I prosperity to the cou.itiy i 1 have intimated that there is less I Ciipitiilin tho new States tlian in many of die old ones ; it will I not bo denied that the niunicd capital of this country is held iu 1 Nortliern and Eastern States, and that the South and West are I usualiv luiifely indebted to tliem. Mow, 1 should be tlad to be I infornied what benelit is to be derived by a Planter in Alabnraa I or Missibsippi, or a furmer in Ohio or Illinois, by a chanao, liko i that 1 have described, partieulurlv, if by chance ho should be in I debt ? Do the people pf the South believe they can raise the price of Cotton, or be able to nesotiuto loans, to prosecuto tfte I construction of their conteiupluted Railroad ? Do Uliio, Louisia- na, Illinois, Michigan, believe tiiey are to create a better nuirlict for their produce, or sooner complete tho Harbours, so much de- sired on tlio shoi'es of those " Inland Seas," and bo able to noco- tiate Loans, and obtain subsciibors to tho Stock of their intended Railroads, by the adoption of this new system of political eeouo- niy ? And now what say the i/ivat Utatea of New York and I'onn- svlvania to this proposed experiment i Can they afford to try it, and are thev ready i If they are, it will bo adopted ; it they nro not, the present Law will stand, and tho Country will repose for awhile in happiness and prosperity. Any one would suppose, that those Slates, that are now just eiucrgiug from embarrassment, which at one time seemed almost sutiicieiit to overwhelm ihcui in ruin, would bo unwilling to try an cxporiineut which is certain, in niv judgment, to placn them in a position that will bo the means of destroying tho fair prospects oi thousands who are rest- ing in quiet seuiirity upon the faith of what they deem a pater- nul and wise Government. The quostiou pf an important ""ora- tion in our Revenue Laws, should not bo kept in suspense. 1 ho Treasury will feel its effects tjoforo the end of the present year. j The expectation of a great reduction of duties prevents the luer- capable of applying Seionce to Art, 'and of proiluciii;,' lesulls that chants from going on with their usual business. Voyages are are ditlicult, and oftentimes complicated. The latter dcsuriptioii ' delayed, and order.s for goods are held back, until tins important of labour, is of that character which depends principally on phy- 1 question shall bo settled. 1 say, therefore, if we are to go through aical strength ; this qualitv of labour you have in abundance ; | tliis fiery ordeal, let it coine at once,— we cannot probably place RESOURCKS OV VIRGINIA. L E T T E R S FnoM TiiK Hoi*. Abdott L*wur.Nt'E OK Mahsaciiusutts, Now Am- bassador TO tue Couut uv LoNnoN, TO tub 1Io.>'. William C. RlVBS or VlROIMA, NOW AMUA.IiAUOU TU THE CoUIlT OV 1'aIIIS. — Published iu 184U in Aiiiciica. Mr Lawiknob to Mn Rives— NuMnEn T, Roston, January 1, 1810. My Dear Sir, — When you were with us hut sMinnier, 1 more than half promised to make you a short visit in Kebiuiiry, and I bavo not yet given up entirely tho long anticipated pleasure of doing so. I have not forgotten our conversation on the condition of our country generally, and luoro particularly the stroni; desiie mani- fested by you, to improve tho condition of the proplu oi ynni' own State. I have always entertained feelings of higli reunid fur the " Ancient Dominion," arising probably from the inlimaie revilu- tionary nssooiations between her and our " Old Hay Stale, ' as well as from my having looked upon lior as the niotliei' of many of the greatest statcsiuun, and purest patriots, whioii our cumitry has produced. lam nut surprised that you of Virginia should desirn to do some- thing by whiott the matchless natural resources of your native State may be developed. I have thought that the .Statu nf Vir- ginia, with its temperate climate, variety and cxcclleneu of soil, exhaustlcBB water power, nnd exulMirant minernl winltli, eniitains within herself more that is valuable fur tho uses of niu.ikinil in these modern days, than any other State in our Union, * • • Thirty years since, a few sraull sclioonei-s weio sutiiv'iiiit to carry on the oomincroo between this oity and New Orleans ; now, within the last year, wo have had one bundled and sixty-five ar- rivals from New Orleans at this port, and niniiv of the ve!.ar to be datiificd with their condition, i'lio resources of tlic country were never developing mure rapidly ; the inereaso of our population, the present year, will probably equal that ot the last, which 1 eslimate at tiOO.OOO souls ; our weiilih too has been wonderfuUv augmented by the eonstroction ol Railroads ; there has been ii great increase of our shipping, engaged in tho ilomestic commerce of the country, not only by sea. Out upon our livers and great lakes ; tho manufacturing interest has liecn largely extended ; nnd tlie soil, too, has been iiiade to produce vastly" more th.in at any former period. 'Ihe whole productive tiower of the country has been greater in three years (that is, since the passiiye ol the Tarilf ot ISIJ.) than during any equal space of time in our national history. Tlieie have been tliree periods of univci-sal distress throughout our land, since the peace of 17S3, and in each case under low duties. 1 appeal to tlioso who remember those perioils ; and others, I rcler to the annals of our country. Those pcriodM were tioin rtS'J (the couelusiou ol the Revolutionary War) to 178'J, IsilO to 1821, 1S37 to 1813. I would respectfully recommend to the bocrctury ot tho Irca- rcspectfully i • If even the Atlantic States of America cannot compete in agH^^ilt^c^vith tho virgin soils west of tho Ohio river, how can England ever hope to do BO ?— Isaac UucuANAN. . „. . , ,•„,:„„ ii„,i\ ,v<„-onnnuf..l hv Ppel'Menrn t It is an absurd idea that tho American concessions (as a reduction to 30 per cent, duties is c.dled) weio caused by 1 eel a coui measure. They were talked of ia America when 1 was there in August 1815.— Isaac uucuanan. 18 PATRIOTIC VIEWS OF THE AMEaiCANS ON THE SUBJECT OF NATIONAL LABOUR. lurjr, wlio appMra to h»va rMsived n«w licht upon tlia lubject of (lur nivtionni ooonomy, to oxnnilne the hiatur; ot tliu lo!;ii«l.itioii ut' Congren ui the nbove perioJH. He will Hnd in lilt own dopni't- inont of tlio Govornmont nbundnnt ovidenoe of tlio dittrait) that (txittod under low dutlot and n deranged ourronoy. There i« » prevalent Idea abroad, tliat the capital of the coun- try will nulTer esceodlngly l>y n revulsion in it* buoini^*, and that thotarllfof 1849 liaa o|ierated in favour of the capititl, and not ibo labour of the country. Tlicro can be no doubt that capital is tfonernlly profitably and safely employed, and well p.iiwn tlio wages from about f3 00 to ||l 50 per week, exclusive of boaid ; this operation took place upon between 7000 and 8000 females; the mills run on ; no sales were made of the goods ; the South iind Wost hnd neither money nor credit, and llnally, it wnsdetor- niincd to hold out till Congress should act upon the taritj'. The l>ill passed, and of course t!io mills were kept running, whicli would not have been tli« c.iso if the act h.id been rejected ; and now the averngo wages paid at Lowell— taking the same number ')» females for the same sorvico— is ,f 3 00 per week, exclusive of board. Yet Mr Walker says labour has fallen. Where ore the wages fur labour, I ask, lower than they were in 1842 i Who is to bo benefitted by the ndoptlon of a system that gives up every thing, and gives no reasonable promise of any thing ? _ 1 have succeeded, I triint, in shewing tliat there is no probabi- lity of our exports increasing, in consequence of a reduction of the tariff, and that the products of the.Western .States And the best uiurket among the raanulactiirers at home. In regard to the Southern and cotton growing States, tlioy are to bo greatly bene- lited by the inoreasoof consumption of their staples at homo. No appreciable quantity can be shipped to England, if the tariff should bo rapealcd, it being already free of duty. The establish- ment and 8UC0(!S8iul prosecution of the spinning of cotton in this • ountry, has enabled the plantoi-s to obtain for several jcai-s past at l;ast an additional cent, per pound on the whole crop, and pcrhnps even more. The Americans are the greatest spinners of <'otton in the world, the British excepted. This competition lias Icept the price trom falling toa rniiionspointon several occasions, and It has been acknowledged by many of the most intelligent planters in the South. Our consumption reached, the last year, ne hundred and seventy six millions of pounds, which is equal to the whole crop of the Union in 1835, and equal to the whole ••onsuraption of Gre.tt liritain in 183a. This is a striking fact, and one that should be rcnicmboral bv the pluntew. The history ot the production and maiiufaeturo of' cotton i»BO extraordinary, that 1 propose to send to you some statistics on the subject, fur- nished 1110 by a friend. 1 hope you will not deem me over fan- s;uine, when 1 tell you that it is my belief that the consumption ot cotton in this country will double in eight or nine vcare, and t int It will reach 400 millions of pounds in ISoO ; and further, tlittt wo are not only destined to Ira the greatest cotton srowois ijjit the most extensive cotton spinners, in tlio worM. Wo have all the elements among ourselves to make us so. 'Jhe manufac- ture of cotton IS probably in its infancy : but a motlcrato portion ol mankind have yet been c'othcd with this healthful and choan article. Nothing can stop tlio progresjof th\s manufacture, but some suicidal legnlatioii, that will prostrate the currency of the r.ountry, and depiiyo tlic people of the moans of consumin-'. I hero can bo no legislation that will break down the mannfacfure ot cotton and wool, excepting thi-ougli the operations of the cur- rency. We may bo disturbed by low duties ; the finer .lescrip- tions of cotton and woollens, printed goojls. and worsted fabrics, would be seriously affected by low ad valorem duties, but the '-ndent on a protective tariff, than the Midi .He, \V estern, or Southern Stales. Those States that pos-css tlie ?? "ff iv™*!""'"' "IP""'- "'■« tl'omost benefitto-l bva protective taiitt. tt o have m jNcw ICngland, a great productive power ; in -Massachusetts far greater tliy.n any otiicr State, in propoitio^ to population. Wo luve * bsrdy, and induttrloua, and highly intclll- f;ent population, with a penevornnoo that Mldom tires, and we lavo also acquired a oonilderable amount of skill, which ii in- oreasing every day ; besides thii, w« have already accomplished a magiilfloent syiteiu of interoommunioatlon between all part* of this section of tne country by rail-roads ; this is the lioat Kind of protective power, having reduced the rate of onrriago to a won- derful extent ; this being done, we have money enough remain- ing, to keep all our labour employed, and proMonte our foreign and domestic commcroe, without lieing in dttl>t beyond the llmrt* of our own State. Now, I »tk, how iv« shall itand, compared with Penntylvania, Ohio, Alabama, Moorgia, or Louisiana, when tho day of iinanoial trial shall come. I do not deny wo shall wf- fer, but ai it has been in times past, we shall go into and oomo ou( of the troubles far stronger than any other State out of New England. It is not my purpose to present to you tho balanoe sheet of M iisaohusetts. but it is duo to her onaractor and her dignity, that she should stand before you in her true poaition. ' I have never advocated a protective tariff lor my own or th» New EngUnd State* exclusively, nor have those gentlomen' with whom I havo been aMOoiated in this cause, at any tima, ' entertained a narrow or tcotionai view of the question. We hav* hulievod it to bo for the interest of the whole country, that it» labour should bo proteoted, and so far as I luive had to do witU the adjustment of those diUicult combinii uions embraoed in » tariff bill, I have endeavoured to take oate that tlio interest! of all the Statoi wore prateotod, whether they were large or small. I say now to you, anu it should Im said in Congress, and to the country, that Masssachusotts aska no exolnsivo legislation. If Pennsylvania, New York and Ohio, the thre* great States, with Kentucky, Ueorgia, Missouri, Alabama and Louisiana, wish t» try an experiment on iron, coal, hemp, cotton bagging, sugar, die, dec, I am ready, as one oitiien of Massachusetts, to meet it, and await in patient submission the result, which I doubt not will be found, within eighteen months, in tlie realization of all I have predicted. I say again, I would not, if I eould, have a tariff made fur Massaohussetts alone. If, however, there should be a now one, let our interests, with those of every other in tlie Union, share that protection to which we arc nil entitled, and of which tue claim our/i({2 share. I can with cnnHdenco assure yon, that wo shall go upward and onward. H'c will work. If 13 hours' labour in the 34 will not sustain us, we can, and will work 14 ; and at the same timu feci that Coiigi-css cannot take the sinews from our arms, or rob us of tho intelligence aoquired from our public schools, established by tho foresight and wisdom of our ' fathers. At tho risk of writing a long letter, I cannot forbear alludins to the fact, that tho habitual agitation of this question of the ta- riff, has worked, in the main, to tho advantage of New England. Wc were, previous to the warof 1813, an agricultural anu navU gating people. The American system was forced upon us, an j was adopted for tbe purpose of creating a homo market for tha protlucts of tho soil of the South and West ; we resisted the adnrl tion of n system, which, we fionestly believed, would greatly iniur» our navigation, and drive us from our ucctistomcd employment/ into a business wodid not undci-stand. We came into it, howcvor' reluctantly, and soon learned that, with tho transfer of our Cn^.' tal, we acfiuired skill and knowledge in the use of it and that so far from our foreign commerco being diminished, it wag ;„ creased, and tliat our domestic tonnage and commerce were yirv soon more than quadrupled. Tho illustrations were so strikfno in overy department of labour, that those who, fifteen year. ,™lf were the strongest opponents of tho protective tarifif araon>f Qh have given up their tlieoriea, and acknowledged that the revela- tions arosnolias to satisfy tho most sceptical. We haVo Ion«» forward steadily, till many descriptions of manufacture, .mna well settled in New England as the raising of potatoes. Our ex perionoo has given us skill— and, of course, we have conttjenoo hi our own resources, that does not exist elsewhere. When I converse with gentlemen from tho South and \Ve*i spccting the establishment of manufactures, they reply that th " should long ago have engaged iu them, but the repeal of tho tarlflr' the action of the government, proventero pared a, when hall suf- ndeome of New balanoe and her Mition. or the- ntlomen IT time. We have that ito do witU sed in a ereite of small. id to the tlon. If tee, with wish t» g, Hugar, to meet oubt not I of all I ra a tariff' mid be n le Union, of which run, that la hours' work 14 ; he sinewR from our ra of our APPENDIX. IP pork, *o. I am happy to Dnd authority of the highvst roipeclii- Dility for tbi« opinion, in the person of one uf tliu rnunt eminent neroliants, ns well as one of the best and roott lionournolu men in Rngland, Mr Willinm Brown of Lirerpod— lately llio fruo-tradu candidate for I'nrlianient, from the county of Lnnrn^tor. In a letter to Julin Kulfti, K»r , k Inndbolder, upon the adv«ntAi;i.'> of frco-tradu, Ln Hitys : " . next allude to the LeuHUe wisliiiig to injure you. I presuii > .> /ill not beiloiiied, that all iiiten-ats in the kingdom nro so liii kii' together, tlint none nf them onn suHer without tlio ullivrs beins injured We must siiik or swim toge- ther ! rarnduxical us it may appear, I think (treat Ilritniri lit the larcoat grain exporting countrv ia tho worM, altlinugli it is impouUilu tu estiniiitu aocuriitehr what Quantity of grain, ^c. is consumed in pi-opai'ing £AO,000,000 ralne of exiioi ts, by wliioli you are so greatly benefited. It is placed in tliu luborntory of that wonderful intelle<'tuitl ninohino, man, which gives him tlie plivie satisfied with its results, as tho quantity of cotton now spun in tho United States is far greater than the most sanguine of its friends anticipated in 1810. Ac- eoiding to a statement made up by Mr P. T. Jackson and Mr John A. Lowell, for tho use of the tariff eonventiou hold in N«w York In lt03, the homo cunsuniptiun uf cutton prior tu the pas- sage of the act uf 1810, was eleven nillliuns of pounds, being alwut three eighths of tho quantity now spun at Lowell, Tho quantity spun in Ureat Britain in 1810, was elght^'-olght millions of puunus. Thoro are no iluta tu bo relied upon lor eou- tinnnus returns of home oonsuinptiun, between 1810 and 1830- 1820. • In 1620-'i7, the returns woro niodu in a New York price cur- rent, and tliey have since been continued, and are deemed to ho as correct as the nature of the ciuo will aumit. Ill l830'-37, the amount spuu lu tlio United States wa.i 103,180 bales, which wo may estimate at iUO lbs. each (net uf tare), equal toai,UI»,3IIUlbs. In tho same year, the quantity spun in Great Britain was 107,300,000 pounds. From 18J8 to iS30 was a period of ombar- iiuwmont and distress among manufoctui-ers, eunsequonlly tliu cunsuniptiun of 18J0-','I0 was only I30,<'>13 bales, uf ubuut HH each, amunntiug to 4J,Oiil,010 pounds ; while the consumption in Great Britain was 217.000,000 puunds. At this period some of our Boutlieni friends, who had been foremost in advouatiug huino maiiufaotui'cs, and had counted brgcly un the bunellts an- ticipated by thum in 1810, from the uperatiuii of the prutootlvu pulioy, (as gre.itly auguionting the cunsuniptiun of their staple,) uogan to manifest dissatisfaction, with what the^ considered the slow progress of our cuttun manufactures. The idea entertained, and put forth, was, that wo shuuld never require so much as tu boar anv considerulile proportion to the consuiuptiunuf Great Bri- tain. This, as will be shuwu, was a false view uf the cose, and has proved a capital error. In 1S32-'S3, tue quantity smin at home reached 101,412 bales, averaging perhaps 300 pounus each ; In 183j-'30, TMJOU bales ; in 18.I7-'3S, 240,003 bales ; in 183U-'40, 3U5,l03buies ; in I841.'42, there was deep ooinmereial and luunul'acturing distress, and the consumption rceedod to 207,850 bales. In the latter part of the year 1842, and in 1843, after the present tariff law wont into ope- ration, areviV'dof businuss throughout tho country took place, and brought up the amount spun tu 329,120 bales. In 1844-'45, (year ending 31st August lost,) the amount spun was 380,000 bales. There is a quantity of cotton consumed iu the interior of the States, wliich, never having reached the seaports, is not included in tho Now York statement, that has bueu esti- mated to be at least 41,000 baU's ; we shall tlierefuro estiiuute the tutal quantity at 430,000 bales, of 410 pounds each, net, making; n total of 170,300,000 pounds as the consumption last year, against 11,000,000 puunds in 1810— being a period of 20 yean. The consumption in Great Britain has gone un steadily increas- ing, but nut iu so rapid a ratio as in the United States. The re- turns fur 1845 have been received,* and amuunt to 900,000,800 pounds against 170,300,000 puunds in tho United States. Thus the increase in the United States from 1810 to 1849, has extended from 11.000,000 to 170,300,00>) pounds in 20 yeiii's. being an aug- mentation of sixteenfuld. Tho incroaso in Great Britain in tliu same period of time has been from 88,700,000 pounds, to 900,000,000 pounds ; being an nugnienlation of less tliaa seven- fold, acainst an increase in thu United Slates of sixteenfuld. These are not onlv striking, but important facts, and present a view of thu rase which reful> s the anticipations of those who en- tertained different opinions of the future iiicreiue in the spinning nf cotton in this country, fifteen yours ago. 1 cannot but hopa that the views and opinions of some of the prominent meu of the South may undergo a change, when they examine this questiuii dispassionately ; and that tliey will come tu the conclusion that they are deeply interested in the spinning, as well as in the pro- ducing of cutton, nt homo. As regards the future, if tho general peace of the world bo maintained, and the leading tiusiness con- cerns'of this country aro not disturbed by tlu> legislative action of the federal government, there is no re.ison wliy the increased home demand for cotton should not go on in ns rapid a ratio as during' the past. This would be doubling the present consumption in a little more than eight years. There are now an immense number of spindles under construc- tion in a majority of tho States, (probably not less than 900,000,) all of which are intended to be in operation befuru the 1st of Jan. 1890, and thu probability is, that at that time, the quantity of cotton spun will reach 090,000 bales, of 410 pounds each, or 200,500,000 pounds. There will, also, lea great increase in Great Britain, but not in the same proportion ; as we po.ssess some ad- vautagcs in tho manufacture of heavy goods, which are not en- joyed in Englaud. So long as we prucuee better goods, and can maintain our superiority abroad, there will bo a constuiitiy in- creasing export demand ; which is of great value to the whole country. Upon a review of tliis branch ot industry, it appears to me that its futuro prospects are excellent, if not disturbed by bad • (iuantity of Yarns spuu in Great Britain iu 1846; — 401,000,000 pounds Exported in Yarns. 134,900,000 lbs. valued at 12d, 24ets, $02,280,000 ICxported in manufucliircs, 202,300,000 lbs. valued ai 18id, SOlcts, 73,000,000 Consumed at home, 198,000,000 lbs. valued at 40cts, 63,200,000 401,800,000 Whole value of cotton manufactured in Enghind, gl0S,380,O0O PATKIOTIC VIEWS OF THE AMERICANS ON TIIK SUIUKCT OF NATIONAL LAUOUR. banklnn, und (whitt U ttill iiioro pernloloui to M br*noh«i of bu- RinoM), ) unliable Ami unwUo l«sliilation. Tha titrilf hiM nirnmljr boun nltureJ •cvernl time*, (I boll«T«ilx or •ovei))Klnoo IHIi). If the proMnt inoroment ngnlnit the not of 1H43 kIirII auooMd, In nooorilKiioo with Mr Wnlkor'n ntiin, it muit be fnliowotl Mon bjr » counter movement ; if not nti the pnrt of the pcopio, the ([orern- ment iti^lf will rccommonii it, for rovenuo. It may bo truly aucrtoJ thitt tho oonrae cotton fnbrloK, atich M are worn by tho InbouriiiK clau««, nre "old an cheap hnio u in Knglnn)!. or in any part of tho world. Of courne there \^ no fur- tlior burdon impoecd on thu enniumei-i of thiad'^iiorlption of home made goodn. It liait bi>cn ^aid that the cxUtlni; duties un cotton l^oodi uroront Impnrtiitioiiit of iilmoH every hind. 'l'hl« i.i *o far from th(> fact, that for the liwt three years tho amount of cotton, nr.d mixed cotton and wonted fabrici, printoil and plain, import- ed, have been larger than in foi-mvr yean, liarinn ranged from <%10,000,000 to jijl3,000,000. This largo amount la of the flncr iTeicriptionii, nnn buoIi m nro worn bv tlin fnRhlounhIo and rich. We shiill continue to import largely of those luxnrie*, mi long m our people havo gurphn iiieann to expend in drcin ; and the per- raanunl revenue, under tho present syitcui, will bo much greater than under tliat proposed by tho Secretary of the Treasury. Tho question has often been nslced, why not reduce tho duties on oottons, if you cnn hcII them so low ? 1 answer that the duty now is nearly moporativo, entirely so on some Icindit, such, for example, ns aro exported in large rjunntltlcs. If tho ilutles wore reduced matoriixlly on tho coni-se goods, I should inter|)ow no ol>- joction, providi'd ample imitcetlon was mnintnined on tho raid- nling and tine (\ualities. This is a matter to bo carefully arranged by pnotioal men. Wo havo now certainly nothing to foar in the manufncturo of yams, ns high ns No. H— no far, wo can go on without protection, but tho higher numbers requires protection, nnd it should bo n spocitic duty, Tiio law, ns it now stands, although inoperative on coarse cloth, gives confldenec to the >nvestment of onpitnl in maehinory, for tho ronnufncttiro of flner falirics, — in met a veiy largo amount is already Invested in mills, which produce yarns and cloth as high as No. 60. Without protection, nnd that in form of specific duties, there will bo no increase of maohinciy adapted to tho middling and fine fa- brics. The great amount of printed calicoes requircit protection, and will suffer severely without it. I will not dwell longer on this subject of cotton. 1 trust I Imvo presented facts to satisfy tiio cotton planter, thit his interests have been promoted bv creating another market, and a larger one, too, for tho sniniinig of his staple. Wo oetuall^ eonsunio (wear) more pounds of_ cotton In this country, than is eonsumcd in Clroat IJrit'i in— since more than two-thirds of tho quantity spun in that country is exported in tho form of yarns and cloth. Wo worlc up more tlian France, and quite as much as CO,ODO,000 Germans. Our consuming obi- lity of thiK, nnd all other comforts of life, is beyond timt of an equal number of persons of any other country, nnd five times as great ns that of Riiss'a. The factories of only Mnssaohnsotts, and a neighbouring State, spin annually 180,000 bales of cotton. We received one million of barrels of flour (more than the whole export of the United States to foreign countries) tha last year. The amount of products of States out of .Xew Kngland, taken by Massaehufotts the last vear, amounted tol"10,000,000, in cotton, lend, wool, sugar, coal, iron, flour, grain of all sorts, pork, beef, lard, tolwcco, rice. Ac, gined by ninny of our legislators who make and unmakotaritf^. It Is estimated that at tho present prices of sugar, the cultiva- tion, in a very brief period of time, will be extended to tho required home consumption, now about .')00,0(H),000 pounds, which in ten vears may be 500,000,000 pounds. 1 have no doubt that tho best interests of tho nation require that the present duty on sugar should be maintained with other protective duties. 'Fhls exten- sion of su(;ar cultivation will employ a large amount of labour, now dovotcd to tho production nf cotton. It would seem that several Slates of the Union, might with profit multiply tlin occupations of labour. It np|)eant to me, they require new sources of support, nnd the progress nnd comlltion of their population, with the amount of production, present to the reflecting portion of the people a strong argument, in favour of such now Huurcos ; I will state a few facts. Tho State of Virginia contains 04,000 square miles; had, in 1840, 1,2.30,707 inhabitants; being less than 10 to the square mile ; gross products, according to Professor Tucker, j|70,70O,093. Now York contains 40,000 s<|uaro miles ; had, 1841), 3,408,017 Inhabitants ; products in tho same year, $103,80ff,49ii ; add the products of navigation, ns distinct from commerce, which ia omitted, on 050,000 tons shipping, i|20.000,000 ; making in the aggregate, 12 1. '1, 000,000. iU90, bv tlie first census, Virginia had 13 persons to the square mile, and New York 7t ; now, Virginia contains 10, and Now York 53 to tlio square mile. In 1820, Virginia had a population of 1,005,370; in 1830, 1,311,405 ; in 1840. 1,239,707. Now York in 1820, 1,373,812 ; in 1830, 1,018,008 ; in 1840, 3,438,031. In 1850, New York will iimbably contain noarlv 3,000,000, and Virginia say 1,300,000. 'llieso fools, one would suppose, would be suiHciont to induce tho people of Virginia to introduce new branches of industry, and to establish thn modern internal Im- provemonls for transportation, that tlie rich resources of tho State may bo developed. I'he condition of the two Curolinas is much the same ns N'lrginia. The population of North nnd South Caro- lina, in 1830, WAS 1,313,172 ; in 1840, 1 347,817— increase 2i per cent in ton years, (principally in North Carolina.) Evon in (iront Itritain, tho increase In tho same time was 11 per uont. In Massachusetts, nithoucli there were 81t to the square mile in 1830, against 17 in the Carollnas, there was an in- orcaso of 31 per cent, from 1830 to 1810. The aggregate products of the two CaroihiAS in 1840, was j|'50,fi93,744, with a |>opulAtion of I,347f8l7. The products uf Massachusetts, with a popula- tion of less than 800,000 people, amountod at tho same time to j|100,000,000, nnd now the products of labour and capital are more tlian {§120,000,000. I havo introduced these statonionts for the purpose of exhibiting fairly the true condition of somo of tlie old Stntcs, nnd to awaken the public mind in those States to tho importance of bringing out their nrotlnctivc labour, by introducing new branches of business, in orclcr that tho industrial classes may bo profitably employed, and to show that the three States named havo as great n stake in protecting the labour of tho country, as any other in the Union. They havo now but little else tliaa soil nnd physical power re- maining. You possess but a small amount of productive power, in tho form of railrnndsand labour-saving raachmcs. Y'ouliavca deep interest in common with all the Status, in upholding the labour nf the country. Y'ou seem to be satisfied that the time has oomc when something should bo done to improve tho condition of your people. Thu people of Virginia, with South and North Carolina, (particularly tho two former States) have pursued a policy tliat has brought them, so far as population is concerned, to a stationary condition : and from present indications, I should not be surprised to soo Eastern Virginia and South Carolina with a less number of people in WjO, than they contained in 1810. If you propose now to enter upon those pursuits that nro certain in their 0|icrations to give employment, and that of a profitable kind to your people, and to create a market at homo fervour agri- cultural products, what object can there be in trnnsferriug our workshops to (ircat britain ? The South and West havo every motive to give cfheient protection to the labour of tho whole Union ; first, because those omploycd in the mcoluxnicnl and ma- nufucfuiiiig arts, aro tlio best customers for your agricultural products , and, secondly, because you desire to engage in those departments youi-selvcs. I say then, look well to this project, now under consideration at Washington, to change our whole re- venue system. Thoro is one principle upon which every Govern- ment nnd every commercial community, with which I am ac- quainted, agree "throughout the world ; and that is, to establish specific duties, or a valuation • of their own. Mr Walker has re- vcr^icd this decision, and recommends ad valorem duties on an alleged valuation abroad. I deem this feature in tho bill, a viola- tion of sound principle, and such as must be condemned by men of all parties, whoso experience nnd knowledge ara of value. It * This is just what Monetary Reformers want— to odopt n Hritish price,- Ic. B, Al'PKNDIX. n U no oihor, in piMtiM, thka to drlv* from our fortlgn trad* it larte numljci' onmiiMl Importing mtrchnnU, antl to pluco their bailnnu III tlio liiindxof unMrupulout lorulgiion. Tiino m*; r«- T««l the truth of IhU prwliotlon. Till) I'lvdilent, anil hi* Socrotarjr of tho Troasary, hnra itatcd that the oporatiiini uf tho prcwnt tarllT law, onproMod th« poor. I winri'M thli RMcrtlon «urpri«od mo, oorolnn Ironi hinh runotlnn- arlvH ol'thu Oovernmont, wfiohATetliomonnii of obtainhigrarrfot information. I nuKiiiiio tho r<'K|inn»iliillty of Mtntln|{ that n labour- ing ninn inny bo, and li, olotln-d with Ainorionn maniil'ioliircii, from tho crown of hi* linad, to tlie ulo of lil* foot, ai ohonply ni a laboui'inK niitn In Orout ilrltaln, or any otiior part uf Eiiropo, who wears a* coinrurtnblo garmonta i and that tho rovonue I* raiwHl principally frniii articicii oonanmcd by thuau olauc* of wi- olcty, who ai'u in oniy pccunlrny olrcnm^tanccs, I boir to refer Mr VViilhcr to llio reportH from tho ciutom«, and aik tue favour of him to iiiTiont tlieni to tho I'reiidcnt, and ho will tlioro find tho only nrtirlo on which : le poor man U taxed to any extent, ii (Ugar nnii tlmt onniiut ho deemed very onsroui, wlieii he ohtainH bUton and ciiff'i.'O free of duty, and witli a fnvourable proitpoct, if the prcnent dutv ho innintuincd, of very «iion being luppliod from our own i prlnelpnl part of tho rcvoniio Is derived ratlier from tiie luxurie*, than tho necessaries of life. When we lioar from highsourae*. of transferring our workshops to Mn^ichvHter, IlirminKham, and Leeds, Ishonld heghid to know If it bo proposed to transfer our intclli|;ont workmen with them— and whether a fnrnicr in Uhio can bo made to believo that tlioie men will eat more of his beef and pork, in Old than in Now Una- land. This is a stran){o doctrine, and sounds to memiilo nntl- Amorienn, and is thosaino ns tho sentiinonts uttered iiy the old Tories, pi-BvioiiH to tlio llevoUitionary War. There is one other point to which I shall allndo, in tlio report of the lion. Secretary. Ho says that the wages of labour are lower DOW, than yi-ovious to tho tariff of 1813. If ho means tlio waitcs of labour in tho manufucturing portions of the country, I will state a fact, wiiioli I think completely illustrates tlie incorrectness of his assertion, In tho State of Massaohu'>setts, the institntions for savings aro obliscd by la'w, to make returns to tiie Legislature. In tho annual returns, just published, I find tlio following :— 8avi««« Bamw w MMtAoiiuscni, Nombar of Amotint Increai* in IneresM In amount deponitors. deposited, depositors. deiiosited, 1841 30,833 £0,48S,4}i SJ l«« 4l,lOil 0,tt7fl,87St» 1,370 ,*10O,4M23 IHi) 01,3M n,3U,l*A4 07 19,134 3,A30,070 U3 Iletng an Innrease Irom Hll to 1843, of about 3 |i«r oont. on depositors, and about 31 per cent, ou amount depoaited — and an iiiereaso, from IHIJ t) 1H4.), of about .'t'J per cent, on doiiotitors, or nearly II |Hir o«ntroa;> A BASIS that we MAT HEAR WITHOUT ALARM OF TUE DOWNFALL 0» ALL THE other CbOWXS IN EuROPE." From tlio foregoing notice and the letter of a protectionist, (which we deem of suflicient importance to republish below,) ii will bo seen that our correspondent views the question of labour or emploiiment as the great constitutional question in ever;; coun- try, and" that on its proper and immediate adjustmnnt in this- country depends the tnte of the national debt, and oven of tho crown itselt. Ho believes that there is a majority in tliis country of all classes who have the elevation of tho working classes as their chief object ; but he thinks that ditfcrenccs on church qxtei. tioHs render it iinpossiblo for the friends of the people to act in concert, and that the result will bo that no amelioration of the circumstances of tho working classes will be attniued, and tlmt a Revolution may ho precipitated. For instance, many protectionists, like himself, would not trust Lord Stanley with power (although tliey agree with him in their disbelief in tho operation of irreciprocal Free Trade), because • they would thus put into his hands tho opportunity of crushing their religious liberties. And such people aro gradually being led to tho conclusion that Universal Suffuage is tho only machinery which will secure for THE question OF TUE EMPLOTMENI OF THE PEOPLE a falrdisCIISSion, by first removing out of tho way church questions, and all com- paratively insignificant matters that now encumber this mosp VITAL OF SUBJECTS. It is no less true than it is strange, that we find a protectionist whoso feelings sympathise as eft'ectunlJy in the operatives' distress, UMIVLRSAI. SUrrUAOK TIIK ONLY ALTRKNATIVK I.KFT VU DY I'BKI.. which l«iid« lem* iii«n to look to ori»nl« «h*niiHi, m iln ilm tI«wi «il I how whu MO no rullof ticeul In tiM orgiiniiitliun ul Inlwtir. m- xM'iiition, or roniniiinlMn, Our aarm|ion«li>ni, howrvrr, ililiiki tliivt lliu woy to otuln the proiip«rily kihI inil«|M>nili-iirnt in (lit Mino •ml iillulit Willi iiiiinuRl Ubour. It in nHirmoil llml iho niimopnlv wan givvn to mo^kt liy Sir Ro- Utt t'eoliinoLO bUI of \M9, wliirh inmlo inimay (dm |>li!' iirapi'rt.v, niiil tlix iiinii III Inbtuir, or in othor wnnla, tii niftkn twu oIikivk ul' lh« nom- iiiunilr " hewen of wood nnd drnwcr* of wntrr" lo llic tlilrd or liiii:iey oIam. • )iir oponilent polnlnout Mint Sir llolHirt rod'tliill nflHIO, wliicli on>att>d A llxi'd i/o/d lUnuhirtl of viilur, liiiiilmil twu I'ffii'tt : Int. Ily coiit'uiiinu iNftwren llii> trriim muiit-y nnil enlil, it liiw i'i'i/iiivi< naif mill firirf,\Kieit,n»e Irtliuiir nilil p<'ii|H'rly (tllungk ilicy (lunot cxiit in lorio di»prup gniKli, Our curt | onilent tays that tho roniedy for lliiimlate nf lliiiifiit ia, THAT ■ '..t UP 0r» UIXDS TO niTAlX Ool.ll OM.V At TIM; rtKclHITY fr iiiK baxk !tor£ c'lnci'i.ATioM, doiso amay wirii (lui.ii a,i a hia.x- I'Aflo (1 VAI.rv, lie nould >. licet thin by iiiakinit Dank of IJiKland notea (onu ji'iiind notes being iaaued in England na well na in Scotland) {L'uarantcoil bj/ tho Uovernmont, a i.ri.ai. tkxdkii not only all over tlic United Ivingdoiu, but nt tho BanU'a ow luiilcron enndition tliat all iuuca beyond the fourtuun inillioiisowiiii.' by tlic (iorcrn- tneiit b;.' rcproaeiited by gold or ailvor to tiie aamv amount (nt tho iiiarkt't price of gold nnd aiiver) in ita ranllR. In tliia way, nnd in thiawny alone, it ia aa^orted, can our home trade and iiiduatry be set free from tho inilueiicv nf furoiL'nera, or, in other worda, in thii way alone can that ciniKiiencu bo re- . Ntorcd that will aavo our working population from 8tnr\ation in tlio prvnent, and in this way alone will : "<-y induatrioua man have it put in liia power to make inrc, >i.. ■coiiomy and purae- veiaiiee, of ceiUiinlii securing independent - I'ur liin'iacif and his family. TIk'jo endj (no leas philanthropic than pati iotio) arc aon!;ht to lie attained not throuxh any humbug m/iii'i.iiim of waiies, or othor sjiecnlative or artiiiuial inonna, but tlirouuh the oieall'on nf a ijene- ralaml lasting prosperity which will make Hie poor inan'M lalwur, ill it ahould be, aa saleable a piopcrty na any otiicr property in tho ctiuntiy, Mo.\i:r nut excepted, . \Vc npw aubjoin the letter of a I'f'tcctionlH whieli has led us iiito tliia lengthy explanation of what \vu undvra.und lo be his Vicws : — UNIVKRSAL.Sl'l'l'RAlii:. To the Kilitor of thr Olnnjow Ejea< ■' ivr. Sin, — I have been attracted by the oxeelleiii art; c in the last iiuinbcr of the Uxnmineron "'flic Kinployin; iit ni '.li La- lour," in which you an.v, " H'c Aiyic to U o'lVr tu shou. h^ ■ -nil'i liiHisehohl tuffrage wmilii give in a liuinjcrovs /leio,*, i;,m'ii ' 'f. /'.a. ;c woulill)! politic ond $a/e." My (lillercnco of opinion with yon in tlio paat ha» li^c lli, i ^ • t ii.^;LiEVEn tho late measure to be in nKAurv 1'hke '; i-> u;. -Aiiii? 1 denied Sir Robert I'eel had «et free our liomo iiiiiiis.t", or ■ m - tiling more than foreign labour or industry. Our f- ' at obj. .t, liuwcvcr, is the same, vix.. tlie employinint of our os»n working classes, as tho only guarantee we can have for the aeeiirity of the Crown nnd everytliing else which wo liold sacivil ; ami, like you, I am nearly a convert to tho doctrine that our only safe oourac ia Ai o.xci (and before it be too lato) to adopt univviiial .lufi'rnge. I fM that I Im prtMnt houMt of tho l«|itUtur« in nol nlHeUitiOf fro* front arlstocraiin Infliionc* lo Iw oxpooltti to tako tho vlaw wt do, lAal Mr prol*rtiim an4 improtitmtnt of tkt tomlilloH oflkf tuark- tag tlauft ii Iht trut rml of »U ifovtrnmtHlt wbllo Iho wurhlni olaaaea hava it befiira their ayra at pi-a*ent, li\ tbair must oruM and pall. fill axperienee, that whatever may ba tha intanlion vf our lp|{iaUtnni, they are totally Inanpalilo, as raforniam, fron Ifnoranra nf trade, agrieultuia, and the ranillleationi or th«M vital Inlerrat*. I see that <'omhiii«d AirinN among the true friends nf the work- ing clnssm can never he expected to Iw attained while fhurth ifu*i' tloHt are Irft to divide and split up tha ouinniunlty, and I aiispMt that aepnration between olinroh and stale can naTar ba effeehidby anT ri'lurni sburt ol niiivemal auirrage. I have lung had my nyea niienrd to the absolute and i'hiiim* illiit' neoeaaily of aeparntiiiu the niaiiag(einenl of tho njitioiMt debt Irum the oWeo ol ('Imncvilor of Kxrliet|uer (thus dot'laring that THI HBAUssn FRoranTT or tiir countht is ALoNa hoi>mo roR TNR raiNNIT AMU ALLrUTI'HR ,<(ATlnNAl. niBrS OH OnLIOATIORl) ; Alld I begin lu despair uf aeeing this donu by parliament, conatitutM Ri it is, nnd tlie industry uf thn cunnlry must remain In a inlsor- ably rruihed eonditiun till we repudinta tha principle, or want nf prinolpic, that took off the war tax without taking ulf tbe war dvlii, Mr viRw IS that thr Ixdustrt or thr couxtrt snoii.n nirv- nuTK TliR Nationai, Driit, i.ravinii it to bi pami iit thr I'llurRITT or THR KlNnllOM. (.'OMMISSIONRRS or THR NaVIIINAI. DkHF WUVLP thus havr to i'at thr Intkhrst nr lrvtixii a half etn vkmi. OM oun FiVK TiinrnA^iii Milliuxs or I'norKHtr, rial aiio I'RHsoMAi., niir thr riu ikhtaoi nkxt tiar wuri.u comk ru m NliDUI'IU NT THK DALANCR IM THI HA.1IIR or THR (!UAI«:|tl,I.Ofl OF THR Kx<'IIKl|l)RU Tilts TRAIL ThII nil.XO VIRWRII, THR HKASUMM OP THI rilOTlrTIOX tu NATIVI LHUl'STUT ArtUHOKD DT THI IIOUN- TUt's Pnni'RMTT, Till the latter reform Is effected— thus casting tha expcnsa of war on thu propurty pernonul as well ns real of the country— w«t shall have no guarantee auainat our govsrnnient eiubruiling ua in the (|nnrrolsof uur neigiiliuurs. And were ray mind liefiiUdhj brought to son that either tho on* or the other of tlioao two great praetieal reforiui cannot bo at- tainad— and that without much more delay— through thu legisl*- turo as at piTscnt ronatitutcd. Iho opinions I hold would make me seo it mv duty tu demand univoii.il siitiVago, as thu only means ofaavlng tlie country and tho crown. IS CASH Of A Mi)\'K.MHS T fOH rNlVKHSAl. HrFRFAQE THKIIK oun /IT TO UH IfO OTtllult UVK.'ri>per deaire to avoid ehaiii/e, ns a general rule; for I boliev.' that Th- vAsr i'niu-uNniHA.Ni;R of ruosii WH« WOULD BK KNPUAM'lllaRII HV UNIVKliaAI. SUrFIIAUR WOULD UK FOURP IIIRKCTLT on IKDIIIKCTLY -||:|'RNUP.NI OX AURICULTUIIR OK TIIK IIOMB TRADE, AND NAVIOATION, ANIl THAT IT WOULD THUS UK A UOMT UON- SKUVATIVIt MKASUni; Fon NATIVK INUU8TUY, AND I'Oil IVKIIY inULT BniTlSlI INrKllKST. Yours, rospeetfully, A HuoTKI'TlUNIaT OF NaTIVE iMOUSmT. Glaajow, May 2.\ 1818. And a-; it appears to us moat important to satisfy Iho publio M to the ;>rtt«tiVaAt'/i'rii of the machinery throu;{li means of which, under U.xivKniAL fsuFFiiAoK, juatiee should bo done to fixed pro- perty and tlie poor man's labour, na opposed to the mkrk annui- tant or moneyed class, we think it right to explain th" emaik of tlio tfrfeiiurtVt(/efr/(.«i'i-, that our correspondent stO' r.j f ' . iho principle of restriction i tnbodied in Sir Uobcrt I'cuis biliH of 1844 nnd 1845. Mr Ruchanan's view cerlainly is that last ycnr .i 'I ■■ km in^; of money, nr, in otiicr wurds, an extended iaauc •>. i!p:;u uOtM^ would only Imvo nsixravutcd thu diatrcss, as keeping gold at S cheaper price, atul tliercfuru making it mora an olijcct to th« shipper , but ills approval of Sir 11. Peel's Kills ol 1844 and isiA extends no fartlier than his conviction of the ncccsHily of lomf ;iriiicii( U'd by Jiio and fHiiiM> I' th« nadiiiMl |liiu« Joi'liiring I'la HOI .\i> fon |n*rioi»,); «bJ pt, con*iitu|«j P')) in • iiil«or- P'lMf, or wrnil MkiiiK utr tbo ■ •Mllli.ii iiipp. ■ T«« I'llupiiaTT I'Klir WUULD }!■¥ I-KII t«*f, 'If. "lAL Alio » lUMU to ■■ umivhumh or TIIK MKADUU Br Tim uuuN. ■'• cxponM of ' couiiiiy_we 'lubi'oiliiig iii either the OM oaniiot be ■(. Cli tliu UiiiitUk- I wnuhl inako • ai tbu ouly '^I'f/iFAOE A' MIXaiKD lolcotcd und«r "IK", tiicli u and trioiinUJ I (n« was Mid mind I'xoept Vlurioii* lie- ■<'i' witiieii»«d «H a iji-iioml F Tllixt: WHO in IlK KOUKp OK TIIK IIOHI A UOHT von- KVKIIV mutt Il«Dl«rKT. Iio piiblio aa i« of which, :o flxfd pro- '.lotea, r sold at • jcct to tbe 1841 and icccKditjr of n* thiit tb« I'ietvi'd na a 'O, wht'tber ol'ling: tfao inkN ought >'liioh iiitffl. iivcensjiriltr ■iiry would lur capital ;. » « , the incfcnsod, •roportian > liavo IB' Oar mrrrapntiifont, hnwevi>r, think* that ths alnrn rlian^t |««upkrf Kni|l*ni| Mt«a Innti'iid nrit'dd,] li nil (hitt w« want doii* In rcgitrd to tliv o«irran«7 art* oMH'14 and WiH. lie huldi that It U In the frvthUii prlnrtiiU of Iha lold aot of ItIO Ihiit iImi alio* pinolipx, and tlitt oo raaMtMaiT tLLfiMfioa vsM aa nKiiiNin roM rii* ratiii aid i^uiinTar or Tin* > u'tTar, ■tcarr tiiniioh ri.Ai'i!in una Hank wota riarui.ATinx A.n ,ia- UAinii.a iniirioiNi'a, nkroKit tna iMri.niica or roaiiuaicaa aid or roaatiiN raAni. It in I'li'ar thnt thia can uiily bu duno in oiio way, vii., b^ ao far rtfaaling tho bill of IH|U »n to lunko ■•apkii ividrwi-k* or riiit nroiiT UK noi.D ix Tlia IUxk or Kkoi.aih (a* wn hitvi' >ho*rn aboro) a li'ual lumlur a* well n* the gold ItM'If-^io tint whi'ti tlic ftireign enrhaiiire* ffo affaliiai KngUnd, na ahown by gold riain^ !• prlen «lH)»e AM I7» l"ld ((er ounce, the llHiik eouliraliii'hl iu 0(%ri (the alate of wliii'ii det«riiiintw tho I'oiifldenro of nil bii-.!. fiMo) bjr tendering paper, filler thiia ai>eure'l would not depreelato, for a pound nolo wuulf. I'crtalnly briiiK A dwta and t\ Kiitina of •tandnrdgnld wlion thd lori'lgii oxrliniigra itre nt nnr [allhon|/li \i«n gidd would l>" i/oi wban the nrtiolu i« In di'niand for export), mid the dllt'urrnci' ii UkJ tiiiin hetweun the gold and the bunk note would b<< wholl)' ni Jf natui'ti of nn I'lifirfnniiou ufooLn cnuaod by lla aean-itr. It aeunia, no doubt, thu enrreot prinidpio that gold aliould ilxo •ban it gula acaire, Inilimd of tho lonrMneia of tho eoinniiHliiy (old, rauaing a riao in the value (aa nxprea^ed Itjr an ineri'n«i'd ; ratfl of intereat) of nil Ow jlotillmi enpllul of th« rouiltrjr Inelildcil under tht> ooiupai-ntlvoljr nimtrnnt term mumy. and wliirli in i buadreda of tinii'i tho amount of all tho gohl in ilio coiintry w in tbe wurld, In (iict, liroriiii in- \,n^.-% ua« our gcdd na a eDninimlUy, wn muat do an tiK . '" . tbv qner contliiuo tolmvu nn ndviintniu ' OTortho |i. ',ah • .... r . o ehnngii wehnvo ruforrod to will hare thia . . .t n ■ 'luu.ul '.ion thut it wim, at o^icr. KMriar tiir WBOLI. HON I I'OWKIl or TUR •olINTRt TO moMOTK IIVU KXrollT* or Hn-TiiHti 111 'iiKoivi.T MKANaor rnxvRNTiMiAniiAKnriini.ii, ] II- I oMiKijiiCNT I li m TIIR rHicR ur oiiLD, Tilua niMixinnmo thk \ ' iM 'iKAnLi rnMaii or .l/'>A^ATovRii out.n, axp all uturr rou- ' ' i.a, INCLUDINO TIIR POOR UAN'« LAHOUIt, ' Avciii'diiig to oar propnaal, wo procoiiil to detoriuPho the ohnr- ' aoterof thii llouao o' Oonimona which hnuaohiild niid uiiivemnl ■uA'.iftu would ii all probability rcspuotivolv clfct. To bogin wjili ' Sootland, wo fornioily ahowed thnt, ncoording to an equal dlHtri- bntion, Scotland would return about aisty momlK't'i, inateml of ttfty-thrcr, aa nt prvaent ; and, inatond of n hundred thonannd ' •leetora, liouaidiold autfrage would (fivo ua 300,000, and univonrdcen county, conatitu- ency .'isatl, Hon. William Gordon, mnmbor. Alwrdecn 3950, ' Alexander i). l-'ordvco, Argvio county Ift.lfl, Duncan M'Neill. Ayr county 4.T08, Alexander Oswald. Ayr 420. (.'nmpbclton 2«lt, Inrerary 4«, Irvine 2.W, Oban 03. total 10.J0; Lord I', .f. i). Stuart. Ilantf county 840, James i)uff. Uorwick county 1250, j Hon. V. .Soott. Bute county 414, lion J. .S. Wortluy. Cnifh- ' nesa ooimty 670, Georgo Traill. C'Inokinannan and Klnioa I oountiMl40a, William Morriaon. Dumbarton county 1250, Ale. ' nniollelt. Dumfrioa county 21 lit, Viacount Drumlniirlg. Dui.i- i fhea 541. Annan I.W, Kirkoudbright 80, Lochmabeii 35, S.m- I onhar 10, total 807 ; Williom Kwnrt. Dundee 28,'13, Ueorge imnonu. Kdinburghcountv 2104. Sir John Ibipp. Kdinbuigh 0827, VV. (iil)son Crulg and Charles Cowan. Elsin mid Nnirn oountiea 700, C. I,. llrueo. Elgin 258, Banff 252. Cullcn ,13, Inverury 103. liintoreAS, Peterhead 244, total 010; (ii-orsc S. puff. I'ulltirk 502, Airdrio 440, llamiltoii 203, l.anmk, 221. Linlithgow 00, total 1507 ; Karl of Lincoln. Torfaroounty 2tlOU, Lord J. !•. (iordon Ilallyburton. Fife county 24W, John I'or- Sls. (flaagow 13.154, John Macgrcgor and Alexander II" tic. reonook 1100, Viscount Melgund. Haddington county 722, , lion. !•. C'harteris. Haddington 210 .North lloiwick 44, Dun- 1 bar 150, Jedburgh 245, Lauder 60. total 714 ; .Sir II. II. V. \ Ua'ie. Inverncaa county 827, Uflnr> J. Haillie. lnverno8.s 4U0, j Jorrcs 148, 'irtroao 10, Nnirn 01, total 781 ; Alex. Miithcaon. i Imarnoek 050, Dumbarton 175, I'ort-filflsgow 100, Renfrew i iOO, Ruthcrglen 181, total 1281; lion. K. Mouvcrio. Kincur- i dine county 808, lion. II. Arbiithnot. Kirkcaldy 470, Itnint- Idand 53 Dyaart 103, Kinglinrn 28, total 710 ; ttobert Forguaon. «„„'!.,. ?B''* county 1350, 'l^minn Maitlnnd. Lanark county 3732, William Lockhart. l.-ith, .t.t. 1350, Muaielburgh 208, Portohelio 280. total 1808; A Rntherfurd. Linlithgow county ' MO, George Dundos. Montrose I \7, Arbro.ith 303. Hrechin 180, | Jorfar 250, Borvie 30, total 121M); .(owph lluuie. Orkney mid Shetland oouiitios 841, Arthur Aii prnaaiil a |Hipulallon of 'CM.ihnI, while the remaining nine rv|'i<^ ■iota po|iiilalion of O'JT.INNI. Iloiix'liold aiilTiage, aceoiding to eiiiial nieotoriil dl»tri> la and •Ml iiiiMiiliei'*, Hoiild, out of Ita .'IUO,)Hiit voters, allow Nve linn, •and vote* to raoh ; and aeoortllng to utiivrrKal auMVaga, about '<;l,'Vt yntera. Acimnllnit to this arrangeiuent, Olaagow^ with ii* tfly thriuiand liouaiholdera, would biivs ten nienilwra, KdinburL'li ilva, Aberdeen and Dundini two eauh, wlill*. of enurae, many ' >rr>u|(lia dignllioil with a intmber would have to ahare with nooin ..'itilihouriig town. Let ua now attempt to aaeertnin llie klixl ofperaoir likely to Im sent bv (ha r«a|H. 'ilaagnw, w. Iinvu aoan, instead of two, aa at present, la entitli I '"n. htti it ix II '|ii«*ti«n whntli-r It wcro p.4> I >e tha dialliici 1(11 between eltr and rounty coiiatiiN .Scotland ai n ap|Hirtloiied {w county > ' ciss. aa t'ln i-^ joal halt tlis iiiiiiilH'r o( countln im.. hould Ik) oI iiaiul/<'rs, but, of courao, the nMUili^r ol n oiln i . •n- ia< h rounty would re(|Mire to be det«rminml U> itn n'«|iiftiw. mi i compiiritive population. f^«irtilia|iiru six, Ab> iMrsn- aliire tliriir Vrgvleshiru one .\yiiihirii ;»'>. i'orfar and K iii>ar> dlni-ahlre ..no, rife ami h'Inrosa-thiro om Ktinfrowahiiv one. Ilantf and KIgIn nml .Nnirn iiniV', liuddinKloo and K' iwicknbira one, Moray, lloaa, and i 'roniarty one, Linlithgowabirc and Stir- llnuahire one, Wluton and Oitlluwity one, ito.. dio, iNow tn determine tho character d the Iwolvr' meiaiborK Lan- nrkahlre would elcel it wou'd Ixi neccasary to !•<•' .ider the I'liariir- ler of the iiopuiatinn. 'I'ho voti'a of tb« county i l.aniwh ami;:iiit only to .'l7iVj, wliilal the vole< of lilasgow exc •.•J twiilvo tliuunmid. It la eapeeiaily to Ih< oImo.'vviI that wlijle huim. Iu>ld KiillVagu would but very slixhtly inorcaan thu number nt >iiiiiy viii.>«, unlversul aulfrnge would augment them inimenauly. I'he farmer with his one vote. hiM from ton to two huiidri»t full frown man under him at proaent wholly univpi'eaentod, many ui whom liava no liouae«, but all of whom would Ihi Innatod with the fraiicliiie were univer- aal siitfrnge ndoplud, Thia large acceoslon of :i|{rioulturnl Inliour* era — who outnumber all othei's— would buhuire lliu votes ol tlior'n employed in our factories, and wli^se vot'"' arc oonniderod v> dan- geroiiii. It is nlan to \n' borne In mind th - citi<>a, includunn immenae misaof our mi ■ hold suffrage would leave unrvpresentm Lanark, na a diatriot including (ilosgow, election uf twelve nieinbers by universal aii but men of rcapectability would bo nho- working mail fi-cls that bis welfare is imtii, thai of Ills employer, and hcnco Insteivd ot own class, the pi-obability is thataome ofnui ed proprietors and enterprising manufactui'i It la extremely unlikely that the agrioulturia would agree ab'. Itiiiiglit il'i ' for a few years, ns a reaction ; but when things «ere restored t) I their iinturnl courao, it would bu found that tliem ■ ■ an unnatural union between facts thnt are peculiar todespntiam md facts that I arc peculiarly tho adjuncts of liberty ; as in tbo |ii ilaiona of tlio j Code Napoleon, and in the liberty of tho press, wit iiout naming ii 1 multitude of other discrepancies. The,;ii-'.' «ii7i that he hud I so admirably deserilicd* could not last Imi^ but tl goveriimenc I would soon And Itself driven into strong ineisurca, r into liberal I lueasurcs. in order to sustain itself. Men could ' mure servo , "(iodand Mammon" in politics than in i'cll„'ioii. then related { In him nn aneeduto that bad occurred to myself t. ' evening of the Urst nuniversni'y of the present reign. • When the term jtiitc milifii was first used by tho King, ond ! adopted by bis follaweni. La Fayette said in the i'A iniber, that ' "he very well understood what a jiia(« milieu inennt, in any pac- ' ticularcaso; it meant neither more nor leas than t iio truth, in that particular case : but as to n political party's always taking a miudio course, under tbo pretence of being in njiut' milii-u, ho should liken it to a discreet man's layinj; down the pronositinii that four and fourinake eight, and a fuel's crying out, '' Sir, you ore wrong, for four and four make ton ;" whereupon tie advocate for the jufte milieu system, would be obliged to say, " Gontle- mcn, yon are equally in extremes, four amlfuur make nine." It is the fashion to say La Fayette wanted i!ii/)ri«. This was much tho cleverest thing thu writer ever heard in the French L liambcrs, and, generally, he knew few iiteu who said more wittv things in a neat and uniiretcnding ninnncr than General La Fayette, indeed, this wn.s tlio bins of his mind, which was littlo given to profound roilcctiuus, tbuugli distinguished for n fori bon >cti*. M UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE THE ONLY ALTERNATIVE LEFT US BY PEEL. t'ii Oil tho night in question, 1 wm in the Tuilerios, with a view to Hec tho (Iroworlts. T nliing a station a littlo apart from tlio crowd. 1 found myself under a tree aloiio with a Krcnchniau of sonio sixtv vcars of age. After a short parley, my compnnioii, ns usual, mistii'olc me for an Kngli-nhninii. On being told his error, jio im- lucdintelr opened a convci-sation on the state of things in Franco. Ho nskeil mo it I thought they would continue. 1 told hi:n, no ; that 1 thought two op three years wonld suttice to bring tho^pre- Bcnt system to a close. " Monsieur," said my eomp""'""" " )'•*" are mistaken. It will require ten ;^cars to dispossc».s tlioso who liave Reiio dent peerage could he fuund in I'Vhiiuo, a fact that I doubt, a« hM just been mentioned. If Kmii vo can iiavh a TiinoNR, tukn, scrroumdkd iir ARitio- CRITICAL I.N8TITUII0NS, WHAT li TIIKIIM TO PRRVKNT FlIA.NOB fHOll UAVIXO A Timo.NK " SUnitUUNURII «r HKI'UnLICAN INSTITUTIONS I" The word " Republic," tliciigli it dooH not exclude, does not ne« cu.ssaril^ inoludo the idea of n democracy. It ineruly meant k polity, in which tho predominant idea is tfm " public things," or common weal, instead of tlio hereditary and InalionRblu righta of one. It would Im) nuito practioablo, therelKie, to establish in Franco such an otiioieiit uoiiAtitueiicy ns would meet tho latter conditions, and yet to maiiitniu tho throne, ns the inHohinety necessary, in ovrtaln oases, to pruiuulitate tliu will of tliis very constituency. _ This is all that the throne does in Kngland, nnil why need it doiuoro in Franco^ lly Hubstituting tlien a more enlarged eonsti I uenoy, for tho bnrougli system of England, tho idea of La Fayetto would bo oomplrtvly fuliilled. The rvform in England, itsolf, is iiuito liUi ly to domonstrato that his scheme was not as monstrous as has been alliruied. 'I'lio throne of France should be occupied as I'orsiua is oucupied, not for the ajjirmativt good it iloi'a the iialum, so much aa to jirevfiit harm from its bting ocra/ioiiallii vactnt. Ill tlio course of the conversation I gave to (ienoral l.a Fayette the tollowin^ outline of tliu form of guvurnmeiit I could wisii to glvo to France, were i a l''renoliiiiaii , and liud 1 a vtdco in tlio mat- ter. I givo it to you oil tlio priiieipio already avowed, or as a traveller furnishing liis notions of tliu IliiiiKs lie has seen, and be- cause it may aid in giviny }ou a butter insight into my views of the state of this country, [a mo.narcuv su.uiou.vuun nr mtrunucAN in.stitutions,] I would establish a monarchy, iiiid Henry V, should bo the monarch. 1 would select liim on aceuiint of Ills youtli, wliicli will admit of Ills Ih'Iu); educated in the notions necessary to his duty : and on account of his birth, wliioli would strengthen his nominal goveruinent, and, by necessary connexion, tho notual govern- the "plan works well." Now, although the phm does not tvoi-lc i ment : for, 1 beliovo, that, in their hearts, and nntwitiistandinK , ,,. ' .. - T.- I .. „- .■- ...1.1 _.: 1 .-... 11 ...1... I >i..,:.. .,..„r.....:,...o ,.. >i, , i.. 1...11' ..<• i- fl tlieir professions to tho contriiry, nemly half of Finiico would greatly prefer tho legilinato lino id" tlieir ancient kings to the actual dynasty. I'his point settled, I would extend the sutfraga as much as facts would justify 1 certainly so 'is to include a mil- lion or a million and a half ol oleeloi's. All idea of the repreien- , , , ., ., . - 'aii'oit of property ohould bo HiiKiuislied, as tho niDbt corrupt, France the facts are ripe for an extension of this principle, in its j narrow, and vicious form of polity that has over been tluvised. In- safest and most salutary manner. Tho French of the uresent | variably tending to array 0110 portion of the eomnuinily against generation are prepared to dispense with a hereditary ana politi- ] another, and endangering tho very property it is supposed to pro- cal aristocracy, in the first place, nothing being mere odious to ; tcct. A moderate property i;itreseiitation 01 property wouhl be moro and more assured, A simple property quulilication would, thcreluro, 1 think, be n better Bchemo than the present. Each department should send an allotted iiumber of deputies, tho polls being distributed on the American plan, llospecting the term of service, there mi.e,lit arise various considerations, but it should not exceed flvo ye.iis, and 1 would prefer three. The E resent !iouso of peers should buemivcrled into asenato, its mem- ers to sit us long ai the drpnticH, 1 see no use in maUin,; the term of one body longer than the other, ami 1 think it very easy to show that (,'reat injury has arisen from tho praclioH among oui-selves. Neither do 1 see the advantage of having a part go out pcriodicallv ; but, 011 tiiociMitrary, a di.-'advantage, as it leaves a representa'ion (d'old, and, porhaps, rejected opinions, to strug- gle witli tho opinions of tho day, Siieli colbsions have invariably impeded tho action and dinturbed tlio harmony uf nurowii govern- lution, and arc more likely to aebicvc a siniiliir di.siK 1 vice to tlieir j ment. 1 would have every Freneli cleetor vole for each senator ; master than anything else. Could tliey becoino really indepeii- | thus tho local inleiestH would be pinleoted by I ho deputies, while dent, to a luint to render tlieni a ni.iseuline lealoie iii the state, \ the senate would strictly repri'senl Fran(^o. 'fliis united action they would soon, by their combiiiatioiis, become too slioni,' for tlie | would control all tilings, ami the ininistrv would bean omana- otlier branches of the government, as has been the case in Eng- ' tion of their will, of which tlia king shouhl merely bo tlio organ, land, and France would have "a throne suiKiunded by aristo- i 1 hivve no limibt the aethui of our own u,\Htem ivuuld bo better, ciatie institutions." The poi'ui.au notio.n that ax AnisioViucy is ! could we devise some niaii by whirh a ministry sliouid supersede the NECESSAKV TO A MOXARCIlV, 1 TAKE IT, IS A UllOSS EIlllOll. A titular aristocracy, in some shajie or other, is always the consi lucnce of a ruonarehy, merely beeauio it is the reflection ef tho sovereign's favour, policy, or ;■,. price ; but i'o.Vlicdiaristoeracics like the peer- present executive, the project of Mr ilillhuuse, that of making the senators draw lots auiiually for the ullleu of I'resideut, is, in my opinion, bettor than tho elective system ; but it would be, in a manner, liable to tlio old ol^uclioii, ut a want of iiarmony be- * In England I would oppose any disruption of society, just as I would defend tho tliiiuie with my life and property ; but— wltile pcrmilting I'eers to retain their dignities-—! would sutler no Feer (not oven tho Royal Dukes) to have an uiieoiitiMuled intcrferenoe m our Legislation — or to have scats in the House of Lords till this is sanctioned by n particular constituency under univprsal snlfrage I, however, would ha>e no others but reeis and liaionets, with their sons,eligiblo aa candidates fur tho Upper liouso of I'arliaiuent. — Isaac liiciiAXA.v. APPENDIX. 25 twsen the different brnnohe* of the government. France has all the niftcliincry of royalty, in her palacei, her parks, and the other ftpplianccs of the condition : and she has, moreover, the nocos- M17 habits and opinions, while we have neither. Tlivre Ih, there- fore, just as mnch reason why France should not reject this sim- ple expedient for naming a ministry, as there is for our not •dopting it. Hero, tlion, would be, at once, a " throne sur- rounded by republican institutions," and, although it would not be • throne as powerful as that which Franco has at present, it would, 1 think, be more permanent than one surrounded by brtyonots, and leave France, herself, more powerful, in the end. The capital mistake made in 1830, was that of establishing the ihrone bpfore establishing the republic ; in trusting to mtn, in- stead of ' iHing to irntittttion$. I do not tell ynu that T.a Fayette assented to all that I said. He had reason for tho impracticability of sottini; nsjde the penonal interests wl'.ich would be aotire in defeating such a re- form, that involved details and a knowledge of character to which I had nothing to say ; and, as respects the Duo dc Bor- deaux, ho afKrmeil that the reign of the Bourbons was over, in Franco. The country was tired of them. It may appcir ijro- BamptuouB in a foreigner to give an opinion against such high authority ; but, " what can we reason but from what wo know?" and truth compels nio to sav, I cannot subscribe to this opinion. My own observation, imperfect tliough it bo, has led to a dilTerent conclusion. I liulievc there are thousands, even among tlioso who throng the TuilerioR, who wonld hasten to throw off the ninsk at tho first serious misfortune that should lefnll tho present dy. naHty, and who would range themselves on the side of what ii culled legitimacy. In i'es|ieet to parties, I think tho rrpublirnns tho boldest, in possession ■ f the most talents compared to iium- bers, and tho least numerous ; the friends of tho Kin^ (active and pasnive) the least dcoidod, and the lenst connected by principle, thou<;h strongly connected by a dcsii c to ttrosectite their temporal interests, and more numci-ous than tho republicans ; tho Cnrlliiti or ffenriquinyuhtii iho most numerous, and the most gcnornlly, but secretly, sustained by tho rural population, particularly in tile west and south. La Favt'ttu frankly admitted, what all now seem disposed tn admit, that it was a fault not to have madn sure of the institu- tions before the King wns put upon tho throne. lie ufflrnud, however, it wns much easier to assert tho wisdom of taking this precaution, than to have adopted it in fact. TheworKI, I believe, IS in error, about munt of the political events that succeeded tlie three days. PEEL'S MEASURES THAT LOSE THE COLONIES MUST ALSO CAUSE A REVOLUTION AT HOME. " Oh! let grief come first. O'er pride itself victorious — " Clime of the unforgotten brave. Whose land from shore to mountain cave Was freedom's home or glory's grave ; To think how man has curs'd What Uod had mudo so glorious. Shrine of the mighty, can it be. That this is all remains of thee !" [CORROBORATIVE TESTIMOXY.} OUR INABILITY TO PAY THE INTEREST OF THE NATIONAL DEBT WITH REDUCED PRICES AND WAGES. It may rather sunirise some people that Mr Malthus, far from being what is now known as a Political Economist or adt'ncate of " Cheapness," pointed out thirty years ago that tho certain ruin of the country must arise from such measures as we adopted in 1816. "If the price of corn," says Malthus, "were to fall to 6O.4 a quarter, and labour and other commodities nearly in piopoition, there can be no doubt that the stockholder would be benefitted unfairly at the expense of the industrious classes of society. During the twenty years, beginning with 1704, and ending with 1813, the average price of wheat was about 833 ; during ten years, ending with 1813, 93b ; and during the last five years of this same twenty, the price was lOSs. In the course of these twenty years, povcrnment bor- rowed near £500,000,000 of real capital, exclusive of tho sinking fund, at tho rate of about five percent, interest. I'.ut if corn shall fall to 60s a quarter, and other commodities in proportion, instead of an interest of five per cent., tho government will ically p.iy an interest of seven, eight, and nine, and for the last £200,000,000, of ten per cent. This must be paid by the industrious classes of ■oeiety, and by the landlords ; that is, by all those whose nominal incomes vary with the variations in the measure of value ; and if we completely succeed in the reduction of the price of corn and labour, this increased interest must be paid in future from a revenue of about half the nominal value of the national income in 1813. If wo consider with what an increased wci<;ht the tuxes on tea, lugar, malt, soap, candles, &o., would in this case bear on tho labouring classes of society, and what proportion of their income nil the active, industrious middle orders of the state, as well as the higher orders, must pny, in assessed taxes and the various aiiiclcs of custom and excise, the preiture will apte dreaded It is an unouestiunable truth that it must answer to every territorial state, in its natural progress to wealu, "to manufacture for iUelf, unless the countries from which it had purcliasod its maniifaotures possess some advantage peculiar to " them be/iilia capital and skill. But when upon this principle America besan to withdraw its corn from Europe, and the ngrioal- " tiiial exertions of Europe were inadequate to make up lor the deHcieney, it would certainly be felt that the temporary advantagw " (la greater degree of wealth and population (8iiiij)o»ing Oicm to have been really attained) had been very dearly purchased by a "long period of retroRvadc movements and misery.' , „ ... .,,,.,.,, " But it will be said, that, nlthouBli a country may be allowed to be capable of maintaining fi'oin its own soil not only a grait, " Imtan increasing population, yet, if it ho acknowloilgod that, by opening its porU for tho free admission of foreiin corn, it m»y "Ik- made to support a greater and more rnpiJIy increasing population, it is unjustifiable to go out of our way to check this tendenoy, " !UiJ to prevent that degree of wealth and population whiuh would naturally take place. " This is unquestionably a powerful argument ; and granting fully the premises, it cannot bo answered upon the principles of " political economy solely. I should sav, however, timt if it could be clearly ascertained that the addition of wealth and population " b(> acquired would subject the society to a creator degree of uncertainty in its supplies of corn, greater fluctuations in the wages of " Iiibour, greater unhcalthincss and iinmornlity.owinij to a larger proportion of the population being employed in manufactories, " and a greater chance of long and depressing retrograde movements Occasioned by the natural progress of those countries from " wliith corn l>ad been imported, I should have no hesitation in eonsidering such wealth and population as much too dearly pur- " cliasod. The happiness of a society is, after all, the legitimate end even of its wealth, power and population. It is certainly true " tliut with H view to the struuturo of "snciety most favourablo to this happiness, and an adequate stimulus to the production of wealth •' (inin the soil, a very considciMblo admixtiiro of commercial and manufacturing population with the agricultural is absolutelv ne- ' ' Li-ssary ; but there is no amument so frequently and obviously fallacious as that which infers that what ii gooil to a certain extent is " i^ond to any extent ; and though it will lie most readily admitted that, in a lar^o lauded nation, tho evils which belong to tlis inana- " ?,icturin" and coniinorcial avstom are mncli more than counterbalanced by its advantages, as long as it Is supported by ngricnlture, " • ct, in "cfcrenoe to the effect of the excess which is not so supported, it may fairly bo doubted whether the evils do not decidedly " iir.'doniinnte. • • Such a perfect freedom, however, could hardly fail to bi' followed by a more free and equal distribution of capital, " wliich, though it would advance the riches and happiness of Europe, would unquestionably render some parts of it (as. for example, " ICngland with iti capital and population) poorer ami less populous than they arc at present ; and there is little reason to expeot " t!i:it individual states will ever consent to s.aTifico tlio wealth within their own confines to thu wealth of the world." I might multiplv instances to show that none of our great statesmen or writers over contemplated tliQ utter absence of patriotism, or nf ))atrio'tic selfishness, which has been introdiiceil by I'eel into our legislation, and that all held, as all men of common seuuo must lii.'.d, " emplovment" to be the vital question, not " price," feeing that when a people have plenty of employment they must have liii;h prices niid wages. 1. however, have only space left to bring forward, in tho follo\ying quotations, our projcnt actual and most daii'.'crous position as a nation. And 1 would only just remaik tlic total absence of philosophy, or even tho far-sightedness required evci-y day in nicrcnntilo transactions, in Peel and liis men ; for let them gain their object of '* cheapness," what would it bo if unac- companied l>v increased cnuilnynicnt^ the certain cause of 'dcarncss" and h i eh wages ! The practical knowledge of Lamartine, wliicli it has been fashionable to sneernt, is far lielore that of the Peels and Gladstones of the present day, as the following will show : — " This soil nee must not bo as formerly, tho scionci! of Riches. Tho Democratic Republic must and will give it another character. The Republic will mnke it the Science of Hrolherliood, the scienceby the proceedjngs of which not only labour and its fruits shall be increased, but by which a more general, more ei)iiitabie. and more univei-sal distribution of wealth shall bo accomplished amongst the whole people." [Froni the answer of the Provisional Government of France, on 23J April, 1848, to tho petition of the Political Kco omy Society, protesting against the suppression of the chair of Political Economy in tho College of Paris.] " In 1327, Lord .lolin llu-isell, who had be;'n acinnt iiuod to bring forward every year, in tho House of Commoni, a motion for th- iMfonn of I'arlianiBnt, gave public notioo thit lia should do so nil inoro, as Iu perceived that the public twk no interest in the strongest terms of their sulferings. and distinctly stating that such was the condition of the people that, if not relieved, even tho (Government would not bo safe. In 1830 the Diiko of Wcllin^'ton was driven from ortico by tho popular feeling, and Lord Grey be- came Prime Minister, and his ftrat declaration ivas that the Government must find some mode of relieving the distress of the coun- try. No mode, however, was found ; and thu con-ie,]uei(co was, that in two years more that reform which Lord John Russell had oven given up proposing to tlie House of Commons, in consequence of tho public indifference, was carried by popular tumult. And may this lesson not be lost ! In the present slate of the Uritish colonies, tho experience offurod by tho past, of tho consequences of distress not relieved, ou;.'ht surely not to he diari'iraiilud." See a document subjoined entitled _" Causes of the Revolt of the old American Colonies" showinu' that individual di.stro.ss always endangers the dovernmcnt, which, if not its cause, has failed to ptvvoiit it. To the same point is tho following extract fro;u Nlr r>urke'g Speech on American Taxation, April 10, 1774, showing that tho dissatisfaction caused by the Stamp -Act, and other measures, mainly originated in distress. " The Aliuistry was not chaniiccl in England until tlie lOih day of ,Iuly, 17115. On tho 14th of the preceding June, Governor Fauquier, from Virginia, writes thun to tlic Earl of Halifax :— ' Uovernmciit is set at deflanco, not having strength enough in her hands to enforce obedience to the laws ofUio community. The privato distress, wliicli every man fuels, increases the general dissatisfaction at the duties laid by the .Stamp .\ct, which breaks out and shows itself upon every trifling occasion."' " licfiire. however, the gigantic speculations upon human hibour, in which the manufacturers here and elsewhere fondly indalge car. be carried out to qftmplution, something yet remains to bo consulted — that is, the will of the labouring classes. There is a mind wbo-'u societ workings and deep conininnings with itself tho world does not scum to hoed ; there is a voice whoso fearful accents in ail tli'.'ir strength and power the world has not yet heard — the mind and tho voice ol thu working pojpulatiun throughout Christen- dom, b»rdcncd beyond the power of further endurance, and asking on every hand, where the region of righteous resistance begins f If povoinnirnts take not good heed, this mind and voice will one day give uttrranco to tho sense of wrong unjustly inflicted informs and \v.\vs that will shake from their foundations all the existing institutions ut tlie earth. Tho doctrine that the only true capital is lalnMir, however specious and unsound in its apgdication. is gaining fast hold et' t iiu niiuds of the masses. The claim of tho workman to eat the fruits of tlio earth— to partake of tlio Kifts of God — to bo warm and to be clothed — to bo fed when he is hungry, and to bis »heUcrcd from the storm, in fair return lor tlu^ toil of his arm and the Hweat of h's brow, is daily making itself liearil in accents that cannot bo mistaken. A enininnnism of interests — of indignation at tho infliction of past wrongs — ot determination to resist frith oppressions, is binding the labouring classrs of all lands into one powerful fraternity. To meet this growing conludaraey is by far the most difKcult task of the statesman in the present day ; for it is by far tho most fearful and dangerous element with wkich he has had yet to deal." — The Clinreh of Kn^jhi.ul (jii.irterli/ JUvicw of April 1840. "The nature and extent of the>^e cnibariii.s,>^nicnts arc too notorious for it to be necessary to dwell upon them at any length. My short time aco the interi'st of money was iit 2.V and 3 per cent. Every body found it dillicult to employ their capital ; iiohur for a (inM, equonces ought ro88 to weafu, hgc peculiar to no tlio asrionl- ttry advantagw purohaacd by a >t only a grMt, n corn, it may this tendency, lio principlM of and population in tlio wages of raniiiifactnrie*, countrioa from t(M) (learly pur- 8 cei'taiuly true iction of wealth iibHoliilely ne- crtniii extent is ; to tliDiiiana- jy agriculture, to not decidedly >ntioii of capital, ns, for example, roiiaon to expect of patriotism, or iiiion sense must tliey must have actual and most tcdneas required lid it bo if unac- ;e of Lnmartine, iwiii;; will show : otUcr character, id its fruits shall iplisiied amongst n of ibe Tolitieal ni, a motion for I interest in the ion of more than complaining in elinvcd, oven tho d Lord Grey be- ti'ess of the coun- ruhn Kussell liad nr tumult. And consequences of lovolt of the old se, has failed to 9. 177^, showing ^iilU9tr}[ was not I Virginia, writes obedience to the luties laid by the ii-c fondlpr indalge There is a mind aarful accents in iighout Christen- isiatanoe begins ? inflicted in forms ily true capital is I of tho workman uiigry, and te lie lienril in accents linatinn to resist conl'cdaracy is by incut with wkich n at any length. ly their capital ; gitimatc ti'sde is and is still at h, cter, representing luman food to tho ir credit by being n the other band, fooeculiar]y summoned to consider the depression of the nsiicultural interest, f Hoar, hear.) It is not necessary for us to enter into icultiirnl interest is suil'erintr. On tlie contrary, I belicYO that every one admits it— tlioiightlieru may be niu- men mDmont sufiuring more, iind eoniplnining more, tlinn the fnrmci-s of kiiglanil. Among others, I hare ! of the largest proprietors in tlio Lothians, wliieh ends by saying, ' tliis can't go on longer for many weeks.' foro, tijere can bo no qncstioii that tliero is ^reatand unprecedented distress among the Agrioulturnl classes ,11 seemed to n^rco in this sfatomont, tliough there may bo ditrercnces lis to the reincdiea n tli:it yon are in distress, and tliey recommend to yon energy and enterprise. They say t raoi-e energy, and then probably you may exirientc yonra'olvos from vonr sufferings, lent cliiinKes in oiir commercial system— who advocate what is called Protection— many 1, while tlicy acknowledge your grievances, offer you no hope. 'J'hey recnnimcnd yon to cheers). Thc,v tell you nothing but that tho recurrence to jiroteotion under the pi-csont ^ .. every( ^ -..,..._ differences' of opinion as tolho remedy to which you oiij.'lit to have recourse. I have received within these few days a doxuii com nications from persons of distinction and authority on this subject, and I can assure you, that whatever tho sufferings of tho farn.^.„ in the south of England may be, yet tho .Scotch fanners— those philosophical Scotoji farmers, who wo wore told were not afraid of free imports — ai-e at this m received a letter from one (Cheers.) I think, thoroforn, , ^ . ».™™. of tho United Kingdom. I mentioned that all seemed to a^reo in this statement, though there may bo ditfercnces as to tho remedies recommended. Tho free-traders neknowlcdgn tli:it you are in distress, and they recommend to you energy and enterprise. They say you ought to invest more capital, and to exert moi-e energy, and then probably you may extrieato yourselves from yonr sufferings On tho other hand, thoso who opposed the rece~' "' ' '"' """' — "" ' '" ""' "' ' '" ' '• ' ■ ■• of thorn, whilo they announce your sufferings, wailing and gnashing of teeth ( laughter and cheer . .. . „ , _ ,..™.... Government and the present Parliament is clearly impoasiblo. _ Wo— myself and my friends, wlio have consulted together upon the gubiect, and have laid the foundation of this society— we diti'er from our other friends, and our diffeii'nee is this— we are of opinion with them, that until protection is restored— until n termination can be (ixed to that process which is now dilapidating the fortunes and torturing tho industry of the country, no satisfactory result can be obtained. ( Cheers. ) But though we think with them that it is hopeless under tho present Parliament to obtain a general and n complete settlement of Ihoqucstion, yet wo are of opinion tliat it does not become us to bo idle, but that even in tho present Parliament wo may with advantage agitate many questions, and perhaps carry many measures, all of which have the tone to restoi-e protection (loud cheers) ; and which will do far more than that — which will prove remedial, and perhaps highly remedial, ineaHurcs for tho burdens which now press upon you. Now, with regard to those of our friends who lay it down as a principle that it is useless to attenipt to obtain relief from tho present Parliament I would venture to observe that I think their principle of action is not > cry constitutional, nnd next, that I doubt whether, practically, it is very just. It was not the present Parliament that repealed the Corn-laws. (Hear, hear.) It was not thi than latjimi't Kgypt. ritalili " I'i-. ' ' V.'.l whic! from daihi wa? bariil west ( the till iluctc CI 2,1 must I fits of iviilde these I when 1'ollow: The Kent comm prospi Cppe ;)s a I portoi donee Texa at Wi "1 IhcL "1 Free up? thing APPENDIX 30 ING MUCH WHAT HOPE, THEN, IS THERE FOR THE COUNTRY ? 'Koodfcntiiroorthotimci. nECII'ROOITY, iRS EXPECTED, OR SAID THEY EX- I the Gln^iKow llcoigiMcity Associntion, whose tiav- —^ •— - = . - .- ,1 Mail. The Ohmiow E.raminer nlno, annthri' FiTO Trotle piipor, hnil the fullowinit excellent lemni ks m lur back at 30th September, 1810 ; to geo which 1 was gicatly rejoiced :— " The Nationnl Asseinbly have diseuMcU the prel!iiiiimrio« of their ooiistitutioD, and, after much »pceohinnklMg, thoy'have come to the determination to leave labour in much the name puaition ns it is in this country. Tliey approve of employing Inlniur. ns who docs not i but they do not choose to come unOcr any obligation to employ it in all oireumslances. Coniniunism and all xiinilar ismit have thus got their deathblow in tho preamble of the now republican constitution. Every nation feels that the better the industrial classes are cniuloyod and paid, the better for all clnMcs ; and hencu, instead of requirin<; enactments to einplov Inlxiiir, self-interest urges it. Soi'icly in liritain, and indeed throughout Europe, is so constituted timt no one class of sot-icty is independent oi'.inother. When the labourer is idle, tho shopkoeper loses liis trade, and the house proprietor his rent. The householder's loss soon tells on the landed proprietor's interest, by delractmg from the value of laud and feus, so tliot between the aristocracy and the labourer there fa an inseparable connection. _ Legislation moy, and ought to, protect the labourer in his rights and liberties, but it never can secure liini employment by any direct act of leeislation. It may do much to encourage national and international tratflo and con)merce, but it is not by direct acts that it will aid the cause of labour, Indeed it begins to bo jtrctty obvious that it requires tho Icgislntioti of more than one nation to encourage trade. Our lawmukurs for a time were under the apprehension that it only required n good example to scf^ure the hearty reciprocity of tho woild. Accoidingly, restriction after restriction was removed, but other nations, in- steaii of opening their ports to receive our manufncturcs, shut them closer than before, and tho consequence is, that our exports have been on the decrease. Itis now discovered that a system of reciprocity must supersede our one-sided policy. English mnnufactu- rcra have their rights, which may not be violatedwith impunity, and it hoboves our legislators to aid our merchants and manufactu- rers ijy procuring for them n good market on foreign shoreo. llritain does not need to stand and bog for admission at any port. If anv nation can afford to be inllepon^ent llritain is, but it is not its isolation we sock, but its prodtable intermingling with all nations. It Is in a position now almost to dictate taritf-t to all nations, and we know no reason why these should not bo mutually considered os well as treatises for war or peace. Free trade, for which a large section of political ond commercial men have sighed, is unquestion- ably nn excellent thing, but the question is, can wo obtain it ? Is it free trade to admit the protluct of other nations to our siiores while these very nations exclude our productions, or at least levy a heavy rate on them. Each nation has its own staple article, and as long ixs ony ono nation will protect that artiolo, so long must any other nation see that it is not giving an undue advantage to that prutectionist nation. We need not yeiy carefully settle the question as to whether universal free trade would bo a univei-sal blessing —that wo may discuss when tho nations aro prepared for it ; but meantime, if wo are to have leagues, they must bo international, otherwise they will defeat tlieir own end and only bring misery where thoy otherwise would secure peace." And from the folluwinsr, from tho Manchettir Guardian of 22d August, tho Manchester school would appear to bo discovering that abundance of foreign food at th" ports of a foreign country is not synonymous with tho feeding, or, in other words, tho cmploy- raciit of tho working classes :— "Sir, — Your golJ bncomcs as ji , . . . .... . ... in Calilornia arc starving for want of everything, and tlicn you give a list of ships whose cargoes aro to create a glut' ilow can ur speculations concerning California are somewhat coloured by your buUlonist preconceptions; for you see that, if 1 ]>lentil'iil iis copper, it won't do for paying debts ; that is, it won t serve as a money. In ono place you say the people starvation and gluts go together ?— Pactolus, [There may bo plenty of ships at San Francisco, with a great abuudaneo of provisions in them, and .vet unsuccessful gold diggers in tho interior may be quite incapable of procuring food. ' Pactolus' says, that if gold was ns plentiful as copper, it would not serve ns monev. Docs not coppjr, then, serve as money ? Let him apply to any Brazilian raeiehant for information on that point.— AV. Quard.J' ^ . „v j, ^., ;, ^ , ^ ^, the wages of tho labourer. Tho first principles of political ccono- iQvtell us that wliou any article of consumption is greatly in- creased in the market, as in the instance of corn, of which an uiiiiniitcd bupply can be thrown upon the market, the natural and certain ell'eot is to rcduco its value. It may be remarked that in all eiiunlries, as in this, where, for a great portion of the year, a larger number of hibourei-s e.\ist than profatable employ- ment can be found for, wages must alwayi be at a minimum, de- pending entirely upon tho produce which is consumed." We have reason to Unowtliat this effect has already taken place to u large extent ; ami how shall it bo otherwise ? Tliey who first hnver ill" prices obtained by the producer I'or his commodity to less tiinu a reniuncralive point, and then expect him still to pay his labnureis the same amount of wages, are like the taskmastirs of Egypt. They take away the straw ; but, according to their clia- ritablo and "liberal" theory, the bricks must still be supplied. " Fiee trade," naid Mr Drummond at Guildfcird on Saturday, "v.as a good thing, if that wiis all ; but the increase of wealth which it brought was only nominal. There wei-e to be deducted from it the I fades which had been destroyed. There ninst be dadiieteil tlie farniei-s' capital, which had been destroyed. There wa? to be deducted the loss, by opening tho ports to Spanish bariili. of tho kelp trade, formerly carried on upon the north- west coast of Scotland, and on the west coast of Ireland, » here tho famine had been most seriously felt. 'J'liere were lo bo de- dueti'd the Io.ssos of the Irish fiirmer and landlord, and the .lil2, 0(10, 000 voted for the relief of Irish distress. All these things must be taken into account before anything was said of the pro- fits of free trade." Tho electors of West Surrey, like those of Kidderminster and Reading, have pronounced their opinion on these things ; and wo look forward, with eagerness, to the day ^vhen every constituency in the laud shall have nn opportunity of following their example. The following letter on the state of Canada is from nn intclli- ({cnt friend on the other side of the Atlantic, It requires no coiument : — 'i- ,««-'^* •' ■^^'•' ^ ■. ^■ ..' ■.15!,!^ .- 1,k;;M' •• New York, Sept. 3, 1849, " My dear Sir, — Tho work goes bravely on in Canada. The prospectus of a newspaper has just been issued at Hamilton, in Upper Canada, which boldly avows the principle of independence us a nocossary step to annexation. This paper will be well sup- jiorted in tho U. S. The plan seems to bo to establish indepen- dence, and, when independent, to unite with this country a la Te.\as I Such a course would meet the views of the Executive .'it Washington. " I'cel with his Free Trade, Elgin with his Uebcllion Bill, and the London Timet with its coarse abuse, have done wonders. "How long will it take to ruin England, if the principles of Free Trade and tho system of rewarding treason be well followed up ? Even you and I may live to see a good deal, at the rate things go on. In 1846, British goods imported at Montreal amounted to .£1,700,000 ; in 1848 the same imports fell to a mil- lion, of coui'se because the Canadians arc getting nil their things from the United States. It was no wish of the Canadians to deal with the United States ; but they were forced into it by the Government. They would have sent to England even for their mouse-traps, ifleft to their own will." — Briijliton Gazette. " 'i'herc may be many a labourer, marrietl and single, tolerably wellotf in Devon and Somerset, but there are multitudes so ira- moraed in the depths of wretchedness, that it is almost impossible to fancy them sinking lower. There are hundreds of families, with four or Hve children, whoso sole dependence is the earnings of the husband — the children being too young and the wife too busy at homo to work abroad — their earnings not exceeding 73. a week. It is on this sad feature of the divcrsiflcd picture that public attention should be most closely riicted." — Morning Chro- vicle, November 184'J. " ' Not one of tho 60.000 oft'crcd to sale yesterday [the Martin Estates in Connemara] was purchased, notwithstanding tho great variety of chrice as to quality and situation, which, in other circumstances, must have excited a spirited competition in tlte comp.iny.' " Ay. sir, ' in other ciicumstanccs !' But those ' other circum- stances' ,vou tell us we shall no^ Dave. You insist that, for the sake of cheap bread for you English factorists, the Irish agricul- turist i-hull perish, the Irish labourer ho doomed to starvation or a workhouse, an Irish property bo rendered so valueless that, no matter how highly favoured in quality and situation, no one will venture to bid for it. That, sir, is the result of your Corn Law repeal ; and whether it is worth your while to retain your crot- chet — whether it will not bo ' cheaper' to revert to the policy you have abandoned, to restore to the agriculturist the protection of which you have deprived him, and thus to encourage him to cul- tivate the ground, and employ the labourer, to provide work for the artisan, and ' custom' for the shopkeeper — whctiher it will not be better and cheaper to do thie than to persist tn a policy which is devouring its victims by the score, tilling ho work- houses and bankrupting those who are to support them, is a question which even tho authors of much of tho misery that abounds in Ireland may tind it prudent to consider. " It may bo said that we look too gloomily on our prospects. Perhaps we do ; but can any one who restrains his wishes with tho curb of reason see in the circumstances which surround us ground for a brighter and more cheering anticipation. We read a great deal about ' symptoms of improvement ;' but wo have been reading the same thing for months, and we ask, where are they ? Have they any existence out of the hopeful hearts which gave tliera utteianee ? Docs the shopkeeper meet them behind his counter, tlie merchant behind his desk ? Are they evidenced in the decline of those burdens which indicate the increase or diminution of distress 1 We might run the round of customary interrogation, but from every class and every occupation the answer would be the same.— The Cork Conititution, Nov. 1819. aO PEEL'S MEASURES THAT LOSE THE rOLONIES MUST ALSO CAUSE A REVOI,UTI0X AT HOME, pi; til I una •*"■ night be dnpplied bv nnjr fnrmor'i wifn who hiM been twice or oftoner to market with bntier. A letirned profe«M>r %t ' oo i*«r'f CVreulor The late Lo*d inted at among int>7 which re. thi« necessity of pxisenciea and approved their I the langnage nfidenee in lU tin membera of 1 weali undar- tate of things, they were ut, eader kept h!» ilamour of the ore so, it only egislativa pro- ih, if it be the Mper under it. ament to keep naxims of aoo. ithority of tb» in of 1846, and the coramenoe- i-n in a proper le expressed in before dono by^ iondemned tho only the man-. >w conlemplatn of tho ooloi ' APPENDIX. St interest. The number of sueh persons is being rapidly inereawd by sympathisen from the deluded free-traders They all ask Will the Oovemment, seeing Ihe eonseauences— consequences admitted and deplored by all persons except a few hardened and unsc'ruDu- loua ultras-persist in a course wliieh is manifestly sinkins Into |.tr that the English labourer, if the present system h to bo continued, mus' sink to tho condition of tho li-lsli peasant. IJut tho alarm- ing question presents itself more formidahlo every day, vii., will tho English labourer submit to tho abandonment and tho utter wretchedness which have decimated tlio Irish peasantry ? \Vo wish to observe n prudent caution in not answering the quostinn fn;' tho present. If the working men to wliom wo have alluded wero permitted by the absorbing and despntio money power to cnin IJ. or lis a-wiek, they could nflbrd to pay 7d for tho 41b. loaf. But if^tho wages arc reduced tu 6s or Ts a-week, as U the average earn- ings at present, they cannot afford to bny tlio same quantity of bread, even though tho price of tho 41b. loaf wore reduced to 3d. Tlii> onibrnces tho whole case as between tho English Inbonrnron tho one hand, and tho money power and free trade on tho other. 'I'lu' sweeping changes which a parliament of pretended political economists — of cold-blooded men who repudiate nil national syinpntliio:' —who legislate for purposes cxclusivolv selfish — who call tho whole world thoir family and disregard tliu poverty they have caused, and \rhich the Almighty has permitted them to cause for inKnite designs which will bo consummated in theirown destruction— these sweeping changes, wo say, will inevitably lead to grave and fatal eonseqneiioos. "We were informed tlio otherday thatanew hnilt Swedish ship has been chartered for Manilla, tobringsngnrs to this countrv nt a freight of 40s a ton. An English sliip, fettered as her nwnersnro by stringent regulations, cnnnut porf.nn the voyage witli any pi'oiit under £o per ton. The last accountsfrom the United States inform us that tho shipowners of tho Union nro determined to disconn- tCHitnce nnd boldly oppose one of Mr Laboncliere's nostrums .is far ns they iiro concerned. Tliey are right. The cane is this. Suppose ii nnllio-built ship, owned by a Dritish or Baltic shipowner, having performed a voyasjo, is sold in a port of the United States, will tho United States iivo to that ship so sold the protective bcneflt ot her flag ? According to Free Tr:vdo principles tlioy are boiiiid t' do so. But against this proposition they rebel They will not tolerate or endure it, and ns the Government of tho Uopnblic !-• founded on popular opinion, tho (iovernment will be compelled to succumb. Here then, nt the outset, is a mortal Mow to tho liberal principles ol Luboucherc and the Jew Bicardo. The British shipowner is compelled bylaw to act upon this lllieral conceasi although Amorion, and all other foreign nations, whose connncreinl transiictions are worth anything, reject it. Tho British shiji' owner is now, however, in tho dilemma which we foresaw. His property is not now worth more, as regards shipping, than oiie-Iiiilf of what it was three years ago. But can wo sympathise with him ? Most certainly not. Wo rccogiilso, even among our own friends, many honourable exceptions. But, as a body, they were not the unwilling ronsentei's to the 1'kki, and Uussell robbery of th j land- owners and farmers. Aa long ns tho work of spoliation did not obtrude upon them, tlicy were silent, if not pliant, tools of the minis- try. But the crash has como upon them unexpectedly. They wore too blind, too narrow-minded, too sordid and selfish, to see or anticipate it ; and, therefore, wliile we feel deeply for certain parties, we must sny wo have no convolution to spare for those who, with tbeir eyes open, hurried on and supported measures wliich cngiilphed tlicmselves, *' We turn now to tho corn question, wlii" h, under Free 'I'rade, must beggar a large proportion of tlio landowners, ruin tlio far- mers, and consign to destitution the agricultural labourers. Wo have told the farmers, although they have been sufficiently bigolted or Wind ns to render to our warning an ear of unbelief, that the imports of corn from America and other foreign countries are not regu- lated b^' price or the value of corn in our markets. _ Wo have now tho means of proving all we have advanced on this subject. Corn comes into this port despite falling markets, and will continue to do so wliilo England lias money left to p.iy for it. Witness our im- ports for tho two weeks ended tlio 28th November. There were, in the above period, imported into Liverpool alono tho follnwiim quantities of corn, flour, Ac. nnd cheese, n nciv feature in our reports, nnd which will operate in a rcdiietion of rent, when tho pio- j>cr timo comes, of at least 30 per cent— in Gloucester and Cheshire, perhaps 50 per cent. The return is us follows, t«l;')n, ns is oiU' rulo, from the Custom-house entries, generally under the mark :— 102,0OS Bushels Wheat. 2,334 Bags do. 8,31.1 Barrels Flour. 903 Bags do. ]3,0t0 Bushels OnU. 143,420 Bushels Indian Corn. 70,840 Bags do. O.ISO Bushels I'c.is. 4,»nO lijips do. 10,il20 Bushels Beans. 110 Hags Bnrlev. 5,000 Bo.\cs Cheese. 013 Locsc do. >tii' Robert Peel will very probably say, with that plausibility \yliicli it is necessary to nRsnmc, in order to cover tlie dishonesty, or, t!> use the gentler word, the fatal error, of his policy, which the hired quack and lecturer Cobdcn forced upon his pure and disintercstcci conviction — he may say, ns be has said before, that it is fortunate for England that she has lieen supplied with such a quantity of elicap provisions. Wo tell the ex-l'remier that it is not cheap, and wo leave him to benefit by the lesson and its consequences, wliicli will inevitably bo realised in a national convnlsion. Wo beg to whisper to his decadent ear these few words. The Colonies have hcen "fteiificcd— tho landlords nnd farmers nrc struck down— the shipowners liavo lost one-half of their property— the shopkeepers can- not pav their rent and taxes cxci-pt out of their stock and capital— and, in tho rule of degression, tho fundholdei's will, from iin.vitiib;i' necessity, be omupelled to accept one instead of three per cent for their investments, or, if they prefer it, no interest at all." LET THEN THE COLONIST NOT DESI'AIR; NOT O.NLY HAVE "THE COLONIES BEEN SACRIFICED," BUT "THE LANDLORDS AND FARMERS ARE STRUCK DOWN— THE SHIl'OWNERS HAVE LOST ONE-HALF OK THEIR PROPERTY— THE SHOPKEEPERS CANNOT PAY THEIR RENT AND TAXES EXCEPT OUT OF TIIICll! STOCK AND CAPITAL— AND, IN THE RULE OF DEGRESSION, THE FUNDHOLDERS WILL, FROM INEVl'l- ABLE NECESSITY. BE COMPELLED TO ACCEPT ONE INSTEAD OF THREE PERCENT. FOi; THEIR INVEST- MI;NTS, or, IF THEY PREFER IT, NO INTEREST AT ALL." (i.H m I H & 00 s. H 3 GQ lA DB a g ► t Hi o o c* ^* o ai *m a QQ »i* O ► » O