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Les diagrammes suivants iliustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 4 5 6 • t "♦ntlllM ■.-Aa^^!.^^.-. - ■■-,»■ ^ifai ;• '^-■- • ' j: ''•','■ ' .»■■■ ■ A • C N0 ._ • A mn m m m - 9' 't f <>nim S-. I i SECOND APPEAL I — . TO T H E JUSTICE AND INTERESTS OF THE P E O P L E, % ON THE MEASURES RESPECTINO AMERICA, SY THE At7TH0« OF THe_r|tlt4Hf. , » OJ p'ft^ ««■/ ru ivXot, »XX* int TutfAH elvui BKVtflVOvJM, ' Thacydide.. ,/ iVl»» 0nim utftrvif/eJ M pari jurtfint dmmuntur Cohmte. Gndttt, lib. ii. c. 9. -^iM-^Z-' v> LONDON: PfclMtSD jrOR J. AlMON, opposite BURtlNOTOK- H0V8E, PICCADILLY. 1 775. E.•^-^^ ,U^t « ' 1 **-■' 1 '■" ^'*T -f' . • .* It t- i^iY" ."" '■- •'^ ^" ■ ' »"'"''■ ' -r: f ■ Ill ll u i I mm iU SECOND APPEAL T O T H E juftice and Interefts of the People* f ■'■ THE worft event " that I apprehended from our unhappy difference with our fellow fubjefts in America, is now come to pafs. The civil fword, with all its terrible formalities, is drawn in our colonies. ? I did indeed conceive, that, if not compel- led by additional injuries and irritation, the Americans would rather acquiefce, for a time, under their former grievances, than meet the adminiftration in arms ; or that if they did make fuch an attempt, defeat and deftruftion' muft, at firft, be their inevitable lot. Such was the fate of the United Provinces, when they were compelled to refill Spain ; and yet, in the end, that reliftance was fatal to the oppreflbr. But a total rejeftion of the healing mea- fures propofed by Lord Chatham; an adop- tion of the moft rigorous proceeditigs here, B and 't *^ i ^ ( ,. t /I" t f. i ■ ■ , ?■ *, f ■ L f * ' and a military movement there, have drivetl them at once into the laft refonrces of de- fpair— an appeal to the God of battles. In this appeal, they have already fliewn an ad- drefs and refolution, which forebode a con- teft the mod obftinate, bloody, and deftruc- tive, that has ever yet deftroyed mankind. At the expence of near tv^ro thoufand of our braveft men, we have fcarce acquired terri- tory enough to bury the (lain ; and the ar- my of ten thoufand, with our beft generals, which it was vainly imagined could march in triumph through the whole continent of America, is kept (hut up in Bofton, in fpite of every ftratagem and effort, a prey to (hame, difeafe, and difappointment. . Such, unhappily, is the prefent ftate of America. Our meafures have united them as one man. Our attempts to execute thofe meafures by military force, have ferved only to convince us of their ftrength and our In order to judge however of thefe proceed- ings, it is neceflary to take a view of what has pafled fince the commencement of the laft feffion of parliament. . After the intemperate meafures of the fef- fion of 1774, good and wife men placed their hopes of relief from the violences of that, in the wifdom and moderation of a new parliament. Men who forefaw the deftruc- tive confequences to the whole empire froni coercive meafures, and that the interefts of the whole would be beft confulted by the peace re driven s of de- ities. In n an ad- e a con- deftruc- mankind. id of our red terri- 1 the ar- generals, Id march tineht of , in fpite to (hame, t ftate of ted them ute thofc rved only and our : proceed- ■ of what nt of the F the fef. en placed ilences of I of a new I deftruc- pire from nterefts of zd by the peace ( 7 ) peace and contentment of the whole, could not but hope, that a new parliament, un- committed in this dangerous quarrel, would endeavour to heal the unhappy divifions that diftrafted and endangered the dominion, by redreffing grievances, and reftoringthe colo- nies to the unmolefted enjoyment of thole liberties, the Infringement of which was the foundation of this alarming difpute. Thefe hopes were flattering, but fugitive. From the firft day, the firft hour of the fef- fion, they vaniflied. Nor was It long be- fore the reafon of this difnppointment was difcovered. The minifters boafted in the houfe of lords, that they had advifed a fudden diUblution of parliament, that it might be re- chofen before the nation recovered from its delufion refpefting America. The parlia- ment obtained by fuch a manoeuvre, anfwered eflfe(Sl:ually the ends of thofe who planned it ; io effedlually indeed, as to have left us hardly any thing but to pray, that the boqfi of the minifters may not be the bane of the empire. The King's fpeech, at the opening of the feilion, contained the alarming expremons of — a mofl: daring fpirit of re.fiftance and difc bedience to the Taw in the Maflachufet's Bay, breaking out into violences of a very criminal nature— unwarrantable attempts and unlaw- ful combinations in the other colonies. The addrefs of the houfe of commons re-echoed thefe expreffions; and while they declared their hope that " his Majefty's cpnftant en- deavours to prevent the breaking out of frelh B 2 diflurban- MHh «r I : r I = r ( 8 ) diftuibances in Europe, would be attended with fucccls ;" tlicy unhappily lent themfelves to every propofition, calculated by the mini- fter to excite more fiital commotions in America. On the 2olh of January, the great author, under Divine Providence, of our honourable pre-eminence over other nations, in reputa- tion and power, the Earl of Chatham, made the following motion, " That an humble addrefs be prefented to his Majetty* m«ft humbly to advife and befeech his Majefty, that, in order to rpen the way towards an happy fettlement of the dangerous troubles in America, by beginning to allay ferments and foften animofities theVe ; and above all, for preventing, in the mean time, any fudden and fatal cataftrophe at Bofton, now fuffering un- der the daily irritation of an army before their eyes, pofted in their town, it may gra- cioufly plenfe his Majefty, that immediate or- ders may be difpatched to General Cage, for removing his Majefty's forces from the town of Bofton " This motion was rejefted by a ^reat majo- rity. The illuftrious father of his country, renewed his endeavours for conciliation on the I ft of February, by propofing, ** A pro- vifional a£l for fettling the troubles in Ame- rica, and for aflerting the fupreme legiflative authority and fuperintending power of Great Britain over the colonies." This propofition was alfo totally rejea.ed ; pnd with circumftances of high infult on the * ' -: venerable -«r WT" 'iwp^"<-^w»^p«wif««TmPWP* y ^|> « ii ," ?|j.» ii ^jj i ij ^ attended jemfelvcs he mini- otiuns in It author, )nourable 1 reputa- im, made I humble y, moft Majefty, wards an Dubles in iients and I all, for idden and bring un- ly before nay gra- edlatc or- jage, for :he town eat majo- country, iation on " A pro- in Ame- legiflativc of Great reje£l:ed ; It on the venerable (9 ) venerable mover of it, by the members of adminUlration. Motions for the fnme conciliatory purpoi^, in the lower houfe, by Mr. Burke and Mr. Hartley, were treated in the fame manner. The latter end of Uecembcr, an humble petition was prcfcnted to the King, from the general conorefs in America, fetting forth their grievances, praying for redrefs, profef- ling their readincfs to grant money when conflitutjonally rcq'.ircd, declaring their de- votion to his Mrjefty, and their veneration for the parent f ate. • This petition had no farther regard paid to it, than that of being fent to the tv o houfes of parliament, undii- tinguiflied am«:-rg a multitude of official pa- pers ; and when Sir George Savile moved the houfe, in confequence of a petition for that purpofe, that the agents might be heard upon it at the bar, it was refufed.* It is true, when that petition was prefented to his Majefty, an anfvver was given, importing a very different treatment. The agents were told by Lord Dartmouth, that his Majefty had been pleafed to receive it very gracioufly ; and from its importance, would lay it before his two houfes of parliament, as foon as they ihould meet. The following circular letter, however, will fhew, with what fort of faith the mini- Jftry adted ; and that while they complied in si January, ib. .. .n ?» ( !• ) an infuUing manner, even with the letter of the anfwer, they had determined it (hould have no favourable effcft. (Circular.) SIR, iriiitehallt January 4^A» 1 7 7 5 • Certain perfons, Jillifig themfelves delegates .of Ills Majcfty's colonies, in America, having prefiimcd, without his Majefty's authority or .confent, to aillmbie together at Philadelphia, in the month of September and Odober laft ; and having thotight fit, among other unwar- ,rantahle procceflings, to refolve that it will be neccflary, that another congrefs fhould be •held in the fame place, on the loth of May next, unlefs rcdrefs for certain pretended grie- vances^ be obtained before that time, and to re- commend that all the colonics in North Ame- rica, fiiould chule deputies to attend fuch con- grefs. I am commanded by the King, to fignify to you his Majefty's pleafure, that you . do ufc your utmoft endeavours to prevent any Juch appointment of deputies, within the colo- ny under your government ; and that you do exhort all perlons to defift from fuch un- warrantable proceedings, which cannot but be highly difpleafing to the King. Dartmouth. To his excellency Thomas Gage, Gover- ' * nor of the Maflachufetts Bay. f- > Thus e letter of it (hould •4/^,1775. is delegates lea, having uthority or hiladclphia, tiober laft ; her unwar- it it will be fhoiild be >tli of May tended grle- ;, and to re- viorth A me- ld fuch con- 2 King, to re, that you I prevent any n the colo- id that you n fuch un- annot but be ARTMOUTII. re, Govcr- Bay. Thus ( i« ) Thus the grievances rcprcfcated in their j>e- tition to the throne, were declared to he f>rem fended^ by his Mnjefty's minilhrs, prcvioui to the petition's havinp; been laid before the p:ir- liamcnt, to the wifdom .nnd confidcration of which the royal anlvvcr had referred it. A higher infiilt upon parliament, a proceeding of more treachery towards America, or of more injury to the charai^er and dignity of government can hardly be conceived. It is impolTible to imagine, that after fuch a dif« covery the colonies can ever give credit to any propofition that comes from men not only apparently bent upon their deftruftion, but capable of attempting it by the baf'v fl and moft fliameful duplicity. It fhould l)e re- membered, that the reprefentatives of the people, in their provincial affcmblies, had pe- titioned over and over again for a redrcfs of thofe grievances, without the leaft clTcd. Nay more ; every governor had inftruftions to diflblvc their aflemblies (which had, in fun- dry inftances, been executed) if they attempt- ed to proceed upon their grievances. The people were therefore compelled, tochufede- J)Uties for a general congrefs where they might i;ek redrefs. The attempt to prevent this mode too of petitioning for redrefs, was en- deavouring to take from them that, which is not denied to the moft abjcdl flaves on earth, the confolation of complaint, and the hope of relief. With the fame views of conciliation, peti- tions were prefentcd from the common-hall of I ^■H ( 12 ) of London, from the corporation of London, from the merchants and traders of London^ from the Weft India plnnters nnd merchants, from Briftoi, Liverpool, Birmingham, Man- chefter, Norwich, Leeds, Glafgow, Notting- ham, Dudley, Belfaft and Waterford ; from the Quakers ; the affcmblles of Jiimaica, New- York and New-Jerfey. The prayer of thefe petitions was utterly reje£led. I have ftated all thefc efforts towards recon- ciliation, that the reader may judge whether the miniftry wanted ofportunity or inclination to accommodate this unhappy difference. Perhaps it will appear, when the whole ot their proceedings are confidered, that they not only refifted, inexorably, every conciliatory propofition, but adopted every meafure which they were affured would inevitably produce the fatal extremity we now lament. Time, I am afraid, will difcover, that the fecret motives of thus urging on a war with the colonies, were an implacable enmity agalnft the Whig principles of the Americans, and a thirft of revenge for the difappointed views of arbitrary power, which nothing but the blood of that people can allay. ^ * It is true, there were counter petitions from Nottingham, Birmingham, Leeds, Poole, Huddersfield, and Troubridge. I will make no comment on the number or refpeclabillty of thefe petitions. Dr. Roebuck could, if he chofe it, inform the public ; how ^ and from whom, they were obtained. It is not the llyhielt imputation againft thofe who have "^ for r London, f London^ merchants, am, Man- , Noiting- brd ; from aica, New- er of thefe 'ards recoii- re whether ■ inclination difference, e whole of lat they not conciliatory afure which )ly produce nt. Time, t the fecret ar with the nity agaJnft cans, and a inted views ing but the ;titions from eds, Poole, will make •efpeclability could, if he w and from [ is not the i who have for ( '3 ) for fome years condu£^ed government, that they have availed themfelves of the diftrefles of refpeflable men, to pervei't their principles, and ruin their reputations ; or, to ufe the more pointed expreffion of Dr. Jobnfon, in his definition of a Penlioner, to make them, ** Slaves of ftate, hired by a fiipend to obey their matter." Such a ftate of public corrup- tion is deplorable ; and when it originates in the higheft fources of the kingdom, it is defperate. Upon the fubjeft of accommodation, it will be deemed partial to fupprefs the mention of Lord North's motion ; becaufe it has been called conciliatory. I will give it word for word. February. 20. ** That it is the opinion of this committee, that when the governor, couni- cil, and affembly, or general courts of his Majefty's provinces or colonies, fliall pro- pofe to make provifion according to their re- fpedlive conditions, circumftances, and fitua- tions, for contributing their proportion to the common defence ; fuch proportion to be raifed under the authority of the general court, or general aflembly of fuch province or colony, and difpofable by parliament ; an4 fhall engage to make provifion alfo for the fupport of the civil governn^ent, and the adminiftration of juftice in fuch province or colony — it will be proper, if fuch propofal (hall be approved by his Majefty in parliament, and for fo long as fuch provifion fhall be made accordingly, to forbear^ in refpeft of fuch province or colony. A- H ( 14 ) tb levy any duty, tax, or afleffment, except only fiich duties as it may be expedient to im- pofe for the regulation of commerce." When this is held out as a conciliatory pro- pofition,it is neceifary to coniiderwhat redrefs it offers. For it mull be obvious to every one, that its tendency to reconcile can only be meafured by its tendency to redrefs. Nor can any man be weak enough to imagine, that what does not profer real relief, can be pro- dudive of real reconcilement. Let us endea- vour then, to find out what redrefs this mo- tion promifes. The colonies had ftated about twenty arti- cles of grievances, of which they implored re- drefs ; declaring, at the fame time, their unal- terable refolution, rather to endure the utmoft extremity, than fubmit to fuch oppreffion. Does this motion then propofe to redrefs all or any of thofe grievances ?— Not one. Does it promife the repeal of all or any of thofe ads, from which their grievances flow ?— No, not one. Is any reftraint on their trade to be remo- ved, and the means of acquiring augmented, as the demands for contributions are increafed?— - Not an iota of it. " What then, my Lord,'* the American affemblies might fay, " we are to diflblve all union among ourfelves, and thus throw away our Ihield and our defence-- we are to bid againft each other, in the moft difgraceful manner, for our refpeaive propor- tions—the meafurc of which proportions may be lar-te or fmall, as caprice may calculate, and enmity or arbitrary will exad— We are to provide It, except :nt to ira- • Jtory pro- lat redrefs to every can only efs. Nor igine, that n be pro- US endea- ; this mo- venty arti- nplored re- their unal- the utmoft oppreffion, edrefs all or e. Does it thofe ads, > — No, not to be remo- gmented, as ncreafed ? — my Lord,'* y, " we are rfelves, and ir defence — in themoft tive propor- lortions may alculate, and •We are to provide ( '5 ) provide for our own eftablKhment, the abfo- lute controul of which, that you have lately afliimed, is one of our grievances — which will therefore open a door to places, finecures, ri- ders, penfions, and falaries, mcafurahle only by the poflibility of extorting them from us : we are then to plunge Into the bottomlefs abyO of general fiipply ; and though the peo- ple of Great Britain, having a conftitutional check over the granting and adminiftering the public money, are yet diftrefled by the ex- travagance and rapacity of public officers, we are to fubmit our contributions to the fame officers, without check or controul. Nor does the demand flop here ; though the in- numerable and idle reftraints, injurious to us and unprofitable to you, impofed upon our trade, form part of our grievances, yet this conciliatory propofition threatens us with more regulations of our trade, by which a probable revenue will be raifed upon us, even after we have contributed ad libitum^ with this fingle confolation, that the net amount, which net amount is to beftruck by you, unaccount- * able to and unexaminable by us, ispropofed to be carried to our credit : fo that if the grofs fum, thus levied upon us, were one million, you might credit us with one (hilling, and perfectly comply with the terms of this pro- pofition. And yet, my Lord, you call thefe terms of conciliation, not of conqueft ; and pretend to oflfer them to our acceptance, not force them upon our neceffities But what is the boon or benefit that accompanies them ? . . C 2 The ' ^w 1' ■'I ( i6 ) The cdntributidhs are to be colleaed by our authority. This is the whole ! and while we furnifh as much as will liUisfy all your demands what then ? Infinite con- folation ! it will be proper to forbear to levy any further duty, tax or afleflment, ftill excepting fuch duties as it may be necefl'ary to impofe for the regulation of trade ; under which denomination you have ranged the very revenue aft we now complain of. My Lord, if you are ferious, tell us, for God's fiike, what harder conditions you could impofe up- on us if we were indeed at your feet, your proftrate, abjeft, beaten flave';'^? They would even be rigorous from a lawlefs conqueror to a fubdued people, becaufe they are endlefs and indefinite. What did the plunderer Pizaro fay more to the helplefs Montezuma ? He de- manded a fpecific room full of gold and jew- els. But they were to be collected by the fcmperor*s authority, and upon compliance, he was to refume his royalty. Your Lordfhip will anfwer. When one room was filled, he demanded another ; the cafes are different.— Pardon us, my Lord; they are exadly the fame. For what fecurity have we, that when one hand of extortion is filled, the other will not be held out ? Is it not within the terms propofed ? Are not you to judge* wi:".\out any controul, of the quantum f Are not your (landing armies ftill to be kept within our limits, your navy in our ports, the fvvord at our throats, the cannon at our breafts, the compulfory revenue a£t fufpended over our heads ? jd by our )le ! and liUisfy all Snite con- brbear to nent, Hill :cefl[ary to 2 ; under d the very VI y Lord, od's fiikc, iipofc up- feet^ your ley would qneror to :ndlef$ and rer Pizaro 1? Hede- and jew- ed by the pllance, he • Lordfliip s filled, he ifferent. — » xa£tly the that when other will the terms :, wit".\oiit e not yoitr vithin our ; fword at )reafts, the over our heads ? ( '7 ) heads ? In thtfe circumftances, is our will free, or controuled ? Are they conditions, or commands ? Will it be a grant, or an exac- tion ? An exadion, arbitrary, unlimited, without meafure, and without mercy !" Such is Lord North's conciliatory propofi- tions ; in which my difcernment can develop nothing, but the weakeft attempt imaginable, to delude this country, and divide that. In- deed, when it was propofed in the houfe, even the houfliold troops, lagacious and veteran as they are, were utterly confounded. Some faced one way, fome another ; fome wheeled to the right, and fome to the left, without or- der or direflion, till the all -regulating voice of their old general Sir Gilbert gave the word, when they inftantly formed, as ufiial, a hol- low fquarc, impregnable to reafon, truth and juftice. I cannot think fo lightly of Lord North's judgment, as to imagine he expe(5ted his mo- tion could be the foundation of reconcilement. Its effect could not puffibly fail being the re- yerfe. The total injuftica and unexampled feverity of it muft drive them to defpair. But it was neceflary to hold out fome delulion. The complalfance of the houfe of commons did not r^uire much depth or defign in the exec'Jitipn. His LordHiip therefore produced a conciliatory propolition, maintaining all the grievances of America, afltrting an unlimited right to impofe more, and devolving upon their aflemblies the odious ofiice of extoriing cndlefs contributions from the unhappy peo- ■Pii I PWPiW^W'WI ( 18 ) pie, who had confided to them the gnardian- (hip of their lives and fortunes. » But I cannot do entire juftice to the mo- tion, without giving the anfwer to it by the Afllnihly of Virginia, at full length. *' We cannot, my Lord, clofe with the terms of that refolution, for thefe reafona : Becaufe the Britilh parliament has no right to intermeddle with the fupport of civil go- vernment in the colonies. For us, not for them, has government been inftituted here. Agreeable to our ideas, provifion has been made for fuch officers as wc think neceflary for the adminiftration of public affairs ; and we cannot conceive that any other legiflature has a right to prefcrlbe either the number or ■pecuniary appointments of our officers. As a proof that the claim of parliament to interfere in the neceflary provifions for the fupport of civil government is novel, and of a late date, we t-ike leave to refer to an aft of our aflem- bly, paffed fo long fince as the thirty-fecond year of the reign of king Charles the Second, entitled, *' An aft for raifmg a public revenue, and for the better lupport of the government of this his Majefty's colony of Virginia ;" this aa was brought over by Lord Culpeper, then governor, under the great feal of England, and was enaded in the name of the King's moft excellent Majefty, by and with the con- fent of the general aflembly. »' Becaufe to render perpetual our exemp- tion from an unjuft taxation, we muft faddle ourfelves with a perpetual tax adequate to the expe6la- | | ii 'i ti H fyiffmm'^rmmfg^ gnardian- the mo- 1 it by the 1. ; with the "e reafons : } no right if civil tro- lls, not. for tuted here. 1 has been k neceflary ilfairs ; and r legiflature number or cers. As a to interfere I fupport of a late date, " our aflem- hirty-fecond the Second, )hc revenue, government ginia ;" this ilpeper, then of England, f the King's ith the con- cur exemp- muft faddle equate to the expe6la- ( 19 ) expeflations, and fubjecl to the difpofal of parliament alone ; whereas we have a right to give our money, as the parliament do theirs, without coercion, from time to time, as pub- lic exigencies may require. We conceive, that we alone are the judges of the condition, circumftanccs, and fituation of our people, as the parliament are of theirs. It is not mere- ly the mode ofraifingy but \}s\t freedom of grant" ing our money, for which we have contended. Without this, we poflijfs no check on the roy- al prerogative ; and, what muft be lamented by dutiful and loyal fubjecls, we (hould be ft ripped of the only means, as well of recom- mending this country to the favours of ourraoft gracious fovereign, as of ftrengthening thofe bands of amity with our fqllow-fubjedts, which we would wifh to remain indiflbluble. ** Becaufe on our undertaking to grant money, as is propofed, the commons only re- folve to forbear levying pecuniary taxes on us; ftill leaving unrepealed their feveral ads, paff- ed for the purpofes of reftraining the trade, and altering the form of government of the north- ern colonies; extending the boundaries and changing the government and religion of Que- btck ; enlarging the jurifditSlion of the courts of admiralty ; taking from us the right of trial by jury, and tranfporting us into other colonies, to be tried for criminal offences. Standing armies too are ftill to be kept among us ; and the other numerous grievances, of which ourfelves and Jtjier colonies, feparately, and by our reprefentativcs, in general congrefs, ' ' have ( 20 ) have fo often complained^ are fill to continue luithont redrefs. *' Becaufe at the very time of reqiiirini^ from us grants of monies, they are m.'king difpofition to invade us with large armaments by fea and land ; which is a ftile of afking gifts not reconcileable to our freedom. They are alfo proceeding to a repetition of injury, by paffing afts for reftraining the commerce and fifhcries of the provinces of New-England, and for prohibiting the trade of the other co- lonics with all parts of the world, except the illands of Great Britain, Ireland, and the Weft Indies. This fcems to befpeak no in- tention to difcontinuc the exercife of this ufurped power over us in future. " Becaufe on our agreeing to contribute our proportion towards the common defence, tliey do not propofe to lay open to us a free trade with all the world ; whereas, to us it ap- pears juft, that thofe who bear equally the bur- them of government Ihould equally participate of its benefits. Either be contented with the monopoly of our trade, which brings greater lofs to us, and benefit to them, than the amount of our proportional contributions to the com- mon defence ; or, if the latter be preferred, reliuquifli the former; and do not propofe, by holding both, to exadt from us double contri- butions. Yet we would remind government, than on former emergencies, when called upon as a free people, however cramped by this mo- nopoly, in our refources of wealth, we have liberally contributed to the common defence. Be _ , _, _ ^ aflured to continue f rcqiiirlni^ re m.'king irmaments of afking m. They of injury, commerce (^-England, e other co- except the \ and the >eak no in- ife of this I contribute ion defence, o us a free , to us it ap- ///y the bitr- r participate ed with the greater lofs the amount to the com- )e preferred, propofe, by )uble contri- TQvernment, called upon by this mo- :h, we have defence. Be alTured 1 t iiflu ture 1 prof the tt invc We byr our ftro can com bou one ihoi unU agre ther t< tion enti alk, wlw par] to b # had forn Cha ! tern hav fpiri perl edt the ^mmmmm^mi'imfrm^ifflgi' II I II wa mmt t iii tj t p ( 2. ) iiflured then, that we (hall be generous in fu- ture as in paft time, difdaining the ihackles of proportion, when called to our free ftation in the general fyftem of the empire. ** Becaufe the propoiition now made to us involves the intereft of all the other colonies. We are now reprefented in general congrefs, by members approved of by this houfe ; where our former union, it is hoped, will be fo firongly cemented, that no partial applications can produce the flighted departure from the common caufe. We confider ourfelves as bound in honour, as well as intereft, to (hare one general fate with our filler colonies, and ihould hold ourfelves bafe defcrters of that union to which we have acceded, were we to agree on any meafures di(lin£t and apart from them. " There was indeed a plan of accommoda' t'lon, offered in parliament, which, though not entirely equal to the terms we had a right to aflc, yet differed but in a few points from what the general congrefs had held out. Had parliament been difpofed Jincerely^ as we are^ to bring about a reconciliation,, reafonable men had hoped, that by meeting us on this ground, fomething might have been done. Lord Chatham's bill, on the one hand, and the terms of the congrefs on the other, would have formed a bans for negotiation, which a fpirit of accommodation on both fides, might perhaps have reconciled. It came recommend- ed too, from onCy whofe fuccefsful experience in the art of government^ (hould have enfured to D it ■SSBBB «i» ( » ) it fome attention from thofe to whom it was otfered. He had ihewn to the world, that Great Britain with her colonies, united firmly under a ju0 and honeft government, formed a power which might bid defiance to the mod potent enemies. With a change of mi- niftcrs, however, a total change of meafures took place. The component parts of the em- pire nave, from that moment, been falling afunder ; and a total annihilation of its weight, in the political fcale of the world, fcems juft- \y to be apprehended. »*,Thele, my Lord, are our fentiments on this important fubjed ; which we offer, only as an mdividual part of the whole empire. The final determination we leave to the gene- ral congrefs, now fitting, before whom we Ihall lay the papers your Lordihip has com- municated to us. To their wifdom we com- mit the improvement of this important ad- ' vance. If it can be wrought into any good, we are aflured they will do it. To them al- fo we refer the difcovery of that proper me- thod ofreprefentingour well founded grievan- ces, which your Lordfhip affures us, will meet with the attention and regard fo juftly due to to them. For our [elves we have exhaujjed every mode of application which our invention could fiiggefl: as proper and promifing. We have decently remonftrated with parliament — they have added new injuries to the old. We have wearied our king with fupplications — he has not deigned to anfv/er us. Wc have appealed to the native honour and juftice of ,., . .Ills Mi. •wr»<«iii»i "Wi ii n 4IIIJ ||.j!ll.li,!yj,,i "m" lom it was orld, that r/7^^ firmly It, formed ice to the igc of mi- f meafures of the cm- :en falling its weight, feems juft- timents on affcr, only )le empire. D the gene- whom we 3 has com- n we com- portant ad- any good, o them al- proper me- ed grievan- s, will meet iftly due to e exhaujled ir invention ifing. We irliament — : old. We plications— Wc have cl juftice of the ( ^3 ) the Britifli nation — tlicir efTorts in om favour have been hitherto incffec^cial. What then remains to be done ? That wc commit our injuries to the even-handed juftice of that Be- ing, who doth no wrong i earncftly befeech- ing him, to illuminate the councils, andprof- per the endeavours of thofe, to whom Ame- rica hath confided her hopes ; that, through their wife direction, we may again fee reuni- ted, tlie bleffings of liberty and property, and the moft permanent harmony with Great- Britain." After having thus viewed every overture to real reconciliation, rejefted by adminiftration ; let us fee what fteps were taken, in this event* ful felTions of parliament, to exafperate for- mer grievances, and add new. On the 9th of February, the Americans were declared in rebellion, by an addrefs from both houfes of parliament, and an offer made of lives and fortunes, to fupport the crown againft all rebellious attempts. In March and April bills pafled, to prohibit the colon ills from catching fifli in the feas which wafli their own coafts ; and from trad- ing with one another, or with any part of the world, but Great-Britain and the Britifli Weft- India iflands. Six thoufand land forces, with three of the beft generals in the fervice, a conliderable rein- forcement to the navy, and a large quantity of artillery and ammunition, were fent to Boftpn. Great induftry was ufed to obtain, from the court of France and the ftates of P 7> . Holland, '..A' •«i. ( 24 ) Holland, prohibitions againft fupplying the Americans with arms or ammunition. At the fame time, minifterial men, of the firft rank, were put .forward, in the two houfes of parliament, to affert that the Americans were the moft abjedl poltroons, and would humble themfelves at the appearance of a Britifh army. Tbefe fcntiments were induftrioufly propagat- ed in the public papers, through all parts of the kingdom, and of Europe. Every meafure, on the part of Great Bri- tain, omened the commencing war, and cut-? ting (hort the queftion of right, by conqueft. In the addrefs, declarative of a rebellion in America, were thefe words : " that we ever hnve been, tnd always (hall be, ready to pay 'attention and regard to any real grievances of any of his Majefty's fubjeds, which fhall in a dutiful and conftitutional manner be laid before us ; and whenever any of the colonies (hall make ^proper application to us, we fhall be ready to afford them every juji and reafon- able indulgence''' Inftrudions were fent to the governors of feveral affemblles conforma- ble to this declaration, informing the repre- fentatives of the people that propofitions from them Ihould be attended to. The houfe of reprefentatives at New- York applied accordr ingly to the King and the two houfes of par- liament. But their petition to the King re- ceived no anfwer, and their application to the two houfes was treated with triumphant con- tempt. The affembly of New- Jerfey tranf- mitted alfo an humble petition to our moft gracioujj ^"^ plying the lition. At of the firft o hoiifes of ricans were iild humble ritifh army. y propagat- all parts of Great Bri- ir, and cutr y conqneft. rebellion in lat we ever pady to pay rievances of ch fhall in mer be laid the colonies us, we fhall and reafon- /ere fent to s conforma- thc repre- tfitions from he houfe of lied accord? ufes of par- le King re- lation to the nphant con- erfey tranf- o our moft graciousi ( is ) gracious Sovereign ; which the fecretarj of liate refufed to prcfent. Such wns the good faith with which the mlnifters made thtfe declarations ; and fuch the attention they paid to the petitions found- ed upon them. The Americans foon per- ceived that while every hoftile preparation was made for their dcftruclion, every treache-. rous artifice was employed to render that de- ilru^tion lure, by difuniting and deceiving them. Men of fimilar principles, almoft at all times, ufe the fame practices. Thus in 1640, the minifters of Charles the Firft told the commons that " if they would grant fup- plies, he would give a gracious ear to grievan- ces, if they were juft."+ The court lawyers extolled this condecenfion ; but the people perct ived, that parting with the means of ob- taining redrefs, was the fureft way to prevent it. Nor had they then morereafon, than the Americans have now, to put their truft in the gracious difpofition of the court ; or fubmit thejufticeof their grievances to the opinion of arbitrary minifters. One of Charles's fy- cophants offered, with two thoufand men, to make all the Scots creep upon their bellies, to beg his majefty's mercy ; but the king and his minifters, at the head of twenty one thou- fand men, were foon obliged to treat with thofe very Scots. We have heard fimilar declarations refpefting the Americans; and it is every day expected that news will arrive of •j- Hjftory of the SteuartSjpage 147, # i i ^f Tories, and put Firftfaid, houfe of IS carriage been told ifters and 'a£lion in Hancock lation for tells us, promoted :orrefpon- and def- 1 am per- for Ber- fe treache- igated and : arbitrary n\ war in n. ricans from in the open as founded humanity, ons. Vat- authority, of naviga- eing a right hat attemps ntage, does i for war: people to rep^l • * ( 27 ) repel an injury — that is to oppofe by force, thofe who attempt to deprive them of their right."* Whgt (hall we think then of the princi- ples or feelings of that man, who could de- clare, in the houfe of commons, that his onlv objeftion to the bill, was his fear that it would not ftarve the people effeflually ? What fliall we fay of this man*s, being immediately pY.;moted to be lord advocate of Scotland ? Does it not mark an enmity and rancour in adminiftration againft America, in purfuing the gratification of which, humanity, juftice, policy, and even decency, are forgotten ? It muft have been in this favage fpirit, that mv lord North, as is faid, declared in the houfe of commons, " that an utter ftrangerhad en- titled himfelf to his favour, by concurring with the meafure againft America."t We cannot be {urprifed that violent mca- fures Ihould enfue from violent paffions; or that while all America, and half England is earneftly imploring peace and reconciliation, the miniftry (hould remain inexorable, and purfue without remiffion, the moft ofTenfive and exafperating plan. The latter end of the winter, orders were fent to General Gage, by the hands of Colo- nel Abercrombie, to march out of Bofton and begin the redudion of New-England. This is a circumftance particularly to be regarded, becaufe it will fhew that at the time of the affair of Lexington, where they have charged the I .: \ 1 * Droit des gens, vol. I. page 229. t Parliamentary Regifter. w m h I wi ■ ( i8 ) • the Americans with commencing hoftilities^ general Gage had the orders of the miniftry to ad offcnfively. Colonel Abercrombie had arrived fome time before, and Colonel Aber- crombie carried the orders. J In obedience to thefe commands. General Gage detached a part of his army, with great fecrecy, on the J9th of April, to feize upon Hancock and A^dams ; and, as the Gazette acknowledges, to deftroy fome ftores coll.*a:ed by the provinci- als at Concord. The march of a thoufand men in military array into the country, in the then anxious ftate of men's minds and circum- ftance of things, under the irritation of an army pofted and fortified in their capital town, could not but operate as an a£lual commence- ment of hoftilities. The alarm fpread im- mediately. The people affembled to defend themfelves, without concert or leaders. The king's troops encountered much inferior bo- dies of the Provincials at Lexington and at Concord ; on both which, according to the affidavits of fome of thofe troops themfelves, they Jir'd firjl* At length however they were obliged to retreat, being purfued to their jntrenchments, th«' reinforced by a thoufand men and artillery under Lord Percy,with very great lofs in killed, wounded, and taken pri- Ibners. This was the commencement of the war. • Thq Provincials immediately coileded an ar- - my, X The orders arrived fome days before the engagement ; but perhaps Colonel Abercrombie carried the duplicate : of their previous iiirival, however, I am certain. * See the athdavits of lieutenant Gould, JamCJ Marr, and John Batenia.1, foldicrs, Keinembrancer. "*****fc**- lofiilitiesy miniftry imbie had lel Aber- edience to stached a ^, on the L'ock and ledges, to provinci- thoufand try, in the id circum- ion of an )ital town, ommence- pread im- to defend ers. The iferior bo- on and at ng to the hemfelves, rever they led to their a thoufand r,with very taken pri- of the war. fted an ar- my, ; engagement ; duplicate : of »mc» Marr, and my ton Re^ tiiiii froi the3 fane and and vaiii not an e the Ami forn: Pro^ nean entn ker*s react unde the] not \ fever were their mand and a Char Soutl hyth This mifch the ii (. ^9 ) my, drew lines and entrenchments about Bof- ton, in which they have ever fmce kept the Regular army clofely befieged. In the mean time, the three generals, and the reinforcement from England, arrived at Bofton. But tho* they were now augmented to near ten thou- land men, ftimulated by the want of forage and fre(h provifions, urged by their orders, and impelled by the fliamc of their former vaunting and their late defeat, ftill they did not deem it prudent to march out and hazard an engagement. So much the amazement of the uncxpeaed valouir and aftivity of the Americans, with the remembrance of theie former failure wrought on their minds» The Provincials however, approaching nearer and nearer, and having at length commenced an entrenchment upon an eminence called Bun- ker's hill, commanding Bofton, and within the reach of the (hips and batteries ; the Regulars under the cover of thefe, attacked and drove . the Provincials, from that poft. But they did not venture to purfue them, having fuffered fo feverely in the aftion, that half of their men were killed and wounded, and two thirds of their officers. The provincials loft their com- mander. General Warren, with two colonels, and about 300 men. During the engagement, Charles-town, which was to Bofton what Southwark is to London, was fct on fire by the King's troops, and touUy confumcd. This was a meafure of fuch violence and mifchief, that it fervcd very much to encreafe the irritation of America in general, which E IS h . ( 3° ) U not yet fo ufed to war, as to comprehend how fuch extremities can be juftified. Ano- ther circumftance previous to that, contributed to perfuade the people, that good-faith as well as humanity was to be violated toward* them. The inhabitants of Bofton having luffcred great extremity from confinement and want of provifions, offered to deliver up their arms, it General Gage would let them leave the town, with all their effefts. The general agreed to it ; they accordingly deli- vered up their arms, and then he rcfufed to comply with his part of the agreement, or to reftore their depont. It is a fettled rule, that the laws of war are to be obferved, even with rebels. Henry the Fourth of France held them facred with his rebellious fubjefts; and the duke of Alva was compelled to do the fame with the Dutch by the fevereft retaliations. It is not well to commence a war with a^fts of rage and viola^ ted faith. The boaft of humanity in not ex- ecuting thofe, who, in his affeded phrafe, were deftined to the cord, when there were ten times as many of his men prifoners for retaliation, will hardly cover the inhumanity and ill-feith of thefe notorious aas. It is not that General Gage*s chara^er fuffers by fuch unbecoming conduft, but that as he m fomemeafure reprefents the nation, the natio- nal honour and character is wounded, and the minds of the Americans irritated, and ali- enated from all rcfpcft for their native .county. We •*».w .«^_ )mprehend ;d. Ano- ontributei >d-faith as d towards 3n having 3nfinenieiit deliver u^ \ let them las. The ingly deli- refufed to lent, or to of war are Henry the i with his te of Alva I the Dutch not well to : and viola^ r in not ex- led phrafe, there were rifoners for inhumanity las. It is fufTers by lat as he in 1, the natio- tunded, and ted, and ali- tive .county. We ( 3' ) We have now confidered the proceedings of adminiftration, both in and out of parlia- ment. We havefeen, as far as intentions may be deduced from anions, a fettled deter- mination to draw the fword againft America. This is the main and ultimate argument of all ihofe, who aim at the eftabli0.ment of arbitra- ry power ujpon the ruin of public liberty. That fuch is the purpofe againft the colo- niesj cannot be doubted. Elfe why this con- ftaht and contemptuous rejeiftion of every really conciliatory propofition ? Why fuch an accumulation of grievances upon ah alrea- dy complaining people, and every hoftile pre- paration made for impoling them by military force? The Americans have folicited only to be reftored to the fituation they were in, at the end of the war. They were then fub- je:iiU.f ^s' , \ fideratio^ the quef- r was any ftCon, than iken from there was )ccariuned 'horityj to i\ congreft reception, tion. The , were dcr il, confif- ftty, that reconcUia- eir former and com- tition they •s. They rifdom, to further ef- ts may be D him* and )e taken in eftabliOied, fting foun- I'mkj whea )n too has iiile prepa- ourfe look is impofl^- ig clfe but »r our con-* iideratiot^ ( 33 ) fideration will be — the policy of a war with iour colonics. A due confideration of the policy of a war with our colonies, is of the latt importance to the moft eflential interefts of the empire. Even the minifters who urge it, and the law- Jord who, in conjundion with his noble countryman, fecretly advifes it, confefs it is a perilous extremity, and big with confe- quencps of the greateft moment and magni-p tude. But they plead the neceffityof it. To my apprehenfion however, it appears incon- ceivable, that fuch a neceffity (hould exift, as long as the united voice of America continues to implore peace and reconcilement, and they are willing to return to that ftat6 of fubor- dination, which they held when thefe vexa- tious and, I am afraid, ruinous queftions ori- ginated. Such are the terms of the two peti- tions, which the general congrefs have pre- fented; and which, like a thoufand others from their aflerablics, have been unhappily fruitlefs. To a nation elevated, as this is, to the fum- mit of opulence and power, war is attended with unufual hazard. Becaufe fuch a nation in the event may fall, but cannot rife. It is peace only that can balance her upon that pnvied point of pre-eminence. To a nation fo circumftanced, points of honour, imagina- ry points of honour, ought not to be a caufe of war. Points of honour, did 1 fay, nay nothing but the moft eflential points of in- tcreft not othcrwife to be maintained can juf^i- '■■---. ' ■ : '•■■■■ ■ ■;• ■ > ( 34 ) fv fo hazardous a meafure. That no fuch ef- fential interefts are now in qucftion, that no fuch unavoidable necclfity cxifts, is 1 think clear to the commoncft comprehcnfion. How- ever therefore they may be made the pretence, they afTuredly are not the principle of the war. If the fupremacy of this country, be that eflential intereft ; let it be clearly proved that fuch fupremacy has been invaded and cannot be otherwife retrieved. If the collec- tion of a revenue be the obje£V, why have thefe very minifters not only pledged them- fclves, in the nioft folemh nianner to Ame- rica, th»t no more revenue laws fhould pafs refpef^ing her ; but repeatedly declared, that fuch a meafure would be abfurd and imprac- ticable ? > Thefe fentiments of adminiftfation, will fully appear, in the following circular letter, from the fecretary of ftate to the governors of the colonies ; which letter muft neceffarily have been confidered and confented to, by the cabinet of his Majefty*s oftenfible mini- fters, and is an ^&. of ftale. " I can take upon me to affurc you, not- withftanding infinuations to the contrary, from men with faftious and feditious views, that his Majefty*s prefent adminiftration have at no time entertained a delign to propofe to parlia- ment to lay any farther taxes upon Amei'ica, for the ptn^ofe of railing a revenue ; and that it is their prefent intention to propofe, the fiext feffion of parliament, to take off the du- ties uj)on glals, pa^fer, and colours, uponcon- i!,. ' fidcratiofl o fuch ef- I, that no is 1 think n. How- : pretence, le of the untry, be \y proved 'aded and the coUec- vhy have ged them- to Ame- bould pafs ared, that d imprac- ion, will iilar letter, governors neceffarily ed to, by fible mini- you, not- trary, from news, that have at no ; to parlia- 1 Amei'ica, ; and that opofe, the off the du- ll pon con- fideratio^ ( 3S ) fideration of fuch duties having been Inid, contrary to .' c true principles of commerce. Thefc havT luways been and ftill are the fcn- timents of his Majcfty's prefent iervants, and by which their condu^, with refpeft to Ame- rica, has been governed; and his Majefty relies upon your prudence and fidelity for fuch an explanation of his mcafiires, as may tend to remove the prejudices which have been excited by the niiircprcfcntations of thofe who are enemies to the peace and profperity of Great Britain and her colonics ; and to re-eftablifli, that mutual confidence and af- feaion upon which the glory andfafety of the BrltiJJj empire dependi. HILLSBOROUGH." If duties impofed for the purpofe of reve- nue, were contrary to the true principles of commerce; furely a war, in fupport of thofe impofitions, muft be the laft of abfurdities. If the glory and fafcty of the Britilh empire, depend upon the re-eftablifhment of mutual confidence and affedion ; furely war is an awkward and unpromifing mode' of obtaininjr (uch an end. Nor would it be lefs prepoC^ terous to wage war for vindicating a fupre- macy, that has always been ackriowledgt d. Laft year the colonies defired tv) be reftored to the condition, in which the conclufion of the late war left them. The navigation ads, and twenty other fta^utes, aflerting and exer- cifing our fupremacy, were then in full force, and undifputed operation. Goveri;or Bernard •.; himlelf mm L 'i ',P'' ( 36 ) himfelf dcclatecl, that infringements 6f them, ** when deteded were furely puniflied.*'* It was under this fiibordinntion that a foreign writer + of the firft reputation was of opinion that Great Britain enjoyed all the power ovei* them, (he ought to delire. She had a nega- tive on all her laws. The executive power was entirely in the hands of her delegates. There was an appeal to her from all theii* civil courts. All their commercial move- ments were in her arbitration. " To increafe the yoke, fays he, of a domination fo wifely framed, would be to plunge the continent anew into that diforder, from which they have hard- ly extricated themfelves by two centuries of continual labour and hardfhips. It would be to compel the induftrious labourers who have cleared it, to arm in defence of thofe facred rights, which they hold equally from nature and fociety. The people of England, a peo- ple fo devoted to liberty, who have fome- times protected it, in regions unallied to them, can they forget thofe principles which their glory, their virtue, their feelings, their fafety render an eternal duty? Will they betray thofe rights, which are fo dear to themfelves, fo far as to contribute to reduce their brotliers to flavery ? If however it Ihould happen, that fome incendiary fpirits ftiould dcvife fo fatal a meafure, and in fome moment of mad- tiefsy fliould have it adopted to Great Britain, what ought to be the conduft of the colonies, to ■ • --J I : . '■ \ * Seleft Letters, page 3» . v f Hiftoire de» Indei. i 6f them, led."* It a foreign 3f opirtion ower ovei* id a nega- ve powef delegates. all theii' al move- b increafe fo wifely ncnt anew have hard- ;nturies of would be who have lofe facred )m nature id, a peo- ive fome- d to them, bich their their fafety ey betray hemfelves, ir brotliers 1 happen, 1 dcvife fo nt of mad' at Britain, : colonies, to ( 21 ) to prevent their falling under the moft odious fervitude ? What miift this writer think of the mad- nefs of the times, in which there are not only incendiary fpirits to devife fo fatal a meafure, and have it adopted ; but in which a war is meditated, at the expence of our prefent and the hazard of our future commerce, to carry that fatal meafure into execution? What '""ft, ¥ '*^'"^ °^ ^^"5' 3t the moment in which the colonies have declared, they do not dcfire an accommodation, that may be, in any degree, inconfiftcnt with the interefts and dig. mty of Great Britain ? When they have be- fought this country to propofe its own terms of conciliation; and give them the opportu- nity, they ardently wifh for, of teftifying their zeal and gratitude, as loyal fubjeas and affedionate colonifts ? * Under thefe circumftances, it is moft ma-' nifeit, thzt fubordination cannot be the ob- jea of thefe meafures, though Jlavery may» Yet to fomeit feems difficult to comprehend, how arbitrary power can arife to the crown, by making the authority of parliament abfo- lute over America. But fuch difficulty will foon be removed, by recollefling how often our kings have exercifed arbitrary fway, through the mediation of parliaments. The reigns of Richard II. of Henry VIII. and of Charles II. abound with inftances : Lord^ BoKnbroke therefore obferves, with perfeft propriety, that, " whether the will of the See their Uft petuioa to the throne. prince ( 38 ) prince becomes a law, by force of prero- gative and independently of parliament; or whether it be made fo on every occafion by the concurrence of parliament \ arbitrary pourr is alike ejlablifjjed. The only diiference lies here: Every degree of this power, which is obtained without parliament, is obtained againft the forms, as well as againft the fpirit, of the conftiiution ; and mull therefore be obtained with difficulty, and poflefled with danger. Whereas, in the other method of obtaining and exercifing this power, by and with parliament, the progrefs is eafy and (hort; and the pofleffion of it {o far from being dan- gerous, that liberty is difarmed, as well as oppreffed, by this method. That part of the conftitution, which was inftituted to oppofe the encroachments of the crown, the mal-ad- miniftration of men in power, and every other grievance, being influenced to abet thefe encroachments, to fupport this mal-admi- niftration, and even to concur in impofing the grievances " * Through the intervention of parliament is therefore the mofl: fafe and fure mode of eftabliftiing arbitrary power in the crown. ]Jy that medium it is not only compafled with more plaufibility and eafe, but exercifed w' ch more abfolute fway and fecurity. From hence.it. may appear, that the advifers of thefe in^eafures have afted with deeper fa^aci- ty than Superficial obfervers would fuipeft. Such being plainly the principle,' and fuch ^-i^.-i,. the * Political Works, vol. 2. ;, J , '; n„ of prcro- ment; or occafion arbitrary difference er, which > obtained the fpirit, crefore be ?fled with nethod of r, by and and ftiort; )eing dan- is well as part of the to oppofe le mal-ad- and every » abet thefe mal-adinl- impoiing parliament : mode of lie crown, compafled It exercifed y. From idvifers of per fagaci- Id fufpeft. and fuch the I 39 ) the purpofe of this war; what policy can move the nation to efpoufe it ? Every mo- tive of humanity, juftice and intereft call for conciliation. Tnefe very minifters have told us, that the glory and fafety of the Britifli empire depend upon that mutual con- fidence and aflfeftion between the colonies and the parent ftate, which war muft inevitably deflroy. The fenlible and fiirely impartial foreigner I juft quoted* tells us, that the very principles of our conftitution are wounded by this war. That we cannot attempt to in- creafe the power we before poflefled, without violating every principle of policy, and every facred duty of virtue and juftice. He. has forewarned u?, that fuch an attempt would force the American peafant to turn foldier in his own defence ; and involve the whole con- tinent in confufion. We have feen this come exactly to pafs. The moment General Gage*s army marched out in hoftile array, and com- menced hoftilities at Lexington and Concord; the peafantry poured in, like a thoufand ftreams, to overwheln. them; A powerful army was immediately formed ; and at this moment, the colonies, which, before that at- tack, had not a iingle regiment in the field, have more than an hundred thoufand men in arms. To fubdue thefe, and all the reft, whom the fame enthufiafm of liberty, and the defence of all that is dear and facred to men, may call iforth, is the immediate talk of the war, upon the policy of which we .arc npw deliberating. Fa . , I^t ( ♦» ) Let us fully and candidly examine, then, what force, by fea and land, thiv; war will require, what expence will he incurred by that force, what we (hall lofe in the' revenue and commerce during the continuance of the war, and what we may poliibly obtain, or poffibly lofe, by the ultimate event. The conclufion from thefe confiderations, duly weighed, will, I conceive, be found and decifive, whether it be for war, or for peace and reconcilement. The queftion is great, A greater never before called for our atten- tion. The fate of empires hangs upon it. The proteftant religion, the British conftitu- tion, the profperity, the opulence, the exig- ence of Great Britain, depend upon the ifliie. Let us then give it that attention, which its high importance merits. The armament of laft year againft A me* rica, was ten thoufand foldiers, and three thoufand feamep.' It was then fuppofed, the Americans would not relift. The event has proved they will. That armament is half confumed, without efTeding a (ingle thing of any confeque!hce. I have converted with no officer on the fubjed, who thinks a main ar« my of lefs than uiifXy thoufai^d men, with an adequate train of artillery, ten thoufand men for the fouthern part of the continent, and ten thoufand ieamen including marines, can open the campaign with any poffibiiity of fuccefs. T^is eftimgte I purpofely fiate as low as pof- .,:,w: „ - Forty Fo Oil Tr Te; I Sta Bui Foi £xi 1 eftal the fent mol red Ami and pall com war, year prov then and incrc fupp who] eftira m iti^ ne, then, war will urrtil by f revenue ce of the btain, of lerations, ound and for peace is great, ur atten- upon it, conftitu- the exift- the iffue, which its ift A me* nd three ofed, the !vent has It is half thing of with no main ar« with an fand men , and ten can open F fuccefs. Vf as pof- Forty ( 41 } Forty thoudind land forces will be Ordnance fervicc i ■ .. Tranfport fervice — Ten thoufand feamen including marines ■ , ■ . , Staff and hofpital . Building and repairs of fliips Forage, bread, and other contin- gencies for the fleet and army Extra expence . £■ 1,000,000 500,000 600,000 600,000 70,000 100,000 1 ,000,000 6gip,ooo Total for the American war 4, 4 70,000 It muft be remembered, that the peace cftabliftment, together with the intereft of the national debt, entirely exhaufts the pre* fent fupplies; that the finking fund is al- moft emptied ; that the dibt already incur- red for the war we hav« carried on with America, cannot be lefs than two millions; and that the necelfities of the civil lift will call this year for half a million. At the loweil computation then, if we are to continue this war, the additional expence of the enfuing year will be fcvcn millions, which muft be provided for, by additional taxes. Let us then confider, what we fhall lofe in revenue and commerce, during the continuance of an increafe of taxes, to furnifh the extraordinary fupplies for this unnatural war. Mr. Glover, whofe knowledge and accuracy is undoubted, cftimates the revenue arifing from North America, ^aiially received, at three hundred V- ^ -'■-■.:■ thoufend ( 42 ) thovifand pounds per annum, Befides this, the taxes, which are involved in the price of the manufaftures we furntfli them, and which muft fail with the failure of our exports, cannot be eftimated at lefs than one million. The nctt revenue ariiing from duties and ex- cife on Weft India productions, is feven hun- dred thoufand pounds, half of which cannot but fail in confequence of this difpute. Your exports to North America were three millions per annum, which were paid for in raw ma- terials, that trebled their value upon being manufaftured, and entered deeply into the whole fyftem of your manufactures and com- merce. Upon this eftimate then, obferve what muft be your over-taxed and ruined fituation. * • Additional fupplies for the year 1776 " ' 6,470,000 Deficiencies in the revenue " ^ 1,650,000 Total equivalent to an aftual in creafe in taxes of Jf we add to this the fupplies for the current fervice of the year which amount to — 8,120,000 1 1,000,000 The fum total will be 19,120,000 This {iim far exceeds the burthen of any year during the laft war. The ruinous con- fequences of it, are plain and inevitable. There is no man in his fenfes, who p^n fit i:: i. lerioufly feri( we is a out moi fuff at ] aire thoi ber tion a fo Itn A ^ difti unit ry i and hill fafti: chec vvar foon conq fider tob( that hurt der i ourfi aftr liber defp< folly ides this, 5 price of md which exports, e million. IS and ex- :ven hun- :h cannot e. Your e millions I raw ma- >on being into the and com- vhat muft ition. 5,470,000 [,650,000 {,120,000 1,000,000 ^,120,000 m of any nous con- inevitable. 10 p^n fit ferioufly ( 43 ) ferioufly down, and fhew by what refources, we can fupply fuch an enormous demand. Jt is abfolute infanity to fuppofe our funds and our credit will furvive the fliock. Nor is it more rational to fuppofe, that a lefs force will fuffice ; or that fuch force can be fuppnrted at lefs expence. Indeed the minifters have already thrown out in parliament, that forty thoufand men will be requifite. A lefs num- ber would be an army of inability and irrita- tion. Nor have I indeed an idea that fuch a force, though formidable, will be cffeaual. It may check, but it cannot conquer America. A war at more than three thoufand miles diftance, againft an enemy we now find united, aftive, able and, refolute; where eve- ry foot of ground is to be won by inches, and at the lame fatal expence with Bunker's- hill ; in a country where faftnefs grows upon fafinefs, and labyrinth on labyrinth ; where a check is a defeat, and a defeat is ruin — it is a war of abfurdity and madnefs. We (hall fooner pluck the moon from her fphere, than conquer fuch a country. But when we con- fider all its circumftances ; that fuch a war is to be waged by a nation fo exhaufted of men that we are obliged ro hire foreigners, fo over- burthened with debt, that we are finking un- der its weight ; divided and diftraded among ourfelves, while they are knit together, like a ftrong man, with one fpirit of enthufiaftic liberty, one fenfe of grievance, and univerfal . defperatioii ; I know not with what name of folly and infatuation to brand the attempt. ; It « ( 44 ) It is agreed that the grand American army will amount to fifty thoufand chofen men, led by experienced generals, animated by eve- ry motive that can infpire undaunted and huMToic valour, difciplined to all the advan- tages of the country, comforted and confirm- ed by every affiftance which the attachment, the intereft, the zeal of the inhabitants can minifter, and capable of bein^ recruited^ or reinforced with the utmoft fitality. Againft this army we are to contend, under every pof- fiUe difadvantage. Our generals unacquainted with the particular country, our foldiers unani- mated, I will not fay di%ufted, by the nature, of the fervice, embarrafted by the natural ob- ftacles of an impra£ticable country, harrafled and diftrefled by an irritated, bcmile peaian- try, recruiting difficult, reihforcement impoi^ iible. Under thefe infuperable obftacles, what can enfue from the attempt, but rout and ruin ? Will the miniftry ftate to us a plan ? I do not require that it ihould be practicable, let it only be plauiible. Till that is done, we ihall be warranted to retort upon admi- niftration. General Gage*$ charge againft the Provincials ; and call the attempt, an 9&. of jJirenzy. But dtfappointment and defeat are not the only, not the worft confequences. The to- tal lofs of America follows inevitably. For can any man in his fenfes fuppole, that when they have foifed our utmoft attempts to ilibdue them, they will be longer fubor- dinatc? When once we put it to the ilibe of cafe Wh( cvei to t wh: pol) fnoi endc be ] ther forn" ever; inde troui furtl lege, lie t( of L Maje mean fice. My I collelv. oie, 6f force, wlietlier they fliall be fubje£l in ail cafes vvhatfocver, the event will determine Whether they will be fo in any cafe whatfo- evcr. The whole of our power nnift be put to the hazard. Let- us then next examine what we may lofe. We muft lofe the mono, poly of her commerce. A vifionary Dean, more mercenary, I fufpeft, than J6«d,> has endeavoured to perfuade.u?, that Ahs lofe \fUl be no liratenal . xv^ty. I fhall falce no fow • ther notice of him.tfian to fay, that his pcrJ lormance proves him to be utterly JimoFant of ' every fadt. that flioUld govern the jiidgiiiehr ■ m d^iding upon fo great a queftion. Without troubling therefore, the reader or myfelf any further ^ith fuehpretenders to political know- ^t^^y I beg to call the attention of the pub- lic to the well-weighed, fterling fentiments ot i-ord Chatham. »* When I had the honour of fervinir his Majefty, fays he, I availed myfelf of the means of information derived from my of- Jcc. I fpeak therefore from knowledge. My materials were good. I was at pains to collea, to digeft, to confider them; and I will be bold .to affirm, that the profit to Great Britain from the trade of the colonics, through all It branches, is two millions a year, rhis was the>»^, that carrried you triumphantly through x!titlaji'war. The eftates which were rented at two thoufand pounds a year, threefcore years ago, are at three thoufand pounds at prefent. Thofe eftates fold then Q from ( 46 ) from fifteen to eighteen years purchafe. The fame may be fold now for thirty. You owe this to Jmerica, This is the price America payi to you for her proteSiion.^'* A profit of two millions a year then, is what we muft lofe. We are plunging into this war, not only without the fund that carried us trium- phantly through the laft ; but for the deftruc- tion of vhat fund. What will the landed gentleman think of four or five (hillings in the pound, entailed upon their eftates forever? A^ct what clfe can compenfate for the deficien- cy of two millions ? It is inevitable. On the land muft the burthen ultimately fall. There is no other equally permanent fubjea of taxation. The landed gentlemen then will do well to confider maturely the following words of Mr. Locke ; " The decays that come upon, and bring to ruin any country, do conftaptly firft fall upon the land ; and though the country gentleman is not very forward to think fo, yet this neverthelefs is an undoubt- ed truth ; that he is more concerned in trade, and ought to take greater care that it be well managed and prel'erved, than even the mer- chant hinifelf." But this lofs to us, is not the only mif- chicf. Our rivals and enemies, the Spaniards and French, muft gain, in a great meafure, what we lofe. We fhall therefore ftrengthen them, as we weaken ourfelves. The im- menfe profit of being the carriers for America, will • Mr. Pitt's fpcech on the ftamp-»a. ifc. The You owe jimerica , profit of we miift war, not us trium- le dcftruc- he landed killings In es forever? le deficien- ible. On atcly fall. ;nt fubjedt 1 then will following that come untry, do ind though forward to I undoubt- d m trade, it be well n the mer- : only mif- : Spaniards Lt meafure, ftrengthen The im- r America, will ( 47 ) will ceafe with tl>c abolition of the navigation afts ; the policy of which was to take it from the Dutch, and fccuie it to us. It will in a great meafure revert to it old channel; and enrich the States, by the impoverifhment of Great Britain. But let us hear Mr. Glcvtr, who has traced our commerce through all her windings and de- pendencies, withafagacity and fuccels, which render his knowledge unequalled. After hav- ing accurately ftated the fafts, he fays, " from this ground fee what we put in hazard, not merely a monied profit, but our bulwark of defence, our power in offence, the arts and induftry of our nation. Inftcad of thoufands and ten thoufands of families in comfort, a navigation extenfive and enlarging, the va- lue and rents of land yearly rifing, wealth abounding and at hand for further improve- ments, fee, or forfec, that this third of our whole commerce, that fole bafis of our whole empire, and this third in itfelf the beft, once loft, carries with it a proportion of our na- tional faculties, our treafure, our* public re- venue, and the value of land, fucceeded in its fall by a multiplication of tajfes to re-inftate that revenue, »n increafing burden on every decreafing eftate, decreafing by the reduced demand of its produce for the fupport of ma- nufafture andmanufafturers.and menaced with a heavier calamity ftjU, the diminntion of our marine, of our feamen, of our general population, by the emigrations of ufeffil fub- O 2 : . jcas, ( 48 ) jcfts, ftrengtliening that ycry country you wilh to humble, and weakcninp; this in the fight of rival powers, who wiSi to humble us." If then the wifdom of Mr. I.ocke is not folly, if the information of I.ord Chatham is not ignorance, if the laborious rcfearchcs of Mr. Glover are not errors, the conie- quence of a war with our colonics is inevita- bly ruinous. But the meafiire of our misfortunes and of our folly, is not yet full. It is not the mere lofs of this fund of two millioi-.s annu- ally, and of fo great a part of our lommerce with all its ^confequences, it is not thi* tranf- fer of it to* augment the trade, the mi'ine, and the riches of our rivals, that ^\\e> an adequate idea of what we are to lofe b) this infatuated war. We arc to lofe a fund in- creafing,^as qur wants jncreafe; and in exadl propi^on to the growth and population of Artt^rica. Mr. Bqrke. whofe refearches have thrown' irrefiftiblc light ujion .this fubjcft, has ftated it thus fron^ the evidence of indubitable fa£ts.* In the year 1704. Exports to North America and the /[, Weft Indies 485,265 Pitto to Africa . 86,665 ^ Total 569*930 ^m^ l^ * Speech in 1775, •l ntry you Is in the humble ke is not Chatham rciearchcs le confe- is inevita- .ines and not the ins annu- Dmtnerce thi" tranf- c m;'^ine, e,ivts an fe b} this 1 fund in- 1 in exadl Illation of e thrown' has ftated ble fa£ls,^ 485,265 86,665 569'93o 7- j« ( 49 ) In the vcar i yyz. Exports to North America and the Weft Indies To Africa To which if you add the trade to Scotland which, in r 704, had ' iio exiftence - Total C 4.79«f734 866,398 364,000 6,024,i;i From five hundred and odd thoufan'STiTh^ grown to fix millions. It has increafed no lefs than twelve {M This is the fiate of the colony trade, as compared with itfelf at thefe two periods, within tlus'-tentury, and this IS matter for meditatjonr "^ut this is not all. Examine my fecond^JTccount. J)pe Ww the export trade ta the colonies alone in 1772 flood m thr iwher point of view, that is as compared toihe whole trade of Enc- lana m 1704. |^V ; . i- ° The whole export of £itgiand iq- A " eluding the coloni&s in i.704 6,509,000 Export to the colonies alone in ■- > 1772 , 6,024,000 Difference . ■■ ^ ■ ^ js:?::' '-"'$*', 485,000 Thus the tradt with America, ijas^Fjicreafed nearly to an equality with what t^le creat commercial nation, England, carried on, at the beginning of this century, with the whole WPrld. We are not.ortl^ to f^crifice an im- mediate ( 50 ) mediate fund c^ infinite vnliie, but fiich a fund as no nation ever before poficfied, nn increafing trade, tccminp; with every benefit and Welfing that can make a people rich, pro- fperous, and powerful. Are we then in our fenfes, or are we not ? See the fum of our folly and infatuation. An indefinite augmen- tation of the national debt— an increnfc of taxes beyond all former example-— a diminu- tion of commerce to an adual third of the whole, and that third the only increafing part, and influencing very materially all the reft— a depreciation of eftates in proportion to the di- minution of commerce and the increafe of taxes— the facrifice of a capital part of the rev veniie, with the beft fourcc of naval liorcs, and a great nurfery of feamen. Thefe are the immediate and unavoidable confequences of this war. The miniftry are bold in thtir ignorance. They acknowledge they have hitherto been mifled. I am afraid we ftiall never fee them lead right. I ftated my fads and my computations. Let any one who can, controvert them. The con- clufions are indifputahle, they are inevitable. The calculation of additional expence, is pur- pafely ftated at the loweft. I would not ex- aggerate. The moft favourable fide is tender- nefs. 1 have made no additional cluarge for vidualling and recruiting, in a lituation in which the ufual expence mwft be trebled. I liiive not Iwellcd the account with th« al- maft incomputable expence of tranfporting a . ,t Ruffian lilt fuch a iHcficd, nil ery bcn(;fit rich, pro- len in our Lim of our e aiigmen- increnfc of -a diminu- lird of the ;afing part, the reft—a I to the di- increafe of t of the rev ival llorcs, inavoidable liniftnr are knowledge [ am afraid :. I ftatcd Let any The con- : inevitable, ice, is pur- Id not ex- e is tender- cluarge for Ituatron in trebled. I ith the al- lafporting a Ruffian ( 5> ) Ruffian army from Peterffiurgh to Portf- un)uth, and from Portfmouth to America. Not a word have I faid of embodyin^j the militia, which however will certainly take place, at the expence oi more than half a raUlion.* I have not heightened the pidurs with manufa£liirers ftarving— poor's rates in- creafing— iniiirreftions and commotions .over tlie whole kingdom. Nature will have its way ; and when popular difcontents arife from the feelings and fufferings of the peo- ple, it is not an embodied militia that will prevent the dreadful confequences. We are waging war with reafon, and with heaven. We muft break down the barriers of nature before we can fucceed. And what are to be the fruits even of our fuccefs ? Will defo- lated cities, and depopulated provinces, be fit fubjedrs of trade or of navigation ? Will they contribute to our neceffitics either by reve- venue ar commerce ? If to alleviate the bur- tliens of this nation be the end of this war ; the means are dire6tly ueihudive of the end. Unaccountable infatuation ! But honour pricks us on. We are to fetk tlie bubble Reputation even In the cannon's mouth. Let us n.it deceive ourfelves. Our honour is already loft. When we went all over Europe, begging for affiftance to iiib- due that very people whom we juft repre- fented as the moft abjcft cowards ; our ho- aour was no more. The miniftry have held the Britifli lion up, ihorn of his ftrength, f * difmantled •A voteforthispurpofchasfincepaflcJthe HoufeofCammons. i ( 5^ ) , _ difmant!'^ ] of hi^ lionours. In irritable impo- tency. The Riiifian bear is henceforth to lead the chace, and help him to his prey. Let us then fuppofe a confpiracy happily formed, between the two imperial crowns, againft the common rights of mankind, l^et us fuppofe, in confequence of it, an ar- my of thirty thoufand Ruffians fafely landed in America. Let every ftep they take be; marked with defolation ^nd with blood. Let the cities, towns, villages, plantations, and all that the unceafmg hand of mfluftry arid toil has for centuries bcch calfirig fbVth frorti a favage wildernefs, be fmoking in fprie com- mon ruin. While the miniftry and their Scotch fupporters, are hanging 'over the* fcene of cruelty till they are gUitted ; cari^ Engliflimen help afking, whofe blood is this? whofe colonies are thus deftroyecf-; Xvhb dref to pay for this devaluation arid fuiti. It is Englifli blood ; they arc Englifli colonies ; England muft pay. Ought we then to ac- quielce in fuch meafures, ought we to ap- prove, ought we to aid them. But when the Ruffian army has conquered America, how are we to take that conqueft from them ? Is there no danger of their keeping what they have conquered ? Is human nature fo chang- ed, that no example ihould ever again oc- cur of what hiftory fo often furniflics ? When we talk of honour, let us compafe the conduct of America, with our own. I do not wifli to draw odious comparifotis^ In )le impo- eforth to prey. ' happily . crowns, nankind. it, an ar- ty landed take be; od. Let 3ns, and uftry arid irih frorti brie com- (nd theif over tlid ted ; cah^ id is this T Xvhb ririf h. It is colonies ; en to ac- re to ap- lut when rica, how them ? Is vhat they fo chang- again oc- ics ? ; compare own. I iparifotis^ In ( 53 ) In M'^ dp'inion the hearts of the people art not with the prefent proceedings. It is a mi- nifterial war, influenced and inftigated by Scotch counfels. After having folicited all Europe not to affift the Americans, we are now moft humble petitioners at every courts to affift us. We are ready t irm and to re- ward any hand, that will aim the inftru- ment of death at the heart of an American. On the contrary, the Americans have truft- ed to their own arms for their defence againft the minifterial armaments and machinations. While the miniftry have purfued every de- sperate, and deftruaivc meafure by calling in Other nations, and even. Rqgian Catholics, for their ruin ; they are ftill earneftly defirous of reconciliation, and therefore, avcrfe to take a ftep which muft render that reconcilememertt imp;, -icaule, have delayed the calling in any ^h r. aid tothis moment.* While the * When hoftUities were commenced^ fay they, in their ad. dreft to us, when on a late occafion we were wantonly attack- ed by your troops, though we repelled the aflauit, and re- turned their blows, yet we lamented the wounds they obliged «» to give ; nor have we yet learned to rejoice at a viclfify over Englllhmen. His Majefty't moft gracious fpeech aflurcs us, that among the many unavoidable ill confequcnces of this rebellion, none affefts him more fengbly, than the extraordinary burthen which it muft create to his faithful fubjeas. The Congrefs declare that nothing but " neceiTity (hall drive them to excite any other nation to war againft Great Britain." The fpeech fays, I have the /a/h/aaion to inform you, that 1 have received the moft friendly offers of for«ign afRftance/ and we know that every effort has been ufed to /♦ procnrethefe dfers, andobtain a foniga army for the deftrue- tion of the colooiei. H miniftry r ( 54 ) niiniflry are giving two guineas and an halt bounty, indifcrl mmately, to every creature that will enlift; ^^ hile . rewards and encourage- ments are held out in the public papers to the lri(h Roman Catholics to tempt them into the army, while Canadians, Indians, Hef- fians, Hanoverians, Ruffians and every ani- mal of blood is conjured into this murderous fervice ; hear the orders of the adjutant-gene- ral to the American army. " You are not to enlift any deferter from the miniftenal army, nor any ftroUer, negroe, or vagabond, or perfon fufpeAed to be an enemy to the li- berty of America, nor any under eighteen years of age. You are not to eniift any perfon who is not an American born, unlefs fuch perfon has a wife and family, and is a fettled refident in this country. Given at the head quarters at Cambridge, this lothdayof July, 1775. Horatio Gates, Adjutant-generaV* To what can this very marked difference in the means of getting men to carry on this war be imputed? To the principle of the war alone ; for in every other refped the faci- lity fiiould be ten fold greater in the minifterial party. It is, that on the American fide the taufe is deemed the beft that can engage men of property and principle to take up arms ; while on the other fide, a general abhorrence of the bufinefs throws an infuperablc damp upon the fervice. While the Americans there- fore fore are at L Th pof< thai bud wrc and wh< prei fan| I are fidi Arc Sco 'tliei and trer not prir ofl triu ous tot ftiti Yel mo tain fuai jnt id an half :ature that ncourage- papcrs to them into ns, Hef- ivery ani- nurderou? tant-gene- u are not minifterial vagabond, to theli- r eighteen jniift any irn, imlefs ', and is a lambridge, t'general.''* difference rry on this pie of the d the faci- minifterial n fide the ngage men up rirms ; abhorrence rabic damp icans there- fore ( SS ) fore have their choice at home, the minlftry are obliged to look abroad for affiftance ; and at length to apply to the unfeeling Ruffian. The Ruffian does not enquire about the pur- pofe, but the pay. Tempt him only with that, and he is your fervant, what bloody bufinefs ever. Yet even this favagemaybe wrought upon by the fituation of America ; and may feel that to be free, or join thofe who are fighting for freedom, and property, is preferable to the unprofitable, flavifli, and fanguinary profeffion of a Ruflian foldier. Let any one candidly confider who they are that fliew themfelves moft eager and af- fiduous in promoting this unnatural war. Are they not the Tories, Jacobites, and Scotch. Do not men of this defcription fet tliemfelves oftentatioufly forward, both in and out of parliament, in urging us to ex- tremities, and preventing all accommodation ? Ithey fee it is the old caufe^ though we can- not. They fee that the extinftion of Whig principles in America, will be a fure means of filencing them here, and render Toryifm triumphant. There are no means too hazard- ous and too deteftable, for them to employ to this end. Should they fucceed, the con- ftitution of this country would be no more. Yet thefe are the men who pretend to be moft anxious for the dignity of Great Bri- tain. Thefe are the men who would per- fuade us, triat our liberties are not concerned in the queftion. Princes, and the minifters of H 2 princes, I i ( 5« ) princes, have ever cloathed their tyrannical intentions, with profeffing regard for the rights and welfare of the people. Before we are dupes, of fuch (hallow artifices, let us re- member that the prefent pious king of Swe- den, the very moment he fet his foot on the free conftitution of his country and rendered nimfelf defpotic, called God as a witnefs to his facred regard for the public liberty, and that he could have no intereft feparate from that of his people. Of his lincerity we caii have no doubt. ^^ v. !..:», ^ . This war then wreatens us, not only with a diminution of our commerce and revenue, an increafe of taxes, and the moft dangerous commotions; but it faps the very founda^ tion of conftitutional liberty. For if the fwof d once fubdues a third of the empire to the ah- folute will of the crown, under the aufpices of a corrupt and fervile parliament, it will not be long before the whole is reduced un- der the fame domination. Should any one doubt of there being any fuch intention a^ainffc our liberties, let him examine the doftrines lately promulgated, under great patronage, by Dr . Johnfon and Mr. Wefley. If he pan find any difference between them, and thofe of Filmer, Manwaring, and Sacheverell, or thofe in fupport of (hip- money , he has more difcernment than I have, In the mean time it is certain, that a government which had not fettled its plan, and was not withal Ver^ fool-hard^ ix\ thcfxecutiornof it, would fteyei? yrannlcal for the before we let us re- of Swe- )ot on the rendered itnefs to jrty, and cate from Y we caii illy with revenue, angerous founda- he fwovd > the ab> aufpices , it will iced un- any one n a^alnft ]oarines itronage, If he im, and heverell, he has he mean It which : withal , wouI4 fteyei? ( S7 ) never fuffcr fuch fiifpicious doftrlnes to come forth, avowedly under its pay and patronage.* Hitherto I have avoided augmenting the the impolicy of this war, by the probability of its leading to an attack from our ancient and inveterate enemies, when we ^^-e leaft prepared to refift it. The fubjeft is delicate and dangerous. But the condud of our mi- hifters has furrounded us with difficulties. To fpeak upon the fubjcrniation, : juftice ? ban that, the fatal rfevere in :alamlties ; and the rant the fallhoods and ( 6. ) and abufe agninft America, by which the pub- lic has been deceived and inflamed by his Ma- jefty's ler\';ints, both at home and abroad, are the infiimous arts of bafe find degenerate men. The accufations of fcalping, maiming, and making war like favagts, which General Gage and the court Gazette have founded in the ears of a too credulous people, have not been verified ag.nnll the Provincials in a fingle in- ftance. Nay more — when Governor John- fton, on the firtt day of parliament, offered to produce an officer at the bar of the Houfe of Commons, who was in the whole engagement at Concord, and taken prifoner, the miniftry, confcious of their iniquity, would not liften to it. Nothing can be more painful than a mi- nute detail of human depravity. I Ihall there- fore content myfelf with laying before the rea- der one decifive inftance of the little credit due to the accufations of General Gage againft the people. In the proclamation againft the people of the Maffacliufetts Bay, figned Thomas Gage, are thefe words — ♦' And while indefatigable and fhamelefs pains have been taken to obftru£t every appeal to the real interefts of the people of America ; the groffeft forgeries, calumnies, and abfurdities, that ever infulted the human imderftanding, have been impofed upon their credulity. The prefsy that diftinguiflied ap- pendage of public liberty, and when fairly and impartially employed, its bell fupport, has been 1 invari- ( 6i ) hvarlnhly projiltuted to the viojl cofitrary piir^ 'pofexr* In anfwer to this dreadful ccnfiire, hcnr the fame Governor Gajrc, in his letter to Lord Dartmouth, dated liorton, January i 8, 1775. '* 1 conceive the prefs^ which h:is been more open to prove rnment than ufualy to have betn of great ufe ; through which channel, the ton. du(5l of the leaders has l^een laid open, and the abfurdities of the refolvesof the continental Congrefs expofcd in a maftcrly manner, which has fcrved to lower that impreffion of high importance, which the Congrefs has made up- on the people's minds."-i- After this acknowledged abufe of the prefs, in traducing that Congrefs which was the oh- je^ of reverence and almoft of adoration with the people, one would have fuppofcd it was the other party that complained of hs having; been invariably proftituted to tha contrary purpofes for which the prcfs was inftituted — the fupport of public liberty. But it was ne- ceffary in that proclamation, as it has feemcd in every government paper, both there and here, to rail againft the people ; and therefore this topic of abufe was taken up without any regard to truth, or even to confiftency. The fame fpirit has infpired General Gage's fupe- riors here, in a proclamation for fuppreffing rebellion and fedition, it is faid— ** there is reafon to apprehend that fuch rebellion hath beet) * Remembrancer, vol. I. pag. 91, ■)• Parliamentary Regifter, vol. ]. pag. 194, bee trai fori wit ech in i nift gOf had libe all the eve hav inp alai and niai as for tre: in tioi wit Aft wai noi bot the the" ceiv wai fary fur^ hcnr the to Lord )tTn more c betn of the ton- , and the ntincriTtil T, which I of high made up- the prefs, s the ob- idoration "ed it was ;s having contrary lituted — ; was ne- is feemed here and therefore lout any y. The e's fiipe- pprefling ' there is ion hath beet) ( «j ) been much promoted and enconrAgcd by the traitorous correfpondcnce, counfels, and com- fort of divers wicked and dclpcrale pcrfons within this realm." This charge was re- echoed, with the nioft fanguinary comments, in all the court addrefles. Yet when the mi- niftcrs were called upon in parliament to make good fuch a charge, they acknowledged they had no evidence of any fuch, and that it was a libel. And though they feizcd and examined all the papers of one papular gentleman, upon the pretence of n plot, the moll ridiculous that ever difgraced the contrivance of idiots, they have not been able to produce the leaft tittle in proof of their declaration : a declaration fo alarming, that out of refpeft both to the King and the people, it ought never to have been made, but upon unquettionable ground. It is as little for the reputation of government as for the quiet of the people, that accufations of . treafon being abroad, fhould be lightly made in fo authentic an aft as a royal proclama- tion, it is fcattering firebrands and death with inconfiderate and very culpable levity. After fuch condud — after fuch proof of a total want of regard to truth and juftice,to the ho- nour of the crown or the peace of the people, both in his Majefty's minifters and generals, if they can prefer ve any confidence or credit with the public, it is a public determined to be de- ceived. There arc two other afts of cruelty and want of good faith, on the part of General . I 2 Gage, r^^t^^miF^ ( «4 ) Gage, which have averted the minds of the Americans, and diminifhed very much that high reverence they felt for Engliih juftice and humanity. As It is this opinion that formed the fureft ground of their confidence in our go- vernment, whatever lowers it, is much to be deplored. The tranfaftions which have been already touched upon, are thefe. When Lord Percy was retreating before the Provincials, after the affair at Con 'ord, he met near Charles Town a gentleman of great influence. His Lordihip aflted, if he thought the town would receive and (helter his troops. The gentleman faid, he believed they would. " I muft be affured of it," replied Lord Percy. The gentleman immediately went into the town, confulted the feleft men, and returned "With this anfwer — " We will receive the fol- dlers, and bathe their wounds." Lord Per- cy with the troops marched in accordingly ; and, as every one knows, they were there fhel- tered from further purfuit and danger. In a very few weeks after fo fignal an aS of friend- Ihip and humanity, this town was burnt to afhes by the very fame troops. I do not en- ter into the queftion, whether it was an in- difpenfibly neceflary manoeuvre of war. That however has not been proved. I fpeak only of the very unfavourable impreflion an aft fo apparently horrible made upon the minds of the people. And indeed, if the burning that town, unguarded the wing of the Provinci- als, and expofedthem to be flanked, the vic- tory ^ ids of the luch that ufticc and t formed n our go- Lich to be lave been aefore the 1 'ord, he 1 of great e thought is troops. :y would. )rd Percy, into the returned e the fol- -ord Per- )rdingly ; there (hel- ;r. In a of friend- burnt to o not en- is an in- ar. That peak only an a£t fo minds of ning that Provinci- the vic- tory ( 65 ) torv ^ya3 obtained by an accident, and he miivht ii:re fpared the infult of boafting the intinite iupciiority in valour of the Britifh troops. In tuiy event, a man, who felt lilx a folUlcr, ^vould not think it a feat to boaft of, thrit :i rcpiilar army had forced irregulars from intrenchments, thrown up in a few hours, undefended by cannon, and fired upon inceflantly by the ftanding batteries in Bofton, the floating batteries in the river, the (hips, and the field artillery, to give full effeft to which, he himfelf tells us, the army advan- ced Jlowly, and halted frequently. * Some time after this, the inhabitants in Bofton, urged by the utmoft diftrefs, defired that they might quit the town with their ef- fedls. General Gage agreed they fhould do fo, provided they would deliver up their arms. But when they had refigned their arras, he refufed to Jet them carry out any of their effedls, and clogged even their perfonal de- parture with great difficulties. Thus he got pofleffion of their arms, by a trick, and fuch a breach of faith, 'as ought to ren- der him infamous for cver.f 1 have my in- ^ * Seethe Gazette, July 2^. ;. ^ ." I" open violation of honour, in defiance of the ob- ligation of treaties, which even favage nations efteem facred, the Governor ordered the arms depofited by agreement in fatety for their owners, to be feized by a body of foldiers ; detained the greateft part of the inhabitants in the town, and compelled the (tvf^ who were permitted to retire, to leav- 'their moft valuable efFeft* behind." Addrifi of the jtmtrel etngrtftj" . , ■ E ■-,.-■> ,-■ ; ■■' ■ ■?"-' ■ -'- '-> ' ■ "'' ^' .?='■■■!■'=-...■■ .tr " -■■ "' i - ■-"■ '■ -i'' - ' t-r ■'■ ^ ■ ''- ---■■- :-r,'''i, - ' ' formation { 66 ) formation of thefc faf^s from indifputable au- thority ; and fnch as would appear at the bar of the Houfe of Commons, were there any inclination there to do that injured and infult- cd people juftice. To manifeft fuch an in- clination, and to enquire into fuch proceed- ings, would be the faireft foundation for re- newed confidence and reconcilement. If there were little feeling in this country for the fuflferings of our fellow-fubjefts in America, if we did not condemn the readinefs with which the moft outrageous abufe of them is received and repeated, it would give a melancholy proof of the decay of that hu- manity and magnanimity which ufed to be the honourable diftinftion of Englifhmen. Thefe minifters would change not only the conftitution, but the charaderiftic of this country. Indeed thofe noble qualities muft be extiriguifhed before the public voice will aid and approve fo wicked a war. To tram- ple upon the common rights of mankind, to carry famine, fire, and fword into their country becaufc they will not yield to laws, which if yielded to, would render them the moft abjed flaves on earth, to llir up Roman Catholics, favagcs, and even their negroes,* * Go\ernor Littleton, who feconded the motion for an addrels to his Majiiily, intoimed the Houl'e, and feemed to do it with pkal'ure, tiiattiic negroes in the fouthern colonies were iiMmeioiis, ami ready toembrue their hands in the blood of their maliers. '1 he reader will alfo fee the fame favage threats thrown out agaiiiil the people of Virginia by Lord Duiiniorc, fully authenticated in the proceedings of the af- fembly of tlut colon \. Rmimbramir, vol. L page 183. to ^ ' Jy l Sl'A »l i ^ . l ^^lAW■l l l ^ ^^ ! M y l»■^ l WMl f ^ll^W l W lll^ll y l | ■^ itable au- nt the bar here any id infult- b an in- proceed- in for re- country hjeds in readinefs abufe of )uld give ' that hu- lled to be glifhmen. only the of this ities muft oice will To tram- mankind, into their to laws, them the p Roman negroes,* )tion for an d feemed to ern colonies in the blood fame favage nia by Lord ;s of the af- lage 183. ( 67 ) to embrne their hands in the blood of our fellow-fubjeas— thefe are acls of cruelty and rancour which no people, not loft to .-very lentiment of humanity and virtue, could hear without horror. What heart can be i.rtmo- ved, or help calling down the vengeance of Heaven upon the inhuman minifters of thefe meafures, when we read of a large and po- pulous place like Charles Town, fet on Hre in an mftant, and confumed to aOies by the/ deftruaive engines of war— the defencclefs . town of Newport in Rhode Ifland, battered for a whole day by (hips of war— the city of New. York fired upon by the Afia man ""17/^' n^'^'y """^^ ^'^^^ w'th women and children flying into the fields for fhelter, their venerable old governor promifing them pro- tedtion ^ryv^xn—crudelisubiqueluaus^ubique pavor-^et plurima mortis imago. Thefe are the triumphs of our minifters in this impious *T'"j rP.^ conflagration of Britifti towns— 13 • °?°lf '^" of Britilh provinces-gazettes of Britifh blood, ftied by Britifli hand., and mu- tual lifts of our flaughtered fellow-fubjeas. The extremities to which that unhappy peo- ' pie have been driven, fliould not harden our hearts againft compaflion for their fuftbrings. bmce, to fpeak in the manly language of Ge- neral Wafhington-" Let our opinion of the principle which aauates them, be what it * may ; they ftipopfe they aa from the nobleft ot all principles— a love of freedom, and of their country." Aauated by the fame prin- ciple, ( 68 ) ciplc, our anceftors vindicated from the hands or tyranny, thofe rights and liberties which we now enjoy. It would therefore little be- come us to condemn the operation of the fame principles in the Americans ; or to re- joice at the calamities they fuffer in aflerting and maintaining them. A mong other means, which have been induf- trioufly employed by minifterial men, to pre- judice our minds againft our fellow-fubjtfts in America, they have been accufed, both in and out of Parliament, of witholding their juft debts to the merchants of this country, and fmuggling to the great injury of its com- merce. What foundation there is in thefe charges, we may judge from the teftimony of the American merchants. Thofe of Lon- don, declared laft year, at the bar of the Houfe of Commons, that — ^they were in no appreheniion about their debts, biit from the meafures taken by that Koufe. The mer- chants of Briftol have fpoken precifely on this fubje£t in their laft petition. — ** We owe, fay they, a teftimony of juftice to your colo- nies, which is, that in the midft of the prefent diftraftions, we have received many unequi- vocal proofs, that our fellow-fubjeds, in that part of the world, are very far from having loft their ancient afTcftion and regard to their mo- ther country, or departed from the principles of commercial honour and private juftice. Notwithftanding the ceffation of the powers of government, throughout that vaft conti- nent. nen im{ cor Am liac Gr( aflii and dom able yout gle firfl bud qua tial circ utn con you half part met paft gefl yeai cop us. dud Wl lian ftar fup U-. be hands s which ittle be- i of the )r to re- aflerting en induf- ^, to pre- -fubjiefts both in ng their country, " itscom- in thefe sftlmony of Lon- ir of the re in no from the "he mer- :ifely on ^e owe, our colo- je prefent T unequi- i, in that iving loft their mo- principles s juftice. e powers aft conti- nent. ( «9 ) nent, we have reafon to think, judging by the imports into this city, and by our extenfive correfpondencies, that the commodities of American growth, enumerated by afts of Par* 1 lament, have been as regularly brought to Great Britain, as in the moft quiet times. We afllire your Majefty that the trade of this port, and the fub/yience of a great part of your king- dom, have depended very much on the honour- able, and in this inftance, amicable behaviour of your American fubjeSls. We have, in this An- gle city received, within one year from the firft of September, 1 774, more than one million buihels of wheat, to fay nothing of the great quantity of other valuable commodities eflen- tial to our navigation and commerce. Thcfe circumftances we humbly beg leave, with the utmoft deference, to fubmit to your Majefty 's ccnlideration, in order to fhew, that whenever your royal clemency (hall exert itfelf, in be- half of your colonies, the difpofitlons, on their part, to peace and reconciliation, are by no means fo unfavourable, as many perfons, from pailion or mifinformation, 1 ay poffibly fug- It is very well known that we were laft year in danger of a famine ; from which this copious fupply of grain from America, relieved us. Mark then the difterence between the con- du<5l: of the minifters and of the Americans. While the minifters were palling afts of par- liament here, with the avowed intention of ftarving the people there ; and their Scotch fupporters were lamenting that it was poffi- K ble r 70 ) ble they might not be effeftually ftarved the Americans were holding out to us the ftatf of life, and fiirnifhing to our neceffities that food, which the inclemency of the heavens had denied. Can there be a ftronger contraft offered to a generous and enlightened people ? Can there be any longer a doubt of tht atTec- tion of our Colonifts towards us, of their be- ing aftuated by the moft noble motives, in a manly maintenance of their liberties ; while their enemies employ every wicked and inhu- man means to fubvert them ? Certain, how- ever, it is, that many of thofe who have been faved from ruin and from famine, by their large remittances, are addreflers for their de- ftruftion. Impelled, perhaps, by the fame ir- refiftible court influence, which made General Howe undertake to be the butcher of that very people who had raifed a monument to the memory of his brother. The next crime, and that which they feem to think of the deei)eftdie, is that the Ameri- cans are aiming at independency. They ap- pear to imagine that the mere fufpicion of fuch an enormous wickednefs as the defire ofinde' pendency, is fuflicient to juftify the laying their towns in alhes, the devaluation of their coun- try, the flaughter of the inhabitants, and the confifcation of their eftates. When you a(k them for proofs — they have none : but, like lago — for mere fufpicion in that fort, they aft as if for furety. I will however fo far give them the advantage of the difpute, as not only to wave retjuiring them to prove their charge, but butt( of foi W chinf a dir again fally venti] tion. do nc eftabl it." fomet thati could fame part ( Chat! contii latior peopli men as la\ their tives. ham's ande on tl moft premi ther, pie h: fuper *R« li ved J the ftaff ities that heavens contraft people ? :ht atfec- their be- ves, in a 1 ; while nd inhu- n, how- ave been by their their de- fame ir- General of that ment to »ey feem : Ameri- rhey ap- 1 of fuch ofinde" ing their r coun- and the you aik 3ut, like they aft far give ot only charge, but ( 71 ) but to flievv that they have not the leaft colour of foundation for it. When it fhall appear that Governor Hut- chinfon, envenomed as he is, could not make a direft charge of any fuch intention, even againft that part of America which is univer- fally deemed the moft difpofed to it, we may venture to pronounce it a groundlefs accufa- tion. In the year 1770 he writes thus 1 do not fay that the contrary principle is yet eftablifhed, but there is a growing tendency to it.*' A tendency it feems to this high crime, fomething like a treafonable practice, fo vague that it may fit any fad, was all of which he could then accufe the people. Nay, in the very fame letter he acknowledges that " a great part of the colonies ftill keep up my Lord Chatham's diftinftion." ** If parliament, he continues, gives up taxation, let it aflert legif- lation, and fupport it before this part of the people find out^ that it is the right of Englifli- men to be governed by laws in general, as well as laws for taxation, to which they have given their confent in perfon, or by their reprefenta- tives.*" Every one knows that Lord Chat- ham's diftinftion preferved the fupremacy clear and entire ; fo that this is plainly a confeffion on the part of Governor Hutchinfon, that moft of the colonies ftill acknowledged the fu- preme legiflative authority. He even goes far- ther, and intimates, that his part of the peo- ple had not yet fo much as difcovered what his fuperior fagacity dikerned, that it was effen- K 2 , tial * Remembrancer, p. 131, -^■^ I W ! H ' H 'i"i !Wt» pj] i u i jiui i / i j i >p i ) l t»t,Jj i | 4. 1 J,i,, i iJ i |(lj l f> 1.11 ii ll.,< i l i ; il U u ( 7« ) tial to their liberties to aflent to all the laws which bound them. Without this difcovery, no one can fuppofe they could entertain any deligns of independency. In 1 77 1 the governor tells us — " the fac* tion in this province, againft government, is dying, but dies hard.'* This looks ftill lefs like a general defign of independency. In another letter he informs us, " that the difor- ders in America muft be attributed to a caufe, that is common to all the colonies, a loofe, falfe and abfurd notion of the nature of govern- ment, which has been fpread by defigning, art- ful men, fetting bounds to the fupreme au- thority." The general obje(a then of the co- lonies was confenedly to limit, not to dejiroy, the fupreme authority ; while Mr. Hutchinr fori's wifli was to render \t imlimited, that is defpotic. Again, we are told that — " all this diforder is owing to a general difpofition, not in the body of the people only, but in thofe to whom the adminiftration of govern- ment by the conftitution isentrufied, to favour the meafurcs of the merchants, as the only means — to preferve the rights of the people, and to bring about the repeal of the revenue ads, and other aiiriffiFrSfc» 1 9 1 z con- •I which e laft nerica, is re- ipiites defire ie fu- DriiUii I Gage ifatua- ompa- h that or lefs by an pie of t Bof- .he dif- cution, oriiicQa violent earing. ent ten if that proved. I letters n. 1- -_ i 75 ) . General Gage, in his letter to Lord Dart- mouth, dated the 25th of September, 17-A, fays — ♦* Your Lordihip will obfcrve that the delegates complain of mifinformation, and de- ny a wilh of indepency." The other governors arc more explicit both as to the caufes and the intentions of the po- pular commotions. Governor Colden writes m 1774 that — " almoft the whole inhabitants of the counties wifh for moderate meafures — that a great majority of the province abhor the thoughts of a civil war, and defire nothing fo much as to have an end put to this unhap- py difpute with the mother country." Had fnch been the wilh of adminiftration, they would not have failed to adopt the plan pro- pofed by the fame Governor in the following words — " could it be thought confident with the wifdom of Parliament, to lay afide the right of raifing money on the fubjefts in America, and in lieu thereof, that the ilveral American aifemblies Ihould grant and fci-ure to the crown a fulficient and permanent fupply to pay all the officers and ordinary expences of government ; they are of opinion this would be a ground-work upon which a happy re- conciliation might be efiedted ; the dependance of the colonies on Great Britain fecured, go- vernment maintained, and this deitruttive conteft amicably terminated."* The fenti- ments of Governor Penn are to the fame point, and worthy of the utmoft attention-— *' I think it, however, my indifpenfible duty to * Parliamentary Regiftcr, page 75. ( 76 ) to his Majefty to acquaint your Lordfhip, thaty from the beft intelligence I have been able to procure, the refolution of oppofing the Bof- tonafts, and the Parliamentary power of rai- fmg taxes in America, for thepurpofcof a re- venue, is in a great meafurc univerfal through- out the colonics, and poflefles all ranks and conditions of people. They perfuadc thcm- felves there is a formed dcfign to enflave Ame- rica ; and tho' the ad for regulating the go- vernment of Canada, does not immediately affeft the other provinces, it is neverthelefs held up as an irrefragable argument of that intention.^ They look upon the chaftife- ment of Bofton to be purpofcly rigorous, and held up by way of intimidation to all Ame- rica ; and, in (hort, that Bofton is fuffering in the common caufe. Their delinquency in deftroying the Eaft India company's tea, is loft in the attention given to, what is here called, the too feverc puniftiment of (hutting up the port, altering the conftitution, and making an ad, as thev term it, fcreening the officers and foldiers for (bedding American blood. The plan which feems to be univer- {:\\\y adopted, is the procuring a general con- grefs, in order to ftate the rights, and repre- lent the grievances of America, to the throne ; and to agree upon fuch meafures as may be tiiought moft likely to relieve Bofton— -and reftore harmony between Great Britain and the colonies."* With what face then can thefe minilters fay they were deceived ; with w^ what f Parliamentary Reglftcr, page 83. * Ibid.psgeSa. n p, thnt^ iible to ic Bof- of rai- >f a re- I rough - ks and : thcm- e Ame- thc go- ediately irthelefs of that :haftife. >us, and llAme- :ring in Micy in ten, is is here (hutting on, and ling the .merican univer- iral con- J repre- I throne ; may be in — and :ain and hen can 3 ; with what «g4 82. C 11 ) uhat face can they charge st dcfign of mAt- pendency upon the colonies ; when th.7 arc folemnly told, by one of the moft refpeftable of their governors, from the fulleft informa- tion, that one great objea of their planning a general congrefs was to reftore harmo- ny between the t»o countries ? Who is it then, that iins rendered all their endeavours abortive ? The miniftry. What is it that has exafperated, inftead of healing; and -n the place of reltoring harmony, has inflamed po- pular difcontent, into civil war? inhu- man afts of legiflative authority, inexonhlc oppreffion, redrefs refufcd, grievances exaf- perated, hoftile fleets, and defolating armies. Governor Eden's information, from the pro- vince of Maryland, is that ♦' the fpirit of rcfiftance againft the tea- aft, or any mode of internal taxation, is as ftrong and univerfal there as ever. He firmly believes they will un- dergo any hardfliips fooner than acknowledge a right in the BritiOi Parliament, in that par- tkularr* Of much the fame nature is Go- vernor Bull's account, touching the fituation of South Carolina. " Their own apprchen- flons and thoughts, fays he, confirmed by the refolutlons and correfpondence from other co- lonies, have raifed an univerfjl fpirit of jealou- fy againft Great Britain, and of unanimity to- wards each other- the general claim is ex- imption from taxation but by their own re- prefentatives, as co-eflential with the Britifh, their ovvn conftitution."f L Thus * Tarliamcntary Rcgiftcr, page loj. fllwd. F8«87* ■ I J 'M ( 78 ) Thus the intelligence from different gover • nors, in a variety of provinces, co-operates to exclude any colourable charge of a delign to deny the fupreme legiflative authority. They all agree, that the raifing money upon them by an affembly, in which they are not repre- fented, joined with the feverity and injuftice of the ads againft the Maffachufett's Bay, was the caufe of their difcontent that the difcontent was univerfal that the objeft of their oppofition was to obtain redrefs of thofe grievances, and regain their former harmony. The proceedings of the firft general con- grcfs were conformable to the intention with v/hich Governor Penn declares it was pliuined. They fliy in their petition to the throne, " We alkbut for peace, liberty, and fafcty. We wifli not a diminution of the prerogative, nor do we folicit the grant of any ne%v right in our favour. Your royal iuithoritv over us, and our connexion with Great Britain, we fliall always carefully and zealoufly endeavour to fupport and maintain," After' the moil contemptuous rejedlion of this petition, after every infiduous attempt to dlfunite and deftroy them, after the addition of new and general grievances to old and particular ones- we tind the late congrefs unmoved in their rclblution of keeping with- in the former line of their demands, and pre- ventiiig if poffible, the feparation of the two countries. In their addrefs to the inhabitants ot Great Britain, fo late as July the 8th, ^11 Sr gover* rates to (ign to They »n them t repre- injuftlce :'s Bay, that the e objeft drefs of former ral con- ntention it was 1 to the rty, and I of the grant of If royal 3n with ally and lintain," edlion of tempt to addition old and congrefs ig with- and pre- the two habitants the 8th, ( 79 ) 1775, they fay, " Wechearfully confent to the operation of fuch ails of the Britifli Par« liament, as (hall t^ reftrained to the regula- tion of our external commerce, for the pur- pofe of fecuring the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the mother country— excluding every idea of taxation, internal or external, for railing a revenue on the fubjeft in America without their confen^" So in their laft petition, they declare themfelves " ready and willing at all times, as they have ever been, with their lives a,id fortunes, to aflert and maintain the rights .^nd intereAs of h'ls Majefty and of the mother coantry. That they do not requeft fuch a conciliation as may, in any degree, be inconfiftent with her dignity or her welfare." — and, in fine, " that they hope for an opportunity sof evincing (con- fiftent with the prelervation of their liberty) the fincerity of their profeflions, by every teftimony of devotion becoming the moft dutiful fubjefls, and the moft affcclionate colonifts." Thus the colonies have conftantly and clearly defined the limits of their rights, and the line of their fubordination. They have moft explicitly ftated their grievances, moft carneftly implored vedrefs ; and avowed their determination to fubmit to the fupreme exter- nal controul of parliament, but not to its in- ternal authority. It is impolfible tha^ any conduct can be more open and undifguifed. It is impoiliblp that any condudl can lefs deferve the cenfure thrown upon them in a late fpeech, that ." they meant only L 2 to ( 8o ) to anuifc by vague expreffions of attachment to the parent ftate, and the ftrongcft pro- teftations of loyalty to the King, while they were preparing for a general revolt-- and that the rebellious war now levied, is ma- n'.feftly carried on for the pvirpofc of eftablifli- ing an independent empire." 1 have alrea- dy proved, from the teftimony of the Ameri- can governors, how little foundation there is in h€t for fuch imputations, The impolicy of them is manifeft. Can there be a furer way imagined of rendering fubjeds dilloyal, than treating their ftrongeft proteftations of loyalty as falfe and treacherous ? Is not the continu- allv holding up to them the flattering idea of an independent empire, drawing their attention and defire towards it ? And when thefe mini- ftei-s manjfeftly plan their coercive conduft up- on that fuppQltion, they themfelves make independency necefihrily the fubjed of the con- teft. But to do them juftice, this is not the fubjea of their confideration. They have but onp objea in view. It is to bring the quef- tion to the decif.on of fprce, in which they ■ think themfelves decidedly fiipcripr. They flatter themfelves the conqucft of the cokniies will enfiK', and this will fiibftitute the go\ ern- jiient of the fword, for that of the law. HoW foon they would transfer that government to this country, were they fudercd to fucceed in t'lelr wicked purpofe there, is matter of the inoft ferious and alarming confideration. That they will force the colonies to be totally independent, or totally enflaved, is certain. The rejeding their lafl petition, the proclaim- ing hment i pro- e they is ma- ablifli- ; alrea- (\meri- :re is in )Ucy of er way il, than loynlty ontinii- idea of ctention e mlnir h\i\ up- s make the con- not the lave but he qiief- ich they They cokniies govern- . How vment to iccted in zr of the deration. 3e totally certain, proclaim- ing (81) ing them in rebellion, the loading them with inve£tives from the throne, and the com- mencement of the enfuing campaign, will ef- fectually cut afunder every tie that united us, and put them away for ever. There remain but a few months, for the intervention of , juftice, wifdom, and moderation, to arreft this fatal event. Many have been the plans propofcd, to ef- feft this moft defirable purpofc . May I be per- mitted to offer mine ? It Ihould be m.nfured by the magnanimity of the people, and not by the meannefs of the minifiers. The fervants of Lord Bute will ever appear to me mean, in proportion to the elevation of their birth, and the fplendor of their race. Lord Chatham, among the many wife things he has faid, ne- ver advanced one of more fterling wifdom than that, we muft repeal the animolity we have occafioned. This intention will be the bafis of my plan. It will be a plan to repeal not only the obnoxious acts, but the anin-iofity thofe afts have produced. There is a pafl'age in the laft humble petition from the Congrcfs to the Throne, which for its wifdom and hu- manity deferves our moft ferious confideration, " Knowing, fay they, to what violent refent- ment and incurable animolitles civil dlfcords ' are apt to exafperate and inflame the contend- ing parties we think oUtfelves required, by indifpenfable obligations to Almighty God, to your Majefty, to our fellow-fubjecls and ourfelves, immediately to ufe all the means in pur power, not ii^compatible with our fafety, for i # ( 82 ) for flopping the further eftufion of blood, and for averting the impending calamities that threaten the Britilh empire." Let us then equally imprefled with the fo- Icmnity of the fubjeQ, equally apprized of what muft be the fatal conlequences of a con- tinuance of thcfe meafures, approach the tem- ple of Peace with the fame wife, humane, and hallowed intentions. The fplrit that has produced thtfe diftiir- bances, was narrow, tyrannical, and extortio- nate. The fpirit that heals tbem muft be li- beral, juft and generous. Such a fpirit will not only be conciliating but commanding. It will command, as freemen ought to be com- manded, by its intrinfic luftre and worth, by the refpeft, attachment, confidence, and af- feaion which fuch genuine worth procures. Founded upon luch fentiments, which 1 am perfuadcd will be produftive of the mort real benefits, my propofition is fhortly this — • Repeal all the laws, or parts of laws, of which they have complained. Recal your fleets and armies. Pafs an aft of obli v ion. Let his Mr- jefty be gracioufly pleafed to fend refpe6lablc governors to his colonics, with inftruilions to call aflemblies Immediately ; defire of them to revifcthc flate of their trade, and fhew what reftralnts may bp r9moved with profit to them, and without lofs to us. If upon due r?- vifion here, this fhould appear to be faft, let thoie rcftraints be removed accordingly. Then let rcquifitions be made for the grant of futh . , fiipplies fuppi payii T you ces i quir< tnen: the! ing tioni Ih? the feai con( com fay abc not pe6 thit ren: can tru< obf fpii we! tha in blii pal car ex] m ■ blood, itles that 1 the fo- »rized of )f a con- the teni- lane, and I diftiir- extortio- uft be li- pirit will ding. It be com- orth, by and af- ocures. lich 1 am noft real is of wliich fleets and t his Mr- ^■fpei^ablc LiLTions to f them to ew what profit to n due r?- e faa, let iy. Then ^X of filth fupplies ' ( 83 ) fupplies from them, as may contribute to the payment of the national debt. This is my plan. By the firft part of it, you will regain their confidence and affeftion by the fecond, you will open new four- ces for their induftry and cnterprize to ac- quire wealth by the laft, you will furnilh them the wilhed for opportunity of evincing the fin* erity of their prcfcffions, by contribut- ing lilerally and largely, out of their acquifi- tions, to the neceffities of the mother-country. I have ftipulated no declarations on our fide no tefts on theirs. Every thing is left to the filent operntion of that confidence and af- feaion which 1 am fure a liberal and generous condua will infpire. If we are incapable of ^ conceiving this, or of trufting to it ; all I can fay is, that we are incapable of governing luch a body of freemen. They muft be cultivated, not coerced. From conciliation we may ex- peft every thing -from compulfion no- thing. Till we learn this leflbn-: — till we remember that free fpirits may be led, but cannot be driven; we (hall never know the true art of governing. Lord Bolingbrokc obferves, with his ufual fagacity, that—" the fpirit of liberty will give greater firength, as well as procure greater eafe to government, than any abfolute monarch can hope to find in the moft abjed fpirit which principles of blind fiibmiflion and paffive obedience are ca- pable of infpiring." We have tried what force can do. Have we any reafon to irejoice in the experiment? Let us try free-will. There ■f ' •! 1 i ■ *( ^_J .,v . ( 84 ) is no middle way. An accommodation fornt- ed upon negotiation and ftipulations, will ht precarious and ineflre«anal. Stipulations are always felt as fetters, which free minds are forever endeavouring to throw oflfl A gra- tuitous, unconditional redrefs, is becoming the dignity of a commanding people. When fair and honourable means have failed, it will j be time enough to renew the hitherto una- vailing experiment of force. " But what, fays the financier, is peace to us without money ? Your plan gives us no revenue. No ! but it does for it fecures to the fubjeft, the power of refufal ; the firft of all revenues. Experience is a cheat, and fact a liar, if this power in the fubjci.*^ of pro- portioning his grant, or of not granting at all, has not been found the richeft mine of revenue ever difcovered by the ikill or by the fortune of man. It does not indeed vote you ^52*750/. Mj. zy. no, nor any other pal- try limited fum. But it gives the ftrong box itfelf, the fund, the bank, from whence only revenues- can arife among a people fenfible of freedom : f>o/ita luditur area. Cannot you in England ; cannot you at this time of day ; cvinnot you, an Houfe of Commons, truft to the principle which h:is raifed fo mighty a revenue, and accumulated a debt of near one hundred and forty millions in this country i* ** Is this principle to be true in England, and falfe every where eife? Is it not tr> e in Ireland ? Mas it nr.t hitherto been true in the colonic., r Why Ihould you prefume . , that. I that, ted fc its du fumpi all mi ry of found beiide ly of gover lecuri dom, the fi when foil oi forml heape of its with could prcflo politi( Le tutes, only blood gover and u ourai were as|)rG his IV HoufJ ( 85 ) that, in any country, a body duly cdnftltu- ted for any fun(5lion, will negleft to perform its duty, and abdicate its trult ? Such a pre- fumption would go againft all government in all modes. But, in truth, this dread of penu- ry of fupply, froAi a free aifembly, has no foundation in nature. For firft obferve, that, befides the defire which all men have natural- ly of fupporting the honour of their own governTipnt ; that fenfe of dignity, and that iecurity . roperty, which ever attends free- dom, has a tendency to increafe the ftock of the free community. Moft may be taken where moft is accumulated. And what is the foil or climate where experience has not uni- formly proved, that the voluntary flow of heaped-up plenty, burfting from the weight of its own rich luxuriance, has ever run with a more copious ftream of revenue, than could be fqueezcd from the dry hulks of op- prcfled indigence, by the ftraining of all the political machinery in the world.*** Let us then change this new fyftem of fta- tutes, regulations, and coertion, produftive only of diflentions, ruinous expence, and blood ; for the energy of mild and generous government, under which our union was firm and uninterrupted, our commerce profperous, our arms triumphant, fuch copious lupplies were granted, fuch ftrcnuous exertions made, as procured them the repeated approbation of his Majefty, of the late King, and of both Houfes of Parliament. Can it but wound M every * Mr, Burke's fecond fpeech. < ( 86 ) every feeling of dignity about us, that inftead of thib conduct, honourable for Vi> and happy for them, not a feflion has pafltd away, uncc the commencement of this new fyftem, with- out the re-iteratipn of fuch ungracious words, from the throne, from parliament, and from individuals in high office, as cowards ■ ■ ■ ungrateful perfidious feditious re- hellious people. Such refentful and injurious words, followed by a£ts full of equal injury and refentment, have at length produced the reiiftance which we call rebellion. The tory dodrines of paflSve obedience and non-refift- ance are renewed upon this fubjeft. My thoughts upon it are within a very narrow compafs. The conftitutlonal right of reiiftance, car- ried into execution, effefted the glorious revo- lution, and placed the crown upon the ancef- tors of our prefent moft gracious Sovereign, who wears it only on the authority of that right. MHicn that right of refiflance is to be exercifed, muft be determined by the commu- nity which is aJe^ed by the grievance they think proper to refift. The revolution was founded on thefenfe of Great Britain, without confulting the colonies ; becaufe Great Britain was more immediately prefled and endangered by the grievances they oppofed. The prefent oppofition in the colonies is founded upon their fenfe of grievances, particularly affldiing tben^ It is, I confcfs, therefore, impollible for me to comprehend, how the one can be juftly CiiUed a con- at inftead ntl happy vay, fincc :m, with- us words, md from ^ards ■ LIS re- in) urious .lal injury duced the The tory )on-relift- a. My y narrow ance, car- ious revo- the ancef- lovereign, y of that e is to be ; commu- ance they jtion was 1, without :at Britain ndangered he prefent jpon their :ing tben^ fur me to ftly CiiUed a con" ( «7 ) a conftifiitir^nal rcfiftance, and the other an un- natural rcbelHon. The colonies have been accufcd of not in- tending the conciliation they implore ; be- caufe while they hold the olive branch in one hand, they brandifli the drawn fword in the other. Their humble petition to the throne was accompanied, it is (aid, with an addrefs to the people, and a declaration of their reafons for taking up arms. While they Aie for peace, they are preparing for war. All this, I believe, is perfectly true ; and yet when fairly eft i mated, it argues not the Icaft infincerity. Peace or war is in the arbitration of the mini- ftry ; not of them. The miniftry are invad- ing they are defending their country. Self- defence therefore obliges them to prepare for war, till they are fure of peace. But there is no fuch obligation on the miniftry. They may defift from preparations for war, the mo- ment they are refolved upon peace. Their military arrangements and preparations carry conviflion to all the world that they mean war, and war only. To a£l: thus, with paci- fic intentions, would be an abfurdity too great even for them to commit. In this Htuation of things, they will neither cover their own per- fidy, by profelfions of honefty ; nor injure others, by their unjuft accufations. Compare what they have put into his Majefty's mouth this year, with what they told us, through the (lime conveyance, laft year, and judge candidly. *' The authors and promoters of this de- fperate confpiracy, have, in the conduft of it, ' M 2 derived r ' I I W | I|JI . * mmnujuw i i li^nirv^PMiTCiMnMiCt^ ' ( 88 ) derived great advantage from the difference of our intentions and theirs. They meant only to amufe by vague cxprcflions of attach- ment io the parent ftate, and the ftrongeft protedations of loyalty to ine, whllft they were preparing for a general revolt. On our part, though it \vp«; declared in your laft fef- lion, that a rebellion exifted within the pro- vince of the Miif^achufett*s Bay, yet even that province we wiOied rather to reclaim than to fubdue. The rcfolutions of Parliament breath- ed a fpirit of moderation "'.kI forbearance." The following meflaji." from his Majcfty on the loth of February, » 775, to the Houfe of Commons, will fliew by what kind of a reclaiming fp'irit, his minifters were animated — r-** His M^ijefty being determined, incon- fequence of the addrefs of both Houfes of Parliament" breathing a fpirit of modera- tion and forbearance to what ? with- draw the army of irritati jA*^ ^-Li IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I M lis U lift US IK U 1 4.0 2.2 2.0 1 m ||i.4 ||i.6 < 6" » PhotDgraphic Sdences Corporation -• 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. MS80 (716) 872-4503 f\ iV SJ <^ 6^ '^ /- CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHIVI/ICMH Collection de microfiches. j^ Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Instltut Canadian de microreproductions historlques ^^ '^ Ol e< b ai tv tl w tl tl tl ^ d: ai C( fe tl ir ir u V fa ol tl P' tl fil rj fr ri ol <* • ( 89 ) This meflage is pregnant with proof not only with what fincerity the minifters intend- ed to reclaim ahd not to fubdue, but that they blieved the fame candid fpirit of moder?.tron and forbearance infpired the two Houfcs. \Ac- tuated by this fpirit, they fent the fineft army that ever went from England, double officered which never was known before, with three of their moft able generals, the heft train of ar- tillery that this country, or perhaps tiie world ever faw, and feventy fail of (hips to carry the olive branch to the rebellious Americans. Never was a fpirit of forbearance fo happily difplayed before ; never were pacific intentions arrayed in fuch military fplendour. To compleat this forbearing plan, orders were fent to General Gage to march out and begin the reduftion of New-England; which he immediately, tho'not very aufpiciou fly, com- menced. The two Houfes of Parliament, gave as unequivocal proofs of their difpolition. They voted that there was a rebellion in the Maf- facufett's Bay, abetted by other colonics, they offered their lives and fortunes to fubdue it, they granted all the force that was alked, they palled the a£ts for prohibiting the trade of all the colonies, preventing them from catching fifli, and ftarving them into fubmilfion. Eve- ry creature, both in and out of Parliament, from the prime minifter to the loweft city runner for adminiftration, was loudly boaftful of the decifive meafures determined upon by government, the vigour of which they af- firmed firmed would bring the colonics to immediate fnbmiffion. Yet now when their boaftings have turned out vain, when confufion, defeat, and difappointment have attended all their operations, they plead a fpirit of forbearance and moderation as having marred their mea- furcs. Untaught by experience, unmoved by the ruinous confequences, they perfcvere in oppreffion which they cannot juftify, and are plunging this unhappy country deeper and deeper, into difficulties and diftreflcs from which no human wifdom or virtue will be • able to redeem her. Such is the d^rk and me- lancholy profpe^t of tiie prcient times. ! have thus delivered my thoughts, upon this momentous fubjeft. Out of the fiillnefs of the hcartj the tongue fpcaketh. 1 have much indulgence to atk for the prefent, as , well as many thanks to return for the partiali- ty with which my former appeal was received. 1 have endeavoured to fhew my gratitude, by faithfully pointing out the folly that prompts, and the ruin that awaits, the profecution of this unnatural war. But I am afraid the die is thrown, and we muft ftand the hazard. I .nm , afraid that good men have nothing no^v to do, but to weep over, what they can- not prevent the ruin of their country. O pafrla ! O dhum domus IlHum ! is" Inclyta hello Aiaiiuu Dardanictum / :'/■ ' • ■ FINIS. L medrate oaftings , defeat, jII their jcarance ir mea- lovcd by :vere in and are per and cs from will be and men s. s, upon fullnefs 1 have :fent, as partiati- eceived. ude, by >rompts, ition of the die ^.ard. I nothing lev can- intry. hello ft -S^tSiTJiSaMIMiii,