IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) // /% Zl ^ 7a 1.0 !if ffl« is^ I.I 11.25 i 1.4 2.2 1.8 V V] ^ o^ Photographic Sciences Corporation ,-\ SJ \ \ lV ci^ 23 WIST MAIN STRUT WIBSTtR.N.Y. MSSO '/16) 873-4303 (meaning "CON- TINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Un des symboles suivants apparaftra sur la dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbols —^ signifie "A SUIVRE '. le symbols V signifie "FIN". ire Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre filmte A des taux de reduction diff6rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul cliche. 11 est film6 d partir de Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche d droite. et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images n6cessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mithode. ly errata ed to int ne pelure, ipon d 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 li < /^ u\!^ '^^-^ 10 / D \ ly .N^^ ^ L L/ 1^ .0 PEACE QUES' N # / ;f^mm<^''9' PEACE WITHOUT DISHONOUR—WA WITHOUT HOPE. .:.>■ BEIMO A CALM AND DISPASSIONATE ENQUIRY INTO TRK QUESTION OF THE CHESAPEAKE, *N0 THB ' I « i NECESSITY AND EXPEDIENCY M 09 WAR. BY A YANKEE FARMER. J jt>' PRINTED BY GREENOUGH AND STEBBINS. 1807. I) the ret The A % 028882 iio\Vl P // TO THE PUBLICK. IT cannot be expected, that u farmer should display the ornaments of a polished stijle — The au- thor has aimed only at perspicuitij, impartialitij^ and truth. A boldness and freedom churacteristick of the real, ancient Neiv-Englund farmers, zvill be found strong I If marked in ever if part of this little essaif. The publick good is the author^s onlif object — true patriotism his onlif stimulus — and the promotion of justice, and vindication of our national good faith, his only aim. In these times of party spirit he cannot hope to escape censure. His love of truth — his displaij of our own errors — his disjwsidon to render Justice to other stations icill probablij be attributed to the basest motives — For such is too often the fashion of the day — to abuse those ivhom ice cannot ansiver. It xcould not surfjrise him, if he should even be called an Old Tory or a British hireling ; for he has often remarked that this is a sf>ecies of argument which never fails of success^ when all other reasoning or abuse is found ineffectual. But he shall despise the calumnies, and smile at the attacks of all the partizans of war, afeic of xohom, broken in fortune or reputation, can only hope to rebuild both on the ruins of their Country. Si I'll .>»**SW«*i'.'> t // 4 TO THE FARMll'^S, MERCHANTS, AND MECHANICKS OF NEW-ENGLAND. /f FELLOW CITiiZENS, IF at any time a citizen is juftified in making an ap- peal to your undcrllanding, to your fober rcafon — If a cool and difpafllonate difplay of your danger, and your true intcrefts be at any period a duty, it furely becomes fuch, when you are threatened with a calamity by which your rights, Thertics, property, and lives are to bo expofcd to the moil imminent danger. *We arc told by the publick ncwfpapers which have ufually been the vehicles of the language of oui adminillration — wc are alfo informed, that many very influential men in and out oT the adminillration, concur with the publick papers in declaring, " that War will probably take place, and that it is inevitahky unlefs the government of Great- Britain fhould make ample reparation for the attack on our frigate the Chcfapeake." Wc alfo know, that all defcriptions of people in Great-Britain, however oppofed in political opinions, concurred in one fentiment, that Great-Britain never could, and never ought to yield the principle for which they believed that we contend, the right of enhlling and harbourir.g the deft rtcrs from their publick (hips of war It is rendered almoil certain, therefore, that Great- Britain, " %vhile flie will explicitly difavow the claim tofearch our na- r'tonal Jhips of ivar, will nevertheli fs contend, that we have no right to enViiv her deferters, and protett them under our publick flag, b\. that if we do fo conduft, and refufe to deUver them on demand, fne will retake them by force, on a common jurifdiAion, the High * See the lanjiju.ijje of tlic National liitflligrnccr, and i.f the Aurora, who I'onfider war as inevitable, unlefs Grcat-ilrit^iii grants reparation for the at- tack on the Chefapeake. Mr. Gallatin, Mr. Dearborn, and other publiek ofli- rers are alledgeU to have declared that war is to be expected. (I I V v., I. (i(.?j-." It" I'uch Ihould be Irt final docillon, as we have real'on to fear, fhc cannot punifli Admiral Bcikeli>y without manifcll injullicc to him. ff, thfictoro, our adminillration arc finccrc in their determina- tion to go to war, unlefs reparation be made for the attack, on the Chefapeuke, war fe»ms, as they privately afl'ert, to be inevitable, unlefs the prudent and temperate deliberations of Congrefs, or the feafouable expreffion of publiek opinion, fliall check this dedruc- tive, and 1 may add, r.ijh }M)licy. War, at all times a publkk ca- lamity, becomes pecidiarly alarming and ileilruAive to a nation, whicli has been for twenty-four years exclufively devoted to the arts of peace — which has ncglefted every mean of national de- fence — which has devoted none of its revenues to a wife prep- aration for war, to which all nations are occafionally expofed. It is peculiarly alarming to a nation, governed by an adminillra- tion not only delHtute of military talents, but who have always avowed their oppofition to every thing like military preparation, and who, whih- they have profcfFed to rely upon the moft frail of all fupports, the juftice of nations, and have therefore neglefted every mean of preparation or defence, have moll unfortunately brought us to the verge of a moft awful precipice, where we have no alternative but either to plunge headlong to a certain and de- ilru(5t.ive fate, or to retrace our Heps, as they fay, with ignominy and difgrace. If at a moment fo eventful, and in a pofition fo tre- mendous, any friendly hand fliould point out to us a path by which we might favc both our live? and our honour, one would naturally imagine, that it ought to excite our gratitude, rather than our ha- tred — to merit our thanks, rather than puniflimcnt ; but other doctrines feem to prevail. The friends of tlie adminiftration, wounded at the true picture of our fituation, provoked that any man fhould imanfwerably prove fume errors in our own condudl wliich diminifh the juftice, and of courfe, the neceffity of a war, have advanced an idea novel in the hiftory of free nations, that *" it is treafon to queftion the juftice or expediency of a war," even bc- ' I-xtrat't from the Natiiuial Fiitellijjciircr in anfwor to Pacificus, a writer in }! t Bofton Ccntini'l, ajrainfl the neccll'ity of War. 'JMiis may l)e found in ih' I'.'liiuliuiii, of September '.">, in a piece entitled " Modern Liberty." lorc the only conftituted authority authorized to dtciile thin qucs • tion, tlie l.egiflaturc, liad convened to deliberate upon it. The example of Great-Britain, whole tyrannical principles have fo long been the theme of popular harangue, one would think would be conclufive on this point — and that whatever may be done luith impunity in that monarchical and fevcre government, might certainly be permitted in our free and enlightened country. It is well known that all the publick writers in England, both before and after the de- r'lfion of Parliament, as to the quellion of war, undertake to arraign its juftice, its pohcy, its neceflity, its expedience, their own wcaknel!;, tlij means which they have of annoying the enemy, and to magnify the refources, power, and talents of tlieir foes : nor can there bo found, in a fingle inftancc, an attempt to check this freedom of en- quiry, cither by profecution or threats. If this example, and the explicit language of our own Conftitu- tions were not fufficient authority, we might cite an illullrious man, whofe opinions a large part of the community would be unwil- ling to queilion. — Prefident Jefferfon la_, s it down as an eilablifhod axiom, " that the utmoft liberty of the prcl'a may be fafcly indulg- ed, in fuch a country as ours, and that errors in opinions can do no injury, 'where reafon is left free to combat them" If this doftrine be true in ordinary cafes, liow much more ftrong its application to the important queflions of war and peace ? — To what terrible c 'ifequenccs would the tyrannical do6\rine of the National Intelligencer, above quoted, lead us ? A foreign nation makes an attack which is alledged to be caufe of war : Such an attack mud always involve a queftion of faft, and a queftion of law or right. If the opinion of any particular fet of men, even of dig- nified officers, could be conclti/ive as to thefe two queflions : If no pri- vate citizen who might be in pofleflion of hotter evidence as to the fadsi or better authority as to the law, could divulge thefe fafts, and make known his principles of law, it would follow that our Conftitution would be a dead letter ; — the Legiflature would be- come mere tools in the hands of the executive, and the nation might be involved in all the calamities of war at the pleafurc of a fingle man. But the doftrine of the Government paper goes farther, you can not only not difcufstlie queftion of right, b'.it you muft be filcnt f I I ''mmWfcimt*^ \ • M to the refoiirct' 8 or ability of tin- nation to gain the objcft of the war. The opinion of the Executive is coiiehifive on this point alfo. The National IntelUgenccr tells the people of tlie United States, that Great-Britain has done an unprovoktil a6\, which juilifies a de- claration of war on our part ; — this point, it fays, it is treafnn in any body to difprove. — It adds, that this war would be expedient, be- caufc *• we can bring Great-Britain to our feet. We can ruin her manufafturers ; \vc can ftarve her colonics ; we can take Canada and Nova-Scotia : while the injury will be trifling to ourfelves, as we can fupply ourfelves as plentifully with foreign goods by prices we fliall take, as we are nomh. iO i claiin ihcir dclcrtcis, aiul to prepare to t'licounter their enemies, the laws of hofpitaUty equally deinanded, that we (hould allow equal privileges and indulgence to the Britifli fqiiadron, and more efpc- cially that we fhould not countenance or encourage any mcafurcs by whicli tlieir means of encountering their enemy fliould be, while they were under our protedtion, weakened. *0n the 7th day of March laft, five Brili/h feamcn belonging to the Britif' (loop of war Halifax, Lord James Townfliend command- er, while employed in weighing the anchor, rofe upon their officer, threatened to vninkr him, and made off with the boat to the Amer- ican fhore, where they landed. Their names were, Richard Hu- bert, fail-maker, born in Liverpool ; Henry Saunders, yeoman of the llieets, born in Greenock ; Jenkin Ratford, born in London ; George North, captain of the main-top, born in Kinfale ; and William Hill, born in Philadelphia ; who entered in a Britifli port voluntarily, viz. in Antigua. The facl:s of their birih and citizenfiiip were taken from the (hip's books, and were fworn to have been their oivn declaralioris at the time of t!ii.'ir entry on board the (hip. The nature of this evidence is eonclufive, and its fainirfs hJlron<:^Iy marked by their not attempting to conceal the fad, that one of the five was born in Philadrlphia. The very day afier their landing, tliey wore enliiled as part of the crew of the United States fliip Chefapeake. Perhaps this was done ignorantly, though it is worthy of remark, that an Eiiglilli- man, and ('fpecially a Scotchman and Irifliman, may be almnjl ns n<7(///y difcenied from an American, by thofe who are converfanl witli failors, as a black man can be diilinguiihed from a white one. It is certain, however, that thefe men could not have been p Teffed of Americaji protections. The very day after the enliilment. Lord .lames Townfliend demanded thefe men of Lieutenant Sinclair, the reciuiting ofiieer of the Chefapeake. The government of thf United States had, as Captain Barron aflerts, ordered the recruiting ofiicers not to tnl'tj] Brit'ijh dcfertcrs. Thefe deferters were not at ' i'or tlicfo farts, fic the afridavits of tl>c rommandiT am! (ifliccrs of tl\r Mulifax, priiui'd in the I'rial of Jcnkia Katford, one of the inutiiii'cri, and ri'- |irint(d at liollon. 11 ihh time on board the fliip, but at the rendezvous. It naturally oc- curs to aflc, why did not Lieutenant Sinclair, in obedicnco to tlu' orders of the government, immediately difcharge thefe men ? If he- had enlifted tliem ignorantly, the fpirlt, nay, the letter of his orders, obliged him to difcharge them as foon as he ki from the higheft authority, their commanding officer, that they \\ ere deferters from his fhip. Many honeft well meaning men have contended, that the word of a publick oficer ought to be rcfpefted. This is an excellent general principle, and the obfervance of it would tend very much to preferve the peace of nations : but we fliould not forget that this rule has a double application. It op- crates as much in favour of the ofRcers of other nations as of our own. When, therefore. Lord James Townfhcnd pledged his word to Lieutenant Sinclair, that the men whom he had enlillcd, contrary to the orders of our government, were his failors, and that the Britifli government had a pr.iperly in their ferviccs, it was as much the duty of Lieutenant Sinclair to give full faith to the word of Captain Tuwiifliend, as it was the duty of Captain Humphreys to give credit to the declaration of Captain Barron : — it was Hill llrongcr ; — Lieutenant Sinclair did not, could not know that the declaration of Lord Townfliend was untrue ; but Captain Hum- phreys did know that the declaration of Commodore Barron was unfounded, and he turned out to be right in the fa6l. Lieutenant Sinclair made an evafive anfwer to the application of Captain Townfliend, and did not deliver or difcharge the men. An application was then made to Captain Decatur, wlio referred liim back to Sinclair. The Britilh Conful applied to the Mayor of Norfolk for thefe men, but without effedl — and laftly, the Britifli Miniller applied to our government, who replied, tiiat they had on a former occafion ftated their reafons for not complying with tlicir lequefl, and liiat moreover the men were Americans. Thefe men, who, with the exception of Hill, were allwi/z/tif B'-it- ijhfeamm, and had no claims from refidence or other caufes on our protcdion, were all continued on board the Chefapeake, wliile at Wafhington, under the eye of our government. No nieafurcs ap- pear to have bei ii taken to afcertain their claims to our proteftion. No evidence down to this ddy has ever been publiflied in relation t" ^■l \ n .H«ivr tlif deferters referred to in faid order, and to proceed and fe-.ireh l.ir the fame, at the fame time offering a like and recip- ri-cal peimitliiMi to tlio Am, rican officers. Captain Humphreys, of 'i!n- Liop.nd, was entruiled with the execution of this order, and •.!u; manner in wiiu h he executed it, is too well known to need rep- fliluMi. 'I'voii,- ihrei' ri'marka, however, may not be amifs, as an -^pporUinily .v;!! not again oeevu- in the courfe of the propofed dif- • i^cc Adnilr. ! \\< i kilt vV iirdcr, pt^nted in the Trial of Jtnkin Ratfortl 13 arc, as 1} except It arc ill Ik it ini- ■at great Irr other le attack ciifllon : — 1ft, That another formal demand was made oi ihnr own feamen, by the Britifli officers, before the laft alternati\e was re- forted to ; that this demand was couched in terms fo polito and refpedful, that it would not have been beneath the dignity ot Cap- tain Barron to have met it witli equal politcnefs, and to have ftated the cafe truly to Captain Humphreys, that three of the men de- manded had cfcaped, and that the. fourth he was ready to deliver ; this would probaoly have finifhed this unhappy affair. 2d, That nothing in the anfwer of Captain Barron, is a fufficient excufe for his not delivering up Jenkin Ratford, one of the mutineers, then on board the Chefapeake. The rcafon afligned to the BritiHi officer, that he was ordered not to fuffer his crew to be muftered, by any but his own officers, docs not apply — There was no neceffity of mujler'ing them at all. At that time it was well known, it mujl have been Lnoivn on board the ChiTapeake, who the men demanded were. And he declares that he had pofitive orders from the Government not to enlift deferters, which amounted to an order to ehliver them, if he had cnlilled them ignornntly. He might therefore have obeyed hf/ih thrfe orders af the Goveriu netit, and have preferved the honour of our flag ; and what is more, the honour, faith, and reputation of our officers. By fending on board the Britiffi fhip, Jenkin Ratford, of London, a mutineer, and deferter, and accompanying it with a declaration on his honour, that the others had di Ti-rtod from the Chefapeake, he would have fatisfied Capt. Humphrey.i, would have fubltantially obeyed the order of our Government not to enlill deferters, and have prevent- ed the unhappy cataftropln.-. ;{dly. The meannefc of many of our publick papers and refolii tions, in reprefenting thi^ attack as cowardly, and affaffin-like, can- not be too mur'\ condemned by every i ,indid and ingenuous mind. The Li opaid was a 50 gun Ihip, and carried a fmallcr number of men than the Chefapeake ; the Chefapeake was a large 4i, which our officers have often declared equal to a Britifli 6i. So far from the Britifh officers knowing, that the Chefapeake was un • prepare;', it turns out by the charges of our own officers againli Barron, that flic was J'ul/y prepared. Indeed the Britifli officers i if'' 14> iJ .•lie laid to have avowed to ours, before flic lailed, that they were inllruded to obtain thefe men by force if tliey were not given up. Our own «)lficcr after having refolved to defend his fliip, ought to have nailed his flag to the mart, and to have funk his adverfary, or to have gone down himfelf with his flag undiflion- oured. It is the difgracc which this condudl feems to fix upon us, which makes us feel fo pungcntly. Had Capt. Barron vindicated our national honour as he ought to have done, we fhould have feen this affair in a very different liglit. We fhould have acknowledged that we were wrong in the principle of enli/Iing their feamen, but we might have added, that no nation fhall ihfult our flag with impunity : we need not indeed liave fa'id this ; the faft would fpcak a plainer language. After the colours of the United States fliip had been ftruck^ the Britifh officers proceeded to fearch for their deferters. The refult of this fearch was tliis : — they found Jcnkin Rat- ford, one of the feamen demanded — and John Strachan, Daniel Martin, and William AVare, three other deferters, whom they did not fufpeft liad been enliUcd ; who were not contained in the or- dcr of Admiral Berkeley, but who are admitted by our Govern' merit to have been deferters from tlie Britifh frigate Melampus. Thefe men were no more the caufe of the attack, than if the Britifli had found an anchor on board, which had been JliJen from their fljip, but which they could never exfefl to find on board one of our publiek fliips. They alfo found twelve other Britifli fea- men, who not being deferters, they fuffered to remain. It turned out therefore, that there were on board the Chefapeake, when flie was at Wafliington, five Britifli deferters from the Hali- fax, three deferters from the Melampus, and twelve other Britifli li.anien. The Britifli officers took away the fing/e feaman whom they found of thofe demanded, and the three other deferters from tlic Melampus, whom they were not ordered to take, becaule they were not known to have been on board. The aftonifhment and indignation of every American was excited foon after, by the Prelident's declaration, " tliat tht- feamen de- manded had been previoufly afcertained to be native ctlizcns of the hood of Ar to do| turns formetl and il Prefii] al decl cer, tl Til the had 15 United States." — Tliat the Britifh Admiral fliould have the hardi- hood to dimand, and to order tlie retaking by force, native citizens of America, vva;! fo incredible in itfelf, that fonie writers ventured to doubt it. This drew out the evidence on both fides, and it turns out tn()j} umquivncally, tliat the Prefidcnt was grofsly »j///«- formed. N.) doubt thefe high officers mud rely upon the veracity and accuracy of inferior agents. — Unhappily the fource of the Prefident's information was impure ; and a publick, folemn, nation- al declaration, by tlie negligence or falfehood of fome fubaltern offi- cer, turns out to be unfupported by fails. The cafe was this ; — The Proclamation ftates, that the aft of the Britifh officers was fo much the more unpardonable, " as it had been previoufly afcertained that the fcamen demanded, were native citizens of the United States." The iffemc of the criminality confifted in demanding native citi- zens of the United States, and in attacking a fliip of war for not delivering fuch citizens. Now it turns out that all the featncn dc' nianded, were native Britijl} fcamen, and therefore, all this csaggeV' at ed point of criminality falls to tlic ground. When the publick called upon the Government for the evidence of the citizenfliip of thefe deferters, the Prefident, it is prefumcd» called on the inferior officers, on whose report he had made the declaration ; and they, in order to cover their errors, inilead of fur- niihing the evidence of the citi/enfhip of the deferters from the llalif;ix, who were demanded, gave the documents in relation to the deferters from the Melampiis, wiio were not demanded, but wh« being found among the ciew of the Chefapeake, were taken out. Thefe documents were publiflied and applied to fupport the pro- ilaniation, and to prove that the Rritifli officers made an attack iov tlie recovery of native Americans. Tliis is now known to br faUe. For an explication of this point, fee the notes.^ * StMiiirn who dofcrtcd from the Hati(':ix, Lord James Townfliend, and whn wcri' It) Dttcn i/.w.T /;./(,/, and for wliom the attack on the (,'helapeake was made, v'l:, Richard Hidicrt, ot Liverpool,"! demanded, but efcapcd from the Chcfa- 1 IiMiry SaiiiidcrH, of (ireenock, [ do. do. [peake. Jcnkin Katford, of London, > demanded and taken, (ii()ri;e North, of Kiiil ale, j demanded, but clcapcd from the Cheti- ^^'illiam Hill, of I'hil idelpliia, J do. do. (pcakr. \S.-c ll'! .cntiiuulkii c/ll't iitir i'l tic nixt fiugeA ' i! 1 ■lisft^'tOr,-- lb /i In faitt no evidcnco lias yet bcLii, and no cviJcncc fver can h^ adduced to prove that tlie Jiiinun dtmanJid, ai'd wliofe protcftion by us was t\w Jiy/f caufv of attack, were Americans ; becaufe tlu'y were and have bicn proved by tlie higheil cvideiicc to be native Br'ilijh feamciu But llnce the cafe of the incu taken from tlie Milampus, has been blended with tliat of the others, let us fee how the fafts turu out as to them. Inllead of fupporting the proclamation » as to the fad of their hav'ina been nfccrlained io be native citizens, it turns out, that Capt. Barron liad hniply taken the Jlory of the culprits : It turns out furtlier, that one of them \."as born at Bonaire, in Spaniih Amer- lica, and was not even a . -.izen of the United States ; that the two others were black men, born (laves in Maryland, and ilriclly there- fore, not native citizens, \.\\o\ig\\ ualives. That they all io\(\ Cvi\^K, I'»arron a falfehood, in Hating tliat they had been impreffcd on boaii! the Melampus, bceaufe tliey referred to thcii former mailer, Capt. Crafts, who Hales, that he fufpefted and charged them with theft in England, that they therefore abfronded, and in order to proteA thenifelvcs, entered on board the Melampus vuluntarily. Capt. Crafts, pleafed, probably, with getting rid of fuch rafcals, never demanded them either of the Captain of the Melampus, or of the Britiili Loverrment, after they were enlifled, and they remain- ed ou board that frigate till they again deferted from her in our country. iSome honeft men doubt, whether the Britiili officers had a right to enlift thefe men ; and if they had, whether they could reclaim them from us, after defertion. Protelting that it has no connexion with the affair of the Chefa- peake, tlicy not being the nun (IdHtiniliJ, J would obferve, that it is not competent for our Government to deny tiie right of our citi- zens to cuter into foreign fervice, in a foreign jurifdittion, becaufe 1ft. The jjrefent adminillration and all tlie party now in power in .SiMtiicn cli'fertcd from the Mi'l.impiis, Jdliii Straclian, of MaryLiiul,') iiDt ilciiiiindul, but taken. (III. ill). Ho. »imd thm- e defertcrs. (h tbiy were r tlie order ion of it by will uiider- •as a war- liifpcafd '"Icn fiorfes, i>m iiiothcr 1 I>i' wronj; >ife illegal, tlici-e i atts as yet tliat Join territory, 'IJy of the ttack wa;: J elcapcd, and that board of Law ol J obliged how far f patriate- ly cafes, ith thcii- Nations, s of tin.- >t exp,!. triatc tliemfelvcs while their nation is at ivar. Burlamaiiui, V'attel, (irotius, and Puffendorf, all hold the fame opinions, ^ut a& it would exceed the limits of this elTay, to quote the opinions of all of them at large, I fliall coi " le myfelf to tliofe of Grotius, a Dutch writer, whofe exce'lent treatife on the rights of War and Peace, has been lonfjdereJ a llandard work upon this fubjeiS. In the XXIVtli feAion of his Vth chapter, he lays it down as a general principle, tiiat the fubjeds of any nation may change their country at pleafure, to which general rule, he makes the following exceptions : — " And yet herein alfo, we arc to fubmit to natural equity, tliat it (liould not be lawful when the publick was damnified by it. — Tor as Proculus obferves, always not tliat which is profitable to fome one of the fociety i^ uhully to bo obferved, but what is expedient for the "Ji'-^te^.'- ^^■^■'/^•imr^msifiimimmiutf, 2U >, .1 t thf piinciplo when appluil to pcrfoim ii publick employ, bound by an espirfs aj',rcemi'nt, obliged by thi-ir b>\ving received the pubhck money for their fervices, and on whofe fkehty the cxiikncc of tho nation more immediately depends ? All civilized nations have unite'' ■'" confideriiig dcfertion from publick fervice, one of the mod 3 offences. In America, France, and Great>Britain, it has been often punifli- ed with death. If it be therefore the highell crime, and one of the greatell inju- ries which a fubjedt can do to his country to defert its fervice, can it be nccelTary to prove that it is unlawful for a friendly nation to receive, encourage, cnlift, and defend by force fuch deferlers ? In fupport of the monilrous opinion, that it is not unlawful, fome people have remarked, that by the modern ufages of nations, criminals who have committed offences hfs llxtn munlir and j'ur^eryt arc by the courtefy of fucli nations, not demanded when they efcapc out of their own country uito a foreign one. But let me afli, why arc murderers and forgers excepted from the general rule ? Is it not alledged to be, bccaufe jullice requires lliat fuch heinous criminals ihould not efcape punidimcnt ? Bccaufe tlie peace of the nation, whofe laws have been violated, requires that an example Ihould be made of fuch great offenders i And fuppole tliat it fhoul/1 be more important to a nation to re- quire tiie delivery of her military deferters, than of the criminals abovementioncd, would flie not have a right to require them ? On the queilions of the Colonial trade and of the impreffmenl of feaini'ii f.oni our merchant (hips, our Secretary of State founds his chief argument upon the fdencc of the writers of the Laws of Nations on tliofe fubjefts. And cannot the argument be retorted with equal force on this point ? Not a diftum can be produced from any writer to prove that neutral or friendly nations have a right to proteft ttie deferters from the fervice of belligerents. And yet all thcfe writers difcufs the quefUon how far nations can harbour the cnmv'.nh who tfcnpe from other nations ; and if any fuch right as the one for \\\\v:\\ fome Americans contend, was conceived to 'Xilt, 1; tt })()fTibio tliat fonic ore r)f thefe numerous writer'. woii! join him at the Havana, where his iquadron if collev ed and united to the S|,,uiil1i forre at that |)lace, would in cfTec'l oppofe i ftroni,' iquadron, and double to that of the En;,'!ini, who at Jamaica, have only two line of battle llli|l^. Admiral Willameuz turtlier lays, that he purpofed goiii)^ to Vera Cruz, a;'r( <'at)!y to the proicitof the jrovemment of the Spanilh colony of Havana, to biinij louie millions of dollars, which he ftates will he more apropos, as the Iri mh I'.inperor had a rijfht to the payment of one mill- ion of dollars of which tin' Irarcitv was verv i^reat at the illand of Cuba. Ad- miral Willaumez then eoiitinues, " I have juft apprehended four Teamen, dd'ert- which Great-liritain has been charged, would have rell- fd upon her officers. — But unhappily for us, after admitting the Law of Nations to be as we have dated, by iffuing the abovemen- tioncd order, our fubfequent condurt evinces either a want of fuicer- ity in iffuing that uniti; or a fubfequent change in the policy which dirtatcd it. If it had been made with good faith, why was not a regular formal encjuiry made upon Mr. Erfkine's demand ? Why weiT not the Britifh officers invited to point out the men, and ex- hibit the evidence of their claim to them ? Was not the demand of a piddiek Minider fufficiently folemn, and did it not require fomc notice and i-efpeft ? Could it be imagined that our officers could know t/r ffijir/n:t by intuition ? or was it prrfiimfd that they knew I hem to be on board, hi dirrcl breach of the orders aforcfaid, not lo enlill tlioni i' Will it be contended, that they w^re ignorant, who they were, aijd that they relied upon the culprits coming forth of their own accnd, out of a crew of KH) men, and faying •' Ecce homines, wo defevve a halter :" It is apparent to evci-y fair and candid man, that if the order was iiTiicd in good faith, when the liritifli officers gave notice that five of their feamcn were cnliiled, there was but one plain, upright coiirfe — to alk the Uritifli officers to point nut the men. But would you deliver up men upon the mere declaration of Hriiiflt officers ? ! ! — Do not be alarmed, I would not ; — but I would inftitute an offcial enquiry, in wliich the BritiHi officers as ptofccutors, fliuuld be permitted to exhibit their pioofs of their claim to the men charged ; and the alledged deferters fliould have ample time, and the aid of Government to fubllantiate their claims to our protection. This was tlu- courfe of nature, of tiutli, of good faith, of national iufticc. It was tlie way to avoid niifunderllanding, to fave the ;ves of oi'.r citi/.ei;s, which have been dcllroyed in confequcnce of ihc ncyledt of ihis courfc, to avoid IVar, with whkh wc arc threat- ened. There is nothing in this procedure derogatory to our national honour. It was rcferving the jurifdiftion and trial of the qucftion to our/elves. It would have gi\en perfed I'atibfadtion to all par- ties, and would have heightened the confidence of all nations in our good faith. It was peculiarly proper in this cafe, becaufe the alledged defer- tion had taken place in our own territory, witile the (hips of a friendly power were under our proteA'on. We were therefore bound to know, or at leail to enquire into the fads, and to rcndei juftice. y/ refpetl to our territorial rights, alone prevented the Brit- ifli from retaking tiieir criminals by frefli purfuit. A rcfpett to ourfelves, and to the obligations of an impartial neutrality, required that we fhould render them thatjujlice which their rc/piil for us pre- vented them from doing for tiiemfelves. But why was not this natural and fair courfe of procedure adopt- ed ? Tile hillory of the cafe gives the anfwer. Upon futli an in- velligatUMi and enquiry, the deferterr. from the Hahfax would have all turned out to be native Brililh fubjetla •, of courfe there could liave been no apology for not rejluring them. On the other hand, to reilorc to tliofe enemies of the human race, as I have heard fome perfons call them (hojles humani generis) the very means by whicli they were to annoy the fleet of our illuflrious friend, the Emperor of the Welt, and tliis in tlie very face of his augujl reprefentative, would have been to hazard the difpleafure of our lirmell, failell friend. In other words, deep rooted, and cultivated antipathy to Great-Britain, and an habitual dread, as well as iincere partiality to France, forbad the adoption of any meafures, which, by conciliating the former, would tend to render the Litter more jealous of us. But fome lionell, and a few able and refpeftable men, who go along with us in oui opinions to this point, who agree, that the pradice of enliiling Britifh deferters is extremely wrong, and a vi- olation of neutrality, and even in the opinion, that our own conduft ill tliis affair might juilify hoJIiUties from the government of Great- Britain, flill contend that Berkeley had no fuch right, that it b?- Lnged only to his govcrnmcut to wage war. t 'I I i.«*<*vf5«*r'*^-4««i*n>-. u % If I To this opinuMi two anlwers may he given, both of which air pt'ifettly fatisfaAory : — lil, That although this dodlrine may be gonerally true, and it certainly very much conduces to the peace of nations to maintain it, yet it is an affair altogether between the Jubaltern officer and his governmenf. Surely no man will be fo mad as to contend, that Admiral Berkeley's having done this aft with- out the authority of his government, is a greater cauf of complaint, a greater infult, or a more juftifiable ground of hollility, than if the Britifli government had ordered it. If, therefore, that govern- ment, after reviewing all the condudl of that officer, and the cir- cumftanccs of provocation, fliall approve tlie fteps he took, it will (land precifely on the fame footing, as if Mr. Erfkine had reported our refufal to deliver the deferters to his government, and that gov- ernment had iffued an order to re-feize the men by force. 'idly, It is a great miftake to fay, that a fubaltern officer can in li cafe whatever, of his own auliiority, make reprifals or commit an ait of hoRility. It is true tliat military men arc coniidered in a great meafurc as machines, in the hands of their fupcriors ; they are bound to obey orders, and can exercife their difcretinn fo far only as is necejfary to the execution of thofe orders. But if in the courfe of fuch duty, an unexpcfted incident takes place, which goes to defeat the objeft of their orders, that fame military llrict- nefs requires that they (ViOuld remove fuch obftacle if practicable. An officer is fent, as was the commander of the Britilh fleet in Hampton roads, to watch and prevent the efcape of an enemy — he lands the guns of one of his (hips to careen her. — A neutral (hip of war, direftly before his eyes, lands and puts the gunt on board, and proceeds Ui fea — will any man be fo unrealbnable as to contend. tli;it the Britifli officer cannot purfue fuch (hip, demand his guns, and on refufal, compel by force the furrender (s it follow, that war is neccjjar'ily to be undet taken ? Are there 110 cafes in which war, though juilifiable, may be avoided, without dilhononr \ Let us liilen to Grotiuson that point : — " It is better fomctimes to remit our oivn right, than to engage in a doubtful war for it,'' " efpccially if undertaken to exntl punijhment" — which \:< precifely the cafe in this inllance. We have no principle, no inter- clt, no motive for war, but Ko exaH punifhment m a {/oiil'/J'iif cixfc. Again fays Grotius, " No prudent man will adventure in fuch an cnterprife, where good fuccefs fhall bring little profit, but where tlie lead mifearriage may prove fatal." " Grant tliat our griev- ances ate unjuft, and unworthy to be borne, yet it will not follow, that wc ought, by driving againll them, to make our coiulil'tor. ivorfe." -Apply it to owr prcfmt cnff. If wcfucceed in the war, wc gain the right to cover a few Britifi^ dcferters, whom wc do not want, and which, as Grotius fays, will bring little profit ; but we hazard our lives, our liberties, our gov- ernment — we do iir.t hazard our property ; tliat, together witli our neutral advantages, will i/nvitiddy go to enrich our enemy. But fome people fay, we do not go to war for liritiJJj difcrfirs — thole we do uot ivittit — we are better without them — we go to w ar to make Great-Britain give up the right o[ fearch o^ owrjl.vps ( f ni'iir. Tliiii is one of thofe irrors which certain artful nun have pur- pofely inteiwoven with the cafe of the Chefapeake, with which it lias iir, roiiiir\ion. Great-Britain does not claim this right — (he will renounce it bv treaty — flie at t/jis moment abfolutely difdaims it." The cafe of the Chefapeake was not grounded upon it ; it was a ;v/>;-// nl loprifal, fir tlic airuinptien of a j;;oiifral ri^lit to I'li'ich piiblitk (liip^, wliic!'. I.iUl'1- llity iliiclaini. 27 U was no more founded on the right of fearch, tlian if one of our Ihips on the fiigh feas, In time of peace, Ihould forcibly iL-ize a boat belonging to a Britifli fliip, with a hcutenant and crew on board, and fliould liold them in durefs after demand ; and thereupon the Britifh captain fliould attack and difable our fliip, and retake his men ; botli thefe aAs are equally reprifals for previous injuries, and are both founded on tlie laws of nature and nations. 1 a(k, once more, is war always to be undertaken, when it is luftifiable ? I anfwcr, our own pradlicc proves the contrary. France captur- I'd our fliips in violation of the treaty of 177^* — flie afterwards fet np tlie abominable doftrine of the role tPc/^iiipa^e, and condemned millions upon it — flie afterwards decreed, that all neutral veifels, having one dollar's value of Britifli manufactures on board, fln)uld, tojrether with their cargoes, be lawful pri^e ; and feveral more millions fell under this pretext. All thefe aAs were violations of the law of nations — all of them \sere niii/e i,f 'zi'ar — yet we did not }/-'3'i"';/W, even by the acknowledgment of our government, who ordered its officers not to enlill deferters, which or- ders were openly ilifokyeit — and therefore the eaufe of war is doubtful : but lailly, Such was the local aiul political iituation of France and Spain, that they could not injure us, wliile tiiey were at war witli Great -Britain. .An impaiUible gulph lies between us — but we are t\ I J ^>*mmimmmmmm . :\* I vi W l\ vulnerable at every pore by Great-Britain. By her immenfe and gigantick naval force, flie comes in contaft with us in every fea. To deftroy our commerce, would be mere fport to her marine ; and although the Editor of the National Intelligencer, and his patrons, may think the ruin of 250,000 merchants a matter of fuch perfeft indifference, that he will not fuifer it to mar a fine calculation, yet the people of New-England feel differently. They know that they are neceffnrily a commercial people ; they have not one million flaves to labour for their fupport ; they live by the fweat of their fwn brows ; their fons, their kinfmen, their friends, are engaged in commerce ; and we farmers of the northern ftates, are not fo fool- ifti as to believe that you can deftroy commerce without inflifting a deep wound upon the interefts of agriculture. We are now naturally led to confidcr the expediency of war, in relation to our means of annoyance, refources, probable loffes, and general cffefts. In eftimating thefe various branches of this extenfivc quellion of expediency, I flial! not enter much into the details, but fhall Halo them with all poffible brevity, confiftent with perfpicaity. Our means of annoyance, and refources as ftatedby the advocates of war, are of two fpeciea, direft and indireft, military and commer- cial. Of our military refnurces one would think that but little need be faid. The jealoufy of muitary force always fufficicntly ftrong, has been ftrengtliened by our philofophick adminiftration ; the neceflity of conforming to the falfe opinions and prejudices by which they ac- quireu power, has obliged them to deftroy even the little military and naval force, wliich their predecefTors had buiU up. The Prefi- diMit has taught the people to believe, that the experience of all nations and of all ages, was of no avail ; that all his prcdeceflbrs iu power, from Saul to Bonaparte, have been miftaken in believing ia the neceility of force in order to maintain ufpeci ; that the fenfe of juftice is the firmeft hold, and reafon the moft effectual weapon to protcdi our rights, or to avenge injuries. With this all conquering weapon he has marched boldly on, till he has brought us into the field with a foe, who hiving bee.i challenged to meet us there, will take the liberty to ufe his own weapons. I lenfe and |every fea. ine ; and patrons, :h perfcft lation, yet that they |e million of their |ngaged in 3t fo fool- infliding a f war, in loflcs, and neilion of /hall Haw advocates I cotnmcr- le need be rong, has ncccflity 1 they ac- ! military he Prefi. ice of all :i'fror8 ill ii'ving in fenfe of -■apon to iquering us into IS there, 29 If our little band of 3000 foldiers, could be drawn off from the defence of a frontier of 5000 miles, and from onr tottering forts, more dangerous to their defenders than their aflailants, and if Mr. Jefferfon could by the force of reafon, perfuade our enemies to enter a fmall defile, like that of Thermopylae, perhaps even this little knot of heroes might be immortalized by victory. So alfo, if our enemies would be gracioufly pleafcd to run their line of baitle fhips aground in convenient numbers, Mr. Jeffcrfon's naval force would be found very effective, or, which would be ftill more con- venient, and good humoured on the part of our enemies, if they would fend one (hip at a time, to permit Mr. Fulton to make three or four experiments, we could in the courfe of two years, deftroy the BritiHi navy. But we have 100,000 militia, and we can by the very cheap procefs of an adt of Congrcfs, incrrafe this number at pleafure. If the war was to be a defenfive one, like the laft, it muft be admit ■ ted, that this fpecies of force may be calculated upon. But the militia cannot be marched out of the United States, and we have no ufe for them ivithin. But they would volunteer their fervices to take Canada and No- va>Scotia. — I do not fay that this achievement is impoflible ; but 1 am furprifed, that our publick writers fliould be fo little fparing ot our feelings, as to recal thofe two fcencs of our misfortune. — The plains of Abraham, and the Hlhmus of Pcnobfcot, exhibit no hon. ourable monuments of either our power or conduft. But perhaps we miglit have better fuccefs in another attempt ; perhaps with the lofs of twenty tliouGind men, and the expenfe of fifty millions of dollars, we might take, and j^ irrifon thofe piovinces, with the exception of the city of Quebeck ; that city we probably could not take.* Suppofe us then in quiet poiTeffion of thefe • It is fiirpriling with what confitltnoc men wlio are totally iffnoraiit of tli' Rate ot tlicfe provinces, l)oaft of taking:; them at a ftrokc. Quthcck was in .< ruinous fituation when attacked before, and yet we failed in our attcmi)t, thoujjii we had two armies before it. — It has lince, been thorougiily fortified, and i- now the Oibraltar of America. M'v have no reafon to doubt, that it would hold out ajjainft the iv/joti- Fnmh army, .It le.id as \m\g as Dantzick. W'c on tlie other hand, are deftitute of en^finters, or military llvill (iifficient for fncii an operation. But we fliall he told, that we ihall liave i'rench officers, Frcncli fkill rrenrli HrtiUery.— And is this our confjiti.n ■' Hie mctus ! hcu hbertas ! I ' 1 f,ixjr- —»»« /J '■1l i*mm ,§ M tk !!)m^ )v !'. u fi :;() provinces ; of what bciu-fit will they be to lis, or v.liat injury the lofs of them to our enemy ? To her they have been a conilant fourec of cxpenfe. To us the om^ would add a mafs of population, hollile to us in feelings, language, manners, religion, and attached, iincercly, and irrevocably fo, to the nation whofe power and afcend- ancy w have the highcll reafon to dread. Every Canadian is a Frenchman at heart ; flaves to their priclls, they can eafily be pcr- fuaded to join the imperial banner of France, whenever the Empe- ror lawfully authorized by the Sovereign Pontiff, Ihall think proper to difplay it. Fifty thoufand Canadians, difciplined by French veteran officers, after cffeCling a june^tion with .K^OOO Louilianians, who are equally I'rcucb in charac^ter and feelings, would become very uncomfortable neighbours to the United Slates. Nova-Scotia does not offer a more tempting prize. — A country, poor, miferable, producing no llaple article, ])()pulated by men, em- bittered againil us, by a thoufand recollections, and who, probably, in half a century, will not have forgotten their deep rooted preju- dices againd iis, and our fyilem of governinent. We cannot, more- over, retain Halifax, without a fuperior naval force. It will not be pretended therefore, that our exilling w'llllary means, directed and applied by our pacifick commander in cliief, ought to infpire great confidence in fnccefs. But wx may be told, and tve are gravely told, that we have an iiiiiih/ij' revenue. Our overflowing treafury appears to have em- barraflcd our government to find means to employ it. As rctifoit is Mr. Jeflerfon's only iviapun in his exilling contells with (Ireat- iMitain and Spain, and as that colts no more than Mr. Madifon's fii!0,0()() dollars per annum. We mull then calculate upon about '2(),()(K),()()0 dol- lars direft taxes annually, on land and Jlavcs. In laying this tax, Mr. .leflerfon will have occafion for all his 10(),0()0 militia and volunteers ; and if we chouglu him as much of a llatefman, as his friends pretend to do, we Ihould have fuppofed that this was the motive for raifing tiiem. To bring this part of the happy effetls of a war for lirilijlj defrters, home to the bofoms of the fa.mers of MafTachufetts, this llate's proportion of t!ie ai\nual war taxes to be livied on lands, would be aboMt two millions of dollars per annum, or about fixteen times the amoinit of our prefenty/o-'f tax, and about /> , :H«w'W<«tt\iMUS»l«oi*».. I 'I 32 double that of our whole Hate debt ; and if tlic war lliould laft five years, and there "s no prufpcdt of a fhorter iflue, we fliould have paid, if we fliould be able, 10 millions of dollars, or a fum equal to eighty years prcfent taxes. — Nor is this the word fide of the pic- ture ; — as the New-England farmers are in the habit of paying what they owe, as long as they have any thinir to pay with, and as the citizens of fame other ftates do not pay till they are compelled, it would refult, that the chief burden of the war would, as before, fall upon us ; — heavy balances of debts would be accumulated againft the fouthem ftates, and, after the peace, we fliould have another ci& of Congrefs to wipe off thcfe balances, as was urged with re- gard to thofe contrafted during the revolutionary war.* Thus then we fee what fort of reliance we can place upon the :\merican army, navy, and revenue, in an offenfive war agaiiiR Great-Britain. But we are told, that we can make a predatory war upon the Britifh commerce, and our adminiftration gives another proof of its fpirit and ability, by propofing to repofe the conduA of the war in the individual cnterprizc of its citizens. — This is precifely in charafter : but even tlila reliance, feeble and humiliating as it is, will fail. — They will permit the people of Mafl\ichufitts, to be as n;ood judges of this fubjeft, as any in the United States. Inllead of fitting out their 700 dull failing merchantmen af pri* vatccrs, their paft experience teaches them, thai with every advan- tage that fyftem cannot be purfued.f Great-Britain towards the • South-Carolina is faid to be juft collc(5ling; the tax laid in 179S, and which -le paid, nearly fevcn years fince ; and as flic pays, I prefume, no intercft for ihis delay, it has been at our expenfe. — She has favcd 50,000 dollars by tlii^ jilan,i)ut of the ftates who paid with puni'l:uality. f Tlie opinions here exprefled arc pcrfeifVly conformable to thofe of oiii beloved Wafliiiipton in a cafe fimilar but Ids ftronf^. Thefe opinions may l)e let'ii in a letter addrefTed from the r.xecutive department to Mr. Mon- ri)e, duted Sept. 1-', 1795 — of which the followinjj is an extratl" " How prcpofterous is that policy which reipiires ns to abandon and (leflroy the very oljeB, for the prrfervalion of which hofblities are to be loiiimenced ! It may not be amifs," he adds, " to enlarge on the confc- , antl the introduction of prizes. A different arrangement in the latter part of the war, totallv clianged the feene. The Iniall privateers were hauled up as inial)le to cope with arm- ed nierehantnien, and the lar;;er jirivateers were taken. Our lliippin.; fell .It the fame time a faeritice to the vioil.uit operations of the Rritifli navy. " At tlie |)refent moment (17ii,')) her naval power is ext:;nded tieyond a!! former examples ; wiiile that nf her aumi.s is at leart not incn.if.l. " 'Jdly. Our landed as well as commereial interelts would fuiler heyoud al! ealeidation. Agriculture above the fupjiiv of our own wants, would be luf- peniled, or its pnilmr furlih un cur Iijil.'j. The value of our lands anil ev- . ry fpeeies of tlomeUick pro|i,rty woidd link. " lldly. The fourcesof reveinie f.iiliiijr, |)ulilick credit would be dtilroyed, .Old multitudes /♦ in.'i,:" J nmmnt^ummf-i^- -:„..^-^„ 'i 'M- by reforting to llic olil ililgraicfiil lyilvni ot coiilifiatioii. If thif profligacy and infamy of fiicli propolitions have tifj weight in the i-lUmation of our fellow citi/rns, (which I will not bi-lievc) they will furily lilU-u to the maxima of expL-riL-nco, a dear bought i-xpe- rienci', and an enlightened policy. How trifling a fum it produced to the nation in the lall war, every publick man knows. — Its only tendency was to fcrcen a few fraudulent debtors, who rejoicing in an opportunity to defraud their hotujl f;-«/;7o>/, could of courfe, think it no robbery to defraud the publick. Nothing came into tlie publick elicit, and even the joy of the fraudulent debtor was extremely Jhirt itvtJ. At the treaty of peace, Great-Britain, as nuill always be the cafe, infilled as a fine qua non, upon the rellor- atio.i of the rights of her bona fide fubjefts. — The courts were opened to the Britilh creditors, and the debtors were compelled to pay with accumulated intereft : — nor was this the nvorjl part of it ; the Virginia legiilature refufed to obey the publick authority ; it negledted to open its courts ; tiieir eiti/ens who owed the Britifh merchants, availed tliemfelves of tiiis fufpenfion of right, of this //,//." rehi-U'ion againll the treaty, and became bankrupt. Great- Britain infilled on redrefs, for this violation of the treaty, and Mr. Jefierfon ratified a convention on this fubject, and has paid to Great- Britain three million^ of dollars, on account of thefe fufpend- ed debts. Is our pad experience tjieii favourable to a repetition of tlii.'. fyllem of iniquity ? But nations ought to be governed by more exteniive policy ; — meafures ought never to be rcforted to, the tendency of which, is to debafe the morals of the people, and to link the national charaftcr. If we go to tiHir with Great-Britain, it will not be eternal ; — peace mull fooncr or later arrive : our intcrells, the great and ef- fential interefls of our country, require that Europe fiiould be cur work fliop :— fo fays Mr. Jefferfon ; fo all fenfible men admit. Great-Britain is the cheapeft labourer ; her manufafturcs are fuited to our Iiahits, and our neceffities. But neither Great-Britain, nor any other nation with whom we may by poflibility be embroiled, will ever trull us, if we pafs confifeation laws, without adding to the price; ot the goods a premium for the rifl<; of a fraudulent confdcation ; , .?»rt!*S«#8t^;.WJ.-««<'^ \ and as all fuch rifl<8 arc over clliinatcd, we iliall probably pay tea times over, for the jjaltry and wicked fatisfac^tioii of robbing her private citizens, who have tnifted their property to ours. Such were the enlightened views of Mr. Jay and Prefident Wafhington, and few men had better opportunities of judging of the effects of confifcation. Mr. Jay was dinfted, and did accord- ingly agree to an article, which is a permanent one, and Hill in force, ftipulating, *' that in all future wars between us and Clreat- Britain, no confifcation of private debts fliould be made." — Can it then be contended, that in the only cafe in which the article was to operate, it becomes void ? And will it be pretended that nations can make no regulations to foften the rigors, and lefl'cn the calam- ities of war ? Without fuch an article, Great-Britain never would make peace with any nation whom flie fupplies, without ftipulating for the payment of debts due to her citizens, and with fuch an article in her hand, what could any honell American commiflloners for making peace, fay to her negotiators ? The man mull be hardened indeed, who will contend, tliat we ought to exercife a power, malum iu fe, debafing, corrupting, difgraceful, and iu face of a pofitive, humane, and honourable ilipulation. But fecondly, we are to ruin the manufatlurers of Great-Britain, at the very profpeft of a war they were to rife in rebellion ; the prophecy on tliis fubjeft, has turned out already to be partially falfc. Inllead of that terror, that violent oppofition to war from the manufacturers, we hear of no dillurbance, and very little uneafinefs. The great manufaduring towns in England, have taken no ileps to prevent a war or to cxprefs their anxiety about it ; on the con- trary, we learn from peifons who have arrived from England, that a war with us is at Icajl nut unpopular, and efpecially in Birming- ham, which is the greateft tvork Jhop for thi- country. I might reft the argument here, for it will be admitted, that no people are better judges of their intereft, than the manufacturers of England ; and if a war would be fo ruinous to them, they certainly would not be quiet as we Lnoiv they were, though a war was expcAed. But I will give a very brief fummary, to ftiew that a war would not be very injurious to thefe manufacturers. M ;**,,T«ii«*l^K«W»... > It. I ', J i^ 111. Their articles aiv many of them of the firft noceffity, and nations ;it war with thrm, mull and will get thcin, in fpite of pro- hibitory ri'j^ulations. Woiiapartc has exerted o*>*i'^es /,« 38 la t J admits " that commerce will be dcdroyed by a war, and in its fall will criiflt its immediate dependents ;" but he infults the un- derilandings of us New-England farmers, by iniinuatingthat all tl e other clafl'cs of fociety will efcape its effefts. Wlio are to employ and give bread to the MOOjOOO mechanicks in our fcaport towns, after tlie merchants are beggared ? Who arc to pav the banks when all the property of their debtors is annihilated by war ? When the banks ilop their dividends, and lofe part of their capitals, what will become of the widows and orphans who have depofited their little modicum in thefe publick inltitutions ? When the fmall country banks fail, who will indemnify the farmers who hold their bills ? What will become of the country traders, and tlie farmers, who owe them, wlien the creditors of the beggared merchants call upon them for immediate payment ? It is admitted, by the advocates of war, that commerce will l)e wholly annihilated ; with ll.uit falls our revenue : — the colleftion of direft taxes will be found fo flow, and fo unpopular, and th."' calls on government will be fo much more prejj'mg than thofe of the publick creditors, that the intcrcll of the national debt will be fuf- pended. Tiie party in power, have always been oppofed to this clafs of publick creditors, and tiiough they have as yet paid puniiii- tillyt and have not violated the contrad, it is only becaufe they have had ample means, and it.was a convenient engine of power ; — It was a (Irong hold over their political enemies. — But create more prefllng exigencies, and thoufands of honeft creditors will be K-ft to llarve. — This is what they formerly propofed — it would gratify mrim fecret wifhes. If a war, then, will annihilate coinmerce, as the National Intelli- genci-r admits, will ruin 2.)(),00() merchants, beggar all the me- chanicks immediately dependant on the merchants, injure fome, and produce the failure of many of the banking inftitutions — if it will deftroy our revenue, and oblige the government to fufpend the pay- ment of the intereil of the national debt — if, moreover, as a neccf- (aiy confequence, it will cripple, if not bankrupt our infiirance companies, can \.W farmers hope to efcape the general devallation ? Are there none alive who recoiled the effctts of our revolution- \ h 39 ary war ? Can agriculture flourifli, when there arc no buyers ? When all the other orders of focicty are ruined, the taxes mull fall upon the land-holders — and we have (hewn, that the revenue from import failing, the farmers will be called upon to defray the whole expcnfes of the war, which will annually amount to about fixtcoii times the fum of our prcfent State tax. Can any agricultural profits meet thcfe exigencies ? When our children are called off from the labours of the plough, to tliofe of war, can we fupport our families, and pay tlie extraordinary demands of government ? Let thofe who view thefe as light and tolerable evils, be clamorous for war ; but for mv part, I prefer to renounce the right of proteAing and enlifting the fubjefts of foreign nations, when our own population furniflies men lufiicient for our commerce and our navy, to embarking in a doubtful contelt, ruinous in its ef- fefts, and uncertain as to its iffue. I have faid that tlie war, which we are called upon to wage, would be a war without hope. I liave endeavoured to lliew that we can place no reafonable reliance on our own refources in an offenfive and extraneous war againil Great-Britain : but I Ihall l)e told, that we may calculate upon tl>e aid of France, Spain, Holland, and Ruflia. Indeed, we have been alnady told, that Inch an alliance would fecure us fuccefs.* Without entering into the impolicy of thus embarking in the wide field of European politicks, let us ad- mit tha. we do fo embark, and that the utmoll fuccefs crowns our efforts — let us fuppof>' our enemy. Great- Britain, prollrate at the feet of the allied powers — would our filuation be ameliorated ? Sliould ive be conlidered as principals, or, like the other allies, as humble vaffals in the train of the vidor ? Rome too had her allies, but was their fitiiation lefs dependant tlian thofe of tlie vanqui(hed ? • VVi' iilrc.iily piTci'ivf, l)y the riiiijoinod acccniiit of tlic celebration of tlio late I'lcnrli victories in (i('ort;ia, that lome oi our ciii/cns iiave already con- iK'ck'd our (Icftiiiics with ll>.oit' of Iranco. Tiiis article n C(ii)icd from the Palladiiiin, of OOl. '_'. — " .S,i\annah, Sept. 1'..'. On Saturday, the I'.'th inftant.a numerous company of republicans allondiied at the lilature, to celebrate the vii'lories of the I rcnch iialivm ovit the allies of I'lifjjiaiid — events leading to the peace and profperity of tlicfe U. States — the I h'n. Itlward Telfair, I'reliileiit, William Stephens, and I'cter H. Morel, lUifrs. Vice-1'retidents." — Are we neu- tral ? Are Kullia ,irid Prulli j our friends ' Is it ufual to rejoice over the de- I'ruclion uf oni'b friends ' ■\ I l> 40 /i 'P Giaiil all that is uJfunhJ, tliat Britain is the tyrant of the ocean — will the man who fubjiigatcd tiie bravo and inoilViuling vSwifs, who annihilated the ropiiblick of Italy, to place a diadem on his own lirow, who compelled the Ihibboni Dutchman, our friend and ally,* to receive a mailer, after 100 years of unexampled refillancc to oppreflion — who has left not one fined of liberty or independ- ence, through the vaft, populous, and powerful regions, over which his viftorious arms have extended, be delicately or fcrupuloufly re- gardful of the maritime rights of nations ? Having conquered the contiiicnt of Europe, he exclaimed, " all I want are lommcin, roloiiics andjh'ips.'^ Can any virtuous and hi<';li- minded freeman of our country believe, that in procuring the grat- ification of f/<-ff wants, he will be more ferupulous or tender of the rights of ol/.ur nation'^, than he has been in attaining the vail and immeafurabl" power whieh he now poded'es i" It may perhaps be thought by /'•/iiic, that 1 have been too fru- in my cenlurcs of the piefent adminillration, that 1 have intimated that they li;ive rather courted, than fought to avoid, the prefent Hate of miliiiidei Handing between us and Great-liritain. I con- fels that il Inch fhould be the inference, it would not be an unfaii one. 1 h;ur always been apprebenliv,-, that the marked partiality or di'-ad of I'lance, and the deep-rooted hollility to Great-Britain, which th'y h ivr iiivariahly difcovercd, would lead to unplealanl coiife(|neiieis. It is will known, to all men wlio have noticed the rourfe of our political liillory, that the perfons now adminiilering the government of the I'r.ited States, have avowed, both before and fince they came into power, a fettled oppofition to Great- Jlrit.un. ,! M • I Ii'll.ui,! li:m ln'cii one i.f our t'nftcft, llrmclt 1; 1l:u!5 — flu' took in c.nh itml .III lioiu'lt part ill t.ivour olDur lil)(.'r;il■^. Hfi aiil wa-. not, as tlu- I'rt'iu-Ii (lirei- Iiirv fay theirs vva.,, tlu'Mruit of a \):\U- Ipeculation." 'I'lii' Duleh love irofdoiti ---irvfuty years war lor the attainment of it. liad cniU'ar •(! it to tlicin. U'.'ii. wiMiliI liavi' iniaj^iiu'il that our prtfcit .iilniiiiilijation vsouM liavi' 'oien l!i ■ liili to nihilt a nation, to whom \\c \\i.ri' liouiul liv i\> nianv tie* ol j;r,i(iui(ii.', liv Millar, ■,t,||,,iii,,r thtir ii|)(tart tyrant on his accilliop. to the throne .' U iio woulil have thoiif'ht that our ripnhhcan I'.LlitlL'n: would liavi' hei'ii io c-ih.t to ad- drcU his " dearly Iniived hioli.er of i loll:uul '" Wlial would have been faid ()1 Walliinylon, if ho /.,;,/liuis pi;t the feal to tyranny, efjieiialiy w 'len havin,'^ noMiinilhr at that I'oiirt, JurcconId Lc lo luceHitv'of l.iyiligany thinj; on ihc hihi.ct ' Sed tenip.ir.i nnil iiiti:; it iios inmatniir aim iili. ' try 1i(h that bly witlj mv '^.v^^ +1 it is of no moment to confider the private motives which liave led to this undue prejudice. It is fufficient to fay that the faft cxills, and is avowed and juilified in Mr. JefFerfon's paper, the Na- tional InteUigencer. They even declare that we ought to go back to the events of the revolutionary war, to (harpen our refentments againll Great-Britain. Whether thefe prejudices had any (hare in inducing tlie PreGdent to fend back the treaty, made by his oivn minifters extraordinary, I fhall not undertake to decide ; but I take the liberty to make on this topick three remarks. 1 ft. That it is a thing unexampled in the hiftory of nations, to fend back a treaty made by authorized agents, unlcfs they were ei- ther corrupt, exceeded their authority, or compromifed the moft cf- fential intercfts of the State, in either of which cafes the miniilers ought to be recalled. iJd, That it is unreafonable to expeft in a pubUck treaty with another nation, that every article (hould be in our ow.i favour — fomething mult neceffarily be given up on both fides, or a Itate of holUlity never could ceafc. The only queilion ought to be, wheth- er it was ;is good, as under all the circumllaiiccs of the cafe, we liad a right to oxpedt ? It is believed that this treaty^ on the whole, was fucli a!i one as the ITiiited States ouglit to have accepted. .'}d. That there was no foundation for the report, that there was annexed to the treaty a conJitinn which the United States ouglit not lo have acceded to. It may perhaps occur to fome of our readers, convinced a» they will be of the impolicy of enterii'g into a war with Great-Britain, and of the total incompetency of our means lo carry on fucli a war, to afl{, Is it good policy to expofc the weaknefs of our coun- try to the world ? Does it not betray a want of patriotifm, to pub- lilh our opinion of our oivn mifconduiil, and to endeavour to prove that we are unable to cope with a nation with wliom we may pofli- bly be embroiled ? This is a fpecies of popular error, too common with many defcriptions of pcrfons in our country. With my jullification on this topick, T fhnll clofe t'l.is aildrefs u\ ;ny fellow-citi/eiis. 42 In all free governments, publick opinion muft eventually direft the moft important meafures of tbc adminiftration. When once cx- preflcd by the legal *conJl'itute(l authorities, it is binding vpon all the citizens, though it 'kJIHI competent for them to ufe the prcfs, in fi J ' We fay, that when expreffed by the conpltnh- J authorities, this pubh'ck opin- ion oiijrht to be treated with the hi^trhe/l n/fnii ; and one would iiave I'uppofed, that in a country like ours, which boafts of its li^ht and information, a con- trary opinion could not prevail : but the National Inte.ligencer, in its fcrious reafoniag, confiders the expreflion of the puhlick opinion, by the populace in about tivfht mercantile towns as bindinjj on all the dtizmt. In reply to fome reafonings, endeavouring to fliew that war would not be juftifiable, that paper remarks, tiiat it is unneceflary to enter into tiie difcullion ot the juftice of a war, " the people have decided that qucftion — they have •wiilfJ it, unlefs ample rep- aration be made." 'I'he Clironicle holds the fame language Now we undertake to fay, that the numbers and the violence difpliyed on this occalion, were lefs than thofe which appeared in oppofition to the Britifli Creaty — every one of the fame great cities was in nppofition to i/wi inftru- i\UMU — but, happily for our country, M'afliington did not miftakc the clamours of a multitude in a great city, which fiijaMe men think it more prudent to go \vith than to nppofc, in the tirft paroxyfnis of iis rage, for the ti/// of the people, (iovcrnor tiullivan and .SheritF Allen tried at that time the ertetft of oppofi- lion, and they had very convincing proofs of the wifdoni, good fenfe, and rea- rmaMenel's (if an inluriated jiopulace. It is ridiculous to call the proceedings at the Statc-Houfe, in Bofton the iLMife ()'' the inhabitants of Mairaciuifetts. 'I'hofe of us who were near enough to Hoflon to lift up the fpleiidid veil with which tlicfe thing's are covered, know, that neither that meeting, nor the one ligned by William Cooper, were coiieifl exprellions of the publick will. Tlie hiftory of thefe meetings is brief y this : — The cool and judicious men of both parties in ljip(>"ri, were oiipofed t. having any meeting on the fubject, and o|)cnly ex])rclk'(l their dif.ipprobalion of them. Not that the inhabitants of this iuetropoiii are ever behind their lellow-citizcns in their zeal to vindicate llie rights, and maintain the honour of their country — Init they thought that we were too ignorant of the facfs, and too \incertain of the true courfc to be (iiirfued, to venture to give a decideil opinion upon the lubjeift. .Such was the temper ol the inhabitant-., when a refpecl for the citizens of Norfolk, in. (luced tiie .Sdeclmcii to call a town-meeting. At this meeting, it is well known that lo great an inicertainty prevailed, as to the true policy to be adopted, that the it, habitants, on the propolition to appoint a committee, did not generally vote on either lide, and the refpeclable Moderator, thinking that the luke- warmnefs difcovered was not lulTiclently refpeCtful for the occalion, intimated the propriety of more a])pareiit ze.d, and aO^ually put the (]ueflion a fecond time. This ft,\te of tarts i> well known, and the F.ditor of the Aurora, at I'hiladel- pliia.has an arch allulicn to it, when he obf rved, that the relbhitions of Bof- ton were force-meat. The Chronicle rc|H'ated this wit agamll its own town, and yet has the elFrcmtery to cite thefe relbhitions, as exprelfive of the publick: will. It maybe laid, that this goes to jirove that many individuaN acted with infmcerity. I alk, how |)eople niufl be cxpedled to art in a popular government, when the palfions are fuddenly and violeiuly inflamed ? To foothe aiu perfuade, "r oppiilc and inflante .' 43 order to effeft a change in the adminiftration, or a repeal of the meafures. But as this publick opinion may be dircfted or foreftalled by artful and defigning men, or may be mifdircfted by error or paflion, it is not only the right, but the duty of thofe who believe that fuch errors exift, to endeavour to correft them. When, therefore, a party of men, from finifter or from honejl motives, mifreprefent the condudl of a foreign nation, prefent an unnatural and diftorted view of fadls, appeal to the publick paffions, attempt to filence all oppofition, reprefent our abihty to wage war in a moft extravagant light, magnify our means of injuring our en- emy, and diminifli her power and ability to injure us, and efpecially if all this be done while the qucllion is ftill open, and before the Legiflature, who are alone authorized to decide it, are convened — it is the moH/oUmn duty which a citizen is ever called upon to cxer- cife, to correft fuch falfe ftatements, to remove erroneous impref- fions, and to endeavour to conduft his fellow-citizens from the mazy labyrinth of —or and prejudice, into the paths of light and truth. Such an c " ;iave, with confcious inability, attempted to exe- cute ; — Happy, if my feeble efTorts fhall in any degree contribute to prefervc my beloved country from the dangers which fiirround it. .-a.