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TJmjuATE TREATtMMTfrEBJ^ THE XTXITSM STATES J^Jf OREAt BBPTAIJ^, BY A CITIZ&N OF VEBW''*NT, the gtcftte»t etits ate not stfHwd at thteir uttooat petted oiltjl tJiote irtto ^ are in fmw haw lost all atsaat of shame. At such a time those who should obey shake off all respect and subord^tion. iTiea i« letha!^« indoknce rouawi, biit foapBd by fconrulsiofts. ■ - Cii»»iirAt iai fetw. "What tm be dwie to save th* BepubKc i tUne Aat sooUjs iiU otlte «l|fe. ings will hri^f us no rejifef^ we neglect or throw away ^ea«BnA in oar haftdi. Wh»t we they ? Truth and Argument. They are feeble wxats : feeble mdeedj sgainsl prqjudice and passion j yet they are all we hate i^ ♦« »lMt tiy them, They will be J«ryd to eall back the attoitioa of his fellow^sitizens from the commotions and rums which surrauod i^m, to the first causes, of their pf>litical prejudices : tft enquire who it was that ,enkindled Ifae fiames of civil discord among us, and why we ate ftdivide^ people. # ; I 4.- ■f'*\:. -%■'' r , 'ft' ■'),:< '•T*'" ^ WBnTBN JOWABp tmOip^ OF TUE L^TE WAR Courage n)f^ j^areh»se libeily. Tb the People 6f m Unitea Siates. "yHlpll^lE are certain periods in the co^rve ^ human eveats, -vJb^ithe a^airs ojf civil gov^mineDt cjurite an extraordioary inte- rest i|i tjlie public mind* ' ' . , Such a period has commenced. And in a fti^ ir^pubiic like ours, .when a blind confidence in rulers could never. j)§,% virtue, it would at the present time be crkninal. <*•■,, ,, Whea the public wealth is waiting, and its orodit sinking in ^c dust; when the horrcns of a ruinous and hopeless war are spreading around us devastation and misery j shall we, whoa« an- cestors have purc^asefi for us our libertiee at the expense ot their Wood SMptd treafiwe, amidst ti^e fcbundf r» of contending natipns, shall ws. their descendants standstill, and in stupid sHencei*»ce the mighty fabric of our freedom trembling to its Imse, witiwjut one bold and manl/ effort to avert ita ruin ? ^f We believe still, that among our unaHeijable rightt ace those of life, liberty, and the pursuit of lappinesfi ; -nd to secure these rights and for this, purpose only, governments ; instituted amcaig inen. , * 1774, we remonstrated against the administration of the Bi^tish government because as, we beUeved, it became destruc- tive of these great ends of its institution, ^nd to provide for ew- s^ivea a constitution which should secure to us a remedy against tfee abuse of power, we appealed to arms, and after a conflict of ojgbt long years, .i^?!victoriotisIy triumphed. p^^bty revolution was ©flSectttJ, this dreadful aacrifice of btoea and treasure was suffused, te secure to the people of the United States the right of changing the councils of the nation-, Whenever their interest^ or happiness should rcquins it. , But we have a. yet oiUf i«arD«d from thu event ti»t .ppwsaad man po.^„cs the pa^^^^^,^ ^-i th« a bo d .nd^ dy race bke that whick dehiiwi4i ,!,, ili-_-j__ , ■"p4» i^d m viralMice, Uwr their i^flue^ee 8«em» t©bkl,d«||ft»© t»,th« O^mmion of r««fafi. Cft4-«Rd dl^MSfientte diwiukitia^ 1mmmm>9l^ ^ot^m»9V^mAm$»P^ty of party «id^thf *i*"»W«M#4 m^^ of our com^ are abwrbed m the view* of ^d- Vftte aqil^iyii^ : «, «{»mt of hatred^: of maKcc and revenge hw ay- »»y*4#|»«ry;ffMMJt s«suwt bk f«ll9ir ithe di»cordaii|t to«r«ft«r -^ the mullitude swells in CTery breeae^and Hktf the ifprific so«^ which precedes the earthquake, adnrt««MlM» iis«>f«i iiM»roacWng GonvulsioR: The. last r»public on earth i« divided J^h«i itself aiwi t»qtDUe$ to^i fid) i lAnd ja there no i«m«# I »*Qp hip^be liictofjr of Mlm ^piib- Iks been recorded for us in vauv?;,., ^I^tyihe eviU^hkhf !|rrpu^ us, reimlted from fin iroperkmn and in«vit»bJ|e neeeasity ?;,,iy|ai|y ^f <»i;Wy#MoW «it»»««s» well rena^mbcr.ttiat hapi^ p«?r»ofli of Wvhipt(»p4 wbt»ja|J hef^t» weie unkmi jn the chmfs of; tMrffirst phief magistrate, who presided in the twuncilaof the rtpiibll^. The first orjganixation of our govepvnaeot was hailed by. aU clinsea f|f onr, <^;9enf,a» the trJuiaphant inomii^ ofa ^illef^ial ^j mfm^m'^imf *. i«or«,pe«le«it u^ion of ^fnti^unt oxluhite4 b» <»rtb, than by the freemen of ihe United Stales^ J^ ihP year one thousand aeven handred and eighty-nine, !n the choiae of their rvder^« .^nd never did the i^jgislators of a free people coi^- nand more ^o^fidi^ce from their co^i^ijpnts, than the«« wfaqi« that time, adnunistered the p)Veii[iifte|it. But only ^^y^ years have passed away, and how c}*imge<} i» the scene j how p^v- tentous the prospect before us! AH confidence |o our yi^lers UmU all confidence in each other. No onion anumg our ciUaem, except in tho belief of this one solemn trtith, that our disunion will 80 . Thoae party disaensions which palsy th<.arm of government, overwhelm the wisdom and defeat the councils of the republic, haw l^d their origin. The present disti^cted state of things, has evidently been produced by a certain chain of events, which can^aseasUy be traced to theif origmal cause, as ©ur rivers ^ *"— 80urc« i and it i» just as absitrd, to think ©f changing it for \-4 > (' ( ■ i %. ft' i i the stream while its source retnaws. »'.i . rjTTo,.; of this Inlp«W!»ttC ti<«th^|ftlU»lM»i ii^3 ii wfiich pre«<5flts iii «wtol)arf»eMri th«f^#»y«iliatr rtJM whieU ifbt'only otfr ^teietit ne«il'ssitie*, l^t the mymtimmtM'W^}iifW' pufclifcah Instttationsimperioo'sly Hemirti^, ' Mir* 'iinijii!«; ^ -: ffii^igrtt Wir^hlchliisbf^a^ dn tt ffi^ rl rff^ntt tormnjnyii energies of every class of citiiens. To hikV#ykJ^^ ^^' ""^ ^'oridca termM«H3«h 6f Hhd jk>«ll«t contest^th* WKble ^t offltc repuBilt alidufOAave betft Wi^ghttff, to «»te*t««^ r^rji a^c %ttia» '•iito^^^^MAg-^peftai^ tttf^l^K^ ,flft p«^p|*; rtfeaaUr^ <^ffdf mtirfe thi* fourteM hfjnflrert mile8|cjt{jo9e^«kft'fert*mf mi> Mil! Mfiej. c^a j*» rtorfbj1>6rdWi«^ t««*|^'1«itoW n^ KeArtind hami in support tfftbtjeaufteirati^ bt'thk*© tHaij-i^ piditjr, it must be foliy and nwdndss in t^ exiretrtW -^^'M u^' >u<: Ami had tf J na«i6t% of, tW pffes^rtt ^ar IWs'airf*i*i«<^ ai^^ feilow^itiaen5,>o«' WWIiriii^ mbrmtm'mo siWiiet #M'ft kftowrithat War ^aS dfe-cliieU Against Great^BrtSfto, tiitfn one ge- nera! expressron of disratppit»bati«i and of i^fMe'tti ^^aifcitutfe ^ •lb evcM, pervaded all^i Jsea/^> In a freo repuWir- which Uas virtue for its base, and the ^mrd tamrftmmp ,.*''ver to return. « In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, U should be enlightened." But when I ask wero the people enlightened, when consulted, when were they eall<»l upon to deliberate seriously upon tiie expediency of makii^ waV •n the Britisi) nation, for the purpose of compelling her to yield her right of impressment. Never until war was resolved upon* was it pretended that in the year 18)ft, ttus cause would justity resistance ; or even if it would, that it was wise or expedient t« declare war at that time. The British Orders in CotiAcU were equally with the French Milan and Berlin Decrees, considered by the people as the only causes which could justify resistance. These obnoxious Orders and Decrees it was believed were intend- ed by the two great belligerents of Europe to uiiHjy each other, • rather than to be aimed at pur neutral commerce. When it was known in this country that the obnoxiofts Deerec^ of France were repealed, the people Relieved, they had good rea- son to believe, that the British Orders in Council would soon hm revoked. When, therefore, the adminiairalion had recommende<^ AD immediate appeal to arras, and the iiBderaiists then in CoQ' B .■.-Jim.i m^ 1 * I K ^l# -. ^grcs3, saw the torreniTof calatniliel d»nit to bur&tuoon tlie oiini-' try, thejr warned, they intreated theni to delay, eren for a few day*, until despatches from Great-Britaio could arrive, which Blight announce the revocation o. ihc Orders in Council ; and if r%ar was inevitable, they urged them to delay a measure of aueh awful tnagnitude, until the country could be better prepared to Jneet the event But in vain ; the war was proclaimed, ctMitrary to the views and wishes of the people, not of that class orrty who . are called federalists, but the great body of freemen, who have to hazard their lives and property in the contest. Before Grcat.firitain could have any knowledge of this event, and within eight days after it happened, her Orders in Council were revoked, and that as soon as she had knowledge of the re- peal of the Miiaw and Berlin decrees. This was an event which our rulers must have anticipated. No sooner had a knowledge oftherevocatidn ofthe Orders in 'Council reached this country, than the people expected an armistice, and an immediate end put to hostilities. They did not believe the administration were se- riously resolved on a war at that time, to compel the British to .yield their right of impressment, as they w'ell remcmberctl that ;Mr. Monroe, who Mr. Madison had employed to settle that bu- amessi had declared that the propositions made by the British commission, and the explanation which accompanied it, was both ,*onorable and advantajjeous to the United States : and that it *o had advocated and supported such destructiv* policy, but of those who had opposed and condemned it. You then professed to believe that in a republic like ours, the admin- istration should haye no views, no object pr no interests opposed to the views and wishes of the p^ple. And y«^u professed to believe, whether you had or had not grounds for your belief,' that * the federal administration had produced evils to remedy which a change was necessary. You <;alle« . on your friends and fellow- <;itizens to aid you in effecting a change of ru/era by th«|r suiTra- ges : they gave yoti ^heir aid. I^housands at that time sacredly pledged themselves that they had nothing in view at that time, in wishing for a change of rulera, but the interest and glory of their country. That whenever they foui^ themselves disappointed in the resu' I of npw measures, they would aid in restoring the pow- er of the «brmep administration. And vour new measures have now been tried for more than four- teen years, and beyond all endurance. And noyr you ask what can be done to save the republic. The united energirs and the whole resources of the countiy $ire put in requisition, and we ar^ a divided people. Qae puUs •■jfr re than four* jthU way and another that : the wheels of gOTeniinent roll heavily on and our enemies triumph. You fellow citixena who arc advocates for the present policy, until very latcty professed to believe that an opposition to the measures of the majority had a salutary effect on the admini^ra- tiw: that it tended to keep alive the spirit of liberty, and aWaken the people to a sense of the dangerous encroachments of abused |iower. Had the leaders of the party in power opposed measures only, you might at this time have gloried in the privileges of m elective government, and would long be&tte this, have arrested the progress of those evils which have brought us to the present alarming crisis. But their opposition was not confined to measures. Federalists ]^ve been proscribed, and denounced, as dangerous men, ene- mtes to our republican constitution, tories aiid British partizans, Tjuworthy the confidence of a free people. And this accusation has been repeated so many millions of times tliat many of the honest electois really believe it roust be true. They tell you that it i«-io vain to question the truth of what has been believed Ibr trtei*y five years; It is indeed a lamentable fact, that so many of qnt best citiaea» tbotild after fighting and suffering eight years to establish an elec- tive government, wish to erect on its ruins an hereditary monar- chy : but our good republicwa rulers tell us, it is so, wA we can- not doubt the truth of it. In those countries where the structure and administration of the ^vernment is based on the ignorance and abject condition of the people, it is not strange that the arts of deception and&lse- |iood shoidd prevail against reason and common sense : but that m majority of the enlightened citizens of the United States, should fall the victims of tism most absurd v^ fetal delusion, in the very hifancy of that republic which their wisdom, their virtue and he- foic deeds had but just achieved, is one of those political phe- nomenons, which prejudice alone can divest ot mystery. One vould suppose that many of our citiaens had utterly despaired of eaving the republic, and seeing the rwd to ruin inevitable, had resolved to shut their eyes against the light of truth, thinking that like assc» they can travel « best in dangerous reads witfe Windera -.1 t'. J A ^.l «'' ^r '\.... ■•♦ ^ T6rl zik yinm ♦vn* miy hot the h&dm of the party in p^^, ef inflict wUh impunity, so long as tkcy assume the name *tf repubhr^n ? Notwithstanding tlsey have seen Napoleon under that asstMwed name enslave and oppress thirty mlllJdns of dela- ^d Fl^h<:hmen, and on the ruins of liberty, erect a despotism ^ horrid and so stupendous, that nothing but the conflagration W Moscow could stop it« progress to the mitis of a mm 1 Tet in the United States tbij word republican has acqtnred a **ag!c, a resistless, charm. One who assumes that appellation iiftachfes to his character, all those admirable qualities, which cotistitute the pure patriot, the exclusive friend of an elective government, and the rights of man. While the man who hu tlM5 misfortune to be called a federalist, is not only proscribed PA » tory and dangerous citiajen, but becomes thereby absolute- ly disfranchised. For as it respects the evils which may result to society or individualsi by excluding from office a large por- tton of our most respectable citizens, it is the same whcihcr they are excluded through the influence of fraud aild delusioti, or by power of the constitution. When during the French revolution, the deluded citifctn. of fhat df ted country, believed there was no way to regain their "long lost Kberues," but by cuttinro? the head, of their best emacns, the error proved as fatal to the poor victirns of the gtrHtotine,and to the liberties of those who escaped it, as though they had suffered by virtue of authorilydertved from a consti- tutten of civil government: When prejudice becomes deep Wotcd, so as to gain an entire ascendency over the mind, it has thfe* power o: a law upon the conduct and becomes even a more mvariaWe rule of actioh, For rhen are sometimes disposed t» violate the law, and when they can with impunity, win do it f ^vhcTcas, they never feel disposed to act against their invetei J'atc prejudices. When in ah elective government such prej-idices have armed «ne part of the citizens against the other, and all confidence in each othens lost, the minority are thereby rendered IncHgible to office, they arein cifect disfranchised no long as such prejudices W#predommant. The republic insuch a state partakes of an ar- »locracy, irt' propohion as- the nuaber of proscribed citteerif, re- :::./' 'W . 5^^- ^.. i;» duces the ntiitiber of those who onlf can administer the govCTti- ^ nien*i Suppose then we have in the United States, one million of ^ free white male citizens, about five hundred thousand of these have the misfortune to be called federalists; and arc denounced as£ne' xnies to o\ir free constitution and to republican liberty. It is acknow* ledged these men are at least equally respectable, for their talents, their uiformation, their wealth and useful hiritits. Among thej^- inaining five hundred thousand, composing the party in power, the leaders of that party will not select and recommend to the peo- ple as candidates for offke ; nore than one to five hundred, so that in the pre«ent state of parties, the electors who support the present policy by their «uffmge8, under the influence of .these in- veterate prejudices, which exclude federalists from « participation in the administration, hsave to select those who are to direct and controul our great national concerns, from less than one thou- «andth part of the freemen. And ftmong these it will be acknow- ledged a great number are more distinguished for their party xeal,than by those important q«aUficatioii8 which the high re- ' spectability of their trust requires. So long as the inihience of these prejudices continues to blind and delude so many of qur citlisens, the leaders of the party in power may rest secure in the patronage of their constituent^ tin* til they shall establish an aristocracy on the ruins of liberty, .. * If it is said the electors ai^e not bound to regard a nomination tmtde by the leaders of a party, it may be answered, it is equally- true, that under the influence of party spirit and i^veten^e preju- dice, its usual concomitant ; it is certain they always have,, and always will regard it. When therefore, it becomes an irrevocable principle withabare majorit}' of the people to exclude from the administration, a cet- uin clat > of citizens, to be designated by a particular appelladonj wid com prising only a minority of the freemen, the leaders of that majority, may with impunity sacrifice the interests of their constit- uents, to the advancement of their own. For suppose you dismiss from their > aces in the national legislature, the leaders of the majority, and appoint otliers of the same party in their stead, it is evident a combination may still exist among the few v^ell inibrm- ed and influential leaders, of the party both in and out of office, for theparposeofpromoungtheir own views, ift oppoaition to the \'M 'M #■ 4h !6 ♦tews and Wishes of the people ; for so long as theySaliltme to tiiemselves the right name, call it republican or what you please, they may rest assured that the majority will support them. And it is generally true, that the members of the national legia- lature, at the expiration of their term, if they are not re-elected, are still prov' .ed with some snug office, and go out among their cqyp*tituent8 faithfully pledged to support that policy which they have been instrumental in establishing. From the nature of man and from the invariable effects of the influence of party spirit on his political conduct, it will always be found, that to change the policy of an administration, in an elective government, where all the electors are divided into two great par- ties, a revolution of those parties is absolutely necessary. Fede« ral measures would never have been changed by federal men. This truth you once believed. \nd those of you who pledged yourselves to restore the powjr of the federal administration, ■whenever you found yourselvts disappointed in the result of new measures, would now, it is believed, gladly change the present ruinous policy by restoring to power federal men, had not your prejudices usurped the throne of cool and dispassionate reascMi. Y«u are convinced that the merits of an administration of civil government should be adjudged by its fruits and not by a name. And yet when the policy of our present rulers has involved us in scenes of calamity from which they have not power to extricate us, you persist in proscribing and denouncing as unworthy of y wir confidence one half of your fellow freemen, because they ar» called federalists. But there are times when the triumphs of political delusion^ over a minority must come to an end, when the errors of rulers cant not be practised with im punity. Such are times of great national ca- lamity, when life, liberty, and property are pm at hazard. Then it is that the errors of an administration, sheds on commtinity its dire effects and awakens the spirit of inquiry into the causes of the evils which surround them. Such is the present crisis.— Un» til the commencement of the present war, the advocates for the late nteasures of the administration, have affected to view our po- litical dissensions with great indifference : to consider a fiiction in a free state as a necessary appeixlage of liberty. But no soon- er wci-c hostilities provlMme4 between this country and Great t7 » Brttain, than the minority were called ap<*iito join heart and band in support of the contest, or submit to the imputation of beii^ identified with the enenaies of oar coantrjr. Thus was the oppo- sition to be hushed into irfleuce, wkJ the liberty of speech and of the press, those grca*^ bulwarks of frecdiom, prestratcd in the dutt. A powerful minority is no longer considered a» a harmieta ftction. The affairs of the republic have come to a crisis, in which union has become indispensable to prevent a disastrous and inglorioufi termination of the present contest. But it i» io vain to talk of onion without just and correct ^iews of the causes of our disunioB. The advocates of the present policy are disposed at, last to asjjribe to our {Militical dissensions, tbe present calamitous state of things, and to the federalists the first bla(^»ble cause. If our mi&ibrtunes should lead us to retrace our steps, and un* tnfiaeuccd by passion to review our political conduct, and im{tar' tiaUy to investigate the causes of our divisiorn, we taigkt stiU profit by them. The lessons of history are before us, and thejr have taught us that thus far we have travelled step by step, the downward course of fallen republics. The ovUs which the in|- mortal Wasblngtoo, warned us would-be the eflects of party spii^ rit, have already completed half their work of ruin. They hm» distracted the public councils, and enfeebled the p«biic adminls* tration : they have agitated the coranaunity with ill founded j«ai» lousies and klse alarms: they have kindled the animosity of oaft mrt agaiust another : they have fermented occasional riot and in* surrection : they have opened the door to foreign iiiflueiKC and corruption, wliich have found a facUteated access |o the govern* roent itself, through the channels of party passions, and the policy and will of this counti7 has thereby been subjected to the pdlicjr and vrill«fa&oth»r. ,A. Ml J ! ft U it a^t *u.~ •idtlf •aghf St wiKiom, while b«$et on e..,y ,„,, „ ^ foreign «od powerful foe. to i„q.Ure with deep «„i,u«de who k ^ U«»tl«th e«kindl,dthefl»B«a of ciril di«:a«i among o«r,el,e,. The jmtmi war will probably come to an end, at no very die- t«ot period of lime : And we hate too m»«;h reason to J^ tfe^t tlw iwue wai be diwstrom if not ingjorioaa. Bm the «rent of it or of any of our foreign relatione, c«» ne*er »ee«^ to ua domble peace and proaperity, ao loi^ a* we are ^s- twcted With domestic animosity and diaaensioi,.. , . In a free republic like our., where all may posseaa the nmn «ean. of i„o.i„g ^ ,^,^ ^, ^^^^.^ ^^^^^^^^ ^ ^^ fe ence of op«^ shonld divide them into two ^reat panie.^ Other ea«,„ have operated to create o«r fatal diviaion. Tbeae «^ !»« examined. It may not yet be too late. «; , ^we« their Worst enemies. Search them out then, and ler Z^H "•'^'*'"''"^° »haH without a cau«, «.. <^P^d«ae„s.ons, as mo., dangerous to yourliberticT and -""^^l to your peace and safety, than mymda of mercenary ««»fMh the miserable tools and slaves of foreign despot., - That wi« be the most important crisis in tbe history of our r.^ P«'l-^be«i,ahall be recorded of «s, that our ««.o« «d wis- ^m t^umph..^ p,3,^„,^ ^^.^^^^ ^^ ^-^- wton by ou. cott^tge we pu«:hased lilM^rty, but when by iMtr vir. «»e we aumped «» it* eiristeace, immortal d»rati#D. M \9 No. 2. That will be the mokt in^rarUnt CRISIS in thtt kUtoir of ou( republic, when it shall be recwded of usf Uiat our reason uid m$* df>m triumphed over passion and prejudice! net that period when by our courage wc purchased Ubcrtfi but when by our virtue we titatnped on its existence, immortal duration. WRrtTEN TOWABb THE CLOSE OF THE LATE WAR. To the eiUsens of fie VnUtdBttiW* FarixM Aim FizxoW eiYizxKs. IN great and important revolutions which change either thf form ofgovemment,6r the policy of an administration, the peqp pTe ^oon lose sight of the first link in the chain of events, by whicfi it is produced. That ardent love of power so generally, if not univerKdIy pre* d6itiinant, operatiSs on the pas^onB,and disposes men to investi- gate the means by which they may retain it, rather than those by Which they have been elevated. But if by any means weak or corrupt men gain the ascendency in the councils of the natidn,no great or at least no very durable evils, n«^d bie apprehended from their political eirOrs, prov«le Fed. , ^ By the exercise of this right, the minority cannot remove them» thhough the proportion of their numbers to that of the majority shall be as nihety-nine to an hundred, and although the evils re- suiting irom s«ch measures should &II with tenfold greater .w«%bt €« that minority, tlim on the saajority. 1' i ^^^^^^^^■■R i ^HHP' '\ ^^^^^^^^^^^^l&' V i ^ 93 tHit to oot 1 mere chiaMrtoU vieir of the wretehe4 which a freo Ee^uUic nuy be raduced. Fot thcrv it m dugntif degradation «t)d tBiMrf, to which a minority may not lie redoaid by a dominant party, actUig under the dondnioD of iaf^teMd pM« sion, or inveterate prejudice. f^ . But have you forgotten that there was a time when the leaders Qf a minority ancourai^d an open and riolent retiataace to mm- ♦urea of whicli they disapproved. la i 793 ander the adminiatm. tion of Preaident Washington, th* execution o* the law* tmpaikif a duty on spirits disiiiied within the United States waa netia'H j and that resistance was encouraged by the very men who wen theu the leaders of a minority, but who now direct thedeaiinift of our country. If resistance could be jusUfied then 1 30 h could at tfie present lime with equal reason. Many of you who support tlw men in power at thU time, did not then think it was the duty of the p«o* pie quietly to submit to the will of the majority; if that will waa as you professed to believe, destrucuve of th0 great end of flivil government. , When you were the legitimate subjects of Great Britain m 17/5, you disclaimed the right of the British i>aiitaMent to t&xyou wilb. out your being represented; you would not submit to it, Ym would no longer be suhjectcd to the evils of at> admioistratioii, which you cotild not change. You are now represented in the councils ofthe nation, and when your representatives tax yon contrary to your wishes, and wantonly s; ' ^t i you devatta. tipn and misery, you presume they hav^d^-",,!^ because »,.^ are men of your own choice. But does the right of suffrage, give impunity to the errors or crimes of rulers ? m 9f **? ic •rrtH'sor l«t tidbred the privation Hid luflMmft If tt^'l^fe fCi»^f tHH*, boelniie you would nrt. iiA«iiAt to Hie litafd t- slm, tijtt I in King out do no wrong : And by a bliml cmSdesce, by an «ii« [ w^mm tOmtmas to « ««rtite ckM of citasna, you would a«opt a I «M»im e(|ia«% |]»8urd and &tal to Ubarty. The pfivU«E«» which tJw el#«» are to derive frotn the right of suffrage, do not con- slttin the power which the freeroea posaesn of exerciaiag th^ r^tfhttt in the actual cxerciac of it by a. majority of the «l«f - r tun, io m rnanner beat calculated to ipromote tbeif ^oi^cal iaia. [neai ««4tappine8a. ^ Suppoae abtre majority of the flectora hare estabUiheil itaa I aninrew>|:»Ue principle, that they will never elect to office* aujr [opt who shall be nominated by the minority; what benefits do t%t nainoeity deriite ftom the right of auffrage i Yob aay they en- jtgr the beivBfit of l»w» ow^ l)y tb« men whp are chosen by the n^jorijy, wMcb k ^ |i>^ cp» expect frona an elecufc goYewi- [n^^ f Ut suppoa^|||ft,i9^)ty elect men, who pursue a poll- fcj mmm »<» »»>«< interest and happiness of the people, and should Brsiat in supporting su^h men ; ought auch a policy to de^nand f^c^ifidence and cordkl submtsuQni, b«cau»i th.e adthora of it enjoy the right of suffrage ? If the rights of tho people arc t« l^^tendfd with impuoiii ; '^ our liberties arc to perish, is it a (nyi^egfof which fr$«men should boast, and in wh|cii they ought ^ofxult, that they have the right of choosbg the men wjho are to I the bstrumenti ^ ^cir ruin I ^fi%k is »a*d, the rtpreaentatives who are chosen by a majority lof »,fireeatHl enligl)t«ned,p<^ple, will,it is to be presumed, best uii* fdwat;»ndj and be disposed to pursue, the best means to promote tho pu()lic good. ^ ;^ , This iras not the reasoning of the party in jiowr acventsea -^r kuMi koa^u <,ubjr aiiai^iicu At iiic UMl' Ol UUUIlC ^^ — r ion, atui^ condemned the measures of the representatives of a great majority of the electors. You who ndw advocate the present policy, had not then adopt- ed the absurd maxim, that the representatives of a free people, can do no wrong. You then gloried in the privileges of an elec- tive government, because it authorized you to change the coun- cils of the nation, by removing those ivho had deceived your Con- fidence. You then complained of the measures of federalists, bet- cause they imposed unnecessaiy and oppressive taxes. But our republican rulers have imposed a tax on l&nds, houses, carriage^ waggons, harness, licenses, auctions, stills, leather, boots, hats, caps, ladies' hats, sugar, tobacco, snuff, segars, bar iron, roll'd iron, pig irtirt, cut rails, brads, sprigs, umbrellas, furniture, pa- per, candles, playing cards, saddles, bridles, ale, porter, and a stamp tax, a double pbstage tax, and all to support a war which the people be! ieved was unnecessary, arid might with a little prus. dence have lieeh avoided : and you have become silent as the gt^ve upon the subject of federal measures: for if they chastised ui with whips, itcan no longer be concealed, that our republican ra-' lers are noW chastising us with scorpions. The people there, frre have exhibited some symptoms of a disposition to exercise the right of suff age, by restoring to power those men who have invariably warned them, that the policy of the last^urteen years* - would lead to the present disastrous state of thingfcv^^ .' But no sooner has the result of an election exhibited to pabltc view, some evidence of art inclination in the electors, to consult their eyes rather than their ears, in forming their opinions of po- litical characters, than the old cry of British influence, monarchist, and tory, is raised with redoubled efforts ; «" glaring JSi the di«*. ^* )i puuiic ^ui' ivesofa greai ot then adopt- a free peopk; jca of anelee- ige the coun- ted your con- sderalists, b&- :es. But our eS) carriages^ ( bootS) hats, iriron, roU'd rumiture, pa- jorter, and si a war which 1 a little pru" : as the gt^ve chastised ui ^publican ra- eoplfe there. » to Exercise en who hare irteen years^ ed to pabfic i, tO'COOSUlt itilons of po- monarchist, ; i8( tiie di«% ' ^.^^jjj^»2o« between republican and federal Dtiea^uFesj In. favonl'Af [the latter, that there is danger, that even the « moles will be cured lof their blindness." If the federalists committed errors in their administration four-^ I teen years ago, they are no longer considered as obstacles to their restoration to power, since in that respect the little finger of Mr, Madison, has become thicker than the loins of Washington or Adams. The republican leaders, twenty-five years ago, were well awafe [that the test of experience might eventually expose the fallaey I (tf their new policy; and thereby restore to confidence and to power, the proscribed federalists. It was not therefore against federal measures only, or principal- ly, but against federal men, that the efforts of the first opposition were directed. They were denounced as daugeroxjs men, attach- ed to monarchical principles, and inimical to republican liberty. These accusations, unceasingly urged, have excited prejudices which have grown so inveterate as to become a rule of action, an inviolable law. And it is n« longer a question wli^tbcr they ougl t not quietly to submit to any evils which may result from the vice* ' or errors of their republican leaders, rather t^an trust their poli- tical concerns to the controul of federalists. We now see a few individuals, who claim the exclusive title to patriotism and re- publican virtue, chosen from less than one thousandth part of the * freemen, set at the helm, exulting in the triumphs of delusion and prejudice, over reason and truth: Our territory iavaded by a powerful foe, and nearly one half of our citizens disfranchised, and identified with the enemies of our country. Such a state of things cannot long continue. Our poUiical state' must be regenerated. A revolution in the public opinion is indispensable. D A .M. i / \ ^4 '\ $ '-■^. .V -i . ,■■- ,^/" \2d" Whatever may be the event of the present war^ in the present state of the worid, we cannot expect any very long and uVnJ^ rupted state of peace. > In times of common danger ^i^ ImA from recent expc ncnce, that union is the great bulwark of our safety. In the midst of surrounding commotions and ruins, pause then, fellow„„ica' ^o„n,.de> If there had been one ,tich instance of repoblican' deKene^c, would no. U,e fac. admit of proof, and th, Ldene. ».». b,«, toi»cU, a«o«„ced,o the public through the medium .-*"., "■'*■», • ■ J -:^ ~e !S& 27 7 ^ji no such evidence hs^ ever been exhibited, for this plain reason, that it never did exist. But an tjie oontrarf , whenever the sentiments of federalists on this subject liave been disclosed, they have invariably evinced a strong predilection to our republican constitution as the only foria of governiBent wtach could best promote th ^^ QO enemieg but what weiv creiited by party inSuence, nevw indeet believed it was necessa- ry, op the duty of patriotism, to use a single argument through 2i r%' the whole of hb #ritinefi,1o convince the people that the federal- ists were friends to republican liberty: and thought as he expres. $ed himself, that the assertions to the contrary were « impudent falsehoods," made only to gull the unsuspecting freemen out of their cohfidence in federal men. It is a feet, that since the commencement of ouf political dis- aensions, only two men Iwve been designated among the whole ^ body of federalists, as having publicly announced sentiments fk- vorable to a monarcliical government. One of these, and the first, who was denounced as one, whose sentiments had a dangerous influence was John Adams, late Pre- sident of the United States.~When I say he was the first, I speak in the language of those citizens who have been deceived with re- spect to the origin of our politic^ dissensions. If truth can pre T«il over falsehood and prejudice, and they will hear it--it will Convince them that the opposers of federalism, directed their first efforts against Washington and his- policy. But so unchangeable ^as the conAdence, of the great body of the people in his talents and his character, both a, a hero and statesman, such their un- bounded admiration of his wisdom, his virtue a.d disinterested patriotism, that the torrent of calumny and abuse, which issued from the democratic presses at that time, against him and his po. hey, had no effect, in withdrawing the confidence of the.people from the man on whom they had rested their hopes through the tiying scenes of the revolution. It would have been indeed an Herculean task, to have destroy, cd the credit o^an administration over which Washington presid- ed. It must tndeed have been a work of much time, ^d have required ^-rangements, difficult in their execution, to opetate JK: £9 y^hh success agaifist an admini»tration, which commcnecd undBr the most flattering ausjpiccs, and which had inspired *^ur citarens ■with^ the most flattering hopes. A considerable time had elapsed, before those papers, which f 't' l '•' r.-' I I J ^^., ■'*i'^ :r^"" t^ w: ■/i. ■' » , 'i3, •..^',£^ 38 fwenUeths of tiie property would be in tbe hands of the coiB- moM, let them appoint wnom they could for chief magistrav* and senators : the 8o^'ereignty then in fact, as well a» morality, must reside in the whole body of the people ; and an hereditary fongand nobility, who should not govern according to the pub. ,/, He opinion, would InfalUbly be tumbled instantly from their pi.. , ccs; it is not only most prudent then, but absolutely necessary, ; to avoid continual violence, lo give the people a legal, constitu- tional, and peaceable mode of changing their ruler, whencvc* they discover improper principle, or dispositions in them." I« ^ther part of his writings* on this subject, he makes the foi- bwing remarks ;-,« It i, become a kind of fashion among wri- '. ters to admit.as a maxim, that if you could be always sure of a wise, active and virtuous prince, monarchy would be the best of governments. But this is so far from being admissible, that ^U Will forever remain true, that a free government has a great j:.dvantage over a simple monarchy. The bestand wisest prince*^ -^if means of a freer communication with his people, and the .greater opportunities, to collect the best advice from th^WStaf ^ ""bjects. would have an eminent advantage in a free state, more than in a monarchy." But it i. unnecessary to quote farther from his writings, to 'convince my fellow-citizens, that many of them have been df!- «eived with respect to their import. It is true that Mr. Adams like every other man who has any knowledge of the history of I t'Publics, weU knew that the election of chief magistrate, ami |^«her great officers of state, had in every great nation, been at- irodcd sooner or later, with yioteow, anarchy nnd every spc. • Vol L p. 8^ •■-( -O' - '* v,*. ,' . -jf '..'^ .x .V y^- ss «!!>' tt*lfortttne, when It might t» necc8«arf u» resort t. 4 .'¥ 34 *^ Okioi the ««^ci i,, tha rennn «P »••- ^- Melphia, of the iTth of September, irgr tk / »h!.K . ^"'^'''•^P'°««ti«^ body :eren the Lycian nwHJation cannot be auppoaed to reach .h : ^' «f -r on. , but the colptio J^^^^^^^^ r-: °' '^^^'"'°^ ««t, umoD of so great and ** ""^ ^^ '^^"b. "" "« adopt i,, m , ''"^'° "" =°"" "»«'«, pi u, we need not fear will k« om -henSSrexppne^e, its incoavenielrl ? '""'^ ^*" be «.en and felt - ""* ^^Perfections «haJI Tiiw end the lutings, of Mr A.i«. >" ""• iccuKd of wi.(,i„„ , , " """'""wn which . f -.1.% .0 .ul„.„,. Because he ka,^; . « » a weU luwxrn fact tK,f • «-»cter in tb« strpngeat t«n» of ■■ '^**^'iirii[i>^ I ' .35 Dtioti «t Pbi. former con- »e niodeIjui4 '«'n, in whielx. » the Lycian,, more. Tha. h. and com- »ted States h«ir wanto ; ted to unite «nifqrmity ted to unite of accom- perfectiou I tlMsdelib- »t exertion *f natJoDal »ay be im^ *e for that conceive, "nend it, ions jjJiaJI ►trongcsj' >n which had diai sed soiD* »tion, the ttSHQSof csmafunt to di»cov«r the dangcrt to which republican Ub«rt^ «as exposed, and had wi«dom to Ipoinnas t» a remedy, he has Been ijenounced at an enemy to republics. The delusion which has been practised updn t&c honest free- . men of this country respecting the political principles of Mr. Adams, may yet convince them that if they would {ireserv* their rights, they n^ust become their own guardians, and not trust to a constitution written on ^apcr : nor to a blind confidence ih men whose title 'tD ' patriotism is evidenced .only by their professions. Perhaps no one thing has had moVe agertey' in effecting that lihange of men and meaiures in this ceuhtry, by vi^bich the present policy was introduced, than the prevalency of an opi^ inn among the people, that Mr. Adams was hostile in his prin- dpies to republican fibetty, dnd that be hoped by the influeifce of his meaiiures, gradually to undermine our republican insU> tfltions, and erect on their ruins, a monarchy. What man is there thttn, among us, who believes that wit- dbm and virtue are essential r*Ildtlecti»n for a monarcby ; he is artliod(». f "«.»« of ...» U»^,,„, ,,„fc ° ,'' '"'^ «" , Irfou, hUouI „.1U., „.. fo„„„. ■ , , " " "•>"'"• Mr. Adamt Jim remwkcd in his book «« ♦!. .. ^fevwJence «thcr than Atro.elve.." And tl.is.^«... ! *■*■ ***? TOTiouB reasOBv that ^h- iwmeihnes do that for«, which i. be,. * «. ' *^ tnHa. in^vitablHo t.at fa. „. which 1.27 *'""'^^^«* But Fo kope wil Wiewtk,, «,,,„.,. l>«.|..r, ..,ate, thtnigh eteciive, in and if it had been, it would prove qo^ thing of hi* predilection for a monarchy. It is well known that kc aftcvwardt sppported the tjonsiitwion, as fmmcd, with great ^ility> and contributed essentially to its adoption. Ue might Without the spirit of prophecy, have looked fbnranl to such a ame nf thli^ as now exists : when it raigbt become ttecessary tiwt Congress sliouid possess the power more effeetQ. ally of contmuling the sovereigsrties and commanding the resoiiv^ Hces (^the respect^e atatcs^ Thero was a great diversity on the aubjcct of the cpnatitation : to stow the origin of the two parties which ^ distinguisli^ hy ^ names ofi^leral and republic«i>» h ''f , i li t!.^s called federal and republican, which have since agitated ai shaken the fotodaltons oT our republic to ita centre. The animosuy, whTch mighthave been created on that occariou, ought not to have survived the a'dr .tion of the constitution, fbr it was finally unanimously adopted by the convenUon, and the in- **™^^^^*"'^^"^'^'«^»" a '*"er argne^ % the j)resideot: ii, ■wl'ch, be remarked that the "constitution was th6 >c»ult of « 'spirit of amity and of that mutual deference and c&ncession, which the peculiarity of their political situation rendered indispenskbr*:' that it will meet the full arideh-iire approbafion of *>ery Steels not to be expected ; but each will doubUess consider, that had her interest been done consulted the consequences might have feeih parUcularly disagreeable or injurious to others : that it is as liable to as few exceptioris as could have been reasonably expect- ed, we hope and believe ; that it may promote the lasting welfare of that country so dear to us all, and secure her freedom arid b6p. piness, is our most ardent wi»h." I have me>.tioned this happy result of the convention to show tliat the conciliatory motives by which the members of that body, \ 'appear to have been actuated, were such, that they ought not, neither could sound policy, or any prihciple of real palribtislfa /or a moment admit, thkt they should ever kfter, have been ar- raigned at the bar of public opinion. Yet notwithstanding the and to show that tl»e pn^udicea which were won after excited a-ainst the our cUssens^on, may be traced to a dlspo..tion which was apparent lonr the peop e soon after the termination, of the «m.lutionar,*.7 It ,sT2 T f ti; ;r f ''" '''^'^' "^''J^* "^^y y«* ^ P-^^nted to ^e t^ pl« of the 4.r.utcd States. befo« the en.„ which «„lt f^m mistafen Z ^ bjkj^y re&^t oi iko convention, a^d the 3ttbsetl«ti,of the constitution : immediately after the organization oi' our go^. vemment under President Washington~>a party m^de its appear* ance in Congress^ and uniformly opposed almost every rneasurs of great j^ational concern ; and from the opinions of Mr. Hamil- ton on the subject of the constitution, attempted to adduce argu^ ments, to prove that both Hamilton himself, and the.^wlvocates :or his. policy, were iniluenced by tjaonarcliicba} principles. Mr. Hamilton, it is true, openly avowed the opinion, that tlie ^eatest danger, to which the c<>n:itltutiQn was exptaed, arofin from its imbecility , and, th*t our liberty had m^re t9 fgfU' from th£ «aci;oachments of the great ^tes, than from thusi^ of the general government. In, the event of a foreign vnr which we now experience, he doubtless believed, tiiat those states whicli might not approve of the policy which produced it, would not render those essential aids, which might be necessary to insure its success :. aad it iM not iropossibjc but thjit he m%hthav9 pre- ferred a constitution which would vest in Congress that power to command tlie militate forces of the respective states, which they have attempted to exercise in thp present ^vv> without Jj|iy au- thority derived from the constitudon. But while a member of the convention, or on any otlier occasion, it is not known, that he ever expressed a sentiment which evinced his predilection for ar, hereditary government, or attachment to the British nation- Those thousands of republicans who- knew hiftranscendant wor^h, and had seen and felt the influence of his wisdom and benevolence. witnessed their love and admiration, of his persotial virtue, and excellence, in the effusions of their indignatkm against the base author of his final catastrophe, and the profound respect, wit^ which tMy paid their last sfid hofjors to his reniihia- I J I 1 frk I 4« UH me tmt Amtig^l^td mtn of b6th p^Hticat pirtift*, hatfr, in priVWe coivvemtiott, exprei*ed their apprehehsiefts that oilr republitaft tonatituiten would not long endyw the »ttnck»of liw, tion, of passion, of vice, ancl error. And woh ex*pres8i«ins when Mtterted by federalists, have been construed into principlet, vpA reprcwiotcd as proofs, of a dwpoaitiOa to ohange our government for a ftonarchy. Buring thet>re3idcncr of Mr. Jeflfc„on, the writer of this ati- dfeas well recollects, tfikMtfr, Granger, late poat-master gen- ral, in a cotvversattop relating to the dangers of republican liber, tf, remarked, that he did not think the period very remote, wh,Sn a despotic tovemmerit^ouldte established oh the ruina of our repuhiic; But that gentleman like aH others, who have mad« similar remarks, dottBUess founded hisopim.n on his knowledge of political events, th« nature of man, and the usud cour.se, mi - fate of republics. But the man who would receive such opiniofiS as proofs of i predaectiott for a monarchy, cannot be competent fe exeTcke the rtjjBi of sofTnsge. * , - Attetnpts are not made to practise imposition, relative to thi, .abject, on those who knoiv the history of oj,r political concerns Mr. Jefferson at the time of hil iMugu aion, must have known, that many of the freemen throughout the iTnion, had received iatse impressions, respecting the motives and principles of fede- vai men. But surrounded ^3 he was, at that time, by the officers of government, and others distinguished W political science, he would not mque his reputation, by making a false discrimination b?||pefipt^|p^^jcal principles of those who were his advocatea indopposers. A sense of the dignity and high responsibility at^ tached to the characters of those who are placed at th? Imi ©i i#::JLiHi& \ 41 . the respective departm^ts, and who in reality dii'cct the deld* nie« of our country, presents a motive too vast, too irreisistible, tc* admit the soppositton that they coutd prevaricate in announcing; foots, which are to constitute a public and official document. On that occasion he announcfcd to the public and tofthe world th# truth, when he said we have called by different Qame^, brethren jl^ the same principle. « We are all republicans, we are all »d«"* raliats." And again, recall to your recollection £cll— « It was not possible forme to remain ignorant of, or indifferent to recent transaetions. The conduct of the directory of France totrards our country ; their insidious hostility to its government ; their various practices to witbdraw the affections ot the people from H ; tiie evident tendency of their arts and those of their agents, to countenwice and invigorate opposition ; their disregard of Solemn treaties and the laws of nations ; their war upon our ^ defenceless commerce ; their treatment of our ministers of peace, and their demand, amounting to tribute, could not fail to ejtcite in jne sentiments corresponding with those my oountrymen have so generally expressed in their affectionate addresses to you. Be- lieve me, sir, no man can more cordially approve the wise and prudent measure^ of your administration. They ought to inspire universal confidence." Yet that party who assumed the mme of republican, that party wlHch \^a3hii%ton called the French party, and which he sdd were the curse of this country, and the source of all the evils it b ■4 A TbS""' ''i p 'P ( I ■V ■JS ;'|- O^ •) : ■44 r tad so er,couwcr ;» h.d it ,eera. «i,hd™™ thdr t«,Sd™„ ft™, .Mr. A.la„,.,.„d .h. measures of W. .dmW«r.,io„. „d de„ou„. ced them .. I,„.ti,e ,o „p„wu:.„ Ubmy. Atxl ,our «p„blic„' I«Jcr^evento,M.,imc,„<,u,d h.,e you b.,«,e, ,h.. your pre- m Mr. Adami, Butktth. voice of r.a,o„ a»d truth b. l,«rd; Wu 'h„. *«n d.ce,.ed. you -« jealous of your, ihe„y, i„„ .nguatxled ^o^eutyou yielded .o the dominion of p...io„, y„„didL.e0, t-,,.der,„efa,a„e„de„cy„fi„fo„„ded p„j„dice., and you Z -.S-dandeondemned the poii.ica, eha«te. and pHncipie J.r^tpo«.o„„ryo„rfe.,..,,>.,„,^„„„^^^_,^^/^ I have owed, th.t,i,ere are but t.vo mod« of proof by Whic* « can at,e« to the .e„.i,„.„t, „f „thera, either by their profe.. «on. or ^m, oyer, act, ,ha nature of Which CeaHy e,i„cr,o «» m.nd.he princip.e which m„,.i,a,e produced it ButTed.^ *"•" '"" *° ^™'«' '^ *« '"". P-f'" a atrougpredilecUon Pularity of his name » ^ ^ ''^ ""^ ^^dvantage fttDm tl« po. «.ven wish they had been more'enrJet "^1^^ J ^T °'**^'^"«' ^^^ under the reservations I havem.de JSn V """^^ ^^ ^^^^ i** <='^, out hope. a>ad and intox.cIX^e »t„T * T*' ' ^^'^ ^"^ "°* -'^h! on the dfvi«,on of the people Ij ^^l^T f ?"'"" " ^''^'^ '^"'^^^''^ their party, i, ^duced'ra e lu^^^^^^^^ '"^"^ ^^ «^-I-ct fro«. vrhether THAT PARTY Jjf".^'"*^' *''«"Sh it « somewhat equivocal «til] TRVandtheSOUKS^oVSl/E^^^^^^^^^ «^' '^^ '^0^' 2^^. -ay not be able to co "Lf ^H nr^L"^''^ "^'^ ^*^^«»^N- fc tl^ expense could not ^T^u^^ZJ"^^^^^ » V^y it ji>' 1 --..•»/-,' ■ili^ r^^:j^-a ' i!.;"j- "i«*' •n m ^.w ;a -f t V. ?t-,.. «^ and denoui)* r republicaN ^at your pre- Iministration ^u hava I unguarded did not cbn^ I you have I principles i» truth and of by which -ir profea- Evinces to But fcder- redirection n to Charles EJ'al months •arty now in rom the po- e measures sfence, and wyitscaU, n not with- luse before ilculationa ptct from focai gtUl, » COUN. iNCOUN- ■ » pity it 45 for our rcpnbKctth cw«kution ; they say they arc repubUcans, orx and all, and Mr. Jefferson i^aa also «iid the same, and nothing * they have ever said or written, which has ever come to the know- ledge of the public, has furnished any evidence to the contrary. And here permit me to ask you, who claim the exclusive title totheappe'.lationof republican, whk other proofs have you to evince to the mind the republicanism of your principled, than your professions ? Were you to reason with an ancient christian oft this subject, he would probably say to you ; shew me your principles without your works, and I will shew you my principleB by my works. If it would rtot give offence in this enlightened age, to ask the same question, the answer would be the same now as then. Principles are not ofthemselyes objects of vision, but fundamental truths, which exist in the mind, and are the source from which actions are produced. Itis impossible therefore to show to the world that yo.r principles are republican, except by measures, which , are the natural result and effect of such principles; unless the' name i^pubUcan is to be considered as evidence of the principles ofhim who ia pleased to assume the appelladon. < This kind of proof however will not pass current unless u ,s among mad men and ideots. It reminds one of the limner who before he exhibited his p^.. «m;r view, took care to designate the respective «»-* tures to puD"c >«« > ..,..., u imalswhichhe would represent, by wrxung directly over each one its proper name, that the specutor might not mistake the lion for the lamb. If the artist wanted either skill or disposition to exhibit any other evidence of the nature of the animal he would ^present than the name, he was blameless, provided he taxed the people notluDg for liis exhihiuoo. '■'r'' '^? H.1 ■< M^ !; I'' f 1 i i ■ i .'t ■jiS. '-•A>t. VS "■■-(,!■ .„ ^.ylj^^T" pavucular „a„e. but that .atne con^i^, „„ ki^ ^ '^ ' «M such principles do exist. ^^ "^ ""''""' I should not have inKle those remarks wa. •. • " ' " - , , -. . ■ *f:^y-l5> ^- > :* •' ;^ y^ ■■'Si* 'V '.; , n^ -^'-m^S-'-P .X, ■ X-K'J,:^ -■'■ . ■,- .■^.■ -^ ■;,- !-■ ^.•-'....-■'t.T-i. /-v..^ ■ ■ ?^jl^- *^r^ ^^*^ ■ ,.ii«' *« t.C 4f overwhelfned courts Mid cabioets and cbopctes, and io our own •ountrjr, has disaolved the codearing ties, which bind together eo- cietf, aai blew the condition of man ; and like the honW din of ilic tocsioj weraytd the fiends erf misguided pasaion, against the laws of heaTeo and nature, and would erect for its votam«i a throne on the ruins of liberty. If those who are called republtcana have no other or greater evidepce, by which they can prove themselves to be the friendaof ova constitution and republican liberty, our party distinctions at once are at an end ; and the only inquiry respecting the (HJalifications of candidates for office wiU in future relate only to their wisdom and integrity, and not the insignificancy ol inamc t If ^hen political names do not furnish ai^ evidence whatever, that the principles they arc designed to designate do in fiict exist ; . it follows of course that the tqaxi who assumes op called to ditctt«l the merit, of the conttitotioH, and to reject «^adopt4t, it wlO be found, that those »ery men throughout the United Stat«^ who were oppowd to tHe adoption of tbt constitution, ware the men who commenced the opposition to the adnanistf^tioiHii Washington. The first great and principal leader «f that oppo«tion-wa. Thomas Jefferson, then Secretafy qf Sute. And betweeii hinl and Alexander Hamilton who was then Secretary of the Treaa- ury. there was a differed of opinion on tbo« great nationai questions, the decision of which completed the organi«ition of those two parties which at this time are agitating and confound, ing the councils of the republic. Mr HamUton in pursuance of the doty pertaimng te his h'*-1 1^.\ 1 no I U. i < '.. * 1;' ii expected that a syueip of taxation could ever be devisM) ioth«. linked Sutes, wWch would not bear somo airong reseml^c« to those of Great'Britaiii. It is not ncx^awry therefore to at- l«mpt an inveadfaUoii of the nature or effects of those Jaws, to thow UiM no evidence whatever could be derivc4 from Ihem Vhich could in any way eyince a disposition in the authwt^ f«. ■vouraWe to a monarchy, or to the British nation. If in a free •tete laws are made which are unequal in their operations an4 imnec^sa^ly burdensome to the people, mch laws may fur- mh evidence that the authors of them are de^utute either of talent^ or integrity; but the most devoted p^nlmn, the most ifabuf guardian of our liberties, could never believe, tluisu^h law« of themselves, could furnish any proof, that th« author* of them were monarchists or enemies to republican liberty , the idea is too absurd to admit of apy consideration. »utUi«oppo8ers^of the administration, at that time,^rr?ign «d and poi^lcraned at the bar of public opinion all those mea- ^iff»i|b|cfchadorigioatea^wtthth^ ^^^ Trcasuiy . •• well aa many others of great national concern, ail which were finally adopted, with the entire approbation of Washing. ton. • »-/4" * ■ ';■■ ■. The authors of these measures were censored, because they in the first place, had been instrumental in forming a consiitu-^ tion, which it was said must have been the result of monarchi- cal principles, from the resemblance it had to the British coo- atitmion: alleging that similar powcrjj wer? vested in the pre^ aident, Senate and House qf ^leprcscntativea, to those which by the British consutution wet«e vested in the King, ;,ord, and Commons. There was perhaps no measure of Washington's admijuftra.. I 1 %l doa ttVow pointedly wd itrenuoutiy oMJowd thwi the »>«*« ,y«icm, by which provision vra. rowie lor payment of the pob- Ua ckbi which had accrued during the r*volutionarf WM. Tl o repubUcan party contended that the fanding qrttem fomishel cooclttiive evidence that the autbora 0t it were aauated by mo • narchical principlei, and Britiah inftuence } becauae 1ft Orrti Britain ihcy have a fundir.g tyaiem, and the government M' Great Britain ia a monarchy. And because our fedeial TUiefii ettabliabed a funding aystera, they must therefore have beea attached t<. a monarchy. But it wa. contended that thla mea. Hure waa ...oloundcd in bad policy. The a,igin.l cr.««tur. «any of them had parted with the certificates whkh coatiOned n,e evideuce of their rcM»ective debt*, at a great deduction fi^ thenomlnaWalue: and it was .aid thoae creditor, hadthereby «.nife«ed their willingne.a to add to their other sacn^J^^^ deduction fVom their ^emaad upon ^ nauon : and therefore ^ purchasers of thatdebt, ought not to t^cetve any more thaft ^hat they had paid the original creditor. Thwe who were in favor of the ayatem contended, that it .V.S subversive of every principle on which public contract, .re founded,foralegislative body todimiuishadebtthe amount .C which had heen ascertained, and for ^^« P^^-"^ «^ f;^J ^ey considered the property S.a «cred honor of the j^c. 1 of the United Stateswas pledged. Of the Jusuce or poh^ !f that^easure let the people judge : ^^^^;''''^ you that some of those very men who opposed ^J^^ Ld many others Who ha,i hee« the firm suppor^rs of the.r po- Ucy and po^er. are at thi. time, purchasing of the poor .d, Jr, his'ciaim. o« the go^mment, at prices reat^ed below I \ 'm :^2 ^ ^ th« nonuaal vftUie, in pr^oportion to the ftressure ot hia neces sitf , occas'nued by the ruin of that pblky which bad given to the funding Bfstem life and vigor. But it was not these laws bnljr which ctostituted the funding syjtem, by which the re- publican partfi attempted to excite prejudices against Wash- Vigten and his administration : the opposition was soon direct- ed against altnolt every measure^ and the authoni of them ac- cused of being tii« enemies of republican liberty. " The sala- ries dilowet' to public officers, though so low* as not to afford a decent maintenance to tBose who resided at the seat of govem- mentf were dectai^d to be so enormously high, a» clearly t© manifctt A total diiireg«rd of that simplicity M)d economy, which •were the eharactcrifttlcs of republics.'* " The levees of the President, and the evening parties of Mrs. Washington, were said to be imitations of regal institu- tions, deiigned to actlHstom the Aftiericpn people to the pomp and manners of European courts. The itth war they alleged was misconducted and unnecessarily |»ro)iiuged for the puirposes of exjjendiBg th( pubiiit money, and of affording a pretext for augmetitihg the liiilitary establishment and inCt-easinig the re- venue. All this prodigal waste of the people's mOiiey Was to keep up the national debt, which united with standing armies andimmetise revenues, Wduld enable their rulcr^ to rivet the chains which they were tecretly forging."f It was not long "* The salary of the Secretary of State which was the highest, Was three IhoHsMd five hundred dolhtM. Mr. AtfTersen himsdf patronized the press at that time which denounced federal men for high salarIes..^He and bis co- patriot^ h»ve doubtless, become »inoe cortvinced of their error, in that re- Bpect, m ^e have heard nothing of that compiaint for fourtMh years. I 8e» Marshairs Life of Washtegton, vol. S. p, 350 See »ho the J«ir nsk and d«b%tw 0f Congrou f|t that ti7i9< r"* 'w^ ** S^jtlk tik.'.i Ilia neces d given to these lawB rh the re- »t Wash- ion direct- f them ac- The Mla- to sSbrda of goyern- clearly to way I which parties of ;al institu- ) th^ pomp bey alleged e put-poses pretext for ig the rc- kty was to ling armies rivet the s not long: :»t, ti'as three zed the press Fe mi. bis co- r, in that re- V years. t»o the Jmir 53 „._ ^.. ..n,m«ncemcnt of Waabington's adminiatratrofi, th*t a clerk ift the office of the SecreUry of State, becj.m€ the e4ltor of a certain newspaper, called the NaUonal Gazette, whiefc was patronised by Mr. Jefferson, and soon became the vehicle of calumny against the most important measures of the flrat ad- minUtr^tion, and the men who proposed and supported them. It «i« through the medium of the press only, that the bate .landers, the most outrageous abuses of the conduct and cb* fna*t of Washington and his policy, came to his knowledge- The republicans have been told millions of times, and they have as often denied, that Washington and hia political friends, were themen against whom the first efforts of democracy were directed. But in this they have been deceived ; they have de- rived thp evidence on which are fou^ided iveir political pre^u- diees from an impure source. So violent and unceasing was Uie opposition to the measures ef Washington's administration, that he was filled with the tnost painful sensations for the event. As proof of this fact, I lefer you to a letter* which he addressed to Mr. Jefferson on the 2ad day of August, in the third y^ar of his administratioD* in which he wrote as follows : « How unfortunate and how much is it to be regretted, that while we are encompassed on all sides with avowed enemies and insidious friends, internr^ dl^sensiolp should be harrowing and tearing our vitaU the last to me is the most serious, the most alarming, and iU most affiicting of the two ; and without ftiore charity for the opinions of one another, in governmental Clatters, or some more infallible criterion by which the truth of speculative «|«iions, before they have undergone the test • 9tt MsrsKalVs ViStot WsteWngtoA, v«»l. I. p 9$r. ,Ss>.^ f M, •".I Qf experience, al-e to be faiejadged, than lias yetiiiUeh to tU lot of fallibilUy, I believe it will be difficult, if not impractica- ble to manage the reins of government, or to keep the parts of it togethfer : for if instead of laying our shoulders to the tea- chine, after measures have been decided on, one pulls this way and another that, before the utility of the thing is feirly tricdj it must be inevitably torn asunder ; and in my opinion, the fair- est prospect that dver was presented to man, vfilJ be lost, per- haps for ever.** ' But all his endeavours to conciliate the opposition to his mea- sures, were una.vailiog. On the 2 1 »t day of Jluly, the next year after the letter of which the above is an extract w&s written^ Washington addressed a letter to Gen. Lee, then Govenror of Vir- ginia, on the sjbjcct of the opposition to his administration, which Was mlade through the medium of the press— from wluch letter the following is an extract :•— >' The arrows of malevolence, there- fore, however barbed and pointed, can never reach my most vulne- rable part; though whilst I am up as a mark, they will be con- tinually aimed at me. the publications in Freneau's and Bachc's*^ papers are outrages on common decency ; and they progress in that style in proportion as their pieces are treated with contempt and passed oVer in silence by those, against whom they are di- reefed. Their tendency however, is too obvious to be mistaken by men of cool and dispassionate minds, and in my opinion ought to alarm thctn 5 because it is difficult to prescribe bounds to their ■;»ffect." ■ Will you ask, how do the calumnies against Washington, and tfce measures which he approved, furnish evidence that our prc- • Bache was a Clerk in the office »t' tbi? Secretary of Statey and his paper • patronized by Mr. Jetterson. '''■[:' f'jf^iif^^'; *M-fJ *'Wr' 'ji ■ jn^^ '■^\-.. ulen to tbt& mpractica- lie parts of to the tra- Is this yrny irly trifedj i, thcfair- ioat, per- his mca* next year is writteiH )or of Vir- lion,whicli jch letter ice, therc- ost vulne- ill be coi)- IBachc'fe^ rogresa in contempt cy are di- mistaken ion ouf ht Is to their ;ton, and our prc- i his paper 5» -.jj:.^. .^-;..» r..A^t7 30th day of May 1793, which ^vas the fiWj year of pUia, on the 30th day ot *iay ";«" ""'^ ^^j^^l of Mr. Genet, the French minister. i"*:*^ r eh^pion. of alLhe encroachment. '«™P''eyfs,XrJ^ U,e Fren. 1, rcpnblic on Ac governmen. "f f » "" ' ,7^^, fc„ 'l^^'LiCy . corresponding -t^S^^^ through the aid of th» »"= "^ ^"" j„«ae«<,o to the gmii i„5,„n.ndhi,n.eas«res^exun4^d h^^^^ an exception to the number of thoae, wuo w -?ti™^S;;tXLo.«tKe..^U.™<^e^ corropt. and who by »°'""S ^^,„. By » i„„g .cries of ,„ bles. hi. cbantr,^ "" ™ uSled d.»pl.y «' di.i».e«..ed alu«rio..s acuons, and "^y^^,""" "^ ,„;.«,e„edhin,«lf on ' ^'"f r- '!:, rfXtS^-" tu'.- ve'ry n.n.e paUied the .ivfthecAsot f*""f;°^^„i„„.p.„.i„,., heroes and SU..CS. ^ "t 'SvVSS .natlT .Tconntry, and »h„ «o,ad Mien, who have aciorneti a» ^ ^^, ^^^^ ^^^^i ,„e honored^, a.- "-n^^^^^ "' T '^"roie c"w he tuL, who alone wip destined b, Hea- rer: jrUidedc„n^^«.,of>^^^^^^^^^ rs:td:t:nr„:r:r:::aSze"«iu sunind*. r,^„rt:;^-=he...^o„.ytobj«sa^^^^^^^ countfy,wd died in her service. And couW that • MarAi^a Ufc of Wo^ngton-v. 5. ^.427. H , i y I ■"*;-\-i ••*'' in Ml '/ ftgain^t hcrbenefacior, the voice of deti-action ? It could. Wash- ington was traduced • by a few indeed, a despicable few of his felio^Y-citiaens. And had not his hand recorded the ewldcace of their degeneracy, you never would have i)elieved it. It Was re, served for him alone to tranamit to us for the benefit of our coup- try, the evidence of the degeneracy of the age in which We live, as a warning against that fatal system of delusion and falsehood, •which he saw was preparing: to entangle us in the corrupt prrfi- tics of foreign courts, and to enkindle ^n^eng us the flames of civil discord. Notwithstanding every effort which was made by President "KVashington to restore harmony and to reconcile his opposers, the democratic parly continued with unabating zeal, to publish ^he grossest and most insidious misrepresentations against every act of his administration. In the third year of the second terra of his presidency, he evidently discovered that strong sensibility which the unqualified abuse of his opposers could not fail to excite. In a letter to Mr. Jefferson on this subject, he has the followin|t lemarks: — *'■ Until the last year or two, I had no conception, that parties would or ever could go the lengths 1 have been witness tt) J nor did I believe until lately, that it was within the bounds of probability baldly within those of po' ibility, that whi}elwas •using my utmost exertions to establish « national character of our own, independent, as far as our obligations and justice would per- 2nit» of every nation of the earth } and wished, by steering a stea- dy course, to preserve this country from the horrors of a deso- lating war, I should be accused of being the enemy of QUc nation, ajid subject to the influence of another ; and toproveitthat eve- • iy act of my administration would be tortured, and the grossest and most insidious misrepresentations of them be made by giving one side only of a subject, and that too in such exaggerated, and indecent terms as could scarcely be applied to a Nero—to a no- torious defeulter, or even to a common pick -pocket." And who were tlie men that tortured every act of Washington's administration to prove that he was an enemy to France, and sub- , ject to the influence of Great-Britain ? They were the men who ''Wrected and supported tlie National Gazette a< d otike'r presses vrhich tirst denouriced federal men : They were the men from -whom you derived your evidence that JV.r. Adams and Mr. Hami!- ■r A W^ ^„„r^^>*,'^^^^-'"^'^"°'^'^"'""' ^^Zr you beUeve inU. integn^a^r^^ Washington.' Well you ^^^^^ . "^'^^^ ^^.,,,dtouse tKo nt \w appeared to belong ^'^^'^^.^a actuated by thotiVds purely di.intereated, and m this re i^ .^^^.ded. ^ every other rnan whose life ^^* '';;^4 • ,o human pride, I .ell know ^'^«-^7;:,X i r^^^^^ »-- to be forced to acknowledge that you P .^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^ been founded on «?»«-"* ^^t^^^r^ho. to t,ring intodUcred- you have derived from the very ^^^v ^^ ,^„i«et, tortured Land disrepute, ^^poUt^cal cha ac«»^n ^ ^^^^^^ ey.ry act of hb ^^-^JI^^'^^ ^J^'^^^ an e^nemy to France, that he was partial to G--t.m tarn ap ^. ^ ^^^^ and who to effect their ^o^ J^^,eaUrcs. by gV,ing only iasidupus -i^-prescntatto. oflus^ ekags^tated and one side of asubject, and thai too Mvtr^ indecent terms. ^ . , . , ,„ .^.terity. And however humd- But history wiUbe fatthfttUo P***^*"^ ^^ Uy of man, the ilgtothe pride of A-^;-^^^^^^^^^^^ fu.J generations trmlv will be recorded, and m.»m ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^ f ,H«>ugh the^l-| --f^ trenUndlcd among the peoplo of Civile JJISCORO were '".„f Washington. ^nVunited States by the -^—.r^l^g.ined credit among ' B«tho#come.Utopas^^t^tth ^^^^^^^^,^.„^.,„^dts- teriiy, as they did others ^ ^ ^^.^^ not be deceived. The truth is, wUh '''^'^']lZ^,ac.l character were im- Your sentiments respecting "J^^^^,„,, consult the opm- «,oveably fi-e^-- ^^^f;' ^Mn'egrity-lus wisdom, orthepu- ions of Others «^«P^^^;^^^\t respect to others who were the rity of his motives. K'^^J" .^^ Ld no other source of m- L hora of federal "^^'^''^^^^/^^^ for evidence of their prt- fornmtion t>n which you i^l^ose to ry^^^^^^^^^^^ ,ate views and P^-P^^^^'^m t^o nature a^d effec»of thetr. posed these measures, or from ta '■J ( (iO political conduct. Cou W you have know* tliat thoic Tf ho ffm soun(]ed the alarm, and cxcitprl vnu.. ;-»u. -_,t . ^ . . ,5.^. j>„.„„ny agaiuBc leaerai men and mcasyres, were the very men who Were the reviler. of Washington, the men who were making the mo« insidious misrepresentations of him and his views and poHcy, you cer- tamly would have doubted respecting, eiihei' their integrity or the Cterectness of their views. You must indeed h«v« held thej^m disrepute and utter contempt, as men without integrity, without honor, and without correct views of political measures or you must have discarded Washington himself, and consider- «;d him as no longer entitled to your confidence, your gratitude or your respect. "« b'^«"uac The authors of the present .policy and its advocates, will at- bel' Uy'"r^'' T"^""'' themselves of the imputation of having been the poht.cal enemies of Washington and instrumental in subverting his policy and discarding his councils. Do trey ex! pect It by saying their political prejudices originated under the administration of Mr. Adams ? But Washington has pub^y fn! uounced to them and to the world, that he most cordi^Sly app'ot ofMrAdri.''1'"-v^*"^ ot Mr. Adams, admimatration, and declared that, in his o«mm„ they ought to inspire universal confidence. Dk^ d tl" wi d2 the record of your memory; and to be consistent with yourselv^! you must be forced to do it ; and tell tlie world, that fX^s lost your confidence, by the vices and errors of their politicrcoT duct, durmg the presidency of Mr. Adams. In what'd d th i v ' cos and errors consist ? They imposed taxes which we e bu del' some to the people, and you then said they ^^ nnneeessarv But suppose they were ; the representatives of a mlS 2' thought otherwise. You displaced them and havTLtZutS new men called rei^ublicans, who have intioduced differenfre! sures^d a new o..er.f things. Wnew:n:: ;^^^ without measure, and it may almost be.said without murar Y^ say It ,.s necess^ry^the minority think otherwise : a^d k 'can!!! be concealed at this time, that even a majority of the elelra^ ofthat opinion, although they may not o^y Jew S "^ -u! republican rul^rsthcmselvesacknowledgLhatthevWi^^^^^^ ii^en unfortunate m their policy, but ii^kt that,if they have ^l! 6.\ le vtho ffnt iiUi federal irevilers of t insidious yi you cer- integrity or have held t integrity, measures, i consider- r gratitude 8. win at- of having imental in > they ex- under the uWicIy an- ly approv- cal) theni^ is opinion, te wisdom 5ver from ourselves ederalists kjcal con- 1 their vi-, e burden- te^essary, >rity then itnoduced ent mea- e people ^f. You t cannot :torsare, and our v ) indeed mittcd errors, they litve been hmest ones ; and above sAl evils warn you against that of coniiding your intiluMHt coiiceros to itw- ni men. Th*y remind you of Hut sedition act, which in contempt of Its authors, has been called the gag-law; and this ought ngt to be passed over in silence. 1 of ki no otic meastire have |hc viaM^a and principles of federalists been more perverted than in the construction of this law i and the eAect of th»t perversion bus been extensive and fatal. This was said to have for lU object the abridgement of the liberty of speech and of the press ; and every attempt to execute it, was considered as proof of a disposition in- 0uenced by the principles of despotic power. Th^ ©tect prevent the pcuj.'.. *'»om exposing the vices and errors either rulers. Barefaced as vhis falsehood is, it was, and even, to this day is believed by thousands of honest freemen, who never had any knowledge of the law or its object, but what they have deriv- ed ftomibose, whose political efforts were made only tp betray, mislead and excite ill founded jealousies, and thereby elevat«i themaOlves to power. The object of the act of congress, called the sedition act, was so fer from abridging the liberty of speet^li and of the press, tbkt express provision was made in the apt, tisft if any person should be prosecuted for writing or p\^blishing any libel agairist the goverracnt, it should be lawful for the perscn who was so prosecuted, upon trial of the cause., to give in evidence, m bis defence, the truth of the matt^jr cont»in«d in the pubUcation, charged is a libel : And the jury who should try the cause, had a right to detfcrmine the law and the fact, under tbe direction of the court, as in other cases. The act made it crimi- nal to publish any f^lse, scandalous, ar,d malicious writing agajast the government for the purpose of destroying th^ confidence of the people in their rulers : and of bringing them into disrepute and contempt ; but prevented no one from speaking, writing and publishing the truth. Since Mr. Jefferson came ii^to office, that law has not been in force ; but the old common la>y principle h;^s been adopted in prosecutions for libels against the fsmvmxs6pt whkh makes it criminal to livrite or publisli any tluiig wMch 4)%\l tend to bring the government into discredit and disrepute, how- ever true the &Ctstnaybe, that are thus written and published. Undtr the s«dlti«i act, the citizens had perfect liberty to write or 1 .*•■ 11 Plf 6S imbltsh the truth respeciing their rulers ; bul to do the simc M^ by the common law, which is the only rub in such cases, i« crim- inal, and exposes those who shall do it, to punishment. Had the electors examined the nature and object of this law before they bad condemned it, it would have bad no efTect in esciiing prejudi- ces against it* authors ; and this may be said wUh tfuth, rcapect- ing ail the measures of the federal adn^inistratlon. U is evident the people of this country did not duly consider the importance of malting every effort to guard against th* evil* of party diatensions in the infancy of our republic. They <^id not wisely wcJRh the consequences of creating against any considerable portion of their fellow-citiiens, prejudices, wliicU ji^gjjt be imei-minable in their duration and fatal in their effect*. Sinc» the dominion of party spirit corarocnced hi progress over the minds of the republicans, they have been apprehensive ©f no danger but what resulted from the possibility that the per- secuted federalists might eventually prevail in the councils of the nation. Never was tl>« world cursed with a more fatal or more mysterious delusion than that which has prevailed in tliis enlightened republic, within the last 25 years. And this has been the result of the abuse of that great bulwark of our liberty, the freedom of speech and of the press. The most important lacts relating to our national concerns have been cither conceal- ed, misconstrued or misrepresented. The people were at liber- ty to place their confidence in such men as they chose. They bave placed, it is to be feared, a blind confidence in certain fa- vorites who have deceived them, and who still have an interest in continuing the delusion. In the Brst slumber* of the revolu- tion, the minds of the people seem to have been prepared for the reception of that fatal system of delusion and falsehood, -which at that time was cunningly devised. When our goverhr- ment first went into operadon, a general sentiment inspired om citizens wi!^* an unconquerable attachtncnt to an elective go- vernment, and an abhorrence of monarthy equally strong. The few individuals who opposed the revolution were called tories, were held in contempt and considered by the great body of the people as traitors and enemies to their co«ntry. The war whiqh terminated in 1783 had left also in the bosoms of Americans a strong attachment to France : the services which had been rendered us by that cauntry in ©ar rcvolutienary i same DctiR^ ea,»crim- Htd the before they ng prejudi- :h, rcBpcct- \f consider LgAtnst the lie. They igainst any ices, vrhicU leir effect*. i progress prehensive aat the per- councUs of ore fatal or tiled in tills nd this has our liberty, ; importaht er conceal- ere at libei''- ose. They k certain (a- :^ : an interest the revolu- repared for 1 falsehood, our goverft- nspired otur Elective go- rong. The illed toriesj body of the the bosoms ■vices whi<:h sTOlutienary . '', . .:' . S3-. '■ struggle were fresh in our I'ecollection, an^ inspired our citt sens with sentiments of affection and gratitude. But there was a difference of opinion respecting the influence which ought to be allowed to those scniimentfc over the pol«"- .cal conduct of the nation. With such evident sentimenu olf partiality to France and such deep-rooted enmity lo Great.Brl- iain, it required all the energy at^d wisdom of the adminisira- tion to prevent the nation from inconsiderately precipit^iof itself into the war which had broken out between those two powers. Ill such a s ate of the public mind, the ingenuity of man could not have invented a more effectual and Iktal excitement of the prejudices and the malignant passiohs against any of our citi- zens than by inducing the people to believe that they were mo- narchisisjaod had a predilection f9r the British gotcrnment. Soon after the organization of the governtnenti it was found that the opposers of the administration were disposed in our commercial regulations, to make discriminations befween France and Great Britain in favor of the former ; while the v^hole ea- binet council except Mr. Jefferson ; an* also a great major^y of congress were of the opinion, that no such discrimination ought to be made—" that trade ought to be guided by the judg- ment of individuals"— and that it was our duty as a w»«» people to adopt the maxim that vrith respect toother nations, we ouglit « in war only to be enemies, In peace, friends.'* Happily sepa- rated as we are from the belligerents of Europe, by a wide ocean, and having established a government on principles en- tirely different from theirs, and peculiar to our own modes and habits of thinking and acting, it was thought that no considera- "tion either of duty or interest would require us to pursue any measure, which should have a tendency to « entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European arabltion--rivai8faip--ii|. terest — humor or caprice." ti "' ' Such were the views of the administration, witii rttspect to our relations with Great Britain and France, when the war be- tween those powers commenced. Those men, therefore, who had been for a discrimination in favor of France, were of tne Opinion ♦ftftt such were bur oWigaiions to that counti7» we oouid ^ot be justiaed in taking a neutral .position. But subsequent I I I ?rir' , h W *4 i •vcnuhavc taught us, bow highly w« ought to appreciate thit policy which saved us from the wi">teh«d cot^itkm, in which «t jpust irtevUabiy have been Involved by an aJlianee vith lliihce, at that time; or by granting to her thoao favors for *6ieh the opposition contended. Yet no sooner was it knoi(fn tlnyt Uie administration had determww.d on ft nettirai poaitM|Pt •|m4. the president had issued his proclaraation of neutrality j thaa, they were denounced as the enemies of republican liberty —the friends of monarchy and the obseqttious devotees and das- tardly hirelings of despotism. It is evident that no m«aaurp,could have contributed more to oi»r national prosperity than that neutral policy, to which the federal administrsition ever inflexibly adhered. Yet this mea- sure, as weH as every effort mpde by the administration of Wash- ington) to save us from the horren «rf a foreign war, were re- presented as the effect of a,crimioai attachment to Great Bri- lain, and ungratcfulhosuHly to France. jDuting the administration of Mr. Adi^ma, the French wUh- out any pietext of right but what they derived froiw their des- potic powe*-, kidiseriminately captured and destroyed our ves- sels, and would not even condesicend to treat with wsr unless we would first pny them tribute money,, for the. privilege IiUmUy reqi; eating them to d«»i^ from plundering our defeu- Jess commerte, and, tt/add infult U> injury ; ordered Mr.,Pink- lasy, our lAinistor then in Paris, to depart from that city, in fOsTty eight hours. This was tantamount to a declaration of war } and io defend ourselves against tlicir aggressions, and to redress our wrongs, a few troops were raised. The extraordi- nary expense, which this measure rendered indispensable, was. represented by the denoocrauc party as unnecessary and oppre»»' awe ; and our differences with France at that time, which gate rise to i, were ascribed to an undoe attachment to Groat B|i- tsan,and a disposition hostile to France and to republican liberty. The views which Washington had, at thai time., of the war wit^ France are stated in liis fetter* to Mr. Adams, on his aecep- tance of the appointment of commander in chief of the armies. It will be fognd by an examination of this subject, that our differences with France at 4hat time, and the evils • Sec his letter page 43 :-4|ff!lW*' 1^** ■-T^. 6* ill which aoce with favors for U Known teutrality } » and dM- d more to vrliich the this mea- I of Wash- were re- treat Bri- Qch with- their dcs- our ves- ;;S; unie&f vllege ^ r defeo* ;- Mr.,P^nk- atcit]r, in ^ration of IS, and to BKtraordit- &able, wa^ >d oppres' lich gare Qreat Bii- \m libeny. iwar wit^ rtis aecep- 9I of the ia i$ub]«ct« the eviU which resulted from them, may be rjcribed to the confidence • which the French had, in the aid ihey expected to derirc from theie- party in this country, which was oi^osed to the adminis* tration, and to the neutral policy which it bad endeavored to maintain.* It is a truth which cannot be concealed, that ever since ^e Arst organiaatioq of the govcrnm nt, the opposcrs of fedeml men and measures, have been disposed to palliate the injuriia which have been inflicted upon us by the French, while iMf have cx%fpg*rtned those of the British beyond the bounds qf rea- 8• M ,i^^ 1^ "throu'^h the whole t^rm of Washington's admini»tratioi>i f ranee by her ministers and agents in this country had been indefatigable in her efforts to influence our government to a*>pt a system of policy partial to her interests. And after the war had broken out between that country and Great Britain, Mr. Genet i^ French minister, aoon after his arrival in the United States jWnced his determination to treat this country, as one which was in alliance with his own, and thereby virtually involve us in their contest with Great Britain. Immediately after his arrival, even before being recognized ly our gcvernment as the French minister, « he undertook to authorize the fitting and arming vessels in our ports, enlisting jnen, and giving commissions to cruise, and commit hostilities on nations with whom the United States were at peace." About this time an event took place that places on the record of ouv history the most conclusive evidence of the falsehood of the aaseiv tion that the federal administration have been influenced by mo- tives partial to the interest of Great Britain, and of their fixed determination to adhere to that neutval policy which they con- sidcrcd as the surest pledge of our future peace and prosperity. A British merchantman called the Little Sarah, had been captured by a French frigate and brought into the port of Phil- adelphia where she had been armed and equipped as a piivateer. Being completely i»med and manned, partly by Americans) sh* Zas a^out to sail on a cruize under the name of La Petit Demo- v.'at. In pursuance of the regulations which had been made by the President to prevent the fitting out armed vessels in our ports, Mr. Secretary Dallas was sent to prevail on Mr. Genet to desist from such a proceeding, and thereby prevent the employ- mcntof force to compel an acquiescence in our fiyed regulations. On receiving the ssage he ptreraptorily refused a compli- ance with the requisition ; and said that if any attempt was made to seiije the vessel, bhe would unquestionably repel force by 'force. In consequence of this positive refuiiul to comply, a suf- ficient portion of the rpilitia were ordered out by the governor for Ihe purpose of taking possession of the vessel ; and the case was communicated by him to the executive. The next day Mr. Jefferson waited on Mr. Genet, in the hope of prevail! .g on him, if not to desist entirely, from the prosecution of his at- tempt, at least to defer it till the arrival of the President, who was then at Momu Vernon. After mu«h outrageous andabusive it^iiS' it-'i: . 'rt *Wt T't -jis; ^^^j-,;;#- **«^,;|j^feV^*#t^,, •!fe; *' :«' vi^«; .^j^.jrir. ■n""*.*^- mistratioDi had been nt to adopt he war had Mr. Genet itcd States which was us in their recognized dertook to , enlisting Qstirttisson !." About 3rd of onv fths aaseiv ced by mo- th eir fixed they con- proaperity. , had been ort of Phil* a prtvi^er. :rtcanS)S)i« *etit Deuao- ;n made by eb in our r. Genet to he emplof- eguiations. a corapli- >t was made il force by iply, a suf- ;overnor for i the case e next day prevaill .g m of his at- tident. who and abusive 67 ianouage, he concluded by making some remarks "i«*^^ S*^*' Slefferson an impression, that U.e vessel -u) -t -l^- ^il the arrival of the President. This mterview v'^h^r Genet he imparted to governor Miftin.in consequence of wh.ch he d»s. "^r X^J;:-ding the l^vorable hopes ^^^^^ that had been excited, the Little Democrat sailed before the ar rb I of the President, and before the government^ould mtei- ;: its authority, ana in contempt of our ^-^' /-^f^J^J", her cruize. The President immediately arrived and .onvened h s cal" and while they were deliberating on -easurea pro- per to b. taken relating to the Little Democrat, they had deter- So dtoetain in port all vessel, equipt as privateers, wUhm * r errLries by any of the belligerent ^TJ W "" M Uh .Hipsenumerated^.be-^^^^^^^^ r:n^rr;trsrd^ . Uiatshe had considerably increased her armament, by replacing odeun carriages with new ones, and opemng two new port ?olX The British minister requested that these aUeraUons ^t h be allowed to remain. But his request was peremptorily ^ fe ed '^^^^^^^ compliance with the requisitions of the govern- Ztrsh; was restored precisely to the condition m which she 'That ^d o'^r government, wh.n administered by federal men, IhuscUQou B minister of France insulted tXr-'u?^ "'".».».. .na .he rnaje., ot .he people : nlne^W Ve...dea,mce, our laws and regulauons, w..h .».- •f The rutera of F «.c. have aince been changed, hut pumty. The ™"» °' J ^ ^ j,^ been .he alttiomeot of their lioUcy »nd .'I""; °'')'"' ''^"" ^^^^d. The aame poli- ""'rir'r:ir»r;nT:ara%«.u„,p.u>n, which cy, the «^mc """""^^en., whe.her administered b, ana- Uor.r:. o^ ra Cslr c'ahine., has marked its pro«re« ?««.". rXn^of the «nfor.un... Lo»i.. " "»' »' •'••"■f""^ J;:::"*;:Lrha.thea..«:h..«ofrnan^ onvertnnent and open the way to universal a^m / i\.r.' •V »,' r l:-'': . i' m 6« titipute and who would perpetuate the universal dominion of re- |>ublican liberty, not be disappointed. But it ever has been found and it is believed, that experience, always will teach mankind, that, although by courage they may purchase liberty, yet without wisdom and virtue, its duration cannot be perpetual. But has wisdom, has virtue marked the course and progress of our republic thus far ? Are our liberties secure, because we iwssess the power of remaining free ? So thought Greece ; but where are her libertiei now ? The Romans also might have been free : but where are they ? 'their freedom too, has perish- ed — Frenchmen thought they were free, and that their liber- ties wpve immortal : but where are they ? ask Napoleon : and he too is a republican ! and once possessed the power of ma- king millions free. Ask Frenchmen: they will tell you, that they have been rqled by successive factions, until the last more powerful than the rest, triumphed by the sword. And do you, my fellow-citizens, believe, that your republican liberties arc secure, becausu there is wisdom and virtue among the people ? But have our wisest and best citizens, always directed the des- tinies of our country? it will be acknowledged they have not. And it is said, that in a free republic, where all enjoy equal yights, those who are less wisi* and virtuous than others, ought isometiraes to participate in the exercise of the sovereign pow- tr i and should any evil result from a weak or vicious adminis- tration, we may always find a renjedy, in the good sense of the fiation. But suppose the majority of the people are under the absolute dominion of passion and prejudice: neither good sense, nor eyep common sense can prevail — neither can the voice of truth oi^ reason be heard. While parties exist, the V majority will contend that their voice is the good sense pf the ,; pation. The Romans boasted of their liberties, while they suf- ^red under the despotism of the most despicable tyrants, that ever cursed the condition of man. And Cicero himself, with all \ his boasted talents and good sense, pleased the Roman people by telling them only six months before Octavius overturned the ^mnaonwealth, «♦ that it was not possible for the people of Rome to be slaves, whom the gods had destined to tbe command of l^ll nations.'* * * % taking a review of the history of our republic, it will ea- sily be seen whether the wisdom, the virtue, or good sense of ,' tbe nation has prevailed thus far over tcWv. virs snA ^-„~a-*~ h S*»*i| 4 69 but Some evidence has been adduced in the preceding pages, lo show that the charge of British influence against federalists is false and absurd. For proof of this, it might have been sufficient to appeal to the common sense and reason of mankind. That the very men, who achieved our independence, and who, in tli» acquisition of it, had patiently endured the privations and suf- ferings of a long and bloody conflict— who had also made eve- ry efi'ort in their power, to form a constitution of civil govern- ment, agreeable to their own views and wishes, and which was itself the surest pledge for the security of their dearest rights ;, and those of their posterity : that these men should, without any discoverable motives, at once lose their attachment to those principles, which they had so strenuously labored to defend, and become the devoted partizans of that monarchy from which they had solemnly absolved themselves, is contrary to the plam- est dictates of reason and cou aon sense. And yet thousands of our honest citizens have believed, and even yet believe it to be true. But in this monstrous tissue of deception and absurdity, who are the witnesses ? The very men who bring forward the accu- aation ;--and it is evident, from subsequent events, that those men had a deep interest in bringing into discredit, those they accused ; that they might, thereby acquire to themselves, the emoluments of office. You, fellow^citizens, who have believed, that federalists were monarchists and British partizans, have never had any other evidence of the fact, than that which ^ou have derived from the declarations af those who have brought forward the accu- sation. Those who have spread ill founded jealousies and false alarms against the federalists, and thereby enkindled the flames of civil discord among the people to elevate themselves to pow- er, must have been destitute of both wisdom and virtue. You, who have been the honest and unsuspecting dupes of this gross and fatal delusion, are indeed the subjects of compassion— And it is to you that we would most cheerfully lend our aid m your attempts to break through the thick, dark cloud of error and falsehood, whieh has long intercepted yoor view of the truth ; and which even now threatens with destruction your feir- est hopes and your best intt resta, in the fina) extermmauon ftf republican Ul»rty. „ M ■ f "fit ^ . i i ,) it" *J 'J 3 ^ "W i. %; ■ X ' y - -'* _-/ '' ..^ -' .■*•.' ■ , f - ■*.''^;" > ■■ % Cf.- ( > V'- \ ,r :^% ■l' *i' ■ P_^ ■ ■_ i^- . For it Is on you, fellow-citizens, that we rel;, for the eleva- tion of men to office, who possess wisdom and virtue } without which, it is believed, republican liberty cannot be long perpe- tuated. And can you, on cxaminaiion of the subject, believe that it is in such, men, that you have placed your confidence and con- fided the destinies of your country ? You have already seen from facts, which cannot be doubted and from evidence which is irresistible, that the men to whom, by your suffrages, you have entrusted the sovereign power, have grossly deceived and wiekedly betrayed you. You every day witness the evils, which their miserable policy has inaicied on your suffering, bleeding country— You see your government, in cons quence of that 'polky, already far advanced in the downward road of fallen re- publics. And can you yet think that these men possess that wisdom and virtue, so necessary to the preservation of our safety, and the perpetuity of our civil institutions ? You must indignantly answer, No, they arc not enly unworthy of our con- fidence, but they merit our execration. ^ That one half of our citizens should array themselves against the other, and with the most inveterate prejudices, excited by falsehoods the most improbable and absurd, and should reward the authors of those falsehoods by their most unbounded confi- dence, in bestowing upon them, the first offices of responsibil;* ly and trust, can be ascribed to nothing but the power of a delusion, the most myslerious and {lital. Striking is this delu. sion in its resemblahcef and more fatal in its effects, than that whieh doomed to an ignomittious death, the wretched inhabit tants of Salem, for the supposed crime of witchcraft. It will '* ,' doubtless be recollected by some of our readers, that in an ear- l^s^ly- period of our history, some of the good people of Salem, i ill the then colony of Massachusetts, discovered that that town ?■-*•' was infested with witches—and to prove it, said they had seen .- ^ them, and suffered by their witchcrafts. In that period of our history it appears, that the evidence of the accuser was admitted as competent on the trial of these un- lortuoate victims of delusion i and on such evidence cwily, great I'^-tiumber* of the most respectable citizens of that town were con- '■f-, -vlli ;.f . ■*; . %gncd to death for the supposed crime of witchcraft. But so of ^ten and so indiscriminately were these strange accusations made, that it led to an apprehension, that, ia that my8te;riou8 bMsineas, le eleva- wlthout g perpe- ire that it and con- ady sficn ce which iges, you eivcd and ilsi which bleeding e of that fallen rc- sess that )n of oui' JTou must f our con- es against xcited by Id reward ded confi- sponsibil:* 3wer of a this dplur than that ed inhabi'!'^ t. It will An nnear- of Salem, : that town y had seen svidencc of f these un- wily, great wfcre con- But 60 of- Lions madei la bMsiness, there miRht be « something rotten in the state of D«nTnark ;" and on a review of the origin and progress of that event, it was found that noevidence but that of the accuser had ever been ex- hibited against the unfortunate victims who had suffered, and that no other person had ever seen witches in Salem. The scales fell from the eyes of the judges, the people were enlightened, and the delusion and horrors of Salem witchcraft came to an end. ^Neither has any other evidence ever been exhibited, to prdve that "our country is infested with monarchy -loving federalists, but that of those by v^hom these unfortunate citizens have been accus«J ; on the evidence of those, whom subsequent events have shewn, had an interest in denouncing them : neither has any other person ever^scovcred them. I would not be thought disposed to treat the great conccm« which relate to the public peace and welfare, with the least degree . of levity. But it is a duty which we owe to the honor of our country, andto the dictates of reason and truth, to expose m aU their deformity, the absurd falsehoods of those who have distmct- edand ruined the councils c? this once happy republic, by th* n- x dicUlouB story of British influence. The vices and errors which have marked the course of our re- public thus far, must be abandoned, or we are lost. If we disi-e- card the great and immutable principles, to which republics ne- cessarily owe their exUtence, and duration, we cannot expect to nertjetuate out* own. . . . . _ ifwas an unparalleled display of wisdom and virtue that gave to the constituuon of our republic, its existence ; and when- ever that wisdom and virtue shall become extinct, or y»eW their influence to the dominion of vice and error, the ties which bmd that constitution to the affections of the people wt mstantly dis- solve and anarchy will succeed, and despotism Enally triumph. U^^ZuoZ.rs.A that thus far we have travelled step by step the downward opurse of fallen republics. To the tru^ ol this let history attest. No repubUc has ever fellen, without bemg first torn asunder by party dissensions. Washington, when he made his last, address to h« country was deeply impressed with this truth, and warned the people m the most solemn manner, against the baneful effects of party spmt. uTs evident he had seen and felt the mischiefs t^sultmg from party dissensions, when, in his letter to Mr. Jefferson, wnttenfiv^ ycrrs before, he remarked that, « if insWad of laying our shouU « I nS< 7a ■I i -vi. .K"! fi ix : «ters to the machine after measures are decided on. one pulls thi* Wftjr, and another that, before the utility of the thing ib tairif tried, it must inevitably be torn asunder ; and in my opinion the feirest prospect that ever was presented to man, will be lost per- haps for ever."* Thus it is that the adminisiration is enfeebled and exposed to foreign influence, corruption, and eventual ruin. When a party, to gain popularity, and acquire the ascendency in the councils of the nation, have arraigned and condemned the measures of governnaent, to be consistent with their professions, after they have succeeded in getting the power of the state into their hands, Uicy must change the policy of their predecessors i Thus, before the utility of fcrmer measures are fairly tried, and which perhaps have been adopted at gr^at expense, a new policy must be introduced, equally expensive, and uncertain too with respect to its operation, and always lis^ie lo be ruined in its very infancy.by the next successful faction, which is continually .ex- erting itself to defeat its operations. Such a state of things en- courages foreign aggression, insult and violence : and in the event of a foreign War, one party will always be charged with the crime of adhering to the common enemy ; and if accused wrongtullyt they will be impelled by a just sentiment of indignation to bring into contempt and discredit their accusers : and their efforts to effect this, if their numbers are considerable, will obstruct, if not entirely defeat the operations of government against the comnuMi enemy. Such events have ever marked the course of fallen Be» publics, ,|ind thus far have marked our own. From the first moment our government went into operation* the political conduct of the party in power, has throughout been distinguished by one prominent feature which has imposed an in- fluence, resistless thus far in its progress, and fatal to tkc peacei the happiness, and glory of our infant republic. Those who have directed the anti-fedcrul administration, have from the beginning evinced a disposition to favor the views of the Trench nation against her enemies ; to justify this disposition they have sought for motives in considerations of gratitude far Ircr services rendered us in the reyolutio ..ry war : in a union of sentiments and pursuits, between that country and '-u- own, and as resulting from these, a just and internUnable ho'rd!l^^ ~^: " *--ije.*v- -/ — i*r i'f*>-*i«T.»- d:;. ^'A ,A.v <^i\ 3;'.:5"<^. •^^ 73 «^, but ever have, and wiii, while they have life iffidf Tcar-n, ep* pose by all lawful means within Uieir power. None of these motives, ought to influence the poh al viCWt of an American, who undersunds, and would promote, the mte- r^oi his country. What debt of grat ude do w owe to Frunce I She offered us her services on certain sUpulation. wi* Which '^e have con.plied. She doubtless wished to cripple i^ power of Great Britain, by lopping off from her empire the Ame- rican colonies ; but it is evident by her interference, .n our nego- ^^,m. with that country, she i ended v^ should ''^ " «;;-8»^ - ihd meddled by the incision, that we should eventtK.lly adhei^e W lier own. She had an interest in aU! l>g «» ; we nev6r uad, kn4 probably never shall, have any interest in hatarding o'^e**^* «f Lfety, in her contests for domin .. It is mdeed folly ior .ny na- tit to Ixpectdtsinterested favor. from another. « ^''---^ n6' greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to natloi.. It is an illusion which enperience mustcuw* whtbtl at iu*t prldi ought to discard."* lehhir do the iederalists believe, that there is any resetnblan^ between the |Ju.%uits and sentiments of Frenchmen, anc. those of Americans, or any o.her nation, who have ^2:^:^TZ al liSerty. Every one who knows any thmg ot '^^ ^^^^/JJ^^^^^^ Luhtry, well knows, that, from the commencement of therr t^ non/tothatof the imperial dynasty, successive f^^^^^lJ^^ intrilcd and oppressed the people, until Napoleon seued th» throne and sceptre, and triumphed by the sword. _ ^ %c therefore can have no motive, from constderations of nfk- paly and affection for France, to hate Great BrUam, or make wj ^ Z: because France would have it so. A.k1 experience hat ThtuMirfry oTconsulting the views of a foreign despot, taunht us the toiiy o» & ^^uinir war oo Great Bntaini With respect to the expediency of makmg war on « fAr «.««. than a year.: and no sooner bad Ureat oruam I V ,1 U loM bv our adminislTatioi., that if she w.H do w tiui:- -:^" t- »'"»*"'"^ -"' """'^ "'" "" ■"" ' • 8ee Washiiigtoa's FareweU Address. -'«■ 1>-*' ~"i- ^.A *. ^i ^\| 74 :.^V. / ^f- a s:.' %■■- TV, iviUi her against Great Britain. This looks like French influ- ence ! The plain language of that shameful business is this. If France will permit us to enjoy cjr neutral rights, we will, sub- mit to a much greater evil, by involving ourselves in a war witk England. You may talk vi the abuses of British power, as long» and as loud as you please, they never will surrender their raarl- j^e riglits 10 an administration wbichi are the most devoted said ^^tervilc partizans of her enemy. Thpe is foreign influence in the councils (>f the naUon^ btit \\ is purely French, and ever ha^ been. There never was through the whole course of the federal administration, a single measure, which was in any degree eontrouled or effected by British in- fluence. The policy which Washington and his political friends Ikad marked out, waa intended to exclude foreign uifiuence, en- tirely from the councils of the nation, as one of the most fatal . foes of republican liberty. And with these views, they had wisely .^i^opted that system of neutrality, which, has perhaps been pro- % }iluctive of more blessings to the United States, than any one mea- sure uuce thJorganization of our government. Vet every effort t^ carry this system into effect, has been ascribed to British inr fiuence^ Ji is a truth, which the history of our political state will dfas- ly^demonstrate, that ever since* the commencement of the war be- tween Great Britain and France, the republican party, at least the mfQst iulluential und active leaders, have evinced by their political conduct, a disposition to entangle us in an alliance with Fra ^, Excessive hatred to Great Britain, and partiality for France, futs been tlie most in'omiooit feature, in the republican adminis- tration. While the blood of the best citizens in France was sa? criiiced to the rage of an infuriated mob, our republicans were celebrating her victories, and cxulti.^j in her emancipation from i^thc tyranny of kings.* She was represented as the great natioa X;. '• On the first day of May 1795, tit a civic feast in Pluladtl]phia, which %«« attended by a great number of American citizens, to celebrate the vie- tories ct Fiance^ and whicii was lionourcd by the presence of the Minisiter and' Consul ofihe French Hepnblic, and the Consul oiHoll.md tlien subdued by the amis of Fi-ance r tl»e follo\ting' tousts among others were given, which , will fiirivish a just idea of ilje prevailing spirit of those times. , . The Repmblk of FroMce— May the shores of Gi-eat-Britaiii goon bail the trl-colotired standard, and tlie people rend the air with siiouts long live the r^iibiie. Ting slwws thjit the rbject of French and American rep^iblieans at that ^ tijtoeWas, the conques'/oltiieai-Bntam : thatobjccthus not been abandoned- TU ItepiMQ of /!r««cff— May all |i,cs uatjous kaiu of her to transfer «,W 'J*- ft. ^, :^!. I ^L^^^j-^^".-^^ '♦-'V m AK^IIL T5 W2^r«ndpc,p«u.»0«m»™fh.of «Ur„ .hrough. fore it w.. due, mi ther. w« n« monc, m '''' "'"7 „ „,^, public debt i . democmic n»=mter "n ll« S™^ »' 8 it wa. convenient to pay ; >« "1°'"° .^i, h-, gratitude. There -a. at *« "™'' f^f, ,, j„„,h republic, tl«n fov our more«.lic.tudetorthe»eir,re«li^ ^^^ __j _^^ own. Notlm.gbutan.nll«tbl.«lM« , . ,.,^ .^..tt.i^tf-a.n.uV.P-.--"'""""'"^'^"""".^ • ^"s.ce .be co™«c.,»2^-^- rS^SS'r;.=?.f. Iiave nei,er prevailed m that countjy ag u. , .„ ^ few individuals. . example In Ae ab6\ition of *!«« aaa . Tfer ll<-i»«6Kc 0/ ^'•«««r%J cs to dStroy those leavens of corruption. splendor, ^be a le««on U, ^'^S'^':, pr^ce smcc ii^ revoluUon. but new Old titles have been ab'»""f^,'i. -epubUcan liberty. , „ „,„ on"s created cquaUy.ncon.Bte|^tw^lh^^^^ Uie ^publics of Fr««ce TAi. RebubUc of Holland— Mh-Y "^'^ «> t-„,mvirate in the cause ot hbeny- Jau^So^ ,Tf r ^ftS g^vSrriy^^^^^^ a« ab^«;- .h^^i?hat;{£riT^s;i^-^-^^^^^^ cbyTthe office of president. aristocracy of wealth founded upon . j ^"^ Rep^Mc ,'.:ni»t!hf ". ombincd power* ol Europe. 1'' i' i .•\>. h^ ■->,- ^': , V tnhtf , would haT« "Mftxi^t WHS cngagf For the laosi % gr»iw ubiucf, and bwlett drpredationt commit* 1^ by Frmice oil our ^pfenceless commtrce, scarcely a compl^iint lias been uttcicd'ba' our republican rulers } apd whenever U haa been, it has been fasy to discover from tJic cftutious mode oi ex- pression on that subject, that it wa>i done only to save uppea^a^fi liOftand preserve their populari /, \ rauier th;*n tht reswU of % •entiment of just indignation, for unnverited wrongs, while our language has been ratisackcd and tortured, to find words expves* •ivc of their contempt and hatred of the British government. For such a discrimination between these two nations, the fcdc- falists could never find motives, either in reason ox sound policy. They have therefore opposed it, and warned the people of its fatal tend'incy, to prevenv a reconciliation with Great Britian, if not to involve us eventually in a war. But for their warnings they have been reproached, and every jifffbrt which they have made to establish a national character, in- dependent of every nation of the earth, and to preserve the coun . ^ryfrom the horrors of a desolating wTr, has been ascrihtd td ','■: %< British influence. This pitiful story of British influence has ex- vv [J_. piled prejudices which have now been so long predomiuant, that r >*' the honest electors can give no accottnt of their origin or proT« ''■'••<"' gress. ^ T*-", Yet to tbis strange delusion we may ascribo our fatal divisional •jffirhich while they have encouraged foreign aggre«sJon, have by !; C^; f"*'**"^^''"? ^^^ councils of the republic, enfeebled the means, if "', inot rendered the power of resistance ineffectual. > ' , And now wh^n at last gjl are convinced of the baneful conse- .; fluences of our political dissensions, we find that our republican TBlers arc even more clamorous than ever in their efforts to ex? Jfite the prejudipes, the passions and the jealousy of thd people ;| tgainst federal men. They ctdl oa them to *id in fighting the ^glBritish nation ! * ; But can they expect federalists \vill fight and destroy those they ' sp ardently love : and to whose government they have, as thw } trip represented, such an invincible attachment ? You, fellow-citi- fjBens, have been told millions of tin\es, that the fetieralisls wisb- td to become recolonixed : or to establish a government i" New- England, ai^ilar to that of Great-Britain. Xf this is true, why do they net at this time make an effort to do it ? There certainly never WM; and Drebabiy neyer win he a mors {kv^irshls n!^n.'>.rt-.:- ."■^t m. -¥^^ ^^ '^: '^'( . •V^-tf V- ,*->*-' '■■' ,rfi^^eBi*i*?*sw*fi-**'**'; * if sc they. I IS they )w.ciU- s wish- fi New- c, why irtainly 11 r»ty to effect sych a purpose. Were the federtlistf to whe thek force to the Canadiaii provinces and the other armi«» of Great Britain, thcjr wpuld stand the tug of war, at lca»t btvyond tl»e du- ration of Mr. Madison's life or energies. But if •hame had not lost its power on these declaimers of British influence, the con- duct of the federalists, would strike them dunib with confusion. Instead of aiding the enemy, you sec them braving death and ttenger in the field of battle, that they may expel frcm our bor- ders, the hirelings and subjects of that nation by whose influence you say federalists ^re governed ! ! And if this country is ever saved from the tyranny of Great Britain Or France, if it is ever saved ffom the miserable degraded conditwn to which it has been rtduced, by intrigue, by falsehoodi by cowardice, by hypocrisy, and viUany, it will be saved by fede» ral men: Nut all the efforts of a weak or deluded faction, aided by the hirelings, tools and sycophants of the imperial tyiant, can «5ver extinguish in them the fire which glowed in the breasts of their illustrious ancestors: they will yet exhaust the last power of nature, that they may transipit unimpaired to posterity our . froe constitution and all those privileges of freemen purchased by the courage, the toil and blood of their fathers: they are the men who achieved our independence, who fought and suffered with Washington, and who are still ready to fight and to die, in support of that policy which he recommended. And while they « at the call of the law, would fiy to the standard of the Uw, and would meet invasions of the public order as their own personal concern," they will with equal xeal oppose by all lawful means, the weak or wicked policy ot our own riilers whenever it shall tend to subvert the great ends of governroeiitj and bring misei; tnd ruin on the present and future generations. The policy of the last fourteen years has been gradually thougb UBceaaingly draining the source* of our wealth, reducing tho ttrength, and impairing the credit of the nation. But since the eommencen>ent of the present war, it lias progressed to our ruin -with bold and rapid strides : and the toil and wealth of an age has been sairificed to the administration of a year. Yet such a sacri- fice great as it is, would cheerfully be made to advance- the glory Vtd interest of the republk. ■ When federalists humbly ask* in what way present measures »re to advance this interest of our country, our rulers tauntingly r«ply. we are not accountable to the minority : when they ai|t , -^k£« Mat- !- to b« dsm§dbonva «u wtkout ««inc.pnMil-: V 'H- '( .1- \. iCf- ^J ^^ 'B 7tt \ '\- ■-/ ':f h .•A fe % :^•i-^' *-. ■ ^ .► H' grotind to hope tiiat the ouictwiblo object for which it h (iccUred, . %iH thereby be attained, we ai-e iiiBulting^y told, thW if it is not atlair»ctl, the failure will be ascribed to the parti:^n^ of the ene- my, the federalists. So long as every evil which may result from the vices or errors >«rf rulers, is to be ascribed to a large portipn of the citizens and to them only, it is in vain to anticipate the blessings, or the diira tlon of renublican liberty. It has long been betievcd, that nothing would save us from the dangers which result from a blind confidence in rulers, but ■factual suffering inflicted by their folly or vices. Then it is that ..*>« lethargic indolence is roused," and if it is not roused by con- Vmilsions, we have reason to hope that reason and virtue may tri- v* ■ \imph over passion nnd prejudice. ' '* • ' ' .i*' The policy of the last foiirtcen years has been founded in errbr ... /«nd delusion, and it must be totally renounced; and you, myfcJ- [Hlow-citizens, must go back to the days of Washington and com- ^tnencc anew your political career. You must go back to that hap- j)y period, when yotir only enquiry, your only solicitude, respec- ting candidates for office, were respecting their wisdom and their /Integrity, and not the insignificancy of a name: and as in the 'presence of your God and under that awful influence imposed by ; i'the fate of millions and millions yet unborn, make a final sacrl- r Jjfice of your passions and your prejudices on the aftar of patriot- ism. And with the stern integrity of virtuous freemen, you must Tcsolve that your future efforts shall be devoted to the interests , of your countrj',and not to the paltty views of any political sect, ■iby whatever specious name, it may be called. Remember that republican liberty is on its last and final trial. Republican virtue has been corrupted by the baneful influence of party spirit, and . ^ it must be regenerated. That wise, firm, independent, and pitriotie policy, which was recommended both by the precept and example of Washington, V is the only system which can encourage us even to hope with eon- : :* fidence for any great duration to our republic. And in this it is f believed you have placed yoin most sanguine hopes, your firm- ;|| est confidence. : ;V Your leaders, while they have claimed the popularity of his name, have induced many of you to believe that he was their po- s litical fiiend : while they have been elevated to power on th« tuuis of that very policy which he approved and which you one* ibndiy hoped wouiii atanu a^Mluai lii** »«»bC ><» .•wi;yiijr ~"- -' F — endure forever. ^ >r , -^ . '^ '"' v ',s/; eion, i-f.-% W:Mm yfii •Ai n If it U not of the ene- es or errors :itizens and or the dtira ve us from rulers, but Ml if is tbit ised by con- tue may tri- dcd in crrbr you, myfcJ- 3iland com- to that hap- ide, respec- sm and their ltd as in the imposed by a final sacri- r of patriot- n, you must he interests olitical sect) 1 ember that alican virtue y spirit, and , which was iVashington, pe with eon- in thi3 it is , your firm- ilarity of his as their po- wer on th* ch you onc« ItwBlbe found on »e»ndid review^- ,. ea! state, that t)ie leaders of the party in power, hav. : dj^ a cribed that poli- cy to British inauence, and thereby - xeedta by the power of delusion only, in subverting it, and dr v authors from the councils of the nation. To prove that the political condu t of t» ^ loaders of the party in power was opposed to the views > it^cy of Washii^ton, you have been refer -^ Those councils are conuined in his last affectionate address to his fellow-citizens. And that man who would "°* d^'^^^^.^J-J, effort in his power to restore them must be dead to sens.bilny, topltriotUm, to the interest, the honor and glory of his couh- try. .' ,'.:m. to reprobate my politics-, ""^ *^J^*Jf!,"l,X^ be relinquished by W who will be «f '?fi^ J'^!* ";'tbL «^^^^^^^ fro«n cfnncious recUlude, ■*■ . , >■ \ ':sm-'''- n I m'--^. .':"-*- 'I;-; :.i v» 1 1. it- '■; ll'i M !■ ■I' 'i t.4 Wanton and unnecessary wars have in every age and sati^ been the horrid instrunaents, in the hands of' government, t;f »«b" wUng liberty and reducing to wit:tchednesathec;ftoditiifln qI o^. .,* '. POUTIGAl. DELUSION TRIUMPHANT. The horrible agitations which have distracted the councils and ^reatened the safety (rf the republic, have at length subsided. , The joy at the return of peace results from the irresistible im- pulse of nature and hunrwinity. ' ' ? We rejoice because the blood of our slaughtered citizens non Itmger flows in vain. We rejoice because the ruin -. .:,s- ..-, ;'• But could not ^e8eMef)sii%& have been preserved, could they not have been as well enjoyed without this dreadful sacrifice of bSood and treasure ? Are our citizens wiser or more happy, or are their right* better secured than they were at the coninfif nce- naent of the late war ? These are serious 'juestions and tbey must' be answered. Histoj7 has taught us thai in every age and nation wanton and. unnecessary wars have been the horrid instruineuts of subvert*' ing liberty, and reducing to wretchedness the condition of man. Does it not become our duty then as a wise people to inquire with d?ep solicitude whether the evils resulting from the late war have, produced any good ? and if not, why they have been inflicted^ An offensive war should be the last resort of .injured nations, and to which recourse should not be had except in extreme cases, "when the peace, tke safety and rights of the people arje put |q jeopardy. But it cannot be consider*^ rex pcdient'by a wise and virtuous people in any circumstances to declare war even when the cause ■would justify resistance, unless there is at least some ground to hope, that the injured natUa will,be able thereby toi-cdrcss her wrongs. • ■ * "^ ■ This last proposition is denied by modern politicians both ia ^.Jt •t llurofie And Amenoa. Who contend that independent natioot ought to fight, when their national hontc is assailed, however, it may affect the interests or happiness of the people. Under the influence of this, princ'ple, the rulers of Europe have for a^es compelled their miserable subjects to fight for the blessings iE^f national honor. But on whsm do these blessings rest ? not on the wretched multitude who fight and die, but on the few lord- ly tyrants who direct the war : and who prate continually about national honor. • But whenever the rulers of a free people declare a war which is more destructive to their interest and happiness than the injurj^ complained of, for which resistance is made : or when there is no probable ground to hope that the injured nation will be able thereby to redress her wrongs; such rulers, could never in the event of such a war, expect either success or glory. Such were the circumstances attending the commencement of the late war, that no one but the roost blind and stupid votary of present meas- ures could presage, in Its event, any thing better than disgrafer and defeat. At that fatal Crisis, suCh was the situation of the United Stateii, and that of the belligerents of Europe, that we could expect n» advantage, but had muth to fear from taking a part in their con* ^ v test. France equally with Great-firitain had violated our neu» • tx"al rights. Tltosc rights we shamcfufily surrendered to France,. ' • by selecting the latter for our enemy, and thereby violated th» ^i^ pure maxim " equal and exact justice to all nations." Besides ' in doing it we could not avoic* an entangling alliance with France. .^ But supposing by uniting our efforts with France, we had suc- ceeded, eiten in subjugating the power of Great-Britain, and Na- poleon had taken possession of her thousand ships. Would he liave given liberty to the seas, and peace to oar country ? Praised , be the ruler of the univefte, that we have escaped the horrible - grasp of his iron hand- But when it is considered that the unbounded ambition of Na- i^ poleon, had driven the nations of^Europt to madness, it was not f; difficult to foresee that the event of bis downfail was more than ■ probable, and that, in such an event, we should be left to contend alons, with the most powerful nation on the globe. Such was th» condition to which we were reduced. Do you not see then, feilowK:iiiatens, that our administrntion ^^ had staked the »ucc9f» 4 their Min%«v«ntuaU|r» on Uw iHCcoff ■?*• -:--s 4; ^f-X '¥ / 'i,-; ':"--i»'. rv'^^.. ,,»»WftMI»»«(«*(*»i ■■■ ('-• .<■■■ ^ A. f .'X ll U t,f Napoleon, and thereby cBtangled us in the dcstr active poUey of the belligerents of Europe? Of this you must be con7iuced trhen you recollect the fact, that Mr. Madison rejeGted the rdf- fer of an armistice made by Great-Britain, on any other terms than that she would first yield the very point ia issue wun regard *».impressmcnt;* a point which he well knew she woirid not V • There is no doubt but thatthe subjects of thcgovermnentof Gre^tBiit^. 1« many .h.lar.ces abuse the r.glu which tLeyclauT,. to npprc.s.^^ mua, whenfound in neutral ships.-But the ^.-eat quest, n ^^M^J^ ^!^^^*^^ ciseof therishtofimpressmeni m the sense they «ont*.,idtb ^^''^'"^"^g meatof our nkuonal sovereignty and mdepeadencc. ^,<^;;-^^ ":^;^"^^3, fo f tieht of impreijsment on t%y.) principles ; one is, that .ill the muftDers m Sfe civil cZmtmity are bound to each other by compuet ; the f^^^l^^ one of d»e parties to this compact cannot dissolve it by las o^^ ix ac .. \\ hen therefore one of her native cd«ens attempts to cxpa ':.ie himself wuhout the consent of the government, they contend tliat they l^^'-^ ^ ff ^^ .^^, ■^; , mand such citizen, ar.d compel lum to submit to Uie *^7,«'«„'".'^^';*«*^^^^^^ of his native country. And .n this the government ot the ^"|f f.^^ "' °; Oi-eat Britain, and France concur. There has been one case^m ^vh.ch his principle has been the subject of legal adjudicaUon, m the Sup W Court of tlie United States. "1» 1792, one Williams was commissioned oy the French Consul-Gencral residing in America, as a lieutenant on b«-"| '"« .Tupiter, a Fi-ench seventy-four. The Jupiter saded in the autum.^ o the aarae veitr for Hocliefort, where WiHiams was naturalized, rcnouncog tus »lletriance to the United Stat-ss. After t^is naturalization, he was eonimis- sioned by the French Republlck a second heutenant ori board the French fric-ate tiie Caront. He continued in die commission and service ot iiaice " S the 27th of Februan', 1797, when he was seized and arrested ior ac- oeptnifc a commission from the French l^publick, to commit acts oi v:o- Eeainst the kiiig of Great Britain^ and las subjects, with whom we were at peace. Wdhams pleaded m jusuficai ion his nutiu-^dization in I'l-unce, Sris Enunciation of his allfegiancc to the United Stales. Chiet Justice kllswortli gave the following opimon. i„c„.„,h. "The common law of this counti-y remains the same as it was betoie .hy revolution. The present question is to be decided by two grcut prmc.- ales • one is that all the members of the civd community are bound to each other by compact, the other te, that o!ie of the parties to this compact eaJi- notdLssolveitbylnsownaa. The compact between our community and its member!^ )!•. that the community sliall protect its members, and on the part of the membevs. that they Wilfatall times bb obedienL to the laws ol die community and faithful m its defence. Th s compact distinguishes our Kovernmenifiom those which aie founded in violence or inmd. Tl neccssa- rilv result, tliat a member canno L dissolve this compact, without th« covsoit or default of the eommuiiity. Tlier.^. has been no cousent-^no liclault Default 18 not pretended. Express consent is not churned; but it h?9 been argued that the consent of the conimu'iity is implied by tt» poLoy--its con- dition— and its acts. In countries so crowded with mhabitanta, that the iheans of subsistence are difficult to be obtained, it is reason antt pohcy U. pen.tit emigration ; but our policy is diftcrent j forourcountry is ^ut scarec- \a settled, imd we liave no inhaliitants to spai-e T' "CossKST lias been argued 'Vom ihecoiuiiSion of the country, bscausewe were in a state ot peace. But iboucdi wt were in pcacr, the war had eom- menccd in Europe.— We w.shwi to have nothing to do witli the w*-" i ^ut the war would have something ty do wiUi us. It has been exH-en.ely iitti- cuU for us to keep out of this war ; tlie progress of it has threateiwd to in- volve us. It has hrca uetess.ai v for our govcmiuuit to be vigUant in re- ¥^J^ i . ( <" V 83 yisitl to any but her conquerors : and that this very point was yk'kled by him, ihb migiity sine «|ua non, ihis iusuriTiOuritoble obbtaclf! to peace was removed on the 27th day of June, about one we»k after the news of Bonaparte's abdication had reached this country in a shape so authejatic, that it could no longer admit of a doubt. , ' ' At the event of Napoleon's defeat, the federalists rejoiced, be- cause they saw through it the approaching termination of an ex- ecrable waf. ,FeiJcr«rist3 have no pretensions to the powers of prophccy,but they havu firmly believed and predicted, that the excessive par- tiality lo FraucB uiid hostility to Great-Britain which has been the distinguishiug fealitre through every pe»-i.>d of the repubiican admmisu'ation, would eventually end in disaster and disgrace. straining our own citizens from those acts which woxiid involve lis m ho**-" tUitiea. The most vib'.onary writers on tliis subject do- not contend for the principle in the vinlimi'ed extent, that a citizen may at any, tat'l at all timti, renounce his own, and join lumself to a foi-eign country. < ..*':? « Co S8EJJT has been argued, from the acts of our government pennittmg the iui upalization cf foreigners. When a foreigner presents himself here, and proves himself tv> be of a good moral cTiai-acter, well af!ecied to the ronstiivitjon and governm>-nt of the United States, .ind a friend tovhe gopd ordci and happiness of civil society ; if he has resided here the time \m- «cnbed bv law, we gtant him the privileges of a ciuacn. We do not eiM) quite vhat his relation is to his own country ; we have not the means Of knouMg. and the enquu-v would be indcl.cate ; , we leave hmv to judge of that . i;' he cn-biuyasses IVimself by contracting contra,;\icu)ry obhganons, iha fault aiidthefoHyarehisown ; hut this implies no consent ot tiie go- vernmcnt, that our own citizens should expatriate thciusi.lves , ^-. « It is tncrefore iTty opinion, that tlie .acts which the piisnner otters tft nrove in his defence, ate totally irrelevant ,• they can hav-e no opmlion ta law and the iury ought not to be embairiwEsd or troubled with themes but'bv *he constitution of the court, the evidence must go to the jury. « The cause and the evidence were accordingly rommitied to the j«ry. The ii.' V soon aRrecdon a verdict, and liiund tlie prisoner &UrLT\. r^ «^riie court Sentenced hiip to pay a fine of 1000 dollars, and to sufR^^ four months imprisonment." ,. . , v i t. . Bat it is eaid that when a citizen of Great Britain becomes nauiralued L/ our laws, her right to chim the services of such citizen ceases. O^^r »aw rcla':,ve to naturalization had its orijTin subsequent to that by which Great nritnin claims the right to tlie services of her n»v.ive subjects. How tai- one indcpen _-..-.. f -:j.i.* „„ ^i.."«„'( m,. 1,. liimifrht an infringement ot naiiu-al rcmt^i'ks, and cited evon the British tile case OIWHlianri, m ei.i:« vii... .V. .- ..-. ~ :, » 4 4i,„ u,....-^ rlditof impressment which our a.'m.mstration v.vmid res st, at the hazi^d ot-our peace and happ *oukl rea.iily be yielded by our ow" govern, ment. wa» our condi' ilar to that of Great Untain.--Fectera(,sts would ao? Unction the .-bv^se of power, in any other nation, when 't mtringea on tiieriKlits of their own -..neither would they sacrifice tiieiinaU.m.u wealth a pre-existing national right,- • other independent ',• dinught an inf-ine rVht, is a great national qacstion. I have made these re the caseofWiUiamJ, t(. shew thai it is nC rertam that "1 - _ « *^ > -*■ i 8i / 1 ^UJ \i0 If " And to ccmpiete the cliinax of insirtt, of abuse, of tufferinf^, and of delusion, we are told that, from this war great and import- AQt advantages have been derived tu the country ! 1 And what is ;^BIore a matter of astonishment, many of our good and honest /electors, either do, or at least pretend, to believe what i« thus told them I ! ! It has been truly remarked that " the greatest evils arc not fcr- fived at their utmost period, until those who are in povirer have f lost all sense of shame ; at such a time, those who should obey •hake off all respect and s^iboidtnation ; then is lethargic indo- lence roused, but roused by convulsions/' And have we not rea- son to fear that such a period has already commenced. After a vmr of more than 4.Mro years, declared by our own gavernment, in which thousands and thousands of our fellow-citizens have faU len by the sword and by pestilence : have been subjected to dis- ease and to deatJi -. in which our land has been filled with «rido.ws, ■with orphans, with sufferings and with tears. And a debt ot mil- lions entailed on posterity which can be paid only by years of toil and pain, and when every object ot this war had been yielded to the enemy, we have seen ^ur chiei' magistrate in an official and public communication,* congratubung the representatives of the people, that peace vas rejitpicd at a period when the causes of war had ceased, and undej: circumstances that the nation could .^ review its conduct Avithout i-egret, and that thereby the govern- jn^nt had de.iionstr?ted the efficiency of its power of defence : and recommending to the beneficence of the people the military ifnd naval d^partnrents, which as he asserts, had contributed es- • acntially to the restoration of peace I ! ^t the time this communication was made, neither at any time since, has tlie British practice of impressment, nor the cause which produced it ever ceased. Neither could it be said that the achievements of our armies contributed essentially to the / •See President Madisqn's Message to .Congress feb. 20tb, 1815. The following is an extract from Mr. Madison's instruciions to our minis- ters, before Bonaparte's defeat—" But the business of imprt'ssments cannot be waved, nor postponetl, nor i)ifonnally arranged. It .cannot be waved, be- cause it im olves an intripgement of tJie national sov^eignty and indepen- dence. It cannot be post^)ned, because ,heing one of the main groun<& (^ the war, the government cannot answer to the people, since the rejection of Admiral Warren's proposition for a suspension of hostiUties, upon the basis of the repeal of the Orders in Couneil. It cannot be tlie subject of an in- formal arrangement, because the experience of Messrs. Monroe and F^^- ^iey*s arrangement has taught us, that such AH tyiderstandine cannot IWWr: hcd Upon, lor any practical Purpose," w^ 8S rc^toraaon of peace, When our peace U not better »«""'«'*;r ^^; ter enjoyed than before the war. To say nothing of ih. mcalcula. ble miseries which this war haf occasioned. . . And is it no matter of regret, that these miseries have been m^ flicte^ without any adequae obj«t. and to no purpose • And is it matter of congmtulutioo that in a war declared by our own government, we ha« - evi .-? J« have proved by the late war, that we are .ble, - j'^^'fj ^^ ,^ ^^ actually defended oursejvc* against the power of Gre.t But.n . at the Ixpense only of about ten thousand 01 the hves ot ou te U low^itizens,and one or two hundred mi Uiuns of dollars. Noo.^ -trho has much knowledge of our resources, or the cha^ac er of Americans, ever doubted of our ability to do this M^uhont ma- C^^gtldcadful sacrifice to prove it. And couid .he chuf ma- g^^^tme of a free and enlightened people attempt t is impo.uc. L the common sense of the people, had he no, lo, all s.n.o of late i Or can rulers who are thus insenstble ot sh n., .nd r -- It^dless of the honor and interest of their country, .xp^c stiU to io^and the people's aspect ?-.Is it not r.ther to Oe fear.d. . hH^imc I n'ot iar distant, when an injured and ind.Kn.U pco. nle wiU throw off all respect, and all subordination to meo, who undl the specious name of republican, wouU. thus abu.e .neir^ ^^nLte and sport, with their dearest right. Why does the^ ^onnaencc -u v impression on the public chief magistrate attempt to "^f ^ ^^^^^^^^^^ , ^r^ ^.„ [, ,,,^^ mind with respect to the event of the late war v> uy S"ka^ honest language of a -^ -P-j^'-"' l^'^^ ;^ Lple that the defeat of the ruler of F. auce had clisuppon.tcd .^ Topes with respect to the powerful aid h. expected to d.me tro^ nopts wiui F* .herebv the obiec's ot the »*ar h:iu been ..e-,^ that country, and that thereby tne o^j ,,;ffi,,,aheH ■^^'6 dis-^ ^ feated and the country unhappiij u^volvcd «. ^f^'^'^Jrl^^^^ 1 tresavfrom which their virtue .nd patriotism alon« cou.o txtu^j ^ ^'^r^^tLtismor sound policy, c.u the be«t interests of oiil 4..-. ■'r-^\.•.i -'" i .-■'.'S: ) ' •:- "■' '-> - :.:,i:f y -ifci^' ■#■ :■> m ^.^ 'i' lA J'.. Fifl 1^ s •li / "^ ,. tountry require, that the people ahoijW be deceived witli rci^ccl ,, j, to the object or tendency of measures, with respect to the "impo^- ■'■ tant concerns which relate to the welfare of the couutry I And has « yj| become necessary, in order to secure llie confidence of a wise Und free people, to betray them into a belief that real injuries, that the most terrible national calamities are blessings in embryo, in which they should exult. Is this the policy which is to light j;^ur way to the millennial glories which Columbus s^w in vision ? Whiiher, O my fellow-citizens, whither has fled that stern in- /•.Jtcgrity, that firm and disinterested patriotism, that once seemed to win a short lived popularity, at the expense of our immortal glory f Is this the country in which republican virtue has claimed \hp triumphs of an immortul existence ? ."jfes, in tnis once happy country, destined by heaven, as we had ' . fondly hoped, to illustrate ^he splendid achievements of her he- i^rocs, and the wisdom of her sages, in the examples of their sons, Jifcre have seen that duplicity, hypocrisy and intrigue, have consti- tJUted the only elfectual passports to preferipnent and to power ! ! •*'■•■■,.'■ ■ , - p*'»^4*'l3rnprized a^ hep swt»#»l4h«j^ ^ ^> tJudistinguish'd they live, if they stiame not their sires ; -' •.«^-' And tlie torch that would light Uiera to dignity's way, ^ ,- M«.i^'% There is not at this time a country on eartil, however despotic, • For the benefit of those vho liavenot read tha late treaty, it is hefet* annexed. Ii is hoped die people will read and judge for themsel^tt Hoy much catise of con^atulatioii it contaiiw. ■ <,V>"'' •."T,»)!»^--'.__i»S^,.- il;j ,, ■r_^"ft,^,-. :;, -f--':^ :.■ .■ .I*;' » 1 1 ' 87 ^re rulers have a more absolute cofttroyl over the rights of the people, than in our own. , . , The popularity with which they have conducted the late way,. lenders it evident, that there are no evils which they may not m- flict upon the people with impunity. ' The federalists can neither controul n6r change the councils o the nation, and the republicans with theif present prejudices will not. Should Napoleon again re-establish himseh in power, we may well eonclude his continental system would be revived, and we again involved in the vortex of his policy. ^, With our present rulers at helm, our peace cannot be durabW. By the late treaty nothing has been settled. The officers of the late army are urging their claims on the gratitude and patronage j, ^^ the government ; and are dissatisfied with the late peace. A host of the unfortunate sufferers in the late war are also putung \n their claims for pensions, and will doubtless, obtain them to art,; enormous amount, which the people must pay : and they arc ^, ready taxed to the extent of their abilities, and even beyond. _ But if you would duly estimate the result of the late war, il y^u ^^ would know what we have lost by it, Uy aside for a moment Miv Madison's message, and ask the thousands of weeping widows, , and mothers who have been thereby left destitute and comfortless, to a merciless world: ask the thousands of orphan children whd , have been thereby deprived of their only protector and support ;5 ' ask Uie miserable beings, mangled and maimed bywounds.anij.. rendered useless to themselves and to the world, and who must ' either starve, or subsist on the scanty pittance of a pension .^go to the hospitals, those abodes of misery ; and ask t « wretc^^ beings whl have been transferred thither from the field of b ulc, cov^ed with blood and distorted with the agony f heir wo ^^ ask them ; ask the poor fugitives who have been driven from he^P b*ng dUuings, and reduced in an hour, from a state o com. &le competency, to want, and even beggary : and whde y* ^ refl cton this miserable assemblage of -ff^Png humamty. as^ar^ ain if vou can, the mdlions of expense at which these evils have bin purchaseil. L.ok then at the late -aty with Great Briuu. «.d cLpure the .nd and object of the war, and Us final everU wuh the m^ which have been employed in Us prosecution, and the poUr^'^-hhasledtoU; and if you will then S-e the sanctu4 ^your apprp ving voice lo the political conduct of thq9* *rho d»re« l.".^- '< ■■#■.' f-l- ' ,>■': ■' ;•;• ■y ^.V «• m -m ths public concerns of our countrf , it nuy iiu!e«u be %vA% it wit! be said by an impartial world, that in the United States, political j4ehi8iori is triumphant. Thii is at present our condition. Such' * iccnes of sufferinj;, so wantonly inflicted on a free, and generous people, were never before exhibited on earth I Whut then can be done to save the republic ? Truth and argu- iaent are our only means : with these the present policy, and the flUtiiovs of it will bf opposed by federalists while they have life aI4^ Wason If our republic must fall, as it certainly must, under such an .idmiiiis! ration as the present, and probably very soon ; " Let the federalists cling to it, while it has life in it, and even longer than there is hope. Let them be auxiliary to its virtues ;" and if death' inust be its fate, let them strain every nerve, and exhaust the last poweFofintellect.andif necessary, surrender even life itself, that tl»y may protract its dyinp nature, and from its expiring convul- sions snatch the spirit of liberty, and render its reign on earth ini-i iMortal- -^' '^ !-.<■*- -^ ■ .-v'f.\ :.' '•■J>5 V ,■/- j^-f'f.'-'v V''"- W^'^_ :■(>*'•; "A .:.-.,. .-}(, Jku .;.,/-,■ -J .'. -^ • . ■"■■ ." 'i. ■■'.■.■, ' ,' ' ■ mi^ JBkttrict of ^Vew-York, ss. - . , -. \.,r BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the levenl^ day of August, in the fortieth year of the independence of the United States of America, E. and E, HosFOHD, of the .said District, hath deposited in this office ti>e title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the words folbwinff, to wit: ' • " The Crisk ; on thie orifin and consequences of our political dissensions. To which is annexed, the late treaty between the United States and Great BriUin. By a Citizen of Veimont. ^ v In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, entitled •• An Act for the encouragement of Learning', by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the time tlierein mentioned." And also to an Act, entitled " an Act, supplementary to an Act, entitled an Act for the encouragement of I^etiming, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books to the au- thoTb and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned, az\A exte '^-1- of fhe Smhem JXftrict of J\rrv>-r9rk i:: .. j^it.ij' ft9 JAMES MADISON, President of the United StfitfH*/'1mfrica. -* ' To ail and singular to whom tltcije,|»e»e»t9 sLaU cotiw, -gtcctiiig : WHTilREAS a THEATY OF Peacf. and A&rriY between tUe United States of America, amt his IJi'Uunnic Mitjcsty was signed at (>tien4, oo the 24th day of December, one thousand eight hundi-ed and fourteen, by Plenipotentiurk^s itispective iy appointed lev that purpose ; and the anid Treaty having been by and with th- advice an.l consent of the Senate of the United States, dbly acfcepted, rati- fied and confirmed, on the seventeenth day of FvUriiavy , one thou- sand eiffht hundred and fifteen, and ratified copief* tbet^ol having been exchanged agreeably to the tenor of the said treaty, whidi is in the wolds following to wit. TllEATY OF PRJCE A.^DAMITJ, HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. M-.- His Britannic Mt-jesty and thiv United States of America, dcai- rouB of terminating the war which has unhappliy subsisted be- tween the two countries, and of restoring, upon prmcples ot per- feet reciprocity, peace, ffiendship and good understanding, be- tween them, hive, for that purpose, appointed their rcBpective Plenipotentiaries, that is to say: H.s Britannic Majesty, on his part, has appointed tjie Right Honorable James LobdGambier. fate admiral of the white, now admiral of the red squadron of His MaiSty's fleet, Henry Goui.bvh«, Esquire, a Member ot the Imperial Parliament and utider Secretary of State, and Wn.tiAM Sa«s, Esquire, Doctor of Civil Laws :-,And the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the h^^n- ate thereof, has appointed John Quincy Auams. Xameh A BaF- ?KD Henky Clay, Jonathan Russel, and Albkut Callatui, citizens cf the Ur.ited States, who, after a reciprocal comn.unicat.pii of their rcspeuiVe fuU powers, have agreed upon the toUmvu^g a^- W . tides: ^ :j ' ARTICLE THE yiBST. There shall be a firm and universal Peace between His Britan- hic Maiesty and the United States, and between their respective countries, territories, cities, towns, and people, of every degree, whhom exception of places or persons All bostilmes, b«th by ia .nd land, shall tease as sooivas this Treaty shall have been )-:i- tlfied bv both parties, as hereinafter mentioned. All territoi^, Saces, and possessions, whatsoever, taken from euticr party, by fSher, during the war, or which may be taken after the signing M ' , '•'■% mim m mm.y,, , , # k.-f Vw . ^^^l i^i^ ," . I 9if ul' tltift Tt'euty* cxi«:pting onIy« the l!ilaQj*hci'c-i»attC!' uieftliORCji! abtdl be restored yiriihoUL delay, and wiihoui causiug uny dcstiuc- lion, or Carrying away any of ihc ariilleiy or ether public property originally captured in the said forts or places, aiwl which ahull re- main therein upon the excliange of the ratificstipn ot this Treaty, or any slaves or other private property — And all archive*, re- cords, deeds and papers, cither of a pubuc ^ uufe, or belonging to private perbons which in the course of the war, tnay have fallen in- tp the • inda of the officers of citlier party, shall be as far as may be practicable, forthwith restored and delivered to the proper aa> thorities and ijersons to whom ihcy respectively belong. Sucla of the I&liinds in the Bay of Passamaquoddy as are claimed by both parties shall reniain in the possession of the party in whose occupation they may be at the time of the exchange of the ratifi- caiiofis of this treaty, until the decision respecting the title to the said islands shall have been made in tonformity with the 4th ara- cle of this treaty. No disposition made by this treaty, as to such pessession of the islands and territories claimed by both pkrties, shall in any manner whatever, be construed to affect the rigkt of «Uher. .' ARTICLt THE SECOND., Immediately after the ratification of this treaty by both parties, as herein mentioned orders shall be sent to the armies, squadrons, officers, subjects and citizens, of the two powers to cease from all hostilities : And to prevent all cause of complaint which might arise on account of the pri«es which may be taken at sea after the aaid ratification of this treaty; it is reciprocally agreed, that all vessels and effects which may be taken after the space of twelve days from the said ratifications upon all parts of the coast of North America, from the latitude of twenty-three dejjrees north, to the Intitude of fifty degrees north, and as for eastward in the Atlaii- tic ocean, as the ihirty-hixth degree oi west longitude from the meridian of Greenwich, shall be restored on each side s That the time shall be thirty days in all other parts of the Atlantic ocean ; north of the equinoctial litie or equator, and thei same time for the British and Irish Channels, for the Gulf of Mexico, and all parts of the West- Indies : Forty days for the North Seas, forth© Baltic, and for all parts of the Mediterranean : Sixty days for the Atlantic ocean south oi' the equator as far as the latitude of the *Japc of Good Hope : Ninety days for every part of tlie world south of the equator: And one hundred and tfventy days tqr Ml other parts of the world, without exception. * :\p-:.. AUTICLETHE Tttl)Et». ,_ All prisoners of war tjaken on either side, as well by land as by ssj|«, shall be restored as seon as practicable after the ratifimtion ■*> iti.'i' iA}.:f^^j:--^ j.'~ »2'f'< 01 J^Jl i.f tWs treaty, m hpreinjiftei- mcuponed, on their pa^inj? U" v*iui.ir iMcj iMuy UMVc: v.uiiiia->iuvi uui u<|^ >>>«-u1ated by the second article of tlie Weaiy nf peace, of one thoutiaml seven humhed ami eighty-three, be iccn his Britannic Majesty and the United States ot Anicnca, ihat the b<3nndary of the United States shonl ! comprehend all islamls M^tfiin twenty agues of any part of the shores of the 0MiH States, and lyinj; bctwcrn lines tobedrawndiie castlroii|> tlte taints where the aforesaid boundaries, between Nova Scotia, on the one part, and East Florida, on the other, shall respective- ly touch the Bay of Fundy, ?nd the Atlantic Ocean, cvcepting fiuch islands as now are, or heretofore have been, within the li- mits of Nova Scotia ; ami whereas, the sevei-al islands «i the Bay of Passamaquoddy, which is part the Bay of Fii.ndy, ?«"' th6 island of Gnuid Mcnan, it» tlnJ said .y of Fondy, are clAinned by the United States as being comprehended within their aforesaid bonndaries, which said islands are claimed as belonj^mg to Ins Britannic Majesty, as having been at the lime «f, and previous to, the aforesaid 'treaty of one thousand scveft hundred and et|r h- ty-three, within the limits of the province of Nova Scotu.^iu order, therefore, Hnally to decide upon these claims, it is agreed thattheyvshallbe referred to two comnusaioners, to be upponited in the ibllowing manner, viz: Olie commissioner shall be ap- pointed by his Britannic Majesty, and one by the President of the Umlcd Stirtes, by and with the advice and consent of the henate thereof, and the said two commissioners, so appointed, shall be sworn, impartially to examine and decide upon the said claiiji* Iccordinc to such evidence as shall be luid beforg them on the nart of his Britannic Majesty and of the United Stales respetr- tivelv The said commissioners shall, meet at St. Andrews, ni the province of New-Brunswid, and shall have power to adjourn to such other place pr places as ihey shall think fit. Ihc said Commissioners shall, by a declaration or report, under their Ws and seals, decide to which of the two contracting parties Se several tslan48 aforesaid do i-cspectively belong m conformity with the true intent of the said treaty of p«ace ot one thousand Sen hundred and eighty-three. And if the said conatmssioners Shall agree in theirdecision, both parties shall consider such d^ cSon as final and conclusive. It is lurther agreed, that m |e S? Pf the^two commissioners differing upon all or any of the TlxcvB so referred to them, or in the event of both or either ot \be wk cqmsais^ionerf refusing, or dccUmng, or wilfnllv ^mitn '■'I ■':■' •/•■)^'*i-ili..'- ...^f'n*': ,*rfj^W^'T' ' ■-*% fri«ih> •m^-m-f«itsft' "*«>.■' >|^SSf*w.u IMAGE EVALUATfiON TEST TARGET (MT-S) .%. 1.0 I.I ^■^ IIM 1^ 12? Hi u K 12.0 1.8 1.25 1.4 16 t 6" ► m. ^ /a ^h. o ^A ■el >:^ »» Photographic Sciences Corporation ^ # ^ #; ^9) V ^'^ .^ •L V 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 ^ --^S||ii^^*^gPf5P''; i 4» 'M V ' ■ ■ ■ # A . ,1 f ting to act as soch, they shall make jointly or separately, a repbtt. to that of the United States, slating in detail the pojnw on wHSfeh they differ, and the grouncis upon which their respective opiniorts have been formed, or the grounds on which they, or either of them, have so refused, declhied, or omitted to act.-^nd H'ts BiUannic Majesty, and the Government of the United Sfetes, hereby agrcetoi-efertlic report, or reports, of the said coramis- sionars, to some friendly sovereign or state, to be then n^med for that pvnpose, ami -who shall l)e r«;quested to decide on the differ- ences which may be stated in the said report or reports, or then the report of one commisAioner tog^eiher with the gi-ounds ttpon AvhiCh the other commiaMoner shall Ivdve refosed, deciined, 6r rnniued to act, as tl»c case may be. And if the commissioner $o refusmg, declining, or omitting to act, shall also wilfully omit to stgte the grounds upon which he lias so done, in such manner that fhe said statement may be referred to such friendly sovereign or state together with the report of such otber commissioned, then such sovereign or state shall decide ex-part upon the Bsfel vepotn atone. And li^s Britannic Majesty and the Government of tne United States, engage to consider the tlecision of some friend- ly sovereign or State to be such and cpnclusive on all the fflattcrs sorefcn'ud. n , ' ' ' ' • ARTICL8 THE FIFTii. ' Whereas neither that point pf the high lands lying due north iromthe source of die river St. Croix, and designated in the for- incr treaty of peace between the two powers as the north-west angle of Nova Scotia, now tne north-westernmost head of Con- necticut river, hai not yet been asQertained; and whereas thK part of the bpundary line between the domi.iion of the two poi^- urs) which extfsnds from the soince of the river St. Croix di- reciiy north to the abovementioned north-west angle of Nova Sco- tia, tiif nee at?ing the said highlands which divide those rivers which empty ihemaelve* ijjtto the river St. Lawrence from those which fdli into the Atlantic ocean to the nortii-westermost head of Comicciicut river, thence down along the middle of tliat river to ihe lorty-fiUh degree of north latitude; thence by a line due ■west on i»aid iatiitidii untij it strikes the river Iroquois or Catara.*' guy, hitsiiot yot been surveyed; it h agreed that, for these seve- ral pmposjcs, two commissioners sluU be appointed, sworn, and authomfcd, lo act exactly in tiie manner directed with resi)ect to ; t^ost niciitwlied in the next preceding article, unlejtd otherwise -^^l^tciheU hi the present aiti'lc Tiicfatd coiiuuissionera shall Bn:t|t at St. Andruws in ilic province' of New flriius wick, and shah ipvv power to adj--U|n to aucii other place as they shall thhik lii.. iiiit; HaidcommssiotiKA'S bialJ have power to ascertain ana determine the points aiiuvenienUoiied, in conforiaitj vjth thte ■■^••IM*-*.,^,' ^'j.aMSffi'i ^i iidiiiiic iwiijesty as the points on which respective opinions they, or either of to act.~^nd His the United States, if the said coramis- 9 be then n^mcd for lecide on the differ- or reports, or th«n > the grounds Upon l«sed, uecHiiedj or ve commissioner ftt also wilfully omit iCi in sucli inanner 1 friendly sovereign her contiDtssionei', •part upon the B«kl the GovernmetJt of sion of some fi iend- 3 on all the ipj^tter? ds lying doc librth signated in the for as the horih-we^t itnost head of Cofl- antl whereas that ►n of the two po\^- iver St. Croix di-, angle of N'ovaSco- iivide thotie rivers wreuce from those i-westermost head liddie of that nver ice by a line due roquois or Catara* *.*' hat for these seVe- >intcd, swornj and ed with resiject to unleftd othei-wi»e Tiuuissioners shall w Brunswick, alid luce as they shall [>oiver to ascertain wiforrait) yjth thb ',.m>.i -.»....,]piimpf^i ^^^iiwmimffmmmimmBmmmmmmmmimm m 9S provision* of 'the said treaty of peace of onethoHsai.d seven hun- dred and e%hly.thrce, and shall cause tte bf.undai v afnresaid from the toiirce of the river St. Croix to the river iroqafais or Cataftiguy, to be sm;Veyed and marked accordiftg to the b: kliyi-o- visions. The said comiriisiibrterB shall make a map of ti,« saitl boundary, aftd annex to it a deciaralion under their hands and seals, certifyijig it to be the true map of the said boundary, aiitf pafticulanzuig the latitude and longitude of the tiorthv?est angle ttf Nova Scotia, of the northwestefnmost head bi Connecticut nvei, and of such other poiots of the said boundary as they mav deem proper. And both panics agree to.consider such map ancl declaration as finally and conclusively fixing the said boundary. And vh the event of the wicf two comtnissioners diRering, or botii or cither of them, refusing or declining, or wilfully omiUiHg to act, such reports, declarations, or statements, shall be m^de, by t-.em, or either of thetlu, and such refertnce to a fiiendiv sove- reign or state, shall be made, in all respects as in the litter part ot the fourth article is contained, and in as full a maunttp as if tlie same was herein repeated. \ AKficJlR '■the;' SIXTH. ,';■■.,/ , Whereas by the former beaty of peaice, that portion of the bqijfndary of the United States from the point wh^re the fo* tv-fiftl* degree of norhjatitude slilkes the river Iroquois' or Cataraguy, toibe Lake Superior, was declared to be '• along tiie mukJle qt said river into Lake Ontarioj through the iWjddie of said lake Xjn^l it strikes the communicatioii by water between that lake tnd' Luke Eiie,, tlicnce along the middle of said coniinu'r.icauoii j|,io Lake Lrie, through the middle of said lake until it arrives at the water communication into the L,ke Huron, iliepce thi'ou"ii the middle of said lake to the water coninitnucutjou bttwfceh chat iatte aivl Lake Superior." And whereus,' dunbts feavc ariy-.'-i .,vhai wjs the middle of said river, lakes and water c'onjiuuuic.iijr'' ' •* :whetljer certain islands lying: iji llife.sanic, wch: uiuii! t nious of. his Biitaniiic Majesty of the Uiiueti Status : iv ,; . . theiefore, iii^liy to decicie.lht; (luabtb, thej- siiun i>/ ' > ' to, two co]Hf>iiussioners, to be apj;uiuicd,' ^woiv, ctiid .a • aci*xactly hj theiimiimu- d'!i(vHi..(i,\vuii ivi;pcti/to tiic ;- ,. >. eau. tiieuexi preced»ng,uivicie, u-lfcr&c)a:viViV.c"-iu?^%v; .; ^ . 'v'' prtseut article. iosiaiiet, at^\lbawy, hi the iisWe of Ncw-Vot;, power to iMijt/Uti. ip smlh'uther place or piudtrs, . jftt i , thi^ saui cuniiuisaJiiiH'is shaiiby a ji'Cj) ■ 4«;Tti)eu- ii^i.db ui.cl .Hisufh. dt-ui^iKiit? (Ii, 8&i«u rivci;,,)4ki;s, and waiti t.osuuui!.!.. .■■>. ;•.. , ■ •« ©f.lhti I'/occaanciin^' puratfc .:ii, !ii ,,.\,-. .^aid tlyvi-f, iak^^s una vvaU-j' cc. . auwis,;, au i¥V" /'' // ;i n 9* Jong, in conformity with the true intent of the said treaty of one agree to consider such designation and decision* as final and con- clusive. And in the event of the said two cummisBioners diffari ing, or both, or eitbef of tbcm, refusing, declining, or wilfully oniitting to act, such reports, declarations or statemcnti, shall be made by them, or either of th«m, and such reference to a friendly sovereign or state sl>all be made in all respects as in the latter |^rt of the fourth article is contained, and in a« full a maft- ner as if the sanv; vas herein repeated. * ; AntlCLS THE SBVENTH. .^■' It is further agjseed tbait the said two last mentiqned cottimis- sioners, after tbeysbaU have executed the duties assigned to thein , in the preceding article, shall, be^and they are hereby authorized, iipMi their oaths, impartially to fix and .determine, according to , the true intent of th« said Treaty of Pe^ce, of one thousand seven TiUDdrcd and eighty-three, that part of the boundary between tb© dominions of the two powers, which exteods from the water coW' munication between Lake Huron and Lake Superior, to ti»e most north-western point of the Lake of the Woods, to decide to which of the two parties the several islands lying in the lakes, water communications, and rivers, forming the said boandary, do re- spectively belong, in cpnformity with the true ihtcJit of the said Treaty of peace, of oue thousand seven hundred and eighty- three and to cause such parts of the said boundary, as require it, to bs surveyed and marked. The said commissioners shall, by a report or declaration under thbir hands and seals, des^ignate the boundary aforesaid, state their decision on the points tlms re- ferred to them, and particularize the latitude and longitude of the SQOst north. western point of the Lake of the Wesame was Iwerein repeated. . ■ * < ARTICIiK TSe EIOHTU. \ ■ It The seve^ai boards of two commissioners nicntioned in the four Pf^ceding articles, shall r«spectively have power to appoint a se- cr^tary,and to employ such surveyors or other persons as they ahall judge necessary. Duplicates of ail their respective reports," declarations, statements and decisions, and of their accounts, and of the journal ol their proceedings shall be delivered by then^ to ^■m le'sajd treaty of one ms as final and con- 'mmisaioners digar* eclinwig, or MdlfuUy !>r statement*, slwll uch reference to a 1 respects as in the tnd in asfuUnaiiu^ nentiQTied couitinis- es assigned to them hereby authorized, •mine, according to one thousand seven undary between the romthe water coni' iperior, to tlMj nipst \f to decide to which in the lakes, water I boundary, do re- ; intent of the said mdred and cighty- oundary, as require miMissioners shall, md seals, de&ignate the points tims re- md longitude of the 'oods, of 9uc!i other proper. A|«S both id decision as final two commiwioners lecl'.ning, of^ilfuU or statement^, »haU uch reference to a tl respectsjasinthe lid in as full a mun- cntion«iEi in the four ver to appoint a sie- 3f persons as they respective reporttt," their accounts, and irered by then^ to y ■ iedS^e! li!'*'®"!"*'"'^ "''^^'''y' ««*t»i»*e «»Se«ts of the U«i. Slnirfn Kf ^^ ^"^ i-espectively appointed and authorised to mnage the b6siness on behalf of their respective goyerninentr The said commissioners shall be rcspeetivefy paid k s^ch -^l ner as shall be agreed between the two contS parti S^ ajreehjpt bemg to be settled n Ihe tih,e utthe elcKnge of tSe raufacati as of the treaty. And^l other CKpcnses attemUnff h^ said commissioners shall be defrayed equally ^7^ wo na^rti^ And in the case of death, sickniesB resi^nxlL « partiej. sehf-f th« *»ia,„ ^r »»t-^RES8, lesjgnalion or necessary a^ setv^c, the place of every such commissioner respeclivcly shall be atipphedm the same mauner as such commissioner rasfim«n pomted,and the new commissioner shall take "£^,^^6 oath £. affirmation, and do the same duties. It i fiSe a^ 'r^^^ SSVtfet'^n'^ *"^'°^'"'"^''' shouldTCrt'edccson ot any ol the boards of commissioners aforesaid, >r of the sov/ reign or state so referred to, as in the fbur next precedtg articles" o? S'^'i*" ^" ■"" '^^'^ dominions of the other^artrfll S nL^v^. ^'^^'iP/f "°"J *" '*^" commencement of%e\ar ^6 Zfhuf^' Zr y- ^^ ^tJ^'C'sion or decisions, been adjudRed to be withm the dommtons of the party having such possession ARTlCtE THE NI«TH. The United States of America entraa^ tr. «.,» t . ^liately after the ratificalTonhe | rSem fre tv to f l^-"?^" with all th* tribes or nations of Indlis, .vhh wfi tlievll f at ^^ at the timeof such ratification ; ^nd fbr«.^Ui to rLS u such tubes or nations, resoectivplv aii .k» """•" ^of<- store to one tlmusand eight hundred and eleven nrevinn! ,^ T i . ..V^ ties : m^i^eAlr^a,., that fuclftS ^n do4 1^^ desist from all hosUiitiesaijainst the U?itcri W« if^ - *'' their cM^.ens and subjects, ^n ^he' S^^"^':? t'^S treaty being notihed to such tribes or nuti^nc „„ i i .? 1^'^f ^^." accordingi;. And his BriJ^n^f lljl^"^^;;.^ L i"na ??' put an endimm^diately after the ratLadS^tSri;,^]^ ^f;^^^^^^^ to hostiht.e« wuh all the tribes or nations of iSs wUh whom shall agree to desist from all host^Iui s gSt hk I it^Lk X jesty,and imsubjec,^, upon the ratificatL ^f t£ SS tr^ being notified to such tribe* nrn«no"= anr* -^-n ^-.^^^ "*^*7 jj5„jy_ i~.iv»„.., anc» Bnaii so actust accord- -.Vi id m 9e '.s "V^hereas the traffic m slaves is irrecpricUcaljleNvith the princi- nlea of huruamty and justice, ami whereas both his Majesty anil the United States art desirous of continuing tlicir efforts to pro- mote its entire abolijiioiv, it is hepby agreed that both the con- tractihg paidea shalflse tiieir bo«t endejivours to ZkCcdw pUi^ so desirable an obfcct; ?.,; . ,■ f his tHaty, when ihe same shall haye been ratifiied op lj©th sides, wi'.hout alteration by either of the contracting parties, and the ratifications mutuaUy exchanged, shall be bindini^ on b:th par- ties, and the i^tifications shall he exchanged at Washiniftf)n, in the space of four months from this day: or sconei' if practieafele. In faith whereof, we the respective Pienipotentiarjes iiave , signed this treatj^ and have therehnto affixed our seals. Done^ in iripltcate, at Ghent, the twenty-fourth day jc^Pe- - ' ;\; ^«€nii>er, Qine thousand eight huncljped and fourteen. ' < (l.8.1' OAMBIER, (L. s.) HENRY GOULBURK, h s.) WILLIAM ADAMS, (us.) JOHN QUI NCY ADAMS, (L. s.) J. A. BAYARD, (t.i) H. CLAY, (l 8.) jONA. RUSiSEt^L, ^ :(t..8.) -r !, ALBERT CfALLAtlN. Now, therefore, to the end that Uie said Treaty o£ Peace and Amity may be observed with good faith, on the part of the United State i, James Madison, President as aforesaid, have caused the premises to be made public ; and I do hereby enjoin all persons bearing: office, civil or military, withm the United States, and all other citizens ^nd inhabitants taereof, or being within the same, faithfully to observe and fulfil the said treat i»d every Clause and article thereof. \ ^ \ . ■ In testimohy whei^of, I have idaused thei seal of the United (sfAt) States to b© affixed to these presents, ^and signed the V^ same with my liand. -/'M Done at the city of Wash^gton, this eighteenth day pf Fe- bruary, in the year of oui' Loi:d one tfjousaftd eight hun- At