.%^r,%. (meaning "CON- TINUED"), or the symb&l V (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at diffferent reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Un des symboles suivants apparattra sur la dernlAre Image de cheque microfiche, seion le cas: le symbols — ► signifie "A SUIVRE". le symbols V signifie "FIN". Les csrtes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre filmfo A des taux de rMuction diff^rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul clichA, il est film* A partir de I'angle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite. et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images nAcessalre. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 ^. [f' J^ A N ADDRESS ,^' TO EDMUND BURKE, Esa. O N H I S L A T E L E T T E R RELATIVE TO THE AFFAIRS of A M E R I C A. f By EDWARD T O P H A M, Cornet of Us Majefty's Second Troop of Horfc-Guards. 4;,. ( - INDEED, IT IS A STRANGE DISPOSED TIME- WHERE MEN DO CONSTRUE THINGS AFTER THEIR FASHION, CLEAN FROM THE PURPOSE OF THE THINGS THEMSELVES. Shakespeare. >-«,iC?:- LONDON: Printed for J. B e w. No. 28, Patcrnoftcr-Row. MDCCLXXVil. ««■ LETTER, &C. %■ 1 SIR, 4 -J • J> IN addrefllng myrelf to you, I feel, I very fcnfibly feel, all the diffidence which a confcioufnefs of your judgment, and a very humble opinion of my own, would naturally infpire. In entering on the field of Politics, I am aware of the difficulties which I have to encounter, and the Adverfary with whom I am to engr.gc j a field where you have long ferved, at leaft with abilities, and in which I am an undifciplined Volunteer. But the importance of fome fubjedls naturally excites the attention of every one. I take the fubjedt of the prefent American Rebel- lion to be of this nature j and the man who, in fuch a caufe, attempts to miflead or divide the paffions of the Multitude, is in mm ( 2 ) fome meafure criminal. Your Friends on the other fide of the Atlantic do not hefitate to pronounce, that thofe natives of America who (to ufe their own expreflion) ** are fo loft to Virtue as not to join in the common caufe," deferve every pu- nifliment. Can, therefore, Mr. Burke, the avowed Partizan, the Imitator of fo much Virtue, be defirous that the Government of this Country fliould not be unanimous, when her deareft in- terefts are atftake, and are now deciding by the Sword ? Should he blame that perfecuting Zeal, which he pretends diftinguifhes this Nation, when he is permitted to publifli his dodrines with impunity, and to inflame the Multitude with mifreprefen- tations ? I do not pay you, Sir, too great a compliment, when I tell you, that there is fornething impoiing in the name of Burke, which, with the charader you bear, fhould make you cautious of hazarding that name on every occafion, or jf employing your abilities for the little purpofes of a Party. ■• With this opinion of your underftanding, I proceed to exa- mine thofe Dodtrines which you have given to the World, and which, in the Letter now before me, you are endeavouring to fpread amongft your Gonftituents. - • ■ '■ ^' '-Ocf'ij.j. • I know very well how feldom any arguments can tempt a Man to renounce his Party j I will, therefore, forego, though reludWatlyj every idea of making you a Convert to my opinions; and. ( 3 ) and, witli all due deference to the Sheriffs of Briftol, who, yoa fhy, *« have always cxprcffcd the moft unqualified difapproha- tion of this war," I null look upon thofe Gentlemen as \o(\. But, wife as tky may be, there aic other men, and tbofc not the lead rcrpedaWe part of this Country, who, removed Irom im- mediate informalion, arc fhll anxious of knowing what palTcs in the Wurld, and who greedily embrace every opportunity of obtaining fome acquaintance with the fuuaiion of our aflairs ; who think that the Prefs teems with nothing but the Trutli, at leaft when fuch a name as that of Burke aJorns the publication. When the opinions of fuch a Man go forth, and remaining un- anfwered by the more enlightened, are deemed by the Multi- tude to be unanfwerable, the infedion fpreads wide, and the vitals of Public Strength become corrupted. From what fourco {hall we draw our Seamen and our Soldiers, the bulwarks of our Country, if they believe the caufe. in which they go is dif- graceful to themfelves, and diOionourable to Britain ? if that animating principle, the Love of their Country, which, fuperior to private confiderations, tempts men to give up the pleafures of Domeftic Life, is torn from them by defigning Men, and the vile arts of Declamation? if they, the Sons of Freedom, can beperfuadcd that they are led forth only to forge chains f.r America, and to enllave their Brethren ? For ( 4 ) For thefc Men I enter the lift : it Is for their information I write. Their good fenfc will cafily determine between So- phiftry and fimple Narrntivc; and when fads are fliirly laid before them, they will pafs an impartial determination. Yt>ui ohjedion, Sir, to what you term " a partial fufpenfion of the Habeas Corpus A(5l," has not, in my opinion, all the weight which you feem to imagine. There never was a Coun- try, in the Annals of Hiftory, that aded on the fame terms againft its Subjeds in Rebellion, as when at war with a feparate and independent Power i for this plain reafon Bccaufe it would perpetually promote Rebellion, if a defperate fett of Men, the moment they took up arms againft: the legal Government of their Country, v ere confidered as making war according to the common law o^ Nations. That the Americans are Subjeds of England, their former fubjcdion to it plainly demonftrates.— You allow them to be Rebels, and confequently we have a right to treat them as fuch. Whatever ads of feeming equality have pafied between us and the Americans, have been matter of favour on our part, not of right on theirs. V/hen we ex- changed prifoners with them, it was not that we confidered them as a feparate nation, but from motives of neceflary policy. Whatever law, therefore, co-operating with our arms, that could be framed to bring this Rebellion to the mod fpeedy iffue, 'vas, in truth, the bell and mofr compafllonate. Of this nature is is) is the fufpciifiyn €f the Habeas Corpus, of wliich yru compl.iin. In its efFcds it is pcrfedly confonant to the common law oftlic land againft Piracy, and an At\ of Parliament of this nature was the only method of comprehending thole, vho, after hav- ing committed the moft dire(ft ads of Piracy, might endeavour to flieltcr themfelves under the name of Rebellion. If we widi for proofs of this, it is well known, that, during the continuance of this unhappy war, a numerous felt of men, unlicenfcd by any fpecies of hoftile Juilice whatever, and without direct authority from their own Powers, have purchafed vcflels on their owa account, and gone out to fea with the hopes of paying them- felves by their depredations. Thefc men, though iheltcred un- der the appearance of open and declared war, liave converted to their own ufe alone the profits of fuch captures. I need noli mention the various (hips from the Weft Indies that have fallen into their hands, which they have plundered without any pretence of jaflice, and whofe Owners they have treated in the vileft and moft barbarous manner. I appeal to every one, whe- ther Piracy is too harfli a name for fuch actions ; or whe- ther it is cruel that againft thefe People the prcfent A6t of Parlia- ment fliould be diredcd, that they might no longer have a pre- tence for concealing themfelves under the general banner of Re- bellion, or be exchanged as prifoners of war. However highly, ^ir, you may think of the honour of Rebellion, you v.- ill allow, C. that ( 6 ) • that llicre is neither honour nor reputation attenJs the Men from whofe Rebellion their Country receives no benefit ; who lock up to no Common Good ; who fight not under the pretence even of Liberty j and whom, if they thus obtain a vile and precarious fubfiftence, no immediate advantage to America, no want of their afliftancccan keep on fliorc. But thofe People •' of miAakcn Virtue," for whom your feel- ings arc fo much intereftcd, have experienced all the generofity of this Couiury, and been exchanged as prifoners of war ; an ad of favour which they had no right to expc£t from the En- Mifli. But fliould even Mr. Wafliington bimfclf, deferting his prcfent honourable occupation, infeft the fea for his own private emolument, and be taken in the offence, it will not be a matter of much confequence to his reputation, whether he fuffers for Ills paft or prefent tranfgrciTions ; whether he is hanged as a Pirate, or executed as a Rebel : for with all the fafhionable al- lowance for Rebellion, in my opinion, the title of Rebel is neither honourable nor meritorious — nor is the diftindiion worth -contending for. The fecond profefied purpofe of the Ad, as you are plcafed to fay, is to detain for trial in England, thofe who (hall com- mit High Treafon in America. If you allow that the Ameri- cans are guilty of Treafon, of which no one has any doubt, in what place are they to be tried in England or America ? Spppofe ( 7 ) Suppoll" a peace concUulcd heiwccii the two Countiic?, woiilil Mi\ liiiikc wilh that ilic cnptlvcs llioulil be rcturnai to Amcii- ci, to be tried by ihcir own Countrymen, who hud been equal - ly criminal with thj prilbncr, and who conrequrntiy could not aa with impartiality ? They muft, therefore, be tried in Eng- land } in that Country againft which they committed the offence ; who arc the only Judges of their criminality ; and wliere they would ftand, at leaft, a fair chance in their trial by Jury, by the care that has been taken byyourfelf, and by your Party, to propagate principles fo favourable to their cauf<^. But fuppofing, Sir, that this Sufpenfion fliould be hung up, as probably it may be, and frequently has been, merely to lliike terror, and to convince thofe who might be inclined to rebel, that they were liable to fuch punifhmenl ; can any thing be well more flagitious, firft by ycur maxims to encourage them to Rebellion, and then to enforce the confiru^lion of thii Ad againft them? Can you anfwer it to yourfelf, fiiend as you wi(h to be thought to the Liberties of America, to extort the definition of that A&. whitb muft be hoaile to them, and inftead of fuffering Adminiilration to cxcrvifc their com- paflion, to bring down upon the heads of the Americans the ftorm that might haply pafs over them ? Your analogy t)ctvveen former Rebellions in this Country and the prcfcnt, is unde- ierving of notice. The Power which could eafily conquer and Jtcure ( 8 ) ftcurc a few difcoiitented Highlanders, muft ad on olhcr piin- ciples againft the vafl Continent of America. With your apologies for non-attendance in the Houfe of Com- mons, 1 have nothing to do j it may probably be neceffary to make cxcufes to your Conftituents, and may enfure your future feat ; but it is not altogether a fair argument to conclude, that thofe who are not convinced by what you have faid, muft be deaf to conviaion. They have attentively liftencd to all the force of your rhetoric, and are not to blame if their fentiments do not coin- cide with your's. It muft be confeffed, however, that whether your endeavours have been animated with the fpirit of Party, or the good of your Country,, you have loft no rational opportunity of difplaying them ; and when Parliament has been incorrigible, you publifti your fentiments to the World in a manner the moft zealous muft approve, and the moft feditious cannot con- demn. I will not, Sir, retrace the affeding pidlure which you draw ef the manners of this Country, for I wifti it to be forgotten. The Man who is truly a Patriot, would wifli that fuch fcenes were only imaginary; and a wife Man would,, at leaft, conceal our diftreffes, and not expofe them, to the World. Is it thus that Mr. Burke pays his court to Power? Is he that gallant Lover who is to win the afFedions of )iis Miftrefs by cxpofiog her failings ? by telling her of her defefts, and tearing ( 9 ) tearing away the veil that hides her imperfedions, if fuch there arc, by proclaiming them to the Public ? I know, Sir, that it is the difingenuous but uniform cuftom of thofe out of office, to hold forth a pidbure of calamity which probably never exifted, and to paint a long and melancholy fcene of diffi- culties which, if true, it would be criminal to mention. But fliould the fmallcft foundation for fuch a difplay be no where to be found, it is then their method to have recourfe to the tendency of meafures they difapprove, to alarm the minds of the affrighted Populace with a pretended forefight of events that never can happen, and to point to the vifionary forms of their dWrt imagination. There k not any thing. Sir, forgive me the expreffion, that can be more diftioneft than fuch a proceeding : It is the poor artifice of a Quack, who, fuggefting to the fick man's relations a pretended danger in his difeafe which he alone can cure, turns out the regujiar Phyfician : then Aiding into his place, he makes the moft of the time that is allowed him, and' pilfers the belplefs Patient without- remorfe. In proceeding. Sir, in the difplcafing talk of examining your Letter, I fliall think myfelf amply repaid for the trouble I may have, if I can communicate one ray of information to thofc; difpaffionate People for whom 1 write j if I can ftrip your arguments of thofe flov^ry v^^readis that adorn them, and ' ^^*^" D difcovcr ( lo ) difcover their deformity. I appeal to your own good fenfe, and to that tolerating fpirit which you profefs, whether it is confiftent with fuch a fpirit to wiOi, That the experience of every evil may alone lead us to convidion j that the ruin of this Country may immediately enfue from an Aft of Parliament, becaufe it may poflibiy be prejudicial, becaufe it may operate as a precedent for future encroachments upon Liberty, and may affed Pofterity? Tho' allowing it to be deftrudive, the force of it muft terminate with the prefent Rebellion. It is painful to a generous mind to obferve how that rancour of Party which I have defcribed, can banifli every common fentiment of humanity, and lead a man to encourage animo- fities bctwesn thofe whofe interefts ought to be firmly united, whofe dUTcntions muft be fatal to this Country. Can any thing but this fpirit induce the conciliating Mr. Burke to excite divifions between the Englifli and German Troops, becaufe the latter are Foreigners, and have behaved in a manner defcrving every commendation ? Is it worthy of your charafter to infult over th^ mem..y of thofe that are fallen in fighting our battles, and who have facrificed their beft blood to gain us advantages, which never could affeft themfelves? Were it probable to fuppofe that a language fo unbecoming a man of honour could ever reach them, and that they could be weak enough to be affeaed by it. how fatally might it operate againft MP ( " ) agalnft the intercfts of this Counti-y ? Were tliey, rcfentful of this ufiige, to forfake us in the day of battle, and defertin;^ their ftandards, leave us to tlie ene.ny would it have charms for Mr. Burke, that his Countryman fliould pay the forfeiture of his mifrcprefentations in fufferings and captivity ? For the honour of this Nation, I will hope that fuch fentiments will be forgotten ; but (hould they be fo unfortunate as to be lememberal, I truft. Sir, that thefe Germans, however con- temptibly you may think of them, will difregard fuch language : that there is a fpirit of real valour amongft them that will lead them to difcharge their duty as foldiers, to acquit themfelves like men of honour in the caufe in which they are embarked, and to fpread the dignity of the Englifli name over the rebellious Continent of America. I fhall not take notice of your predldled triumphs over us. — If the behaviour of the Americans has fatisfied you, 1 am filenr. •——If you think they have fought like men who are fi^^hting for every thing that is dear to them: if you think they have never been afliamed of, or renounced,, their Caule if you think they have preferred death to fubniifllon be it Co. 1 ihall never reproach them with cowardice ; I am too much a friend to this Country to vvifh.that they may behave better. You make it a fubjed of complaint, Sir, that with thefe un- foitunate, thcfe brave Americans, we war not only with the Sword, \. ( »2 ) Sword, but with Laws recently mado, and fabrica^^d for the purpolc. Could we indeed have foretold that fuch a Rebellion would ever have exifted ; that America, forgetting her de- pendance on this Country, would have raifed her arm againft the Parent that fupported her ; we might then have been pre- pared in every way either to prevent or chaflife her ingratitude. Laws can only be made when occafion calls them forth. The unfufpeding confidence of England with fomc rcafon imagined, that fuch a crime would never have been perpetrated : Like the Law-givers of old, they flattered themfelves that an offence fo enormous as that of Parricide would never have exifted In Society. The rapid progrefs, however, of human wickednefs convinced them of their miftakci— and it was then found neceffary to ena(5l punishments adequate to the crime. But violent. Sir, as thefe laws againft the Colonies may be in your opinion, their violence wiU ceafc, when they ceafe to deferve them. The gentle current of Government will foon return to its ferenity. It was the torrent of American Rebellion that forced us to ered banki to refift its impe- tuolity. I pafs over your occafional abufcs of the prefent Miniftlry, be- caufe, Siri they are natural to your fituation. It is, however, fome- what unfortunate that Mr. Burke fhould reprobate all abufe of men merely as Minifters, and then be guilty of what he condemns. It ( 13 ) It rtiews to what wc arc to attribute thofe affedled efFufions of Patriotifm, which feem to breathe the very fpirit of Philanthropy. But fo hard is the temper of thefe times, that we liften to pro- feflions of this fort with fufpicion i and when once we deted a man deviating from his words, we deem that " Political truth Is not m him." You would hold forth a melancholy pidure of the tendency of thefe Ads againft America, to alienate the afFeflions of our Citizens and oui kindred: That our feverity will have the effedtof diflblving all the fecial relations of life ; ** That mankind will «* pay the foifeit of our rafhnefs j that the defolate Widow weeps " tears of bbod over our cruelties." But, Sir, will you deny that thefe fcverities, grievous as they may appear, are neceflary ? . In the a(fl of Rebellion the tics of confanguinity are loft : In private life fuch an unnatural refiftance may be forgiven, for the example operates within a narrow fphere j but in public life, fuch condefcenfion is impofiible. We may anfwer for ourfelves, but we cannot for others : and in this cafe we are jointly to fupport our right in all its confequences — for of a fubrntting, humble, pliant acquiefcence there is no end. We owe it to ourfelves, to our Country, and to our Pofterity, to eftablifli the authority of the parent over the child, becaufe it is the founda- tion of every good Government whatever. Had Brutus given way to the natural ties of affedion, mothers might have ftiled . ,. JS him ( >4 ) liim :in indulgent Parent ; but Rome would have felt the bad example for ever. Though the Americans urged, as you pretend, by our i!l-ufagc, have been compelled to apply to France— it does not, in my opinion, leflen the offence. Were a child of Mr. Burke's to apply to his natural enemy for aid to refift his Father, I prefume he would not think it any proof of the gentlcnefs of his difpofition, or that it entitled him the fooner to forgivenefs. It is an cafy thing to expatiate over the wide fields of declamation, and to cull its flowers at pleafurej but the moment we bring home the application to ourfelves, we are convinced of its ab- furdity. Were you inclined to examine every fide with that accuracy which you certainly pofTefs, you would find that the Americans can look even at Monarchy with no very great aver- fion, by offering, (as you fay) to throw themfelves into the arms of France. Had liberty been their only objedl, they never would have bartered it for defence j nor while they were com- plaining of the deprivations of Freedom from one quarter, would they voluntarily give it up in another. Give me leave. Sir, proceeding along with your Letter, to offer fome Objeftions to that great principle which you think fo clear, and which you deliver in fuch decifive language, — " That the difprjition of the People of America is wholly averfe to any $ther than a free Government" Without dwelling at this mo- ment ( '5 ) nient on what kind of Government may be cfl:cemcd the mol> free, we may aflc, whether it is only at this inftant- that this great, this vital principle has ftarted forth into being, and whether it has only lain dormant for the uninterrupted fpace of a number of years ? Have they not quietly fubmitted to our Government, and thought it perfeift Freedom, till thofe troubled Spirits, thofe Catilines of the Age, who exift but in national troubles and diftrefs, perfuaded them that untried forms were better, and told them, that under the prefcnt Government of England they were no better than flaves ? There is frequently in words fomething that degrades us for a moment in our own opinions, and leaves us not at liberty to examine on what bafis fuch de- clarations are founded. The heat of parties was excited by de- grees, and men, who to that moment had efteemed themfelves perfedly free, began to think there was fome reafon in what was fo frequently aflerted, that the Freedom they felt was a limited permiflion, not a right, and which they were liable to be deprived of every moment. Animated with Zeal on one hand, and Sufpicion on the other, they refolved to hazard fomething which might bring this opinion to the teft. In every Country whatever, there are a thoufand people who, having neither ta- lents nor occupation, are ready, at the call of fome defperate In- novator, to be the humble inftruments of his Ambition. It is obfervable, that in the firfl commotions in America, not one man ( i6 ) man of real property or good charader was to be found. The progrefs of Contention has fomething that animates even the moft indifferent, and forces them to be decided in their condiidt. Such was the cafe in America. The popular cry increafing, made thofe who had formerly feen no right i 'omplain, imagine that they were aggrieved j and men of reputation, who dared not to think for themfelvcs, wPre refolved to fliew they did not want apprehenfion, when fo many were groaning under bur- thens, which they pretended were unable to be borne. When thefe Men were obtained, it was an eafy thing to forward the views of thofe whom every poflible change of Government could not alter for the worfe j Men whofe circumftances had nothing to fear from Fortune, and whofe manners were never calculated for the peaceful duties of private life; Men, Sir, who hold forth in popular AfTcmblies ; who can difcolour Truth, can manage the Multitude by their Eloquence, and drefs out Vice in the ornaments of Virtue. I repeat it, Sir, that when the harangues of fuch Men are tolerated in any Govern- ment whatever, it muft be fatal j for while they are rioting in all the exceffes of Licentioufnefs, they imprefs on the minds of the People the idea that they are Slaves. I am not wrong when I alTert, and I appeal to every Man who has applied him- fclf to American affairs to bear witnefs of my aflertion, that Men of this charafter firff laid the foundation of the prefent Re- bellion . ( «7 ) bellion in our Colonies. If in the natural progrcfs of war their Towns have been depopulated, it is thefe Men who are to blame -, if " the widow has wept in tears of blood" over her hu(band, it is the humanity of thefe Men which has occa- fioned it ; if their fields have been laid waftc, if Defolation ftalks through the land, it is not to be charged to our cruelty, but to the tcndernefs of thofe Men who have taliced loud for the welfare of America, and have been the pretended aflcrtors of her Freedom. But, Sir, if your friends the Americans were fo anxious for a free Government, what mode of Government could be more perfeaiy free than that of England ? Was it not the work of the beft and wifeft Men that ever exiacd, and who facrificed their fortunes, their lives, every thing that was dear to them, to give it a (lability i Men who had as ficred a regard for Liberty as your virtuous Americans; the Ruffels Sidneys, Hampdens, Cokes: Names, at leaft, equal to thofe of Adams or of Han- cock ? Is not this Government which you depreciate, at this day the admiration of all other countries, who think it the per- feaion of human Freedom ? Were the Americans defired to fubmit to any thing to which the natives of this Country did not fubmit? or could they fear any impofitions which we fliould not have felt as well as themfelves ? Might they not fafely have trufted to that Spirit of Independence which you yourfelf boaft F fo ( i8 ) fo much of, and which would not have fuffcrcd the Iceds ol' Tyranny to have taken root ? That unfufpedling confidence which yoL' fay once fubfifted between this Country and Ame- rica, is certainly at an end i but it was not our Minifters that (icftroyed it. No, Sir j it was the Americans who firft broke this confidence ; when they were making preparations for future hoflilities in the lap of Peace j when their troops were allowed to be difciplincd within the walls of Bofton, then occupied by our army. — Will you deny that thefe unfufpedting Americans had been gradually arraying themfelves for war for a number of years ? Did not they firft begin the outrages that occafioned it, by oppofing themfelves to their Governors, deftroying every remnant of legal Juftice, and robbin;; the Eaft India Merchants of their property ? If this, Sir, is not. deftrrying unfufpedting confidence, 1 know not what is. Were we then to enforce our laws, or would you have had us waited in patient humility for ftill further adts of violence, till we were incapable of refifting them ? The Principles of Law rnay demand that we fhould not defend our own lives till the extremity of felf-ptefervation makes it neceflary j but national prudence and national honour require more immediate exertion. I repeat to you, Sir, it was the virtuous Americans who firft learnt the fecret of taking an unfufpedled advantage of our confidence ; who claimed a right from one exemption to exercife another} and whofe whole condudi wa« ( '9 ) was a dirtioncft fcrics of illegal incroathnicnts, from the repeal of the Stamp Ad to their outrageous robbery at IJoilon. Their future manner of concluding the war has been of apiece with the com- mencement of it. The mean cruelly of liellroying Ceniincis on their port, their lying in wait for individuals, their inhumanities exercifed over them, and their laft attempt to fct fire to New- York, are proofs of a mean low barbarity unequalled in the I hftory of Human Things. For the honour of cur nature, I would impute thefc (ad outrages to popular entbufiafm : but woe to thofe People who have feduced thcfe unhappy wretches by their per- fuafions, who have held forth the deceitful advantages of Free- dom, and who have railed for themlclves an empty and momen- tary applaufe over the ruins of mankind. I beg pardon for employing fo much tinie in tracing over the fcenes that have led to this unhappy v^ ar for difculVions of that kind are now too late. The Sword is already drawn, and cannot be fheathed without fatisfadion. The Americans will probably now receive no terms from our hands, but concef- fions of what ihey demand, and what we cannot grant without indignity. I lament as much as you can do the confcquenccs of War, but I do not date from it any material difadvantage to this Country. Peace and War feem the natural changes of the Political World; and, like the viciflltudes of feafons, con- tribute to its profperity. It is the part of little minds, and not ( 20 ) hi of Mr. Burke, to be adonKlicd at tlio appciranccs of tlic day : He niouKl look forwanl to the n)oral good llicy may pro ire, and nut l>c dazzled with the names of things, wliich arc only good or b.id in rchition, and not ib in reality. For my part, I own I fee many honourable advantages ihat will arifc to this Country frcm her conquert over America, and look forward to the happy profpcd of days, which we miy not live to fee, but which our Poftcrity will enjoy after us. No rcafonable Man will 'Icny, that the prcfent War is a contcrt for Empire, which fortunately for our glory has happened fo foon. It may pofTibly be attended with partial dlfadvantages to the prcfent times; but it will ultimately lead to our honour, and fix on a firm bafis — -//jt' Britijh Goviripnciit. — Many brave inen have fallen, and may flill fall in fupporting our rights; mothers, perhaps, may forget the advantages of their Country in lamenting over the lofs of their children ; our national expcnccs may poflibly for a time be enlarged, and our taxes increafed ; and fclfifli men may exclaim, that they have loft fo much from the little gratifications of luxury : but the man of more elevated fentiments^ who looks beyond the narrow precincSls of the day, will never lament that he has contributed his part to the well-being of a Country which has protedted him with her laws, and defended his pro- perty with her own. No foldier, I am confident, but will readily facrifice his life, when it tends in one in fiance to confirm the ( 21 ) tlie glory of hb Country. Their niacrlty h.i3 already provcil their fciJtitncnts, and their opinion of the jufticc of that cauH* in wiiicli they go. The bcfl: families of tliis kingdom lee, and rejoice in feeing their fons forward to diftinguifh ihcmfclvcs in again fixing the Britilh Standard in America. They rejoice not bccaufe they imagine that any mctaphylical points, or fpeculativc advantages, are the objed of this conteft ; but bccaufe the very being of this Country depends upon the illiic j bccaufe were we mean'y to retreat from this war, the lives which we might poffibly favc by fuch a condud would not then be worth our care : the humble objects of pity to America, and the derlfion of the world. What future profits wc may draw from our Colonies, will be beft known when this war fliall be at an end. I could lay out pleas with the fame eafe that you could con- tradidl them } but I dwell not upon the mere affirmation of any man who has an intereft in the queflion. When thofc, who are now fo loud in the liberties of America, fhall have betaken themfelves to France j and who preferring, as they fay, death to imaginary flavery, (hall retire before our arms, and entrench themfelves in exile ; when thefe men, having plundered a de- luded people, (hall fly with the fruits of their rapine, and laugh in fome fafe corner of the world at the folly of the Multitude ; G the C ^2 ) tl.' 5 peaceful Empire of England will again be ftretched over America : her inhabitants, having feen the efFedls of trufting to fuch men, will quietly fubmit to that parental authority which may probably forgive the returning penitent. At fuch a moment England will again refume her former glory. Her rights will again be eftabliflied on a t you are pleafed to aflert, the people of America wifli it likewife. The natural devaftations of war are always terrible, but doubly fo to thofe who are in the midft of them. Have not they who have already fubmitted to Government willingly renounced their errors ? And if any have been weak and wicked enough to return to their offences, you will not, I ^refume, draw any argument of the juftice of the caufe itfejf from thofe who fay every thing to all men, who violate their oaths, and difregard their faith — from thofe who fet at nought perjury and proftitution. " . - • ' I beg > ( 23 ) I beg pardon for detaining you fo long on a fubjed where no- thing that I can fay will have any weight with you j but if thefc pages, the production of an hafty hour, fliould lead to flop the poifon of your opinions from infedtin^; the middle rank of the people in this kingdom, I (hall be fatisfied. I again repeat it : It is for their information alone that I have flightly traced over mcafures that are already fufficiently known to many, but on which it may not be improper that they fhould determine. If I fhall have been of any fervice to them, my humble ambition will be fatisfied with the confcioufnefs of having honeftly de- livered my opinion. . From Mr. Burke's arguments in favour of the Americans, I now turn to Mr. Burke himfelf, whom I am forry to find en- gaged in the uYi worthy, fruitlefs ofiice of keeping alive an ex- piring flame. Such an addrefs. Sir, may be new to you ; but I wifh it to make fome imprefllon on your mind. Should any terms thiat may difpleafe you fall from my pen, I willingly dif- claim any idea of perfonal offence j but I fhall not be deterred from giving you my fentiments in plainriefs and fincerity. Profef- iing, rs the only teft of Virtue and of Honour, to attach yourfelf to a fett of men of principle and reputation, you become the dupe of a Party who hope to rife by your abilities. They employ you upon evtry occafion, where it may be necelTary to difplay you either ( 24 ) either as a Speaker to Parliament, or as a Writer to your Coi>fti- tuents at Briflol. Y- a forget, that while you hold forth your own Party as the moft virtuous men in the Kingdom, you lead us to make comparifons, which probably may not be favourable cither to them or to yourfelf : or even allowing them to be fo, you make no account for the operation of the common paffions of mankind, for the envy you muft naturally excite in being admit- ted to fo virtuous a Company. But I imagine that I fhall nctfeem paradoxical in declaring, that all violent combinations of Virtue are feldom governed by that principle. The man who uniformly oppofes a Minifter is, generally fpeaking, in the wrong ; for, with every allowance to the frailties common to every one, he who has the ftrongeft obligations to be good, is moft likely to be fo. If, therefore, a Party, " a Confervatory of Virtue" afTo- ciate together for the purpofe of hunting down a Minifter, and ftedfaftly perfift in the chace, however they mi.y deceive them" felves or others by the fpecious names of Patriotifm and Virtue, it is in reality a mark of neither. To ftem fuch a torrent, few would accept the office of Minifter, while the very name is an objedl of reproach, and which fubjefting to cenfure the good equally with the bad, deftroys the diftindlions of Vice and Vir- tue. Such is the tendency of Party Spirit, which oppofing itfelf to the ads of Government indifcriminately, does harm without intention, ( 25 ) intention, and good only by miftakc. In thofc who polTcfs it, it is one of the moft degrading panions the mind can feci -, for it fwallows up each difinterefttd Icntiment, ai;d buricF. in a low, poor ftruggle for places and for penfions, every generous wifli for the welfare of our Country. Whoever :e the parts that compofe fuch an union, is to me matter of indifference ; I am not dazzled with the fplendor of names ; nor am I eafily convinced, that there is any inhercLt charm in the name oi l^entivorth to bcftow on honefty, or in the whole houfc of Ca'vendijl, wife and placid as it may be, to infpire abilities. As to yourfelf. Sir, though you poflfefs a very uncommon fliare of underftanding, you have unfortunately been led into the only line where that excellent underftanding could be perverted and loft. Formed to examine men and things with metaphyfical precifion, the heat and violence of Parties have diftradted your rttention, and made you a florid Speaker without winning the paflions, and a laboured Writer without convincing the under- ftanding. That cloud of popu. applaufe for which you have fo unwifely facrificed your time, raifed by you, pafles on to others of more elevated rank, and fettles there, leaving you be- hind the humble and unnoticed inftrument of their ambition. H In ( 26 ) In a fitiiation To } ainful to men of real abilities, can the Ccn- fil)lli;y of Mr. Buikc rtmain unafi-ldled ? Will he lend out his talents for the little piiip;;(l's of his Friends, and bear to facrifice the credit of his own character for their advancenient ? ' ■ . h th re fo mortifying a pi^llure as that of a man who, pofTefT- ing on heart fenfible of feeling, finds fentiments propagated as his, of which he kiijws the abfurdity, and writings given to the World, replete with the virulence of his Party, for which he alone feels the (hame ? This is a fad alteration, indeed, of the National Charadcr ! Servitude in the midft of Freedom! What unwile purpofe of intered, what humble gratification of ambi- tion, cjn be adequate to fuch an exchange, when we voluntarily give up our frcjdom of mind, and that indepcndancc over which even a Tyrant has no right ? Can the reputation of abilities alone compenfate for the lofs of every other better qualification ? Or can Mr. B. imagine that he is employing thofe abilities in a reputable manner, when he is propagating the heated violence of Oppofition, and fpreading dilaffedion through every part of the kingdom } * - • , Eelicve me. Sir, when I tell you, that whatever you may think of me, I am zealous for your Honour ; and i.'^I have faid any mortifying things, they have proceeded from an honefl: re- gard to your real reputation. However flattering it may ap- pear ( 27 ) pear to you to be thought a ready Speaker, rxperlcnce muft have • informed you, that you are not heard with attention. The rea- fon is plain Becaufe it is imagined that you are only the in- ftru(5tcd deliverer of the fentiments of other men. — You will remember, that Dcmofthenes himfclf, for ^-^ ne time, was re- fpecfled not more for his oratory than for the honefty of his principles — but the moment he became the known Partisan of Philip, his talents only made him the more contemptible. A memorable inftance in how little eftimation the highefl: abilities are held, when they are once difcovered to be employed for private ends, and not for the publIc good ! I have the honour to be. Sir, Your obedient humble fervant, EDWARD TOPIIAM. :t ■I