THE
ritisfi Empire League.
Offices at
BOTOLPH HOUSE, EASTCHEAP, E.G.
(C. FREEMAN MURRAY, Secretary).
^«%.
epovt of 3t><^^ch
L'Y
fk RllpHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN, M.P.,
ON
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 25th, 1896.
^RlSf-
Printed by kind permtssiun of tbe Author.
4lt^
mi
|lte?;ibfnt :
HXS GRACE THE DXJKE OF DEVONSHIRE. K.a
Son. Ijxmslxxzx -
THE RIGHT HON SIR JOHN LUBBOCK. Bart., M.P.
Cl^airmuit oi €xecutil)C :
SIR ROBERT G W. HERBERT, G.C.B.
W. HERBERT DAW» F.S.I.
0» FREEMAN MURRAY.
H
J'
»/. ^^3C^>^^* /^
MR. CHAMBERLAIN
ON
"A ZOLLVHREIN FOR THE EMPIRE;"
TiiK recent speech of The Iviglit Hon. J. Cliiimherlain, M.P.,
to the Canada Chib, l)eini>' the leading ollicial pronouncement
on one of the principal subjects specified in the Constitution of
the liritish lOnipire League, the Executive Committee have
thought it desirable to reprint for the use of the members
an authentic report of this s})eech, witli Mr. ('hamberlain's
sanction.
They do not thereby commit the League to any present
opinion on the important proposition set out by Mr. Chamberlain
for general consideration : but as the members of the League
are specially interested, and may not improbably take part,
in the discussi(jn which it is desired to elicit, it ha.s appeared
opportune to supply the speech in a convenient form to the
League. .
SPEECH BY THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN, M.P.
Mli. CUAMiiKKLAlN. who on risin;^- to rt'spond to the toa^tof '*Tho
(lovenior-tiouerai (iho Earl of Aberdeen) and the Douiiuion of
Canada." was roctnvoil with prolouj^a^l cheers, salt! : — " Mr. President
and (ientlemen, — I feel lioiiourod in lifiiiji' a-<:-iociuto«l in this toast
with Dr. Montague, a meinber of the Ministry and of the PurHument
of Caniula, and I hav<^ nuich pleasure in meeting so many representa-
tives of that great Donunion. which, whethiir \\v have ro<jar<l to the
area of its tt^rritory. to its population, to its natural resources, or to
any other test by which wc ^laufie the ;rreatness of a j>cople. stands
to-day first amou^ the i/roup of kindretl natiuui' which tojrether with
the United Kin}r<lom I'ormtlit' IJriiish Empire. (Chcor^.) I Imvcoii
two ocuJiHioiiH had the itk!U><ure of virtitin^'- Canada, and I liavu luwl
tho opiM)rtunity of niakin^r the aiKiuaintanco of many of her lejuliny
Htatesmcn. and notably of the late Sir John Maodonald. that most
Imperially- minded man (eheers). whose ^^'uidin^i' idea throujrhont
his lon<j: political life was to maintain intact the local independence
of Canmla in clo«; alliance with the mother country. (Cheers.) I
think that at times he had no easy task. (Hear, hear.) There were
prominent men on both sides of the Atlantic who at one tini(i
assume<l that the manifest destiny of Canada was to be absorbed into
the jcreat Republic on its southern frontier, (•' Xo, no" ; " Never.")
Thit was the opinion. (Hear, hear.) It is an ancient controversy,
and I do not think it necessary to refer to it to-ni}j'ht oxcei)t to mark the
contrast b ^tween tli • doubt, and hesitation of those days and the
determination now of every son of Canada to maintain his local
institutions, his stiparatt; idenaty. and at the same time to draw closer
the bonds which unite him to the ^-reat parent State. (" Hear,
hear," and cheers.)
CANADIAN LOYAIiTY.
The recent isolation of the United Kinydom, the dan-^crs which
seemed to threaten us. have evoked from all our colonies, and
especially from Canada, an outburst of loyalty and affection which
has reverberated throujjhout the world, which has had a <,''reat effect,
and which testifies to a sentiment that is <lceper than words can
express. (( 'hetns.) \Vo have been told by cynics that these expressions
of loyalty and affection are superfluous — that they are the ornaments
of after-dinner oratory ("No, no"), but that they would not bear
the tost and trial of serious conflict, that if a war should ever arise
the mother country would bu left to her fate (" Xo. no"), and that
the colonies would take care of themselves. That idea, at any rate,
must have been ilisjxjlled by what has recently happenetl. (Hear,
hear.) The shjwlow of war did darken the horizon, and to none of
her Majesty's subjects was that shadow more ominous than it was to
our fellow citizens in Canada; but there was no hesitation, althoujih.
if that hiul hapiHjned which would have been abhorrent to all of us,
the brunt in the first instance would have fallen on Canada. A
unanimous voice went up from the peo})le and Parliament of Canada
to say that this matter, although it did not directly affect their
interests, yet affected the honour of the British Empire, and they
made common cause with us. (Cheers.) They were jireparetl to
stand shoulder to shoulder and to bear their share in all the evils
that miyht come upon us. Their decision was emphasized in
thp debate to which you. l^Ir. President, have referred, which took
place recently in the Dominion Parliament, and the moral of whicli
wan summe<l up in the conclusion of the elofjuent speech of Mr.
M'Xeill. the mover of a loyal and patriotic resolution, when he said, —
** The British people are one people, aniraatwl by one spirit, and
•letermined to stand to;rether as one man in defence of their common
rijjfhts and in the maintenance of their common interests." (" Hear,
hear," and cheers.) " We desire peace before all, we rejfard war
with horror, but wo are prejmred to accept it with all its con-
sequences, come from what (juarter it may. if it be necessary to do
so in order to defend the honour and the inte},''rity of our own
Empire." (Cheers.) I call your attention to the last v ords of the
orator. He speaks of " our own Empire." and he struck the ri^ht
chord, for the Empire of (Jreat Britain i-> the common heritajre of all
her sons, and is not the appana;,'e of the United Kinjfdom alone.
(Cheers.) Xow. in the course of that debate many sj)eeches wen-
made all to the same etfect, and the resolution was unanimously
passed with acclamation.
IMPBKIAL FEDERATIOiN.
But a^-ain and a<rain allusion was made to the opiwrtunity, to tht
occasion, which every well-wisher to the unity of the Empire wa^
bound to seize, and a hope was expressed that somethinjr mijrht be
done to brinjr us nearer to^^ether. Sir, we share that hope. ('' Hear,
hear," and cheers), and I ask you now, trentlemen. is this demonstra-
tion, this almost universal expression of loyalty from all our
Colonies, to pass away without a serious effort upon the part both ol
colonial and Imperial statesmen to transform these hiyh sentiments
into practical results .' (Cheers.) I have, at any rate, thou^'ht that
it was my duty the first time I had the opportunity of speakinjr at
least to call attention to the position of this ;rreat question, which
has been before us now fcr a «ood number of years, which has
appealed stronjfly to the sentiments of the people, but which has not
up to the present time resulted in anythin;r like a practical scheme.
In the year 1884 a lea^'ue was formed — the Imi)erial Federation
Leajfue — under the most favourable auspices. The late Mr. Forster
was its president, and it afterwards enjoyed the a.ssistance of a lon^r
series of distinjruished statesmen and prominent personaj^es ; but two
years a{fo it was dissolved without havinjr accomplished its object,
unless, indeed, its chief object was the education of public opinion to
the importance of the subject. Sir, I think that we may, at all
events, learn from its ex}>erience that the realization of our Lopes, if
they arc in the direction of a federation of the Empire — their final
tt
rciili/ation — is a matior ot such vast ma;;nitu(k' and such uivat coui-
l)lication that it cannot be undertaken at tlie present time. But it
'l(»es not follow that on that account we should i;ive up our aspira-
tions. (Hear, hear.) It is only a proof that we must approach the
^•oal in a diflFerent way. that we must not try to do everythiuy all at
once, that we must seek the line of least resistance. To create a new
u'overnment for tlie British Emi»in — -a new government with larj^'-e
l)(>wers of taxation and lejrislation over countries sei)arated by
thousands of miles of sea, in conditions as various aw those which
prevail in our several dependencies and colonies — that, indeed would
hi- a duty from which the bolde^^t statesman mitjht shrink appalled.
We may, however, approach this desirable (jonsnmmation l)y a process
»f gradual development. (Hear, hear.) We may bear in mind the
words of an ohl poet — that
" No vast desiyn was ever snatched in haste;
" 'Tis patience heaves it on."
( Cheers.)
COMMON INTERESTS AND OMMGATIONS.
We may endeavour to establish connnon interests and common
ol)ligations. When we have done that it will be natural .that .»ome
sort of representative authority should j^jrow up to deal with the
interests and the oblij^'-ations we have created. What is the greatest
of our common oblii:ations .' It is Imperial defence. What is the
irreatest of our common interests .' It is Imperial trade. (Hear,
hear.) And those two are vei'y closely connected. It is very
difficult to see how you can ])retend to deal with the great question
of Imijerial defence without having first dealt with the question of
Imperial trade. Imperial defence is largely a matter of ways and
means, and ways and means are dependent upon the fiscal and
other commercial arrangements you may make; and, therefore, the
conclusion to which I arrive is this — that if the people of this
country and the people of the colonies mean what they have been
saying, and if they intend to approach this (juestion of Imperial
unity in a practical spirit, they must approach it on its gommerqial
4tle. ,, , ' ,,. ,.;.^!
THE EXAMPLE OK THE GEKMAN EMPIRE,
We have a great example before us in the creation of the German
Empire, How was that brought about .' You all recollect that, in
the first instance, it commencetl with the union of two of the States
which now form that great Empire in a commercial ZoUverein.
They attracted the other States gratlually — were joined by them for
commercial purposes, A council, a Reichsrath, was formed to deal
with thoso commercial (lUestioiH. (irailually in their discussion"*
national objects an«l political interests were introtluceii. and so, from
startinjf as it did on a purely commercial basis an<l for commercial
interests, it dovelope<l until it became a Ijond of unity and the founda-
tion of the German Empire. We have another reason why we should
approach this subject from its commercial side, and that is that in
rejrard to this the colonies, to whose f eelinys we must pay the utmost
deference, who mu.st. in fact, in one sense at any rate, take the initiative
in any movement, have clearly ])ointed by their action to commercial
union as the point upon which, as they consider, the whole subject
is most ripe. Why. what happened at the }rreat conference at Ottawa
which was held in 1HI)4 .' The princijml resolution — princi]>al. at all
events, in rejrard to its importance — which was passed at that
conference, was in the followin<r terms : — •• That this conference
records its belief in the advisability of a Customs arranjrement
between Great Britain and her colonies, by which trade within the
Empire may be placed upon a more favourable footinof thau tlia<-.
which is carried on with foreij:n countries." (Cheers.) It is quite
true that that was the declaration of a {general principle, and that
no definite jilan was submitted to or mlopted by the conference, but
we have other means of information. We are acquainted with the
-speeches that were made there, and we know what was in the minds
of the dele;rates. I observod in The Thnea this morninjjr a tele^raixT
from Canada which tells us that I\Ir. M'Neill. the gentleman who
move<l the patriotic resolution to which I have already referred, has
move<l another resolution in the House of Commons of Canada, by
which he proposes to declare that it is desirable in the interests of
Great Britain and of the colonies that a moderate ad valorem duty,
independent of any existinjr duty, should be imposed both by the
colonies and by the mother countrj' upon all imports from foreijrn
countries. (Cheers.) That, therefore, is the sujifg'estion, for I will
call it no more, it is not a formal proposition, but it is the sug-,i?estiou
that has been made to us by our colonies for carryinjr out a system
of commercial union. At any rat? a proposition of that kind is
entitled to respectful consideration, and if we object to it. we ou^ht,
r think, to propose an alternative, or we oujjht — and this is the only
other thin*,' for us to do — t ) say at once that all that we have said,
Jill that we have done, all that we have thou<rht about Imperial unity
ha- been thrown away and that that idea must bj abandoned as an
empty dream. Now, bir, do not let us minimiz .1 the proposition we are
asked to consider. It would involve in the oi^e of the United Kinjrdom
a mo*t serious disturbance of our trade ; it would be a jrreat chanjfe
in the principles which for many yeary pa»t have jruided our commer-
cial policy. It involves the imposition of a duty, it may be a small,
but it is a duty upon food and upon raw material. an<l whatever
may be the result of imposing such a duty as to which, if I had time.
I could discourse for many minutes — whatever may be the actual
result — the tendency is to increase the cost of livini? which would in-
crease the pressure upon the working-classes of this country (No, no
and hear, hear), and it would also have a tendency to increase the cost
of production, which would put us, of course, in a worse position
than now in competition with forei«i:n countries in neutral markets.
THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE PROPOSAL.
1 see no use in shutting my eyes to the consequences of the proposition
(cheers), which I desire to consider with an impartial mind. The first
thinfr is to establish the facts, and the facts are as I have stated. In
return, under this proposal we should ^'et a small, and a very small,
consideration in the shape of a preference of. it may be 2 per cent., it
might even be 5 percent., in our competition with forei<fn manufactures
in the colonial market. Now. what. then, is the propo-ial we are
asked to consider 1 It is a very startlinj^ proposal for a free-tra<le
country (hear, hear), and I say that in its present form it is a proposal
which it is impossible for us to adopt. (Cheers.) I do not say that
merely becaus*^ a proposal of this kind is contrary to free-trade
l)rinciples. because althoutrh I am myself a convinced free-trader in
the sense of believinjr that the the theory is undoubtedly the theory
on which the world would become most prosperous, yet I have not
such a pedantic admiration for it that, if sufficient advantag'e were
offered to me. I would not consider a deviation from the strict
<loctrine. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Cobden himself took this view, and
compromised his principles in makin^j the French treaty; and it
cannot be expected that we, his disciples, should be more authodox
than the apostle of free trade himself. (Hear, hear, and laujfhter).
But my point is that in the proposal and the su<rtirestion v-hich has
hitherto been made there is not sufficient qtiid pro quo, the advanti^e
offered is not enough to induce this country to take the certain loss
and the possible risk which would be involved in revising altogether
its present commercial policy. Having regard to the amount of the
colonial duties which are at the present time levied upon British
produce, it is evident that a fixed addition such as is suggeste<l
would be a much smaller preference in the case of goods going to
the colonies than it would be in the case of goods coming from the
colonies to this country. In the case of this country the preference
is given on the present cost price of the goods, but in the colonies
the j)ret'erencu is only added to the cost of the ;»'oods plus the heavy
duties now imi)0scd. The percenta<,'e tliereforc would be much more
in favour of the colonies than it would be in favour of the United
Kinj^dom. (Hear, hear.) But the second point, which is much more
important, is that our foreijrn trade is so jjiyantic in proportion to the
foreign trade of the colonies that the burden of an arran^jement of
this kind would fall with much jTreater weij^ht on the United
Kinj^dom than upon our fellow-subjt^cts in the coloni&s. I therefore
think we may very fairly ask our fellow-subjects in the colonies to
better their offer if. as I believe, they desire to proceed upon those
lines, and if those lines do really offer the best direction in which
we can procxd. • . , ,..
LORD KIPON's despatch. '
The arjjuments I have used, and a jiood number of oI.hers with
which I should not think of wearying- you. have been very ably stated in
an imjjortant despatch which was addressed by my predecessor, Lord
Rijwn. in 18*.);"), to the Governors of all the colonies, and that despatch
has been {^fenerally assumed to be an absolute negative to the projwsals
of the colonies. That is a mistake. That despatch is conclusive,
in my opinion, as to the particular proposal which has up to the
present time been suj-tjested for our consideration. l)ut it does not
bar the door to other proposals, which, bein^»- more favourable, mi^'ht
receive a more favourable consideration. There is one passaj^'-e in
Lord Ripon's despatch, most important in my eyes, which somehow
or other seems to have escaped jicneral attention. It is a paraj^raph
to this effect : — " The resolution (that is. the resolution of the
Ottawa Conference) does not advocate the establishment of a
Customs union eomprisinji- the whole Empire, whereljy all the I'xist-
inji' barriers to free commercial intercourse between the various
meml)ers would be removed, and the agfrre^iiite Customs revenue
eciuitably apportioned amony- the ditt'erent communities. Such an
arrangement " says Lord Ripon. " would be free in principle from
objection, and, if it were jiracticable. would certainly prove effective
in cementing the unity of the Empire and jiromoting its progress
and stability." Now that is another suggestion. That is a sugges-
ticn of an alternative to the proposition which I have btrn consider-
ing ; and I would like to be allowed, in order to nuike the course of
my argument perfectly clear, to summarize what I have said to you
U{)on this point.
i-'ouu ruopoHiTioNb.
I have laid down four iiro|M»sitions which I think cannot be con-
troverted. The first is that there is n universal desire among all the
10
mcraberH of the Erapiro for a closer union between the several
branches, and that, in their opinion as in ours, this is desirable — nay.
it is essential for the existence of the Empire as such. My second
proposition is that experience has taujrht us that this closer union
can be most hopefully approached in the first insttance from its com-
mercial side. My third proposition is that the suyjrestions which
have hitherto been made to us, althouj^^h we know them to have been
made in ^rood part, are, when considered from the point of view of
British interests, not sufficiently favourable to be considered by this
)untry. My fourth jjroposition is that a true Zollverein for the
Empire, that a free trade established throughout the Empire,
although it would involve the imposition of duties against foreign
countries, and would be in that respect a derogation from the high
principles of free trjide and from the practice of the Unittnl Kingdom
up to the present time, would still be a proi)er subject for discussion
and might probably lead to a satisfactory arrangement if the colonies
on their part were willing to consider it. ("Hear, hear," and
cheers.) It ha.s been assumed, in Lord Ripon's despatch and in many
other documents, that the colonies must necessarily refuse to consider
a proposition of this kind because it would interfere with the
necessities of their revenue, that they are obliged to rely upon
indirect taxation for the funds by which their Administration is
carried on, and that they could not enter on such an agreement as
this without providing way and means by methods which, at present
at any rate, are altogether unpopular in many of our colonies. I am
not convinced of the truth of that statement, and I want especially
to jx)int out that the advantages of such a proiKjsal are so great
to the colonies, as they would undoubtedly lead to the earliest
jHjssible development of their great natural resources, would bring-
to them population, would open to them the enormous market of the
United Kingdom for their proilucts, their food, their timber, their
sugar — the advantages, I say, are so important that it appears to me
that the colonies themselves would be bound to give to any sugges-
tion, of this kind at all events, a careful reconsideration.
AN INDIHPENSABLE CONDITION.
My second {H)int is that we are dealing with an entirely exceptional
state of things, and that we cannot, even if we wished, imitate
exactly the German Zollverein. We are not conterminous countries;
we are countries, as I have said, s(*parat<Ml by thousands of miles, in
some cases, and the circumstances of our different countries vary so
considerably that it is evident that in any arrangement as to general
free trade within the Em|)ire excei)tions must be made in the case of
n
articlos that arc chiefly taxed for revenue purposes. For instance,
we cannot admit free trade in spirits or in tobacco, and to any
•rentleman who has any experience other articles will su^-<>-est them-
selves, which in one part of the Empire or another are the subject of
strictly revenue duties, and nii<,'ht. by common a^a-oement, be ex-
cluded from any such arranyfement. But the principle which I
claim must be accepted if we are to make any, even the slipfhtest,
jjrojifress is that within the different parts of the Empire protection
must disappear, and that the duties must be revenue duties, and not
])rotective duties in the sense of protectinj^- the products of one part
of the Empire a;'ainst those of another part. It seems to m(^ that if
that principle were adopted there would be reason for calling" a
council of the Empire, callinji- .epresentativv's from the different
States forminji' the Em])ire ; and althoujih the subject would be one
of enormous difficulty and the jireatest com])lication, still, with the
••ood will that exists and the ultimate j^oal in view. I cannot but
think that something like a satisfactory and a workable arranjjfement
miyht be arrived at. (Cheers.) And although in such a case the
])rinciples of free trade would lose somethin^r in their appli-
cation to the dealiujis between ourselves and foreign countries,
advocates of free trade must remember how much they would yain
by its extension to all the States which form the British Empire,
States which are after all. whatever may be said of their present
position, more likely to develop and incrc^ase in prosperity and popu-
lation and wealth and power and commerce than any of the foreit^n
States with which we have relations.
OUR ULTIMATK OlUKCrf.
Mr. President, I feel that I owe you some apoloj^y for dealing'- at
such lenjfth with a subject which mi^ht be thought to be too
serious for after-dinner oratory, but there is no doubt that we all
feel that it is a subject of enormous imix)rtance. and I desire very
much to call attention to it. I speak on this occasion for myself
only. I want, not to lay down a course of policy which must be
followed, but I want to provoke discussion — to provoke di8cus.sion in
this country and to provoke discussion, above all, in the colonies ;
and if the details of such a subject as this are prosaic, at all events
the ultimate aim that we have in view appeals to our hij,^h(;8t senti-
ments of patriotism. To orjranize an (nnpire — one may almost say to
create an empire — trreater and more potent for peace and the civiliza-
tion of the world than any that history has over knf>\vn (cheers)—
that is a dream if you like, but a dream of which no man need be
ashamwi. (Loud cheers.) We appreciate and we cordially respond
12
to the notes, the stirriiij^ notos. of loyalty and affection that have
been evoked from our colonies when th(* threat mother country has
appeared to be in dan<,''er. \\'e look forward with hope and with
confidence to the development of those countries which are populated
by our children and by our kinsmen, but these sentiments alone will
never make an empire xinless they are confirmed by bonds of material
interest, and we can only found Imperial unity \ipon a common weal.
(Cheers.) And so, if you will j)ermit me, I will conclude in the
words of a (■anadian ])oet who. addressing!' the st:itesmen of the
Dominion, said : —
" Unite the Emjiire — make it stand compact.
'• Shoulder to shoulder let its members feel
" The touch of British brotherhood ; and act
•• As one ^^reat nation — stron;a and true as steel."
(Loud cheers.)
..I
»
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