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CIHM/ICMH

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CANADIAN

NOTABILITIES.

JOHN CHARLES DENT.

190l I.

TORONTO:

PUBLISHED BY JOHN B. MAGURN.

1880.

VI' I(TA>l/.:j

Entered aooordjag to Act of Parliament of Canada, in the year 1880, by
John B. Magubn, in the Office of the Minister of Agriculture.

. T /. . rr- • — rttrrr-i — rrttrrir

.3 .hfjT

!>TPro.«OT

JOSEPH BEANT— THAYENDANEGEA.

Few tasks are more difficult of accomplishment than the over-
turning of the ideas and prejudices which have been con-
ceived in our youth, which have grown up with us to mature
age, and which have finally become the settled convictions of
our manhood. The overturning process is none the less difli-
cult when, as is not seldom the case, those ideas and convictions
are widely at variance with facts. Most of us have grown up
with very erroneous notions respecting the Indian character —
notions which have been chiefly derived from the romances of
Cooper and his imitators. We have been accustomed to regard
the aboriginal red man as an incarnation of treachery and
remorseless ferocity, whose favourite recreation is to butcher
defenceless women and children in cold blood. A few of us,
led away by the stock anecdotes in worthless missionary and
Sunday School books, have gone far into the c^ 'e extreme,
and have been wont to regard the Indian as the i ."^le Savage
who never forgets a kindness, who is ever ready to return good
for evil, and who is so absurdly credulous as to look upon the
pale-faces as the natural friends and benefactors of his species.
Until witliin the last few years, no pen has ventured to write
impartially of the Indian character, and no one has attempted
to separate the wheat from the chaff in the generally received
accounts which have come down to us from our forefathers.
The fact is that the Indian is very much what his white brother
has made him. The red man was the original possessor of this
continent, the settlement of which by Europeans sounded the
death-knfll of his sovereignty. The aboriginal could hardly
be expected to receive the intruder with open arms, even if the
latter had a ted up to his professions of peace and good-will.
It would have argued a spirit of contemptible abjectnoss and
faintness of iieart if the Indian had submitted without a murmur
to the gradual encroachments of the foreigner, even if the latter
had adopted a UTiiform policy of mildness and conciliation. But
the invader adopted no such policy. Not satisfied with taking
2

forcible possession ot* the soil, ho took the first steps in that
long, sickening course of treachery and cruelty which has caused
the chronicles of the white concjuest in Ameiica to lie written
in characters of bloixl. The first and most liideous butcheries
were committed by the whites. And if the Indians did not
tamely submit to the yoke sought to be imposed upon their
necks, they only acted as human beings, civilized and uncivil-
ized, have always acted upon like provocation. Those who
have characterized thii Indian as inhuman and fiendish because
he ])ut his [)risoners to the torture, seem to have forgotten that
the wildest accounts of Indian ferocity pale beside the un-
doubtedly true accounts of the horrors of the Spanish Inqui-
sition. Christian S})ain — nay, even Christian England — tor-
tured prisoners with a diabolical ingenuity which never entered
into the heart of a pagan Indian to conceive. And on this
continent, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, m(;n of
English stock performed prodigies of cruelty to which parallels
can be found in the history of the Inquisition alone. For the
terrible records of battle, murder, torture and death, of which
the history of the early settlement of this continent is so laigely
made up, the white man and the Christian must be held chiefly
responsible. It must, moreover, be remembered that those
records have been written by historians who have had every
motive for distorting the truth. All the accounts that have
come down to us have been pennecl by the aggressors them-
selves, and their immediate descendants. The Indians have
had no chronicler to tell their version of the story. We all
know how much weight should be attached to a history written
by a violent partisan ; for instance, a history of the Frenrh
Revolution, written by one of the House of Bourbon. The
wonder is, not that the poor Indian should have been blackened
and maligned, but that any attribute of nobleness or humanity
should have been accorded to him.

Of all the chamcters w ho figure in the dark history of Indian
warfare, few have attained greater notoriety, and none has been
more persistently vilified than the subject of this sketch.
Joseph Brant was known to us in the days of our childh^^od as
a firm and staunch ally of the British, it is true ; but as a man
embodying n\ hi" own person all the demerits and barbarities
of his race, and with no moi>e mercy in his breast than is to be
found in a famished tiger of the jungle. And for this unjust
view of his character Amt-rioan historians are not wholly to
blame. " Most historians of that period wrote too near the

time when the events they were describing occurred, for a dis-
passionate investigation of the truth ; and other writers who
have succeeded have been content to follow the beaten track,
without incurring the labour of dilimmt and calm enquiry."
An<l, as it is too often the case with writers, historical and
other, many of them cared less for truth than for efiect.
Even the author of " Gertrude of Wyoming " falsified history
for the sake of a telling stanza in his beautiful poem ; and
when, years afterwards, Brant's son convinced the poet by docu-
mentary evidence that a grave injustice had been done to his
father's memory, the poet contented himself by merely append-
ing a note which in many editions is altogether omitted, and
in those editions in which it is retained is much less likely to
be read than the text of the poem itself. It was not till the
year liMiH that anything like a comprehensive and impartial
account of the life of Brant ap])eared. It was written by Colonel
William L. Stone, from whose work the foregoing quotation is
taken. Since then, several other lives have ajtpeared, all of
which have done something like justice to the subject ; but
they have not been widely read, and to the general public the
name of Brant still calls up visions of smoking villages, raw
scalps, disembowelled women and children, and ruthless brutali-
ties more hor rible still. JSot content with attributing to him
ferocities of which he never was guilty, the chronicles have
altogether ignored the fairer side of bis character.

" Tlie evil that men do lives after their ;
The good is oft interred with their bones."

We have carefully gone thrijugh all the materials within our
reach, and have compiled a sketch of the life of the (Jreat
Chief of the Six Nations, which we would fain hope may be
the means of enabling readers who have not ready access to
large libraries to form something like a fair and dispassionate
estimate of his character.

Joseph Brant — or to give him his Indian name, Thayendan-
egea — was born in the year 1742. Authorities are not unani-
mous as to his paternity, it being claimed by some that he was
a natural son of Sir William Johnson ; consequently that he
was not a full-blood Indian, but a half-breed. The better
opinion, however, seems to be that none but Mohawk blood
flowed through his veins, and that his father was a Mohawk of
the Wolf Tribe, by name Tehovvaghwcngaraghkin. It is not
easy to reconcile the conflicting accounts of this latter person-

ag(' (whose name we emphatically decline to repeat), but the
weight of authority seems to point to him as a son of one of the
five sachems who attracted so much attention during theilr visit
to London in Queen Anne's reign, and who were made the sub-
ject of a paper in the Spectator by Addison, and of another in
the Tdtler by Steele. Brant's mother was an undoubted
Mohawk, and the preponderance of evidence is in favour of his
being a chief by right of inheritance. His parents lived at
Canajoharie Castle, in the far-famed valley of the Mohawk,
but at the time of their son's birth they were far away from
home on a hunting expedition along the banks of the Ohio.
His father died not long after returning from this expedition.
We next learn that the widtfw contracted an alliance with an
Indian whose Christian name was Bamet, which name, in pro-
cess of time, came to be corrupted into Brant. The little boy,
who had been called Joseph, thus became known as " Brant's
Joseph," from which the inversion to Joseph Brant is sufficiently
obvious. No account of his childhood have come down to us,
and l?f^' ")f nothing is known of him until his thirteenth year,
wh fe ..|,iiWas taken under the patronage of that Sir William
Johiif! ;n5»"who has by some writers been credited with being his
fathdr*. Sir William was the English Colonial Agent for Indian
Affairs, and cuts a conspicuous figure in the colonial annals of
the time. His connection with the Brant family was long and
intimate. One of Joseph's sisters, named Molly, lived with
the baronet as his mistress for many years, and was married to
him a short time before his death, in 1774. Sir William was
very partial to young Brant, and took special pains to impart
to him a knowledge of military affairs. It was doubtless this in-
terest which gave rise to the story that Sir William was his
father ; a story for which there seems to be no substantial
foundation whatever.

In the year 1755, the memorable battle of Lake George took
place between the French and English colonial forces and their
Indian allies. Sir William Johnson commanded on the side of
the English, and young Joseph Brant, then thirteen years of
age, fought under his wing. This was a tender age, even for
the son of an Indian chief, to go out upon the war-path, and
he himself admitted in after years that he was seized with such
a tremor when the firino- began at that battle that he w^as
obliged to steady himself by seizing hold of a sapling. This,
however, was probably the first and last time that he ever knew
fear, either in battle or out of it. The history of his subsequent

career has little in it suggestive of timidity. After the battle
of Lake George, where the French were t ignally defeated, he
accompanied his patron through various campaigns until the
close of the French war, after which he was placed by Sir
William at the Moor Charity School, Lebanon, Connecticut, for
the purpose of receiving a liberal English ^.Jucation. How
long he remained at that establishment does not appear, but
he was there long enough to ac(iuire something- more than the
mere rudiments of the English language and literature. In
after years he always spoke with pleasure of his residence at
this school, and never wearied of talking of it. He used to
relate with much pleasantry an anecdote of a young half-breed
who was a student in the establishment. The half-breed, whose
name was William, was one day ordered by his tutor's son to
saddle a horse. He declined to obey the order, upon the ground
that he was a gentleman's son, and that to saddle a horse was
not compatible with his dignity. Being asked to say what
constitutes a gentleman, he repli»»d — " A gentleman is a person
who keeps racehorses and drinks Madeira wine, and that is
what neither you nor your father do. Therefore, saddle the
horse yourself."

In 17G3, Thayendanegea, then twenty-one years of age, mar-
ried the daughter of an Oneida chief, aiid two years afterwards
we find him settled at Canajoharie Castle, in Mohawk Valley,
where he for some years lived a life of (juiet and peaceful
repose, devoting himself to the improvement of the moral and
social condition of his people, and seconding the efforts of the
missionaries for the conversion of the Indians to Christianity.
Both missionaries and others who visited and were intimate
with him during this time were very favourably impressed by
him, and have left on record warm encomiums if his intelligence,
good-breeding, and hospitality. Early in 1772 his wife died of
consumption, and during the following winter he applied to an
Episcopal minister to solemnize matrimony between himself
and his deceased wife's sistev. His application was refused,
upon the ground that such a marriage was contrary to law ;
but he s:oon afterwards prevailed upon a German ecclesiastic to
perform the ceremony. Not long afterwards he became seriously
impressed upon the subject of religion, and experienced certain
mental phenomena which in some communities is called " a
change of heart." He enrolled himself as a member of the
Episcopal Church, of which he became a regular communicant.
The spiritual element, however, was not the strongest side of

his nature, and his religious impressions were not deep enough
to survive the lii'e of active warfare in which he was soon after-
wards destined to engage. Though he always pri)fessed — and
probahly believed in — the fundamental truths of Christianity,
he became comparatively indifferent to theological matters,
except in so far as they might be made to conduce to the
civilization of his people.

Sir William Johnston died in 1774. He was succeeded in
his office of Colonial Agent for Indian Affairs i>y his son-in-law,
Colonel Guy Johnson. Brant was as great a favourite with
the Colonel as he had been with that gentleman's predecessor.
The new agent required a private secretary, and appointed
Brant to that office. The clouds that had been gathering for
some time over the relations between the mother country and
her American colonies culminated in the great war of the revolu-
tion. The Americans, seeing the importance of conciliating
the Six Nations, made overtures to them to cast in their lot
with the revolutionists. These overtures were made in vain,
Brant then and ever afterwards expressed his tirm determina-
tion to "sink or swim with the English;" a determination
from which he never for a moment swerved down to the last
hour of his life. Apart altogether from the consideration that
all his sympathies impelled him to adopt this course, he felt
himself bound in honour to do so, in consequence of his having
long before pledged his word to Sir William Johnson to espouse
the British side in the event of trouble breaking out in the
colonies. Similar pledges had been given by his fore-fathers.
Honour and inclination both pointt^d in the same direction, he
exerted all his influence with the native tribes, who <lid not
require much persuasion to take the royal sitle. Accordingly
when ( ' >lonel Guy lolinson fled \%jstvvard to avoid being (cap-
tured by the Americans, Brant and the principal warriors of
the Six Nations accompanied him. The latter formed them-
selves into a confederacy, accepted royal commissions, and took
a deciiled stand on the side of King George. To Brant was
assigned the position of Principal War Chief of the Confederacy,
. witli the military degree of a Captain. The Crown could not
have secured a more efficient ally. He is described at this
time as " distinguished alike for his address, his activity and
his courage ; possessing in point of stature and symmetry of per-
son the ndvantaofc of most men even among his own well-formed
race ; tall, erect and majestic, with the air and mien of one
born to command ; having been a man of war from liis boy-

1«

hood ; his name was a power of strength among the warriors of
the wilderness. Still more extensive was his influence rendered
by the circumstance that he had been much employed in the
civil service ot the Indian Department under Sir William
John-on, by whom he was often deputed upon embassies among
the tribes of the confederacy, and to those yet more distant,
upon the great lakes and rivers of the north-west, by reason of
which his knowledge of the whole country and people was
accurate and extensive,"

In the autumn of 1775 he sailed for Englaud, to hold per-
sonal conference with the officers of the Imperial Government.
Upon his arrival in London he was received with open arms
by the best society. His usual dress was that of an ordinary
English jTfentleman, but las Court dress was a gortjeous and
costly adaptation of the fashions of his own people. In this
latter dress, at the instigation of that busiest of busybodies
James Boswell,he sat to have his portrait painted. The name
of the artist has not been preserved, nor is the preservation of
much importance, as this is the least interesting of the various
pictures of Brant, the expression of the face being dull and
commonplace. A much better poitrait of him was painted
during this visit for the Earl ot Warwick, the artist being
George Romney, the celebrated painter of historical pictures
and portraits. It has been reproduced by our engraver for
these pages.

The efl'ect of this visit was to fully confirm him in his loyalty
to the British Crown. Early in the following spring he set sail
on his return voyage. He was secretly landed on the American
coast, not iar from New York, from whence he made his way
through a hostile country to Canada at great peril of his life.
Ill Avould it have fared with him if he had fallen into the
hands of the American soldiery at that time. No such contin-
gency occuired, however, and he reached his destination in
safety. Upon his arrival in Canada lie at once placed himself
at the head of the native tribes, and took part in the battle of
" the Cedars," about forty miles above Moritreal. This migage-
ment ended disastrously for the Americans ; and after it was
over. Brant did good service to the cause of humanity by pre-
venting his savage followers from massacring the [)risf)ners.
From that time to the close of the war in 17^2, Joseph Brant
never ceased his exertions in the royal cause. From east to
west, wherever bullets were thickest, his glittering tomahawk
might be seen in the van, while his terrific war-whoop resounded

above the din of strife. In those stirring times it is not easy*
to follow his individual career very closely ; but one episode
in it has been so often and so grossly misrepresented that we
owe it to his memory to give some details respecting it. That
episode was the massacre at Wyoming.

This affair of Wyoming can after all scarcely be called an
episode in Brant's career, inasmuch as he was not present at
the massacre at all, and was many miles distant at the time of
its occurrence. Still, historians and poets have so persistently
associated it with his name, and have been so determined to
saddle upon him whatever obloquy attaches to the transaction
that a short account of it may properly be given here.

The generally-received versions are tissues of exaggerations
and absurdities from first to last. Wyoming has been uni-
formly represented as a terrestrial paradise ; as a sort of Occi-
dental Arcadia where the simple-hearted pious people lived and
served God after the manner of patriarchal times. Stripped
of the halo of romance which lias been thrown around it,
Wyoming is merely a pleasant, fertile valley on the Susque-
hanna, in the north-eastern part of the State of Pennsylvania.
In the year 17(i5 it was purchased from the Delaware Indians
by a company in Connecticut, consisting of about forty fami-
lies, who settled in the valley shortly after completing their
purchase. Upon their arrival they found the valley in i)os-
session of a number of Pennsylvanian families, who disputed
their rights to the property, and between whom and themselves
bickerings and contests were long the order of the day. Their
mode of life was as little Arcadian as can well be imagined.
Neither party was jjowerful enough to permanently oust the
other ; and although their warlike operations were conducted
upon a small scale, they were carried on with a petty meanness,
vindictiveness and treachery that would have disgraced the
Hurons themselves. From time to time one party would gain
the upper hand, and would drive the other from the valley
in apparently hopeless destitution; but the defeated ones, to
whichsoever side they might belong, invariably contrived to
re-muster their forces, and return to harass and drive out their
opponents in their turn. The only purpose for which they
could be induced to temporarily lay aside their disputes and
band themselves together in a common cause was to repel the
incursions ot marauding Indians, to which the valley was occa-
sionally subject. When the war broke out between Great
Britain and the colonies, the denizens of the valley espoused the

colonial side, and were compelled to unite vigorously for pur-
poses of self-defence. They organized a militia, and drilled
their troops to something like military efficiency ; but not long
afterwards these troops were comiielled to abandon the valley,
and to join the colonial army of regulars under General Wash-
ington. On the 3rd of July, 177tS, a force made up of four hun-
dred British troops and about seven hundred Seneca Indians,
under the command of Col. John Butler, entered the valley from
the north-west. Such of the militia as the exigencies of the
American Government had left to the jisople of Wyoming
arrayed themselves for defence, together with a small company
of American regular troo^js that had recently arrived in the
valley, under the command of Colonel Zebulon Butler. The
settlers were defeated and driven out of the valley. In spite
of all efforts on the part of the Biitish to restrain them, the
Indian troops massacred a good many of the fugitives, and the
valley was left a smoking ruin. But the massacre was not
nearly so great as took place on several other occasions during
the revoluti(ynary war, and the burning was an ordinary inci-
dent of primitive warfare. Such, in brief, is the true history
of the massacre in the Wj'oming valley, over which the genius
of Thomas Campbell has cast a spell that will never pass away
while the English language endures. For that massacre Brant
was no more responsible, nor had he any further participation
in it, than George Washington. He was not within fifty (and
probably not within a hundred) miles of the valley. Had he
been present his great influence would have been put forward,
as it always was on similar occasions, to check the ferocity of
the Indians. But it is doubtful whether even he could have
prevented the massacre.

Another place with which the name of Brant is inseparably
associated is Cherry Valley. He has been held responsible for
all the atrocities committed there, and even the atrocities them-
selves have been grossly exaggerated. There is some sltow of
justice in this, inasmuch as Brant was undoubtedly present
when the descent was made upon the valley. But it is not
true that he either prompted the massacre or took any part
in it. On the other hand, he did everything in his power to
restrain it, and wherever it was ))ossible for him to interfere
successfully to prevent bloodshed he did so. Candour compels
us to admit that his conduct on that terrible November tlay
stands out in bright contrast to that of Butler, the white
officer in connnand. Brant did his utmost to prevent the shed-
8

„_J Ji! !_

ding of innocent blood ; but, even had he been in command of
the expedition, which he was not, Indians are totally unman-
ageable on the field of battle. There is at least evi deuce that
he did his best to save life. Entering one of the houses, w^hile
the massacre was raging, he found there a woman quietly en-
gaged in sewing. " Why do you not fly, or hide yourself?"
he nsked ; " do you not know that the Indians are murdering
all your neighbours, and will soon be here?" "I am not
afraid," was the reply: "I am a loyal subject of King George,
and there is one Joseph Brant witli the In<lians who will save
me." " I am Joseph Brant," responded the Chief, "but I am
not in command, and I am not sure that I can save you, but 1
will do my best." At this moment the Indians were seen ap-
proaching. " Get into bed, quick," said Brant. The woman
obeyed, and wlien the Indians reached the threshold he told
them to let the woman alone, as she was ill. They departed,
and he then painted his mark upon the woman and her child-
ren, which was the best assurance of safety he could give them.
This wiu merely one of several similar acts of Brant upon that
fatal day; acts which do not rest upon mere tradition, but upon
evidence as strong as human testimony can make it.

It wouhl not be edifying to follow the great Chief through
the various campaigns — including those of Minisink and Mo-
hawk Valley — in which he was engaged until the Treaty of
1782 put an end to the sanguinary war. In that Treaty,
which restored peace between Great Britain and the United
States, the former neglected to make any stij)ulation on behalf
of her Indian allies. Not onl}' was this the case ; not only
was Thayendanegea not so much as named in the Treaty; l)ut
the ancient country of the Six Nations, " the residence of their
ancestors froTH the time far beyond their earliest traditions,"
was actually included in the territory ceded to the United
States. This was a direct violation of Sir Guy Carleton's
pledge, given when the Mohawks fiist abandoned their native
valley to do battle on behalf of Great Britain, and subsequently
ratified by General Haldimand, to the efi'ect that as soon as the
war should be at an end the Mohawks should be restored, at
the expense of the Government, to the conditi(m in which they
were at the beijinningf of the war. No sooner were the terms
of the Treaty made known than Brant repaired to Quebec, to
claim from General Haldimand the fulfilment of his pledge.
General Haldimand received his distinguished guest cordially,
and professed himself ready to redeem his promise. It was of

course impossible to fulfil it literfiUy, as the Mohawk valley
had passed beyond British control ; but the Chief expressed
his willingness to accept in lieu of his former domain a tract
of land on the B;iy of Quinte. The General agreed that this
tract should at once be conveyed to the Mohawks. The ar-
rangement, however, was not satisfactory to the Seneeas, who
had settled in the Genesee Valley, in the State of Is'ew York.
The Seneeas were apprehensive of further trouble with the
.United States, and were anxious that the Mohawks shouM
settle in their own neighbourhood, to assist them in the event
of another war. They otibred the Mohawks a large tract of
their own territory, but the Mohawks were determined to live
only under British rule. Accordingly, it was finally arranged
that the latter should have assigned to them a tract of land
on the Grand River (then called the Ouse) comprehending six
miles on each side of the stream, from the mouth to the source.
This tract, which contains some of the most fertile land in the
Province, was formally conveyed to them by an instrument
under Governor Haldimand's hand and seal, in which it was
stipulated that they should " possess and enjoy " it forever.
The Indians, unversed in technicalities, supposed that they
now had an absolute and indefeasible estate in the lands. Of
course they were ndstaken. Governor Haldimand's convey-
ance did not pass the fe3, which could otily be effected by a
crown patent under the Great Seal.

These several negotiations occupied some time. Towards
the close of the year 17iS.), Brant, feeling aggrieved at the
non-payment of certain pecuniar}' losses sustained by the
Mohawks during the war, again set sail for England, where
in due course he arrived. As on the occasion of Ids former
visit, he was received with the utmost consideration and
respect, not by the nobility and gentry alone, but by loyalty
itself. He seems to have lived upon terms of equality with
the best society of the Biitish capital, and to have so borne
himself as to do no discredit to his entertainers. The Baroness
Riedesel, who had formerly met him at Quebec, had an oppor-
tunity of renewing nc([uaintance with him, and has left on
record the impression which he produced upon her. She writes :
" His manners are polished. He expresses himself with great
fluency, and was much esteemed by General Haldimand. His
countenance is manly and intelligent, and his disposition very
mild."

During this visit a dramatic episode occurred which occupies

a conspicuous place in all books devoted to Brant's life. The
present writer has told the story elsewhere as follows : — One
gusty night in the month of January, 178(), the interior of a
certain fashionable mansion in the West End of London pre-
tented a spectacle of amazing gorgeousness and splendour. The
occasion was a masquerade given by one of the greatest of the
city magnates ; 'ind as the entertainment was participated in
by several of the nobility, and by others in whose veins ran
some of the best blood in England, no expense had been spared
to make the surroundings worthy of the exalted rank of the
guests. Many of the dresses were of a richness not often seen,
even in the abodes of wealtli and fashion. The apartments
were brilliantly lighted, and the lamps shone upon as quaint
and picturesque an assemblage as ever congregated in Mayfair.
There were gathered together representatives of every age and
clime, each dressed in the garb suited to the character meant
to be personified. Here, a magnificently-attired Egyptian
princess of tiie time of the Pharaohs languished upon the arm
of an English cavalier of the Restoration. There, high-ruffed
ladies ol Queen Elizabeth's court conversed with mail-clad
Norman warriors of the time of the Conqueror. A dark-eyed
Jewess who might have figured at the court of King Solomon
jested and laughed with a beau ef Queen Anne's day. If the
maiden blushed at some of the broad jokes of her companion,
her blushes were hidden by the silken mask which, in common
with the rest of the guests, she wore upon the uj^per part of
her face, and which concealed all but the brilliancy of her eyes.
Cheek by jowl with a haughty Spanish hidalgo stood a plaided
Highlander, with his dirk and claymore. Athenian orators,
Roman tribunes. Knights of the Round Table, Scandinavian
Vikings and Peruvian Incas jostled one another against the
rich velvet and tapestry which hung from ceiling to floor.
Truly, a motley assemblage, and one well calculated to impress
the beholder with the transitoriness of mortal fame. In this
miscellaneous concourse the occupants of the picture frames
of all the public and private galleries of Europe seemed to have
been restored to life, and persotially brought into contact for
the first time. And though, artistically speaking, they did not
harmonize very well with each other, tlie general effect was in
the highest degree marvellous and striking. But of all the
assembled guests, one in particular is the cynosure of all eyes—
the observed of all observers. 1'his is the cleverest masquer of
them all, for there is not q, single detail, either in his dress, his

aspect or his demeanour, which is not strictly in conformity
with the character he represents. He is clad in the garV) of an
American Indian. He is evidently playing the part of one of
high dignity among his fellows, for his apparel is rich and
costly, and his bearing is that of one who has been accustomed
to rule. The dress is certainly a splendid make-up, and the
wearer is evidently a consummate actor. How proudly he
stnlks from room to room, stately, silent, leonine, majestic.
Lara himself — who, by the way, had not then been invented —
had not a more chilling mystery of mien. He is above the
average height — not much under six feet — and the nodding
plumes of his c»est make him look several inches taller than
he is in reality. His tomahawk, which hangs loosely exposed
at his girdle, glitters like highly-polisshed silver ; and the hand
which ever and anon toys with the haft is long and bony. The
dark, piercing eyes seem almost to transfix every one upon
whom they rest. One half of the face seems to be covered by
a mask, made to imitate the freshly-painted visage of a Mohawk
Indian when starting out upon the war j)ath. He is evidently
bent upon preserving a strict incognito, for the hours pass by
and still no one has heard the sound of his y >ice. The curiosity
of the other guests is aroused, and, pass from room to room as
often as he may, a numerous train follows in his wake. One
of the masquers comi)o.sing this train is arrayed in the loose
vestments of a I'urk, and indeed is suspected to be a genuine
native of the Ottoman Empire who has been sent to England
on a diplomatic mission. Being emboldened by the wine he
has drunk, the Oriental determines to penetrate the mystery
of the dusky stranger. He approaches the seeming Indian,
and after various ineffectual attempts to arrest his attention,
lays violent hold of the latter's nose. Scarcely has he touched
that organ when a blood-curdling yell, such as has never before
been heard within tie three kingdoms, resounds through the
mansion.

" Ah, then and there was hurrying to and fro !"

" The peal of the distant drum did not si)read greater conster-
nation among the dancers at Brussels on the nicfht before
Waterloo. What wonder that female lips blanched, and that
even masculine cheeks grow pale ? That yell was the terrible
war-whoop of the Mohawks, and came hot from the throat of
the mysterious unknown. The truth flashed upon all l)eholders.
The stranger was no disguised masquerader, but a veritable

brave of the American forest. Of this there could be no doubt.
No white man that ever lived could learn to give utterance to
such an ojaculatioj. The yell had no sooner sounded than the
barl)arian's tomahawk leapt from its girdle. He sprang upon
the luckless Turk, and twined his fingers in the poor wretch's
hair. For a single second the tomahawk flashed before the
astonished eyes of the spectators ; and then, before the latter
had time — even if they could have mustered the courage — to
interfere, its owner gently replaced it in his girdle, and indulged
in a low chuckle of laughter. The araazeil and terrified guests
breatherl again, and in another moment the mysterious stranger
stood levealed to the company as Joseph Brant, the renowned
warrior of the Six Nations, the steady ally of the British
arms, and the terror of all enemies of his race. Of course the
alarm soon quieted down, and order was restored. It was
readily understood that he had never intended to injure the
terrified Oriental, but merely to punish the latter's impertinence
by frightening him within an inch of his life. Probably, too,
that feeling of self-consciousness from which few minds are
altogether free, impelled liim to take advantage of the interest
and curiosity which his presence evidently inspired, to create
an incident which would lonn; be talked about in London draw-
ing-rooms, and which miglit eventually be handed down to
posterity.

The anecdotes preserved of his stay in London at this time
are almost innumerable. He was a great favourite with the
King and his family, notwithstanding the fact that when he
was first introduced at Court he declined to kiss His Majesty's
hand ; adding, however, with delightful vaivete, that he would
gladly kiss the hand of the Queen. The Prince of Wales also
took gi'eat dcdight in his company, and occasionally took him
to places of questionable rejnite — or rather, to places as to the
disrepute of which there was no question whatever, and which
were pronounced by the Chief " to be very ([ueer places for a
prince to go to." His envoy was successful, and his stay in
London, which was prolonged for some months, must have
been very agreeable, as "he was caressed by the noble and
great, and was alike welcome at Court and at the banquets of
the heir-apparent." After his return to America his first act
of historical imjiortance was to attend the great Council of the
Lidian Confederacy in the far west. He used his best en-
deavours to preserve peace between the Western Indians and
the United States, and steadily opposed the confederation

which led to the expedition of Generals St. Clair and Wayne.
We next find him engaged in settling his people upon the
tract which ha<l heen granted to them on the banks of the
Grand River. The principal settlement of the Mohawks was
near the bend of the river, just below the present site of the
city of Brantford. They called the settlement " Mohawk
Villaofe." The name still survives, but all traces of the villaiie
itself have disappeared. Brant built tlie little church which
still stands there, an illustration of which is given above, and
in which service has been held almost continuously every
Sunday since its bell first awoke the echoes of the Canadian
forest. Brant himself took up his abode in the neighbourhood
for several years, and did his best to bring his dusky subjects
under the influence of civilization. In order to facilitate his
passage across the Grand River he threw a sort of temporary
boom across, at a s})ot a few yards below where the iron-
bridge now s))ans the stream at Brantford. From this circum-
stance the place came to be known as "Brant's ford;" and
when, yeais afterwards, a village sprung up close by, the name
of " Brantford " was given to it.

The Indians had not been long settled at Mohawk Village
before difficulties becran to arise between them and the Pro-
vincial Government as to the nature of the title to their lands.
The Indians, supposing their title to be an absolute one, began
to make leases and sales to the white settlers in the neifjhbour-
hood. To this proceeding the Government objected, upon the
ground that the Crown had a pre-emptive right, and that the
land belonged to the Indians only so long as they might choose
to occupy it. Many conferences were held, but no adjustment
satisfactory to the Indians was arrived at. There has been a
good deal of subsequent legislation and diplomacy over this
vexed question, but so far as any uiifettered power of aliena-
tion of the lands is concerned Governor Haldimand's grant was
practically a nullity, and so remains to this day. These dis-
putes embittered the Chief's declining years, which was further
rendered unhappy by petty dissensions auKjng the various
tribes composing the Six Nations ; dissensions whicli he vainly
endeavoured to permanently allay. Another affliction befel him
in the shape of a dissipated and worthless son, whom he acci-
dently killed in self-defence. The last few years of his life
were passed in a house built by him at Wellington S([uare,now
called Burlington, a few miles from Hamilton. He had re-
ceived a grant of a large tract of land in this neighbourhood,
and he built a homestead there in or about the year 1800.

Here he kept up a large establisment, including seven or eight
negro servants who had formerly been slaves. He exercised a
profuse and right royal hosj)itality alike towards the whites
and the Indian warriors who gathered round him. On the first
of May in each year he used to drive up, in his coach-and-four,
Mohawk Village, to attend the annual Indian festival which was
to held there. On these occasions he was generally attended by
a numerous retinue of servants in livery, and their procession
used to strike awe into the minds of the denizens of the settle-
ments through v/hich they passed.

He died at his house at Wellington Square, after a long and
painful illness, on the 24th November, lcS07, in the sixty-fifth
year of his age. His last thoughts were for his people, on whose
behalf he had fought so bravely, and whose social and moral
improvement he w^as so desirous to promote. His nephew,
leaning over his bed, caught the last words that fell from
his lips : " Have pity on the poor Indians ; if you can get any
influence from the great, endeavour to do them all the good
you can."

His remains were removed to Mohawk Village, near Brant-
ford, and interred in the yard of the little church which he had
built many years before, and which was the first Christian
church erected in Upper Canada. And there, by the banks of
the Grand Kiver,

" After life's fitful fever he sleeps well. "

Sufficient has been said in the course of the preceding
sketch to enable the reader to form a tolerably correct idea of
the character of this greatest representative of the heroic Six
Nations. No expression of opinion was evermore unjust than
that which has persistently held him up to the execration of
mankind as a monster of cruelty. That the exigences of his
position compelled him to wink at many atrocities committed
by his troops is beyond question. That, however, was a neces-
sary incident of Indian warfare ; nay, of all warfare ; and after
a careful consultation and comparison of authorities we can
come to no other conclusion than that, for an Indian, reared
among the customs and traditions of the Six Nations, Joseph
Brant was a humane and kind-hearted man. No act of perfidy
was ever brought home to him. He was a constant and faith-
ful friend, and, though stern, by no means an im})lacable
enemy. His dauntless courage and devotion to his people have
never been seriously questioned. The charges of self-seeking
and peculation which Red Jacket," the greatest coward of the

Five Nations," attempted to fasten upon him, only served to
render his integerity more a[)parent than it would otlierwise
have been. He was not distinguished for brilliant flights of
eloquence, as were Tecumsei and Cornstalk; but both his
speeches and his writings abound with a clear, sound common-
sense, which was (juite as much to the purpose in his dealings
with mankind. His early advantages of education were not
great, but he made best use of his time, and some of his corre-
spondence written during the latter years of his life woidd not
discredit an English statesman. He translated a part of the
prayers and services of the Church of England, and also a por-
tion of the Gospels, into the Mohawk language, and in the
latter years of his life made some preparation for a voluminous
history of the Six Nations, This latter work he did not live
to carry out. In his social, domestic and business relations he
was true and honest, and nothing pleased him better than to
diffuse a libeial and genial hospitality in his own home. Tak-
ing him all in all, making due allowance for the frailties and
imperfections incidental to humanity, we nuist pronounce Joseph
Brant to have possessed in an eminent degrec.Miiany of the quali-
ties which go to make a good and a great man.

Brant was thrice married. By his first wife, Margaret, he
had two children, Isaac and (Christina, whose descendents are
still living. By his second wife he had no if sue. His third
wife, Catharine, whom he married in 1780, survived him and
was forty-eight years of age at the time of his death. She was
the eldest daughter of the head-chief of the Turtle tribe, the
tribe first in dignity among the Mohawks. By the usages of
that nation, upon her devolved the right of naming her hus-
band's successor in the chieftiancy. The canons governing
the descent of the chieftaincy of the Six Nations recognize, in
a somewhat modified form, the doctrine of primogeniture ; but
the inheritance descends through the female line, and the sur-
viving female has a right, if she so pleases, to appoint any of
her own male offspring to the vacant sovereignty. Catharine
Brant exercised her right by appointing to that dignity John
Brant, her third and youngest son. This youth, whose Indian
name was Ahyouwaighs, was at the time of his father's death
only thirteen years of age. He was born at Mohawk villasre,
on the 27th September, 1794, and received a liberal English
education. Upon the breaking out of the war of 1812, the
young chief +ook the field with his warriors, on behalf of Great
Britain, and was engaged in most of the actions on the Niagara
4

IVoiitier, including the battles of Queeiistown Heights, Lundy's
Lane, and Beaver Dams. When the war closed in 181'), lie
settled at " Brant House," the former residence of his father,
at Wellington Square. Here he and his sister Elizabeth dis-
pensed a cheerful hos[)itality for many years. In 1821 he
visited England for the purpose of trying to do what his father
had failed in doing, viz., to bring about a satisfactory adjust-
ment of the disputes between the Government and the Indians
respecting the title of the latter to their lands. His mission,
however, was unsuccessful. While in England he called upon
the poet CamphelU, and endeavoured to induce that gentleman
to expunge certain stanzas from the poem of " Gertrude of
Wyoming," with what success has already been mentioned.

In the year 1827, Ahyouwaighs was appointed by the Earl
of Dalhousie to the rank of Captain, and also in the superin-
tendency of the Six Nations. In 1832 he was elected as a
member of the Provincial Parliament for the County of Haldi-
mand, but his election was contested and eventually set aside,
upon the ground that many of the persons by whose votes he
had been elected were merely lessees of Indian lands ; and
not entitled, under the law, as it then stood to exercise the
franchise. Within a few months afterwards, and in tile same
year, he was carried off by cholera, and was buried in the same
vault as his father. He was never married, and left no issue.
His sister Elizabeth was married to William Johnson Kerr, a
grandson of that same Sir William Johnson who had formerly
been a patron of the great Thayendanegea. She died at Wel-
lington Square in April, 1834, leaving several children, all of
whom are since dead. By his third wife Brant had several
other children, whose descendants are still living in various
parts of Ontario. His widow died at the advanced age of
seventy-eight years on the 24th of November, 1837, being the
thirtieth anniversary of her husband's death.

The old house in which Joseph Brant died at Wellington
Square, is still in existence, though it ''as been so covered in by
modern improvements that no part of the original structure is
outwardl}'^ visible. Mr. J. Simeoe Kerr, a son of Brant's
daughter Elizabeth, continued to reside ao the old homestead
down to the time of his death in 1875. It iias since been leased
and Tctitted for a summer hotel, and is now known as " Brant
Hou-e." The room in which the old chief was so unhappy as to
slay his son is pointed out to visitors, with stains — said to be
the original blood stains — on the floor. Among the historical
objects in the immediate neighbourhood is a gnarled old oak

nearly six feet in diameter at the base, known as " The Old
Council Tree, " from the fact that the chief and other digna-
taries of the Six Nations were wont to hold conferences beneath
its spreading })ranches. Close by is a mound where lie the
bodies of many of Brant's Indian contcTuporaries buried, native
fashion in a circle, with the feet converi!fin<jf to a centre.

Thirty years ago, the wooden vault in which Brant's remains
and those of his son John were interred had become dilapidated
The Six Nations resolved upon constructing a new one of
stone, and re-interring the remains. Brant was a prominent
member of the Masonic fraternity in his day, and the various
Masonic lodges throughout the neighbourhood lent their aid to
the Indians in their undertaking. The project was finally
carried out on the twenty-seventh of November, 1850. There
was an immense gathering at Mohawk village on the occasion,
which is generally referred to as " Brant's second funeral." The
Indians and whites vied with each other in doing honour to the
memory of the departed chief. The remains were interred in
a more spacious vault, over which a plain granite tomb was?
raised. The slab which covers the aperture contains the fol- |

lowing inscription : I

This Tomb |

' '. ■ ■ ' ' Is erected to the meinoiy of j

■' THAYENDANEGEA, or |

CAPT. JOSEPH BRANT, ^

, Principal Cliief and "
Warrior of
' ' The Six Nations Indians,

■• ■ By his Fellow Subjects, i:

Admirers of his Fidelity and ;;

Attachment to the '

British Crown. i

Born on the Banks of the :|

Ohio River, 1742, died at I

Wellington Square, U.C, 1807. 11

- — • — i. I

It also contains the remains t

Of his son Ahyouwaighs, or |

CAPT. JOHN BRANT, ^

who succeeded his father as

TEKARIHOGEA,

And distinguished himself

In the war of 1812-15

Born at the Mohawk Village, U.C, 1704 ;

Died at the same place, 1832.

Erected 1850.

This sketch would be incomplete without some allusion
to the project which was set in motion about six years ago,
having for its object the erection of a suitable monument to
the great Chief's memory. On the 25th of August, 1874, His
Excellency, Lord Dufferin, in response to an invitation from
the Six Nations, paid them a visit at their Council House, in
the township of Tuscarora, a few miles below Brantford, He
was entertained by the chiefs and warriors, who submitted to
him, for transmission to England, an address to His Royal
Highness Prince Arthur, who was enrolled an Honorary Chief
of the Confederacy on the occasion of his visit to Canada in
1869. The address, after referring to Brant's many and im-
portant services to the British Crown, expressed the anxious
desire of his people to see a fitting monument erected to his
memory. Lord Dufferin transmitted the address, and received
Prince Arthur's assurances of his approval of, and good will
towards, the undertaking. A committee, consisting of many
of the leading officials and residents of the Dominion, was at
once formed, and a subscription list was opened at the
Bank of British North America, at Brantford. A good many
contributions have since come in, but the fund is still insuffi-
cient to enable the committee to carry out their project in a
fitting manner. We have referred to the fact that no village
is now in existence at Mohawk. The Indians have deserted
the neighbourhood and taken up their quarters elsewhere.
Brant's tomb by the old church, being in an out-of-the-way
spot, remote from the haunts of men, has fallen a prey to the
sacrilegious hands of tourists and others, who have shamefully
mutilated it by repeated chippings of fragments which have
been carried away as relics. It is proposed to place the new
moruiment in the centre of Victoria Park, opposite the Court
House, in Brantford, where it will be under the surveillance of
the local authorities, and where there will be no danger of muti-
lation. That Brant's memory deserves such a tribute is a
matter as to which there can be no difference of opinion,
and the undertaking is one that deserves the hearty support
of the Canadian people. We owe a heavy debt to the Indians;
heavier than we are likely to pay. It does not reflect credit
upon our national sense of gratitude that no fitting monu-
ment marks our appreciatioii of the services of those two great
Indians, Brant and Tecumseh.

SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN.

Standing on the summit of one of the rocky eminences at the
mouth of the Saguenay, and looking back through the haze of
two hundred and seventy-four years, we may descry two small
sailing craft slowly making their way up the majestic stream
which Jacques Cartier, sixty-eight years before, christened in
honour of the grilled St. Lawrence. The vessels are of French
build, and have evidently just arrived from France. They are
of very diminutive size for an ocean voyage, but are manned
by hardy Breton mariners for whom the tempestuous Atlantic
has no terrors. They are commanded by an enterprising
merchant-sailor of St. Malo, who is desirous of pushing his
fortunes by means of the fur trade, and who, with that end in
view, has already more than once navigated the St. Lawrence
as far westward as the mouth of the Saguenay. His name is
Pontgrave. Like other French adventurers of his time he is a
brave and energetic man, ready to do, to dare, and, if need be, to
suffer; but his primary object in life is to amass wealth, and to
effect this object he is not over-scrupulous as to the means
employed. On this occasion he has come over with instruc-
tions from Henry IV., King of France, to explore the St.
Lawrence, to ascertain how far from its mouth navigation is
practicable, and to make a survey of the country on its banks.
He is accompanied on the expedition by a man of widely dif-
ferent mould; a man who is worth a thousand of such sordid,
huckstering spirits; a man who unites with the courage and
energy of a soldier a high sense of personal honour and a
singleness of heart worthy of the Chevalier Bayard himself.
To these qualities are added an absorbing passion for coloniza-
tion, and a piety and zeal which would not misbecome a Jesuit
missionary. He is poor, but what the poet calls " the jingling
of the guinea " has no charms for him. Let others consume
their souls in heaping up riches, in chaffering with the Indians
for the skins of wild beasts, and in selling the same to the
affluent traders of France. It is his ambition to rear the

fleur-de-lis in the remote wildernesses of the New World, and
to evangelize the savage hordes by whom that world is peopled.
The latter object is the most dear to his heart of all, and he
has already recorded his belief that the salvation of one soul is
of more importance than the founding of an empire. After
such an exordium it is scarcely necessary to inform the student
of history that the name of Pontgrave's ally is Samuel De
Champlain. He has already figured somewhat conspicuously
in his country's annals, but his future achievements are destined
to outshine the events of his pievious career, and to gain for
him the merited title of " Father of New France."

He was born some time in the year loOT, at Brouage, a
small seaport town in the Province of Saintonge, on the west
coast of Franct Part of his youth was spent in the naval
service, and during the wars of the League he fought on the
side of the King, who awarded him a small pension and attached
him to his own person. But Champlain was of too adventur-
ous a turn of mind to feel at home in the confined atmosphere
of a royal court, and soon languished for change of scene.
Ere long he obtained command of a vessel bound for the West
Indies, where he remained more than two years. During this
time he distinguished himself as a brave and efficient officer.
He became known as one whose nature partook largely of the
romantic element, but who, nevertheless, had ever an eye to the
practical. Several important engineering projects seem to have
engaged his attention during his sojourn in the West Indies.
Prominent among these was the project of constructing a ship-
canal across the Isthmus of Panama, but the scheme was not
encouraged, and ultimately fell to tlie ground. Upon his re-
turn to France he a^ain dangled about the court for a few
months, by which time he had once more become heartily
weary of a life of inaction. With the accession of Henry IV.
to the French throne the long religious wars which had so long
distracted the country came to an end, and the attention of the
Government began to be directed to the colonisation of New
France — a scheme which had never been wholly abandoned,
but which had remained in abeyance since the failure of the
expedition undertaken by the brothers Roberval, more than
half a centuiy before. Several new attempts were made at
this time, none of which was very successful. The fur trade,
however, held out great inducements to private enterprise, and
stimulated the cupidity of the merchants of Dieppe, Rouen and
St. Malo. In the heart of one of th6m something njbler than

cupidity was aroused. In 1603, M. De Chastes, Governor of
Dieppe, obtained a patent from the King conferring upon him
and several of his associates a monopoly of the fur trade of
New France. To M. De Chastes the acquisition of wealth — of
which he already had enough, and to spare — was a matter of
secondary importance, but he hoped to make his patent the
means of extending the French empire into the unknown
regions of the far West. The patent was granted soon after
Champlain's return from the West Indies, and just as
the pleasures of the court were beginning to pall upon
him. He had served under De Chastes during the
latter years of the war of the League, and the Governor
was no stranger to the young man's skill, energy, and
incorruptible integrity. De Chastes urged him to join the
expedition, which was precisely of a kind to find favour in the
eyes of an ardent adventurer like Champlain. The King's
consent having been obtained, he joined the expedition under
Pontgrave, and sailed for the mouth of the St. Lawrence on
the 15th of March, 1608, The expedition, as we have seen,
was merely preliminary to more specific and extended opera-
tions. The ocean voyage, which was a tempestuous one,
occupied more than two months, and they did not reach the St.
Lawrence until the latter end of May. They sailed up as far
as Tadousac, at the mouth of the Saguenay, where a little
trading-post had been established four years before by Pont-
grave, and Chauvin. Here they cast anchor, and a fleet of
canoes filled with wondering natives gathered round their
little barques to sell peltries, and (unconsciously) to sit to
( 'ham[)lain for their portraits. After a short stay at Tadousac
the leaders of the exjiedition, accompanied by several of the
crew, embarked in a batteau and proceded up the river past
deserted Stadacona to the site of the Indian village of Hoch-
elaga, discovered by Jacques Cartier in 1585. The village
so graphically described by that navigator had ceased to
exist, and the tribe which had inhabited it at the time of his
visit had given place to a few Algonquin Indians. Our pd-
venturers essayed to ascend the river still farther, but found it
impossible to make headway against the rapids of St. Louis,
which had formerly presented an insuperable barrier to Cartier's
westward progress. Then they retraced their course down the
river to Tadousac, re-embarked on board their vessels, and
made all sail for France. When they airivetl there they found
that their patron, De Chastes, had died during their absence,

and that his Company had been dissolved. Very soon after-
wards, however, the scheme of colonization was taken up by
the Sieur de Monts, who entered into engagements with Cham-
plain for another voyage to the New World. De Monts and
Champlain set sail on the 7th of March, 1004, with a large
expedition, and in due course reached the shores of Nova
Scotia, then called Acadie. After an absence of three years,
during which Champlain explored the coast as far southward
as Cape Cod, the expedition returned to France. A good deal
had been learned as to the topographical features of the country
l^'ing near the coast, but little had been done in the way of
actual colonization. The next expedition was productive of
greater results. De Monts, at Champlain's instigation, resolved
to found a settlement on the shores of the St. Lawrence. Two
vessels were fitted up at his expense and placed under Cham-
plain's command, with Pontgrave as lieutenant of the expedi-
tion, which put to sea in the month of April, 1608, and reached
the mouth of the Saguenay early in June. PontgravB began
a series of trading operations with the Indians at Tadousac,
while Champlain proceeded up the river to fix upon an advan-
tageous site for the projected settlement. This site he found
at the confluence of the St. Charles with the St. Lawrence,
near the place where Jacques Cartier had spent the winter of
1535-6. Tradition tells us that when Cartier's sailors beheld
the adjacent promontory of Cape Diamond they exclaimed,
" Quel 6ec!" — (" What a beak !") — which exclamation led to the
place being called Quebec. The most probable derivation of
the name, however, is the Indian word kebec, signifying a strait,
which might well have been applied by the natives to the
narrowing of the river at thi^ place. Whatever maj- be the
origin of the name, here it was that Champlain, on the 3rd of
July, 1008, founded his settlement, and Quelec was the name
which he bestowed upon it. This was the first permanent
settlement of Europeans on the American continent, with the
exception of those at St. Augustine, in Florida, and Jamestown,
in Virginia.

Champlain's first attempts at settlement, as might be ex-
pected, were of a very primitive character. He erected rude
barracks, and cleared a few small patches of ground adjacent
thereto, which he sowed with wheat and rye. Perceiving that
the fur trade might be turned to good account in promoting the
settlement of the country, he bent his energies to its develop-
ment. He had scarcely settled his little colony in its new home

ere he began to experience the perils of his quasi-regal position.
Notwithstanding the patent of monopoly held by his patron, on
the faith of which his colonization scheme had been projected,
the rights conferred by it began to be infringed by certain
traders who came over from France and instituted a system of
traffic with the natives. Finding the traffic exceedingly profit-
able, these traders ere long held out inducements to some of
Champlain's followers, A conspiracy was formed against him
and he narrowly escaped assassination. Fortunately, one of the
traitors was seized by remorse, and revealed the plot before it
had been fully carried out. The chief conspirator was hanged,
and his accomplices were sent over to France, where they ex-
piated their crime at the galleys. Having thus promptly
suppressed the first insurrection within his dominions, Cham-
plain prepared himself for the rigours of a Canadian winter.
An embankment was formed above the reach of the tide, and a
stock of provisions was laid in sufficient for the support of the
settlement until spring. The colony, inclusive of Champlain
himself, consisted of twenty-nine persons. Notwithstanding all
precautions, the scurvy broke out among them during the
winter, Champlain, who was endow^^d with a vigorous consti-
tution, escaped the pest, but before the advent of spring the
little colony was reduced to only nine persons. The sovereign
remedy which Cartier had found so efficacious in a similar
emergency was not to be found. That remedy was a decoction
prepared by the Indians from a tree which they called Auneda
— believed to have been a species of spruce — but the natives of
Champlain's day knew nothing of the remedy, from which he
concluded that the tribe which had employed it on behalf of
Cartier and his men had been exterminated by their enemies.

With spring, succours and fresh immigrants arrived from
France, and new vitality was imported into the little colony.
Soon after this time, Champlain committed the most impolitic
act of his life. The Hurons, Algonquins and other tribes of
the St. Lawrence and the Ottawa, resolved upon taking the
war-path against their enemies, the Iroquois, or Five Nations —
the boldest, fiercest, and most powerful confederacy known to
Indian history. Champlain, ever since his arrival in the coun-
try, had done his utmost to win the favour of the natives with
wnom he was brought more immediately into contact, and he
deemed that by joining them in opposing the Irof[Uois, who
were a standing menace to his colony, he would knit the Hurons
and Algonquins to the side of the King of France by permanent

and indissoluble ties. To some extent he was right, but he
underestimated the strength of the foe, an alliance with whom
would have been of more importance than an alliance with all
the other Indian tribes of New France. Champlain cast in his
lot with the Hurons and Algonquins, and accompanied them on
their expedition against their enemies. By so doing he in-
voked the deadly animosity of the latter against the French
for all time to come. He did not forsee that by this one stroke
of policy he was paving the way for a subsequent alliance
between the Iroquois and the English.

On May 28th, IGOl), in company with his Indian allies, he
started on the expedition, the immediate results of which were
so insignificant — the remote results of which were so momen-
tous. The war-party embarked in canoes, ascended the St.
Lawrence to the mouth of the Richelieu — then called the River
of the Iroquois — and thence up the latter stream to the lake
which Champlain beheld for the first time, and which until
that day no European eye had ever looked upon. This pictur-
esque sheet of water was thenceforward called after him, and
in its naire his own is still perpetuated. The party held on their
course to the head waters of the lake, near to which several
Iroquois villages wore situated. The enemy's scouts received
intelligence of the approach of the invaders, and advanced to
repel them. The opposing forces met in the forest on the
south-western shore, not far from Crown point, on the morn-
ing of the 30th of July. The Iroc^uois, two hundred in num-
ber, advanced to [the onset. " Among them," says Mr. Park-
man, " could be seen several chiefs, conspicuous by their tall
plumes. Some bore shields of wood and hide, and some were
covered with a kind of armour made of tough twigs, interlaced
with a vegetable tibie, supposed by Champlain to be cotton.
The allies growing anxious, called with loud cries tor their
champion, and opened their ranks that he might pass to the
front. He did so, and advancing before his red companions-in-
arms stood revealed to the astonished gaze of the Iroquois, who,
beholding the warlike apparition in their path, stared in mute
amazement. But his ar(]uebiise was levelled; the report
startled the woods, a chief fell dead, and another by his side
rolled among the bushes. Then there arose from the allies a
yell which, says Champlain, would have drowned a thunder-
clap, and the forest was full of whizzing arrows. For a mo-
nient the Iroquois stood firm, and sent back their arrows lustily;
but when another and another gunshot came from the thickets

on their flank they broke and tied in uncontrollable terror.
Swifter than hounds, the allies tore through the bushes in
pursuit. Some of the Iroquois were killed, more were taken.
Camp, canoes, provisions, all were abandoned, and many
weapons flung down in the panic flight. The arquebuse
had done its work. The victory was com})lete." The vic-
torious allies, much to the disgust of Champlain, tortured
their prisoners in the most barbarous fashion, and re-
turned to Quebec, taking with them fifty Iroquois scalps.
Thus was the first Indian blood shed by the white man in
Canada. The man who shed it was a European and a Chris-
tian, who had not even the excuse of provocation. This is a
matter worth bearing in mind when we read of the frightful
atrocities committed by the Iroquois upon the whites in after
years. Champlain's conduct on this occasion seems incapable
of defence, and it "yvas certainly a very grave error, considered
simply as an act of policy. The error was bitterly and fiercely
avenged, and for every Indian who fell on the morning of that
30th of July, in this, the first battle fought on Canadian soil
between natives and Europeans, a tenfold penalty was exacted.
" Thus did New France rush into collision with the redoubted
warriors of the Five Nations. Here was the beginning, in
some measure doubtless the cause, of a long succession of mur-
derous conflicts, bearing havoc and flame to generations yet
unborn. Champlain had invaded the tiger's den; and now, in
smothered fury the patient savage would lie biding his day of
blood."

Six weeks after the performance of this exploit, Champlain,
accompanied by Pontgrave, returned to France. Upon his
arrival at court he found De Monts there, trying to secure a
renewal of his patent of monopoly, which had been revoked in
consequence of loud complaints on the part of other French
merchants who were desirous of participating in the profits
arising from the fur trade. His ettbrts to obtain a renewal
proving unsuccessful, De Monts determined to carry on his
scheme of colonization unaided l)y royal patronage. Allying
himself with some affluent merchants of Rochelle, he fitted out
another expedition and once more despatched Champlain to
the New Wor'd. Champlain, upon his arrival at Tadousac,
found his former Indian allies preparing i^v another descent
upon the Irocpiois, in which undertaking he again joined them;
the inducement this time being a promise on the part of the
Indians to pilot him up the great streams leading from the in-

terior, whereby he hoped to discover a passage to tlie North
Sea, and thence to China and the Indies. In this second
expedition lie was less successful than in the former one. The
opposing forces met near the confluence of the Richelieu and
St. Lawrence Rivers, and though CliHiiiplaiii's allies were ulti-
mately victorious, they sustained a heavy loss, and he himself
was wounded in the neck by an arrow. After the battle, the
torture-fires were lighted, as was usual on such occasions, and
Champlaiii for the first time was an eye-witness to the horrors
of cannibalism. ,

He soon afterwards began his preparations for an expedition
up the Ottawa, but just as he was about to start on the journey,
a ship arrived from France with intelligence that King Henry
had fallen a victim to the dagger of Ra vail lac. The accession
of a new sovereign to the French Throne might materially affect
De Monts's ability to continue his scheme, and Champlain once
more set sail for France to confer with his patron. The late king,
while deeming it impolitic to continue the monopoly in De
Monts's favour, had always countenanced the latter's colonization
schemes in New France ; but upon Champlain's arrival he found
that with the death of Henry IV De Monts's court influence
had ceased, and that his western scheme must stand or fall on
its own merits. Champlain, in order to retrieve his patron's
fortunes as far as might be, again returned to Canada in the
following spring , resolved to build a trading post far up the
St. Lawrence, where it would be easily accessible to the Indian
hunters on the Ottawa. The spot selected was near the site of
the former village of Hochelaga, near the confluence of the two
great rivers of Canada. The post was built on the site now
occupied by the hospital of the Grey Nuns of Montreal, and even
before its erection was completed a horde of rival French
traders appeared on the scene. This diove Champlain once
more back to France, but he soon found that the ardour of
De Monts for colonization had cooled, and that he was not dis-
p|)sed to concern himself further in the enterprize. Champlain,
being thus left to his own resources, determined to seek another
patron, and succeeded in enlisting the sympathy of the Count
de Soissons, who obtained the appointment of Lieutenant-Gen-
eral of New France, and invested Champlain with the functions
of that office as his deputy. The Count did not long survive, but
Henry de Bourbon, Prince of Conde, succeeded to his privileges,
and continued Champlain in his high office. In the spring of
1613 Champlain again betook himself to Canada, and arrived at

37 .

Quebec early in May. Before the end of the month he started on
his long-deferred tour of western exploration. Taking with him
two canoes, containing an Indian and four Frenchmen, he as-
cended the Ottawa in the hope of reaching China and Japan
by way of Hudson's Bay, which had been disovered by Hendrick
Hudson only three years before. In undertaking this journey
Champlain had been misled by a French imposter called
Nicholas Vignan, who professed to have explored the route far
inland beyond the head waters of the Ottawa, which river, he
averred, had its source in a lake connected with the North Sea.
The enthusiastic explorer, relying upon the good faith of Vignan,
proceeded westward to beyond Lake Coulange, and atter a
tedious and perilous voyage, stopi)ed to confer with Tessouat,
an Indian chief, whose tribe inhabited that remote region. This
potentate, upon being a})prised of the object of their journey,
undeceived Champlain as to Vignan's character for veracity,
and satisfied him that the Frenchman had never passed farther
west than Tessouat's own dominions. Vignan, after a good deal
of prevarication, confessed that his story was false, and that
what the Indian chief had stt4,ted was a simple fact. Champlain,
weary and disgusted, abandoned his exploration and returned
to Quebec, leaving Vignan with the Indians in the wildernesses
of the Upper Ottawa.

His next visit to France, which took place during the sum-
mer of the same year was fraught with important results to
the colony. A new company was formed under the auspices
of the Prince of Conde, and a scheme was laid for the propa-
gation of the Gospel among the Indians by means of Recollet
missionaries sent out from France for the purpose. These, who
were the first priests who settled in Canada, came out with
Champlain in May, IG15. A province was 'assigned to each of
them, and they at once entered upon the duties of their respec-
tive missions. One of them settled among the Montasfnais,
near the mouth of the Saguenay; two of them remained at
Quebec; and the fourth, whose name was Le (Jaron, betook
himself to the far western wilds. Champlain then entered
upon a more extended tour of westward exploration than any he
had hitherto undertaken. Accompanied by an interpreter and
a number of Algonquins as guides, he again ascended the
Ottawa, passed the Isle of AHumettes, and thence to Lake
Nipissing. After a short stay here he continued his journey,
descended the stream since known as French River, into the
inlet of Lake Huron, now called Georgian Bay. Paddling

southward pant the innumerable islands on the eastern coast
of the bay, he landed near the present site of Penetanguishene,
and thence followed an Indian trail leading through the
ancient country of the Hurons, now forming the northern part
of the county of Simcoe, and the north-eastern part of the
county of Grey. This country contained seventeen or eighteen
villages, and a population, including women and children, of
about twenty thousand. One of the villages visited by
Champlain, called Cahiague, occupied a site near the present
town of Orillia. At another village, called Carhagouha, some
distance farther west, the explorer found the Recollet friar Le
Caron, who had accompanied him from France only a few
months before as above mentioned. And here, on the 12th of
August, IClo, Le Caron celebrated, in Champlain's presence, the
first mass ever heard in the wilderness of western Canada.

After spending some time in the Huron country, Champlain
accompanied the natives on an expedition against their heredi-
tary foes, the Iroquois, whose domp.in occupied what is now the
the central and western part of the State of New York.
Crossing Lake Couchiching and coasting down the north-
eastern shore of Lake Simcoe, they made their way across
country to the Bay of Quinte, tlience into Lake Ontario, and
thence into the enemy's country. Having landed, they con-
cealed their canoes in the woods and marched inland. On the
10th of October they came to a Seneca* village on or near a lake
which was probably Lake Canandaigua. The Hurons attacked
the village, but were repulsed by the fierce Iroquois, Champlain
himself being several times wounded in the assault. The
invading war-party then retreated and abandoned the cam-
paign, returning to where they had hidden their canoes, in
which they embarked and made the best of their way back
across Lake Ontario, where the party broke up. The Hurons
had promised Champlain that if he would accompany them on
their expedition against the Iroquois they would afterwards
furnish him with an escort back to Quebec. This promise they
now declined to make good. Champlain's prestige as an
invincible champion was gone, and wounded and dispirited,
he was compelled to accompany them back to their country
near Lake Simcoe, where he spent the winter in the lodge of
Durantal, one of their chiefs. Upon his return to Quebec in

*The Senecas were one of the Five Nations composing the redoubtable Iroquois
Confederacy. The Tuscaroras joined the League in 1715, and it is subsequently-
known in history as the " Six Nations,"

the following year he was welcomed as one risen from the dead.
Hitherto Champlain's love of adventure had led him to de-
vote more attention to exploration than to the consolidation of
his power in New France. He determined to change his policy in
this respect, and crossed over to France to induce a larger emi-
gration. In July, 1620, he returned with Madame de Cham-
plain, who was received with great demonstrations of respect
and attectioii by the Indians upon her arrival at Quebec.
Champlain found that the colony had rather retrograded than
advanced during his absence, and for some time after his re-
turn, various causes contributed to retard its prosperity. At
the end of the year 1621,-f* the European population of New
France numbered only forty-eight persons. Rival trading com-
panies continued to fight for the supremacy in the colony, and
any man less patient and persevering than the Father of New
France would have abandoned his schemes in despair. This un-
toward st?.te of things continued until 1627, when an association,
known to history by the name of " The Company of the One
Hundred Associates," was formed under the patronage of the
great Cardinal Richelieu. The association was invested with
the Vice-royalty of New France and Florida, together with very
extensive auxiliary privileges, including a monopoly of the fur
trade, the right to confer titles and appoint judges, and gene-
rally to carry on the Government of the colony. In return for
these truly vice-regal privileges the company undertook to send
out a large number of colonists, and to provide them with the
necessaries of life for a term of three years, after which land
enough for their support and grain wherewith to plant it was
to be given them. Champlain himself was appointed Governor.
This great company was scarcely organized before war broke
out betw^een France and England. The English lesolved upon
the conquest of Canada, and sent out a fleet to the St. Lawrence
under the command of Sir David Kertk. The fleet having
arrived before Quebec, its commander demanded from Cham-
plain a surrender of the place, and as the Governor's supply of
food and ammunition was too small to enable him to sustain a
siege, he signed a capitulation and surrendered. He then
hastened to France, where he influenced the cabinet to stipulate
for the restoration of Canada to the French Crown in the articles
of peace which were shortly afterwards negotiated between the

+ lu this year, Euatache, son of Abraham and Margaret Martin, the first chiM
of Exiropean parentage born in Canada, was born at Quebec.

two powers. In 1CS2 thi. reHtoratioii was effected, and next
year Champlain again returned in the capacity of Governor.
Erom this time forward he strove to promote the prosperity of
the colony by every means in his power. Among the means
wliereby he zt-alously strove to effect this object was the estab-
lishment of Jesuit missions for the convt^rsion of the Indians.
Among other missions so established was that in the far western
Huron eountry, around which the Uclatlons ties Jeauites have
cast such a halo of romance.

The Father of New France did not live to gather much
fruit from the crop which he had sown. His life of incessant
fatigue at la.:it proved too much even for his vigorous frame.
After an illness which lasted for ten weeks, he died on Christ-
mas Day, 16',]o, at the age of sixty-eight. His beautiful young
wife, who had shared his exile for four years, returned to
France where she became an Ursuline nun, and founded a con-
vent at Meaux, in which she immured herself until her death
a few years later.

Champlain's body was interred in the vaults of a little Re-
collet church in the Lower Town. This church was subse-
quently burned to the ground, and its very site was not cer-
tainly known until recent times. In the year 1867 some work-
men were employed in laying water-pipes beneath the flight
of stairs called " Breakneck Steps," leading from Mountain
Hill to Little Champlain street. Under a grating at the foot
of the steps they discovered the vaults of the old Recollet
church, with the remains of the Father of New France enclosed.

Independently of his energy, perseverance, and fortitude as
an explorer, Samuel de Champlain was a man of considerable
mark, and earned for himself an imperishable name in Cana-
dian history. He wrote several important works which, in
spite of many defects, bear the stamp of no ordinary mind.
His engaging in war with the Iroquois was a fatal error, but
it arose from the peculiar position in which he found himself
placed at the outset of his western career, and it is difficult to
see how anything short of actual experience could have made
his error manifest. The purity of his life was proverbial, and
was the theme of comment among his survivors for years after
his death. He foresaw that his adopted coun!.ry was destined
for a glorious future. " The flourishing cities and towns of
this Dominion," says one of his eulogists, " are enduring monu-
ments to his foresight ; and the waters of the beautiful lake
that bears his name chant the most fitting requiem to his me-
mory as they break in perpetual murmurings on their shores."

This .sketch would be incomplete without some reference to
the mysterious astrolabe which is alleged to have been found
in the month of AuL,nist, 1807, and which is supposed by some
to have been lost by Champlain on the occasion of his first
voyage up tlic Ottawa in Uli'.i, as recounted in the preceding
pages. The facts of the case may be compressed into few
words, although they have given rise to many learned disquisi-
tions which, up to the present time, have been barren of any
useful result.

In the month of August, 1807, some men were engaged in
cultivating a |>iece of ground on the rear half of lot number
twelve, in the second range of the township of Ross, in the
county of Renfrew, Ontario, while turning uj) the soil, as it is
said, they came upon a queer looking instrument, which upon
examination proved to be an astrolabe an instrument used in
former times to mark the position of the stars, and to assist
in computing latitudes, but long since gone out of use. Upon
its face was engraved the date 1008. Now, Champlain's first
journey up the Ottawa was made in the summer, of 1013, and
he must have passed at or near the identical spot where the
astrolabe was found. It is claimed that this instrument be-
longed to Champlain, and that it was lost by him in this place.
In support of this claim it is represented that Champlain's
latitudes were always computed with reasonable exactness up
to the time of his passing through the portage of which the
plot of ground whereon the instrument was found forms a part.
After that time his computations are generally erroneous — so
erroneous, indeed, as to have led some readers of his journal
very seriously astray in following out his course. This, in
reality, is all the evidence to be found as to the ownership of
the lost astrolabe. Taken by itself, it is reasonably strong cir-
cumstantial evidence. On the other hand it may be contended
that astrolabes had pretty well gone out of use before the year
1613, and Champlain was a man not likely to be behind his
times in the matter of scientific appliances. But the strongest
argument is to be found in the tact that Champlain's journal,
which contains minute details of everything that happened
from day to day, makes no allusion whatever to his having lost
his astraolabe — a circumstance, it would .seem, not very likely to
be omitted. The question is of course an open one, and has
given rise, as has already been said, to much discussion among
Canadian archiKologists, It is, however, of little historical
importance, and needs no further allusion in these pages.
6

THE HON. WILLIAM OSGOODE.

In view of the fact that this gentleman's name has a very fair
chance of immortality in this Province, it is to be regretted that
so little is accurately known about him, and that only the
merest outline of his career has come down to the present times.
Many Canadians would gladly know something more of the life
of the first man who filled the important position of Chief -Jus-
tice of Upper Canada, and the desire for such knowledge is by
no means confined to members of the legal profession. He was
the faithful friend and adviser of our first Lieutenant-Governor,
and it is doubtless to his legal acumen that we owe ihcse eight
wise statues which were passed during the first session of our
first Provincial Parliament, which assembled at Newark on the
17th of September, 1792.

Nothing is definitely known concerning Chief-Justice Os-
goode's ancestry. A French-Canadian writer asserts tha^t he
was an illegitimate son of King George the Third. No author-
ity whatever is assigned in support of this assertion, which pro-
bably rests upon no other basis than vague rumour. Similar
rumours have been current with respect to the paternity of
other persons who have been more or less conspicuous in Cana-
da, and but little importance should be attached to them. He
was born in the month of March, 17'">4, and entered as a com-
moner at Christchurch College, Oxford, in 1770, when he had
nearly completed his sixteenth year. After a somewhat pro-
longed attendance at this venerable seat of learning, he gradu-
ated and received the degree of Master of Arts in the month of
July, 1777. Previous^, to this time he had entered himself as a
student at the Inner Temple, having already been enrolled as a
student on the books of Lincoln's Inn. He seems at this time
to have been possessed of some small means but not sufficient
for his support, and he pursued his professional studies with
such avidity as temporarily to undermine his health. He paid
a short visit to the Continent, and returned to his native laud
with restored physical and mental vigour. In due course he

was called to tlie Bar, and soon afterwards published a technical
work on the law of descent, which attracted some notice from
the profession. He soon became knuwn as an erudite and
painstaking lawyer, whose opinions were entitled to respect,
and who was very expert as a special pleader. At the Bar he
was less successful, owing to an almost painful fastidiousness
in hio choice of words, which frequently produced an embar-
rassing hesitiition of speech. He seems to have been a personal
friend of Colonel Sinicoe, even before that gentleman's appoint-
ment as Lieutenant-Governor of U])per Ciinjida, and their intim-
acy may possibly have had something to do with Mr. Osgoode's
appointment as Chief -Justice of the new Province in the spring
of 1702. He came over in the same vessel with the Governor,
who sailed on the 1st of May. Upon reaching Upper Canada
the Governor and staff, after a short stay at Kingston, parsed
on to Newark (now Niagara). The Chief-Justice accompanied
the party, and took up his abode with them at Navy Hall,
where he continued to reside during the greater part of his
stay in the Piovince which was of less than three years' dura-
tion. The solitude of his position, and his almost complete
isolation from society, and from the surroundings of civilized
life seem to have been unbearable to his sensitive and social
nature. In 17i);") he was appointed Chief- Justice of the Lower
Province, where he continued to occupy the Judicial Bench
until 1801, when he resigned his jiDsition, and returned to
England. His services as Chief-Justice entitled him to a pen-
sion of £800 per annum, which he continued to enjoy for
rather more than twenty-two years. For historical purposes,
his career may be said to have ceased with his resignation, as
he never again emerged from the seclusion of private life. He
was several times requested to enter Parliament, but declined
to do so. During the four years immediately succeeding his
return to England he resided in the Tenq)le. In 1804, upon
the conversion of Melbourne House — a mansion in the West
End of London — into the fashionable' set of chambers known
as " The Alliany," he took up his quarters there for the remain-
der of his life. Among other distinguished men who resided
there contemporaneously with him were Lord Brougham and
Lord Byron. The latter occupied the set of chambers immedia-
tely adjoining those of the retired Chief-Justice, and the two
became personally acquainted with each otluT ; though, con-
sidering the diversity of their habits, it is not likely that any
very close intimacy was established between them. In conjunc-

oion with Sir William (irant, Mr. Osgoode was appointed on
several legal commissions. One of these consisted of the codi-
fication of certain Imperial Statutes relating to the colonies.
Another commission in which he took part was an enquiry into
the amount of fees receivable by certain officials in the Court
of King's Bench, which enquiry was still pending at the time
of his death. He lived very much to himself, though he was
sometimes iseen in society He died of acute pneumonia on the
17th of January, 1824, in the seventietli year of his age. One
of his intimate friends has left the following estimate of his
character ; — " His opinions were independent, but zealously
loyal ; nor were they ever concealed, or the defence of them aban-
doned, when occasions called them forth. His conviction of the
excellence of the English Constitution sometimes made him
severe in the reproof of measures which he thought injurious
to it ; but his politeness and good temper prevented any dis-
agreement even with those whose sentiments were most opposed
to his own. To estimate his character rightly, it v/as, however,
necessary to know him well ; his first approaches being cold,
amounting almost to dryness. But no person admitted to his
intimacy ever failed to conceive for him that esteem which his
conduct and conversation always tended to augment. He died
in affluent circumstances, the result of laudable prudence, with-
out the smallest taint of avarice or illiberal parsimony. On
the contrary, he lived generously, and though he never wasted
his propert} , yet he never spared, either to himself or friends,
any reasonable indulgence ; nor was he backward in acts of
charity or benevolence."

He was never married. There is a story about an attachment
formed by him to a young lady of Quebec, during his residence
there. It is said that the lady pi'eferred a wealthier suitor,
and that he never again became heart-whole. This, like the
other story above mentioned, rests upon mere rumour, and is
entitled to the credence attached to other rumours of a similar
nature. His name is perpetuated in this Province by that of
the stately Palace of Justice on Queen Street West, Toronto ;
also, by the name of a township in the county of Carleton,

•I ■: ■;;!. •, 'l.

LORD SYDENHAM,

Towards the close of last century there was in the City of
London, England, a prominent mercantile house which carried
on business under the style of " J, Thomson, T. Bonar & Co."
The branch of commerce to which this honse chiefly devoted
its attention was the Russian trade. It had existed, under
various styles, for more than a hundred years, and liad built up
so extensive a trade as to have a branch establishment at the
Russian capital. The senior partner of the firm was John
Thomson of Waverley Abbey, and Roehampton, in the county
of Surrey. In the year 1820 this gentleman assumed the name
of Poulett — in remembrance of his mother, who was heiress of
a branch of the family of that name— and he was afterwards
known as John Poulett Thomson. In 17^1 he married Miss
Charlotte Jacob, daughter of a physician at Salisbury. By this
lady he had a numerous family, consisting of nine children.
The youngest of these, Charles Edward Poulett Thomson,
destined to be the first governor of United Canada, and to be
raised to the peerage under the title of Baron Sydenham, was
born on the l.'ith of September, 1790, at the family seat in
Surrey — Waverley Abbey, above-mentioned. His mother had
long been in delicate health, and at the time of his birth was
so feeble as to give rise to much solicitude as to her chances of
recovery. She finally rallied, but for some months she led the
life of an invalid. Her feebleness reflected itself in the constitu-
tion of her son, who never attained to nmch physical strength.
The feebleness of his body was doubtless increased b}'^ the ner-
vous activity of his intellect, which constantly impelled him to
mental feats incompatible with his delicate frame. It may be
said that he passed through the forty-two years which made
up the measure of his life in a chronic state of bodily infirm-
ity. The fret and worry incidental to an ambitious parlia-
mentary and official career doubtless also contributed their
share to the shortening of his life.

His childhood was marked by a sprightly grace and beauty

which made him a treneral favourite. In his fourth year he
was for a time the especial pet of his Majesty King George
III. He made the King's acquaintance at Weymouth, where,
with other members of his family, he spent part of the summer
of 1803. While walking on the Parade, in charge of his nurse,
his beauty and sprightliness attracted the notice of His
Majesty, who was also spending the season there, in the hope
of regaining that physical and mental vigour which never
returned to him. The King was much taken with the vivacity
and pert rej)lies of the handsome little fellow, and insisted on
a daily visit from him. The child's conquest over the royal
heart was complete, and His Majesty seemed to be never so
well pleased as when he had little Master Thomson in his arms,
carrying him about, ana showing him whatever amusing
sights the place afforded. On one occasion the King was
standing on the .shore near the pier-head, in conversation with
Mr. Pitt, who had come down from London to ccmfer with His
Majesty about affairs of State. His Majesty was about to
embark in the royal yacht for a short cruise, and, as was usual
at that time of the day, he had Master Thomson in his arms.
When just on the point of embarking, he suddenly placed the
child in the arms of Mr. Pitt, saying hurriedly, " Is not this a
fine boy, Pitt ? Take him in your arms, Pitt — take him in
your arms. Charming boy, isn't he ?" Pitt complied with the
royal request with the best grace he could, and carried the
child in his arms to the door of his lodgings.

At the age of seven. Master Thomson was sent to a private
school at HanwoU, whence, three years afterwards, he was
transferred to the charge of the Rev. Mr. Wooley,at Middleton,
After spending a shjrt time there, he became a pupil of the
Rev. Mr. Church, at Hampton, where he remained until he had
nearly completed his sixti-enth year. He then left school — his
education, of course, being far from complete — and entered the
service of his father's firm. It was determined that he should
begin his mercantile career in the St. Petersburg branch, and
in the summer of 181.") he was des})at(!hed to Russia. His fine
manner's and address, combined with the wealth and influence
of the firm to which he was allied, obtained him access to the
best society of St. Petersbu:g, where he spent more than two
years. In the antumn of 1817, upon his recovery from a
rather serious illness, it was thought desirable that he should
spend the coming winter in a milder climate than that of St.
Petersburg, and he returned to his native land. The next two

or three years were spent in travelling on the Continent witli
other members of his family. He then entered the counting-
house in London, where he spent about eighteen months. This
brings us down to the year 1821. In the spring of that year
he wns admitted as a partner in the firm, and once more went
out to St. Petei-sburg, where he again remained nearly two
years. He then entered upon a somewhat prolonged tour
through central and southern Russia, and across country to
Vienna, where he spent the winter of 1823-4, and part of the
following spring. Towards the end of April he set out for
Paris, where his mother was confined by illness, and whare
she breathed her last almost immediately after her son's
arrival. Mr. Thomson soon afterwards returned to London,
where he settled down as one of the managing partners of the
commercial establishment. In this capacity he displayed the
same energy which subsequently distinguished his political
and diplomatic career. He took a lively interest in the poli-
tical questions of the day ; more especially in those relating
to commercial matters. He was a pronounced Liberal, and a
strenuous advocate of free-trade. In the summer of 1825
advances were made to him to become the Liberal candidate
for Dover at the next election. After due consideration he
responded favourably to these advances, and was in due course
returned by a considerable majority. One of his earliest votes
in the House of Commons was in favour of free-trade. He
soon became known as a ready and effective speaker, whose
judgment on commercial questions was entitled to respect.
His zeal for the principles of his party was also conspicuous,
and when Earl Grey formed his Administration in November,
1830, the office of Vice-President of the Board of Trade,
together with the Treasurership of the Navy, was offered to
and accepted by Mr. Thomson. He was at the same time sworn
in as a member of the Privy Council. The acceptance of the
former office rendered it necessary for him to sever his connec-
tion with the commercial firm of which he had up to this time
been a member, and he never again engaged in mercantile
business of any kind. By this time, indeed, he had established
for himself a reputation of no common order. The part he
had taken in the debates of the House, and in the proceedings
of its Committees, on questions connected with commerce and
finance, had f)roved him to possess not only a clear practical
acquaintance with the details of these subjects, but also
principles of an enlarged and liberal character, and powers of

generalization and a comprehensiveness of view rarely found
combined in so young a man. The next three or four years
were busy ones with him. It will be remembered that this
was the era of the Reform Bill. Mr. Thomson did not take a
prominent part in the discussions on that measure, his time
being fully occupied with the financial and fiscal policy, but he
put forth the weight of his influence in favour of the Bill.
His principal efforts, during his tenure of office, were directed
to the simplification and amendment of the Customs Act, and
to an ineffectual attempt to negotiate a commercial treaty with
France. After the dissolution in 18 'ST he was re-elected for
Dover. He was, however, also elected — without any canvass
or solicitation on his part — for Manchester, the most important
manufacturing constituency in the kingdom ; and he chose to
sit for the latter. In 1834 he succeeded to the Presidency of
the Board of Trade, as successor to Lord Auckland. Then
followed Earl Grey's ir>signation and Lord Melbourne's acces-
sion. On the dismissal of the Ministry in November, Mr.
Thomson M''as, of course, left without office, but on Lord
Melbourne's re-accession in the following spring he was rein-
stated in the Presidency of the Board of Trade — an office
which he continued to hold until his appointment as Governor-
General of Canada.

Early in 183G his health had become so seriously affected by
his official labours that he began to recognize the necessity of
resigning his office, and of accepting some post which would
not so severely tax his energies. He continued to discharge
his official duties, however, until the reconstruction of Lord
Melbotirne's Administration in 1839, when he signified his
wish to be relieved. He was offered a choice between the
office of Chancellor of the Exchequer and that of Governor-
General of Canada. He chose the latter, and having received
his appointment and been sworn in before the Privy Council,
he set sail from Portsmouth for Quebec on the 13th of Sep-
tember, which was the fortieth anniversary of his birth. He
reached his destination after a tedious, stormy voyage, and
assumed the reins of government on the 19th of October. He
was well received in this country. The mercantile community
of Canada were especially disposed to favour the appointment
of a man who had himself been bred to commercial pursuits,
and who would be likely to feel a more than ordinary interest
in promoting commercial interests.

Canada was at this time in a state of transition. Owing to

the strenuous exertions of the Reform party in this country,
seconded by Lord Durham's famous "Report;' the concession
of Responsible Government and the union of the provinces had
been determined upon by the Home Ministry. It was Mr.
Thomson's mission to see these two most desirable objects carried
out. He had a most difficult part to play. As a pronounced
Liberal, he natLvally had the confidence of the Reform party,
but there were a few prominent members of that party who
did not approve of the Union project, and he felt that lie could
not count upon their cordial support. True, the opponents of
the measure constituted a very small minority of the Reform
party generally ; but there was another party from whom the
strongest opj position was to be expected — the Family Compact.
This faction was not yet extinct, though its days were nuni-
bei'ed. It still controlled the Legislative Council, which body
had already recorded a vote hostile to the Union. The situa-
tion was one calling for the exercise of great tact, and the new
Governor-General proved himself equal to the occasion. He
made no changes in the composition either of the Special
Council of the Lower Province — a body formed under Imperial
sanction by Sir John Colborne — or in that of the Legislative
Council of Upper Canada. After a short stay at Quebec he
proceeded to Montreal, and convoked the Special C'ouncil on
the 11th of November. He laid before this body the views of
the Imperial Ministry relating to the union of the Provinces,
and the concession of Responsible Government. By the time
the Council had been in session two days the majority of the
members were fully in accord with the Governor's views, and
a series of resolutions were passed as a basis of Union. This
disposed of the question, so far as the Lower Province was
concerned, and after discharging the Council from further
attendance, Mr. Thomson proceeded to Toronto to gain the
assent of the Upper Canadian Legislature. With the Assembly
no difficulty was anticipated, but to gain the assent of the Tory
majority in the Legislative Council would evidently be no easy
matter, for the success of the Governor's policy involved the
triumph of Reform principles, and the inevitable downfall of
the Family Compact. The Governor's tact, however, placed
them in an anomalous position. For several years past the
Tory party had been boasting of their success in putting down
the Reliellion, and had raised a loud and senseless howl of
loyalty. They were never weary of proclaiming their devotion
to the Imperial will, irrespective of selfish considerations. This
7

cry, which had been perpetually resouDding throughout the
Province during the last three years, supplied the Governor
with the means of bending to his pleasure those who had raised
it. He delivered a message to the Legislature in which he
defined the Imperial policy, and appealed in the strongest
terms to those professions of loyalty which the Tory majority
in the Council were for ever proclaiming. He also published
a circular despatch from Lord John Russell, the tone of which
was an echo ot that of his own message. The Tory majority were
thus placed on the horns of a dilemma. They must either display
their much-vaunted loyalty, by acceding to the Imperial will,
or they must admit that their blatant professions had been
mere party cries to deceive the electors. Their opposition,
moreover, would render necessary the resignation of their
offices. With the best grace they could, they announced their
intention to support the Imperial policy. The Assembly
passed resolutions in accordance with the spirit of Gover-
nor's message. Nothing further was necessary to render the
Union an accomplished fact, except the sanction of the Im-
perial Parliament. A Union Bill, framed under the supervision
of Sir James Stuart, Chief Justice of Lower Canada, was
forwarded to England, where, in a slightly modified form, it
was passed by both Houses, and received the royal assent.
Owing to a suspending clause in the Bill, it did not come into
operation until the 10th of February, 1841, when, by virtue of
the Governor-General's proclamation, the measure took eflfect,
and the union of the Canadas was complete.

Soon after the close of the session of the Upper Canadian
Legislature, Mr. Thomson was raised to the peerage by the
title of Baron Sydenham, of Sydenham, in Kent, and Toronto
in Canada. The greater part of the following autumn was
spent by him in travelling about through the Upper Province.
He seems to have been greatly pleased both with the country
and the people. The following extract from a private letter,
written from the shores of the Bay of Quints on the 18th of
September, is worth quoting, as showing the impressions of an
intelligent observer at that time : — " Amherstburg, Sandwich,
River St. Clair, Lake Huron, Goderich, Chatham, London,
Woodstock, Brantford, Simcoe, the Talbot Road and Settle-
ment, Hamilton, Dundas, and so back to Toronto — you can
follow me on a map. From Toronto across Lake Simcoe to
Penetanguishene on Lake Huron again, and back to Toronto,
which I left again last night for the Bay of Quinte, all parties

uniting in addresses at every place, full of confidence in my
government, and of a determination to forget their former
disputes. Escorts of two and three hundred farmers on horse-
back at every place from township to township, with all the
etceteras of guns, music, and flags. What is of more import-
ance, my candidates evorywhere taken for the ensuing elec-
tions. In short, such unanimity and confidence I never saw,
and it augurs well for the future. . . . The fact is that
the truth of my original notion of the people of this country
is now confirmed. The rtiasn only wanted the vigorous inter-
ference of a well-intentioned government, strong enough to
control both the extreme parties, and to proc^laim wholesome
truths and act for the benefit of the country at large, in
defiance of ultras on either side. But, apart from all this
political effort, I am delighted to have seen this part of the
country — I mean the great district, nearly as large as Ireland,
placed between the three lakes, Erie, Ontario, and Huron.
You can conceive nothing finer. The most magnificent soil in
the world ; four feet of vegetable mould ; a climate, certainly
the best in North America. The greater part of it admirably
watered. In a word, there is land enough and capabilities
enough for some millions of people, and for one of the finest
Provinces in the world. The most perfect contrast to that
miserable strip of land along the St. Lawrence called Lower
Canada, which has given so much trouble. I shall fix the
capital of the United Provinces in this one, of course. Kingston
will most probably be the place. But there is everything to
be done there yet, to provide accommodation for the meeting
of the Assembly in the spring."

As suggested in the foregoing extract, Kingston was fixed
upon as the seat of Government of the United Provinces, and
the Legislature assembled there on the ISth of June, 1S41.
The Governor-General's speech at the opening of the session
was marked by tact, moderation, and good sense. A strong
Opposition, however, soon began to manifest itself, and Mr.
Neilson, of Quebec, moved an amendment to the Address
directly condemnatory of the Union. The amendment was
defeated by a vote of 50 to 25. Throughout the session
nearly all the Government measures received the support of
the House, an important exception being the French Election
Bill. Meanwhile the state of Lord Sydenham's health was
such as to render his duties very difficult for him, and as the
great object of his mission to Canada had been successfully

accomplished, he resolved to return home at the close of the
session. He t'orwarded his resignation to the Home Secretary,
having already received leave of absence which would obviate
the necessity of his remaining at his post until the acceptance
of his resignation. Of this leave, however, he was not destined
to avail himself. On the 4th of September he felt himself
well enoufjh to ride out on horseback. While returning home-
ward he put his horse to a canter, just as he began to ascend a
little hill not far from Alwington House, his residence, near
the lake shore. When about half way up the hill, the horse
stumbled and fell, crushing his rider's right leg beneath his
weight. The animal rose to its feet and dragged Lord Syden-
ham — whose right foot was fast in the stirrup — for a short
distance. One of his aides, who just then rode up, rescued
the Governor from his perilous position and conveyed him
home, when it was found that the principal bone of his right
leg, above the knee, had sustained an oblique fracture, and
that the limb had also received a severe wound from being
bruised against a sharp stone, which had cut deeply and
lacerated the flesh and sinews. Notwithstanding these serious
injuries, and the shock which his nervous system had sustained,
his medical attendants did not at first anticipate danger to his
life. He continued free from fever, and his wounds seemed to
be going on satisfactorily; but he was debilitated by perpetual
sleeplessness and inability to rest long in one position. On
the ninth day after his injury dangerous symptoms began to
manifest themselves, and it soon became apparent that he
would not recover. After a fortnight of great suffering, he
breathed his last on Sunday, the 19th, having completed his
forty-second year six days previously.

" His fame," says his biographer, " must rest not so much on
what he did or said in Parliament as on what he did and
proposed to do out of it — on his consistent and to a great
degree successful efforts to expose the fallacy of the miscalled
Protective system, and gradually, but effectively, to root it out
of the statute-book, and thereby to free the universal industry
of Britain from the mischievous shackles imposed by an
ignorant and mistaken selfishness."

His Canadian administration may be looked ui)on as a brief
and brilliant episode in his public career. In private life he
was much loved and highly esteemed. His amiable disposition
and pleasing manner excited the warmest attachment among
those who were admitted to his intimacy, and in every circum-

stance that affected their happiness he always appeared to take
a lively personal interest. Jn the midst of his occupations he
always had time for works of kindness and charity. In a letter
to an idle friend who had been remiss in correspondence, he
once said, " Of course you have no time. No one ever has who
has nothing to do." His assistance was always promptly and
eagerly afibrded whenever he could serve his friends, or confer
a favour on a deserving object. His integi-ity and sense of
honour were high, and his disinterestedness was almost carried
to excess. The remuneration for his official services was lower
than that of any other official of equal standing, and far below
his deserts. Never having married, however, owing to an early
disappointment, his needs v/ere moderate, and his private for-
tune considerable His person and manner were very prepos-
sessing, and his a|)titude and acquired knowledge great. He
was very popular in the social circle, and his death left a void
among his friends which was never filled.

MONTCALM.

" Go To ; the boy is a born generalissimo, and is destined t '^e a
Marshal of France," said M. Ricot, holding up his hands in
amazement. The boy referred to was a little fellow seven or
eight }'ears of age, by name Louis Joseph de Saint Veran. M.
Ricot was his tutor, and was led to express himself after this
fashion in consequence of some precocious criticisms of his
pupil on the tactics employed by Caius Julius Caesar at a battle
fought in Transalpine Gaul fifty odd years before the
advent of the Christian era. It was evident to the critic's
youthful mind that the battle ought to have resulted differently,
and that if the foes of " the mighty Julius" had had the wit to
take advantage of his indiscretion, certain pages of tl " Com-
mentaries" might have been conceived in a less boas' oirit.
Little Louis Joseph had sketched a rough plan, sho ..^ the
respective positions of the opposing forces, and had then
demanded of his tutor why this had not been done, why that
had been neglected, and why the other' had never been even so
much as thought of. M, Ricot, after carefully following out the
reasoning of his pupil, could find no weak point therein, and
was fain to admit that the Great Roman had been guilty of a
huge blunder in the arrangement of his forces. Fortunately
for the General's military reputation, the Gauls had been beaten
in spite of his defective strategy, and he himself had survived
to transmit to posterity a rather egotistical account of the affair.
M. Ricot had been reading those " Commentaries " all his life
— reading them, as he supposed, critically — but he had never
lighted upon the discovery which his present pupil had made
upon a first perusal. Well might he exclaim, " Go to ; the boy
is a born generalissimo, and is destined to be a marshal of
France."

Such is the anecdote— preserved in an old volume of French
memoirs — of the childhood of him who subsequently became
famous on two continents, and who for more than a hundred
yeara past has been accounted one of the most redoubtable com-

manders of his age. If the story is true, certainly the Marquis
(le Montcalm did not carry out the splendid promise of his boy-
hood. He lived to fight the battles of his country with untiinch-
ing courage, with a tolerable amount of military skill, and with
a tenacity of purpose that often achieved success against
tremendous odds. But, unlike the great general to whom,
during the last few^ weeks of his life, it was his fortune to be
opposed, he never gave any evidence of possessing an original
military genius — such a genius as would seem to have been
possessed by the youth who figures in the foregoing anecdote.
His chivalrous bravery, his high-bred courtesy, and, more than
all, his untimely death, have done much to make his name
famous in history, and to obscure certain features of character
which we are not usually accustomed to associate with greatness.
" Histoiy," says Cooper, "is like love, and is apt to surround
her heroes with an atmosphere of imaginary brightness. It is
probable that Louis de Saint Veran will be viewed by posterity
only as the gallant defender of his country, while his cruel
apathy on the shores of the Oswego and the Horican will be
forgotten."

He was descended from a noble French family, and was born
at the Chateau of Caudiac, near Nismes, in southern France,
on the 28th of February, 1712. Concerning his early years but
few particulars have come down to us. He seems to have
entered the army before he had completed his fourteenth year-,
and to have distinguished himself in various campaigns in Ger-
many, Bohemia and Italy during the war for the Austrian
succession. At the disastrous battle of Piacenza, in Italy, fought
in the year 1746, he gained the rank of colonel; and in 1749
he became a brigadier-general. Seven years subsequent to the
latter date he began to figure conspicuously in Canadian history,
and from that time forward we are able to trace his career
pretty closely. Early in 1756, having been elevated to the rank
of a Field-Marshal — thus verifying the prediction of his old
tutor — he was appointed successor to the Baron Dieskau in the
chief command of the French forces in this country. He sailed
from France early in April, and arrived at Quebec about a
month afterwards. He was accompanied across the Atlantic
by a large reinforcement, consisting of nearly 14,000 regular
troops, and an ample supply of munitions of war. He at once
began to set on foot those active operations against the British
in America which were followed up with such unremitting
vigilance throughout the greater part of the following three
years.

The state of affairs in Canada at this period may be briefly
summarized as follows : — The Government was administered
by the Marquis de Vaudreuil-Cavagnal, a man ill- fitted for so
onerous a position in sucli troublous times. The colony ex-
tended from the seaboard to the far west, through the valley of
the Ohio, and had a white population of about 80, 000. Pre-
vious to Montcalm's arrival there were 3,000 voteran French
troops in the country, in addition to a well-trttined militia.
The country, indeed, was an essentially military settlement, and
the people felt that they mi^^ht at any time be called upon to
defend their frontiers. The countless tribes and offshoots of
the Huron-Algonquin Indians had cast in their lot with the
French, and were to contribute not a little to the success of
many of their warlike operations. The French, by means of
their forts at Niagara, Toronto and Fronteuac (Kingston), held
almost undisputed sovereignty over Lake Ontario ; and their
forts at Crown Point and Ticonderoga enabled them to control
Lake Champlain.

Still, the French colonists laboured under some serious dis-
advantages, which contributed eventually to decide the contest
adversely to them. They had given comparatively little atten-
tion to the cultivation of the soil, and suffered from a chronic
scarcity of food. They were subjected to feudal exactions ill-
suited to the condition of the country, and were further im-
poverished by huge commercial monopolies. Every bianch of
the public service was corrupt, and the peculations of the
officials, if not shared by the Governor himself, were at least
winked at or sanctioned by him. Montcalm, whatever may
have been his shortcomings in some respects, was no self-seeker,
and was very properly disgusted with the mal-administration
which everywhere prevailed. His dissatisfaction with, and
contempt for, the Governor, had the efff^ct of producing much
internal dissention among the Canadians, and of hastening the
downfall of French dominion in the colony.

The population of the British colonies at this time was not
much less than throe millions; but this population, unlike
that of Canada, knew little of military affairs. The British
colonists had spent their time in commercial and agricultural
pursuits, and had not cast loose from the spirit of puritanism
which had animated the breasts of their forefathers. As com-
pared with the mother-country they were poor enough in all
conscience, but they were as a rule, frugal, iudustrious and in-
telligent ; and, as compared with their Canadian neighbours,

they might ahnost be said to be in affluent circumstances.
They possessed in an eminent degree those qualities — energy,
endurance, and courage — which mark the Anglo-Saxon race
in every quarter of the globe. Such a foe, if once disciplined
and roused to united action, was not to be despised, even by
the veteran battalions of France, and the most Christian King
showed his appreciation of this fact by sending against them a
general who was regarded as the most consummate soldier in
Europe.

Having arrived at Quebec about the middle of May, Mont-
calm lost no time in opening the campaign. One of his earliest
proceedings was to lay siege to Fort Oswego, which after a
faint resistance, was compelled to surrender. Articles of cap-
itulation were signed, the British laid down their arms, and the
fort was delivered over to the conquerors. One hundred and
thirty-four cannon and a large quantity of specie and military
stores became the spoil of the victors, and more than 1,600
British subjects, including 120 women and children, became
prisoners of war.

Up to this epoch in his career the conduct of the Marquis
de Montcalm had been such as to deserve the unqualified ad-
miration alike of his contemporaries and of posterity. Though
not past his prime, he had achieved the highest military dis-
tinction which his sovereign could bestow. Hirj chivalrous
courage had been signally displayed on many a hard-fought
field, and his urbanity, amiability, and generosity had made
him the idol of his soldiers. He had a manner at once grand
and ingratiating, and in his intercourse with others he mani-
fested a honhoinvie that caused him to be beloved alike by the
simple soldier and the haughty noblesse of his native land. Con-
sidering his opportunities he had been a diligent student, and
had improved his mind by familiarity with the productions
of many of the greatest writers of ancient and modern times.
By far the greater part of his life had been spent in the
service of his country, and when compelled to endure the
privations incidental to an active military life in the midst
of wai', he had ever been ready to share his crust with the
humblest soldier in the ranks. Up to this time every action
of his life had seemed to indicate that he was a man of high
principle and stainless honour. If it had been !iis good fortune
to die before the fall of Oswego his name would have been
handed down to future times as a perfect mirror of chivalry —
a knight without fear and without reproach. It is sad to

think that a career hitherto without a blot should have been
marred with repeated acts of cruelty and breaches of faith.
On both counts of this indictment the Marquis of Montcalm
must be pronounced guilty ; and in view of his conduct at
Oswego, and afterwards at Fort William Henry, the only con-
clusion at which the impartial historian can arrive is that
he was lamentably deficient in the highest attributes of
character.

Fort Oswego was surrendered on the 14th of August. By
the terms of capitulation the sick and wounded were specially
entrusted to Montcalm, whose word was solemnly pledged for
their protection and safe conduct. How was the pledge re-
deemed? No sooner were the British deprived of their arms
than the Indian allies of the French were permitted to swoop
down upon the defenceless prisoners and execute upon them
their savage will. The sick and wounded were scalped, slain,
and barbarously mutilated before the eyes of the Marshal of
France, who had guaranteed that not a hair of their heads
should fall. Nay, more ; a score of the prisoners were deliber-
ately handed over to the savages to be ruthlessly butchered,
as an offering to the manes of an equal number of Indians
who had been slain during the siege.

Such are the unimpeachable facts of the massacre at Oswego.
It is not probable that these proceedings on the part of the
Indians were agreeable to the feelings of Montcalm, or that he
consented to them with a very good grace. The noble repre-
sentative of the highest civilization in Europe could scarcely
have taken pleasure in witnessing the hideous massacre of
defenceless women and children. But he was anxious to retain
the co-opera':ion of his red allies at any cost, and had not the
moral greatness to exercise his authority to restrain their
savage lust for blood. It has been contended by some defend-
eis of his fame that he had no choice in the matter — that the
ferocity of the savages was aroused, and could not be con-
trolled. It is suihcient to say in reply that those who argue
thus nuist wilfully shut their eyes to the facts. Was it because
he could not restrain liis allies that he, without remonstrance,
delivered up to them twenty British soldiers to be tortured,
cut to pieces, and burned ? Was he unable to restrain them
when he finally became sickened with their butcheiy and
personally interposed to prevent its fui' er continuance?
From the moment when his will was u\. nistakably made
known to the Indians the massacre ceased ; and if he had been

true to himself aiid his solemnly-plighted word from the
beginning, that massacre would never have begun. By no
specious argument can he be held guiltless of the blood of
those luckless victims whose dismembered limbs were left to
fester before the entrenchments at Oswego.

With the surrender of Oswego Great Britain lost her last
vestige of control over Lake Ontario. The fort was demolished,
and the French returned to the eastern part of the Province.
The result of the campaign of 175G was decidedly in favour of
the French, and Montcalm's reputation as a military com-
mander rose rapidly, though his conduct at Oswego led to his
being looked upon with a sort of distrust that had never
before attached to his name. His courage and generalship,
however, were unimpeachable, and his vigilance never slept.
During the following winter his spies scoured the frontiers of
the British settlements, and gained early intelligence of every
important movement of the forces. Among other information,
he learned that the British had a vast store of provisions
and munitions of war at Fort William Henry, at the south-
western extremity of Lake George, Early in the spring,
Montcalm resolved to capture this fort, and to possess himself
of the stores. On the 16th of March, 1757, he landed on the
opposite side of the lake, at a })lace called Long Point. iSext
day, having rounded the head of the lake, he attacked the fort;
but the garrison made a vigorous defence, and he was compelled
to retire to Fort Ticonderoga, at the foot of the lake. For
several months afterwards his attention was distracted from
Fort William Henry by operations in different parts of the
Province ; but early in the month of August he renewed the
attempt with a force consisting of 7,000 JFrench and Canadian
troops, 2,001) Indians, and a powerful train of artilleiy. The
garrison consisted of 2,300 men, besides women and children.
To tell the sto»y of the second siege and final surrender of
Fort William Henry would recjuire pages. Suffice it to say
that the dire tragedy of Oswego was re-enacted on a much
more extended scale. For six days the garrison was valiantly
defended by Lieutenant-Colonel Munro, a veteran of the 35th
Regiment of the line. Day after day did the gallant old
soldier defend his trust, waiting in vain for succours that never
arrived. Finally, when he learned that no succours were to be
expected, and that to prolong the strife would simply be to
throw away the lives of his men, he had an interview with the
French coumiander and agreed to an honourable capitulation.

Again did Montcalm pledge his sacred word for the safety of
the garrison, which was to be escorted to Fort Edward by a
detatchnient of French troops. The sick and wounded were to
be taken under his own protection until their recovery, when
they were to be permitted to return to their own camp.

Such were the terms of capitulation ; terms which were
honourable to the victor, and which the vanquished could
accept without ignondny. How were these terms carried out ?
No sooner were the garrison well clear of the fort than the
shrill war-whoop of the Indians was heard, and there ensued a
slaughter so terrible, so indiscriminate, and so inconceivably
hideous in all its details that even the history of pioneer warfare
hardly furnishes any parallel to it. Nearly a thousand victims
were slain on the spot, and hundreds more were carried away
into hopeless captivity. No more graphic or historically accu-
rate description of that scene has ever been written than is to
be found in " The Last of the Mohicans," where we read that no
sooner had the war-whoop sounded than upwards of two thou-
sand raging savages burst from the forest and threw themselves
across the plain with instinctive alacrity. " Death was every-
where, in its most terrific and disgusting aspects. Resistance
only served to intlamo the nuirderers, who inflicted their furious
blows long after their victims were beyond the reach of their
resentment. The flow of blood might be likened to the out-
breaking of a gushing torrent; and as the natives became heated
and maddened by the sight, many among them kneeled on the
earth and drank freely, exultingly, hellishly, of the crimson
tide. The trained bodies of the British troops threw themselves
quickly into solid masses, endeavouring to awe their assailants
by the im])osing appearance of a military front. The experi-
ment in some measure succeeded, though many suffered their
unloaded nuiskets to be torn from their hands in tlie vain hope
of appeasing the savages."

It has been alleged on Montcalm's behalf that when the
slaughter began he used his utmost endeavours to arrest it. His
utmost endeavours ! Why, even if Ids command was insufficient
to restrain his allies, he had seven thousand regular troops with
arms in their hands, at his back. Instead of theatrically baring
his breast,and calling upon the savages to slay him in place of the
English, for whom his honour was plighted, he would liave done
well to have kept that honour unsullied by observing the plain
terms of capitulation, and providing a suitable escort. Instead
of calling upon the British — hampered as they wore by the

presence of their sick, and of their women and children — to
defend themselves, he should have called upon his own troops
to protect his honour and that of France. Had his promised
escort been provided no attempt would have been been made
by the Indians, and the tragedy at Oswego might in process of
time have come to be regarded as a mere mischance. But no
such excuse can now be of any avail. According to some
accounts of this second massacre, no escort whatever was fur-
nished. According to others, the escort was a mere mockery,
consisting of a totally inadequate number of French troops,
who were very willing to see their enemies butchered, and who
did not even make any attempt to restrain their allies. All
that can be known fo¥ certain is, that if there was any escort
at all it was wholly ineffective ; and, leaving humanity alto-
gether out of the question, this was in itself an express
violation of the terms upon which the garrison had been
suirendered. The massacre at Fort William Henry followed
one short year after that at Oswego, and the two combined
have left a stain upon the memory of the man who permitted
them which no time can over wash away.

Time and space alike fail us to describe at length the subse-
quent campaigns of that and the following year. Montcalm's
defence of Fort Ticonderoga on the 8th of June, l7o8, was a
masterly piece of strategy, and was unmarred by any incident
to detract from the honour of his victory, which was achieved
against stupendous odds. Ticonderoga continued to be Mont-
calm's headquarters until Quebec was threatened by the
British under Wolfe, when he at once abandoned the shores
of Lake Champlain, and mustered all his forces for the defence
of the capital of the French colony.

The siege of Quebec has been described at length in a
former sketch, and it is unnecessary to add much to that
description here. It will be remembered how Wolfe landed
at L'Anse du Foul on in the darkness of the night of Septem-
ber 12th, 1759, and how the British troops scaled the ])recipi-
tous heights leading to the Plains of Abraham. Intelligence
of this momc^ntous event reached Montcalm, at his head-
quarters at Beauport, about daybreak on the morning of
the 13th. " Aha," said the General, " then ijhey have at
last got to the weak side of this miserable garrison." He at
once issued orders to break up the camp, and led his army
across the St. Charles River, past tin northern ramparts of
the city, and thence on to the [)lains of Abraham, where Wolfe

and his forces were impatiently awaiting his arrival. The
battle was of short duration. The first deadly volley
tired by the British decided the fortunes of the day, and
the French fled across the plains in the direction of the
citadel. Montcalm, who had himself received a dangerous
wound, rode hither and thither, and used his utmost en-
deavour to rally his flying troops. While so engaged he re •
ceived a mortal wound, and sank to the ground. From that
moment there was no attempt to oppose the victorious British,
whose general had likewise fallen in the conflict.

Montcalm's wound, though mortal, was not immediately so,
and he survived until the following day. When the surgeons
proceeded to examine his wound the general asked if it was
mortal. They replied in the atfirmative. " How long before
the end ? " he calmly enquired. He was informed that the end
was not far oft* and would certainly arrive before many hours.
" So much the better," was the comnitint of the dying soldier — '•
" I shall not live to see the surrender of Quebec." The com-
mander of the garrison asked for instructions as to the further
defence of the city, but Montcalm declined to occupy himself
any longer with worldly afftiirs. Still, even at this solemn
moment, the courteous urbanity l»y which he had always
been distinguished did not desert him. "To your keeping,"
he said, to De Ramesey, " I commend the honour of
France. I wish you all comfort, and that you may be
happily extricated from your present perplexities. As for
me, my time is short, and I have matters of more impor-
tance to attend to than the defence of Quebec I shall pass
the night with God, and prepare myself for death." Not long
afterwJirds he again spoke: " Since it was my misfortune to be
discomfitted and mortally wounded, it is a great consolation to
me to be vanquished by so great and generous an enemy. If I
could survive this wound, I would engage to beat three times
the number of such forces as I commanded this morning with
a third of their nund)er of British troops." His chaplain arrived
about this time, accompanied by the bishop of the colony, from
whom the dying man received the last sacred offices o^ the
Roman Catholic religion. He lingered for some hours aiter-
wards, and flriaiiy passed away, to all outward seeming, with
calmness and resignation.

It seems like an ungrateful task to recur to the frailties of
a brave anvi chivalrous man, more especially when he dies in
the odour of sanctity. But as we ponder upon that final scene

in the life of the gay, charming, brilliant Marquis of Montcalm,
we cannot avoid wondering whether the " sheeted ghosts " of
the wounded men, helpless women, and innocent babes who
were so ruthlessly slaughtered at Oswego and William Henry
flitted around his pillow in these last fleeting moments. Not-
withstanding the fact that his mind seemed to receive solace
from the solenni rites in which he then took part, we have
never read the account of those last hours of Montcalm without
being reminded of the lines of the British Homer descriptive of
the death of him who fell " on Flodden's fatal field,"

The exact place of Montcalm's death has never been defin-
itely ascertained. Variaus sites are indicated by different
authorities, but no conclusive evidence has been adduced in
support of the claims of any of them. It is, however, known
for certain that his body was interred within the precincts of
the Ursuline Convent at Quebec, where a mural tabled v^as
erected by Lord Aylmer to his memory in 1 832. The following
is a translation of the inscription : —

HONOUR
TO

MONTCALM !

FATE, IN DEPRIVING HIM OF VICTORY,

RECOMPENSED HIM BY A

GLORIOUS DEATH.

A few years ago his remains were disinterred, and his skull,
with its base enclosed in a military collar, is religiously pre-
served in a glass case on a table in the convent. The monu-
ment to the joint memory of Wolfe and Montcalm has been
referred to in a previous sketch.

Thus lived and died the Marquis of Montcalm. He was
forty-seven years of age at the time of his death, and was
constitutionally younger than his years would seem to indicate.
A Canadian historian thus sums up the brighter side of his
character : " Trained from his youth in the art of war ; labori-
ous, just, and self-denying, he offered a remarkable exception
to the venality of the public men of Canada at this period,
and in the midst of universal corruption made the general
good his aim. Night, the rushing tide, veteran discipline, and
more brilliant genius had given his rival the victory. Yet he
was not the less great ; and while the name of Wolfe will
never be forgotten, that of Montcalm is also engraved by its

,ae on the ^^^^^^ Ka-^rof a^Sf.

garrison deficient m provisions ''"^^'^Xwe siege-train, the fire

?o contend .vith P^^^f ^"^ "' !/°h\rgun he tcted wisely in
of which must speedily si ence his gun ^^^^^^^ ^^

«t-ikintr the issue on a battle, m wiucn, ii i _
mtt also an honourable and a glorious death.

LORD ELGIN.

James Bruce, who afterwards became eighth Earl of Elgin and
twelfth Earl of Kincardine, was bom in London, on the 20th
of July, 1811. He was the second son of his father, the seventh
Earl, whose embassy to Constantinople at the beginning of the
present century was indirectly the means of procuring for him
a reputation which will probably endure as long as the Eng-
lish language. All readers of Byron are familiar with the
circumstances under which this reputation was gained. In the
year 1799, Lord Elgin was despatched by the British Govern-
ment as envoy extraordinary to Constantinople. During his
embassy he had occasion to visit Athens, where he found that
the combined influence of time and the Turks was rapidly de-
stroying the magnificent vestiges of the past wherewith the
city and its neighbourhood abounded. Actuated by a wish
to preserve some of these relics of departed greatness — and
probably wishing to connect his name with their preservation
— he conceived the idea of removing a few of the more inter-
esting of them to England. Without much difficulty he obtained
permission from the Porte to take away from the ruins of
ancient Athens " any stones that might appear interesting to
him." The British Government declined to lend its assistance
to what some members of the Cabinet regarded as an act of
spoliation, and Lord Elgin was thus compelled to carry out the
project at his own expense. He hired a corps of artists, labour-?
ers, and other assistants, most of whom were specially brought
from Italy to aid in the work. About ten years were spent in
detaching from the Parthenon, and in excavating from the rub-
bish at its base, numerous specimens of various sculptures, all
or most of which were presumed to have been the handiwork
of Phidias and his pupils. Other valuable sculptures were
disinterred from the ruins about the Acropolis, and elsewhere
in the neighbourhood. Upon the arrival in England of these
great works of ancient art all the world of London went to
see and admire them. In 181G they were purchased for the
9

nation for £35,000, and placed in the British Museum, where
they still remain. Many persons, however, censured Lord
Elgin for what they called his Vandalism in removing the relics
from their native land. Among those who assailed him on this
score was Lord Byron, who hurled anathemas at him both in
prose and verse. " The Curse of Minerva " may fairly be said
to have made Lord Elgin's name immortal. The case made
against him in that fierce philippic, however, is grossly one-
sided, as the author himself subsequently acknowledged ; and
there is a good deal to be said on the other side. The presence
of these magnificent sculptures in the British Museum gave an
impetus to sculpture not only throughout Great Britain, but to
a less extent throughout the whole of Western Europe. It
should also be remembered that had they been permitted to
remain where they were they would most likely have been
totally destroyed long before now in some of the many violent
scenes of which Athens hcis since been the theatre. Some art
critics have — more especially of late years — decried the work-
manship of these marbles, and have argued that they could not
possibly have been the work of Phidias. It is beyond doubt,
however, that they display Greek art at a splendid and mature
stage of development, and their value to the British nation is
simply beyond price.

The subject of this sketch was destined to achieve a higher
and less dubious reputation than that of his father. Being
only a second son, he was not born heir-apparent to the family
title and estates, and his education was completed before — in
consequence of the death of his elder brother and of his father
' — he succeeded to the peerage. At the age of fourteen he went
to Eton, from which seat of learning he in due time passed to
Christ Church, Oxford. Here he formed one of a group of
young men, many of whom have since attained high distinc-
tion in political life. Among them we find the names of Wil-
liam Ewart Gladstone, the late Duke of Newcastle (the friend
and guardian of the Prince of Wales upon the occasion of his
visit to this country in 1860), Sidney Herbert, James Ramsay
(afterwards Earl of Dalhousie, son of a former Governor-Gene-
ral of Canada), Lord Canning, Robert Lowe, Edward Card-
well, and Roundell Palmer — now Lord Selborne. Between
young Bruce and two of these — Ramsay and Canning — an un-
commonly warm intimacy pre vailed ; and it is a somewhat curi-
ous coincidence that they lived to be the three successive rulers
of India during the transition period of British Government

there. Ramsay, theu Lord Dalhousie, was the last Governor
before the breaking out of the Mutiny ; (-anning was the over-
ruler of the Mutiny ; and Bruce, as Lord Elgin, was the first
who went out as Viceroy after the Indian Empire was brought
under the government of the Crown.

Among the brilliant young men who were his friends and
compeers at college, James Bruce is said to have been as con-
spicuous as any for the brilliancy and originality of his speeches
at the Union. Mr. Gladstone himself has said of him, " I well
remember placing him, as to the natural gift of eloquence, at
the head of all those I knew, either at E-^on or at the Univer-
sity." But he was not less distinguished by maturity of judg-
ment, by a love of abstract thought, and by those philosophical
studies which lay the foundation of true reasoning in the mind.
In 1834 he published a pamphlet to protest against a monopoly
of Liberal sentiment by the Whigs ; and in 1841 he went into
the House of Commons for Southampton on Conservative
principles, which had, however, a strong flavour of Whiggism
about them. He soon developed a remarkable aptitude for
political life. He seconded the Address which turned out Lord
Melbourne and brought in Sir Robert Peel, in a speech pro-
phetically favourable to free trade, and he would doubtless
have been a cordial supporter of Peel's liberal commercial
policy had not his Parliamentary career speedily come to an
end. In 1840, George, Lord Bruce, elder brother of James,
died, unmarried, and the latter became heir-apparent to the
family honours. On the 22nd of April, 1841, he married
Elizabeth Mary, daughter of Mr C. L. Canning Bruce. The
death of his father soon afterwards raised him to the Scottish
peerage. He had no seat in either House of Parliament, and
in 1842 he accepted from Lord Stanley the office of Governor
of Jamaica — an appointment which decided his vocation in
life. With his career at Jamaica we have no special concern,
and it need not detain us. It may be remarked, in passing,
that he remained there four years, during which period —
owing, doubtless, in some measure to the sudden death of his
wife soon after their anival in the island — he led a somewhat
secluded life. He quitted his post in 1846, and returned to
England. Almost immediately after his arrival there Lord
Grey, the Colonial Secretary, offered him the position of Gov-
ernor-General of British North America. He accepted it, says
his biographer, not in the mere spirit of selfish ambition,
but with a deep sense of the responsibility attached to it. It

•>?r

was arrani^ed that he shoukl go to Canada at the beginning of
the new year. In the interval, on November 7th, he married
Lady Mary Louisa Lambton, daughter of the first Earl of Dur-
ham, whose live months' sojourn in this country in the year
1838 was destined to produce such important and beneficial
effects upon our Constitution. Lord Elgin was wont to say
that " The real and effectual vindication of Lord Durham's
memory and proceedings will be the success of a Governor-
General of Canada who works out his views of government
fairly." Thus it happened that the young Conservative Peer,
who had already shaken off his early Tory prepossessions, found
himself called upon to build on the broad foundations laid by
the most advanced member of the Liberal party of that day,
and to inaugurate the new principle of government which
Lord Durham and Charles Buller had conceived, not merely in
Canada, but throughout the colonial empire of Britain. Leav-
ing his bride behind him, to follow at a less inclement season,
he set out for the seat of his new duties early in Januarj^ and
reached Montreal on the 29th. He took up his quarters at
Monklands, the suburban residence of the Governor,

Nine years had elapsed since the Rebellion of 1837. Lord Dur-
ham, Lord Sydenham, Sir Charles Bagot Lord Metcalfe, and Lord
Cathcart had successively governed the North American Pro-
vinces in that short interval, but — except in the case of Lord Dur-
ham — with not very satisfactory results. The method of Respon-
sible Government was new with us. The smouldering fires of
rebellion were only just extinguished. The repulsion of races
was at its strongest. The deposed clique which had virtually
ruled the colony was still furious, and the depressed section
was suspicious and restive. It was just at the time, too, when,
between English and American legislation, wc were sufltering
at once from the evils of protection and free trade. The princi-
ples upon which Lord Elgin undertook to carry on the adminis-
tration of the affairs of the colony were that he should identify
himself with no party, but make himself a mediator and
moderator between the influential of all parties; that he should
retain no Ministers who did not enjoy the confidence of the
Assembly, or, in the last resort, of the people; and that he
should not refuse his consent to any measure proposed by his
Ministry, unless it should be of an extreme party character,
such as the Assembly or the people would be stire to disap-
prove of. For some months after his arrival in this country
matters went smoothly enough. The Draper Administration,

never veiy strong, had for several years been growing gradually
weaker and weaker, and was now tottering towards its fall ;
but so far it could command a small majority of votes, and
continued to hold the reins of power. The result of the next
general elections, however, which wore lield at the close of the
year, was the return of a large preponderance of Reformers,
among whom were nearly all the leading spirits of the Reform
Party. Upon the opening of Parliament on the 25th of Febru-
ary, 1848, the Draper Administration resigned, and its leader
accepted a seat on the judicial bench. The Governor accord-
ingly summoned the leaders of the opposition to his councils, and
the Baldwin-Lafontaiiie ministry was formed. After a short
session the House was prorogued on the ^."ith March. It did
not meet again until the 18th of January following. It is
hardly necessary to inform the Canadian reader that the Can-
adian Parliament sat at Montreal at that time. During: the
sesjiion one of the stormiest episodes in our history occurred.
Every Canadian who has passed middle age remembers that
disturbed time. The excitement arose out of the Rebellion
Losses Bill, as it was called — a measure introduced by Mr.
Lafontaine, the o.bject of which was to reimburse such of the
inhabitants of the Lower Province as had sustained loss from
the rebellion of eleven years before. Within a very short time
after the close of that rebellion, the attention of both sections
of the colony was directed to compensating those who had
suffered by it. First came the case of the primary sufferers, if
so they may be called; that is, the Loyalists, whose property
had been destroyed by rebels. Measures were at once taken
to indemnify all such persons — in Upper Canada, by an Act
passed in the last session of its separate Parliament; in Lower
Canada, by an ordinance of the Special Council, under which it
was at that time administered. But it was felt that this was
not enough; that where property had been wantonly and un-
necessarily destroyed, even though it were by persons acting
in support of authority, some compensation ought to be given ;
and the Upper Canada Act above mentioned was amended
next year, in the first session of the United Parhament, so as
to extend to all losses occasioned by violence on the part of
persons acting or assuming to act on Her Majesty's behalf
Nothing was done at this time about Lower Canada; but it
was obviously inevitable that the treatment applied to the one
Province should be extended to the other. Accordingly, in
1845, during Lord Metcalfe's Government, and under a Con-

servative Administration, an Address was adopted unanimously
b}'^ the Assembly, praying His Excellency to cause proper
measures to be taken " in order to insure to tl.e inhabitants oi*
that portion of the Province formerly Lower Oanada indemnity
for just losses by them sustained during the Rebellion of 1837
and 183cS." In pursuance ot this address, a Commission was
appointed to inquire into the claims of persons whose property
had been destroyed in the Tlebellion; the Conunissioners re-
ceiving instructions to distinguish the cases of persons who
had abetted the said rebellion from the cases of those who had
not. The Commissioners made their investigations, and reported
that they had recognized, as worthy of further imjuiry, claims
representing a sum total of £241,905 10s. 5d.; but they added
an expression of opinion that the losses suffered would be
found, on closer examination, not to exceed the value of
£100,000. This report was rendered in April, 1846; but though
Lord Metcalfe's Ministry, which had issued the Commission
avowedly as preliminary to a subsequent and more minute in-
quiry, remained in office for nearly two years longer, they took
no steps towards carrying out their declared intentions. So
the matter stood when the B Jdwin-Lafontaine Administra-
tion was formed. It was natural that they should take up the
work left half done by their predecessoivs ; and early in the
session of 1849 Mr. Lafontaine introduced the Rebellion Losses
Bill. The Opposition contrived to kindle a flame all over the
country. Meetings were held denouncing the measure, and
petitions were presented to the Oovernor with the obvious
design of producing a collision between him and Parliament.
The Bill was finally passed in the Assembly by forty-seven
votes to eighteen. Out of thirty-one members from Upper
Canada who voted on the occasion, seventeen supported and
fourteen opposed it; and of ten members for Lower Canada of
British descent, six supported and four opposed it. " These facts,"
(wrote Lord Elgin) " seemed altogether irreconcilable with the
allegation that the question was one on which the two races
were arrayed against each other throughout the Province
generally. I considered, therefore, that by reserving the Bill,
I should only cast on Her Majesty and Her Majesty's advisers a
responsibility which ought, in the first instance at least, to rest
on m" own shoulders, and that I should awaken in the minds
of the people at large, evon of those who were indifferent or
hostile to the Bill, doubts as to the sincerity with which it was
intended that constitutional Grovernment should be carried on

in Canada; doubts which it is my firm conviction, if they were
to obtain generally, would be fatal to the connection."

On the 25th of April Lord Elgin went down to the Parlia-
ment Buildings and gave his assent to the Bill. On leaving the
House he was insulted by the crowd, who pelted him with
missiles. In the evening a disorderly mob intent upon mischief
got together and set fire to the Parliament Buildings, which
were burnt'(l to the ground. By this wanton act public property
of considerable value, including two excellent libraries, was
utterly destroyed. Having achieved their object the crowd
dispersed, apparently satisfied with what they had done. The
members were permitted to retire unmolested, and no resistance
was offered to the military, who appeared on the ground after
a brief interval to restore order, and aid in extinguishing the
flames. During the two following days a good deal of excite-
ment prevailed in the streets, aiid some further acts of incen-
diarism were perpetrated. Similar scenes on a somewhat
smaller scale, were enacted in Toronto and elsewhere in the
Upper Province. The house of Mr. Baldwin and some other
prominent members of the Reform party were attacked, and
the owners burned in efhgy.

Meanwhile addresses numerously signed came pouring in
to the Governor from all quarters, expressing entire confidence
in the Administration, and unbounded regret for the indignities
to which ho had been subjected. Lord Elgin, however, felt
bound to tender his resignation to the Home Government.
Meanwliile the Bill which had caused such an explosion in
the colony, was running the gauntlet of the British Parliament.
On June 14th it was vehemently attacked in theHouse of (.'om-
mons. Mr. Gladstone himgelf describing it as a " measure for
rewarding rebels." The strongest pressure had already been
put upon Lord Elgin to induce him to refuse the Royal Assent
to the Bill. To do so would have been to place himself in
direct collision with his Parliajnent, and this he steadily
refused to do. The Home (Jovernment, represented by Lord
Grey, firmly supported him, approved his ])olicy, and shortly
afterwards conferred upon him a British peerage as an
acknowledgment of the unshaken confidence of the Queen.
Being urgently pressed to remain in office as Governor-General
he consented, and the more readily because the agitation soon
quieted down. From this time we hear no more of such dis-
graceful scenes, but it was long before the old " Family Com-
pact " party forgave the Governor who had dared to be im-
partial. By many kinds of detraction they sought to weaken

his influence and damage his popularity. And as the members
of this party, though they had lost their monopoly of political
power, still remained the dominant class in society, the dis-
paraging tone which they set was taken up not only in the
colony itself, but also by travellers who visited it, and by them
carried back to infect opinion in England. The result was
that persons at home, who had the highest appreciation of
Lord Elgin's capacity as a statesman, sincerely believed him to
be deficient in nerve and vigour; and as^the misapprehension
was one which he could not have corrected, even if he had been
aware ho'»v widely it was spread, it continued to exist in many
quarters until dispelled by the singular energy and boldness,
amounting almost to rashness, which he displayed in China .

Since the session of 1849 no Parliament has ever sat, nor
is any ever again likely to sit, at Montreal. In view of the
riot ' and the burning of the Parliament Buildings it was de-
termined to remove the Legislature, which met at Toronto for
the next two years. Subsequently it met alternately at Que-
bec and Toronto until ISGG, since which time Ottawa has been
the permanent capital of the Dominion.

After the storm consequent on the Rebellion Losses Bill,
the most important event by wliich Lord Elgin's Canadian ad-
ministration was characterized was the negotiation of the
Reciprocity Ti-eaty with the United States. The conclusion of
this Treaty was a matter requiring much time and a good deal
of prudent negotiation. In 1854, after the negotiations had
dragged on wearily for more than six years. Lord Elgin himself
was sent to Washington, in the hope of bringing the matter to
a successful issue Within a few weeks the terms of a
Treaty of Reciprocity were agreed upon, and they soon after-
wards received the sanction of the Governments concerned.
Lord Elgin returned to England at tlie close of 1854, being
succeeded in the government of Canada by Sir Edmund Walker
Head, who had examined him for a Merton Fellowship at Ox-
ford in 1838. Soon after Lord Elgin's return home, the Chan-
cellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster was offered him by Lord
Palmerston, with a seat in the Cabinet ; but he preferred to
take no active part in public affairs, and enjoyed an interval
of two years' rest from official labour. liis subsequent career
can only be glanced at very briefly. In 1857 he was sent to
China to try what could be done to repair, or to turn to the
best account, the mischiefs done by Sir John Bowring's course,
and by the patronage of it at home, in the face of the moral re-
probation of the people at large. He was present at the taking

of Canton, and in conjunction with the French, succeeded
by prompt and vigorous measures in reducing the Celestial
Empire to terms. After signing a Treaty with the Chinese
Commissioners at Tientsin, on the 26th of July, 1858, the con-
ditions of which were highly favourable to the British, he sailed
for Japan, and boldly entered the harbour of Jeddo, from which
foreigners had always been rigidly excluded. Here he obtained
very important commercial privileges for the British, and on
the 26th of August concluded a treaty with the Japanese. He
returned to England in May, 1859. The merchants of London,
in recognition of his immense services to British commerce, did
themselves honour by the thoroughness of their acknowledg-
ment of Lord Elgin's services, and presented him with the
freedom of the City.

He held the office of Postmaster-General till the hostile acts
of the Chinese Government towards the English and French
Ministers in China rendered it necessary that he should go out
again, and opening Pekin to British diplomacy, returned to
England in April, 1861. Almost immediately afrerwards he
was offered the Viceroyalty of India. This splendid appoint-
ment he was not disposed to decline. He accepted, and went
out to the seat of his Government. He lived only eighteen
months longer, a period, says his biographer, hardly sufficient
for him to master the details of administration of that great
Empire, with which he had no previous acquaintance, and
quite insufficient for him to give to the policy of the Govern-
ment the stamp of his own mind. He died of heart-disease
while making a vice-regal excursion through his dominions, on
the 20th of November, 1863, and was buried in the cemetery
at Dhurmsala, in a spot selected by Lady Elgin.

" Perhaps," says a sympathetic critic of Lord Elgin's career,
" the noblest part of the history of England is to be found in
the recorded lives of those who have been her chosen servants,
and who have died in that service. Self-control, endurance, and
an heroic sense of duty, are more conspicuous in such men than
the love of action and fame. But their lives are the land-
marks of our race. Lord Elgin, it is true, can hardly be ranked
with the first of British statesmen, or orators, or commanders.
His services, great as they unquestionably were, had all been
performed under the orders of other men. Even among his
own contemporaries he fills a place in the second rank. But
happy are the country and the age in which such men are to
be found in the second rank, and are content to be there."
10

]!^A.JOE-GENEKAL JAMES WOLFE.

'* 'Tia in the prime of summer-time, an evening calm and cool,

When certain bright-eyed English boys come bounding out of school."

The .school is at Greenwich, six miles below London Bridge,
and is kept by the Reverend Samuel Swinden. Date, some
time in the month of June, 1741. The boys are of all ages, from
five years upwards, and most of them are sons of military and
naval officers resident in the neighbourhood. One of them, a
sturdy little urchin of seven years, is a son of the Treasurer of
the great Marine Hospital down by the river's bank. He is
destined by his father for the legal profession, but has already
begun to shew his contempt for the law by breaking His
Majesty's peace several times in the course of every week. He
has been at school only a few months, and hitherto he has not
displayed much aptitude for his lessons; but he has distinguished
himself in numberless hand-to-hand engagements with his
fellow-scholars, and has gained the I'eputation of lieing, for a
youngster of his inches, tremendously heavy about the fist.
On this particular evening the school has been dismissed barely
five minutes before the pugnacious little rascal contrives to get
into an altercation with a lad several years his senior. As to
the precise nature of the casus belli, history and tradition are
alike silent. The pair adjourn to a secluded part of the play-
ground to settle their dift'erences a la Dogginson, " by fighting
it out with their i" tes." The other boys follow as a matter of
course, to see fair ]^iay. It is to be regretted that history has
not furnishc'l sufficient data to enable us to describe the passage
of arms very minutely. Suffice it is to say that after a few
rounds hive been fought, it becomes apparent to all the specta-
tors that Master Jackey Jervis has at last found his match.
His opponent, a great hulking fellow without any forehead,
who has arms like sledge-hammers, and who has hitherto
found it impossible to learn the nuiltiplication table, takes all
Master Jackey's blows with seeming nonchalance, and ever and
anon puts in a tremendous rejoinder which stretches the Treas-
urer's son upon the sward. When the contest has gone on after

this fashion for some time the seconds propose that, as there
hay been a Hiifficient effusion of blood to vindicate the courage
of both the combatants, there may well be a cessation of hosti-
lities. The big fellow stolidly remarks that it is all one to him;
but Master Jackey spurns the proposal with lofty contempt.
The contest is renewed ; another round is fought, and the lighter
weight once more bites the grass. Before he can arise to
resume the fray, the company receives an accession in the person
of a tall, slabsidea, awkwardly-made youth, who impetuously
elbows the others aside, and makes his way to the centre of the
fistic arena. The new-comer is somewhat older than any of the
other boys, and is ai)parently verging towards manhood. His
appearance is somewhat peculiar. The most partial admirer
could hardly pronounce him handsome. Apart from his un-
gainly build, he has fiery red hair, high, prominent cheek
bones, a receding forehead, and a proboscis of the kind which
the French call a nose in the air. There is a set, decisive ex-
pression about his mouth which betokens an indomitable will ;
and a flash in his sparkling blue eyes bears witness that he has
an ominous temper of his own. But, though his personal appt^ar-
ance is by no means that of an Adonis, the brightness of his
complexion and a certain bold frankness of facial expression
preserves him from absolute ugliness. Those who know him,
moreover, are aware that he possesses qualities which more than
redeem his plainness of feature. Though by no -means of
a robust constitution, he is endowed with unflinching courage.
He has a high sense of honour, and is the repository of the
secrets of nearly every boy in the school. He is a deligent
student, and though somewhat vain of his superior knowledge,
is ever ready to assist those of his fellow-pupils who are anxious
to learn. Add to all this that he is the senior boy of the
school ; that, though a stern disciplinarian, he is generous,
impartial, and a protector of the weak; and it will readily be
vmderstoood that he is popular both with master and scholars.
Unnecessary to say that there is no more fighting, for the
senior boy has forbidden it, and he is not one who tolerates any
opposition to his authority. Two minutes suffice to quell the
disturbance ; and the belligerents shake hands and march ott'
to their respective homes. Little Jackey, however, has been
rather severely handled in the encounter, and does not ])ut in
an appearance for several days, when the preceptor reads him
a lecture before the whole school on the ill effects resulting
from little boys permitting their angry passions to rise.

It is to be presumed that the lecture was not taken very
seriously to heart, for Master Jervis, during the following
seventy years, was many times conspicuous for little ebullitions
of temper. He never took kindly to his father's scheme to
make a lawyer of him. About three years subsequent to
the event just recorded he ran away to sea, and began that
glorious maritime career, the details of which form an import-
ant chapter in the history of England. For Master Jackey
Jervis lived to take part in more deadly encounters than
the one in the play-ground at Greenwich, and to take high rank
among the naval heroes of Great Britain. After valiantly
fighting the battles of his country in both hemispheres, and
rising to the rank of Admiral, he achieved that signal victory
over the Spanish fleet which procured for him the Earldom of
St. Vincent. No>- is the low-browed lad who was his opponent
altogether unknown to fame. His name was Thomas Brett,
and he lived to do good service in various capacities under
Nelson and CoUingwood. But the fame of the senior boy — the
florid-complexioned youth with the aspiring nose — is more dear
id Canadians of British blood than is that of either of his school-
fellows ; for his name was James Wolfe.

His career was short, and was compressed within a space of
less than thirty-four years. It terminated in the moment of
victory on the Plains of Abraham. But, brief as was his earthly
span, few lives of any length have accomplished so much ; and
his death was so glorious that it should scarcely have been re-
gretted, even by his nearest and dearest. What he did is
known to us. What he might have done if his life had been
spared, can only be conjectured ; but he possessed all the quali-
fications of a great military commander, and needed but time
and opportunity for their development. Of these, so long as
they were vouchsafed to him, no man knew better how to take
advantage ; and it is not extravagant to believe that had he
lived to the age of Marlborough or Wellington, he would have
won a place in history not less distinguished than theirs.

He was born at the Vicarage, in the little v^illage of Wester-
ham, Kent, on the 2nd of January, 1726.* His father, Colonel

* Authorities are all but unanimous in placing this date a year later — i. e., on the
2nrl of January, 1727. Even the standard biography of Wolfe (Wright's) repeats
the error. That it is an error becomes apparent when we learn that he was bap-
tised at twenty days old, and that the parish register shows this ceremony to have
taken place on the 11th of January, 1726— the latter <late being Old Style, equival-
ent to January 22nd, New Style. The correct date is further confirmed by the
•ntry in the register of the baptism of his brother, Edward, who was about a year
younger, and who was baptized on the 10th of January, 1727.

Edward Wolfe, was an officer in tne English army, who sub-
sequently rose to the rank of Lieutenant-General. His mother
was Henrietta, daughter of Edward Thompson, of Marsden,
Yorkshire. James was their first-born, and was the only
member of the family destined to attain high distinction. The
ov\j other offspring of the marriage was a younger son, Ed-
ward, who was born about a year after the birth of James, and
who did not live to reach manhood. Edward entered the army
while still a mere lad, and fought in the battle of Dettingen, on
the 10th of June, 1748. He died on October of the following
year, of consumption, accellerated by the hardships incidental
to a campaigning life.

But little is known of the childhood of the two brothers.
Both of them seem to have been of rather frail constitutions,
and the precarious state of their health is said to have caused
their parents much anxiety. As they grew up to youth they
appear to have bocome somewhat more healthful, though still
far from robust. Their earliest scholastic attainments were
received at the hands of a Mr. Lawrence, who kept a small
school in their native village. Their father was almost always
on active service with his regiment, and the boys saw very
little of him. About 1737 the family removed from Westerham
to Greenwich, where the children at once began to attend Mr.
Swinden's School. The episode described in the opening para-
graph is about the only anecdote which has been preserved of
their connection with that institution, and for it we are indebted,
not to any life of Wolfe, but to an old history of Greenwich.
Eaily in November, 1741, within five months after the happen-
ing of the incident above described, Master James received his
first commission, appointing him Second Lieutenant in his
father's regiment of Marines ; but there is no trace of his ever
having served under it. He shortl}' afterwards exchanged into
the Line, and his first active service was in the capacity of
Ensign of the Twelfth, or Colonel Duroure's Regiment of Foot.
The exchange took place early in 1742, and in April of that
year he embarked with his regiment for Flanders. The first of
his letters which have beeen preserved, is written to his mother
from Ghent, and is dated August 27th, 1742. His brother
Edward followed him to the Continent during the same year,
and died, as we have seen, in October, 1744. James's aptitude
for the military profession soon became apparent to his superior
officers, and shortly after the completion of his seventeenth
year we find him tilling the important post of Adjutant. He,

as well as his brother, took part in the battle of Dettingen, on
the 16th of June, and though they were placed in the middle
of the first line, they both escaped without a scar. A few days
afterwards James, in consequence of the talent for command
which he had already disy)layed, was promoted to a lieutenancy
and on the 3rd of June, 1744, he received a captain's commission
in the Fourth, or King's Regiment of Foot, commanded by
Lieutenant-General Barrell. His life for some months there-
after was one of uninterrupted campaigning, but it contains
no incident necessary to be remarked upon. Next year, Great
Britain was compelled to withdraw her forces from Flander's
in order to suppress the Jacobite rebellion in Scotland, known
as the " Rising of the Forty-five." Early in June, Wolfe was
commissioned a Brigade- Major, and almost immediately after-
wards he returned to England. He was at once despatched
northward to Newcastle, and fought at Falkirk and Culloden,
in both of which engagements his regiments suffered severely,
though he himself escaped unwoimded.

The Anti- Jacobin Revieiu for 1802 contains an anecdote
which, though probably apocryphal, may as well be inserted
here. It is said that when Wolfe was riding over the field of
Culloden with the Duke of Cumberland they observed a High-
lander, who, although severely wounded, was able to sit up, and
who, leaning on his arm, .seemed to smile defiance upon them.
" Wolfe," said the Duke, "shoot me that Highland scoundrel, who
thus dares to look on us with such insolence." To which Wolf<^
replied : "My commission is at your Royal Highness' disposal,
but I can never consent to become an execufAoner." From this
day forward, it is said, Wolfe, visibly declined in the favour of
the Commander-in-Chief. It is manifestly impossible to dis-
prove such a story as this ; but it is an undoubted fact that
Wolfe did not decline in the Duke's favour after the battle of
Culloden, and as no authorities are cited in support of the
anecdote, it is not unreasonable to infer that the whole is fic-
titious. For some months after the " dark day of Culloden,"
Wolfe remained in the Highlands, but we have no information
as to how he spent his time there. He passed a part of the
following winter in London, where he took up his quarters
with his parents, who then lived in their town house in Old
Burlington-street. During his stay in the metropolis at this
time he must frequently have passed through Temple Bar. If
so, he doubtless had the grim satisfaction of seeing the heads
of some of his former opponents, the Highland rebels, grinning
at passers-by from the spikes over the gateway.

In January, 1747, he again set out for the Continent with
the British reinforcements for the Netherlands. At the battle
of Lafi'eldt, fought on the 2nd July, he received a slight wound,
and was publicly thanked by the CJomnmnder-in-Chief for his
distinguished services. We do not find that he took part
in any other active engagement at this time, and we hear no
more of his wound. We next find him in London, where he
seems to have spent the greater part of the winter of 174-7-8.
The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was signed soon after, whereby
peace was restored to Europe.

About this time Wolfe had his first experience of the tender
passion, the object being a Miss Lawson, one of the maids
of honour to the Princess of Wales. His suit, however,
was disap{)roved of by his parents, and does not appear
to have been particularly acceptable to the young lady herself,
for, after a good deal ot delay, she rejected his ofier of his hand.
She died unmarried in March, 1759 — the same year which wit-
nessed the death of her former admirer. Wolfe was not pre-
cisely the kind of material of which despairing lovers are made,
and beyond a few expressions of regret, he does not seem to
have taken the rejection very deeply to heart. On the 5th of
January, 1749, he was gazetted as Major of the 20th Regiment,
stationed in Scotland, whither he repaired soon after. His pro-
motion to a Lieutenant-Colonelcy in the same regiment followed
fifteen months later, and the next three years were lor the
most part spent with his regiment in the Highlands, which were
gradually recovering from the effects of the rebellion. Then
came a journey to Paris, where he remained several months,
and where he was i)resented to the King, Louis XV., and to
Madame de Pompadour. The following two or three years of
his life were not marked by any incident of special impoi-t-
ance.

In 1757, in consequence of the recommencement of hostilities
with France, British forces, under Sir John Mordaunt, were
despatched to attack Rochfort, and Wolfe accompanied the
expedition as Quartermaster-General. This expedition was
destined to exercise an important inrtuence upon his future
career. He had hitherto been known simply as a brave and
efficient officer, but it was not commonly supposed, even by his
intimate friends; that he was endowed with an original military
genius of high order. The time had arrived when the world
was to form a more accurate estimate of him. Sir John Mor-
daunt, who was placed in command of the land forces for the

Rochforc expedition, was totally unfit for so responsible a post.
Sir Edward Hawke, who commanded the fleet, did good service
both before and after that time ; but this expedition was one
for which he does not appear to have been suited. The inca-
pacity of both the commanders soon began to be painfully ap-
parent ; and Wolfe, a soldier by nature as well as by training,
determined to show them how the siege of Rochfort should be
conducted. While they were wasting time in laying and alan-
doning immature plans, and in suggesting this, that and the
other imj)nicticable schemes, he, with Sir John's sanction
quietly landed on the island at one o'clock in the morning, and
made his observations. He saw a small post on the promontory
of Fouras, which it was evident must be taken before Rochfort
could be besieged with success. He further noted the most
favourable point for landing the troops. Having matured his
scheme, he returned and made his report to Sir John and Sir
Edward, and urgently recommended that his suggestions be
acted upon. Sir Edward approved of the plan, but Sir John
thought proper to call a Council of war, which, after a long
session, decided that such an attempt was neither advisable nor
practicable. The lucky moment was lost, and the expedition
returned to England without having accomplished anything.
The English people had confidently counted on the success of
the expedition, and were proportionately dissapointed. A com-
mittee of inquiry was summoned, and Sir John Mordaunt was
tried by court-martial. He was acquitted ; but Pitt, who was
at the head of the Government, after carefulUy mastering the
evidence given by Wolfe, came to the conclusion that the Quar-
termaster was an extraordinary young man, and that if his
advice had been followed there W(^uld have been a very difierent
result from the expedition. The youth who had the intrepidity
to take the initiatory observations, and who had had the militar}^
skill to concoct the plan of attack, was evidently a person
whose services it might be worth while to turn to account. At
no period in the history of England had there been a greater
scarcity of capable military leaders, and not often had capable
leaders been more urgently needed. This young Wolfe was
evidently an original military genius, and must be pushed for-
ward. He was immediately promoted to the rank of Colonel,
and was soon to receive still higher promotion.

The incompetency of the superior officers in the British army
had of late become painfully manifest on both sides of the
Atlantic. The American campaign of 1757 was even more

disastrous than were British operations in Europe. Lord
Loudoun, who had been despatched to America in the preceding
year, to direct the campaign against the French, had accomp-
lished nothing, and the enemy, under Montcahn, were uniformly
successful in tlieir operations. In August occurred the terrible
massacre at Fort William Henry. Other massacres followed,
and the colonists were liteiftlly panic-stricken. The border settle-
ments were laid waste, the houses and property of the inhabitants
destroyed, and the colonists themselves scalped and murdered by
the French and their Indian allies. French spies gained early
intelligence of every movement contemplated by the British,
and were thus, in many cases, the means of rendering those
movements abortive. The grand British scheme of the year,
however, was the reduction of Louisburg, in furtherance of
which an armament such had never before been collected in
the British Colonies, assembled at Halifax. This armament con-
sisted of about 12,000 troops, 19 vessels of war, and a consider-
able number of smaller craft. The troops were embarked
early in August with the ostensible object of capturing Louis-
burg ; but Lord Loudoun, learning that the French anticipated
the attack, and were prepared to oppose it, abandoned the idea.
He landed a part of the forces on the coast of Nova Scotia, and
returned with the rest to New York. A fleet specially sent
out from Great Britain, under the command of Admiral Hol-
borne, sailed for Cape Breton about the same time ; but the
sight of the French ships in Louisburg harbour proved too
much for the Admiral's nerves, and he steered for Halifax.
Here he was reinforced by four men-of-war, and the fleet again
set sail for Louisburg. The French fleet remained under the
shelter of the batteries in the harbour ; and would not be coaxed
out. Holborne cruised about the coast until late in the autumn,
when his fleet was dispersed and almost destroyed by a succes-
sion of violent storms. Considering that, under the circum-
stances, he had done enough for his country for that time, he
returned to England with the shattered remains of his fleet.

Such was the position of aflairs at the close of the v ear 1757.
Public indignation was aroused by the incompetency and
supineness of the military and naval commanders, and it
became apparent either that more efficient leaders must be
found or that all operations in America must be abandoned.
The new Ministry, witli Pitt at its head, proved equal to the
occasion. Lord Loudoun was recalled and General Abercromby
appointed in his stead. The Great Commoner formed his plans
11

for next year's campaign, which included the reduction of Fort
Duquesne, Louisburg, Ticondcroga, and Crown Point. The
expedition against Louisburg required a conjoint naval and
military armament. The naval command was assigned to
Admiral Boscawen, and the military forces to Colonel Amherst,
who was advanced to the rank of Major-General. With the
latter was associated Wolfe, Whitmore, and Lawrence, as
Brigade-Generals. Operations against Crown Point and Ticon-
dcroga were entrusted to General Abercromby and Lord Howe.
Those against Fort Ducjuesne were conducted by General
Forbes. The expedition against Fort Duquesne was completely
successful, but Abercromby proved himself as inefficient as
his predecessor in office, Lord Loudoun. Howe, who was a
thoroughly capable officer, was killed at Ticonderoga on the
6th of July, before his powers could be brought into play.
The expedition under Abercromby proved an utter failure.
Not so the expedition against Louisburg, the capture of which
was the most important event of the year. Being regarded as
the key to the St. Lawrence, it was a strongly fortified place.
A fortress had been erected there at a cost of '^0,000,000 livres.
Tha garrison was defended by the Chevalier de Drucourt, with
3,100 troops and about 700 Indians ; while two frigates and six
line-of-battle ships guarded the harlDour, the entrance to which
was blocked by three sunken frigates, Bosca wen's fleet crossed
the Atlantic, and in due course laid siege to Louisburg. Wolfe
led the left division of attack, which may be said to have
borne the brunt of the entire siege. A landing was effected on
the 8th of June, and during the following seven weeks the
operations were almost entirely conducted by Wolfe, to whose
skill and judgment their success is mainly to be attributed.
The garrison surrendered on the 2Gth of July, and together
with sailors and marines, amounting collectively to 5,637 men,
were carried to England as prisoners of war. 15,000 stand of
arms and a great quantity of military stores became the property
of the victors ; and a glorious array of captured colours were
sent to England, where they were carried in solemn procession
through the principal thoroughfares, and finally placed in St.
Paul's Cathedral. The town of Louisburg was reduced to a
heap of ruids. The inhabitants were sent to France in English
ships, and the fortifications were soon after demolished. A
few fishermen's huts are all the dwellings to be found on the
site at the present day.

From the moment when the news of the fall of Louisburg

reached England, the eyes of the entire nation were turned upon
Pitt and Wolfe, who jointly shared the popular enthusiasm.
The lustre of the British arms — tarnished by so many reverses
— began to shine with restored brilliancy, and tlie nation rose
almost as one man to do honour to the brave young officer whose
prowess and courage had been so signally displayed in its behalf.
He returned to England towards the close of the year, and at
once rejoined his regiment. His health had suffered a good
deal during the campaign in America, but this did not prevent
his offering his services to Pitt for the forthcoming campaign in
the St. Lawrence. His offer was accepted, and he was rewarded
with the rank of Major-General. To him was assigned the
command of the land forces ; the naval armament being entrusted
to Admiral Sauntlurs.

Before starting on this, his final expedition, he became a suitor
to Miss Katherine Lowther, sister to Sir James Lowtber, after-
wards Earl of Lonsdale. Her father had formerly been Gov-
ernor of Barbadoes, and died in 174"). We have no means of
ascertaining when Wolfe first formed the ac(|uaintance of tliis
lady, but there is no allusion to her in any of" his letters writ-
ten previous to this time, and it is jirobable that until his le-
turn from Americiv there had been no love passages between
them. His courtship in this instance was successful. W^hat
young lady of generous impulses would be likely to refuse the
hand of the brave hero of Louisburg, whose i)raises were in
everybody's mouth, and who was the favourite of* the greatest
statesman that ever swayed the destinies of Great Britain ?
His suit was accepted, and he carried tlie lady's portrait with
him across the seas, wearing it next his lieart until the evening
before his death.

Having got together a staff of officers to his liking, he em-
barked at Spithead on the 17th of February, 175!), and reached
Halifax on the .*]()th of April following. Louisburg harbour
was not clear of ice until about tlie middle of May, when the
fleet sailed thither. During his stay at Louisburg W'olfe re-
ceived intelligence of the death of his father, v\'lio died at Black-
heath on the 2r)th of March, in the 7Hh year of his age. The
fleet left Louisburg early in June, and proceeded to the St.
Lawrence. Wolfe, in due course, landed on the Isle of Orleans,
just below Quebec, where the troops, to the number of 8,000,
were landed without opposition, on the morning of the 27th of
Ji.ne. Having seen his army encamped, Wolfe set out, accom-
panied by his (Jhief Engineer, and an escort, to reconnoitre the

A-A-

enemy's position. Upon reaching tlie western point of" the
island, he was not long in perceiving that Quebec woiihl not
fall without a struggle. The prospect, sufficiently grand at any
time, was rendered more than ordinarily impressive by the war-
like pre[)arations to 1)0 seen on every hand. In front, on the
summit of Cape Diamond, rose the lofty citadel, with the flag
of France fluttering in tlie breeze. Above, all the way to Cape
Rouge, every landing-place bristled with well-guarded encamp-
ments. Below, on the elevated range extending from the
mouth of the River St. Charles to the mouth of the Montmor-
enci — a distance of eight miles — was a still more imposing
array. Every assailable point was efficiently guarded by a re-
doubt. A bridge, protected })y te^es de j)ont, spanned the St.
Charles, and formed a ready means of communication between
the garrison and the troops on the opposite side of the river.
The mouth of the stream, just below the citadel, was closed by a
boom, and was further defended by stranded frigates. The
natural advantages of the situation had been enhanced by the
highest military skill, and there was not a vulnerable point to
be seen any where. The enemy's forces, 12,000 strong, composed
of French regulars, Canadian militia, and a few Indians, were
under the direction of the Marquis de Montcalm, one of the
most consummate generals of the age. The position was one
which was one which might hsve well been pronounced im-
pregnable, and Wolfe could haidly have been censured if he
had then and there abandoned all hope of success.

But there are some men whom no difficulties can discourage,
and no danger can daunt. Such a man was the intrepid young
Major-General who had been sent out by Pitt to sound the
death-note of Fi-ench Dominion in Canada. With a shattered
constitution, and a frame alreadv in an advanced stao-e oi con-
sumption, the indomitable young hero commenced the first
moves in that desperate game which he was finally destintd to
win at the cost of his own life. The siege lasted nearly three
months, during all of which time, consumed by organic disease,
and worn out by long and uninterru])ted service, his dauntless
resolution never wholly failed him. For weeks and weeks his
eagie eye, ever on the alert to s})y out a vuhiei'able point in
that seemingly immaculate eoat-of-mail, scanned the redoubts
from Cape Rouge to the Montmorenci. There was no fool-
hardiness — no wilful throwing away of life — but there was
much to be dared, and nmch to be left to mere chance. When-
ever there seemed to be any, even the slightest, prospect of ef-

fecting an opening that chance was greedily seized and eagerly
acted upon. Contemplatf d in the light of the grand result, we
are lost in amazement at the indomitable sonl of that frail
young invalid who, vnidismayed by repeated defeat, by conflict-
ing counsels, and by the effect of continued exposure upon his
enfeebled frame, steadfastly persevei*ed in his course until the
goal was won. For British dominion in Canada was established
not by bravery alone. Montcalm's veteran troops were as l)rave
as those to which they were opposed. (Quebec was won by
patience, b}' imceasing vigilance, by military skill, and by an
inward conviction in the breast of the English commander that
" All things are possible to him who will but do his duty, and
who knoweth not when he is beaten," The time was one
which called for action and no time Avas lost in useless delibera-
tion. Wolfe's plan of attack was soon formed, and he at once
proceeded to carry it out. The soldiers were directed to hold
themselves in readiness cither to march or fight at the shortest
notice. A little before midnight on the 28th — about thirty
hours after the forces had been landed — the sentinel on the
western point of the island peiceived certain black objects in
the river which were slowly moving towards the land where he
stood. He had no sooner aroused his companions than a tre-
mendous discharge of artillery took place. The force innnedi-
ately turned out and ))repared for battle, but no enemy heing
visible, it was necessary to wait for daylight. It then a})})eared
that the French commander had despatched eight hre-ships and
rafts, fieighted with explosives, towards the British fleet in the
river. These explosives had been launched from the shore in
the darkness, but had been lighted prematurely, and failed to
accomplish anything beyond a grand display of firtiworks.
Wolfe proceeded with his plans, and on the 30th he issued a
proclamation to the inhabitants, calling u))()n them to transfer
their allegiance, and enjoining u])on tliem that they should at
least preserve a strict neutrality. Monckton, one of Wolfe's
Bricadier-Generals, tlicn crossed over the arm of the river with
a strong detachment, took possession of Peint Levi, thniw up
entrenchments, and planted batteries ahjng the southern shore.
In effecting this manceuvre a body v^f 1,200 Canadians were dis-
lodged and T-epulsed, and the British grained an advantageous
position for attacking the citadel. Monckton held the position
in s])ite of all Montcalm's ettbrts to dislodge him, and on the
13th of July the batteries opened fire from here u))on the cita-
del. The fleet in the river also opened* fiie upon the French

lines on the northern shore between Quebec and the Falls of
Montniorenci, and under cover of the fire Wolfe landed on the
eastern bank of the Montniorenci River, and intrenched his
position there. The shells from tlie batteries at Point Levi set
fire to the Upper Town of Quebec, whereby the great Cathe-
dral and many other buildings were destroyed. Hostilities
were renewed day by day, and tliere was great destruction both
of property and of human life ; but after weeks of toilsome
operation the capture of Quebec seemed as far off as when the
British fleet first arrived in the St. Lawi-ence. On the night
of the 28th of July, the French made a second attempt to
destroy the English fleet with hre-rafts, but the sailors grappled
the rafts before they could reach the fleet and quietly towed
them ashore.

Meantime, Wolfe's efforts to decoy Montcalm to emerge from
his fastnesses and to enter into a general fntjaiiement were un-
ceasing; but the French General was n^t to be tempted.
Several British men-of-war sailed up the St. Lawrence, past the
city, and got into the upper liver. Wolfe was thus enabled to
reconnoitre the country above, the bombardment of the citadel
being kept up almost without intermission. On the Sl^t,
Wolfe, from his camp near tlie mouth of the Montmorenci,
made a formidable attack upon tlie French on the other side of
the (Montmorenci) River, near Beauport. The attack was un-
successftd, and the British wore C(mipelled to retire with con-
siderable loss. Attempts to dislodge the French were made at
all points along the river; but owing to their advantageous
position, all such attempts were fruitless, and as the weeks
passed by without securing any decisive advantage to his arms,
Wolfe's anxiety became so great as to bring en a slow fever,
which for some days confined him to his bed. As soon as he
was able to drau' himself thence he called his chief officers
together and submitted to them several new methods of attack.
Most of the officers were of opinion that the attack should be
made above the city, rather than below. Wolfe coincided in
this view, and on the 3rd of September transfored his own
camp to Point Levi. Soon afterwards a narrow path, scarcely
wide enough for two men to march abreast, was discovered on
the north bank of the St. Lawrence, leading up the cliffs, aVjout
two miles above the city. The spot was known as IJAnse du
Fovlon, but has since been known as Wolfe's Cove. Wolfe
deteri.Tined to land his forces here, and under cover of night,
to ascend to the heiglfts above. The heights once reached, it

was probable that Montcalm might hazard a battle. Should
he decline to do so, the British troops would at any rate have
gained an advantageous point for a fresh attack upon the
citadel. ,

Having determined a this line of proceeding, preparations
were at once set on ' :, for carrying it out. An important
point was to keep tiie i<'rench in ignorance of the design, and
if possible to mislead them as to the spot where it was pro-
posed to make the attack. With this view, soundings were
made in the river opposite Beauport, between the mouth of
the St. Charles and the Falls of Montmorenci, as though with
the intention of effecting a landing there. The ruse was suc-
cessful, and Montcalm's attention was directed to this spot as
the probable point which he would soon have to defend. He
hurried down to the entrenchments at Beauport, and made
preparations to oppose the British in their anticipated attempt
to land.

On the evening of the 12th of September several of the
heaviest vessels of the British fleet anchored near Beauport.
Boats were lowered, and were soon tilled with men, as though
it were ititended to effect a landing forthwith. Montcalm's
attention having been thus concentrated upoL this point, the
smaller vessels sailed up the river past Cape Diamond, and
joined the squadron under Admiral Holmes, which lay near
Cape Rouge. The forces on the south bank of the St. Law-
rence simultaneously advanced up the shore from Point Levi,
and having arrived opposite the squadron, were (juietly taken
on board, where they awaited further orders. Wolfe, with the
germs of a hectic fever still rankling in his blood, was never-
theless actively engaged in reconnoitring the position both on
the river and on land. And now we again meet for a few
moments with our old friend, Mr. John Jervis. Eighteen years
have passed over his head since we last met him- in the play-
ground at Greenwich He is now commander of the Porcu-
pine, one of the sloops of war in the St. Lawrence. A few
weeks before this time he had rendered an essential .service to
his old school-fellow, James Wolfe. One of the General's pas-
sages up the river had been made in the FDVCupine, and in
passing the batteries of the Lower Town of Quebec, the wind
had died away, and the vessel had been driven by the current
towards the northern slnre. A cannonade was at once opened
upon the vessel from the French batteries, and Wolfe would
soon have been in the hands of the enemy. Jervis proved

e(|ual to the occa,si(5n. Hih \A^or<l of coniiiiand rang out to
lower the ship's boats. The command was at once obeyed, and

''•the crew soon towed the Porcwpins out of danger. The

memory of this event ,niay perhaps have had something to do

with Wolfe's conduct towards his old friend on the evening of

this 12th of Sept('nd)er. The General sent for young Jervis,

''' and had a conversation with him upon various private matters.

' He expressed his conviction that he would not survive the im-

• ■ pending' battle, and taking Miss Lowther's picture from his

bosom, lie delivered it to Jervis. " If I fall," he said, " let it be
given to her with my l)est love." Jervis, of course, promised
compliance, and the somewhile pupils of Mr. Swindon bade

•^' each other a last farewell.

'' •' ' The hours intervening between this conference and midnight
were chiefly spent by the General in adding a codicil to his

• will, and in making a final inspection of arrangements for the
''"' proposed landing at L'Antie da Fonlou. The night was calm

and beautiful, and as he passed from ship to ship he commented

• * to the ofticers on the contrast between the quietness which

reigned supreme, and the resonant roar of battle which would
almost certainly bo heard there on the morrow. As he quietly
moved about he was heard repeating in a low tone several
stanzas of Gray's "Elegy." One of these stanzas he repeated
several times : ■'

"The boast of hei'fiMry, the pomp of power,
'•■■■• And all that beauty, and all that wealth e'er gave,

Await alike th' inevitable hour ; '

The paths of glory lead but to the grave."

The occasion was a solemn one, and he doubtless, felt that, for
him, the last line iiad a special significance at that time. Who
shall say wliat other thoughts tilled his breast on that last
evening of his life ? Perchance he thought of his mother, of
his dead father and brother, and of her who was pledged to
share his name and fame. Let us lio})e that, in that solenm
hour, with the forebodings of his coming doom strong upon him,
he was able to look back upon his life with a consciousness Uiat he
had served his God with at least some measure of the zeal which
he had ever been wont to display in the service of his country.
He continued to repeat the beautiful lines of the poet, down to
the concluding words of tlie epitaph. Then after a brief pause,

89 .

turning to his officers : — " Gentlemen," he said, " I would rather
be the author of that piece than take Quebec to-morrow."*

But not much time could be given to sentiment. A little
after midnight, Wolfe embarked a strong detachment of forces
in flat-bottomed boats, and, placing himself at their head,
quietly glided down the river to L'Anse du Foulon. The spot
was soon reached, and the landing was eft'ected in safety. The
clift here rises almost perpendicularly to a height of IMiO feet,
and one of the soldiers was heard to remark that going up
there would be like going up the side of a house. No time was
lost, and the ascent of the ravine was at once begun. The
enemy had a line of sentinels all along the top of the cliff, and
one of the sentries was stationed at the precise spot wliere the
British would emerge on the summit. When those who were
in the van of ascent had reached a point about iialf way up the
acclevity, the sentry's attention was aroused by the noise of
scrambling that was necessarily made by the British soldiers.
Calling " Qal vivef down the clitf, he was answered in French,
and, suspecting nothing amiss, he proceeded on his rounds.
Meanwhile the British had not waited to ascend two abreast, but
were scrambling up as best they could. Seizing hold of bushes,
roots, and projections of rock, they rapidly scaled tlie steep sides
of the cliff, and were soon within a few yards of the top. About
a hundred of them made the ascent at a point a few yards
further east than the ravine, and directly above their heads
was a sentry-post with five or six French soldiers, who, hearing
the noise, began to peer down the side of the cliff. Darkness
prevented their seeing much, but the roots and bushes seeme».l
all alive, and firing a volley down at random, they took to
their heels and fled. The British vigorously pushed their way
up, and were soon on level ground. Long before daylight
4,828 British troops stood upon the Heights of Abraham, com-
manding the city from the West. One solitary cannon liad
been toilsomely dragged up the ravine. It was destined to do
good service agauist the French troops, and to carry a message
o^* death to their commander, ere many hours had passed.
The decisive moment was at hand. By this time Wolfe felt

* There is ii atory to the effect that Wolfe, on this night, oomposed the well-
known song which hears his name, commencing : " How Htantls the glass around?"
The atory is altogetiier without foundation, the song having lieen written and pub-
lished long before (ieneral Wolfe was Ixun. Tho poetical talent of the family
aeems to have been confined to tlK? Irish I 'ranch, one ,)f the members whereof, the
Kev. Charles Wolfe, s>d)sequently won immortality by v. single short poem, "The
Burial of Sir John Moore. "

certain that the French General would now emerge from his
entrenchmehts and fight. His conviction proved to be well
founded. About six o'clock in the morning, Montcalm, who
had been vigilantly watching during the night for an attack at
Beauport, received the intelligence of Wolfe's manoeuvre. Has-
tening across the St. Charles, he hurried along past the north-
ern ramparts of Quebec, and advanced to do battle. His forces
consisted of 7,520 troops, besides 400 Indians. In addition to
these, he had a force of about 1,500 men farther up the river,
near Cape Rouge, under M. de Bougainville. Messengers were
dispatched to this officer directing him to hasten to the scene of
action and attack the British in their rear.

The battle began early in the forenoon, when Montcalm's artil-
lery opened lire upon the British. His force, independently of
that under M. de Bougainville, being nearly double that of the
British, he hoped to turn his numerical superiority to account by
out-flanking the enemy's left, and crowding them towards the
bank, when he would oppose them to the front and to the
north, while M. de Bougainville would sweep down upon their
rear. M. de Bougainville, however, was slow in arriving, and
Montcahn's attack on the north and east was opposed by the
British with such determihation that he was compelled to draw
back. Then, remustering his troops, he returned to the charge.
This was the decisive moment. The British, by Wolfe's com-
mand, threw themselves on the ground, and though the hot fire
of the approaching Frenchmen did terrible execution among
them, not a shot was fired in return. On came the foe until
the}' had advanced to within forty yards of the British. Then
Wolfe's voice was suddenly heard above the din of battle like
the note of a clarion. Responsive to his call, the troops rose
as one man and poured in a volley so deadly as to strike even
the well-trained veterans of France with awe. Scores of them
fell to rise no more, and hundreds sank wounded on the plain.
Such of the teriified Canadian troops as were able to run, fled
in sheer terror. Before the smoke of that terrible volley had
cleared awa^^ Wolfe, his delicate frame trembling with illness,
but buoyed up with the assurance of a glorious victory, placed
himself at the head of the Louisburg Creiiadiers and the 28th
Regiment, and led them to the fray. Wrapping a handkerchief
round his left wrist, which had just been shattered by a bullet,
he continued to advance at the head of his men, inspiriting
them alike by his acts and his deeds. He ga\e the word to
harge," and the word has scarcely passed his lips when he

received a bullet in the groin. Staggering under the shock, he
yet continued to advance, thougli unable to speak above his
breath. The battle had not yet raged more than fifteen min-
utes, but it was even now virtually decided. The French troops
were utterly disorganized, and fled in all directions. Montcalm,
brave to rashness, rode along the broken ranks, and vainly tried
to re-form them. As he continued to harangue them, exposing
himself to the enemy's fire with utter indifference to his own
safety, he was struck ty a shot from the solitary gun which the
British had been able to drag up the heights. He fell, mortally
wounded ; and from that moment there can no longer be said
to have been any lighting. It was a fierce pursuit on the one
side and a frantic flight on the other.

Less than three minutes before Montcalm's fall, Wolfe had
received a third bullet woimd — this time in the left breast
He leant upon the arm of the nearest officer, saying, " Support
me — do not let my brave fellows see me fall. The day is ours
— keep it." He was at once carried to the rear. Hearing some
one giving directions to fetch a surgeon, he murmured, " It is
useless — all is over with me." As his life ebbed away he heard
a voice exclaim " They run, they run !'" The words inspired
him with temporary animation. Slightly raising his head he
asked, " Who — who run?" " The enemy, sir," was the reply ;
" they give way e very wdi ere." Summoning his fast-fieeting
strength, he rejoined, "Go, one of you, to Colonel Burton.
Tell him to march Webb's [regiment with all speed down to
Charles River to cut off the retreat." His head then sank, and
turning slightly on one side, as in a heavy sleep, he was heard
to murmur, " Now, God be praised, I die in peace,"
And thus died all that was mortal of James Wolfe.*
Everybody knows the rest of the story ; how M. de Bougain-
ville appeared on the field too late to be of any service ; how,
seeing what had befallen, he retreated again to Cape Rouge ;
how the Marquis de Vaudreuil, the Governor, and his 1,501)
Canadians deserted the lines below Quebec, and made what
haste they could to Montreal ; how the beleagured garrison, re-
duced by famine and slaughter, capitulated on the fifth day

* There are various iiccoimts extant of this closing scene in Wolfe's life, all pro-
fessing to come more or less directly from eye-witnesses. No two of them agree in
all points, anil one of them states that the (General never uttered a syllable after he
was carried to the rear. The above is tlie version generally accepted by historians,
and is supported by the testimony of the most trustworthy of those who were present
at the scene.

after the battle ; how a year afterwards Canada was surrendered
to the British Crown ; and how the surrender was ratihed by
the Treaty of Paris on the 10th of February, 170S.

And Monteahn. He had his wisli, expressed shortly after he
received his death-wound, and did not live to see the surrender of
the city which he had defended so bi'avely. The story of his
life and death has been told at length in a ^^revious sketch. At
present it is sufficient to day that he died on tlie day following
the battle, and that he was buried within the [)recincts of the
Ursuline Convent, on Garden street, Quebec.

The British loss on the Plains of Abraham consisted of 59
killed and 507 wounded. The French loss was much greater,
amounting to about GOO killed and more than 1,000 wounded
and taken prisoners. The death-roll seems wonderfully small
when compared with the carnage in many fields famous in his-
tory; but, judged b}' its results and all the attendant circum-
stances, the battle may very properly be numbered among the
decisive conflicts of the world.

When intelligence of the death of Wolfe and the fall of
Quebec reached England, the enthusiasm of the people rose to
a height which may almost be described as delirious. The
effect was much heightened by the fact that such good news
was wholly unexijected ; for only three days before, despatches
had arrived from Wolfe wherein it did not appear that he was
by an means sanguine of success. Bonfires blazed from one
end of the kingdom to the other, and the streets of the metro-
polis were redolent of marrow-bones and cleavers. Persons
who had never seen each other before shook hands, and in
some cases even embraced one another, when they met on the
streets. The coffee-houses were thronged with hysteric orators
who held forth about the days of chivalry having come back
again. Sermons about the sword of the Lord and of Gideon
were heard in churches and chapels throughout the land.
While all these things were passing iv nearly every city, town,
and important village in the kingdom, one spot remained unil-
lumined. That spot was Blackheath, where the hero's mother
mourned the loss of her onlv child — the child to whom, not-
withstanding his delicate health, she had tried to look forward
as the stay of her declining years. The neighbours, one and
all, of whatsoever degree, respected her great sorrow, and for-
bore to take part in the general rejoicings. We can fancy, too,
that there was mourning and desolation at Raby Castle, the

liome of the beautiful Miss Lowther.* A month later this lady
wrote to one of her friends as follows, concerninjn^ Mrs. Wolfe :
" I feel for her more than woids can say, and should, if it was
given me to alleviate her grief, gladly exert every power
which nature or compassion has bestowed ; yet I feel we are
the lasi, people in the world who ought to meet."

Wolfe's body was embalmed and conveyed to England,
where, on the 20th of November, it was depositod beside that of
his father in the family vault, beneath the parish church of
Greenwich. An immense concourse of people assembled to do
honour to the dead hero's remains. On the day after the
funeral, Pitt rose in the House of Commons and proposed an
address to the King, praying that a monument might be
erected in Westminster Abbey to the memory of the Conqueror
of Quebec. The prayer was assented to, and a committee ap-
pointed to carry out the details. The sculpture occupied
thirteen years, and the ceremony of unveiling did not take
place until the 4th of October, l77o. The monument is of
white marble, and stands in the Chapel of St. John the Evan-
gelist, facing the ambulatory. The sculpture is very fine, and
embodies various emblematic scenes in Wolfe's life. The in-
scription runs as follows : . , ,

TO TUK MEMORY

OF ' '

JAMES WOLFE, . . i;

MAJOR-GENERAL AND COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF ' •''

OF THE 1 . ■ ■'"• li.

BRITISH LAND FORCES, ' i.

ON AN , .\ ,,''■,."•

f EXPEDITION AGAINST QUEBEC, . "

WHO, , ■ ''*.'-

AFTER SURMOUNTING BY ABILITY AND VALOUR
ALL OBSTACLES OF ART AND NATURE,
WAS SLAIN IN THE MOMENT OF VICTORY,
ON THE
XIII. OF SEPTEMBER, MDCGLIX.
THE
KING AND PARLIAMENT OF GREAT BRITAIN
DEDICATE THIS MONUMENT.

*The portrait of this lady confided by Woife to John Jervis on the night of the
12th of Se[)tember, was subsequently delivered to her, and she wore it in memory
of her dead hero until her marriage, nearly six years afterwards, to Harry, Sixtn
and last Duke of Bolton. She survived imtil 1809, when she died at her mansion
in Grosvenor Square, London, at the ape of seventy-five.

A monument was also erected to Wolfe's memojy in the
parish church of Westerham, the village where he was born ;
and other memorials are to be found in Spuerries Park and at
Stowe. In the year 1832, Lord A.ylmer, Governor-General of
Canada, erected a small pillar on the Plains of Abraham, on
the exact spot where Wolfe is believed to have breathed his
last. The railing around it being insufficient for its protec-
tian, it was ere long defaced by sacrilegious hands. In liS49 it
was removed, and a more .suitable memorial set up in its stead.
The cost of the latter was chiefly defrayed by British troops
stationed in the Province. The inscription upon it is as follows:
',,•',,■„ ^ ,

HERE DIED

• WOLFE :

VICTORIOUS.

1 . -•'I

. • )'■ >;: ;.i ' ■ ',.■

GOVENOR 8IMC0E.

Among the many Canadians who at one time or another in
their lives have visited (Jreat Britain, comparatively few, we
imagine, have thought it worth while to travel down to
the fine old cathedral city of Exeter, in Devonshire. The
sometime capital of the West of England is of very remote
antiquity. It was a place of some importance before Julius
Csesar landed in Britain, and eleven hundred years after that
event it was besieged and taken by William the Conqueror.
Later still, it was the scene of active hostilities during the wars
of the Roses and of the Conmionwealth. So much for its past.
At the present day, for those to the manner born, it is one of
the most delightful places of residence in the kingdom. It is
not, however, of much commercial importance, and is not on
any of the direct routes to the continent. Add to this, that
the local society is a very close corporation indeed, and it will
readily be understood why the |»lace is somewhat caviare to
the general public, and not much resoi ted to by strangers.

Like every other old English town, it has its full share of
historic and noteworthy localities. The GuildhrM, with its old-
time memories, and Rougemont Castle, once the abode of the
West-Saxon kings, are dear to the hearts of local ani;i(iuarians.
The elm-walk, near the Sessions House, is an avenue of such
timber as can be seen nowhere out of England, and is a favour-
ite resort for the inhabitants on pleasant afternoons. The
Cathedral-close has been consecrated by the genius of one of
the most eminent of living novelists, and its purlieus are
familiar to many persons who have never been within thous-
ands of miles of it. But the crowning glory of all is the
cathedral itself, a grand old pile founded in the eleventh
century, and the building of which occupied nearly two hun-
dred years. Here, everything is redolent of the past. The
ckance wayfarer from these western shores who happens to
stray within the walls of this majestic specimen of mediaeval
architecture will have some difficulty, for the nonce, in believ-

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iiig in the reality of sach contrivances as steamboats and rail-
ways. Certainly it is one of the last places in the world where
one might naturally expect to see anytliing to remind him of
so modern a spot as the capital of Ontario. But should any
Torontoniaif who is familiar with his country's history ever
lind himself within those walls, let him walk down the south
aisle till he reaches the entrance to the little chapel of St. Gab-
riel. If he will then pass through the doorway into the chapel
and look carefully about hnn, he will soon perceive something
to remind him of his distant home, and of the Province of
which that home is the capital. Several feet above his head,
on the inner wall, he will notice a medallian portrait in bold
relief, by Flaxman, of a bluti hearty, good-humoured-looking
English gentleman, apparently ni the prime of life, and attired
in the dress of a Licutenant-General. His hair, which is pretty
closely cut, is rather inclined to curl — evidently would curl if
it were a little longer. Below the medallion is a mural tablet
bearing the following inscription :

" Sacred to the meniovy of John Graves Simcoe, Lieutenant-General in
the army, and Colonel in the 22nd Regiment of Foot, who died on the
25th day of October, 1806, aged 54. In whose life and character the
virtues of the hero, the patriot, and the Christian were so eminently con-
8])icuous, that it may justly be said, he served his King and his country
with a zeal exceeded only by his piety towards God."

On the right of the inscription is depicted the figure of an
Indian warrior with a conspicuous scalp-lock. On the left is
the figure of a veteran, of the Queen's Rangers. To the well-
read spectator, tho })ortrait stands confessed as the likeness of
the first Governor of Upper Canada, and, the founder of the
Town of York.

Monumental inscriptions, as a rule, are not the most trust-
worthy authorities whereby one may be enabled to form an
unpredudiced estimate of the moral and intellectual (pialities of
"those whohave gone before," In visiting any of the noteworthy
resting-places of the illustrious dead, either in the old world or
the nev/, we are not seldom astonished upon reading the sculp-
tured testimony of the survivors, to find that "'tis still the best
that leave us." One may well wonder, with the Arch-C}'nic,
where the bones of all the sinners are deposited. In the case of
Governor Simcoe, however, there is much to be said in th^way
of just coumiendation, and the inscription is not so nauseously
fulsome us to excite disgust. Toronto's citizens, especially,

should take pleasure in doing honour to his memory. But for
him, the capital of the Province would not have been established
here, and the site of the city might long have remained the
primitive swamp which it was when his eyes first beheld it
on the morning of the 4th of May, 1793.

His life, from the cradle to the grave, Avas one of almost un-
interrupted activity. He was born at Cotterstock, North-
amptonshire, sometime in the year 1752, and was a soldier by
light of inheritance. His father, Captain John Simcoe, after
a life spent in his country's service, died in the St. Lawrence
River, on board H. M. ship Pembroke, of miasmatic disease,
contracteil in exploring portions of the abjoining country for
military purposes. His death took place only a few days before
the siege of Quebec, in 17o0. He left behind him a widow and
two children. The younger of these children did not long sur-
vive his father. The elder who had been christened John
Graves, lived to add fresh laurels to the family name, and at
the time of his father's death was in his eighth year. Shortly
after the gallant Captain's death his widow removed to the
neighbourhood of Exeter, where the remaining years of her
life were passed. Hei' only surviving son m as sent to one of
the local schools until he had reached tlieage of fourteen, when
he was transferred to Eton. Few reminiscences of his boyish
days have come down to us. He appears to have been a dili-
gent student, more especially in matters pertaining to the his-
tory of his country, and ^'rom a very early age he declared his
determination to embrace a military life. From Eton he mi-
grated to Merton College, Oxford, where he continued to pur-
sue his studies until he had entered upon his nineteenth y« ar,
when he entered the army as an ensign in the 3oth regiment
of the line. This regiment was despatched across the Atlantic
to take part in the hostilities with the revolted American
Colonies, and young Simcoe did his devoirs gallantly through-
out the whole course of the war of Independence. In Juile,
177o, he found himself at Boston, and on the 17th of that month
he took part in the memorable fight at Bunker Hill. He sub-
sequently purchased the command of a company in the 40th
Regiment, and fought at the battle of Brandywine, where he
was severely wounded. Upon the formation of the gallant
provincial corps called " The Queen's Rangers," he applied for
the connnand, and as soon as he had recovered from his wound
his ajiplication was granted. Under his connnand, the Rangers
did good service in many engagements, and fought with a val-

our and diseiplino which more than once caused them to be
singled out tor special mention in the official despatches of the
time. Sir Henry Clinton, Commander-in-chief of the royalist
forces in America, in a letter written to Lord George Germiiine,
under the date oi 13th May, 1780, says that "the history of the
corps under his (Simcoe's) command is a series of gallant,
skilful, and successful enterprises. The Queen's Rangers have
killed or taken twice their own numbers."

Upon the close of the war, tlie Rangers were disbanded, the
officers being placed on the half-pay list. Young Simcoe had
meanwhile been promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel.
During the progress of hostilities lie had conceived an intense
dislike to the colonists and their political principles, and the
termination of the war caused no change in his sentiments
toward them. This aversion accompanied him through life,
and as we shall presently see, was destined to materially affect
his subsequent career. Meanwhile, he returned to England
with his constitution much impaired by the hard service he had
undergone. Rest and regular habits, however, soon enabled
him to recover, in a great measure, his wonted vigour. We
next hear of him as a suitor to Miss Gwillim, a near relative of
Admiral Graves, (/Omuiaiider of the British fleet during the
early part of the Revolutionary War. The courtship soon ter-
minated in marriage ; and not long afterwards the ambitious
young soldier was elected as member of the British House of
Commons for the constituency of St. Maw's, Cornwall. The
latter event took place in 1 790. During the following session,
Mr. Pitt's Bill for the division of the Province of Quebec into
the two Provinces of Upjier and Lower Canada came up for
discussion. The member for St. Maw's was a vehement sup-
porter of the measure, and upon it receiving the royal assent
the appointment of Lieutenant-Governor of the new Province
of U]>per Canada was conferred upon him. He sailed from
London on the 1st of May, 1792, accompanied by a staff of
officials to assist him in conducting the administration of his
Government. His wife, with her little son, accompanied him
into his voluntary exile, and her maiden name is still perpetu-
ated in this Province in the names of three townships border-
ing on Lake Simcoe, called respectively North, East, and West
Gwillimbury. The party arrived in Upper Canada on the 8th
of June, and after a brief stay at Kingston took up their abode
at Newark, near the mouth of the Niagara River.

What Colonel Simcoe's particular object may have been in

accepting tlie position of Lieutenant-Governor of such an unin-
viting wilderness as tliis Province then was, it is not easy to
determine. He had retained his connnand in the army, and in
addition to his veeeiptH from tliat source, he owned vahiable
estates in Devonshire, from wliich lie must have derived an
income far more than sufHcient for his needs. Upper Canada
then presented few inducements for an English gejitleman of
competent fortune to settle within its limits. Its entire popu-
lation, which was principally distributed along the frontier,
was not more than 'iO.OOO. At Kingston were a fort and a
few houses fit for the occupation of civilized beings. At Newark,
there was the nucleus of a little village on the edge of the for-
est. Here and there along the St. Lawrence, around the Bay
of Quinte,and along the Niagara frontier, were occasional little
clusters of log cabins. In the interior, excej^t at the old French
settlement in the western part of the Province, there was
absolutely nothing that could properly be called a white settle-
ment. Roving tribes of Indians spread their wigwams for a
season along the shores of some of the larger streams, but the
following season would probably find the site without any
trace of their presence. A few representatives of the Sxi
Nations had been settled by Joseph Brant at Mohawk, on the
Grand River, nd there were a few Mississaugas near the
mouth of the Credit. There was not a single well-constructed
waggon road fiom one end of the Province to the other. Such
was the colony wherein Governor Simcoe took up his abode
with seeming satisfaction. It has been suggested that he must
have been actuated by philanthropic and patriotic motives, and
that he was willing to sacrifice himself for the sake of render-
ing Upper Canada a desirable place of settlement. Another
suggestion is that he believed the fiames of war between Great
Britain and her revolted colonies likely to be re-kindled ; in
which case, he as Governor of an adjoining olony, which must
be the battle-ground, would necessarily be called upon to play
an important part. Whatever his motives may have beeA, he
came over and administered the goverinnent for several years
with energy and good judgment. He selected New^ark as his
temporary capital, and took up his (piarters in an old store-
house — upon which he bestowed the name of Navy Hall — on
the outskirts of the village. Hcie, on the Kith of January,
1793, was born his little daughter Kate, and. here he began to
lay the foundation of the great |)opularity which he subse-
quently attained. He cultivated the most friendly relations

100

with the Indians in the nciolihomhofxl, who soon ht'gan to ](ok
upon linn as tlieir 'Great Father." They conferred upon him
Irocpiois name of Deyonynhokrawen — " One whose door is
always open." At a grand C'ouneil-fire kindled a few weeks
after his arrival they conferred upon his little son Frank the
dignity of a chieftain, rnider the title of " Tioga." The friend-
liness of the Indians conduced not little to the Governor's
satisfaction : hut there \\ ere other matters imperatively de-
manding his attention. The (juality of the land in the inferior,
and even its external features, were subjects upon which very
little was accurately known. He directed surveys to be made
of the greater pait of the couritry, w^hich was laid out, under
his supervision, into districts and counties. He did what he
could to promote immigration, and held out special inducements
to those former residents of the revolted colonies who had
remained faithful to Great tiritain durin<.j the struggle. These
patriots, wlio are generally known by the name of United
Empire Loyalists, received free grants of land in various parts
of the Province, upon which they settled in great numbers.
Free grants were also conferred upon discharged officers and
sohHers of the line. To ordinary emigrants, lands were ofl'ered
at a nominal price ; and under this liberal .system the wilder-
ness soon began to wear a brighter aspect.

About two months after his arrival — that is to say, on the
17th of September, 1702, the first Provincial Parliament of
Upper Canada met at Newark. The House of Assembly con-
sisted of sixteen representatives chosen by the people ; the
Upper House of eight represtmtatives appointed for life by the
Governor on behalf of the Crown. This Legislature remain(>d
in session nearly a month, during which time it passe<l eight
Acts, each of which wavS a great boon to the country, and
reflected credit upon the intelligence and practical wisdom of
the members. One of these Acts introduced the law of Eng-
land with respect to property and civil rights, in so far as
the same is a])}'licable to the circumstances of a new and
sparsely-settled country. Another established trial by jury.
Another provided for the easy collection of small debts.
Still another provided for the erection of gaols, court-
houses and such other- public V>uildiiigs as might be
necessary, in each of the four distriots (the Eastern, Middle,
Home and Western) into which the Province ha<l l)een divided.
The session closed on the 15th October, Mdien the Governor
complimented the members on their having done so much to

101

promote the public welfare and convenience, and dismissed
them to their homes.

Governor Simcoo was not lono- in diseovering; tliat Newark
was not a suitable place ibr the capital of the Pro\'ince. It
was not central ; aiul its proximity to the American b'ort of
Niagara,* on the opposite bank of the river, was in itself a seri-
ous consideration. "The chief town ot a Province," said he,
"must not be ))laced within range of the guns (^f a hostile fort."
As a temporary measure, he set about the construction of Fort
George, on our side of th(* river, and then began to look about
him for u suitable site for a ])ermanent capital. He spent a good
deal of time in travelling about the country, in oriler that he
might weigh the advantages of different localities aftei- personal
inspection. He travelled through the forest frrmi Newai'k to
])etroit and back — a great |»arr, of tlie journey being made on
foot — and to this expedition the Province is indebted for the
subsequent survey and construction of th(! well-known "Gov-
ernor's Road." The site of the future seat of Government mean-
while remained undecidecb Lord Dorchester, the Govei nor-(jren-
eral, who had his liead-quarters at Quelwc, urgetl that Kingston
should be selected, but the suggestion did not accord with
Governor Simcoe's views. The (piestion lor sometime continiuMl
to remain an open one. Finally, Governor Simcoe, in the course
of liis travels coasted along the northern shoi-e of Lake Ontario,
and after exploring different points along the route he entered
the Bay of Toronto, and landed, as Ave have seen on the morn-
ing of Saturday, the 4th of May, 17i)'S. The natural advan-
tages of the place were not to be overlooked, and he was not
long in making up his minil that here should be the 'uture
capital of [T])])er C^Vmada. A peninsula of land extended out
into Lake Ontario, and then came round in a gradual curve, as
though for the express purpose of protecting the basin within
from the force of the waves. Here, then, was an excellent
natural harbour, closed in on all sides but one. An expanse of
more than thirty miles of water intervened between the harbour
and the nearest point of the territory of the new Republic.
Toronto, too, was accessible by water both from east and west
— a point of some importance at a time when tliere was no
well-built highway on shore. These considerations (and doubt-
less others) presented themselves to the Governor's mind, and

*This fort wa« Htill occupied by British troopa, but it wan well understood that
it would shortly bp .sun'pnilerod. The suiTender took placf undor .F.-iy's treaty on
Ist Juue, 17!)t).

102

having come to a decision, he at once set about making some
improvements on tlie site. To Lieutenant-Colonel Bouchette,
he deputed the task of surveying the harbour. To Mr. Au-
gustus Jones,* Deputy Provincial Surveyor, was entrusted
the laying out of the various roads in the neighbourhood. The
great thoroughfare to the north called Yonge street, was sur-
veyed and laid out for the most part under the [)ersonal super-
vision of Governor Simcoe himself, who named it in honour of
his friend, Sii- George Yonge, Secretary of War in the home
government. In the course (»f the following summer, the
Governor began to make his home in his new capital. The
village, composed of a few Indian huts near the mouth of the
Don, had theretofore been known by the name of Toronto,
having: been so called after the old French fort in the neijrh-
bourhood. Discarding this '' outlandish " name, as he considered
it, he christened the spot York, in honour of the King's son,
Frederick, Duke of York. By this name the place continued
to be known down to the date of its incorporation in 1<S34,
when its foiiner designation was restored.

At the date of the founding of York, the public press of
Upper Canada consisted of a single demy sheet, called the
Ujyjxir (Jaiuula Gazette, published weekly at Newark. Its cir-
culation varied from ■')() to 1")0 impressions. It was printed on
Thursday, on a little press — the only one in the Province —
which also printed the Legislative Acts and the Govermental
proclamations. From the issue of August 1st, 1798, we learn,
that, " On Monday evening," which would be July 20th, " His
Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor left Navy Hall and em-
barked on board His Majesty's schooner the Mississag't., which
sailed immediately with a favourable gale for York, with the
remainder of the Queen's Rangers." From this time forward,
except djiring the sitting of the Legislature, Governor Simcoe
make York his head([uarters. The Queen's Rangers referred to
in the foregoing extract were a corps which had recentl}' been
raised in Upper Canada by the royal connnand, and named by
the Governor after the old l)riga(le at the head of which he had
so often marched to victory during the war of the Revolution.

The first Gov^ernment House of Toronto was a somewhat re-
markable structure, and desei ves a paragraph to itself. When

*Thi8 gentleman 'h name in familiar to all Toronto lawyers and others who have
had occasion to examine old surveys of the land hereabouts. He subsequently
married tho dan^'liter of an Indian ('hief, and Rev. Peter Jones, the Indian Wes-
leyan missionary, wjis one of the fruits of this marriage.

103

Colonel Siincoe was about to embark from London to enter upon
the duties of his Government in this country, he accidentally
heard of a movable house which had Iteen constructed for
Captain James Cook, the famous circunniavigator of the globe.
This house was made of canvas, and had been used by its
former owner as a dwelling in various islands of the southern
seas. Governor Simcoe learned that this strange habitation
was for sale, and upon inspecting it he perceived that it might
be turned to good account in the wilds of Upper CJanada. He
accordingly purchased it, and brought it across the Atlantic
with him. He found no necessity for using it as a dwelling at
Newark, where the storehouse furnished more suitable accom-
modation ; but upon taking up his quarters at York, Captain
Cook's pavilion was brought into immediate retiuisition. We
have been able to find no very minute account of it ; but it
must have been large, as he not only used it as his general pri-
vate and official residence, but dispensed vice-regal hospitalities
within his canvas walls. It seems to have been a migratory
institution, and to have occupied a least half-a-dozen different
sites during its owner's stay at York. At one time it was
placed on the edge, and near the mouth, of the little stream
subsequently known as Garrison Cieek. At another time it
occupied a plot of grounr) or near the present site of Gooder-
ham's distillery. In shoiu, ;eems to have been moved about
from place to place in accorud,nce with the convenience or
caprice of tlie owner and his family.

But there is one spot so intimately associated with Governor
Simcoe's residence here that it is time to give some account of
it. Every citizen of Toronto has heard the name of Castle
Frank, and most have some general idea of its whereabouts.
It is presumable that the Governor found his canvas house an
insufficient protection against the cold during the winter of
1703-4. Perhaps, too, (observe, please, this is a joke), the idea
may have intruded itself u])on his mind that there was a sort
of vagabondism in having no fixed place of abode. At any
rate, during the early spring of 1974 he erected a rustic, non-
descript sort of log chateau on the steep acclivity overlooking
the valley of the Don, rather more than a mile from the river's
mouth. The situation is one of the most picturesque in the
neighbourhood, even at the present day, and there must have
been a wild semi-savagery about it in Governor Simcoe's time
that would render it specially attractive to one accustomed, as
he had been, to the trim hedges and green lanes of Devonshire.

104

It must at least havii ] ►us.se.ssed the charm of novelty. When
tiiiished. the uditice was a very comfortable place of abode.
From Dr. Scaddiiig's " Toronto of Old" we learn that it was of
consiflorablc dimensions, and of oblong shape. Its walls were
compose*! of "a number of rather small, carefully hewn logs,
of short lengths. The whole wore the hue which unpainted
timber, exposed to the weather, speedily assumes. At the gable
end, in the direction of tho roadway from the nascent capital,
was the principal entrance, over which a rather imposing
porticj was formed by the projection of the whole roof, sup-
ported by four ujtright columns, nuiching the whole height of
the building, and consisting of tlie stems of four good-sized,
well-matched pines, with their deeply-chapped, corrugated bark
unremoved. The doors and shutters to the windows were all
of double thickness, made of stout plank, running up and
down on one side, and crosswise on tlie other, and tliickly
studded over with the hea<ls of stout nails. From the middle
of the building rose a solitary, massive chimney-stack."

Such was the ediiice constructed by Governor Simcoe for the
occasional residence of himself and his family. He called it Castle
Frank, after his little son, previously mentioned; a lad about
five years of age at this time. The cleared space contiguous
to the building was "ircumscribed within rather narrow limits.
A few yards from the walls on each side a precipitous ravine
descended. Through one of these ravines flows the Don
River; while through the other a little murmuring brook me-
anders on until its contlueiice with the larger stream several
hundreds yards farther down. In addition to a numerous
retinue of servAuts, the household consisted of the Uov-
ernor, his wife, Master Frank, and the infant daughter already
mentioned. Dr. Scadditig draws a pleasant picture of the
spirited little lad clambering up and down the steep hill-sides
with the restless energy of boyhood. He was destined to
climb otlier hill-sides before his life-work was over, and to take
part in more hazardous performances than when scampering
with his nurse along the rural banks of the Don. Seventeen
years passed, and the bright-eyed boy had become a man.
True to the traditions of his house, he Jiad entered the army,
and borne himself gallantly on many a well-contested tield in
the Spanish Peninsula. He eagerly pursued the path of glory
which, as the poet tells us, leads but to the grave. The dictum,
as applied to him, proved to be true enough. The night
of the 6th of October, 1812, found him "full of lusty life,"

105

hopeful, and Imniing for flistinetioii, before the besieged
outworks of Badajoz. During' the darkness of night the siege
was renewed with a terrific vigour that was not to be resisted,
and the " unconsidered v^oluntaries " of Estrarnadura tasted tlie
shari)uess of English steel. The town was taken — but at what
a cost ! If any one wishes to know more of that fearful car-
nage let him read the description of it in the pages of Colonel
Napier, and he will acquiesce in the chronicler's assertion that,
" No age, no nation ever sent braver trooj)s to battle than those
that stormed Badajoz." The morning of the 7th rose upon a
siL'ht which might well haunt the dreams of all who l)eheld it.
In the brt'ach where the ninety-fifth perished almost to a man
was a ghastly array, largely consisted of the mangled corpses
of young Englisli officeis who.se dauntless intrepidity had im-
pelled thein to sucli deeds of valour as have made their names
a sacred inheritance to their respective families. Many of
them were mere boys

" With ladies' faces and fierce dragons' 8i)leens "

upon whose cheeks the dow^n of early manhood had s'^arce be-
gun to appear. Among the many remnants of mortality taken
from that terrible breach was the pallid corse of young Frank
Simcoe.

And what of the little sister, whose first appearance on life's
stage was chronicled a few ])aragra[)hs back ? Poor little Kate
was a tender plant, not destined to flourish amid the rigours of
a Canadian climate. She died within a year after the building
of Castle Frank. Her remains were interred in the old mili-
tary burying-ground, near the present site of the church of St.
John the Evangelist, on the corner of Stewart and Poitland-
streets. The old burying-ground is itself a thing of the past ;
but the child's death is commemorated by a tablet over her
father's grave, in the mortuary chapel on the family estate in
Devonshire. The inscription runs thus : — " Katharine, born in
Upper Canada, IGth Jan., 171)*J ; died and was buried at York
Town, in that Province, in 17^4."

In less than a month from the time of his arrival at York,
Governor Simcoe was compelled to return for a short time to
Newark in order to attend the second session of the Legislature,
which had been summoned to meet on the 31st of May. During
this session thirteen useful enactments were added to the
statute book, the most important of which prohibited the intro-

10(5

dnction of slaves into the Province, and restricted voluntai y con-
tracts of service to a period of nine years. After the close of the
session the Governor returned to York, and proceeded with the
improvements which had ah-eady been conirnenced there under
his auspices. The erection of buildini^s for the accomodation of
tlie Legislature was begun near the ]>resent site of the old gaol
on Berkeley street, in what is now tlie far eastern part of the
city. Hereabouts various otlier houses sprang up, and the town
of York began to be something more than a name. It laboured
under certain disadvantages, however, and its progress for some
time was slow. A contemporary authority describes it as better
fitted for a frog-pond or a beaver-nu^adow than for the residence
of human beings. It was on the road to nowhere, and its
selection by Governor 8imcoe as the provincial capital was
disapproved of by many persons, and more especially by those
who had settled on the Niagara peninsula. Lord Dorchester,
the Governor-General, opj)o.sed the selection by every means
in his power. In eivil matters relating to his Province, Gov-
ernor Simcoe's authority was paramount ; that is to say, he
was only accountal)le to the Home Government ; but the
revenue of the Province was totally inadequate for its main-
tenance, and it was necessary to draw on the Home Govern-
ment for i)eriodical supplies. In this way. Lord Dorchester,
who, from his high position, had great influence with the
British Ministry, had it in his power to indirectly control, to
some extent, the affairs of Upper Canada. He was, moreover,
Commander-in-Chief of British North America, and as such
had full control over the armaments. He determined that
Kingston should at all events be the principal naval and mili-
tary station on Lake Ontario, and this determination he car-
ried out by establishing troops and vessels of war there. The
military and naval su])remacy then confeiTed upon Kingston
has never been altogether lost.

There were other difficulties too, which began to stare Gov-
ernor Simcoe in the face about this time. The nominil price
at which land had been disposed of to actual settlers had caused
a great influx of immigrants into the Province from the Ameri-
can Republic. To so great an extent did this immigration
pioceed that the (Governor began to fear lest the American
element in the Province might soon be the preponderating one.
Should such a state of thi^igs come about, invasion or annexa-
tion would only be a matter of time. His hatred to the
citizens of the Republic was intense, and coloured the entire

107

policy of hia administration. In estimating their political and
national importance he was apt to be guided by his prejudices
rather than by his convictionH, In a letter written to a friend
about this time, he expross<'d his opinion that "a good navy
and ten thousand me i wo'.rid knock the United States into a
nonentity." As tlie .en tliousand men wore not forthcoming,
however, he deemed it judicious to guard against future aggres-
sion. The north shore >f Lake Erie was settled by a class of
persons whom he knew to be British to the core. This set him
reflecting upon tlie advisability of establishing his capital
in the interior, and within easy teach of these settlers, who
would tVnm an efficient militia in ease of an invasion by the
United States, He finally pitched upon the present site of
London, and resolved that in the course of a few years the seat
of government should be removed thith«!r. This resolution,
however, was never carricnl out. He did not even remain in
the country long enough to see the Government established at
York, which did not take ])lace until the sjVring of 17U7. In
1790 he received an appointment which necessitated his depar-
ure for the Islan<l of St. Domingo, whither he repaired with
his family the same year. V^ai-ious reasons have been assigned
for this appointment. The opposition of Lord J)orchester, we
think, affords a sufficient explanation, without searching any
farther. It has also been alleged that his policy was so inimical
to the United States thai, the Government of that country
complained of him at headquarters, and thus determined the
Home Ministry, as a matter of })olicy, to find some other field
for him. After his departure, the administration was carried
on by the Honourable Peter Russell, senior member of the
Executive Council, until the arrival of Governor Peter Hunter,
in 1799.

Two years before his removal Trom Canada, Governor Simcoe
had been promoted to the rank of Major-General . He remained
at St. Domingo only a few months, when he retired to private
life on his Devonshire estates. In 1798 he became Lieutenant-
General, and in 1801 was entrusted with the command of the
town of Plymouth, in anticipation of an attack upon that place
by the French fleet. The attack never took place, and his com-
mand proved a sinecure. From this time forward we have but
meagre accoinits of him until a short time before his death,
which, as the monumental tablet has already informed us, took
place on the 25th of October, 180G. During the summer of that
year he had been fixed upon as ('ommander-in-Chief of the

108

East Indian forces, as successor to Lord Lake. Had his life
been spared he would doubtless have been raised to the peerage
and sent out to play his part in the history of British India.
But these things were not to be. Late in September he ivas
detached to accompany the Earl of Rosslyn on an expedition
to the Tagus, to join the Earl of St. Vincent ; an invasion of
Portugal by France being regarded as imminent. Though fifty-
four 3''ears of age, he snitled the scent of battle as eagerly as he
had done in the old days of the Brandy wine, and set out on the
expedition in high spirits. The vessel in which he embarked had
just been repainted, and he had scarcely got]out of British waters
iDefore he was seized with a sudden and painful illness, presumed
to have been induced by the odour of the fresh paint. The
severity of his seizure was such as to necessitate his immediate
return. Upon landing at Torbay, not far from his home, he
was taken very much worse, and died within a few hours. He
was buried in a little chapel on his own estates, and the tablet
in Exeter Cathedral was shortly afterwards erected in his
honour.

But we Canadians havt^ more enduring: memorials of his
presence among us than any monumental tablet can supply;
and unless the to])Ograi)hical features of this Province should
undergo some radical transformation, the name of Governor
Simcoe is not likely to be soon forgotten in our midst. The
large and important county of Simcoe, together with the lake,
the shores whereof form part of its eastern boundary; the
county town of the County of Norfolk ; and a well-known
street in Toronto — all these remain to perpetuate the name of
the first Governor of Upper Canada. It is well that such
tributes to his worth should exist among us, for he wrought
a good work in our Province, and deserves to be held in grate-
ful remembrance. He was not a man of geniiis. He was not,
perhaps, a great man in any sense of the word ; but he was upon
the whole a wise and beneficent aduiinistrator of civil affairs,
nnd was ev^er wont to display a generous zeal for the progress
and welfare of the laud which he governed. When we con-
trast his conduct of the administration with that of some of
his successors, we feel bound to si)eak and think of him with
all kindness.

The portrait which accompanies this sketch is engraved by
kind permission of Dr. Scadding, from the frontispeice to his
work, "Toronto of old," whicli was copied from a miniature
obtained by the author from Captain J. K. Simcoe, a grandson

109

of the Governor, and the present occupant of the family estates.
The copy is a remarkably faithful one, and the authenticity of
the original, eoming^ from such a source, is beyond dispute.

The name "Castle Frank," as applied to the site of Governor
Simcoe's abode, requires some explanation, as the original castle
is not now in existence. After General Simcoe's departure
from the Province, his rustic chateau was never used hj any
one as a permanent abode. Several of his successors in office,
however, as well as various rther residents of York, used
occasionally to resort to it as a kind of camping ground in the
sunmier time, and it soon came into vogue for pic-nic excursions.
Captain John Denison, a well-known resident of Little York,
soems to have taken up his quarters in it for a few weeks, but
not with any intention of ]>ormanently residing there. In or
about the month of June. 1829, the building was wantonly set
on lire by some fisherman who had sailed up the Don. The
timber was dry, and the edifice was soon burned to the ground.
It has never been replaced, but tlie name oi Castle Frank sur-
vives in that of the residence of Mr. Walter McKenzie, situated
about a hundred yards distant. It is commonly applied, indeed,
to all the adjoining heights; and on a pleasant Sunday after-
noon in spring or summer, nuiltitudcs of Toronto's citizens
repair thither for fresh air and a [)ictures(|vie view. Tlie route
is through St. James' Cemetery, and tlienee through the shady
ravine and up the hill beyond. Very few persons, we believe,
could point out the exact site of tlie old "castle." It is, how-
ever easily discoveral)le by any one who choosi\s to search for
it. A few yards to the right of the fence which is the boundary
line between St. James' Cemetery and Mr. McKenzif's [troperty
is a slight depression in the sandy soil. Tliat depression marks
the site of the historic Castle Frank. It should bo mentioned,
however, that no curious citizen can legally gratify his desiie
to behold this momento of the past without fiCst obtaining Mr.
McKenzie's permission, as the site belongs to him, and cannot
be reached fiom the cemetery without scaling the fence.

Besides his son Fiank, whose death is recorded in the fore-
going sketch. General Simcoe left behind him a younger son,
Henry Addington Simcoe, christened after the eminent states-
man who subsequently became Lord Sidmouth. The younger
son took orders, and officiated ft)r some years as a clergyman
in the West of England. After the death of his brother in the
breach at Badajos, he succeeded to the family estates; and in
his turn was succeeded l»y his son. Captain J. K. Simcoe, above
mentioned.

110

THE HON. EOBEET BALDWIN.

The life of Robert Baldwin forms so important an ingredient
in the political history of this country that we deem it un-
necessary to offer any apology for dealing with it at considerable
length. More especially is this the case, inasmuch as, unlike
most of the personages included in the present series, his career
is ended, and we can contemplate it, not only with perfect im-
partiality, but even with some approach to completeness. The
twenty and odd years which have elapsed since he was laid in
his grave have witnessed many and important changes in our
Constitution, as well as in our habits of thought ; but his name
is still regarded by the great nicoss of the Canadian people with
feelings of respect and veneration. We can still point to him
with the admiration due to a man who, during a time of the
grossest political corruption, took a foremost part in our public
affairs, and who yet preserved his integrity untarnished. We
can point to him as the man who, if not the actual author of
Responsil)le Government in Canada, yet spent the best years of
his life in contending for it, and who contributed more than
any other person to make that project an accomplished fact.
We can point to him as one who, though a politician by predi-
lection and by profession, never stooped to disreputable prac-
tices, either to win votes or to maintain himself in office.
Robert Baldwin was a man who was not only incapable of false-
hood or meanness to gain his ends, but who was to the last
degree intolerant of such practices on the part of his warmest
supporters. If intellectual greatness cannot be claimed for him,
moral greatness was most indisputably his. Every action of
his life Wcos marked by sincerity and good faith, alike towards
friend and foe. He was not only true to others, but was from
first to last true to himself. His useful career, and the high
reputation which he left btaind him, furnish an apt commen-
tary upon the advice which Polonius gives to his son Laertes : —

' Tliis above all ; to tliine own self he tmo ;
AiKl it muKt follow, as the night the day,
Thou cauat not then be faise to any m n."

Ill

To our thinking there is something august in the life of
Robert Baldwin. So chary was he of his personal honour that
it was next to impossible to induce him to pledge himself be-
forehand, even upon the plainest question. Once, when ad-
dressing the electors at Sharon, some one in the crowd asked
him if he would pledge himself to oppose the retention of the
Clergy Reserves. " I am not here," was his reply, " to pledge
myself on any question. I go to the House as a free man, or
I go not at all. I am here to declare to you my opinions. If
you approve of my opinions, and elect me, I will caiTy them
out in Parliament. If I should alter those opinions I will come
back and surrender my trust, when you will have an oppor-
tunity of re-electing me or of choooing another candidate ; but
I shall pledge myself at the bidding of no man." A gentleman
still living in Toronto once accompanied him on an electioneer-
ing tour in his constituency of North York. There were many
burning questions on the carpet at the time, on some of which
Mr. Baldwin's opinion did not entirely coincide with that of the
majority of his constituents. His companion remembers hear-
injr it sutjoested to him that his wisest course would be to main-
tain a discreet silence during the canvass as to the points at
issue. His reply to the suggestion was eminently characteristic
of the man. " To maintain silence under such circumstances,"
said he, " would be tantamount to deceiving the eleccors. It
would be as cvdpable as to tell them a direct lie. Sooner than
follow such a course I will cheerfully accept defeat." He could
not even be induced to adopt the suppress lo veri. So tender
and exacting was his ct^nscience that he woidd not consent to
be elected except upon the clearest understanding between
himself and his constituents, even to serve a cause which he felt
to be a just one. Defeat might annoy, but would not humili-
ate him. To be elected under false colours would humiliate
him in his own esteem ; a state of things which, to a high-minded
man, is a burden intolerable to be borne.

It has of late years become the fashion with many well-
informed persons in this country to think and speak of Robert
Baldwin as a greatly over-estimated man. It is on all hands
admitted that he was a man of excellent intentions, of spotless
integrity, and of blameless life. It is not disputed, even by
those whose political views are at variance with those of the
party to which he belonged, that the great measures for which
he contended were in themselv'es conducive to the public weal
nor is it denied that he contributed greatly to the cause of po-

112

litical freedom in Canada. But, it is said, Robert Baldwin was
merely the exponent of principles which, long before his <-ime,
had found general acceptance among the statesmen of every
land where constitutional government prevails. Responsible
government, it is said, would have become an accomplished fact,
even if Robert Baldwin had never lived. Other much-needed
reforms with which his name is inseparably associated would
have come, it is contended, all in good time, and this present
year, 1880, would have found us pretty much where we are.
To argue after this fashion is simply to beg the whole question
at issue. It is true that there is no occult power in a mere
name. Ship-money, doubtless, was a doomed impost, even if
there had been no particular individual called John Hampden.
The practical despotism of the Stuart dynasty would doubtless
have come to an end long before the present day, even
if Oliver Cromwell and William of Orange had never ex-
isted. In the United States, slavery was a fated institu-
tution, even if there had been no great rebellion, and if Abra-
ham Lincoln had never occupied the Presidential chair. But
it would be a manifest injustice to withhold from those illus-
trious personagefi the tribute due to their great and, on the
whole, glorious lives. They were the media whereby human
progress delivered its message to the world, and their names
are deservedly held in honour and reverence by a grateful pos-
terity. Performing on a more contracted stage, and before a
less numerous audience, Robert Baklwin fought his good fight
— and won. Surrounded by inducements to prove false to his
innate convictions, ho nevertheless chose to encounter obloquy
and persecution for what he knew to be the cause of truth and
justice.

" Once to evei'y man and nation
Comes the moment to ilecide,"

says Professor Lowell. Tlie moment came to Roliert Baldwin
early in life. It is not easy to believe that he ever hesitated
as to his decision ; and to that decision he remained true to the
latest hour of his existence. If it cannot in strictness be said
of him that he knew no variableness or shadow of turiilnu", it
is at least indisputable that his convictions never varied upon
any question of paramount importance. Wliat Mr. Goldwin
Smith has said of Cromwell might with equal truth be ap])lied
to Robert Baldwin : " He bore himself, not as one who gam-
bled for a stake, but as one who struggled for a cause." These

113

are a few among the many claims which Robert Baldwin has
upon the sympathies and remembrances of the Canadian peo-
ple ; and they are claims which we believe posterity will show
no disposition to ignore.

In order to obtain a clear comprehension of the public career
of Robert Baldwin it is necessary to glance briefly a.t the
history of one or two of his immediate ancestors. In com-
piling the present sketch the writer deems it proper to say
that he some time since wrote aa account of Robert Baldwin's
life for the columns of an influential newspaper published in
Toronto. That account embodied the result of much careful
and original investigation. It contained, indeed, every impor-
tant fact readily ascertainable with reference to Mr. Baldwin's
early life. So far as that portion of it is concerned there is
little to be added at the present time, and the writer has
drawn largely upon it for the purposes of tl:ls memoir. The
former account being the j)i"oduct of his owti conscientious
labour and investigation, he has not deemed it necessary to
reconstruct sentences and paragraphs where they already
clearly expressed his meaning. With reference to Mr. Bald-
win's political life, however, the present sketch embodies the
result of fuller and more accurate ir.formation, and is con-
ceived in d spirit which the exigencies of a newspaper do not
admit of.

At the close of the Revolution which ended in the inde-
pendence of the United States, there resided near the City of
Cork, Ireland, a gentleman named William Wilcocks. He
belonged to an old family which had once been wealthy, and
which WciS still in comfortable circumstances. About this time
a strong tide of emigration set in from various parts of Europe
to the New World. The student of historv does not need to be
informed that there was at this period a good deal of suffering
and discontent in Ireland. The more radical and uncompro-
mising among the malcontents staid at home, hoping for better
times, many of them eventually took part in the troubles of
'98. Others sought a peaceful remedy for the evils under which
they groaned, and, bidding adieu to their native land, sought
an asylum for themselves and their families in the western
wilderness. The success of the Americati Revolution com-
bined with the hard times at home to make the United States
" the chosen land " of many thousands of these self -expatriated
ones. The revolutionary struggle was then a comparatively
ecent affair. The thirteen ievolte<l colonies had become an
15

114

independent nation, had started on theii national career under
favourable auspices, and had already become a thriving and
prosperous community. The Province of Quebec, which then
included the whole of what afterwards became Upper and
Lower (Janada, had to contend with many disadvantages, and
its condition was in many important respects far behind that
of the American Republic. Its climate was much more rigorous
than was that of its southern neighbour, and its territory
was much more sparsely settled. The westei*n part of the
Province, now forming part of the Province of Ontario, was
especially thinly peopled, and except at a few points along the
frontier, was little better than a wilderness. It was manifestly ,
desirable to ofter strong incentives to immigration, with a view
to the speedy settlement of the country. To effect such a
settlement was tlie imperative duly of the Government of the
day, and to this end, large tracts of land were allotted to
persons whose settlement here was deemed likely to influence
colonization. Whole townships were in some cases conferred,
upon condition that the grantees would settle the same with a
certain number of colonists within a reasonable time. One of
, these grantees was the William Willcoeks above-mentioned,
who was a man of nuich enterprise and philanthropy. He
conceived the idea of obtaininoj a y-rant of a large tract of
land, and of settling it with emigrants of his own choosing,
with himself as a sort of feudal proprietor at their head.
With this olyect in view he came out to Canada in or about
the year 1700, to spy out the land, and to judge from personal
inspection which would be the most advantageous site for his
projected colony. In setting out upon this quest he enjoyed
an advantage greater even than was conferred by his social
position. A cousin of his, Mr, Peter Russell, a member of the
Irish branch of the Bedfordshire family of Russell, had already
been out to Canada, and had brought home glowing accounts
of the prospects held out there to persons of capital and enter-
prise. Mr. Russell ha<l originally gone to America during the
progress of the Revolutionary War, in the capacity of Secre-
tary to Sir Henry (Jlinton, (^'ommander-in-chief of the British
forces on this continent. He had seen and heard enough to
convince him that the acquisition of land in Canada was
certain to prove a royal road to wealth. After the close of the
war he returned to the Old Country, and gave his relatives
the benefit of his experience. Mr. Russell also came out to
Canada with Governor Sinicoe in 1792, in the capacity of

115

Inspector-General. He subKcquontly held several important
offices of trust in Upper (Janada. He became a member of
the Executive Council, and as the senior member of that body
the administration of the Government devolved upon hira
during the three years (I7i)0-17!>i)) intervening between
Gevernor Simcoe's departure from Canada, and the appoint-
ment of Major-General Peter Hunter as Lieutenant-Governor.
His residence in Canada, as will presently be seen, was destined
to have an important bearing on the fortunes of the Baldwin
family. Meanwhile, it is sufficient to note the fact that it was
largely in consecpience of the valuable topographical and
statistical information furnished by him to his oousin William
Willcocks that the latter was induced to set out on his pre-
liminary tour of Asenation.

The result of this preliminary tour was to convince Mr.
Wilicocks that his cousin had not overstated the capabili-
ties of the country, as to the future of which he formed the
most sanguine expectations. The next step to be taken was
to obtain his grant, and, as his political influence in and
around his native city was considerable, he conceived that
this would be easily managed. He returned home, and almost
innnediately afterwards crossed over to England, where he
opened negotiations with the Government. After some delay
he succeeded in obtaining a grant of a large tract of land form-
ing part of the present Township of Whitchurch, in the
County of York. In consideration of this liberal grant he on
his part agreed to settle not fewer than sixty colonists on the
land so granted within a certain specified time. An Order in
Council confirmatory of this arrangement seems to have been
passed. The rest of the transaction is involved in some
obscurity. Mr. Wilicocks returned to Ireland, and was soon
afterwards elected Mayor of Cork — an office which he had held
at least once before his American tour. Municipal and other
affairs occupied so much of his time that he neglected to take
steps for settling his trans-Atlantic domain until the period
allowed him by Government for that purpose had nearly ex-
pired. However, in course of time — probably in the summer
of 1797 — he embarked with the full complement of emigrants
for New York, whither they airived after a long and stormy
voyage. They pushed on without unnecessary delay, and in
due course arrived at Oswego, where Mr. Wilicocks received
the disastrous intelligence that the Order in Council embody-
ing his arrangement with the Government had been revoked.

116

Why the revocation took place does not appear, as no change
of Government had taken place, and the circumstances had
not materially changed. Whatever the reason may have been
the consequences to Mr. Willcocks and his emigrants were very
serious. The poor Irish families who had accompanied him to
the New World — travel-worii and lielpless, in a strange land,
without means, and without ex[)erience in the hard lines of
pioneer life — were dismayed at the prospect before them.
Mr. Willcocks, a kind and honourable man, naturally felt him-
self to be in a manner responsible for their forlorn situation.
He at once professed his readiness to bear the expense of their
return to thtjir native land. Most of them availed themselves
of this offer, and made the best of their wav back to Ireland
— some of them, doubtless, to take })art in the rising of '98.
A few of them elected to remain in America, and scattered
themselves here and there throughout the State of New York.
Mr. Wilcocks liimself, accompanied by one or two families,
continued his journey to Canada, whc^re he soon succeeded in
securing a considerable allotment of land in Whitchurch and
elsewhere. It is probable that he was treated liberally by the
Government, as his generosity to the emigrants had greatly
impoverished him, and it is certain that a few years later he
was the possessor of large means. Almost immediately after
his arrival in Canada he took up his abode at York, where he
continued to reside down to the time of his death. Being a
man of education and business capacity he was appointed
Judge of the Home District (Jourt, where we shall soon meet
him again in tracing the fortunes of the Baldwin family. He
had not been long in Canada before he wrote home iiattering
reports about the land of his adoption to his old friend Robert
Baldwin, the grandfather of the subject of this sketch. Mr.
Baldwin was a gentleman of good family and some means, who
owned and resided on a small property called Summer Hill, or
Knockmore, near Caiiagoline, in the County of Cork. Influ-
enced by the prospects held out to him by Mr. Willcocks, he
emigrated to Canada with his family in the summer of 1798,
and settled on a block of land on the north shore of Lake On-
tario, in what is now the Township of Clarke, in the County
of Durham. He named his newly-acquired estate Annarva
(Ann's Field) and set about clearing and cultivating it. The
western boundary of his farm was a small stream which until
then was nameless, but" which has ever since been known in
local parlance as Baldwin's Creek. Here he resided for a

117

period of fourteen years, when lie removed to York, where he
died in the year IHIG. He had brought with him from Ireland
two sons and four daughters. The eldest son, William WaiTen
Baldwin, was destined to achieve considerable local renown as
a lawyer and a ))olitieian. He was a man of versatile talents,
and of much jSrmness and energy of character. He had studied
medicine at the University of Edinburgh, and had graduated
there two years before his emigration, but had never practised
his profession as a means of livelihood. He had not been
many weeks in this country before he perceived that his
shortest way to wealth and influence was by way of the legal
rather than the medical profession. In those remote times,
men of education and mental ability were by no means numer-
ous in Upper Canada. Eveiy man was called upon to play
several parts,' and there was no such organization of labour as
exists in older and more advanced communities. Dr. Baldwin
resolved to ])ractice both professions, and, in order to fit him-
self for the one by which he hoped to rise most speedily to
eminence, he bade adieu to the farm on Baldwin's Creek and
came up to York. He took up his quarters with his father's
friend and his own, Mr. Willcocks, who lived on Duke street,
near the present site of the La Salle Institute. In ord(^r to
support himself while prosei^uting his legal studies, he deter-
unned to take in a few ])upils. In several successive numbers
of the Gazette and Oracle — the one newspaper published in
the Province at that time — we find in the months of Decem-
ber, 1802, and January, 1803, the following advertisement: —
" Dr. Baldwin, understanding that some of the gentlemen of
this town have expressed some anxiety for the establishment
of a Classical School, begs leave to inform them and the public
that he intends, on Monday, the first day of January next, to
open a School, in which he will instruct Twelve Boys in Writ-
ing, Reading, Classics and Arithmetic. The terms are, for
each boy, eight guineas j)er annum, co be paid quarterly or
half-yearly ; one guinea entrance and one cord of wood to be
supplied by each of the boys on opening the School. N.B, —
Mr. Baldwin will meet his pupils at Mr. Willcocks' house on
Duke street. York, December 18th, 1802." This advertise-
ment produced the desired efiect. The Doctor got all the
pupils he wanted, and several youths, who, in after life, rose to
nigh eminence in the colony, received their earliest classical
teaching from him.

It was not necessary at that early day that a youth should

118

spend a fixed term in an office under articles as a ])rGliminar3'
for practice, either at the Bar or as an attorney. On the 9th
of July, 1704, during the regime of Governor Simcoe, an act
had been passed authorizing the Governor, Lieutenant-Gov-
ernor, or person administering the Government of the Province,
to issue licenses to prac^^ise as advocates and attorneys to sucli
persons, not exceeding sixteen iu number, as he might deem fit.
We have no means of ascertaining how many persons availed
themselves of this statute, as no complete record of their names
or number is in existence. The original record is presumed
to have been burned when the Houses of Parliament were
destroyed during the American invasion in IHI.S. It is suffi-
cient for our present purpose to know that Dr. Baldwin was
one of the persons so licensed. By reference to the Journals
of the Law Society at Osgoode Hall, we find that this license
was granted on the Oth of April, 1808, by Lieutenant-Governor
Peter Hunter. We further find that on the same day similar
licenses were granted to four other gentlemen, all of whom
were destined to beconni well-known citizens of Canada, viz.,
William Dickson, D'Arcy Boulton, John Powell, and William
Elliott. Dr. Baldwin, having undergone an examination before
Chief Justice Henry Alcock, and having received his license,
authorizing him to ])ractise in all branches of the legal pro-
fession, married Miss Phoebe Willcocks, the daughter of his
friend and patron, and settled down to active practice as a
barrister and attorney. He took u]) his abode in a house which
had just been erected by his fathei'-in-law, on what is now the
north-west corner of Front and Fi'cderick streets. [It may
here be noted that Front Street was then known as Palace
Street, from the circumstance that it led down to the Parlia-
ment buildings at the east end of the town, and because it was
believed that the official residence or •" palace " of the Governor
would be built there.] Here, on the 12th of May, 1804, was
born Dr. Baldwin's eldest son, known to Canadian history as
Robert Baldwin.

The plain, unpretending structure in which Robert Baldwin
first saw light has a history of its own. Dr. Baldwin resided
in it only about three years, when he removed to a small house,
long since demolished, on the corner of Bay and Front streets.
Thenceforward the house at the foot of Frederick Street was
occupied by several tenants whose names are famous in local
annals. About 1 825 it was first occupied by Mr. William Lyon
Mackenzie, who continued to reside in it for several years. It

119

was here that the Colonial Advocate was published by that
gentleman, at the time wh^n his office was wrecked and the
type thrown into the bay by a "genteel mob," a further
account of which lawless transaction will be found in the
sketch of the life of W. L. Mackenzie, included in the present
series. The building subsequently came into the possession of
the Cawthra family — called by Dr. Scadding " the Astors of
Upper Canada" — who carried on a large and marvellously suc-
cessful mercantile business within its walls. It was finally
burned down in the winter of 1854-5,

Dr. Baldwin applied himself to the practice of his several
professions with an energy and assiduity which deserved and
secured a full measure of success. His legal business was the
most profitable of his pursuits, but in the early years of his
residence at York he seems to have also had a fair share of
medical practice. It might not unreasonably have been sup-
posed that the labour arising from these two sources of em])loy-
ment would have been .sufficient for the energies and ambition
of any man ; but we find that for at least two years subsequent
to his marriage he continued to take in pupils. Half a century
later than the period at which we have arrived, Sir John
Beverley Robinson, then a baronet, and Chief Justice of the
Province, was Wont to pleasantly remind the subject of this
sketch that their mutual ac(iuaintance dated from a very early
period in the latter's career. At the time of Robert Baldwin's
birth, John Robinson, then a boy in his thirteenth year, was
one of a class of seven pupils who attended daily at Dr.
Baldwin's house for classical instruction. Two or three days
after the Doctor's first-born came into the world, Master
Robinson was taken into the nursery to see " the new baby."
Ditterenees of political opinion in after years separated them
far as the poles asunder on most public questions, but they
never ceased to regard each other with personal respect. The
late Chief Justice Maclean was another [)upil of Dr. Baldwin's,
and distinctly remembered that a holiday was granted to him-
self and his fellow students on the day of the embryo states-
man's birth. Doctor Baldwin seems to have been fully equal
to the multifarious calls upon his energies, and to have exercised
his various callings with satisfaction alike to clients, patients,
and pupils. It was no uncommon occurrence in those early
days, when surgeons were scarce in our young capital, for him
to be compelled to leave court in the middle of a trial, and to
hurry away to splice a broken arm or bind up a fractured limb.

120

Yoar.s aftoiwarcls, when lie had r«;tired froni the active practice
of all his professions, he used to cile a somewhat ludicrous
instance of liis professional versatility. It occurred soon after
his ni:\rriage. He was engaged in arguing a case of some
importance before liis fatlier-in-law, Judge Willcocks, in the
Home Distiict Court, when a messenger hurriedly arrived to
summon him to attend at the advent of a little stranger into
the world. The circumstances were explained to the Judge,
and — it appearing that no other surgical aid was to be had at
the moment — tliat functionary readily consented to adjourn
the further consideration of the argument until Dr. Baldwin's
return. The latter hurriedly left the court-room with the
messenger, and after the lapse of somewhat more than an hour,
again presented himself and prepared to resume his interrupted
argument. The Judge ventured to express a hope that matters
had gone well with the patient ; whereupon the Doctoi" rejjiied,
" Quite well. I have much pleasure in informing your Honour
that a man-child has been born into the world during my
absence, and that both he and his mother are doing well." The
worthy Doctor received the congratulations of the Court, and
was permitted to conclude his argument without any further
demands upon his surgical skill.

Almost from the outset of his professional career, Dr. Bald-
win took a strong interest in political matters. The fact that
he was compelled to earn his living by honest labour, excluded
him from a certain narrow section of the society of Little York.
The society from which he was excluded, however, was by no
means of an intellectual cast, and it is not likely that he sus-
tained much loss by his exclusion. By intellectual society in
Toronto, he was regarded as a decided acquisition. He could
well afford to despise the petty littleness of the would-be
aristrocrats of the Provinc-al capital. StilL it is probable that
his political convictions were intensified by observing that,
among the members of the clique above referred to, mere merit
was regarded a3 a commodity of little account. He became
known for a man of advanced ideas, and was not slow in
expressing his disapprobation of the way in which government
was carried on whenever a more than ordinirily flagrant instance
of injustice occurred. In 1812, he became treasurer of the Law
Society of Upper Canada, and while filling that position, he
projected a scheme for constructing a suitable building for the
Society's occupation. The times, however, were impropitious
for such a scheme, which fell through in consequence of the
impending war with the United States.

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