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Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre filmAs A des taux de rAduction diff Arents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul ciichA, il est filmA A partir de I'angle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images nAcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 :-^> SIR CHARLES TUPPER, Bart., AND THE 1 \ ,■■1 Unification of tlie Empire HV AN IMPERIAL KEDERATIONIST Price, lo Cents. Priktkd by T. C. AixKN ft Co., Haufax, N. s. JA- •♦* mm^^ J(:4rM: SIR CHARLES TUPPER, BART., AND THE UNIFICATION OF THE EMPIRE. In 1866 Hon. Joseph Howe puhlislMtl a pamphlet entitled 'The Organisation of the Empire" (London, Edward Stamford, 6 Charinj^ Cross). Mr. Howe clearly .showed the dan;»ers of our present status and )>oldy outlined a schenie for general defence and for colonial rep- resentation and contributions to the imperial services. He even urged that the imperial government should ask the colonies for an early answer to an offer of reciprocal rights and oMigations : — "At all events if there are any coumntnities of British origin anywhere, who ilesire to enjoy all the privileges ami inmiiinities of the Queen's suhjects without paying for and defending them, let us ascertain where and who they are — let us measure the proportions of political repudiation now, in a season of trancpiillity — when we liave leisure to gauge the extent of the tvil and to apply correctives, rather than wait till war finds us unprepared and leaning upon presumptions in which there ic no reality." To this pamphlet Sir Charles (then Dr.) Tupper printed a reply, in which, by the way, he slightly garbled the stately period which has just been quoted. From this leply, which was published in pamphlet form as well as in the Halifax "British Colonist" of December 11, 1866, I shall make a few extracts: — "LETTEf^ F^OM THE HOK. 0. TUPPBR, PKOVINOIAL SECRETARY, dec To THE Pbopi.e of Xova Scotia; My Felhw Countrymen, — "Having Iteen called, under the free institutions which we enjoy, to take a leading part in the administration of the public affairs oH my native Province, and charged by tlie Legislature, as I and my co-delegates now here have been, to promote tke Uiiiou of British America, I think it my duty to draw your atten- tion to a very extraordinary proposal whicii the Honorable Joseph Howe ha^ recently published, and in which all classes of the iuhabitauta of Nova Scotia «re vitally interestetL "Mr. Howe modestly asks the British Cabinet to ignore the action of the <>overnmeiits and constitutional representatives of Provinces numbering nearly four millions of inhabitants, and at his sr4e instance to propose a Colonial p^Hcv still more ol)jectionabIe than that which lost the American Statns to the Britisli Crown, and which is now universally condemned " It will thus lie seen, that Mr. Howe proposes that a merely nominal repre- ventation in the House of Commons shoula be given to the British Colonies en- joying Responsible Uovemment, and that in exchange, the most despotic^ !l power •houlu be exercised over the revenues and manhood of these Colonies. ApparontI/ rnamourod with the systetn adopted in despotic CDuntrics, Mr. Howe propreut Britain, and that in return for sacritices sut-h as no British subject is now culled upon to en Jure. For the honour of having one single representative in the British Parliament, the three hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants of Nova Scotia would not only be called npoD to suffer wi enormous f Air. Uotot arfpuil the contrilmtionM 0/ CotoHixtH ihoulit tw Itxn jter hetul than thoHf 0/ Englwhmtn for utt'trtU rttMomt) amount of annual taxation, but the person of every man in the Colony would be liable to be draftctl at an hour's notice (not vvltHH LowtonerH hecumt eqvtUly liuNej Ui tight the battles of Great Britain in India, or any other part of the world. But apjirt from the monstrous absunlity of such a proposition, it is founde«l upon palpable fallacies. Mr. Uox.e assumes in the first place that the colonies now contribute nothing to the defence of the Knipire. He says (Page IS.) 'If we go to war, the whole burthen of sustaining it falls upon these two small Islands.' (Page 26.) 'I see no reason why the (yolonies should not contribute in peace and in war their fair quotas towards the defence of the Empire.' He speaks of the 'ignorance and selfishness to be over- come' in (retting a fair contrioution to the defence of the Empire, and boldly propounds the policy of coercion ( corrtctivts art not ntctximrUy totrcint) if hi» scheme be not adopted by the Colonies. ( Dr. Tnpper'n mortU tdipite is ho com/dett that he doea not see that in condemn- ing Joneph Howt^nfair and yenetouit MenlimeiUii he m condemnintj himxeff.) "British Colonists recognize the same obligations to contribute both men and money to the defence of that portion of the Empire in which they live, as the in' habitants of these islands, and in all the Colonies enjoying representative institu- tions they are loyally discharging that duty. *' (Imagine the inhabitants of thie British Islands sharing in the narrow imperial sentiments of Dr. Tupper and only recognizing their "obligations to contribute men and money to the defence of that portion of the Emftire in which they lire !" Were not this Tupperian idea of reciprocal aid repudiated to-day by Britons tron> Cape Breton to British Columbia and from Melbourne to Cape Town, it were woe for the Empire in its time of need. ) '*Mr. Howe says, 'he would proceed to treat the whole Empire as the British Islands are now treated, holding every man liable to serve the Queen in war, and making every pound's worth of property responsible for the national defence. ' Yet his scheme leaves the British Islands in the same position which they and the Colonies alike (!) now occupy, and proposes a system of serfdom for the Colonies alone, which not only docs not \((he negative here mvHl not It taltn hiHtoric.aUy—iti» a mere rhetorical jMrtirle) exist, but would never lie tolerated in Great Britain. Sorely a gentleman who proposes to teach the Statesmen and Parliament of England how to organize and protect the Empire, ought to know that not a free man in the British Islands is liable to conscription, nor a pound's worth of property exposed to be levied upon for any purpose save as specially provided for i>y an enactment made by the Parliament of their country. (Some of Dr. Tapper's sophistries are almost laughable. If Mr. Howe's pro- posal were adopted "to treat the whole Empire as the British Islands are now treated", how could the Colonies be more exposed to conscription or despotic levies than those Islands ? Or how could Colonists be more like "Russian serfs"' than are Englishmen ?) "In the confident belief that the enlightened statesmen who control the destinies of the Empire will treat with the contempt which it deserves, this audacioas proposal to substitute the despotism of France and Russia, for the free constitutional system which has make British institutions the envy of tho world,. I remain, Your moat obedient, Humble servant, Chabucs ToPPBRr London, November 23rd, 1866." s Without dwelling on the misrepresentations and sad demagoguery of this appeal to penurious instincts, which, among other things, repre- sented the acquirement of fuller rights and responsibilities as a relaps*^ towards serfdom. I will pass to Sir Charles Tupper's connection with the Imperial Pederatio'i League. At the first Conference for its founda- tion, held in London, July 29, 1884, at which Lord Rosebery and the Right Hon. W. E. Forstcr and many other influential British and Colonial statesmen were present, a proponed resolution to the effect that confederation was needed to prevent the dismemberment of the Empire was withdrawn through the arguments and pleadings of Sir Charles Tupper. Here Sir Charles, consciously or unconsciously, did an injury to the cause which he now was professing to favour. Such u resolution, ado[>ted by such an influential meeting, would have had an awakening, if not a startling, effect throughout the great Colonies It would have forced the project for federation upon the attention of the British people at home and abroad, and gained for it an early and full discussion. The result might have been that the Empire would have been strengthened as Howe and Haliburton foresaw that it required to be strengthened — so strengthen*»d perhaps as to have averted the danger- ous bluffing of Mr. Blaine in the Bering Sea controversy and the late preposterous extension of the Monroe Doctrine. Sir Charles Tupper, however, announced himself to be an imperial federationist, became a member of the Council of the League and even of its Executive Committee, and his occasional after-dinner eulogies of the Empire won him the good will of many imperialistic noblemen and gentlemen. Whether his creed was orthodox or not, he certainly took a front seat in the synagogue. One unhappy result of this was to alarm too many simple-minded Liberals in Canada. Without an effort to under- stand it, they pronounced the mooted federation to be a Tupperiau scheme or "a Tory dodge". Most Liberal newspapers kept their readers in total ignorance as to the nature nnd progress of the movement, only naming it to sneer at it as a dream or pooh-pooh it as a fad. A few Liberal politicians debated, not the expediency of progressing from a 'Subordinate to a coordinate status, but the expediency of reading the progressists out of the reform party ! It would be less inconsistent for ^ir Charles to read federationists out of his party, for according to him '{in 1866) they are not progressists at all, but backsliders, yearning for the position of Rus.sian serfs. Before many years passed from the foundation of the League, Sir Oharles began to explain lUs notion of imperial federation, to the satis- faction of .some murmuring FreiKh Canadians and of many English Canadians who preferred dependency to full national life, and the sav- ing of one cent in the dollar to rendering the other ninety-nine cents more secure. In several speeches and lectures he advertised, with much ability, the services of Canada to the Empire. He did not content himself, as some other equally sound Canadians and sounder federation- ists hav'e done, with urging that the expense of the Canadian Pacific Railway, the militia, etc., should be reckoned as assets in determining Oanada's contribution, if she should decide on federating with the British Islands. He claimed that her contribution was complete. He -wished Canada to occupy an anomalous position (half-dependent, half- •equal) in a hybrid federation, with preferential duties, with the right to tnake commercial treaties, with a maimed kind of representation ; but it must not cost a cent to Canada. He -wanted some more *'get" and Bto more " give ". His theory of imperial federation appealed to the cupidity of Canadians, as tin* n'fi|>n)«-al tlu-ory of Howe and (Jnint and Parkin appealed to tlu'ir justive and niunlincss. English fi-dcrutionists and Kn;:lid the Dominion in his piK'ket. iJut then- were several inild protests : — '' )t it) nothing nliort of tli»i/fiirfj'iil that ('iuia*tioii, without paying one pinny t<>warili« tin- Ini[H.-i'ial l)efence wliich iMhuhiml all tiu^He tilings.' (Ottawa "Am/lo-fluxoH", <|iiott>«l l»y " jM/triitl Ftiltrnlioh", Aug. 1, isya.) Commenting on the above, the organ of the Intperial Finleration League observes : — " That is the view, we know, helil 1>y nuuiy true PeilfrationistM in ('aiiaila &» elsewhere. We oni-Heiveti, and we l>elifve we may wty all those who think with us in the Mother Country on the general i^ultjeut ot (.'olouial eonti'iliutioiis to iiii- fierial expenses, do not, as it is soinetiines alleged, tind fault witli Cuiiuda for what she iiiis done or left undone up to tlie jtresent time, for the very simple reason that neither she nor any other t'olony has ever heen asked to do other- wise. We should not theref4>i'e agree with the Amjti'-Snxoii if its stnctures are meant to lic retrospective. We should agree witii it if its strii^tures refer to those irho Mtek firuM/iecfht/i/ to ptntut Cnvudit litiinj inrittd to hear her due share of Imperial hurdens, and couiitiel her to decline such an invitatiSii' Charles Tupper are by no means universal among C'anadiuns, whether believers in Imperial Federation or not, any more than they are among the leading supporters of the League in the Mother Country, or, we may add, in Australia. Sir (Jharles Tupper himself admits in the abstract the principle tliat Canada and all other portions of the Kmpire ought to contribute to the defence of the Kmpire, hut claims that Canada already doe.H so, hy indirect means, to the full extent of her ohligation, and should not in fairness be asked to do more. To avoid misconstruction we must repeat, what we have had occasion to say often before, that those wlio differ from this latter view do not on that aojount attach any blame to Canada or Canadians for not having hitherto done that which they have never been othcially invited to do, and which, if invited, they would have a perfect right to decline to do, unless the invitation to share in the responsibilities of Kmpire were accompanied by a curres^randing invitation to share constitution- ally in its privileges. "Commenting on the speech referred to, the Toronto Wetk says: — 'Sir t'harles Tupper has taken advantage of the opportunity afforded by a banquet given in his honour by the Manitol>a Club, at Winnipeg, to make a valuable con- tribution to the discussion of the question, which he at least seems to think still a living one, of Imperial Federation. Sir Charles's speech, which was marked by his usual ability and force, deals mainly with two controverted points. He opposes with great energy the view, which we venture to say is that of not a f«w Colon sts, that, as such, they occupy an inferior position — 'humiliating', the word he used, is rather strong. Some of the arguments he brought forward in refuta- tion of this opinion do not seem (]uite convincing. In fact, they appear to imply the very thing they are intended to disprove. Such, for instance, is his reply to t r" the atatvnu'iit tliat U8 CoIoiiiHtM wc liiivv iii> voice in the iHrei-tion of tlie fort-i^n nlluii'M of tiiu ureiit Kiiipiru of wliic;li we form ti (M>iii|Miii<.-iit iiui t. On tlie (;onti'iiry, miyn >ii- ('iiurhis, 'it \» o|K.>n to uvi-ryono in CiiiuKla to ti«;-onu; ii citi/.en of the KMi|>iii4 tin it iH to tlioHe iHtrn in tlie city of Lonflon. If my coiiclimikn i*- tnki-n fi'oin Cunittlii annu ycai' in my Htiiltlc in London, \h' Iiiu' hh ^mmI it vote- uh tlx* Duke of WeMtmiiiitter. ami liait the name voice in |)iiltliu att'aiiH an if 1)orn within tiie iHiiintlH of atil)le witii iiavin^ a viiii-e in the atlaits of tin* Kmpirc, and that in nrder to ohtain Hneh voi<'e one Iuih toceaw* to Ih> a Canadian and to lieoome n rci;ain, Sir CliHileM waxe8 eloquent over tiiu Heiectioii of representative ('anadianH to lakti |Mit in nuu'otiationti with other nationH, and thinks tliat 'llie time Iuih come when ('anada may juHtly feel proud of the fact that tlie Hcivii.'eH of iter mnm are Mouuht 4111 important o«-eaHionH'. We will not Htay to point out tluit in every inittanee adduced Canadian interextH were Hpeuially involved, Itut wu cannot refiain from «)l»«ervin;.' that the very fact that theHenelectionsaie made ax a matter of con rtesy, un;ariiee iidM:oUi-trucd, that we do not think that the di)taltilitie8 pointed out ati'ord any ju.-t ground for complaint, 'i'hey are. Wc Itcliuve. iimeparalile from the colonial jio.sition. We do not .««!e how any nation could Hitcly ^o farther in the direction of a lllittln^ a Coh ny to a |Mmition of equality in tlie Kmpire than the Mother Country has ^.oiie in the case of ('anada. 'I lie fai:l reniainH, and muht ever remain, that a Colony i» a Colony aiul a Colon- ist a Colonist, and that the only way of e.«cipc from whatever ineipialities may lie nece!<.-4arily involved in the rel.ition is to cea^e tolie aColony and ( 'oloiiiHts. This W)ul;ly deprecates. }le would not have our con-ititution changed in any material respect, even for representation in the Iiiipciial I'arliami nt. I-' rom what folhiws he evidently re- gards such representation as inco.iipatilile w itii the independent management of our own atl'airs. which niiny will fiil to see. I'hat Sir Charles should lie greatly enaiiioiireil with * views in re^iard to tlie other chief matter with which he deiilt in his speech, that of our duty, under th<: proposed Iin|)erial Federation, in regard to defence. His ardent advocacy of the view that Canada should not lie called on to pay any part of the expenses of the Inqierial army and navy is well known. So also, in its general features, is the argument he uses in sup|Mirt of that view — vi:. , that in constructing our canals and our trnnscontinental railway, in sulisidi/.ing our steainlioat lines, etc., all for commercial purposes, we really have done well and liUtrally our share for the 8up|N>rt of the defences of the .Kmpirc. This curious view is cai-efully wnjught out. We need nrt fmm auch a committee. Unfortunately ttiey captured Mr. Parkin, and, having uaed him here, are now nitiwj him in Canwln to rrentr thr.fiUne. i>"pretnion that wr. 1(0 nothiiij to maititain the iltjfnre o/the empirtt, inntead of HK<>«rii>K, a« he truthfully could, that wo have entitled ouraelvea to the gratitude of every man wiio has the interest of the etupirc at iHsart. Yours faithfully, Charles Tuppkr." The Hpctions of the Imperial Federation Leaig;ue Committee's report, which Sir Charles was "delighted to have l»een able, almost single-handed, to obtain," read as follows : — " .%. Among the measures which, if not at first pmcticable, might fiecome more so with the growth of a feeling of pernmnent national unity, the most im {lortant would be those cimnected with the fuller develi>peinent ot inter-imptirial traefore a large audience, expatiating on tho indirect contributions of Canada to the strength of the Emrpire. But he never stooped to drug tire consciences of his countrymen into the "false" and anti imperial " impression" that their contributions were complete and final. The imputation of Sir Charles that that the main nvotive of the most active meml>ers of the Imperial Federation League (of such men as Lord Rosebery, Admiral Colomb, Lord Playfair or Sir Rawson Rawson) wa» to screw uKMiey out of the Colonies instead of to secure the integrity and safety of the whole EUnpire, was an unworthy insinuation Coming *A majority of Canadian federationiata were apparently for the adoption of dutiea ttiscriminating in favour of the federating partners. Thia fact, added ta the lack of information on the aubject in most of our newspapers, has caused many Canadians to confuse the Imperial Federation League with the widely differei^ United Empire Trade League. from a profcKsed imperialist, and a prominent nif mlx'r of the executive of ilie Len)(ue, it whh a weakening wound to tlie cuuHe. Jt ntimlted the enthusiasm of its Hup]K)rter8 in Canada and ouuH«-fl disMMiKions in the central League These dissensions, fonienttil l>y the Kuii8e<|uent utterances of Sir Charle:; ami iiis following, led to Keverul secret deliberations of the Council, which, tinding itself hopelessly divided and not wishing to antagonize Canada hy snuhhing Iter High Dictator, voted to dissolve the League at the close of the year 1893 I do not charge Sir Charles Tupper with voting for the death of the League, but for its death there is no man more responsible than he. In May, lf<94, the Imperial Federation I^'ugue being now defunct, Sir Charles read Iwfore the Royal Colonial Institute un able paper entitled "Canado in relation to the Unity of the Empire." Some of his propositions were criticised by Col. Sir (ieorge Clarke, Mr. Parkin and others, but especially by Admiral Sir John Colomb, vthc argued that the C. P. R (capturtvl by an enemy) might become n source of weakness instead of streij'V to the Empire. In the course of his strictures lie observed : — " Then; is li true an lo Iteconie an inhe M'oiihl have to p;iy f«ir itefence far ihd u hunvily tlian she docs now. Now, let us compare tin (>reat I)«>niiMion w'tn .>. --ice8 of Canada to the Empire, with never a hint as to her further obligations iu the future. The object of his article appears to be to kill the Imperial Federation Defence League — a maimed offspring of the slain Imperial Federation Lea|;ue, of too limited a scope to tire imperial enthusiasm. The motto of those desirmg to unify the Empire, in my humble opinion, should be " thorough " — full citizenship, full obligations, full responsibilities, full repre- •entation, full rights, full privileges, and full home rule for every federating partner. T 8 TFiis charging the disloyal sentiments of two or three individuals to a loyal party cannot be justified. Although some genuine im- perialists shartvi the responsibility of that wholesale accusation, its natural tendency was not to inspire and unite the friends of the Empire, Vmt to inspire and unite its foes. For this accusation let us charitably hope that Sir Charles's repentance is sincere. Sir Charles Tupper has proclaimed that his coming campaign will be fought (partly) for our Imperial interests. I could serve with more enthusiasm under some leader who had never worked, consciously or unconsciously, against ths unification of the Empire — under a Howe (par excdlence) or a Macdonald or a Thompson or a Laurier. But if Sir Charles Tupper has repented in the eleventh hour ; if he should appeal more to honour and justice and patriotism than to penurious instincts.; if he should advocate for us a square reciprocity of rights and obligations ; if his desire should be to enlarge our issues, to broaden our thoughts, and to remove the mill- stone of provincialism from the bowed neck of our intellectual pro- gress ; if he should wish Britons to confederate in the spirit of Howe and Haliburton, for the strengthening of the Empire and the attain- ment of full imperial citizenship by Canadians ; if he should urge Canada to ask for imperial representation frith a fair imperial contribu- tion, and to claim a cof tlie Conservative party in England which would object to the United Kingdom resigning its chieftainship in the Em- pire by sharing with the Colonies the control of the imperial establishments and policy. But if the great Colonies asked for full partnership, that section, I believe, would be overpowered. It would be opposed by the more progressive portion of the Conservative party an