IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-S)

£^,

&
^

1.0

I.I

125

2.8
32

Z.*)

1.4

2.0

1-6

^?'

^^j>
%f^

'^ >

Hiotographic

Sciences

Corporation

23 WEST MAIN S'SSET

WE^fTER.N.Y. 14580

(716) »72-4303

:1>^

^<b

'^^

CIHM/tCMH

Microfiche

Series.

CIHM/iCMH
Collection de
microfiches.

Canadian Institute foi* Historical Microreproductions / ^nstltut canadien de micrcreproductions historiques

Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques

Th<

to \

The Institute has f^ttemptttd to obtain the bast
original copy avaiisble for filming. Features of thin
copy which may be bibi .^eraphicatly Mniquo,
which may .-liter any of the images in the
reproduction, or which may significantly change
the usual method of filmir(|i, are checked below.

Coloured covers/
Couverture de couieur

I I Covers damaged/

CouvGrture endommagie

Covers restored and/or laminated/
Couverture rcstaurde et/ou pelliculiie

I I Cover titte missing/

Le titre de couvoi ture manque

□ Coloured maps/
Cartels g^ogrophiques en couieur

□ Coloured inl( U-e. other than blue or black)/
Encre de couieur (i.e. autre que bieue ou noire)

I I Coloured plates and/or illustrations/

Planches et/ou iilt'Strationr en couieur

Bound with other material/
Reli6 avec d'autres documents

Tight binding mpy cause shadows or distortion
along interior margin/

La reiiure serr^e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la
distortion ie long de la marge intdrfeure

Blank leaves isdded during restoration may
appear within the text. Whenever possible, these
have been omitted from filming/
II se ()eut que certames pages blanches ajouties
lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte,
mais, lorsque cel& ^tait possible, ces pages n'urit
pas 4t6 filmdes.

Additional comments:/
Commentaires siippl^mentaires.-

L'institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire
qu'il iui a 6t6 possible de se procurer. Les details
de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-dtre ui.iques du
point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier
une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une
modification dans la mdthode normaie de filmage
sont indiqu6s ci-dessous.

□

Q
D
D
D

Coloured pages/
Pages de couieur

Pagi^s damaged/
Ptoses endommagAes

Pages restored and/or iaminated/
Paqen restaurdes et/ou pejlicui^&s

Pagej discoloured, stainefl or foxed/
Pageb d^colcr^es, tacheties ou piqudes

P«;ges deteched/
Pages ddtach^HS

Showthrough/
Transparence

Quality of print varies/
Quality in6gal6 de I'impression

Includes supplementary material/
Comprend du materiel suppldmentaire

Only edition available/
Seule Edition disponible

Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata
slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to
ensure the best possible imnge/
Les pages totalement ou partiellement
obscurcies par un feuiilet d'errata, une peiure,
e^c, ont 6t6 film6es i nouveau de fa^on d
obtenir la meilleure image possible.

pos
of 1
filn

Ori
be{
the
sio
oth
firs
sio
or i

Th«
sh£
Tm
wh

Ma
difl
ent
be{
rig!
raq
me

This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/

Ce document est film6 au taux de reduction indiquA ci-d9SSOus.

10X 14X 18X 22X

26X

30X

I y I

12X

16X

»X

24X

'/BX

32X

ils

lifier

age

The cooy filmed here has bein reproduced thanks
to the genero&ity of:

Library of the Public
Archives of Cartada

The images appearing here are the best quality
possible considering the condition and legibility
of the original copy and in keeping with the
filming contract specifications.

L'axemplaire film6 fut reproduit grAce d la
g6n6rosit6 de:

La bibliothdque des Archives
publiqubs du Canada

Les images suivantes ont 6t6 reproduites avec le
plus grand soin, compte tenu (Je la condition et
de la nettet6 de I'exemplaire film6, et en
conformity avec les conditions du contrat de
filmage.

Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed
beginning with the front cover and ending on
the last page with a printed or illustrated impres-
sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All
other original copiep am filmed beginning on the
first page with a printed or illustrated impres-
sion, and ending on the last page with a printed
or illustrated impression.

Les exempiaires originaux dont la couverture en
papier est imprimde sont filmis en commenpant
par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la
dernidre page qui comporte une empreinte
d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par le second
plat, selon le cas. Tous les autres exempiaires
originaux sont film6s en commenpant par la
premidre page qui comporte une empreinte
d'impressicn ou d'iiiustration et en terminant par
la dernidre page qui comporte une telle
empreinte.

The last recorded frame on each microfiche
shall contain tne symbol —<^ (meaning "CON-
TINUED"), or the symbol V (maaning "END"),
whichever applies.

Un des symboles suivants apparaltra sur la
dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le
cas: lo symbcle -^^ signifie "A SUIVRE", le
symbole V signifie "FIN".

Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at
different reduction ratios. Those too large to be
entirely included in one exposi<re are filmed
beginning in the upper left hand corner, Ifift to
right and iiop to bottom, as manv frames as
required. The following diagrams illustrate the
method:

Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre
film^s d des taux de reduction diffdrents.
Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre
reproduit en ;jn seul clicr4, il est film6 d partir
de Tangle sup^rieur gauche, de gauche d droite,
et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre
d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants
illustrent la mdthode.

ita

lure.

THE ELECTOR'S

'JT(r« A

■ H "Pj

If-

^■Pf^tTI^

( ()Ml'Il,i:i) AND ADAPI'EI) i!\

RICHARD JOHN WICKSTEED

S:^-,v

OTTAWA :

I'rinted hy the v'iti/t-n I'rinting and rul)lislKiii^ ("<>m|)any, ji Mi'lcnirc Street.

.cS,S5.

THE ELECTOR'S

fniUKkl GAf EOIIS

rOMPII<ED AND ADAPTED BY

RICHARD JOHN WICKSTEED.

OTTAWA:
HrinJed by the Citizen Printing and Publishing Company, 31 Metcalfe Stiect.

1885.

-•flOrOHJ-l 3HT

SIH0If43 JiOlfllif

n) «f:rr'iAv!/ ^Vk (i:'f.u«{i/o')

i'msTp^Aow/ muM

' T

; ?? -

AW ATI

mmm

PREFACE.

A perverted anc] excessive action of party spirit and self interest is equally
vicious, either in members of Parliament or electors. Men should not go into
parliament to vote for their own interests and the interests of their order rr party in
a spirit which, if accurately examined, amounts to corruption. The elector and
legislator should act as pure-mindedly as the judge; and considering the weighty
interests confided to his keeping, he ought equally to resist the slightest •endency to
improper bias. Yet so established has become the habit of admitting improper bias that
ii is recognized as a matter of course, and by the consequent re-action between party and
party, it is considered almost unavoidable on one side in order to counteract and
check the dishonest influences exerted by the opposing party. This is very sad. 1
believe it is unnnegessary. I feel sure, not only that it would be possible, but that it
ought not to be very difficult to elevate our elector and legislator to the judge
standard, and to bring about the recognition of the principle that a vote at the polls
or in parliament, iniluenced by undue considerations is as much an act of immorality
as a corrupt decision by a judge.

What I deprecate must have its cause in the ignorance of the great mass of the
electors as to the constitution of Canada, and their duties and responsibilities as
citizens, and the non-recognition by them of those qualities in candidates which alone
render a man fit or worthy to serve in parliament, the local legislatures, corporation
councils, and, in fact, any representative body.

The production of this pamphlet is the outcome of a sincere desire to be of
service to my fellow-countrymen in giving useful information on those p'>ints, on
which they may not be well informed.

My object is to be useful; I believe that the position I have taken is unassailable
from its truth, and hope to be credited with having spoken this truth in love. If it
touches any conscience, "let the galled jade wince." If no one feels that my
philippic applies to himself, " why then my taxing like a wild goose flies, unclaimed

by any man."

As to the correctness ot the answers in this Political Catechism, my authorities
are to be found in the Appendix to it, and I can only repeat what I wrote in my
work on The Canadian Militia, published in 1875: "We cannot claim even the
merit of originality in these pages of ours; many of the thoughts have suggested
themselves to others, and have been expressed by other pens; we have but acted the
part of the cabinet-maker, who, selecting the various woods to produce the best
effect in a determined end, works up, dovetails and polishes the blocks he starts

with."

/ R. J. WICKSTEED.

Ottawa, 29th January, 1885.

• 1

■ \

^ -.//'.-; .' >i-i

,M >i k:i; ■;. •;« iri , •.(■;ri i j,, :,',

' tiir; sot i ji- . 1' Tiif ;,

(.-,,,=

.ill; ( V

' ''■■. '•'^' =■' '''''*''\ "'' '•'"- f '' ''•'- ■■■(■"■' .''>(), 5>iti^ !•:.->! I .>;v^^-.-^-ni«.-ii. «^ fi af'iyW

•'f ft.;* 7H^ri , ; «

■'1

{ Iff / •

'iril al

i"i ■>•, ' 11

I '■ i

■

.{"^•if

THE ELECTOR'S

iM i-

POLITICAL CATECHISM.

!0' r/^-M'i'l'

\ i(

■.,li

Question. What is your name and state of life ?. <

Answer. I am A. B , an elector of the Dominion of Canada,
a colony of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland,
ana a subject of Her Britannic Majesty

Q. What privileges do you enjoy by being an elector of
Canada ?

A, B}' being an elector of Canada, I am a greater man in my
civil capacity than the greatest subject of an arbitrary prince ;
because I am governed by laws to which I give my consent, —
and my life, liberty or goods cannot be taken from me but
according to these la..^. 1 am a freeman. ,, , ,, ,,.,, , . r,^,,

Q. Wno gave you this liberty ? ,• -!•• r, ^.H'

A. No man gave it me. Liberty is the natural right O'f
every human creature ; he is born to the exercise of it as soon as
he has attained to that of his reason. But that my liberty is
preserved to mv^, when lost to a great ))art of mankind, is owino,
under God, to the wisdom and valour of my ancestors. '

Q. Wherein does this liberty, which you enjoy, consi.jt ?

A. In laws made by the conaeiit ot tlie people, and the due
exec'ition of those iaws. I am iree not from the law but by the

Q. Will you sta.nd fast in this liberty, whereunto 3'ou are
born and entitled by the laws of your country ?

A. Yes; I will. And I am thankful that I am born a mem-
ber of a community governed by laws and not by arbitrary-
power.

C
er

act
o

m
u

t3
G
«

Q. What do yo»i tliink is incumbent upon you to secure
tliis Vilossini; to yourself and posterity !f •*

A. As J aiTi an elector I think it incumbent upon n»e to
'.telieve arif^ht concerninir the fundamental constitution of the
governments to- which lam su>»ject; to write, s])eak and act on al]
occasions conformably to this belief; to oppose, with all
the powers of my body and mind, such as aie enemies of our
good constitution, together with all their secret and open abettors ;
and to be obedient to the Queen of England, the Supreme
Mairistrate of this Dominion. ,,, />.<,

Q. As you are living in Ontario, one of the Provtri^es com-
posing the Dominion of Canada, to what laws are you subject ?

A. While I am a citizen of the Province of Ontario, and
subject to the laws enacted by the Provincial Legl^Jatuie, I am
at the same time a citizen vf the Dominion of Canada, and
bound to obey the laws made by the Central or Federal Parlia-
ment;- ^; >'■■'■*'■ -■ •■*'-^- ■■' •■-■■'.--"■■■• --,.v'..— ,w, -■.••-; •«■•-- ..,b.j.U,i J.-.,.,.?

' Q. Do you know how the legislative powers are distributed
l)etween the Central Parliament or the Parliament of Canada,
and the Local or Provincial Legislature of Ontario ? - -^-

A. The exclusive legislative authority of the Parliament
of Canada extends to all c[uestions of the public debt or property ;
all regulations with legard to trade or commerce, customs or
excise ; the raising of revenue b}'^ any mode or system of tax-
ation; all provisions as to currency, coinage, banking, postal
arrangements, and generally to all matters which attect or relate
to the welfare and good government of the Dominion, and the
enactment of criminal law. The subjects reserved to the
Pj'ovincial Legislatures are all of a subordinate and sectional
character, such as the sale and management of the public lands ;
the control of hospitals and asylums, charitable and municipal
institutions, and the raising of money by direct taxation for
provincial use. There is also a concurrent power of legislation
exercised by the Federal Parliament aiid the Provincial Legisla-
ture. It extends over three separate subjects, namely : immi-
gration, agriculture and public works.

Q. Can you descritto to lue the constitution of the Prtiliament
of Canada, and that of the Legislature of Ontaiio ? ,,ii; ,, , ?

/,'' A. All the Federal Legislative powers granted under the
Imperial British North America Acts of 1867 and 1871, and
*' The Parliament of Canada Act, 187o" are vested in one Parlia-
ment for Canada, consisting ot the Queen, an Upp'^r House styled
the Senate, and the H 3use of Commons. The Provincial Legisla-
tive ])OweT, so far as I am concerned, resides in the Legislature
for Ontario, consisting of the Lieutenant-Governor, and of onb
House, styled the Legislative Assembly of Oritario.

Q. Rehearse tlio articles of your [)olitical creed, as a citizen
of Canada ?

A. I believe that the supreme or legislative power of this
Dominion, in the subject matters over which it has jurisdiction,
resides in the Queen, the Senate and the Commons ; that Her
Majesty Queen Victoria, is Sovereign or Supreme Executor of
the law, to whom, upon that account, all loyalty is due ; that each
of thft three branches of the Legislature is endowed with its
, parti i-c.ar rights and offices; that tLo QueeU; by her royal
.prerogative, has the power of determining the time and place of
! ineeting of Parliaments ; that the consent of the Q..jen — that is,
j of the Governor-General, acting on behalf and in the name of
^ Her Majesty, — the Senate and the Commons is necessary to the
, /enactment ot a law, and that all the three make but one law-
giver : — that as to the freedom of consent in the making of laws,
these three powers are independent; and that each and all the
three are bound to observe the laws that are made. ,^„^ -unujj^

Q. Rehearse the articles of your political creed as a citizen'
ot Ontario ?

A. I believe that the Legislature of the Province of Ontario
may exclusively make laws in matters coming within the classes
of subjects which I have before enumerated, and which are
specially assigned to its jurisdiction. The Legislature for Ontario
consists of a Lieutenant-Governor and of one House, called the
Legislative Assembly of Ontario. The Lieutenant-Governor is

s^^

•Iff.]

appointed by, and holds office during^ tl.e pleasure of the
Governor-General subject to the provisions of the Constitutional
'Aftt/ -As regards its rights, privileges, and duties the Legislature
of Ontario, within its limited sphere of action, resembles the
Parliament of Canada. VC^ i jiA MltMin:'! »> > >■■■ .v).^ < 'I - ,

' '* Q. Why is the legislative power supreme ? ' " i *
A. Because what gives law to all must be supreme. * "" '

Q. What do you mean by loyalty to the Queen ? '^ '
A. I have heard that loy or loi signifies law, and loyalty,
obedience according to law. Therefore, he who pays this obedi-
ence is a loyal subject; and he who executes the Queen's
commands when contrary to la.v, is disloyal and a traitor. .

Q. Is it not in the law that the Queen, or the Governor-
General, as her representative, can do no wrong ? m.v.tu^m■^m<.J^.&
'"'■" A. It is ; but since the Governor does not act immediately
by himself, but mediately by his officers and inferior magistrates,
the wisdom of the law provides sufficiently against any undue
exercise of his powe- by charging all illegal acts, and all kinds-
' of mal-admini strati./- upon his ministers, laying him under an
indisputable obligation no^ tj screen his ministers from public
justice or public enquiry. The function of advising the Governoi'
in the government of the Dominion is now discharged, as to all
important matters of state, by a select portion ot the I /ivy
Council called the Cabinet Council, who, after being sworn mi a?
Privy Councillors, receive their appointment to the principal
offices of state as being leading members of the political party
having the majority in the House of Commons. This Cabinet
Council, or Ministr}^, practically administers the Government,
and the Ministers become responsible for its measures, resigning
their office if the Governor does not follow their advice, or if
their politicial party ceases to be in the majority in the House
of Commons. In this way is the responsibility bi ought home to
the executi^^e department, and harmony of action established
between the executive and legislative branches of the Govern-
ment, and in this way the House of Commons is able lo exercise
a control over all tho dcpaitments of the e cecutive admiiustration.

Q. What do you mean by the Royal prerogative ? t

A.. A discretionary power in the Queen, or her representa-
tive, to act for the orood of the people where the laws are silent ;
never contrary to law and always subject to the limitations of

. Q. Is not then the Queen above the law ? '' '"' ' '■

A . By no means ; for the intention of government being the
security of the lives, liberties and properties of the members of
the community, they never ean be supposed, by the law of nature,
to give an arbitrary power over their persons and estates. The
Queen can have no power br.t what is given her by lav, ; even
tlie supreme or legislative power is bound, by the rules of equity,
to govern by laws enacted and published in due form ; — for what
is not so authorized is arbitrar3^ ... _ ...

Q. How comes it that those who endeavour to destroy the
authority and independence ot any of the branches of the legis-
lature, attempt 'o subvert the constitution I „.,, ' ; .,

I- A. By the fundamental laws of our constitution, the free
ond impartial consent of acli of the three branches is
necessary to tlie being of a law ; therefore, 'f the consent of
any of the three is wilfully omitted, or obtained by terror or
corruption, the constitution is violated ; as instead of three tliere ■
would then be leally and effectually but one branch of the
legislature. ''<--■>'•-;- fc.' ;>im. ■'■■'■ "•. -jj;' ^' ":- ■ -;-- : • • -.--

Q. Can you give me an instance where the form of govern-
ment was kept and yet the constitution destroyed ?

A. Yes. The forms of the free government of Rome were
preserved under the arbitrary government of the Emperors.
There was a Setiate, Consuls and Tribunos of the people, — as
•one might say Queen, Lords and Commons ; and yet the govern-
ment under the Emperors was always despotic, ami often tyran-
nical; and the worst of all governments is tyranny sanctified
by the appearance of law.

Q. By what means fell that great people into this state of
slavery ?

A. By faction, corruption and standing armies. " '^'^ ;^^'

Q. What do you learn from history ? , , _

^.., A. That a Sovereign of this realm, in the fall possession of
the atiection of his people, is greater than any arbitrary Prince ;
and that the British nation or the Colonies can never be effectu-
ally undone but by a wicked parliament ; and lastly to be thankful
to God, that, under our Most Gracious Queen, our constitution is
preserved entire, though, at the same time, thsre are many
circumstances which call loudlv for vigilance.

• \ SI Q- What are those? . f . . . .

A. Such as have been the forerunners and causes of the loss,
of liberty in other countries : namely, decay of virtue and public
spirit, luxury and extravagance in expenditure, venality and
corruption in private and public affairs. • .,^ ^^

>en

^:»

""' Q. How may there be a decay of public spirit
there is a more than usual desire to serve the public ? '*^' V

■'^'* A. If a desire to live upon the public be public spirit

there is enough of it at a time/ when private extravagance

makes people crave more, and the administration of an increased

and increasing public revenue enables the Government to give

'more.

Q. What do you fear from this ?

A. That such as serve the Ministry for mward may in time
sacrifice the interest of their country to their wants; that greedi-
ness of public money may produce a slavish complaisance as long
as the Grown can pay, and mutiny when it cannot; and, in
general, that motives of self-interest will prove an improper and
weak foundation for our duty to our Queen and country.

Q, What would you do for your country ?

A. I would die to procure its prosperity, and I would rather
that my children were cut of! than that they should be slaves ;
but as Providence at present requires none of these sacrifices, I
content myself to discharge the ordiaarr duties of my station,
and to exhort my neighbours to do the same.

*f Q. What are the duties ot your stfttion ? > :- ; i ?.

A. To endeavour, so far as I am able, to preserve the public
tranquility, and, as I am an elector, to give my vote for the
candidate whom I judge most worthy to serve his country, for,
if from any partial motive I should give my vote for one
unworthy, I should think myselt justly chargeable with hi^
guilt. . o V,

Q. You have perhaps but one vote in two thousand, and
the member perhaps one of two hundred more — then your share
of the guilt is but small ?

■' A. As he who assists at a murder is guilty of murder, so he
'-ho acts the lowest part in the enslaving of his country is gudty
of a much greater crime than murder. - ' '• *

fW)WV I '

V-TH f "'"'* '■

".'ft (if; -'i 'I

itf Q. Is enslaving one's' country a greater crime than murder ?

f^* A. Yes; inasmuch as the murder of human nature is a
greater crime than the murder of a human creature, or as he
who debases and renders miserable the mass of mankind is
more wicked than he who cutj^off an individual. ''' '?^' ' '^' '^-'ri

Q. Does not the tranquility occasioned by absolute mon-
archy make a couiitry thrive ?,j,, „ j.;,y,,r n^ir «4 : /ftfnn:,ii'

%* A, Peace and plenty are not the genuine fruits of absolute
monarchy, for absolute monarchies are more subject to convul-
sions than free governments, and slavery turns fiMitful plains
into a desert; whereas lihert3% like the dew from heaven, fructi-
fies the barren mountains. Therefore 1 should reckon myself
guilty of the greatest crime human nature is capable of if I were
in any way accessory to the enslaviig of my country. Though
I have but one vote, many units make a number; and if every
elector should reason after the same manner — that he has but
one vote— what must becoD^e of the whole ? A law of great conse-
quence, and the election of the member who votes for that law.
may be both carried by one vote. Great and important services
for the liberties of their country have been done by individual
men.

Q. Is it not lawful, then, to take a brib'^ from a person

otherwise worthy to serve his country ? ^ /}feOT#rt|i'rff W

(i'V

.afk

•■uui

A. No more thaa for a judge to take a bribe for a righteous
rsentence ; nor is it any more lawful to coi-rupt, than to commit
evil that good may come of it. (]Iorruption converts a good
action into wickedness. Bribery of all sorts is contrary to the
law of God ; it is a heinous sin, often punished with the severest
judgments ; and is, besides, the greatest folly and madness. ,

Q. How is it contrary to th*^ law of God ? . \

A . The law of God says expressly " Thou shalt not wrest
judgment ; thou shalt not take a gift." If it is a sin in a judge,
it is much more in a law-giver, or an elector; because the mischiefs
occasioned by the first reach only to individuals ; those occasioned
bj the latter may affect whole nations, and even generations to
come. The Psalmist, describing the wicked, says, " His right
hand is full of bribes." The Prophet, describing the righteous,
tells us, " He shakelh his hands from holding a bribe." Samuel,
justifying his innocence, appeals to the people, " Of whose hands
have t taken a bribe ? " Then, as to Divine vengeance, holy
Job tells us, " That God shall destroy the tabernacle of bribery."
Therefore, he that taketh a bribe, may justly expect what is
threatened in holy writ, " He shall not prosper in his way,
neither shall his substance continue ; his silver and gold shall
not be able to> deliver him in the day of the wrath of the Lord."

Q. What do you think of those who are bribed by gluttony
and drunkenness ?

A. That they are viler than Esau, who sold his birth-right
for a mess of pottage.

Q. Why is my taking a bribe at an election folly or madness ?

A. Because I must refund ten- fold in taxes what I take
as a bribe, and the member who bought me has a fair pretext
to sell me ; nor can I in such a case have any just cause for
complaint.

Q. What will 3'^ou say, then, to the can(li«liitc who otters
you a bribe ?

A. I will say, "Thy money perish with thee. As thou art
now purchasing thy seat in parliament, I have just reason to
suspect thou rcsolvest to sell thy vote. What thou offerest and
what thou promisest may be the price of the liberties of my
country. I will not only reject thy bribe with <lis(lain, but will
vote against thee."

Q. Is not the justice of the supreme magistrate or his prime
minister sufficient security for the liberty of the people ?'

A. The people ought to have more securit}' for all that is
valuable in the \vorlil, than the will of a mortal and fallible man.
Much has been said, and much has been written about patriotic
rulers and patriotic ministers, but that is all patriotic nonsense.
It is the principles of the constitution, the constant exercise of
their elective powers, and those only, that must make the inha-
bitants of this colony free and happy. It is their business as
electors, it is their business as the people in general, to watch
over and take care that the principles of our constitution be
not evaded by any power in the State. If they will not do this
they must perish ; for they will never find any patriotic adminis-
tration that will do it for them. It is not the desire of any
administration to have a sha*-p-eyed House of Commons to over-
look them. They had inuch rather manage a House of Conunons
than be managed by one. The Governor-General summons
persons to the Senate ; and so the last and best security for the
liberties of the people is a House of Commons, genuine and
independent. .

Q. What do you mean by a genuine House of Commons <
A. One that is the lawful issue of the people and no bastard.

Q. How is a bastard House of Commons produced ?

A. When the people by terror, corruption or other indirect
means, choose such as they would not otherwise choose; or when
such a^ are fairly chosen arc iiot returned,

- Q. How may a House of Commons become dopondeufc ?

A. When the freedom of voting is destroyed by threatenings,
promises, punishments and rewards; by the open force of the
Government, or the insults ot the populace ; but above all by
private Influence; for they who have the power of the Crown,
have many ways of gratifying such as are subservient to their
designs, and many ways of oppressing such as oppose them,
and may do both within the l)oundsof the law.

Q. Can a Queen have a more faithful Council than a House
of Commons, which speaks the sense of the people ?

A. None; for they will not only give her impartial
counsel, but will powerfully and cheerfully assist her to execute
what they advise. , • , «

Q. What are the qualities that render a person unfit and
unworthy to .serve in Parliament ?

A. The representatives of a nation ought to consist ot the
most wise, wealthy, sober and courageous of the people ; not
men of mean spirio, little figure, and sordid passions, that would
sell the interests of the people that chose them, to advance their
own, or be at the beck of some great men, in hopes of prefer-
ment to a good employ. Those that have fair estates, have, in a
manner, given hostages to their country, and must be errant
fools, before they can play the knave with us. The needy
passenger regards not the ship's perishing, if he can save himself
in the long boat, or gain a<:l vantage by the wreck. Shall we place
within the walls of the House of Commons, men who were better
secured within tho. walls of a common gaol, who can never pay
their debts contracted by their prodigality, but out of our purses ;
and must run us into debt, to free themselves from their own
mortgages ? For all such persons (though some of them may be
looked upon ap honest men and good house-keepers) are in danger
of being tempted to repair the decay of their own private for-
tunes at the co.st of the public. Moreover, the choosing of such
broken fortunes, decays trade, and ruins wh'ole families; if
beggars ever come to be the people's representatives, how can

they judge wLal it is exKodieiit lor tlio nation to sjiare, wlioso
only care is to get money to spend ?

. We arc not fond of receiving bribes and gratifications from
persons who would make a prey of us, and by their purses, lavish
treats, and entertainments, would allure us to prostitute our
voices for tlieir election ; we may be assured they would never
bid so high for our suffrages, but that they know where to have
a return of what they spend with high interest. We will choose
the worthy unwilling person, before the complimentary unworthy
man, whose extraordinary forwardness indicates that he seeks not
our good, but his own, separate from that of the public. Let us not
play the tool or knave, to neglect oi- betray the connnon interest
of our country, by a base election ; let neither fear, flattery nor
gain bias us. Let us consider with ourselves what loosers we will be,
if though we laugh and are men y one day, the person we choose,
should give us and our children occasion to mourn for ever after.
Let no one say he is but a single person — that one man cannot do
nmch hurt. Silly man I What if the electors in all other places
should be as bad as ourselves ? Then the whole House would
be of a piece ; and besides, is it not well known that sometimes
a single vote has carried a measure, which perhaps was no less
mischievous than irretrievable ?

Make not our p.iblic choice the recompense of private
favours ; it is not pleasing a neighbour, because rich and power-
ful, but saving of Canada that we are to regard. Neither pay
or return private obligations at the cost of the nation. Sir
Blank Blank is a pretty gentleman and treats people civilly ;
and my landlord is a good gentleman and has been kind ; and
Such-a-one is the nearest Justice of the Peace — but yet
I will not vote contrary to my conscience, or have any hand in
a choice that may ruin my country, to gratify any or allot
them. None must take it ill that we use our freedom about that,
an institution which is the great bulwark of our liberties.

We should take care of ambitious men and non-residents,
such as live most about the, town, and not in the country. These
seek honors and preferment, and seldom enrich or are of any
service to the country by their expenditure or hospitality. They

arc too inucl} foi- theiiibclves to act vigorously i'ov the advantage;
of their country ; or, if in Parliament they do sometimes act as
patriots, it is only that the party in power may notice them, and
take them off by some preferment.

Elect not any spendthrift or profligate person, for besides
that such are not conscientious enough for legislators, they are
commonly idle, and though i)0ssibly they may wish well to your
interest, yet they will rather neglect it than their pleasures ; they
will scarce leave one of their nightly revellings, to give you their
attendance and service next day, and therefore they are not to
be relied upon. To borrow the words of a post-classic author :
" Some senators are drawn from their duties by pleasure ; perhaps
a party at tennis, bowls, eards^, a comedy, a good fellow, a pack of
dogs, a cock-fighting or a horse match. And while they are
thus employed, the vigilant faction steals a vote that is worth a
kingdom. Some again are so trans[)orted with the vanity of
dress and language, that rather than serve the public with one
hair amiss, or with one broken i)eriod, they will let the public
perish — mallent rcinpublUam turbarl quam capillos. These
while their country lies at stake, are arranging the heads, polish-
ing the phrase, and shaping the parts of a set speech, till it is
too late to use it. Sloth and neglect are yet more dangerous in
senators, in regard of surprises from the opposite faction ; these
think a wet day, or a cold morning a sufficient discharge from
attendance, and while they are taking t'other nap, or t'other
bottle, the monarch perhaps has lost his crown, or the subject his
liberty." C

Q. Hitherto you have spoken in negatives, and described
such as are not fit to be chosen as Members of Parliament ; will
you now describe those who are fit for a trust of so great
iinportance i

A. We must take care to choose such as are well known
to be men of good principles, friends to religion, and of
sufficient resolution and spirit to support it with their lives and
fortunes.

■h. We must cudeavuiir to choose men of wisdom and courage,
who Will not be hectored out of the performance of their duties
bv the frowns and scowls of men.

We must make it our business to choose such as are resolved
to stand by and maintain the powers and privileges of Parliament,
together with the power and just rights of the sovereign, accord-
ing to the laws of the lands, so that the one may not encroach upon
the other. And such as with a becoming courage will prosecute
all traitors, and remove all corrupt and arbitrary ministers of
state and wicl. >d judges.

We should take particular notice of those who are promoters
of industry and improvement ; for such as labor to increase the
growth and advantage of the country, will be very tender of
yielding to anything that may weaken or impoverish it.

, Q. In short what are the marks of a person, worthy to serve
his country in Parliament '.

A. The marks of a good luler given in scripture will serve
for a Member of Parliament — "such as rule over you shall be
men of truth, hating covetousness ; tiiey shall not take a gift ;
they shall not be afraid of the face of a man." Therefore I con-
clude, that the marks of a good Member of Parliament are,
independent means, integrity, courage, the being well affected to
the constitution, having a knowledge of the state of the country,
the being frugal of the money, careful of the prosperity, and
zealous for the liberties of the people ; constant to the interest of
the country in perilous times, and assiduous in attendance.

Q. Who is most likely to take a bribe ? •
A. He who offers one.

Q, Who is likely to be frugal of the people's money ?
A. He who puts none of it in his own pocket.

Q. You seem to bo averse from choosing such as accept
places and gratuities from the crown. What is your reason for
this ?

. If

A. 1 am far IVoiu tliinkin^' that a man may nut .serve liis
Queoii and his cou'itry at the same time. Nay, their true
interests are insei)arablH. But my huidlord's a<,'ent may be a very
honest man; yet if I had any aftaii-s to settle with my land-
lord, I ivould choose my nei<rhbor for referee rather than my
landlord's aijcnt.

Q. h a writ of election to tin; Hoii.se of Commons like
a summon , to the Senate — where the crown nominates ?

A. No. The crown is never to meddle in an election.

Q. Why is a.ssiduous attendance so nece.ssary in a member ?

A. Because a member of Parliament is entrusted with the
lives, liberties and properties of the people, which have often
been endangered by the non-attendance of members ; because
if my repi-e.sentative do not attend, I may have a law imposed upon
me to which I had no opportunity of refu.sing my assent.

Q. What advantages do you propose from your resolving to
promote the public tranquility ?

A. All the advantages resulting from political society depend
upon the public tranquility.

Q. Why should you bear with good temper and calmness,
the defeat of your candidate for parliamentary honors ?

A. There was a time when parliament was the chief arena
and instrument of- power, when it was neces.sary to sit there in
order to assist to carry measures, or to support or oppose a policy.
It is scarcely so now, it has become rather a court where the decrees
of the country are registered and reduced to shape, than where
tliey are originated and concocted. It reflects and ventilates the
conceptions and the desires and volitions of the people at l&rcre ;
it never creates them, it seldom guides or controls them ; it only
partially and occasionally modiiies them in giving them effect.

It seems to me to be of primary importance that we should
always bear in mind that the election of a representative is, after
all, only one among the many political functions of the citizen
in a free state. Apart from and above this duty, there lies upon

wmw

liiiii tlic obligation, which he can never cast oti", to advance wliat
ho thinks tlie truth and tlic ri^rht by all those means of influenc-
ini'- his fellow-men which are more or less within the reach of
all, and of wliich the growth of ecUication every year auofments
the potency. Though he may fail to secure n representative in
the legislature, these other duties will remain to him ; and no
principle or argument shall receive my countenance which would
tend to remove from my mind a sense of responsibility, constant,
]nesslng, and unevadable, for the use of my own powers and
influence, within my own sphere, for the promotion ot the public
good.

Q. Prove that it is only by the aid of religion the state can
attain its lower object — self-preservation and the protection of
pel son and property; and its higher object — the moral and
intellectual progress of the community 'i

A. Even with regard to its lower object, seH-preservation,
the state cannot avoid aiming at the moral and religious educa-
tion of the people. The infliction of punishment requires in
some cases the co-operation and in all the acquiescence of the
])eople, and cannot be effective except when it is supported by some
popular sympathy. Hence the state, in order to give effect to its
punishments, must desire a corresponding moral education of the
minds of its subjects. Again, the state must necessarily have
a right of requiring from its citizens oaths of testimony, oaths
of office, and the like, as a means of sccuiing agreement
between men's obligations and their duties, withoat which
c»'overnment would not be possible. But oaths cannot produce
their effect if men's minds be not religiously educated. The
state, therefore, must desire the religious education of its
citizens. Again, the state, in prohibiting offences against person
and property, aims at producing not only (juiet, but security.
It seeks not only to prevent battery and robbery, which may, in
particular cases, be effected by mere force, but, also, to make men
feel secure that they shall not bo beaten or robbed, which can
only be done by making the citi/iens in general peaceable and
honest, instead of being quarrelsome and rapacious. Even in this

pait of its ottice, therefore, the state aiiiiM at b iiiomi {Hliicatlon
ot Its citizens. And thus, even while it looks to iis lowei
objects — the mere existence of law, judicial process, and individual
security — the state cannot avoid aiming at or requiring the moral
and religious education of its subjects.

But the state has higher duties than the mere [irotection of
person and property. The existence of lawr concerning marriage,
for example, neceasarily supposes that the state not only desires
the continuance and comfort of its population, but aims also at
the encouragement of chastity and virtue. Such laws are lessons
as well as laws. And with regard to the higher ol)ject of men's
actions— their moral and intellectual culture, (including in this,
their religious culture also), many modes of conducting this cul-
ture and gratifying the moral, intellectual and religious .sympa-
thies, are such as naturally draw men into as.sociations, which
exercise a great sway over their actions. In some r.sspects, the
convictions and feeling which bind together such as.sociations may
be said to exerci.se the supreme sway over men's actions ; for ,so
far as men do act, their actions are, in the long run, determined
by their conviction of what is right on moral and religious
grounds; and a government which is wrong on such ground?;,
will be destroyed, if its subjects are free to act. And though
men may, for a long time, be subjugated by a government which
they think contrary to morality and religion, this condition of
things cannot be looked upon as one in which the state attains
its objects. The state, the supreme authority, must have on its
side the convictions and feelings which exercise the supreme
sway. It must, therefore, have on its side the convictions and
feelings wnich unite men in associations for moral, intellectual
and religious purposes. If this be not so, the ntate has objects
in which it fails, and which are higher than those in which it
succeeds; and a portion. of its sovereignty passes from it into
the hands of those who wield the authority of moral, intel-
lectual and religious associations. It must, then, be an
object of the state so to direct the education of its subjects
that men's moral, intellectual and religious convictio.^s may
be on its side; and that rnoral, intellectual and reii<nous

associations may he 8ubor«linate to its sovereignty. Besides
which, the (Joveniinent, if it be conducted by intelligent,
moral and religiouH men, will itHclf desire the intellectual, tnoral
and religiouH ])rogre.s8 of the community, and will wish to
educate the people in such a manner that this progress may
constantly go on. The state and the religious bodies have now
long been scparatcni, nnd exist in distinct forms, with ditt'erent
powers in various hands. We can no longer, even if it were
desirable, expect to see an identitic ition of chun^h and state.
The two powers are now distinct ; and we must now consider*
not how they may again become one, but in what manner, and
under what conditions they can \)est combine their inttuonce.
TliQ state, as the state, cannot completely educate the people ;
this can only be done by calling on the church to assist. .... ,

- The morality of ail civilized nations, such as it is, has s^ming
out of the teaching of the church. If the state destroy,
or even ignore tlie church, and determinedly dissociate itselt
from ic, we have no guarantee for the continuance of that moral
influence on which most of the peace and well-being of society
depends. I do not mean, of course, that civil non-recognition
would annihilate, or even materially weaken the church, but I
think there is no doubt at all tliat it would very materially
damage the state and make its tenure precarious. There is no other

widely accepted moral code ready to replace Christianity, there-
fore a .statesman nmst take that as his working hypothesis. , .

Q, What is the relation [of the clergy of the church to
politics?

A. To disabuse the minds of men as to the rights and the
powers of parliament, to make them see that immutable laws of
morality and social science cannot be set aside by the chance-
medley voting of a legislative assembly ; to teach that it is not in
crude, intricate and intolerably multiplied statutes that national
regeneration must be sought, but in the inculcation of self-
sacrifice instead of selfish promotion of class interests, and in
the moral regulation of the springs of human action ; to urge
the need of extreme simplification of our political system

itstead of ever fresh coinpli cation of it ; these are some of the
lessons the clergy ought to inci icate. What i/hey have to do is-
not to swell the ranks of party, but to mitigate the evils of
party. The clergy cannot^ and ought not to enter into the^
sphere of mere party politics, but should address themselves to
national and sociat politics instead. As there are great evils to
Vje redressed, great abuses to be reformed, they must appear as
Progressive Liberals; hut as the reforms can be ar^hieved only by a
return to first principles, they must show themselves Conser-
vatives in the truest sen^e by adducing and enforcing those
principles, primaeval and immutable, but buried under the light,
shifting opinions of the day, like raegalithic Egyptian stataes
beneath the sands. Their work is at once high and wide ; It ia
to inculcate political principles which spring naturally out of
christian morality, out of that Christianity which, as Sir Edward
Coke said long ago, is part of the common law of England,.

■

'i'Ui'j',".:,
.-Ill-

APPENDIX.

,1.!. ;■!/ 'ji*<

' 1 . . -t

-, ;; 'j,S

■

ThoDe seeking further knowledge on the subjects introduced iM thn-
foregoing Catechism., are directed to the folloiving hooka : —

AMOS, on the English Constitution, page 2G, " Qualification of
: Mectors.

..VMOS, on the Constitution, chap. 2, "Tho Houses of Pf<,tliament.'*'

BAGEHOT, the English Constitution, No. 0, " The House of
*^,, Commons." ' ^,.,^- . .:,-.v<U:;<v,= '^ ■ '- ■,'/•' - -■' *'-v:

BAILEY, on Political Representation, chap. 4t, sec. 4, "The
Relation of the Electors to the Community." ,* *r»j

" BOLINGBROKE'S POLITICAL TRACTS." ,

; \

I , . i

BOWYER, on the Constitutional law of England, chap. 5, " The
Qualification of Electors and Members."

" BRITISH LIBERTIES." page 164, « Choice of Members of
Parliament."

BROUGHAM, on the Brifsh Constitution, chap. G, " Restraints
on Voting." , - , i ..

BURGH, Political Disquisitions, book 2, "Parliamentary Rep-
resentation.' ■ V-' ,1 >"

"CANADIAN MONTHLY REVIEW," vol. 2, page 36(>
" Political Corruption."

" CATHOLIC WORLD, THE," 1883, August, page 709, " Moral-
ity in the Public Schools."

CHIPMAN, on Government, book 5, chap. G, " Right of Suffrage,
and Eligibility."

■'' CONTEMPORARY REVIEW," vol. 23, page 92, "The Clergy
in Politics."

COOKE, The History of Party, vol. 2, chap. 8, " The interference
of the Crown and the Landed Gentry with Elections."

COX, Institutions of English Government, l)ook 1, chap. 8,
" Parliamentary Corrui-uion." ^

COX, The British Commonwealth, chap. 13, /'The Duties of
Representatives." , ,, , ,,

CREASY, The English Constitutio i, chap, 17, " Intelligence. jia4
Property must have Weight."

D2 LOLME, The English Constitution, chaps. 11 and 12. "The

Powci of the People."

■• ■ if4t.

DOUTRE The Constitution of Canada, " Passim." k? .

"EDINBURGH REVIEW THE," vol. 96, page 452, "Repre-
sentative Reform." t'

ELECTION BY LOT, Anonymous Pampidet, Montreal, 1884,
" The Remedy for Political Corruption."

FISCHER, on the English Constikition, chap. 4, " Electoral
Corruption."

'• FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW," vol. 2, page 439, ' The Electoral
College;" vol. 3, page 559, "Parliamentary Reform;" vol.
4, page 49, " Representation of Minorities ;" vol. 4, page
421, "Principles of Representation;" vol. 4, page 350,
"Representative Government;" vol. 4, page 266, "The
English Horse of Commons;" vol. 4. page 560, "The
Just Demand of the Working Man."

'FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW, THE," vol. 34, page 690, "The
Elections of the Future."

til

" ERASER'S MAGAZINE," vol. 90, page C7f>, " General Rep-
resentation;" vol. 61, page 188, "Rcpresei^tation in Practice
and Theory ;" vol. 61, page 5^7, " Represeniation of Wealth

" '' ■ ' and Intelligence ;' vol. 20, page 11, Infidelity in Modern
Politics."

"GALAXY MAGAZINE, THE," vol. 4, page 307, "Personal
Representation." i iv a. .

GREG, Political Problems, chaps. 9 and 10, " The Parliamentary
Career, and the Price We Pay for Self-Government." .

GREY, Parliamentary Government, chap. 3, "The Evils and
Dangers of Parliamentary Government."

GRIMKE, " The Nature and Tendency of Free Institutions, the
Electoral Franchise, and the Election of Public Officers."

HARE, on Representation, Representatives, Parliamentary'- and
Municipal, chap. 1?, " The Electoral Franchise."

HARLE, A Career in the House of Commofis, ohaps. 1 and 16,
" The Duties of a Member ot Parliame?it." > .«

•
HARRIS, on Representation, " The Interests Requiring Repres-

tation, and the Qualification of Members."

HEARN, The Government of England, chap. 17, '" Representa-
tion, a Legal Expression of the Popular Will."

HELPS, Thoughts upon Government, chap. 8, " Influence of the
Elector over the Elected." ^ ' '

HILDHETH, The*Theory of Politics, chap. 6, " Delegated and
Representative Authority."

JARVIS, The Republican, essay 10, " The Elective franchise."

KIN NEAR, The Principles of Reform, chap. 1, "Educational
Franchise."

lilEBER, Political Ethics, book 5, chap 1, " Voting, and Tnfluenc-
ing Electors."

"LITTEL'S LIVING AGE," vol. 45, page 573, "Christianity and
Politicij." - < .

LORIMER, Political Progress, chap.s. 14, 15 and 16.

LORIMER, on Constitutionalism, chaps; 6 and 7, " Suffrage and
Tests of Capacity."

iMcCRARY, The American Law of Elections, paragraph 432,
" Freedom of Elections."

" MacMILLAN'S magazine," vol. 15, page 14, " Bribery at
Elections;" vol. 10, Page 192, "Corruption;" vol. 10, page
517, " Appeal to Moral Sense ;" vol. 23, page 437, " Hare's
Scheme ;" vol. 4, page 97, " Mill's Representative Govern-
ment ;" vol. 5, page 295. " Hare's Scheme."

MILL, on Personal Representatio i, " The Personal Representa-
tion of every Voter, and the Full Representatation of
every Minority."

" MONTH, THE," Februaiy, 1883, page 285, " Church and State
, in England."

"NA-^IONAL REVIEW," 1883, vol.1, page 864, "National
Education."

"NATIONAL REVIEW," 1883, vol. 2, page loS, "Are Parlia-
mentary Institutions in Danger."

'NATIONAL REVIEW," 1883, vol. 2, page 516, "Will party
• Government continue to Work,"

"NINETEENTH CENTURY, THE." 1882. March, page 378,
" Tlie Spirit of Pai ty."

^' NORTH BRITISH REVIEW," vol 28, pa-a 437, "Parlia-
mentary Government ;" vol. 35, page 534, " Representative
Government ;" vol. C, page 250, " Religion in Relation to
Politics."

■sii ayii}

O'BRIEN, Principles of Govrnment, chap. 5, '' Representation

of the People, Minorities, Balloo, Qualification, Represen-

.,jir' i tation by Taxation or Population, Allowances to Mem-

".Mi'xrbers." ■ . .4dQmm-!/('>^ htm Atmhrfihnlla ^'-juriil

;- OVERLAND MONTHLY MAGAZINE," vol. 7, page 497,
-•: " Bribery at Elections." ^'.y'li, w^^ini^uL 'hIV'^ ~l

RAMSAY, on the English Constitution, chap. 8, page 150, " Tlie
Elective Power of tho People." _ ^,„, ;, ^ :. . . .

.RAMSAY, The Moralist ana the Politician, section 98, "On
Elections." ">-^lfh>y>uV

RA.NSOME, on Constitutional Government, page 203, "The
Interference of the Crown and Placemen."

RUSSELL, on the Constitution, chap. 14, " Political Liberty ;"
chap, 31, " The House of Commons."

*' SATURDAY REVIEW," 1883, January, page 101, "Election
Expenses."

"SATURDAY REVIEW," 1882, April, page 518, " Parliamen-
tary Elections Bill."

SEAMxlN, The American System of Government, chap. 2, sec. 1^
" The Evils of Popular Elections in the United States."

SEWELL, Christian Politics, chap. 24, " Popular Representation."

STEPHENS, on the English Constitution, book 2, chap. 11,
" '.""he Election of Members of Parliament."

SYME, Representative Government, chap. G, " Members of
Parliament not Representatives, but Trustees."

TAYIiOR, The Statesman, chap. 16, " The Ethics of Politics."

THORNTON, The Politician's Creed, vol. 1, sec. 22, " Retorm in
Parliament."

TODD, Parliamentar}^ Government, introduction, " The Rep-
resentative System."

TRE'^TilNHEERE, The Principles of Government, page 72, " The
Virtues of Individuals and Governments are the same."

WHEWELL, The Elements of Morality, vol. 2, chaps. 15, 16, and
17, " The Relation of Church and State."

\> ROTTESLEV, on Government and I^islation, chap. 5, " The
Studies of Legislators."

YEOMAN, A Study of Government, chap. 11, "The Rights of
Minorities."