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Tous las autres exempiairas originaux sont filmAs en commengant par la premiere page qui comporta una empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration at en terminant par la derniAre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la derniAre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: la symbole —^ signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbols V signifie "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre filmAs A des taux de reduction diffirents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul clichA, il est film* A partir de Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mithode. 1 2 3 1 t 3 4 5 6 «i"P""iiinpilipiiiip OREGON. THK COSr, AND THE CONSEQIJKNCES. " Sic vos non vobis." BY A DISCIPLE OF THE WASHINGTON SCHOOL. PHILADELPHIA; Vor Sale at .laliu (' Clnrk » Bookstore, tiO Dock Strenl 1846. >-■ / ^, z ■ -S ,■.'' *' C.O V. X OREGON, &c. &c. An unjustifiable impression exists throughout Europe, in Great Britain especially, that the extraordinary desire displayed by the people of the United States for the extension of the national do- main, is demonstrative of a cupidity for land, as selfish as insa- tiable. It is undeniable, that a majority of our citizens, consisting in no small proportion of naturalized Europeans, appear to be desirous of every possible acquisition of territory; although, in pr^ortion to number, there is more land accessible here to enterprising in- dustry, than ever before was at the command of a civilized nation. Nevertheless, nothing is farther from the truth than the inference, that the people of this Union covet territory to an extent far be- yond that which they can themselves profitably employ, in order to prevent the settlement of it by foreigners. Let any European who questions this allegation, give attention to this glaring fact, that whatever territory may be acquired by his brethren on this side of the Atlantic, is no more for the benefit of them and their posterity, than for him and his posterity. Never were the words of Virgil "*/c vos non vobis'' (thus you not for yourselves), as exemplified in the nest-building fowl, the honey-making bee, the wool-bearing sheep, or plough-drawing oxen, more completely carried out, than in the exertions, suffer- ings, and sacrifices, which the present inhabitants of the United States are disposed to make for territorial aggrandizement. The acquisitions thus sought, are held less for their own benefit than for that of settlers who may come from any part of the globe. IJul, in particular, let any native of the British Isles keep in mind, that although all men from all corners of the earth are invited to parti 47648 c lipate iVeely in uiii lenilorial affluence, none can have I'acilities so great, as those who speak tlie language of the peojjie among whom a new ahode is sought, anil whose education and habits are the least of a nature to keep up the idea that they are foreigners. Evidently the present population of the United Sl;ites proper can have no motive for acquiring more land; since, whatever may be nominally acquired, will be for the benefit of all the rest of Christendom, no less than for themselves. We should fight for possessions for the posterity of the English, Scotch, and Irish, of which the British armies consist; nay, even for the soldiers com.- posing those armies, who, like many of the Hessians brought here during the Revolutionary war, might find a home in the country which they would cross the Atlantic to subdue, preferable to that afforded by their native soil. The author neither joins with his countrymen in their r.vi- dity for land, nor in the philanthropy which would make our acquisitions as beneficial to our adversaries as ourselves. He cannot help considering it as extremely unreasonable that the American people should pour out their blood and treasure for territory to be held in trust for the benefit of mankind in gene- ral, themselves and the aborigines, tlie only rightful owners, ex- cepted. Having shown that the expansion of the domain of tliis con- federacy is less for the benefit of the actual population vvhich it comprises, than for that of their adversary, let us, in the next place, consider how far this territorial enlargement is consistent with the endurance of the present much approved form of the na- tional government. The ruling party is mainly indebted for its ascendancy to its professions of superior zeal for a republican representative govern- ment, acting as immediately as possible in obedience to instruc- tions from constituents. Under these circumstances, does it not become them to consider how far the gigantic dimensions to which it is proposed to swell this republic, will comport with a compe- tent representation of the voice of the people; when in the course of a century, or a century and an half, the population of the vast territory which it is now contemplated to bring under the national dominion, shall be augmented agreeably to the geometric ratio which it obeys agreeably to experience. It has been ascertained, that the population in the United States doubles every twenty-three years. Nothing but a diminution of acilities so oiig whom ts are the ;ners. Its proper lever may he rest of 1 fight for d Irish, of diers com.- ought here le country ble to that their rvi- make our Ives. He J that the easure for in genc- vvners, ex- this con- 1 which it I the next consistent of the na- ncy to its /e govern- to instruc- oes it not s to which a compe- :he course f the vast e national itric ratio ted States inution of the supply of the necessaries ol life can cause this rate of increase to decline; and of course, should there be no such diminution, it will not be long before the territory in question will become as rej)letc with inhabitants as the more populous countries of the old world. Supposing the population, within the i)oundaries contemplated, to reach twenty millions in the year 1850, and that the period requisite to its duplication will be twenty-live years, it would fol- low, that in the year 1875, the population will be forty millions; in 1900, eighty millions; in 1925, one hundred and sixty millions; in 1950, three hundred and twenty millions; in 1975, six hundred and forty millions; and in 2000, a little more than one hundred and fifty years hence, twelve hundred and eighty millions. But even at the close of the present century, eighty millions, the number of inhabitants which will then exist, would be too large for adequate representation, since the ratio of the voters to the representatives must be five times as great as at present, in order to have a commensurate efficiency. If, at present, there can be only one to fifty thousand, there could then only be one to two hundred and fifty thousand voters. At the close of the second century, it would be at least sixty-four times as great as at present, or twelve hundred thousand. Is it conceivable that such a popu- lation can all be well represented, and controlled by one great con- gressional legislature ? The difficulty, as respects the Executive or judiciary, would not be less. It has been admitted, that the increase of population on which these inferences are founded, would require the means of subsist- ence to augment proportionally with the people. But should the supposition that food will become so scarce as to check the multi- plication of souls, be deemed more reasonable, it should be consi- dered whether there will not proportionally be a greater impedi- ment to the competency of republican government, arising from the greater tempt ion to crime consequent upon greater need; and whether the number capable of paying for the advantages of education becoming comparatively less, there will not be a larger number incapable of judging for themselves, and liable to be de- ceived by demagogues. To allege that it is not our duty to consider the consequences of our measures to those who may succeed us, is to concede the impolicy of any effort to get more land than is now necessary to our welfare, in order that it may be enjoyed by posterity. It has been said, that nobody looks to the consequences of their (I iiH'iii^iires s(i loii|< iilieail. Hut how ignohlt: wuiilii lli* policy «>! iiiy statosniMii appt'iir in llie liisloriral |)age wIki sIiomUI prefer a ntmiiiial tonhorial agujiandiy.emeiit, to the endurance of the nation and the (leniorrati<; institutions c.onfidnd to Iheiv management: ol whom th(! amhition as respects s|)ar<', slionhl he houndlcss, and yrt so narrow as n.'spects futurity? Within a term h;ss tlian that which has ("lapsed since the Filirrinis stept upon the Plymouth rock, or Penn made his treaty at Kensington, shall tiie sovereign mendx'rs of our present confederacy, including, of course, the ''old thirteen,'* j)lay a snhordinate part in a great, unwieldy mul- titude of several hundred millions of souls? It will he perceived, that in the dispute respecting Oregon, each government has taken a course in opposition to the true interest of the people over which it presides. On the one hand, the Ame- rican government is endeavouring to promote the transfer of la- hour, of which the Ignited States are deficient, to a region more remote than Europe, and at great sacrifices to open an asylum for an excess of British population, which can neither be well fed nor well managed at home. On the other hand, the government of (ireat Britain rejects the profiered service, preferring to extend her North American colonial possessions, already a source of bur- thcnsome expense. Meanwhile, neither party seems sufficiently aware, that this enormous republic, like a huge serpent gorged by taking in more than is consistent with vigour, may become less formidable to other nations, instead of deranging the balance of power, as some- European writers have suggested, by a dangerous preponderancy. By our statesmen it appears to be overlooked, that like all other articles, the comparative value of land in the market must lessen in proportion as the supply is more abundant. The clamour in favour of the tarifl', shows that this law is fully appreciated as re- spects manufactures and produce, yet, most unaccountably, it is not perceived to be equally in force as respects land. The comparative lowness of wages, and the rate of interest on loans in Great Britain, arises from the greater scarcity of land in proportion to capital and labour. An opposite state of things ex- ists on tiiis side of the Atlantic. Here there is a superabundance of land, while labour and capital are comparatively scarce: hence the extreme cheapness of our wild lands, which are constantly drawing oft" from those which are cultivated, the labour and capital which are indispensable to their productiveness. It is, therefore, in direct opposition to the interest of those who own cultivated i. pulley (jI il jjiofer a \\ui nutiuii :iMneiit: ol Ue.ss, and lliuii that Plymouth sovereign ourse, the ieldy mul- L^gon, each le interest the Ame- sfer of la- ^ion more sylum for i\\ fed nor rnment of to extend ce of bur- that this g in more nidable to r, as some (nderancy. all other ust lessen lamour in ited as re- tably, it is iterest on )f land in things ex- ibundance ce: hence .constantly nd capita! therefore, cultivated rurni.<> and planlaUons, or arable land, in llieu' vicinity, that we should make further additions to ibc unsettled tisrritory of (bi> re- public. National strength, financial economy, education, and religions instruction, are proportionally more attainable in a dense popula- tion, than in one which is scattered and straggling. Admitting, however, that to our commerce, on the Pacific Ocean, the possession of some ports in Oregon may be desirable: admitting that the enormous region on this side of the Kocky Mountains, will not furnish a sufficiency of land to permit the growth of our American population, to an extent too numerous and unwieldy for the endurance of the Union, or the existence ol free government; admitting that it were desirable that ourdomain. bounded on the east by the Atlantic, shall on the west be extended to the disputed shores of the Pacific, are there not many things which nations, no less than individuals, must forego, when the at- tainment will "f'o*/ ?nore than it will come to Z^" Our last war with Great JJritain cost at the rate at least of forty millions of dollars a year, besides losses, public and private, to an enormous amount. Yet there is much reason to infer that the annual ex- pense of another war with that power, would be far greater. We came out of the war of 1812, exulting that we had sustained no territorial losses. Our gains were all negative, with the excejjtion of the glory of some military and naval success. Yet our victo- ries were accomplished under circumstances which cannot again exist. When the war commenced, the navy and the armies of Great Britain were fully occupied in fighting for independence against Napoleon, aided by a great part of Kuropc, more or less subjected to his despotism. Subsecjuently to his fall, before she could direct her whole force towards the United .States, the other powers, who had become allied with her in dethroning that despot, insisted upon a general peace. Were it a question, whether or not to abandon an indubitable right, such as that which a Creek or Cherokee had to the soil on which his race had existed from time immemorial, a brave and virtuous native American would rather die than, in obedience to the dictation of an invader, meanly live to carry his bones to be deposited, a few years later, on some spot in a distant region. But the actual object of contention is the inverse of rightful. The question is, which of the parties is best entitled lu carry out, in Oregon, a system by which the aborigines of North America have 8 for the most part been extiri)ate(l, iti derogation of strict justice anil humanity. Consistently with the allegation, "lie that knoweth his Master's will, yet (loeth it not, shall he beaten with many stripes," while those who neglect that will, ii(nor(i/if/i/, are to be beaten eompa- ratively with few, would not the Pagan savage have a better pros- pect in a future state, than (Christians who go to war, not to de- fend proj)erty which God has given them, but for a precedence in taking that which he has given to others, as their only home in this world ? It has been justly observed, that in consequence of the extreme remoteness of the disputed ttiritory, the conquest and defence of it by an army would be immensely expensive, and without naval superiority could not be successful. If this great republic is to indulge in such vast projects of aggrandizement, should it not be- gin by building a navy competent to cope with that of Great Bri- tain? Unless this be done, will not the n. reals of our political leaders be viewed by all the world as an cflbrt to deter Great Bri- tain from insisting on claims which we have not the means to re- sist? Evidently we have no hold upon that power, beyond her unwillingness to bear her share in a war productive of impoverish- ment and misery to both countries, and which would cause an ad- ditional and extremely distressing burthen upon her linances. iiut if the plunge be made, however unwillingly, we are certain to incur losses and expenses at least equal to those of our last war, and probably extending to treble their amount. Thus, while seve- ral members of the confederacy plead inability to raise by taxation enough money to pay the interest due upon their debt, we are, for the sake of a territory some thousands of miles distant, and sepa- rated from us by barren and mountainous deserts, to expend a sum far greater than that of the public debt due by all the States. This expenditure is to ensue without our having the smallest reason to think that we shall, in consequence of it, be any nearer to the ac- (juisition of Oregon, than if it had not been incurred. Let it be supposed, nevertheless, that we shall succeed in get- ting possession of the much coveted territory, what benefit will the people on this side of the Rocky Mountains gain by their asso- ciation with the people on the other side? So long as the inha- bitants of Oregon shall be too poor and too weak to govern and protect themselves, we shall have the honour of being at the ex- pense and inconvenience of protecting them; but whenever they shall become sufficiently powerful and wealthy to form an ind'^- •ict justice is Master's >es," vvliile en compa- H'tter i)ros- iiot to (Ic- icedeiice in ly home in he extreme I (letence ol thout naval )ublic is to i\ it not be- Grcat liri- iiir political • Great Bri- ncans to re- bey on d bcr impoverish- :ause an ad- ances. But e certain to lur last war, while seve- by taxation , we are, for t, and sepa- cpend a sum tates. This !st reason to ^r to the ac- eed in get- benefit will y their asso- is the inha- govern and r at the ex- enever they m an ind'^- pnuiont nation, ran it Im' expn'ti'd that their representatives will cross barren moinitains and descjrts, thousands of miles, in order to have their laws made with the aid of strangers? 'J'hi' grandeiu" of a monarch may become greater in proportion as his dominions are extended. 'J'hu more .slu'e|) he may have to shear, the more abundant will lie his crop of wool. But in a tndy democratic conlederacy, ea(!h of the confedtMated States nuist, to a certain extent, be self-governed; while, to the national revenue, the contribution from .some memijers may be nuu-h less than that wliicli may be ex|)endeil for their benefit. It is notorious, that on some counties in the State of l^ennsylvania, more money has hv.v.n bestowed iVoni the School Fund, than the whole sum raised within them by State taxation. Thus there is a resendjlanci; between re- ciprocal consu(pieni;es of annexation or ac(|uisition of territory by a re|)ul)lican confetleracy, and the taking in a new iix'mber in the case of a co|)artneishij), which must be rendered st»dn%er oi* weaker accordingly as the mendjer introdut^ed has moro or less capital, or more or less ability than those |)reviously composing the lirni. If a |)artnei I"! taken into a concern who is in debt, in a state of hos- tilitv with his neighI)our, and wanting in capacity to take care of his own affairs, evidently it must be disadvantageous to hi.s new associates. As soon as the immense I'egions between the Rocky Mountains and the Mississippi shall be well peo|jled, if judiciously governed, it will not be within the power of Great Britain to prevent them tVom confederating with the people of Oregon. How is our government to ol)tain the enormous I'unus requisite to carry on a war? They will have credit neither at home nor abroad. While tin; United Slates have within them powerful and uncomi)romising factions, which hold ii[) to the woild the pros- pect of disunion ami conse(|uent anarchy, can it be expected that our government \v\i\ have credit to cany on a war extremeltj un- popular with the great mass ot" our more \veallhy and intelligent citizens? It should be remembered that monied men, for the most part, think very unfavourably of belligerent measures for the acriuisi- tion of Oregon, and would not deem it prudent to invest money in any government slock issued for the purj)Ose of asserting a claim to a worse than useless territory on the coast of the Pacific. Would it not, in truth, be preferable to lend money to a gambler to engage in the game ol hazard, ujion the condition of repayment only if the borrower were to win? Would not a war for Oregon B 10 1)0 a p;ame whore iinmcnso sacrilicos would ho ino\ ilahlc, wliilo success would allord no means ol' indiMniiificalion? The ])ooplo o[' //irsn Stales are loo Uttlc used to direct taxation, to justify inu: 'i rehancc on that resource. Those who are sufli- ciently old, may remember the Iruitlessiiess of the attempts to get any ade(|uate resources in that way, towards the close of the last war. During peace, and while agriculture, manufactures and com- merce, were all prosperous, Pennsylvania, one of the most wealthy of the confederated States, has been unable to raise, by direct lax- (liinn, the means necessary to prevent a delay in the performance of her pecuniary oi)ligations, which has reduced many to indi- gence who relied ujjon her faith. Under these circumstances, will lier citizens, in preference to their just debts, consent to pay taxes in order to ol)tain lands in Oregon, tending to withdraw from the older States the labour of which they arc in want, and to relieve Gieat Hritain of that wliicb it is beneficial to her to rclincpiish? Among the inost .-^erious objections to a war for Oregon, are the horrible consequences to which it would subject the scattered ])0- jiulation now^ residing in that region. It would be im])ossiblc for the settlers to remain neutral, and should they take part with the United States, tiiey would become victims of the barbarous and murderous pretlatory banditti, coinposed of the savages and half savage whites, or half-breeds, which is more or less under the in- fluence of the Hudson's Bay Comj)any. When such men take up the hatchet or scalj)ing-knife, experience has shown, that in the use of these weapons, their own customs ar'e much more influential than the creed of their more civilized employers. Against such Scythian forays, how will the settlers unite so as to make head? Is it not evident that a greater blow to the prosperity of Oregon could not be devised than a war with Great Britain? Mr. Monroe's edict ibrbidding I^^uropeans to establish colonies on this continent, can have no weight while unsupported eithi'r by military or naval power adequate to its enforcement, and un- sanctioned by the parties which it aflccts. So far as North America has been colonized by fraud or bv superior force, the wrong done to the aborigines by the coloniza- tion of the portion which we iidiabit, is greater than any which can be done to us, the possessors under that wrong; even were the territory which we actually occupy the object of a new coloni- zation, such as those made by the Danes, Saxons, and Normans in Great Britain. Our own course of conduct, as respects the rightful owners of the American soil, furnishes an apology Inr invasion by i I I 1 able, while •ct taxation. lO are sufli- iiiipts to get ; of tiie last cs and com- lost wealthy • direct lax- [)crformancc my to indi- stances, will to pay taxes iw from the id to relieve [in(iuish? 3gon, are the scattered po- njiossible for lart with the arbarous and mes and half under the in- ch men take n, that in the )re influential Against such make head? ty of Oregon blish colonies ported either lent, and un- y fraud or by • the coloniza- an any which 12; even were a new coloni- d Normans in ?,ts the rightful or invasion by II any nation which, having sufllcicMit incentives, may have also tht rc(juisi1e mililary strenglh. I trust that ihere is no nation suf- licientiy powerful lo make a Norman-like concpicst on the terri- tory of the United Slates proper; but if (Ircat Britain or France iiad a sullicicnt motive f(H the effort, evidently it woidd not be in the power of the United States to prevent either from colonizing the territory between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacilic. For the defence of tljat region a naval sujieriority would be necessary, for which our jieople neither can nor will furnish the means. During j)eace, the disposition to support a large navy would be wanting; during war, the ability would not exist, even if the dis- position were to be excited. If, in consequence of a preference for the republican form of government, the poj)ulation of the United States is prone to con- line itself to their acknowledged domain, it is better for us that a large portion of the Continent should so remain, as not to enter into a comj)etition with us foi- settlers; and it were preferable to have on our frontiers, a population kept in check by a strong go- vernment having a great interest in being at peace with us. Were the wi.ole ('ontincnt to oome uiuler our rei)ublican flag, it would soon, as above shown, have a population too vast to be ruled as one great republic; and were the enormous territory in question, to be apportioned between dilFei'dit republican nations, the liability to strife would be greater than if the portions not under the sway of the United States were ruled by the IJritish. Is it not vastly more important that the Union should be pre- served, the national constitution respected, and the free municipal institutions derived from the wise and virtuous i5ritons who colo- nized our country, retained in tiieir i\dl force, than that the na- tional domain shall be extended? It is to those institutions, to the "Libei-tr Communalc," ' on which l)e Toc(iueville has laid so much stress, as being the safeguard of our national freedom, that wc are iiulebted for our superiority over the colonists of other countries. Will not a portion of the reverential gratitude with which every enlightened American regards those British sages, to whose virtue and wisdom we owe our national existence, be extended to the soil which gave them birth and education? And will not the interest with which the modern IJriton beholds results springing from the excellence * It \v;is for lliis lihrrly ut' liu; coimimncp, iindor anollicr iiamr. IhnI tlio states riiilits party cdmIi'ikIimI imlil llu'y sunciuliMiMi (r) kino- cnnrus . .1 12 of British institutions, and the peculiar aptitude of liis race for self-government, be associated with the country which has af- forded a magnificent field for the development of such results? Let every Briton, moreover, keep in mind the fact insisted upon in eoiiimencing these suggestions, that whatever territory may be acquired by his Anglo-Saxon brethren, on this Continent, is no more for the benefit of them and their posterity, than for him and his. A Briton can reach Oregon in as little time, nearly, as a citizen of the United States, and on arriving, would have every essential advantage which the latter could claim. To conclude, should any two men who were transacting busi- ness with each other to an enormous amount, differ in opinion re- specting their respective titles to a tract of wild land, of vastly less importance to the wealth and happiness of either, than the preservation of their amicable relations, would it not be wise in them to leave the question to arbitrators, with a determination to abide their award whatever that award might be? Where peace is far more important than the object in dispute, is not this the only honourable way of settling the question without a collision, immensely more injurious than the worst possible award ? Even if some injustice should accrue, no dishonour could arise from such a course of procedure. is race for ch has ai- results? 3t insisted • territory- Continent, y, than for ne, nearly, ould have iting busi- )pinion re- , of vastly r, than the be wise in nination to here peace lot this the a collision, d ? Even arise from -ft