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]
IX
1
2
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6
Nf-
h
■■',•> T
I.
feJCCASiONAL THOyGfUtS
O^ THE PRESENT
•-■■^
¥\
GERMAN WAR.
't.
J;-,
By the Author ofCoNsiDEftATtONS
on the fame S il fi j e c t<
The THikD EDITION.
s^
IM . ■ ■-
MMia
LONDON:
Printed for Joan WiLkts, at the BiUe« ]%
St. Paul's Church'Vard. M^DCC^LXI.
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POSTSCRIPT
TO THE • ^
CONSIDERATIONS on the prefent
GERMAN WAR.
Writ immediately after the Firft Day of the laft
SefBon, and intended for the Second Edition. '
f ■;•
AS the leflening of the chief nurferies of our
enemy's feamen, and dividing with them
their foreign fugar trade, feems to the Author the
great obje6l of the prefent war, he hopes that he
may be allowed to obviate any obje6i;ions which
may happen to arife. /
Should it therefore be faid, that a nation may
ever conquer itfelf : and by being fed with more con- '
quefts than it can digeft, may have the overplus turn
to furfeit and difeafe inftead of nourifhment. To this
it may be anfwered :
/»>.T
A fmall (late, fuch as was that of Venice, for
inftance, by extending its frontiers among a num-
ber of adverfe power^s, may lay itfelf under a ne-
B - , ceflity
1 i
( o
ccfUty of keeping np a greater landing army than
it can either fupport, or retain in due fubjeftion ; and
in that manner may over conquer itfelf. But had
the Venetians attended more to their marine, and
confined their conquefts to tbeir iflands, without
pufhing into the continent of Italy and Dalmatia,
they had given lefs umbrage to the other ftates of
Europe, and had more eafily maintained their own.
Whether the whole continent of North America
be too large a conqueft for Britain to grafp at, may
polTibly be a queftion. But whether Martinico,
whofe exports are of ten times greater value to our
enemies than thofe of Canada, and which may be
kept by England for a tenth part of the expence,
be too great a conqueft fot it, never furcly can be a
queftion. At a time, therefore, when we are feli-
citating ourfdves upon the reduction of a whole con-
tinent, and when the moft favoured addrefles had
digefted fo vaft a meal, nothing which may
b^ve been faid about ficknefs and difeafe, can con-
clude againft our conquering an ifland for fear of
. a lurfeit. ' ":' . ■ 'v-
: Our prefent iQands lie each of them expofed to
much larger ones of our enemies, and are there-
fore necelTariiy calling upon us for a fleet, to ferve
as a portable garrifon for their protedion. By an-
nexing Guadalupe and Martinico to them, we fhall
fecure our prefent little iflands under the Ihelter of
thefe
( 3 )
thcfe larjge ones ; and by extending our poffeflions,
ihall really leiTen our frontiers. Inftead of having
the French and Spaniards both to guard againft,
we (hall thereby in a manner get rid of the French,
by whom alone we can ever be endangered, and
have only the Spaniards to guard againfl-, who know
that rhey have much more to lofe themfelves by
war, than they can hope to gain from us.
Can thefe iilands fet up for independence ? Are
they lefs acceflible to our fleets, or lefs amenable to
our jurifdidion, than the midland forefls of Ame-
rica ? Will they require that infinity of jiores^ which
we have heard complained of, as taking up fo great
a fart of our fleet to fupply them ? Will their kinds
of produce interfere with thofe of England, or with
thofe of our prefent vaft northern Colonies ? Thefe
therefore, are not the conquefts which will turn to
difeafe. On the contrary, fugar, rum, cotton, in-
digo, coffee, and cinnamon, make of all other com-
modities the moft proper food for the commerce of
Britain, which it can the moft eafily digeft, and
turn into the richeft nourifhment.
If it be really matter of doubt, whether we have
not aheady over- conquered ourfelves ; what then
^re the twelve millions for ? Are they all to be con-
ilimed in Germany, where only there is no poflibi-
lity of our making any conqueft at all ?
B 2 1 Jkall
( 4 )
IJhall he very thankful, it has been faid, to pro-
ceed to a treaty with all thofe conqucjis in our hands^
which we now have. Can our enemies then take them
out of our hands during the war ? Might we not,
when we proceed to a treaty, find ourfelv^s upon
better terms with our rivals, if Martinico alfo were
in our hands, rather than theirs ? Are they not the
more likely to leave us one, for our having both in
our pofTefllon, and holding the rod over their part
of St. Domingo, as they have done over us in
Germany? Would not our own people be better
fatisfied with the giving up of one, for our retaining
of the other ? In the prefent increafe of our nor-
thern colonies, can we well do v/ithoutoneof them,?
Are thefe to depend on French iflands for the con-
fumption of their produce ? Are we to people the
vafl: continent of America for the French to have the
beneFxt of fupplying it ? or oiily to enlarge the market
for the planters of our prefent iflands ? to render
them fo much the lefs capable of rivalling the French
in any foreign markers, and make them more en-
tirely mafters of our own ? To be braved with pro-
perty in more than fourteen counties^ and double that
influence in our councils, which is already fo
predominant ? *
There
'.
. t
* The reader will apply this reafoning to thfe importance
of our fixing our property in, and fetding of, what are
falfely call'd the Neutral Iflands: If indeed, after all our
conquefls
( 5 )
I
There has another danger been mentioned, that
of giving umbrage to other nations, by pufhing our
conquefli too far. But whatever may have been
conquefts, we muft give up Guadalupe to our German de-
pendencies.-— Our prefent iflands never have produced
much more fugars than are neceiTary for our own Britifh
confumption. Unlefs therefore in our future treaty, the
two great objedls of the war be attended to ; and fome
check given to the growth of the French fifliery in New-
foundland (which, from the time of its firft difcovery to
this day, has been acknowledged in every treaty to be
ours ; and which Lord Oxford was impeach'd f for al-
lowing to the French the ufe of the north part of) and
fome increafe made to the £ngli(h growth of Sugar, and
(hipping in the Weft-Indies ; we may very poffibly in a
few years fee the French marine rifing up to an equality
with our own : and may then find too much employdient
for our fhips at home, to be able to fpare any for the pro-
te£lion of diftant little defencelefs iflands. Or fhould we
after that fee a French garrifon in Cape Breton, or any
other fortified Ifland, and a French £eet interrupting our
Newfoundland fifliery, under pretence of prote(Sing their
own, and a French army ready to march into Weftphalia ;
the nation may then at length be too well convinced, that
after boafting of our conquefts all the world over, we have
given up the moft valuable part of them ; and have fpent
lixty millions of our treafure, to enlarge the market for,
and enhance the price of Jamaica fugars.
f See the 1 3th article of the treaty of Utrecht, and the 1 3th
article of Lord Oxford's impeachment.
faid
. ( 6 )
faid on this head, cannot refer to the Weft-Tndies.
"When we have already been difgufting all the nor-
thern powers by a land war in Germany, we cannot
furely h?ve any real apprehenfion of danger in our
keeping down the French marine in the Weft In-
dies, for fear of giving umbrage to the Spani-
ards ; when that Spanifh power never can be for-
midable to Britain, but in conjundtion with the
French.* ..
'» " .--ff- X
After all, we readily admit the juftntfs of tem-
perate maxims, and acknowledge that there is a
moderation which every State ought^ to obferve.
But is this moderation in our councils to be confi-
ned only to our acquifition, and not at all to re-
gard our out-goings ? Muft it not therefore feem
a little hard to a common underftanding, and ought
it not to fling the breaft of every good man, to
obferve that at that very time, when by advancing
to twelve millions inftead of eight, we declare that
we have hitherto not done enough for Germany ;
we fhould chufe, at that very time, to exprefs our
apprehenfions, that we may have already done too
much for Britain, or that we cannot hereafter do
too little for ourfclves.
* So very different was the language of lafl year from
the prefent. ;
There
( 7 )
THERE is a remarkable obfervation, which,
arifes from confidering the particular time,
when this argument was made ufe of.
We were not to conquer Martinico ; an Ifland,
which would yield us the largeft returns, and could
liberally pay us for the expences of keeping it ; for
fear of over-conquering ourfelves : and yet we now
know, that at that very time, and for feveral months
after, the public was amufed with an expedition
againft another Ifland ; which having only a bad
road, and no harbour, could anfwer no one good
purpofe ; and tended only to divide our force, and
multiply our expence ; and which was therefore a
conqueft of that very kind, which has the moft di-
refl: tendency to hurt us. For a moment let us
fuppofe, that we had gone on in the fame courfe ;
and conquered firft Oleron, and then the Ifle of
Rhe. Fifteen thoufand men would have been want-
ed to garrifon thefe. The national defence would
have been thereby fo much weakened ; and thefe
men would have been kept upon the enemies coaft,
to fpend their pay upon French produce, and would
have required a fleet of viduallers, as thofe of Bell-
ifle now do, to preferve them from ftarving, and a
fquadron of men of war to prevent the French from
landing and carrying them ofi;
% I have
( B )
I
hi
I have one more obfervation to make on this head;
In the laft Seflions, as well as in this, the German
war was reprefented as a war of diverfion. But we
know now by the €vent, what was thon the obje6t
of our councils. He therefore who Ihall then have
faid that the German war was to divert the French
force, and thereby favour the Englifh operations
elfewhere, muft then have faid nothing better, than
that he refolved to fpend feven millions of the na-
tional treafure in Germany, to prevent the French
from fending fuccours to Canada, which we had al-
ready conquered, or to Marrinico, which we did
not intend to attack ; or elfe that all this expence
was incurred merely to favour the Conqueft of
Bellifle. A conqueft, which, we fee by the Nego^
tiations, our enemies laugh at us for having made,
and will fcarce take again, when we ojffer it them.
"Was then the German war intended to divert the
French force from invading us ? This, I think,
is now the arg;umenc in fafhion ; .and therefore,
though I have already obviated every thing, which
has fince been offered on this head, yet^ it may dc-
ferve to be reconlidered.
cr
u
'•'
cr
NONE but fuch as are unacquainted wltK
the mafitirne force of Englanci, can believe
** tfhat, withiout a dlverfion on the continent to em-
*' plbjr part of the enemy's force, (he is not in ^
•' condition to hope for fuccefs, and maintain hef
** fuperiority at fea.- ^They mUtV be \^ery ig-
" liorant indeed, who imagine that the forces of
•*^ England are not able to refift thofe of France,
** uniefs the httet hi hindered frbni turning all het*
•• efforts to the f^af."
"T
^be King of England's ConduSi as EleUor of Ha^
,^ mver : in anfwer to the parallel of the conduB
'''' 6f France with thdt of the King of England
' Ele^or of Hanover^ in the year tysS, ■
III
I Have often thought with mjTfelf, what could be
the modves which induced the late Minifter to
embark the nation fo deeply in a German war. The
opinion of its being a religious one has been long
C exploded.
hi
<'S
;i^l
w
( 10 )
exploded. After enquiring of my friends what were
the reafons, which he himfelf; when he was in power,
ufed to give for this meafure, 1 never could hear of
inore than thefe two. The one, that he found us
in Germany, and did not carry us thither ; the o-
ther, that the German war is a diverfion of the
French Forces, and enables us to exert our own in
diftant operations without fear of cin invafidn. Up-
on thefe two reafons taken together, one naturally
afks, if this fecond reafon be a good one for going
into Germany, what need is there for apologizing
for it by the fir ft, and faying that he found us there :
wifdom is juftified of itfelf, and looks not to ac-
cident fpr its fupport. But the affigning of two
oppofite motives for the fame adlion, is apt to
create a doubt whether either of them be the true
one. What may be the cafe here, the reader will en-
able himfelf to judge by a few plain obfervations.
■'i^A
r^
s* ..
'~:\ •"*
'>\'.i
In the firft place then, whoever fuppofes the
German war to be a wife and eligible meafure, as
a diverfion of the French from invading us, muft
fuppofe, that there really exifts a probability of
danger. I don't infift that the probability of fuch
invafion (hould be great, but fome probability there
fnuft be, greater or lefs -, becaufe mere phyfical pof-
fibilities are no motives of action.
:^' s:;?>i^|ir!n\!»
r^;^ -fio
M n
Vr
In
y
: ( II )
In the next place I obferve, that if the German
war be really chofen as a war of divcrfion to keep
the French from invading us (or from fuccouring
their colonies, or invading ours, for this argument
vriil equally hold good in ail thefe three cafes) then
that diverfion will be more or lefs ncceflary, in
proportion as the danger is greater or lefs ; and a
Minifter will certainly prefs moft For the war of
diverfion at thofe times, when the danger of in-
▼afion is greateftj and be lefs concerned about
fuch a diverfion, at thofe times, when there is lefs
danger of in vafion. ' \- - r t ,V
^'m^ ' '■' ' '•■' > '• ' ' " \ • ■. ". r '^ • :■■ ..J. • '
The danger toEngland of being invaded by France
is greater or lefs, according to the number of their
troops and of their Ihips. As to troops, France,
in time of peace, has never lefs than two hundred
thoufand men in its pay, and muft therefore always
have foldiers enough for an invafion of England,
which ordinarily does not keep up twenty thou-
fand. The real danger therefore to England muft
be in proportion to the numbers of troops which
the French have actually upon their coafts, and the
number of their tranfports to carry them, and of
(hips of war to proted them : or, in other words.
C2
111
( " >
lljjl
10 proportion to the ftrength of their navy. Thffe
are fuch plain axioms, that the reader, I Aippofc,
will rather condemn the mentionir^ thetn, than be
iadined to difpute them. Now then let us fee how
the paft events will quadrate with the opinion that
this has been the motive for the German war.
^t.
"<'•
Jn the beginning of the Englilh war the ♦** Frgncb
** were preparing a great feet at Breft and Rocbfort^
** reftoring Dunkirk^ marching dovjn an hundred and
*' twenty battalions So thfir coafts, and ail the roads
*• to Flanders, Normandy, and Britatr^, were cover'* ^
** ed with carriages laden with cannon and arms^
«* and all the apparatus for fome great enterprixe
" then in hand;** which, fays the Memorial fof|
the requifirion of t;hii Dutch troops, can he no ^thef^
than a d€f€e>?t upon Great Britain. I don't enter r
into the queftion, whether the real intention of;
the French was to invade us, or only to fright usJL
perhaps to invade us, if their fleet 0iould be read]^
before ours, or elfe to go to Minorca and LouifVJ
burg: but w'atever were their intention, all that mjS
argument requires is, that there was an appearai^c?
atleaftof danger, ) ^3 a •i'a«|li;i"n^!^A "^ . / -V
i
Every
'»!
( IS )
Every one nd^, who ii in the kaft acqudntecS
\ricb our parliamemar y debates, inu& know, that
4ufMig all this time, while the Ff«nch fleet was
the mod formidable, and when our fleet and army
were not yet arrived at much more than half of
their prefcnt ftreng^h^ every one, I (fay, knows,
that during the yeflt 1755 and ^756, this Gentle*
man and his friends were continually inveighing
againft a continental war, and all our German ope-
rations. They fpokc* they wrote* they were tiirn^
ed out, and receiv<4 their gold boxes upon that ac-
count. It was then reprefented as a betraying tht
intereft of their county to fight for Hanover ^ or
to hire Hedian and RuHian fbldiers for that pur«
n -L
j-'i*
V. \>t
t •■■=
Thus things continued til! the end of the year
hysjy by which time the enemy's naval force
was greatly broken *, we had many of their (hips
jn our ports, and more than half their Seamen in
our prifons. Our arrwy was ftrengthencd by the
rftifing a great number of new battalions, and our
fhipa and feamen all in full vigour. Then it was
that this gentkmaD's mind became fuddenly il«'
lumin'd : and as the dangers of an invafion grew
]eA» he now.percmved the neceHity of a diverfion
in Germany to ^row gutter ; and having difgraced
a Qeneral pf our own Royal Fars^ily, for having
fhewn (limfelf too gphd an Englifhman, in putting
an end to the %ft German w^r by the treaty of
lo ' Clofter
\.^^
!UM
\A
iti
ji4,
C H >'
U
■,\
«* I
IM^''
ill
Ciofter Seven, which was then called an infamous
padlock put upon the Hanoverian /words ; he entered
upon a new German war of double the extenti and
quadruple the ex|>ence.
]mk V'*^^i*Un ■ -yy
... .,.,,j-<, _,■
.{.y ,. . ., ,, r\
Far be it from me to judge of other men's pro-^'
feffions ; but it is inipoffible not to lament the im-
becility of the human mind, when we fee. a great
patriot, who had long flood firm on an Englifh
bails, all at once fall off to a German intereft, and
then bewilder himfelf with an imagination, that
though in the beginning of the war, when the
French navy was in its greateft ilrength, and our*s
veakeft, we did not want any fuch diver (ion for
our fecurity ; yet now that the French navy was
reduced, and the Englifh every where triumphant,
we ought to run into a German war, as a necefla^
ry precaution to divert the French armies from, in>
y^dingus. ^^^t^m. ':
W^ i.:y^^.^■i'
X* *'-^^fA ■*^''-''''
Once indeed, (ince that time, our enemies had
got together a fleet, and having that, they found
no difHculty in bringing down twenty thoufand men
to iheir coafls. The German war was not fuch a
diverfion to their arms, but that in three months
time after our boafted vidlory at Minden, when
this diverfion was in its grcatefl force, the French
formed the defign of invading us. And having
once provided fhips, they had men enough to em-
bark on board them to anfwer any purpofe either
( '»5 )
of fuccburlng Canada, ;#r invading Irela:nd, ftrll
facing- us in Germany with an army fiiperior to
QOrs. By the fea- fight off Belleifle, their navy has
been entirely broken, fo as to render k irrecover-
able during the prefent war. Without fhips, with-
out feamen, and wichout erade, how is it pofTibJe
for them to raife a marine, which can be in the lead:
degree formidable to ours ? From that time therc-
fdr6 the German war, far from being a diverfron
of the French force from invading us, has been
nothing but a diverfion of the Englilh treafure to
cxhauft us : Yet ever fince the battle of Mindcn,
the whole force of our cflforts has been employed
in Germany. With forty j millions. fpent,^fcaree
a fingle new e^cpedition of any valuable confe-
quence to Britain was attempted in two years af*
ter thit time. Martinico, and evpn-.St. Lucia, rc-
inained untouched. Inftead of fending our^forces
abroad to fuch inviting conquefts, ^^e haVe been
trifling near home in an ifland, wichout harbour^
aod without produce ; which we now fee neither
our enemies by the lofs of it, nor we by the pof-
feflion of it, have yet found the ufe of. , Only one
regiment has been fent to the Eaft Indies 5 and not-
withftanding the fnperior advantages we have for
(ending (hips and men thither, all our fucceifes in
thofe parts have been obtained with an inferior
force. While fix njiillions have been fpent on the
German war, twenty thoufand pounds only has
•-'-'^nr^l ill :. ;*' 7fiti ,'j'^aLi:. .q "■ (.'>;''--f\ :;••;; been
( It )
.J
i
I
been i^oted for the Eaft Indkiii. Tl^r falling: Itm
of ourfund?^ and of our treaty, bdth fhew what
this German diverfsoa tends to. Shail v^ find the
produce cf Hefic and Hanam equal to that of
Guaci^oupe ? Or will the opening the naTigation
of the Rhine and the Maine prove as great z niUtr-^
fcry for French feamen a$ the trade of Newfowncf-
land ? Already had We, in our treatyr, givew ap
for Gernnainy alithe advantages we h d gaiiitd ii?
die ^fhery and the iugar trade :: and (hoold tih» ^itie
war ofdivenfion^goonimudi longer^ we (hall^BBdy chat
uxftead of Bghcing ini Gesman^? for Anderfcav wt
ihall ha^re really loft Americaini Gertmny. WhatJ*
ever may have bSsn th? cafe fejfore, yec now that
the French' unarinc: is totally funk, fhould any one
now affirm, that su German war is necelTary for
us as adiverfion; wlien^tbetiiis ic to become^'teffl Ae^
ceiiaryi or wheni ase we to be w ithoQt one^ But
fhould any. .geoelensaif; who in th^ b^gimniftg^
^hen the Frecrch navy was in full ^gour, was
the. moft carnefi; pleader agiind a German war, be
now the moft pofnive fbr it ; fiich ah one may,, if
irepleafes, value himfeif upon his former firmnefs^
in not fearing dhnger, wberd it poffibly v^as s but
it will be hard to prove che^ merit of having pm Mh
to an expcnce of twenty millionis, to prct^«ot itl
where it certainly was not. Ad mit that the French
invafton in thebe'gioning of the^war was but a- fpec^-
tre, yet even fpe£bres may be allowed t(»frigiit:%
their firft fuddea appearance. But with ill grace
3 fhall
( n )
ihall he boail his fortitude, who in the very adl of
triumphing over others for their fudden fears, can
own, that this fpedlre, long (ince laid to every other
eye, has for'fouV years together (till appeared rohis :
That ufe and tin^e cannot recover him from its ter-
rors, but the longer he beholds it he fears it fo
much the more ; and after having already parted
with four, five, and fix millions, is now fweat-
ing out the lad eight inillipns under the dread of
It. > '':■ ^ . . . .
U^
%,:
r
TH E following lift of French Ihips, taken or
deftroyed in the courfe of this war, was
publi(hed a few weeks ago in the papers. I don'c
anfwer for its exaftnefs : but if it be near to the
truth, it (hews how very powerful our enemy's navy
will grow in a few years interval of peace, and how
little we hstve to (cur from it, during the reft of the
war.
4 •
. V - -■-• <«r ■• -0im
i^ .1
.v;.
A LIST
-! c; (I A
mmttmuf
r*8 )
\
A LIST «f
.•li '1} f:' , ^.i .ri..ii
^,
5iJj/x taken from the Ftenth from the Uginmtlgtff
the war to the ift ofO^ber, 1761.
Ship»w
4
14
2
I
-• a- ■ V
v
Numbk of Gum.
841 :.
;* J,.<5 v\j:'
74
66
^^ i. Line of battle 47
-i.. r:^'
1^
I ' 11
i^r-i '- ^
V^ M
441
40
34
32
28
24
12
20
18
•'./.
, 'V-*'" *'■•
'•/>'>
y Frlgj
■ * . r-
'J ■ - /
:^;?^t»;^,
t^l
'..1 w't -J*«./>.J »JI
■' ' -j til
ates(
1.PV,
4
8
14
12
8.
Al>DI^
4^ -#*
a
'V,
* ►
.,
?; ">' ^y " 'V
}, ^'-- ,-T
ADDITIONS
. CONSIDERATIONS ,
■ A «V"r ' ^«^. *»' .
' J J ,,^ '," ^ ,-r I
•».,
ON THE
PRESENT GERMAN WAR:
Which *e Author thinks a FuH: S^p^Y to all
. which has been olijcascd by his MNn^cfiUS Mz
.•^^fiwcpcrs:
1-
0':^, '-it- ■'
3»U.
"■..i^^
D a
■ii:
( JO )
T
^
ADDENDA
T O T H E
CONSIDERATIONS
O N T HE - ^^ • ^
GERMAN WAR,
^ (Printed in May laft.) • -
.■ '■ r r Iff* • *,*■*■ y
PAGE 14. line 15; This independency
of tire feveral German States eftablifhed by
the treaty of Weftphalia, is what the German
Princes call the libicrties, and conflicution of Ger-
many *.
♦ The guarding againft any events, which mayjhake the
eon/iitutiofiy or averturn the fyflm of the Empire ; or in
other words, the prefervation of their own in/dependoicey
miy be a very intereAing concern to the feveral German
Princes in their own German Diet at Ratifbon : but was
never made an obje£i of a Britifli parliament's regard, till
the end of the year 1756: when by a fatal miftake of a
} rtnch intereft for an Englifli one, it was propofed as a
motive for the prefent German War. The unnatural union
of councils abroad, the calamities, which in confequence of
this unhappy co'^junSiion, may, by the irruptions of foreign
armies into the ewpire^ Jhake its confiitution, overturn its
Jy/hmy and threaten opprejjion to the protejiant inter efl there^
( 21 )
*«r# tvents, which muji fenftbly affe£l the minds of the nation^
and have fixed the eyes of Europe en this new and dangerous
erijis* Till that time, when we firft openly avowed the
caufe of the petty German Princes, the intereft of £ng.
]and, and the peace of Europe had always led us to wifli
rather to fee fome one great power eftablifhed in Germa-
ny, which fhould be the natural rival of, and balance
againft the power of France.
L w
Page 31. Is there any fort of oeconomy in our
having in three years time put ourfelves to an ex-
pence of twelve millions, to prevent France from
getting fix hundred thoufand pounds out of Ger-
many
? ♦
♦ One of my foreign anfwcrers (whofe work, Le Faux
Patricse Anglois, I hoped to have feen done out of French
for the benefit of the £ngli(h reader) accufes me of rea*
foning as a merchant, and makes here the following re-
marks : *^ I leave you, Sir, to judge if this is the right
« way pf calculating in affairs of general politics: whe-
*< ther fome pounds flerling more or lefs ought to regulate
, f( the determinations of cabinets." Page 50.' ■ And
again: ...
f-tr
' <* If the electorate were now in the fame flate of im-
" becility, in which it was, when its fovereigns were
*' called to the crown of England ; its falling under the
*< dominion of a new potentate, would perhaps be in itfelf
^' a matter of indifference : But Hanover is ^owno Jon-
<' ger an inconfiderable power : it has great influence on
** the aCairs of permany. Since its ele£lors have become
*< kings of England, the riches, which they have made to
'* pafs into that country, have given it a much greater
•• degree
3
( ^^ )
«(
hf
degi^ of force than it had before ; and the ft^e by lie-
^< ing we^ilthitf is become more powerful. The rafift-
«< ance it has made to France in this war, is a coriviQ*
cing proof of this>." Page 6.8. • . . ,
*i
This aiiCvi^rer, I fuppofe, does not Jcnonr that theelec^
tordi troops axe paid and fed by ^ EngUQx jvirji^i^^t.
He goes on, page 71. " The Englifli nation has often
'' complained of this difpofltion of thing?, wh
♦ " Prance is finking j (he knows herfelf finking; this
•« is the lajl effort of a dying power \ 'tis the convulfioti
" of deaths the eftbrt o(defpair .• let us but refift it firmly,
<* let us a£l with the vigour of fuccefs, and we need not
*< fear any thing (he can do from defpair. > , , \
ill
•* The war in Germany has given us elbow-room s
•« the vi^ory of Minden has made way for the conqueft
•* of America \ the operations in Germany has given us,
^^tbtfUnwroomofayear" ,.; . . ;. •'
. !I
£
Sue!)
V!
n
( ^6 )
I
I '
■■'
■*
i' ■
Iti,
w
Such was the confidence of our prefumption, and fudi
were the flowers of oratory, which (hot up early the next
fpring after the battle of Minden. Yet with all that elbow-
room, our Britifb war during the next year totally Ian-
guifhed : not a fingle fquadron in eighteen months after
failed for any new BritiHi conqueil ; nor was a fingle bri-
gade fent out on any other than a German (ervice. Far
from gaining elbow-room, our arms have been pinipn'd
down to the defence of Hanover : while the French were
cramping our trade in the courfe of that year more
than in any preceding one, by their privateers in our
own feas ; and the Martinicans were braving us to con-
quer them, and by taking two hundred of our fliips with
the privateers of that ifland, were daily reminding us of
the importance of making it ours.
,-.t'
Page 99. Confidering it merely as a treaty for
the hire of troops, it was much cheaper than any
we have made (ince. * \ W . ,, ' .
* We have already mentioned the pay of the year
1759 : but the feveral articles of our German expenc? have
been fo carefully concealed, that there is no judging of the
account of a campaign, till the end <^ the following feflSons.
By the refolutions of the 27th of November and 20th of De-
cember, it appears that we paid to the Landgrave 426,725 I.
for 19,012 men. The Hanoverians for nearly the fame
fum (447,882 1.) furniflied us with more than double that
number (38,750 men). The price of 55»ooo Ruflians
(exclufive of any allowance for the galleys and greater pro-
portion of horfe)would at the fame rate amount to 1 ,230,000!.
fo oiuch more temperate in their demands are Hanoverians
thaia
a
C 27 )
thanHeflians, and Ruifians than either of them. Thefe
laft were to have maintained themfelves, not only in their
own country, but when they marched out of it : but our
German friends expert that we fhould feed them at their
own homes ; and, by an article, lucrative enough for
mercenaries, but unknown among allies, have learned to
double their demands upon us for forage and extraordina-
ries. Should the reader ftill wonder at the difproportion
of thefe fums, he will recolle£fc that very lingular one of
iixty thoufand pounds, which in the affluence of our mil-
lions, was given, to be paid as his moftferene Highnefs Jhall
think it moft convenient, in order to facilitate the means, by
which the moft ferene Landgrave may again fix his refidence
in his own dominions', and give fr;i(b courage to his faithful
fubjeSfs by his prefence, which isfo much %viJhedfor, What-
ever may have been our compaflion the former year, for
an old gentleman returning from Hamburgh to his own
houfe ; men muft have winked extremely hard on thefe
fine words, to renew the grant a fecond time in the very
fame form, when the old Landgrave's refidence was already
fixed at his own houfe, or rather he was dying at Rinte-
len i and when his fon, being a new converted papift, might
not have his prefence fo much wifh'd for by his more faith-
ful proteftant fubje^s.
This firft charge of fixty thoufand pounds was fubmit-
ted to, upon account of the merit of having got rid of a
wordf faid to be of dangerous import in the former
treaty, Dedommagement : when by the convention of the
ifl of April, the nation was much more efFe^lually bound
to take upon itfelf a reafinable Juccour in money of four
time;. !he fum. ,
*«;
Hi|
•■If/"
ii
11
I
£ 2
The
I^ « !• s* a.
(• • '
For I9jOI2 Helfians
' ' } i >,■ i . i.
For a 2d facilitating the means of.. ^
the ferene Landgrave's Hxing his ..
refidence at his own houfe nine
months after he had not been out
of it, ■ .- ^ " : "
For two augmentations of his '
troops, amounting to ^392 mCin -
For the Heflian fliare of forage and '
extraordinaries, being one fourth '
of 2,167,903 1. 12 s. 6 d.
For releafmg the Landgrave's ene»
mies from a Dedommagement, ' '
and taking upon ourfelves the ' •
: obligi n to grant him a reafon-
able fuccour in money • -
,( '
:
121,872 8 7
\ < I «. . 1
54i>?75 j8 I :
■'U
220,000
J>3'0»573 8 2
♦ ■ ■ ! ! . , >f\ ^
Upon comparing therefore the r^tf^s of the two jtf eatjes,
it appears that Britain pays as n^uch money for 22,494
Heffians, as w(3i;!d have pyrchaf^d 14.2,000 Rqfll^s. ,,So
inattentive hap our eafe of bpffpykririg made u& to the vajue
of our money. ....... , ■ 1
The nun^ r of Heffian troops which we are to pay for
ij ft«ted in . ^. ToUf to be ^2^404; but no one, it is
hoped,
it . . ' - »
li
( 29 )
hoped, will Ihiojc the ?iUthor yitzk emough to imagine,
t\^*jt thjit number really exift€4 ^oy wh&re elfe. The
npblc lord, who .was «^£iflii(v charged wkh the defence of
t^eipt wi\e;i the l^^owCe w,-^ to graiu t^ 220,000 pounds,
hn^ too ^eat a regard for his hpi^our, Xo fay, that there
w^& any jTych nUimW in the fieW j or j^at Jie had receiv-
ed ^y regular retu.r^ of thqm. Eveiii the return, which
h^(^ been ii[W(jle up ,^nd kj^t him th^t morning by the
Heiljan minifter fojr the opcafio^, could ;iot raife
their number to n^ori? th|i;i 1,6,000 >men, and ,466 mu-
flcians; and the general ppinipn of ,the houfe feemed
to fet it much lower. It w^as in/decd fajd, that they were
not much more deficient fhan the £iigli(h troops. But
we have an army here at ho,mie, on pvirpofe to ferve as a
nurfery for the German confumption, from which drafts
can be made all the fummer without obfervation. Where-
as thedefe£l of thefe Heflian troops is irremediable -, becaufe
our enemies, being in pofleffion of the country, choofe to
take all the young fellows of it into their own army, rather
than fend them to ours. One of my anfwerers has faid,
that France fubftdizes more powers than we do, and in all
probable conje^iure ai a much higher price. It would have
been fome confolation to us, if inftcad of groundJefs con-
jcdlurc, he had produced an inftance of the French fub-
iidizing to the half of this heighth. We know the rate of
Ruffian fubfidies. Do the Wirtemberg rife to a fourth of
our Heflian ? Will the French fuffer that duke to take
their money, while we take his men ?
Should the reader obje£l to this laft article of 220,000 1.
being charged to the account of the year 1760, he will
confider that the expence incurred by the French contri-
butions was in that year. We fliall have ?. new bill of
charges made out for their inroads next fummer, if indeed
the next parliament will fubmit to pay it.
If
i
r:
( 30 )
I
ir tbe poor fufferers are to have this money, 'twere to
to be wifh'd at leaft, that it may not be diftributed among
them, till the end of the war. The giving It them now»'
will be only rendering them (o much the more tempting a
bait for the French to come and eat them up again, and
enabling the Landgrave to prove againft us fo much the
greater damages. It would be enriching the enemy at the
Englifli coft, and inflaming our future reckoning with the
lofs of our own money. Far be it however from me to
imagine, that the ferene Landgrave, with his known hu-
manity and tendernefs, will not diftribute it among the
poor fufferers $ and farther ftill that it was intended here
that he (hould put it all into his own pocket. That
would carry in it too much of the idea of a fet of proteft-
ants bargaining with a popifii fovereign for the ruin of his
proteflantfubjedls.
( 3' )
';r;:r"
THE foregoing notes were all written during
the laft Seflions, but the author had intended
td have done with this fubjedt. It is now with ex-
treme regrety that he finds it necelTary to appeal to
the public to judge, whether every thing which was
advanced in thefe Confiderations the laft year, has
not been verified by the experience of this. We
have adtually fpent twenty millions : are our ene-
mies brought at all the nearer towards giving us a
peace ? The greateft part of thefe have been em-
ployed in Germany, and in fcrvices relative thereto.
Montreal was taken laft year, and Pondicherry the
very beginning of this : not a Shilling therefore of
thefe twenty millions has been ufed in either of thefe
fcrvices. Yet tho* fo much of the ftrength of go-
vernment has been exerted in Germany, the French
force there during the whole of this fummer, as
well as in all the foregoing ones, has been greatly
fuperior to ours. The diflenfions among their com-
manders, and the Hngle valour of the Britiih troops,
have now a fecond time prevented their defeating us,
as before at Minden. This has been pompoufly re-
preiented to the public as a great vi6lory ? But what
did Britain gain by this viftory ? Was it worth to us
even the value of the candles, which we burnt
in the illuminations for it ? Did the French court fall
in their demands after the battle of Fellinghaufen ?
sordid we?
;omc
>■;■,
i-i
1
I
m
II
li !
1) •
l:i!l
-"•'
m
Some, of his anfwerers have charged thc'author with
sirrogance, fbv prefiiming to differ from the public
wifdpm. One^ood man,, after accjuatnting m,
that his' life' i^^'phlcfly fpent ' in his chambers at
*Edinburghi fends us up from thence the fenfe of
the nation ; and Wonders that any private man
Ihould c6ntradi(S, what has been the rcfult cf
fiich frequent debates in the Britifli parliament.
Such men perhapis will be furprized to hear, th^t
the late parliament, tho' it granted away feventy
eight millions of the public treafure, yet from the
•time of fending th'6 firft troops thither never had the
queftion in debate, whether the war in Germany, ani
the fending over the Britifh forces, was a right mca-
fure or a wifong one. All the great men in the
kingdonl, had either at the end of the lad war, or
in the beginning of this, declared it was a wrong
thing : not one great ' man in the laff parliament
offered at an af guhient ta prove it a right one.
CH
/ff v..
rT/iVlr.)
.1
•' 'Xhere is a mode and falhion in thinking, which
is apt to hurry men out of the po0e(rion of their
better judgment, But fcvcn years ago the ycrjr
thought of* fending our troops into Germany woul^
not have been born. Is there any intelligent in«n
living, who, if at that time he had been added*
wKetlier it would be right for Britain Cngly to en*
gage in a land war with France^ Germany, Sweden^
and Ruffia; w^ould not have thought the profiofer
of fuch a queftion mad, and turned from him with
the
^>
( 33 )
>
the utmoft difdain ? Did not the one part of our ad-
miniftration profefs thcmfclves at the end of the laft
war, convinced of the folly of fighting other nati- .
ons battles; and declare that for the future the
powers of the continent muft learn to take care of
themfclves ? and did they not refolve never again
to involve their country in any fuch foreign German
quarrels ? Did not the other part of our adminiftra-
tions at the beginning of this war, fpeak, write,
proteft, and even refign upon the fame account ?
And yet all the extravagancies of pad wars have
been tripled in this, and that by the very party ^
whofe fpeeches are well reinembred, and whofe
writings are flill extant, foretelling all the evils,
which we now fufFer. *
Did we not in one place hear a famous fpeech end
with a wiih, that the word Hanover was expunged
out of the Englijh DiSl'wnary i And have we not
* See a very excellent pamphlet call'd Deliberate
thoughts on the fyftem ol" our late treaties with Hefle-Caf-
fel and Ruffia. Printed for J. Scott in Pater- nofter- Row,
1756. Said to have been written by a gentleman who at
that time came into place and went out again with the
late ininifler.
:ii
I acknowledge him as an elder brother, and a much
Wlfer, though I had not feen his work till fome month*
after the publiihiing of the Confiderations.
t;
i f
f
1.
i).f i
it")
( 34 )
in another feen a great commoner draw forth even
a gouty right hand from it; (ling in his bofom, and
lay it upon the table, as the folemn pledge of his
faith, that not a man Ihould be fent to Hanover ?
Little minds view every thing in the light of par-
ty i they read only to compliment their own fagaci-
ty in finding out whether the writer be for or againft
the fide they efpoufe, and think no farther. Is then
the honour of a great commoner, or the keeping
three or four Peers in their places, a matter of high-
er importance, than the faving cf our country ? Do
not both parties know, and fecretly confefs, that
the nation was in the late reign facrificing the blood
of its fubje(5ts and exhaufting its treafures even to
the brink of ruin in a quarrel, which did not be-
long to it : and to gratify the avarice of German
Princes, every one of which have even in this pre-
fent war been offering themfelves to France ?
Did not the Duke of Brunfwick declare that ht
had negociated at Verfailles and at Vienna, and
had agreed to lend the French his troops ? * Did
not the late Landgrave at the fame time fignify to
that court, that he defired nothing more ardently than
to attach himfelf wholly to France ; and to make a
treaty for that purpofe. Offering to that crown, his
troops and his vote at the general and particular Dyets,
* See his expoftulatory letter to Prince Ferdinand for
carrying off his fon from Hamburgh againft his father's
confent,
to
^1 I «
'
( 35 )
n
id
f
to put an end to the troubles of the Empire. Has
not this court of Hefle been ever fince threatning to
leave us, as often as they wanted an increafe of their
fubfidy ? What elfe is the meaning of the fpring
treaties of the year 1759, 1760, and 1761? Or
what lefs than this is implied in the reafon which has
been affigned for making them : That there was
danger of the great enterprizes then in hand mifcar-
rying, if the Landgrave's demands had not been
complied with ? Have we not for three fprings fol-
lowing, fince our German general took the com-
mand, feen enterprizes formed by him, every one of
which have mifcarried : the firft it was faid by his
own delay, the next by that of a Hanoverian ge-
neral, and the laft by the treachery of another ally,
who never yet kept his faith with us : and every
one of which, if they had fuceeded, could not have
brought the lead benefit to this country ; but each
of them had a diredl tendency to amufe the parlia-
ment then fitting, to exhaufl: the treafury by a drain
of two or three hundred thoufand pounds a month,
and to give the German courts an opportunity to
take advantage of our necefllties, and raife their de-
mands upon us.
Have not both parties, during the late reign, (hewn
but too great a compliance in bringing the nation
into this ftate of dependence ? And when the public
funds have been finking under the preffure of more
than a hundred millions of debt, have not each
F 2 fhewn
I.
( 3^ ;
IV' i
li
II
Pt
It''
fhe^vn themfelves but too ready to heap on more td
the load, if they could but lay the blame of it upon
tlie other?
To 'talk of ceconomy, whilfl: we perfift in thf
fame' ruinous courfe, is only throwing duft into the
people's eyes. By attempting things impradlicable,
we have been fubjedling ourfelves to the power of
foreigners, whofe fole end is to plunder, and make
the moft of us, and we would then quarrel witii
others for fufFering them. We give away the pub-
lic treafure'by millions in one place, and then fend
our feconds down to another, to msKe a merit of
ceconomy about hundreds.
We have multiplied Commiflaries without end
and without ufc- At firft the pay of one was
thought too much. We then fent eight, then fix
morej and then three more Commiflaries of con-
iroul upon them. What has all this done, but only
multiplied the expence ? I mean not here to lay
blame Upon any one, but rather to commend. The
combined force of both parts of the adminiftration
was exerted this fummer, to put a flop to the ex-
orbitant abufes in the expence of forage and extra^
Oidinaries. Able men were fought out for the em-
ployment of Commiflaries of Controul. Very fenfible
and difcerning men refufed the off*er 5 I doubt not
but that the gentlemen who have accepted it, have
done their utmoft in the public fervice. What
has
^V.;;;*
f 37 )
has been the fruit of their labours ? The Germari ar-
my this year has been lefs numerous, and more ex-
penfive than the foregoing. What can be done in a
ruined country, where all hate us, and all, from
the head to the loweft, are in a combination to im-
pofe upon us ? What can be hoped for in a fervice,
in which no one Prince upon earth has any com-
mon caufe with us ; where our allies, and even our
Generals are all hired by their penfions, and have
not the leaft concern for any one thing belonging to
us but our money.
Men may feek to get a name by talking of
ceconOmy in the public hearing -, but if they
defire to do good, let them apply their cure to the
part where the evil grows, and plead for ceco-
nomy in thofe courts, whofe fole aim hitherto has
been to imprc*ve every advantage over us, which
our necefllties furnifhed them with. Bu^ to talk in
public of OEConomy, after having privately laid us
at the merc) of a German chancery, is infultingthe
nation in its diftrefs, inftead of relieving it. 'Tis
the mode and the feat of the war (as was very
juftly obferved) which muft be changed, if we
really mean to confult ceconomy. 'Tis t!ie bringing
it from the land to the fea; from Germany to the
French Weft-Indies, which muft fhew a real pub-
lic concern. But to plead for a German war, and
then to talk of ceconomy, is firit creating an in-
curable evil, and thqn feeking a merit in calling out
for a remedy.
1 have,
t
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i
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( 3^ ) ^
I have for the reader's fatisfaftion, extradcd from
the Votes the feveral grants for the hire and pay of
our German army for the year 1 760*, From it the
expence of our Heflian troops appears to be fo ex-
orbitantly great, as would have been incredible if
we did not fee the account.
The grand objedion againll fending our national
troops abroid in all former wars has been this, that
we could hiiEi a number of foreign troops for half the
money which our own would coft us : But fo much
is the value of Englilhmen now funk, that we give
for a Heffian foldicr double the price of a Bririfh
one. Nay, fo extremely improvident have we been,
that we pay a much larger fum for twenty-two
thoufand HeflTians than the price of forty -three thou-
fahd Wolfcnbuders, Hanoverians and Brunfwickers,
or of an hundred thc-'and Ruffians f*. Yet, at that
very time, when in our treaties we were thus pro-
digal of the public treafure, the defenders of them
were perpetually declaiming about oeconomy.
There are many among us, who -^re often talking
of the expence of the militia. Why thefe country
troops fhould wOt be as good, and deferve as much
as any other, I confefs I don't fee. Thofe men at
lead ought to think well of them, who truft them
with our chief defence at home, while they are fend-
ing our national troop to hght for a foreign inter-
cft
t 5ee Page 28,
j".^
4
1759* N°^* 27*
1760. Feb. II.
April 29.
29.
ir 17^0.
■i'%' '
d.
S
oh
II
^P^
I. s. d»
It
r-
,■ »•• ■' !
' t ,
.*%•,
i;f'^^ --
'-r T ', ■•
-r -T-
l^-o"
• Une quarter ^r this (hould be deduaed.
%\
m
I
Mi
1759* Nov. 27.
1760. Feb. II.
April 29.
29.
* GRANTS for the hire of foreign i
FOR 38750 Hanoverians, Wolfenbuttlers, Sax - 1
thans and Buckeburgers — —
For
For J
1 001 light horfe (Hanoverian)
959 horfe ^ Bruniwickers
1454. foot
For a 1000 men Augmentation of ditto —
43,164
1760. Dec. 16. To make good a deficiency in the fum voted lad fefli
for thefe troops — — ■ —
1759. Nov. 27. For
27. For
C 2 1 20 horfe
( 9900 foot
5 920 horfe
I 6072 foot
i Heflians — —
> additional HeiTians
»759«
1760.
1761.
Dec. 20. To facilitate the means by which the moft fereneLandg
may again fix his refidence in his own dominions
Feb. 1 1 . For 4 Squadrons of Heffian hunters and huffars
April 29. For a farther augmentation of Heflian horfe and foot
March 7. For a reafonable fuccour in money for damage done by
French in Heffe, during the year 1700, fettled
1 20,000 1. to be paid immediately, and loo^oc
more in two years ■ —
J; ' '. -ril 29. For
i
505 horfe
2 5 00 foot
»759-
»759-
An augmentation to theKing's a
of five battalions, confilUng e
of 1 01 horfe and 500 foot -
This is a corps faid to be compofed of dl nations, i
deferters from all fervices, which as no country ii
many will own them, is called the Britannic legic
To the King of Pruffia — —
Nov. 27. For 57,294 Englifh troops, including thofc in Ge
1,383,748 O ID.
For 24,'- 00 Britilh troops in Germany, reckoned onl
one third of the above number — — —
For forage and extraordinaries admitted the lafl feiSt
have been ■ " ■ — — _
Dec.
>7-
■ • ■ . 1.
1759. Sept. 30. For the ordinary of the ordnance for the 2 2^0 206
land fervice • ■ ■ —J 3 > 9
i;6o. Dec. 2. For the ettraordinaries of the ordnance of ? . ,^ . ._
theland-fervice in 1760 — — — 5 ^ '^^^
The proportion of this, chargeable to the German fervice,
is not afcertained.
656,645
1 761. Dec. 9.
200,000
1761. Feb. 17.
For tranfport- fervice, and vi£luallingland-'
forces, from the ill Odl. 1759 to the^ 479,035
30th Sept. 1760 ■ J
For one whole year's pay of the Heflian 1
troops, which the nation is bound for (
at the end of the war, by the treaty C
of the ifl April, 1760 .— j
To the Hanoverian chancery of war,for
bread, forage and firewood, furnifhedi
to the HefTian troops in the year 1757!
and 1758, being only the ballance of I
a much larger fum 336,479 14 i,
For the charge of the militia, which could J
not have been called out, if the national > 472*8^^3
troops had not been fent to Germany j
[ To face page 38. ]
^rI
le hire of foreign troops for the year 1760,
1. s. d.
Wolfenbuttlers, Sax -Go- J ..-88210
luckeburgers — — —J ^^'' ^
anoverian) — — — ' 34»333 8 o
[liwickers ■■
uion of ditto —
66,926 3 oj
23>843 5 i»
1.
d.
the fum voted lall fefllons 7
lal Hefllans
jrave?
he"!
at I
2,569 10 o
268,874 16 8
97,850 4 10
6o,coo o o
irS'Sii' 17 4*
ch the mofl: fercne Landgrave
in his own dominions
hunters and huflars ■^— 20,776 5 5
' HelTian horfe and foot ■— 101,096 3 2
mey for damage done by the
the year 1760, fettled
imediately, and 100,000
220,000 o o
mentation to theKing's army "i
; battalions, confilling each >
1 horfe and 500 foot ' j
ompofed of ail nations, and of
s, which as no country in Ger-
called the Britannic legion.
including thofe in Germany
768,597 10 I
52,902 19 2
670,000 O O
Germany, reckoned only as 7 ^^,^^^g ^ ^ ^^^^oned 500,000 o o
:s admitted the lall feffion to7 2,167,90312 6
1.
»n to?
s. d.
4.734958 19 I J
ancejbr the | ^^^^^^^ ^ ^
e ordnance of 2 ...^^^ ^ ^
'^\ 426,
656,645 9 3
German fervice.
uallingland-"^
1759 to they 479,035 19 2
' the Heffiani
is bound for ( „^^ ___ _ _
^1 ^ . > 200,000 o o
jy the treaty f '
y of war,for
>d, furnifhed
he year 1757
ballance of
6.479 14 1
, which could 1
f the national > 472)833 14
to Germany y
>
i}8o8,5i4 9 9
38.]
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( 39 ) "
tfl: in Germany. I have cad np the fums vqted
for the mUida-fervice for the year 1760 ; and all
put together amount to 472,833!. is. 4d. The
reader may fee them in the margin *,
But how juftly foever this objeflion of greater
expence may lie gainft a militia, thofe gentlemen
furely cannot be iuppofed to make it from any real
concern for their country, who can quietly fee and
vote for the fending more than double that fum out
of the kingdom to maintain little more than half
the number of foreigners. Will any man hereafter
talk of the expence of the militia, when we give
more money for German Boors, than an equal num-
ber of militia would eoft, if they had every man
the pay of an enfign ? — Will a Britifh parliament
rate the fervice of a German common foldier, equal
to
* 1759, November 6th, For the militia in
South Britain and two Scotch bat-
talions for 122 days, from 25th
December, 1759, to 25th April,
1760 102006 4 8
1760, April 28th, For militia in England
and Scotland to 24th 0^.1760260104 16 8
For cloathing of Ditto for the year
1760 30,722 o
May 4th, For uncmbodled militia to the
25th March, 1761 . 80,000 o o
472*833 I 4
. » * One quarter of this fhould be deduced.
M
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if f.
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( 40 )
to that of an Engllfh officer, mercJy bccaufc he is
nou fighting for En^^ nc*
The reader will naturit jy fufpe6i: that the 60,000 1.
for bringing the Landgrave home is charged twice :
but I have charged it no oftener than it is voted. Nor
does it appear that the public has credit given it, by
the return of either of them. Nor could it be intended
to be returned for that year. The fixty thoufand
for the year 1760, was voted in the beginning of
the Seffions, December 18th, 1759, the feparate
article promifing an indemnification, was not made
till the next April, and the protocol, which de-
termined the fum, which this reafonable fuccour
fliould amount to, was not figned till the 3d of
May, 1 761.
What then is it which the nation gains by the
claufe in the protocol, (including therein the extra-
ordinary fubfidy ? ) I anfwer, words, and nothing elfe;
The Landgrave had received his fixty thoufand pounds
for the year 1760; he hoped to make a new de-
mand of a reafonable fuccour for the French ravages
in the year 1761, and he is content to renounce the
claim of fixty thoufand pounds hereafter, in order
to intitle himfelf to alk of us four times that fum.
Others perhaps may objedl to the making thefe
Heffians debtor to one fourth of the charge of forage
^nd extraordinaries •, but their original number of
twenty two thoufand four hundred and four is a quar-
m
^>
( 41 )
'4
s
s
e
;r
re
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r-
ftC
ter of the army ; and the noble Lord, who by his
office muft have been the bed acquainted with their
feveral returns, informed his hearers that he believed
that the Heflians were as compleat as the feveral
other corps ; 1*310,573 pounds therefore, divided
by 16000, give an allowance of 8i 1. i8d. 3d.
a man. The odd money will make up for the
greater pay of the officers, and leave eighty pounds
a man for the common foldiers. So hardly has
the nation been ground between our negotiators and
our allies. But this is far from being the whole of
their expence to us. I have inserted in the account
an article of 336,479 1. 14s. id. for bread,
forage, and firewood to the Heflians, but have not
added it •, becaufe it does not properly belong to the
account of the year 1 760, but of two foregoing
years : 'tis here inferred only to give the reader an
idea of the arrears which the nation has to expeft
to be brought in at the end of the war. 'Tis
faid that there are many fuch articles. One very
extraordinary one, to the amount of fome hun-
dred thoufand pounds, appears in the Heffian treaty
for the year 1760, by which the public is bound
to give the Landgrave a year's pay after the end of
the war. I have read over a dozen fubfidy treaties,
the far greater part of the fubfidy treaties made
fmce the Revolution, not one of which has any
fueh article. The moft which has ever been given
at difmiffion has been a month's pay. But our great
Minifter, whofe chief meafure of greatnefs in his plans,
.' . G feems
ii
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III
( 42 )
A* 'I'
r
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1:
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1^ J
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I
i'ecms to have been the greatnefs of their cxpence,
has given to the Landgrave no lefs than twelve
months pay. Yet fo implicitly was the laft parlia-
ment guided, that the public feems never to have
taken notice of it.
Thefe troops are now faid to be ftill more defec-
tive in their mufters : But even on the former (late
of them, they are a lefs numerous corps, than the
clergy of this kingdom. I have now before me an
eilimate of the prefcnt value of all the ecclefiaftical
livings in the iQand ; and after calling up the feveral
incomes of our Archbilhops, Bilhops, Deans, Arch-
deacons, Prebendaries, Reftors, and Vicars, the
value of the whole (with that of the Kirk of Scot-
land thrown into it) amounts to a much lefs fum,
than that which is now fent out of the kingdom to
maintain an inferior number of Heflians. Can we
think of a worthy clergyman, devoting his life to
the duties of his cure, and maintaining his family
tor forty pound a year ; and then think of our
fpending twice that Him upon a common foldier ?
"Will the fathers of our church concur in voting the
fervice of a Heflian Boor in Germany to be equsl
in value to the labours of two Englilh Curates ?
If the whole number of his Majefly's fubjeds in
Britain, Ireland, and the plantations be reckoned
at eleven millions, ten millions at lead of thefe
confift of people, who have not forty pound a year
to fpend upon themfelves. Yet fo highly do we
rate the (ervice c: our German mercenaries, as to
fct the meaneft of them upon the rank of our lower
gentry^
f 43 )
gentry. Wherein had the whole poor of Britain
offended, or what had an EngHfh day-labourer
done againft the late parliament, that when he by the
fweat of his brow can earn but a (hilling a day, he
fhould have even that fmall pittance taxed, to
maintain a foreigner of his own rank at fourfhiliings
and fix-pence a day ? — Will the reprefentatives of
the Connmons of England go on with fo unequal
a diilribution of the public treafure ?
In the lad war, his Britannic Majefty purcha-
fed the prefervation of the Houfe of Auftria,
which was efFeded by the peace of Aix la Chap-
pelle, with the blood of his fubjeds, and bf
means of the mod important conquefts of his
Crown. Thefe are not my words, but his
late Majefty 's *. In the language of an admired
politician, " he laviflied his treafure, and his troops,
** and facrificed the intereft of his kingdoms to
'* reinftate that Princefs in the poffefllon of the
*' inheritance of her fathers f." Does any one
doubt, but that we (hall equally condemn ourfelves
a year after the next peace, if we fhould make
the like facrifices to another German Prince i who
probably never had it in his will •, certainly ne-
ver cm have it in his power, to do to the Crown of
Britain any the leaft for vice ? .
* See the Memorial of the Ele£lor of Brunfwick to the
Diet of the Empire, in November, 1758.
f The King of Pniffia's Expofuion of the Motives.
I
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( 44 )
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- A\
M
ACCOUNT
O F
GRANTS for Subsi-
dies and Foreign
Forces;
And of Votes of Confi-
dence to concert Mea-
fures with Fcreigm
Powers.
1721 72,000 o o
1726 125,000 o o
1727 250,000 o o
1728 60,000 o •
1721 - - - -
1726 7SjOoo o o
1727 270,000 00 —
^7^S 305*923 II 8 -
1729 316,259 I 3 — — -.
1730 266,259 13 — — ^
1731 247»509 « 3 '- —
1732 22,694 7 6 — — —
1734 39>937 10 o — 1734 3^*37 '«^ o
1735 5^^250 00 — 1735 10,393 5 II
1736 569250 o o
1737 42,187 10 o
1739 70>583 6 8
L. 1,768,853 9 7
— 1739 476.340 17 <»
1,024,971 12 II
V768,853 9 7
Total L, 2,793,825 2 k
[ To face Page 45. ]
T
( 45 ; ^
Hjeafures with foreigi. powers : all thefe added to-
gether amount in the courfe of twenty years to
2,793,825!. 2 s. 6d. Tliefe were the mighty
fums, which let out fuch torrents of eloquence ;
and employed the whole force and vigour of that
nunnerous patriotic band, who have ennobled them-
felves by their oppofition. I have not a word to
oflfer in defence o\ giving a fingle Ihilling for Ger-
man purpofes. But light lie our cenfures upon his
afhes, who, by fuch fmaller facrifices of about a hun-
dred thoufand pound a year, could footh the natural
prejudices of our German Kings for their native
country, and keep the kingdom in peace. Well
have thefe patriots lived to embalm hi^ memory,
who can now readily concur, and vote at leaft, if
not write, for our fpending upon a German fervice
twice the ibm in one year, which he fpent in the
whole courfe of twenty. The thoughtlefs multi-
tude have a ready reply to make to this : That was
a time of peace -, this is a time of war. But they
^.hemfelves are too wary difputants, to afTign that as
an excufe, which makes the principal aggravation
of our misfortune. They will not lay, that our being
engaged in a war of our own, which cofts us fix
millions a year, can be a reafon why we (hould run
into another war, which is not our own j or can
the better enable us to fpend fix, feven, and eight
millions mere upon a German one.
:«■
\ mean
w>
( 46 )
I
\'
¥ '..
r' ;! !
I mean not to offend, and therefore doubt not
the being forgiven : But in the debates of tFie year
1732, upon the dangers of a (landing army (which
then confided of but feventeen thoufand men, whereas
our prefent Englifh army amounts to one hundred
and feventeen thoufand men,) I meet with the fol-
lowing paffage, which I fhall be excufed the quot-
ing, as I intend it only to point out the extreme
lengths which we are going: Mr. P— - — y very
truly added, *' That the reafon why a Britifh army
cofts the publick more than a foreign one, was
the greater pi ©portion of officers. And that ftxty
thoufand men might be maintained in Germany for
the fame money that maintained eighteen thou^
'' fand in Great Britain: and that he had been in-
" formed that the twelve thoufand Heffians in the
" government's pay were maintained for much lefs
than they coft the nation yearly."* How would
the great men then on the ftage have looked upon
each other, could it then have been known that we
Ihould live to fee the time, when the converfe of
this propofition would become true •, and that we
ihould actually vote as much money to maii.:ain
eighteen thoufand Heffians in Germany, as fixty
thoufand Endifhmen coft us in Great Britain :
yet this is the ftate of our prefent Britifh and Hef-
fian eftablifhmsnt. f
«(
Cl
4(
((
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m
V i I
I
i
* Rapin's C In.
t 1:59, Nov. 27. For 57,294
Englifh troops - - -
i6,coo Heffians cofl (page 28)
befide the one year's pay.
1.
s. d.
1,383*748 o o
i>3Jo>573 o o
What
( 47 )
What did we not hear from the next fett of
patriots, of Hanover councils, a Hanover fteerage>
and a Hanover rudder. Yet we Iiave now literal-
ly freighted a veffel with Britifti gold, and fent (hip,
freight, rudder and all to Hanover. 1 he found of
millions is grown familiar to us, and they who re-
gard not accounts, may perhaps weigh our expen-
ces in the lump. I fpeak not upon guefs, but on
ftrift arithmetic. The bed built Ihip of five hun-
dred tons will not carry the weight of pure gold,
which this whole war has coft us. Happily for us
the national vcflel, beyond all expedtation, has proved
to be of a greater burden : but with fo rich a cargo
on float, who does not tremble for the voyage ? Or
who of us for the fake of any perfonal or family
intereft, can think fo defperately, as to go on to try
how many more tons are wanting to fink it ?
That whole fyftem of Europe, by which all the
other dates of it were united in guarding againfl: the
powers of France; thofe grand alliances by which Bri-
tain gained fo many real viftories on the continent,
and to which, as I fliall prefently obferve, it once en-
tirely owed its fecurity, are now no longer to be ho -
ped for. I have in the Confiderations hitherto rea-
foned upon the fuppofition of there being ftill fub-
fifting fuch a thing as a balap.ce of power in Eu-
rope, and a common intereft to preferve it : becaufc
every argument for our concerning ourfelves wii;ii
the wars of the continent muft imply this.
So
( 48 )
m
II.
i I
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So long as this conGcrn for the balance of power
in Europe was fubfifting ia the minds of the chief
ftates of it, it was certainly the intereft of Bi'itairt to
keep up that additional foreign guard againft our
moft dangerous rival -, but now the feveral powers
of the continent, and all the German courts are fo
totally disjointed, and we have been fo long making
ourfelves parties in their feparate quarrels^ that there
is not the leaft hope of feeing any general union of
Europe againft the French : nay, we have been fo
long afFedting to fliew our riches and influence, and
have by turns made every power in Europe fo much
our enemies, that they feem to be as jealous of us, as
of France ; and inftead of our holding the balance of
power between them and France, they are now
watching for it between France and us. Iho' there-
fore that old principle that Britain had nothing to
do with the continent, was certainly wrong, while
the ftates of it were really united with "js and with
each other ; yet now that all the powers of the con-
tinent have renounced us, it is as certainly right.
We can have nothing to do with them, for they will
have no concern with us, except only to take our
money, to do their own bufinefs with it. Now
therefore Britain muft itfelf provide foi its own
fecurity. Its fafety againft France depends, under
providence, fmgly upon its own arm. _^ ,, . ,
By the diftradions, which the French encourag-
ed the King of PrulTia to railc in the Empire dii-
3/ ^''''o
( 49 .)
ring the laft war ; by oqr forcing the Emprefs Queen
into the arms of France in this : and by deriving
the French forces into Flanders, in the laft*, and
thereby ftripping our natural allies of their beft guard
there : the whole fyftem of Europe is now changed^
The barrier itfclf, as well as the barrier treaty is now
no more ; Holland is become fo expofed to France,
that the Dutch dare not aflift us, if they were ever fo
W€ll afitded to us. Britain's whole fecurity there-
fore againft an invafion now refts upon the one
fingle defence of her fleets. The maintaining of that
fuperiority, and preventing the French marine from
ever riling again to an equality with ours, is now
therefore become a matter of double the importance
which it ever was of before: It concerns our very
being. We have 'tis true at prefent ruin'd it : tho*
with fuch an immenfe increafe of debt, and fuch a
mortgage upon our induftry, as muft be a heavy burden
on our trade after the peace, and long difable us
for any future war. Alarming confiderations to
every thoughtful man ! However, the enemies navy
is now happily broken. But can any man fay, if
"we fhould be forced to give up our conquefts, and
leave their fifhery and fugar Trade intire, to what
height an able miniftry, and a ten years peace, may
raife it. Men may be as fanguine as they pleafe, and
think, after we have beaten our enemies once, that we
muft always do fo. It may be of ufe to abate our
confidence^ to recoiled that in Charles the lid's time,
• H the
( 50 )
;Af
111
I ^.
t;
iip
If ::
i
; i
the French had only one (hip in our Teas to join
to the Dutch fleet : that was the whole naval force
which they then had in Bred. They afterwards
brought round from the Mediterranean fifteen fmall
(hips under the Duke of Beaufort, which did nothing.
Yet foon after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle Lewis
the XI Vth raifed a fleet of fixty line of battle fliips ;
and in the year 1690, the French marine was grown
to fuch a heighth, as to beat the united fleets of Eng-
land and Holland off Beachy-Head ; and for a great
part of the fummer their fleet remained fole mailers
of the channel, and adlually lay hovering over us,
with all our coafl: expofed to them. Then Britain
owed its fecurity only to its alliances on the conti-
nent. The French troops were engaged on their
diftant frontiers againlt the united force of Germa-
ny, Spain, and Savoy, (who made this diverfion
at their own expence and not at ours :) and the battle
of Flerus had fo broken their army in Flanders, that
they could not draw otFtheir troops and form an army
to invade us. But this is a means of deliverance
which we mud never hope for again : Surely there-
fore it imports us now to look to our own fecurity,
rather than that of diftant countries which we have no
concern with. The two nations are now brought to
fuch a ftate, that a great luperiority in our naval
force ib neccfiary to our very being: Providence has
put it in our power for ever to fecure that fuperi-
ority, and nothing but the moft fatal attachment to
CJcnr-an) can prevent it.
By
( 51 )
nn
rce
rds
lall
ng.
iwis
ps ;
own
^ng- ^
rreat
fters
r us.
itain
:onti-
their
erma-
erfion 1
battle i'l,
, that 1
1 army |
trance f
By
By the treaty of Clofter Seven the firft German
war was brought to an end. England was abfo-
lutely releafed from all concern with it by the ex-
prefs adt of all the feveral parties. Now there-
fore we are engaged in two wars, which are totally
diftind from each other: a Britifli war, and a
German: a war of neceflity, and a war of
choice : a war of acquifition, and a war of ex-
pence. The very laudable prejudices of the late
reign, the interefted views of courtiers, and the over-
bearing influence of particular planters, have joint-
ly confpir^^d to make us confound thefe two wars
with each other : and the want of diftinguifhing
them has betrayed us into an expence of forty
millions, to ruin Germany, and to ferve no one
good Britiih purpofe, nor indeed to ferve the in-
tereft of any one court in Germany, except that of
Berlin. Now that the French marine is deftroyed,
there is not any the lead connexion between our
Britifh war and our German one. They ar. a . fe-
parable from each other as any two wars wliich
England can be engaged in. As diftindl as a Spa-
nifli war and a SwediHi. Make but this di(lir»6tion,
and the national intercft will immediately point
out what ought to be done. Party inen on each
fide choofe to confound thefe two together, each
that they may find a pretence to condemn the con-
du£t of their advcrfaries, and to jullify their own.
We muft have a peace, fays the one party among
VIS •, the expence of the war will ruin us. Vv^e
H 2 have
( 5* >
'•H
lUJ'
r) :Ei
F:
H
I' 'ill
¥ i
■I;' >.
have money enough, fays another party ; people
are as ready to lend, as the government is to borrow ^
don't let us make an ignominious peace. Both of
thefc fpeak truth of one war, and falfely of tht
other. Neither regard their country only, or they
would make the ncceflary diftiiidtion. Do they,
who fay we mud have a peace, really wifh to fave
the nation from the ruinous expence it is now at ?
Why then do they not do it ^ Inflead ol looking
to our enemies for a peace, let us make it for our-
felves. ^id opus eft volts ? fac ie ipfe felicem. In-
ilead of wifhing for a peace, let us call home our
troops, and there is a peace. Let us only (top
the voluntary free gifts which we are every year
making to our allies, over and above what
they can pretend the leafl: right of treaty to, and
from that moment the German war ceafes, and
there is a peace. The war of acquifition, if our
enemies will not treat with us, may go on, if wc
choofe it ; but the war of expence will be at an end.
Britiih blood will be no longer Ihed, and Britifh
treafure will then be fpent only upon Britifh fub-
jedls. Not thrown away in Germany merely to
prevent our conquering too faft, and to keep us
bleeding there, till our fpirits are lower'd enoughj
to make us accept of any peace which our enemies
will grant us.
i
i ^
} ■
^^ On the other hand, do thoie men, who clamour
againft making a bad peace, really mean that we
fhould make a good one ? \^'hy then do they not
addrefs
( 5S )
>le
* »
of
the
ley
fey,
[ave
lat?
:ing
>ur-
In-
m
addreis to put an end to the war of expence, which
they know muft at laft force us into a bad one ?
Or why do they not purfue our war of acquifition
only, which every one fees muft be the diredt means
of forcing our enemies to grant us a good one ?
In (hort, if Britain be a free and independent
fovereignty, Providence has now put it in our
power to fupport our own war as long as we pleafe ;
and bring our enemies to what terms we pleafe,
which I hope will always be moderate ones. If,
on the other hand, this country is made only fo/r
the defence of another, which it cannot proteft, we
muft then ftruggle on a little longer, till our money
or our patience Ihall be more endrely exhausted ;
but the terms of peace will be of the French
prefcribing, and not ours ; and our enemies will,
after that, ever hold us in thraldom, with the fear
of evils, which they know we muft not fuffer, and
cannot prevent. . . ..,
To tell us that this is to be the laft year of the
war, and attempt to comfort us with the notion
that our enemies are bankrupt, and come to ruin,
is »3nly taking advantage of our ignorance, and de-
ceiving us to our own.
For three winters following, we have been told
the fame thing. Frmce, it was faid, the next fef-
fions after the battle of Mindcn, is ftnkingy Jbe
knows
(':
'] 1.
V' ''if
i^-i-
f^'
1. .,
If 4 Bi 1
-;^
i\
M
( 54 )
iwwi ^^r/^y /»^/»J' ; this is the laji effort of
a dying power^ the convulfton of death. Yet we
have found her every fummer in Germany to
be in ftronger vigour than ourfelves. Perhaps
it may be faid, that the next campaign will certainly
be the laft. And, if fo ; it may be worth all the
reft : and it is pity to lofe a fheep for a penny-
worth of tar. Eloquence indeed will not ex-
prefs himfelf in fuch uncourtly terms : but fup-
pofe that, hereafter, inftead of homely proverb,
we Ihould hear the fame fentinient drefled out in
bold poetical phrafes, beautiful allufions, full flow-
ering metaphors, and metonymies budding out of
them : would that make the fentiment at all the more
true? All thefe flowers of rhetoric may form a
very elegant nofegay for Englifli ladies to fmel!
to : — but Frenchmen won't die of them. Nor
would the war be at all the nearer being brought to a
happy iffue, for our ftatefmen amufing themfclves
with the bundling of tropes and fi miles.
In vain, alas, do we hope to humble our ene-
mies in Germapy, a country in which they have
nothing to lofe, and which we are utterly unable to
defend. Five times have we efTayed to roll this
mighty ftone up the hill, in order to turn it over
the fummit, upon the heads of our enemies on the
pth'ir fide : and, could we have fifty times tried it,
we ihould ftill have found the attempt to be beyond
. our
e
o
)S
le
( 65 )
our (bength, and feen it come rolling back again
on our own. With evil omen, therefore, (hall the
claflics be called in aid to our politics. Virgil and
Horace, however often turned to, will not befriend
us. Old Homer, and all his mythology turns
againft us. The Fates have decreed this Syfippeaa
labour to be in vain 5 and Virtue itfelf, however
urging, cannot prevail againft the Fates. Long
before the pinch of the hill, the ftone has always
fallen back again ; yet our inexorable tafk-mafter,
with more than Rhadamanthean feverity, is ftili
ready, even fmgly, to condemn us to exert the force
of all our millions to heave it up again;
It is curious to obferve how hot and cold
may be blown by the fame breath. Can any
man ferioufly think, that we are in the laft mo-
ments at the end of a French war, and the
next in the eve of a bpanilh. If the Spaniards
are difpos'd to begin with us ; muft they not be
well aflured that the French are not going to end
with us? — Yet,
The nation is now threatened with a Spanifli war.
God forbid that we (hould court it ; but if we are at
liberty to purfue only the Britilh intereft, we can have
no reafon to fear it. Were the French marine in its
• full
s/>'
Kl • 'i
lit
I' !■
I •
'i
( 5^ )
full v^Mir, JTuch as It was in the be^nnlng 6f
the lad war, and of this, and fuch as it will be
flgainft the next war, if we now negled the proper
means to fccurc ourfelves ; the addition of the Spa-
ni(h marine to it, would in that cafe be a juft ground
of concern : but can thofe men really fear a SpanWh
war ; in which, now that the marine of Spain muft
be unfupported by that of France, we can have no-
thing to fear, and muft have every thing to hope
for; and yet wantonly run the nation mto an
expence of ten millions for a German quarrel, in
which we have not the leaf): concern, and from
which not die leaft good can reiult to Britain ?
Can men be really afraid of meeting a weaker
power than ourfelves at fea ; and yet go to Germa-
ny to foek out a power at land, which is in itfdf
ftronger than we, and is fupported by all the other
ppwcrs of Europe befide ?
On the other hand, can any man, who thinks a
Spanifh war unavoidable, dill advife the charg-
ing ourfelves with new expences, even in thofe
parts of a German war which are avoidable,
and which indifputably we may with good faith re-
1 '
But fay others : Though it may have been wrong
at firft to have entered into fuch engagements, yet
it is one thing to begin, and another to go on. Not,
unlefs
( 57 )
linlefs the nation be bound by any treaty to continue
in that wrong courfe ; otherwifc that which was
wrong done the firft time, cannot become right by
being done a fecond time. So far as the public
ftands bound by any exprefs covenant, fo far (if it
be not ruinous -, or beyond our ftrength) we tvuil go
on : but in every other cafe, it has always been
thought a mark of wifdom to recover a falfe ftep,
father than to repeat it. Apply this to a prefcnt
inftance, which mud pfob^ibly come this year be-
fore Parliament. By the feparate article of the trea*
ty with the I,3ndgrave, of the ift April, 1760, as
the account is liquidated by the protocol ofi76i, we
have paid to the Landgrave an hundred and twenty
thoufand pounds down, and have engaged to pay
him fifty thoufand more for the two fucceeding years.
But fhould the Landgrave come another year with
a fecond demand, and refufe to let his troops march
without another two hundred and twenty thoufand
pound, does any treaty oblige us to do fo wrong
a thing a fecond time ? The firft treaty may have
been made through inadvertence ; but he who knows
it to have been wrong, and yet makes a fecond, is
felf-condemned. Should the true reafon be : fuch
an one has bade two hundred and twenty thoufand,
therefore I muft bid as much -, that is the nation's
misfortune. But no man's underftanding will there-
fore fay that wrong repeated becomes right. Two
negatives here don't make an affirmative, but vehe^
mentius negant. If wrong done once^ is wrong ;
I
wrons
9
:
( 58 )
wrong done twice, is twice as wrong. No man
can fay, let me reap the benefit of doing wrong,
and let others bear the blame of it, for having done
fo before. Nor ran any one really tliink, that be-
caufe we have once given to a German Prince
more than he defcrvcd, we arc therefore bound to
repeat it, and give him more and more of the
public money, as often as he is pleafed to want it.
Not to add that it is ridiculous to talk of the faith
of treaties, v/ith a Prince, whofe troops are eight
,or nine thoufand men deficient.
(.1
I'. :;
i
tV- .
But we are now got into the war, and how can
we get our ? They who a(k this queftion would have
us think that they reckon it a bad thing, and that
they really wifli to get out of it. If fo, the anfwer
is eafy. By not getting faither into it. There is
no need of violating any treaty *, let us faithfully ad-
here to all our engagements *, but let us not make
fVcfh ones, and that alone will finifli the war. Lall
year it was faid, that the bell thing in the Pruflian
treaty was its being but for a year. Why then
jhould we renew it again ? Whatever may bef?jd
about our making peace, this nation cannot be
bound to give the King of PrutLa four millioris of
crowns, as long as he fliall be pleafed to make war.
The annual treaty of 1758 expires intheprefent
month, and cannot be renewed without the confent of
parliament. Let any man read it, and then fay,
whether it be fuch an one 5 as that it can be fuitable
to
I an
( 59 )
can
to the dignity of the Britifli crown to renew it. I^
have printed the whole of it at the end of the Con-
iiderations. The preamble pretends to fay nothii.g
more, than that we want to give him money, and
we want a treaty merely to make him take it. If
the fecond article does not give us a right to de-
mand for the defence of the Eledorate the troops
raifed with our money, 'tis the moft humiliating
treaty to be found in the Bridfli annals. If we
mud deliver up our money, could v/e not have
given it him without a treaty ? and fuch a treaty
too as is even more mortifying in the terms of it
than in tTie expence of it : 'tis a treaty which
obliges him to nothing. In the modern llile, it has
no reciprocality in it. We put it in his power to
keep us at war for ever •, and debar ourlelves the
liberty without his confent of making peace with
France, which he is not at war with, and there-
fore may be at peace with when he pleafes. The
only thing he promifes is to purfue his own quarrel,
and not to make peace with the houfes of Meck-
lenburgh, Saxony and Auftria, which, of all others,
it is moft for the intereft of England that he Ihould
not be at war v;ith.
Men who have great interefts to ferve, may offer
many reafons for this German war ; but the true
realbn is but one : and that too would ceafe, and be-
come none, by a general concurrence ; but while
our great men are full of mutual jealoufy, and eve-
ry one fufpicious, that what he might fay in one
I 2 place,
( 6o )
f
Wl:
■■.'; V.
M' i
place, will be made life of to his difadvantage in
another, this reafon will ftill fubfift;
Is then nothing worth the hazarding for our
country ? Muft wc only bewail the misfortune of
our party difpures, and again fee a proof, that
thofe (e J ions, when the public thinks mod about
great men, are the very times, when great men think
Iciift about the public. This reafon in the prefent t
times can be at firft created only by the falfe
court which fLippofcd it, and muft be ftrengthned
and confirmed only by the fame means. That
may prompt men to invent a variety of plaufible
excufes for continuing the German war, and putting
off the evil day a year longer, but all thefe oftenfi-
ble rcafons will prove vain before the face of
truth, which every private man's uuderftanding
will di6late to him. Authority alone will not
govern the thoughts : all men will not fliut their
eyes, becaufe one man fays he will guide.
Sometime^ the aid of commerce is called in : and
we are afraid that our enemies will be all powerful
upon the continent, and we fhall lofe our trade.
Not as long as we can make our goods and keep ;
pur commodities. Even our enemies will buy them
of us, as long as we can fell che^prfl: : and our friends
won't take them, when they become deareft. The
French and Flemings at this time annually buy near
three hundred thoufand pounds worth of our tobac-
co ; and Dunkirk, Havre, and Cette are now by
|hat means our moft prolitable ports. "Will Ham-
burghers,
( 6i )
in
burghers, think we, refufe to take Guadalupe or
Martinico fugars of us, becaufe both thofe iQands
are not in French poffefTion ?
Sometimes we have been told that our religion
was in danger : and we hired Brandenburghers
to murder and ruin Mecklenburghers in order
to ftrengthen the Proteftant intereft.
At other times the German war is neceflary as a
diverlion ; and we have for four years been fpending
twenty millions to prevent the French from fuccour-
ing their colonies ; when half the troops and treafurc
employed in this diverfion, would two or three years
ago have given fuch an irrefiftable fuperiority to
our fleets and expeditions, as would have left our
enemies no colonies to fuccour.
Sometimes it has been doubted whether we can
get our troops home if we would : if fo, then it
is at leaft a clear thing that we ought not to fend
any more. If our own General could in the midfl:
of a campaign and even in the face of a vidlorious
enemy, make good his retreat to Stadt, it will be
very hard if our foreign general can't eflfeft fuch a
march when the French are gone into winter
quarters *,
At
* The hearing fuch a doubt as this publickly ftarteJ,
naturally leads us to bethink ourfelves, whofe fcrvice it
is to which the general of the army now in Germany be-
longs ?
%tl
\
I
1^
^ HI
■■■•I :
( 62 )
At other times our compafllon Is applied to : we
can't leave thefe poor people to be eat up by the
French ; to have their country turned into a defert >
their very apparel fold at auction for the'x contribu-
tion * ; their houfes plundered, or pulled down for
the foldiers firewood, and the helplefs inhabitants
cxpofed to ftarve without covering or fhelter. Why
then don't we proteft them ? We can't do it. Send
over our whole army and the militia after them, the
!ongs ? He was in the King of Pruffia's fervice. It has
never publickly appeared, either that he has renounced
the fervice of that crown, or put himfelf into the pay of
ours, or taken any oaths to our government. Should his
mafter therefore command him, in the laft refort, to march
to Majdeburgh, inftead of Stadtj perhaps the judgment
of a German civilian, concurring with his own inclina-
tion and intereft, may determine that he ought to obey,
and deliver up our troops to the King of Pruflia. The
Court of Berlin feems by their Gazette to have a(5lually
attempted this in the year iJSIf ^"^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^" P**^"
vented only by our having then a General, who was too
good an Englifliman to liften to them. Thefe are doubts
which the author would not .lave been the firft to create ;
but the being able clearly to fatisfy thefe doubts, is a mat-
ter which nearly concern thofe men, who have committed
the lives of twenty-four thoufapd Britilh fubje^ts to a
ftranger, who poflibly may be ftill in the fervice of a
foreign crown ; probably has never taken the oaths to our
government; certainly is not accountable to our parlia-
ment, nor amenable to the juftice of this nation, either
in his perfon, or in any thing which belongs to him, eX'
t-ept only in his Irifli penfion.
* See the laft Gazette of November 1761.
enemy
( H )
enemy will flill beTuperior. The French may go
home in winter^ and let us fpend our money there,
that the country at their return may be the better
worth fqueezing, and our Gazette may tell us how
Prince Ferdinand has drove them before him : but
the next Summer the French army will be there
again ; and all that we can do is to enrage thefe
poor peoples enemies ten times the more, and furnlfh
them with an excufe for all their excefles. Let gene-
rous Britilh hearts more juftly exprefs concern for them.
But what is it which this argument would fugged
in their behalf? Far from offering any relief, it
would have us bribe the Landgrave by a great fum
to fell his fubjefts afrefh to ruin, and let the French
come next year and commit the fame cruelties over
again.
In breaking the treaty of Clollcr Seven, Britain
took a falfe ftep, which nothing can recover, but
the bringing us to it again. France has no quar-
rel with any of our allies ; they may all make their
terms with France juft as they did before : Brunf-
wick, HefTe, and the Hanoverian chancery itfelf,
under the mediation of Vienna, were then treating
at Verfailles. France has now no quarrel with any
of them, nor can regard them as enemies any
longer than while they can hope to fee us ruin our-
felves by regarding them as friends.
At other times we have been told that Holland
and the Netherlands would be in danger. This
6 was
it,: lif
If
I-''! f
Hi
( ^4 )
was the pretext in the laft war, and fdr the fake of
a fatal diverfion, we lent over oiir national troops
into Flanders, againft the will of the Dutch, to
keep the war out of the Eledlorate, and ruin the
barrier; and put our moft natural allies into the
power of FrancCi , ^ j. ;
^ We may now be told, that Gerniany is fh Jrlii-
ger, and the French King will make himfelf Eledlor
of Hanover, or Lord of Bremen, and gain a port
upon the Wefer and the northern ocean. And is
not this a reafon againft our 'giving fix hundred
and feventy thoufand pound to keep the houfes of
Auftria and Brandenburgh in blood, who would
be the firft to take umbrage at fuch an attempt ?
and who, with Sweden and Denmark, would be
the neareft concerned, and the only powers able to
prevent it?
,v^w,-'- 'i^^
^'»3Tr r..5
In Ihort, it is impo^ible to (ay what may be the
oftenfible reafons, which interefted or indolent men
may alledge, to conceal the true one. But all this
is only giving to every man of common undei*-
ftanding an advantage, which no fuperiority of rank
or parts can compenfatc for. I have before fhewrt,
that the war itfelf, in its firft principle, is wrong ;
againft the true intereft of Europe, of Germany,
and of Britain, and therefore, in the nature of things,
there can no argument be brought for it, which will
not be convertible into a much ftronger againft it.
PCS T-
' f
f
'^
( 65 )
POSTSCRIPT,
/ ^
TH E reader is not to think that the forego-
ing table contains the whole expepce of the
Gernian fervice. The article of forage and ex-
traordinaries is there put at 2,167^903 1. 12 s. 6d.
{jecaiife that was the fum which the friends of the
war admitted it to coft : but the feveral grants for
the year 17^0, applicable to that fervice, amount
to 3,661,747!. 16 s. 10 d. What deductions arc
to be made does not appear by the Votes, nor per-
haps can eafily be known from the accounts, as
they have hitherto beep delivered into parliament.
T
FINIS.