■^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET {MT-3) i % 1.0 1.1 ■-1^ 12.5 1^ li£ 112.2 :• i:s iio 1.8 1.25 1.4 J4 -< 6" — ► vl /: /A ^J» '^i Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET ^ WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. H Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques 1980 1 Technical and Bibliographic Notas/Notas tachniquas at bibliographiquas Tha Inatituta has attamptad to obtain tha bast original copy availabia for filming. Faaturas of this copy which may bo bibliographically uniqua. which may altar any of tha imagas in tha reproduction, or which may significantly change the usual method of filming, are checked below. D D D D D D D D Coloured covers/ Couverture de couleur I I Covers damaged/ Couverture endommagia Covers restored and/or laminated/ Couverture restaurde et/ou peliiculAe I I Cover title missing/ Le titre de couverture manque I I Coloured maps/ Cartes g^ographiques en couleur Coloured Ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) Coloured plates and/or Illustrations/ Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur Bound with other material/ Relid avec d'autres documents Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion along interior margin/ La reliure serr6e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la distortion le long de la marge intirieure Blank leaves added during restoration may appear within the text. Whenever possible, these have been omitted from filming/ II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajouttes lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, mais, lorsque cela dtait possible, ces pages n'ont pas 6t6 filmies. Additional comments:/ Commentaires suppl6mentaires; L'Institut a microfilm* le meilleur exemplairb qu'il lui a 6tA possible de se procurer. Les details de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-Atre uniques du point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une modification dans la mithoda normale de filmage sont indiqute ci-dessous. I I Coloured pages/ D D D D D Pages de couleur Pages damaged/ Pages endommagtes Pages restored and/oi Pages restaurdes et/ou peliicuiies r~~| Pages damaged/ I I Pages restored and/or laminated/ Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ Pages d6color6es. tachaties ou piqu6es Pages detached/ Pages ddtachdes Showthrough/ Transparence Quality of print varies/ Quality indgaie de I'impression Includes supplementary material/ Comprend du materiel suppiimentaire I I Only edition available/ Seule Edition disponible Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to ensure the best possible image/ Les pages totalement ou partieilement obscurcies par un fauillet d'errata, une pelure, etc.. ont dt6 fiimdes A nouveau de faqon i, obtanir la mailleure image possible. This item is filmed at tha reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est film* au taux de reduction indiqu* ci-dessous. 10X 14X 1BX 26X 30X J 12X 16X 20X 24X 28X 32X The copy filmed here hes been reproduced thenks to the generosity of: Netional Library of Canada L'exempiaire filmi fut reproduit grAce k la gtnArosit* de: BibiiothAque nationaie du Canada The images appearing here are the best quality possible considering the condition and legibility of the original copy and in keeping with the filming contract specifications. Les images suivantes ont At* reproduites avec le plus grand soin, compte tenu de la cordition et de la nettet6 de rexemplaire film*, et en conformity avec les conditions du contrat de filmage. Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed beginning with the front cover and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All other original copies are filmed beginning on the first page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impression Les exemp^aires originaux dont la couverture en papier est imprimAe sont film6s en commen9ant par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la derniire page qui comporte une empreinte d'Impression ou d'illustration, soit par le second plat, selon le cas. Tous les autres exemplaires originaux sont filmte en commenpant par la premiere page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la dernlAre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. The last recorded frame on each microfiche shall contain the symbol — ^ (meaning "CON- TINUED"), or the symbol ▼ (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbole — »> signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbole y signifie "FIN". Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent 6tre filmte A des taux de reduction diff^rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul clich6, il est filmi A partir de I'angle supArieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images nicessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mithode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 A pp^ i'ywyip."iu',i'ji. ' •''^'■.^','\iyi FEDERATION OF THE EMPIRE. AN ADDRESS BEFORE THE % i liNIVERSITY LITERARY SOCIETY, BV ARCH. McGOUN, Jr., B.A., B.C.L., PRESIDENT OF THE SOCIETY. At its 22x1) Pubijc Mkkti.vg, held in the William Molkok Hau,, McGiLi, TTnivkiisity, on the 18tii Novemheu, 1884. MONTREAL : DAWSON BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS 1884. "SHBPi FEDERATION OF THE EMPIRE. ! The twenty-second public meeting of the University Literary Society was held in the William Molson Hall, McGill College, on Tuesday, the i8th November, 1884, when there was a large attend- ance of the members of the Society and their friends. On the plat- form were Sir William Dxwson, Principal of McGill University; Rev.Dr. Cornish, Professor of Classical Literature ; and Mr. Alex. G. Cross, Vice-President of the Society. The President, Mr. Arch. McGoun, Jr., delivered the following address : Members of the University Literary Society, Ladies and Gentle- men — I cannot but feel that it is a distinguished honour for me to address this meeting in the halls of old McGill. My first duty is to thank my fellow-members for their confidence shown in electing me to the highest office in their gift. It is difficult to find words to express the pride and affection I feel and have ever felt in and for the University Literary Society. I have also to thank the Prin- cipal, Sir William Dawson, for honouring' us with his presence on the platform to-night. This is the first meeting for many years the Society has held in the college buildings, and it will be a source of satisfaction to me that during my term of office closer relations shall have been established between the Society and our Altna Mater. To you, ladies and gentlemen, I e.xtend the Society's cordial wel- come. I tim not so vain as to imagine that your presence is due to myself. I believe you are drawn by sympathy for the objecis of the Society, respect and veneration for the University with which we are connected, and, perhaps, interest in the grand subject 1 have chosen for my address. Without further preface, I shall proceed to consider this subject of a Federation of the Empire. About seven or eight years ago, when I was a law student, a number of young men organized, in an old hall near the foot of Bleury street, an amateur Parliament, in which I was a member of Her Majesty's loyal Opposition. After defeating what it is hardly necessary to say was an effete and corrupt administration, our party took office, and as a Minister of the Crown, I had the honour of introducing a resolution in the following terms : Resolved, That an address be presented to Her Majesty in Council, declaring that, in the opinion of this House, a Royal Com- mission should be appointed, consisting of representatives from the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and from each of the self-governing colonies, to consider and report upon the best means of securing a Federation of the Empire. j. mm wmm ^ggm It would be tedious to follow out all the fortunes of this humble address. Suffice it to say that Her Majesty never appointed a Royal Commission, and it has remained for us to do the work over again. Later still, it was my privilege to read a paper before this Society on " The Canadian Aspect of Imperial Federation," which gave rise to a debate extending over three Friday nights, and result- ed in a fourfold division of the members, among supporters of Imperial Federation, of the preservation of the present condition of things, of Independence, and of Annexation, the last receiving the support of one honourable member. In the discussions that took place on those occasions, the champions of the cause I shall attempt to lay before you this evening, laboured under a disadvan- tage. We were told that the Knglish people carec'. nothing about Federation, and cared but little for their ''olonies : that no English- man had ever broached a scheme that ofieicd -ny inducement to the colonies to examine the question. Indeed it was asserted that our ideas were in antagonism to the professed principles of the leading public men in the mother country. We were told, more- over, that however strong oar position might be regarding the sen- timent of the people throughout the Empire, our arguments were less conclusive in dealing with the material interests of the people of Canada. Happily I am now in a position to bring the matter before you upon a more satisfactory footing than ever before, many of the most distinguished practical statesmen of England having fairly set the agitation afloat, and a member of the British Associa- tion having presented a scheme from an economic standpoint that appears to remove the most serious difficulties. I trust now that the agitation will never cease until some practical shape shall be given to it. In the celebrated repv.rt of the Earl of Durham on the condition of British North America, in 1840, a passage occurs that seems to foreshadow something of this kind, while indicating that the prob- lem had already impressed itself upon the mind of that great statesman. " I am of opinion," he wrote, " that the full establish- ment of Responsible Government can only be permanently secured by giving to these colonies an increased importance in the politics of the Empire." Great advances have been made since his day, but the words are still in a great measure true. I for one cannot say that I have any very great fault to find with the present political constitution of our country. But the law of nature is the necessity of growth ; and it is easy to discern that some time in the future a further constitutional change must come. As, therefore, it is the part of a prudent man to prepare for the future stages of his life, so it is the duty of a nation to consider what development her institu- tions are susceptible of, in order that she may shape her course accordmgly. In trying to map out this future there are, I think, two ideas that must have an important bearing upon it. One of these is our people's pride in their connexion with the British Empire. This is a sentiment so uniformly existing in the mind of our fellow country- men in whatever part of the globe they are to be found, that it is deserving of a large amount of consideration. I do not say that it must be the sole determining influence upon our destiny, but I do say that any scheme of national life that fails to take account of it is an incomplete scheme, and one that cannot be realized without destroying much that is noblest in our lives. To ignore such a sentiment is as futile as to construct a system of religion or philo- sophy without taking account of the soul. Co-existent with this, however, there is another sentiment, the germ of which is in every British breast. This is love of liberty, a desire for independence, an aspiration after all the attributes of na- tional manhood. In her internal aftairs, Canada already enjoys almost complete autonomy ; she has acquired by precedent even the right to negotiate her own commercial treaties. But her national powers are not fully attained ; and there is no patriotic Canadian, at all events in the younger generation, who is not con- vinced that in one form or another this must come. Now there is only one way in which satisfaction can be given to these two aspirations. It is by a plan under which full national powers shall be acquired and the integrity of the Empire preserved, or, — to speak of it in business language, — by a national partnership, in which the mother country and the other self-governing colonies will join. This is the conviction entertained by those whom I may name the British school, at whose head I think may be placed Sir A.T. Gait, and Principal Grant, of Kingston. And it is a significant fact that one who, like Sir A. T. Gait, has always held strong views on the necessity offull national powers for Canada, should have come to the conclusion that these can be best obtained by a consolidation of the Empire. Mr. Blake has also several times spoken in favour of Imperial Federation. This will be the historical successor of the political school of the departed statesmen, Joseph Howe, Robert Baldwin and George Brown. Mr. Baldwin wrote in 1849, " I could look only upon those who are in favour of the continuance of the connexion with the mother country as political friend.'-., those who are against it as political opponents. ... It is not a question upon which compromise is possible." Mr. Mackenzie and Mr. Mowat represent the same principle among the Liberals to-day, vvliilc the whole political lifeof Sir John Macdonald and of Sir Charles Tupper have been faithful to it throughout. In fact, every public man who has ever conquered and retained the confidence of the people of Canada has been imbued with the .«ame idea. There is, however, another school antagonistic to this, whose chief exponent is Mr. Goldwin Smith, which may be called the American Continental School. The latter may be said to embrace also those who look for Independence in the sense of cutting our- selves adrift from the Empire, because, if such Independence be brought about, it will be with the view of establishing a nation more or less under the aegis of the Republic to our South, in furtherance ih 6 of the American Continental idea, and in antagonism to what they name the European "system," and to Great Britain as supposed to belong to that system. Now there is a great deal of nonsense talked about *hts Contin- ental idea. It is sought to be impressed upon us that because we live on the continent of America, we must snap every chord that unites us in sympathy and intercourse with the rest of the world. In my humble opinion that is a narrow and false notion. I believe that civilization will be retarded, the universal brotherhood of man, the federation of the world, indefinitely postponed, if the people of this continent determine to isolate themselves from the great nations of Europe. The closer the intimacy between the two continents, the greater will be Mie enlitjhtenment of our people, the quicker the dispelling of barbarous and unworthy ideas about the common interests of humanity. What we want is not to shut ourselves out from intercourse and sympathy with the continent from which our ancestors came, but to mantain close and friendly relations with them, endeavouring, by association, to adopt the best ideas of European civilization. Notwithstanding the enormous rapidity of the development of wealth on this continent, Europe still leads the world in civilization, — in literature, art, science, philosophy and religion. Mr. Mowat, the Premier of Ontario, at the recent meeting in London, in furtherance of the idea of Imperial Federation, stated it as his opinion that the connexion between the mother country and Canada has been of unmixed benefit to our country. In this I heartily concur. Hut I think we should have close relations, not with I'lnijland alone, but with all ICuropean nations, and especially with France. We cannot forjjet that a large and important section of our people have for France the same affection and regard that we have for the United Kingdom ; and on this account as well as on many others, we should try to tighten, rather than to sever, the bonds that unite us to the old world. And in spite of the friction that occasionally arises between the two countries, England and France are to-day as they have been for the last century in the van of civilization. And having lived in Franco, and come in contact with her people, I state it as my firm conviction, that the French Canadians and all Canadians will be elevated, enlightened and ennobled by cultivating the closest relations with la mi:re patric. The continental idea is therefore an illiberal one ; and it assumes a diversity that does not exist. England, so far as I can observe, has more affinity with this continent than with the European. Her language, her laws, her political institutions are either reproduced or closely copied throughout this continent. Even her land tenure which differs from ours, differs still more widely from that of every leading European nation. In short except in geographical situation, the United Kingdom is more closely allied to America than to Europe. England indeed is rather cosmopolitan, her interests lie in every quarter of the globe ; her chief European interest is simply to preserve unrestricted communication with her Asiatic and '\K African colonics. For all practical purposes, water brings countries closer together than land. For intelligence distance is totally annihilated. There are already eight cables in operation between this continent and the Ivuropean, and a number of others projected, while there are two in use between l^ngland and Australia. It is indeed my heartfelt desire that we continue to preserve the warmest and kindliest relations with the nation of the United States, but I think ladies will understand that it ought to be quite possible to live on the best of terms with the gentleman next door, without being bound to marry him. In the same way, while we are the best of friends with Brother Jonathan, we do not wish, for the sake of enjoying his friendship, to shut our doors against all our other friends, and particularly against our own father and mother and all our other brothers and sisters. There are some men of large hearts and wide sympathies, who desire to see the whole Anglo-Saxon race united in one great com- monwealth. While I have every sympathy with this idea, and while I should be glad to admit tlie United States into the federa- tion I shall propose, I cannot think that the proper way to set about achieving that end is by severing the tics that already e.xist between the members of the British ICmpire situated the wide worltl over. But there are also men who hope to prevent a perfectly practicable union by pretending to work for a wider one that is altogether visionarv. Assuming then that it is desirable to maintain our connexion with other parts of the Fmpirc, I shall now endeavour to indicate the kind of connexion that I think can be established, or to sketch the machinery of a Federation of the Fmpire. It is with some hesitation that I venture to submit a plan that is tolerably specific, and may be new in some of its features. My only apology will be that it is not hastily considered, but has been thought out with as much care as I could give to the consideration of so vast a subject. In speaking ot this, Scotchman as I am, {quoique avant tout jc sois Canadii'it), I shall use the word English to express what relates to the United Kingdom, reserving the word British for its wider mean- ing as relating to the whole British Empire. It is the belief of every intelligent statesman in the United King- dom, that some change will have to be made in the government the British Isles, by which Parliament may be relieved of some of of its duties. Local Legislatures will be created, subordinate to the Central Parliament, but with somewhat extensive powers. Thus only can Home Rule be given to Ireland. The English Parliament will then be free to deal with matters relating to the joint interests of the three kingdoms, and of the colonies that are not self-governing. For these purposes which constitute the bulk of its important business, the present parliament should be left as it is ; subject only to the restrictions I shall mention, which should apply also to the colonial legislatures. The Canadian Parliament, as well as the English, would be left with pretty much all the prerogatives it now enjoys. It would continne to le(:^is]ate on its present subjects of legislation, but in matters relating to other parts of the Empire, and to foreign countries, its action would be subject to ratification by the Imperial Parliament, whose functions I am »bout to mention. The Canadian Parliament would therefore retain for Canada all the powers the English Parliament would retain for the United King- dom, and would deal with the common interests of the Canadian Provinces in the same way as the l^ngii^h Parliament with the com- mon interests of the three kingdoms. It would recognise Imperial control only in the .same measure as the I'^nglish. So with Australia. A federal union, we know, must .soon be effected between the Australian colonies, and to this legislature I should leave the same autonomy as will be enjoyed by Canada and by the United King- dom. Hritish Africa and other colonies might be brought in, as circumstances dictated. As for India, I should leave it at first, as at present, under the direction of the United Kingdom. In addition to these there would be formed an Imperial H''itish Parliament, with supreme authority regarding — First, Relations between the different parts of the Kmpire, Secondly, The ratifica- tion of Treaties with foreign Powers, Thirdly, Diplomat c and Con- sular services, and Fourthly, The maintenance and control of the Army and Navy. Kach member of the federation, — England, Can- ada, Australia, — might negociate special treaties with foreign powers such as for Canada those relating to the fisheries, or to ihe extradition of criminals, but always subject to ratification by the supreme British Parliament. As these Imperial functions, and especially the maintenance of the Army and Navy, and of the diplomatic and consular services, would demand a revenue, the Imperial Parliament should have power to tax cither all parts of the Kmpire uniformly, or by special assessment any particular part that was receiving particul ir benefit from the operation of those services ; uniformly let us say, to keep the army and navy upon a peace footing, and by special assessment, in case of a war that affected some parts of the Empire and not others. The membership of this Parliament would consist, in the first place, of entire membership of the English House of Commons. And the reason is that the ancient House of Commons would not be altogether disposed to respect the authority or to acquiesce in the jurisdiction of a body less numerous than itself, but would be apt to treat a smaller house merely as one of its own Committees ; whereas if the whole house was or could be present at its delibera- tions, they could not complain of its usurpation of authority. The number of members in that House is now 658 ; namely 463 for England, 30 for Wales, 105 for Ireland, and 60 for Scotland. If on the passing of the Redistribution bill, that number be altered, it will be a question of simple proportion to readjust the colonial membership. Secondly, in the ideal house, I think all the members of the Parliaments of the several branches of the federation should be ipso facto members of the Imperial. But in the case of the til colonies, there would be two inconveniences in the way of sending their entire representation ; one, that their numbers would have to be reduced, so as to bear to the population of their respective coun- tries the same ratio as the English house does to tlu: population of the United Kinjjdom ; in the case of Canada, from 211 to 81. The other objection is that it mi^dit be difficult for the entire body of legislators to attend every year in Mnfjiand. In the case of the Canadian and Australian houses, therefore, there should be selected the number of their members they would be entitled to in propor- tion to their populations. Canada's proportion in such case would be 81, Australia's 54. and the other self-^overnin^ colonies about 28, making 821 members in all. These colonial members would be chosen by their respective legislatures, and not directly by the people ; both in order to preserve unimpaired the power and dij^nity of the Colonial Mouses, and because it is in the hifjhcst decree im- portant that harmony should reijjn between the two let^islatures. in order however to prevent the controllinf^ party in the Colonial Parliament from electinfj the Imperial members entirely from its own ranks, a scheme of proportional representation, such as Mr. Blake has sut^gested for the protection of minorities in Parlia- mentary elections, should be adopted in the election by the colonial houses of those of their members who should represent their country in the Imperial. The Colonial members would receive an indemnity based upon the time they were necessarily absent from their homes ; — for Canada, say $2,000 a year, or double what the members of the House of Commons now receive. If however it were found that the duties occupied so much of their time that they had practically to make it their profession, than I should .say that salaries of $5,000 a year, the amount now paid to members of the United States Congress, might with advantage be paid. I would further opine en passant that special courses should be provided in our unit^ersities for men who intended to present themselves as candidates for election to Parliament, in order to qualify them for the work of legislation. As to the upper chamber, it would consist of the House of Lords, modified however so as to reduce its English membership to its proper proportion, and of a competent number of members of the Senates of the several colonies. These might be apportioned not in proportion to population, but ip proportron to taxation, if there were any difference between the two. This Parliament would meet once a year in Westminister. Its session would be entirely distinct from that of the English Parlia- ment. The members from the colonies would be carried across the ocean at the government expense. They would have free, absolute- ly free, telegraphic facilities, during the session of Parliament, for all public and private business, and out of the session for public business. The Executive government would consist of a distinct cabinet, containing representatives from each member of the federa- tion. In case of a dissolution of the Imperial House of Commons, 10 the English and Colonial Parliaments would be also dissolved, in order that appeal might be made directly to the people. The separate legislatures might however be dissolved when deemed necessary by their respective ministries, their members in the Imperial House retaining office until their successors were elected. This scheme is a modification in several important particulars of one of those suggested by Mr. Jehu Matthews, of Toronto, in a work — the best I have ever seen on the subject — published some years ago, entitled " A Colonist on the Colonial Question." One distinction is that the Canadian and other Colonial Parliaments are here recognized in the same way as the present English Parliament, whereas Mr. Matthews contemplated a curtailment of the powers of those, and as I understand it, the election of members of the Imperial House directly by the people of each country. It would appear at first sight that a house of over eight hundred members would be very large. But with some drawbacks there are great advantages in a large number of representatives. They cer- tainly express the general opinion of the people of the country better than a small number. They can, so to speak, back one an- other up. The wise man had said, " In the multitude of counsellors there is safety." And after all when you do come to a large assembly, the practical inconvenience is no greater in a house of 800 or even icxx), than in a house of 658. It would be seldom that all the members would care to be present ; when they were, it would be the simplest matter in the world to arrange so that all could hear the speeches and vote. Most of our city churches seat from looo to 1200 persons; the Queen's Hall seats 1129; our Academy of Music accommodates 1200 persons, and one of the theatres in Paris seats 36CX). A house of forty could obstruct, a house of a thousand could expedite, business, if so disposed. There were 788 full mem- bers, 985 associate and other members, — 1773 in all, — at the British Association meeting in Montreal, about 800 of them from the mother country. The principle I have suggested for the repre- sentation of Canada in the British Parliament is already recognized in the Constitution of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the Dominion ; one fourth of the ministers of each pres- bytery are members of the Assembly for the year. Nor would the colonial members run great risk of being over- borne by the compact vote of the 658 English members, because apart from the spirit of fair play that eminently characterises our nation, the English members are not only divided among the three Kingdoms as above, but are split up into parties. The present house consists of 332 liberals, 242 conservatives and 62 Home Rulers, so that even now the colonial members would easily hold the l>alance of power, and their proportion would go on increasing with the greater increase of the colonial population. The objection that such a Parliament would necessitate the absence from home of a large number of our leading men during a considerable portion of the year, seems to be fully met by the pro- vision that they should have perfect telegraphic facilitie?. Under such circumstances it would make little difference whether they were a hundred or 3000 or 10,000 miles from home. And the only loss of time would be that actually consumed in the sea voyage of ten days each way for Canadian members, which Sir John A, Macdonald seems to think about the best thing for a public man, after a season of hard work at the seaside*, and 30 or 35 days for Australians. Now I am sure that a far greater number than 81 from Canada and 54 from Australia go to England every year on business. And surely the management of the afiQiirs of a world wide empire is a business of sufficient magnitude to demand sucVi a sacrifice. And outside of their parliamentary duties our members would be able to render the country most valuable services. They would be 81 of the very best immigration agents, with a perfect knowledge of the resources of the country. My friend, Mr, Sidney Fisher, M.P. for Brome, in his remarks at the meetings of the British Association in Montreal, on many questions relating to the agricul- tural and other industries of this country, convinced me of how much valuable work could be done in this way. And in this respect one of the greatest advantages would arise from the membership of French Canadians from this province, London is but a day's jour- ney from Paris. By easy transit these members could cross the channel, mi.x with the French people, and there pick up and intro- duce among our people the best ideas of French civilization. And while the French here are tenacious of the preservation of their language, I know of no better way in which this can be done, and made useful to themselves and to their fellow citizens in this country, than by constant and repeated visits of our ablest public men to old France, where the purest French language and ideas prevail. A deputation from the Imperial Parliament consisting largely of French members would be able to negotiate reciprocal trade advantages in a way that is altogether impossible now, for they would have the whole of the markets of the British Empire to offer in exchange for the markets of France. The presence of these members in the British House would form a link that would bind in friendship and alliance the French and Piiiglish nations, so that fear of a collision would be reduced to a minimum. And we should be able again to sing with its original meaning, now somewhat obsured, the old Crimean war song, " May France from England ne'er sever, Three cheers for the Red, White and lihie." And the absurd prejudice that has prevented the construction of the Channel Tunnel, (which is shared in by Professor Goldwin Smith), would very quickly disappear if we had a French Canadian as Impi^rial Minister of Public Works. Again, whatever advantage * Sir John on leaving for England told the reporters that he needed a rest after the hard work he had had at Ottawa and while at Seaside at Riviere dn I^up. 12 wc may pretend to have over out French fellow citizens in commer- cial life, it must be admitted that they rank hiji[h as jurists ; and I believe that the presence of men like our present Chief justice on the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, tlie only International Tribunal in the world, would be a source of pride and satisfaction to our people. Indeed, the many advantages arising from such in- tercourse are very hard to estimate, but they would all tend to raise our nation to the highest position among the nations of the world. And I think, without vanity, 1 may claim the right to an opinion on this subject of friendly intercourse, having for the last five years been associated with a French Canadian partner to whom I cannot refer but in terms expressive of esteem and affection. We may turn now to the economic aspect of the problem. And the first question that naturally presents itself is What would be the cost of such a scheme .-' I know that those who deprecate any con- sideration of the subject, raise a great hue and cry about the enormous cost of the army and navy, and take the pusillanimous ground that Canada is not going to pay for these when she can get them as at present for nothing. This is no unworthy a sentiment, from a nation seeking national powers, that it seems sufficient to state it broadly to make it contemptible in the eyes of honourable men. I may quote some words from Mr. Gladstone, ferreted out by an opponent of my views from a report of the Colonial Com- mittee in 1859. "No community which is not primarily charged with the ordinary business of its own maintenance and defence, is really or can be a free community. The privileges of freedom and the burdens of freedom are r.bsolutely associated together. To bear the burden is as necessary as to enjoy the privilege, in order to form that character which is the great security of freedom itself'' I assert then that Canada in claiming a share in the highest national powers is prepared on receiving them to assimie national responsibilities. Let us see then what these expenses are, bearing in mind, however, that they must be incurred no matter what form our national independence may assume. And I am sure I shall be able to show you that these burdens are small in comparison with the benefits we should derive from the scheme I shall unfold to you in a moment. The British Army and Navy Estimates for 1883-4 were as follows : Army /■i4,64i,ooo Navy 9,278,000 Army and Navy Pensions 5,947,000 Diplomacy 618,000 ^^30,484,000 = $148,355,000 If apportioned in the same way as representation, according to population, Canada's share would be something less than one-tenth, say about fourteen million dollars.* This would give an army of * A friend of mine, a merchant of Montreal, has suggested that these expenses should rather be apportioned according to the amount of trade of the several countries. If this were the basis, Canada's share would be exactly $6,000,000. 18 i. •' 137,000 men, and a navy of 57,000 seamen and marines. Now I should like to know what sort of an army and navy Canada could maintain as an independent nation for $14,000,000. Would it be one to cope with the United States .'' If \\c look at the United States we find that their corresponding expenditure for the same year was as follows : Army $48,911,000 ■ Navy 15,283,000 Army and Navy Pensions 60,431,000 Diplomacy 2,419,000 $127,044,000 If Canada were annexed to the United States her share of this would be say $12,000,000, and this would give an army of 27,000 men, and a navy of 11,000. In other words, the expense would be six-sevenths, and the strength would be less than one-fifth of that of the British army and navy, without counting the Indian troops, which, exclusive of native troops, bring the number up to 700,000 men, all of which wouJd be available in case of need. The Imperial charge would then be $14,000,000. From this would be deducted Canada's present military expendit'ire of $1,240,000 paid for volunteers, pensions and mounted police, for which she would receive credit. Hut the indemnity of members, subsidizing of steamships to carry them across the ocean, and of sub-marine telegraphs for free telegraphing, and other expenses, might make the sum $14,000,000 in all. How could this be raised .-* The scheme I have the good fortune to present for your consider- ation is one that perhaps no Canadian or member of any other colony would have ventured to broach. But it is one that lias been elaborated by an Englishman in a high position in the statistical branch of the Customs Department of the United Kingdom. I may therefore give it as embodying the ideas of some of those that take a practical view of the question from an I'2nglish standpoint. It is conceived in a spirit eminently fair to the colonics and in a peculiar degree advantageous to Canada. The gentleman I refer to is Mr. Stephen Jiourne, F.S.S., of \Vallingt">n, Surrey, who developed it in a paper read before the British Association in Mon- treal, entitled " The Interdependence of the several portions of the British Empire. It was published at length in the Montreal Gaaette oi 7i\\ October, 1884. Mr. Bourne's scheme was briefly this. That there should be com- plete commercial freedom throughout the Jiritish Empire. That to provide the colonies with that portion of their revenue that they now derive from duties on imports from the other parts of the Empire, if no other system can be found, a moderate r? Oil : train or blubber I'JO Potatoes Skins and Furs 1 90 Wood and timber : hewn 1,61 7 Sawn and split 3,012 Staves 02 Furniture and house frames. 34 ^ CO 81 GO 9,112 2,518 10,030 (^ 2,-460 2 1.270 13 11,773 1 4,8!»0 0,03-2 31,454 26 5,010 17 746 10 10,370 G 5,741 54 12,3-14 1 196 473 5 2,30 1 1 553 2,247 2,498 5,404 57 813 534 1,753 03 430 451 1,.585 219 1,3 1 33 4,907 10,410 041 4G 835 ;> XI 1,970 X'10,775 £141,654 19 ■' :i Of the ;^i 1,970,000 Newfoundland's share was ;^4i5,ooo, leaving for Canada proper^i 1,555,000, besides ;{;"209,ooo of other articles not enumerated above, which makes the total for Canada proper ;{^ii,- 764,000, total for Newfoundland ;^5 19,000, for all British North America ^^ 12,283,000. We can see then that Canada's market would by such a poliey as Mr. Bourne's be increased about tenfold. And it is just such a market that we require for the rapid falling up ol our Northwest, — an infinitely better market than the United States can be, because the States have themselves already a large surplus of all we can produce. The best trade is that between coun- tries whose products are dissimilar. It is clear of course that Canada could not all of a sudden produce all this quantity. But India and Australia have already sprung into great wheat growing cotmtries, Australia also produces animals and meat. So all the colonics and free trade countries together could soon supply the English market. Canada however would have an enormous advantage over all the other colonies, being so much neaicr the English market, namely lO days steam passage, as compared with 28 days to Bombay the nearest port in India, 38 to Calcutta, 46 days to Hongkong in China and from 30 to 40 days to Australia. What a stupendous effect this would have on our trade, on our riches ! It would be untold millions to us. For every dollar of additional taxation we should have to pay, we would have five, ten, twenty dollars to pay it with. But to enable Canada to produce this, she must have more people. And this is another thing that England can supply her witH. The surplus population of England would pour rapidly into our North west, if it were no longer a colony, but had become an integral part of the Empire. By the influx of a large number of immigrants, we might, in a single year, go a long way towards filling up the gap between our capability of production and the requirements of the English market. Put a hundred thousand English farmers into the north west in the spring, and in the fall they would have abun- dant crops to ship back to England. Now in the past the English have not been to the extent they should, an emigrating people. Contrary to what is generally supposed, there is a comparatively small number of Englishmen or Scotchmen in the United States. According to the last American Census, the total number of inhab- itants who had been born in England and Wales was 745,000 drawn from a population in England of over 25,000000; 170,000 born in Scotland, drawn from a population of over 3,500,000, making 915,000 from Great Britain. The Irish on the other hand have been more laigcly an emigrating people ; of those in the United States born in Ireland, there were 1,854,000, from a population in Ireland of slightly over 5,000,000. Even now for the English and Scotch, the attractive force of the colonies is much greater than that of the United States ; for while an American population of 50,000,000 has drawn only 915,000, or less than 2 per cent, a Canadian, population of 4,500,000 has drawn 284,000, or 6.33 per cent, and a population of 900,000 in Victoria, 20 the most populous of the Australian colonies, has drawn 201,000 or 22 per cent.. I have not been able to get the census statistics of the other Australian colonies, but from other sources of information, ob- tained through the kindness of Mr. Macmaster M.P., from the Parlia- men'ary library at Ottawa, I have been able to estimate that the net emigration of English and Scotch to Australia, during the 31 years from 1853 to 1883 has been 25.24 per cent, of their present popula- tion. The reverse of this holds true for the Irish emigrants, but let us hope that under the new regime of governing Ireland on the principles of equity and justice, their warm and loyal aflfeetions may be united to our great Empire, as firmly as those of the English and Scotch. As an emigration plan then Mr. liourne's is one of the most magnificent that could be devised. And what policy would be such a mine of wealth to our great railways } To bring the produce of our North West to the sea- board at Montreal would almost overtax the carrying powers of the Canadian Pacific Railway, They would very soon begin to pay good dividends. Instead of being handicapped by their great transcontinental rivals, they would have the best trade of the coun- try. And if they were wise in not overcharging the farmers, they might retain their trade for many years. Possibly in course of time, so great would be the export, that another outlet would have to be sought ; and the Hudson's Bay route would be opened up. P^or like Sir Richard Temple, I believe that the Hudson's Bay route is a possibility. If the Hudson's Bay Company have been able to navi- gate it for a hundred years, with little wooden sailing ships, surely specially built iron steampships would be able to. Undoubtedly by that time, also, and perhaps, if rumour speaks true, long before, the tea trade of China and Japan will have sought this as the short- est and best line to Europe. The Grand Trunk also would find its traffic, both inward and outward, enormously increased. For the rich province of Ontario will supply almost unlimited traffic to this great railway, when once restrictions at the seaboard are minimised, and imports and exports pass back and forward as freely as the pro- ducts of this country ; and possibly the new Bonaventure Station might be built ! While our shipping both in Uie Province of Quebec and in the Maritime Provinces, would be vastly stimulated. Becomi ig part of Britannia, we would like Britannia, rule the waves. But I shall be told our manufactures would be ruined, that we should be turned into a purely agricultural community, that the cities would disappear from the face of the earth. Well I am not going into the question as to which is the more desirable population, a rural or an urban. I would not discriminate against either, but let each have fair play, and allow people to follow their natural bent. But I do not think in a country like Canada with a northwest such as we have to open up, it is wise to discourage the farmers. I pro- pose however to show that Canadian manufacture would not die, but that they would be manifestly benefited by the policy I am now advocating. I assert that by far the larger number of Canadian i> ) > 21 manufactures have nothing to fear from the manufacturers of P^ng- land, that the great bulk of manufactures therefore would be actually benefitted by a policy of free trade with England, and pro- hibition against the United States. This will appear in two ways. First, if under the old tariff, the United States were able to compete with England, in any manufacture for which we have equal natural facilities with the United States, Canada, upon the United States being shut out from competition, would be able to compete with England. This may not apply to cotton in which the United States have the raw mateiial closer at hand, nor possibly to some kinds of hardware so far as their production in the United States depends upon the supply of iron in Pennsylvania. Though in the latter case, if, as I am informed is the case, the reason we bought our axes, chisels and other edge tools from the States, was not that they were cheaper than the same classes of articles produced in England, but because they were of a pattern that t|ic English manufacturers did not produce, in that case Canada would be well able to compete with England, For English makers are sometimes slow at adopting a new pattern, but manufacturers in Canada could adopt and have adopted these. And with iron still imported from England cheaper than it can be produced in Pennsylvania (in spite of a single transaction to the contrary), we should be able to hold our own. Here then is a list of manufactured goods, in which under the old tariff the United States competed with England, in some supplying a larger in others a smaller quantity. And it will be remembered that there was no discrimination against either. These are taken from the returns for 1879, and include only articles whose import exceeded $100,000, and only those that I believe are now manufactured in Canada, IMPORTS INTO CANADA, YEAR ENDIN(; 30th JUNE, 1879, Articles, From llnitfd States, /•ri>m United Kingdom, Refined Sugar 3,000,000 Hardware 1,345,000 Cotton Jeans 1,013,000 Manufactures 945,000 Bleach'd &' Unbleach'd Small wares Sugar, Low grades Hats and caps Wood manufac's N.E.S. Pianos Iron Castings and stows. Furniture Coal, Bituminous Boots and Shoes Tobacco Cotton Clothing Paper Drugs Leather .... Wool manufactures Sailcloth. Fancy Goods Straw hats Carriages 647,000 649,000 470,000 421,000 274,000 273,000 248,000 237,000 223,000 178,000 177,000 169,000 156,000 146,600 131,000 124,000 124,000 117,000 105,000 103.000 $11,275,000 1, 100,000 391,000 1,535,000 1,779,000 256,000 1,242,000 74,000 225,000 24,000 14,000 44,000 10,000 111,000 15,000 16,000 145,000 32,000 191,000 72,000 4,230,000 40,000 404,000 96,000 3,000 $12,049,000 22 If then Canada could manufacture $ 1 1 ,000,000 of manufactured goods that were formerly imported from the United States, that would certainly give an impetus to certain branches of trade. But there is another way in which we can arrive at the effect that would be produced upon our manufactures by free trade with Eng- land and prohibiticn a^^ainst the United States. Taking the list of our manufacturing industries given in the new Census, we find that 60 per cent, of all industries employing more than 2,000 hands were the following : Saw mills, Boots and Shoes, Carriage making, Preserved food, Flour and grist mills. Cabinet and furniture, Car- penters and Joiners, Tanneries, Shipyards, Aj^ricultural Implements, Tobacco, Cooperage, Harness and sacitllery, Sash, door and blind faC' tories. Shingle-making and Cheese factories, — these giving employ- ment to 1 27,000 out of 155,000. They have nothing to fear from Eng- lish, and they would certainly be benefited by exclusion of American, competition. Again 17 per cent, more were engaged in the follow- ing : Blacksmithing, Dressmaking, Printing, Brick and tile making, Bakeries and Limekilns ; which employ 36,000 more. These I be- lieve would not be injuriously affected by free trade with England. The two make together 163,000 out of 210,000, or TJ per cent. The same percentage would hold good for the minor industries, — those employing a smaller number of hands. The total industrial em- ployees were 255,000 of which yj per cent, is 196000. These 1 claim would gain. Even the others, though they would have to face English competition, would have cheaper raw material and ma- chinery than they have now, and would have the protection afforded by the cost of carriage from England to Canada. I think therefore I am right in saying that the only class that could in any way suffer, would be a small fraction of Hot house Protegees, whose industries should never have been established in the country, as we do not possess natural facilities for carrying them on profitably. But I go further and say that our Canadian manufactures would be actually stimulated, to supply the English market with a great deal that is now supplied by the United States. The United States now send to England $22,500,000 of the following articles : Agricul- tural Implements, Carriages, Boots and shoes and other leather manufactures, butter, cheese, preserved meats. Sewing machines, Furnituo and other wood ware. I have taken only the largest classes, but there are many other small manufactures of which the same is true. To sum up then, if the United States were induced to the policy indicated, to give us free trade, we would have a market of 50,000,000 in addition to the other markets of the world. If they were not, we should have a monopoly of a market of 307,000,000 persons in our own Empire, for our Agricultural, Animal, Forest, Fish and Mineral produce, and for certain classes of manufactures. Sixty per cent, of our manufactures would be stimulated, "j"] per cent, would be beneficially affected if at all, and the rest would have cheaper raw material. This would indeed be literally millions 23 } !' upon millions to the wealth of Canada. I cannot pretend to esti- mate it, — it would be limited only by the very utmost degree of our producing power. In short then looking at the matter in every light, Canada has a great deal to gain by the acceptance of this scheme. Hut is England likely to adopt this policy ? I venture to say that it is likely. If once attention be closely drawn to the number, value and extent of her colonial possessions, she would adopt any policy that would secure them permanently to her. There are a thousand reasons why she should ; and the subject has only to be agitated and discussed to bring this out. It is, in fact, the only way in which she can remain a first class power. We shall of course be told that England is committed to free trade, that nothing will in- duce her to depart from it. Well these general assumptions are really of very little value. I have yet to learn that England is irrrevocably committed to anything. One thing is certain : England knows that however good a thing her free trade policy has been, it is only half as good as universal free trade would be. And the very hope of securing universal free trade, apart from the Colonial ques- tion altogether, might go a long way towards inducing her to adopt this policy. There is no doubt that England desires universal free trade. It is true some croakers say that in that event England would lose a great deal of the cotton trade with China and Japan, in favour of the United States. Hut I do not believe it. So long as she has her colonies she must have her splendid mercantile marine. And so long as she has her commercial fleet, it will be impossible for any .""lion to dislodge her from foreign markets, and particularly for a nation that has destroyed its shipping so that only 16.3 p.c. of its own commerce is carried in its own ships. It will long continue cheaper to transport raw cotton by water to England, and by water from England to the East, than by rail to the manu- facturers of the Eastern States, and by rail to the Pacific coast, and thence by sea to China and Japan. And if the United States could compete with England she certainly could not compete with Hritish India, which is a cotton-growing counLry where labour is and will remain infinitely cheaper than in America, and which is only twelve days water transit from China. Indeed to suppose that England will lose her foreign trade is as chimerical as the scare got up a few years ago, that her coal mines would become exhausted. It was found on looking into the latter question, that they probably would, but it would take some thou- sands if not millions of years for it to happen. And I think Englishmen have been able to sleep comfortably under the prospect. But after all this is low ground to take. The truth is that mankind would be benefited if obstructions to trade and intercourse between all nations were removed. And it is one of the chief recommenda- tions of the policy I am now advocating that it would afford one of the stroiigest inducements to all nations to take the fetters of their intercourse with one another. 24 The question really is How would England be affected if the protective nations did not adopt that alternative, if they maintained their protective tariffs. Well, in this case the benefit would un- doubtedly be primarily to the colonies. But looking at this question purely from an English standpoint, would it not itself abundantly repay her .-' We know that with no discrimination in their favour, already trade with the colonies advances much more rapidly than trade witn foreign countries, and possess elements of permanency that the latter does not. The exports to foreign countries in 1855 were ;^87,ooo,ooo, in 1882, ^214,000,000, an advance of 246 per cent., the exports to the colonies in 1855 were ^28,000,000 in 1882, ;^92.ooo,C)00, an advance of 328 per cent. Again the colonies are a much more valuable market per head of population. The following nations are her largest foreign customers, and I shall give the ex- ports to each of them in 1882, per head of their respective popula- tions, placing the produce of the United Kingdom in the first column, and the total export in the second : Per Hkap. Per IIiAn. Fv"'RKk;n CoiNTRiKs. Imi'or r Prod, U. K. Total irom U. K. United States ;^o-59 .... ^'0.74 Clermany 0.41 . . . 0.67 France 0.46 . . . ,0-79 IIollaiKl 2.25 . . . 3.89 Peli;ium 1. 46 . ... 2.7^ Russia 0.05 ... '. Italy 0.23 . ... U;26 Spain, 0.22 . , 0.29 COI.ONIKS, Channel Islands 6.57 . ... 8.94 Canada 2.10 . . . 331 Newfoundland 3.28 . . . . 3-74 South Africa, Natal 3.74 . . . 4.06 Cape of Good Hope. . .. 8.32 . ... 8.95 Australia 9.23 . . . 10.36 it will be seen, then, that the lowest of the colonies, which I am sorry to say is Canada, is more than three times as good a customer, relatively to population, as the United States; that the colonies generally are from three to twelve times as good customers as I'^ng- land's three largest foreign customers ; and that the only foreign countries that compare with the colonics arc Holland and Belgium, which are almost free trade countries, Holland's import duties being insignificant, and Belgium's very low, and one or other of these really including Switzerland, whose population should have been taken into account, but has not. If, therefore, trade with the colonies were properly fostered, it would take but little time for it to equal, and even to exceed, foreign trade. Again, the colonies situated ir; every quarter of the globe are, for the most part, new countries, with immense undeveloped resources. If, then, British enterprise were diverted from foreign fields, and directed to the colonies, the possibilities of the expansion of their trade, their wealth, are absolut- ely unlimited. And this could only be done if the people of these ' > 1 1 25 ■ ' colonies were brought officially into the closest connexion with the capitalists and people of the mother country. It may nevertheless bfe true that, for a limited time, the price of imported food into P2ngland would slightly increase. To the vast majority of the people this would entail but slight convenience, and that only temjiorary, and would be in some measure offset by a re- peal of the present duties on tea, coffee and cocoa, imported from the colonies, which are pretty heavy; and the question is merely whether they are willing to put up with such inconvenience for the accomplishment of the object contemplated by this policy. The English people have been called upon to make great sacrifices be- fore now, and for less worthy objects than to build up their great I'Lmpire. They have submitted to heavy burdens of taxation for the carrying on of costly wars. Could they not bear something in the interest of their fellow-subjects beyond the seas .' It woukl be only the investment of a prudent man, sure to make a handsome return in the future. In building up their colonies they would be providing a sure market for their future products ; not trusting blindly to the chance good-will or enlightenment of foreign nations for the removal of restrictions on trade, but with the certainty that no restrictions would ever be imposed. They would, in fact, be lay- ing up for themselves and for their children a heritage richer and more glorious than they could look forward to in any other way. And ' the same time as they were doing this, they would be wiping Out their national debt out of the enormous revenues this system would bri into the coffers of the govcrimicnt. So that by the time other nations would have begun to think about combina- tions to offset their power, they would be relieved of the great bulk of their present taxation, and would have all the greater advantage over all competitors. But what is supposed to attach the people of luigland peculiarly to their system of free trade, is that in the past it prevented and re- lieved distress. Suppose, however, they can be satisfied that there is another and a better way in which distress maybe prevented and relieved. I have said that the majority of the people might have some temporary inconvenience. But it is possible there might be a fi action of the people upon whom it would bring a measure almost of distress. Well it is in the interest of these people more than any others that this scheme may be said to have been devised. For, for those who are so ill off, so near starvation point, that even a slight increase in the price of food would bring them into distress, surely the sooner they leave their present homes and take up a homestead in one of the liritish colonies, the better for all concerned. In this view, a slight hardship would be a blessing to mankind ; for it would induce those who are now on the very verge of indigence to remove to those parts of the world where they are most wanted, and thus relieve the overpressure of population at home. For it is an essential part of a scheme for the consolidation of the Empire, that no distress would be permitted. Emigration (then it would be merely 26 Migration) would be a stimulation to a degree that would effectually remove any possibility of hunger and want at home. And the re- moval of these people would simply be to provide a better market for all England produces, in a country where they would be able to make something with which to pay for what they consumed. And we have seen that every Canadian colonist is worth three Americans to the English producer. Nor must we forget that the interests of some of the chief indus- tries of the United Kingdom are identical with our own in this matter ; and especially the agricultural interest. We know with how much difficulty the members of the Anti-Corn Law League persuaded the Agriculturists of England to consent to the abolition of duties on farm produce. We could therefore count on the hearty co-operation of the farmers of the mother country, who form, I need not tell you, one of the most important elements in the population. And this is the class to whom an extension of the suffrage is just being given by the new Franchise Bill. By the assimilation of e County and Borough Franchise, 2,ooo,cxdo voters chiefly in the rural constituencies, have been added to the Parliamentary electors. And these are the men whose interests are enlisted on our side in the endeavour, until we can get reciprocity from other nations, to keep the British markets for the British people. But I think we may with confidence leave the English side of the question to the English people. 1 believe it has to come to this, that an Imperial Federation must at the outset be accompanied with an Imperial Customs Union. And I have no fear but that when the English people take hold' seriously of this question, and make up their minds that the thing should be done, the difficulties will rapidly vanish away. And now but one word in closing : Lo'd Roseberry in addressing the Trades Union Congress at Aberdeen, told them that the Fran- chise bill was of small importance in comparison with the question of Imperial federation. In the same way I am convinced that the question of free trade itself is of small importance in comparison with this. Mr. Bourne announced himself a free trader. I am my- self a free trader, — even, in the elegant language of Canadian p tics, a jug handle free trader, — believing that economically free trade is the best system even if adopted only on one side. But just as there are times in domestic life when considerations of economy are of secondary importance, so in national affairs, there are occasions when economic considerations sink into comparative insignificance. And this is one of these cases. I believe indeed that in the long run it will be true economic policy for England to establisn a world wide consolidated Empire, even though at the expense of some immediate sacrifice. For every interest of civilization will be greatly promoted by a grand far-reaching scheme by which so many of what must be the great nations of the future shall be brought into rela- tions with one another of the closest and most enduring character. And we Canadians shall be recreant to our trust if we do not do our I, r . P \ I 2? part to forward so grand, so sublime a scheme : if we pursue the shortsighted policy of allowing to slip from our grasp the joint heritage we have with all our fellow subjects, in possessions that dot every sea, that extend vastly over every continent, ^reading the exalted civilization of our race into the remotest corners of the wor.d. Afterthe close of the address, SiR WiLLiAM Davvson in moving a vote of thanks, observed that the subject of federation had been agitated for at least forty years, though, in his opinion, never with such prospects cf success as now, when the facilities for rapid com- munication had removed the only insuperable obstacle that once stood in the way of a closer union than at present exists of the dififerent parts of the Empire. He also said it should be remembered that the British empire was held together not so much by Britons themselves, for they formed a minority of its subjects, as by British principles, the three most potent of which are British freedom, British energy, and British administrative purity. In concluding he paid a graceful compliment to the society and its president, remark- ing that, though the latter had said McGill ought to have a faculty for the training of statesmen, the existence of the society rendered the establishment of such a faculty unnecessary. •%